,,discussion ,,on ,,american ,,slavery1 ,,between ,,george ,,thompson1 ,,esq41 ,,agent ,,of ,,the ,,british ,,and ,,foreign ,,society ,,for ,,the ,,abolition ,,of ,,slavery ,,throughout ,,the ,,world1 ,,and ,,rev4 ,,robert ,j4 ,,breckinridge1 ,,delegate ,,from ,,the ,,general ,,assembly ,,of ,,the ,,presbyterian ,,church ,,in ,,the ,,united ,,states1 ,,to ,,the ,,congregational ,,union ,,of ,,england ,,and ,,wales3 ,,holden ,,in ,,the ,,rev4 ,,dr4 ,,wardlaw',s ,,chapel1 ,,glasgow1 ,,scotland1 ,on the ,evenings of the #acth1 #adth1 #aeth1 #afth1 #agth of ,june1 #ahcf1 ,,with ,,an ,,appendix4 ,,negro ,,universities ,,press ,,new ,,york ,originally published in #ahcf by ,isaac ,knapp1 ,boston ,reprinted from a copy in the collections of the ,brooklyn ,public ,library ,reprinted #aifi by ,negro ,universities ,press ,a ,,division ,,of ,,greenwood ,,press1 ,,inc4 ,,new ,,york ,,sbn #hcga-bgff-a ,,printed ,,in ,,united ,,states ,,of ,,america ,,introduction4 ,the following were the preliminary steps connected with the ,discussion reported in the succeeding pages3-- ,mr4 ,,breckinridge',s ,letter1 expressing his willingness to meet ,mr4 ,,thompson at ,glasgow1 was occasioned by the following passage in ,mr4 ,,thompson',s ,letter1 which appeared in the ,london ,patriot1 in reply to the extracts inserted in that ,journal1 from the work published by the ,rev4 ,drs4 ,,cox and ,,hoby1 entitled1 ,the ,baptists in ,america3-- ,in the mean time1 ,i am ready to meet ,dr4 ,,cox in ,exeter ,hall1 in his own chapel1 or in any other building1 to justify my charges against ,america and ,american ,ministers2 my general policy in the ,anti-,slavery cause1 and any particular act of which ,dr4 ,,cox complains4 ,i am ready1 also1 and anxious to meet any ,american ,clergyman1 or other gentleman1 in any part of ,great ,britain1 to discuss the general question1 or the propriety of that interference1 of which so much has been said by persons who are otherwise engaged1 and most praiseworthily so1 in interfering with the institutions1 social1 political1 and religious1 of every other quarter of the ,globe4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,mr4 ,,thompson',s ,,challenge ,,accepted4 ,to the ,editor of the ,london ,patriot4 ,,sir1 ,a friend in this city1 with whom ,i have stopped for a day or two1 on my way to ,scotland1 has put into my hands your paper of the #bc;d inst41 which contains ,mr4 ,george ,thompson's letter of the #acth1 attacking ,dr4 ,cox4 ,as to the difficulties which exist between those two gentlemen1 ,i1 of course1 have no right to speak4 ,mr4 ,thompson1 however1 has not contented himself with urging a particular controversy with ,dr4 ,cox2--nor even a general controversy1 free for all who desire to engage him1 or call in question his 'charges against ,america1 and ,american ,ministers'--as slave-holding ,ministers and ,christians on the other side of the water4 ',but1' says he1 ',i am ready1 also1 and anxious to meet any ,american clergyman1 or other gentleman1 in any part of ,great ,britain1 to discuss the general question1 c43' that is1 the general question of his 'charges against ,america and ,american ministers1 touching the whole subject of ,african slavery in that country4' ,,after mature and prayerful consideration1 and full consultation with a few friends1 ,i am not able to see how ,i can avoid taking notice of this direct1 and almost personal challenge2 which1 ,i have some reason to suspect1 was probably intended for me4 ,,and yet ,i feel myself encompassed by many difficulties4 ,for some may consider me defending the institution of slavery2 whereas ,i myself believe it to be contrary to the spirit of the gospel1 and the natural rights of men4 ,others might naturally look for more full proofs1 and more exact information than ,i can give1 when relying almost entirely upon mere memory4 ,while by far the greater part1 ,i much fear1 are as impatient of all investigation on the subject1 as1 ,i am sorry to say1 they seem to me1 totally unacquainted with its real condition in ,america4 ,i have concluded1 however1 to accept the somewhat boastful challenge of ,mr4 ,thompson4 ,and ,i trust the following suggestions and conditions will be considered most reasonable1 when the peculiar circumstances of the case are considered3-- #a4 ,i will meet ,mr4 ,thompson at ,glasgow1 any time during the three first weeks of ,june2 and spend three or four hours a day1 for as many days consecutively as may be necessary--in discussing the 'general question1' as involved in his 'charges against ,america1 and ,american ,ministers1' in reference to the whole subject of slavery there4 #b4 ,,but as my whole object is to get before the ,british churches certain views and suggestions on this subject1 which ,i firmly believe are indispensable1 to prevent the total alienation of ,british and ,american christians from each other2 ,i shall not consider it necessary to commence the discussion at all1 unless such arrangements are previously made1 as will secure the publication1 in a cheap and permanent form1 of all that is said and done on the occasion4 #c4 ,i must insist on a patient and fair hearing1 by responsible persons4 ,therefore ,i will agree that the audience shall consist of a select number of gentlemen1 say from fifty to five hundred2 to be admitted by ticket only1--and a committee previously agreed on to distribute the tickets--only to respectable persons4 ,i take it for granted that ,mr4 ,thompson would himself prefer ,glasgow to any other city1 for the scene of this meeting3 as it is the home of his most active supporters4 ,and while the selection of the particular time of it cannot be important to him1 my own previous arrangements are such1 as to leave me no wider range than that proposed to his choice above4 ,,more minute arrangements are left to the future2 and they can1 no doubt1 be easily made4 ,i must ask the favour of an early insertion of this note1 in the ,patriot2 and beg to say1 through you1 to the ,editor of the ,glasgow ,chronicle1 that ,i shall feel obliged by its republication in his paper4 ,r4 ,j4 ,,breckinridge1 ,a ,delegate from the ,general ,assembly of the ,presbyterian ,church of the ,u4 ,s4 ,america1 to the ,congregational ,union of ,england and ,wales4 ,durham1 ,may #bh1ahcf4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,to ,,the ,,editor ,,of ,,the ,,glasgow ,,chronicle4 ,london1 ,june #a1 #ahcf4 ,,sir1 ,i forward you1 without a moment's delay1 a copy of this evening's ,patriot1 containing a letter from the ,rev4 ,robert ,j4 ,breckinridge1 of ,baltimore1 ,united ,states4 ,the following is my reply1 which you will oblige me by immediately inserting1 in company with the communication to which it refers4 ,i feel thankful that my overture has been accepted2 and1 notwithstanding the arrangements ,i had made to remain in ,london during the whole of the present month1 and the announcement of my name in the public advertisements to lecture during the forthcoming week1 ,i shall1 ,d4 ,v4 be in ,glasgow on ,tuesday next2 and shall be ready to meet ,mr4 ,breckinridge1 in the ,religious ,institution ,house1 ,south ,frederick ,street1 at noon of that day1 to settle the preliminaries of the discussion1 which1 ,i trust1 will commence the following morning4 ,it is my earnest hope1 that every thing said and done1 will be in accordance with gentlemanly feeling and christian courtesy4 ,your's respectfully1 ,,george ,,thompson4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,note4 ,the ,speeches and ,documents in this ,pamphlet having been submitted to the correction of the ,speakers1 the ,report may be relied on as an accurate and full account of the important proceedings4 ,,discussion4 ,,first ,,night--,,monday ,,june #ac4 ,agreeably to public advertisement1 the discussion betwixt ,mr4 ,,george ,,thompson and the ,,rev4 ,r4 ,j4 ,,breckinridge1 was opened ,monday evening1 ,june #ac4 ,by half-past six1 the hour fixed on by the ,committee1 ,dr4 ,wardlaw's ,chapel contained #a1bjj individuals1 the number agreed upon by both parties4 ,a great number could not gain admittance1 in consequence of the tickets allotted1 being bought up on ,saturday4 ,on the entrance of the two antagonists1 accompanied by the ,committee1 the audience warmly cheered them4 ,by appointment of the ,committee-- 99 99 99 99 99 ,,rev4 ,,dr4 ,,wardlaw took the ,chair4 ,having thanked the ,committee for the honor they had conferred on him1 and which1 he trusted1 would meet with the concurrence of the meeting1 he said he had accepted the honorable post with the utmost confidence in the forbearance and propriety of conduct of the two gentlemen--or antagonists1 should he call them8 who were to address the meeting2 and also1 with the most perfect confidence in the good conduct and sense of propriety possessed by the meeting4 ,had he not possessed such confidence1 he would never have thought of undertaking the present task4 ,had he imagined that the present meeting would give way to similar expressions of feeling as had taken place within these walls on some former occasions1 he would at once have declined the task1 as one for which he was totally unfit1--he was not fit to manage storms4 ,the parties on the present occasion were different from those to whom they had listened at the time to which he referred4 ,one of them1 it was true1 was the same1 and his character all of them knew4 ,they knew his sentiments1 his zeal1 his eloquence1 his devotedness to the great cause of which he was the fearless advocate4 ,in reference to his opponent1 on the present occasion1 he would not dishonor that gentleman by naming him along with an individual who had stood before them formerly in opposition to their eloquent friend4 ,he felt it to be his duty to introduce to them his friend--for he was allowed to call him so--the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge4 ,that gentleman had come to this country1 the accredited agent from the ,presbyterian church--a large and influential body of ,christians in ,america1 to the congregational union of ,england and ,wales4 ,it was proper that he should state to the meeting that ,mr4 ,breckinridge was no advocate of slavery--that he believed it to be opposed to the letter and spirit of the gospel1 and as a proof how far he was in earnest in his professions in this matter1 he had freely parted with a patrimonial estate so far as it consisted of slaves4 7,cheers47 ,having stated this1 it might be further necessary that he should mention what gave rise to the present meeting4 ,they were all aware1 then1 he said1 that since his return from ,america1 ,mr4 ,george ,thompson had been lecturing in various parts of the kingdom4 ,in the course of his labors he was accused of having brought extravagant and unfounded charges against the ,american nation1 and especially against the ministers of religion in that country4 ,in consequence of this1 ,mr4 ,thompson published a challenge in the ,patriot newspaper1 in which he called upon any ,american minister to come forward and defend his brethren1 if he were able1 from the charges which he brought against them4 ,this challenge1 through the columns of the same newspaper1 had been accepted by ,mr4 ,breckinridge1 and now they were here met to enter upon the discussion4 ,the ,chairman then read the regulations with regard to the conducting of the discussion which had been agreed upon by the ,committee4 ,in addition to what they contained1 he might add that the chairman was not to be considered judge of what was relevant or irrelevant1 nor was the speaker to be interrupted on any account4 ,he would especially beg their serious attention to the rule requiring the entire suppression of every symptom of approbation or disapprobation4 ,he trusted that his interference would not be required1 but if it were he would feel himself called upon by imperative duty to enforce this regulation with the utmost strictness4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge had heard from some quarter or other very unfavorable accounts of the decorum of a ,glasgow audience4 ,he hoped that their conduct on the present occasion would disabuse that gentleman's mind of any unfavorable opinion he might entertain of them on that score4 ,in conclusion1 he might repeat1 that he placed the most perfect reliance on the good sense and gentlemanly feeling of both speakers4 ,let them both1 then1 be heard fairly4 ,he solicited favor for neither--he demanded justice for both4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,mr4 ,,breckinridge said1 it was not easy to conceive of circumstances that were more embarrassing than those in which he was placed this evening4 ,they had already taken for granted all that had been said and done on one side of the question2 their minds had been already made up to oppose those conclusions to which it was his purpose to bring them4 ,their affections and feelings had long been engaged to his opponent in this cause2 and all that he could say would necessarily have little effect in changing what he would not hesitate to call those unhappy opinions1 which were long ago formed against him4 ,another cause of his embarrassment was1 that he would be rejudged of all he might say here4 ,what he said would be approved by one party in ,america1 but would be disapproved of by another4 ,in the ,united ,states they were differently situated from what the people were in this country4 ,here the people seemed now united on this subject1 but in ,america they were split up into a great number of different parties1 whose opinions and feelings were arrayed against each other in as great a measure as it was possible to conceive4 ,whatever1 therefore1 he might say in this country1 would be disapproved of by many in the ,united ,states1 while nothing was more certain than that1 what was said by his opponent1 would the more commend him to his friends on the other side of the ,atlantic2 and nothing he could say would probably lower him in the good opinion of his friends here4 ,hence arose the difficulty of the situation in which he 7,mr4 ,b47 found himself placed1 and his unusual claim upon their patience in the course of the discussion4 ,still he should be unworthy of his country1 he should be forgetful of the power of truth1 he would have little trust in ,god1 if he was not ready to espouse the cause which he believed to be right2 and more especially if he was not ready1 before a ,scotish and a ,christian audience1 to defend the principles he adopted and avowed4 ,he had no desire to attempt a mitigation of their hatred to slavery2 and if1 at a future time1 he should meet in ,america with any one now present1 he would prove to them by the friendship of those who loved and respected him1 and the opposition of those who did not1 that he hated slavery as much as any one of those present could do4 ,it was said by one of the ancients1 ',i am a man3 ,i consider nothing that relates to man1 foreign to me4' ,it was a true and noble sentiment4 ,the fate of the most hopeless might be theirs if power could make it so2 and their condition might have been that of the poorest wretch on earth if ,god had not smiled upon them and their ancestors as he had done4 ,he did not wish them to interfere with slavery in ,america4 ,they might interfere1 but the question was1 how were they to do so8 ,he wished in the course of the discussion to bring before them facts to show1 that if they did at all interfere with slavery in ,america1 it must be done as between individuals1 not as a national question4 ,that1 whatever they did1 they do as ,christians1 not as communities4 ,that they must not1 for a moment1 look upon it as a question of rival power and glory1 as a question between ,great ,britain and ,america4 ,if they did so in the slightest degree1 their chance of success was gone for ever4 ,in the prosecution of the question1 they should not allow themselves to be identified in their efforts with any party in ,america1 in politics1 in religion1 or metaphysics2 more especially1 with a small and odious party as they had done to a deplorable extent4 ,they should not identify themselves with a party so small as not to be able to obtain their object1 and so erroneous as not to deserve success4 ,whatever they did should be done meekly1 and in the spirit of the gospel2 they should not press the principles of the gospel with the spirit of a demon1 but with all the sweetness and gentleness of the gospel of peace4 ,these were the principles which he intended to endeavor to impress upon their minds by details which he would adduce in the course of the discussion4 ,it was nothing more than just to the audience that they should know1 that they should understand it distinctly1 that as far as regarded his opponent1 he neither was nor could be any thing more to him or his countrymen than as an individual who had identified himself with certain parties and principles in ,america4 ,neither he nor the ,americans could have any object in underrating or overrating him4 ,america could have no desire to raise him up or to pull him down4 ,it is not1 it cannot be any thing to ,america what any individual is1 or may be1 in the eyes of his own countrymen4 ,the ,king of ,england is known to ,america only as the ,king of ,great ,britain2 if he ceased to be the ,king of that kingdom1 he was to them no more than a common individual4 ,let it not be supposed that either he or ,america had any wish1 even the most remote1 to break down or injure the well earned or ill earned reputation of his opponent4 ,they looked upon him only with reference to his principles1 and had no personal motive on earth in reference to that gentleman4 ,let them not1 therefore1 think that in any remarks he might make1 or charges he might bring forward1 he had any intention of implicating his opponent as being solely responsible for these results4 ,he called in question1 not the principles of a particular individual only1 but those also of a party in ,america1 to whom he would have to answer when he returned to that country4 ,having said thus much1 he would now proceed to the question before them1 but would previously make a few preliminary remarks1 which he thought necessary to enable them to come to a proper understanding of the subject4 ,he did not think it necessary to trace the progress of the great cause to the present moment4 ,for forty years they had suffered defeat after defeat--yet these defeats only strengthened their cause1 even in this country1 till they had arrived at a given point4 ,he would not wish to hurt the feelings of a single individual now present1 but he was sure he spoke the feelings of all in ,america1 when he said that the great day of their power to do good1 as a nation1 was to be dated from the passing of the ,reform ,bill4 ,from that period1 they started in a new career of action1 both at home and abroad4 ,the sending out of agents was one of the great lines of operation attempted upon the ,americans4 ,this the ,americans complained of as having been done in an imprudent and impossible way1 and sure to meet with defeat4 ,they have sent out agents to ,america who have returned defeated4 ,they admit they were not successful1 though they say they retreated only1 that they were not defeated4 ,they have failed--they admit they have failed in their object4 ,one of these agents on his return made certain statements as to the condition of the slaves in ,america2 and as to the state of the churches in the ,united ,states1 which implicated not only the great body of ,christian ministers of the country1 but the government1 and the people of ,america1 except a small handful of individuals4 ,if1 as was admitted1 the number of pastors in ,america was twelve to fifteen thousand1 and only one thousand had embraced these views1 were they anything but a small party8 ,while yet the whole nation was denounced as wicked--and the wrath of ,heaven invoked against the country4 ,it was only a very small handful that came in for a share of the praise of his opponent2 and the sympathies here were invoked1 on the assumption of principles which it was his object to prove false and unfounded4 ,what could be the cause of such an anomaly8 that those principles which are said to be loved and admired here1 are repudiated there to the extremity of pertinacious obstinacy8 ,this cause it would be his duty to point out2 first1 he would say what perhaps no one would believe1 that the question of ,american slavery1 is in its name not only unjust1 but absurd4 ,there was1 properly speaking1 no such thing as ,american slavery4 ,it was absurd to talk of ,american slavery1 except in so far as it applied to the sentiments of what was the minority1 although he would say a large minority1 which tolerated slavery4 ,it was not an ,american question4 ,in ,america there were twenty-four separate republics2 of these1 twelve had no slaves1 and twelve of them tolerated slavery4 ,two new states had recently been added to the ,union1 and ,god speed the day when others would be added1 till the whole continent1 from the ,atlantic to the ,pacific was included in union1 carrying with the union1 ,liberty and ,independence4 ,of the two states which were lately added1 one was a slave state and the other free4 ,of the twelve free1 independent1 sovereign states of ,america to which he had alluded--one1 ,massachusetts1 had1 for a longer time than his opponent had lived1 not tolerated slavery4 ,there were no slaves in ,massachusetts1 ,connecticut1 ,rhode ,island1 ,vermont1 ,new ,hampshire1 ,maine1 ,new ,york1 ,new ,jersey1 ,pennsylvania1 ,ohio1 ,indiana1 or ,illinois1 and in four of them there never had been a slave4 ,eight of them1 of their own free will and choice1 abolished slavery without money and without price4 ,by the influence of the ,spirit of ,god1 and the influence of divine truth1 they had totally abolished slavery4 ,of the twelve states1 at least four1 ,ohio1 with a million of inhabitants1 ,indiana1 ,illinois1 and ,maine1 never had a slave4 ,since #aghe till this hour1 there had not been one slave in any of these states4 ,these twelve either never had slaves or had abolished slavery without any remuneration4 ,these states contain seven million out of the eleven million of the white population of the ,union1 and nearly two-thirds of the territorial extent of the republic as now peopled4 ,and when we remember that they have stood as they now do for the last twenty years1 as it was now more than twenty years since slavery was abolished1 how could they be charged with the responsibility of the existence of slavery in other states1 or be charged with fostering slavery which they were the first people upon earth to abolish1 and the first to unite with other nations in putting down the slave trade as piracy4 ,this he was aware would be denied2 but though ,wilberforce had labored in the cause for twenty years1 the ,american constitution had fixed a limited time for the abolition of the slave trade1 and the moment the twenty years had elapsed1 the ,congress did abolish it2 and this was in the same month1 and some days before the ,abolition ,bill had passed through ,parliament4 ,thus1 ,america was the first nation on earth which had abolished the slave trade1 and made it piracy4 ,if we judge by the number of republics which tolerate no slavery--if we judge by the number of ,american citizens who abhor slavery1 it will be found not to be an ,american question1 but one applicable only to a small portion of the nation4 ,if he wished to prove that the ,british were idolaters1 he could point to millions of idolaters in ,india1 under the ,british ,government1 for every one in ,america who approved of slavery4 ,if he wished to prove the ,british to be ,catholics1 and worshippers of the ,virgin ,mary1 he could point to the west of ,ireland1 where were one thousand worshippers of the ,virgin ,mary for every one in ,america who did not wish slavery abolished4 ,if he were to return to ,america1 and get up public meetings1 and address them about ,british idolatry1 because the ,indians were ,idolaters1 or on ,british ,catholicism1 because many of the ,irish worshipped the ,virgin ,mary1 would not the world at once see the absurdity and maliciousness of the charge2 and if he heaped upon ,britain every libellous epithet he could invent--if he got the wise1 the good1 and the fair1 to applaud him1 would not the world see at once the grossness of the absurdity4 ,and where1 then1 lay the difference8 ,the ,united ,states ,government have no power to abolish slavery in ,south ,carolina--,britain can abolish idolatry throughout its dominions4 ,it was absurd to say it was an ,american question4 ,america1 as a nation1 was not responsible1 either in the sight of ,god or man1 for the existence of slavery within certain portions of the ,union4 ,as a nation1 it had done every thing within its power4 ,the half hour having now expired1 ,mr4 ,b4 sat down2 and 99 99 99 99 99 ,,mr4 ,,thompson rose4 ,he said he did not stand on the platform this evening to explain to them his views in reference to slavery4 ,he would occupy no portion of their time by an exposition of any of the principles or views entertained by himself on the subject of slavery as it has existed in our own dependencies1 or as it exists in ,america at the present moment1 or in other portions of the globe4 ,he stood there to justify that policy which in a distant land he had deemed it right to pursue2 he stood there to justify the policy which had been adopted and pursued1 and was still pursued by certain individuals in the ,united ,states1 whether many or few1 whether a handful or a multitude1 who were known by the name of the abolitionists of the ,united ,states of ,america4 ,he stood there to justify himself and them in the act of fearlessly1 constantly1 unceasingly1 and universally1 to every class and color on the face of the habitable globe1 enunciating the great principles of equal justice and equal rights--of enunciating this great truth that slaveholding is a crime in the sight of ,god1 and should be immediately and totally abolished4 ,that ,god had in no instance given to man a discretionary power to hold property in his fellow-man2 that instant emancipation was the right of the slave2 that instant manumission was the duty of the master4 ,that no government had a right to keep a single soul in slavery2 that no nation had authority to permit slavery1 let that nation exist where it may2 if professing to be a ,christian nation1 so much the more atrocious was their wickedness4 ,the nation which permitted the keeping in slavery of ,god's creatures1 which allowed the traffic in human beings for #djj pieces of silver1 even in the capital itself1 was not entitled to be called a christian nation1 and if professing to be a christian nation1 so much the more pre-eminently wicked and infamous was the nation4 ,by that act that infamous1 wicked nation violated every christian feeling1 and was worthy of being exposed to the scorn and derision of every nation under heaven1 christian or pagan4 ,this was a most momentous question1 and he spoke strongly upon it1 but he spoke advisedly4 ,he did not speak angrily1 but he did and must speak warmly on the subject of ,slavery4 ,he could not talk of millions of men and women1 each of whom was endowed with a soul which was precious in the sight of ,god--each of whom was endowed with that principle which out-valued worlds--he could not speak of such1 registered with the brutes1 with calm unconcern1 or classed with chattels1 and be calm--if he could do so1 he should be ready with these nails to open his breast1 and tear therefrom a heart which would be unworthy of a man4 ,he could and would speak calmly on other topics1 but this was a subject which required energy1 unceasing energy1 till the evil was removed from the face of the earth1 till all the kingdoms of the world had become the kingdoms of our ,god1 and of his ,christ4 ,he was thankful for the present opportunity which had been afforded him of entering into this discussion2 he was thankful that his opponent1 for so it seemed he must be called1 was an ,american1 that he was a christian minister1 that he was an opponent of slavery1 that he brought to the question before them1 talent1 learning1 patriotism1 and christian feeling4 ,such an opponent he respected and wished the audience to respect4 ,he would ask them to cherish his person1 to respect his opinions1 to weigh his arguments1 to test his facts1 and if they were just and righteous1 to adopt his principles4 ,if he 7,mr4 ,t47 knew the strongest expression he had ever used regarding ,america1 he would use it to-night2 if he knew in what recess of his heart his worst wish towards ,america was deposited he would drag it forth to the light1 that his opponent might grapple with it in their presence4 ,he would not soften down any of his language2 he would not sugar over his words1 he would not abate one iota of what he had ever said in reference to the wickedness of ,america on former occasions4 ,let his opponent weigh every syllable he 7,mr4 ,t47 had uttered1 every statement he had ever made1 every charge he had ever brought against his country or against his cloth1 and if he found that he had exaggerated facts or stated what was not true1 he would be glad to be shown it4 ,he was there before them and his opponent to search after the truth1 truth which would outlive ,mr4 ,breckinridge--truth which would outlive ,geo4 ,thompson--truth which was far more valuable than the proudest victory--truth which was invaluable to both--and let the truth stand out during the discussion which might follow2 and when they had found out the truth1 if they saw anything which had to be taken back--anything to be given up--anything for which to be sorry1 he would try to outstrip his opponent in his readiness to retract what was wrong1 to yield what was untenable1 and to express his sorrow before ,god and the audience for what he had undeservedly said of ,america4 ,with regard to the feelings he entertained towards the ,americans1 he need only refer to the last letter he had published to the ,american people1 from which he would read a passage to show the feelings he entertained towards that country1 as well as to those of her citizens who might reach these shores from ,america4 ,mr4 ,thompson then read the following passages3-- ,i love ,america1 because her sons1 though my persecutors1 are immortal--because 'they know not what they do1' or if enlightened and wilful1 are so much the more to be pitied and cared for4 ,i love ,america1 because of the many affectionate friends ,i have found upon her shores1 by whom ,i have been cherished1 refreshed and strengthened2 and upon whose regard ,i place an incalculable value4 ,i love ,america1 for there dwells the fettered slave--fettered and darkened1 and degraded now1 but soon to spring into light and liberty1 and rank on earth1 as he is ranked in heaven1 'but a little lower than the angels4' ,i love ,america1 because of the many mighty and magnificent enterprises in which she has embarked for the salvation of the world4 ,i love her rising spires1 her peaceful villages1 and her multiplied means of moral1 literary1 and religious improvement4 ,i love her hardy sons1 the tenants of her vallies and her mountains green4 ,i love her native children of the forest1 still roaming1 untutored and untamed1 in the unsubdued wildernesses of the 'far west4' ,i love your country1 because it is the theatre of the sublimest contest now waging with darkness and despotism1 and misery on the face of the globe2 and because your country is ordained to be the scene of a triumph1 as holy in its character and as glorious in its results1 as any ever achieved through the instrumentality of men4 ,but though my soul yearns over ,america1 and ,i desire nothing more eagerly than to see her stand forth among the nations of the world1 unsullied in reputation1 and omnipotent in energy1 yet shall ,i1 if spared1 deem it my duty to publish aloud her wide and fearful departures from rectitude and mercy4 ,i shall unceasingly proclaim the wrongs of her enslaved children2 and1 while she continues to 'traffic in the souls of men1' brand her as recreant to the great principles of her revolutionary struggle1 and hypocritical in all her professions of attachment to the cause of human rights4 ,i thank ,god1 ,i cherish no feelings of bitterness or revenge1 towards any individual in ,america1 my most inveterate enemy not excepted4 ,should the sea on which ,i am about to embark receive me ere ,i gain my native shore--should this be the last letter ,i ever address to the people of ,america1 ,heaven bears me witness1 ,i with truth and sincerity affirm that1 as ,i look to be freely forgiven1 so freely do ,i forgive my persecutors and slanderers and pray--',lord lay not this sin to their charge4' ,in another part of the same letter he had thus expressed himself3-- ,should a kind providence place me again upon the soil of my birth1 and when there1 should any ,american 7and ,i hope many will7 visit that soil to plead the cause of virtue and philanthropy1 and strive in love to provoke us to good works1 let him know that there will be one man who will uphold his right to liberty of speech1 one man who will publicly and privately assert and maintain the divinity of his commission to attack sin and alleviate suffering1 in every form1 in every latitude1 and under whatever sanction and authorities it may be cloaked and guarded4 ,and coming on such an errand1 ,i think ,i may pledge myself in behalf of my country1 that he shall not be driven with a wife and little ones1 from the door of a hotel in less than #cf hours after he first breathes our air--that he shall not be denounced as an incendiary1 a fanatic1 an emissary1 an enemy1 and a traitor--that he shall not be assailed with oaths and missiles1 while proclaiming from the pulpit in the house of ,god1 on the evening of a ,christian ,sabbath1 the doctrines of 'judgment1 justice1 and mercy1'--that he shall not be threatened1 wherever he goes1 with 'tar and feathers'--that he shall not be repudiated and abused in newspapers denominated religious1 and by men calling themselves ,christian ,ministers--that he shall not have a price set upon his head1 and his house surrounded with ruffians1 hired to effect his abduction--that his wife and children shall not be forced to flee from the hearth of a friend1 lest they should be 'smoked out' by men in civic authority1 and their paid myrmidons--that the mother and her little ones shall not find at midnight1 the house surrounded by an infuriated multitude1 calling with horrible execrations for the husband and the father--that his lady shall not be doomed1 while in a strange land1 to see her babes clinging to her with affright1 exclaiming1 'the mob shan't get papa1' 'papa is good is he not8 the naughty mob shan't get him1 shall they8'--that he shall not1 finally1 be forced to quit the most enlightened and christian city of our nation1 to escape the assassin's knife1 and return to tell his country1 that in ,britain the friend of virtue1 humanity1 and freedom1 was put beyond the protection of the laws1 and the pale of civilized sympathy1 and given over by professor and profane1 to the tender mercies of a blood-thirsty rabble4 ,these extracts were from the last letter that he had written to the people of ,america1 and which had been widely published there2 and he was glad of an opportunity of now laying them before a ,glasgow audience1 and of having them incorporated in the proceedings of the evening1 in order to show that he then forgave ,america1 that he now forgave ,america4 ,he would stand there to defend the right of ,mr4 ,breckinridge to a fair hearing from his 7,mr4 ,thompson's7 countrymen2 and stand forward as his protector1 to save him from the missile that might be aimed at him1 and to receive into his own bosom the dagger which might be aimed at his heart4 ,his opponent might be anxious to know what report he 7,mr4 ,t47 made on his return to ,britain of his proceedings in ,america4 ,he would therefore read an extract from the minutes of the ,,london ,,society for ,,universal ,,emancipation3-- ,george ,thompson was then introduced to the ,committee1 and communicated at length the result of his ,mission in the ,united ,states1 and the present cheering aspect of the ,anti-,slavery cause in that country4 ,the following is a brief outline of his statement3 ,he desired to be devoutly thankful to ,divine ,providence for the signal preservation and help vouchsafed to him in all his labors1 perils1 and persecutions4 ,he considered it a high honor to have been permitted to proclaim in the ears of a distant people the great principles held by the ,society4 ,he sailed from this country on the #agth ,august1 #ahcd1 landed at ,new ,york on the #bjth ,september1 and commenced his public labors on the #ast of ,october4 ,his public ,lectures were continued down to the #bjth ,october1 #ahce1 during which period he delivered between #b and #cjj public ,lectures1 besides innumerable shorter addresses before ,committees1 ,conventions1 ,associations1 c4 c4 ,his audiences had invariably been overflowing1 and composed from time to time of members of ,state ,legislatures1 the ,heads of ,colleges1 ,professors1 ,clergymen of all denominations1 members of the legal profession1 and the students of nearly all the ,theological and ,academical ,institutions in ,new ,england4 ,the result of his labors had been the multiplication of ,anti-,slavery ,associations to an unprecedented extent4 ,up to the month of ,may1 #ahce1 he met with no serious or formidable opposition4 ,at that time the ,national ,society reported the existence of #bej auxiliaries1 and its determination to appropriate during the ensuing year the sum of #cj1jjj dollars in the printing of papers and pamphlets to be gratuitously circulated amongst the entire white population of the country4 ,the ,southern ,states1 previously almost silent and inoperative1 soon after commenced a system of terrorism1 intercepting the public conveyances1 rifling the ,mail ,bags1 scourging1 mutilating or murdering all suspected of holding ,anti-,slavery views1 and calling with one consent upon the ,free ,states to pass laws1 abridging the freedom of speech and of the press1 upon the subject of slavery4 ,the ,north promptly responded to the call of the ,south1 and in every direction through the ,free ,states the ,abolitionists became the victims of persecution1 proscription and outrage4 ,the friends of ,negro freedom every where endured with a patience and spirit of christian charity1 almost unexampled1 the multiplied wrongs and injuries accumulated upon them4 ,they ceased not to labor for the ,holy cause they had espoused1 but perseveringly pursued their course in the use of all means sanctioned by ,justice1 ,religion1 and the ,constitution of their country4 ,the result had been the rapid extension of their principles1 and a vast accession of moral strength4 ,g4 ,t4 gave an appalling account of the condition of the ,southern ,churches4 ,the ,presbyterians1 ,baptists1 and ,episcopal ,methodist ,churches were the main pillars of the system of ,slavery4 ,were they to withdraw their countenance1 and cease to participate in its administration and profit1 it would not exist one year4 ,bishops1 presiding ,elders1 ,travelling ,preachers1 ,local ,preachers1 ,trustees1 ,stewards1 ,class ,leaders1 private ,members1 and other attendants in the ,churches of the ,episcopal ,methodists1 with the preachers and subordinate members of the other denominations1 are1 with few exceptions1 ,slaveholders4 ,many of the preachers1 not merely possessing domestic ,slaves1 but being planters 'on a pretty extensive scale1' and dividing their time between the duties of the ,pastoral ,office and the driving of a gang of ,negroes upon a cotton1 tobacco1 or rice plantation4 ,in the great pro-,slavery ,meetings at ,charleston and ,richmond1 the clergy of all denominations attended in a body1 and at the bidding of vigilance ,committees suspended their ,schools for the instruction of the colored population1 receiving as their reward a vote of thanks from their lay ,slaveholding ,brethren 'for their prudent and patriotic conduct4' ,g4 ,t4 gave a most encouraging account of the present state of the ,anti-,slavery cause1 as nearly as it could be ascertained by letters recently received4 ,he stated that there were now1 exclusive of the ,journals published by the ,anti-,slavery ,societies1 #ajj newspapers boldly advocating the principles of ,abolition4 ,between #d and #ejj auxiliary associations1 comprising #ae or #agjj ,ministers of the ,gospel of various denominations4 ,g4 ,t4 stated also a number of particulars1 shewing the rapid progress of correct opinions amongst the ,congregationalists1 ,presbyterians1 ,methodists and ,baptists1 producing a ,document just received from the last named body1 signed by #ahe ,clergymen1 being a reply to a letter addressed by the ,baptist ministers in and near ,london to the ,baptist ,churches of ,america1 and fully reciprocating all their sentiments on the subject of immediate and entire emancipation4 ,the cause was proceeding with accelerated rapidity4 ,ten or twelve ,agents of the ,national ,society were incessantly laboring with many others employed by the ,state ,societies1 of which there were seven1 viz4 ,kentucky1 7a slave ,state17 ,ohio1 ,new ,york1 ,rhode ,island1 ,massachusetts1 ,new ,hampshire1 and ,vermont4 ,gerrit ,smith1 ,esq4 a competent authority1 had stated that every week witnessed an accession to the ranks of the ,abolitionists of not less than #ejj1 in the ,state of ,new ,york alone1 and he did not know that in all the ,societies there was one intemperate or profane person4 ,g4 ,t4 in describing the character of the persons comprising the ,anti-,slavery ,societies in ,america1 stated1 that they were universally men and women of religious principles1 and1 in most instances1 of unquestioned piety4 ,he had never known any benevolent enterprise carried forward more in dependence upon ,divine ,direction and ,divine ,aid1 than the abolition cause in the ,united ,states4 ,in all their meetings1 public or social1 they committed themselves to ,god in ,prayer1 and he had found that those who had been most vehemently denounced as ',fanatics and ,incendiaries' were men sound in judgment1 calm in temper1 deliberate in council1 and prudent1 though resolute1 in action4 ,the great principle on which all their ,societies were founded was the essential sinfulness of slaveholding1 and the consequent necessity of its immediate and entire abolition4 ,the great means by which they had sought to accomplish their object1 was the fearless publication of the truth in love1 addressed to the understandings and hearts of their fellow citizens4 ,expediency was a doctrine they abjured4 ,free from a time-serving or timid spirit1 they boldly relied upon the righteousness of their cause1 the potency of truth1 and the blessing of ,god4 ,they were entitled to receive from the ,abolitionists of ,great ,britain the warmest commendation1 the fullest confidence1 and most cordial co-operation4 ,he was happy in being able to state1 that wherever the principles of immediate abolition had been fully adopted1 prejudice against color had been thrown aside1 and that the members of the ,anti-,slavery ,societies throughout the country were endeavoring by every proper means to accomplish the moral1 intellectual1 and spiritual elevation of the colored population4 ,he hoped he would yet have ample opportunities of replying to the positions assumed by his opponent4 ,he thought he would be able to show that slavery in ,america was ,american slavery2 that the ,congress of ,america--that the ,constitution of ,america made it an institution of the country1 and therefore a national sin of ,america4 ,in reference to any question as to the ,constitution and laws of the ,united ,states of ,america1 he was glad he had to do with a gentleman who knew these well1 who held a high character for his ,constitutional and legal attainments2 and he hoped he would be able to show that ,slavery in ,america was ,american ,slavery--that the people in the ,north did not hate slavery--that they did not oppose slavery--that they were the greatest supporters of slavery in the ,united ,states--that slavery in ,america was a national question4 ,but he would keep his proofs till he had time to say something along with them4 ,our interference was not a political interference with ,america1 it was only a moral interference1 to put an end to slavery--and he hoped the people of this country1 would continue to denounce slavery in ,america2 and at the same time he was quite willing that his opponent should denounce the idolatry of our eastern possessions4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,mr4 ,,breckinridge said1 he would take up the line of argument in which he had been proceeding2 but before doing so he wished to make one observation4 ,how did it happen--admitting all that had been said by his opponent to be true and fair1 how did it happen1 that the same arguments and the same principles were so differently received in different countries8 ,how did it happen that the individual who advocated the same cause1 with the same temper1 and almost in the same words1 in ,glasgow and in ,boston1 should in the one place be supported by general applause1 and in the other be ill-treated and despised1 and even made to flee for his life8 ,this was a question which was yet to be solved4 ,mr4 ,thompson had spoken of the ,northern states as the greatest friends of slavery1 forgetting that he had formerly represented the clergy as such4 ,this was one of the principal reasons of his want of success--of what might justly be called his signal failure4 ,he had brought unjust charges against an entire people1 and had in consequence been ill-treated4 ,mr4 ,thompson had shown the better part of valor1 discretion1 in taking care never to visit any of the slave states4 ,he had never seen a slaveholder1 except1 perhaps1 he had met such an individual in a free state4 ,at least if he had done so1 it was a circumstance which was not generally known1 one of those hidden things of which it was not permitted to read4 ,having made this observation1 he 7,mr4 ,b47 would proceed to state that in the slaveholding states there was a large minority--in some1 nearly one half of the population--zealously engaged in furthering the abolition of slavery4 ,in ,kentucky1 slaveholding had been introduced only by a small majority4 ,when some time after1 a convention canvassed the subject1 that majority was diminished1 and1 still at this hour in that ,state1 in which he had been born1 one of the greatest political questions agitated was whether slaveholding should be abolished or retained as an element of the constitution4 ,a law had long ago been passed imposing a fine of six hundred dollars on whoever brought a slave into the ,state for sale1 and three hundred dollars on whoever bought him4 ,a fine of nine hundred dollars was thus made the penalty of introducing a slave into ,kentucky as merchandise4 ,he was sorry to have to speak of buying and selling human beings2 but1 to be understood1 it was absolutely necessary that he should do so4 ,in ,virginia also1 from which ,kentucky had been in great measure peopled1 not many years ago a frightful insurrection had taken place1 and many cruelties had been practised--it was needless to say whether most on the side of the blacks or the whites4 ,the succeeding legislature of that ,state took up the question of slavery in its length and breadth--passed a law for giving #bj1jjj to the ,colonization ,society1--and rejected only by a small majority a proposal to appropriate that fund equally to the benefit of slaves to be set free--as of those already free4 ,he mentioned these things merely to show that there was a great and an increasing party in the south favorable to the abolition of negro slavery4 ,in fact1 in some of the ,southern states the free people of color had increased faster than the whites2 in ,maryland alone there were #eb1jjj of a free colored population1 all of whom1 or their immediate progenitors1 had been voluntarily manumitted4 ,it was needless to say1 therefore1 that in the ,southern states there was no anti-slavery party4 ,there certainly was not such a party in ,mr4 ,thompson's sense of the word2 but ,mr4 ,thompson's definition was not the correct one1 as he 7,mr4 ,b47 would explain directly4 ,was it fair then1 he would ask1 to hold up to the ,british public1 not only the people of the free states1 but also this great minority in the ,southern states as pro-slavery men4 ,let slavery be denounced1 but let not the denunciation fall upon the whole ,american people1 many of whom were doing all they could for its abolition4 ,if ,louisiana resolved on perpetuating slavery1 let this be told of ,louisiana4 ,if ,south ,carolina adhered to the system1 say so of ,south ,carolina2 but do not implicate the mass of the ,american people1 so many of whom are as much opposed to slavery as is ,mr4 ,thompson himself4 ,he had heard it said that the sun never sat on the ,british dominions4 ,as well1 then1 might the ,british people be identified with the idolatry which prevailed in ,hindostan as the ,americans be identified with negro slavery4 ,the question was not ,american2 it existed solely between the slaveholder and the world4 ,it was unfair1 therefore1 to blame the ,americans as a nation3 the slaveholder1 and the slaveholder alone1 should be blamed1 let him reside where he might4 ,having thus disposed of the first branch of his argument1 he was naturally led to explain the wonderful phenomenon of ,mr4 ,thompson's reception in ,america--to give a reason why that reception was so different from what the same gentleman met with in ,glasgow4 ,mr4 ,thompson had taken up the question as one of civil organization4 ,now the fact was1 that the ,american nation was divided into two parties on the subject1 namely1 the pro-slavery1 and the anti-slavery parties4 ,one party said1 let it alone2 the other1 and by far the most numerous party1 said1 something ought to be done in relation to it4 ,in the last named class1 was to be included the population of all the non-slaveholding states4 ,he declared1 in the presence of ,god1 his conviction1 that there was not a sane man in the free states who did not wish the world rid of slavery4 ,he believed the same of a large minority in the states in which slavery existed4 ,the pro-slavery party themselves were also divided4 ,one section1 and he rejoiced to add1 a small one1 called into exertion in fact only by that effervesence which had been produced by the violence of ,mr4 ,t's friends--spoke of slavery as an exceedingly good thing--as not only consistent with the law of ,god1 but as absolutely necessary for the advancement of civilization4 ,this party was organised within the last few years1 and met the violence of ,mr4 ,thompson's party by a corresponding violence1 as a beam naturally seeks its balance4 ,another section of the pro-slavery party1 considered slavery a great evil1 and wished that it were abolished1 but they did not see how this could be effected4 ,they had been born in a state of society where it had an existence1 and they could see no course to adopt but to let it cure itself4 ,these were the two sections into which the supporters of slavery were divided4 ,the anti-slavery party was also composed of individuals who had different views of the subject4 ,the one class had been called ,gradualists1 ,emancipationists1 and ,colonizationists4--,the other were called ,abolitionists4 ,with the latter class1 ,mr4 ,thompson had identified himself4 ,and now1 as while in ,america1 by his praises of ,mr4 ,garrison1 and all their leaders1 his abuse of their opponents1 and his efforts to chain the ,british public1 hand and foot1 to them and their projects1 shows his continued devotion to them4 ,he would refer to this party again1 but1 in the mean time1 he would only say1 that its members manifested far more honesty than wisdom4 ,in #ahcc1 the abolitionists held a ,convention in ,philadelphia1 at which they drew up a ,declaration of ,independence--a declaration which he dared to say ,mr4 ,thompson cherished as the apple of his eye2 but which had been more effectual in raising mobs than ever witch was in raising the wind4 ,the document of which he spoke announced three principles1 to the promulgation of which1 the members of the ,convention pledged their lives and their fortunes4 ,a number of the particulars specified1 in support of which they said they would live and die1 went to change materially the laws and ,constitution of the ,united ,states1 and yet it was pretended that this was not a political question6 ,their first principle was1 that every human being has an instant right to be free1 irrespective of all consequences2 and incapable of restriction or modification4 ,the second was like unto it1 that the right of citizenship1 inherent in every man1 in the spot where he is born1 is so perfect1 that to deprive him of its exercise in any way whatever--even by emigration1 under strong moral constraint1 is a sin4 ,their third principle was1 that all prejudice against color was sinful2 and that all our judgments and all our feelings towards others should be regulated exclusively by their moral and intellectual worth4 ,mr4 ,b4 said he stated these principles from memory only--as he did most of the facts on which he relied4 ,but he was willing to stand or fall1 in both countries1 upon the substantial accuracy of his statements4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge here closed his address1 the period allotted to him having expired4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,mr4 ,,thompson was anxious to lay before the meeting documentary testimony1 in preference to any thing he could say himself4 ,rather than set forth his own views1 as he had done on many former occasions1 he wished to bring forward such documents as even his opponent would admit to be really ,american4 ,he pledged himself to show that this was an ,american question4 ,he was not prepared for this branch of the subject1 because he had not expected that ,mr4 ,breckinridge would exonerate ,america from the charge of being a slaveholding nation2 nevertheless1 he was perfectly ready to take it up4 ,he would undertake to prove that the existence of slavery in the ,united ,states was the result of a compromise--that the ,constitution of the ,united ,states was1 in fact1 based upon a compromise1 in relation to this subject4 ,at the time when the ,constitution was agreed to1 the then slaveholding states refused to come into what was called the confederacy of republics1 unless slaveholding was permitted4 ,at that time there were only three hundred thousand slaves in the ,union2 now there were two millions and a half4 ,so much1 said ,mr4 ,thompson1 for what the good and influential men of the ,south1 spoken of by ,mr4 ,breckinridge1 had done for the abolition of slavery4 ,then there were three hundred thousand2 now there were two million four hundred thousand4 ,the method by which these good and influential people had gone about extirpating slavery1 had been an ,irish method2 it had shown distinctly the extent of their zeal and usefulness4 ,why1 setting aside their influence altogether1 they might1 had they been as numerous as represented by his respected opponent1 have manumitted as many of their own slaves4 ,it was said1 no doubt1 that the laws prevented this2 but who made the laws8 ,the child could not do what her mamma had commanded her to do1 because she was tied to the mahogany table1 she could only answer1 when asked who tied her1 that it was herself4 ,in like manner1 he could turn round on those whom his respected opponent represented1 as haters of slavery4 ,emancipationists they wished to be called2 colonizationists they ought to be called4 ,he would ask them1 what had they done8 ,had they not compromised every principle of justice and truth1 by permitting slaveholding in their ,union8 ,had they not even bestowed exclusive privileges on the slaveholders8 ,had they not bestowed on them such privileges as that1 even now1 they sent twenty-four or twenty-five representatives to ,congress more than their proportion8 ,his respected opponent had said this was not a national question4 ,why1 then1 send six thousand bayonets to the ,south for the protection of the slaveholder8 ,why were the ,american people taxed in order to maintain bayonets1 blunderbusses1 and artillery in the ,south8 ,not a national question6 ,why1 then1 was ,missouri admitted a member of the ,union--,missouri a slaveholding ,state1 admitted by the votes of the ,northern republics4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge had fought very shy of the state of the ,capital1 and the power of ,congress to suppress the internal traffic in slaves4 ,he 7,mr4 ,thompson7 trusted1 however1 that this branch of the subject would be taken up4 ,his opponent himself1 in a letter addressed to the ,new ,york ,evangelist1 had stated1 that ,congress possessed full power to suppress the internal traffic in slaves2 and yet they did it not4 ,there was in fact no question at all respecting the power of the ,congress1 in this matter2 yet it was said the question of slavery was not national4 ,the people of the ,northern states1--the slavery-hating1 liberty-loving people of the ,northern states had said they would fight shoulder to shoulder with the ,slaveholders of the ,south1 should the slaves dare to rise and say they were men1 and after all this1 it was asserted that this was not a national question4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge had said1 that he 7,mr4 ,thompson7 got all his information at second hand4 ,he might have told the reason why2 he knew1 however1 that such a revelation would have been awful4 ,he knew that pious men1 advocates of the cause of abolition had been hanged1 butchered1 their backs ploughed up by ,presbyterian elders2 and if such had been done towards natives of ,new ,england1 what could a stranger such as he have expected8 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 had1 it seems1 got all at second hand4 ,he would tell the meeting where he had obtained some of his information4 ,from ,mr4 ,breckinridge himself2 and he must say1 that sounder or juster views respecting slavery--or a more complete justification of the mission in which he 7,mr4 ,t47 had been so lately engaged1 could scarcely be met with4 ,this was evidence which he had no fear could be ruled out of court4 ,it was that of the friend and defender of ,america4 ,mr4 ,t4 then read the following passage from a speech delivered by ,mr4 ,breckinridge3-- ,what1 then1 is slavery8 for the question relates to the action of certain principles on it1 and to its probable and proper results2 what is slavery as it exists among us8 ,we reply1 it is that condition enforced by the laws of one half of the states of this confederacy1 in which one portion of the community1 called masters1 is allowed such power over another portion called slaves2 as #a4 ,to deprive them of the entire earnings of their own labor1 except only so much as is necessary to continue labor itself1 by continuing healthful existence1 thus committing clear robbery4 #b4 ,to reduce them to the necessity of universal concubinage1 by denying to them the civil rights of marriage2 thus breaking up the dearest relations of life1 and encouraging universal prostitution4 #c4 ,to deprive them of the means and opportunities of moral and intellectual culture1 in many states making it a high penal offence to teach them to read2 thus perpetuating whatever of evil there is that proceeds from ignorance4 #d4 ,to set up between parents and their children an authority higher than the impulse of nature and the laws of ,god2 which breaks up the authority of the father over his own offspring1 and1 at pleasure1 separates the mother at a returnless distance from her child2 thus abrogating the clearest laws of nature2 thus outraging all decency and justice1 and degrading and oppressing thousands upon thousands of beings1 created like themselves1 in the image of the most high ,god6 ,this is slavery as it is daily exhibited in every slave state4 ,here1 continued ,mr4 ,t41 is slavery acknowledged to be clear robbery1 and yet it is not to be instantly abolished6 ,universal concubinage and prostitution1 which must not immediately be put an end to6 ,oh1 these wicked abolitionists1 who seek to put an immediate close to such a state of things4 ,what an immensity of good have the emancipationists of the ,south1 as they wish to be called1 of the colonizationists as they ought to be called1 done during their fifty years labor1 when this is yet left for the ,rev4 ,r4 ,j4 ,breckinridge to say4 ,dear1 delightful1 energetic men6 ,truly1 if this is all they have been able to effect it is time that the work were committed to abler hands4 ,mr4 ,thompson then read an extract from the ,philadelphia declaration4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge had called it a declaration of independence1 but it was only a declaration of sentiments2-- ,we have met together for the achievement of an enterprise1 without which1 that of our fathers is incomplete1 and which1 for its magnitude1 solemnity1 and probable results upon the destiny of the world1 as far as transcends theirs1 as moral truth does physical force4 ,in purity of motive1 in earnestness of zeal1 in decision of purpose1 in intrepidity of action1 in steadfastness of faith1 in sincerity of spirit1 we would not be inferior to them4 ,their principles led them to wage war against their oppressors1 and to spill human blood like water1 in order to be free4 ,ours forbid the doing of evil that good may come1 and lead us to reject1 and entreat the oppressed to reject the use of all carnal weapons1 for deliverance from bondage--relying solely upon those which are spiritual1 and mighty through ,god to the pulling down of strong holds4 ,their measures were physical resistance--the marshalling in arms--the hostile array--the mortal encounter4 ,ours shall be such only as the opposition of moral purity to moral corruption--the destruction of error by the potency of truth--the overthrow of prejudice by the power of love--and the abolition of slavery by the spirit of repentance4 ,their grievances1 great as they were1 were trifling in comparison with the wrongs and sufferings of those for whom we plead4 ,our fathers were never slaves--never bought and sold like cattle--never shut out from the light of knowledge and religion--never subjected to the lash of brutal task masters4 ,but those1 for whose emancipation we are striving1 constituting at the present1 at least one-sixth part of our countrymen1--are recognised by the laws1 and treated by their fellow-beings as marketable commodities--as goods and chattels--as brute beasts2 are plundered daily of the fruits of their toil1 without redress2--really enjoy no constitutional or legal protection from licentious and murderous outrages upon their persons--are ruthlessly torn asunder--the tender babe from the arms of its frantic mother--the heart-broken wife from her weeping husband--at the caprice or pleasure of irresponsible tyrants2--for the crime of having a dark complexion--they suffer the pangs of hunger1 the infliction of stripes1 and the ignominy of brutal servitude4 ,they are kept in heathenish darkness by laws expressly enacted to make their instruction a criminal offence4 ,these are the prominent circumstances in the condition of more than two millions of our people1 the proof of which may be found in thousands of indisputable facts1 and in the laws of the slaveholding states4 ,hence we maintain3-- ,that in the view of the civil and religious privileges of this nation1 the guilt of its oppression is unequalled by any other on the face of the earth--and1 therefore1 ,that it is bound to repent instantly1 to undo the heavy burden1 to break every yoke and let the oppressed go free4 ,we further maintain3-- ,that no man has a right to enslave or imbrute his brother--to hold or acknowledge him1 for one moment1 as a piece of merchandise--to keep back his hire by fraud--or to brutalize his mind by denying him the means of intellectual1 social1 and moral improvement4 ,the right to enjoy liberty is inalienable4 ,to invade it is to usurp the prerogative of ,jehovah4 ,every man has a right to his own body--to the products of his own labor--to the protection of law--and to the common advantages of society4 ,it is piracy to buy or steal a native ,african1 and subject him to servitude4 ,surely the sin is as great to enslave an ,american as an ,african4 ,therefore1 we believe and affirm3-- ,that there is no difference in principle1 between the ,african slave-trade and ,american slavery4 ,that every ,american citizen who retains a human being in involuntary bondage1 as his property is 7according to ,scripture7 a man-stealer4 ,that the slaves ought instantly to be set free1 and brought under the protection of law4 ,that if they had lived from the time of ,pharaoh down to the present period1 and had been entailed through successive generations1 their right to be free could never have been alienated1 but their claims would have constantly risen in solemnity4 ,that all those laws which are now in force1 admitting the right of slavery1 are therefore1 before ,god1 utterly null and void2 being an audacious usurpation of the ,divine prerogative1 a daring infringement on the law of nature1 a base overthrow of the very foundations of the social compact1 a complete extinction of all the relations1 endearments1 and obligations of mankind1 and a presumptuous transgression of all the holy commandments--and that1 therefore1 they ought to be instantly abrogated4 ,he would ask if there was any thing here different from what he had read from his respected opponent8 ,the sentiments were the same1 though not given in ,mr4 ,breckinridge's strong and glowing language4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge's description of slavery was even more methodical1 clearer1 and better arranged2 he was therefore inclined to prefer it to the other4 ,he would1 however1 ask ,mr4 ,breckinridge not to persevere in speaking of the violence1 as he called it1 of the abolitionists1 only in general terms4 ,he hoped he would point out the instances to which he alluded1 and not take advantage of them1 because they were a handful and odious4 ,they were not singular in being called odious4 ,noah was called odious by the men of his day1 because he pointed out to them the wickedness of which they were guilty4 ,every reformer had been called odious1 and he trusted to be always among those who were deemed odious by slaveholders and their apologists4 ,he repeated1 that he wished ,mr4 ,breckinridge to forsake general allegations1 and to specify time and place when he brought forward his charges4 ,the time was passed1 when1 in ,glasgow1 vague assertions could produce any effect4 ,the time was not1 indeed1 distant when even here the friends of negro freedom had been deemed odious--when they were a mere handful1 met in a room in the ,black ,bull ,inn4 ,but from being odious they had become respectable1 and from respectable triumphant1 in consequence of their having renounced expediency1 and taken their stand on the broad principles of truth and justice4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,mr4 ,,breckinridge said1 he had on so many occasions and in so many different forms uttered the sentiments contained in the passages which had just been read as his1 that he was unable to say from what particular speech or writing they were taken4 ,but he had no doubt that if the whole passage to which they belonged were read1 it would be seen that they contained1 in addition to what they had heard1 the most unqualified condemnation of the irrational course pursued by the abolitionists4 ,he believed also1 that1 whatever it was1 that writing had been uttered by him in a slave state4 ,for he could say for himself1 that he had never said that of a brother behind his back1 which he would be afraid or unwilling to repeat before his face4 ,he had never gone to ,boston1 to cry back to ,baltimore1 how great a sin they were guilty of in upholding slavery4 ,the worst things which he had said against slavery had been said in the slave states1 and had ,mr4 ,thompson gone there and seen with his two eyes1 what he describes wholly upon hearsay1 he would1 perhaps1 have understood the subject better than he seems to do4 ,as he felt himself divinely commissioned1 he should have felt no fear1 he should have gone at whatever hazard1 he should have seen slavery in its true colors1 though he had read it in his own blood4 ,if ,saul of ,tarsus had gone to ,america to see slavery--,i dare to say1 with the help of ,god1 he would have been right sure to see it4 ,he did not say that ,mr4 ,t4 should have gone to the ,southern states if his life was likely to be endangered by his going there2 but he would say this1 that ,mr4 ,thompson ought not to pretend1 that he had been1 in the least degree1 a martyr in the cause1 when1 in reality1 he had exercised the most masterly discretion4 ,with regard to the acts of the abolitionists1 as he had been called on to mention particulars1 he could not say that he had ever heard of their having killed any person1 nor had he ever heard of any of them being killed4 ,he might mention1 however1 that he himself had once almost been mobbed in ,boston1 and1 that too1 by a mob stirred up against him1 by placards1 written1 as he believed1 by ,william ,lloyd ,garrison4 ,he had never obtained direct proof of this1 but he might state1 as a reason for his belief1 that the inflammatory placards were of the precise breadth and appearance of the columns of ,garrison's paper--the ,liberator1 and the breadth of the columns of no other newspaper in that city4 ,mr4 ,b4 stated a second case1 in which1 on the arrival at the city of ,new ,york of the ,rev4 ,j4 ,l4 ,wilson1 a missionary to ,western ,africa1 in charge of two lads1 the sons of two ,african kings1 committed by their fathers to the ,maryland ,colonization ,society for education2 some friends of the ,anti-,slavery ,society of that city1 with the concurrence1 if not by the procurement1 as was universally believed1 of ,elizur ,wright1 ,jr41 a leading person1 and ,secretary of the principal society of abolitionists--got out a writ to take the bodies of the boys1 under the pretence of believing1 that they had been kidnapped in ,africa4 ,these two cases he considered1 would perhaps satisfy ,mr4 ,t's appetite for facts in the meantime2 he would have plenty more of them when they came to the main question of debate4 ,one other instance1 and he would have done4 ,there was a law in the ,united ,states1 that if a slave run away from one of the slaveholding states1 to any of the non-slaveholding states1 the authorities of the latter were bound to give him up to his master4 ,a runaway slave had been confined in ,new ,york prison1 previous to being sent home1 an attempt was made to stir up a mob1 for the purpose of liberating him4 ,a bill instigating the people to take the laws into their own hands1 was traced to an abolitionist--the same ,elizur ,wright1 ,jr4 ,he brought to the office of one of the principal city papers1 a denial of the charge--in a note signed by him in his official capacity4 ,he was told that was insufficient1 as it was in his individual1 not in his official capacity1 that he was supposed to have done the act in question4 ,he replied1 it would be time to make the denial in that form1 when the charge was so specifically made2 meantime he considered the actual denial sufficient4 ,then1 sir1 said one present1 ,i charge you with writing the placard--for ,i saw it in your hand writing4 ,these instances were sufficient to prove the charge of violence which he had made was not unfounded4 ,in reference to the statement made by ,mr4 ,thompson regarding the number of slaves in the ,united ,states1 at the commencement of the ,revolution1 ,mr4 ,b4 said1 it was impossible to know precisely what number there was at that time1 as there had been no statistical returns before #agij1 at which time there were six hundred and sixty-five thousand slaves in the five original slave states4 ,the exertions of the ,american nation to put an end to slavery were treated with ridicule1 but he would have them to bear in mind1 that there were in the ,united ,states four hundred thousand free people of color1 all of whom1 or their progenitors1 had been set free by the people of ,america1 and not one of these1 so far as he knew1 had been liberated by an abolitionist4 ,in addition to these1 there were not less than four thousand more in ,africa1 many of whom had been freed from fetters and sent to that country4 ,he would ask if all this was to be counted as nothing4 ,if they were to consider for a moment the enormous sum which it would take to ransom so many slaves1 they would perceive the value of the sacrifice4 ,they might say that they had given #aej1jjj1jjj towards the abolition of slavery4 ,it might seem selfish to talk of it thus2 but if the conduct of ,great ,britain1 rich and powerful as she was1 was not reckoned worthy of praise for having done an act of justice1 in granting emancipation to the ,west ,india slaves1 at the cost of #ajj1jjj1jjj1 or #bj1jjj1jjj1 how much more might be said of #cj1jjj1jjj1 being paid by a few comparatively poor and scattered communities1 and individual men4 ,they had been told some fine stories of a mahogany table1 to which the people of ,america had tied themselves1 and they were left to infer that it was quite easy1 that it merely required the exertion of will1 for them to set their slaves free4 ,now1 on this head1 he would only ask1 had he the power of fixing the place of his birth8 ,no4 ,nor had he any hand in making the laws of the place where he was born1 nor the power of altering them4 ,they might1 indeed1 be altered and he ought to add1 they would have been altered already1 but for the passionate and intemperate zeal of the abolitionists2 but for the conduct of those who tell the slaveholders of the ,southern states1 that they must at once give freedom to the slaves1 at whatever cost or whatever hazard1 and unless they do so1 they will be denounced on the house-tops1 by all the vilest names which language can furnish1 or the imagination of man can conceive4 ,and what was the answer the planters gave to these disturbers of the public peace8 ,first1 coolly1 'there's the door2' and next1 'if you try to tell these things to those1 who1 when they learn them1 will at once turn round and cut our throats1 we must take measures to prevent your succeeding4' ,such conduct was just what was to be expected on the part of the slaveholders4 ,they saw these men coming among their slaves1 and where they could not appeal to their judgments1 endeavoring to speak to the eyes of the black population by prints1 representing their masters1 harsh and cruel4 ,it was not surprising that such unwise conduct should beget a bitter feeling of opposition among the inhabitants of the ,southern states4 ,they themselves knew too well the critical nature of their position1 and the dangers of tampering with the passions of the black population4 ,let him who doubted go to the ,southern states1 and he would learn that those harsh laws1 in regard to slavery1 which had been so much condemned1 were passed immediately after some of those insurrections1 those spasmodic efforts of the slaves to free themselves by violence1 which could never end in good1 and which the conduct of the abolitionists was calculated continually to renew4 ,they ought to take these things into account when they heard statements made about the strong excitement against the abolitionists4 ,he would repeat what he had before stated1 that the cause of emancipation had been ruined by that small party with which ,mr4 ,thompson had identified himself3 but to whose chariot wheels he trusted the people of this country would never suffer themselves to be bound4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,mr4 ,,george ,,thompson said1 the work he had to do in reference to the last speech was by no means great or difficult4 ,they had heard a great many things stated by ,mr4 ,breckinridge on the great question in debate1 but every one of these had been stated a thousand times before1 and answered again and again within the last sixty years4 ,within these very walls they had heard many of them brought forward and refuted within the last four years4 ,but there was one part of his opponent's speech to which he would reply with emphasis4 ,and he could not but confess that he had listened to that one part of it with surprise4 ,he knew ,mr4 ,breckinridge to be the advocate of gradual emancipation2 he 7,mr4 ,thompson7 had therefore come prepared to hear all the arguments employed by the gradualists1 urged in the ablest manner1 but he had not been prepared to hear from that gentleman's lips the things he had heard--he did not expect that the foul charge of stirring up a mob against ,mr4 ,breckinridge for advocating the principles of colonization1 would be brought against ,william ,lloyd ,garrison4 ,but they would here see the propriety and utility of his calling upon his opponent to leave generalities and come to something specific--to lay his finger on a fact which could be examined and tested circumstantially4 ,and what did they suppose was the truth in the present case8 ,simply this1 that when ,mr4 ,breckinridge came forward to explain the principles of the ,maryland colonization scheme1 the noisy rabble who sought to mob1 did so only so long as they were under the impression that he was an abolitionist4 ,mr4 ,b4 and his brother1 who was along with him on that occasion1 did their best to let the meeting know that they were not abolitionists but colonizationists1 and whenever the mob learned that1 they became quiet4 ,this was the fact in regard to that case--he would willingly stake the merits of the whole question on the truth of what he had just stated1 and he would call on ,mr4 ,b4 to say whether it was not true2 he would call on him to exhibit the placard which had been written by ,mr4 ,garrison1 or tell what it contained4 ,he had a copy of the ,liberator of the day referred to1 and he would ask him to point out a single word in it which could be found fault with4 ,he would dare ,mr4 ,b4 to find a single sentence in that paper calculated to stir up a mob1 or to induce any one to hurt a single hair of his head4 ,with regard to the ,maryland colonization scheme1 he was not going to enter upon its discussion at that hour of the evening1 but the next evening1 if they were spared1 he would endeavor to show the gross iniquity of that scheme1 recommended as it was by ,mr4 ,breckinridge4 ,in the mean time1 to return to the next charge1 they were told of an active abolitionist--,elizur ,wright4 ,and here he would at once say1 that it was too bad to bring such a charge against an individual like ,elizur ,wright1 than whom he knew no man1 either on this or the the other side of the ,atlantic1 whose nature was more imbued with the milk of human kindness1 or whose heart was more alive to the dictates of ,christian charity--it was too bad1 he repeated1 to bring such a charge against that man1 unless it could be substantiated beyond the possibility of doubt4 ,they were told that ,elizur ,wright had stirred up the people of ,new ,york to insurrection1 by inflammatory placards4 ,here indeed was a serious charge1 but they ought to know what these placards were4 ,again1 he would call upon ,mr4 ,b4 to show a copy of the placard1 or to say what were its contents4 ,in explanation of the matter he might state to the meeting that there was a little truth in what had been said about this matter2 and in order to make them understand the case properly1 they must first know1 that in ,new ,york there were at all times a number of runaway slaves1 and also1 that there was in the same city a class of men1 who1 at least wore the human form1 and who were even allowed to appear as gentlemen1 whose sole profession was that of kidnappers2 their only means of subsistence was derived from laying hold of these unfortunates1 and returning them to their masters in the ,south4 ,nothing was more common than advertisements from these gentlemen kidnappers in the newspapers1 in which they offered their services to any slave master whose slaves had run off4 ,all that was necessary was merely that twenty dollars should be transmitted to them under cover1 with the marks of the runaway who was soon found out if in the city1 and with the clutch of a demon1 seized and dragged to prison4 ,these were the kidnappers4 ,and who was ,elizur ,wright8 ,he was the man who at all times was found ready to sympathise with those poor unfortunate outcasts1 to pour the balm of consolation into their wounds--to come into the ,recorder's ,court1 and stand there to plead the cause of the injured ,african at the risk of his life--undeterred by the execrations of the slave-masters1 or the knife of his myrmidons4 ,and was it a high crime that on some occasions he had been mistaken4 ,but ,elizur ,wright would be able to reply to the charge himself4 ,the account of this meeting would soon find its way to ,america1 and he would then have an opportunity of justifying himself4 ,as to the charge of error in his statistics1 on the subject of ,american ,slavery1 it was very easily set at rest4 ,he had said that the slave population amounted to but three hundred thousand1 at the date of the ,union1 and that it was now two millions4 ,the latter statement was not questioned1 but it was said that there were no authentic returns at the date of the ,union1 and consequently1 that it was impossible to say precisely4 ,but although they could not say exactly1 they could come pretty near the truth1 even from the statement of ,mr4 ,breckinridge4 ,that gentleman admitted1 that in #agij1 there were only six hundred and sixty-five thousand slaves in the states4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 had said1 that in #aggf1 there were only three hundred thousand2 but as the population in ,america doubled itself in twenty-four years1 he was warranted in saying that there was no great discrepancy4 ,but the question with him did not depend upon any particular number or any particular date4 ,it would have been quite the same for his argument1 he contended1 whether he had taken six hundred and sixty-five thousand in #agij1 or three hundred thousand in #aggf4 ,all that he had wished to show1 was the rapid increase of the slave population1 and consequently1 of the vice and misery inherent in that system1 even while the ,american people professed themselves to be so anxious to put an end to it altogether4 ,had he wished to dwell on this part of the argument1 he could also have shown1 that the increase of the slave population during the first twenty years of the ,union1 had gone on more rapidly even during that time1 the trade in slaves having been formally recognised by the ,constitution during that period1 and a duty of #aj imposed on every slave imported into the ,united ,states4 ,the following was the clause from the ,constitution3 ,sec4 ,,ix4 ,the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit1 shall not be prohibited prior to the year #ahjh1 but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation1 not exceeding #aj for each person4 ,to sum up ,mr4 ,breckinridge's last address1 what1 he would ask1 had been its whole aim8 ,clearly1 that they should consider the abolitionists as the chief promoters of all the riots that had taken place in ,america on this question1 by making inflammatory appeals to the passions of the people4 ,he would call upon ,mr4 ,breckinridge again1 to lay his hand on a single proof of this4 ,he would call upon him to point out a single instance where language had been used which was in any degree calculated to call up the blood-thirsty passions of the mob as had been represented4 ,if the planters of the ,south were roused into fury by the declaration of anti-slavery sentiments--if they were unable to hear the everlasting truths which it promulgated1 was that a sufficient reason for those to keep silent who felt it to be their duty1 at all hazards1 to make known these truths4 ,or were they to be charged with raising mobs1 because the people were enraged to hear these truths4 ,as well might ,paul of ,tarsus have been charged with the mobs which rose against his life1 and that of his fellow-apostles4 ,as well might ,galileo be charged with those persecutions which immured him in a dungeon4 ,as well might the apostles of truth in every age be charged with the terrible results which ensued from the struggle of light and darkness4 ,in conclusion1 ,mr4 ,thompson said1 that on the following evening1 he would take up the question of the ,maryland colonization scheme4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,dr4 ,,wardlaw announced to the meeting that the discussion closed for the evening4 ,in doing so he complimented the audience on the very correct manner in which they had observed the rule regarding all manifestation of applause4 ,the attention and interest of the audience were much excited throughout the whole proceedings1 indeed1 at few meetings have we observed so lively an interest taken in the entire business of an evening1 and yet there was not a single instance in which the interference of the chairman was required4 ,on several occasions the rising expression of applause was at once checked by the general good sense of the meeting4 ,,second ,,night--,,tuesday1 ,,june #ad4 ,,mr4 ,,thompson1 before proceeding with the discusssion1 would make one or two preliminary observations4 ,last evening he had been led into an error1 as regarded both number and time1 in speaking of the amount of slaves in ,america at the adoption of the ,constitution2 and he was anxious that every statement made by him should be without a flaw2 and if there should be an error committed he would be the first person to admit and correct it when discovered4 ,he stated that at the adoption of the ,american ,constitution1 there were only about three hundred thousand slaves in the ,united ,states4 ,there were not many more in #aggf1 when the states declared themselves independent3 in #aghh when the ,constitution was settled there were more2 and in #agij1 there were between six and seven hundred thousand slaves in the ,united ,states of ,america4 ,his error consisted in his subtracting #aggf from #agij1 and saying twenty-four years instead of fourteen4 ,he mentioned this error to show that he held a regard to truth to be the ultimate end of their discussion4 ,there was one other preliminary remark4 ,his antagonist had repeatedly said that ,george ,thompson had published himself a martyr4 ,george ,thompson never did publish himself a martyr4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge1 in the course of his speeches last night1 had said more of himself than he 7,mr4 ,t47 had ever done during all the speeches he had ever made on the question4 ,he had only referred to himself when urgently requested to give an account of his personal experience4 ,he never had a wish to be considered a martyr4 ,if1 when he had finished his course here2 if1 when this probationary scene was over1 he was found to have done his duty1 he would be fully satisfied4 ,he was not pharasaical enough to imagine that he had performed any works of supererogation4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge had said this was not a national question2 that slavery in ,america was not ,american ,slavery2 that it was not a national evil2 that it was not a national sin2 that is was merely a question between the ,state ,legislatures and the slave owners4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 had said last night1 that slavery in ,america was a national sin1 and he would now adduce the reasons for his statement3--,first--,the ,american people had admitted the slave states into the ,union2 and by consenting to admit these states into the confederacy1 although there were in them hundreds of thousands in a state of slavery1 they took the slaves under the government of the ,united ,states1 and made the sin national4 ,second--,for twenty years after the adoption of their ,constitution1 and by virtue of that very instrument1 the ,united ,states permitted the horrid1 unchristian1 diabolical ,african slave-trade4 ,third--,than the ,capital of the ,united ,states of ,america there was not one spot in the whole world which was more defiled by slavery2 and considering the professions and privileges of the people1 there was not a more anti-christian traffic on the face of the earth4 ,fourth--each of the states is bound by the ,constitution to give up all run-away slaves2 so that the poor1 wretched1 tortured slave might be pursued from ,baltimore to ,pennsylvania1 from thence to ,new ,jersey and ,new ,york1 and dragged even from the confines of ,canada1 a fugitive and a felon1 back into the slavery from which he had fled4 ,he might be taken from the ,capitol3 from the very horns of the altar1 to be subjected by a cruel kidnapper to the most horrid of human sufferings4 ,it is not a national question6 ,when the ,north violates the law of ,god--when it tramples on the ,decalogue--when it defies ,jehovah6 what was a stronger injunction in the law of ,moses than that the ,israelites should protect the run-away slave8 ,but in ,america every state was bound by law to give up the slave to his slave-master1 to his ruthless pursuer2 and yet it must not be called a national question6 ,fifth--,the citizens of the free states were bound to go ,south to put down any insurrection among the slaves4 ,they were bound and pledged to do this when required4 ,the youth of ,pennsylvania had pledged themselves to go to the ,southern states to annihilate the blacks in case they asserted their rights--the rights of every human being--to be free4 ,so also was it in ,new ,york1 and in the other free states1 and yet we are to be told that slavery is not a national question4 ,the whole ,union was bound to crush the slave1 who1 standing on the ashes of ,washington said1 he ought to be1 and would be free4 ,yes1 ,northern bayonets would give that slave a speedy manumission from his galling yoke1 by sending him in his gore1 where the wicked cease from troubling and the weary are at rest4 ,yet it is not a national question6 ,sixth--,the ,north is taxed to keep up troops in the ,south to overawe and terrify the slave2 and yet it is not a national question6 ,seventh--,mr4 ,breckinridge has shown in a letter published by him1 that the ,congress has the power to put an end to the international slave trade1 and yet this trade goes on in ,america4 ,mr4 ,b4 well knows that at least one hundred thousand human beings--slaves--change hands annually2 he must have seen the slaves driven in coffles through his own beloved state1 to be sold like cattle at ,washington and ,alexandria2 he knows that thousands of ,virginia and ,maryland slaves are sold at ,new ,orleans yearly1 and yet he tells us that slavery is not a national question6 ,eighth--,how did they admit ,missouri into the ,union with slaves8 ,were they ,southern votes which admitted it8 ,no6 ,but they were the votes of recreant ,new ,englanders--false to the principles of freedom1 who sold the honor of their country1 and with it the liberty of thousands of human beings in ,missouri--or at least consented to their bondage4 ,and yet it is not a national question6 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 would last refer to the remarks of a constitutional lawyer1 who was able1 eloquent1 sincere1 and high minded4 ,mr4 ,t4 then read the following extract3-- ,such thoughts 7referring to the judgments to be expected7 habitually crowd upon me when ,i contemplate those great personal and ,,national evils1 from which the system of operations 7vis41 the movements of the ,colonization ,society7 which ,i stand here to advocate1 seems to offer us some prospect of deliverance4 ,from that day 7#afih7 till the present1 there have flourished in our country1 men of large and just views1 who have not ceased to pour over this subject a stream of clear and noble truth1 and to importune their country1 by every motive of duty and advantage1 to wipe from her escutcheon1 the stain of human tears4 ,it is generally known1 that the original members of the ,american ,colonization ,society anticipated1 that1 at some future period1 the ,general ,government1 and some1 if not all the ,state ,governments1 would co-operate in their exertions for the removal of an evil which was obviously ,,national in all its aspects4 ,now who was the writer from whom he had quoted8--,his friend ,mr4 ,breckinridge4 ,this was his final reason4 ,if ,mr4 ,breckinridge's argument survived these reasons1 it would have a life like that of a cat1 which is said to have nine lives2 for they were nine fatal thrusts at his position1 that slavery in ,america was not ,american slavery4 ,mr4 ,b4 admits the existence of slavery1 but lays no blame either in this quarter or in that2 he does not lay it on the states1 nor on the ,general ,government4 ,slavery does exist in ,america1 but--interminably2 but1 but--coming as these buts did from a temperance country1 he wondered much that they had escaped being staved4 ,slavery exists in ,america1 but it is not a national question6 ,there are upwards of two millions and a half of slaves in the ,united ,states of ,america1 and of these1 at least one hundred thousand changed hands annually1 thus sundering1 without remorse1 the tenderest ties of human nature2 at whose door1 then1 lay the guilt of this sin8 ,to whom were the people of this country to address their warnings--over whose transgressions were they to mourn--whose hearts were they to endeavor to humanize and mollify--where were the responsible and guilty parties to be found--how are we to get access to their consciences on behalf of the slave8 ,mr4 ,breckinridge says the system is one of 'clear robbery1' 'universal concubinage1'--'unmitigated wickedness'--and yet it is not to be immediately abolished6 ,if it be clear robbery--if it be universal concubinage--if it be unmitigated wickedness--let the horrid system immediately1 and totally1 and eternally cease--a worse system it was impossible to have if these were the evils it entailed4 ,mr4 ,b4 triumphantly makes out my case for immediate and complete emancipation4 ,the duty is plain and indispensable4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge says the abolitionists are the most despicable and odious men on the face of the earth4 ,those who love liberty are always odious in the eyes of tyrants4 ,the lovers of things as they are1 of corruption of despotism--men who look at every thing from beneath the aprons of their grandmothers1 invariably regard as insufferably odious all who are lovers of reformation and liberty4 ,this always has been1 and always will be the case4 ,as it was said in the service of the church of ,england1 it might be said on this subject1 ',as it was in the beginning1 is now1 and ever shall be' if not 'world without end1' at least to the end of this world4 ,on the #fth day of ,january1 #ahca1 ,mr4 ,breckinridge delivered in ,frankfort1 ,kentucky1 an able address in favor of the ,colonization ,society4 ,in that address1 ,mr4 ,b4 stated that the ,society was established on the #bast day of ,dec4 #ahaf1 and was of course1 at the time of his speech1 fourteen years and sixteen days old4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge said the legislatures of eleven states of the ,union had recommended this ,society to ,congress2 that the ecclesiastical tribunals of all the leading sects of ,christians in ,america had testified their approbation of its principles2 and yet there were1 after fourteen years and sixteen days1 with all this support and high patronage in church and state only one hundred and sixty auxiliary societies existing throughout the ,union4 ,now1 as to the contemptible and odious abolitionists6 as they were called by the gentleman who differed from him4 ,the ,national ,society for the immediate abolition of ,american slavery1 was formed on the #fth of ,dec4 #ahcc2 and on the #abth of ,may1 #ahce1 when the anniversary was held--without being recommended to ,congress by any of the state legislatures--without a testimony of approbation from any of the ecclesiastical tribunals--being only one year and six months old--how many auxiliary societies were connected with this abolition organization8 ,two hundred and twenty-four4 ,that was the number then on the books of the ,society2 and the ,secretary said the whole of them were not inserted from the want of proper returns4 ,in a letter addressed to him 7,mr4 ,t47 by the ,secretary of the ,american ,anti-,slavery ,society1 dated ,new ,york1 #cast ,march1 #ahcf1 were the following words3-- ,never were societies forming in all parts of our country with greater rapidity4 ,at this moment we have four hundred and fifty on our list1 and doubtless1 there are five hundred in existence4 ,we have at this time eleven agents in the field1 all good men and true1 and all fast gaining converts4 ,and yet the abolitionists are a handful6 ,the one society in fourteen years and sixteen days1 having one hundred and sixty auxiliaries2 the other in two years and three months1 having1 without the support of state legislatures1 or of ecclesiastical tribunals1 not fewer than five hundred2 and yet the abolitionists are a handful4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 held in his hand a list of delegates to the ,new ,england ,convention which was held in the city of ,boston1 on the #beth of ,may1 #ahce4 ,in that list he found two hundred and eighty-one gentlemen1 who1 at their own expense1 had come from all parts of ,new ,england1 to attend that ,convention4 ,on the #bgth ,may1 it was stated that the ,massachusetts ,society were in want of funds1 and a committee was appointed to collect subscriptions4 ,that committee in less than an hour obtained #a1hjj1 and on the following day1 #d1jjj1 for the ,american ,society4 ,in ,new ,york1 at the anniversary1 there had been collected #ad1ejj--;and yet the abolitionists were a handful4 ,the ,american ,society at its anniversary1 had collected a larger sum than was collected by all the other societies together1 during the week set apart for the purpose2 and in ,boston1 #f1jjj had been collected in two days2 whilst in two months1 a friend of ,mr4 ,b's1 viz4 ,mr4 ,gurley1 had only been able to collect1 in the same city1 about #fjj for the ,colonization ,society4 ,by their fruits shall ye know them2 do men gather grapes of thorns1 or figs of thistles8 ,you may send to ,new ,england any foreigner you please--but he must show his cause to be sound and practicable before he can draw a dollar or a cent from a ,new ,englander1 who gets his bread by early rising1 and laborious attention to business--yet #f1jjj were collected in two days4 ,but the abolitionists are a mere handful6 ,yes--they may be a handful1 but they are most precious and multyplying seed4 ,mr4 ,b4 said that many of the slave-owners were doing all they could for the emancipation of the slaves2 whether they were doing any thing or nothing1 we find ,new ,englanders had endeavored to retrieve the honor of their country1 by a subscription for emancipation of #f1jjj in two days--and yet it was said1 they were an odious handful6 ,when he saw the ,colonization ,society like a ,juggernaut1 endeavoring to crush the bodies and spirits of colored men and colored women1 he would league himself with the despised and 'odious handful1' and labor with them1 and for them1 till1 by the blessing of ,god1 on their exertions1 the slaves were elevated to the condition and dignity of intelligent and intellectual beings4 ,mr4 ,t4 would give another proof that the abolitionists were a handful of most odious creatures4 ,he would refer to the ,new ,york ,convention4 ,mr4 ,b4 knows well that the pro-slavery prints pointed forward to the ,new ,york ,convention in ,october last1 as likely to be a scene of blood4 ,not rendered so by the abolitionists1 for they were men of peace1 but by the fury of their opponents4 ,notwithstanding1 there were six hundred delegates assembled in ,utica1 at #i o'clock1 on the first day2 and when they were driven from that city by a mob1 headed by the ,hon4 ,mr4 ,beardsley1 member of ,congress1 and by the ,hon4 ,mr4 ,hayden1 ,judge of the county--and the greater part of them went to ,peterborough1 these six hundred were joined by other four hundred1 making one thousand delegates1 for one state--and yet they were a mere handful4 ,he would next refer to the ,rhode ,island ,convention1 at which1 though held in the smallest ,state in the ,union--in the depth of winter--and at a time when many of the roads were impassible through a heavy fall of snow1 four hundred delegates attended1 and #b1jjj were collected--but yet the abolitionists were a mere handful6 ,gerrit ,smith had said that there was an accession to the anti-slavery societies1 in the ,state of ,new ,york alone1 of five hundred weekly1 among whom he says1 there is not known one intemperate or profane person2--five hundred weekly added to one state society--yet they are a mere handful6 ,if they go on increasing at this rate in ,new ,york1 ,ohio1 ,pennsylvania1 and throughout ,new ,england1 they will not long be a small handful6 ,besides1 many of those who were formerly on the side of colonization1 have now come over to the ranks of the abolitionists4 ,where are now the ,smiths1 and ,birneys1 and ,jays1 and ,coxs1 that once were the eloquent and munificent advocates and patrons of the ,colonization ,society8 ,they are now1 with all their souls and energies1 on the side of immediate abolition4 ,nor these alone4 ,he might--he ought to name such men as ,president ,green1 and ,professors ,wright1 ,bush1 ,follen1 ,smyth1 and ,gregg4 ,he ought to speak of a ,leavitt in ,new ,york1 a ,kirk in ,albany1 a ,beman in ,troy1 a ,weld in ,ohio1 a ,garrison in ,new ,england2 and of a ,mrs4 ,child1 a ,mrs4 ,chapman1 a ,john ,g4 ,whittier1 a ,may1 a ,dickinson1 a ,phelps1 a ,goodell1 a ,bourne1 a ,lundy1 a ,loring1 a ,sewall1 and a host of others4 ,all these men esteemed it their joy and honor to be amongst the most odious of the contemptible handful referred to4 ,these were men of mind1 of piety1 of influence1 of energy2 men not to be deterred from doing their duty by the harsh music of the birds of ill omen1 from the ,upas ,tree of ,slavery1 who sent forth their croakings1 by night and by day1 to scare the nation from its indispensable work of ,justice and ,truth--and yet these men are odious and contemptible6 ,your agent1 too1 is contemptible--he was the agent of the 'goodies' of ,glasgow--and--his fair auditors could scarcely believe what epithets were lavishly bestowed on him and them--yet their agent1 as contemptible as he was1 was1 perhaps1 the only ,englishman1 who had ever been honored as he had been by the ,president of the ,united ,states of ,america4 ,he who was so contemptible in the eyes of the ,americans--who was a most impetuous1 and untameable1 and worthless animal--who was the representative of the 'goodies' and superannuated maids and matrons of ,glasgow--was honored by a notice and a rebuke in the message to ,congress of the ,president of the ,united ,states6 ,this looked much like being insignificant and contemptible6 ,he did not seek the honor which had been thus conferred upon him--it came upon him unaware--but he had not therefore refused it4 ,it was an honor to be persecuted in the ,united ,states with the abolitionists of #ahcj4 ,and when their children1 and their children's children looked back upon these persecutions1 they would exult and be proud to say they were the sons1 the grandsons1 or the great grandsons of the ,coxs1 the ,jays1 the ,garrisons1 the ,tappans1 and the ,thompsons of ,england and ,america4 ,after alluding to the treatment he had experienced from the ,new ,york ,courier and ,enquirer1 ,mr4 ,t4 said--let us bear these honors meekly--when calumniated for truth's sake1 let us be humble1 while we are joyful4 ,one word more as to the odious handful4 ,seven-eights of the ,methodist ,episcopal ministers in the ,new ,hampshire ,conference1 and seven-eights of the ,new ,england ,conference were abolitionists4 ,the students of the colleges and institutions1 academical and theological of the country1 known by the names of ,lane ,seminary1 ,oberlin ,institute1 ,western ,reserve ,college1 ,oneida ,institute1 ,waterville ,college1 ,brunswick ,college1 ,amherst ,college1 and the ,seminaries of ,andover1 were many of them in some1 and all of them in others1 abolitionists2 and yet1 when all these societies1 and ministers1 and men of learning1 and students were put together1 they were1 in their aggregate capacity1 but an odious and most contemptible handful6 ,he would now proceed to speak of the ,maryland scheme--a scheme of obvious wickedness4 ,when ,mr4 ,b4 came to ,boston to advocate that scheme1 he says a placard was published1 calling on the rabble to mob him4 ,this placard he attributes to ,mr4 ,garrison and the abolitionists1 as he says it was of the same size and appearance as the type and columns of the ,liberator newspaper1 and that therefore ,mr4 ,garrison was the publisher4 ,this he 7,mr4 ,t47 most pointedly1 and distinctly1 and solemnly denied1 and challenged ,mr4 ,b4 to the proof4 ,did ,mr4 ,b4 show the placard8 ,no4 ,did he demonstrate its identity with ,mr4 ,garrison's paper8 ,no4 ,he had not done so4 ,to make ,mr4 ,garrison the author or publisher of such a placard1 was to publish him a coward and a villain2 for he who could point out any man1 still more a ,christian minister1 to the fury of a mob1 was a moral monster1 a coward1 and a villain4 ,he called on ,mr4 ,b4 by his regard for truth and justice1 and his reputation as a minister of ,christ1 to adduce the proofs necessary to sustain so grave an accusation1 and he 7,mr4 ,t47 pledged himself to cast off the dearest friend he had1 if a crime so base could be fixed on him4 ,to return to the ,maryland scheme4 ,in the month of ,july or ,august1 #ahcd1 ,boston was visited by his respected opponent1 his brother1 ,dr4 ,j4 ,breckinridge1 and an agent of the ,maryland ,colonization ,society1 and a meeting was convened to enable those gentlemen to set forth and recommend the scheme of that ,society1 in aid of which the legislature of ,maryland had made an appropriation of #bjj1jjj4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 was fully prepared to show1 that the object of the ,society was to get rid of the free colored population1 and that according to their design the state legislature had1 in immediate connection with the grant of money1 passed most rigorous and cruel laws4 ,the ,colonization ,society was the net cast for the colored people--the laws of the state were the means devised to drive the devoted victims into its meshes4 ,this was called helping them out of the country with their free consent4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 would bring forward abundant proofs when he next addressed them--he would then read the laws which he could not now produce for want of time4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge might or might not notice these general charges against the ,maryland scheme2 but he 7,mr4 ,t47 would hereafter fully support them1 and show1 too1 that the ,national ,colonization ,society was equally culpable1 having at its ensuing annual meeting fully approved of the plan1 and recommended it as a bright example for the imitation of other states4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,mr4 ,,breckinridge then rose4 ,he had last night understood ,mr4 ,thompson to say1 that this evening he would take up and expose the colonization scheme4 ,it was possible that he had been wrong in this2 but such was certainly the impression made upon his mind4 ,instead of adopting such a course1 however1 ,mr4 ,thompson had treated them to a second edition of his last night's speech the only difference being that the one they had just heard was more elaborate4 ,if they were to be called on to hear all ,mr4 ,thompson's speeches twice1 it would be a considerable time before they finished the discussion4 ,he congratulated ,mr4 ,thompson on his second edition1 being in some respects an improvement1 on his first4 ,it was certainly better arranged4 ,in the observations he was about to make1 he would follow the course of the argument exhibited in ,mr4 ,thompson's two speeches2 but he1 at the same time1 wished it to be understood that he would not be cast out of the line of discussion every night in the same manner4 ,as to what had been said about the 'handful1' he did not think it necessary to say much4 ,he would simply remind ,mr4 ,t41 that however great or however small the 'handful' might be1 one pervading evil might pollute it all4 ,a dead fly could cause the ointment of the apothecary to stink4 ,but to come to the point4 ,mr4 ,thompson had said that the question was national as it respected ,america1 because slaveholding states had been admitted into the confederacy4 ,the simple fact of these states having been admitted members of the ,union1 was1 in ,mr4 ,thompson's estimation1 proof sufficient1 not only that slavery was chargeable on the whole nation1 but that there had been a positive predilection among the ,american people in favor of slavery4 ,in clearing up this point1 a little chronological knowledge would help us4 ,he would therefore call the attention of the audience to the real state of matters when the confederacy was established4 ,at that period1 ,massachusetts was the only ,state in which slavery had been abolished2 and even in ,massachusetts its formal abolition was not effected till some time after4 ,for in that ,state it came to an end in consequence of a clause inserted in the ,constitution itself--tantamount to the one in our ,declaration of ,independence1 that freedom is a natural and inalienable right4 ,successive judicial decisions1 upon this clause1 without any special legislation1 had abolished slavery there2 so that the exact period of its actual termination is not easily definable4 ,this recalls another point on which ,mr4 ,thompson would have been the better of possessing a little chronological information4 ,he had repeatedly stated that the ,american ,constitution was founded on the principle1 that all men are created free and equal4 ,now1 this was not so4 ,the principle was no doubt1 a just one2 it was asserted most fully by the ,continental ,congress of #aggf1 and might be said to form the basis of our ,declaration of ,independence4 ,but it was not contained in the ,american ,constitution1 which was formed twelve years afterwards4 ,that ,constitution was formed in accordance with the circumstances in which the different states were placed4 ,its chief object was to guard against external injury1 and regulate external affairs2 it interfered as little as possible with the internal regulations of each state4 ,the ,american was a federative system of government2 twenty-four distinct republics were united for certain purposes1 and for these alone4 ,so far was the national government from possessing unlimited powers1 that the ,constitution itself was but a very partial grant of those1 which1 in their omnipotence1 resided1 according to our theory1 only in the people themselves in their primary assemblies4 ,it had been specially agreed in the ,constitution itself1 that the powers not delegated should be as expressly reserved1 as if excepted by name2 and1 amongst the chief subjects1 exclusively interior1 and not delegated1 and so reserved1 is slavery4 ,had this not been the case1 the confederacy could not have been formed4 ,it had been said that the ,american ,constitution had not only tolerated slavery1 but that it had actually guaranteed the slave-trade for twenty years4 ,nothing could be more uncandid than this statement4 ,never had facts been more perverted4 ,one of the causes of the ,american ,revolution had been the refusal of the ,british ,king to sanction certain arrangements on which some of the states wished to enter1 for the abolition of the slave-trade4 ,at the formation of the ,federal ,constitution1 while slavery was excluded from the control of ,congress1 as a purely state affair1 the slave trade was deemed a fit subject1 by the majority1 for the executors of national power1 as being an exterior affair4 ,and at a period prior to the very commencement of that great plan of individual effort1 guided by ,wilberforce and ,clarkson1 in ,britain2 and which required twenty years to rouse the conscience of this nation--our distant1 and now traduced fathers1 had already made up their minds1 that this horrid traffic1 which they found not only existing1 but encouraged by the whole power of the ,king1 should be abolished4 ,it was granted1 perhaps too readily to the claims of those who thought1 7as nearly the whole world thought7 that twenty years should be the limit of the trade2 and at the end of that period it was instantly prohibited1 as a matter course1 and by unanimous consent4 ,how unjust then was it to charge on ,america1 as a crime1 what was one of the brightest virtues in her escutcheon4 ,mr4 ,thompson had next asserted1 that slavery of the most horrid description existed in the ,capital of ,america1 and in the surrounding ,district1 subject to the exclusive jurisdiction of ,congress4 ,he 7,mr4 ,breckinridge7 did not hesitate to deny this4 ,it was not true4 ,slavery did exist there2 but it was not of the horrible character which had been represented4 ,it was well known that the slavery existing in the ,united ,states was the mildest to be seen in any country under ,heaven4 ,nothing but the most profound ignorance could lead any one to assert the contrary4 ,mr4 ,thompson had a colleague in his recent exhibitions in ,london1 who seemed to have taken interludes in all ,mr4 ,t's speeches4 ,in one of these1 that colleague had said1 he knew of his own knowledge a case1 in which a man had given #ejj for a slave1 in order to burn him alive6 ,mr4 ,thompson1 no doubt knew1 that even on the supposition that such a monster was to be found1 he was liable in every part of the ,united ,states1 to be hanged as any other murderer4 ,slavery was bad enough anywhere2 but to say that it was more unmitigated in ,america than in the ,west ,indies1 where emigration had always been necessary to keep up the numbers1 while in ,america1 the slave population increased faster than any part of the human race1 was a gross exaggeration1 or a proof of the profoundest ignorance4 ,to say that the slavery of the ,district of ,columbia was the most horrid that ever existed1 when it1 along with the whole of the slavery on that continent1 was so hedged about by human laws1 that in every one of the states cruelty to the slave was punished as an offence against the state2 the killing of a slave was punished every where with death2 while in all ages1 and nearly in all countries where slavery has existed besides1 the master was not only the exclusive judge of the treatment of his slave1 but the absolute disposer of his life1 which he could take away at will2 these statements can proceed only from unpardonable ignorance1 or a purpose to mislead4 ,as to the abolition of slavery in the ,district of ,columbia1 there might1 at first sight1 appear to be some grounds of accusation2 but yet1 when the subject was considered in all its bearings1 so many pregnant1 if not conclusive1 reasons presented themselves against interference1 that though much attention had been bestowed upon it for many years1 the result had been that nothing was done4 ,it was to be recollected that the whole ,district of ,columbia was only ten miles square2 and that it was surrounded by states in which slavery was still legalized4 ,it was thus clear1 that though slavery were abolished in ,columbia1 not an individual of the six thousand slaves now within its bounds1 would necessarily be relieved of his fetters4 ,were an abolition bill to pass the ,house of ,representatives to-day1 the whole six thousand could be removed to a neighboring slave state before it could be taken up in the ,senate to-morrow4 ,it was1 therefore1 worse than idle to say so much on what could never be a practical question4 ,again2 the ,district of ,columbia had been ceded to the ,general ,government by ,maryland and ,virginia1 both slaveholding states1 for national purposes2 but this would never have been done had it been contemplated that ,congress would abolish slavery within its bounds1 and thus establish a nucleus of anti-slavery agitation in the heart of their territory4 ,the exercise of such a power1 therefore1 on the part of ,congress1 could be viewed in no other light than as a gross fraud on those two states4 ,it should never be forgotten that slavery can be abolished in any part of ,america only by the persuasive power of truth voluntarily submitted to the slaveholders themselves4 ,and though much is said in that country1 and still more here1 about the criminality of the ,northern ,states in not declaring that they would not aid in the suppression of a servile war--such declamation is worse than idle4 ,but there is a frightful meaning in this unmeasured abuse heaped by ,mr4 ,thompson on the people of the free states1 for their expressions of devotion to the ,union and the ,constitution1 and their determination to aid1 if necessary1 in suppressing by force--all force used by1 or on behalf of the slaves4 ,is it then true1 that ,mr4 ,thompson and his ,american friends1 did contemplate a servile war8 ,if not1 why denounce the ,north for saying it should be suppressed8 ,were the people of ,america right when they charged him and his co-workers with stirring up insurrection8 ,if not1 why lavish every epithet of contempt and abhorrence upon those who have declared their readiness to put a stop to the indiscriminate slaughter and pillage of a region as large as ,western ,europe8 ,such speeches as that ,i have this night heard go far to warrant all that has ever been said against this individual in ,america1 and to excuse those who considered him a general disturber of their peace1 and were disposed to proceed against him accordingly4 ,it was1 however1 the opinion of many that ,congress had no power to abolish slavery in the ,district of ,columbia4 ,mr4 ,b4 said his opinion was different2 yet it must be admitted that the obstacles to the exercise of this power were of the most serious kind1 and such as1 to a candid mind1 would free those who hesitated1 from the charge of being pro-slavery men4 ,perhaps the great reason against the exercise of that power1 even if its existence in ,congress were clear1 was1 that it would inevitably produce a dissolution of the ,union4 ,when he spoke of the free states bringing about the abolition of slavery in the ,south1 he was to be understood as meaning that these states1 in accordance with what had been so often hinted at1 should march to the ,south with arms in their hands1 and declare the slaves free4 ,now1 even supposing that the people of the ,north had no regard for the peace of their country--that they were perfectly indifferent to the glory1 the power1 and the happiness resulting from the ,federal ,union--was it certain1 that by adopting such a course1 they would really advance the welfare of the slave8 ,every candid man would at once see that the condition of the slave population would be made more hopeless than ever by it4 ,the fourth proof brought forward by ,mr4 ,thompson1 in support of his proposition that ,america was chargeable1 in a national point of view1 with the guilt of slavery1 was the fact that the different states were bound to restore all run-away slaves4 ,but this was a regulation which applied to the case of all servants who leave their masters in an improper manner4 ,apprentices1 children1 even wives1 if it might be supposed that a wife would ever leave her husband1 were to be restored as well as the slaves4 ,were this not provided1 the different states would form to each other the most horrible neighborhood that could be imagined4 ,no state is expected to say1 that any man is of right or should be 'held to service' of any kind1 in another state2 for such are the words of the ,constitution4 ,but the purely internal arrangements of each state1 must necessarily be respected by all the others2 or eternal border wars must be the result4 ,in the re-delivery of a run-away slave1 or apprentice1 therefore1 the court of the one state is only required to say what are the law1 and the fact of the other state from which the claimant comes1 and to decide accordingly4 ,and when ,mr4 ,t4 says that this proceeding is not only contrary to the spirit of the gospel1 but to the express command of ,god under the ,jewish dispensation1 ,i need only to defend the practice1 by questioning his biblical capacities1 and referring for explanation to his second printed speech before the ,glasgow ,emancipation ,society4 ,in that1 he states a fictitious case as regards ,ireland--resembling remarkably the case recorded in holy writ1 of ,egypt under the government of ,joseph2 and while all men have thought that ,joseph came from ,god1 and was peculiarly approved of him--,mr4 ,t4 has represented1 that he who should do in ,ireland1 very much what ,joseph did in ,egypt1 could be considered as coming only 'from ,america1 or from the bottomless pit666' ,as long as the ,holy ,ghost gives men reason to consider certain principles right1 they may be well content to abide under the wrath of ,mr4 ,thompson4 ,mr4 ,thompson said1 in the fifth place1 that slavery was a national crime1 because the states were all bound to assist each other1 in suppressing internal insurrection4 ,to this he would answer1 that as it regarded the duty of the nation to the several states1 there were two1 and but two great guarantees--namely1 the preservation of internal peace1 and the upholding of republican institutions1 tranquillity1 and republicanism4 ,carolina was as much bound to assist ,rhode ,island as ,rhode ,island was to assist ,carolina4 ,all were mutually bound to each2 and if things went on as of late1 the ,south were as likely to be called on to suppress mobs at the ,north1 as the ,north to suppress insurrection at the ,south4 ,it was next advanced by ,mr4 ,t4 that the people of the ,north were taxed for the support of slavery4 ,now1 the fact was1 that ,america presented the extraordinary spectacle of a nation free of taxes altogether2 free of debt1 with an overflowing ,treasury1 with so much money1 indeed1 that they did not well know what to do with it4 ,it was almost needless to explain that the ,american revenue was at present and had been for many years past1 derived solely from the sale of public lands1 and from the customs or duties levied on imported articles of various kinds4 ,the payment of these duties was entirely a voluntary tax1 as in order to avoid it1 it was only necessary to refrain from the use of articles on which they were imposed4 ,as for ,mr4 ,t's argument about the standing army1 employed in keeping down the slaves1 its value might be judged from the fact1 that1 though even according to ,mr4 ,t's own showing1 the slave population amounted to two and a half millions1 the army was composed of only six thousand men1 scattered along three frontiers1 extending two thousand miles each4 ,throughout the whole slaveholding states there were not probably fifteen hundred soldiers4 ,the charge was1 in fact1 complete humbug1 founded upon just nothing at all4 ,mr4 ,thompson's seventh charge was1 that ,congress refused to suppress the internal slave-trade4 ,this was easily answered4 ,there was in ,america not one individual among five hundred who believed that ,congress had the power to do so4 ,and1 although he 7,mr4 ,b47 believed that ,congress had power to prevent the migration of slaves from state to state1 as fully as they had to prevent the importation of them into the states from foreign countries2 and that the exercise of this power1 would prevent1 in a great degree1 the trade in slaves from state to state1 yet very few concurred with him even in this modified view of the case4 ,and it must be admitted that the exercise of such a power1 if it really exists1 would be attended with such results of unmixed evil at this time1 that no one whatever would deem it proper to attempt1 or possible to enforce its exercise4 ,it was next said1 that as ,missouri1 a slaveholding state1 had been admitted into the ,union after the full consideration of the subject by ,congress1 therefore the nation had become identified with slavery1 and responsible for its existence1 at least in ,missouri4 ,but on the supposition that1 before receiving ,missouri as a member of the confederacy1 it had been demanded of her that she should abolish slavery2 and supposing ,missouri had acceded to the terms proposed1 that she had really given her slaves freedom1 and been added to the ,federal ,union in consequence3 suppose ,missouri had done all this2 what was there to prevent her from re-establishing slavery so soon as the end she sought was gained4 ,no power was possessed by the other states in the matter1 and all that could have been said was1 that ,missouri had acted with bad faith--that she had broken a condition precedent--that she had given just cause of war4 ,according to the most latitudinarian notions1 this was the extent of the remedy in the hands of ,congress4 ,but ,mr4 ,thompson1 being a holder of peace principles--if we may judge by his published speeches--must admit it to be as really a sin to kill1 as to enslave men2 so that1 in his own showing1 this argument amounts to nothing4 ,but when it is considered that every state in the ,american ,union has the recognized right to alter its ,constitution1 when1 and how it may think fit1 saving only that it be republican2 it is most manifest that ,congress and the other states have1 and could have in no case1 any more power or right to prevent ,missouri's continuing1 or creating slavery1 than they had to prevent ,massachusetts from abolishing it4 ,but1 if we were to stand upon the mere rights of war1 he 7,mr4 ,b47 did not know but that ,america had just cause of war against ,britain1 according to the received notions on that subject1 in the speeches delivered by ,mr4 ,thompson under the connivance of the authorities here4 ,but the causes of war were very different in the opinions of men1 and in the eye of ,god4 ,if ,mr4 ,thompson was right in condemning ,america for the guilt of ,missouri1 then they should go to war at once and settle the question4 ,but1 if they were not ready for this conclusion1 they could do nothing4 ,in the edition of ,mr4 ,thompson's speech which had been delivered on the preceding evening1 an argument had been adduced which was omitted in the present4 ,the argument to which he referred1 was concerning the right of the slaves to be represented4 ,a slight consideration of the subject might have shown that the whole power over the subject of citizenship in each state1 was exclusive in the state itself1 and was differently regulated in different states4 ,in some1 the elective franchise was given to all who had attained the age of twenty-one4 ,in some1 it was made to depend on the possession of personal property2 and in others1 of real property4 ,that in the ,southern states1 the power of voting should be given to the masters1 and not to the slaves1 was not calculated to excite surprise in ,britain1 where such a large proportion of the population1 and that in a number of instances composed of men of high intelligence1 were not entitled to the elective franchise4 ,the origin of this arrangement1 like many others involved in our social system1 was a compromise of apparently conflicting interests in the states which were engaged in forming the ,federal ,constitution4 ,the identity of taxation and representation1 was the grand idea on which the nation went into the war of independence4 ,when it was agreed that all white citizens1 and three-fifths of all other persons1 as the ,constitution expresses it1 should be represented1 it followed of course1 that they should be subject to taxation4 ,or1 if it were first agreed that they should be taxed1 it followed as certainly they should be represented4 ,who should actually cast the votes1 was1 of necessity1 left to be determined by the states themselves1 and as has been said1 was variously determined2 many permitting free negroes1 ,indians1 and mulattos1 who are all embraced1 as well as slaves1 to vote4 ,that three-fifths1 instead of any other part1 or the whole should be agreed on1 was1 no doubt1 the result of reasons which appeared conclusive to the wise and benevolent men who made the ,constitution2 but ,i am not able to tell what they were4 ,it must1 however1 be very clear1 that to accuse my country1 in one breath1 for treating the negroes1 bond and free1 as if they were not human beings at all--and to accuse her in the next1 of fostering and encouraging slavery1 for allowing so large a proportion of the blacks to be a part of the basis of national representation in all the states1 and then1 in the third1 because the whole are not so treated1 to be more abusive than ever--is merely to show plainly1 how earnestly an occasion is sought to traduce ,america1 and how hard it is to find one4 ,he came now to the last charge4 ,he himself1 it seems1 had admitted1 on former occasions1 that slavery was a national evil4 ,he certainly did believe that the people of ,america1 whether anti-slavery or pro-slavery1 would be happier and better1 in conscience and feelings1 were slavery abolished4 ,he believed that every interest would be benefited by such an event1 whether political1 moral1 or social4 ,the existence of slavery was one of the greatest evils of the world1 but it was not the crime of all the world4 ,though1 therefore1 he considered slavery a national evil1 it was not to be inferred that he viewed it as a national crime4 ,the cogency of such an argument was equal to the candor of the citation on which it was founded4 ,he would now come to matters rather more personal4 ,in enumerating the great numbers of anti-slavery societies in ,america1 ,mr4 ,thompson had paraded one as formed in ,kentucky1 for the whole state4 ,now1 he would venture to say that there were not ten persons in that whole ,state1 holding anti-slavery principles1 in the ,garrison sense of the word4 ,if this was to be judged a fair specimen of the hundreds of societies boasted of by ,mr4 ,thompson1 there would turn out but a beggarly account of them4 ,he found also the name of ,groton1 ,massachusetts1 as the location of one of the societies in the boasted list4 ,he had once preached1 and spoken on the subject of slavery1 in that sweet little village1 and been struck with the scene of peace and happiness which it presented4 ,he afterwards met the clergyman of that village in the city of ,baltimore1 and asked him what had caused him to leave the field of his labors4 ,the clergyman answered1 that the anti-slavery people had invaded his peaceful village1 and transformed it into such a scene of strife that he preferred to leave it4 ,and so it was4 ,the pestilence1 which1 like a storm of fire and brimstone from hell1 always followed the track of abolitionism1 had overtaken many a peaceful village1 and driven its pastor to seek elsewhere a field not yet blasted by it4 ,he would conclude by remarking1 that ,mr4 ,thompson and he 7,mr4 ,b47 were now speaking1 as it were1 in the face of two worlds1 for ,western ,europe was the world to ,america4 ,and it was for ,england to know--that the opinion of ,america--that ,america which already contained a larger reading population than the whole of ,britain--was as important to her1 as hers could be to us4 ,what he had said of ,mr4 ,garrison and of ,mr4 ,wright1 he had said2 and he was ready to answer for it in the face of ,god and man4 ,but he had something else to do1 he thanked ,god1 than to go about the country carrying placards1 ready to be produced on all occasions4 ,nor where he was known1 was such a course needful1 to establish what he said4 ,when those gentlemen should make their appearance1 in defence or explanation of what he had said1 he would be the better able to judge--whether it would be proper for him to take any notice--and if any1 what--of the defence for which ,mr4 ,thompson had so frankly pledged himself4 ,in the mean time1 he would say to that gentleman himself1 that his attempts at brow-beating were lost upon him4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,mr4 ,,thompson said he should commence with the end of his opponent's speech1 and notice what that gentleman had said in regard to the charges brought by him against ,william ,lloyd ,garrison and ,elizur ,wright4 ,it appeared as if ,mr4 ,breckinridge expected that1 because in his own country his character for veracity stood high1 that therefore1 he was entitled1 if he chose1 to enter an assembly of twelve hundred persons in ,great ,britain1 and utter the gravest charges against certain individuals #c1jjj miles away1 and when called upon as he had been for proof1 that he had nothing to do but turn round and say1 ',why1 ,i am not bound to furnish proof2 let the parties accused demonstrate their innocence4' ,this was ,american justice with a vengeance4 ,this might be ,kentucky law1 or ,lynch law1 but could hardly be called justice by any assembly of honest and impartial persons4 ,such justice might suit the neighborhood of ,vicksburg1 but it would not recommend itself to a ,scotish audience4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 would not undertake at this time the task of justifying the men who had been calumniated4 ,he knew these gentlemen1 and had no doubt when they heard the charges preferred against them in this country1 they would be able and ready to clear themselves before the world4 ,he would not say that ,mr4 ,breckinridge did not himself believe the allegations to be true1 but he would say that had that gentleman possessed a knowledge of the true character of those he had spoken against--had he known them as he 7,mr4 ,t47 knew them1 he would have held them incapable of the dark deeds alleged against them4 ,with regard to ,mr4 ,b's remarks upon the number of the slave population1 the amount of the troops in the ,united ,states1 and the existence of slavery in the district of ,columbia1 he must say that they were nothing but special pleadings2 that the whole was a complete specimen of what the lawyers termed pettifogging4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 was not prepared to hear a minister say that because only #aejj troops out of #fjjj were found in the southern states1 that1 therefore1 the nation was not implicated--that because1 if the slavery of the district was abolished1 there would be no fewer slaves in the country--that1 therefore1 the seat of government should not be cleansed from its abomination4 ,he would remind his opponent that they were discussing a question of principle1 and that the scriptures had declared that he who was unjust in the least1 was unjust also in the greatest4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge had still cautiously avoided naming the parties in the ,united ,states who were responsible for the sin of ,slavery4 ,they were told that neither ,new ,hampshire nor ,massachusetts1 nor any other of the ,northern states were to blame2 that the government was not to blame1 nor1 had it even yet been said1 that the ,southern states were to blame4 ,still the aggregate of the guilt belonged somewhere2 and if the parties to whom reference had been made were to be exculpated1 at whose door1 he would ask1 were the sin and shame of the system to be laid4 ,the gentleman with whom he was debating had repeatedly told him 7,mr4 ,t47 that he did not understand 'the system4' ,he frankly confessed that he did not4 ,it was a mystery of iniquity which he could not pretend to fathom2 but he thought he might add that the ,americans themselves1 at least the ,colonizationists1 did not seem to understand it very well neither1 for they had been operating for a very long time1 without effecting any favorable change in the system4 ,a word with regard to the representation of slaves in ,congress4 ,mr4 ,b4 had spoken as if he had intended to have it understood1 that the slaves were themselves benefited by that representation--that it was a partial representation of the slave population by persons in their interest4 ,how stood the fact8 ,the slaves were not at all represented as men1 but as things4 ,they swelled1 it was true1 the number of members upon the floor of ,congress1 but that extra number only helped to rivet their bonds tightly upon them1 being as they were1 in the interest of the tyrant1 and themselves slaveholders1 and not in the interest of the slaves4 ,what said ,john ,quincy ,adams in his celebrated report on the ,tariff3-- ',the representation of the slave population in this ,house has1 from the establishment of the ,constitution of the ,united ,states1 amounted to rather more than one-tenth of the whole number4 ,in the present ,congress 7#ahcc17 it is equivalent to twenty-two votes2 in the next ,congress it will amount to twenty-five4 ,this is a combined and concentrated power1 always operating to the support and exclusive favor of the slave-holding interest4' ,here was a mighty engine in the cause of oppression4 ,it was a wicked misrepresentation to say that the slaves were benefited by such an arrangement4 ,instead of being a lever in their hands to aid them in the overthrow of the system which was crushing them1 it was a vast addition of strength to the ranks of their tyrants1 who went to ,congress to cry down discussion1 to cry up ,lynch law1 and shout ,hail ,columbia4 ,mr4 ,thompson then proceeded to give some account of the ,maryland ,colonization scheme4 ,the first movement on the subject was in ,march1 #ahca1 when ,mr4 ,brawner submitted the following resolutions to the ,maryland ,legislature1 which were by that assembly adopted4 ,he begged particular attention both to the letter and spirit of this document1 exhibiting as it did1 the feelings of 'the good people of the state' towards the colored population3-- ,resolved1 ,that the increased proportion of the free people of color in this state1 to the white population1 the evils growing out of their connection and unrestrained association with the slaves their habits and manner of obtaining a subsistence1 and their withdrawing a large portion of employment from the laboring class of the white population1 are subjects of momentous and grave consideration to the good people of this state4 ,resolved1 ,that as philanthropists and lovers of freedom1 we deplore the existence of slavery amongst us1 and would use our utmost exertions to ameliorate its condition1 yet we consider the unrestrained power of manumission as fraught with ultimate evils of a more dangerous tendency than the circumstance of slavery alone1 and that any act1 having for its object the mitigation of these joint evils1 not inconsistent with other paramount considerations1 would be worthy the attention and deliberation of the representatives of a free1 liberal-minded1 and enlightened people4 ,resolved1 ,that we consider the colonization of free people of color in ,africa as the commencement of a system1 by which if judicious encouragement be afforded1 these evils may be measurably diminished1 so that in process of time1 the relative proportion of the black to the white population1 will hardly be matter for serious and unpleasant consideration4 ,ordered1 therefore1 ,that a committee of five members be appointed by the ,chair1 with instructions to report a bill1 based as nearly as may be1 upon the principles contained in the foregoing resolutions1 and report the same to the consideration of this house4 ,such was the first movement on the subject4 ,at the next session of the legislature ,mr4 ,brawner presented the report of the committee1 some of the extracts from which he 7,mr4 ,t47 would read3-- ,the committee to whom was referred the several memorials from numerous citizens in this state1 upon the subject1 of the colored population1 ,report1-- ,that the views presented by the memorialists are various1 and the recommendations contained in some of the memorials are entirely repugnant to those contained in others4 ,the subjects1 however1 upon which legislative action is required1 may be embraced under a few general heads3 ,first1 ,that a law be passed prohibiting the future emancipation of the slaves1 unless provision be made for their removal from the state4 ,secondly1 ,that a sum of money adequate for the attainment of the object1 be raised and appropriated for the further removal of those already free4 ,thirdly1 ,that a system of police be established1 regulating the future conduct and morals of this class of our population4 ,and1 ,fourthly1 ,there are several memorials from different parts of our state1 signed by a numerous and highly respectable portion of our citizens1 recommending the entire abolition of slavery in the state4 ,on the #adth of ,march1 #ahcb1 the ,state ,legislature of ,maryland appropriated for the use of the ,state ,colonization ,society the sum of two hundred thousand dollars1 payable in sums of twenty thousand dollars per annum for ten years4 ,having made the grant1 the legislature next proceeded to pass acts to obtain the consent of the colored population to quit the state and country1 and emigrate to ,africa4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 claimed special attention to some short extracts from those laws4 ,they would reveal more powerfully than any language of his1 the benevolent or rather atrociously cruel designs of the 'good people' of the state4 ,he should quote first from ',an ,act relating to ,free ,negroes and ,slaves1' passed within a few days of the grant and part and parcel of the same benevolent scheme3-- ,section #a4 ,be it enacted by the ,general ,assembly of ,maryland1 ,that after the passage of this act1 no free negro or mulatto shall emigrate to1 or settle in this ,state2 and no free negro or mulatto belonging to any other state1 district or territory1 shall come into this ,state1 and therein remain for the space of ten successive days1 whether such free negro or mulatto intends settling in this ,state or not1 under the penalty of fifty dollars for each and every week such persons coming into1 shall thereafter remain in this ,state2 the one half to the informer and the other half to the sheriff for the use of the county4 99 99 99 and any free negro or mulatto refusing or neglecting to pay said fine or fines1 shall be committed to the jail of the county2 and shall be sold by the sheriff at public sale1 for such time as may be necessary to cover the aforesaid penalty1 first giving ten days previous notice of such sale4 ,sec4 #b;d4 ,and be it enacted1 ,that no person in this ,state1 shall hereafter hire1 employ1 or harbor any free negro or mulatto who shall emigrate or settle in this state1 after the first day of ,june next1 or any free negro or mulatto who shall come into this state from any other state1 district or territory1 and continue in this state for the space of ten successive days as above1 under the penalty of twenty dollars for every day after the expiration of four days1 any such free negro or mulatto 99 99 99 shall be so employed1 hired or harbored1 and all fines accruing under this act1 99 99 99 one half thereof to be applied to the informer1 and the other half to the use of the county2 and if any negro or mulatto shall remove from this state and remain without the limits thereof for a space longer than thirty consecutive days1 unless before leaving the state he deposits with the clerk of the county in which he resides1 a written statement of his object in so doing1 and his intention of returning again1 or unless he shall have been detained by sickness or coercion1 of which he shall bring a certificate1 he shall be regarded as a resident of another state1 and be subject1 if he return1 to the penalties imposed by the foregoing provisions upon free negroes and mulattoes of another state1 migrating to this state3 ,provided that nothing contained in this act shall prevent any free negro or mulatto from visiting ,liberia1 and returning to the state whenever he may choose to do so4 ,sec4 #d4 ,and be it enacted1 ,that it shall not be lawful from and after the first of ,june next1 to import or bring into this state by land or water1 any negro1 mulatto or other slave for sale1 or to reside within this state3 99 99 99 and any person or persons so offending1 shall forfeit for every such offence1 any negro1 mulatto or other slave brought into this state contrary to this act1 and such negro1 mulatto or other slave1 shall be entitled to freedom upon condition that he consent to be sent to ,liberia1 or to leave the state forthwith1 otherwise such negro or mulatto or other slave1 shall be seized and taken and confined in jail by the sheriff of the county where the offence is committed1 which sheriff shall receive ten dollars for every negro1 mulatto or other slave so brought into this state and forfeited as aforesaid1 and seized and taken by him4 99 99 99 ,moreover1 said sheriff shall receive five dollars for such negro1 mulatto or other slave actually confined by him in jail1 and the usual prison fee as now allowed by law1 and any person or persons so offending under this act1 shall be punished by indictment in the county court of the county where the offence shall be committed1 and upon conviction thereof1 the said court shall1 by its order1 direct said sheriff to sell any negro1 mulatto or other slaves so seized and taken by him1 under this act1 to the ,colonization ,society for said five dollars1 and the prison fees 99 99 99 to be taken to ,liberia3 and if such ,colonization ,society shall not receive such negroes1 mulattoes or other slaves for said five dollars each1 and the prison fees of each1 upon refusing1 said sheriff shall1 after three weeks' public notice given by advertisements1 sell any such negro1 mulatto or other slave to some person or persons1 with a condition that any such negro1 mulatto or other slave shall be removed and taken forthwith beyond the limits of this state to settle and reside4 ,such was the scheme which had been advocated in ,boston and elsewhere by his opponent4 ,he now left the matter in his hands1 recommending him to exert all his eloquence and ingenuity in behalf of the honor of ,maryland1 but warning him beforehand that his labors would be in vain4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,mr4 ,,breckinridge said1 he would now proceed with what remained of the argument on the general question4 ,he had been asked to point out the responsible parties in regard to slavery1 and this was what he was about to do4 ,it was indeed much more easy to show who were the responsible parties than to prove the innocence of those unjustly accused--it was perhaps his duty to do both--the first he had been attempting4 ,it would be easy to do the other1 and he trusted1 that after he had done so--if the good people of ,glasgow on any future occasion should meet to pass resolutions applauding ,mr4 ,thompson1 for the vast sacrifices he had made1 and the suffering he had endured in the cause of emancipation1 they would not again feel obliged to pass resolutions condemning the whole ,american nation1 as the vilest nation that ever existed1 for maintaining slavery4 ,he would say1 then1 that he considered the owners of the slaves1 as in the first place1 responsible4 ,the slave-owner had two important duties to perform in reference to those of his fellow-beings1 who were held in bondage4 ,in the first place1 he was bound to inform himself of the whole question1 in its length and breadth1 and having done so1 he ought1 in the speediest manner possible1 consistent with the happiness of the slaves themselves1 to set them free4 ,this was the duty of a slave-owner1 as an individual4 ,but1 as his lot might be cast in a slaveholding state1 it was his duty1 in addition to freeing his own slaves1 that he should use every lawful means to enlighten public opinion4 ,whatever faculties he possessed1 it was his duty to use them in the attempt to remove the prejudices of those whose minds were not yet enlightened on this important question4 ,but1 while it was his duty to do this1 he was to refrain from every thing which would naturally tend to exasperate the minds of the masters4 ,he was not to go and take hold of a man by the throat1 and say1 ',you are a great thieving1 man-dealing villain1 and unless you instantly give your slaves liberty1 ,i will pitch you out of this three story window4' ,that was not the mode in which a prudent man would go to work4 ,and he 7,mr4 ,breckinridge7 would like1 above all things1 to make ,mr4 ,thompson1 and his fellow-laborers sensible of this important truth2 that in their efforts to give freedom to the slaves1 nothing could be done without the consent of the slave-owners4 ,and unless it was kept in view1 ,mr4 ,thompson might labor1 to use an ,american homely phrase1 'till the cows come home1' but he would not move a single step nearer his object4 ,while on this head there was another saying which he had no doubt ,mr4 ,thompson had frequently heard in ,america1 and which might be of some use for him to bear in mind1 if he revisited that horrible country2 it was that one 'spoonful of molasses would catch more flies than a hogshead of vinegar4' ,with regard to the mode in which the question of slavery should be taken up in those states where it existed1 he would say that every thing had been done--agitation1 as it was called in this country--to enlighten the public mind on the whole question1 was the only thing that could advance the cause4 ,if there was any thing else that could be taken advantage of for that end1 he was willing to learn it1 and to go home and try to teach his countrymen who were laboring in the same cause4 ,in the second place1 ,mr4 ,b4 proceeded to say1 that the parties responsible for the existence of slavery were the states which tolerated it4 ,if slavery were wrong1 as he was fully prepared to assert it to be1 then those states or communities which tolerate it were justly responsible at the bar of ,god1 at the tribunal of an enlightened world4 ,if slavery were wrong1 those who have power were bound to abolish it as soon as it could be done consistently with the greatest amount of good to all concerned4 ,now1 slavery could end in any state only by violence1 or by the consent of the masters4 ,this made it obviously the duty of all who had right views in such communities1 to extend and enforce them in such a way as shall appear most likely to secure the object in view--namely1 peaceful1 voluntary1 and legal abolition4 ,it demonstrates too1 that whenever the majority of such a community are ready to act in this behalf1 they are bound to act in such a manner as will constitutionally and speedily effect the object1 even though multitudes in that community should still oppose it4 ,but here again it is most clear that such a result can never be brought about1 till the majority of such slaveholding communities shall not only consent to it1 but require it4 ,so that in every branch of the matter1 it constantly appears how indispensable1 light1 and love1 gentleness1 wisdom1 and truth are2 and how perfectly mad it is to expect to do any thing in ,america by harsh vituperation1 hasty and violent proceedings4 ,but1 say the anti-slavery people1 you can abolish slavery in the ,district of ,columbia1 and might purchase the freedom of all the slaves throughout the whole of the states with the public money4 ,but it was not the price of the slaves that was the chief difficulty in making an end of slavery4 ,the inhabitants of the ,southern states reckoned this the least part of the case4 ,to take away our slaves1 say they1 is to take away not our property alone1 but our country also2 for without them the country would not be cultivated4 ,he did not say that the ,southern planters were right in thinking so1 but he knew that they did think so2 and therefore1 it was necessary to take their opinion into account4 ,this was only an instance of the many difficulties by which the question was beset1 and would let them see that it was not a mere matter of pounds1 shillings1 and pence4 ,in reference to the efforts made by the ,american people to abolish slavery1 ,mr4 ,breckinridge said they had done much in this cause before ,mr4 ,thompson was born1 and possibly before his father was born4 ,they had labored for ages1 he might almost say for half centuries4 ,during that time they had effected much1 and they would have done more but for the interference of the party with which ,mr4 ,thompson was identified4 ,a party whose principles were based on false metaphysics--on false morality1 who came often with the fury of demons1 and yet said they were sent by ,god4 ,he would say the cause of emancipation had been much injured by the ill-designed efforts of that party1 they had thrown the cause a hundred years farther back1 than it was five years ago4 ,in reference to the ,maryland colonization scheme1 of which they had heard so much from ,mr4 ,thompson1 he would only be able1 as his time was nearly expired1 to make a remark or two4 ,that ,society had existed for about four years4 ,in its fourth annual report there is a statement from the managers of the ,maryland ,state fund1 that within the preceding year1 two hundred and ninety-nine manumissions had been reported to them1 which1 with those previously reported1 make eleven hundred and one slaves manumitted1 purely and freely manumitted1 within four years in that ,state3 while the total number of colored persons transported to ,liberia since the ,society commenced its operations was then only one hundred and forty1 as exhibited by the same report4 ,nothing could show more clearly the falsity of those statements which represent the scheme of ,maryland colonization1 as being cruel1 oppressive1 and peculiarly opposed to the progress of emancipation4 ,the direct contrary is in all respects true4 ,with regard to the book from which ,mr4 ,thompson had read some extracts1 purporting to be the laws of ,maryland2 if he were not mistaken1 that book was a violent and inflammatory pamphlet written by some person1 perhaps ,mr4 ,thompson himself1 shortly after his 7,mr4 ,b's7 visit to ,boston4 ,he would not enter upon the discussion of the merits of that pamphlet1 against which it had been alleged in ,america1 at the place where it originated1 and he believed truly charged1 that instead of containing faithful extracts from the laws of ,maryland1 it did in fact1 contain only schemes of laws which had been proposed in the ,assembly of ,maryland1 but which had never received their sanction2 chiefly in consequence of the opposition of the friends of colonization4 ,in conclusion1 he would say1 that the ,maryland scheme was1 as a whole1 one of the most wise and humane projects that had ever been devised4 ,he had no objection on proper occasions1 to go fully into it1 and he hoped to be able to show that it would do much for the amelioration of the negro race4 ,,third ,,night--,,wednesday1 ,,june #ae4 ,,mr4 ,,breckinridge said1 the subject for discussion this evening by two appointments1 was the great cause of colonization1 as it presented itself in ,america2 and he was aware that of all the parts of the subject of these discussions there were none on which their opinions were more decidedly made up against what he believed to be the truth4 ,it was1 therefore1 peculiarly embarrassing for him to enter upon the subject1 but he did so with that frankness and candor with which he had entered upon the other topics of discussion2 and if he would not show them sufficient reason to commend the principle of colonization to their minds and feelings1 he could only expect that they should remain of their present opinions4 ,the scheme of colonization was not a new one in ,america4 ,it had been spoken of #dj or #ej years ago1 by him who in his day ranked next to the father of his country in the affections of the ,american people1 ,mr4 ,jefferson1 before he filled the president's chair1 while he was president1 and afterwards occupied his thoughts with this great scheme4 ,being himself a decided enemy to slavery1 he tried to rouse the minds of his countrymen to the advantages which would arise from the colonizing of the free blacks of ,america on some part of the ,western coast of ,africa4 ,with this view he entered into negotiations with the ,sierra ,leone ,company in this country1 to receive into their colony free people of color from ,america2 and he also had applied to the ,portuguese government1 at that time a large ,african proprietor1 for a place where the free blacks might be allowed to colonize themselves4 ,whether these efforts1 which were applauded and aided by many wise and good men1 deserved to be praised or blamed1 was not the topic to be taken up at present2 but they showed that the scheme was one which could not be called a new scheme4 ,this proposal of colonizing the free blacks of ,america on the ,west coast of ,africa had obtained the approbation of nine tenths of all those throughout ,america who took any interest in the fate of the black race3 for even the great bulk of those who were now in favor of abolitionism1 were at one time the friends of colonization4 ,whether they had good or bad reasons for the change which had taken place in their opinions1 would be more apparent1 perhaps1 when they arrived at the end of the discussion4 ,it was in the course of the years #ahbb or #ahbc that the first colonists were sent out from ,america4 ,he might not be perfectly accurate in his dates1 as he gave them from memory1 but the present argument did not depend on exact accuracy in that respect4 ,the society for promoting the colonization scheme was organized some years before the date stated above1 when an expedition was sent out to explore the coast of ,africa with a view to establishing the colony2 and afterwards another to purchase territory2 and then the colonists were sent out1 which he believed took place for the first time after #ahbj4 ,the society continued to pursue the scheme for a period of #i or #aj years1 and met with no opposition except from some parties in the extreme ,south2 but had the concurrence of almost all the wise1 the good1 and the benevolent in ,america4 ,it was not till about #ahcj that any very violent opposition was made to the society's operations2 and he believed ,mr4 ,garrison was among the first who opposed it1 on the ground that its operations were injurious to the interests of the colored race in ,america4 ,mr4 ,arthur ,tappan also seceded from the society about the same time1 but upon different grounds from ,garrison4 ,his opposition arose from the society's not taking up his ground in reference to ,temperance4 ,he had no hesitation in saying that ,mr4 ,tappan was right1 and that the society was wrong2 as they did not go far enough in regard to this point4 ,he the more readily admitted that in this particular ,mr4 ,tappan's views were right1 as he was wrong in every other point which he assumed in reference to the society4 ,but it was not till about #ahcb1 that an organized opposition to the society began to manifest itself4 ,in #ahcc the ,american ,anti-,slavery ,society was established1 one of the fundamental principles of which1 and perhaps the one they most zealously propagated1 was uncompromising hostility to the colonization scheme4 ,in the progress of events too1 it turned out that all the friends of colonization did not see alike on all parts of the subject4 ,many of them thought that the interests involved were too important and too great to be left to a single board of management or staked on a single series of experiments4 ,some considered that one general principle of operation could not be made broad enough for the circumstances of all the states1 and hence arose several separate societies1--as that of ,maryland1 organized on peculiar principles1 which have direct reference to general emancipation2 and as those of ,new ,york and ,philadelphia1 which have founded a colony on principles of peace1--the temperance principle being held equally by them and the ,maryland society4 ,the general society at ,washington assumed the ground of colonizing1 on the ,west coast of ,africa with their own consent1 persons of color from ,america who were of good character1 and who were free at the time of their being sent out4 ,the ,maryland ,society went a step farther4 ,they saw that the colonization scheme would have a reflection favorable to emancipation2 and they carried on their operations with a direct and avowed reference to the ultimate emancipation of the slaves in that state4 ,the ,new ,york and ,philadelphia societies were founded1 as ,i have above said1 on the principles of temperance and peace--the former principle being common also to the ,maryland scheme4 ,the united societies of ,new ,york and ,philadelphia first took #abj slaves who had been manumitted by the late ,dr4 ,hawes1 of ,va41 and formed them into a colony4 ,the ,parent ,society's territory in ,africa was called ,liberia4 ,it was about #ajj leagues in length along the coast1 about #aj or #ae leagues deep1 and there were #e or #f settlements1 all under the general control of that society4 ,there were in them all about #d1jjj colonists1 a great portion of whom were manumitted slaves4 ,the colony of the ,maryland ,society was farther ,south than that of the ,parent ,society4 ,it was situated on that point of the coast called ,cape ,palmas1 and was itself called ,maryland in ,africa4 ,it was under the charge of a board of management in ,maryland1 and consisted at this time of between two and three hundred colonists1 who were chiefly manumitted slaves4 ,the other colony1 that belonging to the ,new ,york and ,philadelphia ,society1 was at ,bassa ,cove1 and was under the charge of the directors of that society4 ,there were in all about #ejjj colonists under the charge of these societies4 ,for the first few years of the existence of the ,parent ,society1 it was supported by a number of gentlemen for different reasons4 ,at the commencement it was not perhaps perfectly clear how it might operate4 ,some advocated the cause and supported the interests of the society1 on the principles of direct humanity to the free colored persons of ,america4 ,others again supported it as calculated to produce collateral effects favorable to the slaves1 and the general cause of emancipation in the country4 ,others on the ground that it would enable the country to get rid of the colored population1 without much reference to what might be the result to the colored population themselves2 just as if in ,england there were individuals who would promote emigration1 to get the country rid of those who were as they supposed given to idleness and a burden upon the country4 ,there may have been some who supported the society from an actual love for slavery1 and as a means which they supposed might lessen some of the evils by which it was accompanied4 ,during the first years of the society's operations1 many thousands of speeches were delivered1 and many hundreds of pamphlets were published about the society1 its operations1 and their effects2 and it was quite possible that ,mr4 ,thompson might be able to bring forward some sentences and scraps from the speeches of a slave-owner1 who looked upon the society as a means of perpetuating slavery in ,america2 or he might produce some speech1 in which the society was supported as a means of ridding the country of the free people of color1 no matter what became of them afterward4 ,but it was uncandid and unjust to take this plan of opposing the cause2 because it was well known that whatever might be the case in particular instances1 the general fact was1 that the great majority of the supporters of the society had always supported it1 because of the good effects they anticipated from it in favor of ultimate emancipation1 as well as its present and immense benefits to the free blacks4 ,now ,i challenge ,mr4 ,thompson to the plain admission1 or the plain denial of these statements4 ,if he denies them ,i am content2 for in that case1 he will stand convicted in ,america1 for the denial of that which every man1 woman and child there knows to be true4 ,if he admits my statements to be substantially true1 then the entire point of the charges brought by him and his friends against colonization1 is broken off2 and all he or they can allege against it1 can equally be alleged against every thing1 good or bad1 that ever existed1 namely1 that men supported it for various1 or even opposite reasons4 ,i go farther--,i assert1 and call upon ,mr4 ,thompson to admit or to deny it1 ,i care not which--that just in proportion as the cause has developed itself1 and its natural and legitimate influences been plainly exhibited--those who favor slavery have cooled in its support1 or withdrawn entirely from it--while those who favor emancipation1 and desire the good of the free people of color1 have1 in the same degree1 and with increasing cordiality1 rather avowed it1 insomuch that it will be difficult if not wholly impossible for our evidences of friendship to it1 from an avowed friend of slavery1 to be culled out of all his scraps1 as occurring within the last three or four years4 ,indeed no persons were more persecuted after what ,mr4 ,t4 calls persecution in some of the ,southern states1 than those who advocate the cause of colonization1 a fact which began to occur as soon as those slave owners1 who desired slavery to continue1 clearly saw that the natural result was the ultimate emancipation of the slaves4 ,how far the conduct of ,mr4 ,thompson and his friends was calculated to produce a reaction in the ,south1 and incline moderate and humane masters to the views of the emancipationists1 cannot now be determined4 ,but that the increasing wisdom and benevolence of the ,south will compensate for the folly and phrenzy at the ,north1 there is good reason to hope4 ,he would now proceed to give a few reasons why this scheme of colonization should be supported4 ,but he would first call their attention to a resolution proposed by ,mr4 ,george ,thompson at a meeting of the ,young ,mens' ,anti ,slavery ,society of ,boston3-- ,that as the ,american ,colonization ,society has been demonstrated to be in its principles unrighteous1 unnatural1 and proscriptive1 the attempt now made to give permanency to this institution is a fraud upon the ignorance and an outrage upon the intelligence of the public1 and as such deserves the severest reprobation4 ,the verbiage of this resolution showed its parentage4 ,no one who had ever heard one of ,mr4 ,thompson's speeches could for a moment doubt the authorship of the resolution4 ,but what were they to think of an individual who1 being almost a perfect stranger in ,america1 came forward at a public meeting1 and spoke in terms like these of a society1 supported and encouraged by the great majority of the nation--embracing in that majority most of what is distinguished by rank1 by knowledge1 or by virtue1 in the country8 ,what but universal execration from the violent1 and pity and contempt from all--could be expected to follow such proceedings4 ,and yet ,london1 ,edinburgh1 and ,glasgow1 celebrate the prudence of ,mr4 ,george ,thompson in ,america1 and praise his conduct there on their behalf6 ,it was not demonstrated that the scheme was either unnatural1 proscriptive1 or foolish4 ,he wished much to hear ,mr4 ,thompson attempt that demonstration4 ,he 7,mr4 ,b47 would attempt to prove1 on the other hand1 that in itself the scheme was good1 wise1 and benevolent4 ,his first reason was that it was good for the free black population of ,america1 for whose benefit it was intended1 whatever might be the opinions entertained regarding slavery2 whatever might be the opinion as to the duty of admitting the free colored population to all the rights and privileges of white people2 taking it for granted that slavery should be abolished1 taking it for granted that the free colored population should have the same rights and privileges as the white population2 admitting1 as so many have declared1 that these free people of color are generally very little elevated above the condition of the slaves2 granting the existence of the absurd prejudice among the white population against people of color2 taking as true1 all the assertions of all1 or any parties1 on this subject1 and then say1 if it is not a good1 a wise1 a humane reason for encouraging the society1 that they are able to snatch #ajjj or #aj1jjj of these degraded1 ruined1 undone1 and unhappy people from the condition they are placed in1 and plant them in comfort1 freedom1 and peace in ,africa8 ,while ,mr4 ,thompson and his friends were trying their schemes to terminate slavery1 and break down prejudice against color--schemes which were likely to be long in progress1 if we were to judge by the past--it seemed most extraordinary that they should object to our efforts to take a portion of these people out of the grasp of their present sorrows1 and do for them in ,africa all that has been done for ourselves in ,america4 ,above all things1 is it not inexplicable1 that they should consider slavery on one side of the ,atlantic1 better than freedom on the other1--a thought1 proving him who held it unworthy of freedom anywhere4 ,if this was not a scheme1 full of wisdom1 of goodness and benevolence1 he know not what wisdom1 goodness1 or benevolence meant4 ,they proposed to do nothing without the free consent of the colored people4 ,and now1 if a similar offer were made to every poor and unfortunate inhabitant of ,glasgow1 and all of them chose to remain here1 except one1 and that one were captivated by the account of some distant ,el ,dorado1 and chose to push his fortune there1 could the rest assume over this one the right of saying1 you shall not go2 we are determined not to go1 and equally determined not to let you go4 ,yet the abolitionists have been going about1 from ,dan to ,beersheba1 not only attacking and vilifying the whites1 for proposing to colonize the blacks with their own free consent2 but equally attacking the blacks for availing themselves of the offer4 ,and though the colony had been stigmatized as a grave1 as a place of skulls1 it was the very place fitted by nature for the black population1 the land granted by ,god to their fathers4 ,it is in one sense1 then1 a matter of no moment1 what the causes are which induce the society to make the offer1 or the black population to emigrate to ,africa--even on the showing of the abolitionists themselves1 the colored population are kept in a state of degradation2 and it is certainly just and good that means should be afforded them for getting rid of that degradation4 ,in the second place1 he maintained that this colonization scheme naturally tended to promote the cause of general emancipation4 ,to illustrate this1 ,mr4 ,breckinridge read the following extract from the ,maryland report of #ahce1 p4 #ag3-- ,the number of manumissions in the state reported to the board since the last annual report1 is two hundred and ninety-nine1 making the whole number reported as manumitted1 since the passage of the act of #ahca1 eleven hundred and one4 ,this extract showed that the scheme did not prevent manumission1 but had tended gradually to increase its amount4 ,that this was the intention and actual effect of the colonization scheme1 he would now prove to the meeting in so far as regarded ,maryland2 and if he did so of that state1 he supposed they would not find it difficult to believe the same thing of other states1 as it was against ,maryland that ,mr4 ,thompson had expended his peculiar virulence4 ,mr4 ,b4 then read the following3-- ,resolved1 ,that this society believe1 and act upon the belief that colonization has a tendency to promote emancipation1 by affording to the emancipated slave a home1 where he can be happier and better1 in every point of view1 than in this country1 and so inducing masters to manumit1 for removal to ,africa1 who would not manumit unconditionally4--#crd ,a4 ,rep4 page #e4 ,maryland1 through her ,state ,society1 is about trying the important experiment1 whether1 by means of colonies on the coast of ,africa1 slave-holding states may become free states4 ,the ,board of ,managers cannot doubt of success1 however2 and in exercising the high and responsible duties devolving upon them1 it is with the firm belief that the time is not very remote1 when1 with the full and free consent of those interested in this species of property1 the state of ,maryland will be added to the list of the non-slave-holding states of the ,union4--#c ,a4 ,r4 page #f4 ,it has been charged1 again and again1 against the general scheme1 that its tendencies were to perpetuate slavery2 and1 at this moment1 both in this country and in ,europe1 there are those who stigmatize the labors of men like ,finley1 ,caldwell1 ,harper1 ,ayres1 ,ashmun1 ,key1 ,gurley1 ,anderson and ,randall1 as leading to this end4 ,unfounded as is the charge1 it has many believers4 ,the colonization law of ,maryland is based upon a far different principle2 for the immigration of slaves is expressly prohibited1 and the transportation of those who are emancipated is amply provided for4 ,in accordance1 therefore1 with the general sentiment of the public1 and anxious that colonization in the state should be relieved from the imputation put upon the cause1 resolutions were unanimously adopted1 avowing that the extirpation of slavery in ,maryland was the chief object of the society's existence4--#c ,a4 ,r4 page #cc4 ,throughout the report the same current of events was referred to2 and they were found to be everywhere the same as to the effects of the colonial scheme on the manumission of slaves4 ,to show the cause of the objections to the scheme by free persons of color1 ,mr4 ,b4 read the following extract3-- ,the ,board would here remark1 that in collecting emigrants from among the free persons of color in the state1 the greatest difficulty they have experienced has grown out of the incredulity of these with regard to the accounts given to them of ,africa4 ,even when their friends in ,liberia have written to them1 inviting them to emigrate1 and speaking favorably of the country1 they have believed that a restraint was upon the writers1 and that the society's agents prevented any letter from reaching ,america1 which did not speak in terms of praise of ,africa4 ,the ingenuity of the colored people in this state devised a simple test of the reliance that was to be placed in letters1 purporting to be written by their friends2 which they have1 during the last year or eighteen months1 been putting into practice4 ,when the emigrant sailed from the ,united ,states1 he took with him one half of a strip of calico1 the other half being retained by the person to whom he was to write when he reached ,africa4 ,if he was permitted to write without restraint1 and if he spoke his real sentiments in his letter1 he enclosed his portion of the calico1 which1 matching with that from which it had been severed1 gave authenticity and weight to the correspondence4 ,many of these tokens1 as they are called1 have been received1 and their effect has been evident in the greater willingness manifested by the free people of color to emigrate2 especially those of them who are at all well judging and well informed4--#d ,a4 ,r4 page #f4 ,whatever difficulties now exist as to getting free people of color to avail themselves of the society's scheme and emigrate to ,africa1 arise in a great degree from the efforts of the abolition party to misrepresent the intentions of the society1 and the state and prospects of the colony1 to the free colored people of the ,united ,states1--thus showing the double atrocity of preventing these people from being benefited1 and of traducing those persons who wish to benefit them4 ,in an address from ,cape ,palmas1 by the ,colonists to their brethren in ,america1 dated in ,october1 #ahcd1 there was a distinct avowal of the fact that it was better for them that they had gone there2 and urging others to come also4 ,mr4 ,b4 then read the following extract from the address3-- ,dear ,brethren--,agreeably to a resolution of our fellow citizens herewith enclosed1 we now endeavor to lay before you a fair and impartial statement of the actual situation of this colony2 of our advantages and prospects1 both temporal and spiritual4 ,we are aware of the great difference of opinion which exists in ,america with respect to colonization4 ,we are aware of the fierce contentions between its advocates and opposers2 and we are of opinion that this contention1 among the well meaning1 is based principally upon the various and contradictory accounts concerning this country and its advantages2 receiving on the one hand from the enthusiastic and visionary new comers1 who write without having made themselves at all acquainted with the true state of affairs in ,africa2 and on the other1 from the timorous1 dissipated and disheartened1 who long to return to their former degraded situation1 and are willing to assign any reason1 however false and detrimental to their fellow citizens1 rather than the true one1 viz3--that they are actually unfit1 from want of virtue1 energy and capacity1 to become freemen in any country4 ,we judge that the time which has elapsed since our first arrival1 7eight months17 has enabled us to form a pretty correct opinion of this our new colony1 of the climate1 and of the fitness of our government4 ,therefore we may safely say we write not ignorantly4 ,and as to the truth of our assertions we here solemnly declare1 once for all1 that we write in the fear of ,god1 and are fully sensible that we stand pledged to maintain them both here and hereafter4 ,of our ,government--,we declare that we have enjoyed 7and the same is for ever guaranteed to us by our ,constitution7 all and every civil and religious right and privilege1 which we have ever known enjoyed by the white citizens of the ,united ,states1 excepting the election of our chief magistrate1 who is appointed by the board of managers of the ,maryland ,state ,colonization ,society4 ,other officers are appointed or elected from the colonists4--,freedom of speech and the press1 election by ballot1 trial by jury1 the right to bear arms1 and the liberty of worshipping ,god agreeably to the dictates of our own consciences1 are rendered for ever inviolate by the ,constitution4 ,that we may not weary your patience or be suspected of a desire to set forth matters in too favorable a light1 we have been thus brief in our statements4 ,it will naturally be supposed1 brethren1 that the object of this address is to induce you to emigrate and join us4 ,to deny this would be a gross want of candor1 and not in unison with our professions at the outset4 ,we do wish it1 and we tender you both the heart and hand of good fellowship4 ,but here again1 let us be equally candid with you4 ,it is not every man we could honestly advise or desire to come to this colony4 ,to those who are contented to live and educate their children as house servants and lackeys1 we would say1 stay where you are2 here we have no masters to employ you4 ,to the indolent1 heedless and slothful1 we would say1 tarry among the flesh pots of ,egypt2 here we get our bread by the sweat of the brow4 ,to drunkards and rioters1 we would say1 come not to us2 you can never become naturalized in a land where there are no grog shops1 and where temperance and order is the motto4 ,to the timorous and suspicious1 we would say1 stay where you have protectors2 here we protect ourselves4 ,but the industrious1 enterprising and patriotic of what occupation or profession soever2 the merchant1 the mechanic1 and farmer1 7but more particularly the latter17 we would counsel1 advise and entreat to come and be one with us1 and assist in this glorious enterprise1 and enjoy with us that liberty to which we ever were1 and the man of color ever must be1 a stranger in ,america4 ,to the ministers of the gospel1 both white and colored1 we would say1 come to this great harvest1 and diffuse amongst us and our benighted neighbors1 that light of the gospel1 without which liberty itself is but slavery1 and freedom but perpetual bondage4 ,accept1 brethren1 our best wishes2 and1 praying that the ,great ,disposer of events will direct you to that course1 which will tend to your happiness and the benefit of our race throughout the world1 ,we subscribe ourselves ,yours1 most affectionately1 ,,jacob ,,gross1 ,,william ,,polk1 ,,charles ,,scotland1 ,,anthony ,,wood1 ,,thomas ,,jackson4 ,the report having been read1 it was then moved by ,james ,m4 ,thompson and seconded1 that the report be approved and accepted4 ,the yeas and nays were presented as follows3-- ,yeas--,jeremiah ,stewart1 ,james ,martin1 ,samuel ,wheeler1 ,h4 ,duncan1 ,daniel ,banks1 ,joshua ,stewart1 ,john ,bowen1 ,james ,stewart1 ,henry ,dennis1 ,eden ,harding1 ,robert ,whitefield1 ,nathan ,lee1 ,nathaniel ,edmondson1 ,charles ,scotland1 ,nathaniel ,harmon1 ,bur4 ,minor1 ,anthony ,howard1 ,james ,m4 ,thompson1 ,anthony ,wood1 ,jacob ,gross1 ,wm4 ,polk1 ,thomas ,jackson4 ,nays--,nicholas ,thomson1 ,william ,reynolds1 ,william ,cassel4 ,n4 ,b4 ,those who voted in the negative1 declared that the statements contained in the report were true1 both in spirit and letter1 but they preferred returning to ,america--whereupon the meeting adjourned1 sine die4 ,a true copy of the record of the proceedings4 ,,wm4 ,,polk4 ,if any weight was due to human testimony1 it was made probable1 at least1 if not certain1 that the intentions of the promoters of the scheme were that it should be most kind to the black man1 in all its direct action1 and by its indirect influences1 the precursor of the abolition of slavery2 and if the society had fallen into a mistake1 the colonists themselves had also fallen into the same2 as in this address they say the scheme has proved successful4 ,he would1 therefore1 conclude this second reason1 by maintaining that he had sufficiently proved that the scheme had been productive of good1 not only to the colored population1 but also to the cause of universal freedom4 ,the reasons he would now offer would be more general4 ,and in bringing forward the third head of argument1 he observed1 that the uniform method which ,god had selected to civilize and enlighten mankind1 and to carry through the world a knowledge of the arts and laws1 with all the kindred blessings of civilization1 was colonization4 ,amongst the first commands given by ,god to man1 was to replenish and subdue the earth2 and there was a striking fulness of meaning in the expression4 ,while there seemed to exist in the whole human family an instinctive obedience to this command1 ,god had so directed its manifestation1 that he believed he might safely challenge any one to show him any one nation which had located the permanent seat of its empire in the native land of its inhabitants4 ,every nation had been a conquered nation2 every people has been in turn enlightened from others1 and in turn colonists again4 ,this nation1 which has reputed itself the most enlightened in the world1 and far be it from him to controvert the opinion in their presence1 might trace its superior enlightenment in part to the fact of its having been so much oftener conquered than any other1 and the consequent greater mixture of nations among the inhabitants4 ,again1 he observed1 that ,god had kept several races of men distinct1 from the time of ,noah down to the present day2 and in their mutual action upon each other1 there was this extraordinary fact1 that wherever the descendants of ,shem had colonized a country occupied by the descendants of ,japhet or ,ham1 they had extirpated those who were before them4 ,when the descendants of ,japhet conquered the descendants of ,shem1 they were extirpated before them2 when the descendants of ,shem conquered those of ,japhet1 the case was the same2 and so of the descendants of ,ham upon either4 ,but when ,japhet conquered ,japhet there was no extirpation1 and when ,shem conquered ,shem there was no extirpation1 as also of ,ham conquering ,ham4 ,now as to the continent of ,africa1 if history taught any truth1 they must roll back all its tide1 or ,africa was destined to be still farther colonized4 ,as yet1 the pestilence1 like the flaming sword before the garden of the ,lord1 had kept the way hedged up1 the white man and yellow man away from the spot1--reserved till the fit hour and people came4 ,if we take the bodings of ,providence all is well4 ,but if we rely on the lessons of the past1 the only means in our power to prevent the ultimate colonization of ,africa by some strange race1 and the consequent extirpation of its race of blacks1 is to colonize it with blacks4 ,if they let ,shem colonize there1 the blacks will be extirpated2 if they let ,japhet colonize1 the blacks will be extirpated4 ,africa must be undone1 or she must be colonized with blacks2 or all history is but one prodigious lie4 ,to ,britain seems specially committed1 by a good ,providence1 the destinies of ,asia2 and we say to her1 kindly and faithfully1 ,enter and occupy1 till ,messiah come2 enter at once1 lest we enter before you4 ,to ,america1 in like manner1 is ,africa committed4 ,to do our ,master's work there1 we must colonize it by blacks1 we must enlighten it by blacks4 ,and when ,mr4 ,t4 and his friends come to us with their quackery1 scarcely four year's old1 and require us to forego for it our clearest convictions1 our most cherished plans1 and our most enlightened views of truth and duty1 we can only say to them1 ,we are much obliged to you1 but pray excuse us1 gentlemen2 we have considered the matter before4 ,every benevolent and right thinking person must see that the scheme of colonizing ,africa by black men1 is necessary to enlighten ,africa1 and prevent the extirpation of the black men there4 ,he would1 in the fourth place1 take up the question of christianizing ,africa1 separate from the other question of mere civilization and preservation4 ,there were only three ways1 as had been argued1 in which the works of missions could be possibly conducted4 ,in an admirable little treatise on the subject1 published in this country1 and he regretted he knew not the author1 or he would name him in pure honor1 these methods were ably defined and illustrated4 ,one method was1 to send out missionaries1 and do the work1 as many are now attempting it1 in so many lands4 ,another was1 by bringing the people to be converted1 to those whom ,god chose to make the means of their conversion4 ,and when ,britain thinks harshly of ,america about slavery1 let her remember1 and melt into kindness at the thought1 of what we are doing to convert the tens of thousands of ,irish ,catholics she sends to us yearly4 ,the third way was by colonization2 and this1 in past ages1 has been the great and glorious plan4 ,by this1 ,europe became what she is2 by this1 ,america was ,christianized2 and he would again refer them to the little book of which he had spoken--which1 not being written by a slave owner1 nor even an ,american1 might possibly be true--to convince them1 that it was1 in all cases1 a most efficient means to save the world4 ,but in this peculiar case1 it seemed to be the chief1 if not the only means4 ,the climate suited the black man1 while hundreds of whites had fallen victims to it4 ,so peculiar does this appear to me1 that ,i have never been able to comprehend how the pious and enlightened free blacks of ,america could so long1 or at all1 resist the manifest call of ,god1 to go and labor for ,him in their father land4 ,there she is1 sitting in darkness and drinking blood1--with a full capacity1 and a perfect fitness on their parts1 to enlighten1 to comfort1 and to save her--their mother1 doubly requiring their care1 that she knows not that she is blind and naked6 ,and yet they linger on a distant shore2 and fill the air with empty murmurs1 of time and earth1 and its poor vanities2 and ,christian men around them caress and applaud them for their heathen hard-heartedness2 and ,christian communities1 in their strange infatuation1 send missions to them1 to prevent them from becoming the truest missionaries that the earth could furnish6 ,shadows that we are1 shadows that we pursue6 ,it was1 in the fifth place1 the only effectual and practical mode of putting an end to the slave trade4 ,there was1 indeed1 another way--by stopping the demand4 ,but while they disputed the means of stopping the demand1 there was another way--the stopping of the supply4 ,this had long been an object dear to several nations4 ,the government of ,britain1 the government of ,america1 and the governments of several other states1 had sent several cruisers to stop the supply2 but would any slaves be taken from ,africa1 if there was even a single city on the western coast1 with ten thousand inhabitants1 and three vessels of war at their command8 ,they would put an end to the trade the moment they were able to chastise the pirates1 or make reprisals on the nations to which they belonged4 ,why is it we never hear of the stealing of an ,englishman1 a ,german1 or a ,turk8 ,because the thief knows that reprisals would be made1 or that he or some of his countrymen would be chastised or stolen in return4 ,so that all that was required1 was to plant a city on the west coast of ,africa1 and this would give protection to the population of that country4 ,nothing is plainer1 than that any nation which will make reprisals1 will have none of the inhabitants stolen4 ,if reprisals were made effective1 the slave trade would be immediately stopped4 ,it is the course pursued by ,mr4 ,thompson and his friends1 not the course pursued by us1 which is likely to continue the slave trade4 ,on one hundred leagues of ,african coast1 it is already to a great degree suppressed2 and if we had been aided as the importance of the cause demanded1 instead of being resisted with untiring activity1 this blessed object might now have been granted to the prayers of ,christendom4 99 99 99 99 99 ,mr4 ,,thompson earnestly hoped that every word which ,mr4 ,breckinridge had that night uttered respecting the principles of the ,colonization ,society1 and what had been effected by that institution1 would be carefully preserved2 that on other occasions1 and by other persons1 on both sides the ,atlantic1 ,mr4 ,breckinridge's arguments might be canvassed1 his facts investigated1 and his sentiments made known4 ,i shall offer no apology 7continued ,mr4 ,t47 for referring to a point discussed last evening1 but not fairly disposed of4 ,i am by no means satisfied1 nor do ,i think the enlightened1 and least of all the ,christian world1 will be satisfied with the doctrine which for two evenings has been laid down and maintained by ,mr4 ,breckinridge1 that ,america1 as a nation1 is not responsible before ,god for the sin of slavery4 ,i cannot1 sir1 receive that doctrine4 ,i cannot lightly pass it over4 ,much hinges upon this point1 nor will ,i consent that ,america shall lay the flattering unction to her soul that she is not her brother's keeper2 that any wretches within her precincts may commit soul-murder1 and she be innocent1 by reason of her wilful1 self induced1 and self continued impotency4 ,i do not believe the doctrine of the irresponsibleness of ,america as a nation to be politically sound2 still less do ,i believe it to be the doctrine of the ,bible4 ,sir1 ,i fearlessly charge ,america1 as a nation--as the ,united ,states of ,america--as a voluntary confederacy of free republics--as living under one common constitution1 and one common government--with being a nation of slave-holders1 and the vilest and most culpable on the face of the earth4 ,i charge ,america with having a slave-holding president2 with holding seven thousand slaves at the seat of government2 with licensing the slave trade for four hundred dollars2 with permitting the domestic slave trade to the awful extent of one hundred thousand souls per annum2 with allowing prisons1 built with the public money1 to be made the receptacles of unoffending1 home-born ,americans1 destined for the southern market2 with permitting her legislators and the highest functionaries in the state to trample upon every dictate of humanity1 and every principle sacred in ,american independence1 by trafficking in slaves and the souls of men4 ,i charge ,america1 as a nation1 with permitting within her boundaries a wide spread system1 which my opponent has himself described as one of clear robbery1 universal concubinage1 horrid cruelty1 and unilluminated ignorance4 ,i charge ,america1 before the world and ,god1 with the awful crime of reducing more than two millions of her own children1 born on her own soil1 and entitled to life1 liberty1 and the pursuit of happiness1 to the state of beasts2 withholding from them every right1 and privilege1 and social or political blessing1 and leaving them the prey of those who have legislated away the word of life1 and the ordinances of religion1 lest their victims should at any time see with their eyes1 and hear with their ears1 and understand with their hearts1 and should assume the bearing1 and the name1 and the honors of humanity4 ,i charge ,america1 as a nation1 with being wickedly1 cruelly1 and1 in the highest sense1 criminally indifferent to the happiness and elevation of the free colored man2 with crushing and persecuting him in every part of the country2 with regarding him as belonging to a low1 degraded1 and irreclaimable caste1 who ought not to call ,america his country or his home1 but seek in ,africa1 on the soil of his ancestors1 a refuge from persecution in the land which the ,english1 and the ,dutch1 and the ,french1 and the ,irish1 have wrested from the red men1 and which they now proudly and self complacently1 but most falsely style the white man's country4 ,i charge all this1 and much more1 upon the government of ,america1 upon the church of ,america1 and upon the people of ,america4 ,it is idle1 to say the least1 to talk of rolling the guilt of the system upon the individual slave-holder1 and the individual state4 ,this cannot fairly be done while the citizens throughout the land are banded1 confederated1 united4 ,it is the sin of the entire church4 ,the ,presbyterians throughout the country are one body2 the ,baptists are one body2 the ,episcopalian ,methodists are one body2 they acknowledge one another2 they cordially fellowship one another4 ,they make the sin1 if it be a sin1 theirs1 by owning as brethren in ,christ ,jesus1 and ministers of ,him1 who was anointed to preach deliverance to the captives1 men who shamelessly traffic in rational1 blood-redeemed souls2 nay1 even barter away for accursed gold1 their own church members4 ,it is pre-eminently the sin of the church4 ,it is the sin of the people at large4 ,it is said the laws recognize slavery4 ,i reply1 the entire nation is answerable for those laws4 ,we hear that the ,constitution can do nothing1 that the ,congress can do nothing1 to which ,i reply1 ,woe1 and shame1 and guilt1 and execration must be1 and ought to be1 the portion of that people calling themselves ,christians and republicans1 who can tolerate1 through half a century1 a ,constitution and a ,congress that cannot prevent nor cure the buying and selling of sacred humanity2 the sundering of every fibre that binds heart to heart1 and the dehumanization and butchery of peaceful and patriotic citizens within the territories over which they extend4 ,in whatever aspect ,i view this question1 the people1 and the whole people1 appear to be1 before ,god and man1 responsible1 politically and morally1 for the sin of slave-holding4 ,they are responsible for the ,constitution1 with any deficiencies and faults it may have1 for they have the power1 and it is therefore their duty1 to amend it4 ,they are responsible for the character and acts of ,congress1 for they make the senators and representatives that go there4 ,in a word1 they are properly and solemnly responsible for that system of which we have heard so much1 and for the workings of that system2 and ,i declare it little better than subterfuge to say1 that the people of ,america1 the source of power1 the sovereign1 the omnipotent people1 are not responsible for the existence of slavery and all its kindred abominations1 within the territorial limits of the ,united ,states4 ,the charges which he had here made were important1 grave and awful4 ,he made them under the full and solemn impression of his accountableness to mankind1 and the ,god of nations4 ,he believed them to be true2 he was prepared to substantiate them4 ,that not one tittle of them might be lost or misrepresented in ,great ,britain or ,america1 he had penned them with his own hand1 out of his own heart1 and he was prepared to support them in ,england1 or in ,scotland1 or in ,america itself3 for he hoped yet again to visit that country1 and there resume his advocacy of the cause of the slave4 ,he would now come to the colonization question1 on which he felt completely at home4 ,in adverting to this question1 however1 he experienced a difficulty1 which he had felt on many former occasions1 that of not being able to compress what he had to say within the compass of one address4 ,he would not only have to reply to what ,mr4 ,breckinridge had advanced1 but he would have to touch on topics which ,mr4 ,breckinridge had overlooked--principles affecting the origin1 character1 and very existence of that society1 which ,mr4 ,breckinridge had taken under his special protection4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 would show that the improvement of the black man's condition was not the chief object of the ,colonization ,society2 that its operations sprung from that loathing of color which might be denominated the peculiar sin of ,america4 ,slavery might be found in many countries1 but it was in ,america alone that there existed an aristocracy founded on the color of the skin4 ,a race of pale-skinned patricians1 resting their claims to peculiar rank and privileges upon the hue of the skin1 the texture of the hair1 the form of the nose1 and the size of the calf6 ,but for this abhorrence of color1 ,mr4 ,b4 would not have been contented with the means proposed by the ,colonization ,society for the amelioration of slavery2 he would not have spoken a word of colonization1 or of that ,golgotha1 ,liberia4 ,acquainted as he 7,mr4 ,t47 was with ,america1 he had been able to come to no other conclusion1 but that the prejudice of color was that on which the colonization of the free negro was founded4 ,there had been a great deal said of the inferior intellect of the black race1 and of a marked deficiency in their moral qualities2 but these were not the grounds on which it was sought to expatriate them2 the injustice practised towards them rested solely on the prejudice which had been excited against their external personal peculiarities4 ,every word spoken by ,mr4 ,breckinridge in defence of colonization1 went directly to prove this4 ,the whole scheme rested on the dark color of those to be expatriated4 ,had the sufferers been white in the skin1 ,mr4 ,b4 would have advocated immediate1 complete1 and everlasting emancipation4 ,he would now turn to a matter1 regarding which he considered ,mr4 ,breckinridge had treated the abolitionists of ,america with injustice--with unkindness--with something which he did not like even to name4 ,mr4 ,b4 had charged the abolitionists with having published a law as the law of the state of ,maryland1 which had never been adopted by the legislature of that state2 and when he 7,mr4 ,t47 had required of ,mr4 ,b4 evidence in support of his grave allegations1 it was in this case precisely as in the case of ,mr4 ,garrison and ,mr4 ,wright1--the proofs were non est inventus4 ,now1 he would ask1 was this fair2 was it magnanimous2 was it generous2 was it ,christianlike8 ,the charge had been distinctly made1 and then it had been asked of the parties accused to prove a negative4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge was not likely to be long in ,glasgow1 and it was therefore most easy1 and most convenient1 to prefer charges which could not1 even on the testimony of the parties implicated1 be answered until ,mr4 ,breckinridge was far away1 and the poison had had full time to work its effect4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 would1 however1 give it as his opinion1 that his fellow laborers on the other side of the ,atlantic1 would triumphantly clear themselves of this and every other imputation1 and finally emerge from the ordeal1 however fierce1 pure1 untarnished1 and unscathed4 ,such a charge1 however1 should not be brought against him 7,mr4 ,t474 ,the laws of ,maryland1 he cited1 were to be found in the pages of the ,colonization ,society's accredited organ1 the ,african ,repository1 an entire set of which was on the platform1 open to inspection4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge had taken great pains to make out a case for the ,maryland ,colonization ,society4 ,this was not to be wondered at4 ,that society was a protege of his own4 ,it had been patronized and fostered by him4 ,for it1 it appeared1 he had almost suffered martyrdom1 when1 in advocating its cause in ,boston1 he had been mistaken for an abolitionist1--in that same city of ,boston1 where a gentlemanly mob of #ejjj individuals1 fashionably attired1 in black1 and brown1 and blue cloth1 had joyfully engaged in assaulting and dispersing a peaceful meeting of forty ladies4 ,he had not yet done with the ,maryland ,colonization ,society4 ,he was prepared to prove that it was1 taken as a whole1 a most oppressive and iniquitous scheme4 ,the laws framed to support it prohibited manumission1 except on condition of the removal of the freed slaves2 thus submitting a choice of evils1 both cruel to the last extent1--perpetual bondage1 or banishment from the soil of their birth1 and the scenes and associations of infancy and youth4 ,he could show1 that free persons of color1 coming into the state1 were liable to be seized and sold2 and white persons inviting them1 and harboring them1 liable to the infliction of heavy fines4 ,these1 and similar provisions1 all disgraceful and cruel1 were the prominent features of the laws which had been framed to carry into effect the benevolent and patriotic designs of the ,maryland ,colonization ,society6 ,that expulsion from the state was the thing intended1 he would show from newspapers published in the state4 ,what said the ,baltimore ,chronicle1 a pro-slavery and colonization paper1 at the time when the laws referred to were passed8 ,let his auditory hear with attention4 ,the intention of those laws was1 and their effect must be1 to ,,expel the free people of color from this state4 ,they will find themselves so hemmed in by restrictions1 that their situation cannot be otherwise than uncomfortable should they elect to remain in ,maryland4 ,these laws will no doubt be met by prohibitory laws in other states1 which will greatly increase the embarrassments of the people of color1 and leave them no other alternative than to emigrate or remain in a very unenviable condition4 ,what said the ,maryland ,temperance ,herald of ,may #c1 #ahce8 ,we are indebted to the committee of publication for the first ,no4 of the ,maryland ,colonization ,journal1 a new quarterly periodical1 devoted to the cause of colonization in our state4 ,such a paper has long been necessary2 we hope this will be useful4 ,every reflecting man must be convinced1 that the time is not far distant when the safety of the country will require the ,,expulsion of the blacks from its limits4 ,it is perfect folly to suppose1 that a foreign population1 whose physical peculiarities must forever render them distinct from the owners of the soil1 can be permitted to grow and strengthen among us with impunity4 ,let hair-brained enthusiasts speculate as they may1 no abstract considerations of the natural rights of man1 will ever elevate the negro population to an equality with the whites4 ,as long as they remain in the land of their bondage1 they will be morally1 if not physically enslaved1 and1 indeed1 so long as their distinct nationality is preserved1 their enlightenment will be a measure of doubtful policy4 ,under such circumstances every philanthropist will wish to see them removed1 but gradually1 and with as little violence as possible4 ,for effecting this purpose1 no scheme is liable to so few objections1 as that of ,african ,colonization4 ,it has been said1 that this plan has effected but little--true1 but no other has done any thing4 ,we do not expect that the exertions of benevolent individuals will be able to rid us of the millions of blacks who oppress and are oppressed by us4 ,all they can accomplish1 is to satisfy the public of the practicability of the scheme--they can make the experiment--they are making it and with success4 ,the state of ,maryland has already adopted this plan1 and before long every ,southern state will have its colony4 ,the whole ,african coast will be strewn with cities1 and then1 should some fearful convulsion render it necessary to the public safety ,,to ,,banish ,,the ,,multitude ,,at ,,once1 a house of refuge will have been provided for them in the land of their fathers4 ,yet this was the plan of which the ,american ,colonization ,society1 at its annual meeting in #ahcc1 had spoken in the following terms3-- ,resolved1 ,that the ,society view1 with the highest gratification1 the continued efforts of the ,state of ,maryland to accomplish her patriotic and benevolent system in regard to her colored population2 and that the last appropriation by that state of two hundred thousand dollars1 in aid of ,african colonization1 is hailed by the friends of the system1 as a ,,bright ,,example to other states4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge had lauded the ,colonization ,society as a scheme of benevolence and patriotism4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 did not mean to deny that there had been many pious and excellent men found amongst its founders and subsequent supporters1 but he was prepared to demonstrate that it had grown out of prejudice1 was based upon prejudice1 made its appeal to prejudice1 and could not exist were the prejudice against the colored man conquered4 ,it had1 moreover1 made an appeal to the fears and cupidity of the slaveholder1 by setting forth1 that1 in its operations1 it would remove from the southern states the most dangerous portion of the free population1 and also enhance the value of the slaves left remaining in the country4 ,the doctrines found pervading the publications of the society were of the most absurd and anti-christian character4 ,he would mention three1 viz41 #ast1 that ,africa1 and not ,america1 was the true and appropriate home of the colored man2 #b;dly1 that prejudice against color was invincible1 and the elevation of the colored man1 therefore1 while in ,america1 beyond the reach of humanity1 legislation and religion2 and1 #c;dly1 that there should be no emancipation except for the purposes of colonization4 ,how truly monstrous were these doctrines6 ,how calculated to cripple exertion1 to retard freedom1 and mark the colored man out as a foreigner and alien1 to be driven out of the country as soon as the means for his removal were provided4 ,such had really been the effect of the society's views upon the public mind in ,america4 ,if the colored man was to be expatriated because his ancestors were ,africans1 then let ,general ,jackson be sent to ,ireland1 because his parents were ,irish2 and ,mr4 ,van ,buren be sent to ,holland1 because his ancestors were ,dutch2 and let the same rule be applied to all the other white inhabitants of the country4 ,then would ,great ,britain1 and ,france1 and ,germany1 and ,switzerland recover their children2 ,america be delivered of her conquerors1 and the red man come forth from the wilds and the wildernesses of the back country1 to enjoy1 in undisturbed security1 the soil from which his ancestors had been driven4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge had said much respecting his 7,mr4 ,t4's7 presumption in bringing forward a resolution in ,boston1 so strongly condemning the measures and principles of the ,colonization ,society4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 might be permitted to say1 that if he had acted presumptuously1 he had also acted boldly and honestly2 and that the auditory should know1 that the resolution referred to had been debated for one entire evening1 and from half past nine till half past one1 the next day1 with the ,rev4 ,r4 ,r4 ,gurley1 the secretary and agent of the ,colonization ,society1 who1 for eight or nine years1 had been the editor of the ,african ,repository1 and was1 perhaps1 better qualified than any other man in the ,united ,states1 to discuss the subject--always1 of course1 excepting his ,rev4 opponent1 then on the platform4 ,he admitted1 the resolution was strongly worded2 that it repudiated the society as unrighteous1 unnatural1 and proscriptive2 and declared the efforts then making to give strength and permanency to the institution1 were a fraud upon the ignorance1 and an outrage upon the intelligence and humanity of the community4 ,but this country should know that he had defended his propositions1 face to face1 with one of the ablest champions of the cause1 before two ,american audiences1 in the city of ,boston4 ,that the assembly then before him might judge of the character of the debate1 and know its result1 he would read a few short extracts1 taken from a respectable daily paper1 published in ,boston1 and entirely unconnected with the ,abolitionists4 ,the editor himself1 ,b4 ,f4 ,hallett1 ,esq41 reported the proceedings1 and thus remarked3-- ,one of the most interesting1 masterly1 and honorable discussions ever listened to in this community1 took place on ,friday evening and ,saturday morning4 ,the hall was as full as it could hold4 99 99 99 99 99 99 ,the whole discussion was a model for courtesy and christian temper in like cases1 and did great credit to all parties concerned4 ,we question if a public debate was ever conducted in this city1 in a better spirit1 and with more ability4 ,there was not a discourteous word passed1 through the whole1 and no occurrence which for an instant marred the entire cordiality with which the dispute was conducted4 ,it was not men but principles that were contending1 and we venture to say that no public discussion was ever managed on higher grounds1 or was more deeply interesting to an audience4 ,the resolution was put1 all present being invited to vote4 ,it was carried in the affirmative with ,,four voices in the negative4 ,so said the ,boston ,daily ,advocate4 ,the following extracts from the published addresses of some of the most eminent and gifted supporters of the ,colonization ,society1 would show1 that the compulsory removal of the colored population1 had from the first been contemplated4 ,if it was replied1 ,you cannot find compulsion in the ,constitution1 he 7,mr4 ,t47 would rejoin1 ,no2 but herein consists the wickedness and hypocrisy of the scheme2 that while it puts forth a fair face in its constitution1 it does1 really and in truth1 contain the elements of all oppression4 ,the written constitution of the ,society was but the robe of an angel1 covering an implacable and devouring demon4 ,he would make another remark1 also1 before submitting the extracts in his hand4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge had strenuously endeavored to lay the guilt of the oppressive laws in the south upon the ,abolitionists1 declaring that those laws had resulted from the spread of ,anti-slavery principles4 ,from the passages about to be cited1 and1 more especially1 from the words of ,mr4 ,clay1 it would be found1 that long prior to the quackery of the ,abolitionists1 there had existed harsh and cruel laws1 calling forth the regrets and censures of ,slaveholders themselves4 ,even admitting the truth of what ,mr4 ,b4 had said1 did it follow that the truth should not therefore be published4 ,by no means4 ,the ,israelites1 in their bondage1 murmured against the measures of him whom ,god had raised up to deliver them1 and complained that their burdens had increased since ,pharaoh had been remonstrated with4 ,he would quote1 for the benefit of ,mr4 ,b4 a very laconic remark1 by an old commentator1 ,when the bricks are doubled1 ,moses is near4 #a4 ,charles ,carrol ,harper1 ,son of ,general ,harper1 to the voters of ,baltimore1 #ahbf4 ,af4 ,repy41 vol4 #b4 page #ahh4 ,for several years the subject of ,abolition of ,slavery has been brought before you4 ,i am decidedly opposed to the project recommended4 ,no scheme of abolition will meet my support1 that leaves the emancipated blacks among us4 ,experience has proved that they become a corrupt and degraded class1 as burthensome to themselves1 as they are hurtful to the rest of society4 ,again1 page #ahi1 ,to permit the blacks to remain amongst us after their emancipation1 would be to aggravate1 and not to cure the evil4 #b4 ,extracted with approbation from the ,public ,ledger1 ,richmond1 ,indiana1 ,af4 ,repy41 vol4 #c4 page #bf4 ,we would say1 liberate them only on condition of their going to ,africa or ,hayti4 #c4 ,extracts from an address delivered at ,springfield1 before the ,hamden ,col4 ,society1 ,july #dth1 #ahbh4 ,by ,wm4 ,b4 ,o4 ,peabody1 ,esq4 published by request of the ,society4 ,af4 ,repy41 vol4 #d4 page #bbf4 ,i am not complaining of the owners of ,slaves2 they cannot get rid of them2 it would be as humane to throw them from the decks in the middle passage1 as to set them free in our country4 ,upon which the following eulogy is pronounced1 page #bcj4 ,we need hardly say that ,mr4 ,peabody's address is an excellent one4 ,may its spirit universally pervade and animate the minds of our countrymen4 #d4 ,extracts from an ,address to the ,col4 ,socy4 of ,kentucky1 at ,frankfort1 ,dec4 #agth41 #ahbi1 by the ,hon4 ,henry ,clay4 ,af4 ,repy41 vol4 #f1 page #e4 ,if the question were submitted1 whether there should be immediate or gradual emancipation of all the slaves in the ,united ,states1 without their removal or colonization1 painful as it is to express the opinion1 ,i have no doubt it would be unwise to emancipate them4 ,for ,i believe that the aggregate of the evils which would be engendered in ,society1 upon the supposition of such general emancipation1 and of the liberated slaves remaining promiscuously among us1 would be greater than all the evils of ,slavery1 great as they unquestionably are4 ,again1 page #ab4 ,is there no remedy1 ,i again ask1 for the evils of which ,i have sketched a faint and imperfect picture8 ,is our posterity doomed to endure forever1 not only all the ills flowing from the state of ,slavery1 but all which arise from incongruous elements of population1 separated from each other by invincible prejudices1 and by natural causes8 ,whatever may be the character of the remedy proposed1 we may confidently pronounce it inadequate1 unless it provides efficaciously for the total and absolute separation1 by an extensive space of water or of land1 at least of the white portion of our population1 from that which is free of the colored4 #e4 ,extracts from the speech of ,geo4 ,washington ,park ,curtis at the #adth ,annual meeting of the ,amer4 ,col4 ,soc41 ,af4 ,repy41 vol4 #f4 page #cga-b4 ,some benevolent minds in the overflowings of their philanthropy1 advocate amalgamation of the two classes1 saying1 let the colored classes be freed and remain among us as denizens of the empire2 surely all classes of mankind are alike descended from the primitive parentage of ,eden1 then why not intermingle in one common society as friends and brothers4 ,no1 ,sir2 no4 ,i hope to prove1 at no very distant day1 that a ,southron can make sacrifices for the cause of ,colonization beyond seas1 but for a ,home ,department in those matters1 ,i repeat no1 ,sir2 no4 ,what right1 ,i demand1 have the children of ,africa to a homestead in the white man's country8 ,if1 as is most true1 the crimes of the white man robbed ,africa of her sons1 let atonement be made by returning the descendants of the stolen to the clime of their ancestors1 and then all the claims of redeeming justice will have been discharged4 ,there let centuries of future rights1 atone for centuries of past wrongs4 ,let the regenerated ,african rise to ,empire2 nay1 let ,genius flourish1 and ,philosophy shed its mild beams to enlighten and instruct the posterity of ,ham1 returning 'redeemed and disenthralled' from their long captivity in the new world4 ,but1 ,sir1 be all these benefits enjoyed by the ,african race under the shade of their native palms4 ,let the ,atlantic billow heave its high and everlasting barrier between their country and ours4 ,let this fair land which the white man won by his chivalry1 which he has adorned by the arts and elegancies of polished life1 be kept sacred for his descendants1 untarnished by the footprint of him who hath ever been a slave4 #f4 ,mr4 ,henry ,clay's speech1 before the ,society1 ,january #ast1 #ahah--b;d ,annual ,report1 page #aaj4 ,further1 several of the slaveholding states had1 and perhaps all of them would1 prohibit entirely1 emancipation1 without some such outlet was created4 ,a sense of their own safety required the painful prohibition4 ,experience proved that persons turned loose who were neither freemen nor slaves1 constituted a great moral evil1 threatening to contaminate all parts of society4 ,let the colony once be successfully planted1 and legislative bodies who have been grieved at the necessity of passing those 'prohibitory laws1' which at a distance might appear to 'stain our codes1' will hasten to remove the impediments to the exercise of benevolence and humanity4 ,they will annex the condition that the emancipated shall leave the country1 and he has placed a false estimate upon liberty1 who believes there are many who would refuse the boon1 when coupled even with such a condition4 ,here there was compulsion1 both in principle and precept4 ,in the laws of ,maryland1 and elsewhere1 were found abundant evidences of compulsion in practice1 and where there were no direct acts forcing them to depart1 a public sentiment had been created1 which1 in its manifold operations1 brought the colored man1 crushed and hopeless1 to the conclusion1 that it would be better for him to say farewell to home and country1 than remain a proverb and a nuisance amongst a prejudiced and persecuting people4 ,no colored man could justly be said to go to ,liberia1 or elsewhere1 with his free and unconstrained consent1 until the laws were equal1 the treatment kind1 prejudice founded on complexion destroyed1 and he presented himself a voluntary agent1 and asked the means to transport him to a foreign shore4 ,as one proof that compulsion had been openly and unblushingly advocated1 he would quote the words of ,mr4 ,broadnax in the ,virginia ,house of ,delegates3---- ,it is idle to talk about not resorting to force2 every body must look to the introduction of force of some kind or other--and it is in truth a question of expediency1 of moral justice1 of political good faith--whether we shall fairly delineate our whole system on the face of the bill1 or leave the acquisition of extorted consent to other processes4 ,the real question1 the only question of magnitude to be settled1 is the great preliminary question--,do you intend to send the free persons of color out of ,virginia1 or not8 ,if the free negroes are willing to go1 they will go--if not willing they must be compelled to go4 ,some gentlemen think it politic not now to insert this feature in the bill1 though they proclaim their readiness to resort to it when it becomes necessary2 they think that for a year or two a sufficient number will consent to go1 and then the rest can be compelled4 ,for my part1 ,i deem it better to approach the question and settle it at once1 and avow it openly4 ,i have already expressed it as my opinion that few1 very few1 will voluntarily consent to emigrate if no ,,compulsory measure be adopted4 ,i will not express1 in its full extent1 the idea ,i entertain of what has been done1 or what enormities will be perpetrated to induce this class of persons to leave the ,slate4 ,who does not know that when a free negro1 by crime or otherwise1 has rendered himself obnoxious to a neighborhood1 how easy it is for a party to visit him one night1 take him from his bed and family1 and apply to him the gentle admonition of a ,,severe ,,flagellation1 to induce ,kim to consent to go away ,i ,in a few nights the dose can be repeated1 perhaps increased1 until1 in the language of the physician1 quantum sufficit has been administered to produce the desired operation2 and the fellow then becomes ,,perfectly ,,willing to move away4 ,finally1 on this part of the subject1 he would cite the ,rev4 ,r4 ,j4 ,breckinridge1 who1 at the annual meeting of the ,american ,colonization ,society1 in #ahcd1 had used the following language3-- ,two years ago ,i warned the ,managers of this ,virginia business1 and yet they sent out ,,two ,,ship-,,loads ,,of ,,vagabonds1 not fit to go to such a place1 and they were ,,coerced away as truly as if it had been done with a ,,cart-,,whip4 ,his grand complaint against the ,colonization ,society was this--that instead of grappling with the reigning prejudices of the community1 it falsely assumed the insensibility of those prejudices1 and proceeded to legislate accordingly4 ,they thus sanctioned and perpetuated the greatest sources of suffering and wrong to the colored population4 ,the prejudice against the people of color had greatly increased since the formation of the ,society4 ,the present supporters of the ,society were those who thoroughly loathed the free people of color1 and the most cruel and sanguinary opponents of the ,abolitionists were the boisterous defenders of the ,american ,colonization ,society4 ,for example1 when a mob assailed the inhabitants in ,new ,york1 broke up their meetings1 assaulted their persons1 and sacked the house of ,mr4 ,lewis ,tappan1 that mob could1 in the midst of their ruffian-like and felonious exploits1 most unanimously and heartily shout1 ,three cheers for the ,colonization ,society1 and away with the niggers4 ,in travelling in steamboats and stage coaches1 he 7,mr4 ,t47 had invariably found that his most furious and malignant opponents1 and the most determined haters of the black man1 were loud in their profession of attachment to the principles and plans of the society4 ,why had not the wise and benevolent members of the society denounced that prejudice8 ,because the best among them were themselves partakers of that prejudice4 ,it was evident1 from all that ,mr4 ,breckinridge had said1 that he was deeply imbued with that prejudice4 ,it gave tone1 and color1 and direction to all his remarks4 ,such men might profess to love the black man2 but they were likely to be suspected of insincerity1 when they uniformly manifested their love by driving the object of it as far away as possible4 ,such a mode of expressing love was contrary to all our ideas of the natural manifestations of that feeling4 ,if the ,colonization ,society was indeed so full of benevolence and mercy1 how was it that its character was so misunderstood by the colored people1 for whose special benefit it had been originated8 ,surely they were likely to be the best judges of its effect upon their welfare and happiness4 ,what was the fact8 ,the entire free colored population of the ,united ,states were opposed to the expatriating project4 ,but his opponent would say it was owing to the abuse poured upon the society by the foul-mouthed ,abolitionists4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 should1 however1 deprive the gentleman of this refuge1 by laying before the meeting a very interesting fact1 which would at once show the feeling of the colored people when the plan was first submitted to them4 ,it would show1 that in a meeting of three thousand1 convened in the city of ,philadelphia1 to decide whether the society should1 or should not1 receive their countenance1 they decided against it without a dissentient voice4 ,he would lay before them a letter written by a highly respectable1 enlightened1 and wealthy gentleman of color in ,philadelphia1 ,mr4 ,james ,forten4 ,the letter was written to the editor of the ,new ,england ,spectator1 in consequence of a remark made by ,mr4 ,gurley1 during the debate in ,boston4 ,,philadelphia1 ,june #ajth1 #ahce4 ,,rev4 ,w4 ,s4 ,,porter1--,dear ,sir1--,i cheerfully comply with the request contained in your note of the #c;d inst41 to give you a brief statement of a meeting held in #ahag1 by the people of color in this city1 to express their opinion on the ,liberia project4 ,it was the largest meeting of colored persons ever convened in ,philadelphia1--,i will say #cjjj1 though ,i might safely add #ejj more4 ,to show you the deep interest evinced1 this large assemblage remained in almost breathless and fixed attention during the reading of the resolutions and the other business of the meeting2 and when the question was put in the affirmative you might have heard a pin drop1 so profound was the silence4 ,but when in the negative1 one long1 loud1 ay1 tremendous ,,no1 from this vast audience1 seemed as if it would bring down the walls of the building4 ,never did there appear a more unanimous opinion4 ,every heart seemed to feel that it was a life and death question4 ,yes1 even then1 at the very onset1 when the monster came in a guise to deceive some of our firmest friends1 who hailed it as the dawning of a brighter day for our oppressed race1--even then we penetrated through its thickly-laid covering1 and beheld it prospectively as the scourge which in after years was to grind us to the earth1 and1 by a series of unrelenting persecution1 force us into involuntary exile4 ,i was not a little surprised to learn that ,mr4 ,gurley professed to be ignorant of this fact2 for in the ,african ,repository he reviewed ,mr4 ,garrison's ,thoughts on ,african ,colonization2 and a whole chapter of the work1 if ,i mistake not1 is taken up with the sentiments of the people of color on colonization1 commencing with the ,philadelphia meeting4 ,perhaps ,mr4 ,gurley did not read that chapter4 ,but if his memory is not very treacherous1 he ought to have known the circumstance1 for ,i related it to him myself in a conversation which ,i had with him at my house one evening1 in company with the ,rev4 ,robert ,j4 ,breckinridge1 and our beloved friend1 ,william ,lloyd ,garrison4 ,the subject of colonization was warmly discussed2 and ,i well recollect bringing our meeting of #ahag forward as a proof of our early and decided opposition to the measure4 ,no doubt ,mr4 ,garrison also remembers it4 ,three meetings were held by us in #ahag4 ,the two first you will find in the ,thoughts on ,colonization1 part #b;d1 page #i4 ,of the protest and remonstrance adopted at the third meeting1 ,i send you an exact copy4 ,it is in answer to an address to the citizens of ,new ,york and ,philadelphia1 calling upon them to aid a number of persons of color1 whom they said were anxious to join the projected colony in ,africa4 ,those persons were mostly from the south1 and it was to disabuse the public mind on this subject1 that our meeting was held4 ,i remain1 with great respect1 ,yours1 ,,james ,,forten4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 could pledge himself that such were still the feelings of the free colored people of ,america4 ,wherever they possessed a glimmering of light upon the subject1 they utterly abhorred the society1 and would as soon consent to be cut to pieces1 as sent to any of the colonies prepared for their reception4 ,was it not then too bad that ,christians should be called upon to support a society so utterly at variance with the wishes and feelings of the parties most nearly concerned8 ,as a few moments yet remained1 he would occupy it in quoting the opinions of two gentlemen1 ministers of religion1 and standing high in their own country1 who had furnished lamentable evidence of the extent to which prejudice might possess otherwise strong and enlarged minds4 ,the first quotation was from a report of a committee at the ,theological ,seminary at ,andover1 ,massachusetts1 presented to the ,colonization ,society of that institution in #ahbc4 ,it was from the pen of the ,rev4 ,leonard ,bacon1 now pastor of a ,congregational church at ,new ,haven1 ,connecticut4 ,the ,soodra is not farther separated from the ,brahmin1 in regard to all his privileges1 civil1 intellectual1 and moral1 than the negro is from the white man1 by the prejudices which result from the difference made between them by the ,god of nature4 ,a barrier more difficult to be surmounted than the institution of the ,caste1 cuts off1 and while the present state of society continues1 must always cut off1 the negro from all that is valuable in citizenship4 ,the other was his opponent on that platform2 who1 in a letter to the ,new ,york ,evangelist1 had said1 that emancipation1 to be followed by amalgamation1 at the option of the parties1 would be reckless wickedness4 ,but lest he should misrepresent that gentleman1 he would turn to the paper1 and quote the passage cited4 ,i know that any abolition without the consent of the ,states holding the slaves1 is impossible2 that to obtain this consent on any terms1 is very difficult2--that to obtain it without the prospect of extensive removal by colonization1 is impossible2 that to obtain it instantly on any terms1 is the dream of ignorance2 that to expect it instantly with subsequent equality1 is frantic nonsense2 and that to demand it1 as an instant right1 irrespective of consequences1 and to be followed by amalgamation at the option of the parties1 is ,,reckless ,,wickedness6 ,all the alarm created on the subject of amalgamation was totally unfounded4 ,the views of the ,abolitionists were simple and scriptural4 ,they held that there should be no distinctions on account of color4 ,that to treat a man with coldness1 unkindness1 or contempt1 on account of his complexion1 was to quarrel with the ,maker of us all4 ,they held that this prejudice should be given up1 and the colored man be treated as a white man1 according to his intellect1 morality1 and fitness for the duties of civil life4 ,they did not interfere with those tastes by which human beings were regulated in entering into the nearest and most permanent relations of life4 ,they confined themselves to the exhibition of gospel truth upon the subject1 and left it to an overruling and watchful ,providence to guard and control the consequences springing from a faithful and fearless discharge of duty4 ,mr4 ,thompson concluded1 by observing1 that he considered the readiest way to make men curse their existence and their ,god1 was to oppress and enslave them on account of that complexion1 and those peculiarities1 which the ,creator of the world had stamped upon them4 99 99 99 99 99 ,mr4 ,,breckinridge said1 he would commence with a slight allusion to two references which had been made to himself by ,mr4 ,thompson4 ,and in regard to certain passages which had been read from speeches of his1 he would only say1 that he had never written or uttered a single word on this subject1 which he would not rejoice to see laid before the ,british public4 ,but he had a right to complain of the manner in which these passages had been quoted4 ,it was not fair1 he contended1 to break down a passage1 and read only half a sentence1 passing over the other half because it would not answer the purpose of the reader2 in fact1 because it would alter the sense of the passage altogether4 ,he charged ,mr4 ,t4 with having been guilty of this in the last quotation which he had made1 and1 in order to show the true meaning of the garbled passage1 he would read it as it stood3 ,see the passage as it appears in ,mr4 ,t4's speech4 ,he had read this the more particularly1 in order to show the consistency of his present opinions with those which he had held and uttered two years ago4 ,they would now perceive1 he said1 that when the sentence was given entire1 he said1 that setting the slaves free without reference to consequences1 constituted a material and an omitted part of that procedure1 which he had characterized as reckless wickedness1 whereas by breaking it up in the middle1 he was made to say1 that to permit voluntary amalgamation1 after instant abolition1 was by itself to be so considered4 ,he was now ready to defend this statement as he had at first made it4 ,the next thing he would refer to1 was the report of a speech which he ,mr4 ,b4 had delivered at an annual meeting of the ,american ,colonization ,society4 ,and with regard to it1 if he was in ,america1 he would say1 decidedly1 that it was not a fair report3 that it was an unfair report1 got up by ,mr4 ,leavitt1 the editor of the ,new ,york ,evangelist1 to serve a special purpose4 ,he would not deny that he had said something which might give a pretext for the report4 ,he had charged the parent society with having been guilty of a gross dereliction of duty to the colony and the cause1 in sending away two ships' cargoes of negroes to ,liberia1 who were not fit for that place1 and he believed that those two expeditions had done much to injure the colony itself1 as well as to impair public confidence in the firmness and judiciousness of the parent board4 ,they were emigrants unfit to be sent out--the refuse of the counties around ,south ,hampton in ,virginia2 who were hurried out by the violent state of public sentiment in that region1 after the insurrection and massacre there4 ,like a man conscious of rectitude1 he had gone to the very parties concerned1 and declared his grounds of complaint2 a line of conduct he could not too often commend to ,mr4 ,thompson1 and no proof could be more conclusive than this anecdote afforded1 that the active friends of colonization in ,america1 however they might differ about details1 meant kindly by the blacks1 and by ,africa4 ,mr4 ,b4 again expressed his surprise that ,mr4 ,thompson should occupy the time of the meeting by repeating his own speeches4 ,he had adverted to this matter before1 he said1 and as he was in a poor state of health1 and had work elsewhere1 and as there was much ground yet to go over1 and ,mr4 ,t4 declared his materials to be most abundant1 he thought those repetitions might have been spared4 ,they who took the trouble to read the published speeches of this gentleman1 would find1 that however exhaustless might be the boasted stores of his facts1 proofs1 and illustrations1 about what he called ,american ,slavery1 he was exceedingly economical of them4 ,after reading six or seven of them1 he found them so very like each other1 that the same stories1 in the same order1 and the same illustrations1 in the same sequence1 and the same unfounded charges1 in the same terms of unmeasured bitterness1 may be often expected1 and never in vain4 ,indeed1 so meagre was his supply of wit1 even1 that it also went on very few changes4 ,the whole case exhibiting a most striking illustration of the truth uttered in a personal sense by one of their own statesmen and scholars1 and now proved to be of general application1 namely1 that when a man resorted to his memory for his jokes1 it was very probable that he would draw upon his imagination for his facts4 ,as he ,mr4 ,b4 had been so often asked to produce certain placards for the purpose of substantiating some of his statements1 there could be no better connexion in which to call upon ,mr4 ,thompson to bring forward proof of those charges which he brought against certain persons1 and classes of persons1 unless he wished the world to believe that he had brought those charges without having a single iota of evidence on which to found them4 ,he would call upon ,mr4 ,thompson to bring forward his proofs in support of all those charges1 those reckless and extravagant charges1 which he brought against the ministers of religion in ,america4 ,mr4 ,thompson had stood before several ,london audiences with a runaway slave from ,america1 who charged certain individuals with unparalleled cruelty6 ,amongst other things1 with burning a slave alive2 a matter to which ,mr4 ,t's attention had in vain been called1 and his proofs demanded4 ,he would take no further notice of the gross things he had uttered of the president of the ,united ,states than to say1 that if he 7,mr4 ,b47 could condescend to imitate his conduct1 and utter ribaldrous things of the king of ,great ,britain1 he should richly deserve to be turned with contempt out of this sacred place4 ,he would proceed1 then1 with his remarks on the ,maryland colonization scheme4 ,they had been told by ,mr4 ,t4 that the object of the ,maryland society was compulsory expatriation1 as a condition precedent to freedom4 ,when proof of this was required1 he could bring none2 and when he 7,mr4 ,b47 had showed that it was not so1 but that its object was of unmixed good to the blacks1 an object accomplished as to many1 on their showing1 in the proof produced1 ,mr4 ,thompson turned round1 and said1 that it was entirely contrary to his preconceived notions1 and repeated statements1 and must be false6 ,but facts were better than notions and statements both4 ,and what were the facts in the present case8 ,why1 that on the one hand ,mr4 ,thompson asserts that no slave can be manumitted in ,maryland except he will instantly depart the country2 whereas ,messrs4 ,harper1 ,howard and ,hoffman assert1 in an official report1 on the #cast of last ,december1 that #bii manumissions within that state had been officially reported to them within a year1 and #aaja within four years4 ,at the same moment ,i have produced a record of the very names and periods of emigration1 of #adj1 bond and free1 all told1 who1 within the same four years1 under the action of the very laws in question1 had gone from the state2 admitting half of whom to be of those particular manumitted slaves1 there would be left #ajba more of them to prove that ,mr4 ,t4 either totally misunderstood1 or mis-stated1 that of which he affirms--either way1 his assertions are demonstrated to be untrue4 ,as to the laws of ,maryland1 of which mention had been made1 he had not seen them since his visit to ,boston two years ago1 and in adverting to them he had stated in general terms what he understood them to be4 ,the great object of these laws was said to be the driving out of the free blacks from the state of ,maryland4 ,now that the means taken to promote this end were not of that grinding and iniquitous character which ,mr4 ,thompson had represented them as being1 would be sufficiently obvious to the meeting1 when it was considered that in that state there were three times the number of free persons of color1 than were to be found in the majority of the free states1 and considerably more than there were in any other state in the ,union4 ,if the laws were found more oppressive in ,maryland1 how did it come that the free blacks congregated there from all other parts of ,america8 ,or if they were set free by the people so much opposed to their increase1 why did they not rather go to ,pennsylvania1 which was separated from ,maryland only by an imaginary line1 and where free blacks enjoyed almost the same rights as white men8 ,but1 again1 it was said1 that that colonization scheme was an awfully wicked scheme1 because it sought to prevent the increase of free persons of color in ,maryland4 ,but if this were a grievous sin1 were the people of ,great ,britain not equally guilty in sending away out of the country ship loads of paupers1 free whites1 to other parts of the globe1 in order to prevent the increase of pauperism in this country8 ,why had not this branch of the subject been adverted to by ,mr4 ,thompson8 ,why had he not1 in the paroxysms of his enfuriated eloquence1 while abusing the ,american colonizationists1 not included the king and parliament of ,britain for allowing the existence of laws1 or if there be no such law1 for a practice rife in ,england1 of expatriating thousands of paupers not only by contributions1 but at the public expense4 ,he would be told that the paupers were sent away to distant parts of the globe1 where they would be more comfortable in every respect than they were at present4 ,and had ,mr4 ,t4 bowels of compassion only for the black man8 ,is it lawful to export a white man against his will1 at the public charge1 while it is unlawful to export a black man1 with his free consent1 by private benevolence8 ,is ,america so detestable a place1 that ,england may lawfully make her the receptacle of the refuse of the poor houses of the realm2 while ,africa is so sacred a place1 that no one that can even do her good is to be permitted to go there from ,america1 if his skin is dark8 ,may ,britain say1 she has more paupers than she can support1 and so make it state policy to force emigration from ,ireland1 by a system which makes a quarter of the people there beg bread eight months out of twelve1 and produces inexpressible distress2 and yet is ,maryland to be precluded1 on any account1 or upon any terms1 from seeking the diminution1 or rather preventing the disproportionate increase1 of a population1 anomalous1 and difficult of proper regulation8 ,he should be most happy to receive an explanation of these strange contradictions6 ,there was another feature of the ,maryland laws1 which he might mention1 which forbade the emigration of slaves into ,maryland1 even along with their owners4 ,mr4 ,thompson had prudently omitted all notice of that enactment1 while he had said a great deal about the registration of free persons of color1 as if it were a most intolerable hardship4 ,he 7,mr4 ,b47 was unable to see in what respect the great hardship consisted4 ,was not every freeholder in this country registered8 ,but the free black was not allowed to leave the state of ,maryland without giving notice1 it was said4 ,there was nothing very oppressive in all that4 ,it was no worse interference on the part of the government1 than for the king of ,great ,britain to say to his subjects1 ,you must return home under certain contingencies2 you shall not dwell in particular places1 nor fight for certain nations4 ,were the governments of ,america1 because they were republicans1 not to have the power which other nations had1 of controlling the actions of that portion of their population1 whose movements must be regarded by all who regarded the peace of society or the public good4 ,he admitted1 that some of the laws in several of the states were hard and severe in reference to the free colored population1 but while he said so1 it was but fair to add that he considered the conduct of the abolitionists1 in spreading their new fangled notions1 had done much to alter these laws for the worse4 ,in many instances the bad laws had become worse1 and good laws had become bad1 solely through the imprudent conduct of ,mr4 ,thompson's associates4 ,and this specific law of registration1 and loss of right of residence1 by removal for any considerable time out of the state1 was obviously intended to prevent free persons of color from going out and becoming imbued with false and bloody theories1 and then returning to disturb the public peace4 ,the law says to them1 ,abide at home1 or1 if you prefer it1 depart1 and find a home more to your mind2 but if you go1 prudence requests us to prohibit your return4 ,mr4 ,t4's complaints of this enactment1 showed how necessary it was to have made it4 ,in conclusion1 he would recommend to ,mr4 ,thompson1 should he ever return to ,america1 he need not be so tremendously prudent in regard to his personal safety1 if he would just not be so tremendously imprudent in the principles and proceedings he advocated1 and the statements he made with regard to the conduct of the ,american people4 ,he had now gone over the assertions of ,mr4 ,thompson1 regarding the ,maryland colonization scheme1 and he trusted that he had shown the unfounded nature of those assertions4 ,all that had been said by ,mr4 ,t4 as to the principles and objects of the colonizationists1 and the scope and influence of their course1 had no other proof than the writings of those persons1 who for some years1 had formed a very small portion of the supporters of this great interest2 and who1 without exception1 belonged to those classes1 who at first1 as had already been admitted1 supported it1 for reasons1 some of which were entirely political1 others perhaps severe to the slaves1 and others unjust or inconsiderate towards the free blacks4 ,but that directly opposite views1 statements and arguments1 could be more amply procured from the still greater1 and still proportionately increasing party1 who support this cause1 as a great benevolent and religious operation1 must be perfectly known to the individual himself4 ,if he admit this1 said ,mr4 ,b41 it will show his present course to be of the same uncandid kind with all the rest of his conduct towards ,america1 in selecting what answered his purpose2 that always being the worst thing he could find1 and representing it as a fair sample of all4 ,it will do more1 it will show that what he calls proof is no proof at all4 ,but if he denies my repeated representations as to the various classes of the original supporters of the parent society1 and the present state of them1 ,i am equally content2 as1 in that case1 all ,america would have a fair criterion by which to test his statements4 ,as to the ,maryland plan1 and that pursued by the united societies of ,philadelphia and ,new ,york1 if they have any supporters except such as love the cause of the black man1 of temperance1 and of peace1 the world has yet to find it out4 ,the time being expired1 ,mr4 ,b4 sat down4 ,,fourth ,,night--,,thursday1 ,,june #af4 ,,mr4 ,,thompson said that before proceeding to the subject decided upon for that evening's discussion1 he must1 in justice to himself and his cause1 offer a remark or two4 ,he had on the previous evening been struck with surprise at the extraordinary injustice of charging him 7,mr4 ,t47 with quoting unfairly from the letter of ,mr4 ,breckinridge in the ,new-,york ,evangelist4 ,it must have been obvious to all1 that in the first instance1 he quoted from memory1 but all would recollect with the avowed wish of avoiding misrepresentation1 he had gone to his table--produced the letter1 and read the passage entire without the omission or interpolation of a letter or a comma4 ,he1 therefore1 emphatically denied the charge of garbling4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge did himself1 immediately afterwards1 read the passage1 and read it precisely as he 7,mr4 ,thompson7 had read it4 ,the imputation1 therefore1 was equally unfounded and unfair4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 was thankful that his argument needed not such help4 ,it would be as absurd as it would be wicked for him to attempt to support his cause by any garbled statement4 ,he begged also that it might be distinctly understood that he had by no means exhausted the evidence in his possession on the subject of ,colonization4 ,he could adduce a thousand times as much as that which had been already brought forward4 ,he had much to say of the colony at ,liberia2 the means taken to establish it1 the nature of the climate1 the character of the emigrants1 the mortality amongst the settlers1 how much it had done towards the suppression of the slave trade1 c4 ,in fact1 he was prepared with overwhelming evidence upon every branch of the subject1 and was willing to return to it at any moment1 confident that the arguments he could produce1 and the facts by which he could support them1 would1 in the estimation of the public1 destroy forever the claim of the ,colonization ,society to be considered a pure1 peaceful1 or benevolent institution4 ,i now1 7said ,mr4 ,t47 come to the topic immediately before us4 ,it is my solemn and responsible duty to bring before you to-night the principles and measures of a large1 respectable1 and powerful body in the ,united ,states1 known by the name of ,,immediate ,,abolitionists4 ,a body of individuals embracing not fewer than fifteen hundred ministers of the gospel1 and men of the highest station and largest attainments4 ,a body of persons that have been charged upon this platform with being a handful1 so small that they could not obtain their object1 and so erroneous 7despicable was1 ,i believe1 the word used7 as not to deserve success1--charged with being the enemies of the slave-holder--taking him by the throat1 and saying you great thieving1 man-stealing villain1 unless you instantly give your slaves liberty1 ,i will pitch you out of this third-story window1--charged with carrying in their track a pestilence like a storm of fire and brimstone from hell2 forcing ministers of religion to seek peaceful villages not yet blasted by it1--charged with saying that they were sent from ,god1 when they possessed the fury of demons1--charged1 finally1 with having thrown the cause of emancipation a hundred years farther back than it was five years ago4 ,these are fearful indictments1 and ,mr4 ,breckinridge has a weighty duty to fulfil to-night1 for he is bound to sustain them4 ,they have been brought by himself1 a ,christian minister1 the professed friend of the slave2 and he must1 therefore1 abundantly support them by incontrovertible evidence1 or stand branded before the world as the worst foe of human freedom--the foul calumniator of the friends and advocates of the oppressed1 the suffering1 and the dumb4 ,he would lay the principles of the ,american abolitionists before the audience in the words of their solemn and official documents4 ,he would go back to the commencement of the five years mentioned by his opponent1 and read from the ,,constitution of the ,,new-,,england ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society1 a lucid exposition of the principles and objects of the first ,anti-,slavery ,society 7technically so called7 in the ,united ,states4 ,we1 the undersigned1 hold that every person of full age and sane mind1 has a right to immediate freedom from personal bondage of whatsoever kind1 unless imposed by the sentence of the law for the commission of some crime4 ,we hold that man cannot1 consistently with reason1 religion1 and the eternal and immutable principles of justice1 be the property of man4 ,we hold that whoever retains his fellow man in bondage1 is guilty of a grevious wrong4 ,we hold that a mere difference of complexion is no reason why any man should be deprived of any of his natural rights1 or subjected to any political disability4 ,while we advance these opinions as the principles on which we intend to act1 we declare that we will not operate on the existing relations of society by other than peaceful and lawful means1 and that we will give no countenance to violence or insurrection4 ,with these views1 we agree to form ourselves into a society1 and to be governed by the rules specified in the following constitution1 viz3 ,,article #a4 ,this ,society shall be called the ,new-,england ,anti-,slavery ,society4 ,,article #b4 ,the object of the society will be to endeavor1 by all means sanctioned by law1 humanity1 and religion1 to effect the ,abolition of ,slavery in the ,united ,states1 to improve the character and condition of the free people of color1 to inform and correct public opinion in relation to their situation and rights1 and obtain for them equal civil and political rights and privileges with the whites4 ,he would now pass on to the formation of the ,national ,anti-,slavery ,society1 in ,december1 #ahcc1 and submit all that was material in the ,,constitution ,,of ,,the ,,american ,,anti-,,slavery ,,society4 ,,article #b4 ,the object of this ,society is the entire abolition of slavery in the ,united ,states4 ,while it admits that each ,state in which ,slavery exists has1 by the ,constitution of the ,united ,states1 the exclusive right to legislate in regard to its abolition in that ,state1 it shall aim to convince all our fellow-citizens1 by arguments addressed to their understandings and consciences1 that slave-holding is a heinous crime in the sight of ,god2 and that the duty1 safety1 and best interest of all concerned1 require its immediate abandonment1 without expatriation4 ,the ,society will also endeavor1 in a constitutional way1 to influence ,congress1 to put an end to the domestic slave trade2 and to abolish slavery in all those portions of our common country which come under its control1 especially in the district of ,columbia1 and likewise to prevent the extension of it to any ,state that may hereafter be admitted to the ,union4 ,,article #c4 ,this ,society shall aim to elevate the character and condition of the people of color1 by encouraging their intellectual1 moral1 and religious improvement1 and by removing public prejudice2 that thus they may1 according to their intellectual and moral worth1 share an equality with the whites of civil and religious privileges2 but the ,society will never in any way countenance the oppressed in vindicating their rights by resorting to physical force4 ,,article #d4 ,any person who consents to the principles of this ,constitution1 who contributes to the funds of this ,society1 and is not a slave-holder1 may be a member of this ,society1 and shall be entitled to a vote at its meetings4 ,he would next read the ,preamble to the ,constitution of the ,new-,hampshire ,state ,anti-,slavery ,society3 ,the most high ,god hath made of one blood all the families of man to dwell on the face of all the earth1 and hath endowed all alike with the same inalienable rights1 of which are life1 liberty1 and the pursuit of happiness2 yet there are now in this land1 more than two millions of human beings1 possessed of the same deathless spirits1 and heirs to the same immortal hopes and destinies with ourselves1 who are nevertheless deprived of these sacred rights1 and kept in the most cruel and abject bondage2 a bondage under which human beings are bred and fattened for the market1 and then bought1 sold1 mortgaged1 leased1 bartered1 fettered1 tasked1 scourged1 beaten1 killed1 hunted even like the veriest brutes1--nay1 made often the unwilling victims of ungodly lust2 while1 at the same time1 their minds are1 by law and custom1 generally shut out from all access to letters1 and in various other ways all their upward tendencies are repressed and crushed1 so as to make their moral and religious condition such that they may justly be considered the heathen of this country2 and since we regard such oppression as one of the greatest wrongs that man can commit against his fellow2 and existing as it does1 and tolerated as it is1 under this free and ,christian government1 sapping its foundation1 bringing its institutions into contempt among other nations1 thus retarding the march of freedom and religion1 and strengthening the hands of despotism and irreligion throughout the world2 and since we deem it a duty to ourselves1 to our government1 to the world1 to the oppressed1 and to ,god1 to do all we can to end this oppression1 and to secure an immediate and entire emancipation of the oppressed2 and believe we can act most efficiently in the case1 in the way of combined and organized action3--,therefore1 we1 the undersigned1 do form ourselves into a ,society for the purpose4 ,if there was anything for which the abolitionists as a body were peculiarly distinguished1 it was for the perfect uniformity of sentiment upon all great points connected with the general question of slavery4 ,this was attributable to the clearness and fullness with which the principles of the ,society had been enunciated4 ,not so with the ,colonization ,society4 ,you quoted the language of the most eminent of its supporters1 but were immediately told that the ,society was not answerable for the views or designs of its advocates4 ,how very different a course did the ,colonizationists pursue towards the ,anti-,slavery ,society4 ,that ,society was not only made answerable for all which the abolitionists really said1 and really designed1 but for things they never said1 and never designed4 ,no ,society was more conspicuous for the simplicity of its principles1 or the harmony of views subsisting among its members4 ,all regarded slave-holding as sinful4 ,all considered immediate emancipation to be the duty of the master and the right of the slave4 ,all deprecated the thought of a servile insurrection to effect the extinction of slavery4 ,all abhorred the doctrine that the end sanctifies the means4 ,but all deemed it a solemn duty to pursue1 with energy and boldness1 the overthrow of slavery2 all were one in believing and teaching1 that the means adopted should be honest1 holy1 peaceful1 and moral4 ,it had been said that the only weapon should be persuasion4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 believed that if no other weapon than persuasion was resorted to1 slavery would be perpetual4 ,he believed that the gathered1 concentrated1 withering scorn of the whole world1 ,pagan and ,christian1 must be brought down upon slave-holding ,america1 ere much effect could be produced4 ,if this was insufficient1 it would be the duty of ,britain to consider well whether it was right to hold the destinies of the slaves of ,america in her hand and not act accordingly4 ,it would be the duty of the friends of the slave to point to slave-grown produce1 and cry1 touch not1 taste not1 handle not the accursed thing6 ,great ,britain had the power1 by adopting a system of prohibitory duties or bounties1 to affect very materially the question at issue1 and he 7,mr4 ,t47 doubted not1 that1 if some such course was adopted1 certain of the slave ,states would immediately abolish slavery that they might find a readier market and a higher price for their produce4 ,notwithstanding1 however1 the precision with which the abolitionists had stated their principles1 and the wide publicity they had given them1 designs the most black1 and measures the most monstrous and wicked1 had been charged upon them4 ,they had been represented as firebrands1 incendiaries1 disorganizers1 amalgamatists--as promoting disunion1 rebellion1 and the intermixture of the races4 ,again and again1 had they solemnly disclaimed the views imputed to them1 and pointed to their published constitutions and declarations2 but as often had their enemies returned to their work of calumny and misrepresentation4 ,how totally absurd was it to charge upon the abolitionists the design of promoting amalgamation1 while1 under the system of slavery1 an unholy amalgamation was going on to the most awful extent2 demonstrated by the endless shades of complexion at the south2 and when nothing was more obvious than this1 that when a female was rescued from her present condition--inspired with self-respect1 and became the protector of her own virtue1--and when fathers1 and brothers1 and husbands1 were free to defend the honor of their wives and daughters1 the great causes1 and incentives1 and facilities would cease1 and cease forever1 and to prove to the world how solemnly the abolitionists had denied the imputations cast upon them by their enemies1 he would read from two documents put forth during the great excitement which prevailed through the ,united ,states in ,august last4 ,the ,american ,anti-,slavery ,society1 in ,an ,address to the public1 thus anew declared their principles and objects4 ,we hold that ,congress has no more right to abolish slavery in the southern ,states1 than in the ,french ,west-,india ,islands4 ,of course we desire no national legislation on the subject4 ,we hold that slavery can only be lawfully abolished by the ,legislatures of the several ,states in which it prevails1 and that the exercise of any other than moral influence to induce such abolition is unconstitutional4 ,we believe that ,congress has the same right to abolish slavery in the ,district of ,columbia1 that the ,state ,governments have within their respective jurisdictions1 and that it is their duty to efface so foul a blot from the national escutcheon4 ,we believe that ,american citizens have the right to express and publish their opinions of the constitutions1 laws1 and institutions1 of any and every state and nation under ,heaven2 and we mean never to surrender the liberty of speech1 of the press1 or of conscience--blessings we have inherited from our fathers1 and which we intend1 as far as we are able1 to transmit unimpaired to our children4 ,we are charged with sending incendiary publications to the south4 ,if by the term incendiary is meant publications containing arguments and facts to prove slavery to be a moral and political evil1 and that duty and policy require its immediate abolition1 the charge is true4 ,but if the term is used to imply publications encouraging insurrection1 and designed to excite the slaves to break their fetters1 the charge is utterly and unequivocally false4 ,we beg our fellow-citizens to notice that this charge is made without proof1 and by many who confess that they have never read our publications1 and that those who make it1 offer to the public no evidence from our writings in support of it4 ,we have been charged with a design to encourage intermarriages between the whites and blacks4 ,the charge has been repeatedly1 and is now again denied1 while we repeat that the tendency of our sentiments is to put an end to the criminal amalgamation that prevails wherever slavery exists4 ,these were only extracts from the address1 which was of considerable length1 and thus concluded3 ,such1 fellow-citizens1 are our principles4 ,are they unworthy of republicans and of ,christians8 ,or are they in truth so atrocious1 that in order to prevent their diffusion you are yourselves willing to surrender1 at the dictation of others1 the invaluable privilege of free discussion1 the very birth-right of ,americans8 ,will you1 in order that the abomination of slavery may be concealed from public view1 and that the capital of your republic may continue to be1 as it now is1 under the sanction of ,congress1 the great slave mart of the ,american ,continent1 consent that the general government1 in acknowledged defiance of the constitution and laws1 shall appoint1 throughout the length and breadth of your land1 ten thousand censors of the press1 each of whom shall have the right to inspect every document you may commit to the ,post-,office1 and to suppress every pamphlet and newspaper1 whether religious or political1 which1 in its sovereign pleasure1 he may adjudge to contain an incendiary article8 ,surely we need not remind you1 that if you submit to such an encroachment on your liberties1 the days of our ,republic are numbered1 and that1 although abolitionists may be the first1 they will not be the last victims offered at the shrine of arbitrary power4 ,,arthur ,,tappan1 ,president4 ,,john ,,rankin1 ,treasurer4 ,,william ,,jay1 ,sec4 ,for4 ,cor4 ,,elizur ,,wright1 ,jr41 ,sec4 ,dom4 ,cor4 ,,abraham ,l4 ,,cox1 ,m4 ,d41 ,rec4 ,sec4 ,,lewis ,,tappan1 ,,joshua ,,leavitt1 ,members ,,samuel ,e4 ,,cornish1 of the ,,simeon ,s4 ,,jocelyn1 ,executive ,,theodore ,s4 ,,wright1 ,committee4 ,new-,york1 ,september #c1 #ahce4 ,the other document to which he had referred1 was an ,address adopted at ,a meeting of the ,massachusetts ,anti-,slavery ,society1 duly held in ,boston1 on ,monday1 ,august #ag1 ,a4 ,d41 #ahce1 signed by ,w4 ,l4 ,garrison1 and twenty-seven highly respectable citizens of ,boston1 on behalf of the ,massachusetts ,society1 and others concurring generally in its principles4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 would only quote a few brief passages4 ,we are charged with violating1 or wishing to violate1 the ,constitution of the ,united ,states4 ,what have we done1 what have we said to warrant this charge8 ,we have held public meetings1 and taken other usual means of convincing our countrymen that slave-holding is sin1 and1 like all sin1 ought to be1 and can be1 immediately abandoned4 ,we have said1 in the words of the ,declaration of ,independence1 that ,,all ,,men are created equal1 and that liberty is an inalienable gift of ,god to every man4 ,we know of no clause in the ,constitution which forbids our saying this4 ,we appeal to the calm judgment of the community1 to decide1 in view of recent events1 whether the measures of the friends1 or those of the opposers of abolition1 are more justly chargeable with the violation of the ,constitution and laws4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the foolish tale1 that we would encourage amalgamation by intermarriage between the whites and blacks1 though often refuted1 as often re-appears4 ,we shall content ourselves with a simple denial of this charge4 ,we challenge our opponents to point to one of our publications in which such intermarriages are recommended4 ,one of our objects is to prevent the amalgamation now going on1 so far as can be done1 by placing one million of the females of this country under the protection of law4 ,we are accused of interfering in the domestic concerns of the southern ,states4 ,we would ask those1 who charge this1 to explain precisely what they mean by interference4 ,if1 by interference be meant any attempt to legislate for the southern ,states1 or to compel them1 by force or intimidation1 to emancipate their slaves1 we at once deny any such pretension4 ,we are utterly opposed to any force on the subject1 but that of conscience and reason1 which are mighty1 through ,god1 to the pulling down of strongholds4 ,we fully acknowledge that no change in the slave-laws of the southern ,states can be made1 unless by the southern ,legislatures4 ,neither ,congress nor the ,legislatures of the free ,states have authority to change the condition of a single slave in the slave ,states4 ,but1 if by interference be intended the exercise of the right of freely discussing this subject1 and1 by speech1 and through the press1 creating a public sentiment1 which will reach the conscience1 and blend with the convictions of the slave-holder1 and thus ultimately work the complete extinction of slavery1 this is a species of interference which we can never consent to relinquish4 99 99 99 99 99 ,we respectfully ask our fellow-citizens1 whether we are to be deprived of these sacred privileges1--and1 if so1 whether the sacrifice of our rights will not involve consequences dangerous to all mental and even personal freedom4 ,we have violated1 we mean to violate1 no law4 ,we have acted1 we shall continue to act1 under the sanction of the ,constitution of the ,united ,states4 ,nothing that we propose to do can be prevented by our opposers1 without violating the ,charter of our rights4 ,to the ,law and to the ,constitution we appeal4 ,such were the sentiments of the abolitionists of the ,united ,states of ,america4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 would embrace the present opportunity of saying a few words respecting his own mission to the ,united ,states4 ,it had been much denounced as an impertinent foreign interference2 but he thought the charge had neither grace nor honesty when it came from those who were engaged1 and1 as he believed1 most conscientiously and praiseworthily1 in seeking1 by their missionaries and agents1 to overturn the institutions1 social1 political1 and religious1 of every other quarter of the globe4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge had said that it would be as just on his part to inveigh against ,england on account of ,roman ,catholicism in the west of ,ireland1 or ,idolatry in ,india1 as it was on his 7,mr4 ,t's47 to condemn ,america for the slavery existing in that country4 ,the cases were not quite parallel4 ,before they could be compared1 ,mr4 ,b4 must prove that the population of ,ireland were constrained to worship the ,virgin ,mary--that in ,india1 men were forced by ,british ,law to worship idols4 ,no ,british subject was compelled by any law of this country1 or any other country to which ,british sway extended1 to be either a ,papist or an ,idolator4 ,but in ,america1 men were converted into beasts1 according to law1 and their souls and bodies crushed and degraded by a system most vigorously enforced by the strong arm of the ,state4 ,his opponent had said1 however1 that slavery was not a national sin4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 had to thank a friend for suggesting an illustration of the knotty problem4 ,suppose a number of ,agriculturists and ,merchants and ,highway ,robbers were to meet together to form a ,union1 and the ,highway ,robbers were to say--come1 let us unite for the purpose of common security1 and common prosperity3 we will defend each other1 and trade with each other1 but we will not interfere in each other's internal affairs4 ,you1 gentlemen1 ,agriculturists and ,merchants1 shall promise that you will take no notice of my felonious and cut-throat proceedings1 and ,i1 on my part1 will pledge my honor not to intermeddle in the affairs of your farms or counting-houses3 and suppose they were to shake hands1 complete the bargain1 and ratify an indissoluble union of ,agriculturists1 ,merchants1 and ,highway ,robbers6 would the world hold the farmer or the merchant guiltless8 ,mr4 ,b4 had said much of the purity and emancipation principles of ,massachusetts1 and ,new-,hampshire and ,maine4 ,how came it to pass1 then1 that they were in terms of such close and cordial fellowship with ,south ,carolina1 and ,georgia1 and ,louisiana1 and so ready to mob1 stone1 and outlaw those who deemed it their duty to cry aloud on behalf of the oppressed8 ,to return to his own mission4 ,he would never condescend to apologize for speaking the truth4 ,he had a commission direct from the skies1 to rebuke sin and compassionate suffering wherever on the face of the earth they existed4 ,this world belonged to ,god2 and all men were ,his subjects and his 7,mr4 ,thompson's7 brethren4 ,men might be naturally divided by rivers1 and oceans1 and mountains2 they might be politically divided by different forms of government1 and specified lines of demarkation2 but he 7,mr4 ,t47 took the ,bible in his hand and deemed himself at liberty to address every human being on the face of the earth in reference to those eternal principles of justice and truth1 which are alike in all countries and in all ages1 and which the subjects of ,god's moral government are everywhere bound to respect4 ,he would say to ,america and to ,england1 silence your cry of foreign interference1 or call home your ,missionaries from ,india1 and ,china1 and ,constantinople4 ,to shew that the object of his mission was in accordance with the spirit of the gospel1 he would read an extract from an article in the first number of the ,abolitionist1 the organ of ,the ,british and ,foreign ,society for the ,universal ,abolition of ,slavery and the ,slave ,trade--a ,society with which he was connected when he went to ,america1 and whose ,agent he still was4 ,the objects of his mission were thus set forth3 #a4 ,to lecture in the principal cities and towns of the free ,states1 upon the character1 guilt1 and tendency of slavery1 and the duty1 necessity1 and advantages of immediate and entire abolition4 ,these addresses will be founded upon those great principles of humanity and religion1 which have been so fully enunciated in this country1 and will consequently be wholly unconnected with particular and local politics4 ,this work will be carried on under the advice and with the co-operation of the ,anti-,slavery ,societies at present in existence in the ,united ,states4 #b4 ,to aim1 by every ,christian means1 at the overthrow of that prejudice against the colored classes1 which now so lamentably prevails through all the ,states of ,america2 and to regard as a principal mean to obtain this desirable object1 their elevation in intellect and moral worth4 #c4 ,to suggest to the friends of negro freedom in the ,united ,states the adoption and prosecution of such measures as were found conducive to the cause of abolition in this country1 and may be found applicable to existing circumstances in that4 #d4 ,to seek access to influential persons of various religious denominations1 and especially to ministers of the gospel1 for the purpose of explanatory conversation on the subjects of slavery and prejudice4 #e4 ,to endeavor to effect a junction between the abolitionists of the ,united ,states of ,america and great ,britain1 with a view to the abolition of slavery and the slave trade throughout the world4 ,the principles of the ,american ,societies1 his own principles1 and the objects proposed by his mission to ,america1 were now before his opponent4 ,he called upon him to throw aside his quibbles on legal technicalities1 and point out1 if he were able1 anything in the documents he had read1 or the sentiments he had advanced1 inconsistent with the spirit of ,christianity1 or the genius of rational freedom4 ,it had been said that abolitionism was quackery1 only four years old4 ,he would give them a little of the quackery of ,benjamin ,franklin1 in the year #agij4 ,he held in his hand a petition drawn up by that celebrated man1 and adopted by the ,pennsylvania ,society for the ,abolition of ,slavery1 the preamble of which recognizes the doctrines which are maintained by ,american ,abolitionists at the present day1 and expresses the 7now incendiary7 desire of diffusing them wherever the evils of ,slavery exist4 ,of this ,society1 ,dr4 ,franklin was elected ,president1 and ,dr4 ,rush the ,secretary4 ,in #agij1 this ,society presented to the first ,congress a petition1 from which the following is an extract3-- ,from a persuasion that equal liberty was originally the portion1 and is still the birth-right of all men1 and influenced by the strong ties of humanity1 and the principles of their institutions1 your memorialists conceive themselves bound to use all justifiable endeavors to loosen the bands of slavery1 and promote a general enjoyment of the blessings of freedom4 ,under these impressions1 they earnestly entreat your serious attention to the subject of slavery2 that you may be pleased to countenance the restoration to liberty of those unhappy men1 who1 alone in a land of freedom1 are degraded into perpetual bondage1 and who1 amidst the general joy of surrounding freemen1 are groaning in servile subjection2 that you will devise means for removing this inconsistency from the character of the ,american people2 that you will promote mercy and justice towards this oppressed race1 and that you will step to the very verge of the power vested in you1 for discouraging every species of traffic in the persons of our fellow-men4 7,signed7 ,,benjamin ,,franklin1 ,president4 ,philadelphia1 ,february #b1 #agij4 ,besides the venerable ,franklin in #agij1 he might refer to the truly able speech of the ,rev4 ,david ,rice1 in the ,convention held at ,danville1 ,kentucky1 before1 or soon after the petition just read--to the sermon of ,jonathan ,edwards1 the younger1 in the year #agia--;and to a most excellent sermon by ,alexander ,m',leod1 through whose zeal and labors chiefly1 the ,reformed ,presbyterians were brought to the determination to rid their church of slavery1 an object they accomplished in the year #ahjb4 ,it was a painful fact that the ,american community had retrograded in feeling and sentiment upon the subject of slavery4 ,the anti-slavery feeling of #ahbj was neither so pure nor so strong as in #ahjj1 or #agij2 and in #ahcj the feeling had become still weaker1 and the views of the community still more corrupted4 ,this was owing to the formation of the colonization society1 which1 like a great sponge1 gathered up and absorbed the anti-slavery feeling of the country1 and by proposing the removal of the colored population1 and constantly preaching such doctrines as were calculated to advance that object1 drew public attention away from the duty of immediate emancipation on the soil1 and caused the ,christian community to rest in a scheme based upon expediency1 and fully in unison with their prejudice against color4 ,to those who compared the various sentiments contained in the writings and speeches of the colonizationists1 with the pure and uncompromising principles advocated towards the close of the last1 and the beginning of the present century1 nothing was more obvious than the fact he had just stated1 namely1 that there had been a gradual giving up of sound views and principles1 for others accommodated to the prejudices and interests and fears of the different portions of the community4 ,for instance1 nothing was more common in the records of the ,colonization ,society than the recognition of a right of property in man2 to find the advocates of the ,society1 when speaking of the slaveholder and his slaves1 saying1 we hold their slaves1 as we hold their other property1 sacred4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge might say these are not my opinions2--but he must know they were the published opinions of the managers and chief advocates of the ,society1 and it was for him to explain how he could lend a ,society his countenance and aid1 which promulgated and upheld so impious a doctrine as the right of property in ,god's rational1 accountable1 and immortal creatures4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 knew1 however1 that the ,society could assume all colors1 and preach all kinds of doctrines4 ,at one time it was promoting emancipation1 and at another1 increasing the value of slaves1 and securing the master in the possession of them4 ,it had one face for the north1 and another for the south--a very ,proteus enacting every sort of character2 having no fixed principles--never consistent with itself in anything but its determination by all means to get rid1 if possible1 of the colored man4 ,if there was any one thing which1 more than another1 was calculated to demonstrate the true character and tendency of the ,society1 it was the opinions everywhere entertained respecting it by the colored population4 ,it was a fact that they loathed and abhorred the ,society4 ,no man advocating it could be popular amongst them4 ,even ,mr4 ,breckinridge1 with all his virtues and benevolence1 was considered by the colored people as practically their enemy1 by helping to sustain a ,society which they regarded as the most effective engine of oppression ever invented4 ,surely they were qualified to form a judgment upon the subject4 ,they had looked into its workings--they had narrowly watched its movements1 and had satisfied themselves that it was full of all unrighteousness4 ,if1 on the other hand1 the abolitionists were1 by their measures1 doing vast injury to the cause of the free colored people1 how came it to pass1 that they had the love and confidence of that entire class of the population8 ,how was it that even the arch fiend of abolition1 ,george ,thompson1 was by them caressed and beloved1 and that they would hang for hours upon the accents of his lips--and that the tear of gratitude would start into their eyes wherever he met them8 ,the secret was soon told4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 spoke to them and of them1 as men4 ,he compromised none of their rights--he exhibited no prejudice against their complexion4 ,he did not recommend exile as their only way of escape from their present and dreaded ills4 ,he preached justice1 and kindness1 and repentance to their persecutors1 and maintained the right of the bleeding captive to full and unconditional liberty1 with all the privileges and honors of humanity4 ,therefore they loved him--therefore they would lay down their lives for him4 ,he would read a list of places1 in all of which the colored people had held meetings1 and denounced the plans of the ,colonization ,society1 viz1-- ,philadelphia1 ,new-,york1 ,boston1 ,baltimore1 ,washington2 ,brooklyn and ,rochester1 in the ,state of ,new-,york2 ,hartford1 ,middletown1 ,new-,haven1 and ,lime in the ,state of ,connecticut2 ,columbia1 ,pittsburg1 ,lewistown1 and ,harrisburg1 in the ,state of ,pennsylvania2 ,providence1 in the ,state of ,rhode-,island2 ,trenton1 in the ,state of ,new-,jersey2 ,wilmington1 in the ,state of ,delaware2 ,new-,bedford1 in the ,state of ,massachusetts2 ,nantucket2 in the ,national ,convention of free colored persons1 held in ,philadelphia1 in #ahca--;by the same ,convention in #ahcb1 and1 he believed1 in very subsequent ,conventions4 ,to return to the ,anti-,slavery ,societies of the ,united ,states4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 knew them to be composed of the finest and purest elements in the country4 ,they were numerous and powerful4 ,it would soon be proved that1 with the blessing of ,god1 they were omnipotent4 ,knowing the piety1 intelligence1 wealth1 and energy of the abolitionists of ,america1 it required some effort to be calm when ,mr4 ,breckinridge stood before a ,british audience and compared them to ,falstaff's ragged regiment4 ,the ,society of ,kentucky might be small in regard to numbers4 ,he believed1 however1 they were highly respectable4 ,he referred to ,mr4 ,j4 ,g4 ,birney on this point4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge might represent on the present occasion1 if it pleased him1 the abolitionists of his 7,mr4 ,b's7 country as beggarly1 odious1 and despicable3 but if he lived to revisit ,england 7and he hoped he might7 he believed he would then have to find some other illustration of their character1 numbers and appearance1 than the ragged regiment of ,shakspeare's ,falstaff4 ,having stated the principles of the ,anti-,slavery ,societies in ,america1 he would exhibit1 in the words of the ,philadelphia declaration of sentiments1 their mode of operations4 ,the ,national ,society1 formed during the convention1 thus made known to the world its intended course of action3-- ,we shall organize ,anti-,slavery ,societies1 if possible1 in every city1 town and village in our land4 ,we shall send forth ,agents to lift up the voice of remonstrance1 of warning1 of entreaty and rebuke4 ,we shall circulate1 unsparingly1 and extensively1 anti-slavery tracts and periodicals4 ,we shall enlist the ,pulpit and the ,press in the cause of the suffering and the dumb4 ,we shall aim at a purification of the churches from all participation in the guilt of slavery4 ,we shall encourage the labor of freemen rather than that of the slaves1 by giving a preference to their productions3 and ,we shall spare no exertions nor means to bring the whole nation to speedy repentance4 ,our trust for victory is solely in ,,god4 ,we may be personally defeated1 but our principles never4 ,truth1 ,justice1 ,reason1 ,humanity1 must and will gloriously triumph4 ,already a host is coming up to the help of the ,lord against the mighty1 and the prospect before us is full of encouragement4 ,submitting this declaration to the candid examination of the people of this country1 and of the friends of liberty throughout the world1 we hereby affix our signatures to it2 pledging ourselves that1 under the guidance and by the help of ,almighty ,god1 we will do all that in us lies1 consistently with this ,declaration of our principles1 to overthrow the most execrable system of slavery that has ever been witnessed upon earth2 to deliver our land from its deadliest curse2 to wipe out the foulest stain which rests upon our national escutcheon2 and to secure to the colored population of the ,united ,states all the rights and privileges which belong to them as men and as ,americans--come what may to our persons1 our interests1 or our reputations--whether we live to witness the triumph of ,liberty1 ,justice1 and ,humanity1 or perish untimely as martyrs in this great1 benevolent and holy cause4 ,signed in the ,adelphi ,hall1 in the ,city of ,philadelphia1 on the #fth day of ,december1 ,a4 ,d4 #ahcc4 ,true to the pledges given in this declaration1 the abolitionists had printed1 preached1 and prayed without ceasing4 ,as a proof of what they were doing in one department of their work1 he would exhibit a number of newspapers1 tracts1 pamphlets1 and other periodicals1 which were in circulation throughout the country4 ,mr4 ,thompson then produced copies of the ,slaves ,friend1 ,anti-,slavery ,records1 ,anti-,slavery ,anecdotes1 ,human ,rights1 ,emancipator1 ,liberator1 ,new-,york ,evangelist1 ,zion's ,herald1 ,zion's ,watchman1 ,philadelphia ,independent ,weekly ,press1 ,herald of ,freedom1 ,lynn ,record1 ,new ,england ,spectator1 c41 and an ,anti-,slavery ,quarterly1 edited by ,professor ,wright1 the ,secretary of the ,national ,society1 and distinguished by considerable literary talent4 ,these were amongst the means pursued by the ,abolitionists4 ,they were peaceful and honorable means1 and under ,god1 would prove effectual to bring the blood-cemented fabric of ,slavery to the ground4 ,other than moral and constitutional means1 the abolitionists sought not to employ4 ,their's would not be the glory reaped upon the crimson field amidst the carnage and the din of war4 ,their victory would not be a victory achieved by the use of carnal weapons1 effecting the freedom of one man by the destruction of another4 ,their victory would be a victory won by the potency of principles drawn from the ,gospel of the ,prince of ,peace--their glory the glory of those who had obtained a bloodless conquest over the consciences and hearts of men4 ,in the full conviction that the principles he 7,mr4 ,thompson7 had that night maintained1 were the principles of the word of ,god1 he would still prosecute the work to which he had for some years devoted himself4 ,he called upon those around him to be true to those principles1 and to continue zealously to advocate them1 and leave the consequences in the hands of ,god4 ,let the friends of human rights again rally under the banner which had aforetime led them to battle--under which they had together fought and together triumphed--and to remember that the motto inscribed upon its ample folds--a motto which1 though oft abused1 had oft sustained them in the hour of conflict--was1 ,fiat ,justicia ruat ,coelum4 99 99 99 99 99 ,mr4 ,,breckinridge rose4 ,having taken a good many notes of what ,mr4 ,thompson had said in the speech now delivered1 he was prepared for replying1 if an opportunity were presented after he should have finished saying what seemed to him more pertinent to the subject in hand4 ,in the meantime1 he would introduce what he had now to say by reading another version of the events which had been represented as one of ,mr4 ,thompson's triumphs at ,boston4 ,mr4 ,may introduced a resolution denouncing the ,colonization ,society as unworthy of patronage1 because it disseminates opinions unfavorable to the interest of the colored people4 ,mr4 ,gurley replied4 ,he finished the consideration of ,mr4 ,may's objections1 went into an exposition of the advantages of the ,colonization ,society1 and contrasted its claims with those of the ,anti-,slavery ,society4 ,in doing this1 he exhibited a handbill1 having a large cut of a negro in chains1 with some inflammatory sentences under it4 ,here he was interrupted by hisses1 which were answered by clapping4 ,mr4 ,george ,thompson rose and attempted to address the meeting4 ,this increased the confusion1 ,cries of sit down--shame--be silent--let ,mr4 ,may answer if he can--no foreign interference1 c41 from all parts of the hall4 ,mr4 ,thompson persevered as few men would have done1 but at last yielded to the evident determination of the audience1 and took his seat4 ,the hall then became still1 and ,mr4 ,gurley proceeded4 ,we do not know that any ,anti-,colonizationist was convinced by these discussions2 except men who are committed against the ,society1 we believe the very general opinion is1 that their overthrow on the field of argument was as complete as any could desire4 ,it is evident that the cause of the ,colonization ,society is gaining a hold on the convictions and affections of the people of ,new-,england stronger than it ever had before4 ,we say this in view of facts which are coming to our knowledge from various parts4 ,the storm of abuse and misrepresentation with which it has been assailed1 is beginning already to contribute to its strength4 ,now he begged to remark that the paper from which he had read the foregoing extract1 the ,new-,york ,observer1 together with the one from which it was originally taken1 the ,boston ,recorder1 printed more matter weekly than all the avowed abolition newspapers1 in ,america1 put together1 did in half a year4 ,he would notice farther1 in relation to the great display of abolition publications which had been made by ,mr4 ,thompson on the platform1 that one of the papers lying there on the table1 had advocated his principles and cause when he was in ,boston1 and likely to be mobbed at the instigation1 as he believed1 of ,mr4 ,garrison4 ,some of the remainder of the publications were1 he believed1 long ago dead2 some could hardly be said ever to have lived2 some were purely occasional2 the greater part as limited in circulation as they were contemptible in point of merit4 ,not above two or three of the dozen or fifteen that had been produced before them--and the names of which he 7,mr4 ,b47 required to be recorded--were in fact1 worthy to be called respectable and avowed abolition newspapers4 ,but to come to the point immediately in hand4 ,he would on the present occasion attempt to show that abolition was not worthy to supplant the colonization scheme in the affections of ,americans or ,britons1 or of any other thinking people4 ,he acknowledged that there were many respectable men in the ranks of the abolitionists2 but these1 almost without exception1 had been at one time colonizationists2 and had he time he might show that many of them had deserted the colonization society on some peculiar or personal grounds1 not involving the principles of the cause4 ,he was prepared to show1 however1 that by whomsoever supported1 the principles of the abolitionists were essentially wrong1 and that their practice was still worse4 ,he had not access to the voluminous documents brought forward by ,mr4 ,thompson4 ,mr4 ,thompson had1 indeed1 that evening1 on this platform1 publicly offered him access to them4 ,had that offer been made at the beginning of the discussion1 instead of the end of it1 or during the four or five days we spent in ,glasgow before it commenced1 it might have been turned to some advantage4 ,but as it was1 the audience would know how to appreciate it2 and he must rely solely upon memory1 when he stated the principles promulgated by abolitionists2 though at the same time he pledged himself that his statements not only were intended to be1 but were1 substantially correct and entirely candid4 ,the abolitionists held1 then1 in the first place1 as a fundamental truth1 that every human being had an instant right to be free1 irrespective of consequences to himself and others2 consequently that it was the duty of masters to set free their slaves instantly1 and irrespective of all consequences2 and of course1 sinful to exercise the powers of a master for one moment1 or for any purpose4 ,this was1 in substance1 the great principle on which the abolitionists acted--a principle which he was now prepared to question4 ,he had1 on a former occasion1 shown that there were only two parties responsible for the existence of slavery1 namely1 individual slave-holders1 and slave-holding communities4 ,he would now attempt to prove1 that1 as applied to either of these1 this principle was not only false1 but that it was a mere figment1 and calculated to produce tremendous evil4 ,let them first attend to what the abolitionists say to the individual slave-holder4 ,perhaps the person addressed was an inhabitant of ,louisiana2 where1 if it is not directly contrary to law1 to manumit a slave--the law refuses to recognize the act4 ,was he to be told then that he should turn off his slaves1 the young and helpless along with the old and the infirm1 with the certain knowledge that so soon as they left his plantation1 they would commence a career of trouble and sorrow most likely to end in their being seized1 imprisoned1 fined1 and again enslaved4 ,mr4 ,thompson had mentioned1 in nearly all his printed speeches1 the case of a certain colored man1 who had been thrown into prison at ,washington city1 and sold into eternal slavery to discharge the fees which had accrued by reason of his oppression4 ,now he 7,mr4 ,b47 took leave to say that this story was false1 in toto4 ,it was customary in some parts of ,america to sell vagabonds1 in order to make up their jail fees2 but they were bound for no longer a period than was necessary to do this4 ,the system was this--they were taken up as vagrants4 ,if they were able and willing to show that they had some regular and honest means of livelihood1 they were of course acquitted and discharged2 but when they were unable to do this1 they were sold for as much as would pay the fees of detention1 trial1 c4 ,that any person1 black or white1 once recognized by the law as free1 was ever sold into everlasting slavery1 he positively denied1 and demanded proof4 ,in ,louisiana1 however1 it being illegal to manumit a slave1 those whom the abolitionists would set free1 would not be considered free in the eye of the law4 ,they might be harrassed1 imprisoned as vagabonds1 sold to pay expenses1 as vagabonds1 and so soon as set free again imprisoned4 ,he admitted that such proceedings would be inexcusable2 but what was a benevolent man1 who had the welfare of his slave really at heart1 to do with an eye to them8 ,to act upon the abolitionist principle1 would be to consign the slave to incalculable misery1 for they had but one lesson to teach--turn loose the slaves1 and leave consequences to ,god6 ,the colonizationists1 however1 are provided with a better remedy4 ,if ,louisiana would not countenance manumission1 nor suffer manumitted slaves to remain within her bounds1 with the usual privileges of freemen1 let them be taken to some other ,state1 where such laws did not exist2 or if this should not on the whole be desirable1 let them be taken to ,liberia4 ,no1 repeats ,mr4 ,thompson2 discharge your slaves at once1 and leave the consequences to ,god4 ,if1 by the wicked laws of ,louisiana1 they are left to starve1 or driven to desperation1 or sold again into slavery1 the responsibility is theirs2 do you your duty in setting them immediately at liberty4 ,it would require1 however1 that a humane individual should be very strongly impressed with the truth of this principle before he could persuade himself to do that which was evidently so cruel in its immediate effects1 and so likely to be ruinous in those that are more remote4 ,yet that principle was1 to say the least1 extremely doubtful1 and ought not at every hazard to be crammed down the throats of an entire nation4 ,if the laws of the community were bad1 as he admitted it to be the case1 he supposed it was the duty of enlightened citizens to seek a change of that law by proper means1 but not in the meantime to do that which would be totally insubordinate to the ,state--and injurious to all parties4 ,whether1 moreover1 it was either fair or candid to denounce1 as had been done1 the free ,states as being participators in slavery1 because1 though they did not themselves hold a property in slaves1 they did not choose to swallow such nostrums even without chewing1 could not be a question4 ,if it was so doubtful whether duty to the slaves themselves rendered the immediate breaking up of all relations between them and their masters a proper or even a permitted thing1 it was still more questionable whether our duties to the ,state may not imperiously forbid what our duties to the slave have already warned us against4 ,i have omitted all considerations of a personal or selfish kind--all rules of conduct drawn from what is due to one's self1 one's family1 or one's condition1 or engagements4 ,common benevolence forbids1 as we have seen1 and common loyalty prohibits1 as we shall see--what a man must do1 or lie under the curse of abolitionism4 ,for though it be our duty to seek the amendment of bad laws1 because they are bad1 it is equally our duty to obey laws because they are laws1 unless it is clear that greater ill will follow from obedience than from disobedience4 ,now all our slave ,states are perfectly willing that their citizens should emancipate their slaves2 only many of them insist on their doing it elsewhere1 than within their borders4 ,as long as other lands exist1 ready to receive the manumitted slave1 and certain to be benefitted by his reception1 it is to preach treason1 as well as cruelty1 and folly as well as either1 to assert the bounden duty of the individual slave-holder1 at all hazards1 to attempt an impossibility on the instant1 rather than accomplish a better result by foresight1 preparation1 and suitable delay4 ,it may therefore be boldly said that instant surrender of the authority of the master1 irrespective of all other considerations1 must1 in many cases1 be a great crime in the individual slave-holder4 ,he would now speak of this abolition principle to which he had adverted as a rule of conduct for slave-holding communities4 ,in this respect1 also1 he considered that it was at best extremely questionable4 ,let us illustrate the principle by the oft-repeated case of the ,district of ,columbia4 ,abolitionism asserts that it is the clear duty of ,congress to abolish slavery instantly in that ,district1 without regard to what may occur afterwards in consequence of that act4 ,let us admit that the dissolution of the ,federal ,union is a consequence not worthy of regard--even when distinctly foreseen2 and that all the evils attendant on such a result1 to human society1 and to all the great interests of man throughout the earth1 are as nothing1 compared with the establishment of a doubtful definition1 having an antiquity of at least four years1 and a paternity disputed between ,mr4 ,garrison and ,mr4 ,thompson4 ,as a principle concerning no other creature but the slaves of the ,district1 and no interest but theirs1 it can be shown to be false4 ,if ,congress were instantly to abolish slavery there1 with a tolerable certainty that every slave in the ,district would be removed and continued with their issue in perpetual slavery2 when by an arrangement with the owners1 they might so prospectively abolish it as to secure the freedom of every slave in five or ten years1 and of their issue as they successively arrived at twenty or twenty-five years of age2 if ,congress could do the latter1 and were in preference to do the former1 they would deserve the execrations of the world4 ,the first plea is ,mr4 ,thompson and abolitionism2 the second express my principles and those of the despised gradualists4 ,at all events1 the truth of the principle involved in the former supposition was not so manifest as to justify ,mr4 ,thompson in denouncing1 as he had done1 those who did not see proper to follow it4 ,a wise man would hesitate--he would weigh well the resulting circumstances as one of the best tests of the truth and utility of his principles before he propagated1 as indisputably and exclusively true1 and that in despite of all results1 such principles1 with the violence which had been manifested--principles which1 he repeated1 were but four years old1 and which he was still convinced1 were but arrant quackery4 ,there was another aspect of the subject4 ,reference had been made to the representation of the black population in the ,national ,government4 ,he would remark on this subject that it was the duty of every ,state to see that power was committed only to the hands of those qualified to exercise it properly1 wisely1 and beneficially4 ,what would be said in this country1 were ,mr4 ,thompson to propose that the elective franchise should be made universal1 and that the age at which it might be exercised should be fixed at fifteen years8 ,he would venture to say that the ministry who would introduce such a scheme to ,parliament1 would not exist for three days4 ,the proposal1 as ,mr4 ,t4 no doubt knew1 would be considered altogether revolutionary and shocking4 ,yet it must be admitted that the average of the boys of ,britain who are fifteen years old1 are fully as well qualified for the exercise of the elected franchise1 as the average of the slaves in the various parts of the ,united ,states are at the age of twenty-one years4 ,but with us1 as with you1 twenty-one years is the age at which electors vote4 ,as ,i have shown1 in most of our ,states the elective franchise is extended to every white man1 who has attained that age2 while the qualifications of a property kind1 anywhere required1 are so extremely moderate1 that in all our communities nine-tenths at least of the adult white males are entitled to vote4 ,now let it be borne in mind1 that abolitionism requires not only instant freedom for the slave1 but also instant treatment of him1 in every civil and political1 as well as every social and religious respect1 as if he were white1 that is1 in plain terms--if we should follow the dogmas you sent ,mr4 ,t4 to teach us1 and in which we have been held up to the scorn of all good men1 for declining to receive1 a revolution far more terrible and revolting would immediately follow throughout all our slave ,states1 than would follow in ,britain by enfranchising in a day1 every boy in it fifteen years old--even if your house of lords were substituted by an elective senate1 and your parliaments made annual6 ,and it is in the light of such results1 that ,america has received with horror the enunciation of principles which lead directly to them1 while their advocates declare all consequences indifferent as it regards their conduct6 ,and can it be the duty of any commonwealth to bring upon itself instantly1--or at all--such a condition as this8 ,the abolitionists themselves had evidently felt that their scheme was absurd2 for they had never ventured to propose it to a slave ,state4 ,their papers were published and their efforts all made1 and their organized agitation carried on1 and a tremendous uproar raised in ,states where there existed no power whatever to put an end to slavery2 but hardly a syllable had been uttered where1 if anywhere1 some effect might have been produced beneficial to the slaves1 had abolition principles been practicable anywhere4 ,the conduct of the abolitionists had been of a piece with what would have taken place in this country1 had an agitation been got up for the direct abolition of idolatry in ,china1 or of popery in ,spain4 ,their principles had never yet been advocated in the ,south1 but by means of the post-office1 the effects of which1 in the tearing up of mail bags1 c41 ,mr4 ,thompson well knew1 and had declared4 ,but the fact was1 that such metaphysical propositions as those propounded by the abolitionists--even admitting them to be true--were altogether uncalled for4 ,thousands of slaves had been emancipated before the abolition principles were heard of1 and all that was needed1 was1 that those who were engaged in the good work should have been let alone or aided on their own principles4 ,what was the use of blazoning forth a doctrine which was in all likelihood false and ruinous1 but which1 were it true1 could do no good8 ,for if you could persuade a man that his duty required him to give freedom to his slaves1 and he became suitably impressed with a sense thereof--he would do it just as certainly and effectually as though you had begun by saying to him--now as soon as ,i convince you1 you must set them free immediately6 ,he could indeed characterize such a mode of proceeding by no other term than that of gratuitous folly4 ,again he might say that this principle of abolitionism was contrary to all the experience which ,america had acquired as a nation on this subject4 ,principles favorable to emancipation first took root where there were few slaves1 and when the products of their labor were of little value4 ,they had spread gradually towards the ,south1 the border ,states being always first inoculated1 till no fewer than eight ,states which tolerated slavery1 adopted this principle1 and successively abolished it4 ,to these eight ,states were to be added four others1 created since the formation of the ,federal ,constitution1 which never tolerated slavery1 thus making twelve ,states in which slavery was not permitted4 ,by the influence of gradualism alone1 had the cause of freedom advanced steadily to this point1 and every day rendered its ultimate triumph throughout the whole empire more and more probable4 ,at this time it might have been carried ,south by at least #e degrees of latitude2 and ,virginia1 ,kentucky1 ,maryland1 ,delaware1 and ,missouri1 added to the free ,states2 and the shackles of #a1jjj1jjj slaves been in a process of gradual melting off4 ,if fifty years had seen the rise of #ab free ,states1 was it too much to hope that the next fifty years should enfranchise twelve more4 ,for all the ruin brought on this glorious cause during the last four years by principles and practices of ,mr4 ,thompson's friends1 what have they to compensate suffering humanity8 ,have they or theirs released from his bonds a single slave8 ,the abolition plan had in fact1 been a signal1 a total1 absolute failure4 ,mr4 ,thompson himself did not pretend to say that a twentieth part of the population of ,america had embraced his views4 ,the whole theory was as false as the whole practice was fatal2 and just and pious men would hereafter hesitate before they sent out new missions to advocate them1 or lent the influence of their just weight to denunciations levelled against all who did not think them worthy of their applause4 ,the second great principle of the abolitionists1 to which he would invite attention1 was this--that it was the inherent and indestructible right of every man to abide in perfect freedom in whatever spot he was born2 and that while it is a crime to deny him there all the rights of a man1 a citizen and a ,christian1 it was not less so to persuade1 to win1 or to coerce him into what they called exile--this principle was levelled at the ,colonization ,society2 and while instant abolition formed the first1 and denunciation of what they call prejudice against color formed the last2 hatred to colonization formed the middle and active principle of the band4 ,of this1 it might be said1 first1 that it had the advantage of contradicting all the wisdom and practice of mankind4 ,whether it was meant to embrace women and minors--or at what age to establish the beginning of rights so extraordinary and unprecedented1 whether at twenty-one1 as here1 or twenty-five1 as in some countries1 or twenty-eight1 as in others1 had not yet been defined4 ,thus much at least might be said--that if these rights resided in black men1 they resided in no others1 of whatever hue or race2 and the philosophers who discovered their existence had found out something to compensate these unhappy men for their unparalleled sufferings4 ,it certainly need not create surprise that we should listen with suspicion to such dogmas taught by an ,englishman1 when we remember that1 from time immemorial1 all the institutions of his own country were built upon dogmas precisely opposite2 and all her practice the reverse of the preaching of the semi-national representative4 ,mr4 ,thompson says1 a man is a citizen by inherent right1 wherever he is born2 the ,british monarchy1 which ,mr4 ,thompson says he prefers to all things else1 says on the contrary1 that let a man be born where he may he is a ,briton1 if born of ,british parents2 and it both claims his allegiance1 and will extend to him every right of a subject born at home6 ,then why is not a man an ,african if born of ,african parents in ,america1 as well as a ,briton1 if born of ,british parents there8 ,or why are we to be attacked first with cannon on one side1 and then with ,billingsgate on the other side of this vexed question8 ,nor did our own notions1 adverse as they were to those of ,britain1 conflict less with ,mr4 ,t4 and abolitionism on another part of the principle4 ,all our notions permit men to expatriate themselves1 many of our constitutions guarantee it as a natural right1 and ,america had actually gone to war with ,britain in defence of that right in her unnaturalized citizens4 ,britain had insisted on searching ,american vessels for ,british sailors--,america had refused to submit to the search2 because1 among other things the man sought was1 by naturalization1 an ,american4 ,america did not oppose any of her citizens becoming ,britons1 if they thought fit1 and was resolved to maintain the right of those who chose to become ,american citizens1 from whatever country they might have emigrated1 and therefore could hear only with contempt this dictum of abolitionism4 ,again he would say that1 this principle is contrary to common sense4 ,rights of citizenship were not to be considered natural rights4 ,they were given by the community--they might be withheld by the community2 and1 therefore1 to talk of their being indestructible1 was sheer nonsense4 ,no man had a natural right to say1 ,i will be a citizen of this or that ,state2 and in point of fact1 the great bulk of mankind were not citizens at all1 but merely subjects4 ,there were laws establishing the present form of government1 giving a certain power to the king and to the ,parliament1 and regulating the mode in which ,parliament was to be elected4 ,these laws were altogether conventional2 and as well might a man claim a natural right to be a king or a judge as to be a citizen4 ,it might be as truly said that one is inherently a shark because he was born at sea1 or a horse because he happened to have been born in a stable4 ,so far is the theory of abolition from the truth2 and so widely remote is their hatred to colonization1 from being based in justice1 or reason1 that circumstances may occur in which it shall become imperative duty for men to emigrate4 ,america presented a striking example of the truth of this4 ,in this country it was customary to talk of ,america as a daughter of ,england4 ,he had heard people talk as if ,america were about as large as one ,english shire1 and settled principally from their own villages4 ,but the fact was that ,america was an epitome of the whole world1 peopled by colonies from almost all parts of it4 ,it was an eclectic nation2 and to talk to ,americans1 of the inherent right of a man to stay and be oppressed1 where he happened to be born--or the guilt of seducing him to emigrate1 is only to expose one's self to pity or scorn4 ,to realize this1 it is only necessary to take a map of our wide empire1 washed by both oceans1 and embracing all the climates of the earth1 and get some ,american boy to tell you the migrations of his ancestors4 ,to omit all mention of the red man1 from ,asia1 and the poor black man1 from ,africa2 there1 he will say in ,new-,england1 are the children of the pilgrims1 who were the fathers of your own ,roundheads1 driven out by the mean and vexatious tyranny of ,james ,i42 and there1 in lower ,virginia1 three hundred leagues off1 are the descendants of the ,cavaliers and ,malignants4 ,there1 in the back parts of the same ancient commonwealth1 and in all western ,pennsylvania1 are the sturdy ,scotch1 whose fathers were hanged in the streets of your cities1 by that perjured ,charles ,,ii41 who thus rewarded the loyalty that gave him back his crown4 ,in the same key ,state1 of the ,union is a nation of industrious ,germans2 while in the empire state of ,new-,york1 are the children of those glorious ,united ,provinces1 that disputed with yourselves for ages1 the empire of the seas2 and between them both in ,new-,jersey the descendants of those ancient ,danes who often ravaged your own coasts4 ,the descendants of the ,hugonauts1 whose ancestors ,louis ,,xiv4 expelled from ,france1 and placed cordons on his frontiers to butcher as they went out1 simply because they were ,protestants1 peopling parts of the south2 in other parts of which1 are colonies of ,swiss1 of ,spaniards1 and of ,catholic ,french4 ,the ,irishmen is everywhere2 and everywhere better treated than at home4 ,amongst such a people1 it must needs be an instinctive sentiment1 that he who loves country more than liberty1 is unworthy to have either2 that he who inculcates or affects the love of place above the possession of precious privileges1 must have a sinister object4 ,but he might proceed much farther2 and having shown that it might be the duty of men to emigrate under various circumstances1 prove that such a duty never was more imperative than on the free colored population of ,america4 ,possessing few motives to remain in ,america that were not base or insignificant compared with those that ought to urge their return1 every attempt to explain and defend their conduct revealed a selfishness on their part a thousand times greater than that they charge upon the whites2 and a cruelty on the part of their advisers towards the dying millions of heathen in ,africa1 more atrocious than that charged1 even by them1 on the master against his slave4 ,the love of country1 of kindred1 of liberty1 of the souls of men1 and of ,god himself1 impels them to depart1 and do a work which none but they can do2 and which they forego through the love of ease1 the lack of energy1 vanity gratified by the caresses of abolitionists1 and deadness to the great motives detailed above4 ,but there was another1 and most obvious truth1 which shows the utter futility of the principle of abolition now contested4 ,so far was the fact from being so1 that anybody1 black or white1 held an inherent right of citizenship in the place of his birth2 that it is most certain1 no man had even a right of bare residence1 which the state might not justly and properly deprive him of--upon sufficient reason4 ,the state has the indisputable right to coerce emigration1 whenever the public good required it2 and when that public good coincided with the interest of the emigrating party--and that also of the land to which they went--to coerce such emigration might become a most sacred duty4 ,it was indeed true1 that the friends of colonization had not contemplated nor proposed any other than a purely voluntary emigration2 for even the traduced ,state of ,maryland not only made the fact of removal voluntary1 but1 going a step further than any other1 gave a choice of place to the emigrant4 ,i recommend ,africa1 says she1 but ,i will aid you to go wherever you prefer to go4 ,it should1 however1 be borne in mind that this power is inherent in all communities1 and has been exercised in all time4 ,and it were well for the advocates of abolition principles to remember that the final1 and1 if necessary1 forcible separation of the parties is surely preferable to the annihilation1 or the eternal slavery of either2 while it is infinitely more probable than the instant emancipation--the universal levelling--or the general mixture for which they contend4 ,he had still left a third principle advanced by the abolitionists on which to comment1 but as only two or three minutes of his allotted time remained1 he would not enter on the subject2 but would read1 for the information of the audience a speech delivered by ,mr4 ,thompson at ,andover1 in ,massachusetts1 the seat of one of our largest theological seminaries1 as reported by a student who was present4 ,he wished this speech to be put on record for the information of the ,british public4 ,students--,i shall first speak of the natural and inalienable rights to discuss slavery4 ,it is not a question2 you ought to do it2 you sin against ,god and conscience1 and are traitors to human nature and truth1 if you neglect it4 ,whoever attempts to stop you from the exercise of this right1 snatches the trident from the ,almighty1 and whoever dares to put manacles upon mind must answer for it to the bar of ,god4 ,it belongs to ,god1 and to ,god exclusively4 ,you are not at liberty to give respect to any entreaty or suggestion or to take into consideration the feelings of any man or body of men on the subject4 ,the wicked spirit of expediency is the spirit of hell1 the infamous doctrines of the demons of hell2 and whoever attempts to preach it to the rising youth of the land1 preaches the doctrine of the damned spirits4 ,it is the spirit of the flame and faggot1 revealing itself as it dares1 and corrupting the atmosphere so as to prevent the free breathing of a free soul4 ,where are the students of the ,lane seminary8 ,where they ought to be2--from ,georgia to ,maine1 and from the ,atlantic to the ,rocky ,mountains--far from a prison-house where fetters are forged and rivetted4 ,they could not stay in a place where a thermometer was hung up to graduate the state of their feelings4 ,it was not till ,dr4 ,beecher consulted the faculty at ,new-,haven and ,andover1 to see if they would sustain him1 that he ventured to put the screws on4 ,but1 perhaps you may say1 we must bid farewell to promotion if we do as you desire4 ,the faculty have the power1 in a degree1 to fix our future settlements by the recommendation1 and1 therefore1 we must desist4 ,what if you do have to leave the seminary8 ,far better to be away than to breathe the tainted air of tyranny4 ,i proclaim it here1 that the only reason why abolition is not countenanced at ,andover is1 because it is unpopular2 when it is popular it will be received4 ,in #ahbc1 the ,colonization ,society was the pet child of the churches1 the seminaries1 and the colleges of the land2 but now1 forsooth1 because it is unpopular1 it is cast off4 ,aye1 once the eloquent tongues voiced its praise1 and the gold and silver were its tributaries--where is it now8 ,cast off because it is not popular4 ,this is rather hard2 in its old age1 too4 ,but ,i forbear1 it is a touching theme4 ,i return to the ,lane seminary4 ,never were nobler spirits and finer minds congregated together2 never in all time and place a more heroic and generous band4 ,dr4 ,beecher himself has pronounced the eulogy4 ,in what condition is the seminary now4 ,lying in ruins1 irretrievably gone6 ,dr4 ,beecher then sacrificed honor and reputation4 ,mr4 ,thompson read extracts from an article in the ,liberator1 which went to show that the faculty at ,andover advised the students to be uncommitted on the dividing topic of slavery4 ,yes1 added ,mr4 ,thompson1 go out uncommitted2 wait till you get into a pulpit and have it cushioned and a settee in it1 and then you may commit yourself4 ,the speaker observed that very ill effects had resulted from the failure of the students at ,andover to form themselves into an ,anti-,slavery ,society--the evil example had extended to ,philip's ,academy1 ,amherst ,college1 c4 ,he had been twitted about it wherever he had been1 but you may recover yourselves1 he added1 condescendingly2 there is some apology for you1 only let a ,society be formed instantly4 ,those who attempted to show from the ,bible that slavery was justifiable1 were paving the slave-holders' paths to hell with texts of ,scripture4 ,mr4 ,thompson enlarged upon the merits of the refractory students at ,lane ,seminary1 with a most abundant supply of adjectives2 and the mean-spirited students of ,andover1 although not expressly designated as such1 were understood by the manner of expression to be placed in contrast4 ,mr4 ,thompson remarked that such conduct would not be tolerated by the students of any college in ,england1 ,scotland1 or ,ireland4 ,this abuse1 of the faculty at ,andover was more personal and pointed than ,i have described2 one of the faculty was called by name1 but the severe expressions ,i have forgotten4 ,he would probably have outrun himself1 and exhausted the vocabulary of opprobrious epithets1 had he not been interrupted4 ,at the conclusion of the lecture1 with the strange inconsistency which belongs to the man1 he remarked that he had a high respect for the members of the faculty1 and that he would willingly sit at their feet as a learner4 ,he had only one remark before he sat down4 ,it had been publicly stated by a student of this seminary1 that ,mr4 ,thompson1 in a conversation with him1 had said1 that every slave-holder deserved to have his throat cut1 and that his slaves ought to do it4 ,he could not1 of course1 vouch for the truth of this2 but ,mr4 ,thompson was there to explain4 ,one thing1 however1 he could state as an indisputable fact1 namely1 that the professors of the seminaries had signed a document in which it was asserted that the young man had been in the college for three years1 and that his veracity was unimpeached and unimpeachable4 ,if the story were true--it was well that it was timely made public4 ,if the young man misunderstood ,mr4 ,thompson1 he 7,mr4 ,b47 believed he formed one of a very large class in ,america1 who had fallen into similar mistakes1 and drawn similar conclusions from the general drift of his doings and sayings in that country4 99 99 99 99 99 ,mr4 ,,thompson1 on rising1 observed that no one could be more ready than himself to commend the gentleman who had just resumed his seat for the courage which he had shewn in dealing so frankly and faithfully with him1 7,mr4 ,t47 in the presence of those to whom he 7,mr4 ,b47 was comparatively a stranger1 and whose favorable opinion he 7,mr4 ,t47 had had many opportunities of conciliating4 ,he rejoiced that his opponent had1 towards the end of his speech1 attempted to state facts and specify charges1 and had thus afforded him an opportunity of showing how completely and triumphantly he could meet the charges brought against himself personally1 and support the statements he had made in reference to ,america4 ,he would commence with the ,andover story about cutting throats4 ,the truth of the matter was this4 ,a student in the ,theological ,seminary of the name of ,a4 ,f4 ,kaufman1 ,jr41 charged him1 ,george ,thompson1 with having said1 in a private conversation1 that every slave-holder ought to have his throat cut1 and that if the abolitionists preached what they ought to preach1 they would tell every slave to cut his master's throat4 ,mr4 ,kaufman was from ,virginia1 the son of a slave-holder1 and heir to slave property4 ,the story was first circulated in ,andover1 and was afterwards published in the ,new-,york ,commercial ,advertiser1 in a communication dated from the ,saratoga ,springs4 ,in reply to the printed version1 ,i 7said ,mr4 ,t47 printed a letter denying the charge in the most solemn manner1 and referring to my numerous public addresses1 and innumerable private conversations1 in proof of the perfectly pacific character of my views4 ,then came forth a long statement from ,mr4 ,kaufman1 with a certificate to his veracity and general good character1 signed by professors ,woods1 ,stuart1 and ,emerson1 of ,andover4 ,here the matter must have rested--,mr4 ,kaufman's charge on one side1 and my denial on the other--had the conversation been strictly private2 but1 fortunately for me1 there were witnesses of every word2 and this brings me to notice other circumstances connected with the affair1 constituting a most complete contradiction of the charge4 ,i was staying at the time under the roof of the ,rev4 ,shipley ,w4 ,willson1 the minister of the ,methodist ,episcopal ,church in ,andover1 and when ,i had the conversation with ,mr4 ,kaufman1 in which the language imputed to me is alleged to have been uttered1 there were present1 besides ourselves1 my host the ,rev4 ,s4 ,w4 ,willson2 the ,rev4 ,amos ,a4 ,phelps1 congregational clergyman1 and one of the agents of the ,american ,anti-,slavery ,society2 the ,rev4 ,la ,roy ,sunderland ,methodist ,episcopal clergyman1 and at present the editor of ,zion's ,watchman1 ,new-,york2 and the ,rev4 ,jarvis ,gregg1 now a ,professor in ,western ,reserve ,college1 ,ohio4 ,in consequence of the use made of the statement put forth by ,mr4 ,kaufman1 ,i wrote to ,professor ,gregg1 and ,mr4 ,phelps1 requesting them to give their version of the conversation in writing2 and their letters in reply1 which1 together with one written without solicitation by ,mr4 ,sunderland1 have been published4 ,they not only flatly contradict the account given by ,mr4 ,kaufman1 but prove that ,i advocated in the strongest language the doctrine of non-resistance on the part of the slaves4 ,these letters1 however1 never appeared in the columns of the papers which brought the charge and defied me to the proof of my innocence4 ,it may be well to give some idea of the conversation out of which the charge grew4 ,mr4 ,kaufman complained of the harsh language of the abolitionists1 and challenged me to quote a passage of scripture justifying our conduct in that respect4 ,i quoted the passage ,whoso stealeth a man and selleth him1 or if he be found in his hand1 he shall surely be put to death2 and observed1 that in this text we had a proof of the awful demerit of the slaveholder2 that he was considered worthy of death2 and that the modern slaveholder1 under the ,christian dispensation1 was not less guilty than the slaveholder under the ,jewish law4 ,i then reminded him of the political principles of the ,americans1 and cited the words of the declaration of ,independence1 ,,resistance to tyrants is obedience to ,god4 ,i then contrasted the injuries inflicted on the slave with the grievances complained of in the ,declaration of ,independence1 and argued1 that1 if the ,americans deemed themselves justified in resisting to blood the payment of a threepenny tea tax and a stamp duty1 how much more1 upon the same principles1 would the slave be justified in cutting his masters' throat1 to obtain deliverance from personal thraldom4 ,nay more1 that every ,american1 true to the principles of the revolution1 ought to teach the slaves to cut their master's throats--but that while these were fair deductions from their own revolutionary principles1 ,i held the doctrine that it was invariably wrong to do evil that good might come1 and that ,i dared not purchase the freedom of the slaves by consenting to the death of one master4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 had thus disposed of one of the most tangible portions of his opponent's speech4 ,he regretted there had not been more of matter-of-fact statement in the speech of one hour in length1 to which they had just listened2 a speech1 which1 however creditable to the intellect of his opponent on account of its ingenuity1 was by no means creditable to his heart4 ,instead of dealing fairly with the documents he 7,mr4 ,t47 had produced1 and which contained a true and ample statement of the views1 feelings1 principles1 purposes and plans of the abolitionists1 ,mr4 ,breckinridge had manufactured a series of dextrous sophisms1 calculated to keep out of sight the real merits of the question4 ,was it not strange1 that1 covered as that platform was with the documents of the abolitionists1 his opponent had not quoted one word from their writings1 but had based all he had said upon a statement of their principles made out by himself2 and had then given to that statement an interpretation of his own1 utterly at variance with all the views and doctrines entertained by the abolitionists4 ,the gentleman had most ably played the part of ,tom ,thumb1 who made the giants he so valiantly demolished4 ,he would not attempt to grapple with that which rested altogether upon a gross misstatement of the principles and views of the ,abolitionists4 ,he had a right to expect that ,mr4 ,b4 would go to the many sources of official information touching the principles he professed to denounce2 but instead1 he had put forth a creed1 as the creed of the ,abolitionists of ,america1 which was nowhere to be found in their writings1 and he 7,mr4 ,t47 should therefore wait until an objection had been taken to something they 7the abolitionists7 had really said or done4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge had amused them with another ,andover story4 ,he had read an extract from a speech said to have been delivered by him 7,mr4 ,t47 during the protracted meeting he had held there4 ,he would just take the liberty of assuring the audience that he had never uttered the speech which had that night been put into his mouth4 ,it had been said that the speech was reported by a student4 ,had ,mr4 ,b4 given the name of the student8--,no4 ,he 7,mr4 ,b47 knew that it was an anonymous communication1 written by a vile enemy of a righteous cause1 who was too much ashamed of his own productions to sign his name1 but put the initial ,c4 at the end of his libellous productions1 which were greedily copied into the pro-slavery papers of the ,united ,states4 ,the reports furnished by that scribbler were known in ,andover to be false1 and laughed at by the students as monstrous and ludicrous perversions of the truth4 ,upon this point also1 he 7,mr4 ,t47 had ample documentary evidence4 ,he did not wonder that ,mr4 ,breckinridge had so frequently twitted him respecting the multitude of documents which he 7,mr4 ,t47 was in the habit of producing4 ,it must be peculiarly unpleasant to find that he 7,mr4 ,t47 had always the document at hand necessary to annihilate the pretended proof of his opponent4 ,he would now read from a report of the proceedings at ,andover--but a very different report compared with that they had just heard--not an anonymous one1 but signed by a respectable and pious student in the ,theological ,seminary1 ,r4 ,reed1 ,corresponding ,secretary of the ,andover ,anti-,slavery ,society4 ,as reference was made1 in the extract he was going to read1 to a former visit1 he would just state1 that about three months after his arrival in the ,united ,states1 he visited ,andover1 and delivered three lectures1 besides undergoing a long examination into his principles in the ,college ,chapel2 and that on his return to ,boston1 where he was then residing1 he received from the ,institution a series of resolutions signed by upwards of fifty of the students1 expressive of their entire concurrence in the sentiments he had advanced1 and their high approbation of the temper in which he had advocated those sentiments1 and commending him to the blessing and protection of ,heaven4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 need not say that such a testimonial from theological students1 unasked and unexpected1 was peculiarly gratifying4 ,the account of his second visit in ,july1 #ahce1 was thus given in a letter addressed to the editor of the ,liberator4 ,it had been previously announced that ,mr4 ,thompson would address us on ,tuesday evening4 ,the hour arrived1 and a large and respectable audience were convened in the expectation of again listening to the--7,mr4 ,thompson here omitted some complimentary expressions47 ,after the introductory prayer1 ,mr4 ,phelps arose1 and said he regretted that he was obliged to state that ,mr4 ,thompson had not yet arrived in town1 but he thought it probable he would soon be with us4 ,he then resumed the subject of ,american ,slavery4 ,he had1 however1 uttered but a few sentences before ,mr4 ,t4 came in4 ,his arrival was immediately announced from the desk1 and the expression of satisfaction1 manifested by the audience1 told1 more eloquently than words1 the estimation in which they held this beloved brother1 and the pleasure they felt on again enjoying the opportunity of listening to his appeals4 ,mr4 ,thompson took his seat in the desk1 and ,mr4 ,phelps then proceeded at some length4 ,when he closed his remarks1 ,mr4 ,thompson arose1 and after some introductory remarks1 answered1 in a powerful and eloquent manner1 the inquiry1 ',why don't you go to the ,south4' ,the first part of the three succeeding evenings was occupied by ,mr4 ,phelps1 in exposing the janus-faced monster1 the ,american ,colonization ,society1 which he did in so masterly a manner1 that we are quite sure none of his auditors1 save those who are willfully blinded1 will hereafter doubt of its being 'a fraud upon the ignorance1 and an outrage upon the intelligence of the community4' ,thursday evening ,mr4 ,thompson vindicated himself against the aspersions heaped upon him for denouncing ,dr4 ,cox4 ,i would that all ,mr4 ,thompson's friends had been present1 and his enemies too1 for ,i am sure that unless encased in a shield of prejudice more impenetrable than steel1 they would have been compelled to acknowledge that his denunciation of ,dr4 ,cox was just1 and not such an instance of tiger-like malice as some have represented it to be4 ,friday evening 7the evening to which the extract read by ,mr4 ,breckinridge referred7 he spoke of the 'armed neutrality' of the seminary and the course which had been taken in the ,academical ,institutions of ,andover4 ,he is accused of wantonly abusing our ,professors and ,teachers--of making personal attacks upon them4 ,no personal attacks however were made2 no man's motives were impeached4 ,he attacked ,,principles and not ,,men for while he would render to the guardians of the seminary and academies all that respect which their station and learning and piety demands1 he would at the same time condemn the course that had been pursued1 as having a tendency to retard the progress of emancipation4 ,let the public judge as to the propriety of his remarks4 ,it would be recollected that the same question had been put to him here in ,glasgow1 as that which he had answered at ,andover4 ,why don't you go to the ,south8 ,he would tell his opponent on the present occasion1 that even he could not advocate abolition sentiments in the ,south1 purely and openly1 without endangering his life4 ,the reason he was able to express his views on slavery and remain unmolested1 was because it was known that he denounced the abolitionists1 and advocated colonization4 ,the experience of ,mr4 ,birney was in point4 ,that gentleman hated slavery before he joined the abolitionists1 and was in the habit of speaking against it1 in connection with the colonization cause1 and was permitted to do so without hindrance2 but when he emancipated his slaves1 and called upon others to do likewise1 upon true anti-slavery principles1 he was forced to fly from his residence and family1 and was now in the city of ,cincinnati4 ,it had been tauntingly ,said1 show us the fruits of your principles4 ,where are the slaves you have liberated8 ,he would reply1 that in ,kentucky1 very recently1 nineteen slaves had been liberated upon anti-slavery principles3--enough to answer ,mr4 ,b's demand1 point us to one slave your ,society has been the means of liberating4 ,but the question was not to be so tested4 ,the abolitionists of ,britain were often called upon in the same way2 and their answer was1 our principles are extending1 and when they are sufficiently impressed upon the public mind1 there will be a general emancipation of the slaves4 ,on the #cast of ,july1 #ahcd1 they could not point to any actually free in consequence of their efforts2 but the night came and passed away1 and the morrow dawned upon #hjj1jjj human beings1 lifted by the power of anti-slavery principles1 out of the legal condition of chattels1 into the position of free ,british subjects4 ,so in the ,united ,states4 ,the principles of abolition would necessarily be some time extending1 but ultimately they would effect a change in public opinion1 and a corresponding change in the treatment of the black man4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge had disputed the truth of the fact he 7,mr4 ,t47 had stated relative to the imprisonment and sale into bondage for life1 in the city of ,washington1 of a black man1 justly entitled to his freedom4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 trusted that in this matter also he should be able most satisfactorily to establish his own veracity4 ,the evidence he would produce to support the statement he had made1 was1 ,a memorial of the inhabitants of the ,district of ,columbia1 ,u4 ,s41 signed by one thousand of the most respectable citizens of the ,district1 and presented to ,congress1 ,march #bd1 #ahbh1 then referred to the ,committee on the ,district1 and on the motion of ,mr4 ,hubbard1 of ,new-,hampshire1 ,feb4 #i1 #ahce1 ordered to be printed4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 held in his hand the genuine document printed by ,congress1 #bb;d ,congress1 #b;d ,session1 ,house of ,representatives1 ,doc4 ,no4 #adj4 ,the following was the part containing the fact he had mentioned4 ,a colored man1 who stated that he was entitled to freedom was taken up as a runaway slave1 and lodged in the jail of ,washington ,city4 ,he was advertised1 but no one appearing to claim him1 he was according to law1 put up at public auction for the payment of his jail fees1 and ,,sold as a ,,slave for ,,life4 ,he was purchased by a slave trader1 who was not required to give security for his remaining in the ,district and he was soon shipped at ,alexandria for one of the southern ,states4 ,an attempt was made by some benevolent individual to have the sale postponed until his claim to freedom could be investigated2 but their efforts were unavailing2 and thus was a human being ,,sold into ,,perpetual ,,bondage at the capital of the freest government on earth1 without even a pretence of trial1 or an allegation of crime4 ,he should be glad to find that ,mr4 ,b4 had a satisfactory explanation of this most revolting case4 ,such things were enough to make any man speak hardly of ,america4 ,if he 7,mr4 ,t47 said severe things of that country1 it was not1 ,heaven knew1 because he did not love that country1 for his heart's desire and prayer was1 that she might soon be free from every drawback upon her prosperity and usefulness4 ,he told these things because they ought to be known and branded as they deserved1 that the nation guilty of them might repent and abandon them4 ,he was not the enemy of ,america that faithfully pointed out her follies and crimes4 ,no4 ,he was the man that loved ,america1 that seeing her1 like some lofty tree1 spreading abroad her branches1 and furnishing at once shelter and sustenance to all who sought refuge under her shade1 observed with sorrow and dismay1 a canker-worm at the root1 threatening to consume her beauty and her strength1 and could not rest day or night in his efforts to bring so great and glorious a nation to a sense of her danger1 and an apprehension of her duty4 ,let others do the pleasant work of flattery and panegyric1 and be it his more ungracious1 but not less salutary work1 of proclaiming her errors1 and denouncing her sins1 until she learns to do justice and love mercy4 7,he 7,mr4 ,t47 thought he might with some justice complain of the manner in which he had been treated by his opponent4 ,he 7,mr4 ,t47 had made every concession which truth and justice would warrant to ,mr4 ,b42 had honored his motives1 and studiously separated him from those upon whom his heaviest censures had fallen--the lovers and abettors of the slave system4 ,but a similar course had not been pursued towards him4 ,in many ways his motives had been impeached and his statements so denied as to throw discredit upon his intentions in making them4 ,in a word1 ,mr4 ,b's4 whole course had been wanting in that courtesy which he had a right to expect would be exhibited by one disputant towards another4 ,at the same time1 he earnestly desired ,mr4 ,b4 to state freely all he thought of his motives and conduct4 ,a few moments yet remaining1 he would say a word or two in reference to the designs attributed to the abolitionists1 in respect of the privileges to which the colored people were entitled4 ,he denied that the abolitionists had ever asked for the blacks1 either in regard to political rights or social privileges1 anything unreasonable4 ,they asked for their immediate release from personal bondage1 and a subsequent participation of civil rights2 according to the amount in which they possessed the qualifications demanded of others4 ,where1 in the documents of abolitionists1 was the doctrine of instant and universal enfranchisement1 of which so much had been heard8 ,he knew not the abolitionist who had contended for such a thing4 ,he asked nothing for him over and above what would be freely bestowed on him if he were white4 ,oh6 it was an awful crime to have a black skin6 ,there lay all the disqualification4 ,the great fault which ,mr4 ,b4 seemed to find with the principles of the abolitionists was that they were too lofty2 too grand2 too little accommodated to the spirit of the age2 that1 in the adoption of their views and principles1 they had not consulted the manners and habits and prejudices of their country2 and the whole of his 7,mr4 ,breckinridge's7 argument had been in favor of expediency4 ,he hated that word expediency1 as ordinarily used4 ,it contained1 as he had often said1 the doctrine of devils4 ,it was so congenial with our depraved nature to make ourselves a little wiser than ,god--to believe that we understood better than ,god's servants of old the best way of reforming mankind4 ,oh6 that men would take the ,almighty at his word1 and simply doing their duty1 leaving him to take care of consequences4 ,doubtless1 the dauntless ,hebrew1 ,daniel1 was deemed1 in his day1 a rash man4 ,he might so very easily have escaped the snare laid for him4 ,why did he not go to the back of the house8 ,why not shut the window8 ,why could he not pray silently to the searcher of hearts8 ,daniel scorned compromise4 ,he prayed as he had ever prayed--aloud--with his window open1 and his face to ,jerusalem4 ,he boldly met the consequences4 ,he walked to the lion's den--he entered1 he remained3 but lo6 on the third day he came forth unhurt1 to tell mankind to the end of time that1 if they will do their duty and trust in ,daniel's ,god1 no weapon formed against them shall prosper1 but they shall in ,his strength stop the mouths of lions1 and put to flight the armies of the aliens4 99 99 99 99 99 ,mr4 ,,breckinridge said that1 so far as the present respectable audience was concerned1 he would make but a single remark4 ,mr4 ,thompson and he had already trespassed on their patience1 but they would probably do so no longer than to-morrow night2 at least so far as he was concerned1 he thought it unnecessary1 if not improper4 ,the chief reason of his 7,mr4 ,b's47 coming here was to defend the churches1 ministers and ,christians of ,america1 from the false and dreadful charges which had been proclaimed over ,britain against them by ,mr4 ,thompson1 and which he had challenged all the world to give him an opportunity to prove4 ,upon this topic that gentleman had1 as yet1 fought shy4 ,he could wait on him no longer4 ,they might expect1 therefore1 that next evening he would take up that subject1 whether ,mr4 ,thompson should follow him or not4 ,if the audience considered that the general subject had been sufficiently discussed already--as from some manifestations he was inclined to suppose--he would at once retire4 7,slight hissing47 ,was he to consider that as an answer in the affirmative8 7,renewed hissing47 ,why1 then1 he had erred in laying any of the blame of trying their patience on ,mr4 ,thompson1 and it was his duty to take it all to himself2 and1 when he returned home1 to tell his countrymen that no charges were too gross or caluminous to be entertained against them--nor any length of time1 a weariness in hearing them--but that the hearing of defence and proof of innocence was an insupportable weariness4 7,increased hissing1 with cries of 'no'47 ,the only remaining supposition was1 that ,mr4 ,t's4 partizans had become convinced he needed succor1 and therefore gave it most naturally in the form of organized violence4 7,the hissing was again attempted1 but was put down by the general voice of the meeting47 ,mr4 ,t41 he said1 had at length brought accusations against him1 and had complained that although he 7,mr4 ,t47 had repeatedly and cordially expressed good feelings towards him1 7,mr4 ,b47 he had in no instance returned this kindness or justice2 nor said a word favorable to him throughout the debate4 ,he would appeal to the ,chairman1 to know distinctly1 if ,mr4 ,thompson had any right to demand1 or if he 7,mr4 ,b47 were bound to express his opinion of that individual4 ,because1 continued ,mr4 ,b41 as ,i have in the beginning said that ,mr4 ,t4 as an individual could be nothing to me or my countrymen1 ,i have preferred to be silent as to him individually4 ,if he is right1 however1 in bringing such things as charges against me1 and continues to demand my opinion1 ,i will give it fearlessly4 ,but let him beware--for ,i will call no man friend who gains his bread by calumniating my country4 ,nor can he who traduces my bretheren--my kindred--my home--all that ,i most venerate and revere--honor me so much as by traducing me4 ,they had been told that ,mr4 ,j4 ,g4 ,birney had fled from ,kentucky1 and left his wife and children behind him in great danger1 he being obliged to flee for his life4 ,it was true1 he believed1 that ,mr4 ,birney1 excellent and beloved as he was1 had found it best to emigrate from that ,state4 ,but that he had fled1 rested1 he believed1 on ,mr4 ,t's4 naked assertion4 ,that he had left his wife and children behind1 believing them to be in personal danger1 was a thing which it would require amazingly clear proof to establish against the gentleman in question4 ,but he would show to the meeting that there was one individual who could do such an act4 7,mr4 ,b4 then read the following extract from a speech1 delivered at a meeting in ,edinburgh1 on the #bhth of ,january1 #ahcf37 ,he stood there not to defame ,america4 ,it was true they had persecuted him2 but that was a small matter4 ,it was true they had hunted him like a partridge on the mountains2 that he had to lecture with the assassin's knife glancing before his eyes2 ,,and ,,his ,,wife ,,and ,,his ,,little ,,ones ,,were ,,in ,,danger ,,of ,,falling ,,by ,,the ,,ruthless ,,hands ,,of ,,murderers4 ,and again1 from the preface to the same pamphlet in which the above cited speech is found1 a pamphlet intended perhaps for ,america1 and called1 ,a ,voice to her from the ,metropolis of ,scotland1 the following paragraph occurs3---- ,mr4 ,thompson having proceeded by way of ,st4 ,john's1 ,new ,brunswick1 embarked on board of a ,british vessel for ,liverpool1 where he arrived on the #dth of ,january1 and on the #abth was happily joined by his family who had left ,new-,york on the #afth ,december4 ,so that it appeared from these statements that ,mr4 ,thompson1 believing that the ,americans meant to take away the lives of his wife and children1 left them to their fate while he prudently consulted his own safety by flight4 ,in regard to the alleged case of the sale of a free man of color1 at ,washington city1 the proof stood thus3 ,mr4 ,t4 broadly asserted1 again and again1 that a free man had been sold1 without trial1 into eternal slavery4 ,he1 7,mr4 ,b47 without knowing the especial facts relied on1 but knowing ,america1 and knowing abolitionism1 had flatly and emphatically denied that such a thing ever did or could happen in the ,district of ,columbia4 ,mr4 ,thompson re-asserts1 and triumphantly proves it1 as he says4 ,his first step in the proof is1 a printed scrap1 which1 he says1 is the identical memorial laid on the table of the ,senate of the ,united ,states1 who1 as they received and printed it1 he insinuates1 thereby avouched its truth4 ,upon which principle ,i also avouch all ,mr4 ,t4's charges1 as ,i hear them and consent to their publication4 ,but1 he adds1 there were once one thousand signatures to this document1 all witnesses of the truth of its contents4 ,to which ,i reply--,i see no name to it at all now2 and secondly1 if there were a million1 the paper does not assert1 much less prove1 what ,mr4 ,t4 produces it to sustain4 ,it merely declares that the man said he was free2 without even expressing the opinion of the writer or any signer of the paper4 ,now1 upon this case1 and this proof1 it is nearly certain that the man was not free1 and extremely probable that the whole case is fictitious4 ,for the glorious writ of habeas corpus1 one of the main pillars of your liberty--a privileged writ which no ,english judge1 for his right hand1 would dare illegally refuse2 that writ is one of the great heirlooms we got with our ,anglo-,saxon blood1 and is dearer to us than that blood itself4 ,here1 by act of ,parliament1 you do sometimes suspend this writ2 with us the tyrant does not breathe who would dare to whisper a wish for its suspension4 ,now1 if this man was1 or believed himself to be free1 what hindered him1 from the moment of his arrest to that of his sale1 from demanding and receiving a fair trial8 ,will it be said he did not know his rights8 ,but will it be pretended that the one thousand signers of the memorial1 the many abolitionists at ,washington of whom ,mr4 ,t4 boasts1 did not know his rights--in a land where every man knows and is ready to defend his rights8 ,if they did not1 they were thrice sodden asses1 fit only to be tools in gulling mankind into the belief of a tale that had not feasibility enough to gull a child4 ,upon the face of his own proof ,mr4 ,thompson had shown that he had not the slightest authority for the assertions he had so often made in arguing this case2 by all of which he intended to make men believe that in ,america it was not uncommon to sell free men into slavery6 ,mr4 ,breckinridge then resumed the consideration of abolition principles2 the third of which was1 that all prejudice against color is sinful1 and that everything which induces us to refuse any social1 personal1 religious1 civil1 or political right to a black man1 which is allowed to a white one1 not superior to him in moral or intellectual qualifications1 is a prejudice1 and therefore sinful4 ,he believed this to be a fair statement of their principles on that head4 ,and he would1 in the first place1 remark concerning them1 that even if they were true1 which he denied1 the discussion of them was worse than useless4 ,it could not advance the cause of emancipation1 nor improve the condition of the free blacks4 ,and whatever the abolitionists might say1 the slaves when freed would follow their own course and inclinations2 nor could the declaration of an abstract principle alter either their conduct or that of the whites1 in any material degree4 ,if1 as ,mr4 ,thompson asserted1 prejudice against color was the national sin of ,america1 the plague-spot of the nation1 it had just as often been asserted by others that the prejudice itself originated at first out of the relation of slavery4 ,the latter was the disease1 the former a mere symptom4 ,if there were no black slaves on earth there would no longer be any aversion against that color1 which went beyond the invariable and mutual restraints of nature1 or was tolerated by a proper ,christian liberty4 ,they know little of human prejudices who do not know that they are more invincible in the bulk of mankind than the dictates of reason1 or the impulses of virtue itself4 ,the case of the abolitionists must therefore be pronounced foolish on their own showing4 ,for they undertook to break down the strongest of all prejudices1 as they themselves say1 as a condition precedent to the doing of acts which1 to do at all1 required great pecuniary sacrifices and a high tone of moral feeling4 ,but if1 as ,i shall try to show1 their doctrines are contrary to all the course of nature and all the teachings of ,providence--their behavior is to be considered little else than sheer madness4 ,again3 even if it did not prejudice the case of the slave--as none can deny it did--to agitate this question of color1 and mix it up inseparably with the question of freedom1 of what use was it to him8 ,if the whites treat him with scorn1 give him his liberty--and he may pity1 forgive1 or return the scorn4 ,what advantage was he to gain as a slave1 by the discussion1 even if no harm came from it8 ,what advantage was he to obtain as a freeman even if its agitation did not forever prevent him from being free8 ,it is1 in all its aspects1 the most remarkable illustration of a weak1 heady1 and ignorant fanaticism which this age has produced1 and has been1 of them all1 the most fruitful of evil4 ,the truth was1 that many of the rights and privileges of free persons of color were better secured to them in ,america than corresponding rights and privileges were to the white peasantry of any other country on the globe4 ,with regard to the religious rights of colored persons1 he could only say that he had sat in ,presbyteries with them1 that he had dispensed the ,sacrament to them together with white persons2 and that he and multitudes of others had sat in the same class with them at our ,theological ,seminaries4 ,as for all the stories which ,mr4 ,t4 was accustomed to tell about ,dr4 ,sprague having part of his church curtained round for persons of color1 he knew personally nothing1 and noticed it only because it was told as a specimen story4 ,he merely knew that ,dr4 ,sprague was accounted a benevolent man1 and common charity required him not readily to believe anything of him in a bad sense which could be justified in a good one4 ,but if there was anything so very exclusive and revolting in these marks of superiority or inferiority in a church1 let them not look to ,america alone2 nor limit their sympathies exclusively to the blacks4 ,in almost every church in ,england in which he had been1 from the cathedral of ,st4 ,paul's at ,london1 to the curate's village church1 he had seen seats railed off1 or curtained1 or cushioned1 or elevated1 and some how distinguished from the rest4 ,and when he inquired why these things were so1 and for whose accommodation1 the answer was ready4 ,o1 that is for ,my ,lord this2 or ,sir ,harry that2 or ,mr4 ,prebend so and so2 or the ,lord ,bishop of what not4 ,and very often1 even in dissenting chapels1 he had seen part of the seats of an inferior description in particular parts of the house1 which he had as often been told were free seats for the poor2 an arrangement which has struck him as favorably as the similar one in ,dr4 ,sprague's church did ,mr4 ,t4 the reverse4 ,this preparation of free and separate seats for the poor is1 if he is rightly informed1 nearly universal1 in both the ,scotch and ,english establishments1 whenever the poor have seats in their churches4 ,now1 if ,mr4 ,thompson wished to begin a system of levelling--if he meant to preach universal equality1 why did he not begin here8 ,why did he not try to convert ,earl ,grey and ,lord ,melbourne1 instead of going across the ,atlantic in order to try his experiments on the despised ,americans8 ,as to the civil rights of the free blacks in ,america1 the most erroneous notions were entertained in both countries1 but especially here4 ,the truth was1 they enjoyed greater civil rights than the peasantry of ,britain herself2 and those rights were fully as well protected in their exercise4 ,their right to acquire property of any kind1 anywhere1 without being hedged about with exclusive privileges and ancient corporations2 their right to enjoy that property1 unencumbered with poor rates1 and church rates1 and tithes and tiends1 and untold taxes and vexations2 their right to pursue trades1 callings1 or business1 without regard to monopolies1 and innumerable vexatious and worrying preliminaries2 their right to be free in person--subject neither to forcible impressment1 nor to the serveilance of an innumerable police3 their right to be cared for in sickness and destitution1 without questions of domicile previously settled2 their right to the speedy and cheap administration of justice without sale1 denial or delay--and unattended with ruinous expenses2 these1 with whatever may truly be considered civil rights1 are enjoyed by the free colored people in nearly every part of ,america1 to a degree utterly unknown by millions of ,british subjects1 not only in the ,east and ,west-,indies1 but in ,ireland1 and even in ,england itself4 ,if any rights had been denied them1 as the following of certain professions1 as that of a minister of the gospel1 for example1 as ,virginia had lately done1 he could point their attention to the time when these laws were passed1 and show that it was not till after the era of abolition2 and that would never have been1 but for its fury4 ,it was not till after they had learned with bell book and candle to curse the white man1 and teach sedition and murder to the slaves4 ,the nature of political rights claimed by ,mr4 ,thompson for the blacks1 in his sweeping claim to have them put on a footing of perfect equality with the whites1 seemed to be utterly unknown to him1 both as to their origin and character4 ,whilst he advocated a scheme in ,america which demanded the most extensive political changes1 and claimed political rights as the birthright of certain parties1 he still persisted in assuring the ,british nation that he had never touched the subject in a political aspect6 ,now what political rights does he claim for the free blacks--and denounce all ,america for refusing1 on account of this prejudice against color8 ,is it right of suffrage8 is it right of office8 is it perfect1 personal1 and political equality8 ,if not1 what does he mean8 ,but if he means that it already exists in all the free ,states and in several of the slave ,states1 in behalf of the free blacks1 to a far greater extent than the same exists in ,england1 as between the privileged classes and the bulk of the nation1 though all are white1--,i boldly assert1 that a greater part of the free men of color in ,america did enjoy perfect political privileges at the rise of abolitionism1 than of the white men of ,britain at this day4 ,there were more free black voters in ,north ,america1 in proportion to the free black race1 than there are white voters in all ,britain1 in proportion to the white inhabitants of the ,british empire4 ,and this1 even leaving out the red millions of the ,east1 and the black thousands of the ,west-,indies2 and making the ,reform ,bill the basis of calculation6 ,if some have been deprived of these privileges1 let abolitionists blame themselves4 ,if in most places these privileges have been dormant1 it only proves that their exercise was a very secondary advantage--that the present outcry is but the more wicked and absurd4 ,as to the social rights which were demanded for the slaves and free blacks both1 there seemed to be a complete confusion of ideas in the minds of the abolitionists4 ,did they mean to say that all distinctions and gradations of rank were iniquitous1 or did they mean that men ought to enjoy rights because they were black1 which were justly denied to the whites8 ,who had ever heard of a nobleman marrying a gipsy8 or1 of a king of ,england marrying a laborer's daughter8 ,but the fact was1 everything tended to prove that in preaching against the alleged prejudice against color1 the abolitionists were really advocating general amalgamation4 ,there were three opinions on the the subject3 #ast4 ,that in a ,state situated like most of those in ,america1 public policy required the mixture of the races to be prohibited2 so that1 in nearly all the ,states1 intermarriages were prohibited1 and in many ,states they were punishable as a felony with fine or imprisonment4 #b;d4 ,that the practice was inexpedient1 but so far innocent as to be left to the discretion of the parties1 which he believed was the opinion of sober-minded people generally in this country4 #c;d4 ,that1 as the chief practical objection to it is a sinful prejudice against color1 that prejudice is to be broken down1 and the contrary right upheld1 as neither improper nor inexpedient1 when voluntarily exercised4 ,this last1 or even a much stronger advocacy of amalgamation1 is the doctrine of abolitionism2 facts deducible from their declaration of independence1 and found in the whole scope of their writings and speeches4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge then went on to show the utter folly1 and1 as he believed1 wickedness of advocating amalgamation2 or so acting or talking as to create the universal impression that was what was meant4 ,in the first place1 the result after which the abolitionists seemed to strive1 was impossible2 in the most strict sense of the terms1 naturally or physically impossible4 ,he by no means meant to contend with some freethinkers1 who1 to upset the ,mosaic cosmogony1 asserted that the different races of men were not fruitful if intermixed beyond a given and very near point4 ,but what he meant was this3 all who believe the ,mosaic account of the origin of the human race1 must1 of course1 believe that they were once all of one complexion4 ,now1 if they could all be amalgamated and made of one complexion again1 those causes1 whatever they are1 which have produced so great diversities1 would1 after a time1 reproduce them4 ,and having gratified ,mr4 ,thompson and his friends1 by universal levelling and mixing the world1 would soon find that they had done a work which nature did not permit to stand2 and would again behold1 in one belt upon the earth's surface1 the black1 in another the red1 and in a third the white man4 ,and to whatever degree they carried their principles into practice1 they would find proportionately great counteracting causes--continually fighting against them1 and continually requiring the reproduction of their amalgamated breed1 from the original stocks4 ,this1 then1 is a fatal objection to their scheme2 the course of nature is against it4 ,but again1 he would say1 as a second fundamental objection against all such schemes1 that wherever1 in the past history of the world1 the various races of men had been allowed freely to amalgamate1 one of two concomitants had universally attended the process1 namely1 polygamy or prostitution4 ,if either of these be permitted1 as innocent1 amalgamation can easily be pushed through its first stage2 without one at least of these two engines1 no progress has ever yet been made in this work of fighting against the overwhelming course of events4 ,he regretted he had not time to go over these branches of the argument with that pains which he could wish4 ,if he had1 he believed1 notwithstanding all that ,mr4 ,thompson had said1 or might say1 about sophistry1 they could each of them be demonstrated as clearly as that gentleman could demonstrate any proposition in geometry4 ,again1 in the third place1 he believed1 from what was contained in the ,bible1 that in preserving distinct from each other the three families of mankind1 as descended from the three sons of ,noah1 ,god had great and yet undeveloped purposes to accomplish4 ,how far the whole history of his providence led to the same conclusion1 he must leave to their own reflections to determine4 ,but on the admission of such a truth as even possible--it was surely natural to look for something in the structure of nature that would effectually prevent the obliteration of either race4 ,one may find this in those general considerations which make intermarriages1 in his view1 inexpedient2 or another in the innate and absolute instincts of the creature4 ,but both will receive with suspicion1 as an undoubted and fundamental rule of ,christian morals1 a dogma which requires us to contend against the clear leadings of providence1 and the good and merciful intentions of our ,creator4 ,we tax our faith but slightly when we believe that as soon as these purposes of mercy and glory are accomplished1 and the signal revolution in the social condition of man now contended for shall be required by the ,almighty1 we may look for a channel of communication between him and the world more in accordance with the ,spirit of his ,son than any which has yet brought us messages on the subject4 ,the fourth objection which struck him against this whole procedure was1 that in point of fact the world has need of every race that now exists on its surface4 ,it has taken forty centuries to adjust the nicely-balanced and adapted relations and proportions of a vast and complicated structure1--which the finger of all-pervading wisdom has itself guided in all the steps of its development4 ,and now1 a stroke of the pen is to subvert it all1 and one dictum1 of the world knows not whom1 accomplish the most stupendous revolution which all these forty centuries have witnessed4 ,suppose the end gained4 ,if any one race now existing was obliterated1 or very materially altered in its physical condition1 how large a proportion of the world's surface would become speedily depopulated1 and so remain until the present condition of things were restored6 ,if this could happen as to every race but one1 what a wreck would the earth exhibit6 ,he who will look with a ,christian's eye abroad upon the families of men1 must feel that to accomplish the great hopes that his heart has conceived for this ruined world1 he needs every race that now peoples it2 and must see the hand of ,god in arresting so speedily and so signally this pernicious heresy4 ,in the fifth place1 he suggested an argument against amalgamation1 which at once showed the injustice of the outcry against ,america1 and the total inconsiderateness of ,mr4 ,thompson and his party4 ,the fact was that this prejudice of color1 as it was called1 was in all respects mutual2 and so far from being the peculiar sin of ,america1 was the common instinct of the human race1 and existed as really1 if not as strongly on the side of the colored population as on that of the whites4 ,in proof of this1 ,mr4 ,breckinridge cited the case of ,hayti1 where no man is allowed the rights of citizenship1 unless a certain portion of black blood runs in his veins2 and that of ,richard ,lander1 who1 while travelling in the interior of ,africa1 as the servant of ,park1 was looked upon with comparative favor by the natives on account of his dark complexion1 while his master1 who was of a very fair complexion1 was far less a favorite on that account4 ,the ,north ,american ,indians and the blacks more readily intermixed than the ,indians and the whites1 while the latter connexion1 which is not indeed uncommon1 is formed by the marriage of a white man with a squaw2 never1 or most rarely1 of an ,indian and a white woman1 the slight1 and most exaggerated number of mulattoes1 are nearly without exception1 the offspring of white men and colored women4 ,these facts seemed to show the reality and nature or the mutual aversion of which ,i have spoken2 an aversion never overcome but in gross minds4 ,and the whole current of remark proves that those who attempted to promote amalgamation are fighting equally against the purposes of providence1 the convictions of reason1 and the best impulses of nature4 ,he had much to say1 which time failed him to say1 on the spirit in which the abolition had been advocated in ,america4 ,he would therefore merely remark whether it might be taken as a compliment1 or the reverse1 that the spirit of all ,mr4 ,thomson's speeches1 which he had heard or read--might give them a tolerable idea of the spirit of abolitionism everywhere3 a spirit which many seemed to consider as from above1 but for himself he prayed to be preserved from any such spirit4 ,he had much also to say upon the malignant feeling and spirit of insubordination which had been produced by the discussion of these questions in the breasts of multitudes of free colored people4 ,the riots1 of which so much had been said in this country1 were as often produced by the imprudence and insolence of these deluded people1 as by the wanton violence and prejudices of the lowest classes of the whites4 ,in consequence of the influence of the ,jacobinical principles of the abolitionists1 many free colored servants left employments they had held for years2 because the claim then first set up1 of perfect domestic equality with their masters1 was refused2 while many cases of insult to females1 in the streets of our cities1 signalized the same season and spirit4 ,he had also much to say of the wide-spread feeling1 looking towards immediate deliverance1 from a distance1 and by force1 which suddenly1 and1 if the abolitionists are innocent as they pretend1 miraculously got possession of the minds of the slaves over all the southern country2 and which led to such stern1 and but the more unhappy1 if necessary1 consequences4 ,it had been said1 in justification of his conduct by ,mr4 ,thompson1 that persuasion had never yet induced any one to relax his hold on slaves--and that as for ,america1 in particular1 she would never be made to feel ought on the subject1 till her pride and fears were awakened4 ,to that he would reply that1 as regarded pride1 perhaps ,america had her share of it2 but if abolition was not to be looked for till her fears granted it1 he apprehended they would have sufficient time yet left to send ,mr4 ,thompson on several new voyages before the whole country was frightened into his terms4 ,,fifth ,,night--,,friday1 ,,june #ag4 ,,mr4 ,,breckinridge said that the order of the exercises of this evening had1 without the fault of any one1 placed him in a position which was not the most natural4 ,considering that it was his duty to support the negative of the point for this evening's discussion1 it would have been most natural had the affirmation been first brought out4 ,he said this arrangement was not the fault of any one1 because it was not known that the point would fall to be discussed on this particular evening2 for had it fallen on last night or to-morrow night1 the order would have been as it ought to be4 ,his position was1 however1 made somewhat better by the fact1 that nothing that ,mr4 ,thompson could say this evening1 in an hour or two1 could alter the assertions which he had already repeatedly made and published in ,britain4 ,since the notice of this discussion had been published1 he had1 through the providence of ,god1 been put in possession of six or seven papers and pamphlets containing the substance of what had been said by ,mr4 ,thompson throughout the country1 and reiterated by associated bodies of his friends under his eye4 ,after reading these carefully1 he found himself pretty fully possessed of that individual's charges and testimony against the ministers1 private ,christians1 and churches of ,america2 he would1 therefore1 take them as he found them in those publications1 while ,mr4 ,thompson's presence would enable him to explain1 correct1 or deny anything that might be erroneously stated4 ,the first thing he should attempt to do1 was to impeach the competency of ,mr4 ,thompson as a witness in this or any similar case4 ,mr4 ,thompson had shown that he was utterly incompetent1 wisely to gather and faithfully to report testimony on any subject involving great and complicated principles4 ,he did not wish to say anything personally offensive to ,mr4 ,thompson2 but he must be plain1 and he would first produce proof of what he said1 which was as it regarded this whole nation perfectly ad hominem4 ,he would show the audience what ,mr4 ,thompson had said of them1 and then they would better judge what was his competency to be a witness against the ,americans4 ,at a meeting in the ,hopeton ,rooms at ,edinburgh1 since his return from the ,united ,states1 ,mr4 ,thompson said3 ,we were really under a worse bondage than the slaves of the ,united ,states4 ,we kissed our chains and hugged our fetters4 ,we were governed by our drunken appetite4 ,the lecturer1 in the concluding portion of his address1 depicted in a tone of high moral feeling1 the degraded condition of ,great ,britain as a nation1 in consequence of her extreme drunkenness4 ,he shewed that habits of intemperance1 or feelings and prejudices generated by intemperance1 pervaded every class1 from the highest to the lowest1 the richest to the poorest4 ,statesmen bowed upon the altar of expediency2 and1 above all1 the sanctuary was not clean4 ,as a ,christian nation1 we were paralized in our efforts to evangelize the world--partly by the millions upon millions actually expended upon ardent spirits--partly by the selfish and demoralizing feelings which this sensual indulgence in particular was known to produce4 ,how could we1 as a nation1 upbraid ,america with her system of slavery when we ourselves were but glorying in a voluntary slavery of a thousand times more defiling and abominable description8 ,in our own country1 it might be said that there was1 as it were1 a conspiracy against the bodies and souls of her people4 ,now in any ,court of ,justice1 he would take his stand upon the fact that the man who made that speech must be a monomaniac1 and he believed no competent tribunal1 after hearing it1 would receive his testimony as to the character or conduct of any nation on the face of the earth4 ,or if there lingered a doubt on the subject1 he should show from the burden of his charges against ,america1 that he spoke in the same general spirit1 and nearly in the very same terms of her as of ,britain1 although the fault found with each country was totally different4 ,he spoke of each as the very worst nation on the earth1 because of the special crime charged4 ,any man who could allow himself to say that the two most enlightened nations on earth were in substance the two most degraded nations on earth2 who could permit himself to bring such railing accusations successively against two great people1 on account of the sins of a small portion of each1 which he had looked at till he could see nothing else1 and with the perseverance of a goldleaf-beater1 exercised his ingenuity in stretching out to the utmost limits over each community2 a man who not only can see little to love anywhere that does not derive its complexion from himself1 and who1 the moment he finds a blot on his brethren1 or his country1 instead of walking backwards and hiding it with the filial piety of the elder sons of ,noah1 mocks over it with the rude and unfeeling bitterness of ,canaan2 such a man is worthily impeached1 as incompetent to testify4 ,nay1 ,i put the issue where ,mr4 ,thompson has put it4 ,if this nation be such as he has described it to be1 ,i demand1 with unanswerable emphasis1 how can it dare to call us1 or any other people1 to account on any subject whatever8 ,if1 on the other hand1 what he has said of this nation be false1 ,i equally demand how can he be credited in what he says of us--of any other nation under the sun8 ,after this caveat against all that such a witness could say1 he would in the first place observe1 that all the accusations brought by ,mr4 ,thompson against ,americans1 were imbued with such bitterness and intemperance as ought to awaken suspicion in the minds of all who hear them4 ,there was visible not only a violent national antipathy against that whole country1 but also a strong prejudice in favor of the one side and against the other in the local parties there1 which1 before any impartial tribunal1 ought greatly to weaken any credit that might otherwise be attached to his testimony4 ,besides an open hostility to the nation as such1 and a most envomed hatred to certain men1 parties1 and principles in ,america1 the witness has exhibited such a wounded feeling of vanity from his want of success in ,america2 such a glorying of his friends1 and that just in proportion to their subserviency to him1 and such a contemptuous and unmerited depreciation of his opponents1 as should put every man who reads or hears his proofs at once on his guard4 ,as to the opinions and conclusions of such a person1 even from admitted facts1 they are of course worthless2 and his inferences from hearsay and idle reports1 worse than trash4 ,but what ,i mean to say is1 that such a witness1 considered strictly as testifying to what he asserts of his own knowledge1 is to be heard by a just man with very great caution4 ,for my own part1 at the risk of being called again a pettifogger1 by this informer1 ,i am bound to say that his conduct impeaches his credibility fully as much as it has before been shown to affect his competency2 and while ,i have peculiar knowledge of the facts1 sufficient to assert that his main accusations are false1 ,i fully believe that the case he had himself made1 did of itself justify all good men to draw the same conclusion1 merely from general principles4 ,i will venture to go a step farther1 and express the opinion that they who are acquainted with ,mr4 ,thompson1 as he exhibits himself in the public eye1 and who have knowledge of the past success1 which really did1 or which he allows himself to believe did attend his efforts in ,west-,india emancipation1 7a success1 however1 which ,i do not comprehend1 as the case was settled against him and his party1 on the two chief points on which they staked themselves1 namely1 immediate abolition and no compensation17 they who can call to mind the preparation and pretension with which he set out for ,america1 the gigantic work he had carved for himself there1 the signal defeat he met with1 and the terror in which he fled the country2 may find enough to justify the fear that the fate of ,george ,thompson has fully as large a share in his recollections of ,america as the fate of the poor slave4 ,in the second place1 ,i charge upon ,mr4 ,thompson that those parts of his statements which might possibly be in part true1 are so put as to create false impressions1 and have nearly the same effect as if they were wholly false on the minds of those who read or hear them4 ,this results from the constant manner of stating what might possibly be true2 and it is not only calculated to produce a false impression1 and make the casual reader believe in a result different from what would be presented if ,mr4 ,thompson were on oath and forced to tell the whole truth1 but the uniformity and dexterity with which this is done1 leaves us astonished how it could be accidental4 ,he 7,mr4 ,b47 assumed that all of them had read or would read ,mr4 ,thompson's charges4 ,after doing so they would the better apprehend what was now meant2 but1 in the mean time1 he would illustrate it by a case or two4 ,thus1 when ,mr4 ,t4 spoke of the ministers in the ,united ,states being slave-holders1 he did it in such a way as to lead the reader to believe that this was a general thing2 that the most of them1 if not the whole of them1 were slave-owners4 ,he did not tell them that none of the ministers in twelve whole ,states were or could easily be slave-holders1 seeing they were not inhabitants of a slave ,state2 he did not tell them that the cases of ministers owning slaves were rare even in some of the slave ,states2 and a fair sample of the majority in not a single ,state of the ,union2 he left the charge indefinite1 and did not condescend to tell whether the number of ministers so accused was one half1 or one third1 or one fourth1 or one hundredth part of the whole number in the ,united ,states4 ,he left it wholly indefinite1 on the broad charge that ,american ministers were slave-holding ministers2 knowing1 perhaps intending1 that the impression taken up should be of the aggregate mass of ,american ministers2 when he knew himself all the while that the overwhelming mass of ,american ministers had never owned a slave2 and that those who had1 were exceptions from the general rule rather than samples of the whole4 ,it may well be asked how much less sinful it was to rob men of their good name1 than of their freedom8 ,not content with even this injustice1 ,mr4 ,thompson had gone so far as to charge the ministers of ,america with dealing in slaves2 slave-driving ministers and slave-dealing ministers1 were amongst his common accusations4 ,now1 said ,mr4 ,b41 he would lay a strong constraint upon himself1 and reply to these statements as if they were not at once atrocious and insupportable4 ,the terms used by ,mr4 ,thompson were universally understood in the ,united ,states1 to mean the carrying on of a regular traffic in slaves as a business4 ,the meaning was the same here1 and every one who had heard or read one of his printed speeches1 was ex vi termini obliged to understand this charge like the preceding1 as expressing his testimony as to the conduct of ,american ministers generally1 if not universally4 ,now ,i will admit that there may be in ,america1 one minister in one thousand1 or perhaps five hundred1 who may at some period of his ministry1 when he had no sufficient light on the subject1 have bought or sold slaves a single time1 or perhaps twice1 or possibly thrice4 ,but ,i solemnly declare ,i never knew1 nor heard of1 nor do ,i believe there exists in all ,america1 one such minister1 as is above described2 nor any sect that would hold fellowship with him4 ,he would throw under the third general head charges of a different kind from the preceding4 ,mr4 ,thompson1 when generalities fail1 takes up some extreme case1 which might probably be founded on truth1 and gives it as a specimen of the general practice2 thereby creating by false instances1 as well as by indefinite accusations1 an impression which he knows to be entirely foreign from the truth4 ,if he1 7,mr4 ,b47 were to tell in ,america that on his way to this meeting to-night1 he saw two blind men begging in the streets1 with their arms locked to support their tottering steps1 while the crowd passed them idly by2 and if he gave this as a specimen of the manner in which the unfortunate poor were treated in ,scotland1 he would not give a worse impression1 nor make a more unfair statement of the fact1 than ,mr4 ,thompson had done1 nearly without exception1 in his statements of ,america4 ,such a spirit and practice as this1 pervaded the whole of ,mr4 ,thompson's speeches4 ,he would select a few instances to enforce his meaning4 ,there was a single ,presbyterian ,church at ,nashville1 ,tennessee4 ,now he1 7,mr4 ,b47 happened1 in the providence of ,god1 to be somewhat acquainted with the past history of that church2 and was happy to call its present benevolent minister his friend4 ,he could consequently speak of it from his own knowledge4 ,mr4 ,thompson said that a young man went to ,nashville1 who1 either through his own imprudence1 or the violence of the disjointed times1 was arrested1 tried by a popular committee1 found guilty of spreading seditious papers1 and sentenced to be whipped2 that he had received twenty lashes1 and was then discharged4 ,this he believed to be substantially true1 and well remembered hearing of the occurrence2 and taking the young man's account of it as true1 he had been greatly shocked at it1 and had now no idea of defending it4 ,but in ,mr4 ,thompson's statement of the case1 there was a minute misrepresentation1 which showed singular indifference to facts4 ,mr4 ,t4 said the young man went to ,tennessee to sell cottage bibles1 in which business he succeeded well1 for the reason1 adds the narrator1 that ,bibles were scarce in the ,south2 although he could not fail to know1 that before the period in question1 every family in all those ,states that would receive a ,bible1 had been furnished with one by the various ,bible ,societies4 ,this1 however1 was not the main reason for a reference to this case2 but was mentioned incidentally1 to show the nature of the feelings and accusations indulged in by this gentleman4 ,his account went on to say1 sometimes that there were seven1 sometimes eleven elders of this ,presbyterian ,church4 ,it was not intended to lay any stress on the discrepancy2 as the fault might be the reporter's4 ,but seven1 or eleven2 it was again and again charged1 that all of them1 every one1 was present1 trying1 and consenting to the punishment of the unhappy young man1 plowing up his back1 and mingling1 perhaps in the mob who cursed him1 even for his prayers4 ,to make the case inexpressibly horrible1 it is added1 that these seven or eleven elders1 had as to part of them1 distributed the sacramental elements1 to the abolitionist1 the very ,sabbath before1 the day on which the seven elders participated in this outrage4 ,now ,i say first1 that if this story were literally true1 no man knows better than ,mr4 ,thompson1 that no falsehood could be more glaring than to say or insinuate1 that the case would be a fair average specimen of what the leading men in the ,american churches generally might be expected to do1 in like circumstances4 ,yet for this purpose1 he has repeatedly used it6 ,no man could know better than he1 that if the case were true in all its parts1 it would every where be accounted a violent and unprecedented thing1 which could happen at all only in most extraordinary circumstances4 ,yet he has so stated it1 over and over1 as to force the impression that it is a fair sample of ,american ,christianity4 ,but1 said ,mr4 ,b4 ,i call in question all parts of the story1 that implicate any ,christian4 ,i do not believe the statements4 ,let me have proof4 ,i do not believe there were either seven or eleven elders in the church in question4 ,record their names4 ,if there were so many1 it is next to impossible1 that every one of them1 was on the comparatively small committee that tried the abolitionist4 ,produce the proofs2 and ,i believe it will turn out1 that if either of them was present1 it was to mitigate popular violence2 and that his influence perhaps1 saved the life of him he is traduced for having oppressed4 ,he did not mean to stake his assertion against proof2 but from his experience and general knowledge of the parties1 he had no hesitation in giving it as his opinion1 that the facts1 when known1 would not justify the assertions of ,mr4 ,thompson1 even as to the particular case2 and believing this1 ,i again challenge the production of his authority4 ,but1 if it be true in all its parts1 ,i repeat1 it is every thing but truth1 to say that it affords a just specimen of the elders of the ,presbyterian ,churches of ,america4 ,another case resembling the preceding in its principle1 is found in what ,mr4 ,thompson has said of the ,baptists of the ,southern ,states4 ,there are1 says he1 above #aeg1jjj members in upwards of #cjjj ,baptist ,churches1 in those ,states1 almost all both ministers and members being slave holders4 ,allowing this statement to be true1 and that each slave holder has ten slaves on an average1 which is too small for the truth1 there would be an amount of slaves equal to #a1egj1jjj owned by the ,baptist of the ,southern ,states4 ,if this be true1 and the census of #ahcj true also1 there were only left about #ejj1jjj slaves to divide among all the other churches2 leaving for the remainder of the people1 none at all6 ,so that after all this1 though churches be bad1 the nation is clean enough4 ,let us now make some allowance for this gentleman's extravagance1 especially as he did think he was speaking under correction1 and divide his #aeg1jjj ,baptists into #eb1jjj families1 of three professors of religion in each4 ,this is more than the average for each family2 especially in a church admitting only adults2 and the true number of families1 for that number of professors1 would be nearer one hundred than fifty thousand4 ,twenty slaves to the family is below the average of the slave owning families of the ,south2 so that at the lowest rate1 the ,baptists in a few ,states1 according to this person1 own #a1jdj1jjj slaves at the least1 or above half the number that our last census gives to the whole union4 ,the extraordinary folly of such statements1 would appear more clearly to the audience when they understood1 that as large a proportion of all the blacks1 as of all the whites in ,america are professors of religion2 that above half of all slaves who profess religion1 are ,baptists2 and that1 therefore1 if there are #aeg1jjj ,baptists in the ,southern ,states1 instead of being almost all slave holders1 at least a third of them are themselves slaves4 ,he gave these instances to show that ,mr4 ,thompson had taken extreme cases containing some show of truth as specimens of the whole of ,america1 and had thereby produced totally false impressions4 ,what truth there was in them1 was so terrifically exaggerated1 that no dependence whatever could be placed upon any of his testimony4 ,and this would be still more manifest after examining the charge brought by ,mr4 ,thompson1 that the very churches in ,america own slaves2 and several of his speeches contain a pretty little dialogue with some slaves in the fields1 the whole interest of which turns on their calling themselves the ,church's ,slaves4 ,this was spoken of as it were in accordance with the usual course of things in the ,united ,states4 ,indeed1 ,mr4 ,thompson had not only spoken with his usual violence and generality of the slave holding churches of ,america1 and declared his conviction that all the guilt of the system should be laid on the church of ,america2 but at the very latest joint exhibition of himself and his friend ,moses ,roper1 in ,london1 it was stated by the latter in one of his usual interludes to ,mr4 ,thompson1 perhaps in his presence1 certainly uncontradicted1 that1 slave holding was universally practised by all ,christian societies in ,america2 the societies of ,friends only excepted4 ,it may excite a blush in ,america1 to know that the poor negro's silly falsehood was received with cheers by the ,london audience4 ,what then should the similar declarations of ,mr4 ,thompson1 made deliberately and repeatedly1 and with infinite pretence of candour and affection1 what feelings can they excite2 and how will that insulted people regard the easy credulity which has led the ,christians of ,britain to believe and reiterate charges in which it is not easy to tell whether there is less truth or more malignity8 ,for how stood the facts8 ,what church owns slaves8 ,what ,christian corporation is a proprietor of men8 ,out of our ten thousand churches perhaps half are involved in this sin8 ,perhaps a tenth part8 ,surely one ,presbytery at least8 ,no1--this mountain of fiction has but a grain of truth to support its vast and hateful proportions4 ,if there be above five congregations in all ,america that own slaves1 ,i never heard of them4 ,the actual number1 of whose existence ,i ever heard1 is1 ,i believe1 precisely three6 ,they are all ,presbyterian congregations1 and churches situated in the southern part of ,virginia1 and got into their unhappy condition in the following manner3--,many years ago1 during those times of ignorance at which ,god winked--when such a man as ,john ,newton could go a slaving voyage to ,africa1 and write back that he never had enjoyed sweeter communion with ,god than on that voyage2 during such a period as that1 a few well meaning individuals had bequeathed a small number of slaves for the support of the gospel in three or four churches4 ,these unfortunate legacies had increased and multiplied themselves to a great extent1 and under present circumstances to a most inconvenient degree4 ,a fact which puts the clearest contradiction on that assertion of this accuser of the brethren--representing their condition as being one of unusual privation and suffering4 ,of late years these cases had attracted attention1 and given great uneasiness to some of the persons connected with these churches4 ,i have on this platform1 kindly furnished me1 like most of the other documents ,i have1 since this debate was publicly known--a volume of letters written to one of these churches on the whole case1 by the ,rev4 ,mr4 ,paxton1 at that time its pastor4 ,that gentleman is now on this side of the ,atlantic1 and may perhaps explain what ,mr4 ,thompson has so sedulously concealed2 how he was a colonizationist2 how he manumitted and sent his own servants to ,liberia2 how he labored in this particular matter with his church1 long before the existence of abolitionism2 and how1 finding the difficulties insuperable1 he had written this kind and modest volume1 worth all the abolition froth ever spued forth1--and left the charge in which he found it so difficult to preserve at once an honest conscience and a healthful influence4 ,it will not1 however1 be understood that even these few churches are worthy of the indiscriminate abuse lavished on us1 all for their sakes2 nor that their present path of duty is either an easy or a plain one4 ,whether it is that there are express stipulations in the original instruments conveying the slaves in trust for certain purposes2 or whether the general principle of law1 which would transfer to the ,state1 or to the heir of the first owner1 the slaves with their increase1--upon a failure of the intention of the donor1 either by act of ,god1 or of the parties themselves1 embarrass the subject2 it is very certain that wiser and better men than either ,mr4 ,thompson or myself1 are convinced that these vilified churches have no power whatever to set their slaves free4 ,if the churches were to give up the slaves1 it could only have the effect1 it is believed1 to send them into everlasting bondage to the heirs of the original proprietors4 ,they have therefore justly considered it better for the slaves themselves that they should remain as they were in a state of nominal servitude1 rather than be remitted into real slavery4 ,such is the real state of the few cases which have first been exhibited as the sin1 if not the actual condition of the ,american churches2 and then exaggerated into the utmost turpitude by hiding every mitigating circumstance1 adding some purely new1 and distorting all things4 ,whether right or wrong1 the same state of things exists amongst the ,society of ,friends in ,north ,carolina1 to a partial extent1 and in another form4 ,they did not consider themselves liable to just censure1 although they held title in and authority over slaves1 as individuals1 while they gave them their whole earnings1 and had collected large sums from their brethren in ,england1 which were applied to the benefit of these slaves4 ,it is not now for the first time that charges have been made against the ,church of ,god--that ,judah is like all the heathen4 ,but all who embark in such courses--have met with the common fate of the revilers of ,god's people2 and they1 with such as select to stand in their lot--may find in the word of life a worse end apportioned for them1 than even for those they denounce1 in case every word they utter had been true4 ,we bless ,god that no weapon formed against ,zion can prosper4 ,there was one other instance which he had noted under this head as requiring some comment1 which could not bear omission1 regarding the private members of the ,christian churches in the ,united ,states1 of whom a casual hearer or reader of ,mr4 ,thompson's speeches would believe that the far greater part actually owned slaves2 that very few1 and they almost exclusively abolitionists1 considered slavery at all wrong2 that with one accord they deprived the slaves of all religious privileges1 and used them1 not only as a chattel1 but as nothing else than a chattel4 ,according to our last census1 there were about #aa1jjj1jjj of whites1 #b1jjj1jjj of slaves1 and #djj1jjj free blacks in ,america1 making a total of nearly thirteen and a half millions4 ,all the slaves were gathered into the #ab most southerly states1 free blacks were not far from half in the free and half in the slave states1 and of the whites over #g1jjj1jjj were in the free1 and less than #c1jjj1jjj in the slave states4 ,the best information ,i possess on this subject1 authorizes me to say--about #a person in #i1 throughout the nation1 black and white1 is a member of a ,christian church1 the proportion being somewhat larger to the north1 and comparatively smaller at the south4 ,there are1 therefore1 above #a1ajj1jjj white ,christians in the ,united ,states1 of which about #hjj1jjj live in the #ab free ,states1 and neither own slaves nor think slavery right2 leaving rather over #ccj1jjj for the #ab slave ,states4 ,now1 if these white ,christians in the slave ,states own all the slaves1 and the other #h-iths of the whites owned none at all1 there will be only about #f slaves to each ,christian there1 a number far below the average of the slave holders2 and all the ,north1 and all the ,south1 except ,christians1 free of charge and guilt1 in the specific thing4 ,but if we divide these ,christians into families1 and suppose there may be as many1 as one in three or four of them1 who is a head of a family1 say #ajj1jjj2 and that they own all the slaves3 in that case1 there would be an average of twenty slaves to every white head of a ,christian family in the slave ,states4 ,but here again all the slaves would be absorbed3 all the ,north innocent1 above two-thirds of the ,christians at the ,south proved to be not slave holders at all2 and all the followers of the devil wholly innocent of that crime4 ,these calculations demonstrate that these accusations are as groundless and absurd as any of the preceding4 ,and while it is painfully true that in the slaveholding ,states far too many ,christians do still own slaves2 it is equally true1 that they bear a small proportion to those who own none1 even in those ,states4 ,if we suppose the ,christians in ,america to be about on an equal footing as to wealth with other people2 and to have no more conscience about slavery1 than those around them in the slave ,states2 and that twenty slaves may be taken as the average1 to each master2 and a ninth of the people pious1 as stated before1 it follows that only about #aa1jjj professors of religion can be slaveholders2 or about one in every hundred of the whole number in the nation4 ,yet every one of the above suppositions is against the churches1 and yet upon this basis rests the charges of a candid1 affectionate ,christian brother against them all6 ,the only remaining illustration of ,mr4 ,thompson's proneness to represent a little truth1 in such a way as to have all the effects of an immense misrepresentation1 regards his own posture1 doings and sufferings in ,america4 ,fourteen months of toil1 of peril1 and persecution1 almost unparalleled2 there were paid myrmidons seeking my blood2 there were thousands waiting to rejoice over my destruction2 when any individual tells ,george ,thompson who has put his life into his hands1 and gone where slavery is rife2 when ,i1 ,george ,thompson1 am told ,i am to be spared1 c4 ,similar statements1 ad infinitum1 fill up all his speeches2 and are noticed now1 not for the purpose of commenting on1 or even contradicting them1 but of affording my countrymen1 who may chance to see the report of this discussion1 specimens1 as our certificates often run of the modesty1 probity1 and good demeanor1 of the individual4 ,he would pass next to a fourth general objection against ,mr4 ,thompson's testimony1 as regards ,america1 which was1 that much of it was in the strictest sense1 positively untrue4 ,for instance1 ,mr4 ,thompson had twice put a runaway slave forward upon the platform at ,london2 or at least connived at the doing of it2 who stated of his own knowledge1 that a ,mr4 ,garrison1 of ,south ,carolina1 had paid #ejj dollars for a slave1 that he might burn him1 and that he had done so without hindrance or challenge1 afterwards4 ,this statement ,mr4 ,t4 has never yet contradicted in any one of his numerous speeches1 although he must have known it to be untrue4 ,i have myself several times directed his attention to the subject1 and yet the only answer is1 expressive silence4 ,then ,i distinctly challenge his notice of the case2 and while ,i solemnly declare1 that according to my belief1 whoever should do such an act in any part of ,america1 would be hung3 ,i as distinctly charge ,mr4 ,thompson1 with giving countenance to1 and deriving countenance from this wilful misstatement4 ,as an other instance of the same kind1 you are told that a free man was sold from the jail at ,washington city1 as a slave1 without even the form of a trial2 which is farther aggravated by the assertion that this is vouched as a fact1 on the testimony of #ajjj signatures4 ,this matter1 when ,mr4 ,thompson's own proof is produced1 resolves itself into this3 that ,mr4 ,thompson said1 there had been a thousand signatures to a certain paper1 which said1 that a certain man taken up as a runaway slave1 said he was free6 ,if he was a slave1 the whole case falls2 whether he was a slave or not1 was a fact that could have been judicially investigated and decided1 if the person most interested1 or any other1 had chosen to demand it4 ,so that in point of fact1 ,mr4 ,thompson's whole statements1 touching this oft repeated case1 are all purely gratuitous4 ,and with what horror1 must every good man hear that ,mr4 ,thompson1 within the last two or three weeks1 told a crowd of people in ,mr4 ,price's ,chapel1 ,devonshire ,square1 ,london1 in allusion to this very case1 that the poor black had ,,demonstrated ,,his ,,freedom1 and afterwards been sold into everlasting bondage6 ,and yet upon this fiction he bases one of his most effective illustrations of ,american slavery1 and some of his fiercest denunciations of the ,american people4 ,oh6 shame1 where is thy blush6 ,he could if time permitted exhibit other cases1--in principle perhaps worse than these2 in which neither the false assertions of ,moses ,roper--nor the pretended evidence of misrepresented petitions existed to make a show of evidence2 and which nothing but the most extraordinary ignorance1 or recklessness could explain4 ,such are the assertions made by himself or his coadjutors in his presence1 that slaves are brought to the district of ,columbia from all the slave states for sale2 that five years is the average number1 that slaves carried to the ,southern ,states live2 that slaves without trial1 or even examination1 were often executed1 by tens1 twenties1 and even thirties2 that the banner of the ,united ,states1 which floated over a slave dealing congress1 in the midst of the slave market of the entire nation1 had the word ,liberty upon it 7which single sentence contained three misstatements27 that religious men weighed children in scales1 and sold them by the pound like meat2--that there were #b1jjj1jjj of slaves in ,america who never heard the name of ,christ2 that no white man would ever be respected after he had been seen to shake hands with a man of colour2 all which unnameable assertions are contained1 along with double as many others like them1 in one single newspaper 7the ,london ,patriot of ,june #a1 #ahce27 and in a portion of the report of only two of ,mr4 ,thompson's meetings6 ,alas6 for poor human nature6 ,having now gone through all that his time permitted him to say1 of the proof against ,america1 he would lay before them some counter testimony upon several parts of this great subject4 ,he had at one time greatly feared that he might be obliged to ask them to believe his mere word1 perhaps in the face of other proof2 but through the providence of ,god1 he had been put in possession of a very limited file of ,american newspapers1 from the contents of which he thought he should be able to make out as strong a case for the truth1 as he had proved the case against it to be weak and rotten4 ,there were so many denominations of ,christians in ,america1 that he would only tire the meeting by enumerating them4 ,they were of every variety of name and opinion4 ,as to many of them he knew but little1 and the present audience perhaps less4 ,the ,societies of ,friends generally did not tolerate slaveholding among their members2 neither did the ,covenanters4 ,the ,congregationalists1 or ,independents1 had not1 he believed1 a dozen churches in all the ,slave ,states1 and1 of course1 they should be considered as exempt from the charge4 ,it was1 however1 the less necessary to occupy ourselves in general remarks1 inasmuch as ,mr4 ,thompson had laid the stress of his accusations on the three great denominations of ,america4 ,he took all the guilt of this system1 and he laid it where8 ,on the ,church of ,america4 ,when he said the ,church1 he did not allude to any particular denomination4 ,he spoke of ,baptists1 ,presbyterians1 and ,methodists1 the three great props--the all-sustaining pillars of that blood-cemented fabric4 ,such were the words of ,mr4 ,t41 and it would therefore be needless to trouble ourselves about the minor1 if we could settle the major to our satisfaction4 ,as to two of these denominations1 he should say but little2 his chief and natural business being to defend that one of which he knew most4 ,in regard to the ,baptists1 he was sorry to be obliged to say1 that he believed they were the least defensible of the three denominations1 now principally implicated2 indeed that some of their ,associations had taken ground on the whole case1 from which he entirely dissented1--and which1 he was sure1 had given great pain to the majority of their own brethren4 ,he begged leave to refer them to the work of ,drs4 ,cox and ,hoby1 just through the press1 in which he presumed1 for he had not seen it1 they would find an authentic and ample information on this and every other point relating to that denomination in ,america4 ,in relation to the ,methodists1 his knowledge was both more full and more accurate4 ,their discipline denounced ,slavery1 and prohibited their ,members from owning slaves1 and though their discipline itself was not carried into effect with rigid exactness1 he did not believe that there was a ,methodist ,church in the ,united ,states1 or upon the ,earth1 which owned slaves1 as a ,church4 ,he believed that very few ,methodist preachers--indeed1 almost none1 owned any slaves1 and nothing but the most direct proof could for a moment make him believe1 that one of them was a slave-dealer4 ,the whole sect1 or at least the great majority of it1 might be considered as fairly represented1 in the following ,resolutions passed in the ,conference1 held at ,baltimore2 and which could be a set off to those read by ,mr4 ,thompson1 from one of the northern ,conferences4 ,,methodist',s ,,resolutions ,,on ,,abolition4 ,at a late meeting of the ,baltimore ,annual ,conference of the ,methodist ,episcopal ,church held at ,baltimore1 the following preamble and ,resolutions were unanimously adopted1 and the names of all the members and probationers present1 in number1 one hundred and fifty-seven1 were subscribed1 and ordered to be published4 ,the secretary was also directed to furnish ,rev4 ,john ,a4 ,collins1 with a copy for insertion in the ,globe and ,intelligencer1 of ,washington ,city4 ,whereas great excitement has pervaded this country for some time past on the subject of abolition2 and whereas such excitement is believed to be destructive to the best interests of the country and of religion2 therefore #a4 ,resolved1 ,that we are as much as ever convinced of the great evil of slavery4 #b4 ,that we are opposed in every part and particular to the proceedings of the abolitionists1 which look to the immediate indiscriminate1 and general emancipation of slaves4 #c4 ,that we have no connexion with any press1 by whomsoever conducted1 in the interest of the abolition cause4 ,as to his own ,connection1 the ,presbyterian1 he would go as fully as his materials permitted1 into the proof of their past principles1 and present posture4 ,and in the first place he was most happy to be able to present them with an abstract of the decisions of the ,general ,assembly of the ,presbyterian ,church in the ,united ,states of ,america4 ,he found it printed in the ,new ,york ,observer1 of ,may #bc1 #ahce1 embodied in the proceedings of the ,presbytery of ,montrose1 and transcribed by it no doubt from the ,assembly's digest4 ,as early as ,a4 ,d4 #aghg1 the ,synod of ,n4 ,york and ,philadelphia issued an opinion adverse to slavery1 and recommended measures for its final extinction2 and in the year #agif the ,general ,assembly assured all the churches under their care1 that they viewed with the deepest concern any vestiges of slavery which then existed in our country2 and in the year #ahae the same judicatory decided1 that the buying and selling of slaves by way of traffic1 7meaning1 doubtless1 the domestic traffic17 is inconsistent with the spirit of the gospel4 ,but in the year #ahah1 a more full and explicit avowal of the sentiments of the church was unanimously agreed on in the ,general ,assembly4 ,we consider1 7say the ,assembly17 the voluntary enslaving of one part of the human race by another1 as a gross violation of the most precious and sacred rights of human nature2 as utterly inconsistent with the law of ,god1 which requires us to love our neighbor as ourselves2 and as totally irreconcilable with the spirit and principles of the gospel of ,christ1 which enjoin1 that whatever ye would that men should do to you1 do ye even so to them4 ,they add1 ,it is manifestly the duty of all ,christians who enjoy the light of the present day1 when the inconsistency of slavery1 both with the dictates of humanity and religion1 has been demonstrated1 and is generally seen and acknowledged1 to use their honest1 earnest and unwearied endeavors to correct the errors of former times1 and as speedily as possible1 to efface this blot on our holy religion1 and to obtain the complete abolition of slavery throughout ,christendom and if possible1 throughout the world4 ,if1 said ,mr4 ,b41 he had expressed sentiments different from these1 or if he had inculcated as the principles of his brethren any thing different from these just and noble sentiments1 let the blame be heaped upon his bare head4 ,these sentiments they had held from a period to which the memory of man runneth not to the contrary4 ,here tonight1 #cjjj miles off1 ,god enabled him to produce a record proving an antiquity of half a century1 in full maturity6 ,how grand1 how far sighted1 how illustrious is truth--compared with the wretched and new born1 and blear eyed fanaticism that carps at her6 ,these are the principles of the ,presbyterian church of the ,united ,states4 ,she has risen with them1 she will stand1 or1 if it be ,god's will1 she will fall with them4 ,but she will not change them less or more4 ,the ,general ,assembly is but now adjourned4 ,they have had this question before them--perhaps have been deeply agitated by its discussion4 ,but so tranquilly does my heart rest on the truth of these principles1 and on the fixed adherence to them1 by my brethren1 that nothing but a feeling that it would be impertinent1 in one like me1 to vouch for a body like that1 could deter me from any lawful gage1 that all its decisions will stand with its ancient and unaltered principles4 ,in accordance with these principles the great body of the members of that church had been all along acting4--,there were about #bd synods under the care of the ,general ,assembly1 of which about one third were in the slave country4 ,the number was constantly increasing1 on which account1 and in the absence of all records1 he could not be more exact4 ,the synods in the free states stood1 he believed1 without exception1 just where the ,assembly stood1 on this subject4 ,in the slave states1 much had been done--much was still doing--and in proof of this as regarded this particular denomination--in addition to what he had all along declared1 with reference to the great emancipation party1 in all of those states1 he asked attention to the several documents he was about to lay before them4 ,the first was a series of resolutions appended to a lucid and extended report1 drawn up by a large committee of ,ministers and ,elders of the synod of ,kentucky--in obedience to its orders after the subject had been several years before that body4 ,that ,synod embraces the whole state of ,kentucky1 which is one of the largest slave states in the ,union4 ,the resolutions are quoted from the ,new ,york ,observer1 of ,april #bc1 #ahcf4 #a4 ,we would recommend that all slaves now under #bj years of age1 and all those yet to be born in our possession be emancipated1 as they severally reach their #beth year4 #b4 ,we recommend that deeds of emancipation be now drawn up1 and recorded in our respective ,county ,courts1 specifying the slaves we are about to emancipate1 and the age at which each is to become free4 ,this measure is highly necessary1 as it will furnish to our own minds1 to the world1 and to our slaves1 satisfactory proof of our sincerity in this work2 and it will also secure the liberty of the slaves against contingencies4 #c4 ,we recommend that our slaves be instructed in the common elementary branches of education4 #d4 ,we recommend that strenuous and persevering efforts be made1 to induce them to attend regularly upon the ordinary services of religion1 both domestic and public4 #e4 ,we recommend that great pains be token to teach them the ,holy ,scriptures2 and that to effect this1 the instrumentality of ,sabbath ,schools1 wherever they can be enjoyed1 be united with that of domestic instruction4 ,the plan revealed in these resolution1 was the one of all others1 which most commended itself to his 7,mr4 ,b4's7 judgment4 ,and he most particularly asked their attention to it1 on an account somewhat personal4 ,he had several times been publicly referred to in this country1 as having shown the sincerity of his principles in the manumission of his own slaves4 ,he was most anxious that no error should exist on this subject1 which he had not at any time1 had any part in bringing before the public1 and which1 as often only as he was forced to do so1 had he explained4 ,the introductory remarks of the ,chairman1 had laid him under the necessity of such an explanation1 which had not so naturally occurred1 as in this connexion4 ,he took leave1 therefore1 to say1 that this ,kentucky plan1 was in substance the one he had been acting on for some years before its existence2 and which he should probably be among the earliest1 if his life was spared1 fully to complete4 ,he considered it substantially the same as their system for ,west ,india ,emancipation2 only more rapid as to adults1 more tardy1 cautious1 and beneficent as to minors2 and more generous1 as being wholly without compensation4 ,in plans that affect whole nations1 and successive generations1 questions of time are of all others1 least important2 of all others the most proper to make bend to the necessities of the case4 ,he went only to say further1 that his brother1 the ,rev4 ,dr4 ,breckinridge1 of whom ,mr4 ,thompson speaks with such affectation of scorn1 had entered this good field before him1 and taken one course with his manumitted slaves4 ,that a younger brother1 whose name1 along with nine other beloved and revered names1 is attached to this ,kentucky report1 had also entered it before him2 and taken a second course1 a different course still1 in liberating his4 ,when he came1 last of all1 he had taken still a third1 different from each2 while other friends had pursued others still4 ,what wisdom their combined1 and yet varied experience could have afforded1 was of course useless2 now that all the deepest questions of abstract truth1 and the most difficult of personal practice1 were solved by instinct1 and carried by storm4 ,the next extract related to the great slave holding ,state of ,north ,carolina1 and revealed a plan for the religious instruction and care of the souls of the slaves1 intended to cover the ,states of ,virginia1 ,georgia1 and ,south ,carolina1 all slave ,states of the first class1 as well as the one in which it originated4 ,its origin is due to the ,presbyterian ,synod1 covering the whole of that ,state4 ,the extract is from the ,new ,york ,observer of ,june #bj1 #ahce4 ,,religious ,,instruction ,,of ,,slaves4 ,the ,southern ,evangelical ,society1 is the title of a proposed association among the ,presbyterians at the ,south1 for the propagation of the gospel among the people of color4 ,the constitution originated in the ,synod of ,north ,carolina1 and is to go into effect as soon as adopted by the ,synod of ,virginia1 or that of ,south ,carolina and ,georgia4 ,the voting members of the ,society are to be elected by the ,synods4 ,honorary members are created by the payment of thirty dollars4 ,all members of ,synods united with the ,society1 are corresponding members2 other corresponding members maybe chosen by the voting members4 ,article #dth of the ,constitution1 provides that there shall not exist between this ,society and any other ,society1 any connexion whatever1 except with a similar ,society in the slave holding ,states4 ,several resolutions follow the ,constitution2 one of these provides that a presbytery in a slave holding district of the country1 not united with a ,synod in connexion with the ,society1 may become a member by its own act4 ,the fifth and sixth resolutions are as follows3 ,resolved1 #e1 ,that it be very respectfully and earnestly recommended to all the heads of families in connexion with our congregations1 to take up and vigorously prosecute the business of seeking the salvation of the slaves in the way of maintaining and promoting family religion4 ,resolved1 #f1 ,that it be enjoined upon all the presbyteries composing this ,synod1 to take order at their earliest meeting1 to obtain full and correct statistical information as to the number of people of color1 in the bounds of our several congregations1 the number in actual attendance at our several places of worship1 and the number of colored members in our several churches1 and make a full report to the ,synod at its next meeting1 and for this purpose1 that the ,clerk of this ,synod furnish a copy of this resolution to the stated ,clerk of each ,presbytery4 ,the next document carried them one ,state farther ,south1 and related to ,south ,carolina1 in which that horrible ,governor ,m',duffie1 who seems to haunt ,mr4 ,thompson's imagination with his threats of death without benefit of clergy1 lives1 and perhaps still rules4 ,it is taken from the same paper as the next preceding extract2 ,,religious ,,instruction ,,of ,,slaves4 ,we cheerfully insert the following letter from an intelligent ,new ,englander at the ,south4 ,to the ,editor of the ,new ,york ,observer4 ,i am apprehensive that many of your readers1 who feel a lively interest in the welfare of the slaves1 are not correctly and fully informed as to their amount of religious instruction4 ,from the speeches of ,mr4 ,thompson and others1 they might be led to believe that slaves in our ,southern ,states never read a ,bible1 hear a gospel sermon1 or partake of a gospel ordinance4 ,it is to be hoped1 however1 that little credit will be given to such misrepresentations1 notwithstanding the zeal and industry with which they are disseminated4 ,what has been done on a single plantation4 ,i will now inform your readers what has been done1 and is now doing1 for the moral and religious improvement of the slaves on a single plantation1 with which ,i am well acquainted1 and these few facts may serve as a commentary on the unsupported assertions of ,mr4 ,thompson and others4 ,and here ,i could wish that all who are so ready to denounce every man that is so unfortunate as to be born to a heritage of slaves1 could go to that plantation1 and see with their own eyes1 and hear with their own ears1 the things which ,i despair of adequately describing4 ,truly1 ,i think they would be more inclined1 and better qualified to use those weapons of light and love which have been so ably and justly commended to their hands4 ,on this plantation there are from #aej to #bjj slaves1 the finest looking body that ,i have seen on any estate4 ,their master and mistress have felt for years how solemn are the responsibilities connected with such a charge2 and they have not shrunk from meeting them4 ,the means used for their spiritual good1 are abundant4 ,they enjoy the constant preaching of the gospel4 ,a young minister of the ,presbyterian church1 who has received a regular collegiate and theological education1 is laboring among them1 and derives his entire support from the master1 with the exception of a trifling sum which he receives for preaching one ,sabbath in each month for a neighboring church4 ,on the ,sabbath1 and during the week1 you may see them filling the place of worship1 from the man of grey hairs to the small child1 all neatly and comfortably clothed1 listening with respectful1 and in many cases1 eager attention to the truth as it is in ,jesus1 delivered in terms adapted to their capacities1 and in a manner suited to their peculiar habits1 feelings and circumstances2 engaging with solemnity and propriety in the solemn exercise of prayer1 and mingling their melodious voices in the hymn of praise4 ,sitting among them are the white members of the family encouraging them by their attendance1 manifesting their interest in the exercises1 and their anxiety for the eternal well-being of their people4 ,of the whole number1 forty-five or fifty have made a profession of religion1 and others are evidently deeply concerned4 ,let me now conduct you to a ,bible class of ten or twelve adults who can read1 met with their ,bibles to study and have explained to them the word of ,god4 ,they give unequivocal demonstrations of much interest in their employment1 and of an earnest desire to understand and remember what they read4 ,from hence we will go to another room1 where are assembled eighteen to twenty lads1 attending upon catechetical instruction1 conducted by their young master4 ,here you will notice many intelligent countenances1 and will be struck with the promptitude and correctness of their answers4 ,but the most interesting spectacle is yet before you4 ,it is to be witnessed in the ,infant ,school ,room1 nicely fitted up and supplied with the customary cards and other appurtenances4 ,here every day in the week1 you may find twenty-five or thirty children1 neatly clad and wearing bright and happy faces4 ,and as you notice their correct deportment1 hear their unhesitating replies to the questions proposed1 and above all when they unite their sweet voices in their touching songs1 if your heart is not affected and your eyes do not fill1 you are the hardest-hearted and driest-eyed visitor that has ever been there4 ,but who is their teacher8 ,their mistress1 a lady whose amiable ,christian character and most gifted and accomplished mind and manners are surpassed by none4 ,from day to day1 month to month1 and year to year1 she has cheerfully left her splendid halls and circle of friends1 to visit her school room1 where1 standing up before those young immortals1 she trains them in the way in which they should go1 and leads them to ,him who said1 suffer little children to come unto me4 ,from the ,infant ,school room1 we will walk through a beautiful lawn half a mile1 to a pleasant grove commanding a view of miles in extent4 ,here is a brick chapel1 rising for the accommodation of this interesting family2 sufficiently large to receive two or three hundred hearers4 ,when completed1 in beauty and convenience it will be surpassed by few churches in the ,southern country4 ,on the plantation you might also see other things of great interest4 ,here a negro is the overseer4 ,marriages are regularly contracted4 ,no negro is sold1 except as a punishment for bad behavior1 and a dreaded one it is4 ,none is bought1 save for the purpose of uniting families4 ,here you will near no clanking of chains1 no cracking of whips2 7,i have never seen a blow struck on the estate17 and here last1 but not least1 you will find a flourishing ,temperance ,society1 embracing almost every individual on the premises4 ,and yet the ,christianity of the ,south is a chain-forging1 a whip-plaiting1 marriage discouraging1 ,bible-withholding ,christianity6 ,i have confined myself to a single plantation4 ,but ,i might add many most interesting facts in regard to others1 and the state of feeling in general1 but ,i forbear4 ,yours1 c ,a ,,new ,,england ,,man4 ,he would now connect the peculiar and local facts of the preceding statement1 with the whole community of slave holders1 in the same ,state1 and show by competent and disinterested testimony1 the real and common state of things4 ,the following extracts were from a letter printed in the ,new ,york ,observer1 of ,july #be1 #ahce3 ,i have resided eight years in ,south ,carolina1 and have an extensive acquaintance with the planters of the middle and low country4 ,i have seen much of slavery1 and feel competent to speak in regard to many facts connected with it4 ,what your correspondent has stated of the condition of one plantation1 is in its essential points a common case throughout the whole circle of my acquaintance4 ,the negroes generally1 in this ,state1 are well fed1 well clothed1 and have the means of religious instruction4 ,according to my best judgment1 the work which a slave here is required to do1 amounts to about one third the ordinary labor commonly performed by a ,new ,england farmer4 ,a similar comparison would hold true in regard to the labor of domestics4 ,in the family where ,i reside1 consisting of nine white persons1 seven slaves are employed to do the work4 ,this is a common case4 ,in the village where ,i live1 there are about four hundred slaves1 and they generally attend church4 ,more than one hundred of them are members of the church4 ,perhaps two hundred are assembled every ,sabbath in the ,sunday ,schools4 ,in my own ,sunday ,school are about sixty1 and most of them professors of religion4 ,they are perfectly accessible and teachable4 ,in the town of my former residence1 in ,new ,england1 there were three hundred free blacks4 ,no more than eight or ten of these were professors of religion1 and not more than twice that number could generally be induced to attend church4 ,they could not be induced to send their children to the district schools1 which were always open to them1 nor could they generally be hired to work4 ,they are thievish1 wretched and troublesome4 ,i have no hesitation in saying1 and ,i say it deliberately1 it would be a great blessing to them to exchange conditions with the slaves of the village in which ,i now live4 ,their intellectual and moral characters1 and real means of improvement1 would be promoted by the exchange4 ,there are doubtless some masters who treat their slaves cruelly in this ,state1 but they are exceptions to the general fact4 ,public opinion is in a wholesome state and the man who does not treat his slaves kindly1 is disgraced4 ,great and increasing efforts are made to instruct the slaves in religion1 and elevate their characters4 ,missionaries are employed solely for their benefit4 ,it is very common for ministers to preach in the forenoon to the whites1 and in the afternoon of every ,sabbath to the blacks4 ,the slaves of my acquaintance are generally contented and happy4 ,the master is reprobated who will divide families4 ,many thousands of slaves of this ,state give evidence of piety4 ,in many churches they form the majority4 ,thousands of them give daily thanks to ,god that they or their fathers were brought to this land of slavery4 ,and now1 perhaps1 ,i ought to add1 that ,i am not a slave-holder1 and do not intend to continue in a slave country2 but wherever ,i may be1 ,i intend to speak the ,,truth4 ,the next document related particularly to ,virginia1--the largest and most powerful of the ,slave ,states2 but had also a general reference to the whole south1 and the whole question at issue4 ,the sentiments it contained were entitled to extraordinary consideration1 on account of the source of them4 ,mr4 ,van ,renselear1 was the son of one of the most wealthy and distinguished citizens of the great free state of ,new ,york4 ,he had gone to ,virginia1 to preach to the slaves4 ,he had every where succeeded2 was every where beloved by the slaves1 and honored by their masters4 ,he had access to perhaps forty plantations1--on which he from time to time preached1--and which might have been doubled1 had his strength been equal to the work4 ,in the midst of his usefulness--the storm of abolition arose4 ,mr4 ,thompson1 like some baleful star landed on our shores2 organized a reckless agitation1 made many at the north frantic with folly--and as many at the south furious with passion4 ,mr4 ,van ,renselear1 like many others1 saw a storm raging which they had no power to control2 and like them withdrew from his benevolent labors4 ,the following brief statements made by him at a great meeting of the colonization society of ,new ,york1 exhibit his own view of the conduct and duty of the parties4 ,the ,rev4 ,cortlandt ,van ,renselear1 formerly of ,albany1 but who has lately resided in ,virginia1 addressed the meeting1 and after alluding to the difference of opinion which prevailed among the friends of ,colonization1 touching the present condition and treatment of the colored population in this country1 proceeded to offer reasons why the people of the ,north should approach their brethren in the ,south1 who held the control of the colored population1 with defference1 and in a spirit of kindness and conciliation4 ,these reasons were briefly as follows3 #a4 ,because the people of the ,south had not consented to the original introduction of slaves into the country1 but had solemnly1 earnestly1 and repeatedly remonstrated against it4 #b4 ,because having been born in the presence of slavery1 and accustomed to it from their infancy1 they could not be expected to view it in the same light as we view it at the ,north4 #c4 ,slavery being there established by law1 it was not in the power of individuals to act in regard to it as their personal feelings might dictate4 ,the evil had not been eradicated from the state of ,new ,york all at once3 ,it had been a gradual process1 commencing with the law #agii and not consumated until #ahbg4 ,ought we to denounce our ,southern neighbors if they refuse to do the work at a blow8 #d4 ,the constitution of the ,united ,states tolerated slavery1 in its articles apportioning representation with reference to the slave population1 and requiring the surrender of runaway slaves4 #e4 ,slavery had been much mitigated of late years1 and the condition of the slave population much ameliorated4 ,its former rigor was almost unknown1 at least in ,virginia1 and it was lessening continually4 ,it was not consistent with truth to represent the slaves as groaning day and night under the lash of tyranical task-masters4 ,and as to being kept in perfect ignorance1 ,mr4 ,v4 had seldom seen a plantation where some of the slaves could not read1 and where they were not encouraged to learn4 ,in ,south ,carolina1 where it was said the gospel was systematically denied to the slaves1 there were twenty thousand of them church members in the ,methodist denomination alone4 ,he knew a small church where out of #gj communicants1 #ej were in slavery4 #f4 ,there were very great difficulties connected with the work of ,abolition4 ,the relations of slavery had ramified themselves through all the relations of society4 ,the slaves were comparatively very ignorant2 their character degraded2 and they were unqualified for immediate freedom4 ,a blunder in such a concern as universal abolition1 would be no light matter4 ,mr4 ,v4 here referred to the result of experience and personal observation on the mind of the well-known ,mr4 ,parker1 late a minister of this city1 but now of ,new-,orleans4 ,he had left this city for the ,south with the feeling of an immediate abolitionist2 but he had returned with his views wholly changed4 ,after seeing slavery and slave-holders1 and that at the far ,south1 he now declared the idea of immediate and universal abolition to be a gross absurdity4 ,to liberate the two and a half millions of slaves in the midst of us1 would be just as wise and as humane1 as it would be for the father of a numerous family of young children to take them to the front door1 and there bidding them good bye1 tell them they were free1 and send them out into the world to provide for and govern themselves4 #g4 ,foreign interference was1 of necessity1 a delicate thing1 and ought ever to be attempted with the utmost caution4 #h4 ,there was a large amount of unfeigned ,christian anxiety at the ,south to obey ,god and do good to man4 ,there were many tears and prayers continually poured out over the condition of their colored people1 and the most earnest desire to mitigate their sorrows4 ,were such persons to be approached with vituperation and anathemas8 #i4 ,there was no reason why all our sympathies should be confined to the colored race and utterly withheld from our white southern brethren4 ,the apostle ,paul exhibited no such spirit4 #aj4 ,a regard to the interest of the slaves themselves dictated a cautious and prudent and forbearing course4 ,it called for conciliation3 for the fate of the slaves depended on the will of their masters1 nor could the north prevent it4 ,the late laws against teaching the slaves to read had not been passed until the ,southern people found inflamatory publications circulating among the colored people4 #aa4 ,the spirit of the gospel forbade all violence1 abuse and threatening4 ,the apostles had wished to call fire from heaven on those they considered as ,christ's enemies2 but the ,saviour1 instead of approving this fiery zeal1 had rebuked it4 #ab4 ,these ,southern people1 who were represented as so grossly violating all ,christian duty1 had been the subjects of gracious blessings from ,god in the outpourings of his ,spirit4 #ac4 ,when ,god convinced men of error1 he did it in the spirit of mercy2 we ought to endeavor to do the same thing in the same spirit4 ,the only remaining testimony relates to the states of ,louisiana and ,mississippi1 in the south west4 ,the letter from which it is taken is written by a son of that ,mr4 ,finley1 who perhaps more than any one else1 set on foot the original scheme of ,african colonization2 and whose name1 as a man of pure and enlarged benevolence and wisdom1 the enemies of his plans quote with respect4 ,the son well deserves to have had such a father4 ,new-,orleans1 ,march #ab1 #ahce4 ,in my former letter ,i gave you some account of the leading characters amongst the free people of color who recently sailed from this port in the ,brig ,rover4 for ,liberia4 ,i then promised you in my next to give you some account of the emancipated slaves who sailed in the same expedition4 ,this promise ,i will now endeavor to fulfil1 and ,i will begin with the case of an individual emancipation1 and then state the case of an emancipated family1 and conclude with an account of the emancipation of several families by the same individual4 ,the first case alluded to is that of a young woman emancipated by the last will and testament of the late ,judge ,james ,workman1 of this city1 the same who left a legacy of ten thousand dollars to the ,american ,colonization ,society4 ,judge ,workman's will contains the following clause in relation to her1 viz3--,i request my statu liber1 ,kitty1 a quarteroon girl1 to be set free as soon as convenient4 ,and ,i request my executors may send her1 as she shall prefer1 and they think best1 either to the ,colonization ,society at ,norfolk1 to be sent to ,liberia or to ,hayti2 and if she prefer remaining in ,louisiana1 that they may endeavor to have an act passed for her emancipation2 if the same cannot be attained otherwise2 and it is my will that the sum of three hundred dollars be paid to her after she shall be capable of receiving the same4 ,i request my executors to hold in their hands money for this purpose4 ,i particularly request my friend ,john ,g4 ,greene to take charge of this girl1 and do the best for her that he can4 ,mr4 ,greene provided her with a handsome outfit1 carefully attended to her embarkation1 and the shipment of her freight1 and placed her under the care of the ,rev4 ,gloster ,simpson4 ,the next case1 alluded to above1 is that of a family of eleven slaves emancipated for faithful and meritorious services1 by the will of of the late ,mrs4 ,bullock1 of ,claiborne county1 ,miss4 ,mrs4 ,moore1 the sister and executrix of ,mrs4 ,bullock's estate1 gave them #gjj dollars to furnish an outfit and give them a start in the colony4 ,the third and last case alluded to above1 consisted of several families1 amounting in the whole to #bf individual slaves belonging to the estate of the late ,james ,green1 of ,adams county1 ,mississipi4 ,the following interesting circumstances concerning their liberation1 were communicated to me by ,james ,railey1 ,esq41 the brother-in-law and acting executor of ,mr4 ,green's ,estate4 ,mr4 ,green died on the #aeth of ,may1 #ahcb1 the proprietor of about #acj slaves1 and left ,mr4 ,railey1 his brother-in-law1 and his sisters1 ,mrs4 ,railey and ,mrs4 ,wood1 executors of his last will and testament4 ,mr4 ,green's will provides for the unconditional emancipation of but one of his slaves--a faithful and intelligent man named ,granger1 whom ,mr4 ,green had raised and taught to read1 write1 and keep accounts4 ,he acted as foreman for his master for about five years previous to his death4 ,mr4 ,green1 by his will1 left him #cjjj dollars1 on condition that he went to ,liberia1 otherwise1 #bjjj dollars4 ,provision was also made in the will for securing to him his wife4 ,granger has been employed since the death of ,mr4 ,green1 until recently1 as overseer for ,mr4 ,railey1 at a salary of #fjj dollars per annum4 ,granger declines going to ,liberia at present on account of the unwillingness of his mother to go there4 ,she is very aged and infirm1 and he is very much attached to her4 ,she was a favorite slave of ,mr4 ,green's mother1 who emancipated her and left her a legacy of #ajjj dollars4 ,granger came to this city with ,mr4 ,railey to see his friends and former fellow-servants embark3 and when he bade them farewell1 he said1 with a very emphatic tone and manner1 ,i will follow you in about #ah months4 ,the executors of ,mr4 ,green's estate were by no means slack in meeting the testator's wishes concerning these people4 ,mr4 ,railey accompanied them to ,new-,orleans1 and both he and ,mrs4 ,wood1 who also was in ,new-,orleans while they were preparing to embark1 took a lively and active interest in providing them with everything necessary for their comfort on the voyage1 and their welfare after their arrival in the ,colony1 and placed in my hand #gjjj dollars for their benefit1 one thousand dollars of which were appropriated towards the charter of a vessel to convey them to the ,colony1 with the privilege of #adj barrels freight--sixteen hundred dollars towards the purchase of an outfit1 consisting of mechanics' tools1 implements of agriculture1 household furniture1 medicines1 clothing1 c41 and the remaining four thousand four hundred dollars1 partly invested in trade1 goods1 and partly in specia1 were shipped and consigned to the ,governor of ,liberia1 for their benefit1 with an accompanying memorandum made out by ,mr4 ,railey1 showing how much was each one's portion4 ,i will close this communication by relating one additional circumstance communicated to me by ,mr4 ,railey1 to show the interest felt by ,mr4 ,green in the success of the scheme of ,african ,colonization4 ,the day previous to his death1 he requested ,mr4 ,railey to write a memorandum of several things which he wished done after his death1 which memorandum contains the following clause1 viz3--,after executing all my wishes as expressed by ,will1 by this memorandum1 and by verbal communications1 ,i sincerely hope there will be a handsome sum left for benefitting the emancipated negroes emigrating from this ,state to ,liberia2 and to that end ,i have more concern than you are aware of4 ,i am authorized by the ,executors to state that there will be a residuum to ,mr4 ,green's estate of twenty or thirty-five thousand dollars1 which they intend to appropriate in conformity with the views of ,mr4 ,green expressed above4 ,yours1 c41 ,,robert ,s4 ,,finley4 ,and now ,i rest the case1 and commit the result to an enlightened public4 ,here are my proofs and arguments showing as ,i believe conclusively1 that the slanderous accusations against my country and my brethren which ,i have come to this city to repel1--are not only false1 but incredible4 ,here are my testimonials1 few and casually gathered up1 but yet1 as it seems to me1 irresistibly convincing1 that the people and churches of ,america--in the very thing charged1--have been and are acting1 a wise1 self-denying and humane part4 ,that they should move onward in it as rapidly as the happiness of all the parties will allow1 must be the wish of all good men4 ,that obstacles should be interposed through the error1 the imprudence1 or the violence of well meaning but ill-judging persons1 is truly deplorable4 ,but that we should be traduced before the whole world1 when we are innocent2 that we should first be forced into most difficult circumstances1 and then forced to manage those circumstances in such a way as to cause our certain ruin1 by the very same people2 or in default of submitting to both requirments1 be forced first into war1 and afterwards into a state of bitter mutual contention1 only less dreadful than war itself1 is outrageous and intolerable4 ,while we justly complain of these things1 we discharge ourselves of the guilt attributed to us1 and acquit ourselves to ,god and our consciences1 of all the fatal consequences likely to follow such conduct4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,mr4 ,,thompson rose1 and spoke in nearly the following words3 ,mr4 ,chairman1 ,if ,i were to say that ,i rose on the present occasion without a feeling of anxiety regarding the issue of the discussion now drawing to a close1 ,i should say what is not the truth4 ,i cannot remember that ,i ever stood before an auditory in a more interesting or responsible position4 ,the question before us is one of momentous magnitude2 and that branch of it which to-night claims our special attention1 is of all others1 the most solemn and delicate4 ,i am1 therefore1 anxious1 deeply anxious1 respecting the impression which shall rest upon the minds of this assembly1 when ,i have occupied the attention of yourself and of it1 for a portion of time equal to that which has been expended by my opponent4 ,if1 however1 ,i were to say that ,i rose with any feeling of alarm in the contemplation of the result of that ordeal through which ,i am about to pass1 ,i should speak that which would be equally at variance with the truth4 ,so far from indulging any fear1 or wishing to propitiate this audience1 ,i pray that for the sake of truth1 humanity1 and the country represented by my opponent2 for the sake of our character in the sight of ,god at the audit of the great day2 there may be a severe1 jealous and impartial judgment formed1 according to the evidence which shall be submitted4 ,or1 if it be impossible to hold the balance strictly even1 ,i ask that the bias for the present1 may be in favor of my opponent4 ,it is true1 ,i am not an ,american4 ,it is true1 ,i was in the ,united ,states but fourteen months4 ,it is true1 ,i never crossed the ,potomac2 never saw a slave1 unless that slave had been brought to the ,north by some temporary resident4 ,receive1 therefore1 with caution and suspicion my statements4 ,let there be every discount upon my assertions which my youth and rashness1 my want of observation and experience demand4 ,at the same time ,i ask that every proper degree of respect shall be paid to the witnesses ,i shall bring before you2 and that however my testimony may be doubted1 theirs at least may have the weight which their character1 and station1 and opportunities shall appear to entitle them to4 ,i am accused of monstrous injustice towards ,america1 when ,i say that in that country slavery wears its most horrid forms4 ,in saying this1 ,i must not be understood as speaking according to the actual physical condition of the slave1 or even of his legal and political condition1 apart from the religion and institutions of the land in which he lives4 ,i judge not by the number of links in his chain2 the number of lashes inflicted on his back2 the nature of his toil1 or the quality or quantity of his food4 ,it is1 when irrespective of the treatment of the body1 ,i find two millions of human beings regarded as merchandise2 ranked with the beasts of the field1 and reduced by the neglect of their immortal minds to the condition of heathens2 it is when ,i find this awful system in full operation1 surrounded by the barriers and safeguards of the ,law and the ,constitution1 in the ,united ,states of ,north ,america2 the land of ,republicanism1 and ,christianity1 and ,revivals1 that ,i say1 ,slavery in ,america wears a form more horrid than in any other part of the world4 ,yes1 ,sir2 when ,i am told that in that land1 liberty is enjoyed to a greater extent than in any other country2 that the principles on which this liberty and independence rest are these3 ,god created all men free and equal4 ,resistance to ,tyrants is obedience to ,god2 and see also two millions of captives2 their dungeon barred and watched by proud ,republicans1 and boasting ,christians2 ,i turn with horror and indignation away1 exclaiming as ,i quit the sickening scene1 ,slavery wears its most loathsome form in the ,united ,states of ,america6 ,before ,i come to that portion of my ,address which ,i shall present as a reply to ,mr4 ,breckinridge1 ,i beg to say one word in vindication of the character and temper of ,american ,abolitionists2 and ,i am glad on this occasion to be able to cite the testimony of a gentleman1 whom ,mr4 ,breckinridge has not declined to call his friend2 ,i mean ,james ,g4 ,birney1 ,esq41 formerly residing in the same ,state with ,mr4 ,b41 and now in ,cincinnati4 ,mr4 ,birney made a visit to the ,north last year1 for the purpose of ascertaining for himself1 by actual observation and intercourse1 the real character of the ,abolitionists1 and the manner in which they prosecuted their work4 ,having done this1 he thus writes3 ,last spring ,i attended the ,ohio ,anti-,slavery ,convention2 was present at the several meetings of the ,american ,anti-,slavery ,society in ,new ,york1 and at the ,anti-,slavery ,convention held in ,boston4 ,on these several occasions1 ,i became acquainted1 and deliberated with1 it may be1 not less than one thousand persons1 who may be fairly set down as among the most intelligent of the abolitionists4 ,subjects on which the most diverse opinions were entertained1 and which to ambitious and untrained minds would be agitating and dissensious in the extreme1 were discussed with the most calm and unruffled composure4 ,and while some of the leading journals were teeming with the foulest and the falsest charges of moral and political turpitude2 while there were produced in their assemblies placards1 calling on the mob for appropriate deeds1 and designating the time and place of holding their meetings1 that its violence might know at what point it might most effectually spend itself2 yet1 never elsewhere have ,i seen so much of sedate deliberation of sober conclusion1 of dignified moderation1 sanctified by earnest prayer to ,god1 not only for the oppressed1 but for the oppressor of his fellow2 not only for such as they loved1 but for their slanderers1 and persecutors1 and enemies4 ,the above is a fair account1 so far as my knowledge enables me to speak1 of the character of those whom you are pleased to describe a band of fanatical abolitionists4 ,light and rash minds1 unaccustomed to penetrate to the real causes of great revolutions in public sentiment1 will1 of course1 think and speak contemptuously of them1 while the philosophic observer clearly sees1 that such antagonists of error1 armed with so powerful a weapon as the ,truth1 must1 at all times1 be invincible2 and that in the end they will be triumphant4 ,a word1 too1 before ,i come to the state of the churches1 with regard to ,mr4 ,breckinridge's concluding topic last evening2 to which ,i had not1 of course1 any opportunity to reply2 and1 as the time allotted for this discussion is now determined1 ,i shall be permitted to dwell a few moments on the subject4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge did1 ,i am ready to acknowledge1 with tolerable fairness1 state the views of the abolitionists with regard to prejudice against color2 that it was sinful1 that it ought to be abandoned1 and that the colored man should be raised to the enjoyment of equal civil and religious privileges with the whites4 ,but after he had laid down1 generally speaking correctly1 the views of the abolitionists1 he proceeded to put the most unfair interpretation upon those views1 and strangely contended that they were directly aiming to accomplish the amalgamation of the races in the fullest sense of that word4 ,once again1 ,i deny this4 ,once again ,i appeal to all that the abolitionists have ever written or spoken3 to their published1 official1 solemn1 authoritative disclaimers2 and ,i say on my behalf and on theirs1 that with the intermixture of the races1 as they are called1 7a phrase ,i do not like17 the abolitionists have nothing to do4 ,what they have ever contended for is this1 that the colored man should now be delivered from the condition of a beast2 that he should cease to be regarded as the property of his fellow man2 and that according to the laws of the state regulating the qualifications of citizens1 he should be admitted to a participation of the privileges that are enjoyed by other classes of the community4 ,we have never asked for more4 ,we have left the doctrine of amalgamation to be settled by our opponents4 ,the slave holders are the amalgamationists whose licentiousness has gone far to put an end to the existence of a black race in the ,south1 and who are still carrying on1 to use their own expression1 a bleaching system1 whitening the population of the ,south1 so that you may now discover all shades of colored persons2 from those who are so fair that they are scarcely distinguishable from the whites1 to the pure black of the unmixed negro4 ,but my opponent defeated himself4 ,while attempting to expose the folly and wickedness of amalgamation1 he at the same time contended that the thing was physically impossible2 that even a partial amalgamation could only be brought about by polygamy or prostitution1 but that general amalgamation was hopeless1 because physically impossible4 ,if the thing be utterly beyond the reach of the abolitionists1 why dread it as an evil8 ,why not let the abolitionists pursue their foolish and impracticable schemes8 ,why so much wrath against them for aiming at that which nature has rendered unattainable4 ,i leave ,mr4 ,breckinridge to find his way out of this difficulty in the best manner he is able4 ,again1 we are told1 that in attempting to bring about amalgamation1 and in preventing ,colonization1 we are interfering with the purposes of ,god2 fighting against ,his ordinances1 and exposing ,africa to the horrors of extermination1 should the descendants of ,shem or ,japhet colonize her shores1 and not the black man who has sprung from her tribes4 ,i confess ,i am somewhat surprised1 when told by a ,presbyterian clergyman of ,calvinistic sentiments1 that ,i am to regulate my conduct towards my fellow-men by the purposes of ,god1 rather than by the law of ,god4 ,this is surely a new doctrine6 ,what1 ,i ask1 have ,i to do with the decrees of the ,almighty8 ,has he not given me a law by which to walk8 ,has he not told me to love my neighbor as myself8 to honor all men8 ,am ,i not told that ,god hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth8 ,where is the prohibition to marry with ,shem or ,ham4 ,i know of no directions in the ,old ,testament respecting marriages1 save such as were founded on religious differences1 and ,i have yet to learn that there are any in the ,new ,testament4 ,that blessed ,book declares1 that in ,christ ,jesus there is neither ,jew nor ,greek1 circumcision nor uncircumcision1 ,barbarian1 ,scythian1 bond nor free1 but all are one4 ,the only injunction ,i am aware of is this1 be not unequally yoked together with unbelievers4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge made a considerable parade of his knowledge of ,universal ,history1 and pretended to build his theory upon the most correct historical data4 ,while upon this subject of amalgamation and extermination1 ,i will take the liberty of submitting one or two inquiries to ,mr4 ,breckinridge4 ,is there any law in ,america forbidding ministers to celebrate marriages between ,japhethite ,american ,christians and ,jewesses1 7by birth1 even if ,christians by faith17 and ,jews1 7even if ,christians47 to marry ,japhethite1 ,american females8 ,if there be not1 then1 why may ,shem and ,japhet intermarry1 but ,ham with neither8 ,again3 ,if there be no such law1 then the doctrine about ,noah's three sons1 is not a principle on which the ,american people act1 but ,mr4 ,b4's individual dogma1 got up to defend a line of conduct really proceeding without reference to any such principle4 ,if it be said that ,jewish and ,japhethite ,americans are very nearly1 if not altogether1 of the same color2 and that there are no political evils to be dreaded from the intermixture of ,jews with ,japhethites2 ,i reply1 that1 admitting the truth of both these representations1 is not the sin of mixing ,noah's sons1 and counter-working the designs of ,god1 the same in the case of ,shem and ,japhet as it would be in the case of ,japhet or ,shem with the tribes of ,ham8 ,again1 ,did the ,romans1 7,japhethites17 exterminate the ,jews1 7,shemites87 ,did the ,arab ,shemite conquerors of ,egypt exterminate the ancient inhabitants 7,hamites17 who still exist1 and are known by the name of ,copts or ,cophti8 ,did not the ,tartars1 now ,turks1 a 7,japhethite tribe17 when they conquered the ,caliphs1 embrace the religion of the conquered1 who were ,mohamedans and ,shemites8 ,did not the ,shemite ,mohamedans conquer the ,persians1 7,japhethites17 a part of whom1 who would not embrace the ,mohamedan religion1 and could not be tolerated by the ,mohamedans in theirs1 7viz4 fire worship17 flee to ,india1 where they still exist1 known by the name of ,guebers1 while the rest of the people1 embracing ,mohamedanism1 amalgamated with their conquerors2 and is not the modern ,persian language a proof of this1 in which all the terms of religion and science are ,arabic1 7,shemite17 the rest of the language being a colluvies of the ,deri1 ,zend1 and ,pehlavi dialects1 which the most eminent phylologists consider as all resolvable into ,sanscrit1 the most ancient ,japhethite speech existing8 ,the cases of the ,romans and ,jews1 and of the ,arab conquerors of ,egypt and the ,copts1 are instances of conquest without extermination2 the parties remaining dissevered by religious differences4 ,the cases of the ,tartar-,turks1 and the ,arabs1 and of the ,arabs and the ,persians1 are cases of conquest without extermination1 and with amalgamation2 the conquerors in the first case having adopted the religion of the conquered1 and the conquered in the second case1 that of the conquerors4 ,instead of the ,americans proceeding in their conduct towards the colored people with any reference either to the divine laws or the divine decrees1 they act solely under the influence of their pride and prejudice4 ,how their prejudice was in the first place produced1 it is not necessary at this time to inquire4 ,i may just remark that color has long been the badge of slavery4 ,long have the negroes been an enslaved and degraded class4 ,the child is tutored to look upon a colored man as an inferior1 and this feeling of superiority1 implanted early in the mind of the child1 growing with his growth1 and strengthening with his strength1 becomes at last a confirmed and almost invincible principle1 disposing him with eagerness to adopt any views of revelation which will permit him to cherish and gratify his pride and hatred towards the colored man4 ,hence has arisen the aristocracy of the skin4 ,hence the many lamentable departures from the spirit and precepts of the gospel1 every day witnessed in the ,united ,slates4 ,two illustrations of the force of prejudice are now before me4 ,the first is a short article from the ,new ,york ,evangelist1 copied into the ,scottish ,guardian of this city4 ,i will read it entire4 ,it is as follows3 ,a ,,hard ,,case4 ,a native born ,american applied to our authorities this morning for a license to drive a cart4 ,he has been for years employed as a porter in ,pearl ,street1 principally among the booksellers1 who were his petitioners to the number of forty firms4 ,he is an honest1 temperate1 and in every respect a worthy man2 of an amiable disposition1 muscular frame1 and of good address1 and every way calculated for the situation he seeks2 besides being a member of the ,society of ,friends1 a sufficient recommendation of itself2 for the office is now filled in part by swearing1 drunken1 quarrelling foreigners1 who are daily disturbing the quiet of our streets by their broils2 and endangering the lives of our citizens by their infuriate conduct4 ,wm4 ,s4 ,hewlett was refused by our ,mayor1 on the ground of public opinion6 because ----guilty of a skin ,not colored like his own4 ,hewlett owns property in ,william ,street1 to the amount of #bj1jjj dollars2 but prefers1 unlike many of no more income1 a life of industry and economy1 to seeking otium cum dignitate4 ,what man seeing this1 ,and having human feelings1 does not blush1 ,and hang his head to own himself a man4 ,the next is found in a letter written by a ,professor ,smith1 of the ,wesleyan ,university1 ,connecticut1 who1 while vindicating the ,university from the charge of having expelled a young man for the crime of color1 makes the following admission3 ,that it would be difficult1 in the present state of public feeling1 to preserve a colored individual from inquietude in any of our collegiate schools1 and to render his connection with them tolerable1 is not denied4 ,i come now1 7continued ,mr4 ,t47 to the state of the ,american ,churches1 in regard to ,slavery2 and to attempt a justification of the heavy charges ,i have brought against them4 ,if at the close of this address it shall appear that ,i have misrepresented the ,christians of ,america2 that ,i have stated as facts1 things which are untrue1 ,i solemnly call upon those who have hitherto vindicated my reputation1 and sustained me as the truthful advocate of the cause of human rights1 to discard me as utterly disqualified to be their representative in so sacred a work1 because1 capable of pleading for ,,justice at the expense of ,,truth4 ,of slaveholding ministers in ,america1 ,mr4 ,breckinridge has asserted1 that they are as ,,one ,,in ,a ,,thousand1 or at most1 as ,,one ,,in ,,five ,,hundred4 ,the first document ,i shall quote to disprove this assertion1 will be a letter in the ,southern ,religious ,telegraph1 of ,october #ca1 #ahce1 addressed to the ,presbyterian ,clergy of ,virginia2 written to warn those ministers against pursuits calculated to injure their spirituality1 destroy their usefulness1 and prevent those revivals of religion with which other portions of the ,church of ,christ had been favored2 also to account for an apparent declension in piety in the ,state generally4 ,it is proper to remark1 that the letter from which ,i make the present extract1 was not written to promote the cause of abolition2 that the writer never imagined it would be used on such an occasion2 and that the newspaper in which it appears is pro-slavery to the very core4 ,in one region of country1 where ,i am acquainted1 of rather more than ,,thirty ,presbyterian ministers1 including missionaries1 ,,twenty are farmers1 viz4 7planters and ,,slaveholders17 ,,on ,a ,,pretty ,,extensive ,,scale2 three are school teachers2 one is a farmer and a teacher2 one1 a farmer and a merchant1 and joint proprietor of iron works1 which must be in operation on the ,sabbath2 and one is a farmer and editor of a political newspaper4 ,these farmers generally superintend their own business4 ,,they ,,oversee ,,their ,,negroes1 attend to their stock1 make purchases1 and visit the markets to make sale of their crops4 ,they necessarily have much intercourse with their neighbors on worldly business1 and not unfrequently come into unpleasant collision with the merchants4 ,o1 ,sir1 what a revelation of things is here6 ,these are not the calumnies of ,george ,thompson1 but the confessions of one1 striving earnestly to awaken the attention of the ,virginia clergy to a sense of the degradation and barrenness of the church1 and to direct their attention to the main causes of such lamentable effects4 ,next1 permit me to request your attention to an extract from ,an ,address to the ,presbyterians of ,kentucky1 proposing a plan for the instruction and emancipation of their slaves2 by a ,committee of the ,,synod ,,of ,,kentucky4 ,cincinnati3 published by ,eli ,taylor1 #ahce4 ,we shall1 in this document1 get at the opinion of men1 sensitively jealous for the honor1 purity1 and usefulness of the ,presbyterian churches1 from which ,mr4 ,breckinridge is ,a ,,delegate4 ,what say they of slavery in general1 and the practice of ,,their ,,church in particular3 ,brutal stripes1 and all the various kinds of personal indignities1 are not the only species of cruelty1 which slavery licenses4 ,the law does not recognize the family relations of a slave2 and extends to him no protection in the enjoyment of domestic endearments4 ,the members of a slave family may be forcibly separated1 so that they shall never more meet until the final judgment4 ,and cupidity often induces the masters to practise what the law allows4 ,brothers and sisters1 parents and children1 husbands and wives1 are torn asunder1 and permitted to see each other no more4 ,these acts are daily occurring in the midst of us4 ,the shrieks and the agony1 often witnessed on such occasions1 proclaim with a trumpet-tongue1 the iniquity and cruelty of our system4 ,the cry of these sufferers goes up to the ears of the ,lord of ,sabaoth4 ,there is not a neighborhood1 where these heart-rending scenes are not displayed4 ,there is not a village or road that does not behold the sad procession of manacled outcasts1 whose chains and mournful countenances tell that they are exiled by force from all that their hearts held dear4 ,our church1 years ago1 raised its voice by solemn warning against this flagrant violation of every principle of mercy1 justice1 and humanity4 ,yet ,,we ,,blush ,,to ,,announce ,,to ,,you ,,and ,,to ,,the ,,world1 ,,that1 ,,this ,,warning ,,has ,,been ,,often ,,disregarded1 ,,even ,,by ,,those ,,who ,,hold ,,to ,,our ,,communion4 ,,cases ,,have ,,occurred1 ,,in ,,our ,,own ,,denomination1 ,,where ,,professors ,,of ,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,mercy ,,have ,,torn ,,the ,,mother ,,from ,,her ,,children1 ,,and ,,sent ,,her ,,into ,a ,,merciless ,,and ,,returnless ,,exile4 ,,yet ,,acts ,,of ,,discipline ,,have ,,rarely ,,followed ,,such ,,conduct4 ,follow me now into the ,,general ,,assembly of the ,presbyterian ,church of the ,united ,states1 convened in ,pittsburgh1 ,pennsylvania1 in ,may1 #ahce1 and let the individual who addresses you be forgotten1 while you listen to the things uttered in the midst of that solemn convocation4 ,at the time when the passages ,i am about to read1 were spoken1 there were sitting in that ,assembly1 men from all parts of the country4 ,the ,southern ,churches fully represented by row upon row of ministers and elders from every region of the slaveholding ,states4 ,in that ,assembly1 one year from this time1 did the ,rev4 ,j4 ,h4 ,dickey1 of the ,chilicothe ,presbytery1 ,ohio1 7a clergyman who had passed thirty years of his life in a slave ,state47 and ,mr4 ,stewart1 a ruling elder from the ,presbytery of ,schuyler1 ,illinois1 make the following statements1 which have remained1 ,i believe1 uncontradicted to this hour3 ,he 7,mr4 ,dickey17 believed there were many1 and great evils in the ,presbyterian ,church2 but the doctrine of slaveholding1 he was fully persuaded1 was the worst heresy now found in the ,church4 ,,mr4 ,,stewart--,i hope this ,assembly are prepared to come out fully1 and declare their sentiments1 that slaveholding is a most flagrant and heinous ,,sin4 ,let us not pass it by in this indirect way1 while so many thousands and thousands of our fellow-creatures are writhing under the lash1 often inflicted too by ,,ministers ,,and ,,elders ,,of ,,the ,,presbyterian ,,church4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,in ,,this ,,church1 a man may take a free born child1 force it away from its parents1 to whom ,god gave it in charge1 saying1 ',bring it up for me1' and sell it as a beast1 or hold it in perpetual bondage1 and not only escape corporal punishment1 but really be esteemed an excellent ,christian4 ,,nay1 ,,even ,,ministers ,,of ,,the ,,gospel1 ,,and ,,doctors ,,of ,,divinity1 may engage in this unholy traffic1 and yet sustain their high and holy calling4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,elders1 ,,ministers1 ,,and ,,doctors ,,of ,,divinity1 ,,are ,,with ,,both ,,hands ,,engaged ,,in ,,the ,,practice4 99 99 99 99 99 99 ,a ,slave-holder who is making gains by the trade1 may have as good a character for honesty as any other man4 99 99 99 99 99 ,no language can paint the injustice and abominations of slavery1 ,but in these ,united ,states1 this vast amount of moral turpitude is 7as ,i believe7 justly chargeable to the ,church4 ,i do not mean to say those church members who actually engage in this diabolical practice1 but ,i mean to say ,,the ,,church4 ,yes1 ,sir1 all the infidelity that is the result of this unjust conduct of the professed followers of ,,christ2 all the unholy amalgamation2 all the tears and groans2 all the eyes that have been literally plucked from their sockets2 all the pains and violent deaths from the lash1 and the various engines of torture1 and all the souls that are1 or will be eternally damned1 as a consequence of slavery in these ,united ,states1 ,,are ,,all ,,justly ,,chargeable ,,to ,,the ,,church2 ,,and ,,how ,,much ,,falls ,,to ,,the ,,share ,,of ,,this ,,particular ,,church ,,you ,,can ,,estimate ,,as ,,well ,,as ,i4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the judgments of ,god are staring this ,church full in the face1 and threatening her dissolution4 ,she is all life and nerve in matters of doctrine1 and on some points where men may honestly differ2 while sins of a crimson dye are committed in open day1 ,,by ,,members ,,of ,,this ,,church ,,with ,,perfect ,,impunity4 ,i appeal to you1 ,sir1 and this audience2 did ,george ,thompson ever utter charges against the ,american churches more awful than those contained in the extracts ,i have read--extracts from speeches made in the ,general ,assembly of the body from which ,mr4 ,breckinridge is a delegate8 ,i leave for the present the ,presbyterians1 and proceed to notice the state of the ,,methodist ,,episcopal ,,churches4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge displayed great regard for the reputation of this body4 ,he believed they were almost free from the sin of slaveholding--their discipline was most emphatic in its condemnation of it1 and he defied me to show that any ,methodist was engaged in the infernal practice of slave trading4 ,first1 as to the probable extent of slavery in the church4 ,on this point ,i shall quote from a solemn and authenticated document issued by a number of ministers in the ,methodist ,episcopal body in ,new ,england1 entitled3-- ,an appeal on the subject of ,slavery1 addressed to the members of the ,new ,england and ,new ,hampshire conferences of the ,methodist ,episcopal ,church2 and signed by ,,shipley ,w4 ,,wilson4 ,,abram ,d4 ,,merrill4 ,,la ,,roy ,,sunderland4 ,,george ,,storrs4 ,,jared ,,perkins4 ,boston1 ,dec4 #aith1 #ahcd4 ,in answer to the question-- ,when will slavery cease from our church1 if we continue to alter our rules against it as we have done for some years past8 they observe-- ,but we will not dwell on this part of our subject2 it is painful enough to think of2 and as members of the ,methodist ,episcopal ,church1 and as ,methodist preachers1 we readily confess we are exceedingly afflicted with a view of it1 and still more with a knowledge of the fact1 that the great evil of slavery has been increasing1 both among the membership and ministry of the ,methodist ,episcopal ,church1 at a fearful rate1 for thirty or forty years past4 ,the general minutes of our ,annual ,conferences1 announce about #hj1jjj colored members in our church2 and it is highly probable1 from various reasons which might be named1 that as many as sixty thousand1 or upwards of these1 are slaves2 but what proportion of these and others1 are enslaved by the ,methodist members and ,methodist preachers1 we have no means of determining precisely2 but the alterations which have been made in the discipline1 show at once that the number is neither few nor small2 and if this evil was a great one fifty years ago1 what must it be now8 ,what will it be fifty or a hundred years hence1 should the discipline be ,,altered as it has been during half a century past8 ,who can tell where this great and growing evil1 will end8 ,we frequently hear ,christians and ,christian ministers expressing the greatest fears for the safety of the political union of these ,united ,states1 whenever the subject of slavery is mentioned2 but no fears as to the prosperity and peace of the ,christian church1 though this evil be ever so great1 and though it be increased every day a thousand fold4 ,but can it be supposed that any branch of the ,christian church is in a healthy and prosperous state1 while it slumbers and nurses in its bosom so great an evil4 ,in reply to the challenge to produce one instance of a slave trading ,methodist1 ,i give the following from ,zion's ,watchman1 a ,methodist newspaper1 published in ,new ,york4 ,it is from a letter of a correspondent of that paper3 ,a man came among us where ,i was preaching1 a class-leader1 from ,georgia1 having a regular certificate1 who appeared to be very zealous1 exhorting and praying in our meetings1 c4 ,i thought ,i had got an excellent helper2 but1 on inquiring his business1 ,i found he was a ,,slave ,,trader3 come on purpose to buy up men1 women1 and children1 to drive to the ,south666 ,i expostulated with him2 but he said it was not thought wrong where he came from4 ,i told him we could not countenance such a thing here1 and that we could hold no fellowship with him4 ,he farther told me that on inquiring of a slave he had with him1 what sort of a master he was1 he replied1 ,i have had four masters1 but this is the most cruel of them all2 and told him1 as a proof of it1 to look at his back1 which1 said the minister1 was cut with a whip1 from his head to his heels66 ,the ,rev4 ,s4 ,w4 ,wilson1 of ,andover1 ,united ,states1 gives also an extract of a letter he had seen from a gentleman of high standing1 who was at the ,south at the time of writing1 which says1 ,the ,south is too much interested in the continuance of slavery1 to hear any thing upon the subject4 ,the preachers of the gospel are in the same condemnation1 and ,,methodist ,,preachers ,,especially4 ,the principal reason why the ,methodists in these regions are more numerous and popular than other denominations is1 ,,they ,,stick ,,so ,,closely ,,to ,,slavery66 ,,they ,,denounce ,,both ,,the ,,abolitionists ,,and ,,the ,,colonizationists4 ,to show the extent to which ,,the ,,baptist ,,churches ,,share ,,the ,,guilt ,,of ,,the ,,system ,,of ,,slavery ,,in ,,america1 it will be sufficient to read an extract from a letter addressed to the ,board of ,baptist ministers in and near ,london1 by the ,rev4 ,lucius ,bolles1 ,d4 ,d41 the ,corresponding ,secretary of the ,american ,baptist ,board of ,foreign ,missions4 ,the testimony is the stronger1 because the whole letter is a carefully written apology for ,southern religious slaveholders1 and an attempt to silence the remonstrances of the ,english churches4 ,there is a pleasing degree of union among the multiplying thousands of ,baptists throughout the land4 ,brethren from all parts of the country meet in one ,general ,convention and co-operate in sending the gospel to the heathen4 ,our ,southern brethren are liberal and zealous in the promotion of every holy enterprize for the extension of the gospel4 ,,they ,,are1 ,,generally1 ,,both ,,ministers ,,and ,,people1 ,,slave-,,holders4 ,in this connection1 ,i may notice the recommendation of the work of ,drs4 ,cox and ,hoby4 ,we are assured by ,mr4 ,breckinridge1 7though he confesses he has not read the book17 that every representation it contains relative to slavery among the ,baptists in ,america1 may be relied on4 ,that book1 thus endorsed by ,mr4 ,b41 informs us that the deputation were permitted to sit in the convention at ,richmond1 ,virginia1 only on condition of profound silence1 touching the wrongs of more than two millions of heathenized slaves4 ,we are gravely told that the introduction of abolition would have been an ,,intrusion1 as ,,rude as it would have been ,,unwelcome4 ,it would1 says the ,delegates1 have ,,frustrated every object of our mission2 awakened ,,hostility1 and kindled ,,dislike2 roused into ,,embittered ,,activity feelings between ,christian brethren1 which must have ,,severed the ,baptist churches4 ,it would have occasioned the ,,utter ,,confusion ,,of ,,all ,,order1 the ,,ruin of all ,christian feeling1 and ,,the ,,destruction ,,of ,,all ,,love ,,and ,,fellowship2 and the ,convention would either have been ,,dissolved by ,,magisterial ,,influence1 or ,,the ,,delegates ,,would ,,have ,,dissolved ,,themselves4 ,yet this was a sacred and heavenly meeting1 in which the kindliest emotions1 the warmest affections1 the loveliest spirit towards ourselves1 7the ,baptist ,delegates17 towards ,england and mankind existed6 ,oh1 ,sir1 is it possible to draw a more affecting picture of the withering and corrupting influences of slavery1 than is here presented to our view in this description of the triennial convention of ,baptist ministers1 assembled in the city of ,richmond1 ,virginia1 in the year #ahce4 ,,amos ,,dresser',s ,,case4 ,i proceed to notice the case of ,amos ,dresser2 the young man who was so inhumanly tortured by the citizens and professing ,christians of the city of ,nashville1 ,tennessee4 ,i can assure my opponent1 that the discrepancy in my statements which he has noticed1 is an error in reporting4 ,i am not aware of having ever stated the number of elders in the committee to be eleven4 ,my statement of the case has always been simply this--that ,mr4 ,dresser1 a pious and respectable young man1 was apprehended in ,nashville1 on suspicion of being an abolitionist2 brought before a ,vigilance ,committee1 and1 according to ,lynch ,law1 was sentenced to receive twenty lashes with a cowskin1 on his bare back4 ,that he was so punished2 and that upon the ,committee were seven elders of the ,presbyterian church1 and one ,campbellite minister4 ,the whole case as narrated by ,mr4 ,dresser1 and published in the ,cincinnati ,gazette1 is now before me4 ,the ,committee1 by which ,mr4 ,dresser was tried and sentenced1 is called a ,committee of ,vigilance and ,safety4 ,the following are the names of the seven elders in the ,presbyterian ,church3 ,,john ,,nichol1 ,,alpha ,,kingsley1 ,a4 ,a4 ,,casseday1 ,,wm4 ,,armstrong1 ,,samuel ,,seay1 ,s4 ,v4 ,d4 ,,stout4 ,s4 ,c4 ,,robinson4 ,the name of the ,campbellite ,minister1 ,,thomas ,,claiborne4 ,the ,committee1 after examining his books1 papers1 and private memoranda1 and hearing his defence1 found him guilty--#ast4 ,of being a member of an ,anti-,slavery ,society in ,ohio4 #b;d4 ,of having in his possession periodicals published by the ,american ,anti-,slavery ,society4 ,and #c;d4 ,they ,,believed he had circulated these periodicals1 and advocated in the community the principles they inculcated4 ,the ,chairman1 7says ,mr4 ,dresser17 then pronounced that ,i was condemned to receive twenty lashes on my bare back1 and ordered to leave the place in twenty-four hours4 ,this was not an hour previous to the commencement of the ,sabbath4 ,mr4 ,dresser gives the following account of the infliction of the sentence3 ,i knelt to receive the punishment1 which was inflicted by ,mr4 ,braughton1 the city officer1 with a ,,heavy ,,cowskin4 ,when the infliction ceased1 an involuntary feeling of thanksgiving to ,god1 for the fortitude with which ,i had been enabled to endure it1 arose in my soul1 to which ,i began aloud to give utterance4 ,the death-like silence that prevailed for a moment1 was suddenly broken1 with loud exclamations1 ,g--d d--m him1 stop his praying4 ,i was raised to my feet by ,mr4 ,braughton1 and conducted by him to my lodging1 where it was thought safe for me to remain but for a few moments4 ,among my triers1 there was a great portion of the respectability of ,nashville4 ,nearly half the whole number1 professors of ,christianity1 the reputed stay of the church1 supporters of the cause of benevolence in the form of tract and missionary societies and ,sabbath schools1 several members and most of the elders of the ,presbyterian church1 from whose hands1 but a few days before1 ,i had received the emblems of the broken body1 and shed blood of our blessed ,saviour4 766667 ,mr4 ,breckinridge has twice referred to the appearance of a runaway slave at my lectures in ,london1 and has accused me of carrying him about with me1 to enact interludes during my meeting4 ,i can assure ,mr4 ,breckinridge that ,i never had any thing to do with the attendance of ,moses ,roper at my meetings1 or with the speeches he delivered4 ,on neither of the occasions mentioned had ,i any knowledge of his being in the chapel until ,i found him among the rest of my auditors4 ,as for denying the facts stated by him1 knowing as ,i do the brutalizing effects of slavery1 and the state of society in the slave ,states of ,america1 it is out of the question4 ,i see nothing in the facts stated by ,moses ,roper at all improbable4 ,since ,i last came to this city1 ,i have read in an ,american newspaper1 an account of an affair in ,tennessee1 at which the blood runs cold4 ,a black man having committed some crime1 was lodged in prison by the authorities1 but being demanded by the citizens1 was given up to them1 tied to a tree1 and ,,burnt ,,alive6 ,during my residence in the ,united ,states1 a negro was burnt alive1 according to a sentence given by one of the constituted tribunals of the ,state6 ,it was called an exemplary punishment1 and many of the papers throughout the country were filled with long and learned articles1 justifying the horrid outrage4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge may point to the laws and the constitution of the country1 but ,i tell him they and the authorities appointed to enforce them are alike powerless4 ,i point him to the atrocities of ,lynch law all over the land2 to the brutal massacre of the gamblers in ,mississippi1 where men in the broad daylight were dragged forth1 and tied by the neck to branches of trees1 their eyes starting from their sockets1 and their wives driven across the river1 in open boats2 their lives threatened1 for daring to ask for the dead bodies of their husbands4 ,i ask if any law reached the fiends in human shape1 who perpetrated these deeds4 ,i ask ,mr4 ,breckinridge if any law punished the felons of ,charleston1 who1 seizing the public conveyances1 violated the constitution1 and the law of the ,state1 by robbing the mail bags of their contents1 and burning them8 ,did not the ,post ,master ,general encouragingly say1 ,i cannot sanction1 but ,i will not condemn what you have done4 ,in your circumstances ,i would have acted in a similar manner4 ,need ,i remind ,mr4 ,breckinridge of the mobs at the ,north2 the riots of ,new ,york2 the sacking of ,mr4 ,tappan's house1 and the demolition of colored schools8 ,laws there may be1 but while slavery exists1 and is defended by public sentiment1 and while the ferocious prejudice against color remains1 they will want the executory principle1 without which they are but cruel mockery4 ,a glance at the moral and religious state of the slave population will show the amount of care and attention exercised by the ,christian churches at the ,south4 ,what says the ,rev4 ,c4 ,c4 ,jones1 in a sermon preached before two associations of planters in ,georgia1 in #ahca8 ,generally speaking1 they 7the slaves17 appear to us to be without ,god1 and without hope in the world1 a ,,nation ,,of ,,heathen in our very midst4 ,we cannot cry out against the ,papists for withholding the ,scriptures from the common people1 and keeping them in ignorance of the way of life1 for we ,,withhold the ,bible from our servants1 and keep them in ignorance of it1 while we will not use the means to have it read and explained to them4 ,the cry of our perishing servants comes up to us from the sultry plains as they bend at their toil2 it comes up from their humble cottages when they return at evening to rest their weary limbs2 it comes up to us from the midst of their ignorance1 and superstition1 and adultery1 and lewdness4 ,we have manifested no emotions of horror at abandoning the souls of our servants to the adversary1 the roaring lion that walketh about seeking whom he may devour4 ,again3 what said the ,synod of ,south ,carolina and ,georgia1 in a report on the state of the colored population1 in respect of religious instruction8 ,who would credit it1 that in these years of revivals and benevolent effort1 in this ,christian ,republic1 there are over ,,two ,,millions of human beings in the condition of ,,heathen1 and in some respects in a worse condition4 ,from long continued and close observation1 we believe that their moral and religious condition is such1 that they may justly be considered the ,,heathen of this ,christian country1 and will bear comparison with heathen in any country of the world4 ,the negroes are destitute of the gospel1 and ,,ever ,,will ,,be ,,under ,,the ,,present ,,state ,,of ,,things4 ,in the vast field extending from an entire ,state beyond the ,potomac1 to the ,sabine ,river1 and from the ,atlantic to the ,ohio1 there are to the best of our knowledge1 not ,,twelve men exclusively devoted to the religious instruction of the negroes4 ,in the present state of feeling in the ,south1 a ministry of their own color could neither be obtained ,,nor ,,tolerated4 ,again3 what says a writer in a recent number of the ,charleston1 ,south ,carolina1 ,observer8 ,let us establish missionaries among our negroes1 who1 in view of religious knowledge1 are as debasingly ignorant as any one on the coast of ,africa2 for ,i hazard the assertion1 that throughout the bounds of our ,synod1 there are at least one hundred thousand slaves1 speaking the same language as ourselves1 who never ,,heard of the plan of salvation by a ,redeemer4 ,a writer in the ,western ,luminary1 a respectable religious paper in ,lexington1 ,kentucky1 says1 ,i proclaim it abroad to the ,christian world1 that heathenism is as real in the slave ,states as it is in the ,south ,sea ,islands1 and that our negroes are as justly objects of attention to the ,american and other ,boards of ,foreign ,missions1 as the ,indians of the ,western wilds4 ,what is it constitutes heathenism8 ,is it to be destitute of a knowledge of ,god2 of his holy word2 never to have heard scarcely a sentence of it read through life2 to know little or nothing of the history1 character1 instruction and mission of ,jesus ,christ2 to be almost totally devoid of moral knowledge and feeling1 of sentiments of probity1 truth and chastity8 ,if this constitutes heathenism1 then are there thousands1 millions1 of heathen in our beloved land4 ,there is one topic to which ,i will allude1 which will serve to establish the heathenism of this population4 ,i allude to the universal licentiousness which prevails4 ,it may be said emphatically1 that chastity is no virtue among them2 that its violation neither injures female character in their own estimation1 or that of their master or mistress4 ,no instruction is ever given2 no censure pronounced4 ,i speak not of the world2 ,i speak of ,christian families generally4 ,again3 ,i give the words of the son of a ,kentucky slaveholder1 who became an abolitionist at ,lane ,seminary1 and has since induced his father to emancipate his slaves4 ,hear ,james ,a4 ,thome4 ,licentiousness4 ,i shall not speak of the far ,south1 whose sons are fast melting away under the ,,unblushing ,,profligacy which prevails4 ,i allude to the slaveholding ,west4 ,it is well known that the slave lodgings1 ,i refer now to village slaves1 are exposed to the entrance of strangers every hour of the night1 and that the ,,sleeping ,,apartments ,,of ,,both ,,sexes ,,are ,,common4 ,it is also a fact1 that there is no allowed intercourse between the families and servants1 after the work of the day is over4 ,the family1 assembled for the evening1 enjoy a conversation elevating and instructive4 ,but the poor slaves are thrust out4 ,no ties of sacred home thrown around them2 no moral instruction to compensate for the toils of the day2 no intercourse as of man with man2 and should one of the younger members of the family1 led by curiosity1 steal out into the filthy kitchen1 the child is speedily called back1 thinking itself happy if it escape an angry rebuke4 ,why is this8 ,the dread of moral contamination4 ,most excellent reason2 but it reveals a horrid picture4 ,,the ,,slave ,,cut ,,off ,,from ,,all ,,community ,,of ,,feeling ,,with ,,their ,,master1 ,,roam ,,over ,,the ,,village ,,streets1 ,,shocking ,,the ,,ear ,,with ,,their ,,vulgar ,,jestings1 ,,and ,,voluptuous ,,songs1 ,,or ,,opening ,,their ,,kitchens ,,to ,,the ,,reception ,,of ,,the ,,neighboring ,,blacks1 ,,they ,,pass ,,the ,,evening ,,in ,,gambling1 ,,dancing1 ,,drinking1 ,,and ,,the ,,most ,,obscene ,,conversation1 ,,kept ,,up ,,until ,,the ,,night ,,is ,,far ,,spent1 ,,then ,,crown ,,the ,,scene ,,with ,,indiscriminate ,,debauchery4 ,,where ,,do ,,these ,,things ,,occur8 ,,in ,,the ,,kitchens ,,of ,,church ,,members ,,and ,,elders6 ,i shall now take the liberty of reading two letters from highly respectable gentlemen in the ,south1 to friends in ,new ,england4 ,the first is from a clergyman in ,north ,carolina1 to one of the ,professors in ,bowdoin ,college1 ,maine4 ,you remember that when ,i was with you last summer1 ,i was much opposed to the ,anti-,slavery ,society1 and contended that the colonization scheme was a full1 and the only remedy1 for the evils of slavery1 and that ,i made a sort of talk before the students on the subject of slavery4 ,it was a poor talk1 for it was a miserable theme4 ,i do not think what ,i said had any effect against the ,anti-,slavery people1 or at all strengthened the cause of the ,colonization ,society4 ,be this as it may1 ,i feel it a duty ,i owe both to myself and to the friends ,i have with you1 to say1 that my views and feelings1 which were then wavering1 have since1 after mature deliberation and much prayer1 been entirely changed1 and that ,i am now a strong ,anti-,slavery man4 ,yes1 after mature reflection1 ,i am the sworn enemy of slavery in all its forms1 with all its evils4 ,henceforth it is a part of my religion to oppose slavery4 ,i am greatly surprised1 that ,i should in any form have been the apologist of a system1 so full of deadly poison to all holiness and benevolence as slavery1 the concocted essence of fraud1 selfishness1 and cold-hearted tyranny1 and the fruitful parent of unnumbered evils1 both to the oppressor and the oppressed1 the one thousandth part of which has never been brought to light4 ,do you ask1 why this change1 after residing in a slave country for twenty years4 ,you recollect the lines of ,pope1 beginning1 ',vice is a monster of such frightful mein1 ,that to be hated1 needs but to be seen4' ,i had become so familiar with the loathsome features of slavery1 that they ceased to offend2 besides1 ,i had become a ,southern man in all my feelings1 and it is a part of our creed to defend slavery4 ,i had also considered it was impossible to free the slaves in this country4 ,but it is unnecessary to investigate the ground of my former opinions4 ,as to the ,colonization ,society1 ,i have this among many objections that it has two faces1 one for the ,north1 and a very different one for the ,south4 ,if the agents of the ,colonization ,society will come here and say what ,i heard them say in ,new ,york1 ,i will insure them a good coat of tar and feathers for their labor4 ,that ,society has few friends here1 a few large slaveholders who by it hope to send off the free people in their neighborhood1 and a few others1 whose consciences are not quite easy1 get a salvo by advocating the ,colonization ,society4 ,these last are many of them ministers4 ,the mass of the people regard it as a ,yankee plan1 and hate it of course4 ,i remember1 among other things1 ,i told the students in my address1 that the only way to do away slavery was to give us more religion4 ,this argument then seemed to be good4 ,send us preachers said ,i1 and as religion spreads1 slavery will melt away1 it cannot stand the gospel4 ,i did not reflect that the religion we have here1 justifies and upholds slavery4 ,our religion does not permit the preacher to touch the subject4 ,it is not the whole gospel4 ,i have not yet seen the man who would venture to take for his text1 ',masters1 give to your servants that which is just and equal4' ,if every man in the country was a professor of religion1 the religion we have1 it would not much help the cause4 ,i think that ,i can safely say that as a general thing1 the ,presbyterians are by far the best masters1 and give more attention to the religious instruction of their slaves than others1 but ,i know one of these1 an elder1 who contends that slavery is no violation of the law1 ',thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself1' and whose slaves are driven in the field with the long whip6 ,but it is just to add1 that they are not over-worked1 and they are well fed and clothed4 ,you are at liberty to inform the students1 and others who heard me on that occasion1 that ,i am now an anti-slavery man2 but ,i do not wish the letter published with my name to it1 as it would be copied by other papers1 and find its way back1 and do me injury1 for no man is free1 fully to express his thoughts in this country4 ,the next is from a merchant in ,st4 ,louis1 ,missouri1 to a ,clergyman in ,new ,hampshire4 ,,saint ,,louis1 ,jan4 #ah1 #ahce4 ,very ,dear ,brother4 ,i want to say a good deal to you1 ,brother1 on the subject1 which seems to interest you much at this time4 ,i am now1 and was before ,i left ,hartford1 an abolitionist2 and that too1 from deep and thorough conviction that the eternal rule of right requires the immediate freedom of every bond-man in this and every other country4 ,since my residence in this slaveholding ,state1 ,i have seen nothing which should tend to alter my previous sentiments on this subject1 on the contrary much to confirm me in them4 ,you1 who reside in happy ,new ,england1 can have but very faint conceptions of the blighting and corrupting influence of ,slavery on a community4 ,although in ,missouri we witness ,slavery in its mildest form1 yet it is enough to sicken the heart of benevolence to witness its effects on society generally1 and its awfully demoralizing influence on the slaves themselves3 being counted as property among the cattle and flocks of their possessors1 7forgive the word17 their standard of morality and virtue is on a level 7generally7 with the beasts with which they are classed3 and ,i am credibly informed that many emigrants from the slave states1 who own plantations on the ,missouri ,river1 finding themselves disqualified by their former habits of indolence to compete with emigrants of another character in enterprize1 turn their attention to the raising of slaves as they would cattle1 to be sold to the ,negro dealers to go down the river4 ,what sort of standard of virtue1 think you1 will have place on such a plantation2 and at what period in the history of our country will these degraded sons of ,africa be christianized under existing circumstances4 ,the ungodly man who is a slaveholder1 is well enough pleased with the efforts and views of the ,colonization ,society1 because he can manage to throw off responsibility1 and date far a-head the time when he shall be called upon to do right2 but state to him the sentiments and principles of the abolitionists1 and he at once begins to froth and rage--all the malignity of his nature is called into action--and why8 ,he feels the pressure of responsibility1 he acts very like an impenitent sinner1 pricked with the truth1 and like him1 too1 he either comes on the side of right1 or is hardened into a stern opposer4 ,it is gratifying to notice the gradual influence the abolition principles are obtaining over the hearts and consciences of every slaveholding community1 especially over the hearts of ,christian slaveholders4 ,many of them who have allowed the subject to have a place in their thoughts1 are greatly agitated1 and dare not sell or buy again for their peace-sake4 ,but more of this another time4 ,i shall now lay before the meeting the sentiments of ,general ,george ,m',duffie1 ,governor of the ,state of ,south ,carolina2 as contained in a message delivered by him to the two branches of the ,legislature1 towards the close of the last year4 ,i charge these sentiments upon the ,state1 #ast1 because the representatives of its citizens1 in a series of resolutions presented to the ,governor1 unanimously expressed their special approbation of them2 and #b;dly1 because ,i am not aware that any protest has been entered against them by any part of the ,christian community4 ,sentiments more atrocious were1 perhaps1 never penned4 ,the first extract1 recommending legislation1 has reference to the diffusion of ,anti-,slavery publications4 ,,it ,,is ,,my ,,deliberate ,,opinion ,,that ,,the ,,laws ,,of ,,every ,,community ,,should ,,punish ,,this ,,species ,,of ,,interference ,,by ,,death ,,without ,,benefit ,,of ,,clergy1 ,,regarding ,,the ,,authors ,,of ,,it ,,as ,,enemies ,,to ,,the ,,human ,,race4 ,nothing could be more appropriate than for ,south ,carolina to set the example in the present crisis1 and ,i trust the ,legislature will not adjourn till it discharges this high duty of patriotism4 ,let us look at the theological views of this profound ,statesman on the subject of ,slavery4 ,,no ,,human ,,institution1 ,,in ,,my ,,opinion1 ,,is ,,more ,,manifestly ,,consistent ,,with ,,the ,,will ,,of ,,god1 ,,than ,,domestic ,,slavery1 and no one of his ordinances is written in more legible characters than that which consigns the ,african ,race to this condition ,,as ,,more ,,conducive ,,to ,,their ,,own ,,happiness1 ,,than ,,any ,,other ,,of ,,which ,,they ,,are ,,susceptible4 ,whether we consult the sacred ,scriptures or the lights of nature and reason1 we shall find these truths as abundantly apparent as if written with a sun-beam in the heavens4 ,under both the ,jewish and ,christian dispensations of our religion1 ,,domestic ,,slavery existed with the unequivocal sanction of its prophets1 its apostles1 and finally its great ,author4 ,the patriarchs themselves1 those chosen instruments of ,god1 were slaveholders4 ,in fact the divine sanction of this institution is so plainly written that he who runs may read it1 and those over-righteous pretenders and pharisees1 who affect to be scandalized by its existence among us1 would do well to inquire how much more nearly they walk in the way of godliness1 than did ,abraham1 ,isaac and ,jacob4 ,that the ,african negro is ,,destined ,,by ,,providence ,,to ,,occupy ,,this ,,condition ,,of ,,servile ,,dependence1 is not less manifest4 ,it is marked on the face1 stamped on the skin1 and evinced by the intellectual inferiority1 and natural improvidence of his race4 ,,they ,,have ,,all ,,the ,,qualities ,,that ,,fit ,,them ,,for ,,slaves1 ,,and ,,not ,,one ,,of ,,those ,,that ,,would ,,fit ,,them ,,to ,,be ,,freemen1 they are utterly unqualified not only for rational freedom1 but for self-government of any kind4 ,they are in all respects physical1 moral and political1 inferior to millions of the human race1 who have for consecutive ages dragged out a wretched existence under a grinding political despotism1 and who are doomed to this hopeless condition by the very qualities which unfit them for a better4 ,it is utterly astonishing that any enlighted ,american1 after contemplating all the manifold forms in which even the white race of mankind are doomed to slavery and oppression1 should suppose it possible to reclaim the ,africans from their destiny4 ,,the ,,capacity ,,to ,,enjoy ,,freedom ,,is ,,an ,,attribute ,,not ,,to ,,be ,,communicated ,,by ,,human ,,power4 ,,it ,,is ,,an ,,endowment ,,of ,,god1 ,,and ,,one ,,of ,,the ,,rarest ,,which ,,it ,,has ,,pleased ,,his ,,inscrutable ,,wisdom ,,to ,,bestow ,,upon ,,the ,,nations ,,of ,,the ,,earth4 ,,it ,,is ,,conferred ,,as ,,the ,,reward ,,of ,,merit1 and only upon those who are qualified to enjoy it4 ,until the ,ethiopian can change his skin1 it will he vain to attempt1 by any human power1 to make freemen of those whom ,god has doomed to be slaves1 by all their attributes4 ,let not1 therefore1 the misguided and designing intermeddlers who seek to destroy our peace1 imagining that they are serving the cause of ,god by practically arraigning the decrees of his ,providence4 ,indeed it would scarcely excite surprise1 if with the impious audacity of those who projected the tower of ,babel1 they should attempt to scale the battlements of ,heaven1 and remonstrate with the ,god of wisdom for having put ,,the ,,mark ,,of ,,cain ,,and ,,the ,,curse ,,of ,,ham upon the ,african race instead of the ,european4 ,the ,governor then proceeds to give his views on the political bearings of the question1 and thus sums them up3-- ,,domestic ,,slavery1 ,,therefore1 ,,instead ,,of ,,being ,a ,,political ,,evil1 ,,is ,,the ,,corner ,,stone ,,of ,,our ,,republican ,,edifice4 ,no patriot who justly estimates our privileges1 will tolerate the idea of emancipation1 at any period however remote1 or on any conditions of pecuniary advantage1 however favorable4 ,i would as soon think of opening a negotiation for selling the liberty of the ,state at once1 as for making any stipulations for the ultimate emancipation of our slaves4 ,so deep is my conviction on this subject1 that if ,i were doomed to die immediately after recording these sentiments1 ,i could say in all sincerity1 and under all the sanctions of ,christianity and patriotism1 ,,god ,,forbid ,,that ,,my ,,descendants1 ,,in ,,the ,,remotest ,,generations1 ,,should ,,live ,,in ,,any ,,other ,,than ,a ,,community ,,having ,,the ,,institution ,,of ,,domestic ,,slavery4 ,the conduct of the clergy of ,south ,carolina1 may be inferred from the following account of a great pro-slavery meeting1 held in the city of ,charleston1 to denounce in the most malignant spirit1 the abolitionists of the ,north3 7,from the ,charleston ,courier47 ,,great ,,and ,,important ,,public ,,meeting4 ,one of the most imposing assemblages of citizens in respect of numbers1 intelligence and respectability that we have ever witnessed1 met yesterday morning at the ,city ,hall1 to receive the report of the ,committee of twenty-one1 appointed by the meeting on the #dth inst4 on the incendiary machinations now in progress against the peace and welfare of the ,southern ,states4 ,,the ,,clergy ,,of ,,all ,,denominations ,,attended ,,in ,a ,,body1 ,,lending ,,their ,,sanction ,,to ,,the ,,proceedings1 ,,and ,,aiding ,,by ,,their ,,presence1 ,,to ,,the ,,impressive ,,character ,,of ,,the ,,scene6 ,after thundering forth the most violent threats against the discussion of the subject of slavery1 the meeting closed with the following resolution3 ,on the motion of ,captain ,,lynch1 ,resolved1 ,that the thanks of this meeting are due to the ,reverend gentlemen of the ,,clergy in this city1 who have so promptly1 and so effectually1 responded to public sentiment1 ,,by ,,suspending ,,their ,,schools ,,in ,,which ,,the ,,free ,,colored ,,population ,,were ,,taught2 and that this meeting deem it a patriotic action worthy of all praise1 and proper to be imitated by other teachers of similar schools throughout the ,state4 ,the following document will speak for itself4 ,i commend it to the consideration of ministers of ,christ throughout the world4 ,,charleston ,,presbytery ,,on ,,slavery4 ,extract from the minutes of ,charleston ,union ,presbytery1 at their meeting on the #gth of ,april1 #ahcf4 ,with reference to the relation which the church sustains to the institution of slavery1 and the possibility of attempts to agitate the question in the next ,general ,assembly1 this presbytery deem it expedient to state explicitly the principles which they maintain1 and the course which will be pursued by their commissioners in the ,assembly4 ,it is a principle which meets the views of this body1 that slavery as it exists among us1 is a political institution1 with which ecclesiastical judicatories have not the smallest right to interfere2 and in relation to which any such interference1 especially at the present momentous crisis1 would be morally wrong and fraught with the most dangerous and pernicious consequences4 ,should any attempt be made to discuss this subject1 our ,commissioners are expected to meet it at the very threshold1 and of any report1 memorial or document1 which may be the occasion of agitating this question in any form4 ,and it is further expected1 that our ,commissioners1 should the case require it1 will distinctly avow our full conviction of the truth of the principles which we hold in relation to this subject1 and our resolute determination to abide by them1 whatever may be the issue2 that it may appear that the sentiments which we maintain1 in common with ,christians at the ,south1 of every denomination1 are sentiments which so fully approve themselves to our consciences1 are so identified with our solemn convictions of duty1 that we should maintain them under any circumstances2 and at the same time1 the peculiar circumstances in which we are placed1 constitute an imperious necessity that we should act in accordance with these principles1 and make it impossible for us to yield any thing in a matter which concerns not merely our personal interests1 but the cause of ,christ1 and the peace1 if not the very existence of the ,southern community4 ,should our ,commissioners fail of accomplishing this object1 it is expected that they will withdraw from the ,assembly1 with becoming dignity2 not willing to be associated with a body of men who denounce the ministers and members of ,southern churches as pirates and men-stealers1 or who co-operate with those who thus denounce them4 ,in conclusion1 this ,presbytery would suggest to their ,commissioners the expediency of conferring with the ,commissioners from other ,southern presbyteries1 that there may be a common understanding between them as to the course most suitable to be pursued at this crisis1 and on this absorbing question4 ,and may that wisdom which is from above1 which is first pure1 then peaceable1 gentle1 and easy to be entreated1 be their guide in managing the important trust committed to their hands4 ,resolved1 ,that this expression of our views be signed by the ,moderator and ,clerk2 that a copy be given to each of our ,commissioners to the ,general ,assembly1 and that it be published in the ,charleston ,observer4 ,e4 ,t4 ,,buist1 ,moderator4 ,b4 ,,gildersleeve1 ,temporary ,clerk4 ,resolutions of the ,presbyterian ,synods of ,south ,carolina and ,georgia1 ,december1 #ahcd4 ,resolved unanimously1 ,that in the opinion of this ,synod1 ,abolition ,societies1 and the principles on which they are founded1 in the ,united ,states1 are inconsistent with the best interests of the slaves1 the rights of the holders1 and the great principles of our political institutions4 ,the following declaration of sentiments has been published in ,charleston1 ,south ,carolina1 by the ,board of ,managers of the ,missionary ,society1 of the ,south ,carolina ,conference of the ,methodist ,episcopal ,church3 ,we denounce the principles and opinions of the abolitionists in toto2 and do solemnly declare our conviction and belief1 that1 whether they were originated1 as some business men have thought1 as a money speculation1 or1 as some politicians think1 for party electioneering purposes1 or1 as we are inclined to believe1 in a false philosophy1 over-reaching or setting aside the ,scriptures through a vain conceit of higher moral refinement1 they are utterly erroneous1 and altogether hurtful4 ,we consider and believe that the ,holy ,scriptures1 so far from giving any countenance to this delusion1 do unequivocally authorize the relation of master and slave4 ,we hold that a ,christian slave must be submissive1 faithful and obedient1 for reasons of the same authority with those which oblige husbands1 wives1 fathers1 mothers1 sisters1 to fulfil the duties of these relations4 ,we would employ no one in the work who might hesitate to teach thus2 nor can such an one be found in the whole number of the preachers in this ,conference4 ,one other document in reference to ,south ,carolina1 viz41 the resolutions recently passed by the ,hopewell ,presbytery4 ,on the subject of domestic slavery1 this ,presbytery believe the following facts have been most incontrovertibly established1 viz3 ,i4 ,slavery has existed in the church of ,god from the time of ,abraham to this day4 ,members of the church of ,god have held slaves bought with their money1 and born in their houses2 and this relation is not only recognized1 but its duties are defined clearly1 both in the ,old and ,new ,testaments4 ,,ii4 ,emancipation is not mentioned among the duties of the master to his slave4 ,while obedience even to the froward master is enjoined upon the slave4 ,,iii4 ,no instance can be produced of an otherwise orderly ,christian1 being ,,reproved1 much less ,,excommunicated from the church1 for the single act of holding domestic slaves1 from the days of ,abraham down to the date of the modern ,abolitionists4 ,,iv4 ,,slavery ,,existed ,,in ,,the ,,united ,,states ,,before ,,our ,,ecclesiastical ,,body ,,was ,,organized4 ,,it ,,is ,,not ,,condemned ,,in ,,our ,,confession ,,of ,,faith1 ,,and ,,has ,,always ,,existed ,,in ,,our ,,church ,,without ,,reproof ,,or ,,condemnation4 ,v4 ,slavery is a political institution1 with which the ,church has nothing to do1 except to inculcate the duties of master and slave1 and to use lawful spiritual means to have all1 both bond and free1 to become one in ,christ by faith4 ,regarding these positions as undoubtedly true1 our views of duty constrain us to adopt the following resolutions3 ,resolved1 ,that the political institution of domestic slavery1 as it exists in the ,south1 is not a lawful or constitutional subject of discussion1 much less1 of action by the ,general ,assembly4 ,resolved1 ,that so soon as the ,general ,assembly passes any ecclesiastical laws1 or recommends any action1 which shall interfere with this institution1 this ,presbytery will regard such laws and acts as tyranical and odious2 and from that moment will regard itself independent of the ,general ,assembly of the ,presbyterian ,church4 ,resolved1 ,that our delegates to the approaching ,assembly are hereby enjoined to use all ,christian means to prevent the discussion of domestic slavery in the ,assembly2 to protest in our name1 against all acts that involve or approve abolition2 and to withdraw from the ,assembly and return home1 if1 in spite of their efforts1 acts of this character shall be passed4 ,from the official account of the proceedings of the ,synod of ,virginia1 ,i take the following ,,report ,,on ,,abolition4 ,the ,committee to whom were referred the resolutions1 c41 have1 according to order1 had the same under consideration3 and respectfully report that in their judgment1 the following resolutions are necessary and proper to be adopted by the ,synod at the present time4 ,whereas1 ,the publications and proceedings of certain organized associations commonly called ,anti-slavery1 or ,abolition ,societies1 which have arisen in some parts of our land1 have greatly disturbed1 and are still greatly disturbing the peace of the church1 and of the country2 and the ,synod of ,virginia deem it a solemn duty which they owe to themselves and to the community1 to declare their sentiments upon the subject2 therefore1 ,resolved unanimously1 ,that we consider the dogma fiercely promulgated by said associations2 that slavery as it actually exists in our slaveholding ,states1 is necessarily sinful1 and ought to be immediately abolished1 and the conclusions which naturally follow from that dogma1 as directly and palpably contrary to the plainest principles of common sense and common humanity1 and to the clearest authority of the word of ,god4 #b4 ,resolved unanimously1 ,that in the deliberate judgment of the ,synod1 it is the duty of all ministers of the gospel to follow the example of our ,lord and ,saviour1 and of his apostles in similar circumstances1 in abstaining from all interference with the state of slavery1 as established among us by the ,commonwealth1 and confining themselves strictly to their proper province of inculcating upon masters and slaves the duties enjoined upon them respectively in the sacred ,scriptures1 which must tend immediately to promote the welfare of both1 and ultimately to restore the whole world to that state of holy happiness which is the earnest desire of every ,christian heart4 ,the above preamble and resolutions having been severally read1 and adopted by paragraphs1 the ,moderator asked and obtained leave to vote with the ,synod1 on the adoption of the entire report4 ,the question being put1 it was unanimously adopted1 every member it is believed1 giving it a hearty response4 ,the last document ,i shall quote on this part of the subject1 is one which will fill this meeting with horror2 but it is right that it should be placed on record1 to show the opinion entertained by a minister of the ,presbyterian church of his brethren and fellow ,christians1 and to show also1 what kind of communications pass current among the professed disciples of ,christ in a slaveholding community4 ,to the ,sessions of the ,presbyterian ,congregations within the bounds of ,west ,hanover ,presbytery3 ,at the approaching stated meeting of our ,presbytery1 ,i design to offer a preamble and string of resolutions on the subject of the use of wine in the ,lord's ,supper2 and also a preamble and a string of resolutions on the subject of the treasonable and abominably wicked interference of the ,northern and ,eastern fanatics1 with our political and civil rights1 our property and our domestic concerns4 ,you are aware that our clergy1 whether with or without reason1 are more suspected by the public than are the clergy of other denominations4 ,now1 dear ,christian brethren1 ,i humbly express it as my earnest wish1 that you quit yourselves like men4 ,if there be any stray goat of a minister among us1 tainted with the blood-hound principles of abolitionism1 let him be ferreted out1 silenced1 excommunicated1 and left to the public to dispose of him in other respects4 ,your affectionate brother in the ,lord1 ,,robert ,n4 ,,anderson4666 ,i trust ,i have adduced sufficient evidence upon this heart-rending topic1 and abundantly proved the allegations ,i have deemed it my duty to bring against the ,american churches4 ,no one can accuse me of wishing that any thing should be believed upon my bare assertion4 ,i have furnished documentary proof of the truth of all my statements4 ,presbyterians1 and ,conferences1 and ,ministers1 and ,elders1 and ,synods1 and ,assemblies have spoken for themselves through their solemn and accredited ,speeches1 and ,letters1 and ,reports1 and ,resolutions4 ,judge1 therefore1 whether ,i have libelled ,america2 whether ,i am the foul traducer that some would have you believe1 but for believing which they supply you no ground1 save their own ill-natured vituperations4 ,let the facts ,i have brought before you be deliberately considered1 and let such a verdict be given as will approve itself to the world and to ,god4 ,before sitting down1 however1 ,i must observe1 that it has always given me the sincerest pleasure to notice any ,anti-slavery movements among the clergy of ,america4 ,with delight ,i have stated the fact1 that in the ,general ,assembly of #ahce1 there were ,,forty ,,eight immediate ,abolitionists4 ,i refer again1 on the present occasion1 with unfeigned satisfaction1 to the indications of a better state of things in many portions of the ,presbyterian ,church4 ,mr4 ,breckinridge has quoted the ,assembly's views on the subject of ,slavery2 so have ,i4 ,in the recent meeting of the ,united ,secession ,synod1 held a short time since in ,edinburgh1 ,i stated fully the sentiments of the ,presbyterian body in ,america4 ,at the same time1 ,i could not omit naming one striking fact1 viz4 that in #ahaf1 the ,assembly struck out of the ,confession of the ,church1 the following note1 adopted in #agid1 and which contained the doctrine of the church at that period on the subject of slaveholding4 ,the note was appended to the one hundred and forty-second question of the larger catechism4 #a ,tim4 #a3aj4 ,the law is made for ,,man ,,stealers4 ,this crime among the ,jews exposed the perpetrators of it to capital punishment2 ,exodus #ba3af2 and the apostle here classes them with sinners of the first rank4 ,the word he uses1 in its original import1 comprehends all who are concerned in bringing any of the human race into slavery1 ,,or ,,in ,,retaining ,,them ,,in ,,it4 ,hominum fures1 qui servos vel liberos abducunt1 retinent vendunt1 vel emunt4 ,stealers of men are all those who bring off slaves or freemen ,,and ,,keep1 ,,sell1 ,,or ,,buy ,,them4 ,to steal a free man1 says ,grotius1 is the highest kind of theft4 ,in other instances1 we only steal human property1 but when we steal or retain men in slavery1 we seize those who1 in common with ourselves1 are constituted by the original grant1 lords of the earth4 ,genesis #a3bh1 ,vide ,poli synopsin in loc4 ,why this note has been cancelled1 ,i shall not attempt to say4 ,neither ,mr4 ,breckinridge nor this ,assembly need be at any loss to imagine for what reasons so strong and unequivocal a passage was omitted by a body in which so large a proportion were slaveholders4 ,i have recently read1 and publicly commended1 an address put forth by the ,synod of ,kentucky1 containing a very faithful1 though appalling disclosure of the state of ,slavery in ,kentucky2 and expressing an earnest hope that the members of the ,presbyterian body will1 without delay1 take steps to promote the education and emancipation of the slaves4 ,let me also state1 that the following ecclesiastical meetings have passed resolutions1 and many of them adopted rules of church membership1 in accordance with the views of the ,american ,anti-,slavery ,society4 ,some of them have specially approved the principles and measures of that body4 ,i beg1 while ,i read this list1 to remind ,mr4 ,breckinridge that these form a part of that ragged regiment1 respecting which he was so merry in one of his by-gone speeches1 ,,synods of ,utica and ,cincinnati4 ,eastern ,sub-,synod of the ,reformed ,presbyterian ,church4 ,,presbyteries of ,delaware1 ,champlain1 ,erie1 ,chillicothe1 ,detroit1 and ,genesee4 ,general ,association of ,new ,york4 ,central ,evangelical ,association4 ,cumberland ,baptist ,association4--,equally divided4 ,one ,hundred and ,eighty-,five ,baptist ,clergymen4 ,the vast majority of the ,new ,england and ,new ,hampshire ,conferences of ,episcopal ,methodists1 and a large number of individual ,churches4 ,thus is the cause advancing6 ,the purifying leaven is extending through all the country4 ,the elements which are ordained to redeem ,america from the pollution and infamy of slavery1 are working mightily4 ,when ,i went to the ,united ,slates1 ,i took the principles ,i found lying comparatively forgotten1 and proclaimed them abroad4 ,i planted myself upon the ,american ,bible1 and the ,american ,declaration of ,independence1 and preached from these that the varied tribes of men are of one blood1 and that all men should be free and equal4 ,i have not labored in vain4 ,there is now a mighty and indomitable host of pure and ardent friends to the freedom and elevation of the long degraded colored man4 ,let us thank ,god and take courage1 and expect with confidence the speedy arrival of the happy day1 when the soil of ,america shall be untrodden by the foot of a slave4 99 99 99 99 99 ,,mr4 ,,breckinridge said he regretted to be obliged to say anything more on this subject1 which he had wished to consider concluded1 so far as he was concerned1 at the close of his preceding speech4 ,he felt obliged1 however1 by the importance of the whole case1 to consume a portion of this1 his last address--and which he had desired to occupy in a different way--in making a few explanations which seemed indispensable4 ,it would be observed1 first1 that the great bulk of the testimonies produced throughout1 and especially in his last speech1 by ,mr4 ,thompson1 were individual opinions and assertions1 often of obscure persons1 and therefore1 for ought the world could tell1 fictitious persons2 or if known persons they were often men of the world1 and avowedly acting on worldly principles1 and therefore1 no more affording a criterion of the state of the ,american churches1 than the immoralities of any public functionary here1 could be justly made a rule of judgment of the faith and morals of ,british ,christians4 ,a considerable portion also were taken from the transient and heated declamations of violent party newspapers1 which wrested from their original purpose and connection1 might mean what never was meant1 or even1 if fairly collated1 expressed what their authors1 perhaps1 would now gladly recall4 ,how far would it be proof of the assertions of ,mr4 ,t4 of ,america--if in some other land1 some bigot should quote as indisputable1 ,mr4 ,thompson's story of the colored man in ,washington ,city1 whose assertion1 at third hand1 that he was free1 authorised the declaration that he had demonstrated his freedom1 and yet after all had been sold into everlasting slavery without a trial6 ,and yet many of his proofs are of no more value to him1 than his assertions ought to be to any who come after him4 ,it is next most worthy of note1 that so far as all his proofs establish any thing against either any portion of the ,american nation or the ,american church1 they all run upon the assumed truth of all my explanations of their real state and operations4 ,it is the slaveholding portion1 it is the comparatively small body of slaveholding professors of religion1 it is the minority of the nation1 the very small minority of the ,christians of it1 implicated continually2 and therefore1 if every word produced were true1 the sweeping conclusions from them would be gross fraud on the prevailing ignorance of all ,american affairs4 ,but what is most important to observe1 and what must be palpable to the capacity of every child who has attended to this discussion1 the weightiest of ,mr4 ,thompson's proofs ceased to be proofs at all1 the moment the facts1 cant words and circumstances connected are explained4 ,he used words in one sense which he knows you will understand in another--sporting at once with your good feelings and your want of minute information while all the result is false as to us1 and unhappy as to every thing concerned1 except ,othello's occupation which meanwhile is not gone4 ,when decided and perhaps violent terms are used against abolition or abolitionists or anti-slavery or the anti-slavery society1 they are adduced to convince you that those who use them are pro-slavery men3 that they understand the terms as you do2 and that it is an expression of rank hostility to all emancipation on the part of the ,american tyrants1 in whose nostrils according to this gentleman the slave and freedom equally stink6 ,a metaphor nearly as full of truth as decency4 ,the fact however is1 that although many would decline the use of the harsh and vindictive language which1 caught from abolitionists1 has been turned against them2 yet the bulk of the real sentiments1 as brought forward by ,mr4 ,thompson as proofs of ,american slavery1 on account of ,american hatred to his peculiar plans1 principles and spirit in attempting its removal1 are true1 just and defensible4--,and ,i am ready to advocate and to defend much that he by a disingenuous citation has made at first odious1 and then characteristic of ,america4 ,they prove only that he and his coadjutors are most odious to the country1 which is a fact never denied except by himself or them4 ,and to what has the whole current of his testimony tended if not to show that they might reasonably have expected and did a great deal to deserve such a conclusion4--,but it is now impossible to enter again upon these matters and upon the case as presented1 he was willing for the world to pass its verdict4 ,while he would therefore take no farther notice of any new matter contained in the last speech1 there were several remarks necessary to be made1 to elucidate subjects that had already been several times before them4 ,the first case was that of ,amos ,dresser the abolitionist whipped at ,nashville4 ,he would pass over what ,mr4 ,t4 had said relating to his 7,mr4 ,b4's7 notice of the discrepancy in the number of ,elders in the ,nashville ,church4 ,he had treated that gentleman with great candor in the matter1 which he had returned with incivility and injustice1 and there he was content to let it rest4 ,but how stood the facts of the case itself8 ,amos ,dresser is reported to have said that there were seven elders of the church2 that all of them were on the committee of vigilance of ,nashville2 that most of them were among his triers1 and that some of them had administered the communion to him the preceding sabbath4 ,now let us admit that this is literally true--7which ,i believe however is not the case1 in at least three particulars7--how does it justify ,mr4 ,thompson in asserting as he did at ,london and elsewhere that on that ,lynch ,committee there sat seven ,elders and one ,minister1 some of whom had sat with the young man at the table of the ,lord on the preceding ,sunday8 ,mr4 ,thompson positively contradicts his own and only witness when he says that all the seven elders sat as triers2--he enlarges his testimony when he insinuates that they not only concurred in his punishment1 but were present and active in its infliction2 and he infers without the least authority1 and adds it to the words of the witness1 that those very elders who administered the ,lord's ,supper to ,dresser1 on ,sunday ploughed up his back--as ,lynch ,committee men on a subsequent day of the same week4 ,how in the name of common honesty is such deceitful handling of the truth to be tolerated in a ,christian community8 ,oh6 what a spectacle would we behold--if ,i had but the privilege before some competent tribunal--to take the published accusations of this man in my hands and force him to reveal on oath the whole grounds on which he makes them6--,mr4 ,b4 then stated that after he entered the house to-night two packages had been put into his hands1 which he could not examine then1 as he was just about to open the discussion4 ,he had snatched a moment during the interval to glance his eyes over their contents1 and considered it his duty to say a few words in reference to each4 ,one of them was a little volume from the pen of ,dr4 ,channing1 of ,boston1 on the subject of slavery1 just passing through the press of an enterprising bookseller of ,glasgow1 who had done him the favor of presenting to him1 in very kind terms1 the first copy of the edition4 ,they who would take the trouble of looking over the printed report of ,mr4 ,thompson's second address to the ,glasgow ,emancipation ,society1 would find that in speaking of the ,unitarians of ,america1 he had used the following language3--,one of their greatest men1 a giant in intellect1 had already taken the right view of the subject1 and there could not exist a doubt that ere long1 he would bring over the body to the good cause4 ,in this sentence1 as it stands in the speech1 at the end of the words giant in intellect1--stands a star1--at the bottom of the page another1 before the words ,dr4 ,channing4 ,now it so happens that in this little book1 there is a chapter headed ,abolitionism4 ,i have looked through it casually1 within the last hour2 and ,i beseech you all to read it carefully1 and judge for yourselves1 of the utter recklessness with which ,mr4 ,thompson makes assertions4 ,the other parcel1 contained a letter from an ,american gentleman residing in ,britain1 and one half of the ,new ,york ,spectator1 of ,october #a1 #ahce4 ,under the head of editorial correspondence1 is an article above a column and a half in length devoted in great part to ,mr4 ,thompson4 ,amongst other passages1 it adverts to his doings at ,andover1 and the charges made against him there1 on such weighty authority2 and in that connexion has the following explicit paragraph3 ,mr4 ,thompson in conversation with some of the students repeatedly averred that every slaveholder in the ,united ,states ,,ought ,,to ,,have ,,his ,,throat ,,cut2 or ,,deserved ,,to ,,have ,,his ,,throat ,,cut2 although he afterwards publicly denied that he had said so4 ,but the proof is direct and positive4 ,in conversation with one of the theological students in regard to the moral instruction which ought to be enjoyed by the slaves1 he distinctly declared ,,that ,,every ,,slave ,,should ,,be ,,taught ,,to ,,cut ,,his ,,master',s ,,throat6 ,i state the fact--knowing the responsibility ,i am assuming1 and challenge a legal investigation4 ,on this tremendous document1 ,i make but two remarks--,the first is that ,francis ,hall ,co4 the publishers of the ,spectator1 were in character and fortune1 perfectly responsible to ,mr4 ,thompson4 ,the second is1 that if ,mr4 ,thompson's rule of judgment was just1 in that branch of this same case--in the exercise of which he declared that another paper in ,new ,york could never be got to publish his exculpatory certificates in regard to this very transaction1 because the publisher knew them to be true2 then we are irresistibly bound on his own showing to conjecture1 that for the same reason he declined taking up the challenge of the ,spectator4 ,there was only one more topic on which he seemed called on to remark2 and that he had several times passed over1 out of consideration of delicacy4 ,it had all along been his aim to use as little freedom as possible with the names of individuals--and he could declare1 that he had implicated by name1 no one except out of absolute necessity--that he had forborne to say true but severe things of several who had been most unjustly commended during this discussion--and had omitted of the very few he had censured by name1 decidedly worse things1 than those he had uttered of them--and which he might have uttered both truly and pertinently4 ,amongst the cases of rather peculiar forebearance1 was the oft cited one1 of a misguided young man1 by the name of ,thome1 who went from ,kentucky to ,new ,york to repeat a most audacious speech which was no doubt prepared for him1 before an assembly literally the most mixed that was ever convened in that city3 having delivered which1 he departed with the pity or contempt of #i #ajths of all the decent people in it1 and went ,i know not whither1 and dwells ,i know not where4 ,the victory as there trumpeted1 and now celebrated1 of which he was part gainer1 consisted of two portions--the destruction of the colonization cause--and the degradation of ,kentucky1 his native state4 ,the death of the ,society was signalised by a subscription of six thousand dollars on the part of its friends2 and the infamy of ,kentucky was illustrated by the ready stepping forward of four of her sons to confront and confound the ingrate who commenced his career of manhood by smiting his parent in the face4 ,who made the defence1 may be surmised from ,mr4 ,thompson's bitterness--,i will not trust myself to repeat his name4 ,but this thousands can testify--that never was a great cause more signally successful--never were folly and wickedness more thoroughly beaten into the dust--never did any community heap more cordial and unanimous applause upon an effort of great and successful eloquence4 ,and now1 ,sir1 7said ,mr4 ,b41 addressing ,dr4 ,wardlaw1 the ,chairman of the meeting7--,i repeat the expressions of my regret1 that these last moments allowed to me should have been required for any other purpose than that which so sacredly belonged to them4 ,exhausted by a series of most exciting1 and to me perfectly new contentions1 ,i am altogether unequal to the task1 which ,i should yet esteem myself degraded if ,i did not attempt in some way to perform4 ,to this large committee which has so kindly taken up this subject--so considerately provided for every contingency--so delicately considered all my wishes1 and even all my weaknesses--to these respected gentlemen surrounding us upon this platform1 whose conduct amid very peculiar circumstances has been towards me1 full of candor1 honor1 courtesy and ,christian kindness1 it would have been most gross ingratitude1 to have forborne this public expression of my regard and cordial thanks4 ,for yourself1 ,sir1 what can ,i say more1 or how could ,i say less1 than that in that distant country1 which ,i love but too fondly1 there are scores1 there are hundreds1 who would esteem all the trials through which this strife has led me1 and all the weight of responsibility which my posture has forced me to assume1 more than counter-balanced by the privilege of looking upon your venerated face4 ,it is good to live for the whole world2 and it is but just to receive in recompense the world's thanks4 ,and you1 my respected auditors1 whose patience ,i must needs have so severely taxed1 and who have borne with much that possibly has tried you deeply1 you who have given me so many reasons to thank you1 and not one to regret the errand that brought me here2 if in the course of providence1 you or yours1 should be thrown on whatever spot my resting place may be1 you need but say1 ,i come from ,glasgow1 and ,i need a friend1 and it shall go hard with me1 but ,i will find a way to prove1 that kindness is never thrown away4 ,but even as we part1 let us not forget that cause which has chained us here so long4 ,we are free4 ,alas6 how few can utter these words with truth6 ,we are ,christian men4 ,alas6 what multitudes have never heard our ,master's name4 ,oh6 how horrible must slavery be1 when ,god himself illustrates the power of sin by calling it bondage6 ,oh6 how sweet should union with ,christ be thought1 when he proclaims it glorious liberty6 ,freedom and redemption are in our hands2 the heritage in trust for a lost world4 ,it is not then our own souls only1 but our divine ,lord1 and our dying brethren1 that we sin against and rob1 when we mismanage or pervert this great inheritance4 ,we needs must labor2 but let us do it wisely4 ,and though we may differ in many things1 in this at least we can agree1 to importune our heavenly ,father to prosper by his constant blessing what we do aright1 and overrule by his continued care all that we do amiss4 7,cheers47 99 99 99 99 99 ,,mr4 ,,thompson then rose amidst much cheering1 and said1 ,sir1 after the valedictory address to which we have just listened1 it would ill become me to touch upon any topic calculated to disturb feelings which ,i trust and believe that address has awakened in the breasts of this assembly4 ,sir1 it is my conviction1 that ,i and those with whom it is my joy and honor to act1 in the advancement of the cause of ,universal ,emancipation1 are much misunderstood4 ,we are represented as the violent1 acrimonious1 ferocious and sanguinary foes of the slaveholder2 when1 if he could look into our inmost hearts1 he would discover no enmity to him abiding there1 but on the contrary1 an earnest desire to promote his safety1 his honor1 and his happiness4 ,if we act as we do1 it is not that we love him less1 but that we love truth and freedom more4 ,it is not with us a matter of choice that we pursue our present course1 but one of stern imperative duty2 because we believe that ,god will vouchsafe his blessing only to those who preach the doctrine of an immediate1 entire1 and uncompromising discharge of duty1 leaving to ,him the consequences flowing from obedience to ,his law4 ,to discover truth wherever it is hidden1 should be the aim and effort of every rational mind4 ,it has been my desire to arrive at truth upon the great question of ,slavery2 and after much investigation1 and many conflicts1 ,i have reached the conclusion1 that slaveholding is sinful2 that man cannot hold property in man2 that to do right1 and to do it now1 fearless of results1 is the doctrine of the ,bible2 and that a simple and strict compliance with the ,divine ,law1 is man's noblest and safest course4 ,these being my settled views1 ,i say to the slaveholder1 give immediate freedom to your slaves4 ,to the non-slaveholder1 ,i say1 preach a pure doctrine2 grapple with the prejudices and fears of the community around you2 strive to raise the tone of public morals1 and create a public sentiment unfavorable to the continuance of slavery4 ,to the private ,christian1 ,i say1 betake yourself to prayer1 and the study of the ,scriptures2 and invoke a blessing upon every righteous instrumentality for the overthrow of the abomination4 ,to the minister of the gospel1 ,i say1 be bold for ,god2 cry aloud1 and spare not1 till the merchants of the earth cease to make merchandise of slaves1 and the souls of men4 ,much fault is found with our measures4 ,what1 ,sir1 are our measures1 but the simplest means of making known our principles8 ,having deliberately and prayerfully adopted certain views1 we take the ordinary1 common sense1 every day methods of making those views known1 and of recommending them to the adoption of others4 ,believing slavery to be sin1 is it strange that we hate it1 and speak strongly respecting it8 ,believing immediate emancipation a duty1 is it strange that we pray1 and preach1 and print about it8 ,that we take all peaceful means of making known the great truth2 of warning men against the danger of delay2 and exhorting them to repentance8 ,the abolitionists have done no more4 ,to have done less1 would have been to prove themselves unfaithful to the high and heaven-born principles they profess4 ,they court investigation4 ,they scatter their publications on the winds to be read by all4 ,they have not an office nor a book that is not open to the inspection of all4 ,their language to all who suspect their motives or their designs is1 search us1 and know our hearts2 try us1 and know our thoughts2 and see if there be any wicked way in us4 ,if in the ardor of their zeal1 and inherited infirmities1 and surrounded by influences1 from which none of us are exempt2 they sometimes apply epithets and bring charges with too little discrimination1 something should be pardoned to the spirit of liberty2 something granted to the advocates of outraged humanity2 to those1 who1 remembering them that are in bonds as bound with them1 plead as for mothers1 children1 sisters1 and brothers2 at present lost to all the joys and purposes of life4 ,sir1 ,i think it hard that on all occasions like these1 the heaviest artillery should be levelled against the abolitionists1 and the small arms only directed against the slaveholder4 ,i call upon those who act with such gentleness towards the latter individual2 who are so fearful of doing him injustice and so readily to discover in him any thing that is amiable in character1 or extenuating in conduct1 to exercise some small portion of the same candor and kindness1 and consideration towards the former4 ,let not that man be most hateful in their eyes1 who of all others is most earnestly engaged for the deliverance of the slave4 ,a word before we part1 for my honored co-adjutors on the other side of the ,atlantic4 ,should this be the last address of mine ever delivered and recorded for perusal when ,i am gone to give account of my sayings upon earth1 ,i can with every feeling of sincerity aver1 that to the best of my knowledge and belief1 there is not to be found on the face of the earth at the present time1 engaged in any religious or benevolent enterprise1 a body of men more pure in their motives1 more simple and elevated in their aim1 more dependent upon divine aid in their efforts1 or1 generally speaking1 more unexceptionable in their measures1 than the immediate abolitionists of the ,united ,states of ,america4 ,it has been my high privilege to mingle much with devoted ,christians of all denominations in my native land1 and to enjoy the friendship of some of the noblest and most laborious of living philanthropists2 but ,i have not yet seen the wisdom1 the ardor1 the humanity or the faith of the abolitionists of ,america exceeded4 ,another word and ,i have done4 ,it is for one whom ,i love as a brother1 and to whom my soul is united by a bond which death cannot dissolve2 of one1 who1 though still young1 has for ten years toiled with unremitting ardor1 and unimpeached disinterestedness in the cause of the bleeding slave2 of one1 who1 though accused of scattering around him fire-brands1 arrows and death2 though branded as a madman1 an incendiary1 and a fanatic2 though denounced by the ,state1 and reviled by a portion of the church1 possesses a soul as peaceful and as pure as ever tenanted our fallen nature4 ,i speak not to exalt him or gratify his love of praise4 ,i know he seeks not the honor that cometh from man1 nor the riches that perish in the using4 ,he looks not for his reward on earth4 ,with the approbation of his conscience1 he is content2 with the blessing of the perishing1 he is rich2 with the favor of ,god1 he is blessed forever4 ,he seeks no monumental marble1 no funeral oration1 no proud escutcheon1 no partial page of history to perpetuate his name4 ,he knows that when resting from his labors1 the tears of an enfranchised race ,shall sprinkle the cold dust in which he sleeps1 ,pompless1 and from a scornful world withdrawn3 ,the laurel1 which its malice rent1 shall shoot1 ,so watered1 into life1 and mantling throw ,its verdant honors o'er his grassy tomb4 ,that man is ,,william ,,lloyd ,,garrison4 ,sir1 ,i thank ,god for having given him to the age and country in which he lives4 ,he is a man pre-eminently qualified for the mighty work in which he has engaged4 ,may the ,god of the oppressed bless him1 and keep him humble1 and cheer him onwards in his rugged path6 ,may his lion heart never be subdued6 ,may his eloquent pen never cease to move while a slave breathes to require its advocacy6 ,heaven grant1 and ,i can ask no more1 that the wish of his heart may be fulfilled2 and that the time may soon come1 when1 looking abroad over his beloved country with the soul of a ,patriot1 and the eye of a ,philanthropist and a ,christian1 he shall not be able to discover in ,state1 or city1 or town1 or hamlet1 a lingering trace of a tyrant or a ,slave6 ,i shall not1 ,sir1 attempt 7turning to the ,chairman17 to express the feelings of my heart towards you1 or my opinion of the manner in which you have discharged the duties of the ,chair1 through four of the evenings of this discussion4 ,i cordially unite with the gentleman opposite1 in thanking you for the dignity and strict impartiality with which you have borne yourself4 ,i know you look for the reward of your labors of love in another and a better world4 ,in that world may we all meet6 ,there our jars and discords will be at an end4 ,there we shall see1 eye to eye2 and know1 even as we are known4 ,there1 in the presence of one ,saviour1 our joys1 our voices1 our occupations will be one2 and there ,i trust that we1 who have been antagonists on earth1 will together meet and celebrate the glories of a common redemption from the sorrows and the sins of earth4 7,mr4 ,thompson resumed his seat amidst loud and long continued cheers47 99 99 99 99 99 ,,mr4 ,,thompson moved that the cordial thanks of the meeting be given to the ,rev4 ,dr4 ,,wardlaw1 for his able1 dignified1 and impartial conduct in the chair1 and also to ,dr4 ,,kidston1 who presided on ,thursday evening1 which was carried with acclamation4 ,,appendix4 ,in reading the foregoing discussion1 we have been utterly astonished at the grossness and magnitude of the falsehoods--not to mention the numerous miscolorings and misrepresentations--which the reverend apologist for slavery has1 with brazen effrontery1 unblushingly uttered even though aware of the fact that they were to be published to the world4 ,it would seem as if feeling the necessity of defending a desperate cause by desperate means1 he had resolved to pour out his misstatements and inaccuracies with such lavish liberality1 that his opponent would be absolutely unable1 in the time allotted to him1 to correct them all1 and thus contrive to make some of his falsehoods1 because uncontradicted1 pass for truth1 and some of his distortions and perversions for fair representations4 ,the event1 we cannot help thinking1 will show that he has presumed with far too much rashness on the supposed ignorance of the ,british people4 ,some of his falsehoods1 mistakes1 and misrepresentations1 which were either wholly unnoticed1 or not fully answered by ,mr4 ,thompson1 for want1 as he has informed us1 of time to do it1 we shall briefly notice here1 ,first1 however1 we would call attention to the remark1 that 'he is not a slaveholder1' with which ,dr4 ,wardlaw introduced ,mr4 ,breckinridge to the audience1 and in reference to it quote part of a letter from ,dr4 ,a4 ,l4 ,cox of ,new ,york1 to the editor of the emancipator4 ',the only knowledge ,i have on this subject1' says ,dr4 ,c41 'is what ,i derived from the confession of ,r4 ,j4 ,breckinridge1 extorted at an anniversary meeting of the ,colonization ,society in this city1 in the spring of #ahcd4' ,after mentioning some of the circumstances which led him to speak1 the letter goes on to say1 ',just as ,robert ,j4 ,breckinridge was on the point of speaking1 one of the assembly inquired1 ',is he a slaveholder8' ,the orator seemed somewhat disconcerted1 but answered ',i have that honor4' ,in the first evening's discussion1 page #f1 ,mr4 ,breckinridge says that the ,british people 'had sent out agents to ,america1 who had returned defeated4 ,they have failed--they admit they have failed in their object4' ,to say nothing of the accuracy which speaks in the plural number of a single individual1 and which can easily be excused to one who in encountering him1 probably felt that that individual was himself a host1--when or where has the alleged admission been made8 ,never4 ,nowhere4 ,the assertion is untrue4 ,during the same evening1 page #g1 ,mr4 ,b4 tells his audience that 'of the twelve free states1 at least four1 ,ohio1 ,indiana1 ,illinois1 and ,maine never had a slave4' ,what says the ,united ,states' census8 ,in #ahcj1 there were #b slaves in ,maine1 #f in ,ohio1 #c in ,indiana1 and #gdg;,a in ,illinois4 ,in #ahbj1 there were #aij in ,indiana1 and #iag in ,illinois4 ,in #ahaj1 ,indiana contained #bcg1 ,illinois #afh4 ,in #ahjj1 there were #ace in ,indiana4 ,but ,mr4 ,b4 says1 that 'since #aghe1 till this hour1 there never had been one slave in any of these states4' ,a ,called indented apprentices1 but from the connection in which it stands in the census1 we infer that they are virtually slaves4 ',america1' he tells us1 'was the first nation upon earth1 which abolished the slave trade and made it piracy4' ,see page #h4 ,this will be unwelcome news to ,messrs4 ,franklin and ,armfield of ,alexandira1 ,d4 ,c41 whose standing advertisements in the ,washington papers1 offer cash for negroes of both sexes1 from #ab to #be years of age1 and announce the 'regular trips' twice a month1 of their vessels engaged in the slave trade between the ,district and ,new ,orleans4 ,it will be unpleasant intelligence in the city of ,washington1 where for #djj a year1 the 'trade or traffic in slaves' is licensed for the benefit of the canal fund4 ,it will be news to the keepers of the prisons in the ,district1 who1 in their official capacity1 carry on the slave trade by selling men 'for their prison and other expenses1 as the law directs4' ,but ,mr4 ,b4 means the foreign slave trade1 not the domestic4 ,the latter1 indeed1 may be licensed1 and protected1 and deemed honorable as it is lucrative4 ,those who engage in it1 may be like ,armfield and ,woolfolk1 gentlemen 'of engaging and graceful manners1' reported to be 'mild1 indulgent1 upright1 and scrupulously honest1' but the foreign trade is piracy by the law of the land4 ,very meritorious truly6 and worthy of abundant eulogy6 to prohibit piracy on the high seas1 or the ,african coast1 while selling permission to do along her own coast1 and on her own territories1 the same acts which1 when done abroad1 constitute piracy4 ,but to what does her abolition of even the foreign slave trade amount8 ,do her cruizers ever capture a slave ship8 ,seldom1 if ever4 ,does she consent to such arrangements1 in her treaties with other nations which are in earnest in their endeavors to suppress the slave trade1 as will prevent her flag from being made a protection to the detestable traffic8 ,no4 ,the ,n4 ,y4 ,journal of ,commerce1 in a recent article very truly asserts1 that ',we neither do any thing ourselves to put down the accursed traffic1 nor afford any facilities to enable others to put it down4 ,nay1 rather1 we stand between the slave and his deliverer4 ,we are a drawback--a dead weight on the cause of bleeding humanity4' ,and a late number of the ,edinburgh ,review1 speaking of the application of the ,british ,government to this1 for its co-operation1 says1 ',the final answer1 however1 is1 that under no condition1 in no form1 and with no restrictions1 will the ,united ,states enter into any convention or treaty1 or make combined efforts of any sort or kind1 with other nations for the suppression of the trade4' ,with what face1 then1 can she claim praise for having merely made a law1 which she almost never executes1 and to the execution of which1 by others1 she permits her flag to be used as a hindrance4 ,the next assertion of ,mr4 ,b's that we notice1 is the astounding one1 that ,america1 'as a nation1 has done every thing in her power' for the abolition of slavery4 ,see page #h4 ,this1 while the national domain is the home of slavery and the seat of the slave trade6 ,while the domestic slave trade1 so far from being abolished by the ,national ,legislature1 as it may constitutionally be1 is shielded and licensed6 ,this1 while the moral power of the nation is slumbering1 or if awake1 arrayed to a great extent1 in the defence of slavery6 ,that a man who values his reputation--that a minister of the gospel of ,mr4 ,b's intelligence and knowledge of the country's condition and history in regard to this matter1 should make such a declaration1 is truly most wonderful4 ,could he have expected it to be believed8 ,could he have believed it himself8 ,mr4 ,b41 page #ae1 by way of explaining why ,mr4 ,thompson was so differently received in ,glasgow and ,boston1 applauded in the one place1 and abused in the other1 says that he took up the question of slavery as one of political organization4 ,we give to this assertion1 the answer of the editor of the ,emancipator4 ',this we pronounce utterly and unequivocally false4 ,we were with ,mr4 ,thompson1 while he was in this country1 as much probably as any other one individual4 ,we were with him in private and in public1 in the house and by the way1 in the public convention and the public lecture1 and we most solemnly declare1 that we never heard ,george ,thompson1 on any occasion1 take up or discuss the question of ,american ,slavery1 'as one of civil organization4' ,he always discussed it primarily and essentially as a moral and religious question1 and never went into its political relations and bearings1 except to answer the objections of cavillers and opponents4 ,and we are astonished that ,r4 ,j4 ,breckinridge should dare to make such an assertion1 when1 we venture to say1 he never heard ,george ,thompson in ,america4' ,the same editor has furnished a better solution than ,mr4 ,b's1 of the--not very difficult--problem of ,mr4 ,thompson's different reception in ,boston and ,glasgow4 ',for the same reason that ,knibb1 and ,taylor1 and ,burchell did not meet with the same reception in ,glasgow and ,jamaica--because1 and simply because the slave spirit was diffused through the land1 infecting and corrupting alike the leading influences of ,church and ,state1 so that ,mr4 ,t4 could not condemn slavery and prejudice 'in ,boston as in ,glasgow1' without constraining the conviction and the outcry from the implicated and the prejudiced1 so saying thou condemnest us also4' ',there is not a sane man in the free states1 who does not wish the world rid of slavery4' ,this ,mr4 ,b4 states as his conviction1 page #ae4 ,perhaps it is correct1 but if so1 there are a great many insane men in the free states1 or a great many who have a very strange way of manifesting their wishes4 ,the fact is notorious1 that ,northern men who remove to the ,south1 almost uniformly become slaveholders the moment their convenience or pecuniary interest can thereby be promoted4 ,on page #bj1 ,mr4 ,b4 accuses ,garrison of having written placards to stir up a mob against him1 when he lectured in ,boston1 in behalf of colonization4 ,a charge more utterly false was never made1 and it requires a great exercise of charity to believe that ,mr4 ,b4 did not know its falsehood4 ,it will have been seen that ,mr4 ,thompson challenged proof of the accusation1 but none was produced except the word of the accuser--evidence on which1 any reader who compares his assertions in several other instances1 with facts1 will place very little reliance4 ,another of ,mr4 ,b's accusations against 'some of the friends of the ,anti-,slavery ,society1' is1 that they procured a writ to take the two ',african princes1' who had been sent to the ,maryland ,colonization ,society to be educated1 and that ,elizur ,wright was the instigator of the measure1 on pretence that the boys had been kidnapped4 ,see page #bj4 ,the truth of this matter as given in the ,emancipator1 on ,mr4 ,wright's authority1 is that1 on learning that two native ,african boys1 supposed to be slaves1 were on board a schooner in ,new ,york harbor1 bound for ,baltimore1 ,mr4 ,wright made inquiries on board1 and could only learn that they were brought from ,africa by a passenger1 and consigned to some one in ,baltimore4 ,to make sure of the means of prosecuting a legal inquiry1 a writ was obtained1 but as soon as ,mr4 ,w4 discovered that the lads were sent to this country to be educated1 he ordered the officer not to serve it4 ,the next slanderous charge uttered by the reverend delegate is1 that ,elizur ,wright tried to stir up a mob to liberate a fugitive slave confined in ,new ,york prison4 ,the story of course is wholly false4 ,in the second evening's discussion1 ,mr4 ,b4 says1 page #cd1 the admission of a clause into the ,constitution prohibiting the abolition of the slave trade for twenty years1 'was one of the brightest virtues in the escutcheon of ,america1' ,a dark escutcheon1 then1 must be hers1 if the protection of the slave trade for twenty years is the 'brightest' spot on it4 ,the 'importation of such persons1' c4 7meaning slaves17 'shall not be prohibited prior to #ahjh1' says the ,constitution1 ',the brightest virtue in her escutcheon6' exclaims ,mr4 ,breckinridge4 ',it was well known that the slavery existing in the ,united ,states was the mildest to be seen in any country under heaven4' ,page #cd4 ,of this assertion of ,mr4 ,b41 we have only to say in the words of the ,emancipator1 ',it is well known that the slavery existing in the ,united ,states1 is not the mildest to be seen in any country under heaven1 and to say so is demonstration absolute of the most unpardonable ignorance1 or a purpose to mislead4 ,witness the fact1 that the man who teaches the slave to read1 or gives him the religious tract1 or the ,bible even1 does it at his peril4 ,witness the fact1 on the testimony of the ,synod of ,south ,carolina and ,georgia1 that the large majority of the slave population are heathen1 and will bear comparison with the heathen in any country in the world4 ,witness the slave-code every where--particularly the following1 which is the law of ,north ,carolina1 and in ,georgia nearly the same1 that if any person hereafter shall be guilty of killing a slave1 he shall1 upon the first conviction1 suffer the same punishment as if he had killed a free man--7i4 e4 if any white man is witness1 and will come forward to testify in the case1 for the testimony of a million of colored men would go for nothing17 and ,provided always1 that this act shall not extend to the person killing a slave outlawed1 7and running away1 concealment1 and the stealing of a hog1 or some animal of the cattle kind1 to sustain life1 outlaws him17 or to any slave in the act of resistance to his lawful owner or master or to any slave ,,dying ,,under ,,moderate ,,correction--thus by the very law which prohibits1 giving the master express license to kill as many1 and as often as he pleases1 provided he will only take care to do it1 first1 when no white men are present who will inform or testify against him1 or secondly1 when the slave is an outlaw2 or1 thirdly1 when he lifts his hand in opposition to his master1 no matter how cruel the punishment or how base the design upon his or her person2 or1 fourthly1 by moderate correction4 ,let him only see to it1 that it is done in one or all of these ways1 and under one or all these circumstances1 and if reckless enough to do so1 he may kill ad libitum1 and nobody to say why do ye so4 ,witness the fact1 trumpeted through all the papers within five years1 that a ,southern man seeing another passing across his grounds in the evening1 and supposing that he was a runaway slave1 shot him dead1 because1 although he hailed him1 he did not stop--when lo6 it appeared that he had shot a white neighbor1 and that1 the wind being high1 he did not hear1 and therefore did not stop at the summons6--a striking illustration of the carelessness and perfect impunity with which1 as a matter of fact1 black men are and may be shot when attempting an escape from their thraldom4 ,and1 once more1 witness the fact1 that the way to emancipation is hedged up in this country so as it is in no other country under heaven1 and then say what but ignorance1 or a purpose to mislead1 could lead to such statements8' ',perhaps the great reason against the exercise of that power' to abolish slavery in the ,district of ,columbia1 was1 that it would inevitably produce a dissolution of the ,union4 ,put 'this and that together4' ',there is not a sane man in the free states1 but wishes the world rid of slavery2' the free states contain 'seven millions out of the eleven millions of the white population of the ,union2' 7see page #g17 'a large minority in the slaveholding states1 in some nearly one half of the population1' 7see page #ac17 'are zealously engaged in furthering the abolition of slavery1' and yet the exercise by ,congress of its constitutional power to abolish slavery in the national district would 'inevitably dissolve the ,union4' ,verily1 the old proverb hath well said that a certain class of persons should have a good memory4 ,mr4 ,b4 sneers at ',mr4 ,thompson's argument about the standing army employed in keeping down the slaves1' and declares that it was 'complete humbug1 founded upon just nothing at all4' ,will the citizens of ,southampton county1 ,virginia1 who called in the aid of the ,u4 ,s4 dragoons to quell an insurrection a few years ago1 corroborate his testimony8 ',an officer of the ,united ,states' army1 who was in the expedition from fortress ,monroe1 against the ,southampton slaves in #ahca1 speaks with constant horror of the scenes which he was compelled to witness4 ,those troops1 agreeably to their orders1 which were to exterminate the negroes1 killed all that they met with1 although they encountered neither resistance1 nor show of resistance3 and the first check given to this wide1 barbarous slaughter grew out of the fact1 that the law of ,virginia1 which provides for the payment to the master of the full value of an executed slave1 was considered as not applying to the cases of slaves put to death without trial4 ,in consequence of numerous representations to this effect1 sent to the officer of the ,united ,states' army1 commanding the expedition1 the massacre was suspended4'--,child's ,oration4 ,and what says ,mr4 ,b4 to this assertion of ,john ,q4 ,adams1 that were it not for the protection of the western frontier against the ,indians1 and of the ,southern slaveholder against his human 'machinery1' this country would scarcely have any need of a standing army4 ,is that 'complete humbug' too8 ,mr4 ,b4 ventures to say that 'there are not ten persons in the whole state of ,kentucky1 holding anti-slavery principles1 in the ,garrison sense of the word4' ,page #dj4 ,we know not how many there may be now1 but in #ahce1 a constitution of a state society1 framed on anti-slavery principles1 'in the ,garrison sense of the word1' was signed by more than forty persons4 ,mr4 ,b4 tells about a minister who was driven1 he says1 from ,groton1 ,mass41 by the storm of abolitionism1 and who seems to have fled to ,baltimore1 doubtless1 seeking a congenial climate4 ,see page #dj4 ,but ,mr4 ,b4 forgot to mention the many cases in which the slave spirit1 'like a storm of fire and brimstone from hell1' has driven faithful pastors from their charges1 just for the crime of praying and preaching now and then for the enslaved4 ,mr4 ,b4 says of a document from which his opponent quoted certain ,maryland laws that placed the 'benevolent colonization scheme' in any thing but a favorable light1 that it was said in ,america1 and he believed truly1 to contain not the laws1 but only schemes of laws which never passed the ,assembly4 ,see page #dg4 ,on this the ,emancipator remarks1 ',this was never alleged against the pamphlet4 ,the pamphlet contains the laws precisely as they stand in the statute book of ,maryland1 as ,mr4 ,b4 would have seen had he ever taken the trouble to compare them4 ,and for him to make such assertions1 without having done so1 is only another instance of unpardonable ignorance1 or a purpose to mislead4' ,in the third evening's discussion1 ,mr4 ,b4 asserted1 page #ej1 that ,mr4 ,garrison was among the first who opposed the ,colonization ,society1 'on the ground that its operations were injurious to the colored race in ,america4' ,to this the ,emancipator says1 ',this is partly true and partly not4 ,the ,society was decidedly opposed1 at the outset1 both by the colored people and by those who1 up to that time1 had been most active in promoting the cause of emancipation4 ,as early as ,august1 #ahag1 the subject came before the ,american ,convention for ,promoting the ,abolition of ,slavery1 c41 at its session in ,philadelphia4 ,this body1 representing for the most part ,friends1 and made up of delegates from abolition and manumission societies in different parts of the country1 after a full discussion1 appointed a committee on the subject4 ,that committee reported1 that they must express their unqualified wish1 that no plan of colonization shall be permitted to go into effect without an immutable pledge from the slaveholding states of a just and wise system of gradual emancipation2 and they conclude their report1 which was approved and adopted by the ,convention with the following resolution3-- ,resolved1 ,as a sense of this ,convention1 that the gradual and total emancipation of all persons of color1 and their literary and moral education1 should precede their colonization4 ,when the ,convention met again in #ahai1 the ,pennsylvania society1 in sending up a statement of its views and proceedings1 warned the abolitionists of our country to retain in view the lessons of experience1 and avoid substituting for them1 schemes however splendid1 yet of questionable result2 and added1 for ourselves there is but one principle on which we can act4 ,it is the principle of immutable justice6 ,we can make no compromise with the prejudices of slavery1 or with the slavery of prejudice4 ,the same arguments that are now urged against emancipation1 unless the subjects of it be removed from our territory1 were used with more plausibility when abolition was an experiment1 yet they were combatted with success4 ,mr4 ,b4 says1 page #eb1 it 'would-be difficult1 if not utterly impossible1 for evidences of friendship to the ,colonization ,society from an avowed friend of slavery to be culled out1 as occurring within the last three or four years4' ,says the ,emancipator1 ,so far is this from being true1 that the most decisive evidences of this sort are found1 within the last three or four years4 ,scarce a pro-slavery mob1 or speech1 or meeting1 during this whole time1 but has contained1 in one and the same breath1 a condemmnation of abolition and a commendation of colonization4 ,after quoting the resolution against the ,colonization ,society1 in ,boston last year1 ,mr4 ,b4 remarks1 'that the verbiage of this resolution1 showed its parentage4 ,no one who had ever heard one of ,mr4 ,thompson's speeches could1 for a moment1 doubt the authorship of the resolution6' ,this is a small mistake indeed1 and among so many great ones1 scarce merits a notice1 but to show that ,mr4 ,b's sagacity in conjecture1 exceeds not much his veracity in assertion1 we just mention in passing1 that the 'authorship of the resolution' belongs not to ,mr4 ,thompson4 ',the abolitionists1' says ,mr4 ,b4 page #ed1 'have been going about1 from ,dan to ,beersheba1 not only attacking and vilifying the whites1 for proposing to colonize the blacks1 with their own free consent2 but equally attacking the blacks for availing themselves of the offer4' ,an assertion utterly false1 and wickedly slanderous4 ,on page #ee1 ,mr4 ,b4 introduces an extract from an address of some of the ,cape ,palmas ,colonists to their friends in ,america1 for the purpose of showing the prosperity of the ,colony4 ,in connection with this1 let the following letter from a colonist be read3-- ',,cape ,,palmas1 ,,may #e,,th1 #ahcd4 ,dear ,mother1--,i write you with regret4 ,it is true1 ,i wrote to you of my passage1 how ,i enjoyed it4 ,i spent a very agreeable time1 and also on my first arrival2 but now ,i am distressed1 and all ,mr4 ,c's family also4 99 99 99 ,o6 ,i am sorry6 yes1 sorry that ,i ever came to this country4 ,it is true1 mother1 had ,i taken your advice1 ,i would not have been here4 ,i have suffered and all my family1 and ,mr4 ,c's family too1 and we still continue to suffer4 ,not a cent of money have any of us got4 ,now1 mother1 if you can get any gentleman to advance the amount of three hundred dollars1 or two hundred and fifty dollars ,i will work for them for it four years4 ,i will serve as a waiter in a house1 or any thing at all1 to pay for it4 ,my wife says she would maintain herself and sister1 if that could get her home once more1 for here they can do nothing1 for we are not able1 the country is so sickly--we have been sick ever since we have been here--99 99 99 ,i will serve any way or at any thing4 ,i will sell myself as a slave1 for the sake of getting ,,home once more4 ,try for me1 if you please1 for my family's sake4 ,if ,i was by myself1 ,i might scuffle for myself4' ,in a subsequent letter1 dated ,august #c1 #ahcd1 this same writer communicates the additional intelligence1 that ,mrs4 ,c 'died of grief4' ',every benevolent and right thinking person must see1 that the scheme of colonizing ,africa by black men1 is necessary to enlighten ,africa1 and prevent the extirpation of the black man there4' ,so says ,mr4 ,breckinridge4 ,doubtless it was to enlighten the poor natives1 and prevent their extirpation1 that a brisk traffic in rum1 tobacco1 gunpowder1 and spear-pointed knives1 has been carried on with them by black men colonized in ,africa--that nine pound balls from 'a gun of great power' were discharged into a body of eight hundred men1 standing within sixty yards1 pressed shoulder to shoulder1 in so compact a form that a child might easily walk upon their heads from one end of the mass to the other' and 'every shot literally spent its force in a solid mass of living human flesh,b--that by fraud and injustice the colonists excited the hostility of the ,africans1 and stirred up a war with ,king ,joe ,harris1 which resulted in the slaughter of numbers of the ignorant barbarians1 who were unable to cope with the superior arms1 and discipline1 and military prowess of the ,american blacks--the 'missionaries in the holy cause of civilization1 religion1 and free institutions4',c ,b ,see ,gurley's ,life of ,ashmun1 page #aci4 ,c ,speech of ,henry ,clay4 ,tenth ,annual ,report of the ,american ,colonization ,society4 ',america1' says ,mr4 ,b41 'was christianized by colonization4' ,yea1 verily6 and in this case we have another precious example of the enlightening1 civilizing1 and christianizing influence of colonies4 ,the poor ,indian has felt1 and faded away before it1 along the ,atlantic-shores1 and still the 'missionary' work is going on at the far southwest4 ,ask the ,seminoles and the ,creeks if colonization has not ,christianized ,america4 ,ask the shades of ,metacom1 and ,canonicus1 and ,sarsacus2 ask the feeble remnants of the mighty tribes which once dwelt from the lakes to the ,gulf1 and from the ocean to the ,alleghany1 and learn of them the process of christianization which colonies have introduced into ,america4 ,is it by a similar process that 'colonizing ,africa by black men1' is to 'prevent the extirpation' of the natives of that continent8 ',the climate' of ,africa ,mr4 ,b4 says1 page #eh 'suits the black man1 while hundreds of white men have fallen victims to it4' ,and how many 'hundreds of black men' have fallen victims to it8 ,those especially who have gone from the ,northern states1 have found it as fatal as have the whites themselves1 nor has it been very remarkably healthy to any portion of the colonists4 ,mr4 ,b4 is very certain that colonizing ,africa will destroy the slave trade4 ,he says the colonists 'would put an end to the trade the moment they were able to chastise the pirates1 or make reprisals on the nations to which they belonged4 ,nothing is plainer1 than that any nation that will make reprisals1 will have none of the inhabitants stolen4 ,if reprisals were made effective1 the slave trade would be immediately stopped4' ,a ,christian mode of reforming vices and removing evils1 truly6 ',any nation that will make reprisals6' ,so1 if ,peter steals ,john's child1 ,john must steal ,peter's by way of reprisal1 and that will put a stop to the mischief at once6 ,and why not reprisals prevent all other kinds of violence1 as well as man-stealing8 ,if an ,englishman shoots a ,frenchman1 let a ,frenchman shoot an ,englishman in return1 and the quarrel is settled1 and peace restored6 ,for 'nothing is plainer1 than that any nation that will make reprisals1 will have none of the inhabitants' shot4 ,does past history sustain this doctrine8 ,do present facts sustain it8 ,no longer let our clergy preach1 that 'all they who take the sword1 shall perish by the sword4' ',nothing is plainer1' than that those nations 'which take the sword' to 'make reprisals1' 'will have none of the inhabitants' injured by the sword4 ,but where is the need of colonies8 ,if the ',foulahs' will only steal as many men1 women1 and children1 from the ',ialoffs1' as the latter from the former1 'nothing is plainer than that these two tribes will have none of the inhabitants stolen4' ,do the various ,african tribes never make reprisals8 ,how happens it then1 that the slave trade1 and the whole business of man-stealing has not been long since suppressed8 ',on one hundred leagues of the ,african coast1' says ,mr4 ,b41 'it is already to a great degree suppressed' by the operation of the colonization societies and their colonies4 ,to this the ,emancipator says1 ',these statements are far1 very far from true1 and we can account for them only on the ground of unpardonable ignorance1 or a purpose to mislead4 ,again and again have we been assured1 and on colonial colonization authority too1 that the trade still goes on in the vicinity of the colony as briskly as ever1 nay1 that it is even prosecuted within the limits of the colony1 and in sight of ,monrovia itself4 ,indeed1 at this very moment the colony1 instead of being able to suppress or destroy the trade1 is in danger of being itself destroyed by it1 and is sending out its appeal to this country for help1 praying that some ,american vessels may be sent upon the coast to seize the traders1 and to protect the colony4 ,let our friends in this country and in ,england peruse the following extracts from the ,liberia ,herald just received in this country1 and then say what shall be thought of the man or the men who1 in the face of such and similar testimony repeatedly received1 can unblushingly pretend that on one hundred leagues of the ,african coast1 the trade is already to a great degree suppressed8 ,extracts from late ,liberia papers1 received at the office of the ,n4 ,y4 ,commercial ,advertiser3-- ,slave ,trade4--,this nefarious traffic is again lifting its horrid head in our vicinity1 and increasing in a fearful ratio4 ,within one hundred miles of the settlement1 there are at this very time1 at least four factories for the purchase of slaves1 and one of them not more than eighteen miles off6 ,the consequences are most severely felt by the colony4 ,it is now impossible to purchase rice1 at any rate that would not starve the most fortunate man4 ,in our immediate vicinity1 it is reported1 slavers have lately given the natives a musket for four cross6 the retail price of which1 in the colony1 is six dollars6 ,to the ,spaniards1 in view of a successful voyage1 the profits of which are so enormous1 goods are of no value2 but it is far otherwise with us4 ,the natives1 like other men1 disposed to get the most for their articles1 will of course sell to those who will give the highest4 ,this being the case1 we ask1 how are the people of this colony to live8 ,we have sometimes thought if the people of the ,united ,states once knew the inconvenience to which the slave trade subjects us1 and what an effectual check it is upon the advancement and prosperity of the colony1 and how little of those surplus and useless millions1 whose proper place of deposite has created so much contention1 that without an exception1 saints and sinners1 politicians1 philosophers1 colonizationists1 and abolitionists1 anti-colonizationists1 anti-abolitionists1 and anti-all1 would rise up1 and with one general voice decree1 that a small armed vessel shall ply between ,sherbro ,islands and ,kroo country1 and thus effectually protect a few poor ,,outcasts1 while millions of their brethren are faithfully slaving to enrich us at home4 ,and so1 notwithstanding the ,paradise to which they have gone1 and their free consent to go1 they are poor outcasts when they get there after all2 and the very trade which they were sent to abolish1 is in a fair way of abolishing them1 unless government vessels go out to their aid6' ,of the remark said to have been made by him at the colonization meeting1 in #ahcd1 that certain emigrants to ,liberia 'were coerced away1 as truly as if it had been done with a cart-whip1' ,mr4 ,b4 says 'it was an unfair report1 got up by ,mr4 ,leavitt1 the editor of the ,n4 ,y4 ,evangelist1 to serve a special purpose4' ,the ,emancipator answers the assertion thus1 ',this passage has been quoted and requoted in this country1 in times and ways well nigh innumerable1 but1 to the best of our knowledge1 it was never before pronounced an unfair report1 either by ,mr4 ,b4 or any other individual4 ,and now1 while we leave ,mr4 ,leavitt to answer for himself on the question of its fairness1 we take the liberty to say1 that if unfair1 it will not relieve ,mr4 ,b4 of difficulty4 ,for if the report be fair1 and ,mr4 ,b4 did say the things attributed to him1 why then1 as every body knows1 he said what was true4 ,if1 however1 it be unfair1 and he did not say those things1 then as every body knows1 he did not say what was true1 and what1 if he had spoken the truth1 he would have said4 ,for that they were coerced away as truly as if it had been done with a cart-whip1 every body knows to be fact4' ,mr4 ,leavitt's ,note to the ,editor of the ,emancipator4 ',in reply to ,mr4 ,breckinridge's allegation1 that ,i got up a report of his speech1 to serve a special purpose1 ,i will only say1 that ,mr4 ,breckinridge did prudently to go across the ,atlantic before he made that charge4 ,my character as a fair reporter1 will not be affected here by such insinuations4 ,i have no doubt that the report in question gives the ideas ,mr4 ,b4 uttered1 mostly in the very language he used4 ,my recollection1 in this case1 is very distinct1 and the words taken down at the time4 ,,joshua ,,leavitt4 ,mr4 ,b4 says1 that 'in many instances the bad laws had become worse1 and good laws had become bad1 solely through the imprudent conduct of ,mr4 ,thompson's associates4' ,some of the most unrighteous1 barbarous1 and abominable laws ever enacted in this land1 whose rulers have so long occupied the 'throne of iniquity1' and been so often and so deeply guilty of 'framing mischief by a law1' are cited in ,stroud's ,sketch1 a work published several years before ',mr4 ,thompson and his associates' had commenced their 'imprudent' measures4 ,those laws certainly were not occasioned by their imprudence4 ,it is nearly a hundred years at least1 since these statutes of pandemonium began to disgrace ,american legislation4 ,in the fourth evening's discussion1 ,mr4 ,b4 asserts1 page #hh1 that the ,n4 ,y4 ,observer and ,boston ,recorder1 'print more matter weekly than all the abolition newspapers in ,america1 put together1 do in half a year4' ,it is really matter of astonishment1 that he should venture the utterance of such a glaring falsehood4 ,he ought to have learned to keep at least within the bounds of probability in his fictions4 ,there were at the time when his assertion was made--to say nothing of the monthlies--not less than eight or nine weekly anti-slavery papers1 some of which circulated more widely than the ,recorder1 and not much less widely than the ,observer4 ,if we do not mistake1 ,mr4 ,b4 told a story at least forty or fifty times as large as the truth1 and we are by no means sure that the proportion is not much larger4 ,mr4 ,thompson1 for the purpose of showing what the abolitionists are doing in one department of their work1 produced copies of the ,slaves ,friend1 ,anti-,slavery ,record1 ,anti-,slavery ,anecdotes1 ,human ,rights1 ,emancipator1 ,liberator1 ,new ,york ,evangelist1 ,zion's ,herald1 ,zion's ,watchman1 ,philadelphia ,independent ,weekly ,press1 ,herald of ,freedom1 ,lynn ,record1 ,new ,england ,spectator1 c41 and an ,anti-,slavery ,quarterly4 ,of these1 ,mr4 ,b4 said 'some of them were1 he believed1 long ago dead2 some could hardly be said ever to have lived2 some were purely occasional2 the greater part as limited in circulation1 as they were contemptible in point of merit4 ,not above two or three of the dozen or fifteen that had been produced before them were1 in fact1 worthy to be called respectable and avowed abolition newspapers4' ,now for the truth4 ,not one of them was 'long ago1' or is now 'dead4' ,only one of them is 'purely occasional'--the ,anti-,slavery ,anecdotes--but1 with that exception1 all are now alive1 and nearly every one has a circulation as extensive as that of the ,recorder--some1 as already stated1 still more extensive4 ,and beside these which ,mr4 ,thompson exhibited1 there are several other weekly and monthly anti-slavery publications1 which are neither dead1 nor likely soon to be4 ,the ,philanthropist1 7its publication suspended indeed1 for a short time by the destruction of its press1 but soon to be resumed17 the ,friend of ,man1 the ,american ,citizen1 the ,vermont ,telegraph1 the ,middlebury ,free ,press1 the ,vermont ,state ,journal1 and a number more1 weekly1 and some monthly periodicals are 'avowed abolition newspapers1' some of them devoted almost exclusively to this cause1 and all 'respectable' both in character and extent of circulation4 ,some of them are of the very highest order in point of ability and merit1 of the weekly periodicals of the country4 ,mr4 ,t41 therefore1 instead of exaggerating in regard to the number of the abolition papers1 fell considerably short of the truth4 ',was he the inhabitant of ,louisiana to be told then1 that he should turn off his slaves8' c41 asks ,mr4 ,b41 page #ij1 ,certainly not--at least1 not by abolitionists4 ,they propose that the slaves should be permitted to remain on the plantations and work as free laborers1 where their services will be needed1 and will be mutually advantageous to themselves and their employers4 ,mr4 ,b4 denies1 page #ij1 that any person legally free1 'was ever sold into everlasting slavery1' but his denial is only another evidence of the facility with which he can utter1 not only gross falsehoods1 but falsehoods which contradict notorious facts1 and which of course cannot escape detection4 ,mr4 ,t4 has fully exposed this falsehood1 by presenting documentary evidence of the fact denied4 ,of ,mr4 ,b's declarations1 on page #ia1 to which we refer the reader1 the ,emancipator says1 ',all this1 if not gratuitous folly1 is at least1 unfounded and reckless assertion1 which we have scarcely ever seen equalled4' ,we ask our readers to turn back1 and read again the paragraph on page #ig1 ending 'to ,,coerce such emigration1 might be a ,,most ,,sacred ,,duty1' ,this has frankness at least1 if it has no other good quality to recommend it4 ,but it is the frankness of the tyrant1 who1 confident of his power to effect his purposes1 fears not to avow them1 however iniquitous or abominable4 ,and if there be frankness in letting out the design1 there is most unblushing impudence in calling its execution 'a sacred duty4' ,what utter heartlessness too1 and what obliquity of moral vision does it exhibit4 ,and this man dares to rank himself with the friends of the colored people6 ,such a friend as the ,holy ,inquisitors of ,spain1 to the heretical ,protestants1 whom they deem it their 'sacred duty to coerce' with rack and fire1 to a renunciation of their heresies4 ,such a friend as ,louis ,,xiv41 to the ,huguenots1--,james ,i41 to the ,puritans1 and ,charles ,,ii41 to the ,scottish ,covenanters4 ,on page #ih1 ,mr4 ,b4 introduces what he calls a speech of ,mr4 ,t4 at ,andover1 as reported by a student in the ,theological ,seminary4 ,mr4 ,t4 has met this anonymous report with counter testimony1 not anonymous1 but we will add that of the editor of the ,emancipator1 who says1 ',mr4 ,b4 although so often pretending that he had no documents1 c41 here read the false and distorted account of ,mr4 ,thompson's speech on this occasion1 published at the time in the ,boston ,courier1 and signed ,c4 ,having been there at the time1 we here record our testimony to the fact of its being false and distorted in its representations4' ,mr4 ,b4 on page #aji1 alludes to what ,mr4 ,thompson has said 'about ,dr4 ,sprague having part of his church curtained round for persons of color1' and says he notices it 'only because it was told as a specimen story4' ,in the same connection he evidently endeavors to create the impression that the religious privileges of the free colored people are equal to those of the whites4 ,on this1 the ,emancipator remarks1 ',we can testify to the truth of the story in regard to ,dr4 ,sprague's church2 and although every church does not separate the blacks from the whites with so much care1 or in precisely the same way1 yet it is strictly true1 that almost1 without exception1 the separation is made and carefully kept up1 and this not only in the ordinary worship of the ,sabbath1 but even when the church gather about the table of their crucified and common ,lord1 to partake of the emblems of his dying love4' ,and after admitting that colored men have1 in a few instances1 been admitted to theological seminaries1 and to a seat in ecclesiastical bodies1 the editor adds1 and truly1 as all familiar with the facts can testify1 ',such instances1 however1 are few and far between1 and whenever they do occur1 the individuals concerned are1 in many ways1 made to feel their inferiority and to know their place4 ,the impression made by ,mr4 ,b's representation would be1 as a whole1 incorrect4' ,mr4 ,b4 asserts1 page #aaj1 that the free blacks 'in nearly every part of ,america1' enjoy all civil rights 'to a degree utterly unknown to millions of ,british subjects1' in various parts of the empire1 and 'even in ,england itself4' ',it would be easy1' says the ,emancipator1 'to show that he is wrong in several particulars4' ,and then1 as one1 refers to the fact1 that the colored man is not secure in his rights or person1 but may be dragged into slavery1 even from free states1 without a jury trial4 ,this one fact is certainly sufficient to disprove ,mr4 ,b's assertion4 ',but1' says ,mr4 ,b4 ',if any rights have been denied them1' as for instance1 that of preaching the gospel1 'which ,virginia had lately done1' it was all owing to the fury of abolition4 ,see page #aaj4 ,yet ,stroud cites a law of ,virginia1 dating back as far as #ahai1 and being then but the re-enactment of a law before in force1 which rendered all assemblies of slaves and free negroes in a meeting house or other place by night1 or at any school for teaching reading and writing1 by day or night1 unlawful assemblies1 and subjects any person1 slave or free black1 found in them1 to the punishment of twenty lashes1 by order of a justice of the peace4 ,stroud1 page #hi4 ,mr4 ,b4 in the true colonization spirit1 takes occasion to slander the colored people1 accusing them of 'insolence and imprudence1' and of 'insulting females in the streets of our cities1' and 'setting up claim of perfect domestic equality with their masters1' c4 ,see page #aad4 ,we give the ,emancipator's note on this wicked accusation1 which is as cruel as it is false4 ',this whole representation is false4 ,nothing can be more so4 ,the modest deportment and the spirit of forbearance manifested by the colored people1 from the outset1 has been of the most marked as well as praiseworthy character1 and in instances not a few1 has secured to them the approbation of avowed enemies of the anti-slavery cause4' ,we add our own testimony1 so far as our observation has extended1 to the truth of this statement4 ,in the fifth evening's debate1 ,mr4 ,b4 complains1 page #abj1 that ,mr4 ,thompson 'did not tell them that none of the ministers in twelve whole states were or could easily be slaveholders1 seeing they were not inhabitants of a slave state4' ,and why should he4 ,would not the mere knowledge of the fact1 that 'they were not inhabitants of slave states' render it unnecessary that his hearers should be particularly informed that they were not slaveholders8 ,does ,mr4 ,b4 believe that the people of ,glasgow supposed ,northern ministers to be generally slaveholders8 ,we say generally1 for we should not dare to assert that 'none' of them 'were1' whether they 'easily could be' or not4 ,if we have not been misinformed1 and we believe we have not1 it has been our fortune1 good or ill1 to hear a northern slaveholding minister preach1 a minister too1 whose pastoral charge was in the very cradle of this free nation4 ',the overwhelming mass of ,american ministers1' says ,mr4 ,b41 'never owned a slave1 and those who had1 were exceptions from the general rule4' ,mr4 ,t4 has demolished this position with a most tremendous broadside of evidence4 ,we add the following quotation1 which we find in the ,emancipator1 from a document published a few months ago1 by the ,synod of ,south ,carolina and ,georgia4 ',the number of our ministers is but little more than half the number of our churches1 and of those ministers not one fifth sustain any pastoral relation4' ,the number of ministers is about #ajj1 'and many of them are obliged to devote a part or the whole of their time to teaching1 farming1 or some other secular employment1 to procure a support for their families4' ,farming we all know1 means in the slave states1 'slaveholding and slave-driving4' ,mr4 ,b4 seems very indignant at the declarations of his opponent1 and ,moses ,roper1 7a colored man who had been present at some of the meetings which ,mr4 ,t4 addressed17 that slaves in ,america were owned1 not only by ministers and church members1 but even by churches themselves4 ,he calls ,roper's statement1 'the poor negro's silly falsehood1' and says1 page #abc1 ',if there be above five congregations in all ,america1 that own slaves1 ,i never heard of them4' ,he then mentions three of which he has heard1 all in the ,southern part of ,virginia4 ,the ,emancipator1 in a note on this part of ,mr4 ,b's speech1 remarks1 ',true1 it is not the general practice for churches or ecclesiastical societies at the ,south1 to own slaves as church property1 yet we suppose that the practice is by no means uncommon2 and the proof is threefold3 first1 that a number of instances of the kind are actually known2 second1 that when such instances do occur1 they never produce any special sensation in the public mind--are never spoken of as special and extraordinary cases1 and never subjects such church to reproof or the loss of ecclesiastical fellowship with other churches2 and third1 that ministers very generally at the ,south hold slaves1 and that oftentimes when they are unable to buy for themselves1 some kind friend makes them a present of one or two for house servants2 and if to the ministry1 why not the church8' ,it then goes on to enumerate two instances1 beside those admitted by ,mr4 ,b41 of churches holding slaves1 and one of a bequest of slaves to the ,missionary ,society1 ,a4 ,b4 ,c4 ,f4 ,m4 and gives also an advertisement of the sale of certain property 'belonging to the estate of the late ,rev4 ,dr4 ,truman1' including land1 'a library chiefly theological1' and 'twenty-seven negroes1 two mules1 one horse1 and an old wagon4' ,the note thus continues1 ',and when these notices appeared in the ,southern prints1 no body was struck with amazement2 no protestation was given to the public that they were extraordinary cases2 no ,christian minister or ,christian newspaper1 as we are aware1 ever lifted their voice against them as rare cases1 or bore their testimony against them as being as monstrous as they were rare4 ,what then is the inference8 ,why1 that such things1 if not general1 are yet never regarded as singular or uncommon4 ,now add to these2 and others that might be named1 the cases admitted by ,mr4 ,b41 and to this1 add the fact that ,mr4 ,paxton at least felt that his church in ,virginia could emancipate the fifty slaves they owned1 but would not1 and then say whose statements have most of the silly falsehoods about them1 those of ,mr4 ,b41 or the despised but honest-hearted negro8' ,mr4 ,b4 seems to regard it as a mighty grievance1 that when there are so few slaveholding ministers1 church members1 and churches in ,america1 his opponent should charge the guilt of slavery upon the whole ,american church4 ,but why is not the whole church guilty1 if any of its members persist in committing the sin1 and yet are regarded as worthy members1 in regular standing8--if any of its ministers with hands polluted by the abominable thing1 are still allowed1 without any ecclesiastical censure1 not only to dispense the bread of life from the store-house of ,god's word1 but to distribute the emblems of ,christ's body and blood1 to those who come around the table to commemorate a ,saviour's dying love8--if any of its branches1 claiming to hold ,god's image as property1 and treating as 'chattels personal1' their ,saviour1 in the person of 'one of the least of these' his 'brethren1' are fellow-shipped as sister churches1 and unreproved for their iniquity8 ',who dare pretend1' asks the ,emancipator1 ',that the ,american church does not uphold and countenance ,christian slaveholders in their conduct8 ,true1 there are individuals1 and individual churches not a few1 who do not1 but who bear a faithful testimony against them4 ,but how is it with the governing influences of the church8 ,their character and their acts1 and not those of a minority1 however large or respectable are the character and the acts of the church4 ,what then is the position of the governing influences of the ,american church in regard to ,american slavery8 ,it is that of protection and countenance4 ,the proceedings of the last ,general ,convention of the ,baptists1 and the last ,general ,conference of the ,methodists1 and the last ,general ,assembly of the ,presbyterians are our confirmation--and they are confirmation strong as holy writ4 ,at this very moment1 these three bodies stand before the world as the three great ,patrons and ,protectors of ,american slavery4 ,deny it as they will1 the gains of the oppressor1 the hire kept back by fraud is in their coffers1 the blood of the oppressed stains their garments1 and they refuse to confess or forsake their sin4' ,mr4 ,b4 would doubtless have thought it very uncharitable to cause a large army of ,israelites to turn their backs before their enemies1 and suffer a shameful and disastrous defeat1 just because there was one ,achan in the camp4 ,we cannot but think that the reverend disputant rather unfortunate in his reference to the book of ,drs4 ,cox and ,hoby1 7see page #abh17 for information about the connection of the ,baptists with slavery4 ,in looking there for light on that particular point1 the reader might chance to stumble on some things about the wicked prejudice against the black man1 as well as some sentiments in regard to the treatment of slaves and free blacks generally1 that would ill accord with the expressed notions of the ,presbyterian delegate4 ,on page #acc1 ,mr4 ,b4 introduces a letter1 published in the ,n4 ,y4 ,observer1 and signed ,truth1 which represents the negroes of ,south ,carolina as 'generally well fed1 well clothed1' and enjoying 'the means of religious instruction1' and declares that 'great and increasing efforts are made to instruct them in religion1 and elevate their characters4' ,we request our readers to turn back and read the whole letter1 and then to compare it with the following extracts from a report on the subject of the religious instruction of the colored people1 published in #ahcd1 by the ,synod of ,south ,carolina and ,georgia4 ',we believe that their 7the colored population's7 moral and religious condition is such1 as that they may justly be considered the heathen of this christian country1 and will bear comparison with heathen in any country in the world4' ',the negroes are destitute of the privileges of the gospel1 and ever will be1 under the present state of things4 ,there were some exceptions to this1 the ,synod say1 and they rejoice in it2 but although our assertion is broad1 we believe that1 in general1 it will be found to be correct4' ',they can have no access to the the scriptures4 ,they are dependent for their knowledge of ,christianity1 upon oral instruction4 ,have they then that amount of oral instruction1 which1 in their circumstances1 is necessary to their enjoyment of the gospel8 ,they have not4 ,from an entire state beyond the ,potomac to the ,sabine1 and from the ,atlantic to the ,ohio1 there are1 to the best of our knowledge1 not twelve men exclusively devoted to the religious instruction of the negroes4' ,the report then goes on to say that 'the negroes do not have access to the gospel through the stated ministry of the whites1' that 'a very small proportion of the ministers in the slaveholding states1 pay any attention to them1' that 'they have no churches1 neither is there sufficient room for their accommodation in white churches1' and that1 in some cases1 for want of a place within1 'the negroes who attend1 must catch the gospel as it escapes by the doors and windows4' ',we venture to say1' the report continues1 'that not a twentieth part of the negroes attend divine worship on the ,sabbath4 ,thousands and thousands hear not the sound of the gospel1 or ever enter a church from one year to another4' ,the report says too1 that they 'do not enjoy the privileges of the gospel in private1 at their houses1 or on their plantations4 ,if the master is pious1 the house servants alone1 and frequently few or none of these attend family worship4 ,in general it does not enter into the arrangement of the plantations1 to make provision for their religious instruction4 ,we feel warranted1 therefore1 in the conclusion1 that the negroes are destitute of the privileges of the gospel1 and must continue to be so1 if nothing more is done for them4' ',we are astonished1' say the ,synod1 'thus to find ,christianity in absolute conjunction with ,heathenism1 and yet conferring few or no benefits4' ,our readers1 after comparing the above with the letter read by ,mr4 ,b41 can decide how much right the author of that letter had to sign it ',truth4' ,mr4 ,b41 page #aee1 endeavors to escape the force of the immense weight of evidence with which his antagonist presses him to the earth1 by sneering at the witnesses as 'obscure1' and for aught that could be known1 'fictitious persons1' although the names are generally given1 and yet he quotes evidence to sustain himself1 which is absolutely anonymous4 ,see page #acb4 ,the ,emancipator pertinently asks1 ',can ,mr4 ,b4 tell us who ,truth and ,a ,new ,england man are8 ,or are the persons as fictitious as their stories8' ,upon ,mr4 ,b4's assertion that ,mr4 ,thompson's testimonies were of this worthless character1 the ,emancipator has the following note4 ',we beg our readers to stop here1 and go back and count the documents1 and they will find that the very reverse of what ,mr4 ,b4 has stated is the fact2 and that while ,mr4 ,b4's main proofs are1 first1 his own assertions1 and1 second1 the assertion of individuals1 or of anonymous writers in partisan newspapers1 ,mr4 ,thompson's main proofs are the formal resolutions and declarations of ecclesiastical bodies1 and of those who represent the governing influence in church and state1 and that the testimony of individuals1 so far as it is used1 is brought in only as confirmatory of the other4' ,on page #aeh1 ,mr4 ,b4 attacks ,mr4 ,j4 ,a4 ,thome of ,kentucky1 with characteristic virulence1 because1 in a speech at an ,anti-,slavery meeting1 that young man had boldly exposed the abominations of slavery in his native state4 ,for this act his slanderer calls him 'the ingrate who commenced his career of manhood1 by smiting his parent in the face4' ,but he cautiously avoids attempting--what he was doubtless sensible would be a somewhat difficult task--to disprove the statements of ,mr4 ,thome4 ,it is a little remarkable that the facts stated by ,thome1 and denied by ,mr4 ,b4 and his brother at the time1 were confirmed abundantly by an article published in the ,western ,luminary1 a ,kentucky paper1 on the very day on which ,mr4 ,thome made his statement in ,new ,york4 ,thus without any concert or arrangement1 two witnesses at a long distance from each other1 testified to the same facts1 and unfortunately for the credibility of ,mr4 ,breckinridge1 those were the facts which he was almost at the same time stoutly denying4 ,other witnesses of unimpeachable veracity1 have since attested the same facts1 and now ,mr4 ,b4's impotent efforts to discredit ,mr4 ,thome1 only serve to show his own vexation1 malignity and falsehood4 ,we do not pretend to have noticed all the slips of ,mr4 ,b4's 'unruly member' in this discussion1 or to have pointed out every instance in which he has labored with all that ability and ingenuity which we readily admit he possesses1 to create false impressions on the minds of his audience2 but enough have been pointed out to show in some measure1 the degree of confidence which ought to be reposed in his veracity as a witness and his candor and fairness as a reasoner4 ,a few trifling errors into which ,mr4 ,thompson has fallen1 we feel bound to correct2 in proceeding to which1 however1 we cannot but remark that considering the shortness of the time which ,mr4 ,t4 spent among us1 the amount of labor which he performed in lecturing1 addressing conventions1 debating1 c4 c4 and the large portion of his time necessarily consumed in social intercourse with his extensive circle of acquaintance--nay1 the very considerable share of it which was required for the mere answering of applications to lecture1 which came from every quarter2 we are actually astonished at the extent and minuteness of his information1 the mass of facts and documents which he has contrived to collect1 and what is more1 at the general--the almost uniform accuracy of his knowledge of ,american affairs4 ,the reader has seen how completely furnished he was1 how armed at all points1 and ever ready to lay his hand on the very weapon which was needed at any stage of the conflict1 whether to parry the blow aimed at himself1 or to send home to his antagonist's bosom1 a vigorous thrust which neither the dexterity of sophistry could elude1 nor the buckler of brazen falsehood ward off4 ,indeed the mass of his documents1 and the readiness and aptness to the purpose with which he used them1 seems to have been one of the chief causes of the bitter vexation which his opponent continually betrays4 ,that he should have fallen into a few mistakes is nothing surprising--that he should have fallen into so few1 is indeed wonderful1 and proves the industry and diligence with which he labored at times when from the fatiguing nature1 and great amount of his public efforts1 one would have supposed he must have been obliged to indulge in perfect repose4 ,but to the errors4 ,he stated the first evening1 page #ab1 that there were now1 exclusive of the publications of the ,anti-,slavery ,society1 one hundred newspapers boldly advocating the principles of abolition4 ',there are1' says the ,emancipator1 'about that number friendly to our cause1 and that occasionally speak in our behalf1 but not that boldly advocate our principles1' or1 as perhaps would be the more accurate mode of expression1 that do not boldly advocate our principles1 in their application to the subject to which we apply them4 ,on the second evening1 ,mr4 ,thompson in speaking of the ,new ,york ,state ,anti-,slavery ,convention1 page #cj1 said there were #fjj delegates at ,utica the first day1 and that when driven away by a mob1 these went to ,peterboro'1 and were there joined by #djj more1 making #ajjj in all4 ,in reality1 it was estimated that nearly or quite #ajjj went to ,utica1 and of these only about #djj went to ,peterboro'4 ,the error is indeed immaterial4 ,in the fourth evening's debate1 ,mr4 ,t4 alluding to ,kaufman's slanderous story about him1 calls ,kaufman 'the son of a slaveholder1 and heir to slave property4' ,such was supposed to be the case1 and we were not aware that this supposition was erroneous1 till we met1 in the ,emancipator's note to this remark of ,mr4 ,t41 an intimation that this report had been contradicted4 ',mr4 ,k4 is from ,virginia1' says the note1 'but we believe not a slaveholder or heir to slave property4' ,these are all the errors we have observed in the statements of ,mr4 ,thompson1 and these are of so little moment that we should not have considered them worthy of notice in his opponent4 ,it is perhaps unnecessary in concluding1 formally to acknowledge1 what the reader cannot fail to have perceived1 our large indebtedness to the editor of the ,emancipator for aid in the preparation of this appendix4 ,the truth is1 our hands are at this time so plentifully filled with business1 that we have had but little time1 to spare for this work1 and were glad to avail ourselves of the labors of one who had1 to such good purpose1 just gone over the ground before us4 ,c4 ,c4 ,,burleigh4 ,boston1 ,sept4 #bb1 #ahcf4 ,,transcriber',s ,,notes ,other than a few punctuation errors and the misprints corrected in the list below1 printer's inconsistencies in spelling1 punctuation1 and hyphenation have been retained3 solictied corrected to solicited 7page #d7 conclusinos corrected to conclusions 7page #d7 belived corrected to believed 7page #e7 anamoly corrected to anomaly 7page #g7 wasnot corrected to was not 7page #g7 ,birtish corrected to ,british 7page #h7 him self corrected to himself 7page #aj7 alloted corrected to allotted 7pages #af1 #afc7 immeditate corrected to immediate 7page #ah7 decison corrected to decision 7page #ah7 spirtual corrected to spiritual 7page #ah7 kidknapped corrected to kidnapped 7page #bj7 aleady corrected to already 7page #ba7 colonziation corrected to colonization 7page #bc7 however4 ,mr4 ,thomppson corrected to however1 ,mr4 ,thompson 7page #cc7 actualy corrected to actually 7page #cd7 abosolute corrected to absolute 7page #ce7 opionion corrected to opinion 7page #cf7 capacties corrected to capacities 7page #cg7 excercise corrected to exercise 7page #ch7 elighten corrected to enlighten 7page #dd7 commited corrected to committed 7page #dd7 thoughout corrected to throughout 7page #hg7 alledged corrected to alleged 7page #aaa7 ojection corrected to objection 7page #aab7 proceedure corrected to procedure 7page #aac7 equesterd corrected to requested 7page #ace7 occuring corrected to occurring 7page #aga7 comendation corrected to commendation 7page #aga7 ,engl shman corrected to ,englishman 7page #agd7 succesful corrected to successful 7page #age7