,,leviathan ,by ,thomas ,hobbes #afea ,,leviathan ,,or ,,the ,,matter1 ,,forme1 ,,power ,,of ,a ,,common-,,wealth ,,ecclesiastical ,,and ,,civill ,thomas ,hobbes of ,malmesbury ,printed for ,andrew ,crooke1 at the ,green ,dragon in ,st4 ,paul's ,churchyard1 #afea4 ,,transcriber',s ,,notes ,,on ,,the ,e-,,text3 ,this ,e-text was prepared from the ,pelican ,classics edition of ,leviathan1 which in turn was prepared from the first edition4 ,i have tried to follow as closely as possible the original1 and to give the flavour of the text that ,hobbes himself proof-read1 but the following differences were unavoidable4 ,hobbes used capitals and italics very extensively1 for emphasis1 for proper names1 for quotations1 and sometimes1 it seems1 just because4 ,the original has very extensive margin notes1 which are used to show where he introduces the definitions of words and concepts1 to give in short the subject that a paragraph or section is dealing with1 and to give references to his quotations1 largely but not exclusively biblical4 ,to some degree1 these margin notes seem to have been intended to serve in place of an index1 the original having none4 ,they are all in italics4 ,he also used italics for words in other languages than ,english1 and there are a number of ,greek words1 in the ,greek alphabet1 in the text4 ,to deal with these within the limits of plain vanilla ,,ascii1 ,i have done the following in this ,e-text4 ,i have restricted my use of full capitalization to those places where ,hobbes used it1 except in the chapter headings1 which ,i have fully capitalized1 where ,hobbes used a mixture of full capitalization and italics4 ,where it is clear that the italics are to indicate the text is quoting1 ,i have introduced quotation marks4 ,within quotation marks ,i have retained the capitalization that ,hobbes used4 ,where italics seem to be used for emphasis1 or for proper names1 or just because1 ,i have capitalized the initial letter of the words4 ,this has the disadvantage that they are not then distinguished from those that ,hobbes capitalized in plain text1 but the extent of his italics would make the text very ugly if ,i was to use an underscore or slash4 ,where the margin notes are either to introduce the paragraph subject1 or to show where he introduces word definitions1 ,i have included them as headers to the paragraph1 again with all words having initial capitals1 and on a shortened line4 ,for margin references to quotes1 ,i have included them in the text1 in brackets immediately next to the quotation4 ,where ,hobbes included references in the main text1 ,i have left them as he put them1 except to change his square brackets to round4 ,for the ,greek alphabet1 ,i have simply substituted the nearest ordinary letters that ,i can1 and ,i have used initial capitals for foreign language words4 ,neither ,thomas ,hobbes nor his typesetters seem to have had many inhibitions about spelling and punctuation4 ,i have tried to reproduce both exactly1 with the exception of the introduction of quotation marks4 ,in preparing the text1 ,i have found that it has much more meaning if ,i read it with sub-vocalization1 or aloud1 rather than trying to read silently4 ,hobbes' use of emphasis and his eccentric punctuation and construction seem then to work4 ,,to ,,my ,,most ,,honor',d ,,friend ,mr4 ,,francis ,,godolphin of ,,godolphin ,,honor',d ,,sir4 ,your most worthy ,brother ,mr ,,sidney ,,godolphin1 when he lived1 was pleas'd to think my studies something1 and otherwise to oblige me1 as you know1 with reall testimonies of his good opinion1 great in themselves1 and the greater for the worthinesse of his person4 ,for there is not any vertue that disposeth a man1 either to the service of ,god1 or to the service of his ,country1 to ,civill ,society1 or private ,friendship1 that did not manifestly appear in his conversation1 not as acquired by necessity1 or affected upon occasion1 but inhaerent1 and shining in a generous constitution of his nature4 ,therefore in honour and gratitude to him1 and with devotion to your selfe1 ,i humbly ,dedicate unto you this my discourse of ,common-wealth4 ,i know not how the world will receive it1 nor how it may reflect on those that shall seem to favour it4 ,for in a way beset with those that contend on one side for too great ,liberty1 and on the other side for too much ,authority1 'tis hard to passe between the points of both unwounded4 ,but yet1 me thinks1 the endeavour to advance the ,civill ,power1 should not be by the ,civill ,power condemned2 nor private men1 by reprehending it1 declare they think that ,power too great4 ,besides1 ,i speak not of the men1 but 7in the ,abstract7 of the ,seat of ,power1 7like to those simple and unpartiall creatures in the ,roman ,capitol1 that with their noyse defended those within it1 not because they were they1 but there7 offending none1 ,i think1 but those without1 or such within 7if there be any such7 as favour them4 ,that which perhaps may most offend1 are certain ,texts of ,holy ,scripture1 alledged by me to other purpose than ordinarily they use to be by others4 ,but ,i have done it with due submission1 and also 7in order to my ,subject7 necessarily2 for they are the ,outworks of the ,enemy1 from whence they impugne the ,civill ,power4 ,if notwithstanding this1 you find my labour generally decryed1 you may be pleased to excuse your selfe1 and say that ,i am a man that love my own opinions1 and think all true ,i say1 that ,i honoured your ,brother1 and honour you1 and have presum'd on that1 to assume the ,title 7without your knowledge7 of being1 as ,i am1 ,sir1 ,your most humble1 and most obedient servant1 ,thomas ,hobbes4 ,paris ,,aprill #ae_/be #afea4 ,,contents ,,of ,,the ,,chapters ,,the ,,first ,,part ,,of ,,man ,,introduction #a4 ,,of ,,sense #b4 ,,of ,,imagination #c4 ,,of ,,the ,,consequences ,,or ,,train ,,of ,,imaginations #d4 ,,of ,,speech #e4 ,,of ,,reason ,,and ,,science #f4 ,,of ,,the ,,interiour ,,beginnings ,,of ,,voluntary ,,motions1 ,,commonly ,,called ,,the ,,passions2 ,,and ,,the ,,speeches ,,by ,,which ,,they ,,are ,,expressed #g4 ,,of ,,the ,,ends ,,or ,,resolutions ,,of ,,discourse #h4 ,,of ,,the ,,vertues1 ,,commonly ,,called ,,intellectuall1 ,,and ,,their ,,contrary ,,defects #i4 ,,of ,,the ,,severall ,,subjects ,,of ,,knowledge #aj4 ,,of ,,power1 ,,worth1 ,,dignity1 ,,honour1 ,,and ,,worthinesse #aa4 ,,of ,,the ,,difference ,,of ,,manners #ab4 ,,of ,,religion #ac4 ,,of ,,the ,,naturall ,,condition ,,of ,,mankind ,,as ,,concerning ,,their ,,felicity ,,and ,,misery #ad4 ,,of ,,the ,,first ,,and ,,second ,,naturall ,,lawes1 ,,and ,,of ,,contract #ae4 ,,of ,,other ,,lawes ,,of ,,nature #af4 ,,of ,,persons1 ,,authors1 ,,and ,,things ,,personated ,,the ,,second ,,part ,,of ,,common-,,wealth #ag4 ,,of ,,the ,,causes1 ,,generation1 ,,and ,,definition ,,of ,a ,,common-,,wealth #ah4 ,,of ,,the ,,rights ,,of ,,soveraignes ,,by ,,institution #ai4 ,,of ,,severall ,,kinds ,,of ,,common-,,wealth ,,by ,,institution2 ,,and ,,of ,,succesion ,,to ,,the ,,soveraign ,,power #bj4 ,,of ,,dominion ,,paternall1 ,,and ,,despoticall #ba4 ,,of ,,the ,,liberty ,,of ,,subjects #bb4 ,,of ,,systemes ,,subject1 ,,politicall1 ,,and ,,private #bc4 ,,of ,,the ,,publique ,,ministers ,,of ,,soveraign ,,power #bd4 ,,of ,,the ,,nutrition1 ,,and ,,procreation ,,of ,a ,,common-,,wealth #be4 ,,of ,,counsell #bf4 ,,of ,,civill ,,lawes #bg4 ,,of ,,crimes1 ,,excuses1 ,,and ,,extenuations #bh4 ,,of ,,punishments1 ,,and ,,rewards #bi4 ,,of ,,those ,,things ,,that ,,weaken1 ,,or ,,tend ,,to ,,the ,,dissolution ,,of ,a ,,common-,,wealth #cj4 ,,of ,,the ,,office ,,of ,,the ,,soveraign ,,representative #ca4 ,,of ,,the ,,kingdom ,,of ,,god ,,by ,,nature ,,the ,,third ,,part ,,of ,a ,,christian ,,common-,,wealth #cb4 ,,of ,,the ,,principles ,,of ,,christian ,,politiques #cc4 ,,of ,,the ,,number1 ,,antiquity1 ,,scope1 ,,authority1 ,,and ,,interpreters ,,of ,,the ,,books ,,of ,,holy ,,scripture #cd4 ,,of ,,the ,,signification1 ,,of ,,spirit1 ,,angell1 ,,and ,,inspiration ,,in ,,the ,,books ,,of ,,holy ,,scripture #ce4 ,,of ,,the ,,signification ,,in ,,scripture ,,of ,,the ,,kingdome ,,of ,,god1 ,,of ,,holy1 ,,sacred1 ,,and ,,sacrament #cf4 ,,of ,,the ,,word ,,of ,,god1 ,,and ,,of ,,prophets #cg4 ,,of ,,miracles1 ,,and ,,their ,,use #ch4 ,,of ,,the ,,signification ,,in ,,scripture ,,of ,,eternall ,,life1 ,,hel1 ,,salvation1 ,,the ,,world ,,to ,,come1 ,,and ,,redemption #ci4 ,,of ,,the ,,signification ,,in ,,scripture ,,of ,,the ,,word ,,church #dj4 ,,of ,,the ,,rights ,,of ,,the ,,kingdome ,,of ,,god1 ,,in ,,abraham1 ,,moses1 ,,the ,,high ,,priests1 ,,and ,,the ,,kings ,,of ,,judah #da4 ,,of ,,the ,,office ,,of ,,our ,,blessed ,,saviour #db4 ,,of ,,power ,,ecclesiasticall #dc4 ,,of ,,what ,,is ,,necessary ,,for ,,mans ,,reception ,,into ,,the ,,kingdome ,,of ,,heaven ,,the ,,fourth ,,part ,,of ,,the ,,kingdome ,,of ,,darknesse #dd4 ,,of ,,spirituall ,,darknesse ,,from ,,misinterpretation ,,of ,,scripture #de4 ,,of ,,daemonology1 ,,and ,,other ,,reliques ,,of ,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,the ,,gentiles #df4 ,,of ,,darknesse ,,from ,,vaine ,,philosophy1 ,,and ,,fabulous ,,traditions #dg4 ,,of ,,the ,,benefit ,,proceeding ,,from ,,such ,,darknesse2 ,,and ,,to ,,whom ,,it ,,accreweth #dh4 ,a ,,review ,,and ,,conclusion ,,the ,,introduction ,nature 7the art whereby ,god hath made and governes the world7 is by the art of man1 as in many other things1 so in this also imitated1 that it can make an ,artificial ,animal4 ,for seeing life is but a motion of ,limbs1 the begining whereof is in some principall part within2 why may we not say1 that all ,automata 7,engines that move themselves by springs and wheeles as doth a watch7 have an artificiall life8 ,for what is the ,heart1 but a ,spring2 and the ,nerves1 but so many ,strings2 and the ,joynts1 but so many ,wheeles1 giving motion to the whole ,body1 such as was intended by the ,artificer8 ,art goes yet further1 imitating that ,rationall and most excellent worke of ,nature1 ,man4 ,for by ,art is created that great ,,leviathan called a ,,common-,,wealth1 or ,,state1 7in latine ,,civitas7 which is but an ,artificiall ,man2 though of greater stature and strength than the ,naturall1 for whose protection and defence it was intended2 and in which1 the ,soveraignty is an ,artificiall ,soul1 as giving life and motion to the whole body2 ,the ,magistrates1 and other ,officers of ,judicature and ,execution1 artificiall ,joynts2 ,reward and ,punishment 7by which fastned to the seat of the ,soveraignty1 every joynt and member is moved to performe his duty7 are the ,nerves1 that do the same in the ,body ,naturall2 ,the ,wealth and ,riches of all the particular members1 are the ,strength2 ,salus ,populi 7the ,peoples ,safety7 its ,businesse2 ,counsellors1 by whom all things needfull for it to know1 are suggested unto it1 are the ,memory2 ,equity and ,lawes1 an artificiall ,reason and ,will2 ,concord1 ,health2 ,sedition1 ,sicknesse2 and ,civill ,war1 ,death4 ,lastly1 the ,pacts and ,covenants1 by which the parts of this ,body ,politique were at first made1 set together1 and united1 resemble that ,fiat1 or the ,let ,us ,make ,man1 pronounced by ,god in the ,creation4 ,to describe the ,nature of this ,artificiall man1 ,i will consider ,first the ,matter thereof1 and the ,artificer2 both which is ,man4 ,secondly1 ,how1 and by what ,covenants it is made2 what are the ,rights and just ,power or ,authority of a ,soveraigne2 and what it is that ,preserveth and ,dissolveth it4 ,thirdly1 what is a ,christian ,common-,wealth4 ,lastly1 what is the ,kingdome of ,darkness4 ,concerning the first1 there is a saying much usurped of late1 ,that ,wisedome is acquired1 not by reading of ,books1 but of ,men4 ,consequently whereunto1 those persons1 that for the most part can give no other proof of being wise1 take great delight to shew what they think they have read in men1 by uncharitable censures of one another behind their backs4 ,but there is another saying not of late understood1 by which they might learn truly to read one another1 if they would take the pains2 and that is1 ,nosce ,teipsum1 ,read ,thy ,self3 which was not meant1 as it is now used1 to countenance1 either the barbarous state of men in power1 towards their inferiors2 or to encourage men of low degree1 to a sawcie behaviour towards their betters2 ,but to teach us1 that for the similitude of the thoughts1 and ,passions of one man1 to the thoughts1 and ,passions of another1 whosoever looketh into himselfe1 and considereth what he doth1 when he does ,think1 ,opine1 ,reason1 ,hope1 ,feare1 c1 and upon what grounds2 he shall thereby read and know1 what are the thoughts1 and ,passions of all other men1 upon the like occasions4 ,i say the similitude of ,passions1 which are the same in all men1 ,desire1 ,feare1 ,hope1 c2 not the similitude or ,the ,objects of the ,passions1 which are the things ,desired1 ,feared1 ,hoped1 c3 for these the constitution individuall1 and particular education do so vary1 and they are so easie to be kept from our knowledge1 that the characters of mans heart1 blotted and confounded as they are1 with dissembling1 lying1 counterfeiting1 and erroneous doctrines1 are legible onely to him that searcheth hearts4 ,and though by mens actions wee do discover their designee sometimes2 yet to do it without comparing them with our own1 and distinguishing all circumstances1 by which the case may come to be altered1 is to decypher without a key1 and be for the most part deceived1 by too much trust1 or by too much diffidence2 as he that reads1 is himselfe a good or evill man4 ,but let one man read another by his actions never so perfectly1 it serves him onely with his acquaintance1 which are but few4 ,he that is to govern a whole ,nation1 must read in himselfe1 not this1 or that particular man2 but ,man-kind2 which though it be hard to do1 harder than to learn any ,language1 or ,science2 yet1 when ,i shall have set down my own reading orderly1 and perspicuously1 the pains left another1 will be onely to consider1 if he also find not the same in himselfe4 ,for this kind of ,doctrine1 admitteth no other ,demonstration4 ,,part ,i4 ,,of ,,man ,,chapter ,i4 ,,of ,,sense ,concerning the ,thoughts of man1 ,i will consider them first ,singly1 and afterwards in ,trayne1 or dependance upon one another4 ,singly1 they are every one a ,representation or ,apparence1 of some quality1 or other ,accident of a body without us2 which is commonly called an ,object4 ,which ,object worketh on the ,eyes1 ,eares1 and other parts of mans body2 and by diversity of working1 produceth diversity of ,apparences4 ,the ,originall of them all1 is that which we call ,sense2 7,for there is no conception in a mans mind1 which hath not at first1 totally1 or by parts1 been begotten upon the organs of ,sense47 ,the rest are derived from that originall4 ,to know the naturall cause of ,sense1 is not very necessary to the business now in hand2 and ,i have els-where written of the same at large4 ,nevertheless1 to fill each part of my present method1 ,i will briefly deliver the same in this place4 ,the cause of ,sense1 is the ,externall ,body1 or ,object1 which presseth the organ proper to each ,sense1 either immediatly1 as in the ,tast and ,touch2 or mediately1 as in ,seeing1 ,hearing1 and ,smelling3 which pressure1 by the mediation of ,nerves1 and other strings1 and membranes of the body1 continued inwards to the ,brain1 and ,heart1 causeth there a resistance1 or counter-pressure1 or endeavour of the heart1 to deliver it self3 which endeavour because ,outward1 seemeth to be some matter without4 ,and this ,seeming1 or ,fancy1 is that which men call sense2 and consisteth1 as to the ,eye1 in a ,light1 or ,colour ,figured2 ,to the ,eare1 in a ,sound2 ,to the ,nostrill1 in an ,odour2 ,to the ,tongue and ,palat1 in a ,savour2 and to the rest of the body1 in ,heat1 ,cold1 ,hardnesse1 ,softnesse1 and such other qualities1 as we discern by ,feeling4 ,all which qualities called ,sensible1 are in the object that causeth them1 but so many several motions of the matter1 by which it presseth our organs diversly4 ,neither in us that are pressed1 are they anything els1 but divers motions2 7for motion1 produceth nothing but motion47 ,but their apparence to us is ,fancy1 the same waking1 that dreaming4 ,and as pressing1 rubbing1 or striking the ,eye1 makes us fancy a light2 and pressing the ,eare1 produceth a dinne2 so do the bodies also we see1 or hear1 produce the same by their strong1 though unobserved action1 ,for if those ,colours1 and ,sounds1 were in the ,bodies1 or ,objects that cause them1 they could not bee severed from them1 as by glasses1 and in ,ecchoes by reflection1 wee see they are2 where we know the thing we see1 is in one place2 the apparence1 in another4 ,and though at some certain distance1 the reall1 and very object seem invested with the fancy it begets in us2 ,yet still the object is one thing1 the image or fancy is another4 ,so that ,sense in all cases1 is nothing els but originall fancy1 caused 7as ,i have said7 by the pressure1 that is1 by the motion1 of externall things upon our ,eyes1 ,eares1 and other organs thereunto ordained4 ,but the ,philosophy-schooles1 through all the ,universities of ,christendome1 grounded upon certain ,texts of ,aristotle1 teach another doctrine2 and say1 ,for the cause of ,vision1 that the thing seen1 sendeth forth on every side a ,visible ,species7in ,english7 a ,visible ,shew1 ,apparition1 or ,aspect1 or a ,being ,seen2 the receiving whereof into the ,eye1 is ,seeing4 ,and for the cause of ,hearing1 that the thing heard1 sendeth forth an ,audible ,species1 that is1 an ,audible ,aspect1 or ,audible ,being ,seen2 which entring at the ,eare1 maketh ,hearing4 ,nay for the cause of ,understanding also1 they say the thing ,understood sendeth forth ,intelligible ,species1 that is1 an ,intelligible ,being ,seen2 which comming into the ,understanding1 makes us ,understand4 ,i say not this1 as disapproving the use of ,universities3 but because ,i am to speak hereafter of their office in a ,common-wealth1 ,i must let you see on all occasions by the way1 what things would be amended in them2 amongst which the frequency of insignificant ,speech is one4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,of ,,imagination ,that when a thing lies still1 unlesse somewhat els stirre it1 it will lye still for ever1 is a truth that no man doubts of4 ,but that when a thing is in motion1 it will eternally be in motion1 unless somewhat els stay it1 though the reason be the same1 7namely1 that nothing can change it selfe17 is not so easily assented to4 ,for men measure1 not onely other men1 but all other things1 by themselves3 and because they find themselves subject after motion to pain1 and lassitude1 think every thing els growes weary of motion1 and seeks repose of its own accord2 little considering1 whether it be not some other motion1 wherein that desire of rest they find in themselves1 consisteth4 ,from hence it is1 that the ,schooles say1 ,heavy bodies fall downwards1 out of an appetite to rest1 and to conserve their nature in that place which is most proper for them2 ascribing appetite1 and ,knowledge of what is good for their conservation1 7which is more than man has7 to things inanimate absurdly4 ,when a ,body is once in motion1 it moveth 7unless something els hinder it7 eternally2 and whatsoever hindreth it1 cannot in an instant1 but in time1 and by degrees quite extinguish it3 ,and as wee see in the water1 though the wind cease1 the waves give not over rowling for a long time after2 so also it happeneth in that motion1 which is made in the internall parts of a man1 then1 when he ,sees1 ,dreams1 c4 ,for after the object is removed1 or the eye shut1 wee still retain an image of the thing seen1 though more obscure than when we see it4 ,and this is it1 that ,latines call ,imagination1 from the image made in seeing2 and apply the same1 though improperly1 to all the other senses4 ,but the ,greeks call it ,fancy2 which signifies ,apparence1 and is as proper to one sense1 as to another4 ,imagination therefore is nothing but ,decaying ,sense2 and is found in men1 and many other living ,creatures1 as well sleeping1 as waking4 ,memory ,the decay of ,sense in men waking1 is not the decay of the motion made in sense2 but an obscuring of it1 in such manner1 as the light of the ,sun obscureth the light of the ,starres2 which starrs do no less exercise their vertue by which they are visible1 in the day1 than in the night4 ,but because amongst many stroaks1 which our eyes1 eares1 and other organs receive from externall bodies1 the predominant onely is sensible2 therefore the light of the ,sun being predominant1 we are not affected with the action of the starrs4 ,and any object being removed from our eyes1 though the impression it made in us remain2 yet other objects more present succeeding1 and working on us1 the ,imagination of the past is obscured1 and made weak2 as the voyce of a man is in the noyse of the day4 ,from whence it followeth1 that the longer the time is1 after the sight1 or ,sense of any object1 the weaker is the ,imagination4 ,for the continuall change of mans body1 destroyes in time the parts which in sense were moved3 ,so that the distance of time1 and of place1 hath one and the same effect in us4 ,for as at a distance of place1 that which wee look at1 appears dimme1 and without distinction of the smaller parts2 and as ,voyces grow weak1 and inarticulate3 so also after great distance of time1 our imagination of the ,past is weak2 and wee lose7 for example7 of ,cities wee have seen1 many particular ,streets2 and of ,actions1 many particular ,circumstances4 ,this ,decaying ,sense1 when wee would express the thing it self1 7,i mean ,fancy it selfe17 wee call ,imagination1 as ,i said before2 ,but when we would express the ,decay1 and signifie that the ,sense is fading1 old1 and past1 it is called ,memory4 ,so that ,imagination and ,memory1 are but one thing1 which for divers considerations hath divers names4 ,much memory1 or memory of many things1 is called ,experience4 ,againe1 ,imagination being only of those things which have been formerly perceived by ,sense1 either all at once1 or by parts at severall times2 ,the former1 7which is the imagining the whole object1 as it was presented to the sense7 is ,simple ,imagination2 as when one imagineth a man1 or horse1 which he hath seen before4 ,the other is ,compounded2 as when from the sight of a man at one time1 and of a horse at another1 we conceive in our mind a ,centaure4 ,so when a man compoundeth the image of his own person1 with the image of the actions of an other man2 as when a man imagins himselfe a ,hercules1 or an ,alexander1 7which happeneth often to them that are much taken with reading of ,romants7 it is a compound imagination1 and properly but a ,fiction of the mind4 ,there be also other ,imaginations that rise in men1 7though waking7 from the great impression made in sense2 ,as from gazing upon the ,sun1 the impression leaves an image of the ,sun before our eyes a long time after2 and from being long and vehemently attent upon ,geometricall ,figures1 a man shall in the dark1 7though awake7 have the ,images of ,lines1 and ,angles before his eyes3 which kind of ,fancy hath no particular name2 as being a thing that doth not commonly fall into mens discourse4 ,dreams ,the imaginations of them that sleep1 are those we call ,dreams4 ,and these also 7as all other ,imaginations7 have been before1 either totally1 or by parcells in the ,sense4 ,and because in sense1 the ,brain1 and ,nerves1 which are the necessary ,organs of sense1 are so benummed in sleep1 as not easily to be moved by the action of ,externall ,objects1 there can happen in sleep1 no ,imagination2 and therefore no ,dreame1 but what proceeds from the agitation of the inward parts of mans body2 which inward parts1 for the connexion they have with the ,brayn1 and other ,organs1 when they be distempered1 do keep the same in motion2 whereby the ,imaginations there formerly made1 appeare as if a man were waking2 saving that the ,organs of ,sense being now benummed1 so as there is no new object1 which can master and obscure them with a more vigorous impression1 a ,dreame must needs be more cleare1 in this silence of sense1 than are our waking thoughts4 ,and hence it cometh to pass1 that it is a hard matter1 and by many thought impossible to distinguish exactly between ,sense and ,dreaming4 ,for my part1 when ,i consider1 that in ,dreames1 ,i do not often1 nor constantly think of the same ,persons1 ,places1 ,objects1 and ,actions that ,i do waking2 nor remember so long a trayne of coherent thoughts1 ,dreaming1 as at other times2 ,and because waking ,i often observe the absurdity of ,dreames1 but never dream of the absurdities of my waking ,thoughts2 ,i am well satisfied1 that being awake1 ,i know ,i dreame not2 though when ,i dreame1 ,i think my selfe awake4 ,and seeing dreames are caused by the distemper of some of the inward parts of the ,body2 divers distempers must needs cause different ,dreams4 ,and hence it is1 that lying cold breedeth ,dreams of ,feare1 and raiseth the thought and ,image of some fearfull object 7the motion from the brain to the inner parts1 and from the inner parts to the ,brain being reciprocall37 and that as ,anger causeth heat in some parts of the ,body1 when we are awake2 so when we sleep1 the over heating of the same parts causeth ,anger1 and raiseth up in the brain the ,imagination of an ,enemy4 ,in the same manner2 as naturall kindness1 when we are awake causeth desire2 and desire makes heat in certain other parts of the body2 so also1 too much heat in those parts1 while wee sleep1 raiseth in the brain an imagination of some kindness shewn4 ,in summe1 our ,dreams are the reverse of our waking ,imaginations2 ,the motion when we are awake1 beginning at one end2 and when we ,dream1 at another4 ,apparitions ,or ,visions ,the most difficult discerning of a mans ,dream1 from his waking thoughts1 is then1 when by some accident we observe not that we have slept3 which is easie to happen to a man full of fearfull thoughts2 and whose conscience is much troubled2 and that sleepeth1 without the circumstances1 of going to bed1 or putting off his clothes1 as one that noddeth in a chayre4 ,for he that taketh pains1 and industriously layes himselfe to sleep1 in case any uncouth and exorbitant fancy come unto him1 cannot easily think it other than a ,dream4 ,we read of ,marcus ,brutes1 7one that had his life given him by ,julius ,caesar1 and was also his favorite1 and notwithstanding murthered him17 how at ,phillipi1 the night before he gave battell to ,augustus ,caesar1 he saw a fearfull apparition1 which is commonly related by ,historians as a ,vision3 but considering the circumstances1 one may easily judge to have been but a short ,dream4 ,for sitting in his tent1 pensive and troubled with the horrour of his rash act1 it was not hard for him1 slumbering in the cold1 to dream of that which most affrighted him2 which feare1 as by degrees it made him wake2 so also it must needs make the ,apparition by degrees to vanish3 ,and having no assurance that he slept1 he could have no cause to think it a ,dream1 or any thing but a ,vision4 ,and this is no very rare ,accident3 for even they that be perfectly awake1 if they be timorous1 and supperstitious1 possessed with fearfull tales1 and alone in the dark1 are subject to the like fancies1 and believe they see spirits and dead mens ,ghosts walking in ,churchyards2 whereas it is either their ,fancy onely1 or els the knavery of such persons1 as make use of such superstitious feare1 to pass disguised in the night1 to places they would not be known to haunt4 ,from this ignorance of how to distinguish ,dreams1 and other strong ,fancies1 from vision and ,sense1 did arise the greatest part of the ,religion of the ,gentiles in time past1 that worshipped ,satyres1 ,fawnes1 nymphs1 and the like2 and now adayes the opinion than rude people have of ,fayries1 ,ghosts1 and ,goblins2 and of the power of ,witches4 ,for as for ,witches1 ,i think not that their witch craft is any reall power2 but yet that they are justly punished1 for the false beliefe they have1 that they can do such mischiefe1 joyned with their purpose to do it if they can2 their trade being neerer to a new ,religion1 than to a ,craft or ,science4 ,and for ,fayries1 and walking ,ghosts1 the opinion of them has ,i think been on purpose1 either taught1 or not confuted1 to keep in credit the use of ,exorcisme1 of ,crosses1 of holy ,water1 and other such inventions of ,ghostly men4 ,neverthelesse1 there is no doubt1 but ,god can make unnaturall ,apparitions4 ,but that he does it so often1 as men need to feare such things1 more than they feare the stay1 or change1 of the course of ,nature1 which he also can stay1 and change1 is no point of ,christian faith4 ,but evill men under pretext that ,god can do any thing1 are so bold as to say any thing when it serves their turn1 though they think it untrue2 ,it is the part of a wise man1 to believe them no further1 than right reason makes that which they say1 appear credible4 ,if this superstitious fear of ,spirits were taken away1 and with it1 ,prognostiques from ,dreams1 false ,prophecies1 and many other things depending thereon1 by which1 crafty ambitious persons abuse the simple people1 men would be much more fitted than they are for civill ,obedience4 ,and this ought to be the work of the ,schooles2 but they rather nourish such doctrine4 ,for 7not knowing what ,imagination1 or the ,senses are71 what they receive1 they teach3 some saying1 that ,imaginations rise of themselves1 and have no cause3 ,others that they rise most commonly from the ,will2 and that ,good thoughts are blown 7inspired7 into a man1 by ,god2 and evill thoughts by the ,divell3 or that ,good thoughts are powred 7infused7 into a man1 by ,god2 and evill ones by the ,divell4 ,some say the ,senses receive the ,species of things1 and deliver them to the ,common-sense2 and the ,common ,sense delivers them over to the ,fancy1 and the ,fancy to the ,memory1 and the ,memory to the ,judgement1 like handing of things from one to another1 with many words making nothing understood4 ,understanding ,the ,imagination that is raysed in man 7or any other creature indued with the faculty of imagining7 by words1 or other voluntary signes1 is that we generally call ,understanding2 and is common to ,man and ,beast4 ,for a dogge by custome will understand the call1 or the rating of his ,master2 and so will many other ,beasts4 ,that ,understanding which is peculiar to man1 is the ,understanding not onely his will2 but his conceptions and thoughts1 by the sequell and contexture of the names of things into ,affirmations1 ,negations1 and other formes of ,speech3 ,and of this kinde of ,understanding ,i shall speak hereafter4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,of ,,the ,,consequence ,,or ,,trayne ,,of ,,imaginations ,by ,consequence1 or ,trayne of ,thoughts1 ,i understand that succession of one ,thought to another1 which is called 7to distinguish it from ,discourse in words7 ,mentall ,discourse4 ,when a man thinketh on any thing whatsoever1 ,his next ,thought after1 is not altogether so casuall as it seems to be4 ,not every ,thought to every ,thought succeeds indifferently4 ,but as wee have no ,imagination1 whereof we have not formerly had ,sense1 in whole1 or in parts2 so we have no ,transition from one ,imagination to another1 whereof we never had the like before in our ,senses4 ,the reason whereof is this4 ,all ,fancies are ,motions within us1 reliques of those made in the ,sense3 ,and those motions that immediately succeeded one another in the sense1 continue also together after ,sense3 ,in so much as the former comming again to take place1 and be praedominant1 the later followeth1 by coherence of the matter moved1 is such manner1 as water upon a plain ,table is drawn which way any one part of it is guided by the finger4 ,but because in sense1 to one and the same thing perceived1 sometimes one thing1 sometimes another succeedeth1 it comes to passe in time1 that in the ,imagining of any thing1 there is no certainty what we shall ,imagine next2 ,onely this is certain1 it shall be something that succeeded the same before1 at one time or another4 ,trayne ,of ,thoughts ,unguided ,this ,trayne of ,thoughts1 or ,mentall ,discourse1 is of two sorts4 ,the first is ,unguided1 ,without ,designee1 and inconstant2 ,wherein there is no ,passionate ,thought1 to govern and direct those that follow1 to it self1 as the end and scope of some desire1 or other passion3 ,in which case the thoughts are said to wander1 and seem impertinent one to another1 as in a ,dream4 ,such are ,commonly the thoughts of men1 that are not onely without company1 but also without care of any thing2 though even then their ,thoughts are as busie as at other times1 but without harmony2 as the sound which a ,lute out of tune would yeeld to any man2 or in tune1 to one that could not play4 ,and yet in this wild ranging of the mind1 a man may oft-times perceive the way of it1 and the dependance of one thought upon another4 ,for in a ,discourse of our present civill warre1 what could seem more impertinent1 than to ask 7as one did7 what was the value of a ,roman ,penny8 ,yet the ,cohaerence to me was manifest enough4 ,for the ,thought of the warre1 introduced the ,thought of the delivering up the ,king to his ,enemies2 ,the ,thought of that1 brought in the ,thought of the delivering up of ,christ2 and that again the ,thought of the #cj pence1 which was the price of that treason3 and thence easily followed that malicious question2 and all this in a moment of time2 for ,thought is quick4 ,trayne ,of ,thoughts ,regulated ,the second is more constant2 as being ,regulated by some desire1 and designee4 ,for the impression made by such things as wee desire1 or feare1 is strong1 and permanent1 or1 7if it cease for a time17 of quick return3 so strong it is sometimes1 as to hinder and break our sleep4 ,from ,desire1 ariseth the ,thought of some means we have seen produce the like of that which we ayme at2 and from the thought of that1 the thought of means to that mean2 and so continually1 till we come to some beginning within our own power4 ,and because the ,end1 by the greatnesse of the impression1 comes often to mind1 in case our thoughts begin to wander1 they are quickly again reduced into the way3 which observed by one of the seven wise men1 made him give men this praecept1 which is now worne out1 ,respice ,finem2 that is to say1 in all your actions1 look often upon what you would have1 as the thing that directs all your thoughts in the way to attain it4 ,remembrance ,the ,trayn of regulated ,thoughts is of two kinds2 ,one1 when of an effect imagined1 wee seek the causes1 or means that produce it3 and this is common to ,man and ,beast4 ,the other is1 when imagining any thing whatsoever1 wee seek all the possible effects1 that can by it be produced2 that is to say1 we imagine what we can do with it1 when wee have it4 ,of which ,i have not at any time seen any signe1 but in man onely2 for this is a curiosity hardly incident to the nature of any living creature that has no other ,passion but sensuall1 such as are hunger1 thirst1 lust1 and anger4 ,in summe1 the ,discourse of the ,mind1 when it is governed by designee1 is nothing but ,seeking1 or the faculty of ,invention1 which the ,latines call ,sagacitas1 and ,solertia2 a hunting out of the causes1 of some effect1 present or past2 or of the effects1 of some present or past cause1 sometimes a man seeks what he hath lost2 and from that place1 and time1 wherein hee misses it1 his mind runs back1 from place to place1 and time to time1 to find where1 and when he had it2 that is to say1 to find some certain1 and limited time and place1 in which to begin a method of seeking4 ,again1 from thence1 his thoughts run over the same places and times1 to find what action1 or other occasion might make him lose it4 ,this we call ,remembrance1 or ,calling to mind3 the ,latines call it ,reminiscentia1 as it were a ,re-,conning of our former actions4 ,sometimes a man knows a place determinate1 within the compasse whereof his is to seek2 and then his thoughts run over all the parts thereof1 in the same manner1 as one would sweep a room1 to find a jewell2 or as a ,spaniel ranges the field1 till he find a sent2 or as a man should run over the alphabet1 to start a rime4 ,prudence ,sometime a man desires to know the event of an action2 and then he thinketh of some like action past1 and the events thereof one after another2 supposing like events will follow like actions4 ,as he that foresees what wil become of a ,criminal1 re-cons what he has seen follow on the like ,crime before2 having this order of thoughts1 ,the ,crime1 the ,officer1 the ,prison1 the ,judge1 and the ,gallowes4 ,which kind of thoughts1 is called ,foresight1 and ,prudence1 or ,providence2 and sometimes ,wisdome2 though such conjecture1 through the difficulty of observing all circumstances1 be very fallacious4 ,but this is certain2 by how much one man has more experience of things past1 than another2 by so much also he is more ,prudent1 and his expectations the seldomer faile him4 ,the ,present onely has a being in ,nature2 things ,past have a being in the ,memory onely1 but things ,to ,come have no being at all2 the ,future being but a fiction of the mind1 applying the sequels of actions ,past1 to the actions that are ,present2 which with most certainty is done by him that has most ,experience2 but not with certainty enough4 ,and though it be called ,prudence1 when the ,event answereth our ,expectation2 yet in its own nature1 it is but ,presumption4 ,for the foresight of things to come1 which is ,providence1 belongs onely to him by whose will they are to come4 ,from him onely1 and supernaturally1 proceeds ,prophecy4 ,the best ,prophet naturally is the best guesser2 and the best guesser1 he that is most versed and studied in the matters he guesses at3 for he hath most ,signes to guesse by4 ,signes ,a ,signe1 is the ,event ,antecedent1 of the ,consequent2 and contrarily1 the ,consequent of the ,antecedent1 when the like ,consequences have been observed1 before3 ,and the oftner they have been observed1 the lesse uncertain is the ,signe4 ,and therefore he that has most experience in any kind of businesse1 has most ,signes1 whereby to guesse at the ,future time1 and consequently is the most prudent3 ,and so much more prudent than he that is new in that kind of business1 as not to be equalled by any advantage of naturall and extemporary wit3 though perhaps many young men think the contrary4 ,neverthelesse it is not ,prudence that distinguisheth man from beast4 ,there be beasts1 that at a year old observe more1 and pursue that which is for their good1 more prudently1 than a child can do at ten4 ,conjecture ,of ,the ,time ,past ,as ,prudence is a ,praesumtion of the ,future1 contracted from the ,experience of time ,past2 ,so there is a ,praesumtion of things ,past taken from other things 7not future but7 past also4 ,for he that hath seen by what courses and degrees1 a flourishing ,state hath first come into civill warre1 and then to ruine2 upon the sights of the ruines of any other ,state1 will guesse1 the like warre1 and the like courses have been there also4 ,but his conjecture1 has the same incertainty almost with the conjecture of the ,future2 both being grounded onely upon ,experience4 ,there is no other act of mans mind1 that ,i can remember1 naturally planted in him1 so1 as to need no other thing1 to the exercise of it1 but to be born a man1 and live with the use of his five ,senses4 ,those other ,faculties1 of which ,i shall speak by and by1 and which seem proper to man onely1 are acquired1 and encreased by study and industry2 and of most men learned by instruction1 and discipline2 and proceed all from the invention of ,words1 and ,speech4 ,for besides ,sense1 and ,thoughts1 and the ,trayne of thoughts1 the mind of man has no other motion2 though by the help of ,speech1 and ,method1 the same ,facultyes may be improved to such a height1 as to distinguish men from all other living ,creatures4 ,whatsoever we imagine1 is ,finite4 ,therefore there is no ,idea1 or conception of anything we call ,infinite4 ,no man can have in his mind an ,image of infinite magnitude2 nor conceive the ends1 and bounds of the thing named2 having no ,conception of the thing1 but of our own inability4 ,and therefore the ,name of ,,god is used1 not to make us conceive him2 7for he is ,incomprehensible2 and his greatnesse1 and power are unconceivable27 but that we may honour him4 ,also because whatsoever 7as ,i said before17 we conceive1 has been perceived first by sense1 either all at once1 or by parts2 a man can have no thought1 representing any thing1 not subject to sense4 ,no man therefore can conceive any thing1 but he must conceive it in some place2 and indued with some determinate magnitude2 and which may be divided into parts2 nor that any thing is all in this place1 and all in another place at the same time2 nor that two1 or more things can be in one1 and the same place at once3 for none of these things ever have1 or can be incident to ,sense2 but are absurd speeches1 taken upon credit 7without any signification at all17 from deceived ,philosophers1 and deceived1 or deceiving ,schoolemen4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,of ,,speech ,originall ,of ,speech ,the ,invention of ,printing1 though ingenious1 compared with the invention of ,letters1 is no great matter4 ,but who was the first that found the use of ,letters1 is not known4 ,he that first brought them into ,greece1 men say was ,cadmus1 the sonne of ,agenor1 ,king of ,phaenicia4 ,a profitable ,invention for continuing the memory of time past1 and the conjunction of mankind1 dispersed into so many1 and distant regions of the ,earth2 and with all difficult1 as proceeding from a watchfull observation of the divers motions of the ,tongue1 ,palat1 ,lips1 and other organs of ,speech2 whereby to make as many differences of characters1 to remember them4 ,but the most noble and profitable invention of all other1 was that of ,speech1 consisting of ,names or ,apellations1 and their ,connexion2 whereby men register their ,thoughts2 recall them when they are past2 and also declare them one to another for mutuall utility and conversation2 without which1 there had been amongst men1 neither ,common-wealth1 nor ,society1 nor ,contract1 nor ,peace1 no more than amongst ,lyons1 ,bears1 and ,wolves4 ,the first author of ,speech was ,,god himselfe1 that instructed ,adam how to name such creatures as he presented to his sight2 ,for the ,scripture goeth no further in this matter4 ,but this was sufficient to direct him to adde more names1 as the experience and use of the creatures should give him occasion2 and to joyn them in such manner by degrees1 as to make himselfe understood2 and so by succession of time1 so much language might be gotten1 as he had found use for2 though not so copious1 as an ,orator or ,philosopher has need of4 ,for ,i do not find any thing in the ,scripture1 out of which1 directly or by consequence can be gathered1 that ,adam was taught the names of all ,figures1 ,numbers1 ,measures1 ,colours1 ,sounds1 ,fancies1 ,relations2 much less the names of ,words and ,speech1 as ,generall1 ,speciall1 ,affirmative1 ,negative1 ,interrogative1 ,optative1 ,infinitive1 all which are usefull2 and least of all1 of ,entity1 ,intentionality1 ,quiddity1 and other significant words of the ,school4 ,but all this language gotten1 and augmented by ,adam and his posterity1 was again lost at the tower of ,babel1 when by the hand of ,god1 every man was stricken for his rebellion1 with an oblivion of his former language4 ,and being hereby forced to disperse themselves into severall parts of the world1 it must needs be1 that the diversity of ,tongues that now is1 proceeded by degrees from them1 in such manner1 as need 7the mother of all inventions7 taught them2 and in tract of time grew every where more copious4 ,the ,use ,of ,speech ,the generall use of ,speech1 is to transferre our ,mentall ,discourse1 into ,verbal2 or the ,trayne of our ,thoughts1 into a ,trayne of ,words2 and that for two commodities2 whereof one is1 the ,registring of the ,consequences of our ,thoughts2 which being apt to slip out of our memory1 and put us to a new labour1 may again be recalled1 by such words as they were marked by4 ,so that the first use of names1 is to serve for ,markes1 or ,notes of remembrance4 ,another is1 when many use the same words1 to signifie 7by their connexion and order17 one to another1 what they conceive1 or think of each matter2 and also what they desire1 feare1 or have any other passion for1 and for this use they are called ,signes4 ,speciall uses of ,speech are these2 ,first1 to ,register1 what by cogitation1 wee find to be the cause of any thing1 present or past2 and what we find things present or past may produce1 or effect3 which in summe1 is acquiring of ,arts4 ,secondly1 to shew to others that knowledge which we have attained2 which is1 to ,counsell1 and ,teach one another4 ,thirdly1 to make known to others our wills1 and purposes1 that we may have the mutuall help of one another4 ,fourthly1 to please and delight our selves1 and others1 by playing with our words1 for pleasure or ornament1 innocently4 ,abuses ,of ,speech ,to these ,uses1 there are also foure correspondent ,abuses4 ,first1 when men register their thoughts wrong1 by the inconstancy of the signification of their words2 by which they register for their conceptions1 that which they never conceived2 and so deceive themselves4 ,secondly1 when they use words metaphorically2 that is1 in other sense than that they are ordained for2 and thereby deceive others4 ,thirdly1 when by words they declare that to be their will1 which is not4 ,fourthly1 when they use them to grieve one another3 for seeing nature hath armed living creatures1 some with teeth1 some with horns1 and some with hands1 to grieve an enemy1 it is but an abuse of ,speech1 to grieve him with the tongue1 unlesse it be one whom wee are obliged to govern2 and then it is not to grieve1 but to correct and amend4 ,the manner how ,speech serveth to the remembrance of the consequence of causes and effects1 consisteth in the imposing of ,names1 and the ,connexion of them4 ,names ,proper ,common ,universall ,of ,names1 some are ,proper1 and singular to one onely thing2 as ,peter1 ,john1 ,this ,man1 ,this ,tree3 and some are ,common to many things2 as ,man1 ,horse1 ,tree2 every of which though but one ,name1 is nevertheless the name of divers particular things2 in respect of all which together1 it is called an ,universall2 there being nothing in the world ,universall but ,names2 for the things named1 are every one of them ,individual and ,singular4 ,one ,universall name is imposed on many things1 for their similitude in some quality1 or other accident3 ,and whereas a ,proper ,name bringeth to mind one thing onely2 ,universals recall any one of those many4 ,and of ,names ,universall1 some are of more1 and some of lesse extent2 the larger comprehending the lesse large3 and some again of equall extent1 comprehending each other reciprocally4 ,as for example1 the ,name ,body is of larger signification than the word ,man1 and conprehendeth it2 and the names ,man and ,rationall1 are of equall extent1 comprehending mutually one another4 ,but here wee must take notice1 that by a ,name is not alwayes understood1 as in ,grammar1 one onely word2 but sometimes by circumlocution many words together4 ,for all these words1 ,hee ,that ,in ,his ,actions ,observeth ,the ,lawes ,of ,his ,country1 make but one ,name1 equivalent to this one word1 ,just4 ,by this imposition of ,names1 some of larger1 some of stricter signification1 we turn the reckoning of the consequences of things imagined in the mind1 into a reckoning of the consequences of ,appellations4 ,for example1 a man that hath no use of ,speech at all1 7such1 as is born and remains perfectly deafe and dumb17 if he set before his eyes a triangle1 and by it two right angles1 7such as are the corners of a square figure17 he may by meditation compare and find1 that the three angles of that triangle1 are equall to those two right angles that stand by it4 ,but if another triangle be shewn him different in shape from the former1 he cannot know without a new labour1 whether the three angles of that also be equall to the same4 ,but he that hath the use of words1 when he observes1 that such equality was consequent1 not to the length of the sides1 nor to any other particular thing in his triangle2 but onely to this1 that the sides were straight1 and the angles three2 and that that was all1 for which he named it a ,triangle2 will boldly conclude ,universally1 that such equality of angles is in all triangles whatsoever2 and register his invention in these generall termes1 ,every ,triangle ,hath ,its ,three ,angles ,equall ,to ,two ,right ,angles4 ,and thus the consequence found in one particular1 comes to be registred and remembred1 as a ,universall rule2 and discharges our mentall reckoning1 of time and place2 and delivers us from all labour of the mind1 saving the first2 and makes that which was found true ,here1 and ,now1 to be true in ,all ,times and ,places4 ,but the use of words in registring our thoughts1 is in nothing so evident as in ,numbering4 ,a naturall foole that could never learn by heart the order of numerall words1 as ,one1 ,two1 and ,three1 may observe every stroak of the ,clock1 and nod to it1 or say one1 one1 one2 but can never know what houre it strikes4 ,and it seems1 there was a time when those names of number were not in use2 and men were fayn to apply their fingers of one or both hands1 to those things they desired to keep account of2 and that thence it proceeded1 that now our numerall words are but ten1 in any ,nation1 and in some but five1 and then they begin again4 ,and he that can tell ten1 if he recite them out of order1 will lose himselfe1 and not know when he has done3 ,much lesse will he be able to add1 and substract1 and performe all other operations of ,arithmetique4 ,so that without words1 there is no possibility of reckoning of ,numbers2 much lesse of ,magnitudes1 of ,swiftnesse1 of ,force1 and other things1 the reckonings whereof are necessary to the being1 or well-being of man-kind4 ,when two ,names are joyned together into a ,consequence1 or ,affirmation2 as thus1 ,a ,man ,is ,a ,living ,creature2 or thus1 ,if ,he ,be ,a ,man1 ,he ,is ,a ,living ,creature1 ,if the later name ,living ,creature1 signifie all that the former name ,man signifieth1 then the affirmation1 or consequence is ,true2 otherwise ,false4 ,for ,true and ,false are attributes of ,speech1 not of things4 ,and where ,speech in not1 there is neither ,truth nor ,falshood4 ,errour there may be1 as when wee expect that which shall not be2 or suspect what has not been3 but in neither case can a man be charged with ,untruth4 ,seeing then that ,truth consisteth in the right ordering of names in our affirmations1 a man that seeketh precise ,truth1 had need to remember what every name he uses stands for2 and to place it accordingly2 or els he will find himselfe entangled in words1 as a bird in lime-twiggs2 the more he struggles1 the more belimed4 ,and therefore in ,geometry1 7which is the onely ,science that it hath pleased ,god hitherto to bestow on mankind17 men begin at settling the significations of their words2 which settling of significations1 they call ,definitions2 and place them in the beginning of their reckoning4 ,by this it appears how necessary it is for any man that aspires to true ,knowledge1 to examine the ,definitions of former ,authors2 and either to correct them1 where they are negligently set down2 or to make them himselfe4 ,for the errours of ,definitions multiply themselves1 according as the reckoning proceeds2 and lead men into absurdities1 which at last they see1 but cannot avoyd1 without reckoning anew from the beginning2 in which lyes the foundation of their errours4 ,from whence it happens1 that they which trust to books1 do as they that cast up many little summs into a greater1 without considering whether those little summes were rightly cast up or not2 and at last finding the errour visible1 and not mistrusting their first grounds1 know not which way to cleere themselves2 but spend time in fluttering over their bookes2 as birds that entring by the chimney1 and finding themselves inclosed in a chamber1 flitter at the false light of a glasse window1 for want of wit to consider which way they came in4 ,so that in the right ,definition of ,names1 lyes the first use of ,speech2 which is the ,acquisition of ,science3 ,and in wrong1 or no ,definitions' lyes the first abuse2 from which proceed all false and senslesse ,tenets2 which make those men that take their instruction from the authority of books1 and not from their own meditation1 to be as much below the condition of ignorant men1 as men endued with true ,science are above it4 ,for between true ,science1 and erroneous ,doctrines1 ,ignorance is in the middle4 ,naturall sense and imagination1 are not subject to absurdity4 ,nature it selfe cannot erre3 and as men abound in copiousnesse of language2 so they become more wise1 or more mad than ordinary4 ,nor is it possible without ,letters for any man to become either excellently wise1 or 7unless his memory be hurt by disease1 or ill constitution of organs7 excellently foolish4 ,for words are wise mens counters1 they do but reckon by them3 but they are the mony of fooles1 that value them by the authority of an ,aristotle1 a ,cicero1 or a ,thomas1 or any other ,doctor whatsoever1 if but a man4 ,subject ,to ,names ,subject ,to ,names1 is whatsoever can enter into1 or be considered in an account2 and be added one to another to make a summe2 or substracted one from another1 and leave a remainder4 ,the ,latines called ,accounts of mony ,rationes1 and accounting1 ,ratiocinatio3 and that which we in bills or books of account call ,items1 they called ,nomina2 that is1 ,names3 and thence it seems to proceed1 that they extended the word ,ratio1 to the faculty of ,reckoning in all other things4 ,the ,greeks have but one word ,logos1 for both ,speech and ,reason2 not that they thought there was no ,speech without ,reason2 but no ,reasoning without ,speech3 ,and the act of reasoning they called syllogisme2 which signifieth summing up of the consequences of one saying to another4 ,and because the same things may enter into account for divers accidents2 their names are 7to shew that diversity7 diversly wrested1 and diversified4 ,this diversity of names may be reduced to foure generall heads4 ,first1 a thing may enter into account for ,matter1 or ,body2 as ,living1 ,sensible1 ,rationall1 ,hot1 ,cold1 ,moved1 ,quiet2 with all which names the word ,matter1 or ,body is understood2 all such1 being names of ,matter4 ,secondly1 it may enter into account1 or be considered1 for some accident or quality1 which we conceive to be in it2 as for ,being ,moved1 for ,being ,so ,long1 for ,being ,hot1 c2 and then1 of the name of the thing it selfe1 by a little change or wresting1 wee make a name for that accident1 which we consider2 and for ,living put into account ,life2 for ,moved1 ,motion2 for ,hot1 ,heat2 for ,long1 ,length1 and the like4 ,and all such ,names1 are the names of the accidents and properties1 by which one ,matter1 and ,body is distinguished from another4 ,these are called ,names ,abstract2 ,because ,severed 7not from ,matter1 but7 from the account of ,matter4 ,thirdly1 we bring into account1 the ,properties of our own bodies1 whereby we make such distinction3 as when any thing is ,seen by us1 we reckon not the thing it selfe2 but the ,sight1 the ,colour1 the ,idea of it in the fancy3 and when any thing is ,heard1 wee reckon it not2 but the ,hearing1 or ,sound onely1 which is our fancy or conception of it by the ,eare3 and such are names of fancies4 ,fourthly1 we bring into account1 consider1 and give names1 to ,names themselves1 and to ,speeches3 ,for1 ,generall1 ,universall1 ,speciall1 ,oequivocall1 are names of ,names4 ,and ,affirmation1 ,interrogation1 ,commandement1 ,narration1 ,syllogisme1 ,sermon1 ,oration1 and many other such1 are names of ,speeches4 ,use ,of ,names ,positive ,and this is all the variety of ,names ,positive2 which are put to mark somewhat which is in ,nature1 or may be feigned by the mind of man1 as ,bodies that are1 or may be conceived to be2 or of bodies1 the ,properties that are1 or may be feigned to be2 or ,words and ,speech4 ,negative ,names ,with ,their ,uses ,there be also other ,names1 called ,negative2 which are notes to signifie that a word is not the name of the thing in question2 as these words ,nothing1 ,no ,man1 ,infinite1 ,indocible1 ,three ,want ,foure1 and the like2 which are nevertheless of use in reckoning1 or in correcting of reckoning2 and call to mind our past cogitations1 though they be not names of any thing2 because they make us refuse to admit of ,names not rightly used4 ,words ,insignificant ,all other names1 are but insignificant sounds2 and those of two sorts4 ,one1 when they are new1 and yet their meaning not explained by ,definition2 whereof there have been aboundance coyned by ,schoole-men1 and pusled ,philosophers4 ,another1 when men make a name of two ,names1 whose significations are contradictory and inconsistent2 as this name1 an ,incorporeall ,body1 or 7which is all one7 an ,incorporeall ,substance1 and a great number more4 ,for whensoever any affirmation is false1 the two names of which it is composed1 put together and made one1 signifie nothing at all4 ,for example if it be a false affirmation to say ,a ,quadrangle ,is ,round1 the word ,round ,quadrangle signifies nothing2 but is a meere sound4 ,so likewise if it be false1 to say that vertue can be powred1 or blown up and down2 the words ,in-powred ,vertue1 ,in-blown ,vertue1 are as absurd and insignificant1 as a ,round ,quadrangle4 ,and therefore you shall hardly meet with a senselesse and insignificant word1 that is not made up of some ,latin or ,greek names4 ,a ,frenchman seldome hears our ,saviour called by the name of ,parole1 but by the name of ,verbe often2 yet ,verbe and ,parole differ no more1 but that one is ,latin1 the other ,french4 ,understanding ,when a man upon the hearing of any ,speech1 hath those thoughts which the words of that ,speech1 and their connexion1 were ordained and constituted to signifie2 ,then he is said to understand it2 ,understanding being nothing els1 but conception caused by ,speech4 ,and therefore if ,speech be peculiar to man 7as for ought ,i know it is17 then is ,understanding peculiar to him also4 ,and therefore of absurd and false affirmations1 in case they be universall1 there can be no ,understanding2 though many think they understand1 then1 when they do but repeat the words softly1 or con them in their mind4 ,what kinds of ,speeches signifie the ,appetites1 ,aversions1 and ,passions of mans mind2 and of their use and abuse1 ,i shall speak when ,i have spoken of the ,passions4 ,inconstant ,names ,the names of such things as affect us1 that is1 which please1 and displease us1 because all men be not alike affected with the same thing1 nor the same man at all times1 are in the common discourses of men1 of ,inconstant signification4 ,for seeing all names are imposed to signifie our conceptions2 and all our affections are but conceptions2 when we conceive the same things differently1 we can hardly avoyd different naming of them4 ,for though the nature of that we conceive1 be the same2 yet the diversity of our reception of it1 in respect of different constitutions of body1 and prejudices of opinion1 gives everything a tincture of our different passions4 ,and therefore in reasoning1 a man bust take heed of words2 which besides the signification of what we imagine of their nature1 disposition1 and interest of the speaker2 such as are the names of ,vertues1 and ,vices2 ,for one man calleth ,wisdome1 what another calleth ,feare2 and one ,cruelty1 what another ,justice2 one ,prodigality1 what another ,magnanimity2 one ,gravity1 what another ,stupidity1 c4 ,and therefore such names can never be true grounds of any ratiocination4 ,no more can ,metaphors1 and ,tropes of speech3 but these are less dangerous1 because they profess their inconstancy2 which the other do not4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,,of ,,reason1 ,,and ,,science4 ,reason ,what ,it ,is ,when a man ,reasoneth1 hee does nothing els but conceive a summe totall1 from ,addition of parcels2 or conceive a ,remainder1 from ,substraction of one summe from another3 which 7if it be done by ,words17 is conceiving of the consequence of the names of all the parts1 to the name of the whole2 or from the names of the whole and one part1 to the name of the other part4 ,and though in some things1 7as in numbers17 besides ,adding and ,substracting1 men name other operations1 as ,multiplying and ,dividing2 yet they are the same2 for ,multiplication1 is but ,addition together of things equall2 and ,division1 but ,substracting of one thing1 as often as we can4 ,these operations are not incident to ,numbers onely1 but to all manner of things that can be added together1 and taken one out of another4 ,for as ,arithmeticians teach to adde and substract in ,numbers2 so the ,geometricians teach the same in ,lines1 ,figures 7solid and superficiall17 ,angles1 ,proportions1 ,times1 degrees of ,swiftnesse1 ,force1 ,power1 and the like2 ,the ,logicians teach the same in ,consequences ,of ,words2 adding together ,two ,names1 to make an ,affirmation2 and ,two ,affirmations1 to make a syllogisme2 and ,many syllogismes to make a ,demonstration2 and from the ,summe1 or ,conclusion of a syllogisme1 they substract one ,proposition1 to finde the other4 ,writers of ,politiques1 adde together ,pactions1 to find mens ,duties2 and ,lawyers1 ,lawes and ,facts1 to find what is ,right and ,wrong in the actions of private men4 ,in summe1 in what matter soever there is place for ,addition and ,substraction1 there also is place for ,reason2 and where these have no place1 there ,reason has nothing at all to do4 ,reason ,defined ,out of all which we may define1 7that is to say determine17 what that is1 which is meant by this word ,reason1 when wee reckon it amongst the ,faculties of the mind4 ,for ,reason1 in this sense1 is nothing but ,reckoning 7that is1 ,adding and ,substracting7 of the ,consequences of generall names agreed upon1 for the ,marking and ,signifying of our thoughts2 ,i say ,marking them1 when we reckon by our selves2 and ,signifying1 when we demonstrate1 or approve our reckonings to other men4 ,right ,reason ,where ,and as in ,arithmetique1 unpractised men must1 and ,professors themselves may often erre1 and cast up false2 so also in any other subject of ,reasoning1 the ablest1 most attentive1 and most practised men1 may deceive themselves1 and inferre false ,conclusions2 ,not but that ,reason it selfe is always ,right ,reason1 as well as ,arithmetique is a certain and infallible art3 ,but no one mans ,reason1 nor the ,reason of any one number of men1 makes the certaintie2 no more than an account is therefore well cast up1 because a great many men have unanimously approved it4 ,and therfore1 as when there is a controversy in an account1 the parties must by their own accord1 set up for right ,reason1 the ,reason of some ,arbitrator1 or ,judge1 to whose sentence they will both stand1 or their controversie must either come to blowes1 or be undecided1 for want of a right ,reason constituted by ,nature2 so is it also in all debates of what kind soever3 ,and when men that think themselves wiser than all others1 clamor and demand right ,reason for judge2 yet seek no more1 but that things should be determined1 by no other mens reason but their own1 it is as intolerable in the society of men1 as it is in play after trump is turned1 to use for trump on every occasion1 that suite whereof they have most in their hand4 ,for they do nothing els1 that will have every of their passions1 as it comes to bear sway in them1 to be taken for right ,reason1 and that in their own controversies3 bewraying their want of right ,reason1 by the claym they lay to it4 ,the ,use ,of ,reason ,the ,use and ,end of ,reason1 is not the finding of the summe1 and truth of one1 or a few consequences1 remote from the first definitions1 and settled significations of names2 but to begin at these2 and proceed from one consequence to another4 ,for there can be no certainty of the last ,conclusion1 without a certainty of all those ,affirmations and ,negations1 on which it was grounded1 and inferred4 ,as when a master of a family1 in taking an account1 casteth up the summs of all the bills of expence1 into one sum2 and not regarding how each bill is summed up1 by those that give them in account2 nor what it is he payes for2 he advantages himselfe no more1 than if he allowed the account in grosse1 trusting to every of the accountants skill and honesty2 so also in ,reasoning of all other things1 he that takes up conclusions on the trust of ,authors1 and doth not fetch them from the first ,items in every ,reckoning1 7which are the significations of names settled by definitions71 loses his labour2 and does not know any thing2 but onely beleeveth4 ,of ,error ,and ,absurdity ,when a man reckons without the use of words1 which may be done in particular things1 7as when upon the sight of any one thing1 wee conjecture what was likely to have preceded1 or is likely to follow upon it27 if that which he thought likely to follow1 followes not2 or that which he thought likely to have preceded it1 hath not preceded it1 this is called ,,error2 to which even the most prudent men are subject4 ,but when we ,reason in ,words of generall signification1 and fall upon a generall inference which is false2 though it be commonly called ,error1 it is indeed an ,,absurdity1 or senseless ,speech4 ,for ,error is but a deception1 in presuming that somewhat is past1 or to come2 of which1 though it were not past1 or not to come2 yet there was no impossibility discoverable4 ,but when we make a generall assertion1 unlesse it be a true one1 the possibility of it is unconceivable4 ,and words whereby we conceive nothing but the sound1 are those we call ,absurd1 insignificant1 and ,non-sense4 ,and therefore if a man should talk to me of a ,round ,quadrangle2 or ,accidents ,of ,bread ,in ,cheese2 or ,immaterial ,substances2 or of ,a ,free ,subject2 ,a ,free ,will2 or any ,free1 but free from being hindred by opposition1 ,i should not say he were in an ,errour2 but that his words were without meaning2 that is to say1 ,absurd4 ,i have said before1 7in the second chapter17 that a ,man did excell all other ,animals in this faculty1 that when he conceived any thing whatsoever1 he was apt to enquire the consequences of it1 and what effects he could do with it4 ,and now ,i adde this other degree of the same excellence1 that he can by words reduce the consequences he findes to generall ,rules1 called ,theoremes1 or ,aphorismes2 that is1 he can ,reason1 or reckon1 not onely in number2 but in all other things1 whereof one may be added unto1 or substracted from another4 ,but this priviledge1 is allayed by another2 and that is1 by the priviledge of ,absurdity2 to which no living creature is subject1 but man onely4 ,and of men1 those are of all most subject to it1 that professe ,philosophy4 ,for it is most true that ,cicero sayth of them somewhere2 that there can be nothing so absurd1 but may be found in the books of ,philosophers4 ,and the reason is manifest4 ,for there is not one of them that begins his ratiocination from the ,definitions1 or ,explications of the names they are to use2 which is a method that hath been used onely in ,geometry2 whose ,conclusions have thereby been made indisputable4 ,causes ,of ,absurditie ,the first cause of ,absurd conclusions ,i ascribe to the want of ,method2 in that they begin not their ,ratiocination from ,definitions2 that is1 from settled significations of their words3 as if they could cast account1 without knowing the value of the numerall words1 ,one1 ,two1 and ,three4 ,and whereas all bodies enter into account upon divers considerations1 7which ,i have mentioned in the precedent chapter27 these considerations being diversly named1 divers absurdities proceed from the confusion1 and unfit connexion of their names into assertions4 ,and therefore ,the second cause of ,absurd assertions1 ,i ascribe to the giving of names of ,bodies1 to ,accidents2 or of ,accidents1 to ,bodies2 ,as they do1 that say1 ,faith ,is ,infused1 or ,inspired2 when nothing can be ,powred1 or ,breathed into any thing1 but body2 and that1 ,extension is ,body2 that ,phantasmes are ,spirits1 c4 ,the third ,i ascribe to the giving of the names of the ,accidents of ,bodies ,without ,us1 to the ,accidents of our ,own ,bodies2 as they do that say1 the ,colour ,is ,in ,the ,body2 ,the ,sound ,is ,in ,the ,ayre1 c4 ,the fourth1 to the giving of the names of ,bodies1 to ,names1 or ,speeches2 as they do that say1 that ,there ,be ,things ,universall2 that ,a ,living ,creature ,is ,genus1 or ,a ,generall ,thing1 c4 ,the fifth1 to the giving of the names of ,accidents1 to ,names and ,speeches2 as they do that say1 ,the ,nature ,of ,a ,thing ,is ,in ,its ,definition2 ,a ,mans ,command ,is ,his ,will2 and the like4 ,the sixth1 to the use of ,metaphors1 ,tropes1 and other ,rhetoricall figures1 in stead of words proper4 ,for though it be lawfull to say1 7for example7 in common speech1 ,the ,way ,goeth1 ,or ,leadeth ,hither1 ,or ,thither1 ,the ,proverb ,sayes ,this ,or ,that 7whereas wayes cannot go1 nor ,proverbs speak27 yet in reckoning1 and seeking of truth1 such speeches are not to be admitted4 ,the seventh1 to names that signifie nothing2 but are taken up1 and learned by rote from the ,schooles1 as ,hypostatical1 ,transubstantiate1 ,consubstantiate1 ,eternal-now1 and the like canting of ,schoole-men4 ,to him that can avoyd these things1 it is not easie to fall into any absurdity1 unlesse it be by the length of an account2 wherein he may perhaps forget what went before4 ,for all men by nature reason alike1 and well1 when they have good principles4 ,for who is so stupid1 as both to mistake in ,geometry1 and also to persist in it1 when another detects his error to him8 ,science ,by this it appears that ,reason is not as ,sense1 and ,memory1 borne with us2 nor gotten by ,experience onely2 as ,prudence is2 but attayned by ,industry2 first in apt imposing of ,names2 and secondly by getting a good and orderly ,method in proceeding from the ,elements1 which are ,names1 to ,assertions made by ,connexion of one of them to another2 and so to syllogismes1 which are the ,connexions of one ,assertion to another1 till we come to a knowledge of all the ,consequences of names appertaining to the subject in hand2 and that is it1 men call ,,science4 ,and whereas ,sense and ,memory are but knowledge of ,fact1 which is a thing past1 and irrevocable2 ,science is the knowledge of ,consequences1 and dependance of one fact upon another3 by which1 out of that we can presently do1 we know how to do something els when we will1 or the like1 another time2 ,because when we see how any thing comes about1 upon what causes1 and by what manner2 when the like causes come into our power1 wee see how to make it produce the like effects4 ,children therefore are not endued with ,reason at all1 till they have attained the use of ,speech3 but are called ,reasonable ,creatures1 for the possibility apparent of having the use of ,reason in time to come4 ,and the most part of men1 though they have the use of ,reasoning a little way1 as in numbring to some degree2 yet it serves them to little use in common life2 in which they govern themselves1 some better1 some worse1 according to their differences of experience1 quicknesse of memory1 and inclinations to severall ends2 but specially according to good or evill fortune1 and the errors of one another4 ,for as for ,science1 or certain rules of their actions1 they are so farre from it1 that they know not what it is4 ,geometry they have thought ,conjuring3 but for other ,sciences1 they who have not been taught the beginnings1 and some progresse in them1 that they may see how they be acquired and generated1 are in this point like children1 that having no thought of generation1 are made believe by the women1 that their brothers and sisters are not born1 but found in the garden4 ,but yet they that have no ,science1 are in better1 and nobler condition with their naturall ,prudence2 than men1 that by mis-reasoning1 or by trusting them that reason wrong1 fall upon false and absurd generall rules4 ,for ignorance of causes1 and of rules1 does not set men so farre out of their way1 as relying on false rules1 and taking for causes of what they aspire to1 those that are not so1 but rather causes of the contrary4 ,to conclude1 ,the ,light of humane minds is ,perspicuous ,words1 but by exact definitions first snuffed1 and purged from ambiguity2 ,reason is the ,pace2 ,encrease of ,science1 the ,way2 and the ,benefit of man-kind1 the ,end4 ,and on the contrary1 ,metaphors1 and senslesse and ambiguous words1 are like ,ignes ,fatui2 and reasoning upon them1 is wandering amongst innumerable absurdities2 and their end1 contention1 and sedition1 or contempt4 ,prudence ,sapience1 ,with ,their ,difference ,as1 much ,experience1 is ,prudence2 so1 is much ,science1 ,sapience4 ,for though wee usually have one name of ,wisedome for them both2 yet the ,latines did always distinguish between ,prudentia and ,sapientia1 ascribing the former to ,experience1 the later to ,science4 ,but to make their difference appeare more cleerly1 let us suppose one man endued with an excellent naturall use1 and dexterity in handling his armes2 and another to have added to that dexterity1 an acquired ,science1 of where he can offend1 or be offended by his adversarie1 in every possible posture1 or guard3 ,the ability of the former1 would be to the ability of the later1 as ,prudence to ,sapience2 both usefull2 but the later infallible4 ,but they that trusting onely to the authority of books1 follow the blind blindly1 are like him that trusting to the false rules of the master of fence1 ventures praesumptuously upon an adversary1 that either kills1 or disgraces him4 ,signes ,of ,science ,the signes of ,science1 are some1 certain and infallible2 some1 uncertain4 ,certain1 when he that pretendeth the ,science of any thing1 can teach the same2 that is to say1 demonstrate the truth thereof perspicuously to another3 ,uncertain1 when onely some particular events answer to his pretence1 and upon many occasions prove so as he sayes they must4 ,signes of prudence are all uncertain2 because to observe by experience1 and remember all circumstances that may alter the successe1 is impossible4 ,but in any businesse1 whereof a man has not infallible ,science to proceed by2 to forsake his own natural judgement1 and be guided by generall sentences read in ,authors1 and subject to many exceptions1 is a signe of folly1 and generally scorned by the name of ,pedantry4 ,and even of those men themselves1 that in ,councells of the ,common-wealth1 love to shew their reading of ,politiques and ,history1 very few do it in their domestique affaires1 where their particular interest is concerned2 having ,prudence enough for their private affaires3 but in publique they study more the reputation of their owne wit1 than the successe of anothers businesse4 ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,of ,,the ,,interiour ,,beginnings ,,of ,,voluntary ,,motions ,,commonly ,,called ,,the ,,passions4 ,,and ,,the ,,speeches ,,by ,,which ,,they ,,are ,,expressed4 ,motion ,vitall ,and ,animal ,there be in ,animals1 two sorts of ,motions peculiar to them3 ,one called ,vitall2 begun in generation1 and continued without interruption through their whole life2 such as are the ,course of the ,bloud1 the ,pulse1 the ,breathing1 the ,concoctions1 ,nutrition1 ,excretion1 c2 to which ,motions there needs no help of ,imagination3 ,the other in ,animal ,motion1 otherwise called ,voluntary ,motion2 as to ,go1 to ,speak1 to ,move any of our limbes1 in such manner as is first fancied in our minds4 ,that ,sense1 is ,motion in the organs and interiour parts of mans body1 caused by the action of the things we ,see1 ,heare1 c42 ,and that ,fancy is but the ,reliques of the same ,motion1 remaining after ,sense1 has been already sayd in the first and second ,chapters4 ,and because ,going1 ,speaking1 and the like ,voluntary motions1 depend alwayes upon a precedent thought of ,whither1 ,which ,way1 and ,what2 it is evident1 that the ,imagination is the first internall beginning of all ,voluntary ,motion4 ,and although unstudied men1 doe not conceive any motion at all to be there1 where the thing moved is invisible2 or the space it is moved in1 is 7for the shortnesse of it7 insensible2 yet that doth not hinder1 but that such ,motions are4 ,for let a space be never so little1 that which is moved over a greater space1 whereof that little one is part1 must first be moved over that4 ,these small beginnings of ,motion1 within the body of ,man1 before they appear in walking1 speaking1 striking1 and other visible actions1 are commonly called ,,endeavour4 ,endeavour2 ,appetite2 ,desire2 ,hunger2 ,thirst2 ,aversion ,this ,endeavour1 when it is toward something which causes it1 is called ,,appetite1 or ,,desire2 the later1 being the generall name2 and the other1 oftentimes restrayned to signifie the ,desire of ,food1 namely ,hunger and ,thirst4 ,and when the ,endeavour is fromward something1 it is generally called ,,aversion4 ,these words ,appetite1 and ,aversion we have from the ,latines2 and they both of them signifie the motions1 one of approaching1 the other of retiring4 ,so also do the ,greek words for the same1 which are orme and aphorme4 ,for nature it selfe does often presse upon men those truths1 which afterwards1 when they look for somewhat beyond ,nature1 they stumble at4 ,for the ,schooles find in meere ,appetite to go1 or move1 no actuall ,motion at all3 but because some ,motion they must acknowledge1 they call it ,metaphoricall ,motion2 which is but an absurd speech2 for though ,words may be called metaphoricall2 ,bodies1 and ,motions cannot4 ,that which men ,desire1 they are also sayd to ,,love2 and to ,,hate those things1 for which they have ,aversion4 ,so that ,desire1 and ,love1 are the same thing2 save that by ,desire1 we alwayes signifie the ,absence of the object2 by ,love1 most commonly the ,presence of the same4 ,so also by ,aversion1 we signifie the ,absence2 and by ,hate1 the ,presence of the ,object4 ,of ,appetites1 and ,aversions1 some are born with men2 as ,appetite of food1 ,appetite of excretion1 and exoneration1 7which may also and more properly be called ,aversions1 from somewhat they feele in their ,bodies27 and some other ,appetites1 not many4 ,the rest1 which are ,appetites of particular things1 proceed from ,experience1 and triall of their effects upon themselves1 or other men4 ,for of things wee know not at all1 or believe not to be1 we can have no further ,desire1 than to tast and try4 ,but ,aversion wee have for things1 not onely which we know have hurt us2 but also that we do not know whether they will hurt us1 or not4 ,contempt ,those things which we neither ,desire1 nor ,hate1 we are said to ,contemne3 ,,contempt being nothing els but an immobility1 or contumacy of the ,heart1 in resisting the action of certain things2 and proceeding from that the ,heart is already moved otherwise1 by either more potent objects2 or from want of experience of them4 ,and because the constitution of a mans ,body1 is in continuall mutation2 it is impossible that all the same things should alwayes cause in him the same ,appetites1 and aversions3 much lesse can all men consent1 in the ,desire of almost any one and the same ,object4 ,good ,evill ,but whatsoever is the object of any mans ,appetite or ,desire2 that is it1 which he for his part calleth ,good3 ,and the object of his ,hate1 and ,aversion1 evill2 ,and of his contempt1 ,vile1 and ,inconsiderable4 ,for these words of ,good1 evill1 and ,contemptible1 are ever used with relation to the person that useth them3 ,there being nothing simply and absolutely so2 nor any common ,rule of ,good and evill1 to be taken from the nature of the objects themselves2 but from the ,person of the man 7where there is no ,common-wealth27 or1 7in a ,common-wealth17 ,from the ,person that representeth it2 or from an ,arbitrator or ,judge1 whom men disagreeing shall by consent set up1 and make his sentence the ,rule thereof4 ,pulchrum ,turpe2 ,delightfull ,profitable2 ,unpleasant ,unprofitable ,the ,latine ,tongue has two words1 whose significations approach to those of ,good and ,evill2 but are not precisely the same2 ,and those are ,pulchrum and ,turpe4 ,whereof the former signifies that1 which by some apparent signes promiseth ,good2 and the later1 that1 which promiseth evill4 ,but in our ,tongue we have not so generall names to expresse them by4 ,but for ,pulchrum1 we say in some things1 ,fayre2 in other ,beautifull1 or ,handsome1 or ,gallant1 or ,honourable1 or ,comely1 or ,amiable2 and for ,turpe1 ,foule1 ,deformed1 ,ugly1 ,base1 ,nauseous1 and the like1 as the subject shall require2 ,all which words1 in their proper places signifie nothing els1 but the ,mine1 or ,countenance1 that promiseth ,good and evill4 ,so that of ,good there be three kinds2 ,good in the ,promise1 that is ,pulchrum2 ,good in ,effect1 as the end desired1 which is called ,jucundum1 ,delightfull2 and ,good as the ,means1 which is called ,utile1 ,profitable2 and as many of evill3 ,for evill1 in ,promise1 is that they call ,turpe2 evill in ,effect1 and ,end1 is ,molestum1 ,unpleasant1 ,troublesome2 and evill in the ,means1 ,inutile1 ,unprofitable1 ,hurtfull4 ,delight ,displeasure ,as1 in ,sense1 that which is really within us1 is 7,as ,i have sayd before7 onely ,motion1 caused by the action of externall objects1 but in apparence2 to the ,sight1 ,light and ,colour2 to the ,eare1 ,sound2 to the ,nostrill1 ,odour1 c3 so1 when the action of the same object is continued from the ,eyes1 ,eares1 and other organs to the ,heart2 the real effect there is nothing but ,motion1 or ,endeavour2 which consisteth in ,appetite1 or ,aversion1 to1 or from the object moving4 ,but the apparence1 or sense of that motion1 is that wee either call ,,delight1 or ,,trouble ,,of ,,mind4 ,pleasure ,offence ,this ,motion1 which is called ,appetite1 and for the apparence of it ,delight1 and ,pleasure1 seemeth to be1 a corroboration of ,vitall motion1 and a help thereunto2 and therefore such things as caused ,delight1 were not improperly called ,jucunda1 7,a ,juvando17 from helping or fortifying2 and the contrary1 ,molesta1 ,offensive1 from hindering1 and troubling the motion vitall4 ,pleasure therefore1 7or ,delight17 is the apparence1 or sense of ,good2 and ,molestation or ,displeasure1 the apparence1 or sense of evill4 ,and consequently all ,appetite1 ,desire1 and ,love1 is accompanied with some ,delight more or lesse2 and all ,hatred1 and ,aversion1 with more or lesse ,displeasure and ,offence4 ,pleasures ,of ,sense2 ,pleasures ,of ,the ,mind2 ,joy ,paine ,griefe ,of ,pleasures1 or ,delights1 some arise from the sense of an object ,present2 ,and those may be called ,pleasures ,of ,sense1 7,the word ,sensuall1 as it is used by those onely that condemn them1 having no place till there be ,lawes47 ,of this kind are all ,onerations and ,exonerations of the body2 as also all that is pleasant1 in the ,sight1 ,hearing1 ,smell1 ,tast1 ,or ,touch2 ,others arise from the ,expectation1 that proceeds from foresight of the ,end1 or ,consequence of things2 whether those things in the ,sense ,please or ,displease3 ,and these are ,pleasures ,of ,the ,mind of him that draweth those consequences2 and are generally called ,,joy4 ,in the like manner1 ,displeasures1 are some in the ,sense1 and called ,,payne2 others1 in the ,expectation of consequences1 and are called ,,griefe4 ,these simple ,passions called ,appetite1 ,desire1 ,love1 ,aversion1 ,hate1 ,joy1 and griefe1 have their names for divers considerations diversified4 ,as first1 when they one succeed another1 they are diversly called from the opinion men have of the likelihood of attaining what they desire4 ,secondly1 from the object loved or hated4 ,thirdly1 from the consideration of many of them together4 ,fourthly1 from the ,alteration or succession it selfe4 ,hope-- ,for ,appetite with an opinion of attaining1 is called ,,hope4 ,despaire-- ,the same1 without such opinion1 ,,despaire4 ,feare-- ,aversion1 with opinion of ,hurt from the object1 ,,feare4 ,courage-- ,the same1 with hope of avoyding that ,hurt by resistance1 ,,courage4 ,anger-- ,sudden ,courage1 ,,anger4 ,confidence-- ,constant ,hope1 ,,confidence of our selves4 ,diffidence-- ,constant ,despayre1 ,,diffidence of our selves4 ,indignation-- ,anger for great hurt done to another1 when we conceive the same to be done by ,injury1 ,,indignation4 ,benevolence-- ,desire of good to another1 ,,benevolence1 ,,good ,,will1 ,,charity4 ,if to man generally1 ,,good ,,nature4 ,covetousnesse-- ,desire of ,riches1 ,,covetousnesse3 a name used alwayes in signification of blame2 because men contending for them1 are displeased with one anothers attaining them2 though the desire in it selfe1 be to be blamed1 or allowed1 according to the means by which those ,riches are sought4 ,ambition-- ,desire of ,office1 or precedence1 ,,ambition3 a name used also in the worse sense1 for the reason before mentioned4 ,pusillanimity-- ,desire of things that conduce but a little to our ends2 ,and fear of things that are but of little hindrance1 ,,pusillanimity4 ,magnanimity-- ,contempt of little helps1 and hindrances1 ,,magnanimity4 ,valour-- ,magnanimity1 in danger of ,death1 or ,wounds1 ,,valour1 ,,fortitude4 ,liberality-- ,magnanimity in the use of ,riches1 ,,liberality ,miserablenesse-- ,pusillanimity1 in the same ,,wretchednesse1 ,,miserablenesse2 or ,,parsimony2 as it is liked or disliked4 ,kindnesse-- ,love of ,persons for society1 ,,kindnesse4 ,naturall ,lust-- ,love of ,persons for ,pleasing the sense onely1 ,,natural ,,lust4 ,luxury-- ,love of the same1 acquired from ,rumination1 that is ,imagination of ,pleasure past1 ,,luxury4 ,the ,passion ,of ,love2 ,jealousie-- ,love of one singularly1 with desire to be singularly beloved1 ,,the ,,passion ,,of ,,love4 ,the same1 with fear that the love is not mutuall1 ,,jealousie4 ,revengefulnesse-- ,desire1 by doing hurt to another1 to make him condemn some fact of his own1 ,,revengefulnesse4 ,curiosity-- ,desire1 to know why1 and how1 ,,curiosity2 such as is in no living creature but ,man2 so that ,man is distinguished1 not onely by his ,reason2 but also by this singular ,passion from other ,animals2 in whom the appetite of food1 and other pleasures of ,sense1 by praedominance1 take away the care of knowing causes2 which is a ,lust of the mind1 that by a perseverance of delight in the continuall and indefatigable generation of ,knowledge1 exceedeth the short vehemence of any carnall ,pleasure4 ,religion ,superstition2 ,true ,religion-- ,feare of power invisible1 feigned by the mind1 or imagined from tales publiquely allowed1 ,,religion2 not allowed1 superstition4 ,and when the power imagined is truly such as we imagine1 ,,true ,,religion4 ,panique ,terrour-- ,feare1 without the apprehension of why1 or what1 ,,panique ,,terror2 called so from the fables that make ,pan the author of them2 whereas in truth there is always in him that so feareth1 first1 some apprehension of the cause1 though the rest run away by example2 every one supposing his fellow to know why4 ,and therefore this ,passion happens to none but in a throng1 or multitude of people4 ,admiration-- ,joy1 from apprehension of novelty1 ,,admiration2 proper to man1 because it excites the appetite of knowing the cause4 ,glory ,vaine-glory-- ,joy1 arising from imagination of a man's own power and ability1 is that exultation of the mind which is called ,,glorying3 which1 if grounded upon the experience of his own former actions1 is the same with ,confidence3 but if grounded on the flattery of others1 or onely supposed by himselfe1 for delight in the consequences of it1 is called ,,vaine-,,glory3 which name is properly given2 because a well-grounded ,confidence begetteth attempt2 whereas the supposing of power does not1 and is therefore rightly called ,vaine4 ,dejection-- ,griefe1 from opinion of want of power1 is called dejection of mind4 ,the ,vaine-glory which consisteth in the feigning or supposing of abilities in ourselves1 which we know are not1 is most incident to young men1 and nourished by the ,histories or ,fictions of ,gallant ,persons2 and is corrected often times by ,age1 and ,employment4 ,sudden ,glory ,laughter-- ,sudden glory1 is the passion which maketh those ,grimaces called ,,laughter2 and is caused either by some sudden act of their own1 that pleaseth them2 or by the apprehension of some deformed thing in another1 by comparison whereof they suddenly applaud themselves4 ,and it is incident most to them1 that are conscious of the fewest abilities in themselves2 who are forced to keep themselves in their own favour1 by observing the imperfections of other men4 ,and therefore much ,laughter at the defects of others is a signe of ,pusillanimity4 ,for of great minds1 one of the proper workes is1 to help and free others from scorn2 and compare themselves onely with the most able4 ,sudden ,dejection ,weeping-- ,on the contrary1 ,sudden ,dejection is the passion that causeth ,,weeping2 and is caused by such accidents1 as suddenly take away some vehement hope1 or some prop of their power3 and they are most subject to it1 that rely principally on helps externall1 such as are ,women1 and ,children4 ,therefore1 some ,weep for the loss of ,friends2 ,others for their unkindnesse2 others for the sudden stop made to their thoughts of revenge1 by ,reconciliation4 ,but in all cases1 both ,laughter and ,weeping1 are sudden motions2 ,custome taking them both away4 ,for no man ,laughs at old jests2 or ,weeps for an old calamity4 ,shame ,blushing-- ,griefe1 for the discovery of some defect of ability is ,,shame1 or the passion that discovereth itself in ,,blushing2 and consisteth in the apprehension of some thing dishonourable2 and in young men1 is a signe of the love of good reputation2 and commendable3 in old men it is a signe of the same2 but because it comes too late1 not commendable4 ,impudence-- ,the ,contempt of good reputation is called ,,impudence4 ,pitty-- ,griefe1 for the calamity of another is ,,pitty2 and ariseth from the imagination that the like calamity may befall himselfe2 and therefore is called also ,,compassion1 and in the phrase of this present time a ,,fellow-,,feeling3 and therefore for ,calamity arriving from great wickedness1 the best men have the least ,pitty2 and for the same ,calamity1 those have least ,pitty1 that think themselves least obnoxious to the same4 ,cruelty-- ,contempt1 or little sense of the calamity of others1 is that which men call ,,cruelty2 proceeding from ,security of their own fortune4 ,for1 that any man should take pleasure in other mens' great harmes1 without other end of his own1 ,i do not conceive it possible4 ,emulation ,envy-- ,griefe1 for the success of a ,competitor in wealth1 honour1 or other good1 if it be joyned with ,endeavour to enforce our own abilities to equal or exceed him1 is called ,,emulation3 but joyned with ,endeavour to supplant or hinder a ,competitor1 ,,envie4 ,deliberation-- ,when in the mind of man1 ,appetites and ,aversions1 ,hopes and ,feares1 concerning one and the same thing1 arise alternately2 and divers good and evill consequences of the doing1 or omitting the thing propounded1 come successively into our thoughts2 so that sometimes we have an ,appetite to it1 sometimes an ,aversion from it2 sometimes ,hope to be able to do it2 sometimes ,despaire1 or ,feare to attempt it2 the whole sum of ,desires1 ,aversions1 ,hopes and ,feares1 continued till the thing be either done1 or thought impossible1 is that we call ,,deliberation4 ,therefore of things past1 there is no ,deliberation2 because manifestly impossible to be changed3 nor of things known to be impossible1 or thought so2 because men know1 or think such ,deliberation vaine4 ,but of things impossible1 which we think possible1 we may ,deliberate2 not knowing it is in vain4 ,and it is called ,,deliberation2 because it is a putting an end to the ,liberty we had of doing1 or omitting1 according to our own ,appetite1 or ,aversion4 ,this alternate succession of ,appetites1 ,aversions1 ,hopes and ,feares is no less in other living ,creatures than in ,man2 and therefore ,beasts also ,deliberate4 ,every ,deliberation is then sayd to ,end when that whereof they ,deliberate1 is either done1 or thought impossible2 because till then wee retain the liberty of doing1 or omitting1 according to our ,appetite1 or ,aversion4 ,the ,will ,in ,deliberation1 the last ,appetite1 or ,aversion1 immediately adhaering to the action1 or to the omission thereof1 is that wee call the ,,will2 the ,act1 7not the faculty17 of ,willing4 ,and ,beasts that have ,deliberation must necessarily also have ,will4 ,the ,definition of the ,will1 given commonly by the ,schooles1 that it is a ,rationall ,appetite1 is not good4 ,for if it were1 then could there be no ,voluntary ,act against ,reason4 ,for a ,voluntary ,act is that1 which proceedeth from the ,will1 and no other4 ,but if in stead of a ,rationall ,appetite1 we shall say an ,appetite resulting from a precedent ,deliberation1 then the ,definition is the same that ,i have given here4 ,will1 therefore1 ,is ,the ,last ,appetite ,in ,deliberating4 ,and though we say in common ,discourse1 a man had a ,will once to do a thing1 that neverthelesse he forbore to do2 yet that is properly but an ,inclination1 which makes no ,action ,voluntary2 because the action depends not of it1 but of the last ,inclination1 or ,appetite4 ,for if the intervenient ,appetites make any action ,voluntary1 then by the same reason all intervenient ,aversions should make the same action ,involuntary2 and so one and the same action should be both ,voluntary ,involuntary4 ,by this it is manifest1 that not onely actions that have their beginning from ,covetousness1 ,ambition1 ,lust1 or other ,appetites to the thing propounded2 but also those that have their beginning from ,aversion1 or ,feare of those consequences that follow the omission1 are ,voluntary ,actions4 ,formes ,of ,speech1 ,in ,passion ,the formes of ,speech by which the ,passions are expressed1 are partly the same1 and partly different from those1 by which we express our ,thoughts4 ,and first generally all ,passions may be expressed ,indicatively2 as1 ,i ,love1 ,i ,feare1 ,i ,joy1 ,i ,deliberate1 ,i ,will1 ,i ,command3 but some of them have particular expressions by themselves1 which nevertheless are not affirmations1 unless it be when they serve to make other inferences1 besides that of the ,passion they proceed from4 ,deliberation is expressed ,subjunctively2 which is a speech proper to signifie suppositions1 with their consequences2 as1 ,if ,this ,be ,done1 ,then ,this ,will ,follow2 and differs not from the language of ,reasoning1 save that ,reasoning is in generall words1 but ,deliberation for the most part is of ,particulars4 ,the language of ,desire1 and ,aversion1 is ,imperative2 as1 ,do ,this1 ,forbear ,that2 which when the party is obliged to do1 or forbear1 is ,command2 otherwise ,prayer2 or els ,counsell4 ,the language of ,vaine-,glory1 of ,indignation1 ,pitty and ,revengefulness1 ,optative3 but of the ,desire to know1 there is a peculiar expression called ,interrogative2 as1 ,what ,is ,it1 ,when ,shall ,it1 ,how ,is ,it ,done1 and ,why ,so8 ,other language of the ,passions ,i find none3 for ,cursing1 ,swearing1 ,reviling1 and the like1 do not signifie as ,speech2 but as the actions of a tongue accustomed4 ,these forms of ,speech1 ,i say1 are expressions1 or voluntary significations of our ,passions3 but certain signes they be not2 because they may be used arbitrarily1 whether they that use them1 have such ,passions or not4 ,the best signes of ,passions present1 are either in the countenance1 motions of the body1 actions1 and ends1 or aims1 which we otherwise know the man to have4 ,good ,and ,evill ,apparent ,and because in ,deliberation the ,appetites and ,aversions are raised by foresight of the good and evill consequences1 and sequels of the action whereof we ,deliberate2 the good or evill effect thereof dependeth on the foresight of a long chain of consequences1 of which very seldome any man is able to see to the end4 ,but for so far as a man seeth1 if the ,good in those consequences be greater than the evill1 the whole chain is that which ,writers call ,apparent or ,seeming ,good4 ,and contrarily1 when the evill exceedeth the good1 the whole is ,apparent or ,seeming ,evill3 so that he who hath by ,experience1 or ,reason1 the greatest and surest prospect of ,consequences1 ,deliberates best himself2 and is able1 when he will1 to give the best counsel unto others4 ,felicity ,continual ,successe in obtaining those things which a man from time to time desireth1 that is to say1 continual prospering1 is that men call ,,felicity2 ,i mean the ,felicity of this life4 ,for there is no such thing as perpetual ,tranquillity of mind1 while we live here2 because ,life itself is but ,motion1 and can never be without ,desire1 nor without ,feare1 no more than without ,sense4 ,what kind of ,felicity ,god hath ordained to them that devoutly honour him1 a man shall no sooner know1 than enjoy2 being joys1 that now are as incomprehensible1 as the word of ,school-men1 ,beatifical ,vision1 is unintelligible4 ,praise ,magnification ,the form of speech whereby men signifie their opinion of the ,goodnesse of anything is ,,praise4 ,that whereby they signifie the power and greatness of anything is ,,magnifying4 ,and that whereby they signifie the opinion they have of a man's felicity is by the ,greeks called ,makarismos1 for which we have no name in our tongue4 ,and thus much is sufficient for the present purpose to have been said of the passions4 ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,,of ,,the ,,ends ,,or ,,resolutions ,,of ,,discourse ,of all ,discourse1 governed by desire of ,knowledge1 there is at last an ,end1 either by attaining1 or by giving over4 ,and in the chain of ,discourse1 wheresoever it be interrupted1 there is an ,end for that time4 ,judgement1 or ,sentence ,final2 ,doubt ,if the ,discourse be meerly ,mentall1 it consisteth of thoughts that the thing will be1 and will not be2 or that it has been1 and has not been1 alternately4 ,so that wheresoever you break off the chayn of a mans ,discourse1 you leave him in a ,praesumption of ,it ,will ,be1 or1 ,it ,will ,not ,be2 or it ,has ,been1 or1 ,has ,not ,been4 ,all which is ,opinion4 ,and that which is alternate ,appetite1 in ,deliberating concerning ,good and ,evil1 the same is alternate ,opinion in the ,enquiry of the truth of ,past1 and ,future4 ,and as the last ,appetite in ,deliberation is called the ,will1 so the last ,opinion in search of the truth of ,past1 and ,future1 is called the ,,judgement1 or ,resolute and ,final ,sentence of him that ,discourseth4 ,and as the whole chain of ,appetites alternate1 in the question of ,good or ,bad is called ,deliberation2 so the whole chain of ,opinions alternate1 in the question of ,true1 or ,false is called ,,doubt4 ,no ,discourse whatsoever1 can ,end in absolute knowledge of ,fact1 past1 or to come4 ,for1 as for the knowledge of ,fact1 it is originally1 ,sense2 and ever after1 ,memory4 ,and for the knowledge of consequence1 which ,i have said before is called ,science1 it is not ,absolute1 but ,conditionall4 ,no man can know by ,discourse1 that this1 or that1 is1 has been1 or will be2 which is to know absolutely3 but onely1 that if ,this be1 ,that is2 if ,this has been1 ,that has been2 if ,this shall be1 ,that shall be3 which is to know conditionally2 and that not the consequence of one thing to another2 but of one name of a thing1 to another name of the same thing4 ,science ,opinion ,conscience ,and therefore1 when the ,discourse is put into ,speech1 and begins with the ,definitions of ,words1 and proceeds by ,connexion of the same into general ,affirmations1 and of these again into ,syllogismes1 the end or last sum is called the ,conclusion2 and the thought of the mind by it signified is that conditional ,knowledge1 or ,knowledge of the consequence of words1 which is commonly called ,science4 ,but if the first ground of such ,discourse be not ,definitions1 or if the ,definitions be not rightly joyned together into ,syllogismes1 then the ,end or ,conclusion is again ,,opinion1 namely of the truth of somewhat said1 though sometimes in absurd and senslesse words1 without possibility of being understood4 ,when two1 or more men1 know of one and the same fact1 they are said to be ,,conscious of it one to another2 which is as much as to know it together4 ,and because such are fittest witnesses of the facts of one another1 or of a third1 it was1 and ever will be reputed a very ,evill act1 for any man to speak against his ,conscience2 or to corrupt or force another so to do3 ,insomuch that the plea of ,conscience1 has been always hearkened unto very diligently in all times4 ,afterwards1 men made use of the same word metaphorically1 for the knowledge of their own secret facts1 and secret thoughts2 and therefore it is ,rhetorically said that the ,conscience is a thousand witnesses4 ,and last of all1 men1 vehemently in love with their own new opinions1 7though never so absurd17 and obstinately bent to maintain them1 gave those their opinions also that reverenced name of ,conscience1 as if they would have it seem unlawful1 to change or speak against them2 and so pretend to know they are true1 when they know at most but that they think so4 ,beliefe ,faith ,when a mans ,discourse beginneth not at ,definitions1 it beginneth either at some other contemplation of his own1 and then it is still called ,opinion2 ,or it beginneth at some saying of another1 of whose ability to know the truth1 and of whose honesty in not deceiving1 he doubteth not2 and then the ,discourse is not so much concerning the ,thing1 as the ,person2 ,and the ,resolution is called ,,beleefe1 and ,,faith3 ,faith1 ,in the man2 ,beleefe1 both ,of the man1 and ,of the truth of what he sayes4 ,so then in ,beleefe are two opinions2 one of the saying of the man2 the other of his vertue4 ,to ,have ,faith ,in1 or ,trust ,to1 or ,beleeve ,a ,man1 signifie the same thing2 namely1 an opinion of the veracity of the man3 ,but to ,beleeve ,what ,is ,said1 signifieth onely an opinion of the truth of the saying4 ,but wee are to observe that this ,phrase1 ,i ,beleeve ,in2 as also the ,latine1 ,credo ,in2 and the ,greek1 ,pisteno ,eis1 are never used but in the writings of ,divines4 ,in stead of them1 in other writings are put1 ,i ,beleeve ,him2 ,i ,have ,faith ,in ,him2 ,i ,rely ,on ,him3 and in ,latin1 ,credo ,illi2 ,fido ,illi3 and in ,greek1 ,pisteno ,anto3 and that this singularity of the ,ecclesiastical use of the word hath raised many disputes about the right object of the ,christian ,faith4 ,but by ,beleeving ,in1 as it is in the ,creed1 is meant1 not trust in the ,person2 but ,confession and acknowledgement of the ,doctrine4 ,for not onely ,christians1 but all manner of men do so believe in ,god1 as to hold all for truth they heare him say1 whether they understand it1 or not2 which is all the ,faith and trust can possibly be had in any person whatsoever3 ,but they do not all believe the ,doctrine of the ,creed4 ,from whence we may inferre1 that when wee believe any saying whatsoever it be1 to be true1 from arguments taken1 not from the thing it selfe1 or from the principles of naturall ,reason1 but from the ,authority1 and good opinion wee have1 of him that hath sayd it2 then is the speaker1 or person we believe in1 or trust in1 and whose word we take1 the object of our ,faith2 and the ,honour done in ,believing1 is done to him onely4 ,and consequently1 when wee ,believe that the ,scriptures are the word of ,god1 having no immediate revelation from ,god himselfe1 our ,beleefe1 ,faith1 and ,trust is in the ,church2 whose word we take1 and acquiesce therein4 ,and they that believe that which a ,prophet relates unto them in the name of ,god1 take the word of the ,prophet1 do honour to him1 and in him trust1 and believe1 touching the truth of what he relateth1 whether he be a true1 or a false ,prophet4 ,and so it is also with all other ,history4 ,for if ,i should not believe all that is written ,by ,historians1 of the glorious acts of ,alexander1 or ,caesar2 ,i do not think the ,ghost of ,alexander1 or ,caesar1 had any just cause to be offended2 or any body else1 but the ,historian4 ,if ,livy say the ,gods made once a ,cow speak1 and we believe it not2 wee distrust not ,god therein1 but ,livy4 ,so that it is evident1 that whatsoever we believe1 upon no other reason1 than what is drawn from authority of men onely1 and their writings2 whether they be sent from ,god or not1 is ,faith in men onely4 ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,,of ,,the ,,vertues ,,commonly ,,called ,,intellectual2 ,,and ,,their ,,contrary ,,defects ,intellectuall ,vertue ,defined ,vertue generally1 in all sorts of subjects1 is somewhat that is valued for eminence2 and consisteth in comparison4 ,for if all things were equally in all men1 nothing would be prized4 ,and by ,vertues ,,intellectuall1 are always understood such abilityes of the mind1 as men praise1 value1 and desire should be in themselves2 and go commonly under the name of a ,good ,witte2 though the same word ,witte1 be used also1 to distinguish one certain ability from the rest4 ,wit1 ,naturall1 ,or ,acquired ,these ,vertues are of two sorts2 ,naturall1 and ,acquired4 ,by ,naturall1 ,i mean not1 that which a man hath from his ,birth3 for that is nothing else but ,sense2 wherein men differ so little one from another1 and from brute ,beasts1 as it is not to be reckoned amongst ,vertues4 ,but ,i mean1 that ,witte1 which is gotten by ,use onely1 and ,experience2 without ,method1 ,culture1 or ,instruction4 ,this ,,naturall ,,witte1 consisteth principally in two things2 ,celerity ,of ,imagining1 7that is1 swift succession of one thought to another27 and ,steddy ,direction to some approved end4 ,on the ,contrary a slow ,imagination1 maketh that ,defect1 or fault of the mind1 which is commonly called ,,dulnesse1 ,stupidity1 and sometimes by other names that signifie slownesse of motion1 or difficulty to be moved4 ,good ,wit1 ,or ,fancy2 ,good ,judgement2 ,discretion ,and this difference of quicknesse1 is caused by the difference of mens passions2 that love and dislike1 some one thing1 some another3 and therefore some mens thoughts run one way1 some another3 and are held to1 and observe differently the things that passe through their imagination4 ,and whereas in his succession of mens thoughts1 there is nothing to observe in the things they think on1 but either in what they be ,like ,one ,another1 or in what they be ,unlike1 or ,what ,they ,serve ,for1 or ,how ,they ,serve ,to ,such ,a ,purpose2 ,those that observe their similitudes1 in case they be such as are but rarely observed by others1 are sayd to have a ,good ,wit2 by which1 in this occasion1 is meant a ,good ,fancy4 ,but they that observe their differences1 and dissimilitudes2 which is called ,distinguishing1 and ,discerning1 and ,judging between thing and thing2 in case1 such discerning be not easie1 are said to have a ,good ,judgement3 and particularly in matter of conversation and businesse2 wherein1 times1 places1 and persons are to be discerned1 this ,vertue is called ,,discretion4 ,the former1 that is1 ,fancy1 without the help of ,judgement1 is not commended as a ,vertue3 but the later which is ,judgement1 and ,discretion1 is commended for it selfe1 without the help of ,fancy4 ,besides the ,discretion of times1 places1 and persons1 necessary to a good ,fancy1 there is required also an often application of his thoughts to their ,end2 that is to say1 to some use to be made of them4 ,this done2 he that hath this ,vertue1 will be easily fitted with similitudes1 that will please1 not onely by illustration of his discourse1 and adorning it with new and apt metaphors2 but also1 by the rarity or their invention4 ,but without ,steddinesse1 and ,direction to some ,end1 a great ,fancy is one kind of ,madnesse2 such as they have1 that entring into any discourse1 are snatched from their purpose1 by every thing that comes in their thought1 into so many1 and so long digressions1 and parentheses1 that they utterly lose themselves3 ,which kind of folly1 ,i know no particular name for3 but the cause of it is1 sometimes want of experience2 whereby that seemeth to a man new and rare1 which doth not so to others3 sometimes ,pusillanimity2 by which that seems great to him1 which other men think a trifle3 and whatsoever is new1 or great1 and therefore thought fit to be told1 withdrawes a man by degrees from the intended way of his discourse4 ,in a good ,poem1 whether it be ,epique1 or ,dramatique2 as also in ,sonnets1 ,epigrams1 and other ,pieces1 both ,judgement and ,fancy are required3 ,but the ,fancy must be more eminent2 because they please for the ,extravagancy2 but ought not to displease by ,indiscretion4 ,in a good ,history1 the ,judgement must be eminent2 because the goodnesse consisteth1 in the ,method1 in the ,truth1 and in the ,choyse of the actions that are most profitable to be known4 ,fancy has no place1 but onely in adorning the stile4 ,in ,orations of ,prayse1 and in ,invectives1 the ,fancy is praedominant2 because the designe is not truth1 but to ,honour or ,dishonour2 which is done by noble1 or by vile comparisons4 ,the ,judgement does but suggest what circumstances make an action laudable1 or culpable4 ,in ,hortatives1 and ,pleadings1 as ,truth1 or ,disguise serveth best to the ,designe in hand2 so is the ,judgement1 or the ,fancy most required4 ,in ,demonstration1 in ,councell1 and all rigourous search of ,truth1 ,judgement does all2 except sometimes the understanding have need to be opened by some apt similitude2 and then there is so much use of ,fancy4 ,but for ,metaphors1 they are in this case utterly excluded4 ,for seeing they openly professe deceipt2 to admit them into ,councell1 or ,reasoning1 were manifest folly4 ,and in any ,discourse whatsoever1 if the defect of ,discretion be apparent1 how extravagant soever the ,fancy be1 the whole discourse will be taken for a signe of want of wit2 and so will it never when the ,discretion is manifest1 though the ,fancy be never so ordinary4 ,the secret thoughts of a man run over all things1 holy1 prophane1 clean1 obscene1 grave1 and light1 without shame1 or blame2 which verball discourse cannot do1 farther than the ,judgement shall approve of the ,time1 ,place1 and ,persons4 ,an ,anatomist1 or a ,physitian may speak1 or write his judgement of unclean things2 because it is not to please1 but profit3 but for another man to write his extravagant1 and pleasant fancies of the same1 is as if a man1 from being tumbled into the dirt1 should come and present himselfe before good company4 ,and 'tis the want of ,discretion that makes the difference4 ,again1 in profest remissnesse of mind1 and familiar company1 a man may play with the sounds1 and aequivocal significations of words2 and that many times with encounters of extraordinary ,fancy3 but in a ,sermon1 or in publique1 or before persons unknown1 or whom we ought to reverence1 there is no ,gingling of words that will not be accounted folly3 and the difference is onely in the want of ,discretion4 ,so that where ,wit is wanting1 it is not ,fancy that is wanting1 but ,discretion4 ,judgement therefore without ,fancy is ,wit1 but ,fancy without ,judgement not4 ,prudence ,when the thoughts of a man1 that has a designe in hand1 running over a multitude of things1 observes how they conduce to that designe2 or what designe they may conduce into2 if his observations be such as are not easie1 or usuall1 ,this wit of his is called ,,prudence2 and dependeth on much ,experience1 and ,memory of the like things1 and their consequences heretofore4 ,in which there is not so much difference of ,men1 as there is in their ,fancies and ,judgements2 ,because the ,experience of men equall in age1 is not much unequall1 as to the quantity2 but lyes in different occasions2 every one having his private designes4 ,to govern well a family1 and a kingdome1 are not different degrees of ,prudence2 but different sorts of businesse2 no more then to draw a picture in little1 or as great1 or greater then the life1 are different degrees of ,art4 ,a plain husband-man is more ,prudent in affaires of his own house1 then a ,privy ,counseller in the affaires of another man4 ,craft ,to ,prudence1 if you adde the use of unjust1 or dishonest means1 such as usually are prompted to men by ,feare1 or ,want2 you have that ,crooked ,wisdome1 which is called ,,craft2 which is a signe of ,pusillanimity4 ,for ,magnanimity is contempt of unjust1 or dishonest helps4 ,and that which the ,latines ,call ,versutia1 7translated into ,english1 ,shifting17 and is a putting off of a present danger or incommodity1 by engaging into a greater1 as when a man robbs one to pay another1 is but a shorter sighted ,craft1 called ,versutia1 from ,versura1 which signifies taking mony at usurie1 for the present payment of interest4 ,acquired ,wit ,as for ,acquired ,wit1 7,i mean acquired by method and instruction17 there is none but ,reason2 which is grounded on the right use of ,speech2 and produceth the ,sciences4 ,but of ,reason and ,science1 ,i have already spoken in the fifth and sixth ,chapters4 ,the causes of this difference of ,witts1 are in the ,passions3 and the difference of ,passions1 proceedeth partly from the different ,constitution of the body1 and partly from different ,education4 ,for if the difference proceeded from the temper of the brain1 and the organs of ,sense1 either exterior or interior1 there would be no lesse difference of men in their ,sight1 ,hearing1 or other ,senses1 than in their ,fancies1 and ,discretions4 ,it proceeds therefore from the ,passions2 which are different1 not onely from the difference of mens complexions2 but also from their difference of customes1 and education4 ,the ,passions that most of all cause the differences of ,wit1 are principally1 the more or lesse ,desire of ,power1 of ,riches1 of ,knowledge1 and of ,honour4 ,all which may be reduced to the first1 that is ,desire of ,power4 ,for ,riches1 ,knowledge and ,honour are but severall sorts of ,power4 ,giddinesse ,madnesse ,and therefore1 a man who has no great ,passion for any of these things2 but is as men terme it indifferent2 though he may be so farre a good man1 as to be free from giving offence2 yet he cannot possibly have either a great ,fancy1 or much ,judgement4 ,for the ,thoughts1 are to the ,desires1 as ,scouts1 and ,spies1 to range abroad1 and find the way to the things ,desired3 ,all ,stedinesse of the minds motion1 and all quicknesse of the same1 proceeding from thence4 ,for as to have no ,desire1 is to be ,dead3 so to have weak ,passions1 is ,dulnesse2 and to have ,passions indifferently for every thing1 ,,giddinesse1 and ,distraction2 and to have stronger1 and more vehement ,passions for any thing1 than is ordinarily seen in others1 is that which men call ,,madnesse4 ,whereof there be almost as many kinds1 as of the ,passions themselves4 ,sometimes the extraordinary and extravagant ,passion1 proceedeth from the evill constitution of the organs of the ,body1 or harme done them2 and sometimes the hurt1 and indisposition of the ,organs1 is caused by the vehemence1 or long continuance of the ,passion4 ,but in both cases the ,madnesse is of one and the same nature4 ,the ,passion1 whose violence1 or continuance maketh ,madnesse1 is either great ,vaine-,glory2 which is commonly called ,pride1 and ,selfe-,conceipt2 or great ,dejection of mind4 ,rage ,pride1 subjecteth a man to ,anger1 the excesse whereof1 is the ,madnesse called ,,rage1 and ,,fury4 ,and thus it comes to passe that excessive desire of ,revenge1 when it becomes habituall1 hurteth the organs1 and becomes ,rage3 ,that excessive love1 with jealousie1 becomes also ,rage3 ,excessive opinion of a mans own selfe1 for divine inspiration1 for wisdome1 learning1 forme1 and the like1 becomes ,distraction1 and ,giddinesse3 the same1 joyned with ,envy1 ,rage3 ,vehement opinion of the truth of any thing1 contradicted by others1 ,rage4 ,melancholy ,dejection1 subjects a man to causelesse fears2 which is a ,madnesse commonly called ,,melancholy1 apparent also in divers manners2 as in haunting of solitudes1 and graves2 in superstitious behaviour2 and in fearing some one1 some another particular thing4 ,in summe1 all ,passions that produce strange and unusuall behaviour1 are called by the generall name of ,madnesse4 ,but of the severall kinds of ,madnesse1 he that would take the paines1 might enrowle a legion4 ,and if the ,excesses be madnesse1 there is no doubt but the ,passions themselves1 when they tend to ,evill1 are degrees of the same4 7,for example17 ,though the effect of folly1 in them that are possessed of an opinion of being inspired1 be not visible alwayes in one man1 by any very extravagant action1 that proceedeth from such ,passion2 yet when many of them conspire together1 the ,rage of the whole multitude is visible enough4 ,for what argument of ,madnesse can there be greater1 than to clamour1 strike1 and throw stones at our best friends8 ,yet this is somewhat lesse than such a multitude will do4 ,for they will clamour1 fight against1 and destroy those1 by whom all their lifetime before1 they have been protected1 and secured from injury4 ,and if this be ,madnesse in the multitude1 it is the same in every particular man4 ,for as in the middest of the sea1 though a man perceive no sound of that part of the water next him2 yet he is well assured1 that part contributes as much1 to the ,roaring of the ,sea1 as any other part1 of the same quantity3 so also1 thought wee perceive no great unquietnesse1 in one1 or two men2 yet we may be well assured1 that their singular ,passions1 are parts of the ,seditious roaring of a troubled ,nation4 ,and if there were nothing else that bewrayed their madnesse2 yet that very arrogating such inspiration to themselves1 is argument enough4 ,if some man in ,bedlam should entertaine you with sober discourse2 and you desire in taking leave1 to know what he were1 that you might another time requite his civility2 and he should tell you1 he were ,god the ,father2 ,i think you need expect no extravagant action for argument of his ,madnesse4 ,this opinion of ,inspiration1 called commonly1 ,private ,spirit1 begins very often1 from some lucky finding of an ,errour generally held by others2 and not knowing1 or not remembring1 by what conduct of reason1 they came to so singular a truth1 7as they think it1 though it be many times an untruth they light on17 they presently admire themselves2 as being in the speciall grace of ,god ,almighty1 who hath revealed the same to them supernaturally1 by his ,spirit4 ,again1 that ,madnesse is nothing else1 but too much appearing ,passion1 may be gathered out of the effects of ,wine1 which are the same with those of the evill disposition of the organs4 ,for the variety of behaviour in men that have drunk too much1 is the same with that of ,mad-men3 some of them ,raging1 others ,loving1 others laughing1 all extravagantly1 but according to their severall domineering ,passions3 ,for the effect of the wine1 does but remove ,dissimulation2 and take from them the sight of the deformity of their ,passions4 ,for1 7,i believe7 the most sober men1 when they walk alone without care and employment of the mind1 would be unwilling the vanity and ,extravagance of their thoughts at that time should be publiquely seen3 which is a confession1 that ,passions unguided1 are for the most part meere ,madnesse4 ,the opinions of the world1 both in antient and later ages1 concerning the cause of madnesse1 have been two4 ,some1 deriving them from the ,passions2 some1 from ,daemons1 or ,spirits1 either good1 or bad1 which they thought might enter into a man1 possesse him1 and move his organs is such strange1 and uncouth manner1 as mad-men use to do4 ,the former sort therefore1 called such men1 ,mad-men3 but the ,later1 called them sometimes ,daemoniacks1 7that is1 possessed with spirits27 sometimes ,energumeni1 7that is agitated1 or moved with spirits27 and now in ,italy they are called not onely ,pazzi1 ,mad-men2 but also ,spiritati1 men possest4 ,there was once a great conflux of people in ,abdera1 a ,city of the ,greeks1 at the acting of the ,tragedy of ,andromeda1 upon an extream hot day3 whereupon1 a great many of the spectators falling into ,fevers1 had this accident from the heat1 and from ,the ,tragedy together1 that they did nothing but pronounce ,iambiques1 with the names of ,perseus and ,andromeda2 which together with the ,fever1 was cured1 by the comming on of ,winter3 ,and this madnesse was thought to proceed from the ,passion imprinted by the ,tragedy4 ,likewise there raigned a fit of madnesse in another ,graecian city1 which seized onely the young ,maidens2 and caused many of them to hang themselves4 ,this was by most then thought an act of the ,divel4 ,but one that suspected1 that contempt of life in them1 might proceed from some ,passion of the mind1 and supposing they did not contemne also their honour1 gave counsell to the ,magistrates1 to strip such as so hang'd themselves1 and let them hang out naked4 ,this the story sayes cured that madnesse4 ,but on the other side1 the same ,graecians1 did often ascribe madnesse1 to the operation of the ,eumenides1 or ,furyes2 and sometimes of ,ceres1 ,phoebus1 and other ,gods3 so much did men attribute to ,phantasmes1 as to think them aereal living bodies2 and generally to call them ,spirits4 ,and as the ,romans in this1 held the same opinion with the ,greeks3 so also did the ,jewes2 ,for they calle mad-men ,prophets1 or 7according as they thought the spirits good or bad7 ,daemoniacks2 and some of them called both ,prophets1 and ,daemoniacks1 mad-men2 and some called the same man both ,daemoniack1 and mad-man4 ,but for the ,gentiles1 'tis no wonder2 because ,diseases1 and ,health2 ,vices1 and ,vertues2 and many naturall accidents1 were with them termed1 and worshipped as ,daemons4 ,so that a man was to understand by ,daemon1 as well 7sometimes7 an ,ague1 as a ,divell4 ,but for the ,jewes to have such opinion1 is somewhat strange4 ,for neither ,moses1 nor ,abraham pretended to ,prophecy by possession of a ,spirit2 but from the voyce of ,god2 or by a ,vision or ,dream3 ,nor is there any thing in his ,law1 ,morall1 or ,ceremoniall1 by which they were taught1 there was any such ,enthusiasme2 or any ,possession4 ,when ,god is sayd1 7,numb4 #aa4 #be47 to take from the ,spirit that was in ,moses1 and give it to the #gj4 ,elders1 the ,spirit of ,god 7taking it for the substance of ,god7 is not divided4 ,the ,scriptures by the ,spirit of ,god in man1 mean a mans spirit1 enclined to ,godlinesse4 ,and where it is said 7,exod4 #bh4 #c47 ,whom ,i have filled with the ,spirit of wisdome to make garments for ,aaron1 is not meant a spirit put into them1 that can make garments2 but the wisdome of their own spirits in that kind of work4 ,in the like sense1 the spirit of man1 when it produceth unclean actions1 is ordinarily called an unclean spirit2 and so other spirits1 though not alwayes1 yet as often as the vertue or vice so stiled1 is extraordinary1 and ,eminent4 ,neither did the other ,prophets of the old ,testament pretend ,enthusiasme2 or1 that ,god spake in them2 but to them by ,voyce1 ,vision1 or ,dream2 and the ,burthen ,of ,the ,lord was not ,possession1 but ,command4 ,how then could the ,jewes fall into this opinion of possession8 ,i can imagine no reason1 but that which is common to all men2 namely1 the want of curiosity to search naturall causes2 and their placing ,felicity1 in the acquisition of the grosse pleasures of the ,senses1 and the things that most immediately conduce thereto4 ,for they that see any strange1 and unusuall ability1 or defect in a mans mind2 unlesse they see withall1 from what cause it may probably proceed1 can hardly think it naturall2 and if not naturall1 they must needs thinke it supernaturall2 and then what can it be1 but that either ,god1 or the ,divell is in him8 ,and hence it came to passe1 when our ,saviour 7,mark #c4ba47 was compassed about with the multitude1 those of the house doubted he was mad1 and went out to hold him3 but the ,scribes said he had ,belzebub1 and that was it1 by which he cast out divels2 as if the greater mad-man had awed the lesser4 ,and that 7,john #aj4 #bj47 some said1 ,he hath a ,divell1 and is mad2 whereas others holding him for a ,prophet1 sayd1 ,these are not the words of one that hath a ,divell4 ,so in the old ,testament he that came to anoynt ,jehu1 7#b ,kings #i4aa47 was a ,prophet2 but some of the company asked ,jehu1 ,what came that mad-man for8 ,so that in summe1 it is manifest1 that whosoever behaved himselfe in extraordinary manner1 was thought by the ,jewes to be possessed either with a good1 or evill spirit2 except by the ,sadduces1 who erred so farre on the other hand1 as not to believe there were at all any spirits1 7which is very neere to direct ,atheisme27 and thereby perhaps the more provoked others1 to terme such men ,daemoniacks1 rather than mad-men4 ,but why then does our ,saviour proceed in the curing of them1 as if they were possest2 and not as if they were mad4 ,to which ,i can give no other kind of answer1 but that which is given to those that urge the ,scripture in like manner against the opinion of the motion of the ,earth4 ,the ,scripture was written to shew unto men the kingdome of ,god2 and to prepare their mindes to become his obedient subjects2 leaving the world1 and the ,philosophy thereof1 to the disputation of men1 for the exercising of their naturall ,reason4 ,whether the ,earths1 or ,suns motion make the day1 and night2 or whether the ,exorbitant actions of men1 proceed from ,passion1 or from the ,divell1 7so we worship him not7 it is all one1 as to our obedience1 and subjection to ,god ,almighty2 which is the thing for which the ,scripture was written4 ,as for that our ,saviour speaketh to the disease1 as to a person2 it is the usuall phrase of all that cure by words onely1 as ,christ did1 7and ,inchanters pretend to do1 whether they speak to a ,divel or not47 ,for is not ,christ also said 7,math4 #h4bf47 to have rebuked the winds8 ,is not he said also 7,luk4 #d4 #ci47 to rebuke a ,fever8 ,yet this does not argue that a ,fever is a ,divel4 ,and whereas many of these ,divels are said to confesse ,christ2 it is not necessary to interpret those places otherwise1 than that those mad-men confessed him4 ,and whereas our ,saviour 7,math4 #ab4 #dc47 speaketh of an unclean ,spirit1 that having gone out of a man1 wandreth through dry places1 seeking rest1 and finding none2 and returning into the same man1 with seven other spirits worse than himselfe2 ,it is manifestly a ,parable1 alluding to a man1 that after a little endeavour to quit his lusts1 is vanquished by the strength of them2 and becomes seven times worse than he was4 ,so that ,i see nothing at all in the ,scripture1 that requireth a beliefe1 that ,daemoniacks were any other thing but ,mad-men4 ,insignificant ,speech ,there is yet another fault in the ,discourses of some men2 which may also be numbred amongst the sorts of ,madnesse2 namely1 that abuse of words1 whereof ,i have spoken before in the fifth chapter1 by the ,name of ,absurdity4 ,and that is1 when men speak such words1 as put together1 have in them no signification at all2 but are fallen upon by some1 through misunderstanding of the words they have received1 and repeat by rote2 by others1 from intention to deceive by obscurity4 ,and this is incident to none but those1 that converse in questions of matters incomprehensible1 as the ,schoole-men2 or in questions of abstruse ,philosophy4 ,the common sort of men seldome speak ,insignificantly1 and are therefore1 by those other ,egregious persons counted ,idiots4 ,but to be assured their words are without any thing correspondent to them in the mind1 there would need some ,examples2 which if any man require1 let him take a ,schoole-man into his hands1 and see if he can translate any one chapter concerning any difficult point2 as the ,trinity2 the ,deity2 the nature of ,christ2 ,transubstantiation2 ,free-will4 c4 into any of the moderne tongues1 so as to make the same intelligible2 or into any tolerable ,latine1 such as they were acquainted withall1 that lived when the ,latine tongue was ,vulgar4 ,what is the meaning of these words4 ,the first cause does not necessarily inflow any thing into the second1 by force of the ,essential subordination of the second causes1 by which it may help it to worke8 ,they are the ,translation of the ,title of the sixth chapter of ,suarez first ,booke1 ,of ,the ,concourse1 ,motion1 ,and ,help ,of ,god4 ,when men write whole volumes of such stuffe1 are they not ,mad1 or intend to make others so8 ,and particularly1 in the question of ,transubstantiation2 where after certain words spoken1 they that say1 the ,white-nesse1 ,round-nesse1 ,magni-tude1 ,quali-ty1 ,corruptibili-ty1 all which are incorporeall1 c4 go out of the ,wafer1 into the ,body of our blessed ,saviour1 do they not make those ,nesses1 ,tudes and ,ties1 to be so many spirits possessing his body8 ,for by ,spirits1 they mean alwayes things1 that being incorporeall1 are neverthelesse moveable from one place to another4 ,so that this kind of ,absurdity1 may rightly be numbred amongst the many sorts of ,madnesse2 and all the time that guided by clear ,thoughts of their worldly lust1 they forbear disputing1 or writing thus1 but ,lucide ,intervals4 ,and thus much of the ,vertues and ,defects ,intellectuall4 ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,,of ,,the ,,severall ,,subjects ,,of ,,knowledge ,there are of ,,knowledge two kinds2 whereof one is ,knowledge ,of ,fact3 the other ,knowledge ,of ,the ,consequence ,of ,one ,affirmation ,to ,another4 ,the former is nothing else1 but ,sense and ,memory1 and is ,absolute ,knowledge2 as when we see a ,fact doing1 or remember it done3 ,and this is the ,knowledge required in a ,witnesse4 ,the later is called ,science2 and is ,conditionall2 as when we know1 that1 ,if ,the ,figure ,showne ,be ,a ,circle1 ,then ,any ,straight ,line ,through ,the ,centre ,shall ,divide ,it ,into ,two ,equall ,parts4 ,and this is the ,knowledge required in a ,philosopher2 that is to say1 of him that pretends to ,reasoning4 ,the ,register of ,knowledge ,of ,fact is called ,history4 ,whereof there be two sorts3 one called ,naturall ,history2 which is the ,history of such ,facts1 or ,effects of ,nature1 as have no ,dependance on ,mans ,will2 ,such as are the ,histories of ,metals1 ,plants1 ,animals1 ,regions1 and the like4 ,the other1 is ,civill ,history2 which is the ,history of the ,voluntary ,actions of men in ,common-wealths4 ,the ,registers of ,science1 are such ,books as contain the ,demonstrations of ,consequences of one ,affirmation1 to another2 and are commonly called ,books of ,philosophy2 whereof the sorts are many1 according to the diversity of the ,matter2 ,and may be divided in such manner as ,i have divided them in the following ,table4 ,i4 ,science1 that is1 ,knowledge of ,consequences2 which is called also ,,philosophy ,a4 ,consequences from ,accidents of ,bodies ,naturall2 which is called ,,naturall ,,philosophy #a4 ,consequences from the ,accidents common to all ,bodies ,naturall2 which are ,quantity1 and ,motion4 a4 ,consequences from ,quantity1 and ,motion ,indeterminate2 which1 being the ,principles or first foundation of ,philosophy1 is called ,philosophia ,prima ,,philosophia ,,prima b4 ,consequences from ,motion1 and ,quantity ,determined #a7 ,consequences from ,quantity1 and ,motion ,determined a7 ,by ,figure1 ,by ,number #a ,mathematiques1 ,,geometry ,,arithmetique #b7 ,consequences from the ,motion1 and ,quantity of ,bodies in ,speciall a7 ,consequences from the ,motion1 and ,quantity of the great parts of the ,world1 as the ,earth and ,stars1 #a ,cosmography ,,astronomy ,,geography b7 ,consequences from the ,motion of ,speciall kinds1 and ,figures of ,body1 #a ,mechaniques1 ,doctrine of ,weight ,science of ,,engineers ,,architecture ,,navigation #b4 ,,physiques1 or ,consequences from ,qualities a4 ,consequences from the ,qualities of ,bodies ,transient1 such as sometimes appear1 sometimes vanish ,,meteorology b4 ,consequences from the ,qualities of ,bodies ,permanent #a7 ,consequences from the ,qualities of the ,starres a7 ,consequences from the ,light of the ,starres4 ,out of this1 and the ,motion of the ,sunne1 is made the ,science of ,,sciography b7 ,consequences from the ,influence of the ,starres1 ,,astrology #b7 ,consequences of the ,qualities from ,liquid ,bodies that fill the space between the ,starres2 such as are the ,ayre1 or substance aetherial4 #c7 ,consequences from ,qualities of ,bodies ,terrestrial a7 ,consequences from parts of the ,earth that are without ,sense1 #a ,consequences from ,qualities of ,minerals1 as ,stones1 ,metals1 c 4 #b ,consequences from the ,qualities of ,vegetables b7 ,consequences from ,qualities of ,animals #a ,consequences from ,qualities of ,animals in ,generall a ,consequences from ,vision1 ,,optiques b ,consequences from ,sounds1 ,,musique c ,consequences from the rest of the senses #b ,consequences from ,qualities of ,men in ,speciall a ,consequences from ,passions of ,men1 ,,ethiques b ,consequences from ,speech1 i7 ,in ,magnifying1 ,vilifying1 etc4 ,,poetry ii7 ,in ,persuading1 ,,rhetorique iii7 ,in ,reasoning1 ,,logique iv7 ,in ,contracting1 ,the ,science of ,,just and ,,unjust ,b4 ,consequences from the ,accidents of ,politique ,bodies2 which is called ,,politiques1 and ,,civill ,,philosophy #a4 ,of ,consequences from the ,institution of ,,common-,,wealths1 to the ,rights1 and ,duties of the ,body ,politique1 or ,soveraign4 #b4 ,of ,consequences from the same1 to the ,duty and ,right of the ,subjects4 ,,chapter ,x4 ,,of ,,power1 ,,worth1 ,,dignity1 ,,honour ,,and ,,worthiness ,power ,the ,,power of a ,man1 7to take it ,universally17 is his present means1 to obtain some future apparent ,good4 ,and is either ,originall1 or ,instrumentall4 ,naturall ,power1 is the eminence of the ,faculties of ,body1 or ,mind3 as extraordinary ,strength1 ,forme1 ,prudence1 ,arts1 ,eloquence1 ,liberality1 ,nobility4 ,instrumentall are those ,powers1 which acquired by these1 or by fortune1 are means and ,instruments to acquire more3 as ,riches1 ,reputation1 ,friends1 and the ,secret working of ,god1 which men call ,good ,luck4 ,for the nature of ,power1 is in this point1 like to ,fame1 increasing as it proceeds2 or like the motion of heavy bodies1 which the further they go1 make still the more hast4 ,the ,greatest of humane ,powers1 is that which is compounded of the ,powers of most men1 united by consent1 in one person1 ,naturall1 or civill1 that has the use of all their ,powers depending on his will2 such as is the ,power of a ,common-wealth3 or depending on the wills of each particular2 such as is the ,power of a ,faction1 or of divers factions leagued4 ,therefore to have servants1 is ,power2 ,to have ,friends1 is ,power3 for they are strengths united4 ,also ,riches joyned with liberality1 is ,power2 because it procureth friends1 and servants3 ,without liberality1 not so2 because in this case they defend not2 but expose men to ,envy1 as a ,prey4 ,reputation of power1 is ,power2 because it draweth with it the adhaerance of those that need protection4 ,so is ,reputation of love of a mans ,country1 7called ,popularity17 for the same ,reason4 ,also1 what quality soever maketh a man beloved1 or feared of many2 or the reputation of such quality1 is ,power2 because it is a means to have the assistance1 and service of many4 ,good successe is ,power2 because it maketh reputation of ,wisdome1 or good fortune2 which makes men either feare him1 or rely on him4 ,affability of men already in power1 is encrease of ,power2 because it gaineth love4 ,reputation of ,prudence in the conduct of ,peace or ,war1 is ,power2 because to prudent men1 we commit the government of our selves1 more willingly than to others4 ,nobility is ,power1 not in all places1 but onely in those ,common-wealths1 where it has ,priviledges3 for in such priviledges consisteth their ,power4 ,eloquence is ,power2 because it is seeming ,prudence4 ,forme is ,power2 because being a promise of ,good1 it recommendeth men to the favour of women and strangers4 ,the ,sciences1 are small ,power2 because not eminent2 and therefore1 not acknowledged in any man2 nor are at all1 but in a few2 and in them1 but of a few things4 ,for ,science is of that nature1 as none can understand it to be1 but such as in a good measure have attayned it4 ,arts of publique use1 as ,fortification1 making of ,engines1 and other ,instruments of ,war2 because they conferre to ,defence1 and ,victory1 are ,power2 ,and though the true ,mother of them1 be ,science1 namely the ,mathematiques2 yet1 because they are brought into the ,light1 by the hand of the ,artificer1 they be esteemed 7the ,midwife passing with the vulgar for the ,mother17 as his issue4 ,worth ,the ,value1 or ,,worth of a man1 is as of all other things1 his ,price2 that is to say1 so much as would be given for the use of his ,power3 and therefore is not absolute2 but a thing dependant on the need and judgement of another4 ,an able conductor of ,souldiers1 is of great ,price in time of ,war present1 or imminent2 but in ,peace not so4 ,a learned and uncorrupt ,judge1 is much ,worth in time of ,peace2 but not so much in ,war4 ,and as in other things1 so in men1 not the seller1 but the buyer determines the ,price4 ,for let a man 7as most men do17 rate themselves as the highest ,value they can2 yet their true ,value is no more than it is esteemed by others4 ,the manifestation of the ,value we set on one another1 is that which is commonly called ,honouring1 and ,dishonouring4 ,to ,value a man at a high rate1 is to ,honour him2 at a low rate1 is to ,dishonour him4 ,but high1 and low1 in this case1 is to be understood by comparison to the rate that each man setteth on himselfe4 ,dignity ,the publique worth of a man1 which is the ,value set on him by the ,common-wealth1 is that which men commonly call ,,dignity4 ,and this ,value of him by the ,common-wealth1 is understood1 by offices of ,command1 ,judicature1 publike ,employment2 or by ,names and ,titles1 introduced for distinction of such ,value4 ,to ,honour and ,dishonour ,to pray to another1 for ayde of any kind1 is to ,,honour2 because a signe we have an opinion he has power to help2 and the more difficult the ayde is1 the more is the ,honour4 ,to obey1 is to ,honour2 because no man obeyes them1 whom they think have no power to help1 or hurt them4 ,and consequently to disobey1 is to ,dishonour4 ,to give great gifts to a man1 is to ,honour him2 because 'tis buying of ,protection1 and acknowledging of ,power4 ,to give little gifts1 is to ,dishonour2 because it is but ,almes1 and signifies an opinion of the need of small helps4 ,to be sedulous in promoting anothers good2 also to flatter1 is to ,honour2 as a signe we seek his protection or ayde4 ,to neglect1 is to ,dishonour4 ,to give way1 or place to another1 in any ,commodity1 is to ,honour2 being a confession of greater power4 ,to arrogate1 is to ,dishonour4 ,to shew any signe of love1 or feare of another1 is to ,honour2 for both to love1 and to feare1 is to value4 ,to contemne1 or lesse to love or feare then he expects1 is to ,dishonour2 for 'tis undervaluing4 ,to praise1 magnifie1 or call happy1 is to ,honour2 because nothing but goodnesse1 power1 and felicity is valued4 ,to revile1 mock1 or pitty1 is to ,dishonour4 ,to speak to another with consideration1 to appear before him with decency1 and humility1 is to ,honour him2 as signes of fear to offend4 ,to speak to him rashly1 to do anything before him obscenely1 slovenly1 impudently1 is to ,dishonour4 ,to believe1 to trust1 to rely on another1 is to ,honour him2 signe of opinion of his vertue and power4 ,to distrust1 or not believe1 is to ,dishonour4 ,to hearken to a mans counsell1 or discourse of what kind soever1 is to ,honour2 as a signe we think him wise1 or eloquent1 or witty4 ,to sleep1 or go forth1 or talk the while1 is to ,dishonour4 ,to do those things to another1 which he takes for signes of ,honour1 or which the ,law or ,custome makes so1 is to ,honour2 because in approving the ,honour done by others1 he acknowledgeth the power which others acknowledge4 ,to refuse to do them1 is to ,dishonour4 ,to agree with in opinion1 is to ,honour2 as being a signe of approving his judgement1 and wisdome4 ,to dissent1 is ,dishonour2 and an upbraiding of errour2 and 7if the dissent be in many things7 of folly4 ,to imitate1 is to ,honour2 for it is vehemently to approve4 ,to imitate ones ,enemy1 is to ,dishonour4 ,to honour those another honours1 is to ,honour him2 as a signe of approbation of his judgement4 ,to honour his ,enemies1 is to ,dishonour him4 ,to employ in counsell1 or in actions of difficulty1 is to ,honour2 as a signe of opinion of his wisdome1 or other power4 ,to deny employment in the same cases1 to those that seek it1 is to ,dishonour4 ,all these wayes of ,honouring1 are naturall2 and as well within1 as without ,common-wealths4 ,but in ,common-wealths1 where he1 or they that have the supreme ,authority1 can make whatsoever they please1 to stand for signes of ,honour1 there be other ,honours4 ,a ,soveraigne doth ,honour a ,subject1 with whatsoever ,title1 or ,office1 or ,employment1 or ,action1 that he himselfe will have taken for a signe of his will to ,honour him4 ,the ,king of ,persia1 ,honoured ,mordecay1 when he appointed he should be conducted through the streets in the ,kings ,garment1 upon one of the ,kings ,horses1 with a ,crown on his head1 and a ,prince before him1 proclayming1 ,thus shall it be done to him that the ,king will honour4 ,and yet another ,king of ,persia1 or the same another time1 to one that demanded for some great service1 to weare one of the ,kings robes1 gave him leave so to do2 but with his addition1 that he should weare it as the ,kings foole2 and then it was ,dishonour4 ,so that of ,civill ,honour2 such as are ,magistracy1 ,offices1 ,titles2 and in some places ,coats1 and ,scutchions painted3 and men ,honour such as have them1 as having so many signes of favour in the ,common-wealth2 which favour is ,power4 ,honourable is whatsoever possession1 action1 or quality1 is an argument and signe of ,power4 ,and therefore ,to be ,honoured1 loved1 or feared of many1 is ,honourable2 as arguments of ,power4 ,to be ,honoured of few or none1 ,dishonourable4 ,good fortune 7if lasting17 ,honourable2 as a signe of the favour of ,god4 ,ill fortune1 and losses1 ,dishonourable4 ,riches1 are ,honourable2 for they are ,power4 ,poverty1 ,dishonourable4 ,magnanimity1 ,liberality1 ,hope1 ,courage1 ,confidence1 are ,honourable2 for they proceed from the conscience of ,power4 ,pusillanimity1 ,parsimony1 ,fear1 ,diffidence1 are ,dishonourable4 ,timely ,resolution1 or determination of what a man is to do1 is ,honourable2 as being the contempt of small difficulties1 and dangers4 ,and ,irresolution1 ,dishonourable2 as a signe of too much valuing of little impediments1 and little advantages3 ,for when a man has weighed things as long as the time permits1 and resolves not1 the difference of weight is but little2 and therefore if he resolve not1 he overvalues little things1 which is ,pusillanimity4 ,all ,actions1 and ,speeches1 that proceed1 or seem to proceed from much ,experience1 ,science1 ,discretion1 or ,wit1 are ,honourable2 ,for all these are ,powers4 ,actions1 or ,words that proceed from ,errour1 ,ignorance1 or ,folly1 ,dishonourable4 ,gravity1 as farre forth as it seems to proceed from a mind employed on some thing else1 is ,honourable2 because employment is a signe of ,power4 ,but if it seem to proceed from a purpose to appear grave1 it is ,dishonourable4 ,for the gravity of the ,former1 is like the steddinesse of a ,ship laden with ,merchandise2 but of the later1 like the steddinesse of a ,ship ballasted with ,sand1 and other trash4 ,to be ,conspicuous1 that is to say1 to be known1 for ,wealth1 ,office1 great ,actions1 or any eminent ,good1 is ,honourable2 as a signe of the power for which he is conspicuous4 ,on the contrary1 ,obscurity1 is ,dishonourable4 ,to be descended from conspicuous ,parents1 is ,honourable2 because they the more easily attain the aydes1 and friends of their ,ancestors4 ,on the contrary1 to be descended from obscure ,parentage1 is ,dishonourable4 ,actions proceeding from ,equity1 joyned with losse1 are ,honourable2 as signes of ,magnanimity3 for ,magnanimity is a signe of ,power4 ,on the contrary1 ,craft1 ,shifting1 neglect of ,equity1 is ,dishonourable4 ,nor does it alter the case of ,honour1 whether an action 7so it be great and difficult1 and consequently a signe of much power17 be just or unjust3 for ,honour consisteth onely in the opinion of ,power4 ,therefore the ancient ,heathen did not thinke they ,dishonoured1 but greatly ,honoured the ,gods1 when they introduced them in their ,poems1 committing ,rapes1 ,thefts1 and other great1 but unjust1 or unclean acts3 ,in so much as nothing is so much celebrated in ,jupiter1 as his ,adulteries2 nor in ,mercury1 as his ,frauds1 and ,thefts3 of whose praises1 in a hymne of ,homer1 the greatest is this1 that being born in the morning1 he had invented ,musique at noon1 and before night1 stolen away the ,cattell of ,appollo1 from his ,herdsmen4 ,also amongst men1 till there were constituted great ,common-wealths1 it was thought no dishonour to be a ,pyrate1 or a ,high-way ,theefe2 but rather a lawfull ,trade1 not onely amongst the ,greeks1 but also amongst all other ,nations2 as is manifest by the ,histories of antient time4 ,and at this day1 in this part of the world1 private ,duels are1 and alwayes will be ,honourable1 though unlawfull1 till such time as there shall be ,honour ordained for them that refuse1 and ,ignominy for them that make the ,challenge4 ,for ,duels also are many times effects of ,courage2 and the ground of ,courage is alwayes ,strength or ,skill1 which are ,power2 though for the most part they be effects of rash speaking1 and of the fear of ,dishonour1 in one1 or both the ,combatants2 who engaged by rashnesse1 are driven into the ,lists to avoyd disgrace4 ,scutchions1 and coats of ,armes haereditary1 where they have any eminent ,priviledges1 are ,honourable2 otherwise not3 for their ,power consisteth either in such ,priviledges1 or in ,riches1 or some such thing as is equally honoured in other men4 ,this kind of ,honour1 commonly called ,gentry1 has been derived from the ,antient ,germans4 ,for there never was any such thing known1 where the ,german ,customes were unknown4 ,nor is it now any where in use1 where the ,germans have not inhabited4 ,the antient ,greek ,commanders1 when they went to war1 had their ,shields painted with such ,devises as they pleased2 insomuch as an unpainted ,buckler was a signe of ,poverty1 and of a common ,souldier3 but they transmitted not the ,inheritance of them4 ,the ,romans transmitted the ,marks of their ,families3 but they were the ,images1 not the ,devises of their ,ancestors4 ,amongst the people of ,asia1 ,afrique1 and ,america1 there is not1 nor was ever1 any such thing4 ,the ,germans onely had that custome2 from whom it has been derived into ,england1 ,france1 ,spain1 and ,italy1 when in great numbers they either ayded the ,romans1 or made their own ,conquests in these ,westerne parts of the world4 ,for ,germany1 being antiently1 as all other ,countries1 in their beginnings1 divided amongst an infinite number of little ,lords1 or ,masters of ,families1 that continually had wars one with another2 those ,masters1 or ,lords1 principally to the end they might1 when they were ,covered with ,arms1 be known by their followers2 and partly for ornament1 both painted their ,armor1 or their ,scutchion1 or ,coat1 with the picture of some ,beast1 or other thing2 and also put some eminent and visible mark upon the ,crest of their ,helmets4 ,and his ornament both of the ,armes1 and ,crest1 descended by inheritance to their ,children2 to the eldest pure1 and to the rest with some note of diversity1 such as the ,old master1 that is to say in ,dutch1 the ,here-alt thought fit4 ,but when many such ,families1 joyned together1 made a greater ,monarchy1 this duty of the ,herealt1 to distinguish ,scutchions1 was made a private ,office a part4 ,and the issue of these ,lords1 is the great and antient ,gentry2 which for the most part bear living creatures1 noted for courage1 and rapine2 or ,castles1 ,battlements1 ,belts1 ,weapons1 ,bars1 ,palisadoes1 and other notes of ,war2 nothing being then in honour1 but vertue military4 ,afterwards1 not onely ,kings1 but popular ,common-wealths1 gave divers manners of ,scutchions1 to such as went forth to the ,war1 or returned from it1 for encouragement1 or recompence to their service4 ,all which1 by an observing ,reader1 may be found in such ancient ,histories1 ,greek and ,latine1 as make mention of the ,german ,nation1 and ,manners1 in their times4 ,titles of ,honour ,titles of ,honour1 such as are ,duke1 ,count1 ,marquis1 and ,baron1 are ,honourable2 as signifying the value set upon them by the ,soveraigne ,power of the ,common-wealth3 ,which ,titles1 were in old time titles of ,office1 and ,command1 derived some from the ,romans1 some from the ,germans1 and ,french4 ,dukes1 in ,latine ,duces1 being ,generalls in ,war3 ,counts1 ,comites1 such as bare the ,generall company out of friendship2 and were left to govern and defend places conquered1 and pacified3 ,marquises1 ,marchiones1 were ,counts that governed the ,marches1 or bounds of the ,empire4 ,which titles of ,duke1 ,count1 and ,marquis1 came into the ,empire1 about the time of ,constantine the ,great1 from the customes of the ,german ,militia4 ,but ,baron1 seems to have been a ,title of the ,gaules1 and signifies a ,great man2 such as were the ,kings1 or ,princes men1 whom they employed in war about their persons2 and seems to be derived from ,vir1 to ,ber1 and ,bar1 that signified the same in the ,language of the ,gaules1 that ,vir in ,latine2 and thence to ,bero1 and ,baro3 so that such men were called ,berones1 and after ,barones2 and 7in ,spanish7 ,varones4 ,but he that would know more particularly the originall of ,titles of ,honour1 may find it1 as ,i have done this1 in ,mr4 ,seldens most excellent ,treatise of that subject4 ,in processe of time these offices of ,honour1 by occasion of trouble1 and for reasons of good and peacable government1 were turned into meer ,titles2 serving for the most part1 to distinguish the precedence1 place1 and order of subjects in the ,common-wealth3 and men were made ,dukes1 ,counts1 ,marquises1 and ,barons of ,places1 wherein they had neither possession1 nor command3 and other ,titles also1 were devised to the same end4 ,worthinesse ,fitnesse ,,worthinesse1 is a thing different from the worth1 or value of a man2 and also from his merit1 or desert2 and consisteth in a particular power1 or ability for that1 whereof he is said to be worthy3 which particular ability1 is usually named ,,fitnesse1 or ,aptitude4 ,for he is ,worthiest to be a ,commander1 to be a ,judge1 or to have any other charge1 that is best fitted1 with the qualities required to the well discharging of it2 and ,worthiest of ,riches1 that has the qualities most requisite for the well using of them3 any of which qualities being absent1 one may neverthelesse be a ,worthy man1 and valuable for some thing else4 ,again1 a man may be ,worthy of ,riches1 ,office1 and ,employment1 that neverthelesse1 can plead no right to have it before another2 and therefore cannot be said to merit or deserve it4 ,for ,merit1 praesupposeth a right1 and that the thing deserved is due by promise3 ,of which ,i shall say more hereafter1 when ,i shall speak of ,contracts4 ,,chapter ,,xi4 ,,of ,,the ,,difference ,,of ,,manners ,what ,is ,here ,meant ,by ,manners ,by ,,manners1 ,i mean not here1 ,decency of behaviour2 as how one man should salute another1 or how a man should wash his mouth1 or pick his teeth before company1 and such other points of the ,small ,morals2 ,but those qualities of man-kind1 that concern their living together in ,peace1 and ,unity4 ,to which end we are to consider1 that the ,felicity of this life1 consisteth not in the repose of a mind satisfied4 ,for there is no such ,finis ,ultimus1 7utmost ayme17 nor ,summum ,bonum1 7greatest good17 as is spoken of in the ,books of the old ,morall ,philosophers4 ,nor can a man any more live1 whose ,desires are at an end1 than he1 whose ,senses and ,imaginations are at a stand4 ,felicity is a continuall progresse of the desire1 from one object to another2 the attaining of the former1 being still but the way to the later4 ,the cause whereof is1 ,that the object of mans desire1 is not to enjoy once onely1 and for one instant of time2 but to assure for ever1 the way of his future desire4 ,and therefore the voluntary actions1 and inclinations of all men1 tend1 not only to the procuring1 but also to the assuring of a contented life2 and differ onely in the way3 which ariseth partly from the diversity of passions1 in divers men2 and partly from the difference of the knowledge1 or opinion each one has of the causes1 which produce the effect desired4 ,a ,restlesse ,desire ,of ,power1 ,in ,all ,men ,so that in the first place1 ,i put for a generall inclination of all mankind1 a perpetuall and restlesse desire of ,power after power1 that ceaseth onely in ,death4 ,and the cause of this1 is not alwayes that a man hopes for a more intensive delight1 than he has already attained to2 or that he cannot be content with a moderate power3 but because he cannot assure the power and means to live well1 which he hath present1 without the acquisition of more4 ,and from hence it is1 that ,kings1 whose power is greatest1 turn their endeavours to the assuring it a home by ,lawes1 or abroad by ,wars3 and when that is done1 there succeedeth a new desire2 in some1 of ,fame from new ,conquest2 in others1 of ease and sensuall pleasure2 in others1 of admiration1 or being flattered for excellence in some art1 or other ability of the mind4 ,love ,of ,contention ,from ,competition ,competition of ,riches1 ,honour1 command1 or other power1 enclineth to ,contention1 ,enmity1 and ,war3 because the way of one ,competitor1 to the attaining of his desire1 is to kill1 subdue1 supplant1 or repell the other4 ,particularly1 competition of praise1 enclineth to a reverence of ,antiquity4 ,for men contend with the living1 not with the dead2 to these ascribing more than due1 that they may obscure the glory of the other4 ,civil ,obedience ,from ,love ,of ,ease ,desire of ,ease1 and sensuall ,delight1 disposeth men to obey a common ,power3 because by such ,desires1 a man doth abandon the protection might be hoped for from his own ,industry1 and labour4 ,from ,feare ,of ,death ,or ,wounds ,fear of ,death1 and ,wounds1 disposeth to the same2 and for the same reason4 ,on the contrary1 needy men1 and hardy1 not contented with their present condition2 as also1 all men that are ambitious of ,military command1 are enclined to continue the causes of warre2 and to stirre up trouble and sedition3 for there is no honour ,military but by warre2 nor any such hope to mend an ill game1 as by causing a new shuffle4 ,and ,from ,love ,of ,arts ,desire of ,knowledge1 and ,arts of ,peace1 enclineth men to obey a common ,power3 ,for such ,desire1 containeth a desire of leasure2 and consequently protection from some other ,power than their own4 ,love ,of ,vertue1 ,from ,love ,of ,praise ,desire of ,praise1 disposeth to laudable actions1 such as please them whose judgement they value2 for of these men whom we contemn1 we contemn also the ,praises4 ,desire of ,fame after death does the same4 ,and though after death1 there be no sense of the praise given us on ,earth1 as being joyes1 that are either swallowed up in the unspeakable joyes of ,heaven1 or extinguished in the extreme torments of ,hell3 yet is not such ,fame vain2 because men have a present delight therein1 from the foresight of it1 and of the benefit that may rebound thereby to their posterity3 which though they now see not1 yet they imagine2 and any thing that is pleasure in the sense1 the same also is pleasure in the imagination4 ,hate1 ,from ,difficulty ,of ,requiting ,great ,benefits ,to have received from one1 to whom we think our selves equall1 greater benefits than there is hope to ,requite1 disposeth to counterfiet love2 but really secret hatred2 and puts a man into the estate of a desperate debtor1 that in declining the sight of his creditor1 tacitely wishes him there1 where he might never see him more4 ,for benefits oblige2 and obligation is thraldome2 which is to ones equall1 hateful4 ,but to have received benefits from one1 whom we acknowledge our superiour1 enclines to love2 because the obligation is no new depession3 and cheerfull acceptation1 7which men call ,gratitude17 is such an honour done to the obliger1 as is taken generally for retribution4 ,also to receive benefits1 though from an equall1 or inferiour1 as long as there is hope of requitall1 disposeth to love3 for in the intention of the receiver1 the obligation is of ayd1 and service mutuall2 from whence proceedeth an ,emulation of who shall exceed in benefiting2 the most noble and profitable contention possible2 wherein the victor is pleased with his victory1 and the other revenged by confessing it4 ,and ,from ,conscience ,of ,deserving ,to ,be ,hated ,to have done more hurt to a man1 than he can1 or is willing to expiate1 enclineth the doer to hate the sufferer4 ,for he must expect revenge1 or forgivenesse2 both which are hatefull4 ,promptnesse ,to ,hurt1 ,from ,fear ,feare of oppression1 disposeth a man to anticipate1 or to seek ayd by society3 for there is no other way by which a man can secure his life and liberty4 ,and ,from ,distrust ,of ,their ,own ,wit ,men that distrust their own subtilty1 are in tumult1 and sedition1 better disposed for victory1 than they that suppose themselves wise1 or crafty4 ,for these love to consult1 the other 7fearing to be circumvented17 to strike first4 ,and in sedition1 men being alwayes in the procincts of ,battell1 to hold together1 and use all advantages of force1 is a better stratagem1 than any that can proceed from subtilty of ,wit4 ,vain ,undertaking ,from ,vain-glory ,vain-glorious men1 such as without being conscious to themselves of great sufficiency1 delight in supposing themselves gallant men1 are enclined onely to ostentation2 but not to attempt3 ,because when danger or difficulty appears1 they look for nothing but to have their insufficiency discovered4 ,vain-glorious men1 such as estimate their sufficiency by the flattery of other men1 or the fortune of some precedent action1 without assured ground of hope from the true knowledge of themselves1 are enclined to rash engaging2 and in the approach of danger1 or difficulty1 to retire if they can3 because not seeing the way of safety1 they will rather hazard their honour1 which may be salved with an excuse2 than their lives1 for which no salve is sufficient4 ,ambition1 ,from ,opinion ,of ,sufficiency ,men that have a strong opinion of their own wisdome in matter of government1 are disposed to ,ambition4 ,because without publique ,employment in counsell or magistracy1 the honour of their wisdome is lost4 ,and therefore ,eloquent speakers are enclined to ,ambition2 for ,eloquence seemeth wisdome1 both to themselves and others ,irresolution1 ,from ,too ,great ,valuing ,of ,small ,matters ,pusillanimity disposeth men to ,irresolution1 and consequently to lose the occasions1 and fittest opportunities of action4 ,for after men have been in deliberation till the time of action approach1 if it be not then manifest what is best to be done1 tis a signe1 the difference of ,motives1 the one way and the other1 are not great3 ,therefore not to resolve then1 is to lose the occasion by weighing of trifles2 which is pusillanimity4 ,frugality17though in poor men a ,vertue17 maketh a man unapt to atchieve such actions1 as require the strength of many men at once3 ,for it weakeneth their ,endeavour1 which is to be nourished and kept in vigor by ,reward4 ,confidence ,in ,others ,from ,ignorance ,of ,the ,marks ,of ,wisdome and ,kindnesse ,eloquence1 with flattery1 disposeth men to confide in them that have it2 because the former is seeming ,wisdome1 the later seeming ,kindnesse4 ,adde to them ,military reputation1 and it disposeth men to adhaere1 and subject themselves to those men that have them4 ,the two former1 having given them caution against danger from him2 the later gives them caution against danger from others4 ,and ,from ,the ,ignorance ,of ,naturall ,causes ,want of ,science1 that is1 ,ignorance of causes1 disposeth1 or rather constraineth a man to rely on the advise1 and authority of others4 ,for all men whom the truth concernes1 if they rely not on their own1 must rely on the opinion of some other1 whom they think wiser than themselves1 and see not why he should deceive them4 ,and ,from ,want ,of ,understanding ,ignorance of the signification of words2 which is1 want of understanding1 disposeth men to take on trust1 not onely the truth they know not2 but also the errors2 and which is more1 the non-sense of them they trust3 ,for neither ,error1 nor non-sense1 can without a perfect understanding of words1 be detected4 ,from the same it proceedeth1 that men give different names1 to one and the same thing1 from the difference of their own passions3 ,as they that approve a private opinion1 call it ,opinion2 but they that mislike it1 ,haeresie3 and yet haeresie signifies no more than private opinion2 but has onely a greater tincture of choler4 ,from the same also it proceedeth1 that men cannot distinguish1 without study and great understanding1 between one action of many men1 and many actions of one multitude2 as for example1 between the one action of all the ,senators of ,rome in killing ,catiline1 and the many actions of a number of ,senators in killing ,caesar2 and therefore are disposed to take for the action of the people1 that which is a multitude of actions done by a multitude of men1 led perhaps by the perswasion of one4 ,adhaerence ,to ,custome1 ,from ,ignorance ,of ,the ,nature ,of ,right ,and ,wrong ,ignorance of the causes1 and originall constitution of ,right1 ,equity1 ,law1 and ,justice1 disposeth a man to make ,custome and ,example the rule of his actions2 in such manner1 as to think that ,unjust which it hath been the custome to punish2 and that ,just1 of the impunity and approbation whereof they can produce an ,example1 or 7as the ,lawyers which onely use the false measure of ,justice barbarously call it7 a ,precedent2 like little children1 that have no other rule of good and evill manners1 but the correction they receive from their ,parents1 and ,masters2 save that children are constant to their rule1 whereas men are not so2 because grown strong1 and stubborn1 they appeale from custome to reason1 and from reason to custome1 as it serves their turn2 receding from custome when their interest requires it1 and setting themselves against reason1 as oft as reason is against them3 ,which is the cause1 that the doctrine of ,right and ,wrong1 is perpetually disputed1 both by the ,pen and the ,sword3 whereas the doctrine of ,lines1 and ,figures1 is not so2 because men care not1 in that subject what be truth1 as a thing that crosses no mans ambition1 profit1 or lust4 ,for ,i doubt not1 but if it had been a thing contrary to any mans right of dominion1 or to the interest of men that have dominion1 ,that ,the ,three ,angles ,of ,a ,triangle ,should ,be ,equall ,to ,two ,angles ,of ,a ,square2 that doctrine should have been1 if not disputed1 yet by the burning of all books of ,geometry1 suppressed1 as farre as he whom it concerned was able4 ,adhaerence ,to ,private ,men1 ,from ,ignorance ,of ,the ,causes ,of ,peace ,ignorance of remote causes1 disposeth men to attribute all events1 to the causes immediate1 and ,instrumentall3 ,for these are all the causes they perceive4 ,and hence it comes to passe1 that in all places1 men that are grieved with payments to the ,publique1 discharge their anger upon the ,publicans1 that is to say1 ,farmers1 ,collectors1 and other ,officers of the publique ,revenue2 and adhaere to such as find fault with the publike ,government2 and thereby1 when they have engaged themselves beyond hope of justification1 fall also upon the ,supreme ,authority1 for feare of punishment1 or shame of receiving pardon4 ,credulity ,from ,ignorance ,of ,nature ,ignorance of naturall causes disposeth a man to ,credulity1 so as to believe many times impossibilities3 for such know nothing to the contrary1 but that they may be true2 being unable to detect the ,impossibility4 ,and ,credulity1 because men love to be hearkened unto in company1 disposeth them to lying3 so that ,ignorance it selfe without ,malice1 is able to make a man bothe to believe lyes1 and tell them2 and sometimes also to invent them4 ,curiosity ,to ,know1 ,from ,care ,of ,future ,time ,anxiety for the future time1 disposeth men to enquire into the causes of things3 because the knowledge of them1 maketh men the better able to order the present to their best advantage4 ,naturall ,religion1 ,from ,the ,same ,curiosity1 or love of the knowledge of causes1 draws a man from consideration of the effect1 to seek the cause2 and again1 the cause of that cause2 till of necessity he must come to this thought at last1 that there is some cause1 whereof there is no former cause1 but is eternall2 which is it men call ,god4 ,so that it is impossible to make any profound enquiry into naturall causes1 without being enclined thereby to believe there is one ,god ,eternall2 though they cannot have any ,idea of him in their mind1 answerable to his nature4 ,for as a man that is born blind1 hearing men talk of warming themselves by the fire1 and being brought to warm himself by the same1 may easily conceive1 and assure himselfe1 there is somewhat there1 which men call ,fire1 and is the cause of the heat he feeles2 but cannot imagine what it is like2 nor have an ,idea of it in his mind1 such as they have that see it3 so also1 by the visible things of this world1 and their admirable order1 a man may conceive there is a cause of them1 which men call ,god2 and yet not have an ,idea1 or ,image of him in his mind4 ,and they that make little1 or no enquiry into the naturall causes of things1 yet from the feare that proceeds from the ignorance it selfe1 of what it is that hath the power to do them much good or harm1 are enclined to suppose1 and feign unto themselves1 severall kinds of ,powers ,invisible2 and to stand in awe of their own imaginations2 and in time of distresse to invoke them2 as also in the time of an expected good successe1 to give them thanks2 making the creatures of their own fancy1 their ,gods4 ,by which means it hath come to passe1 that from the innumerable variety of ,fancy1 men have created in the world innumerable sorts of ,gods4 ,and this ,feare of things invisible1 is the naturall ,seed of that1 which every one in himself calleth ,religion2 and in them that worship1 or feare that ,power otherwise than they do1 ,superstition4 ,and this seed of ,religion1 having been observed by many2 some of those that have observed it1 have been enclined thereby to nourish1 dresse1 and forme it into ,lawes2 and to adde to it of their own invention1 any opinion of the causes of future events1 by which they thought they should best be able to govern others1 and make unto themselves the greatest use of their ,powers4 ,,chapter ,,xii4 ,,of ,,religion ,religion1 ,in ,man ,onely ,seeing there are no signes1 nor fruit of ,religion1 but in ,man onely2 there is no cause to doubt1 but that the seed of ,religion1 is also onely in ,man2 and consisteth in some peculiar quality1 or at least in some eminent degree thereof1 not to be found in other ,living creatures4 ,first1 ,from ,his ,desire ,of ,knowing ,causes ,and first1 it is peculiar to the nature of ,man1 to be inquisitive into the ,causes of the ,events they see1 some more1 some lesse2 but all men so much1 as to be curious in the search of the causes of their own good and evill fortune4 ,from ,the ,consideration ,of ,the ,beginning ,of ,things ,secondly1 upon the sight of any thing that hath a ,beginning1 to think also it had a cause1 which determined the same to begin1 then when it did1 rather than sooner or later4 ,from ,his ,observation ,of ,the ,sequell ,of ,things ,thirdly1 whereas there is no other ,felicity of ,beasts1 but the enjoying of their quotidian ,food1 ,ease1 and ,lusts2 as having little1 or no foresight of the time to come1 for want of observation1 and memory of the order1 consequence1 and dependance of the things they see2 ,man observeth how one ,event hath been produced by another2 and remembreth in them ,antecedence and ,consequence2 ,and when he cannot assure himselfe of the true causes of things1 7for the causes of good and evill fortune for the most part are invisible17 he supposes causes of them1 either such as his own fancy suggesteth2 or trusteth to the ,authority of other men1 such as he thinks to be his friends1 and wiser than himselfe4 ,the ,naturall ,cause ,of ,religion1 ,the ,anxiety ,of ,the ,time ,to ,come ,the two first1 make ,anxiety4 ,for being assured that there be causes of all things that have arrived hitherto1 or shall arrive hereafter2 it is impossible for a man1 who continually endeavoureth to secure himselfe against the evill he feares1 and procure the good he desireth1 not to be in a perpetuall solicitude of the time to come2 ,so that every man1 especially those that are over provident1 are in an estate like to that of ,prometheus4 ,for as ,prometheus1 7which interpreted1 is1 ,the ,prudent ,man17 was bound to the hill ,caucasus1 a place of large prospect1 where1 an ,eagle feeding on his liver1 devoured in the day1 as much as was repayred in the night3 ,so that man1 which looks too far before him1 in the care of future time1 hath his heart all the day long1 gnawed on by feare of death1 poverty1 or other calamity2 and has no repose1 nor pause of his anxiety1 but in sleep4 ,which ,makes ,them ,fear ,the ,power ,of ,invisible ,things ,this perpetuall feare1 alwayes accompanying mankind in the ignorance of causes1 as it were in the ,dark1 must needs have for object something4 ,and therefore when there is nothing to be seen1 there is nothing to accuse1 either of their good1 or evill fortune1 but some ,power1 or ,agent ,invisible3 ,in which sense perhaps it was1 that some of the old ,poets said1 that the ,gods were at first created by humane ,feare3 which spoken of the ,gods1 7that is to say1 of the many ,gods of the ,gentiles7 is very true4 ,but the acknowledging of one ,god ,eternall1 ,infinite1 and ,omnipotent1 may more easily be derived1 from the desire men have to know the causes of naturall bodies1 and their severall vertues1 and operations2 than from the feare of what was to befall them in time to come4 ,for he that from any effect hee seeth come to passe1 should reason to the next and immediate cause thereof1 and from thence to the cause of that cause1 and plonge himselfe profoundly in the pursuit of causes2 shall at last come to this1 that there must be 7as even the ,heathen ,philosophers confessed7 one ,first ,mover2 that is1 a ,first1 and an ,eternall cause of all things2 which is that which men mean by the name of ,god3 ,and all this without thought of their fortune2 the solicitude whereof1 both enclines to fear1 and hinders them from the search of the causes of other things2 and thereby gives occasion of feigning of as many ,gods1 as there be men that feigne them4 ,and ,suppose ,them ,incorporeall ,and for the matter1 or substance of the ,invisible ,agents1 so fancyed2 they could not by naturall cogitation1 fall upon any other conceipt1 but that it was the same with that of the ,soule of man2 and that the ,soule of man1 was of the same substance1 with that which appeareth in a ,dream1 to one that sleepeth2 or in a ,looking-glasse1 to one that is awake2 which1 men not knowing that such apparitions are nothing else but creatures of the ,fancy1 think to be reall1 and externall ,substances2 and therefore call them ,ghosts2 as the ,latines called them ,imagines1 and ,umbrae2 and thought them ,spirits1 that is1 thin aereall bodies2 and those ,invisible ,agents1 which they feared1 to bee like them2 save that they appear1 and vanish when they please4 ,but the opinion that such ,spirits were ,incorporeall1 or ,immateriall1 could never enter into the mind of any man by nature2 because1 though men may put together words of contradictory signification1 as ,spirit1 and ,incorporeall2 yet they can never have the imagination of any thing answering to them3 ,and therefore1 men that by their own meditation1 arrive to the acknowledgement of one ,infinite1 ,omnipotent1 and ,eternall ,god1 choose rather to confesse he is ,incomprehensible1 and above their understanding2 than to define his ,nature ,by ,spirit ,incorporeall1 and then ,confesse their definition to be unintelligible3 or if they give him such a title1 it is not ,dogmatically1 with intention to make the ,divine ,nature understood2 but ,piously1 to honour him with attributes1 of significations1 as remote as they can from the grossenesse of ,bodies ,visible4 ,but ,know ,not ,the ,way ,how ,they ,effect ,anything ,then1 for the way by which they think these ,invisible ,agents wrought their effects2 that is to say1 what immediate causes they used1 in bringing things to passe1 men that know not what it is that we call ,causing1 7that is1 almost all men7 have no other rule to guesse by1 but by observing1 and remembring what they have seen to precede the like effect at some other time1 or times before1 without seeing between the antecedent and subsequent ,event1 any dependance or connexion at all3 ,and therefore from the like things past1 they expect the like things to come2 and hope for good or evill luck1 superstitiously1 from things that have no part at all in the causing of it3 ,as the ,athenians did for their war at ,lepanto1 demand another ,phormio2 the ,pompeian faction for their warre in ,afrique1 another ,scipio2 and others have done in divers other occasions since4 ,in like manner they attribute their fortune to a stander by1 to a lucky or unlucky place1 to words spoken1 especially if the name of ,god be amongst them2 as ,charming1 and ,conjuring 7the ,leiturgy of ,witches27 insomuch as to believe1 they have power to turn a stone into bread1 bread into a man1 or any thing1 into any thing4 ,but ,honour ,them ,as ,they ,honour ,men ,thirdly1 for the worship which naturally men exhibite to ,powers invisible1 it can be no other1 but such expressions of their reverence1 as they would use towards men2 ,gifts1 ,petitions1 ,thanks1 ,submission of ,body1 ,considerate ,addresses1 sober ,behaviour1 premeditated ,words1 ,swearing 7that is1 assuring one another of their promises17 by invoking them4 ,beyond that reason suggesteth nothing2 but leaves them either to rest there2 or for further ceremonies1 to rely on those they believe to be wiser than themselves4 ,and ,attribute ,to ,them ,all ,extraordinary ,events ,lastly1 concerning how these ,invisible ,powers declare to men the things which shall hereafter come to passe1 especially concerning their good or evill fortune in generall1 or good or ill successe in any particular undertaking1 men are naturally at a stand2 save that using to conjecture of the time to come1 by the time past1 they are very apt1 not onely to take casuall things1 after one or two encounters1 for ,prognostiques of the like encounter ever after1 but also to believe the like ,prognostiques from other men1 of whom they have once conceived a good opinion4 ,foure ,things1 ,naturall ,seeds ,of ,religion ,and in these foure things1 ,opinion of ,ghosts1 ,ignorance of second causes1 ,devotion towards what men fear1 and ,taking of things ,casuall for ,prognostiques1 consisteth the ,naturall seed of ,religion2 which by reason of the different ,fancies1 ,judgements1 and ,passions of severall men1 hath grown up into ceremonies so different1 that those which are used by one man1 are for the most part ridiculous to another4 ,made ,different ,by ,culture ,for these seeds have received culture from two sorts of men4 ,one sort have been they1 that have nourished1 and ordered them1 according to their own invention4 ,the other1 have done it1 by ,gods commandement1 and direction3 but both sorts have done it1 with a purpose to make those men that relyed on them1 the more apt to ,obedience1 ,lawes1 ,peace1 ,charity1 and civill ,society4 ,so that the ,religion of the former sort1 is a part of humane ,politiques2 and teacheth part of the duty which ,earthly ,kings require of their ,subjects4 ,and the ,religion of the later sort is ,divine ,politiques2 and containeth ,precepts to those that have yeelded themselves subjects in the ,kingdome of ,god4 ,of the former sort1 were all the ,founders of ,common-wealths1 and the ,law-givers of the ,gentiles3 ,of the later sort1 were ,abraham1 ,moses1 and our ,blessed ,saviour2 by whom have been derived unto us the ,lawes of the ,kingdome of ,god4 ,the ,absurd ,opinion ,of ,gentilisme ,and for that part of ,religion1 which consisteth in opinions concerning the nature of ,powers ,invisible1 there is almost nothing that has a name1 that has not been esteemed amongst the ,gentiles1 in one place or another1 a ,god1 or ,divell2 or by their ,poets feigned to be inanimated1 inhabited1 or possessed by some ,spirit or other4 ,the unformed matter of the ,world1 was a ,god1 by the name of ,chaos4 ,the ,heaven1 the ,ocean1 the ,planets1 the ,fire1 the ,earth1 the ,winds1 were so many ,gods4 ,men1 ,women1 a ,bird1 a ,crocodile1 a ,calf1 a ,dogge1 a ,snake1 an ,onion1 a ,leeke1 ,deified4 ,besides1 that they filled almost all places1 with spirits called ,daemons2 the plains1 with ,pan1 and ,panises1 or ,satyres2 the ,woods1 with ,fawnes1 and ,nymphs2 the ,sea1 with ,tritons1 and other ,nymphs2 every ,river1 and ,fountayn1 with a ,ghost of his name1 and with ,nymphs2 every house1 with it ,lares1 or ,familiars2 every man1 with his ,genius2 ,hell1 with ,ghosts1 and spirituall ,officers1 as ,charon1 ,cerberus1 and the ,furies2 and in the night time1 all places with ,larvae1 ,lemures1 ,ghosts of men deceased1 and a whole kingdome of ,fayries1 and ,bugbears4 ,they have also ascribed ,divinity1 and built ,temples to meer ,accidents1 and ,qualities2 such as are ,time1 ,night1 ,day1 ,peace1 ,concord1 ,love1 ,contention1 ,vertue1 ,honour1 ,health1 ,rust1 ,fever1 and the like2 which when they prayed for1 or against1 they prayed to1 as if there were ,ghosts of those names hanging over their heads1 and letting fall1 or withholding that ,good1 or ,evill1 for1 or against which they prayed4 ,they invoked also their own ,wit1 by the name of ,muses2 their own ,ignorance1 by the name of ,fortune2 their own ,lust1 by the name of ,cupid2 their own ,rage1 by the name ,furies2 their own privy members by the name of ,priapus2 and attributed their pollutions1 to ,incubi1 and ,succubae3 insomuch as there was nothing1 which a ,poet could introduce as a person in his ,poem1 which they did not make either a ,god1 or a ,divel4 ,the same authors of the ,religion of the ,gentiles1 observing the second ground for ,religion1 which is mens ,ignorance of causes2 and thereby their aptnesse to attribute their fortune to causes1 on which there was no dependence at all apparent1 took occasion to obtrude on their ignorance1 in stead of second causes1 a kind of second and ministeriall ,gods2 ascribing the cause of ,foecundity1 to ,venus2 the cause of ,arts1 to ,apollo2 of ,subtilty and ,craft1 to ,mercury2 of ,tempests and stormes1 to ,aeolus2 and of other effects1 to other ,gods3 insomuch as there was amongst the ,heathen almost as great variety of ,gods1 as of businesse4 ,and to the ,worship1 which naturally men conceived fit to bee used towards their ,gods1 namely ,oblations1 ,prayers1 ,thanks1 and the rest formerly named2 the same ,legislators of the ,gentiles have added their ,images1 both in ,picture1 and ,sculpture2 that the more ignorant sort1 7that is to say1 the most part1 or generality of the people17 thinking the ,gods for whose representation they were made1 were really included1 and as it were housed within them1 might so much the more stand in feare of them3 ,and endowed them with lands1 and houses1 and officers1 and revenues1 set apart from all other humane uses2 that is1 consecrated1 and made holy to those their ,idols2 as ,caverns1 ,groves1 ,woods1 ,mountains1 and whole ,ilands2 and have attributed to them1 not onely the shapes1 some of ,men1 some of ,beasts1 some of ,monsters2 but also the ,faculties1 and ,passions of men and beasts2 as ,sense1 ,speech1 ,sex1 ,lust1 ,generation1 7and this not onely by mixing one with another1 to propagate the kind of ,gods2 but also by mixing with men1 and women1 to beget mongrill ,gods1 and but inmates of ,heaven1 as ,bacchus1 ,hercules1 and others27 besides1 ,anger1 ,revenge1 and other passions of living creatures1 and the actions proceeding from them1 as ,fraud1 ,theft1 ,adultery1 ,sodomie1 and any vice that may be taken for an effect of ,power1 or a cause of ,pleasure2 and all such ,vices1 as amongst men are taken to be against ,law1 rather than against ,honour4 ,lastly1 to the ,prognostiques of time to come2 which are naturally1 but ,conjectures upon the ,experience of time past2 and supernaturall1 divine ,revelation2 the same authors of the ,religion of the ,gentiles1 partly upon pretended ,experience1 partly upon pretended ,revelation1 have added innumerable other superstitious wayes of ,divination2 and made men believe they should find their fortunes1 sometimes in the ambiguous or senslesse answers of the priests at ,delphi1 ,delos1 ,ammon1 and other famous ,oracles2 which answers1 were made ambiguous by designe1 to own the event both wayes2 or absurd by the intoxicating vapour of the place1 which is very frequent in sulphurous ,cavernes3 ,sometimes in the leaves of the ,sibills2 of whose ,prophecyes 7like those perhaps of ,nostradamus2 for the fragments now extant seem to be the invention of later times7 there were some books in reputation in the time of the ,roman ,republique3 ,sometimes in the insignificant ,speeches of ,mad-men1 supposed to be possessed with a divine ,spirit2 which ,possession they called ,enthusiasme2 and these kinds of foretelling events1 were accounted ,theomancy1 or ,prophecy2 ,sometimes in the aspect of the ,starres at their ,nativity2 which was called ,horoscopy1 and esteemed a part of judiciary ,astrology3 ,sometimes in their own hopes and feares1 called ,thumomancy1 or ,presage3 ,sometimes in the ,prediction of ,witches1 that pretended conference with the dead2 which is called ,necromancy1 ,conjuring1 and ,witchcraft2 and is but juggling and confederate knavery3 ,sometimes in the ,casuall flight1 or feeding of birds2 called ,augury3 ,sometimes in the ,entrayles of a sacrificed beast2 which was ,aruspicina3 ,sometimes in ,dreams3 ,sometimes in ,croaking of ,ravens1 or chattering of ,birds3 ,sometimes in the ,lineaments of the face2 which was called ,metoposcopy2 or by ,palmistry in the lines of the hand2 in casuall words1 called ,omina3 ,sometimes in ,monsters1 or unusuall accidents2 as ,ecclipses1 ,comets1 rare ,meteors1 ,earthquakes1 ,inundations1 uncouth ,births1 and the like1 which they called ,portenta and ,ostenta1 because they thought them to portend1 or foreshew some great ,calamity to come2 ,sometimes1 in meer ,lottery1 as ,crosse and ,pile2 counting holes in a sive2 dipping of ,verses in ,homer1 and ,virgil2 and innumerable other such vaine conceipts4 ,so easie are men to be drawn to believe any thing1 from such men as have gotten credit with them2 and can with gentlenesse1 and dexterity1 take hold of their fear1 and ignorance4 ,the ,designes ,of ,the ,authors ,of ,the ,religion ,of ,the ,heathen ,and therefore the first ,founders1 and ,legislators of ,common-wealths amongst the ,gentiles1 whose ends were only to keep the people in obedience1 and peace1 have in all places taken care2 ,first1 to imprint in their minds a beliefe1 that those precepts which they gave concerning ,religion1 might not be thought to proceed from their own device1 but from the dictates of some ,god1 or other ,spirit2 or else that they themselves were of a higher nature than mere mortalls1 that their ,lawes might the more easily be received3 ,so ,numa ,pompilius pretended to receive the ,ceremonies he instituted amongst the ,romans1 from the ,nymph ,egeria3 and the first ,king and founder of the ,kingdome of ,peru1 pretended himselfe and his wife to be the children of the ,sunne3 and ,mahomet1 to set up his new ,religion1 pretended to have conferences with the ,holy ,ghost1 in forme of a ,dove4 ,secondly1 they have had a care1 to make it believed1 that the same things were displeasing to the ,gods1 which were forbidden by the ,lawes4 ,thirdly1 to prescribe ,ceremonies1 ,supplications1 ,sacrifices1 and ,festivalls1 by which they were to believe1 the anger of the ,gods might be appeased2 and that ill success in ,war1 great contagions of ,sicknesse1 ,earthquakes1 and each mans private ,misery1 came from the ,anger of the ,gods2 and their ,anger from the ,neglect of their ,worship1 or the forgetting1 or mistaking some point of the ,ceremonies required4 ,and though amongst the antient ,romans1 men were not forbidden to deny1 that which in the ,poets is written of the paines1 and pleasures after this life2 which divers of great authority1 and gravity in that state have in their ,harangues openly derided2 yet that beliefe was alwaies more cherished1 than the contrary4 ,and by these1 and such other ,institutions1 they obtayned in order to their end1 7which was the peace of the ,commonwealth17 that the common people in their misfortunes1 laying the fault on neglect1 or errour in their ,ceremonies1 or on their own disobedience to the lawes1 were the lesse apt to mutiny against their ,governors4 ,and being entertained with the pomp1 and pastime of ,festivalls1 and publike ,gomes1 made in honour of the ,gods1 needed nothing else but bread1 to keep them from discontent1 murmuring1 and commotion against the ,state4 ,and therefore the ,romans1 that had conquered the greatest part of the then known ,world1 made no scruple of tollerating any ,religion whatsoever in the ,city of ,rome it selfe2 unlesse it had somthing in it1 that could not consist with their ,civill ,government2 nor do we read1 that any ,religion was there forbidden1 but that of the ,jewes2 who 7being the peculiar ,kingdome of ,god7 thought it unlawfull to acknowledge subjection to any mortall ,king or ,state whatsoever4 ,and thus you see how the ,religion of the ,gentiles was a part of their ,policy4 ,the ,true ,religion1 ,and ,the ,lawes ,of ,gods ,kingdome ,the ,same ,but where ,god himselfe1 by supernaturall ,revelation1 planted ,religion2 there he also made to himselfe a peculiar ,kingdome2 and gave ,lawes1 not only of behaviour towards himselfe2 but also towards one another2 and thereby in the ,kingdome of ,god1 the ,policy1 and lawes ,civill1 are a part of ,religion2 and therefore the distinction of ,temporall1 and ,spirituall ,domination1 hath there no place4 ,it is true1 that ,god is ,king of all the ,earth3 ,yet may he be ,king of a peculiar1 and chosen ,nation4 ,for there is no more incongruity therein1 than that he that hath the generall command of the whole ,army1 should have withall a peculiar ,regiment1 or ,company of his own4 ,god is ,king of all the ,earth by his ,power3 but of his chosen people1 he is ,king by ,covenant4 ,but to speake more largly of the ,kingdome of ,god1 both by ,nature1 and ,covenant1 ,i have in the following discourse assigned an other place4 ,the ,causes ,of ,change ,in ,religion ,from the propagation of ,religion1 it is not hard to understand the causes of the resolution of the same into its first seeds1 or principles2 which are only an opinion of a ,deity1 and ,powers invisible1 and supernaturall2 that can never be so abolished out of humane nature1 but that new ,religions may againe be made to spring out of them1 by the culture of such men1 as for such purpose are in reputation4 ,for seeing all formed ,religion1 is founded at first1 upon the faith which a multitude hath in some one person1 whom they believe not only to be a wise man1 and to labour to procure their happiness1 but also to be a holy man1 to whom ,god himselfe vouchsafeth to declare his will supernaturally2 ,it followeth necessarily1 when they that have the ,goverment of ,religion1 shall come to have either the wisedome of those men1 their sincerity1 or their love suspected2 or that they shall be unable to shew any probable token of divine ,revelation2 that the ,religion which they desire to uphold1 must be suspected likewise2 and 7without the feare of the ,civill ,sword7 contradicted and rejected4 ,injoyning ,beleefe ,of ,impossibilities ,that which taketh away the reputation of ,wisedome1 in him that formeth a ,religion1 or addeth to it when it is allready formed1 is the enjoyning of a beliefe of contradictories3 ,for both parts of a contradiction cannot possibly be true3 and therefore to enjoyne the beliefe of them1 is an argument of ignorance2 which detects the ,author in that2 and discredits him in all things else he shall propound as from revelation supernaturall3 which revelation a man may indeed have of many things above1 but of nothing against naturall reason4 ,doing ,contrary ,to ,the ,religion ,they ,establish ,that which taketh away the reputation of ,sincerity1 is the doing1 or saying of such things1 as appeare to be signes1 that what they require other men to believe1 is not believed by themselves2 all which doings1 or sayings are therefore called ,scandalous1 because they be stumbling blocks1 that make men to fall in the way of ,religion3 as ,injustice1 ,cruelty1 ,prophanesse1 ,avarice1 and ,luxury4 ,for who can believe1 that he that doth ordinarily such actions1 as proceed from any of these rootes1 believeth there is any such ,invisible ,power to be feared1 as he affrighteth other men withall1 for lesser faults8 ,that which taketh away the reputation of ,love1 is the being detected of private ends3 as when the beliefe they require of others1 conduceth or seemeth to conduce to the acquiring of ,dominion1 ,riches1 ,dignity1 or secure ,pleasure1 to themselves onely1 or specially4 ,for that which men reap benefit by to themselves1 they are thought to do for their own sakes1 and not for love of others ,want ,of ,the ,testimony ,of ,miracles ,lastly1 the testimony that men can render of divine ,calling1 can be no other1 than the operation of ,miracles2 or true ,prophecy1 7which also is a ,miracle27 or extraordinary ,felicity4 ,and therefore1 to those points of ,religion1 which have been received from them that did such ,miracles2 those that are added by such1 as approve not their ,calling by some ,miracle1 obtain no greater beliefe1 than what the ,custome1 and ,lawes of the places1 in which they be educated1 have wrought into them4 ,for as in naturall things1 men of judgement require naturall signes1 and arguments2 so in supernaturall things1 they require signes supernaturall1 7which are ,miracles17 before they consent inwardly1 and from their hearts4 ,all which causes of the weakening of mens faith1 do manifestly appear in the ,examples following4 ,first1 we have the ,example of the children of ,israel2 who when ,moses1 that had approved his ,calling to them by ,miracles1 and by the happy conduct of them out of ,egypt1 was absent but #dj dayes1 revolted from the worship of the true ,god1 recommended to them by him2 and setting up 7,exod4#cb #a1b7 a ,golden ,calfe for their ,god1 relapsed into the ,idolatry of the ,egyptians2 from whom they had been so lately delivered4 ,and again1 after ,moses1 ,aaron1 ,joshua1 and that generation which had seen the great works of ,god in ,israel1 7,judges #b #aa7 were dead2 another generation arose1 and served ,baal4 ,so that ,miracles fayling1 ,faith also failed4 ,again1 when the sons of ,samuel1 7#a ,sam4#h4c7 being constituted by their father ,judges in ,bersabee1 received bribes1 and judged unjustly1 the people of ,israel refused any more to have ,god to be their ,king1 in other manner than he was ,king of other people2 and therefore cryed out to ,samuel1 to choose them a ,king after the manner of the ,nations4 ,so that ,justice ,fayling1 ,faith also fayled3 ,insomuch1 as they deposed their ,god1 from reigning over them4 ,and whereas in the planting of ,christian ,religion1 the ,oracles ceased in all parts of the ,roman ,empire1 and the number of ,christians encreased wonderfully every day1 and in every place1 by the preaching of the ,apostles1 and ,evangelists2 a great part of that successe1 may reasonably be attributed1 to the contempt1 into which the ,priests of the ,gentiles of that time1 had brought themselves1 by their uncleannesse1 avarice1 and jugling between ,princes4 ,also the ,religion of the ,church of ,rome1 was partly1 for the same cause abolished in ,england1 and many other parts of ,christendome2 insomuch1 as the fayling of ,vertue in the ,pastors1 maketh ,faith faile in the ,people3 and partly from bringing of the ,philosophy1 and doctrine of ,aristotle into ,religion1 by the ,schoole-men2 from whence there arose so many contradictions1 and absurdities1 as brought the ,clergy into a reputation both of ,ignorance1 and of ,fraudulent intention2 and enclined people to revolt from them1 either against the will of their own ,princes1 as in ,france1 and ,holland2 or with their will1 as in ,england4 ,lastly1 amongst the points by the ,church of ,rome declared necessary for ,salvation1 there be so many1 manifestly to the advantage of the ,pope1 and of his spirituall subjects1 residing in the territories of other ,christian ,princes1 that were it not for the mutuall emulation of those ,princes1 they might without warre1 or trouble1 exclude all forraign ,authority1 as easily as it has been excluded in ,england4 ,for who is there that does not see1 to whose benefit it conduceth1 to have it believed1 that a ,king hath not his ,authority from ,christ1 unlesse a ,bishop crown him8 ,that a ,king1 if he be a ,priest1 cannot ,marry8 ,that whether a ,prince be born in lawfull ,marriage1 or not1 must be judged by ,authority from ,rome8 ,that ,subjects may be freed from their ,alleageance1 if by the ,court of ,rome1 the ,king be judged an ,heretique8 ,that a ,king 7as ,chilperique of ,france7 may be deposed by a ,pope 7as ,pope ,zachary17 for no cause2 and his ,kingdome given to one of his ,subjects8 ,that the ,clergy1 and ,regulars1 in what ,country soever1 shall be exempt from the ,jurisdiction of their ,king1 in cases criminall8 ,or who does not see1 to whose profit redound the ,fees of private ,masses1 and ,vales of ,purgatory2 with other signes of private interest1 enough to mortifie the most lively ,faith1 if 7as ,i sayd7 the civill ,magistrate1 and ,custome did not more sustain it1 than any opinion they have of the ,sanctity1 ,wisdome1 or ,probity of their ,teachers8 ,so that ,i may attribute all the changes of ,religion in the world1 to one and the some cause2 and that is1 unpleasing ,priests2 and those not onely amongst ,catholiques1 but even in that ,church that hath presumed most of ,reformation4 ,,chapter ,,xiii4 ,,of ,,the ,,naturall ,,condition ,,of ,,mankind1 ,,as ,,concerning ,,their ,,felicity1 ,,and ,,misery ,nature hath made men so equall1 in the faculties of body1 and mind2 as that though there bee found one man sometimes manifestly stronger in body1 or of quicker mind then another2 yet when all is reckoned together1 the difference between man1 and man1 is not so considerable1 as that one man can thereupon claim to himselfe any benefit1 to which another may not pretend1 as well as he4 ,for as to the strength of body1 the weakest has strength enough to kill the strongest1 either by secret machination1 or by confederacy with others1 that are in the same danger with himselfe4 ,and as to the faculties of the mind1 7setting aside the arts grounded upon words1 and especially that skill of proceeding upon generall1 and infallible rules1 called ,science2 which very few have1 and but in few things2 as being not a native faculty1 born with us2 nor attained1 7as ,prudence17 while we look after somewhat els17 ,i find yet a greater equality amongst men1 than that of strength4 ,for ,prudence1 is but ,experience2 which equall time1 equally bestowes on all men1 in those things they equally apply themselves unto4 ,that which may perhaps make such equality incredible1 is but a vain conceipt of ones owne wisdome1 which almost all men think they have in a greater degree1 than the ,vulgar2 that is1 than all men but themselves1 and a few others1 whom by ,fame1 or for concurring with themselves1 they approve4 ,for such is the nature of men1 that howsoever they may acknowledge many others to be more witty1 or more eloquent1 or more learned2 ,yet they will hardly believe there be many so wise as themselves3 ,for they see their own wit at hand1 and other mens at a distance4 ,but this proveth rather that men are in that point equall1 than unequall4 ,for there is not ordinarily a greater signe of the equall distribution of any thing1 than that every man is contented with his share4 ,from ,equality ,proceeds ,diffidence ,from this equality of ability1 ariseth equality of hope in the attaining of our ,ends4 ,and therefore if any two men desire the same thing1 which neverthelesse they cannot both enjoy1 they become enemies2 and in the way to their ,end1 7which is principally their owne conservation1 and sometimes their delectation only17 endeavour to destroy1 or subdue one an other4 ,and from hence it comes to passe1 that where an ,invader hath no more to feare1 than an other mans single power2 if one plant1 sow1 build1 or possesse a convenient ,seat1 others may probably be expected to come prepared with forces united1 to dispossesse1 and deprive him1 not only of the fruit of his labour1 but also of his life1 or liberty4 ,and the ,invader again is in the like danger of another4 ,from ,diffidence ,warre ,and from this diffidence of one another1 there is no way for any man to secure himselfe1 so reasonable1 as ,anticipation2 that is1 by force1 or wiles1 to master the persons of all men he can1 so long1 till he see no other power great enough to endanger him3 ,and this is no more than his own conservation requireth1 and is generally allowed4 ,also because there be some1 that taking pleasure in contemplating their own power in the acts of conquest1 which they pursue farther than their security requires2 if others1 that otherwise would be glad to be at ease within modest bounds1 should not by invasion increase their power1 they would not be able1 long time1 by standing only on their defence1 to subsist4 ,and by consequence1 such augmentation of dominion over men1 being necessary to a mans conservation1 it ought to be allowed him4 ,againe1 men have no pleasure1 7but on the contrary a great deale of griefe7 in keeping company1 where there is no power able to over-awe them all4 ,for every man looketh that his companion should value him1 at the same rate he sets upon himselfe3 ,and upon all signes of contempt1 or undervaluing1 naturally endeavours1 as far as he dares 7which amongst them that have no common power1 to keep them in quiet1 is far enough to make them destroy each other17 to extort a greater value from his contemners1 by dommage2 and from others1 by the example4 ,so that in the nature of man1 we find three principall causes of quarrel4 ,first1 ,competition2 ,secondly1 ,diffidence2 ,thirdly1 ,glory4 ,the first1 maketh men invade for ,gain2 the second1 for ,safety2 and the third1 for ,reputation4 ,the first use ,violence1 to make themselves ,masters of other mens persons1 wives1 children1 and cattell2 the second1 to defend them2 the third1 for trifles1 as a word1 a smile1 a different opinion1 and any other signe of undervalue1 either direct in their ,persons1 or by reflexion in their ,kindred1 their ,friends1 their ,nation1 their ,profession1 or their ,name4 ,out ,of ,civil ,states1 ,there ,is ,alwayes ,warre ,of ,every ,one ,against ,every ,one ,hereby it is manifest1 that during the time men live without a common ,power to keep them all in awe1 they are in that condition which is called ,warre2 and such a warre1 as is of every man1 against every man4 ,for ,,warre1 consisteth not in ,battell onely1 or the act of fighting2 but in a tract of time1 wherein the ,will to contend by ,battell is sufficiently known3 and therefore the notion of ,time1 is to be considered in the nature of ,warre2 as it is in the nature of ,weather4 ,for as the nature of ,foule weather1 lyeth not in a showre or two of rain2 but in an inclination thereto of many dayes together3 ,so the nature of ,war1 consisteth not in actuall fighting2 but in the known disposition thereto1 during all the time there is no assurance to the contrary4 ,all other time is ,,peace4 ,the ,incommodities ,of ,such ,a ,war ,whatsoever therefore is consequent to a time of ,warre1 where every man is ,enemy to every man2 the same is consequent to the time1 wherein men live without other security1 than what their own strength1 and their own invention shall furnish them withall4 ,in such condition1 there is no place for ,industry2 because the fruit thereof is uncertain2 and consequently no ,culture of the ,earth2 no ,navigation1 nor use of the commodities that may be imported by ,sea2 no commodious ,building2 no ,instruments of moving1 and removing such things as require much force2 no ,knowledge of the face of the ,earth2 no account of ,time2 no ,arts2 no ,letters2 no ,society2 and which is worst of all1 continuall feare1 and danger of violent death2 ,and the life of man1 solitary1 poore1 nasty1 brutish1 and short4 ,it may seem strange to some man1 that has not well weighed these things2 that ,nature should thus dissociate1 and render men apt to invade1 and destroy one another3 and he may therefore1 not trusting to this ,inference1 made from the ,passions1 desire perhaps to have the same confirmed by ,experience4 ,let him therefore consider with himselfe1 when taking a journey1 he armes himselfe1 and seeks to go well accompanied2 when going to sleep1 he locks his dores2 when even in his house he locks his chests2 and this when he knows there bee ,lawes1 and publike ,officers1 armed1 to revenge all injuries shall bee done him2 what opinion he has of his fellow subjects1 when he rides armed2 of his fellow ,citizens1 when he locks his dores2 and of his children1 and servants1 when he locks his chests4 ,does he not there as much accuse mankind by his actions1 as ,i do by my words8 ,but neither of us accuse mans nature in it4 ,the ,desires1 and other ,passions of man1 are in themselves no ,sin4 ,no more are the ,actions1 that proceed from those ,passions1 till they know a ,law that forbids them2 which till ,lawes be made they cannot know3 nor can any ,law be made1 till they have agreed upon the ,person that shall make it4 ,it may peradventure be thought1 there was never such a time1 nor condition of warre as this2 and ,i believe it was never generally so1 over all the world3 but there are many places1 where they live so now4 ,for the savage people in many places of ,america1 except the government of small ,families1 the concord whereof dependeth on naturall lust1 have no government at all2 and live at this day in that brutish manner1 as ,i said before4 ,howsoever1 it may be perceived what manner of life there would be1 where there were no common ,power to feare2 by the manner of life1 which men that have formerly lived under a peacefull government1 use to degenerate into1 in a civill ,warre4 ,but though there had never been any time1 wherein particular men were in a condition of warre one against another2 yet in all times1 ,kings1 and persons of ,soveraigne authority1 because of their ,independency1 are in continuall jealousies1 and in the state and posture of ,gladiators2 having their weapons pointing1 and their eyes fixed on one another2 that is1 their ,forts1 ,garrisons1 and ,guns upon the ,frontiers of their ,kingdomes2 and continuall ,spyes upon their neighbours2 which is a posture of ,war4 ,but because they uphold thereby1 the ,industry of their ,subjects2 there does not follow from it1 that misery1 which accompanies the ,liberty of particular men4 ,in ,such ,a ,warre1 ,nothing ,is ,unjust ,to this warre of every man against every man1 this also is consequent2 that nothing can be ,unjust4 ,the notions of ,right and ,wrong1 ,justice and ,injustice have there no place4 ,where there is no common ,power1 there is no ,law3 where no ,law1 no ,injustice4 ,force1 and ,fraud1 are in warre the two ,cardinall vertues4 ,justice1 and ,injustice are none of the ,faculties neither of the ,body1 nor ,mind4 ,if they were1 they might be in a man that were alone in the world1 as well as his ,senses1 and ,passions4 ,they are ,qualities1 that relate to men in ,society1 not in ,solitude4 ,it is consequent also to the same condition1 that there be no ,propriety1 no ,dominion1 no ,mine and ,thine distinct2 but onely that to be every mans that he can get2 and for so long1 as he can keep it4 ,and thus much for the ill condition1 which man by meer ,nature is actually placed in2 though with a possibility to come out of it1 consisting partly in the ,passions1 partly in his ,reason4 ,the ,passions ,that ,incline ,men ,to ,peace ,the ,passions that encline men to ,peace1 are ,feare of ,death2 ,desire of such things as are necessary to commodious living2 and a ,hope by their ,industry to obtain them4 ,and ,reason suggesteth convenient ,articles of ,peace1 upon which men may be drawn to agreement4 ,these ,articles1 are they1 which otherwise are called the ,lawes of ,nature3 whereof ,i shall speak more particularly1 in the two following ,chapters4 ,,chapter ,,xiv4 ,,of ,,the ,,first ,,and ,,second ,,naturall ,,lawes1 ,,and ,,of ,,contracts ,right ,of ,nature ,what ,the ,,right ,,of ,,nature1 which ,writers commonly call ,jus ,naturale1 is the ,liberty each man hath1 to use his own power1 as he will himselfe1 for the preservation of his own ,nature2 that is to say1 of his own ,life2 and consequently1 of doing any thing1 which in his own ,judgement1 and ,reason1 hee shall conceive to be the aptest means thereunto4 ,liberty ,what ,by ,,liberty1 is understood1 according to the proper signification of the word1 the absence of externall ,impediments3 which ,impediments1 may oft take away part of a mans power to do what hee would2 but cannot hinder him from using the power left him1 according as his judgement1 and reason shall dictate to him4 ,a ,law ,of ,nature ,what ,a ,,law ,,of ,,nature1 7,lex ,naturalis17 is a ,precept1 or generall ,rule1 found out by ,reason1 by which a man is forbidden to do1 that1 which is destructive of his life1 or taketh away the means of preserving the same2 and to omit1 that1 by which he thinketh it may be best preserved4 ,for though they that speak of this subject1 use to confound ,jus1 and ,lex1 ,right and ,law2 yet they ought to be distinguished2 because ,,right1 consisteth in liberty to do1 or to forbeare2 ,whereas ,,law1 determineth1 and bindeth to one of them3 so that ,law1 and ,right1 differ as much1 as ,obligation1 and ,liberty2 which in one and the same matter are inconsistent4 ,naturally ,every ,man ,has ,right ,to ,everything ,and because the condition of ,man1 7as hath been declared in the precedent ,chapter7 is a condition of ,warre of every one against every one2 in which case every one is governed by his own ,reason2 and there is nothing he can make use of1 that may not be a help unto him1 in preserving his life against his enemyes2 ,it followeth1 that in such a condition1 every man has a ,right to every thing2 even to one anothers body4 ,and therefore1 as long as this naturall ,right of every man to every thing endureth1 there can be no security to any man1 7how strong or wise soever he be17 of living out the time1 which ,nature ordinarily alloweth men to live4 ,the ,fundamental ,law ,of ,nature ,and consequently it is a precept1 or generall rule of ,reason1 ,that every man1 ought to endeavour ,peace1 as farre as he has hope of obtaining it2 and when he cannot obtain it1 that he may seek1 and use1 all helps1 and advantages of ,warre4 ,the first branch1 of which ,rule1 containeth the first1 and ,fundamentall ,law of ,nature2 which is1 ,to seek ,peace1 and follow it4 ,the ,second1 the summe of the ,right of ,nature2 which is1 ,by all means we can1 to defend our selves4 ,the ,second ,law ,of ,nature ,from this ,fundamentall ,law of ,nature1 by which men are commanded to endeavour ,peace1 is derived this second ,law2 ,that a man be willing1 when others are so too1 as farre-forth1 as for ,peace1 and defence of himselfe he shall think it necessary1 to lay down this right to all things2 and be contented with so much liberty against other men1 as he would allow other men against himselfe4 ,for as long as every man holdeth this ,right1 of doing any thing he liketh2 so long are all men in the condition of ,warre4 ,but if other men will not lay down their ,right1 as well as he2 then there is no ,reason for any one1 to devest himselfe of his3 ,for that were to expose himselfe to ,prey1 7which no man is bound to7 rather than to dispose himselfe to ,peace4 ,this is that ,law of the ,gospell2 ,whatsoever you require that others should do to you1 that do ye to them4 ,and that ,law of all men1 ,quod tibi feiri non vis1 alteri ne feceris4 ,what it is to lay down a ,right ,to ,lay ,downe a mans ,right to any thing1 is to ,devest himselfe of the ,liberty1 of hindring another of the benefit of his own ,right to the same4 ,for he that renounceth1 or passeth away his ,right1 giveth not to any other man a ,right which he had not before2 because there is nothing to which every man had not ,right by ,nature3 but onely standeth out of his way1 that he may enjoy his own originall ,right1 without hindrance from him2 not without hindrance from another4 ,so that the effect which redoundeth to one man1 by another mans defect of ,right1 is but so much diminution of impediments to the use of his own ,right originall4 ,renouncing 7or7 ,transferring ,right ,what2 ,obligation ,duty ,justice ,right is layd aside1 either by simply ,renouncing it2 or by ,transferring it to another4 ,by ,simply ,,renouncing2 when he cares not to whom the benefit thereof redoundeth4 ,by ,,transferring2 when he intendeth the benefit thereof to some certain person1 or persons4 ,and when a man hath in either manner abandoned1 or granted away his ,right2 then is he said to be ,,obliged1 or ,,bound1 not to hinder those1 to whom such ,right is granted1 or abandoned1 from the benefit of it3 and that he ,ought1 and it his ,,duty1 not to make voyd that voluntary act of his own3 and that such hindrance is ,,injustice1 and ,,injury1 as being ,sine ,jure2 the ,right being before renounced1 or transferred4 ,so that ,injury1 or ,injustice1 in the controversies of the world1 is somewhat like to that1 which in the disputations of ,scholers is called ,absurdity4 ,for as it is there called an ,absurdity1 to contradict what one maintained in the ,beginning3 so in the world1 it is called ,injustice1 and ,injury1 voluntarily to undo that1 which from the beginning he had voluntarily done4 ,the way by which a man either simply ,renounceth1 or ,transferreth his ,right1 is a ,declaration1 or ,signification1 by some voluntary and sufficient signe1 or signes1 that he doth so ,renounce1 or ,transferre2 or hath so ,renounced1 or ,transferred the same1 to him that accepteth it4 ,and these ,signes are either ,words onely1 or ,actions onely2 or 7as it happeneth most often7 both ,words and ,actions4 ,and the same are the ,,bonds1 by which men are bound1 and obliged3 ,bonds1 that have their strength1 not from their own ,nature1 7for nothing is more easily broken then a mans word17 but from ,feare of some evill consequence upon the rupture4 ,not ,all ,rights ,are ,alienable ,whensoever a man ,transferreth his ,right1 or ,renounceth it2 it is either in consideration of some ,right reciprocally transferred to himselfe2 or for some other good he hopeth for thereby4 ,for it is a voluntary act3 and of the voluntary acts of every man1 the object is some ,good ,to ,himselfe4 ,and therefore there be some ,rights1 which no man can be understood by any words1 or other signes1 to have abandoned1 or transferred4 ,as first a man cannot lay down the right of resisting them1 that assault him by force1 to take away his life2 because he cannot be understood to ayme thereby1 at any ,good to himselfe4 ,the same may be sayd of ,wounds1 and ,chayns1 and ,imprisonment2 both because there is no benefit consequent to such patience2 as there is to the patience of suffering another to be wounded1 or imprisoned3 as also because a man cannot tell1 when he seeth men proceed against him by violence1 whether they intend his death or not4 ,and lastly the motive1 and end for which this renouncing1 and transferring or ,right is introduced1 is nothing else but the security of a mans person1 in his life1 and in the means of so preserving life1 as not to be weary of it4 ,and therefore if a man by words1 or other signes1 seem to despoyle himselfe of the ,end1 for which those signes were intended2 he is not to be understood as if he meant it1 or that it was his will2 but that he was ignorant of how such words and actions were to be interpreted4 ,contract ,what ,the mutuall transferring of ,right1 is that which men call ,,contract4 ,there is difference1 between transferring of ,right to the ,thing2 and transferring1 or tradition1 that is1 delivery of the ,thing it selfe4 ,for the ,thing may be delivered together with the ,translation of the ,right2 as in buying and selling with ready mony2 or exchange of goods1 or lands3 and it may be delivered some time after4 ,covenant ,what ,again1 one of the ,contractors1 may deliver the ,thing contracted for on his part1 and leave the other to perform his part at some determinate time after1 and in the mean time be trusted2 and then the ,contract on his part1 is called ,,pact1 or ,,covenant3 ,or both parts may contract now1 to performe hereafter3 in which cases1 he that is to performe in time to come1 being trusted1 his performance is called ,keeping ,of ,promise1 or ,faith2 and the fayling of performance 7if it be voluntary7 ,violation ,of ,faith4 ,free-gift ,when the transferring of ,right1 is not mutuall2 but one of the parties transferreth1 in hope to gain thereby friendship1 or service from another1 or from his friends2 or in hope to gain the reputation of ,charity1 or ,magnanimity2 or to deliver his mind from the pain of compassion2 or in hope of reward in heaven2 ,this is not ,contract1 but ,,gift1 ,,freegift1 ,,grace3 which words signifie one and the same thing4 ,signes ,of ,contract ,expresse ,signes of ,contract1 are either ,expresse1 or ,by ,inference4 ,expresse1 are words spoken with understanding of what they signifie2 ,and such words are either of the time ,present1 or ,past2 as1 ,i ,give1 ,i ,grant1 ,i ,have ,given1 ,i ,have ,granted1 ,i ,will ,that ,this ,be ,yours3 ,or of the future2 as1 ,i ,will ,give1 ,i ,will ,grant2 which words of the future1 are called ,promise4 ,signes ,of ,contract ,by ,inference ,signes by ,inference1 are sometimes the consequence of ,words2 sometimes the consequence of ,silence2 sometimes the consequence of ,actions2 sometimes the consequence of ,forbearing an ,action3 and generally a signe by ,inference1 of any ,contract1 is whatsoever sufficiently argues the will of the ,contractor4 ,free ,gift ,passeth ,by ,words ,of ,the ,present ,or ,past ,words alone1 if they be of the time to come1 and contain a bare promise1 are an insufficient signe of a ,free-gift and therefore not obligatory4 ,for if they be of the time to ,come1 as1 ,to ,morrow ,i ,will ,give1 they are a signe ,i have not given yet1 and consequently that my right is not transferred1 but remaineth till ,i transferre it by some other ,act4 ,but if the words be of the time ,present1 or ,past1 as1 ,i have given1 or do give to be delivered to morrow1 then is my to morrows ,right given away to day2 and that by the vertue of the words1 though there were no other argument of my will4 ,and there is a great difference in the signification of these words1 ,volos ,hoc ,tuum ,esse ,cras1 and ,cros ,dabo2 that is between ,i will that this be thine to morrow1 and1 ,i will give it to thee to morrow3 ,for the word ,i ,will1 in the former manner of speech1 signifies an act of the will ,present2 but in the later1 it signifies a promise of an act of the will to ,come3 and therefore the former words1 being of the ,present1 transferre a future right2 the later1 that be of the ,future1 transferre nothing4 ,but if there be other signes of the ,will to transferre a ,right1 besides ,words2 then1 though the gift be ,free1 yet may the ,right be understood to passe by words of the future3 as if a man propound a ,prize to him that comes first to the end of a race1 ,the gift is ,free2 and though the words be of the ,future1 yet the ,right passeth3 for if he would not have his words so be understood1 he should not have let them runne4 ,signes ,of ,contract ,are ,words ,both ,of ,the ,past1 ,present1 and ,future ,in ,contracts1 the right passeth1 not onely where the words are of the time ,present1 or ,past2 but also where they are of the ,future2 because all ,contract is mutuall translation1 or change of ,right2 and therefore he that promiseth onely1 because he hath already received the benefit for which he promiseth1 is to be understood as if he intended the ,right should passe3 for unlesse he had been content to have his words so understood1 the other would not have performed his part first4 ,and for that cause1 in buying1 and selling1 and other acts of ,contract1 ,a ,promise is equivalent to a ,covenant2 and therefore obligatory4 ,merit ,what ,he that performeth first in the case of a ,contract1 is said to ,,merit that which he is to receive by the performance of the other2 and he hath it as ,due4 ,also when a ,prize is propounded to many1 which is to be given to him onely that winneth2 or mony is thrown amongst many1 to be enjoyed by them that catch it2 though this be a ,free ,gift2 yet so to ,win1 or so to ,catch1 is to ,merit1 and to have it as ,,due4 ,for the ,right is transferred in the ,propounding of the ,prize1 and in throwing down the mony2 though it be not determined to whom1 but by the ,event of the contention4 ,but there is between these two sorts of ,merit1 this difference1 that ,in ,contract1 ,i ,merit by vertue of my own power1 and the ,contractors need2 but in this case of ,free ,gift1 ,i am enabled to ,merit onely by the benignity of the ,giver2 ,in ,contract1 ,i merit at ,the ,contractors hand that hee should depart with his right2 ,in this case of gift1 ,i ,merit not that the giver should part with his right2 but that when he has parted with it1 it should be mine1 rather than anothers4 ,and this ,i think to be the meaning of that distinction of the ,schooles1 between ,meritum ,congrui1 and ,meritum ,condigni4 ,for ,god ,almighty1 having promised ,paradise to those men 7hoodwinkt with carnall desires17 that can walk through this world according to the ,precepts1 and ,limits prescribed by him2 they say1 he that shall so walk1 shall ,merit ,paradise ,ex ,congruo4 ,but because no man can demand a right to it1 by his own ,righteousnesse1 or any other power in himselfe1 but by the ,free ,grace of ,god onely2 they say1 no man can ,merit ,paradise ,ex ,condigno4 ,this ,i say1 ,i think is the meaning of that distinction2 but because ,disputers do not agree upon the signification of their own termes of ,art1 longer than it serves their turn2 ,i will not affirme any thing of their meaning3 onely this ,i say2 when a gift is given indefinitely1 as a prize to be contended for1 he that winneth ,meriteth1 and may claime the ,prize as ,due4 ,covenants ,of ,mutuall ,trust1 ,when ,invalid ,if a ,covenant be made1 wherein neither of the parties performe presently1 but trust one another2 in the condition of meer ,nature1 7which is a condition of ,warre of every man against every man17 upon any reasonable suspition1 it is ,voyd2 ,but if there be a common ,power set over them bothe1 with right and force sufficient to compell performance2 it is not ,voyd4 ,for he that performeth first1 has no assurance the other will performe after2 because the bonds of words are too weak to bridle mens ambition1 avarice1 anger1 and other ,passions1 without the feare of some coerceive ,power2 which in the condition of meer ,nature1 where all men are equall1 and judges of the justnesse of their own fears cannot possibly be supposed4 ,and therefore he which performeth first1 does but betray himselfe to his enemy2 contrary to the ,right 7he can never abandon7 of defending his life1 and means of living4 ,but in a civill estate1 where there is a ,power set up to constrain those that would otherwise violate their faith1 that feare is no more reasonable2 and for that cause1 he which by the ,covenant is to perform first1 is obliged so to do4 ,the cause of ,feare1 which maketh such a ,covenant invalid1 must be alwayes something arising after the ,covenant made2 as some new fact1 or other signe of the ,will not to performe2 else it cannot make the ,covenant ,voyd4 ,for that which could not hinder a man from promising1 ought not to be admitted as a hindrance of performing4 ,right ,to ,the ,end1 ,containeth ,right ,to ,the ,means ,he that transferreth any ,right1 transferreth the ,means of enjoying it1 as farre as lyeth in his power4 ,as he that selleth ,land1 is understood to transferre the ,herbage1 and whatsoever growes upon it2 ,nor can he that sells a ,mill turn away the ,stream that drives it4 ,and they that give to a man ,the ,right of government in ,soveraignty1 are understood to give him the right of levying mony to maintain ,souldiers2 and of appointing ,magistrates for the administration of ,justice4 ,no ,covenant ,with ,beasts ,to make ,covenant with bruit ,beasts1 is impossible2 because not understanding our speech1 they understand not1 nor accept of any translation of ,right2 nor can translate any ,right to another2 and without mutuall acceptation1 there is no ,covenant4 ,nor ,with ,god ,without ,speciall ,revelation ,to make ,covenant with ,god1 is impossible1 but by ,mediation of such as ,god speaketh to1 either by ,revelation supernaturall1 or by his ,lieutenants that govern under him1 and in his ,name2 ,for otherwise we know not whether our ,covenants be accepted1 or not4 ,and therefore they that ,vow any thing contrary to any law of ,nature1 ,vow in vain2 as being a thing unjust to pay such ,vow4 ,and if it be a thing commanded by the ,law of ,nature1 it is not the ,vow1 but the ,law that binds them4 ,no ,covenant1 ,but ,of ,possible ,and ,future ,the matter1 or subject of a ,covenant1 is alwayes something that falleth under deliberation2 7,for to ,covenant1 is an act of the ,will2 that is to say an act1 and the last act1 of deliberation27 and is therefore alwayes understood to be something to come2 and which is judged ,possible for him that ,covenanteth1 to performe4 ,and therefore1 to promise that which is known to be ,impossible1 is no ,covenant4 ,but if that prove impossible afterwards1 which before was thought possible1 the ,covenant is valid1 and bindeth1 7though not to the thing it selfe17 yet to the value2 or1 if that also be impossible1 to the unfeigned endeavour of performing as much as is possible2 for to more no man can be obliged4 ,covenants ,how ,made ,voyd ,men are freed of their ,covenants two wayes2 by ,performing2 or by being ,forgiven4 ,for ,performance1 is the naturall end of obligation2 and ,forgivenesse1 the restitution of liberty2 as being a retransferring of that ,right1 in which the obligation consisted4 ,covenants ,extorted ,by ,feare ,are ,valide ,covenants entred into by fear1 in the condition of meer ,nature1 are obligatory4 ,for example1 if ,i ,covenant to pay a ransome1 or service for my life1 to an enemy2 ,i am bound by it4 ,for it is a ,contract1 wherein one receiveth the benefit of life2 the other is to receive mony1 or service for it2 and consequently1 where no other ,law 7as in the condition1 of meer ,nature7 forbiddeth the performance1 the ,covenant is valid4 ,therefore ,prisoners of warre1 if trusted with the payment of their ,ransome1 are obliged to pay it2 ,and if a weaker ,prince1 make a disadvantageous peace with a stronger1 for feare2 he is bound to keep it2 unlesse 7as hath been sayd before7 there ariseth some new1 and just cause of feare1 to renew the war4 ,and even in ,common-wealths1 if ,i be forced to redeem my selfe from a ,theefe by promising him mony1 ,i am bound to pay it1 till the ,civill ,law discharge me4 ,for whatsoever ,i may lawfully do without ,obligation1 the same ,i may lawfully ,covenant to do through feare3 and what ,i lawfully ,covenant1 ,i cannot lawfully break4 ,the ,former ,covenant ,to ,one1 ,makes ,voyd ,the ,later ,to ,another ,a former ,covenant1 makes voyd a later4 ,for a man that hath passed away his ,right to one man to day1 hath it not to passe to morrow to another3 and therefore the later promise passeth no ,right1 but is null4 ,a ,mans ,covenant ,not ,to ,defend ,himselfe1 ,is ,voyd ,a ,covenant not to defend my selfe from force1 by force1 is alwayes voyd4 ,for 7as ,i have shewed before7 no man can transferre1 or lay down his ,right to save himselfe from ,death1 ,wounds1 and ,imprisonment1 7the avoyding whereof is the onely ,end of laying down any ,right17 and therefore the promise of not resisting force1 in no ,covenant transferreth any right2 nor is obliging4 ,for though a man may ,covenant thus1 ,unlesse ,i do so1 or so1 kill me2 he cannot ,covenant thus ,unless ,i do so1 or so1 ,i will not resist you1 when you come to kill me4 ,for man by nature chooseth the lesser evill1 which is danger of death in resisting2 rather than the greater1 which is certain and present death in not resisting4 ,and this is granted to be true by all men1 in that they lead ,criminals to ,execution1 and ,prison1 with armed men1 notwithstanding that such ,criminals have consented to the ,law1 by which they are condemned4 ,no ,man ,obliged ,to ,accuse ,himselfe ,a ,covenant to accuse ones ,selfe1 without assurance of pardon1 is likewise invalide4 ,for in the condition of ,nature1 where every man is ,judge1 there is no place for ,accusation3 and in the ,civill ,state1 the ,accusation is followed with ,punishment2 which being ,force1 a man is not obliged not to resist4 ,the same is also true1 of the ,accusation of those1 by whose ,condemnation a man falls into misery2 as of a ,father1 ,wife1 or ,benefactor4 ,for the ,testimony of such an ,accuser1 if it be not willingly given1 is praesumed to be corrupted by ,nature2 and therefore not to be received3 and where a mans ,testimony is not to be credited1 his not bound to give it4 ,also ,accusations upon ,torture1 are not to be reputed as ,testimonies4 ,for ,torture is to be used but as means of conjecture1 and light1 in the further examination1 and search of truth2 and what is in that case confessed1 tendeth to the ease of him that is ,tortured2 not to the informing of the ,torturers3 and therefore ought not to have the credit of a sufficient ,testimony3 for whether he deliver himselfe by true1 or false ,accusation1 he does it by the ,right of preserving his own life4 ,the ,end ,of ,an ,oath2 ,the ,forme ,of ,as ,oath ,the force of ,words1 being 7as ,i have formerly noted7 too weak to hold men to the performance of their ,covenants2 there are in mans nature1 but two imaginable helps to strengthen it4 ,and those are either a ,feare of the consequence of breaking their word2 or a ,glory1 or ,pride in appearing not to need to breake it4 ,this later is a ,generosity too rarely found to be presumed on1 especially in the pursuers of ,wealth1 ,command1 or sensuall ,pleasure2 which are the greatest part of ,mankind4 ,the ,passion to be reckoned upon1 is ,fear2 whereof there be two very generall ,objects3 one1 the ,power of ,spirits ,invisible2 the other1 the ,power of those men they shall therein ,offend4 ,of these two1 though the former be the greater ,power1 yet the feare of the later is commonly the greater ,feare4 ,the ,feare of the former is in every man1 his own ,religion3 which hath place in the nature of man before ,civill ,society4 ,the later hath not so2 at least not place enough1 to keep men to their promises2 because in the condition of meer ,nature1 the inequality of ,power is not discerned1 but by the event of ,battell4 ,so that before the time of ,civill ,society1 or in the interruption thereof by ,warre1 there is nothing can strengthen a ,covenant of ,peace agreed on1 against the temptations of ,avarice1 ,ambition1 ,lust1 or other strong desire1 but the feare of that ,invisible ,power1 which they every one ,worship as ,god2 and ,feare as a ,revenger of their perfidy4 ,all therefore that can be done between two men not subject to ,civill ,power1 is to put one another to swear by the ,god he feareth3 ,which ,swearing or ,,oath1 is a ,forme ,of ,speech1 ,added ,to ,a ,promise2 ,by ,which ,he ,that ,promiseth1 ,signifieth1 ,that ,unlesse ,he ,performe1 ,he ,renounceth ,the ,mercy ,of ,his ,god1 ,or ,calleth ,to ,him ,for ,vengeance ,on ,himselfe4 ,such was the ,heathen ,forme1 ,let ,jupiter kill me else1 as ,i kill this ,beast4 ,so is our ,forme1 ,i shall do thus1 and thus1 so help me ,god4 ,and this1 with the ,rites and ,ceremonies1 which every one useth in his own ,religion1 that the feare of breaking faith might be the greater4 ,no ,oath1 ,but ,by ,god ,by this it appears1 that an ,oath taken according to any other ,forme1 or ,rite1 then his1 that sweareth1 is in vain2 and no ,oath3 ,and there is no ,swearing by any thing which the ,swearer thinks not ,god4 ,for though men have sometimes used to swear by their ,kings1 for feare1 or flattery2 yet they would have it thereby understood1 they attributed to them ,divine honour4 ,and that ,swearing unnecessarily by ,god1 is but prophaning of his name3 and ,swearing by other things1 as men do in common discourse1 is not ,swearing1 but an impious ,custome1 gotten by too much vehemence of talking4 ,an ,oath ,addes ,nothing ,to ,the ,obligation ,it appears also1 that the ,oath addes nothing to the ,obligation4 ,for a ,covenant1 if lawfull1 binds in the sight of ,god1 without the ,oath1 as much as with it2 if unlawfull1 bindeth not at all2 though it be confirmed with an ,oath4 ,,chapter ,,xv4 ,,of ,,other ,,lawes ,,of ,,nature ,the ,third ,law ,of ,nature1 ,justice ,from that law of ,nature1 by which we are obliged to transferre to another1 such ,rights1 as being retained1 hinder the peace of ,mankind1 there followeth a ,third2 which is this1 ,that ,men ,performe ,their ,covenants ,made3 without which1 ,covenants are in vain1 and but ,empty words2 and the ,right of all men to all things remaining1 wee are still in the condition of ,warre4 ,justice ,and ,injustice ,what ,and in this law of ,nature1 consisteth the ,fountain and ,originall of ,,justice4 ,for where no ,covenant hath preceded1 there hath no ,right been transferred1 and every man has right to every thing2 and consequently1 no action can be ,unjust4 ,but when a ,covenant is made1 then to break it is ,unjust3 ,and the definition of ,,injustice1 is no other than ,the ,not ,performance ,of ,covenant4 ,and whatsoever is not ,unjust1 is ,just4 ,justice ,and ,propriety ,begin ,with ,the ,constitution of ,common-wealth ,but because ,covenants of mutuall trust1 where there is a feare of not performance on either part1 7as hath been said in the former ,chapter17 are invalid2 though the ,originall of ,justice be the making of ,covenants2 yet ,injustice actually there can be none1 till the cause of such feare be taken away2 which while men are in the naturall condition of ,warre1 cannot be done4 ,therefore before the names of ,just1 and ,unjust can have place1 there must be some coercive ,power1 to compell men equally to the performance of their ,covenants1 by the terrour of some punishment1 greater than the benefit they expect by the breach of their ,covenant2 and to make good that ,propriety1 which by mutuall ,contract men acquire1 in recompence of the universall ,right they abandon3 and such power there is none before the erection of a ,common-wealth4 ,and this is also to be gathered out of the ordinary definition of ,justice in the ,schooles3 ,for they say1 that ,justice is the constant ,will of giving to every man his own4 ,and therefore where there is no ,own1 that is1 no ,propriety1 there is no ,injustice2 and where there is no coerceive ,power erected1 that is1 where there is no ,common-wealth1 there is no ,propriety2 all men having ,right to all things3 ,therefore where there is no ,common-wealth1 there nothing is ,unjust4 ,so that the nature of ,justice1 consisteth in keeping of valid ,covenants3 but the ,validity of ,covenants begins not but with the ,constitution of a ,civill ,power1 sufficient to compell men to keep them3 ,and then it is also that ,propriety begins4 ,justice ,not ,contrary ,to ,reason ,the ,foole hath sayd in his heart1 there is no such thing as ,justice2 and sometimes also with his tongue2 seriously alleaging1 that every mans conservation1 and contentment1 being committed to his own care1 there could be no reason1 why every man might not do what he thought conduced thereunto2 and therefore also to make1 or not make2 keep1 or not keep ,covenants1 was not against ,reason1 when it conduced to ones benefit4 ,he does not therein deny1 that there be ,covenants2 and that they are sometimes broken1 sometimes kept2 and that such breach of them may be called ,injustice1 and the observance of them ,justice3 but he questioneth1 whether ,injustice1 taking away the feare of ,god1 7for the same ,foole hath said in his heart there is no ,god17 may not sometimes stand with that ,reason1 which dictateth to every man his own good2 and particularly then1 when it conduceth to such a benefit1 as shall put a man in a condition1 to neglect not onely the dispraise1 and revilings1 but also the power of other men4 ,the ,kingdome of ,god is gotten by violence2 but what if it could be gotten by unjust violence8 were it against ,reason so to get it1 when it is impossible to receive hurt by it8 and if it be not against ,reason1 it is not against ,justice2 or else ,justice is not to be approved for good4 ,from such reasoning as this1 ,succesfull wickednesse hath obtained the ,name of ,vertue2 and some that in all other things have disallowed the violation of ,faith2 yet have allowed it1 when it is for the getting of a ,kingdome4 ,and the ,heathen that believed1 that ,saturn was deposed by his son ,jupiter1 believed neverthelesse the same ,jupiter to be the avenger of ,injustice3 ,somewhat like to a piece of ,law in ,cokes ,commentaries on ,litleton2 where he sayes1 ,if the right ,heire of the ,crown be attainted of ,treason2 yet the ,crown shall descend to him1 and ,eo ,instante the ,atteynder be voyd2 ,from which instances a man will be very prone to inferre2 that when the ,heire apparent of a ,kingdome1 shall kill him that is in possession1 though his father2 you may call it ,injustice1 or by what other name you will2 yet it can never be against ,reason1 seeing all the voluntary actions of men tend to the benefit of themselves2 and those actions are most ,reasonable1 that conduce most to their ends4 ,this specious reasoning is nevertheless false4 ,for the question is not of promises mutuall1 where there is no security of performance on either side2 as when there is no ,civill ,power erected over the parties promising2 for such promises are no ,covenants3 ,but either where one of the parties has performed already2 or where there is a ,power to make him performe2 there is the question whether it be against reason1 that is1 against the benefit of the other to performe1 or not4 ,and ,i say it is not against reason4 ,for the manifestation whereof1 we are to consider2 ,first1 that when a man doth a thing1 which notwithstanding any thing can be foreseen1 and reckoned on1 tendeth to his own destruction1 howsoever some accident which he could not expect1 arriving may turne it to his benefit2 yet such events do not make it reasonably or wisely done4 ,secondly1 that in a condition of ,warre1 wherein every man to every man1 for want of a common ,power to keep them all in awe1 is an ,enemy1 there is no man can hope by his own strength1 or wit1 to defend himselfe from destruction1 without the help of ,confederates2 where every one expects the same defence by the ,confederation1 that any one else does3 and therefore he which declares he thinks it reason to deceive those that help him1 can in reason expect no other means of safety1 than what can be had from his own single ,power4 ,he therefore that breaketh his ,covenant1 and consequently declareth that he thinks he may with reason do so1 cannot be received into any ,society1 that unite themselves for ,peace and defence1 but by the errour of them that receive him2 nor when he is received1 be retayned in it1 without seeing the danger of their errour2 which errours a man cannot reasonably reckon upon as the means of his security2 and therefore if he be left1 or cast out of ,society1 he perisheth2 and if he live in ,society1 it is by the errours of other men1 which he could not foresee1 nor reckon upon2 and consequently against the reason of his preservation2 and so1 as all men that contribute not to his destruction1 forbear him onely out of ignorance of what is good for themselves4 ,as for the ,instance of gaining the secure and perpetuall felicity of ,heaven1 by any way2 it is frivolous3 there being but one way imaginable2 and that is not breaking1 but keeping of ,covenant4 ,and for the other ,instance of attaining ,soveraignty by ,rebellion2 it is manifest1 that though the event follow1 yet because it cannot reasonably be expected1 but rather the contrary2 and because by gaining it so1 others are taught to gain the same in like manner1 the attempt thereof is against reason4 ,justice therefore1 that is to say1 ,keeping of ,covenant1 is a ,rule of ,reason1 by which we are forbidden to do any thing destructive to our life2 and consequently a ,law of ,nature4 ,there be some that proceed further2 and will not have the ,law of ,nature1 to be those ,rules which conduce to the preservation of mans life on earth2 but to the attaining of an eternall felicity after death2 to which they think the breach of ,covenant may conduce2 and consequently be just and reasonable2 7such are they that think it a work of merit to kill1 or depose1 or rebell against1 the ,soveraigne ,power constituted over them by their own consent47 ,but because there is no naturall knowledge of mans estate after death2 much lesse of the reward that is then to be given to breach of ,faith2 but onely a beliefe grounded upon other mens saying1 that they know it supernaturally1 or that they know those1 that knew them1 that knew others1 that knew it supernaturally2 ,breach of ,faith cannot be called a ,precept of ,reason1 or ,nature4 ,covenants ,not ,discharged ,by ,the ,vice ,of ,the ,person ,to ,whom ,made ,others1 that allow for a ,law of ,nature1 the keeping of ,faith1 do neverthelesse make exception of certain persons2 as ,heretiques1 and such as use not to performe their ,covenant to others3 ,and this also is against reason4 ,for if any fault of a man1 be sufficient to discharge our ,covenant made2 the same ought in reason to have been sufficient to have hindred the making of it4 ,justice ,of ,men1 ,and ,justice ,of ,actions ,what ,the names of ,just1 and ,unjust1 when they are attributed to ,men1 signifie one thing2 and when they are attributed to ,actions1 another4 ,when they are attributed to ,men1 they signifie ,conformity1 or ,inconformity of ,manners1 to ,reason4 ,but when they are attributed to ,actions1 they signifie the ,conformity1 or ,inconformity to ,reason1 not of ,manners1 or manner of life1 but of particular ,actions4 ,a ,just man therefore1 is he that taketh all the care he can1 that his ,actions may be all ,just3 and an ,unjust man1 is he that neglecteth it4 ,and such men are more often in our ,language stiled by the names of ,righteous1 and ,unrighteous2 then ,just1 and ,unjust2 though the meaning be the same4 ,therefore a ,righteous man1 does not lose that ,title1 by one1 or a few unjust ,actions1 that proceed from sudden ,passion1 or mistake of ,things1 or ,persons3 nor does an ,unrighteous man1 lose his character1 for such ,actions1 as he does1 of forbeares to do1 for feare3 because his ,will is not framed by the ,justice1 but by the apparant benefit of what he is to do4 ,that which gives to humane ,actions the relish of ,justice1 is a certain ,noblenesse or ,gallantnesse of courage1 7rarely found17 by which a man scorns to be beholding for the contentment of his life1 to fraud1 or breach of promise4 ,this ,justice of the ,manners1 is that which is meant1 where ,justice is called a ,vertue2 and ,injustice a ,vice4 ,but the ,justice of ,actions denominates men1 not ,just1 but ,guiltlesse2 and the ,injustice of the same1 7which is also called ,injury17 gives them but the name of ,guilty4 ,justice ,of ,manners1 ,and ,justice ,of ,actions ,again1 the ,injustice of ,manners1 is the disposition1 or aptitude to do ,injurie2 and is ,injustice before it proceed to ,act2 and without supposing any individuall person injured4 ,but the ,injustice of an ,action1 7that is to say ,injury17 supposeth an individuall person ,injured2 namely him1 to whom the ,covenant was made3 ,and therefore many times the injury is received by one man1 when the dammage redoundeth to another4 ,as when ,the ,master commandeth his servant to give mony to a stranger2 if it be not done1 the ,injury is done to the ,master1 whom he had before ,covenanted to obey2 but the dammage redoundeth to the stranger1 to whom he had no ,obligation2 and therefore could not ,injure him4 ,and so also in ,common-wealths1 private men may remit to one another their debts2 but not robberies or other violences1 whereby they are endammaged2 because the detaining of ,debt1 is an ,injury to themselves2 but ,robbery and ,violence1 are ,injuries to the ,person of the ,common-wealth4 ,nothing ,done ,to ,a ,man1 ,by ,his ,own ,consent ,can ,be ,injury ,whatsoever is done to a man1 conformable to his own ,will signified to the doer1 is no ,injury to him4 ,for if he that doeth it1 hath not passed away his originall right to do what he please1 by some ,antecedent ,covenant1 there is no breach of ,covenant2 and therefore no ,injury done him4 ,and if he have2 then his ,will to have it done being signified1 is a release of that ,covenant2 and so again there is no ,injury done him4 ,justice ,commutative1 ,and ,distributive ,justice of ,actions1 is by ,writers divided into ,commutative1 and ,distributive2 and the former they say consisteth in proportion ,arithmeticall2 the later in proportion ,geometricall4 ,commutative therefore1 they place in the equality of value of the things contracted for2 ,and ,distributive1 in the distribution of equall benefit1 to men of equall merit4 ,as if it were ,injustice to sell dearer than we buy2 or to give more to a man than he merits4 ,the value of all things contracted for1 is measured by the ,appetite of the ,contractors3 and therefore the just value1 is that which they be contented to give4 ,and ,merit 7besides that which is by ,covenant1 where the performance on one part1 meriteth the performance of the other part1 and falls under ,justice ,commutative1 not ,distributive17 is not due by ,justice2 but is rewarded of ,grace onely4 ,and therefore this distinction1 in the sense wherein it useth to be expounded1 is not right4 ,to speak properly1 ,commutative ,justice1 is the ,justice of a ,contractor2 that is1 a ,performance of ,covenant1 in ,buying1 and ,selling2 ,hiring1 and ,letting to ,hire2 ,lending1 and ,borrowing2 ,exchanging1 ,bartering1 and other acts of ,contract4 ,and ,distributive ,justice1 the ,justice of an ,arbitrator2 that is to say1 the act of defining what is ,just4 ,wherein1 7being trusted by them that make him ,arbitrator17 if he performe his ,trust1 he is said to distribute to every man his own3 and his is indeed ,just ,distribution1 and may be called 7though improperly7 ,distributive ,justice2 but more properly ,equity2 which also is a ,law of ,nature1 as shall be shewn in due place4 ,the ,fourth ,law ,of ,nature1 ,gratitude ,as ,justice dependeth on ,antecedent ,covenant2 so does ,gratitude depend on ,antecedent ,grace2 that is to say1 ,antecedent ,free-gift3 and is the fourth ,law of ,nature2 which may be conceived in this ,forme1 ,that a man which receiveth ,benefit from another of meer ,grace1 ,endeavour that he which giveth it1 have no reasonable cause to repent him of his good will4 ,for no man giveth1 but with intention of ,good to himselfe2 because ,gift is ,voluntary2 and of all ,voluntary ,acts1 the ,object is to every man his own ,good2 of which if men see they shall be frustrated1 there will be no beginning of benevolence1 or trust2 nor consequently of mutuall help2 nor of reconciliation of one man to another2 and therefore they are to remain still in the condition of ,war2 which is contrary to the first and ,fundamentall ,law of ,nature1 which commandeth men to ,seek ,peace4 ,the breach of this ,law1 is called ,ingratitude2 and hath the same relation to ,grace1 that ,injustice hath to ,obligation by ,covenant4 ,the ,fifth1 ,mutuall accommodation1 or ,compleasance ,a fifth ,law of ,nature1 is ,,compleasance2 that is to say1 ,that every man strive to accommodate himselfe to the rest4 ,for the understanding whereof1 we may consider1 that there is in mens aptnesse to ,society2 a diversity of ,nature1 rising from their diversity of ,affections2 not unlike to that we see in stones brought together for building of an ,aedifice4 ,for as that stone which by the asperity1 and irregularity of ,figure1 takes more room from others1 than it selfe fills2 and for the hardnesse1 cannot be easily made plain1 and thereby hindereth the building1 is by the builders cast away as unprofitable1 and troublesome3 so also1 a man that by asperity of ,nature1 will strive to retain those things which to himselfe are superfluous1 and to others necessary2 and for the stubbornness of his ,passions1 cannot be corrected1 is to be left1 or cast out of ,society1 as combersome thereunto4 ,for seeing every man1 not onely by ,right1 but also by necessity of ,nature1 is supposed to endeavour all he can1 to obtain that which is necessary for his conservation2 ,he that shall oppose himselfe against it1 for things superfluous1 is guilty of the warre that thereupon is to follow2 and therefore doth that1 which is contrary to the fundamentall ,law of ,nature1 which commandeth ,to ,seek ,peace4 ,the observers of this ,law1 may be called ,,sociable1 7the ,latines call them ,commodi27 ,the contrary1 ,stubborn1 ,insociable1 ,froward1 ,intractable4 ,the ,sixth1 ,facility ,to ,pardon ,a sixth ,law of ,nature is this1 ,that upon caution of the ,future time1 a man ought to pardon the offences past of them that repenting1 desire it4 ,for ,,pardon1 is nothing but granting of ,peace2 which though granted to them that persevere in their hostility1 be not ,peace1 but ,feare2 yet not granted to them that give caution of the ,future time1 is signe of an aversion to ,peace2 and therefore contrary to the ,law of ,nature4 ,the ,seventh1 ,that ,in ,revenges1 ,men ,respect ,onely ,the ,future ,good ,a seventh is1 ,that in ,revenges1 7that is1 retribution of evil for evil17 ,men look not at the greatnesse of the evill past1 but the greatnesse of the good to follow4 ,whereby we are forbidden to inflict punishment with any other designe1 than for correction of the offender1 or direction of others4 ,for this ,law is consequent to the next before it1 that commandeth ,pardon1 upon security of the ,future ,time4 ,besides1 ,revenge without respect to the ,example1 and profit to come1 is a triumph1 or glorying in the hurt of another1 tending to no end2 7for the ,end is alwayes somewhat to ,come27 and glorying to no end1 is vain-glory1 and contrary to reason2 and to hurt without reason1 tendeth to the introduction of ,warre2 which is against the ,law of ,nature2 and is commonly stiled by the name of ,cruelty4 ,the ,eighth1 ,against ,contumely ,and because all signes of hatred1 or contempt1 provoke to fight2 insomuch as most men choose rather to hazard their life1 than not to be revenged2 we may in the eighth place1 for a ,law of ,nature set down this ,precept1 ,that no man by deed1 word1 countenance1 or gesture1 declare ,hatred1 or ,contempt of another4 ,the breach of which ,law1 is commonly called ,contumely4 ,the ,ninth1 ,against ,pride ,the question who is the better man1 has no place in the condition of meer ,nature2 where1 7as has been shewn before17 all men are equall4 ,the inequallity that now is1 has been introduced by the ,lawes civill4 ,i know that ,aristotle in the first booke of his ,politiques1 for a foundation of his doctrine1 maketh men by ,nature1 some more worthy to ,command1 meaning the wiser sort 7such as he thought himselfe to be for his ,philosophy27 others to ,serve1 7meaning those that had strong bodies1 but were not ,philosophers as he27 as if ,master and ,servant were not introduced by consent of men1 but by difference of ,wit2 which is not only against reason2 but also against experience4 ,for there are very few so foolish1 that had not rather governe themselves1 than be governed by others3 ,nor when the wise in their own conceit1 contend by force1 with them who distrust their owne wisdome1 do they alwaies1 or often1 or almost at any time1 get the ,victory4 ,if ,nature therefore have made men equall1 that equalitie is to be acknowledged2 or if ,nature have made men unequall2 yet because men that think themselves equall1 will not enter into conditions of ,peace1 but upon ,equall termes1 such equalitie must be admitted4 ,and therefore for the ninth ,law of ,nature1 ,i put this1 ,that every man acknowledge other for his ,equall by ,nature4 ,the breach of this ,precept is ,pride4 ,the ,tenth ,against ,arrogance ,on this law1 dependeth another1 ,that at the entrance into conditions of ,peace1 no man require to reserve to himselfe any ,right1 which he is not content should be reserved to every one of the rest4 ,as it is necessary for all men that seek peace1 to lay down certaine ,rights of ,nature2 that is to say1 not to have libertie to do all they list3 so is it necessarie for mans life1 to retaine some2 as right to governe their owne bodies2 enjoy aire1 water1 motion1 waies to go from place to place2 and all things else without which a man cannot live1 or not live well4 ,if in this case1 at the making of ,peace1 men require for themselves1 that which they would not have to be granted to others1 they do contrary to the precedent law1 that commandeth the acknowledgement of naturall equalitie1 and therefore also against the law of ,nature4 ,the observers of this law1 are those we call ,modest1 and the breakers ,arrogant ,men4 ,the ,greeks call the violation of this law pleonexia2 that is1 a desire of more than their share4 ,the ,eleventh ,equity ,also ,if a man be trusted to judge between man and man1 it is a precept of the ,law of ,nature1 that he deale ,equally between them4 ,for without that1 the ,controversies of men cannot be determined but by ,warre4 ,he therefore that is partiall in judgment1 doth what in him lies1 to deterre men from the use of ,judges1 and ,arbitrators2 and consequently1 7against the fundamentall ,lawe of ,nature7 is the cause of ,warre4 ,the observance of this law1 from the equall distribution to each man1 of that which in reason belongeth to him1 is called ,,equity1 and 7as ,i have sayd before7 distributive justice3 the violation1 ,acception ,of ,persons1 ,prosopolepsia4 ,the ,twelfth1 ,equall ,use ,of ,things ,common ,and from this followeth another law1 ,that such things as cannot be divided1 be enjoyed in ,common1 if it can be2 and if the quantity of the thing permit1 without ,stint2 otherwise ,proportionably to the number of them that have ,right4 ,for otherwise the distribution is ,unequall1 and contrary to ,equitie4 ,the ,thirteenth1 ,of ,lot ,but some things there be1 that can neither be divided1 nor enjoyed in common4 ,then1 ,the ,law of ,nature1 which prescribeth ,equity1 requireth1 ,that the ,entire ,right2 or else1 7making the use alternate17 the ,first ,possession1 be determined by ,lot4 ,for equall distribution1 is of the ,law of ,nature2 and other means of equall distribution cannot be imagined4 ,the ,fourteenth1 ,of ,primogeniture1 ,and ,first ,seising ,of ,lots there be two sorts1 ,arbitrary1 and ,naturall4 ,arbitrary1 is that which is agreed on by the ,competitors2 ,naturall1 is either ,primogeniture1 7which the ,greek calls ,kleronomia1 which signifies1 ,given by ,lot27 or ,first ,seisure4 ,and therefore those things which cannot be enjoyed in common1 nor divided1 ought to be adjudged to the ,first ,possessor2 and is some cases to the ,first-,borne1 as acquired by ,lot4 ,the ,fifteenth1 ,of ,mediators ,it is also a ,law of ,nature1 ,that all men that mediate ,peace1 be allowed safe ,conduct4 ,for the ,law that commandeth ,peace1 as the ,end1 commandeth ,intercession1 as the ,means2 and to ,intercession the ,means is safe ,conduct4 ,the ,sixteenth1 ,of ,submission ,to ,arbitrement ,and because1 though men be never so willing to observe these ,lawes1 there may neverthelesse arise questions concerning a mans action2 ,first1 whether it were done1 or not done2 ,secondly 7if done7 whether against the ,law1 or not against the ,law2 the former whereof1 is called a question ,of ,fact2 the later a question ,of ,right2 therefore unlesse the parties to the question1 ,covenant mutually to stand to the sentence of another1 they are as farre from ,peace as ever4 ,this other1 to whose ,sentence they submit1 is called an ,,arbitrator4 ,and therefore it is of the ,law of ,nature1 ,that they that are at controversie1 submit their ,right to the judgement of an ,arbitrator4 ,the ,seventeenth1 ,no ,man ,is ,his ,own ,judge ,and seeing every man is presumed to do all things in order to his own benefit1 no man is a fit ,arbitrator in his own cause3 and if he were never so fit2 yet ,equity allowing to each party equall benefit1 if one be admitted to be ,judge1 the other is to be admitted also2 so the controversie1 that is1 the cause of ,war1 remains1 against the ,law of ,nature4 ,the ,eighteenth1 ,no ,man ,to ,be ,judge1 ,that ,has ,in ,him ,cause ,of ,partiality ,for the same reason no man in any ,cause ought to be received for ,arbitrator1 to whom greater profit1 or honour1 or pleasure apparently ariseth out of the victory of one party1 than of the other3 for he hath taken 7though an unavoydable bribe1 yet7 a bribe2 and no man can be obliged to trust him4 ,and thus also the controversie1 and the condition of ,war remaineth1 contrary to the ,law of ,nature4 ,the ,nineteenth1 ,of ,witnesse ,and in a controversie of ,fact1 the ,judge being to give no more credit to one1 than to the other1 7if there be no other ,arguments7 must give credit to a third2 or to a third and fourth2 or more3 ,for else the question is undecided1 and left to force1 contrary to the ,law of ,nature4 ,these are the ,lawes of ,nature1 dictating ,peace1 for a means of the conservation of men in multitudes2 and which onely concern the doctrine of ,civill ,society4 ,there be other things tending to the destruction of particular men2 as ,drunkenness1 and all other parts of ,intemperance2 which may therefore also be reckoned amongst those things which the ,law of ,nature hath forbidden2 but are not necessary to be mentioned1 nor are pertinent enough to this place4 ,a ,rule1 ,by ,which ,the ,laws ,of ,nature ,may ,easily ,be ,examined ,and though this may seem too subtile a deduction of the ,lawes of ,nature1 to be taken notice of by all men2 whereof the most part are too busie in getting food1 and the rest too negligent to understand2 yet to leave all men unexcusable1 they have been contracted into one easie sum1 intelligible even to the meanest capacity2 and that is1 ,do not that to another1 which thou wouldest not have done to thy selfe2 which sheweth him1 that he has no more to do in learning the ,lawes of ,nature1 but1 when weighing the actions of other men with his own1 they seem too heavy1 to put them into the other part of the ballance1 and his own into their place1 that his own passions1 and selfe-love1 may adde nothing to the weight2 and then there is none of these ,lawes of ,nature that will not appear unto him very reasonable4 ,the ,lawes ,of ,nature ,oblige ,in ,conscience ,alwayes1 ,but ,in ,effect ,then ,onely ,when ,there ,is ,security ,the ,lawes of ,nature oblige ,in ,foro ,interno2 that is to say1 they bind to a desire they should take place3 but ,in ,foro ,externo2 that is1 to the putting them in act1 not alwayes4 ,for he that should be modest1 and tractable1 and performe all he promises1 in such time1 and place1 where no man els should do so1 should but make himselfe a prey to others1 and procure his own certain ruine1 contrary to the ground of all ,lawes of ,nature1 which tend to ,natures preservation4 ,and again1 he that shall observe the same ,lawes towards him1 observes them not himselfe1 seeketh not ,peace1 but ,war2 consequently the destruction of his ,nature by ,violence4 ,and whatsoever ,lawes bind ,in ,foro ,interno1 may be broken1 not onely by a fact contrary to the ,law but also by a fact according to it1 in case a man think it contrary4 ,for though his ,action in this case1 be according to the ,law2 which where the ,obligation is ,in ,foro ,interno1 is a breach4 ,the ,laws ,of ,nature ,are ,eternal2 ,the ,lawes of ,nature are ,immutable and ,eternall1 ,for ,injustice1 ,ingratitude1 ,arrogance1 ,pride1 ,iniquity1 ,acception of persons1 and the rest1 can never be made lawfull4 ,for it can never be that ,warre shall preserve life1 and ,peace destroy it4 ,and ,yet ,easie ,the same ,lawes1 because they oblige onely to a desire1 and endeavour1 ,i mean an unfeigned and constant endeavour1 are easie to be observed4 ,for in that they require nothing but endeavour2 he that endeavoureth their performance1 fulfilleth them2 and he that fulfilleth the ,law1 is ,just4 ,the ,science ,of ,these ,lawes1 ,is ,the ,true ,morall ,philosophy ,and the ,science of them1 is the true and onely ,moral ,philosophy4 ,for ,morall ,philosophy is nothing else but the ,science of what is ,good1 and ,evill1 in the conversation1 and ,society of mankind4 ,good1 and ,evill1 are names that signifie our ,appetites1 and ,aversions2 which in different tempers1 customes1 and doctrines of men1 are different3 ,and divers men1 differ not onely in their ,judgement1 on the senses of what is pleasant1 and unpleasant to the tast1 smell1 hearing1 touch1 and sight2 but also of what is conformable1 or disagreeable to ,reason1 in the actions of common life4 ,nay1 the same man1 in divers times1 differs from himselfe2 and one time praiseth1 that is1 calleth ,good1 what another time he dispraiseth1 and calleth ,evil3 ,from whence arise ,disputes1 ,controversies1 and at last ,war4 ,and therefore so long as man is in the condition of meer ,nature1 7which is a condition of ,war17 as private ,appetite is the measure of ,good1 and ,evill3 and consequently all men agree on this1 that ,peace is ,good1 and therefore also the way1 or means of ,peace1 which 7as ,i have shewed before7 are ,justice1 ,gratitude1 ,modesty1 ,equity1 ,mercy1 the rest of the ,laws of ,nature1 are good2 that is to say1 ,morall ,vertues2 and their contrarie ,vices1 ,evill4 ,now the science of ,vertue and ,vice1 is ,morall ,philosophie2 and therfore the true ,doctrine of the ,lawes of ,nature1 is the true ,morall ,philosophie4 ,but the ,writers of ,morall ,philosophie1 though they acknowledge the same ,vertues and ,vices2 ,yet not seeing wherein consisted their ,goodnesse2 nor that they come to be praised1 as the meanes of peaceable1 sociable1 and comfortable living2 place them in a mediocrity of passions3 as if not the ,cause1 but the ,degree of daring1 made ,fortitude2 or not the ,cause1 but the ,quantity of a gift1 made ,liberality4 ,these dictates of ,reason1 men use to call by the name of ,lawes2 but improperly3 for they are but ,conclusions1 or ,theoremes concerning what conduceth to the conservation and defence of themselves2 whereas ,law1 properly is the word of him1 that by right hath command over others4 ,but yet if we consider the same ,theoremes1 as delivered in the word of ,god1 that by right commandeth all things2 then are they properly called ,lawes4 ,,chapter ,,xvi4 ,,of ,,persons1 ,,authors1 ,,and ,,things ,,personated ,a ,person ,what ,a ,,person1 is he whose words or actions are considered1 either as his own1 or as representing the words or actions of an other man1 or of any other thing to whom they are attributed1 whether ,truly or by ,fiction4 ,person ,naturall1 ,and ,artificiall ,when they are considered as his owne1 then is he called a ,naturall ,person3 ,and when they are considered as representing the words and actions of an other1 then is he a ,feigned or ,artificiall person4 ,the ,word ,person1 ,whence ,the word ,person is latine3 instead whereof the ,greeks have ,prosopon1 which signifies the ,face1 as ,persona in latine signifies the ,disguise1 or ,outward ,appearance of a man1 counterfeited on the ,stage2 and somtimes more particularly that part of it1 which disguiseth the face1 as a ,mask or ,visard3 ,and from the ,stage1 hath been translated to any ,representer of speech and action1 as well in ,tribunalls1 as ,theaters4 ,so that a ,person1 is the same that an ,actor is1 both on the ,stage and in common ,conversation2 and to ,personate1 is to ,act1 or ,represent himselfe1 or an other2 and he that acteth another1 is said to beare his ,person1 or act in his name2 7in which sence ,cicero useth it where he saies1 ,unus ,sustineo ,tres ,personas2 ,mei1 ,adversarii1 ,judicis1 ,i beare three ,persons2 my own1 my ,adversaries1 and the ,judges27 and is called in diverse occasions1 diversly2 as a ,representer1 or ,representative1 a ,lieutenant1 a ,vicar1 an ,attorney1 a ,deputy1 a ,procurator1 an ,actor1 and the like4 ,actor1 ,author2 ,authority ,of ,persons ,artificiall1 some have their words and actions ,owned by those whom they represent4 ,and then the ,person is the ,actor2 and he that owneth his words and actions1 is the ,,author3 ,in which case the ,actor acteth by ,authority4 ,for that which in speaking of goods and possessions1 is called an ,owner1 and in latine ,dominus1 in ,greeke ,kurios2 speaking of ,actions1 is called ,author4 ,and as the ,right of possession1 is called ,dominion2 so the ,right of doing any ,action1 is called ,,authority4 ,so that by ,authority1 is alwayes understood a ,right of doing any act3 and ,done ,by ,authority1 done by ,commission1 or ,licence from him whose right it is4 ,covenants ,by ,authority1 ,bind ,the ,author ,from hence it followeth1 that when the ,actor maketh a ,covenant by ,authority1 he bindeth thereby the ,author1 no lesse than if he had made it himselfe2 and no lesse subjecteth him to all the consequences of the same4 ,and therfore all that hath been said formerly1 7,chap4 #ad7 of the nature of ,covenants between man and man in their naturall capacity1 is true also when they are made by their ,actors1 ,representers1 or ,procurators1 that have authority from them1 so far-forth as is in their ,commission1 but no farther4 ,and therefore he that maketh a ,covenant with the ,actor1 or ,representer1 not knowing the ,authority he hath1 doth it at his own perill4 ,for no man is obliged by a ,covenant1 whereof he is not ,author2 nor consequently by a ,covenant made against1 or beside the ,authority he gave4 ,but ,not ,the ,actor ,when the ,actor doth any thing against the ,law of ,nature by command of the ,author1 if he be obliged by former ,covenant to obey him1 not he1 but the ,author breaketh the ,law of ,nature3 for though the ,action be against the ,law of ,nature2 yet it is not his3 but contrarily2 to refuse to do it1 is against the ,law of ,nature1 that forbiddeth breach of ,covenant4 ,the ,authority ,is ,to ,be ,shewne ,and he that maketh a ,covenant with the ,author1 by mediation of the ,actor1 not knowing what ,authority he hath1 but onely takes his word2 in case such ,authority be not made manifest unto him upon demand1 is no longer obliged3 ,for the ,covenant made with the ,author1 is not valid1 without his ,counter-assurance4 ,but if he that so ,covenanteth1 knew before hand he was to expect no other assurance1 than the ,actors word2 then is the ,covenant valid2 because the ,actor in this case maketh himselfe the ,author4 ,and therefore1 as when the ,authority is evident1 the ,covenant obligeth the ,author1 not the ,actor2 so when the ,authority is feigned1 it obligeth the ,actor onely2 there being no ,author but himselfe4 ,things ,personated1 ,inanimate ,there are few things1 that are uncapable of being represented by ,fiction4 ,inanimate things1 as a ,church1 an ,hospital1 a ,bridge1 may be ,personated by a ,rector1 ,master1 or ,overseer4 ,but things ,inanimate1 cannot be ,authors1 nor therefore give ,authority to their ,actors3 ,yet the ,actors may have ,authority to procure their maintenance1 given them by those that are ,owners1 or ,governours of those things4 ,and therefore1 such things cannot be ,personated1 before there be some state of ,civill ,government4 ,irrational ,likewise ,children1 ,fooles1 and ,mad-men that have no use of ,reason1 may be ,personated by ,guardians1 or ,curators2 but can be no ,authors 7during that time7 of any action done by them1 longer then 7when they shall recover the use of ,reason7 they shall judge the same reasonable4 ,yet during the ,folly1 he that hath right of governing them1 may give ,authority to the ,guardian4 ,but this again has no place but in a ,state ,civill1 because before such estate1 there is no ,dominion of ,persons4 ,false ,gods ,an ,idol1 or meer ,figment of the brain1 may be ,personated2 as were the ,gods of the ,heathen2 which by such ,officers as the ,state appointed1 were ,personated1 and held ,possessions1 and other ,goods1 and ,rights1 which men from time to time dedicated1 and consecrated unto them4 ,but idols cannot be ,authors3 for a ,idol is nothing4 ,the ,authority proceeded from the ,state3 and therefore before introduction of ,civill ,government1 the ,gods of the ,heathen could not be ,personated4 ,the ,true ,god ,the true ,god may be ,personated4 ,as he was2 first1 by ,moses2 who governed the ,israelites1 7that were not his1 but ,gods people17 not in his own name1 with ,hoc ,dicit ,moses2 but in ,gods ,name1 with ,hoc ,dicit ,dominus4 ,secondly1 by the son of man1 his own ,son our ,blessed ,saviour ,jesus ,christ1 that came to reduce the ,jewes1 and induce all ,nations into the ,kingdome of his ,father2 not as of himselfe1 but as sent from his ,father4 ,and thirdly1 by the ,holy ,ghost1 or ,comforter1 speaking1 and working in the ,apostles3 which ,holy ,ghost1 was a ,comforter that came not of himselfe2 but was sent1 and proceeded from them both4 ,a ,multitude ,of ,men1 ,how ,one ,person ,a ,multitude of men1 are made ,one ,person1 when they are by one man1 or one ,person1 ,represented2 so that it be done with the consent of every one of that ,multitude in particular4 ,for it is the ,unity of the ,representer1 not the ,unity of the ,represented1 that maketh the ,person ,one4 ,and it is the ,representer that beareth the ,person1 and but one ,person3 ,and ,unity1 cannot otherwise be understood in ,multitude4 ,every ,one ,is ,author ,and because the ,multitude naturally is not ,one1 but ,many2 they cannot be understood for one2 but many ,authors1 of every thing their ,representative faith1 or doth in their name2 ,every man giving their common ,representer1 ,authority from himselfe in particular2 and owning all the actions the ,representer doth1 in case they give him ,authority without stint3 ,otherwise1 when they limit him in what1 and how farre he shall represent them1 none of them owneth more1 than they gave him commission to ,act4 ,an ,actor ,may ,be ,many ,men ,made ,one ,by ,plurality ,of ,voyces ,and if the ,representative consist of many men1 the voyce of the greater number1 must be considered as the voyce of them all4 ,for if the lesser number pronounce 7for example7 in the ,affirmative1 and the greater in the ,negative1 there will be ,negatives more than enough to destroy the ,affirmatives2 and thereby the excesse of ,negatives1 standing uncontradicted1 are the onely voyce the ,representative hath4 ,representatives1 ,when ,the ,number ,is ,even1 ,unprofitable ,and a ,representative of even number1 especially when the number is not great1 whereby the contradictory voyces are oftentimes equall1 is therefore oftentimes mute1 and uncapable of ,action4 ,yet in some cases contradictory voyces equall in number1 may determine a question2 as in condemning1 or absolving1 equality of votes1 even in that they condemne not1 do absolve2 but not on the contrary condemne1 in that they absolve not4 ,for when a ,cause is heard2 not to condemne1 is to absolve2 but on the contrary1 to say that not absolving1 is condemning1 is not true4 ,the like it is in a deliberation of executing presently1 or deferring till another time2 ,for when the voyces are equall1 the not decreeing ,execution1 is a decree of ,dilation4 ,negative ,voyce ,or if the number be odde1 as three1 or more1 7men1 or assemblies27 whereof every one has by a ,negative ,voice1 authority to take away the effect of all the ,affirmative ,voices of the rest1 ,this number is no ,representative2 because by the diversity of ,opinions1 and ,interests of men1 it becomes oftentimes1 and in cases of the greatest consequence1 a mute ,person1 and unapt1 as for may things else1 so for the government of a ,multitude1 especially in time of ,warre4 ,of ,authors there be two sorts4 ,the first simply so called2 which ,i have before defined to be him1 that owneth the ,action of another simply4 ,the second is he1 that owneth an ,action1 or ,covenant of another conditionally2 that is to say1 he undertaketh to do it1 if the other doth it not1 at1 or before a certain time4 ,and these ,authors conditionall1 are generally called ,,suretyes1 in ,latine ,fidejussores1 and ,sponsores2 and particularly for ,debt1 ,praedes2 and for ,appearance before a ,judge1 or ,magistrate1 ,vades4 ,,part ,,ii4 ,,of ,,common-,,wealth ,,chapter ,,xvii4 ,,of ,,the ,,causes1 ,,generation1 ,,and ,,definition ,,of ,a ,,common-,,wealth ,the ,end ,of ,common-wealth1 ,particular ,security ,the finall ,cause1 ,end1 or ,designe of men1 7who naturally love ,liberty1 and ,dominion over others17 in the introduction of that restraint upon themselves1 7in which wee see them live in ,common-wealths17 is the foresight of their own preservation1 and of a more contented life thereby2 that is to say1 of getting themselves out from that miserable condition of ,warre1 which is necessarily consequent 7as hath been shewn7 to the naturall ,passions of men1 when there is no visible ,power to keep them in awe1 and tye them by feare of punishment to the performance of their ,covenants1 and observation of these ,lawes of ,nature set down in the fourteenth and fifteenth ,chapters4 ,which ,is ,not ,to ,be ,had ,from ,the ,law ,of ,nature3 ,for the ,lawes of ,nature 7as ,justice1 ,equity1 ,modesty1 ,mercy1 and 7in summe7 ,doing ,to ,others1 ,as ,wee ,would ,be ,done ,to17 if themselves1 without the terrour of some ,power1 to cause them to be observed1 are contrary to our naturall ,passions1 that carry us to ,partiality1 ,pride1 ,revenge1 and the like4 ,and ,covenants1 without the ,sword1 are but ,words1 and of no strength to secure a man at all4 ,therefore notwithstanding the ,lawes of ,nature1 7which every one hath then kept1 when he has the will to keep them1 when he can do it safely17 if there be no ,power erected1 or not great enough for our security2 every man will and may lawfully rely on his own strength and art1 for caution against all other men4 ,and in all places1 where men have lived by small ,families1 to robbe and spoyle one another1 has been a ,trade1 and so farre from being reputed against the ,law of ,nature1 that the greater spoyles they gained1 the greater was their honour2 and men observed no other ,lawes therein1 but the ,lawes of ,honour2 that is1 to abstain from cruelty1 leaving to men their lives1 and instruments of husbandry4 ,and as small ,familyes did then2 so now do ,cities and ,kingdomes which are but greater ,families 7for their own security7 enlarge their ,dominions1 upon all pretences of danger1 and fear of ,invasion1 or assistance that may be given to ,invaders1 endeavour as much as they can1 to subdue1 or weaken their neighbours1 by open force1 and secret arts1 for want of other ,caution1 justly2 and are remembred for it in after ages with honour4 ,nor ,from ,the ,conjunction ,of ,a ,few ,men ,or ,familyes ,nor is it the joyning together of a small number of men1 that gives them this security2 because in small numbers1 small additions on the one side or the other1 make the advantage of strength so great1 as is sufficient to carry the ,victory2 and therefore gives encouragement to an ,invasion4 ,the ,multitude sufficient to confide in for our ,security1 is not determined by any certain number1 but by comparison with the ,enemy we feare2 and is then sufficient1 when the odds of the ,enemy is not of so visible and conspicuous moment1 to determine the event of warre1 as to move him to attempt4 ,nor ,from ,a ,great ,multitude1 ,unlesse ,directed ,by ,one ,judgement ,and be there never so great a ,multitude2 yet if their actions be directed according to their particular judgements1 and particular appetites1 they can expect thereby no defence1 nor protection1 neither against a ,common enemy1 nor against the injuries of one another4 ,for being distracted in opinions concerning the best use and application of their strength1 they do not help1 but hinder one another2 and reduce their strength by mutuall opposition to nothing3 whereby they are easily1 not onely subdued by a very few that agree together2 but also when there is no common enemy1 they make warre upon each other1 for their particular interests4 ,for if we could suppose a great ,multitude of men to consent in the observation of ,justice1 and other ,lawes of ,nature1 without a common ,power to keep them all in awe2 we might as well suppose all ,man-kind to do the same2 and then there neither would be nor need to be any ,civill ,government1 or ,common-wealth at all2 because there would be ,peace without subjection4 ,and ,that ,continually ,nor is it enough for the security1 which men desire should last all the time of their life1 that they be governed1 and directed by one judgement1 for a limited time2 as in one ,battell1 or one ,warre4 ,for though they obtain a ,victory by their unanimous endeavour against a forraign enemy2 yet afterwards1 when either they have no common enemy1 or he that by one part is held for an enemy1 is by another part held for a friend1 they must needs by the difference of their interests dissolve1 and fall again into a ,warre amongst themselves4 ,why ,certain ,creatures ,without ,reason1 ,or ,speech1 ,do ,neverthelesse ,live ,in ,society1 ,without ,any ,coercive ,power ,it is true1 that certain living creatures1 as ,bees1 and ,ants1 live sociably one with another1 7which are therefore by ,aristotle numbred amongst ,politicall creatures27 and yet have no other direction1 than their particular judgements and appetites2 nor speech1 whereby one of them can signifie to another1 what he thinks expedient for the common benefit3 and therefore some man may perhaps desire to know1 why ,man-kind cannot do the same4 ,to which ,i answer1 ,first1 that men are continually in competition for ,honour and ,dignity1 which these creatures are not2 and consequently amongst men there ariseth on that ground1 ,envy and ,hatred1 and finally ,warre2 but amongst these not so4 ,secondly1 that amongst these creatures1 the ,common good differeth not from the ,private2 and being by nature enclined to their private1 they procure thereby the common benefit4 ,but man1 whose ,joy consisteth in comparing himselfe with other men1 can relish nothing but what is eminent4 ,thirdly1 that these creatures1 having not 7as man7 the use of reason1 do not see1 nor think they see any fault1 in the administration of their common businesse3 whereas amongst men1 there are very many1 that thinke themselves wiser1 and abler to govern the ,publique1 better than the rest2 and these strive to reforme and innovate1 one this way1 another that way2 and thereby bring it into ,distraction and ,civill warre4 ,fourthly1 that these creatures1 though they have some use of voice1 in making knowne to one another their desires1 and other affections2 yet they want that art of words1 by which some men can represent to others1 that which is ,good1 in the likenesse of ,evill2 and ,evill1 in the likenesse of ,good2 and augment1 or diminish the apparent greatnesse of ,good and ,evill2 discontenting men1 and troubling their ,peace at their pleasure4 ,fiftly1 irrationall creatures cannot distinguish betweene ,injury1 and ,dammage2 and therefore as long as they be at ease1 they are not offended with their fellowes3 whereas ,man is then most troublesome1 when he is most at ease3 for then it is that he loves to shew his ,wisdome1 and controule the ,actions of them that governe the ,common-wealth4 ,lastly1 the agreement of these creatures is ,naturall2 that of men1 is by ,covenant only1 which is ,artificiall3 and therefore it is no wonder if there be somewhat else required 7besides ,covenant7 to make their ,agreement constant and lasting2 which is a ,common ,power1 to keep them in awe1 and to direct their actions to the ,common ,benefit4 ,the ,generation ,of ,a ,common-wealth ,the only way to erect such a ,common ,power1 as may be able to defend them from the invasion of ,forraigners1 and the injuries of one another1 and thereby to secure them in such sort1 as that by their owne industrie1 and by the fruites of the ,earth1 they may nourish themselves and live contentedly2 is1 to conferre all their power and strength upon one ,man1 or upon one ,assembly of men1 that may reduce all their ,wills1 by plurality of voices1 unto one ,will3 which is as much as to say1 to appoint one man1 or ,assembly of men1 to beare their ,person2 and every one to owne1 and acknowledge himselfe to be ,author of whatsoever he that so beareth their ,person1 shall ,act1 or cause to be ,acted1 in those things which concerne the ,common ,peace and ,safetie2 and therein to submit their ,wills1 every one to his ,will1 and their ,judgements1 to his ,judgment4 ,this is more than ,consent1 or ,concord2 it is a reall ,unitie of them all1 in one and the same ,person1 made by ,covenant of every man with every man1 in such manner1 as if every man should say to every man1 ,i ,authorise and give up my ,right of ,governing my selfe1 to this ,man1 or to this ,assembly of men1 on this condition1 that thou give up thy ,right to him1 and ,authorise all his ,actions in like manner4 ,this done1 the ,multitude so united in one ,person1 is called a ,,common-,,wealth1 in latine ,,civitas4 ,this is the ,generation of that great ,,leviathan1 or rather 7to speake more reverently7 of that ,mortall ,god1 to which wee owe under the ,immortall ,god1 our peace and defence4 ,for by this ,authoritie1 given him by every particular man in the ,common-,wealth1 he hath the use of so much ,power and ,strength conferred on him1 that by terror thereof1 he is inabled to forme the wills of them all1 to ,peace at home1 and mutuall ayd against their enemies abroad4 ,the ,definition ,of ,a ,common-wealth ,and in him consisteth the ,essence of the ,common-wealth2 which 7to define it17 is ,one ,person1 of whose ,acts a great ,multitude1 by mutuall ,covenants one with another1 have made themselves every one the ,author1 to the end he may use the strength and means of them all1 as he shall think expedient1 for their ,peace and ,common ,defence4 ,soveraigne1 ,and ,subject1 ,what ,and he that carryeth this ,person1 as called ,,soveraigne1 and said to have ,soveraigne ,power2 and every one besides1 his ,,subject4 ,the attaining to this ,soveraigne ,power1 is by two wayes4 ,one1 by ,naturall force2 as when a man maketh his children1 to submit themselves1 and their children to his government1 as being able to destroy them if they refuse1 or by ,warre subdueth his enemies to his will1 giving them their lives on that condition4 ,the other1 is when men agree amongst themselves1 to submit to some ,man1 or ,assembly of men1 voluntarily1 on confidence to be protected by him against all others4 ,this later1 may be called a ,politicall ,common-wealth1 or ,common-wealth by ,institution2 and the former1 a ,common-wealth by ,acquisition4 ,and first1 ,i shall speak of a ,common-wealth by ,institution4 ,,chapter ,,xviii4 ,,of ,,the ,,rights ,,of ,,soveraignes ,,by ,,institution ,the ,act ,of ,instituting ,a ,common-wealth1 ,what ,a ,common-wealth is said to be ,instituted1 when a ,multitude of men do ,agree1 and ,covenant1 ,every ,one ,with ,every ,one1 that to whatsoever ,man1 or ,assembly ,of ,men1 shall be given by the major part1 the ,right to ,present the ,person of them all1 7that is to say1 to be their ,representative27 every one1 as well he that ,voted ,for ,it1 as he that ,voted ,against ,it1 shall ,authorise all the ,actions and ,judgements1 of that ,man1 or ,assembly of men1 in the same manner1 as if they were his own1 to the end1 to live peaceably amongst themselves1 and be protected against other men4 ,the ,consequences ,to ,such ,institution1 ,are #a4 ,the ,subjects ,cannot ,change ,the ,forme ,of ,government ,from this ,institution of a ,common-wealth are derived all the ,rights1 and ,facultyes of him1 or them1 on whom the ,soveraigne ,power is conferred by the consent of the ,people assembled4 ,first1 because they ,covenant1 it is to be understood1 they are not obliged by former ,covenant to any thing repugnant hereunto4 ,and ,consequently they that have already ,instituted a ,common-wealth1 being thereby bound by ,covenant1 to own the ,actions1 and ,judgements of one1 cannot lawfully make a new ,covenant1 amongst themselves1 to be obedient to any other1 in any thing whatsoever1 without his permission4 ,and therefore1 they that are subjects to a ,monarch1 cannot without his leave cast off ,monarchy1 and return to the confusion of a disunited ,multitude2 nor transferre their ,person from him that beareth it1 to another ,man1 or other ,assembly of men3 for they are bound1 every man to every man1 to ,own1 and be reputed ,author of all1 that he that already is their ,soveraigne1 shall do1 and judge fit to be done3 so that any one man dissenting1 all the rest should break their ,covenant made to that man1 which is injustice3 and they have also every man given the ,soveraignty to him that beareth their ,person2 and therefore if they depose him1 they take from him that which is his own1 and so again it is injustice4 ,besides1 if he that attempteth to depose his ,soveraign1 be killed1 or punished by him for such attempt1 he is author of his own punishment1 as being by the ,institution1 ,author of all his ,soveraign shall do3 ,and because it is injustice for a man to do any thing1 for which he may be punished by his own authority1 he is also upon that title1 unjust4 ,and whereas some men have pretended for their disobedience to their ,soveraign1 a new ,covenant1 made1 not with men1 but with ,god2 this also is unjust3 for there is no ,covenant with ,god1 but by mediation of some body that representeth ,gods ,person2 which none doth but ,gods ,lieutenant1 who hath the ,soveraignty under ,god4 ,but this pretence of ,covenant with ,god1 is so evident a lye1 even in the pretenders own consciences1 that it is not onely an act of an unjust1 but also of a vile1 and unmanly disposition4 #b4 ,soveraigne ,power ,cannot ,be ,forfeited ,secondly1 ,because the ,right of bearing the ,person of them all1 is given to him they make ,soveraigne1 by ,covenant onely of one to another1 and not of him to any of them2 there can happen no breach of ,covenant on the part of the ,soveraigne2 and consequently none of his ,subjects1 by any pretence of forfeiture1 can be freed from his ,subjection4 ,that he which is made ,soveraigne maketh no ,covenant with his ,subjects beforehand1 is manifest2 because either he must make it with the whole multitude1 as one party to the ,covenant2 or he must make a severall ,covenant with every man4 ,with the whole1 as one party1 it is impossible2 because as yet they are not one ,person3 and if he make so many severall ,covenants as there be men1 those ,covenants after he hath the ,soveraignty are voyd1 because what act soever can be pretended by any one of them for breach thereof1 is the act both of himselfe1 and of all the rest1 because done in the ,person1 and by the ,right of every one of them in particular4 ,besides1 if any one1 or more of them1 pretend a breach of the ,covenant made by the ,soveraigne at his ,institution2 and others1 or one other of his ,subjects1 or himselfe alone1 pretend there was no such breach1 there is in this case1 no ,judge to decide the controversie3 it returns therefore to the ,sword again2 and every man recovereth the right of ,protecting himselfe by his own strength1 contrary to the designe they had in the ,institution4 ,it is therefore in vain to grant ,soveraignty by way of precedent ,covenant4 ,the opinion that any ,monarch receiveth his ,power by ,covenant1 that is to say on ,condition1 proceedeth from want of understanding this easie truth1 that ,covenants being but words1 and breath1 have no force to oblige1 contain1 constrain1 or protect any man1 but what it has from the publique ,sword2 that is1 from the untyed hands of that ,man1 or ,assembly of men that hath the ,soveraignty1 and whose actions are avouched by them all1 and performed by the strength of them all1 in him united4 ,but when an ,assembly of men is made ,soveraigne2 then no man imagineth any such ,covenant to have past in the ,institution2 for no man is so dull as to say1 for example1 the ,people of ,rome1 made a ,covenant with the ,romans1 to hold the ,soveraignty on such or such conditions2 which not performed1 the ,romans might lawfully depose the ,roman ,people4 ,that men see not the reason to be alike in a ,monarchy1 and in a ,popular ,government1 proceedeth from the ambition of some1 that are kinder to the government of an ,assembly1 whereof they may hope to participate1 than of ,monarchy1 which they despair to enjoy4 #c4 ,no ,man ,can ,without ,injustice ,protest ,against ,the ,institution ,of ,the ,soveraigne ,declared ,by ,the ,major ,part4 ,thirdly1 because the major part hath by consenting voices declared a ,soveraigne2 he that dissented must now consent with the rest2 that is1 be contented to avow all the actions he shall do1 or else justly be destroyed by the rest4 ,for if he voluntarily entered into the ,congregation of them that were assembled1 he sufficiently declared thereby his will 7and therefore tacitely covenanted7 to stand to what the major part should ordayne3 and therefore if he refuse to stand thereto1 or make ,protestation against any of their ,decrees1 he does contrary to his ,covenant1 and therfore unjustly4 ,and whether he be of the ,congregation1 or not2 and whether his consent be asked1 or not1 he must either submit to their decrees1 or be left in the condition of warre he was in before2 wherein he might without injustice be destroyed by any man whatsoever4 #d4 ,the ,soveraigns ,actions ,cannot ,be ,justly ,accused ,by ,the ,subject ,fourthly1 because every ,subject is by this ,institution ,author of all the ,actions1 and ,judgements of the ,soveraigne ,instituted2 it followes1 that whatsoever he doth1 it can be no injury to any of his ,subjects2 nor ought he to be by any of them accused of ,injustice4 ,for he that doth any thing by authority from another1 doth therein no injury to him by whose authority he acteth3 ,but by this ,institution of a ,common-wealth1 every particular man is ,author of all the ,soveraigne doth2 and consequently he that complaineth of injury from his ,soveraigne1 complaineth of that whereof he himselfe is ,author2 and therefore ought not to accuse any man but himselfe2 no nor himselfe of injury2 because to do injury to ones selfe1 is impossible4 ,it is true that they that have ,soveraigne power1 may commit ,iniquity2 but not ,injustice1 or ,injury in the proper signification4 #e4 ,what ,soever ,the ,soveraigne ,doth1 ,is ,unpunishable ,by ,the ,subject ,fiftly1 and consequently to that which was sayd last1 no man that hath ,soveraigne power can justly be put to death1 or otherwise in any manner by his ,subjects punished4 ,for seeing every ,subject is author of the actions of his ,soveraigne2 he punisheth another1 for the actions committed by himselfe4 #f4 ,the ,soveraigne ,is ,judge ,of ,what ,is ,necessary ,for ,the ,peace ,and ,defence ,of ,his ,subjects ,and because the ,end of this ,institution1 is the ,peace and ,defence of them all2 and whosoever has right to the ,end1 has right to the ,means2 it belongeth of ,right1 to whatsoever ,man1 or ,assembly that hath the ,soveraignty1 to be ,judge both of the meanes of ,peace and ,defence2 and also of the hindrances1 and disturbances of the same2 and to do whatsoever he shall think necessary to be done1 both beforehand1 for the preserving of ,peace and ,security1 by prevention of discord at home and ,hostility from abroad2 and1 when ,peace and ,security are lost1 for the recovery of the same4 ,and therefore1 ,and ,judge ,of ,what ,doctrines ,are ,fit ,to ,be ,taught ,them ,sixtly1 it is annexed to the ,soveraignty1 to be ,judge of what ,opinions and ,doctrines are averse1 and what conducing to ,peace2 and consequently1 on what occasions1 how farre1 and what1 men are to be trusted withall1 in speaking to ,multitudes of people2 and who shall examine the ,doctrines of all bookes before they be published4 ,for the ,actions of men proceed from their ,opinions2 and in the wel governing of ,opinions1 consisteth the well governing of mens ,actions1 in order to their ,peace1 and ,concord4 ,and though in matter of ,doctrine1 nothing ought to be regarded but the ,truth2 yet this is not repugnant to regulating of the same by ,peace4 ,for ,doctrine ,repugnant to ,peace1 can no more be ,true1 than ,peace and ,concord can be against the ,law of ,nature4 ,it is true1 that in a ,common-wealth1 where by the negligence1 or unskilfullnesse of ,governours1 and ,teachers1 false ,doctrines are by time generally received2 the contrary ,truths may be generally offensive2 ,yet the most sudden1 and rough busling in of a new ,truth1 that can be1 does never breake the ,peace1 but onely somtimes awake the ,warre4 ,for those men that are so remissely governed1 that they dare take up ,armes1 to defend1 or introduce an ,opinion1 are still in ,warre2 and their condition not ,peace1 but only a ,cessation of ,armes for feare of one another2 and they live as it were1 in the procincts of battaile continually4 ,it belongeth therefore to him that hath the ,soveraign ,power1 to be ,judge1 or constitute all ,judges of ,opinions and ,doctrines1 as a thing necessary to ,peace1 thereby to prevent ,discord and ,civill ,warre4 #g4 ,the ,right of making ,rules1 whereby the ,subject may every man know what is so his owne1 as no other ,subject can without injustice take it from him ,seventhly1 is annexed to the ,soveraigntie1 the whole power of prescribing the ,rules1 whereby every man may know1 what ,goods he may enjoy and what ,actions he may doe1 without being molested by any of his fellow ,subjects3 ,and this is it men ,call ,propriety4 ,for before constitution of ,soveraign ,power 7as hath already been shewn7 all men had right to all things2 which necessarily causeth ,warre3 and therefore this ,proprietie1 being necessary to ,peace1 and depending on ,soveraign ,power1 is the ,act of the ,power1 in order to the publique peace4 ,these ,rules of ,propriety 7or ,meum and ,tuum7 and of ,good1 ,evill1 ,lawfull and ,unlawfull in the actions of subjects1 are the ,civill ,lawes1 that is to say1 the lawes of each ,commonwealth in particular2 though the name of ,civill ,law be now restrained to the antient ,civill ,lawes of the ,city of ,rome2 which being the head of a great part of the ,world1 her ,lawes at that time were in these parts the ,civill ,law4 #h4 ,to ,him ,also ,belongeth ,the ,right ,of ,all ,judicature ,and ,decision ,of ,controversies3 ,eightly1 is annexed to the ,soveraigntie1 the ,right of ,judicature2 that is to say1 of hearing and deciding all ,controversies1 which may arise concerning ,law1 either ,civill1 or naturall1 or concerning ,fact4 ,for without the decision of ,controversies1 there is no protection of one ,subject1 against the injuries of another2 the ,lawes concerning ,meum and ,tuum are in vaine2 and to every man remaineth1 from the naturall and necessary appetite of his own conservation1 the right of protecting himselfe by his private strength1 which is the condition of ,warre2 and contrary to the end for which every ,common-wealth is instituted4 #i4 ,and ,of ,making ,war1 ,and ,peace1 ,as ,he ,shall ,think ,best3 ,ninthly1 is annexed to the ,soveraignty1 the ,right of making ,warre1 and ,peace with other ,nations1 and ,common-wealths2 that is to say1 of ,judging when it is for the publique good1 and how great forces are to be assembled1 armed1 and payd for that end2 and to levy mony upon the ,subjects1 to defray the expenses thereof4 ,for the ,power by which the people are to be defended1 consisteth in their ,armies2 and the strength of an ,army1 in the union of their strength under one ,command2 which ,command the ,soveraign ,instituted1 therefore hath2 because the command of the ,militia1 without other ,institution1 maketh him that hath it ,soveraign4 ,and therefore whosoever is made ,generall of an ,army1 he that hath the ,soveraign ,power is alwayes ,generallissimo4 #aj4 ,and ,of ,choosing ,all ,counsellours1 ,and ,ministers1 ,both ,of ,peace1 ,and ,warre3 ,tenthly1 is annexed to the ,soveraignty1 the choosing of all ,councellours1 ,ministers1 ,magistrates1 and ,officers1 both in peace1 and ,war4 ,for seeing the ,soveraign is charged with the ,end1 which is the common ,peace and ,defence2 he is understood to have ,power to use such ,means1 as he shall think most fit for his discharge4 #aa4 ,and ,of ,rewarding1 ,and ,punishing1 ,and ,that 7,where ,no ,former ,law hath ,determined ,the ,measure ,of ,it7 ,arbitrary3 ,eleventhly1 to the ,soveraign is committed the ,power of ,rewarding with riches1 or honour2 and of ,punishing with corporall1 or pecuniary punishment1 or with ignominy every ,subject according to the ,lawe he hath formerly made2 or if there be no ,law made1 according as he shall judge most to conduce to the encouraging of men to serve the ,common-wealth1 or deterring of them from doing dis-service to the same4 #ab4 ,and ,of ,honour ,and ,order ,lastly1 considering what values men are naturally apt to set upon themselves2 what respect they look for from others2 and how little they value other men2 from whence continually arise amongst them1 ,emulation1 ,quarrells1 ,factions1 and at last ,warre1 to the destroying of one another1 and diminution of their strength against a ,common ,enemy2 ,it is necessary that there be ,lawes of ,honour1 and a publique rate of the worth of such men as have deserved1 or are able to deserve well of the ,common-wealth2 and that there be force in the hands of some or other1 to put those ,lawes in execution4 ,but it hath already been shown1 that not onely the whole ,militia1 or forces of the ,common-wealth2 but also the ,judicature of all ,controversies1 is annexed to the ,soveraignty4 ,to the ,soveraign therefore it belongeth also to give titles of ,honour2 and to appoint what ,order of place1 and dignity1 each man shall hold2 and what signes of respect1 in publique or private meetings1 they shall give to one another4 ,these ,rights ,are ,indivisible ,these are the ,rights1 which make the ,essence of ,soveraignty2 and which are the markes1 whereby a man may discern in what ,man1 or ,assembly of men1 the ,soveraign ,power is placed1 and resideth4 ,for these are incommunicable1 and inseparable4 ,the ,power to coyn ,mony2 to dispose of the estate and persons of ,infant heires2 to have praeemption in ,markets2 and all other ,statute ,praerogatives1 may be transferred by the ,soveraign2 and yet the ,power to protect his ,subject be retained4 ,but if he transferre the ,militia1 he retains the ,judicature in vain1 for want of execution of the ,lawes2 ,or if he grant away the ,power of raising ,mony2 the ,militia is in vain3 or if he give away the government of doctrines1 men will be frighted into rebellion with the feare of ,spirits4 ,and so if we consider any one of the said ,rights1 we shall presently see1 that the holding of all the rest1 will produce no effect1 in the conservation of ,peace and ,justice1 the end for which all ,common-wealths are ,instituted4 ,and this division is it1 whereof it is said1 ,a kingdome divided in it selfe cannot stand3 ,for unlesse this division precede1 division into opposite ,armies can never happen4 ,if there had not first been an opinion received of the greatest part of ,england1 that these ,powers were divided between the ,king1 and the ,lords1 and the ,house of ,commons1 the people had never been divided1 and fallen into this ,civill ,warre2 first between those that disagreed in ,politiques2 and after between the ,dissenters about the liberty of ,religion2 which have so instructed men in this point of ,soveraign ,right1 that there be few now 7in ,england17 that do not see1 that these ,rights are inseparable1 and will be so generally acknowledged1 at the next return of ,peace2 and so continue1 till their miseries are forgotten2 and no longer1 except the vulgar be better taught than they have hetherto been4 ,and ,can ,by ,no ,grant ,passe ,away ,without ,direct ,renouncing ,of ,the ,soveraign ,power ,and because they are essentiall and inseparable ,rights1 it follows necessarily1 that in whatsoever1 words any of them seem to be granted away1 yet if the ,soveraign ,power it selfe be not in direct termes renounced1 and the name of ,soveraign no more given by the ,grantees to him that ,grants them1 the ,grant is voyd3 for when he has granted all he can1 if we grant back the ,soveraignty1 all is restored1 as inseparably annexed thereunto4 ,the ,power ,and ,honour ,of ,subjects ,vanisheth ,in ,the ,presence ,of ,the ,power ,soveraign ,this great ,authority being indivisible1 and inseparably annexed to the ,soveraignty1 there is little ground for the opinion of them1 that say of ,soveraign ,kings1 though they be ,singulis ,majores1 of greater ,power than every one of their ,subjects1 yet they be ,universis ,minores1 of lesse power than them all together4 ,for if by ,all ,together1 they mean not the collective body as one person1 then ,all ,together1 and ,every ,one1 signifie the same2 and the speech is absurd4 ,but if by ,all ,together1 they understand them as one ,person 7which person the ,soveraign bears17 then the power of all together1 is the same with the ,soveraigns power2 and so again the speech is absurd2 which absurdity they see well enough1 when the ,soveraignty is in an ,assembly of the people2 but in a ,monarch they see it not2 and yet the power of ,soveraignty is the same in whomsoever it be placed4 ,and as the ,power1 so also the ,honour of the ,soveraign1 ought to be greater1 than that of any1 or all the ,subjects4 ,for in the ,soveraignty is the fountain of ,honour4 ,the dignities of ,lord1 ,earle1 ,duke1 and ,prince are his ,creatures4 ,as in the presence of the ,master1 the ,servants are equall1 and without any honour at all2 ,so are the ,subjects1 in the presence of the ,soveraign4 ,and though they shine some more1 some lesse1 when they are out of his sight2 yet in his presence1 they shine no more than the ,starres in presence of the ,sun4 ,soveraigne ,power ,not ,hurtfull ,as ,the ,want ,of ,it1 ,and ,the ,hurt ,proceeds ,for ,the ,greatest ,part ,from ,not ,submitting ,readily1 ,to ,a ,lesse ,but a man may here object1 that the ,condition of ,subjects is very miserable2 as being obnoxious to the lusts1 and other irregular passions of him1 or them that have so unlimited a ,power in their hands4 ,and commonly they that live under a ,monarch1 think it the fault of ,monarchy2 and they that live under the government of ,democracy1 or other ,soveraign ,assembly1 attribute all the inconvenience to that forme of ,common-wealth2 whereas the ,power in all formes1 if they be perfect enough to protect them1 is the same2 not considering that the estate of ,man can never be without some incommodity or other2 and that the greatest1 that in any forme of ,government can possibly happen to the people in generall1 is scarce sensible1 in respect of the miseries1 and horrible calamities1 that accompany a ,civill ,warre2 or that dissolute condition of masterlesse men1 without subjection to ,lawes1 and a coercive ,power to tye their hands from rapine1 and revenge3 nor considering that the greatest pressure of ,soveraign ,governours1 proceedeth not from any delight1 or profit they can expect in the dammage1 or weakening of their subjects1 in whose vigor1 consisteth their own selves1 that unwillingly contributing to their own defence1 make it necessary for their ,governours to draw from them what they can in time of ,peace1 that they may have means on any emergent occasion1 or sudden need1 to resist1 or take advantage on their ,enemies4 ,for all men are by nature provided of notable multiplying glasses1 7that is their ,passions and ,self-love17 through which1 every little payment appeareth a great grievance2 but are destitute of those prospective glasses1 7namely ,morall and ,civill ,science17 to see a farre off the miseries that hang over them1 and cannot without such payments be avoyded4 ,,chapter ,,xix4 ,,of ,,the ,,severall ,,kinds ,,of ,,common-,,wealth ,,by ,,institution1 ,,and ,,of ,,succession ,,to ,,the ,,soveraigne ,,power ,the ,different ,formes ,of ,common-wealths ,but ,three ,the difference of ,common-wealths1 consisteth in the difference of the ,soveraign1 or the ,person representative of all and every one of the ,multitude4 ,and because the ,soveraignty is either in one ,man1 or in an ,assembly of more than one2 and into that ,assembly either ,every man hath right to enter1 or not every one1 but ,certain men distinguished from the rest2 it is manifest1 there can be but ,three kinds of ,common-wealth4 ,for the ,representative must needs be ,one man1 or ,more3 and if more1 then it is the ,assembly of ,all1 or but of a ,part4 ,when the ,representative is ,one man1 then is the ,common-wealth a ,,monarchy3 when an ,assembly of ,all that will come together1 then it is a ,,democracy1 or ,popular ,common-wealth3 when an ,assembly of a ,part onely1 then it is called an ,,aristocracy4 ,other kind of ,common-wealth there can be none3 for either ,one1 or ,more1 or ,all must have the ,soveraign ,power 7which ,i have shewn to be indivisible7 entire4 ,tyranny ,and ,oligarchy1 ,but ,different ,names ,of ,monarchy1 ,and ,aristocracy ,there be other names of ,government1 in the ,histories1 and books of ,policy2 as ,tyranny1 and ,oligarchy3 ,but they are not the names of other ,formes of ,government1 but of the same ,formes misliked4 ,for they that are discontented under ,monarchy1 call it ,tyranny2 and they that are displeased with ,aristocracy1 called it ,oligarchy3 so also1 they which find themselves grieved under a ,democracy1 call it ,anarchy1 7which signifies want of ,government27 and yet ,i think no man believes1 that want of ,government1 is any new kind of ,government3 nor by the same reason ought they to believe1 that the ,government is of one kind1 when they like it1 and another1 when they mislike it1 or are oppressed by the ,governours4 ,subordinate ,representatives ,dangerous ,it is manifest1 that men who are in absolute liberty1 may1 if they please1 give ,authority to ,one ,man1 to represent them every one2 as well as give such ,authority to any ,assembly of men whatsoever2 and consequently may subject themselves1 if they think good1 to a ,monarch1 as absolutely1 as to any other ,representative4 ,therefore1 where there is already erected a ,soveraign ,power1 there can be no other ,representative of the same people1 but onely to certain particular ends1 by the ,soveraign limited4 ,for that were to erect two ,soveraigns2 and every man to have his person represented by two ,actors1 that by opposing one another1 must needs divide that ,power1 which 7if men will live in ,peace7 is indivisible1 and thereby reduce the ,multitude into the condition of ,warre1 contrary to the end for which all ,soveraignty is instituted4 ,and therefore as it is absurd1 to think that a ,soveraign ,assembly1 inviting the ,people of their ,dominion1 to send up their ,deputies1 with power to make known their ,advise1 or ,desires1 should therefore hold such ,deputies1 rather than themselves1 for the absolute ,representative of the people3 so it is absurd also1 to think the same in a ,monarchy4 ,and ,i know not how this so manifest a truth1 should of late be so little observed2 that in a ,monarchy1 he that had the ,soveraignty from a descent of #fjj years1 was alone called ,soveraign1 had the title of ,majesty from every one of his ,subjects1 and was unquestionably taken by them for their ,king2 was notwithstanding never considered as their ,representative2 that name without contradiction passing for the title of those men1 which at his command were sent up by the people to carry their ,petitions1 and give him 7if he permitted it7 their advise4 ,which may serve as an admonition1 for those that are the true1 and absolute ,representative of a ,people1 to instruct men in the nature of that ,office1 and to take heed how they admit of any other generall ,representation upon any occasion whatsoever1 if they mean to discharge the truth committed to them4 ,comparison ,of ,monarchy1 ,with ,soveraign ,assemblyes ,the difference between these three kindes of ,common-wealth1 consisteth not in the difference of ,power2 but in the difference of ,convenience1 or ,aptitude to produce the ,peace1 and ,security of the people2 for which end they were instituted4 ,and to compare ,monarchy with the other two1 we may observe2 ,first1 that whosoever beareth the ,person of the people1 or is one of that ,assembly that bears it1 beareth also his own naturall ,person4 ,and though he be carefull in his politique ,person to procure the common interest2 yet he is more1 or no lesse carefull to procure the private good of himselfe1 his family1 kindred and friends2 and for the most part1 if the publique interest chance to crosse the private1 he preferrs the private3 for the ,passions of men1 are commonly more potent than their ,reason4 ,from whence it follows1 that where the publique and private interest are most closely united1 there is the publique most advanced4 ,now in ,monarchy1 the private interest is the same with the publique4 ,the riches1 power1 and honour of a ,monarch arise onely from the riches1 strength and reputation of his ,subjects4 ,for no ,king can be rich1 nor glorious1 nor secure2 whose ,subjects are either poore1 or contemptible1 or too weak through want1 or dissention1 to maintain a war against their enemies3 ,whereas in a ,democracy1 or ,aristocracy1 the publique prosperity conferres not so much to the private fortune of one that is corrupt1 or ambitious1 as doth many times a perfidious advice1 a treacherous action1 or a ,civill warre4 ,secondly1 that a ,monarch receiveth counsell of whom1 when1 and where he pleaseth2 and consequently may heare the opinion of men versed in the matter about which he deliberates1 of what rank or quality soever1 and as long before the time of action1 and with as much secrecy1 as he will4 ,but when a ,soveraigne ,assembly has need of ,counsell1 none are admitted but such as have a ,right thereto from the beginning2 which for the most part are of those who have beene versed more in the acquisition of ,wealth than of ,knowledge2 and are to give their advice in long discourses1 which may1 and do commonly excite men to action1 but not governe them in it4 ,for the ,understanding is by the flame of the ,passions1 never enlightned1 but dazled3 ,nor is there any place1 or time1 wherein an ,assemblie can receive ,counsell with secrecie1 because of their owne ,multitude4 ,thirdly1 that the ,resolutions of a ,monarch1 are subject to no other ,inconstancy1 than that of ,humane ,nature2 but in ,assemblies1 besides that of ,nature1 there ariseth an ,inconstancy from the ,number4 ,for the absence of a few1 that would have the ,resolution once taken1 continue firme1 7which may happen by security1 negligence1 or private impediments17 or the diligent appearance of a few of the contrary opinion1 undoes to day1 all that was concluded yesterday4 ,fourthly1 that a ,monarch cannot disagree with himselfe1 out of envy1 or interest2 but an ,assembly may2 and that to such a height1 as may produce a ,civill ,warre4 ,fifthly1 that in ,monarchy there is this inconvenience2 that any ,subject1 by the power of one man1 for the enriching of a favourite or flatterer1 may be deprived of all he possesseth2 which ,i confesse is a great and inevitable inconvenience4 ,but the same may as well happen1 where the ,soveraigne ,power is in an ,assembly3 for their power is the same2 and they are as subject to evill ,counsell1 and to be seduced by ,orators1 as a ,monarch by ,flatterers2 and becoming one an others ,flatterers1 serve one anothers ,covetousnesse and ,ambition by turnes4 ,and whereas the ,favorites of an ,assembly1 are many2 and the ,kindred much more numerous1 than of any ,monarch4 ,besides1 there is no ,favourite of a ,monarch1 which cannot as well succour his friends1 as hurt his enemies3 ,but ,orators1 that is to say1 ,favourites of ,soveraigne ,assemblies1 though they have great power to hurt1 have little to save4 ,for to accuse1 requires lesse ,eloquence 7such is mans ,nature7 than to excuse2 and condemnation1 than absolution more resembles ,justice4 ,sixtly1 that it is an inconvenience in ,monarchie1 that the ,soveraigntie may descend upon an ,infant1 or one that cannot discerne between ,good and ,evill3 and consisteth in this1 that the use of his ,power1 must be in the hand of another ,man1 or of some ,assembly of men1 which are to governe by his right1 and in his name2 as ,curators1 and ,protectors of his ,person1 and ,authority4 ,but to say there is inconvenience1 in putting the use of the ,soveraign ,power1 into the hand of a ,man1 or an ,assembly of men2 is to say that all ,government is more ,inconvenient1 than ,confusion1 and ,civill ,warre4 ,and therefore all the danger that can be pretended1 must arise from the ,contention of those1 that for an office of so great honour1 and profit1 may become ,competitors4 ,to make it appear1 that this inconvenience1 proceedeth not from that forme of ,government we call ,monarchy1 we are to consider1 that the precedent ,monarch1 hath appointed who shall have the ,tuition of his ,infant ,successor1 either expressely by ,testament1 or tacitly1 by not controlling the ,custome in that case received3 ,and then such inconvenience 7if it happen7 is to be attributed1 not to the ,monarchy1 but to the ,ambition1 and ,injustice of the ,subjects2 which in all kinds of ,government1 where the people are not well instructed in their ,duty1 and the ,rights of ,soveraignty1 is the same4 ,or else the precedent ,monarch1 hath not at all taken order for such ,tuition2 ,and then the ,law of ,nature hath provided this sufficient rule1 ,that the ,tuition shall be in him1 that hath by ,nature most interest in the preservation of the ,authority of the ,infant1 and to whom least benefit can accrue by his death1 or diminution4 ,for seeing every man by nature seeketh his own benefit1 and promotion2 to put an ,infant into the power of those1 that can promote themselves by his destruction1 or dammage1 is not ,tuition1 but ,trechery4 ,so that sufficient provision being taken1 against all just quarrell1 about the ,government under a ,child1 if any contention arise to the disturbance of the publique ,peace1 it is not to be attributed to the forme of ,monarchy1 but to the ambition of ,subjects1 and ignorance of their ,duty4 ,on the other side1 there is no great ,common-wealth1 the ,soveraignty whereof is in a great ,assembly1 which is not1 as to consultations of ,peace1 and ,warre1 and making of ,lawes1 in the same condition1 as if the ,government were in a ,child4 ,for as a ,child wants the judgement to dissent from counsell given him1 and is thereby necessitated to take the advise of them1 or him1 to whom he is committed3 ,so an ,assembly wanteth the liberty1 to dissent from the counsell of the major part1 be it good1 or bad4 ,and as a ,child has need of a ,tutor1 or ,protector1 to preserve his ,person1 and ,authority3 ,so also 7in great ,common-wealths17 the ,soveraign ,assembly1 in all great dangers and troubles1 have need of ,custodes ,libertatis2 that is of ,dictators1 or ,protectors of their ,authoritie2 which are as much as ,temporary ,monarchs2 to whom for a time1 they may commit the entire exercise of their ,power2 and have 7at the end of that time7 been oftner deprived thereof1 than ,infant ,kings1 by their ,protectors1 ,regents1 or any other ,tutors4 ,though the ,kinds of ,soveraigntie be1 as ,i have now shewn1 but three2 that is to say1 ,monarchie1 where one ,man has it2 or ,democracie1 where the generall ,assembly of ,subjects hath it2 or ,aristocracie1 where it is in an ,assembly of certain persons nominated1 or otherwise distinguished from the rest3 ,yet he that shall consider the particular ,common-wealthes that have been1 and are in the world1 will not perhaps easily reduce them to three1 and may thereby be inclined to think there be other ,formes1 arising from these mingled together4 ,as for example1 ,elective ,kingdomes2 where ,kings have the ,soveraigne ,power put into their hands for a time2 of ,kingdomes1 wherein the ,king hath a power limited3 which ,governments1 are nevertheless by most ,writers called ,monarchie4 ,likewise if a ,popular1 or ,aristocraticall ,common-wealth1 subdue an ,enemies ,countrie1 and govern the same1 by a ,president1 ,procurator1 or other ,magistrate2 this may seeme perhaps at first sight1 to be a ,democraticall1 or ,aristocraticall ,government4 ,but it is not so4 ,for ,elective ,kings1 are not ,soveraignes1 but ,ministers of the ,soveraigne2 nor limited ,kings ,soveraignes1 but ,ministers of them that have the ,soveraigne ,power3 nor are those ,provinces which are in subjection to a ,democracie1 or ,aristocracie of another ,common-wealth1 ,democratically1 or ,aristocratically governed1 but ,monarchically4 ,and first1 concerning an ,elective ,king1 whose power is limited to his life1 as it is in many places of ,christendome at this day2 or to certaine ,yeares or ,moneths1 as the ,dictators power amongst the ,romans2 ,if he have ,right to appoint his ,successor1 he is no more ,elective but ,hereditary4 ,but if he have no ,power to elect his ,successor1 then there is some other ,man1 or ,assembly known1 which after his decease may elect a new1 or else the ,common-wealth dieth1 and dissolveth with him1 and returneth to the condition of ,warre4 ,if it be known who have the power to give the ,soveraigntie after his death1 it is known also that the ,soveraigntie was in them before3 ,for none have right to give that which they have not right to possesse1 and keep to themselves1 if they think good4 ,but if there be none that can give the ,soveraigntie1 after the decease of him that was first elected2 then has he power1 nay he is obliged by the ,law of ,nature1 to provide1 by establishing his ,successor1 to keep those that had trusted him with the ,government1 from relapsing into the miserable condition of ,civill warre4 ,and consequently he was1 when elected1 a ,soveraign absolute4 ,secondly1 that ,king whose power is limited1 is not superiour to him1 or them that have the power to limit it2 and he that is not superiour1 is not supreme2 that is to say not ,soveraign4 ,the ,soveraignty therefore was alwaies in that ,assembly which had the ,right to ,limit him2 and by consequence the government not ,monarchy1 but either ,democracy1 or ,aristocracy2 as of old time in ,sparta2 where the ,kings had a priviledge to lead their ,armies2 but the ,soveraignty was in the ,ephori4 ,thirdly1 whereas heretofore the ,roman ,people1 governed the land of ,judea 7for example7 by a ,president2 yet was not ,judea therefore a ,democracy2 because they were not governed by any ,assembly1 into which1 any of them1 had right to enter2 nor by an ,aristocracy2 because they were not governed by any ,assembly1 into which1 any man could enter by their ,election3 but they were governed by one ,person1 which though as to the people of ,rome was an ,assembly of the people1 or ,democracy2 yet as to the people of ,judea1 which had no right at all of participating in the government1 was a ,monarch4 ,for though where the people are governed by an ,assembly1 chosen by themselves out of their own number1 the government is called a ,democracy1 or ,aristocracy2 yet when they are governed by an ,assembly1 not of their own choosing1 'tis a ,monarchy2 not of ,one man1 over another man2 but of one people1 over another people4 ,of ,the ,right ,of ,succession ,of all these ,formes of ,government1 the matter being mortall1 so that not onely ,monarchs1 but also whole ,assemblies dy1 it is necessary for the conservation of the peace of men1 that as there was order taken for an ,artificiall ,man1 so there be order also taken1 for an ,artificiall ,eternity of life2 without which1 men that are governed by an ,assembly1 should return into the condition of ,warre in every age2 and they that are governed by ,one man1 as soon as their ,governour dyeth4 ,this ,artificiall ,eternity1 is that which men call the ,right of ,succession4 ,there is no perfect forme of ,government1 where the disposing of the ,succession is not in the present ,soveraign4 ,for if it be in any other particular ,man1 or private ,assembly1 it is in a person subject1 and may be assumed by the ,soveraign at his pleasure2 and consequently the ,right is in himselfe4 ,and if it be in no particular man1 but left to a new choyce2 then is the ,common-wealth dissolved2 and the ,right is in him that can get it2 contrary to the intention of them that did institute the ,common-wealth1 for their perpetuall1 and not temporary security4 ,in a ,democracy1 the whole ,assembly cannot faile1 unlesse the ,multitude that are to be governed faile4 ,and therefore questions of the right of ,succession1 have in that forme of ,government no place at all4 ,in an ,aristocracy1 when any of the ,assembly dyeth1 the election of another into his room belongeth to the ,assembly1 as the ,soveraign1 to whom belongeth the choosing of all ,counsellours1 and ,officers4 ,for that which the ,representative doth1 as ,actor1 every one of the ,subjects doth1 as ,author4 ,and though the ,soveraign assembly1 may give ,power to others1 to elect new men1 for supply of their ,court2 yet it is still by their ,authority1 that the ,election is made2 and by the same it may 7when the publique shall require it7 be recalled4 ,the ,present ,monarch ,hath ,right ,to ,dispose ,of ,the ,succession ,the greatest difficultie about the right of ,succession1 is in ,monarchy3 ,and the difficulty ariseth from this1 that at first sight1 it is not manifest who is to appoint the ,successor2 nor many times1 who it is whom he hath appointed4 ,for in both these cases1 there is required a more exact ratiocination1 than every man is accustomed to use4 ,as to the question1 who shall appoint the ,successor1 of a ,monarch that hath the ,soveraign ,authority2 that is to say1 7for ,elective ,kings and ,princes have not the ,soveraign ,power in propriety1 but in use only17 we are to consider1 that either he that is in possession1 has right to dispose of the ,succession1 or else that right is again in the dissolved ,multitude4 ,for the death of him that hath the ,soveraign power in propriety1 leaves the ,multitude without any ,soveraign at all2 that is1 without any ,representative in whom they should be united1 and be capable of doing any one action at all3 ,and therefore they are incapable of ,election of any new ,monarch2 every man having equall right to submit himselfe to such as he thinks best able to protect him1 or if he can1 protect himselfe by his owne sword2 which is a returne to ,confusion1 and to the condition of a ,war of every man against every man1 contrary to the end for which ,monarchy had its first ,institution4 ,therfore it is manifest1 that by the ,institution of ,monarchy1 the disposing of the ,successor1 is alwaies left to the ,judgment and ,will of the present ,possessor4 ,and for the question 7which may arise sometimes7 who it is that the ,monarch in possession1 hath designed to the succession and inheritance of his power2 it is determined by his expresse ,words1 and ,testament2 or by other tacite signes sufficient4 ,succession ,passeth ,by ,expresse ,words2 ,by expresse ,words1 or ,testament1 when it is declared by him in his life time1 viva voce1 or by ,writing2 as the first ,emperours of ,rome declared who should be their ,heires4 ,for the word ,heire does not of it selfe imply the ,children1 or nearest ,kindred of a man2 but whomsoever a man shall any way declare1 he would have to succeed him in his ,estate4 ,if therefore a ,monarch declare expresly1 that such a man shall be his ,heire1 either by ,word or ,writing1 then is that man immediately after the decease of his ,predecessor1 ,invested in the right of being ,monarch4 ,or1 ,by ,not ,controlling ,a ,custome2 ,but where ,testament1 and expresse ,words are wanting1 other naturall signes of the ,will are to be followed3 whereof the one is ,custome4 ,and therefore where the ,custome is1 that the next of ,kindred absolutely succeedeth1 there also the next of ,kindred hath right to the ,succession2 for that1 if the will of him that was in posession had been otherwise1 he might easily have declared the same in his life time4 ,and likewise where the ,custome is1 that the next of the ,male ,kindred succeedeth1 there also the right of ,succession is in the next of the ,kindred ,male1 for the same reason4 ,and so it is if the ,custome were to advance the ,female4 ,for whatsoever ,custome a man may by a word controule1 and does not1 it is a naturall signe he would have that ,custome stand4 ,or1 ,by ,presumption ,of ,naturall ,affection ,but where neither ,custome1 nor ,testament hath preceded1 there it is to be understood1 ,first1 that a ,monarchs will is1 that the government remain ,monarchicall2 because he hath approved that government in himselfe4 ,secondly1 that a ,child of his own1 ,male1 or ,female1 be preferred before any other2 because men are presumed to be more enclined by nature1 to advance their own children1 than the children of other men2 and of their own1 rather a ,male than a ,female2 because men1 are naturally fitter than women1 for actions of labour and danger4 ,thirdly1 where his own ,issue faileth1 rather a ,brother than a stranger2 and so still the neerer in bloud1 rather than the more remote1 because it is alwayes presumed that the neerer of kin1 is the neerer in affection2 and 'tis evident that a man receives alwayes1 by reflexion1 the most honour from the greatnesse of his neerest kindred4 ,to ,dispose ,of ,the ,succession1 ,though ,to ,a ,king ,of ,another ,nation1 ,not ,unlawfull ,but if it be lawfull for a ,monarch to dispose of the ,succession by words of ,contract1 or ,testament1 men may perhaps object a great inconvenience3 for he may sell1 or give his ,right of governing to a stranger2 which1 because strangers 7that is1 men not used to live under the same government1 not speaking the same language7 do commonly undervalue one another1 may turn to the oppression of his ,subjects2 which is indeed a great inconvenience2 but it proceedeth not necessarily from the subjection to a strangers government1 but from the unskilfulnesse of the ,governours1 ignorant of the true rules of ,politiques4 ,and therefore the ,romans when they had subdued many ,nations1 to make their ,government digestible1 were wont to take away that grievance1 as much as they thought necessary1 by giving sometimes to whole ,nations1 and sometimes to ,principall men of every ,nation they conquered1 not onely the ,privileges1 but also the ,name of ,romans2 and took many of them into the ,senate1 and ,offices of charge1 even in the ,roman ,city4 ,and this was it our most wise ,king1 ,king ,james1 aymed at1 in endeavouring the ,union of his two ,realms of ,england and ,scotland4 ,which if he could have obtained1 had in all likelihood prevented the ,civill warres1 which make both those ,kingdomes at this present1 miserable4 ,it is not therefore any injury to the people1 for a ,monarch to dispose of the ,succession by ,will2 though by the fault of many ,princes1 it hath been sometimes found inconvenient4 ,of the lawfulnesse of it1 this also is an argument1 that whatsoever inconvenience can arrive by giving a ,kingdome to a stranger1 may arrive also by so marrying with strangers1 as the ,right of ,succession may descend upon them3 yet this by all men is accounted lawfull4 ,,chapter ,,xx4 ,,of ,,dominion ,,paternall ,,and ,,despoticall ,a ,common-wealth by ,acquisition1 is that1 where the ,soveraign ,power is acquired by ,force2 ,and it is acquired by force1 when men singly1 or many together by plurality of voyces1 for fear of death1 or bonds1 do authorise all the actions of that ,man1 or ,assembly1 that hath their lives and liberty in his ,power4 ,wherein ,different ,from ,a ,common-wealth ,by ,institution ,and this kind of ,dominion1 or ,soveraignty1 differeth from ,soveraignty by ,institution1 onely in this1 ,that men who choose their ,soveraign1 do it for fear of one another1 and not of him whom they ,institute3 ,but in this case1 they subject themselves1 to him they are afraid of4 ,in both cases they do it for fear3 which is to be noted by them1 that hold all such ,covenants1 as proceed from fear of death1 or violence1 voyd3 which if it were true1 no man1 in any kind of ,common-wealth1 could be obliged to ,obedience4 ,it is true1 that in a ,common-wealth once ,instituted1 or acquired1 ,promises proceeding from fear of death1 or violence1 are no ,covenants1 nor obliging1 when the thing promised is contrary to the ,lawes2 ,but the reason is not1 because it was made upon fear1 but because he that promiseth1 hath no right in the thing promised4 ,also1 when he may lawfully performe1 and doth not1 it is not the ,invalidity of the ,covenant1 that absolveth him1 but the ,sentence of the ,soveraign4 ,otherwise1 whensoever a man lawfully promiseth1 he unlawfully breaketh3 ,but when the ,soveraign1 who is the ,actor1 acquitteth him1 then he is acquitted by him that exorted the promise1 as by the ,author of such absolution4 ,the ,rights ,of ,soveraignty ,the ,same ,in ,both ,but the ,rights1 and ,consequences of ,soveraignty1 are the same in both4 ,his ,power cannot1 without his consent1 be ,transferred to another3 ,he cannot ,forfeit it3 ,he cannot be ,accused by any of his ,subjects1 of ,injury3 ,he cannot be ,punished by them3 ,he is ,judge of what is necessary for ,peace2 and ,judge of ,doctrines3 ,he is ,sole ,legislator2 and ,supreme ,judge of ,controversies2 and of the ,times1 and ,occasions of ,warre1 and ,peace3 to him it belongeth to choose ,magistrates1 ,counsellours1 ,commanders1 and all other ,officers1 and ,ministers2 and to determine of ,rewards1 and punishments1 ,honour1 and ,order4 ,the reasons whereof1 are the same which are alledged in the precedent ,chapter1 for the same ,rights1 and ,consequences of ,soveraignty by ,institution4 ,dominion ,paternall ,how ,attained ,not ,by ,generation1 ,but ,by ,contract ,dominion is acquired two wayes2 ,by ,generation1 and by ,conquest4 ,the right of ,dominion by ,generation1 is that1 which the ,parent hath over his ,children2 and is called ,,paternall4 ,and is not so derived from the ,generation1 as if therefore the ,parent had ,dominion over his ,child because he begat him2 but from the ,childs ,consent1 either expresse1 or by other sufficient arguments declared4 ,for as to the ,generation1 ,god hath ordained to man a helper2 and there be alwayes two that are equally ,parents3 the ,dominion therefore over the ,child1 should belong equally to both2 and he be equally subject to both1 which is impossible2 for no man can obey two ,masters4 ,and whereas some have attributed the ,dominion to the ,man onely1 as being of the more excellent ,sex2 they misreckon in it4 ,for there is not always that difference of strength or prudence between the man and the woman1 as that the right can be determined without ,war4 ,in ,common-wealths1 this controversie is decided by the ,civill ,law3 and for the most part1 7but not alwayes7 the sentence is in favour of the ,father2 because for the most part ,common-wealths have been erected by the ,fathers1 not by the ,mothers of families4 ,but the question lyeth now in the state of meer ,nature2 where there are supposed no lawes of ,matrimony2 no lawes for the ,education of ,children2 but the ,law of ,nature1 and the naturall inclination of the ,sexes1 one to another1 and to their children4 ,in this condition of meer ,nature1 either the ,parents between themselves dispose of the dominion over the ,child by ,contract2 or do not dispose thereof at all4 ,if they dispose thereof1 the right passeth according to the ,contract4 ,we find in ,history that the ,amazons ,contracted with the ,men of the neighbouring ,countries1 to whom they had recourse for issue1 that the issue ,male should be sent back1 but the ,female remain with themselves3 so that the dominion of the ,females was in the ,mother4 ,or ,education2 ,if there be no ,contract1 the ,dominion is in the ,mother4 ,for in the condition of ,meer ,nature1 where there are no ,matrimoniall lawes1 it cannot be known who is the ,father1 unlesse it be declared by the ,mother3 and therefore the right of ,dominion over the ,child dependeth on her will1 and is consequently hers4 ,again1 seeing the ,infant is first in the power of the ,mother2 so as she may either nourish1 or expose it1 if she nourish it1 it oweth its life to the ,mother2 and is therefore obliged to obey her1 rather than any other2 and by consequence the ,dominion over it is hers4 ,but if she expose it1 and another find1 and nourish it1 the ,dominion is in him that nourisheth it4 ,for it ought to obey him by whom it is preserved2 because preservation of life being the end1 for which one man becomes subject to another1 every man is supposed to promise obedience1 to him1 in whose power it is to save1 or destroy him4 ,or ,precedent ,subjection ,of ,one ,of ,the ,parents ,to ,the ,other ,if the ,mother be the ,fathers subject1 the ,child1 is in the ,fathers power3 and if the ,father be the ,mothers subject1 7as when a ,soveraign ,queen marrieth one of her subjects17 the ,child is subject to the ,mother2 because the ,father also is her subject4 ,if a man and a woman1 ,monarches of two severall ,kingdomes1 have a ,child1 and contract concerning who shall have the ,dominion of him1 the ,right of the ,dominion passeth by the ,contract4 ,if they contract not1 the ,dominion followeth the ,dominion of the place of his residence4 ,for the ,soveraign of each ,country hath ,dominion over all that reside therein4 ,he that hath the ,dominion over the ,child1 hath ,dominion also over their ,childrens ,children4 ,for he that hath ,dominion over the person of a man1 hath ,dominion over all that is his2 without which1 ,dominion were but a ,title1 without the effect4 ,the ,right ,of ,succession ,followeth ,the ,rules ,of ,the ,rights ,of ,possession ,the ,right of ,succession to ,paternall dominion1 proceedeth in the same manner1 as doth the ,right of ,succession to ,monarchy2 of which ,i have already sufficiently spoken in the precedent chapter4 ,despoticall ,dominion1 ,how ,attained ,dominion acquired by ,conquest1 or ,victory in war1 is that which some ,writers call ,,despoticall1 from ,despotes1 which signifieth a ,lord1 or ,master2 and is the ,dominion of the ,master over his ,servant4 ,and this ,dominion is then acquired to the ,victor1 when the ,vanquished1 to avoyd the present stroke of death1 covenanteth either in expresse words1 or by other sufficient signes of the ,will1 that so long as his life1 and the liberty of his body is allowed him1 the ,victor shall have the use thereof1 at his pleasure4 ,and after such ,covenant made1 the ,vanquished is a ,,servant1 and not before3 for by the word ,servant 7whether it be derived from ,servire1 to ,serve1 or from ,servare1 to ,save1 which ,i leave to ,grammarians to dispute7 is not meant a ,captive1 which is kept in prison1 or bonds1 till the owner of him that took him1 or bought him of one that did1 shall consider what to do with him3 7for such men1 7commonly called ,slaves17 have no obligation at all2 but may break their bonds1 or the prison2 and kill1 or carry away captive their ,master1 justly37 but one1 that being taken1 hath corporall liberty allowed him2 and upon promise not to run away1 nor to do violence to his ,master1 is trusted by him4 ,not ,by ,the ,victory1 ,but ,by ,the ,consent ,of ,the ,vanquished ,it is not therefore the ,victory1 that giveth the right of ,dominion over the ,vanquished1 but his own ,covenant4 ,nor is he obliged because he is ,conquered2 that is to say1 beaten1 and taken1 or put to flight2 but because he commeth in1 and submitteth to the ,victor2 ,nor is the ,victor obliged by an enemies rendring himselfe1 7without promise of life17 to spare him for this his yeelding to discretion2 which obliges not the ,victor longer1 than in his own discretion hee shall think fit4 ,and that men do1 when they demand 7as it is now called7 ,quarter1 7which the ,greeks called ,zogria1 taking alive17 is to evade the present fury of the ,victor1 by ,submission1 and to compound for their life1 with ,ransome1 or ,service3 and therefore he that hath ,quarter1 hath not his life given1 but deferred till farther deliberation2 ,for it is not an yeelding on condition of life1 but to discretion4 ,and then onely is his life in security1 and his service due1 when the ,victor hath trusted him with his corporall liberty4 ,for ,slaves that work in ,prisons1 or ,fetters1 do it not of duty1 but to avoyd the cruelty of their task-masters4 ,the ,master of the ,servant1 is ,master also of all he hath2 and may exact the use thereof2 that is to say1 of his goods1 of his labour1 of his servants1 and of his children1 as often as he shall think fit4 ,for he holdeth his life of his ,master1 by the covenant of obedience2 that is1 of owning1 and authorising whatsoever the ,master shall do4 ,and in case the ,master1 if he refuse1 kill him1 or cast him into bonds1 or otherwise punish him for his disobedience1 he is himselfe the author of the same2 and cannot accuse him of injury4 ,in summe the ,rights and ,consequences of both ,paternall and ,despoticall ,dominion1 are the very same with those of a ,soveraign by ,institution2 and for the same reasons3 which reasons are set down in the precedent chapter4 ,so that for a man that is ,monarch of divers ,nations1 whereof he hath1 in one the ,soveraignty by ,institution of the people assembled1 and in another by ,conquest1 that is by the ,submission of each particular1 to avoyd death or bonds2 to demand of one ,nation more than of the other1 from the title of ,conquest1 as being a ,conquered ,nation1 is an act of ignorance of the ,rights of ,soveraignty4 ,for the ,soveraign is absolute over both alike2 or else there is no ,soveraignty at all2 and so every man may ,lawfully protect himselfe1 if he can1 with his own sword1 which is the condition of war4 ,difference ,between ,a ,family ,and ,a ,kingdom ,by this it appears1 that a great ,family if it be not part of some ,common-wealth1 is of it self1 as to the ,rights of ,soveraignty1 a little ,monarchy2 whether that ,family consist of a man and his children2 or of a man and his servants2 or of a man1 and his children1 and servants together3 wherein the ,father of ,master is the ,soveraign4 ,but yet a ,family is not properly a ,common-wealth2 unlesse it be of that power by its own number1 or by other opportunities1 as not to be subdued without the hazard of war4 ,for where a number of men are manifestly too weak to defend themselves united1 every one may use his own reason in time of danger1 to save his own life1 either by flight1 or by submission to the enemy1 as hee shall think best2 in the same manner as a very small company of souldiers1 surprised by an army1 may cast down their armes1 and demand quarter1 or run away1 rather than be put to the sword4 ,and thus much shall suffice2 concerning what ,i find by speculation1 and deduction1 of ,soveraign ,rights1 from the nature1 need1 and designes of men1 in erecting of ,commonwealths1 and putting themselves under ,monarchs1 or ,assemblies1 entrusted with power enough for their protection4 ,the ,right ,of ,monarchy ,from ,scripture ,let us now consider what the ,scripture teacheth in the same point4 ,to ,moses1 the children of ,israel say thus4 7,exod4 #bj4 #ai7 ,speak thou to us1 and we will heare thee2 but let not ,god speak to us1 lest we dye4 ,this is absolute obedience to ,moses4 ,concerning the ,right of ,kings1 ,god himself by the mouth of ,samuel1 saith1 7#a ,sam4 #h4 #aa1 #ab1 c47 ,this shall be the ,right of the ,king you will have to reigne over you4 ,he shall take your sons1 and set them to drive his ,chariots1 and to be his horsemen1 and to run before his chariots2 and gather in his harvest2 and to make his engines of ,war1 and ,instruments of his chariots2 and shall take your daughters to make perfumes1 to be his ,cookes1 and ,bakers4 ,he shall take your fields1 your vine-yards1 and your olive-yards1 and give them to his servants4 ,he shall take the tyth of your corne and wine1 and give it to the men of his chamber1 and to his other servants4 ,he shall take your man-servants1 and your maid-servants1 and the choice of your youth1 and employ them in his businesse4 ,he shall take the tyth of your flocks2 and you shall be his servants4 ,this is absolute power1 and summed up in the last words1 you shall be his servants4 ,againe1 when the people heard what power their ,king was to have1 yet they consented thereto1 and say thus1 7,verse4 #ai c47 ,we will be as all other nations1 and our ,king shall judge our causes1 and goe before us1 to conduct our wars4 ,here is confirmed the ,right that ,soveraigns have1 both to the ,militia1 and to all ,judicature2 in which is conteined as absolute power1 as one man can possibly transferre to another4 ,again1 the prayer of ,king ,salomon to ,god1 was this4 7#a ,kings #c4 #i7 ,give to thy servant understanding1 to judge thy people1 and to discerne between ,good and ,evill4 ,it belongeth therefore to the ,soveraigne to bee ,judge1 and to praescribe the ,rules of ,discerning ,good and ,evill2 which ,rules are ,lawes2 and therefore in him is the ,legislative ,power4 ,saul sought the life of ,david2 yet when it was in his power to slay ,saul1 and his ,servants would have done it1 ,david forbad them1 saying 7#a ,sam4 #bd4 #i7 ,god forbid ,i should do such an act against my ,lord1 the anoynted of ,god4 ,for obedience of servants ,st4 ,paul saith1 7,coll4 #c4 #bj7 ,servants obey your masters in ,all things1 and1 7,verse4 #bb7 ,children obey your ,parents in ,all things4 ,there is simple obedience in those that are subject to ,paternall1 or ,despoticall ,dominion4 ,again1 7,math4 #bc4 #b1c7 ,the ,scribes and ,pharisees sit in ,moses chayre and therefore ,all that they shall bid you observe1 that observe and do4 ,there again is simple obedience4 ,and ,st4 ,paul1 7,tit4 #c4 #b7 ,warn them that they subject themselves to ,princes1 and to those that are in ,authority1 obey them4 ,this obedience is also simple4 ,lastly1 our ,saviour himselfe acknowledges1 that men ought to pay such taxes as are by ,kings imposed1 where he sayes1 ,give to ,caesar that which is ,caesars2 and payed such taxes himselfe4 ,and that the ,kings word1 is sufficient to take any thing from any subject1 when there is need2 and that the ,king is ,judge of that need3 ,for he himselfe1 as ,king of the ,jewes1 commanded his ,disciples to take the ,asse1 and ,asses ,colt to carry him into ,jerusalem1 saying1 7,mat4 #ba4 #b1c7 ,go into the ,village over against you1 and you shall find a shee ,asse tyed1 and her ,colt with her1 unty them1 and bring them to me4 ,and if any man ask you1 what you mean by it1 ,say the ,lord hath need of them3 ,and they will let them go4 ,they will not ask whether his necessity be a sufficient title2 nor whether he be judge of that necessity2 but acquiesce in the will of the ,lord4 ,to these places may be added also that of ,genesis1 7,gen4 #c4 #e7 ,you shall be as ,gods1 knowing ,good and ,evill4 and verse #aa4 ,who told thee that thou wast naked8 hast thou eaten of the tree1 of which ,i commanded thee thou shouldest not eat8 ,for the ,cognisance of ,judicature of ,good and ,evill1 being forbidden by the name of the fruit of the tree of ,knowledge1 as a triall of ,adams obedience2 ,the ,divell to enflame the ,ambition of the woman1 to whom that fruit already seemed beautifull1 told her that by tasting it1 they should be as ,gods1 knowing ,good and ,evill4 ,whereupon having both eaten1 they did indeed take upon them ,gods office1 which is ,judicature of ,good and ,evill2 but acquired no new ability to distinguish between them aright4 ,and whereas it is sayd1 that having eaten1 they saw they were naked2 no man hath so interpreted that place1 as if they had formerly blind1 as saw not their own skins3 the meaning is plain1 that it was then they first judged their nakednesse 7wherein it was ,gods will to create them7 to be uncomely2 and by being ashamed1 did tacitely censure ,god himselfe4 ,and thereupon ,god saith1 ,hast thou eaten1 c4 as if he should say1 doest thou that owest me obedience1 take upon thee to judge of my ,commandements8 ,whereby it is cleerly1 7though ,allegorically17 signified1 that the ,commands of them that have the right to command1 are not by their ,subjects to be censured1 nor disputed4 ,soveraign ,power ,ought ,in ,all ,common-wealths ,to ,be ,absolute ,so it appeareth plainly1 to my understanding1 both from ,reason1 and ,scripture1 that the ,soveraign ,power1 whether placed in ,one ,man1 as in ,monarchy1 or in one ,assembly of men1 as in ,popular1 and ,aristocraticall ,common-wealths1 is as great1 as possibly men can be imagined to make it4 ,and though of so unlimited a ,power1 men may fancy many evill consequences1 yet the consequences of the want of it1 which is perpetuall warre of every man against his neighbour1 are much worse4 ,the condition of man in this life shall never be without ,inconveniences2 but there happeneth in no ,common-wealth any great ,inconvenience1 but what proceeds from the ,subjects disobedience1 and breach of those ,covenants1 from which the ,common-wealth had its being4 ,and whosoever thinking ,soveraign ,power too great1 will seek to make it lesse2 must subject himselfe1 to the ,power1 that can limit it2 that is to say1 to a greater4 ,the greatest objection is1 that of the ,practise2 when men ask1 where1 and when1 such ,power has by ,subjects been acknowledged4 ,but one may ask them again1 when1 or where has there been a ,kingdome long free from ,sedition and ,civill ,warre4 ,in those ,nations1 whose ,common-wealths have been long-lived1 and not been destroyed1 but by forraign warre1 the ,subjects never did dispute of the ,soveraign ,power4 ,but howsoever1 an argument for the ,practise of men1 that have not sifted to the bottom1 and with exact reason weighed the causes1 and nature of ,common-wealths1 and suffer daily those miseries1 that proceed from the ignorance thereof1 is invalid4 ,for though in all places of the world1 men should lay the foundation of their houses on the sand1 it could not thence be inferred1 that so it ought to be4 ,the skill of making1 and maintaining ,common-wealths1 consisteth in certain ,rules1 as doth ,arithmetique and ,geometry2 not 7as ,tennis-play7 on ,practise onely3 which ,rules1 neither poor men have the leisure1 nor men that have had the leisure1 have hitherto had the curiosity1 or the method to find out4 ,,chapter ,,xxi4 ,,of ,,the ,,liberty ,,of ,,subjects ,liberty ,what ,liberty1 or ,,freedome1 signifieth 7properly7 the absence of ,opposition2 7by ,opposition1 ,i mean externall ,impediments of motion27 and may be applyed no lesse to ,irrational1 and ,inanimate creatures1 than to ,rationall4 ,for whatsoever is so tyed1 or environed1 as it cannot move1 but within a certain space1 which space is determined by the opposition of some externall body1 we say it hath not ,liberty to go further4 ,and so of all living creatures1 whilest they are imprisoned1 or restrained1 with walls1 or chayns2 and of the water whilest it is kept in by banks1 or vessels1 that otherwise would spread it selfe into a larger space1 we use to say1 they are not at ,liberty1 to move in such manner1 as without those externall impediments they would4 ,but when the impediment of motion1 is in the constitution of the thing it selfe1 we use not to say1 it wants the ,liberty2 but the ,power to move2 as when a stone lyeth still1 or a man is fastned to his bed by sicknesse4 ,what ,it ,is ,to ,be ,free ,and according to this proper1 and generally received meaning of the word1 ,a ,,free-,,man1 is he1 that in those things1 which by his strength and wit he is able to do1 is not hindred to doe what he has a will to4 ,but when the words ,free1 and ,liberty1 are applyed to any thing but ,bodies1 they are abused2 for that which is not subject to ,motion1 is not subject to ,impediment3 ,and therefore1 when 'tis said 7for example7 ,the way is free1 no liberty of the way is signified1 but of those that walk in it without stop4 ,and when we say a ,guift is free1 there is not meant any liberty of the ,guift1 but of the ,giver1 that was not bound by any law1 or ,covenant to give it4 ,so when we ,speak ,freely1 it is not the liberty of voice1 or pronunciation1 but of the man1 whom no law hath obliged to speak otherwise then he did4 ,lastly1 from the use of the word ,freewill1 no liberty can be inferred to the will1 desire1 or inclination1 but the liberty of the man2 which consisteth in this1 that he finds no stop1 in doing what he has the will1 desire1 or inclination to doe4 ,feare ,and ,liberty ,consistent ,feare and ,liberty are consistent2 as when a man throweth his goods into the ,sea for ,feare the ship should sink1 he doth it neverthelesse very willingly1 and may refuse to doe it if he will3 ,it is therefore the action1 of one that was ,free2 so a man sometimes pays his debt1 only for ,feare of ,imprisonment1 which because no body hindred him from detaining1 was the action of a man at ,liberty4 ,and generally all actions which men doe in ,common-wealths1 for ,feare of the law1 or actions1 which the doers had ,liberty to omit4 ,liberty ,and ,necessity ,consistent ,liberty and ,necessity are ,consistent3 ,as in the water1 that hath not only ,liberty1 but a ,necessity of descending by the ,channel3 so likewise in the ,actions which men voluntarily doe2 which 7because they proceed from their will7 proceed from ,liberty2 and yet because every act of mans will1 and every desire1 and inclination proceedeth from some cause1 which causes in a continuall chaine 7whose first link in the hand of ,god the first of all causes7 proceed from ,necessity4 ,so that to him that could see the connexion of those causes1 the ,necessity of all mens voluntary actions1 would appeare manifest4 ,and therefore ,god1 that seeth1 and disposeth all things1 seeth also that the ,liberty of man in doing what he will1 is accompanied with the ,necessity of doing that which ,god will1 no more1 nor lesse4 ,for though men may do many things1 which ,god does not command1 nor is therefore ,author of them2 yet they can have no passion1 nor appetite to any thing1 of which appetite ,gods will is not the cause4 ,and did not his will assure the ,necessity of mans will1 and consequently of all that on mans will dependeth1 the ,liberty of men would be a contradiction1 and impediment to the omnipotence and ,liberty of ,god4 ,and this shall suffice1 7as to the matter in hand7 of that naturall ,liberty1 which only is properly called ,liberty4 ,artificiall ,bonds1 ,or ,covenants ,but as men1 for the atteyning of peace1 and conservation of themselves thereby1 have made an ,artificiall ,man1 which we call a ,common-wealth2 so also have they made ,artificiall ,chains1 called ,civill ,lawes1 which they themselves1 by mutuall covenants1 have fastned at one end1 to the lips of that ,man1 or ,assembly1 to whom they have given the ,soveraigne ,power2 and at the other end to their own ,ears4 ,these ,bonds in their own nature but weak1 may neverthelesse be made to hold1 by the danger1 though not by the difficulty of breaking them4 ,liberty ,of ,subjects ,consisteth ,in ,liberty ,from ,covenants ,in relation to these ,bonds only it is1 that ,i am to speak now1 of the ,liberty of ,subjects4 ,for seeing there is no ,common-wealth in the world1 for the regulating of all the actions1 and words of men1 7as being a thing impossible37 it followeth necessarily1 that in all kinds of actions1 by the laws praetermitted1 men have the ,liberty1 of doing what their own reasons shall suggest1 for the most profitable to themselves4 ,for if wee take ,liberty in the proper sense1 for corporall ,liberty2 that is to say1 freedome from chains1 and prison1 it were very absurd for men to clamor as they doe1 for the ,liberty they so manifestly enjoy4 ,againe1 if we take ,liberty1 for an exemption from ,lawes1 it is no lesse absurd1 for men to demand as they doe1 that ,liberty1 by which all other men may be masters of their lives4 ,and yet as absurd as it is1 this is it they demand2 not knowing that the ,lawes are of no power to protect them1 without a ,sword in the hands of a man1 or men1 to cause those laws to be put in execution4 ,the ,liberty of a ,subject1 lyeth therefore only in those things1 which in regulating their actions1 the ,soveraign hath praetermitted2 such as is the ,liberty to buy1 and sell1 and otherwise contract with one another2 to choose their own aboad1 their own diet1 their own trade of life1 and institute their children as they themselves think fit2 the like4 ,liberty ,of ,the ,subject ,consistent ,with ,unlimited ,power ,of ,the ,soveraign ,neverthelesse we are not to understand1 that by such ,liberty1 the ,soveraign ,power of life1 and death1 is either abolished1 or limited4 ,for it has been already shewn1 that nothing the ,soveraign ,representative can doe to a ,subject1 on what pretence soever1 can properly be called ,injustice1 or ,injury2 because every ,subject is ,author of every act the ,soveraign doth2 so that he never wanteth ,right to any thing1 otherwise1 than as he himself is the ,subject of ,god1 and bound thereby to observe the laws of ,nature4 ,and therefore it may1 and doth often happen in ,common-wealths1 that a ,subject may be put to death1 by the command of the ,soveraign ,power2 and yet neither doe the other wrong3 as when ,jeptha caused his daughter to be sacrificed3 ,in which1 and the like cases1 he that so dieth1 had ,liberty to doe the action1 for which he is neverthelesse1 without ,injury put to death4 ,and the same holdeth also in a ,soveraign ,prince1 that putteth to death an ,innocent ,subject4 ,for though the action be against the law of ,nature1 as being contrary to ,equitie1 7as was the killing of ,uriah1 by ,david27 yet it was not an ,injurie to ,uriah2 but to ,god4 ,not to ,uriah1 because the right to doe what he pleased1 was given him by ,uriah himself2 ,and yet to ,god1 because ,david was ,gods ,subject2 and prohibited all ,iniquitie by the law of ,nature4 ,which distinction1 ,david himself1 when he repented the fact1 evidently confirmed1 saying1 ,to thee only have ,i sinned4 ,in the same manner1 the people of ,athens1 when they banished the most potent of their ,common-wealth for ten years1 thought they committed no ,injustice2 and yet they never questioned what crime he had done2 but what hurt he would doe3 ,nay they commanded the banishment of they knew not whom2 and every ,citizen bringing his ,oystershell into the market place1 written with the name of him he desired should be banished1 without actuall accusing him1 sometimes banished an ,aristides1 for his reputation of ,justice2 ,and sometimes a scurrilous ,jester1 as ,hyperbolus1 to make a ,jest of it4 ,and yet a man cannot say1 the ,soveraign ,people of ,athens wanted right to banish them2 or an ,athenian the ,libertie to ,jest1 or to be ,just4 ,the ,liberty ,which ,writers ,praise1 ,is ,the ,liberty ,of ,soveraigns2 ,not ,of ,private ,men ,the ,libertie1 whereof there is so frequent1 and honourable mention1 in the ,histories1 and ,philosophy of the ,antient ,greeks1 and ,romans1 and in the writings1 and discourse of those that from them have received all their learning in the ,politiques1 is not the ,libertie of ,particular men2 but the ,libertie of the ,common-wealth3 which is the same with that1 which every man then should have1 if there were no ,civil ,laws1 nor ,common-wealth at all4 ,and the effects of it also be the same4 ,for as amongst masterlesse men1 there is perpetuall war1 of every man against his neighbour2 no inheritance1 to transmit to the ,son1 nor to expect from the ,father2 no propriety of ,goods1 or ,lands2 no security2 but a full and absolute ,libertie in every ,particular man3 ,so in ,states1 and ,common-wealths not dependent on one another1 every ,common-wealth1 7not every man7 has an absolute ,libertie1 to doe what it shall judge 7that is to say1 what that ,man1 or ,assemblie that representeth it1 shall judge7 most conducing to their benefit4 ,but withall1 they live in the condition of a perpetuall war1 and upon the confines of battel1 with their frontiers armed1 and canons planted against their neighbours round about4 ,the ,athenians1 and ,romanes1 were free2 that is1 free ,common-wealths3 not that any particular men had the ,libertie to resist their own ,representative2 but that their ,representative had the ,libertie to resist1 or invade other people4 ,there is written on the ,turrets of the city of ,luca in great characters at this day1 the word ,,libertas2 yet no man can thence inferre1 that a particular man has more ,libertie1 or ,immunitie from the service of the ,commonwealth there1 than in ,constantinople4 ,whether a ,common-wealth be ,monarchicall1 or ,popular1 the ,freedome is still the same4 ,but it is an easy thing1 for men to be deceived1 by the specious name of ,libertie2 and for want of ,judgement to distinguish1 mistake that for their ,private ,inheritance1 and ,birth right1 which is the right of the ,publique only4 ,and when the same errour is confirmed by the authority of men in reputation for their writings in this subject1 it is no wonder if it produce sedition1 and change of ,government4 ,in these westerne parts of the world1 we are made to receive our opinions concerning the ,institution1 and ,rights of ,common-wealths1 from ,aristotle1 ,cicero1 and other men1 ,greeks and ,romanes1 that living under ,popular ,states1 derived those ,rights1 not from the ,principles of ,nature1 but transcribed them into their books1 out of the ,practice of their own ,common-wealths1 which were ,popular2 as the ,grammarians describe the ,rules of ,language1 out of the ,practise of the time2 or the ,rules of ,poetry1 out of the ,poems of ,homer and ,virgil4 ,and because the ,athenians were taught1 7to keep them from desire of changing their ,government17 that they were ,freemen1 and all that lived under ,monarchy were slaves2 therefore ,aristotle puts it down in his ,politiques17lib4#f4;cap4#b7 ,in democracy1 ,liberty is to be supposed3 for 'tis commonly held1 that no man is ,free in any other ,government4 ,and as ,aristotle2 so ,cicero1 and other ,writers have grounded their ,civill doctrine1 on the opinions of the ,romans1 who were taught to hate ,monarchy1 at first1 by them that having deposed their ,soveraign1 shared amongst them the ,soveraignty of ,rome2 and afterwards by their ,successors4 ,and by reading of these ,greek1 and ,latine ,authors1 men from their childhood have gotten a habit 7under a false shew of ,liberty17 of favouring tumults1 and of licentious controlling the actions of their ,soveraigns2 and again of controlling those controllers1 with the effusion of so much blood2 as ,i think ,i may truly say1 there was never any thing so deerly bought1 as these ,western parts have bought the learning of the ,greek and ,latine tongues4 ,liberty ,of ,the ,subject ,how ,to ,be ,measured ,to come now to the particulars of the true ,liberty of a ,subject2 that is to say1 what are the things1 which though commanded by the ,soveraign1 he may neverthelesse1 without ,injustice1 refuse to do2 we are to consider1 what ,rights we passe away1 when we make a ,common-wealth2 or 7which is all one17 what ,liberty we deny our selves1 by owning all the ,actions 7without exception7 of the ,man1 or ,assembly we make our ,soveraign4 ,for in the act of our ,submission1 consisteth both our ,obligation1 and our ,liberty2 which must therefore be inferred by arguments taken from thence2 there being no ,obligation on any man1 which ariseth not from some ,act of his own2 for all men equally1 are by ,nature ,free4 ,and because such arguments1 must either be drawn from the expresse words1 ,i ,authorise all his ,actions1 or from the ,intention of him that submitteth himselfe to his ,power1 7which ,intention is to be understood by the ,end for which he so submitteth27 ,the ,obligation1 and ,liberty of the ,subject1 is to be derived1 either from those ,words1 7or others equivalent27 or else from the ,end of the ,institution of ,soveraignty2 namely1 the ,peace of the ,subjects within themselves1 and their ,defence against a common ,enemy4 ,subjects ,have ,liberty ,to ,defend ,their ,own ,bodies1 ,even ,against ,them ,that ,lawfully ,invade ,them ,first therefore1 seeing ,soveraignty by ,institution1 is by ,covenant of every one to every one2 and ,soveraignty by ,acquisition1 by ,covenants of the ,vanquished to the ,victor1 or ,child to the ,parent2 ,it is manifest1 that every ,subject has ,liberty in all those things1 the right whereof cannot by ,covenant be transferred4 ,i have shewn before in the #ad4 ,chapter1 that ,covenants1 not to defend a mans own body1 are voyd4 ,therefore1 ,are ,not ,bound ,to ,hurt ,themselves2 ,if the ,soveraign command a man 7though justly condemned17 to kill1 wound1 or mayme himselfe2 or not to resist those that assault him2 or to abstain from the use of food1 ayre1 medicine1 or any other thing1 without which he cannot live2 yet hath that man the ,liberty to disobey4 ,if a man be interrogated by the ,soveraign1 or his ,authority1 concerning a crime done by himselfe1 he is not bound 7without assurance of ,pardon7 to confesse it2 because no man 7as ,i have shewn in the same ,chapter7 can be obliged by ,covenant to accuse himselfe4 ,again1 the ,consent of a ,subject to ,soveraign ,power1 is contained in these words1 ,i ,authorise1 or take upon me1 all his actions2 in which there is no restriction at all1 of his own former naturall ,liberty3 ,for by allowing him to ,kill ,me1 ,i am not bound to ,kill my selfe when he commands me4 ',tis one thing to say #8,kill me1 or my fellow1 if you please2' another thing to say1 #8,i will kill my selfe1 or my fellow4' ,it followeth therefore1 that ,no man is bound by the words themselves1 either to kill himselfe1 or any other man2 ,and consequently1 that the ,obligation a man may sometimes have1 upon the ,command of the ,soveraign to execute any dangerous1 or dishonourable ,office1 dependeth not on the ,words of our ,submission2 but on the ,intention2 which is to be understood by the ,end thereof4 ,when therefore our refusall to obey1 frustrates the ,end for which the ,soveraignty was ordained2 then there is no ,liberty to refuse3 otherwise there is4 ,nor ,to ,warfare1 ,unless ,they ,voluntarily ,undertake ,it ,upon this ground1 a man that is commanded as a ,souldier to fight against the enemy1 though his ,soveraign have ,right enough to punish his refusall with death1 may neverthelesse in many cases refuse1 without ,injustice2 as when he substituteth a sufficient ,souldier in his place3 for in this case he deserteth not the service of the ,common-wealth4 ,and there is allowance to be made for naturall timorousnesse1 not onely to women1 7of whom no such dangerous duty is expected17 but also to men of feminine courage4 ,when ,armies fight1 there is on one side1 or both1 a running away2 yet when they do it not out of trechery1 but fear1 they are not esteemed to do it unjustly1 but dishonourably4 ,for the same reason1 to avoyd battell1 is not ,injustice1 but ,cowardise4 ,but he that inrowleth himselfe a ,souldier1 or taketh imprest mony1 taketh away the excuse of a timorous nature2 and is obliged1 not onely to go to the battell1 but also not to run from it1 without his ,captaines leave4 ,and when the ,defence of the ,common-wealth1 requireth at once the help of all that are able to bear ,arms1 every one is obliged2 because otherwise the ,institution of the ,common-wealth1 which they have not the purpose1 or courage to preserve1 was in vain4 ,to resist the ,sword of the ,common-wealth1 in defence of another man1 guilty1 or innocent1 no man hath ,liberty2 because such ,liberty1 takes away from the ,soveraign1 the means of ,protecting us2 and is therefore destructive of the very essence of ,government4 ,but in case a great many men together1 have already resisted the ,soveraign ,power ,unjustly1 or committed some ,capitall crime1 for which every one of them expecteth death1 whether have they not the ,liberty then to joyn together1 and assist1 and defend one another8 ,certainly they have3 ,for they but defend their lives1 which the guilty man may as well do1 as the ,innocent4 ,there was indeed injustice in the first breach of their duty2 ,their bearing of ,arms subsequent to it1 though it be to maintain what they have done1 is no new unjust act4 ,and if it be onely to defend their persons1 it is not unjust at all4 ,but the offer of ,pardon taketh from them1 to whom it is offered1 the plea of self-defence1 and maketh their perseverance in assisting1 or defending the rest1 unlawfull4 ,the ,greatest ,liberty ,of ,subjects1 ,dependeth ,on ,the ,silence ,of ,the ,law ,as for other ,lyberties1 they depend on the silence of the ,law4 ,in cases where the ,soveraign has prescribed no rule1 there the ,subject hath the liberty to do1 or forbeare1 according to his own discretion4 ,and therefore such ,liberty is in some places more1 and in some lesse2 and in some times more1 in other times lesse1 according as they that have the ,soveraignty shall think most convenient4 ,as for ,example1 there was a time1 when in ,england a man might enter in to his own ,land1 7and dispossesse such as wrongfully possessed it7 by force4 ,but in after-times1 that ,liberty of ,forcible entry1 was taken away by a ,statute made 7by the ,king7 in ,parliament4 ,and is some places of the world1 men have the ,liberty of many wives3 in other places1 such ,liberty is not allowed4 ,if a ,subject have a controversie with his ,soveraigne1 of ,debt1 or of right of possession of lands or goods1 or concerning any service required at his hands1 or concerning any penalty corporall1 or pecuniary1 grounded on a precedent ,law2 ,he hath the same ,liberty to sue for his right1 as if it were against a ,subject2 and before such ,judges1 as are appointed by the ,soveraign4 ,for seeing the ,soveraign demandeth by force of a former ,law1 and not by vertue of his ,power2 he declareth thereby1 that he requireth no more1 than shall appear to be due by that ,law4 ,the sute therefore is not contrary to the will of the ,soveraign2 and consequently the ,subject hath the ,liberty to demand the hearing of his ,cause2 and sentence1 according to that ,law4 ,but if he demand1 or take any thing by pretence of his ,power2 there lyeth1 in that case1 no action of ,law3 for all that is done by him in ,vertue of his ,power1 is done by the ,authority of every subject1 and consequently1 he that brings an action against the ,soveraign1 brings it against himselfe4 ,if a ,monarch1 or ,soveraign ,assembly1 grant a ,liberty to all1 or any of his ,subjects2 which ,grant standing1 he is disabled to provide for their safety1 the ,grant is voyd2 unlesse he directly renounce1 or transferre the ,soveraignty to another4 ,for in that he might openly1 7if it had been his will17 and in plain termes1 have renounced1 or transferred it1 and did not2 it is to be understood it was not his will2 but that the ,grant proceeded from ignorance of the repugnancy between such a ,liberty and the ,soveraign ,power2 and therefore the ,soveraignty is still retayned2 and consequently all those ,powers1 which are necessary to the exercising thereof2 such as are the ,power of ,warre1 and ,peace1 of ,judicature1 of appointing ,officers1 and ,councellours1 of levying ,mony1 and the rest named in the #ahth ,chapter4 ,in ,what ,cases ,subjects ,absolved ,of ,their ,obedience ,to ,their ,soveraign ,the ,obligation of ,subjects to the ,soveraign is understood to last as long1 and no longer1 than the power lasteth1 by which he is able to protect them4 ,for the right men have by ,nature to protect themselves1 when none else can protect them1 can by no ,covenant be relinquished4 ,the ,soveraignty is the ,soule of the ,common-wealth2 which once departed from the ,body1 the members doe no more receive their motion from it4 ,the end of ,obedience is ,protection2 which1 wheresoever a man seeth it1 either in his own1 or in anothers sword1 ,nature applyeth his obedience to it1 and his endeavour to maintaine it4 ,and though ,soveraignty1 in the intention of them that make it1 be immortall2 yet is it in its own nature1 not only subject to violent death1 by forreign war2 but also through the ignorance1 and passions of men1 it hath in it1 from the very institution1 many seeds of a naturall mortality1 by ,intestine ,discord4 ,in ,case ,of ,captivity ,if a ,subject be taken prisoner in war2 or his person1 or his means of life be within the ,guards of the enemy1 and hath his life and corporall ,libertie given him1 on condition to be ,subject to the ,victor1 he hath ,libertie to accept the condition2 and having accepted it1 is the subject of him that took him2 because he had no other way to preserve himselfe4 ,the case is the same1 if he be deteined on the same termes1 in a forreign country4 ,but if a man be held in prison1 or bonds1 or is not trusted with the libertie of his bodie2 he cannot be understood to be bound by ,covenant to subjection2 and therefore may1 if he can1 make his escape by any means whatsoever4 ,in ,case ,the ,soveraign ,cast ,off ,the ,government ,from ,himself ,and ,heyrs ,if a ,monarch shall relinquish the ,soveraignty1 both for himself1 and his heires2 ,his ,subjects returne to the absolute ,libertie of ,nature2 because1 though ,nature may declare who are his ,sons1 and who are the nerest of his ,kin2 yet it dependeth on his own will1 7as hath been said in the precedent chapter17 who shall be his ,heyr4 ,if therefore he will have no ,heyre1 there is no ,soveraignty1 nor ,subjection4 ,the case is the same1 if he dye without known ,kindred1 and without declaration of his ,heyre4 ,for then there can no ,heire be known1 and consequently no ,subjection be due4 ,in ,case ,of ,banishment ,if the ,soveraign ,banish his ,subject2 during the ,banishment1 he is not ,subject4 ,but he that is sent on a message1 or hath leave to travell1 is still ,subject2 but it is1 by ,contract between ,soveraigns1 not by vertue of the covenant of ,subjection4 ,for whosoever entreth into anothers dominion1 is ,subject to all the ,lawes thereof2 unless he have a privilege by the amity of the ,soveraigns1 or by speciall licence4 ,in ,case ,the ,soveraign ,render ,himself ,subject ,to ,another ,if a ,monarch subdued by war1 render himself ,subject to the ,victor2 his ,subjects are delivered from their former obligation1 and become obliged to the ,victor4 ,but if he be held prisoner1 or have not the liberty of his own ,body2 he is not understood to have given away the ,right of ,soveraigntie2 and therefore his ,subjects are obliged to yield obedience to the ,magistrates formerly placed1 governing not in their own name1 but in his4 ,for1 his ,right remaining1 the question is only of the ,administration2 that is to say1 of the ,magistrates and ,officers2 which1 if he have not means to name1 he is supposed to approve those1 which he himself had formerly appointed4 ,,chapter ,,xxii4 ,,of ,,systemes ,,subject1 ,,politicall1 ,,and ,,private ,the ,divers ,sorts ,of ,systemes ,of ,people ,having spoken of the ,generation1 ,forme1 and ,power of a ,common-wealth1 ,i am in order to speak next of the parts thereof4 ,and first of ,systemes1 which resemble the similar parts1 or ,muscles of a ,body naturall4 ,by ,,systemes2 ,i understand any numbers of men joyned in one ,interest1 or one ,businesse4 ,of which1 some are ,regular1 and some ,irregular4 ,regular are those1 where one ,man1 or ,assembly of men1 is constituted ,representative of the whole number4 ,all other are ,irregular4 ,of ,regular1 some are ,absolute1 and ,independent1 subject to none but their own ,representative3 such are only ,common-wealths2 ,of which ,i have spoken already in the #e4 last preceding chapters4 ,others are ,dependent2 that is to say1 ,subordinate to some ,soveraign ,power1 to which every one1 as also their ,representative is ,subject4 ,of ,systemes subordinate1 some are ,politicall1 and some ,private4 ,politicall 7otherwise ,called ,bodies ,politique1 and ,persons ,in ,law17 are those1 which are made by authority from the ,soveraign ,power of the ,common-wealth4 ,private1 are those1 which are constituted by ,subjects amongst themselves1 or by authoritie from a stranger4 ,for no authority derived from forraign power1 within the ,dominion of another1 is ,publique there1 but ,private4 ,and of ,private ,systemes1 some are ,lawfull2 some ,unlawfull3 ,lawfull1 are those which are allowed by the ,common-wealth3 all other are ,unlawfull4 ,irregular ,systemes1 are those which having no ,representative1 consist only in concourse of ,people2 which if not forbidden by the ,common-wealth1 nor made on evill designe1 7such as are conflux of ,people to markets1 or shews1 or any other harmelesse end17 are ,lawfull4 ,but when the ,intention is evill1 or 7if the number be considerable7 unknown1 they are ,unlawfull4 ,in ,all ,bodies ,politique ,the ,power ,of ,the ,representative ,is ,limited ,in ,bodies ,politique1 the power of the ,representative is alwaies ,limited3 ,and that which prescribeth the limits thereof1 is the ,power ,soveraign4 ,for ,power ,unlimited1 is absolute ,soveraignty4 ,and the ,soveraign1 in every ,commonwealth1 is the absolute ,representative of all the ,subjects2 and therefore no other1 can be ,representative of any part of them1 but so far forth1 as he shall give leave2 ,and to give leave to a ,body ,politique of ,subjects1 to have an absolute ,representative to all intents and purposes1 were to abandon the ,government of so much of the ,commonwealth1 and to divide the ,dominion1 contrary to their ,peace and ,defence1 which the ,soveraign cannot be understood to doe1 by any ,grant1 that does not plainly1 and directly discharge them of their subjection4 ,for consequences of words1 are not the signes of his will1 when other consequences are signes of the contrary2 but rather signes of errour1 and misreckoning2 to which all mankind is too prone4 ,the bounds of that ,power1 which is given to the ,representative of a ,bodie ,politique1 are to be taken notice of1 from two things4 ,one is their ,writt1 or ,letters from the ,soveraign3 the other is the ,law of the ,common-wealth4 ,by ,letters ,patents ,for though in the ,institution or ,acquisition of a ,common-wealth1 which is independent1 there needs no ,writing1 because the ,power of the ,representative has there no other bounds1 but such as are set out by the unwritten ,law of ,nature2 yet in subordinate bodies1 there are such diversities of ,limitation necessary1 concerning their businesses1 times1 and places1 as can neither be remembred without ,letters1 nor taken notice of1 unlesse such ,letters be ,patent1 that they may be read to them1 and withall sealed1 or testified1 with the ,seales1 or other permanent signes of the ,authority ,soveraign4 ,and ,the ,lawes ,and because such ,limitation is not alwaies easie1 or perhaps possible to be described in writing2 the ordinary ,lawes1 common to all ,subjects1 must determine1 that the ,representative may lawfully do1 in all ,cases1 where the ,letters themselves are silent4 ,and therefore ,when ,the ,representative ,is ,one ,man1 ,his ,unwarranted ,acts ,his ,own ,onely ,in a ,body ,politique1 if the ,representative be one man1 whatsoever he does in the ,person of the ,body1 which is not warranted in his ,letters1 nor by the ,lawes1 is his own act1 and not the act of the ,body1 nor of any other ,member thereof besides himselfe3 ,because further than his ,letters1 or the ,lawes limit1 he representeth no mans person1 but his own4 ,but what he does according to these1 is the act of every one3 ,for of the ,act of the ,soveraign every one is ,author1 because he is their ,representative unlimited2 and the act of him that recedes not from the ,letters of the ,soveraign1 is the act of the ,soveraign1 and therefore every member of the ,body is ,author of it4 ,when ,it ,is ,an ,assembly1 ,it ,is ,the ,act ,of ,them ,that ,assented ,onely ,but if the ,representative be an ,assembly1 whatsoever that ,assembly shall ,decree1 not warranted by their ,letters1 or the ,lawes1 is the act of the ,assembly1 or ,body ,politique1 and the act of every one by whose ,vote the ,decree was made2 but not the act of any man that being present ,voted to the contrary2 nor of any man absent1 unlesse he ,voted it by procuration4 ,it is the act of the ,assembly1 because ,voted by the major part2 and if it be a crime1 the ,assembly may be punished1 as farre-forth as it is capable1 as by dissolution1 or forfeiture of their ,letters 7which is to such artificiall1 and fictitious ,bodies1 capitall17 or 7if the ,assembly have a ,common stock1 wherein none of the ,innocent ,members have propriety17 by pecuniary ,mulct4 ,for from corporall penalties ,nature hath exempted all ,bodies ,politique4 ,but they that gave not their ,vote1 are therefore ,innocent1 because the ,assembly cannot ,represent any man in things unwarranted by their ,letters1 and consequently are not involved in their ,votes4 ,when ,the ,representative ,is ,one ,man1 ,if ,he ,borrow ,mony1 ,or ,owe ,it1 ,by ,contract2 ,he ,is ,lyable ,onely1 ,the ,members ,not ,if the person of the ,body ,politique being in one man1 borrow mony of a stranger1 that is1 of one that is not of the same ,body1 7for no ,letters need limit borrowing1 seeing it is left to mens own inclinations to limit lending7 the debt is the ,representatives4 ,for if he should have ,authority from his ,letters1 to make the members pay what he borroweth1 he should have by consequence the ,soveraignty of them2 and therefore the grant were either voyd1 as proceeding from ,errour1 commonly incident to humane ,nature1 and an unsufficient signe of the will of the ,granter2 or if it be avowed by him1 then is the ,representer ,soveraign1 and falleth not under the present question1 which is onely of ,bodies subordinate4 ,no member therefore is obliged to pay the debt so borrowed1 but the ,representative himselfe3 because he that lendeth it1 being a stranger to the ,letters1 and to the qualification of the ,body1 understandeth those onely for his debtors1 that are engaged2 and seeing the ,representer can ingage himselfe1 and none else1 has him onely for ,debtor2 who must therefore pay him1 out of the common stock 7if there be any71 or 7if there be none7 out of his own estate4 ,if he come into debt by ,contract1 or ,mulct1 the case is the same4 ,when ,it ,is ,an ,assembly1 ,they ,onely ,are ,liable ,that ,have ,assented ,but when the ,representative is an ,assembly1 and the debt to a stranger2 all they1 and onely they are responsible for the debt1 that gave their votes to the borrowing of it1 or to the ,contract that made it due1 or to the fact for which the ,mulct was imposed2 because every one of those in voting did engage himselfe for the payment3 ,for he that is author of the borrowing1 is obliged to the payment1 even of the whole debt1 though when payd by any one1 he be discharged4 ,if ,the ,debt ,be ,to ,one ,of ,the ,assembly1 ,the ,body ,onely ,is ,obliged ,but if the debt be to one of the ,assembly1 the ,assembly onely is obliged to the payment1 out of their common stock 7if they have any37 ,for having liberty of ,vote1 if he ,vote the ,mony1 shall be borrowed1 he ,votes it shall be payd2 ,if he ,vote it shall not be borrowed1 or be absent1 yet because in lending1 he voteth the borrowing1 he contradicteth his former ,vote1 and is obliged by the later1 and becomes both borrower and lender1 and consequently cannot demand payment from any particular man1 but from the common ,treasure onely2 which fayling he hath no remedy1 nor complaint1 but against himselfe1 that being privy to the acts of the ,assembly1 and their means to pay1 and not being enforced1 did neverthelesse through his own folly lend his mony4 ,protestation ,against ,the ,decrees ,of ,bodies ,politique ,sometimes ,lawful2 ,but ,against ,soveraign ,power ,never ,it is manifest by this1 that in ,bodies ,politique subordinate1 and subject to a ,soveraign ,power1 it is sometimes not onely lawfull1 but expedient1 for a particular man to make open protestation against the decrees of the ,representative ,assembly1 and cause their dissent to be ,registred1 or to take witnesse of it2 because otherwise they may be obliged to pay debts contracted1 and be responsible for crimes committed by other men3 ,but in a ,soveraign ,assembly1 that liberty is taken away1 both because he that protesteth there1 denies their ,soveraignty2 and also because whatsoever is commanded by the ,soveraign ,power1 is as to the ,subject 7though not so alwayes in the sight of ,god7 justified by the ,command2 for of such command every ,subject is the ,author4 ,bodies ,politique ,for ,government ,of ,a ,province1 ,colony1 ,or ,town ,the variety of ,bodies ,politique1 is almost infinite2 for they are not onely distinguished by the severall affaires1 for which they are constituted1 wherein there is an unspeakable diversitie2 but also by the times1 places1 and numbers1 subject to many limitations4 ,and as to their affaires1 some are ordained for ,government2 ,as first1 the ,government of a ,province may be committed to an ,assembly of men1 wherein all resolutions shall depend on the ,votes of the major part2 and then this ,assembly is a ,body ,politique1 and their power limited by ,commission4 ,this word ,province signifies a charge1 or care of businesse1 which he whose businesse it is1 committeth to another man1 to be administred for1 and under him2 and therefore when in one ,common-wealth there be divers ,countries1 that have their ,lawes distinct one from another1 or are farre distant in place1 the ,administration of the ,government being committed to divers persons1 those ,countries where the ,soveraign is not resident1 but governs by ,commission1 are called ,provinces4 ,but of the government of a ,province1 by an ,assembly residing in the ,province it selfe1 there be few examples4 ,the ,romans who had the ,soveraignty of many ,provinces2 yet governed them alwaies by ,presidents1 and ,praetors2 and not by ,assemblies1 as they governed the ,city of ,rome1 and ,territories adjacent4 ,in like manner1 when there were ,colonies sent from ,england1 to ,plant ,virginia1 and ,sommer-,ilands2 though the government of them here1 were committed to ,assemblies in ,london1 yet did those ,assemblies never commit the ,government under them to any ,assembly there2 but did to each ,plantation send one ,governour2 ,for though every man1 where he can be present by ,nature1 desires to participate of government2 yet where they cannot be present1 they are by ,nature also enclined1 to commit the ,government of their common ,interest rather to a ,monarchicall1 then a ,popular form of ,government3 which is also evident in those men that have great private estates2 who when they are unwilling to take the paines of administring the businesse that belongs to them1 choose rather to trust one ,servant1 than a ,assembly either of their friends or servants4 ,but howsoever it be in fact1 yet we may suppose the ,government of a ,province1 or ,colony committed to an ,assembly3 and when it is1 that which in this place ,i have to say1 is this2 that whatsoever debt is by that ,assembly contracted2 or whatsoever unlawfull ,act is decreed1 is the ,act onely of those that assented1 and not of any that dissented1 or were absent1 for the reasons before alledged4 ,also that an ,assembly residing out of the bounds of that ,colony whereof they have the government1 cannot execute any power over the persons1 or goods of any of the ,colonie1 to seize on them for debt1 or other duty1 in any place without the ,colony it selfe1 as having no ,jurisdiction1 nor ,authoritie elsewhere1 but are left to the remedie1 which the ,law of the place alloweth them4 ,and though the ,assembly have right1 to impose a ,mulct upon any of their members1 that shall break the ,lawes they make2 yet out of the ,colonie it selfe1 they have no right to execute the same4 ,and that which is said here1 of the ,rights of an ,assembly1 for the government of a ,province1 or a ,colony1 is appliable also to an ,assembly for the ,government of a ,town1 or ,university1 or a ,college1 or a ,church1 or for any other ,government over the persons of men4 ,and generally1 in all ,bodies ,politique1 if any particular member conceive himself ,injured by the ,body it self1 the ,cognisance of his cause belongeth to the ,soveraign1 and those the ,soveraign hath ordained for ,judges in such causes1 or shall ordaine for that particular cause2 and not to the ,body it self4 ,for the whole ,body is in this case his fellow subject1 which in a ,soveraign ,assembly1 is otherwise3 for there1 if the ,soveraign be not ,judge1 though in his own cause1 there can be no ,judge at all4 ,bodies ,politique ,for ,ordering ,of ,trade ,in a ,bodie ,politique1 for the well ordering of forraigne ,traffique1 the most commodious ,representative is an ,assembly of all the members2 that is to say1 such a one1 as every one that adventureth his mony1 may be present at all the ,deliberations1 and ,resolutions of the ,body1 if they will themselves4 ,for proof whereof1 we are to consider the end1 for which men that are ,merchants1 and may buy and sell1 export1 and import their ,merchandise1 according to their own discretions1 doe neverthelesse bind themselves up in one ,corporation4 ,it is true1 there be few ,merchants1 that with the ,merchandise they buy at home1 can fraight a ,ship1 to export it2 or with that they buy abroad1 to bring it home2 and have therefore need to joyn together in one ,society2 where every man may either participate of the gaine1 according to the proportion of his adventure2 or take his own2 and sell what he transports1 or imports1 at such prices as he thinks fit4 ,but this is no ,body ,politique1 there being no ,common ,representative to oblige them to any other ,law1 than that which is common to all other subjects4 ,the ,end of their ,incorporating1 is to make their gaine the greater2 which is done two wayes2 by sole buying1 and sole selling1 both at home1 and abroad4 ,so that to grant to a ,company of ,merchants to be a ,corporation1 or ,body ,politique1 is to grant them a double ,monopoly1 whereof one is to be sole buyers2 another to be sole sellers4 ,for when there is a ,company incorporate for any particular forraign ,country1 they only export the ,commodities vendible in that ,country2 which is sole buying at home1 and sole selling abroad4 ,for at home there is but one buyer1 and abroad but one that selleth3 both which is gainfull to the ,merchant1 because thereby they buy at home at lower1 and sell abroad at higher rates3 ,and abroad there is but one buyer of forraign ,merchandise1 and but one that sels them at home2 both which againe are gainfull to the adventurers4 ,of this double ,monopoly one part is disadvantageous to the people at home1 the other to forraigners4 ,for at home by their sole exportation they set what price they please on the husbandry and handy-works of the people2 and by the sole importation1 what price they please on all forraign commodities the people have need of2 both which are ill for the people4 ,on the contrary1 by the sole selling of the native commodities abroad1 and sole buying the forraign commodities upon the place1 they raise the price of those1 and abate the price of these1 to the disadvantage of the forraigner3 ,for where but one selleth1 the ,merchandise is the dearer2 and where but one buyeth the cheaper3 ,such ,corporations therefore are no other then ,monopolies2 though they would be very profitable for a ,common-wealth1 if being bound up into one body in forraigne ,markets they were at liberty at home1 every man to buy1 and sell at what price he could4 ,the end then of these ,bodies of ,merchants1 being not a ,common benefit to the whole ,body1 7which have in this case no common stock1 but what is deducted out of the particular adventures1 for building1 buying1 victualling and manning of ,ships17 but the particular gaine of every adventurer1 it is reason that every one be acquainted with the employment of his own2 that is1 that every one be of the ,assembly1 that shall have the power to order the same2 and be acquainted with their accounts4 ,and therefore the ,representative of such a ,body must be an ,assembly1 where every member of the ,body may be present at the consultations1 if he will4 ,if a ,body ,politique of ,merchants1 contract a debt to a stranger by the act of their ,representative ,assembly1 every ,member is lyable by himself for the whole4 ,for a stranger can take no notice of their private ,lawes1 but considereth them as so many particular men1 obliged every one to the whole payment1 till payment made by one dischargeth all the rest3 ,but if the debt be to one of the ,company1 the creditor is debter for the whole to himself1 and cannot therefore demand his debt1 but only from the common stock1 if there be any4 ,if the ,common-wealth impose a ,tax upon the ,body1 it is understood to be layd upon every member proportionably to his particular adventure in the ,company4 ,for there is in this case no other common stock1 but what is made of their particular adventures4 ,if a ,mulct be layd upon the ,body for some unlawfull act1 they only are lyable by whose votes the act was decreed1 or by whose assistance it was executed2 for in none of the rest is there any other crime but being of the ,body2 which if a crime1 7because the ,body was ordeyned by the authority of the ,common-wealth17 is not his4 ,if one of the ,members be indebted to the ,body1 he may be sued by the ,body2 but his goods cannot be taken1 nor his person imprisoned by the authority of the ,body2 but only by ,authority of the ,common-wealth3 for if they can doe it by their own ,authority1 they can by their own ,authority give judgement that the debt is due1 which is as much as to be ,judge in their own ,cause4 ,a ,bodie ,politique ,for ,counsel ,to ,be ,give ,to ,the ,soveraign ,these ,bodies made for the government of ,men1 or of ,traffique1 be either perpetuall1 or for a time prescribed by writing4 ,but there be ,bodies also whose times are limited1 and that only by the nature of their businesse4 ,for example1 if a ,soveraign ,monarch1 or a ,soveraign ,assembly1 shall think fit to give command to the towns1 and other severall parts of their territory1 to send to him their ,deputies1 to enforme him of the condition1 and necessities of the ,subjects1 or to advise with him for the making of good ,lawes1 or for any other cause1 as with one ,person representing the whole ,country1 such ,deputies1 having a place and time of meeting assigned them1 are there1 and at that time1 a ,body ,politique1 representing every ,subject of that ,dominion2 but it is onely for such matters as shall be propounded unto them by that ,man1 or ,assembly1 that by the ,soveraign ,authority sent for them2 and when it shall be declared that nothing more shall be propounded1 nor debated by them1 the ,body is dissolved4 ,for if they were the absolute ,representative of the people1 then were it the ,soveraign ,assembly2 and so there would be two ,soveraign ,assemblies1 or two ,soveraigns1 over the same people2 which cannot consist with their ,peace4 ,and therefore where there is once a ,soveraignty1 there can be no absolute ,representation of the people1 but by it4 ,and for the limits of how farre such a ,body shall represent the whole ,people1 they are set forth in the ,writing by which they were sent for4 ,for the ,people cannot choose their ,deputies to other intent1 than is in the ,writing directed to them from their ,soveraign expressed4 ,a ,regular ,private ,body1 ,lawfull1 ,as ,a ,family ,private ,bodies ,regular1 and ,lawfull1 are those that are constituted without ,letters1 or other written ,authority1 saving the ,lawes common to all other ,subjects4 ,and because they be united in one ,person ,representative1 they are held for ,regular2 such as are all ,families1 in which the ,father1 or ,master ordereth the whole ,family4 ,for he obligeth his ,children1 and ,servants1 as farre as the ,law permitteth1 though not further1 because none of them are bound to obedience in those actions1 which the ,law hath forbidden to be done4 ,in all other actions1 during the time they are under domestique government1 they are subject to their ,fathers1 and ,masters1 as to their immediate ,soveraigns4 ,for the ,father1 and ,master being before the ,institution of ,common-wealth1 absolute ,soveraigns in their own ,families1 they lose afterward no more of their ,authority1 than the ,law of the ,common-wealth taketh from them4 ,private ,bodies ,regular1 ,but ,unlawfull ,private ,bodies ,regular1 but ,unlawfull1 are those that unite themselves into one person ,representative1 without any publique ,authority at all2 such as are the ,corporations of ,beggars1 ,theeves and ,gipsies1 the better to order their trade of begging1 and stealing2 and the ,corporations of men1 that by ,authority from any forraign ,person1 unite themselves in anothers ,dominion1 for easier propagation of ,doctrines1 and for making a party1 against the ,power of the ,common-wealth4 ,systemes ,irregular1 ,such ,as ,are ,private ,leagues ,irregular ,systemes1 in their nature1 but ,leagues1 or sometimes meer concourse of people1 without union to any particular designe1 not by obligation of one to another1 but proceeding onely from a similitude of wills and inclinations1 become ,lawfull1 or ,unlawfull1 according to the lawfulnesse1 or unlawfulnesse of every particular mans design therein3 ,and his designe is to be understood by the occasion4 ,the ,leagues of ,subjects1 7because ,leagues are commonly made for mutuall defence17 are in a ,common-wealth 7which is no more than a ,league of all the ,subjects together7 for the most part unnecessary1 and savour of unlawfull designe2 and are for that cause ,unlawfull1 and go commonly by the name of factions1 or ,conspiracies4 ,for a ,league being a connexion of men by ,covenants1 if there be no power given to any one ,man or ,assembly1 7as in the condition of meer ,nature7 to compell them to performance1 is so long onely valid1 as there ariseth no just cause of distrust3 and therefore ,leagues between ,common-wealths1 over whom there is no humane ,power established1 to keep them all in awe1 are not onely lawfull1 but also profitable for the time they last4 ,but ,leagues of the ,subjects of one and the same ,common-wealth1 where every one may obtain his right by means of the ,soveraign ,power1 are unnecessary to the maintaining of ,peace and ,justice1 and 7in case the designe of them be evill1 or ,unknown to the ,common-wealth7 unlawfull4 ,for all uniting of strength by private men1 is1 if for evill intent1 unjust2 if for intent unknown1 dangerous to the ,publique1 and unjustly concealed4 ,secret ,cabals ,if the ,soveraign ,power be in a great ,assembly1 and a number of men1 part of the ,assembly1 without authority1 consult a part1 to contrive the guidance of the rest2 ,this is a ,faction1 or ,conspiracy unlawfull1 as being a fraudulent seducing of the ,assembly for their particular interest4 ,but if he1 whose private interest is to be debated1 and judged in the ,assembly1 make as many friends as he can2 in him it is no ,injustice2 because in this case he is no part of the ,assembly4 ,and though he hire such friends with mony1 7unlesse there be an expresse ,law against it17 yet it is not ,injustice4 ,for sometimes1 7as mens manners are17 ,justice cannot be had without mony2 and every man may think his own cause just1 till it be heard1 and judged4 ,feuds ,of ,private ,families ,in all ,common-wealths1 if a private man entertain more servants1 than the government of his estate1 and lawfull employment he has for them requires1 it is ,faction1 and unlawfull4 ,for having the protection of the ,common-wealth1 he needeth not the defence of private force4 ,and whereas in ,nations not throughly civilized1 severall numerous ,families have lived in continuall hostility1 and invaded one another with private force2 yet it is evident enough1 that they have done unjustly2 or else that they had no ,common-wealth4 ,factions ,for ,government ,and as ,factions for ,kindred1 so also ,factions for ,government of ,religion1 as of ,papists1 ,protestants1 c4 or of ,state1 as ,patricians1 and ,plebeians of old time in ,rome1 and of ,aristocraticalls and ,democraticalls of old time in ,greece1 are unjust1 as being contrary to the peace and safety of the people1 and a taking of the ,sword out of the hand of the ,soveraign4 ,concourse of people1 is an ,irregular ,systeme1 the lawfulnesse1 or unlawfulnesse1 whereof dependeth on the occasion1 and on the number of them that are assembled4 ,if the occasion be lawfull1 and manifest1 the ,concourse is lawfull2 as the usuall meeting of men at ,church1 or at a publique ,shew1 in usuall numbers3 for if the numbers be extraordinarily great1 the occasion is not evident2 and consequently he that cannot render a particular and good account of his being amongst them1 is to be judged conscious of an unlawfull1 and tumultuous designe4 ,it may be lawfull for a thousand men1 to joyn in a ,petition to be delivered to a ,judge1 or ,magistrate2 yet if a thousand men come to present it1 it is a tumultuous ,assembly2 because there needs but one or two for that purpose4 ,but in such cases as these1 it is not a set number that makes the ,assembly ,unlawfull1 but such a number1 as the present ,officers are not able to suppresse1 and bring to ,justice4 ,when an unusuall number of men1 assemble against a man whom they accuse2 the ,assembly is an ,unlawfull tumult2 because they may deliver their accusation to the ,magistrate by a few1 or by one man4 ,such was the case of ,st4 ,paul at ,ephesus2 where ,demetrius1 and a great number of other men1 brought two of ,pauls companions before the ,magistrate1 saying with one ,voyce1 ,great is ,diana of the ,ephesians2 which was their way of demanding ,justice against them for teaching the people such doctrine1 as was against their ,religion1 and ,trade4 ,the occasion here1 considering the ,lawes of that ,people1 was just2 yet was their ,assembly ,judged ,unlawfull1 and the ,magistrate reprehended them for it1 in these words17,acts #ai4 #dj7 ,if ,demetrius and the other work-men can accuse any man1 of any thing1 there be ,pleas1 and ,deputies1 let them accuse one another4 ,and if you have any other thing to demand1 your case may be judged in an ,assembly ,lawfully called4 ,for we are in danger to be accused for this dayes sedition1 because1 there is no cause by which any man can render any reason of this ,concourse of ,people4 ,where he calleth an ,assembly1 whereof men can give no just account1 a ,sedition1 and such as they could not answer for4 ,and this is all ,i shall say concerning ,systemes1 and ,assemblyes of ,people1 which may be compared 7as ,i said17 to the ,similar parts of mans ,body2 such as be ,lawfull1 to the ,muscles2 such as are ,unlawfull1 to ,wens1 ,biles1 and ,apostemes1 engendred by the unnaturall conflux of evill humours4 ,,chapter ,,xxiii4 ,,of ,,the ,,publique ,,ministers ,,of ,,soveraign ,,power ,in the last ,chapter ,i have spoken of the ,similar parts of a ,common-wealth2 ,in this ,i shall speak of the parts ,organicall1 which are ,publique ,ministers4 ,publique ,minister ,who ,a ,,publique ,,minister1 is he1 that by the ,soveraign1 7whether a ,monarch1 or an ,assembly17 is employed in any affaires1 with ,authority to represent in that employment1 the ,person of the ,common-wealth4 ,and whereas every man1 or assembly that hath ,soveraignty1 representeth two ,persons1 or 7as the more common phrase is7 has two ,capacities1 one ,naturall1 and another ,politique1 7as a ,monarch1 hath the person not onely of the ,common-wealth1 but also of a man2 and a ,soveraign ,assembly hath the ,person not onely of the ,common-wealth1 but also of the ,assembly72 they that be servants to them in their naturall ,capacity1 are not ,publique ,ministers2 but those onely that serve them in the ,administration of the ,publique businesse4 ,and therefore neither ,ushers1 nor ,sergeants1 nor other ,officers that waite on the ,assembly1 for no other purpose1 but for the commodity of the men assembled1 in an ,aristocracy1 or ,democracy2 nor ,stewards1 ,chamberlains1 ,cofferers1 or any other ,officers of the houshold of a ,monarch1 are ,publique ,ministers in a ,monarchy4 ,ministers ,for ,the ,generall ,administration ,of ,publique ,ministers1 some have charge committed to them of a general ,administration1 either of the whole ,dominion1 or of a part thereof4 ,of the whole1 as to a ,protector1 or ,regent1 may bee committed by the ,predecessor of an ,infant ,king1 during his minority1 the whole ,administration of his ,kingdome4 ,in which case1 every ,subject is so far obliged to obedience1 as the ,ordinances he shall make1 and the commands he shall give be in the ,kings name1 and not inconsistent with his ,soveraigne ,power4 ,of a ,part1 or ,province2 as when either a ,monarch1 or a ,soveraign ,assembly1 shall give the generall charge thereof to a ,governour1 ,lieutenant1 ,praefect1 or ,vice-,roy3 ,and in this case also1 every one of that ,province1 is obliged to all he shall doe in the name of the ,soveraign1 and that not incompatible with the ,soveraigns ,right4 ,for such ,protectors1 ,vice-,roys1 and ,governours1 have no other right1 but what depends on the ,soveraigns ,will2 and no ,commission that can be given them1 can be interpreted for a ,declaration of the will to transferre the ,soveraignty1 without expresse and perspicuous words to that purpose4 ,and this kind of ,publique ,ministers resembleth the ,nerves1 and ,tendons that move the severall limbs of a body naturall4 ,for ,speciall ,administration1 ,as ,for ,oeconomy ,others have speciall ,administration2 that is to say1 charges of some speciall businesse1 either at home1 or abroad3 ,as at home1 ,first1 for the ,oeconomy of a ,common-wealth1 ,they that have ,authority concerning the ,treasure1 as ,tributes1 ,impositions1 ,rents1 ,fines1 or whatsoever publique revenue1 to collect1 receive1 issue1 or take the ,accounts thereof1 are ,publique ,ministers3 ,ministers1 because they serve the ,person ,representative1 and can doe nothing against his ,command1 nor without his ,authority3 ,publique1 because they serve him in his ,politicall ,capacity4 ,secondly1 they that have ,authority concerning the ,militia2 to have the custody of ,armes1 ,forts1 ,ports2 to ,levy1 ,pay1 or ,conduct ,souldiers2 or to provide for any necessary thing for the use of war1 either by ,land or ,sea1 are publique ,ministers4 ,but a ,souldier without ,command1 though he fight for the ,common-wealth1 does not therefore represent the ,person of it2 because there is none to represent it to4 ,for every one that hath command1 represents it to them only whom he commandeth4 ,for ,instruction ,of ,the ,people ,they also that have authority to teach1 or to enable others to teach the people their duty to the ,soveraign ,power1 and instruct them in the knowledge of what is just1 and unjust1 thereby to render them more apt to live in godlinesse1 and in peace among themselves1 and resist the publique enemy1 are ,publique ,ministers3 ,ministers1 in that they doe it not by their own ,authority1 but by anothers2 and ,publique1 because they doe it 7or should doe it7 by no ,authority1 but that of the ,soveraign4 ,the ,monarch1 or the ,soveraign ,assembly only hath immediate ,authority from ,god1 to teach and instruct the people2 and no man but the ,soveraign1 receiveth his power ,dei ,gratia simply2 that is to say1 from the favour of none but ,god3 ,all other1 receive theirs from the favour and providence of ,god1 and their ,soveraigns2 as in a ,monarchy ,dei ,gratia ,regis2 or ,dei ,providentia ,voluntate ,regis4 ,for ,judicature ,they also to whom ,jurisdiction is given1 are ,publique ,ministers4 ,for in their ,seats of ,justice they represent the person of the ,soveraign2 and their ,sentence1 is his ,sentence2 ,for 7as hath been before declared7 all ,judicature is essentially annexed to the ,soveraignty2 and therefore all other ,judges are but ,ministers of him1 or them that have the ,soveraign ,power4 ,and as ,controversies are of two sorts1 namely of ,fact1 and of ,law2 so are judgements1 some of ,fact1 some of ,law3 ,and consequently in the same controversie1 there may be two ,judges1 one of ,fact1 another of ,law4 ,and in both these controversies1 there may arise a controversie between the party ,judged1 and the ,judge2 which because they be both ,subjects to the ,soveraign1 ought in ,equity to be ,judged by men agreed on by consent of both2 for no man can be ,judge in his own cause4 ,but the ,soveraign is already agreed on for ,judge by them both1 and is therefore either to heare the ,cause1 and determine it himself1 or appoint for ,judge such as they shall both agree on4 ,and this agreement is then understood to be made between them divers wayes2 as first1 if the ,defendant be allowed to except against such of his ,judges1 whose interest maketh him suspect them1 7for as to the ,complaynant he hath already chosen his own ,judge17 those which he excepteth not against1 are ,judges he himself agrees on4 ,secondly1 if he appeale to any other ,judge1 he can appeale no further2 for his appeale is his choice4 ,thirdly1 if he appeale to the ,soveraign himself1 and he by himself1 or by ,delegates which the parties shall agree on1 give ,sentence2 that ,sentence is finall3 for the ,defendant is ,judged by his own ,judges1 that is to say1 by himself4 ,these properties of just and rationall ,judicature considered1 ,i cannot forbeare to observe the excellent constitution of the ,courts of ,justice1 established both for ,common1 and also for ,publique ,pleas in ,england4 ,by ,common ,pleas1 ,i meane those1 where both the ,complaynant and ,defendant are ,subjects3 and by ,publique1 7which are also called ,pleas of the ,crown7 those1 where the ,complaynant is the ,soveraign4 ,for whereas there were two orders of men1 whereof one was ,lords1 the other ,commons2 ,the ,lords had this ,priviledge1 to have for ,judges in all ,capitall crimes1 none but ,lords2 and of them1 as many as would be present2 which being ever acknowledged as a ,priviledge of favour1 their ,judges were none but such as they had themselves desired4 ,and in all controversies1 every ,subject 7as also in civill controversies the ,lords7 had for ,judges1 men of the ,country where the matter in controversie lay2 against which he might make his exceptions1 till at last ,twelve men without exception being agreed on1 they were ,judged by those twelve4 ,so that having his own ,judges1 there could be nothing alledged by the party1 why the sentence should not be finall1 ,these publique persons1 with ,authority from the ,soveraign ,power1 either to ,instruct1 or ,judge the people1 are such members of the ,common-wealth1 as may fitly be compared to the organs of ,voice in a ,body naturall4 ,for ,execution ,publique ,ministers are also all those1 that have ,authority from the ,soveraign1 to procure the ,execution of ,judgements given2 to publish the ,soveraigns ,commands2 to suppresse ,tumults2 to apprehend1 and imprison ,malefactors2 and other acts tending to the conservation of the ,peace4 ,for every act they doe by such ,authority1 is the act of the ,common-wealth2 and their service1 answerable to that of the ,hands1 in a ,bodie naturall4 ,publique ,ministers abroad1 are those that represent the ,person of their own ,soveraign1 to forraign ,states4 ,such are ,ambassadors1 ,messengers1 ,agents1 and ,heralds1 sent by publique ,authoritie1 and on publique ,businesse4 ,but such as are sent by ,authoritie only of some private partie of a troubled ,state1 though they be received1 are neither ,publique1 nor ,private ,ministers of the ,common-wealth2 because none of their actions have the ,common-wealth for ,author4 ,likewise1 an ,ambassador sent from a ,prince1 to congratulate1 condole1 or to assist at a solemnity1 though ,authority be ,publique2 yet because the businesse is ,private1 and belonging to him in his naturall capacity2 is a ,private person4 ,also if a man be sent into another ,country1 secretly to explore their counsels1 and strength2 though both the ,authority1 and the ,businesse be ,publique2 yet because there is none to take notice of any ,person in him1 but his own2 he is but a ,private ,minister2 but yet a ,minister of the ,common-wealth2 and may be compared to an ,eye in the ,body naturall4 ,and those that are appointed to receive the ,petitions or other informations of the ,people1 and are as it were the publique ,eare1 are ,publique ,ministers1 and represent their ,soveraign in that office4 ,counsellers ,without ,other ,employment ,then ,to ,advise ,are ,not ,publique ,ministers ,neither a ,counsellor1 nor a ,councell of ,state1 if we consider it with no ,authority of ,judicature or ,command1 but only of giving ,advice to the ,soveraign when it is required1 or of offering it when it is not required1 is a ,publique ,person4 ,for the ,advice is addressed to the ,soveraign only1 whose person cannot in his own presence1 be represented to him1 by another4 ,but a ,body of ,counsellors1 are never without some other ,authority1 either of ,judicature1 or of immediate ,administration3 ,as in a ,monarchy1 they represent the ,monarch1 in delivering his ,commands to the ,publique ,ministers3 ,in a ,democracy1 the ,councell1 or ,senate propounds the ,result of their deliberations to the people1 as a ,councell2 but when they appoint ,judges1 or heare ,causes1 or give ,audience to ,ambassadors1 it is in the quality of a ,minister of the ,people3 ,and in an ,aristocracy the ,councell of ,state is the ,soveraign ,assembly it self2 and gives counsell to none but themselves4 ,,chapter ,,xxiv4 ,,of ,,the ,,nutrition1 ,,and ,,procreation ,,of ,a ,,common-,,wealth ,the ,nourishment ,of ,a ,common-wealth ,consisteth ,in ,the ,commodities ,of ,sea ,and ,land ,the ,,nutrition of a ,common-wealth consisteth1 in the ,plenty1 and ,distribution of ,materials conducing to ,life3 ,in ,concoction1 or ,preparation2 and 7when concocted7 in the ,conveyance of it1 by convenient conduits1 to the ,publique use4 ,as for the ,plenty of ,matter1 it is a thing limited by ,nature1 to those commodities1 which from 7the two breasts of our common ,mother7 ,land1 and ,sea1 ,god usually either freely giveth1 or for labour selleth to man-kind4 ,for the ,matter of this ,nutriment1 consisting in ,animals1 ,vegetals1 and ,minerals1 ,god hath freely layd them before us1 in or neer to the face of the ,earth2 so as there needeth no more but the labour1 and industry of receiving them4 ,insomuch as ,plenty dependeth 7next to ,gods favour7 meerly on the labour and industry of men4 ,this ,matter1 commonly called ,commodities1 is partly ,native1 and partly ,forraign3 ,native1 that which is to be had within the ,territory of the ,common-wealth2 ,forraign1 that which is imported from without4 ,and because there is no ,territory under the ,dominion of one ,common-wealth1 7except it be of very vast extent17 that produceth all things needfull for the maintenance1 and motion of the whole ,body2 and few that produce not something more than necessary2 the superfluous commodities to be had within1 become no more superfluous1 but supply these wants at home1 by importation of that which may be had abroad1 either by ,exchange1 or by just ,warre1 or by ,labour3 for a mans ,labour also1 is a commodity exchangeable for benefit1 as well as any other thing3 ,and there have been ,common-wealths that having no more ,territory1 than hath served them for habitation1 have neverthelesse1 not onely maintained1 but also encreased their ,power1 partly by the labour of trading from one place to another1 and partly by selling the ,manifactures1 whereof the ,materials were brought in from other places4 ,and ,the ,right ,of ,distribution ,of ,them ,the ,distribution of the ,materials of this ,nourishment1 is the constitution of ,mine1 and ,thine1 and ,his1 that is to say1 in one word ,propriety2 and belongeth in all kinds of ,common-wealth to the ,soveraign ,power4 ,for where there is no ,common-wealth1 there is1 7as hath been already shewn7 a perpetuall warre of every man against his neighbour2 ,and therefore every thing is his that getteth it1 and keepeth it by force2 which is neither ,propriety nor ,community2 but ,uncertainty4 ,which is so evident1 that even ,cicero1 7a passionate defender of ,liberty17 in a publique pleading1 attributeth all ,propriety to the ,law ,civil1 ,let the ,civill ,law1 saith he1 be once abandoned1 or but negligently guarded1 7not to say oppressed17 and there is nothing1 that any man can be sure to receive from his ,ancestor1 or leave to his ,children4 ,and again2 ,take away the ,civill ,law1 and no man knows what is his own1 and what another mans4 ,seeing therefore the ,introduction of ,propriety is an effect of ,common-wealth2 which can do nothing but by the ,person that ,represents it1 it is the act onely of the ,soveraign2 and consisteth in the ,lawes1 which none can make that have not the ,soveraign ,power4 ,and this they well knew of old1 who called that ,nomos1 7that is to say1 ,distribution17 which we call ,law2 and defined ,justice1 by distributing to every man his own4 ,all ,private ,estates ,of ,land ,proceed ,originally ,from ,the ,arbitrary ,distribution ,of ,the ,soveraign ,in this ,distribution1 the ,first ,law1 is for ,division of the ,land it selfe3 wherein the ,soveraign assigneth to every man a portion1 according as he1 and not according as any ,subject1 or any number of them1 shall judge agreeable to ,equity1 and the ,common ,good4 ,the ,children of ,israel1 were a ,common-wealth in the ,wildernesse2 but wanted the commodities of the ,earth1 till they were masters of the ,land of ,promise2 which afterward was divided amongst them1 not by their own discretion1 but by the discretion of ,eleazar the ,priest1 and ,joshua their ,generall3 who when there were twelve ,tribes1 making them thirteen by subdivision of the ,tribe of ,joseph2 made neverthelesse but twelve portions of the ,land2 and ordained for the ,tribe of ,levi no land2 but assigned them the ,tenth part of the whole fruits2 which division was therefore ,arbitrary4 ,and though a ,people comming into possession of a land by warre1 do not alwaies exterminate the antient ,inhabitants1 7as did the ,jewes17 but leave to many1 or most1 or all of them their ,estates2 yet it is manifest they hold them afterwards1 as of the ,victors distribution2 as the people of ,england held all theirs of ,william the ,conquerour4 ,propriety ,of ,a ,subject ,excludes ,not ,the ,dominion ,of ,the ,soveraign1 ,but ,onely ,of ,another ,subject ,from whence we may collect1 that the ,propriety which a subject hath in his lands1 consisteth in a right to exclude all other subjects from the use of them2 and not to exclude their ,soveraign1 be it an ,assembly1 or a ,monarch4 ,for seeing the ,soveraign1 that is to say1 the ,common-wealth 7whose ,person he representeth17 is understood to do nothing but in order to the common ,peace and ,security1 this ,distribution of lands1 is to be understood as done in order to the same3 ,and consequently1 whatsoever ,distribution he shall make in prejudice thereof1 is contrary to the will of every subject1 that committed his ,peace1 and safety to his discretion1 and conscience2 and therefore by the will of every one of them1 is to be reputed voyd4 ,it is true1 that a ,soveraign ,monarch1 or the greater part of a ,soveraign ,assembly1 may ordain the doing of many things in pursuit of their ,passions1 contrary to their own consciences1 which is a breach of trust1 and of the ,law of ,nature2 but this is not enough to authorise any subject1 either to make warre upon1 or so much as to accuse of ,injustice1 or any way to speak evill of their ,soveraign2 because they have authorised all his actions1 and in bestowing the ,soveraign ,power1 made them their own4 ,but in what cases the ,commands of ,soveraigns are contrary to ,equity1 and the ,law of ,nature1 is to be considered hereafter in another place4 ,the ,publique ,is ,not ,to ,be ,dieted ,in the ,distribution of land1 the ,common-wealth it selfe1 may be conceived to have a portion1 and possesse1 and improve the same by their ,representative2 and that such portion may be made sufficient1 to susteine the whole expence to the common ,peace1 and defence necessarily required3 ,which were very true1 if there could be any ,representative conceived free from humane passions1 and infirmities4 ,but the nature of men being as it is1 the setting forth of ,publique ,land1 or of any certaine ,revenue for the ,common-wealth1 is in vaine2 and tendeth to the dissolution of ,government1 and to the condition of meere ,nature1 and ,war1 assoon as ever the ,soveraign ,power falleth into the hands of a ,monarch1 or of an ,assembly1 that are either too negligent of mony1 or too hazardous in engaging the publique stock1 into a long1 or costly war4 ,common-wealths can endure no ,diet3 ,for seeing their expence is not limited by their own appetite1 but by externall ,accidents1 and the appetites of their neighbours1 the ,publique ,riches cannot be limited by other limits1 than those which the emergent occasions shall require4 ,and whereas in ,england1 there were by the ,conquerour1 divers ,lands reserved to his own use1 7besides ,forrests1 and ,chases1 either for his recreation1 or for preservation of ,woods17 and divers services reserved on the ,land he gave his ,subjects2 yet it seems they were not reserved for his ,maintenance in his ,publique1 but in his ,naturall capacity3 ,for he1 and his ,successors did for all that1 lay ,arbitrary ,taxes on all ,subjects land1 when they judged it necessary4 ,or if those publique ,lands1 and ,services1 were ordained as a sufficient maintenance of the ,common-wealth1 it was contrary to the scope of the ,institution2 being 7as it appeared by those ensuing ,taxes7 insufficient1 and 7as it appeares by the late ,revenue of the ,crown7 ,subject to ,alienation1 and ,diminution4 ,it is therefore in vaine1 to assign a portion to the ,common-wealth2 which may sell1 or give it away2 and does sell1 and give it away when tis done by their ,representative4 ,the ,places ,and ,matter ,of ,traffique ,depend1 ,as ,their ,distribution1 ,on ,the ,soveraign ,as the ,distribution of ,lands at home2 so also to assigne in what places1 and for what commodities1 the ,subject shall traffique abroad1 belongeth to the ,soveraign4 ,for if it did belong to private persons to use their own discretion therein1 some of them would bee drawn for gaine1 both to furnish the enemy with means to hurt the ,common-wealth1 and hurt it themselves1 by importing such things1 as pleasing mens appetites1 be neverthelesse noxious1 or at least unprofitable to them4 ,and therefore it belongeth to the ,common-wealth1 7that is1 to the ,soveraign only17 to approve1 or disapprove both of the places1 and matter of forraign ,traffique4 ,the ,laws ,of ,transferring ,property ,belong ,also ,to ,the ,soveraign ,further1 seeing it is not enough to the ,sustentation of a ,common-wealth1 that every man have a propriety in a portion of ,land1 or in some few commodities1 or a naturall property in some usefull art1 and there is no art in the world1 but is necessary either for the being1 or well being almost of every particular man2 it is necessary1 that men distribute that which they can spare1 and transferre their propriety therein1 mutually one to another1 by exchange1 and mutuall contract4 ,and therefore it belongeth to the ,common-wealth1 7that is to say1 to the ,soveraign17 to appoint in what manner1 all kinds of contract between ,subjects1 7as buying1 selling1 exchanging1 borrowing1 lending1 letting1 and taking to hire17 are to bee made2 and by what words1 and signes they shall be understood for valid4 ,and for the ,matter1 and ,distribution of the ,nourishment1 to the severall ,members of the ,common-wealth1 thus much 7considering the modell of the whole worke7 is sufficient4 ,mony ,the ,bloud ,of ,a ,common-wealth ,by ,concoction1 ,i understand the reducing of all commodities1 which are not presently consumed1 but reserved for ,nourishment in time to come1 to some thing of equal value1 and withall so portably1 as not to hinder the motion of men from place to place2 to the end a man may have in what place soever1 such ,nourishment as the place affordeth4 ,and this is nothing else but ,gold1 and ,silver1 and ,mony4 ,for ,gold and ,silver1 being 7as it happens7 almost in all ,countries of the world highly valued1 is a commodious measure for the value of all things else between ,nations2 and ,mony 7of what matter soever coyned by the ,soveraign of a ,common-wealth17 is a sufficient measure of the value of all things else1 between the ,subjects of that ,common-wealth4 ,by the means of which measures1 all commodities1 ,moveable1 and ,immoveable1 are made to accompany a man1 to all places of his resort1 within and without the place of his ordinary residence2 and the same passeth from ,man to ,man1 within the ,common-wealth2 and goes round about1 ,nourishing 7as it passeth7 every part thereof2 ,in so much as this ,concoction1 is as it were the ,sanguification of the ,common-wealth3 ,for naturall ,bloud is in like manner made of the fruits of the ,earth2 and circulating1 nourisheth by the way1 every ,member of the ,body of ,man4 ,and because ,silver and ,gold1 have their value from the matter it self2 they have first this priviledge1 that the value of them cannot be altered by the power of one1 nor of a few ,common-wealths2 as being a common measure of the commodities of all places4 ,but base ,mony1 may easily be enhanced1 or abased4 ,secondly1 they have the priviledge to make ,common-wealths1 move1 and stretch out their armes1 when need is1 into forraign ,countries2 and supply1 not only private ,subjects that travell1 but also whole ,armies with provision4 ,but that ,coyne1 which is not considerable for the ,matter1 but for the ,stamp of the place1 being unable to endure change of ayr1 hath its effect at home only2 where also it is subject to the change of ,laws1 and thereby to have the value diminished1 to the prejudice many times of those that have it4 ,the ,conduits ,and ,way ,of ,mony ,to ,the ,publique ,use ,the ,conduits1 and ,wayes by which it is conveyed to the ,publique use1 are of two sorts2 ,one1 that ,conveyeth it to the ,publique ,coffers2 ,the other1 that ,issueth the same out againe for publique payments4 ,of the first sort1 are ,collectors1 ,receivers1 and ,treasurers2 of the second are the ,treasurers againe1 and the ,officers appointed for payment of severall publique or private ,ministers4 ,and in this also1 the ,artificiall ,man maintains his resemblance with the ,naturall2 whose ,veins receiving the ,bloud from the severall ,parts of the ,body1 carry it to the ,heart2 where being made ,vitall1 the ,heart by the ,arteries sends it out again1 to enliven1 and enable for motion all the ,members of the same4 ,the ,children ,of ,a ,common-wealth ,colonies ,the ,procreation1 or ,children of a ,common-wealth1 are those we call ,plantations1 or ,colonies2 which are numbers of men sent out from the ,common-wealth1 under a ,conductor1 or ,governour1 to inhabit a ,forraign ,country1 either formerly voyd of ,inhabitants1 or made voyd then1 by warre4 ,and when a ,colony is setled1 they are either a ,common-wealth of themselves1 discharged of their subjection to their ,soveraign that sent them1 7as hath been done by many ,common-wealths of antient time17 in which case the ,common-wealth from which they went was called their ,metropolis1 or ,mother1 and requires no more of them1 then ,fathers require of the ,children1 whom they emancipate1 and make free from their domestique government1 which is ,honour1 and ,friendship2 or else they remain united to their ,metropolis1 as were the ,colonies of the people of ,rome2 and then they are no ,common-wealths themselves1 but ,provinces1 and parts of the ,common-wealth that sent them4 ,so that the ,right of ,colonies 7saving ,honour1 and ,league with their ,metropolis17 dependeth wholly on their ,licence1 or ,letters1 by which their ,soveraign authorised them to ,plant4 ,,chapter ,,xxv4 ,,of ,,counsell ,counsell ,what ,how fallacious it is to judge of the nature of things1 by the ordinary and inconstant use of words1 appeareth in nothing more1 than in the confusion of ,counsels1 and ,commands1 arising from the ,imperative manner of speaking in them both1 and in many other occasions besides4 ,for the words ,doe this1 are the words not onely of him that ,commandeth2 but also of him that giveth ,counsell2 and of him that ,exhorteth2 and yet there are but few1 that see not1 that these are very different things2 or that cannot distinguish between them1 when they perceive who it is that speaketh1 and to whom the ,speech is directed1 and upon what occasion4 ,but finding those phrases in mens writings1 and being not able1 or not willing to enter into a consideration of the circumstances1 they mistake sometimes the ,precepts of ,counsellours1 for the ,precepts of them that command2 and sometimes the contrary2 according as it best agreeth with the conclusions they would inferre1 or the actions they approve4 ,to avoyd which mistakes1 and render to those termes of ,commanding1 ,counselling1 and ,exhorting1 their proper and distinct significations1 ,i define them thus4 ,differences ,between ,command ,and ,counsell ,,command is1 where a man saith1 ,doe this1 or ,doe this not1 without expecting other reason than the ,will of him that sayes it4 ,from this it followeth manifestly1 that he that ,commandeth1 pretendeth thereby his own ,benefit3 ,for the reason of his ,command is his own ,will onely1 and the proper object of every mans ,will1 is some ,good to himselfe4 ,,counsell1 is where a man saith1 ,doe or ,doe not this1 and deduceth his own reasons from the benefit that arriveth by it to him to whom he saith it4 ,and from this it is evident1 that he that giveth ,counsell1 pretendeth onely 7whatsoever he intendeth7 the good of him1 to whom he giveth it4 ,therefore between ,counsell and ,command1 one great difference is1 that ,command is directed to a mans own benefit2 and ,counsell to the benefit of another man4 ,and from this ariseth another difference1 that a man may be obliged to do what he is ,commanded2 as when he hath covenanted to obey3 ,but he cannot be obliged to do as he is ,counselled1 because the hurt of not following it1 is his own2 or if he should covenant to follow it1 then is the ,counsell turned into the nature of a ,command4 ,a third difference between them is1 that no man can pretend a right to be of another mans ,counsell2 because he is not to pretend benefit by it to himselfe2 but to demand right to ,counsell another1 argues a will to know his designes1 or to gain some other ,good to himselfe2 which 7as ,i said before7 is of every mans will the proper object4 ,this also is incident to the nature of ,counsell2 that whatsoever it be1 he that asketh it1 cannot in equity accuse1 or punish it3 ,for to ask ,counsell of another1 is to permit him to give such ,counsell as he shall think best2 ,and consequently1 he that giveth counsell to his ,soveraign1 7whether a ,monarch1 or an ,assembly7 when he asketh it1 cannot in equity be punished for it1 whether the same be conformable to the opinion of the most1 or not1 so it be to the ,proposition in debate4 ,for if the sense of the ,assembly can be taken notice of1 before the ,debate be ended1 they should neither ask1 nor take any further ,counsell2 ,for the ,sense of the ,assembly1 is the ,resolution of the ,debate1 and ,end of all ,deliberation4 ,and generally he that demandeth ,counsell1 is ,author of it2 and therefore cannot punish it2 and what the ,soveraign cannot1 no man else can4 ,but if one ,subject giveth ,counsell to another1 to do any thing contrary to the ,lawes1 whether that ,counsell proceed from evill intention1 or from ignorance onely1 it is punishable by the ,common-wealth2 because ignorance of the ,law1 is no good excuse1 where every man is bound to take notice of the ,lawes to which he is subject4 ,exhortation ,and ,dehortation ,what ,,exhortation1 and ,,dehortation1 is ,counsell1 accompanied with signes in him that giveth it1 of vehement desire to have it followed2 or to say it more briefly1 ,counsell ,vehemently ,pressed4 ,for he that ,exhorteth1 doth not deduce the consequences of what he adviseth to be done1 and tye himselfe therein to the rigour of true reasoning2 but encourages him he ,counselleth1 to ,action3 ,as he that ,dehorteth1 deterreth him from it4 ,and therefore they have in their speeches1 a regard to the common ,passions1 and opinions of men1 in deducing their reasons2 and make use of ,similitudes1 ,metaphors1 ,examples1 and other tooles of ,oratory1 to perswade their ,hearers of the ,utility1 ,honour1 or ,justice of following their advise4 ,from whence may be inferred1 ,first1 that ,exhortation and ,dehortation1 is directed to the ,good of him that giveth the ,counsell1 not of him that asketh it1 which is contrary to the duty of a ,counsellour2 who 7by the definition of ,counsell7 ought to regard1 not his own benefits1 but his whom he adviseth4 ,and that he directeth his ,counsell to his own benefit1 is manifest enough1 by the long and vehement urging1 or by the artificial giving thereof2 which being not required of him1 and consequently proceeding from his own occasions1 is directed principally to his own benefit1 and but accidentarily to the good of him that is ,counselled1 or not at all4 ,secondly1 that the use of ,exhortation and ,dehortation lyeth onely1 where a man is to speak to a ,multitude2 because when the ,speech is addressed to one1 he may interrupt him1 and examine his reasons more rigorously1 than can be done in a ,multitude2 which are too many to enter into ,dispute1 and ,dialogue with him that speaketh indifferently to them all at once4 ,thirdly1 that they that ,exhort and ,dehort1 where they are required to give ,counsell1 are corrupt ,counsellours1 and as it were bribed by their own interest4 ,for though the ,counsell they give be never so good2 yet he that gives it1 is no more a good ,counsellour1 than he that giveth a ,just ,sentence for a reward1 is a just ,judge4 ,but where a man may lawfully ,command1 as a ,father in his ,family1 or a ,leader in an ,army1 his ,exhortations and ,dehortations1 are not onely lawfull1 but also necessary1 and laudable3 ,but then they are no more ,counsells1 but ,commands2 which when they are for ,execution of soure labour2 sometimes necessity1 and alwayes humanity requireth to be sweetned in the delivery1 by encouragement1 and in the tune and phrase of ,counsell1 rather then in harsher language of ,command4 ,examples of the difference between ,command and ,counsell1 we may take from the formes of ,speech that expresse them in ,holy ,scripture4 ,have no other ,gods but me2 ,make to thy selfe no graven ,image2 ,take not ,gods name in vain2 ,sanctifie the ,sabbath2 ,honour thy ,parents2 ,kill not2 ,steale not1 c4 are ,commands2 because the reason for which we are to obey them1 is drawn from the will of ,god our ,king1 whom we are obliged to obey4 ,but these words1 ,sell all thou hast2 give it to the poore2 and follow me1 are ,counsell2 because the reason for which we are to do so1 is drawn from our own benefit2 which is this1 that we shall have ,treasure in ,heaven4 ,these words1 ,go into the village over against you1 and you shall find an ,asse tyed1 and her ,colt2 loose her1 and bring her to me1 are a ,command3 for the reason of their fact is drawn from the will of their ,master3 but these words1 ,repent1 and be ,baptized in the ,name of ,jesus1 are ,counsell2 because the reason why we should so do1 tendeth not to any benefit of ,god ,almighty1 who shall still be ,king in what manner soever we rebell2 but of our selves1 who have no other means of avoyding the punishment hanging over us for our sins4 ,differences ,of ,fit ,and ,unfit ,counsellours ,as the difference of ,counsell from ,command1 hath been now deduced from the nature of ,counsell1 consisting in a deducing of the benefit1 or hurt that may arise to him that is to be ,counselled1 by the necessary or probable consequences of the action he propoundeth2 so may also the differences between apt1 and inept counsellours be derived from the same4 ,for ,experience1 being but ,memory of the consequences of like actions formerly observed1 and ,counsell but the ,speech whereby that experience is made known to another2 the ,vertues1 and ,defects of ,counsell1 are the same with the ,vertues1 and ,defects ,intellectuall3 ,and to the ,person of a ,common-wealth1 his ,counsellours serve him in the place of ,memory1 and ,mentall ,discourse4 ,but with this resemblance of the ,common-wealth1 to a naturall man1 there is one dissimilitude joyned1 of great importance2 which is1 that a naturall man receiveth his experience1 from the naturall objects of sense1 which work upon him without passion1 or interest of their own2 whereas they that give ,counsell to the ,representative person of a ,common-wealth1 may have1 and have often their particular ends1 and passions1 that render their ,counsells alwayes suspected1 and many times unfaithfull4 ,and therefore we may set down for the first condition of a good ,counsellour1 ,that ,his ,ends1 ,and ,interest1 ,be ,not ,inconsistent ,with ,the ,ends ,and ,interest ,of ,him ,he ,counselleth4 ,secondly1 ,because the office of a ,counsellour1 when an action comes into deliberation1 is to make manifest the consequences of it1 in such manner1 as he that is ,counselled may be truly and evidently informed2 he ought to propound his advise1 in such forme of speech1 as may make the truth most evidently appear2 that is to say1 with as firme ratiocination1 as significant and proper language1 and as briefly1 as the evidence will permit4 ,and therefore ,rash1 ,and ,unevident ,inferences2 7such as are fetched onely from ,examples1 or authority of ,books1 and are not arguments of what is good1 or evill1 but witnesses of fact1 or of opinion17 ,obscure1 ,confused1 ,and ,ambiguous ,expressions1 ,also ,all ,metaphoricall ,speeches1 ,tending ,to ,the ,stirring ,up ,of ,passion1 7because such reasoning1 and such expressions1 are usefull onely to deceive1 or to lead him we ,counsell towards other ends than his own7 ,are ,repugnant ,to ,the ,office ,of ,a ,counsellour4 ,thirdly1 ,because the ,ability of ,counselling proceedeth from ,experience1 and long study2 and no man is presumed to have experience in all those things that to the ,administration of a great ,common-wealth are necessary to be known1 ,no ,man ,is ,presumed ,to ,be ,a ,good ,counsellour1 ,but ,in ,such ,businesse1 ,as ,he ,hath ,not ,onely ,been ,much ,versed ,in1 ,but ,hath ,also ,much ,meditated ,on1 ,and ,considered4 ,for seeing the businesse of a ,common-wealth is this1 to preserve the people at home1 and defend them against forraign ,invasion1 we shall find1 it requires great knowledge of the disposition of ,man-kind1 of the ,rights of ,government1 and of the nature of ,equity1 ,law1 ,justice1 and ,honour1 not to be attained without study2 ,and of the ,strength1 ,commodities1 ,places1 both of their own ,country1 and their ,neighbours2 as also of the inclinations1 and designes of all ,nations that may any way annoy them4 ,and this is not attained to1 without much experience4 ,of which things1 not onely the whole summe1 but every one of the particulars requires the age1 and observation of a man in years1 and of more than ordinary study4 ,the wit required for ,counsel1 as ,i have said before is ,judgement4 ,and the differences of men in that point come from different education1 of some to one kind of study1 or businesse1 and of others to another4 ,when for the doing of any thing1 there be ,infallible rules1 7as in ,engines1 and ,edifices1 the rules of ,geometry17 all the experience of the world cannot equall his ,counsell1 that has learnt1 or found out the ,rule4 ,and when there is no such ,rule1 he that hath most experience in that particular kind of businesse1 has therein the best ,judgement1 and is the best ,counsellour4 ,fourthly1 to be able to give ,counsell to a ,common-wealth1 in a businesse that hath reference to another ,common-wealth1 ,it ,is ,necessary ,to ,be ,acquainted ,with ,the ,intelligences1 ,and ,letters ,that ,come ,from ,thence1 ,and ,with ,all ,the ,records ,of ,treaties1 ,and ,other ,transactions ,of ,state ,between ,them2 which none can doe1 but such as the ,representative shall think fit4 ,by which we may see1 that they who are not called to ,counsell1 can have no good ,counsell in such cases to obtrude4 ,fifthly1 ,supposing the number of ,counsellors equall1 a man is better ,counselled by hearing them apart1 then in an ,assembly2 and that for many causes4 ,first1 in hearing them apart1 you have the advice of every man2 but in an ,assembly may of them deliver their advise with ,i1 or ,no1 or with their hands1 or feet1 not moved by their own sense1 but by the eloquence of another1 or for feare of displeasing some that have spoken1 or the whole ,assembly1 by contradiction2 or for feare of appearing duller in apprehension1 than those that have applauded the contrary opinion4 ,secondly1 in an ,assembly of many1 there cannot choose but be some whose interests are contrary to that of the ,publique2 and these their ,interests make passionate1 and ,passion eloquent1 and ,eloquence drawes others into the same advice4 ,for the ,passions of men1 which asunder are moderate1 as the heat of one brand2 in ,assembly are like many brands1 that enflame one another1 7especially when they blow one another with ,orations7 to the setting of the ,common-wealth on fire1 under pretence of ,counselling it4 ,thirdly1 in hearing every man apart1 one may examine 7when there is need7 the truth1 or probability of his reasons1 and of the grounds of the advise he gives1 by frequent interruptions1 and objections2 which cannot be done in an ,assembly1 where 7in every difficult question7 a man is rather astonied1 and dazled with the variety of discourse upon it1 than informed of the course he ought to take4 ,besides1 there cannot be an ,assembly of many1 called together for advice1 wherein there be not some1 that have the ambition to be thought eloquent1 and also learned in the ,politiques2 and give not their advice with care of the businesse propounded1 but of the applause of their motly orations1 made of the divers colored threds1 or shreds of ,authors2 which is an ,impertinence at least1 that takes away the time of serious ,consultation1 and in the secret way of ,counselling apart1 is easily avoided4 ,fourthly1 in ,deliberations that ought to be kept secret1 7whereof there be many occasions in ,publique ,businesse17 the ,counsells of many1 and especially in ,assemblies1 are dangerous2 ,and therefore great ,assemblies are necessitated to commit such affaires to lesser numbers1 and of such persons as are most versed1 and in whose fidelity they have most confidence4 ,to conclude1 who is there that so far approves the taking of ,counsell from a great ,assembly of ,counsellours1 that wisheth for1 or would accept of their pains1 when there is a question of marrying his ,children1 disposing of his ,lands1 governing his ,household1 or managing his private ,estate1 especially if there be amongst them such as wish not his prosperity8 ,a man that doth his businesse by the help of many and prudent ,counsellours1 with every one consulting apart in his proper element1 does it best1 as he that useth able ,seconds at ,tennis play1 placed in their proper stations4 ,he does next best1 that useth his own ,judgement only2 as he that has no ,second at all4 ,but he that is carried up and down to his businesse in a framed ,counsell1 which cannot move but by the plurality of consenting opinions1 the execution whereof is commonly 7out of envy1 or interest7 retarded by the part dissenting1 does it worst of all1 and like one that is carried to the ball1 though by good ,players1 yet in a ,wheele-barrough1 or other frame1 heavy of it self1 and retarded also by the inconcurrent judgements1 and endeavours of them that drive it2 and so much the more1 as they be more that set their hands to it2 and most of all1 when there is one1 or more amongst them1 that desire to have him lose4 ,and though it be true1 that many eys see more then one2 yet it is not to be understood of many ,counsellours2 but then only1 when the finall ,resolution is in one man4 ,otherwise1 because many eyes see the same thing in divers lines1 and are apt to look asquint towards their private benefit2 they that desire not to misse their marke1 though they look about with two eyes1 yet they never ayme but with one2 ,and therefore no great ,popular ,common-wealth was ever kept up2 but either by a forraign ,enemy that united them2 or by the reputation of some one eminent ,man amongst them2 or by the secret ,counsell of a few2 or by the mutuall feare of equall factions2 and not by the open ,consultations of the ,assembly4 ,and as for very little ,common-wealths1 be they ,popular1 or ,monarchicall1 there is no humane wisdome can uphold them1 longer then the ,jealousy lasteth of their potent ,neighbours4 ,,chapter ,,xxvi4 ,,of ,,civill ,,lawes ,civill ,law what ,by ,,civill ,,lawes1 ,i understand the ,lawes1 that men are therefore bound to observe1 because they are ,members1 not of this1 or that ,common-wealth in particular1 but of a ,common-wealth4 ,for the knowledge of particular ,lawes belongeth to them1 that professe the study of the ,lawes of their severall ,countries2 but the knowledge of ,civill ,law in generall1 to any man4 ,the antient ,law of ,rome was called their ,civil ,law1 from the word ,civitas1 which signifies a ,common-wealth2 ,and those ,countries1 which having been under the ,roman ,empire1 and governed by that ,law1 retaine still such part thereof as they think fit1 call that part the ,civill ,law1 to distinguish it from the rest of their own ,civill ,lawes4 ,but that is not it ,i intend to speak of here2 my designe being not to shew what is ,law here1 and there2 but what is ,law2 as ,plato1 ,aristotle1 ,cicero1 and divers others have done1 without taking upon them the profession of the study of the ,law4 ,and first it manifest1 that ,law in generall1 is not ,counsell1 but ,command2 nor a ,command of any man to any man2 but only of him1 whose ,command is addressed to one formerly obliged to obey him4 ,and as for ,civill ,law1 it addeth only the name of the person ,commanding1 which is ,persona ,civitatis1 the ,person of the ,common-wealth4 ,which considered1 ,i define ,civill ,law in this ,manner4 ,,civill ,,law1 ,is to every ,subject1 those ,rules1 which the ,common-wealth hath ,commanded him1 by ,word1 ,writing1 or other sufficient ,sign of the ,will1 to make use of1 for the ,distinction of ,right1 and ,wrong2 that is to say1 of what is contrary1 and what is not contrary to the ,rule4 ,in which definition1 there is nothing that is not at first sight evident4 ,for every man seeth1 that some ,lawes are addressed to all the ,subjects in generall2 some to particular ,provinces2 some to particular ,vocations2 and some to particular ,men2 and are therefore ,lawes1 to every of those to whom the ,command is directed2 and to none else4 ,as also1 that ,lawes are the ,rules of ,just1 and ,unjust2 nothing being reputed ,unjust1 that is not contrary to some ,law4 ,likewise1 that none can make ,lawes but the ,common-wealth2 because our ,subjection is to the ,common-wealth only3 and that ,commands1 are to be signified by sufficient ,signs2 because a man knows not otherwise how to obey them4 ,and therefore1 whatsoever can from this definition by necessary consequence be deduced1 ought to be acknowledged for truth4 ,now ,i deduce from it this that followeth4 ,the ,soveraign ,is ,legislator #a4 ,the ,legislator in all ,common-wealths1 is only the ,soveraign1 be he one ,man1 as in a ,monarchy1 or one ,assembly of men1 as in a ,democracy1 or ,aristocracy4 ,for the ,legislator1 is he that maketh the ,law4 ,and the ,common-wealth only1 praescribes1 and commandeth the observation of those rules1 which we call ,law3 ,therefore the ,common-wealth is the ,legislator4 ,but the ,common-wealth is no ,person1 nor has capacity to doe any thing1 but by the ,representative1 7that is1 the ,soveraign27 and therefore the ,soveraign is the sole ,legislator4 ,for the same reason1 none can abrogate a ,law made1 but the ,soveraign2 because a ,law is not abrogated1 but by another ,law1 that forbiddeth it to be put in execution4 ,and ,not ,subject ,to ,civill ,law #b4 ,the ,soveraign of a ,common-wealth1 be it an ,assembly1 or one ,man1 is not subject to the ,civill ,lawes4 ,for having power to make1 and repeale ,lawes1 he may when he pleaseth1 free himselfe from that subjection1 by repealing those ,lawes that trouble him1 and making of new2 and consequently he was free before4 ,for he is free1 that can be free when he will3 ,nor is it possible for any person to be bound to himselfe2 because he that can bind1 can release2 and therefore he that is bound to himselfe onely1 is not bound4 ,use1 ,a ,law ,not ,by ,vertue ,of ,time1 ,but ,of ,the ,soveraigns ,consent #c4 ,when long ,use obtaineth the authority of a ,law1 it is not the ,length of ,time that maketh the ,authority1 but the ,will of the ,soveraign signified by his silence1 7for ,silence is sometimes an argument of ,consent27 and it is no longer ,law1 then the ,soveraign shall be silent therein4 ,and therefore if the ,soveraign shall have a question of ,right grounded1 not upon his present ,will1 but upon the ,lawes formerly made2 the ,length of ,time shal bring no prejudice to his ,right2 but the question shal be judged by ,equity4 ,for many unjust ,actions1 and unjust ,sentences1 go uncontrolled a longer time1 than any man can remember4 ,and our ,lawyers account no ,customes ,law1 but such as are reasonable1 and that evill ,customes are to be abolished2 ,but the ,judgement of what is reasonable1 and of what is to be abolished1 belongeth to him that maketh the ,law1 which is the ,soveraign ,assembly1 or ,monarch4 ,the ,law ,of ,nature1 ,and ,the ,civill ,law ,contain ,each ,other #d4 ,the ,law of ,nature1 and the ,civill ,law1 contain each other1 and are of equall extent4 ,for the ,lawes of ,nature1 which consist in ,equity1 ,justice1 ,gratitude1 and other morall ,vertues on these depending1 in the condition of meer ,nature 7as ,i have said before in the end of the #aeth ,chapter17 are not properly ,lawes1 but qualities that dispose men to peace1 and to obedience4 ,when a ,common-wealth is once settled1 then are they actually ,lawes1 and not before2 as being then the commands of the ,common-wealth2 and therefore also ,civill ,lawes3 for it is the ,soveraign ,power that obliges men to obey them4 ,for in the differences of private men1 to declare1 what is ,equity1 what is ,justice1 and what is morall ,vertue1 and to make them binding1 there is need of the ,ordinances of ,soveraign ,power1 and ,punishments to be ordained for such as shall break them2 which ,ordinances are therefore part of the ,civill ,law4 ,the ,law of ,nature therefore is a part of the ,civill ,law in all ,common-wealths of the world4 ,reciprocally also1 the ,civill ,law is a part of the ,dictates of ,nature4 ,for ,justice1 that is to say1 ,performance of ,covenant1 and giving to every man his own1 is a ,dictate of the ,law of ,nature4 ,but every subject in a ,common-wealth1 hath covenanted to obey the ,civill ,law1 7either one with another1 as when they assemble to make a common ,representative1 or with the ,representative it selfe one by one1 when subdued by the ,sword they promise obedience1 that they may receive life27 ,and therefore ,obedience to the ,civill ,law is part also of the ,law of ,nature4 ,civill1 and ,naturall ,law are not different kinds1 but different parts of ,law2 whereof one part being written1 is called ,civill1 the other unwritten1 ,naturall4 ,but the ,right of ,nature1 that is1 the naturall ,liberty of man1 may by the ,civill ,law be abridged1 and restrained3 nay1 the end of making ,lawes1 is no other1 but such ,restraint2 without the which there cannot possibly be any ,peace4 ,and ,law was brought into the world for nothing else1 but to limit the naturall liberty of particular men1 in such manner1 as they might not hurt1 but assist one another1 and joyn together against a common ,enemy4 ,provinciall ,lawes ,are ,not ,made ,by ,custome1 ,but ,by ,the ,soveraign ,power #e4 ,if the ,soveraign of one ,common-wealth1 subdue a people that have lived under other written ,lawes1 and afterwards govern them by the same ,lawes1 by which they were governed before2 yet those ,lawes are the ,civill ,lawes of the ,victor1 and not of the ,vanquished ,common-wealth1 ,for the ,legislator is he1 not by whose authority the ,lawes were first made1 but by whose authority they now continue to be ,lawes4 ,and therefore where there be divers ,provinces1 within the ,dominion of a ,common-wealth1 and in those ,provinces diversity of ,lawes1 which commonly are called the ,customes of each severall ,province1 we are not to understand that such ,customes have their ,force1 onely from ,length of ,time2 but that they were antiently ,lawes written1 or otherwise made known1 for the ,constitutions1 and ,statutes of their ,soveraigns2 and are now ,lawes1 not by vertue of the ,praescription of time1 but by the ,constitutions of their present ,soveraigns4 ,but if an unwritten ,law1 in all the ,provinces of a ,dominion1 shall be generally observed1 and no iniquity appear in the use thereof2 that law can be no other but a ,law of ,nature1 equally obliging all man-kind4 ,some ,foolish ,opinions ,of ,lawyers ,concerning ,the ,making ,of ,lawes #f4 ,seeing then all ,lawes1 written1 and unwritten1 have their ,authority1 and force1 from the ,will of the ,common-wealth2 that is to say1 from the ,will of the ,representative2 which in a ,monarchy is the ,monarch1 and in other ,common-wealths the ,soveraign ,assembly2 a man may wonder from whence proceed such opinions1 as are found in the ,books of ,lawyers of eminence in severall ,common-wealths1 directly1 or by consequence making the ,legislative ,power depend on private men1 or subordinate ,judges4 ,as for example1 ,that the ,common ,law1 hath no ,controuler but the ,parlament2 which is true onely where a ,parlament has the ,soveraign ,power1 and cannot be assembled1 nor dissolved1 but by their own discretion4 ,for if there be a right in any else to dissolve them1 there is a right also to controule them1 and consequently to controule their controulings4 ,and if there be no such right1 then the ,controuler of ,lawes is not ,parlamentum1 but ,rex ,in ,parlamento4 ,and where a ,parlament is ,soveraign1 if it should assemble never so many1 or so wise men1 from the ,countries subject to them1 for whatsoever cause2 yet there is no man will believe1 that such an ,assembly hath thereby acquired to themselves a ,legislative ,power4 ,item1 that the two arms of a ,common-wealth1 are ,force1 and ,justice2 ,the ,first ,whereof ,is ,in ,the ,king2 ,the ,other ,deposited ,in ,the ,hands ,of ,the ,parlament4 ,as if a ,common-wealth could consist1 where the ,force were in any hand1 which ,justice had not the ,authority to command and govern4 #g4 ,that ,law can never be against ,reason1 our ,lawyers are agreed2 and that not the ,letter17that is1 every construction of it17 but that which is according to the ,intention of the ,legislator1 is the ,law4 ,and it is true3 but the doubt is1 of whose ,reason it is1 that shall be received for ,law4 ,it is not meant of any private ,reason2 for then there would be as much contradiction in the ,lawes1 as there is in the ,schooles2 nor yet 7as ,sr4 ,ed1 ,coke makes it 7,sir ,edward ,coke1 upon ,littleton ,lib4#b4 ,ch4#f fol #ig4;b717 an ,artificiall ,perfection of ,reason1 ,gotten ,by ,long ,study1 ,observation1 ,and ,experience1 7as his was47 ,for it is possible long study may encrease1 and confirm erroneous ,sentences3 and where men build on false grounds1 the more they build1 the greater is the ruine2 and of those that study1 and observe with equall time1 and diligence1 the reasons and resolutions are1 and must remain discordant3 and therefore it is not that ,juris ,prudentia1 or wisedome of subordinate ,judges2 but the ,reason of this our ,artificiall ,man the ,common-wealth1 and his ,command1 that maketh ,law3 ,and the ,common-wealth being in their ,representative but one ,person1 there cannot easily arise any contradiction in the ,lawes2 and when there doth1 the same ,reason is able1 by interpretation1 or alteration1 to take it away4 ,in all ,courts of ,justice1 the ,soveraign 7which is the ,person of the ,common-wealth17 is he that ,judgeth3 ,the subordinate ,judge1 ought to have regard to the reason1 which moved his ,soveraign to make such ,law1 that his ,sentence may be according thereunto2 which then is his ,soveraigns ,sentence2 otherwise it is his own1 and an unjust one4 ,law ,made1 ,if ,not ,also ,made ,known1 ,is ,no ,law #h4 ,from this1 that the ,law is a ,command1 and a ,command consisteth in declaration1 or manifestation of the will of him that commandeth1 by voyce1 writing1 or some other sufficient argument of the same1 we may understand1 that the ,command of the ,common-wealth1 is ,law onely to those1 that have means to take notice of it4 ,over naturall fooles1 children1 or mad-men there is no ,law1 no more than over brute beasts2 nor are they capable of the title of just1 or unjust2 because they had never power to make any covenant1 or to understand the consequences thereof2 and consequently never took upon them to authorise the actions of any ,soveraign1 as they must do that make to themselves a ,common-wealth4 ,and as those from whom ,nature1 or ,accident hath taken away the notice of all ,lawes in generall2 so also every man1 from whom any accident1 not proceeding from his own default1 hath taken away the means to take notice of any particular ,law1 is excused1 if he observe it not2 ,and to speak properly1 that ,law is no ,law to him4 ,it is therefore necessary1 to consider in this place1 what arguments1 and signes be sufficient for the knowledge of what is the ,law2 that is to say1 what is the will of the ,soveraign1 as well in ,monarchies1 as in other formes of government4 ,unwritten ,lawes ,are ,all ,of ,them ,lawes ,of ,nature ,and first1 if it be a ,law that obliges all the ,subjects without exception1 and is not written1 nor otherwise published in such places as they may take notice thereof1 it is a ,law of ,nature4 ,for whatsoever men are to take knowledge of for ,law1 not upon other mens words1 but every one from his own reason1 must be such as is agreeable to the reason of all men2 which no ,law can be1 but the ,law of ,nature4 ,the ,lawes of ,nature therefore need not any publishing1 nor ,proclamation2 as being contained in this one ,sentence1 approved by all the world1 ,do not that to another1 which thou thinkest unreasonable to be done by another to thy selfe4 ,secondly1 if it be a ,law that obliges only some condition of men1 or one particular man and be not written1 nor published by word1 then also it is a ,law of ,nature2 and known by the same arguments1 and signs1 that distinguish those in such a condition1 from other ,subjects4 ,for whatsoever ,law is not written1 or some way published by him that makes it ,law1 can be known no way1 but by the reason of him that is to obey it2 and is therefore also a ,law not only ,civill1 but ,naturall4 ,for example1 if the ,soveraign employ a ,publique ,minister1 without written ,instructions what to doe2 he is obliged to take for ,instructions the ,dictates of ,reason2 ,as if he make a ,judge1 ,the ,judge is to take notice1 that his ,sentence ought to be according to the reason of his ,soveraign1 which being alwaies understood to be ,equity1 he is bound to it by the ,law of ,nature3 ,or if an ,ambassador1 he is 7in al things not conteined in his written ,instructions7 to take for ,instruction that which ,reason dictates to be most conducing to his ,soveraigns interest2 and so of all other ,ministers of the ,soveraignty1 publique and private4 ,all which ,instructions of naturall ,reason may be comprehended under one name of ,fidelity2 which is a branch of naturall ,justice4 ,the ,law of ,nature excepted1 it belongeth to the essence of all other ,lawes1 to be made known1 to every man that shall be obliged to obey them1 either by word1 or writing1 or some other act1 known to proceed from the ,soveraign ,authority4 ,for the will of another1 cannot be understood1 but by his own word1 or act1 or by conjecture taken from his scope and purpose2 which in the person of the ,common-wealth1 is to be supposed alwaies consonant to ,equity and ,reason4 ,and in antient time1 before letters were in common use1 the ,lawes were many times put into verse2 that the rude people taking pleasure in singing1 or reciting them1 might the more easily reteine them in memory4 ,and for the same reason ,solomon adviseth a man1 to bind the ten ,commandements 7,prov4 #g4 #c7 upon his ten fingers4 ,and for the ,law which ,moses gave to the people of ,israel at the renewing of the ,covenant1 7,deut4 #aa4 #ai7 he biddeth them to teach it their ,children1 by discoursing of it both at home1 and upon the way2 at going to bed1 and at rising from bed2 and to write it upon the posts1 and dores of their houses2 and 7,deut4 #ca4 #ab7 to assemble the people1 man1 woman1 and child1 to heare it read4 ,nothing ,is ,law ,where ,the ,legislator ,cannot ,be ,known ,nor is it enough the ,law be written1 and published2 but also that there be manifest signs1 that it proceedeth from the will of the ,soveraign4 ,for private men1 when they have1 or think they have force enough to secure their unjust designes1 and convoy them safely to their ambitious ends1 may publish for ,lawes what they please1 without1 or against the ,legislative ,authority4 ,there is therefore requisite1 not only a ,declaration of the ,law1 but also sufficient signes of the ,author1 and ,authority4 ,the ,author1 or ,legislator is supposed in every ,common-wealth to be evident1 because he is the ,soveraign1 who having been ,constituted by the consent of every one1 is supposed by every one to be sufficiently known4 ,and though the ignorance1 and security of men be such1 for the most part1 as that when the memory of the first ,constitution of their ,common-wealth is worn out1 they doe not consider1 by whose power they use to be defended against their enemies1 and to have their industry protected1 and to be righted when injury is done them2 yet because no man that considers1 can make question of it1 no excuse can be derived from the ignorance of where the ,soveraignty is placed4 ,and it is a ,dictate of ,naturall ,reason1 and consequently an evident ,law of ,nature1 that no man ought to weaken that power1 the protection whereof he hath himself demanded1 or wittingly received against others4 ,therefore of who is ,soveraign1 no man1 but by his own fault1 7whatsoever evill men suggest17 can make any doubt4 ,the difficulty consisteth in the evidence of the ,authority derived from him2 ,the removing whereof1 dependeth on the knowledge of the publique ,registers1 publique ,counsels1 publique ,ministers1 and publique ,seales2 by which all ,lawes are sufficiently verified4 ,difference ,between ,verifying ,and ,authorising ,verifyed1 ,i say1 not ,authorised3 for the ,verification1 is but the ,testimony and ,record2 not the ,authority of the law2 which consisteth in the ,command of the ,soveraign only4 ,the ,law ,verifyed ,by ,the ,subordinate ,judge ,if therefore a man have a question of ,injury1 depending on the ,law of ,nature2 that is to say1 on common ,equity2 the ,sentence of the ,judge1 that by ,commission hath ,authority to take cognisance of such causes1 is a sufficient ,verification of the ,law of ,nature in that individuall case4 ,for though the advice of one that professeth the study of the ,law1 be usefull for the avoyding of contention2 yet it is but advice2 tis the ,judge must tell men what is ,law1 upon the hearing of the ,controversy4 ,by ,the ,publique ,registers ,but when the question is of injury1 or crime1 upon a written ,law2 every man by recourse to the ,registers1 by himself1 or others1 may 7if he will7 be sufficiently enformed1 before he doe such injury1 or commit the crime1 whither it be an injury1 or not3 ,nay he ought to doe so3 for when a man doubts whether the act he goeth about1 be just1 or injust2 and may informe himself1 if he will2 the doing is unlawfull4 ,in like manner1 he that supposeth himself injured1 in a case determined by the written ,law1 which he may by himself1 or others see and consider2 if he complaine before he consults with the ,law1 he does unjustly1 and bewrayeth a disposition rather to vex other men1 than to demand his own right4 ,by ,letters ,patent1 ,and ,publique ,seale ,if the question be of ,obedience to a publique ,officer2 ,to have seen his ,commission1 with the ,publique ,seale1 and heard it read2 or to have had the means to be informed of it1 if a man would1 is a sufficient ,verification of his ,authority4 ,for every man is obliged to doe his best endeavour1 to informe himself of all written ,lawes1 that may concerne his own future actions4 ,the ,interpretation ,of ,the ,law ,dependeth ,on ,the ,soveraign ,power ,the ,legislator known2 and the ,lawes1 either by writing1 or by the light of ,nature1 sufficiently published2 there wanteth yet another very materiall circumstance to make them obligatory4 ,for it is not the ,letter1 but the ,intendment1 or ,meaning2 that is to say1 the authentique ,interpretation of the ,law 7which is the sense of the ,legislator17 in which the nature of the ,law consisteth2 ,and therefore the ,interpretation of all ,lawes dependeth on the ,authority ,soveraign2 and the ,interpreters can be none but those1 which the ,soveraign1 7to whom only the ,subject oweth obedience7 shall appoint4 ,for else1 by the craft of an ,interpreter1 the ,law my be made to beare a sense1 contrary to that of the ,soveraign2 by which means the ,interpreter becomes the ,legislator4 ,all ,lawes ,need ,interpretation ,all ,laws1 written1 and unwritten1 have need of ,interpretation4 ,the unwritten ,law of ,nature1 though it be easy to such1 as without partiality1 and passion1 make use of their naturall reason1 and therefore leaves the violators thereof without excuse2 yet considering there be very few1 perhaps none1 that in some cases are not blinded by self love1 or some other passion1 it is now become of all ,laws the most obscure2 and has consequently the greatest need of able ,interpreters4 ,the written ,laws1 if they be short1 are easily mis-interpreted1 from the divers significations of a word1 or two2 if long1 they be more obscure by the diverse significations of many words3 in so much as no written ,law1 delivered in few1 or many words1 can be well understood1 without a perfect understanding of the finall causes1 for which the ,law was made2 the knowledge of which finall causes is in the ,legislator4 ,to him therefore there can not be any knot in the ,law1 insoluble2 either by finding out the ends1 to undoe it by2 or else by making what ends he will1 7as ,alexander did with his sword in the ,gordian knot17 by the ,legislative power2 which no other ,interpreter can doe4 ,the ,authenticall ,interpretation ,of ,law ,is ,not ,that ,of ,writers ,the ,interpretation of the ,lawes of ,nature1 in a ,common-wealth1 dependeth not on the books of ,morall ,philosophy4 ,the ,authority of writers1 without the ,authority of the ,common-wealth1 maketh not their opinions ,law1 be they never so true4 ,that which ,i have written in this ,treatise1 concerning the ,morall ,vertues1 and of their necessity1 for the procuring1 and maintaining peace1 though it bee evident ,truth1 is not therefore presently ,law2 but because in all ,common-wealths in the world1 it is part of the ,civill ,law3 ,for though it be naturally reasonable2 yet it is by the ,soveraigne ,power that it is ,law3 ,otherwise1 it were a great errour1 to call the ,lawes of ,nature unwritten ,law2 whereof wee see so many volumes published1 and in them so many contradictions of one another1 and of themselves4 ,the ,interpreter ,of ,the ,law ,is ,the ,judge ,giving ,sentence ,viv ,voce ,in ,every ,particular ,case ,the ,interpretation of the ,law of ,nature1 is the ,sentence of the ,judge constituted by the ,soveraign ,authority1 to heare and determine such controversies1 as depend thereon2 and consisteth in the application of the ,law to the present case4 ,for in the act of ,judicature1 the ,judge doth no more but consider1 whither the demand of the party1 be consonant to naturall reason1 and ,equity2 and the ,sentence he giveth1 is therefore the ,interpretation of the ,law of ,nature2 which ,interpretation is ,authentique2 not because it is his private ,sentence2 but because he giveth it by ,authority of the ,soveraign1 whereby it becomes the ,soveraigns ,sentence2 which is ,law for that time1 to the parties pleading4 ,the ,sentence ,of ,a ,judge1 ,does ,not ,bind ,him1 ,or ,another ,judge ,to ,give ,like ,sentence ,in ,like ,cases ,ever ,after ,but because there is no ,judge ,subordinate1 nor ,soveraign1 but may erre in a ,judgement of ,equity2 if afterward in another like case he find it more consonant to ,equity to give a contrary ,sentence1 he is obliged to doe it4 ,no mans error becomes his own ,law2 nor obliges him to persist in it4 ,neither 7for the same reason7 becomes it a ,law to other ,judges1 though sworn to follow it4 ,for though a wrong ,sentence given by authority of the ,soveraign1 if he know and allow it1 in such ,lawes as are mutable1 be a constitution of a new ,law1 in cases1 in which every little circumstance is the same2 yet in ,lawes immutable1 such as are the ,lawes of ,nature1 they are no ,lawes to the same1 or other ,judges1 in the like cases for ever after4 ,princes succeed one another2 and one ,judge passeth1 another commeth2 nay1 ,heaven and ,earth shall passe2 but not one title of the ,law of ,nature shall passe2 for it is the ,eternall ,law of ,god4 ,therefore all the ,sentences of precedent ,judges that have ever been1 cannot all together make a ,law contrary to naturall ,equity3 ,nor any ,examples of former ,judges1 can warrant an unreasonable ,sentence1 or discharge the present ,judge of the trouble of studying what is ,equity 7in the case he is to ,judge17 from the principles of his own naturall reason4 ,for example sake1 ',tis against the ,law of ,nature1 ,to ,punish ,the ,innocent2 and ,innocent is he that acquitteth himselfe ,judicially1 and is acknowledged for ,innocent by the ,judge4 ,put the case now1 that a man is accused of a capitall crime1 and seeing the powers and malice of some enemy1 and the frequent corruption and partiality of ,judges1 runneth away for feare of the event1 and afterwards is taken1 and brought to a legall triall1 and maketh it sufficiently appear1 he was not guilty of the crime1 and being thereof acquitted1 is neverthelesse condemned to lose his goods2 this is a manifest condemnation of the ,innocent4 ,i say therefore1 that there is no place in the world1 where this can be an interpretation of a ,law of ,nature1 or be made a ,law by the ,sentences of precedent ,judges1 that had done the same4 ,for he that judged it first1 judged unjustly2 and no ,injustice can be a pattern of ,judgement to succeeding ,judges4 ,a written ,law may forbid innocent men to fly1 and they may be punished for flying3 ,but that flying for feare of injury1 should be taken for presumption of guilt1 after a man is already absolved of the crime ,judicially1 is contrary to the nature of a ,presumption1 which hath no place after ,judgement given4 ,yet this is set down by a great ,lawyer for the common ,law of ,england4 ,if a man1 saith he1 that is ,innocent1 be accused of ,felony1 and for feare flyeth for the same2 albeit he judicially acquitteth himselfe of the ,felony2 yet if it be found that he fled for the ,felony1 he shall notwithstanding his ,innocency1 ,forfeit all his goods1 chattels1 debts1 and duties4 ,for as to the ,forfeiture of them1 the ,law will admit no proofe against the ,presumption in ,law1 grounded upon his flight4 ,here you see1 ,an ,innocent ,man1 ,judicially ,acquitted1 ,notwithstanding ,his ,innocency1 7when no written ,law forbad him to fly7 after his acquitall1 ,upon ,a ,presumption ,in ,law1 condemned to lose all the goods he hath4 ,if the ,law ground upon his flight a ,presumption of the fact1 7which was ,capitall17 the ,sentence ought to have been ,capitall3 if the presumption were not of the ,fact1 for what then ought he to lose his goods8 ,this therefore is no ,law of ,england2 nor is the condemnation grounded upon a ,presumption of ,law1 but upon the ,presumption of the ,judges4 ,it is also against ,law1 to say that no ,proofe shall be admitted against a ,presumption of ,law4 ,for all ,judges1 ,soveraign and subordinate1 if they refuse to heare ,proofe1 refuse to do ,justice3 for though the ,sentence be ,just1 yet the ,judges that condemn without hearing the ,proofes offered1 are ,unjust ,judges2 and their ,presumption is but ,prejudice2 which no man ought to bring with him to the ,seat of ,justice1 whatsoever precedent judgements1 or examples he shall pretend to follow4 ,there be other things of this nature1 wherein mens ,judgements have been perverted1 by trusting to ,precedents3 but this is enough to shew1 that though the ,sentence of the ,judge1 be a ,law to the party pleading1 yet it is no ,law to any ,judge1 that shall succeed him in that ,office4 ,in like manner1 when question is of the ,meaning of written ,lawes1 he is not the ,interpreter of them1 that writeth a ,commentary upon them4 ,for ,commentaries are commonly more subject to cavill1 than the ,text2 and therefore need other ,commentaries2 and so there will be no end of such ,interpretation4 ,and therefore unlesse there be an ,interpreter authorised by the ,soveraign1 from which the subordinate ,judges are not to recede1 the ,interpreter can be no other than the ordinary ,judges1 in the some manner1 as they are in cases of the unwritten ,law2 and their ,sentences are to be taken by them that plead1 for ,lawes in that particular case2 but not to bind other ,judges1 in like cases to give like judgements4 ,for a ,judge may erre in the ,interpretation even of written ,lawes2 but no errour of a subordinate ,judge1 can change the ,law1 which is the generall ,sentence of the ,soveraigne4 ,the ,difference ,between ,the ,letter ,and ,sentence ,of ,the ,law ,in written ,lawes1 men use to make a difference between the ,letter1 and the ,sentence of the ,law3 ,and when by the ,letter1 is meant whatsoever can be gathered from the bare words1 'tis well distinguished4 ,for the significations of almost all words1 are either in themselves1 or in the metaphoricall use of them1 ambiguous2 and may be drawn in argument1 to make many senses2 but there is onely one sense of the ,law4 ,but if by the ,letter1 be meant the ,literall sense1 then the ,letter1 and the ,sentence or intention of the ,law1 is all one4 ,for the literall sense is that1 which the ,legislator is alwayes supposed to be ,equity3 ,for it were a great contumely for a ,judge to think otherwise of the ,soveraigne4 ,he ought therefore1 if the ,word of the ,law doe not fully authorise a reasonable ,sentence1 to supply it with the ,law of ,nature2 or if the case be difficult1 to respit ,judgement till he have received more ample authority4 ,for ,example1 a written ,law ordaineth1 that he which is thrust out of his house by force1 shall be restored by force3 ,it happens that a man by negligence leaves his house empty1 and returning is kept out by force1 in which case there is no speciall ,law ordained4 ,it is evident1 that this case is contained in the same ,law3 for else there is no remedy for him at all2 which is to be supposed against the ,intention of the ,legislator4 ,again1 the word of the ,law1 commandeth to ,judge according to the ,evidence3 ,a man is accused falsly of a fact1 which the ,judge saw himself done by another2 and not by him that is accused4 ,in this case neither shall the ,letter of the ,law be followed to the condemnation of the ,innocent1 nor shall the ,judge give ,sentence against the evidence of the ,witnesses2 because the ,letter of the ,law is to the contrary3 but procure of the ,soveraign that another be made ,judge1 and himselfe ,witnesse4 ,so that the incommodity that follows the bare words of a written ,law1 may lead him to the ,intention of the ,law1 whereby to interpret the same the better2 though no ,incommodity can warrant a ,sentence against the ,law4 ,for every ,judge of ,right1 and ,wrong1 is not ,judge of what is ,commodious1 or ,incommodious to the ,common-wealth4 ,the ,abilities ,required ,in ,a ,judge ,the abilities required in a good ,interpreter of the ,law1 that is to say1 in a good ,judge1 are not the same with those of an ,advocate2 namely the study of the ,lawes4 ,for a ,judge1 as he ought to take notice of the ,fact1 from none but the ,witnesses2 so also he ought to take notice of the ,law1 from nothing but the ,statutes1 and ,constitutions of the ,soveraign1 alledged in the pleading1 or declared to him by some that have authority from the ,soveraign ,power to declare them2 and need not take care before-hand1 what hee shall ,judge2 for it shall bee given him what hee shall say concerning the ,fact1 by ,witnesses2 and what hee shall say in point of ,law1 from those that shall in their pleadings shew it1 and by authority interpret it upon the place4 ,the ,lords of ,parlament in ,england were ,judges1 and most difficult causes have been heard and determined by them2 yet few of them were much versed in the study of the ,lawes1 and fewer had made profession of them3 and though they consulted with ,lawyers1 that were appointed to be present there for that purpose2 yet they alone had the authority of giving ,sentence4 ,in like manner1 in the ordinary trialls of ,right1 ,twelve men of the common ,people1 are the ,judges1 and give ,sentence1 not onely of the ,fact1 but of the ,right2 and pronounce simply for the ,complaynant1 or for the ,defendant2 that is to say1 are ,judges not onely of the ,fact1 but also of the ,right3 and in a question of crime1 not onely determine whether done1 or not done2 but also whether it be ,murder1 ,homicide1 ,felony1 ,assault1 and the like1 which are determinations of ,law3 but because they are not supposed to know the ,law of themselves1 there is one that hath ,authority to enforme them of it1 in the particular case they are to ,judge of4 ,but yet if they judge not according to that he tells them1 they are not subject thereby to any penalty2 unlesse it be made appear1 they did it against their consciences1 or had been corrupted by reward4 ,the things that make a good ,judge1 or good ,interpreter of the ,lawes1 are1 first ,a ,right ,understanding of that principall ,law of ,nature called ,equity2 which depending not on the reading of other mens ,writings1 but on the goodnesse of a mans own naturall ,reason1 and ,meditation1 is presumed to be in those most1 that have had most leisure1 and had the most inclination to meditate thereon4 ,secondly1 ,contempt ,of ,unnecessary ,riches1 and ,preferments4 ,thirdly1 ,to ,be ,able ,in ,judgement ,to ,devest ,himselfe ,of ,all ,feare1 ,anger1 ,hatred1 ,love1 ,and ,compassion4 ,fourthly1 and lastly1 ,patience ,to ,heare2 ,diligent ,attention ,in ,hearing2 ,and ,memory ,to ,retain1 ,digest ,and ,apply ,what ,he ,hath ,heard4 ,divisions ,of ,law ,the difference and division of the ,lawes1 has been made in divers manners1 according to the different methods1 of those men that have written of them4 ,for it is a thing that dependeth not on ,nature1 but on the scope of the ,writer2 and is subservient to every mans proper method4 ,in the ,institutions of ,justinian1 we find seven sorts of ,civill ,lawes4 #a4 ,the ,edicts1 ,constitutions1 and ,epistles ,of ,the ,prince1 that is1 of the ,emperour2 because the whole power of the people was in him4 ,like these1 are the ,proclamations of the ,kings of ,england4 #b4 ,the ,decrees ,of ,the ,whole ,people ,of ,rome 7comprehending the ,senate17 when they were put to the ,question by the ,senate4 ,these were ,lawes1 at first1 by the vertue of the ,soveraign ,power residing in the people2 and such of them as by the ,emperours were not abrogated1 remained ,lawes by the ,authority ,imperiall4 ,for all ,lawes that bind1 are understood to be ,lawes by his authority that has power to repeale them4 ,somewhat like to these ,lawes1 are the ,acts of ,parliament in ,england4 #c4 ,the ,decrees ,of ,the ,common ,people 7excluding the ,senate17 when they were put to the question by the ,tribune of the people4 ,for such of them as were not abrogated by the ,emperours1 remained ,lawes by the ,authority ,imperiall4 ,like to these1 were the ,orders of the ,house of ,commons in ,england4 #d4 ,senatus ,consulta1 the ,orders ,of ,the ,senate2 because when the people of ,rome grew so numerous1 as it was inconvenient to assemble them2 it was thought fit by the ,emperour1 that men should ,consult the ,senate in stead of the people3 ,and these have some resemblance with the ,acts of ,counsell4 #e4 ,the ,edicts ,of ,praetors1 and 7in some ,cases7 of the ,aediles3 such as are the ,chiefe ,justices in the ,courts of ,england4 #f4 ,responsa ,prudentum2 which were the ,sentences1 and ,opinions of those ,lawyers1 to whom the ,emperour gave ,authority to interpret the ,law1 and to give answer to such as in matter of ,law demanded their advice2 which ,answers1 the ,judges in giving ,judgement were obliged by the ,constitutions of the ,emperour to observe2 ,and should be like the ,reports of ,cases ,judged1 if other ,judges be by the ,law of ,england bound to observe them4 ,for the ,judges of the ,common ,law of ,england1 are not properly ,judges1 but ,juris ,consulti2 of whom the ,judges1 who are either the ,lords1 or ,twelve men of the ,country1 are in point of ,law to ask advice4 #g4 ,also1 ,unwritten ,customes1 7which in their own nature are an imitation of ,law17 by the tacite consent of the ,emperour1 in case they be not contrary to the ,law of ,nature1 are very ,lawes4 ,another division of ,lawes1 is into ,naturall and ,positive4 ,naturall are those which have been ,lawes from all ,eternity2 and are called not onely ,naturall1 but also ,morall ,lawes2 consisting in the ,morall ,vertues1 as ,justice1 ,equity1 and all habits of the mind that conduce to ,peace1 and ,charity2 of which ,i have already spoken in the fourteenth and fifteenth ,chapters4 ,positive1 are those which have not been for ,eternity2 but have been made ,lawes by the ,will of those that have had the ,soveraign ,power over others2 and are either written1 or made known to men1 by some other argument of the ,will of their ,legislator4 ,another ,division ,of ,law ,again1 of ,positive ,lawes some are ,humane1 some ,divine2 ,and of ,humane positive lawes1 some are ,distributive1 some ,penal4 ,distributive are those that determine the ,rights of the ,subjects1 declaring to every man what it is1 by which he acquireth and holdeth a propriety in lands1 or goods1 and a right or liberty of action2 and these speak to all the ,subjects4 ,penal are those1 which declare1 what ,penalty shall be inflicted on those that violate the ,law2 and speak to the ,ministers and ,officers ordained for execution4 ,for though every one ought to be informed of the ,punishments ordained beforehand for their transgression2 neverthelesse the ,command is not addressed to the ,delinquent1 7who cannot be supposed will faithfully punish himselfe17 but to publique ,ministers appointed to see the ,penalty executed4 ,and these ,penal ,lawes are for the most part written together with the ,lawes ,distributive2 and are sometimes called ,judgements4 ,for all ,lawes are generall judgements1 or ,sentences of the ,legislator2 as also every particular ,judgement1 is a ,law to him1 whose case is ,judged4 ,divine ,positive ,law ,how ,made ,known ,to ,be ,law ,divine ,positive ,lawes 7for ,naturall ,lawes being ,eternall1 and ,universall1 are all ,divine17 are those1 which being the ,commandements of ,god1 7not from all ,eternity1 nor universally addressed to all men1 but onely to a certain people1 or to certain persons17 are declared for such1 by those whom ,god hath authorised to declare them4 ,but this ,authority of man to declare what be these ,positive ,lawes of ,god1 how can it be known8 ,god may command a man by a supernaturall way1 to deliver ,lawes to other men4 ,but because it is of the essence of ,law1 that he who is to be obliged1 be assured of the ,authority of him that declareth it1 which we cannot naturally take notice to be from ,god1 ,how ,can ,a ,man ,without ,supernaturall ,revelation ,be ,assured ,of ,the ,revelation ,received ,by ,the ,declarer8 and ,how ,can ,he ,be ,bound ,to ,obey ,them8 ,for the first question1 how a man can be assured of the ,revelation of another1 without a ,revelation particularly to himselfe1 it is evidently impossible3 for though a man may be induced to believe such ,revelation1 from the ,miracles they see him doe1 or from seeing the ,extraordinary sanctity of his life1 or from seeing the ,extraordinary wisedome1 or ,extraordinary felicity of his ,actions1 all which are marks of ,gods extraordinary favour2 yet they are not assured evidence of speciall ,revelation4 ,miracles are ,marvellous workes3 but that which is marvellous to one1 may not be so to another4 ,sanctity may be feigned2 and the visible felicities of this world1 are most often the work of ,god by ,naturall1 and ordinary causes4 ,and therefore no man can infallibly know by naturall reason1 that another has had a supernaturall revelation of ,gods will2 but only a beliefe2 every one 7as the signs thereof shall appear greater1 or lesser7 a firmer1 or a weaker belief4 ,but for the second1 how he can be bound to obey them2 it is not so hard4 ,for if the ,law declared1 be not against the ,law of ,nature 7which is undoubtedly ,gods ,law7 and he undertake to obey it1 he is bound by his own act2 bound ,i say to obey it1 but not bound to believe it3 for mens beliefe1 and interiour cogitations1 are not subject to the commands1 but only to the operation of ,god1 ordinary1 or extraordinary4 ,faith of ,supernaturall ,law1 is not a fulfilling1 but only an assenting to the same2 and not a duty that we exhibite to ,god1 but a gift which ,god freely giveth to whom he pleaseth2 as also ,unbelief is not a breach of any of his ,lawes2 but a rejection of them all1 except the ,lawes ,naturall4 ,but this that ,i say1 will be made yet cleerer1 by the ,examples1 and ,testimonies concerning this point in holy ,scripture4 ,the ,covenant ,god made with ,abraham 7in a ,supernaturall ,manner7 was thus1 7,gen4 #ag4 #aj7 ,this is the ,covenant which thou shalt observe between ,me and ,thee and thy ,seed after thee4 ,abrahams ,seed had not this revelation1 nor were yet in being2 yet they are a party to the ,covenant1 and bound to obey what ,abraham should declare to them for ,gods ,law2 which they could not be1 but in vertue of the obedience they owed to their ,parents2 who 7if they be ,subject to no other earthly power1 as here in the case of ,abraham7 have ,soveraign power over their children1 and servants4 ,againe1 where ,god saith to ,abraham1 ,in thee shall all ,nations of the earth be blessed3 ,for ,i know thou wilt command thy children1 and thy house after thee to keep the way of the ,lord1 and to observe ,righteousnesse and ,judgement1 it is manifest1 the obedience of his ,family1 who had no ,revelation1 depended on their former obligation to obey their ,soveraign4 ,at ,mount ,sinai ,moses only went up to ,god2 the people were forbidden to approach on paine of death2 yet were they bound to obey all that ,moses declared to them for ,gods ,law4 ,upon what ground1 but on this submission of their own1 ,speak thou to us1 and we will heare thee2 but let not ,god speak to us1 lest we dye8 ,by which two places it sufficiently appeareth1 that in a ,common-wealth1 a subject that has no certain and assured ,revelation particularly to himself concerning the ,will of ,god1 is to obey for such1 the ,command of the ,common-wealth3 for if men were at liberty1 to take for ,gods ,commandements1 their own dreams1 and fancies1 or the dreams and fancies of private men2 scarce two men would agree upon what is ,gods ,commandement2 and yet in respect of them1 every man would despise the ,commandements of the ,common-wealth4 ,i conclude therefore1 that in all things not contrary to the ,morall ,law1 7that is to say1 to the ,law of ,nature17 all ,subjects are bound to obey that for divine ,law1 which is declared to be so1 by the ,lawes of the ,common-wealth4 ,which also is evident to any mans reason2 for whatsoever is not against the ,law of ,nature1 may be made ,law in the name of them that have the ,soveraign power2 and there is no reason men should be the lesse obliged by it1 when tis propounded in the name of ,god4 ,besides1 there is no place in the world where men are permitted to pretend other ,commandements of ,god1 than are declared for such by the ,common-wealth4 ,christian ,states punish those that revolt from ,christian ,religion1 and all other ,states1 those that set up any ,religion by them forbidden4 ,for in whatsoever is not regulated by the ,common-wealth1 tis ,equity 7which is the ,law of ,nature1 and therefore an eternall ,law of ,god7 that every man equally enjoy his liberty4 ,another ,division ,of ,lawes ,there is also another distinction of ,laws1 into ,fundamentall1 and ,not ,fundamentall3 but ,i could never see in any ,author1 what a ,fundamentall ,law signifieth4 ,neverthelesse one may very reasonably distinguish ,laws in that manner4 ,a ,fundamentall ,law ,what ,for a ,fundamentall ,law in every ,common-wealth is that1 which being taken away1 the ,common-wealth faileth1 and is utterly dissolved2 as a building whose ,foundation is destroyed4 ,and therefore a ,fundamentall ,law is that1 by which ,subjects are bound to uphold whatsoever power is given to the ,soveraign1 whether a ,monarch1 or a ,soveraign ,assembly1 without which the ,common-wealth cannot stand1 such as is the power of ,war and ,peace1 of ,judicature1 of ,election of ,officers1 and of doing whatsoever he shall think necessary for the ,publique good4 ,not ,fundamentall is that the abrogating whereof1 draweth not with it the dissolution of the ,common-,wealth2 such as are the ,lawes ,concerning ,controversies between subject and subject4 ,thus much of the ,division of ,lawes4 ,difference ,between ,law ,and ,right ,i find the words ,lex ,civilis1 and ,jus ,civile1 that is to say1 ,law and ,right ,civil1 promiscuously used for the same thing1 even in the most learned ,authors2 which neverthelesse ought not to be so4 ,for ,right is ,liberty1 namely that ,liberty which the ,civil ,law leaves us3 ,but ,civill ,law is an ,obligation2 and takes from us the ,liberty which the ,law of ,nature gave us4 ,nature gave a ,right to every man to secure himselfe by his own strength1 and to invade a suspected neighbour1 by way of prevention2 but the ,civill ,law takes away that ,liberty1 in all cases where the protection of the ,lawe may be safely stayd for4 ,insomuch as ,lex and ,jus1 are as different as ,obligation and ,liberty4 ,and ,between ,a ,law ,and ,a ,charter ,likewise ,lawes and ,charters are taken promiscuously for the same thing4 ,yet ,charters are ,donations of the ,soveraign2 and not ,lawes1 but exemptions from ,law4 ,the phrase of a ,law is ,jubeo1 ,injungo1 ,i ,command1 and ,enjoyn3 the phrase of a ,charter is ,dedi1 ,concessi1 ,i ,have ,given1 ,i ,have ,granted3 but what is given or granted1 to a man1 is not forced upon him1 by a ,law4 ,a ,law may be made to bind ,all the ,subjects of a ,common-wealth3 a ,liberty1 or ,charter is only to ,one man1 or some ,one part of the people4 ,for to say all the people of a ,common-wealth1 have ,liberty in any case whatsoever2 is to say1 that in such case1 there hath been no ,law made2 or else having been made1 is now abrogated4 ,,chapter ,,xxvii4 ,,of ,,crimes1 ,,excuses1 ,,and ,,extenuations ,sinne ,what ,a ,sinne1 is not onely a ,transgression of a ,law1 but also any ,contempt of the ,legislator4 ,for such ,contempt1 is a breach of all his ,lawes at once4 ,and therefore may consist1 not onely in the ,commission of a ,fact1 or in the ,speaking of ,words by the ,lawes forbidden1 or in the ,omission of what the ,law commandeth1 but also in the ,intention1 or purpose to transgresse4 ,for the purpose to breake the ,law1 is some degree of ,contempt of him1 to whom it belongeth to see it executed4 ,to be delighted in the ,imagination onely1 of being possessed of another mans goods1 servants1 or wife1 without any intention to take them from him by force1 or fraud1 is no breach of the ,law1 that sayth1 ,thou shalt not covet3 nor is the pleasure a man my have in imagining1 or dreaming of the death of him1 from whose life he expecteth nothing but dammage1 and displeasure1 a ,sinne2 but the resolving to put some ,act in execution1 that tendeth thereto4 ,for to be pleased in the fiction of that1 which would please a man if it were reall1 is a ,passion so adhaerent to the ,nature both of a man1 and every other living creature1 as to make it a ,sinne1 were to make ,sinne of being a man4 ,the consideration of this1 has made me think them too severe1 both to themselves1 and others1 that maintain1 that the ,first motions of the mind1 7though checked with the fear of ,god7 be ,sinnes4 ,but ,i confesse it is safer to erre on that hand1 than on the other4 ,a ,crime ,what ,a ,crime1 is a sinne1 consisting in the ,committing 7by ,deed1 or ,word7 of that which the ,law forbiddeth1 or the ,omission of what it hath commanded4 ,so that every ,crime is a sinne2 but not every sinne a ,crime4 ,to intend to steale1 or kill1 is a sinne1 though it never appeare in ,word1 or ,fact3 for ,god that seeth the thoughts of man1 can lay it to his charge3 but till it appear by some thing done1 or said1 by which the intention may be ,crime2 which distinction the ,greeks observed in the word amartema1 and egklema1 or aitia2 wherof the former1 7which is translated ,sinne17 signifieth any swarving from the ,law whatsoever2 but the two later1 7which are translated ,crime17 signifie that sinne onely1 whereof one man may accuse another4 ,but of ,intentions1 which never appear by any outward act1 there is no place for humane accusation4 ,in like manner the ,latines by ,peccatum1 which is ,sinne1 signifie all manner of deviation from the ,law2 but by crimen1 7which word they derive from ,cerno1 which signifies to perceive17 they mean onely such sinnes1 as my be made appear before a ,judge2 and therfore are not meer ,intentions4 ,where ,no ,civill ,law ,is1 ,there ,is ,no ,crime ,from this relation of ,sinne to the ,law1 and of ,crime to the ,civill ,law1 may be inferred1 ,first1 that where ,law ceaseth1 ,sinne ceaseth4 ,but because the ,law of ,nature is eternall1 ,violation of ,covenants1 ,ingratitude1 ,arrogance1 and all ,facts contrary to any ,morall vertue1 can never cease to be ,sinne4 ,secondly1 that the ,civill ,law ceasing1 ,crimes cease3 for there being no other ,law remaining1 but that of ,nature1 there is no place for ,accusation2 every man being his own ,judge1 and accused onely by his own ,conscience1 and cleared by the ,uprightnesse of his own ,intention4 ,when therefore his ,intention is ,right1 his fact is no ,sinne3 if otherwise1 his fact is ,sinne2 but not ,crime4 ,thirdly1 ,that when the ,soveraign ,power ceaseth1 ,crime also ceaseth3 for where there is no such ,power1 there is no protection to be had from the ,law2 and therefore every one may protect himself by his own power3 for no man in the ,institution of ,soveraign ,power can be supposed to give away the ,right of preserving his own body2 for the safety whereof all ,soveraignty was ordained4 ,but this is to be understood onely of those1 that have not themselves contributed to the taking away of the ,power that protected them3 for that was a ,crime from the beginning4 ,ignorance ,of ,the ,law ,of ,nature ,excuseth ,no ,man ,the source of every ,crime1 is some defect of the ,understanding2 or some errour in ,reasoning1 or some sudden force of the ,passions4 ,defect in the ,understanding1 is ,ignorance2 in ,reasoning1 ,erroneous ,opinion4 ,again1 ignorance is of three sort2 of the ,law1 and of the ,soveraign1 and of the ,penalty4 ,ignorance of the ,law of ,nature ,excuseth no man2 because every man that hath attained to the use of ,reason1 is supposed to know1 he ought not to do to another1 what he would not have done to himselfe4 ,therefore into what place soever a man shall come1 if he do any thing contrary to that ,law1 it is a ,crime4 ,if a man come from the ,indies hither1 and perswade men here to receive a new ,religion1 or teach them any thing that tendeth to disobedience of the ,lawes of this ,country1 though he be never so well perswaded of the truth of what he teacheth1 he commits a ,crime1 and may be justly punished for the same1 not onely because his doctrine is false1 but also because he does that which he would not approve in another1 namely1 that comming from hence1 he should endeavour to alter the ,religion there4 ,but ignorance of the ,civill ,law1 shall ,excuse a man in a strange ,country1 till it be declared to him2 because1 till then no ,civill ,law is binding4 ,ignorance ,of ,the ,civill ,law ,excuseth ,sometimes ,in the like manner1 if the ,civill ,law of a mans own ,country1 be not so sufficiently declared1 as he may know it if he will2 nor the ,action against the ,law of ,nature2 the ,ignorance is a good ,excuse3 ,in other cases ignorance of the ,civill ,law1 ,excuseth not4 ,ignorance ,of ,the ,soveraign ,excuseth ,not ,ignorance of the ,soveraign ,power1 in the place of a mans ordinary residence1 ,excuseth him not2 because he ought to take notice of the ,power1 by which he hath been protected there4 ,ignorance ,of ,the ,penalty ,excuseth ,not ,ignorance of the ,penalty1 where the ,law is declared1 ,excuseth no man3 ,for in breaking the ,law1 which without a fear of penalty to follow1 were not a ,law1 but vain words1 he undergoeth the penalty1 though he know not what it is2 because1 whosoever voluntarily doth any action1 accepteth all the known consequences of it2 but ,punishment is a known consequence of the violation of the ,lawes1 in every ,common-wealth2 which punishment1 if it be determined already by the ,law1 he is subject to that2 if not1 then is he subject to ,arbitrary punishment4 ,for it is reason1 that he which does ,injury1 without other limitation than that of his own ,will1 should suffer punishment without other limitation1 than that of his ,will whose ,law is thereby violated4 ,punishments ,declared ,before ,the ,fact1 ,excuse ,from ,greater ,punishments ,after ,it ,but when a penalty1 is either annexed to the ,crime in the ,law it selfe1 or hath been usually inflicted in the like cases2 there the ,delinquent is ,excused from a greater penalty4 ,for the punishment foreknown1 if not great enough to deterre men from the action1 is an invitement to it3 because when men compare the benefit of their ,injustice1 with the harm of their punishment1 by necessity of ,nature they choose that which appeareth best for themselves2 and therefore when they are punished more than the ,law had formerly determined1 or more than others were punished for the same ,crime2 it the ,law that tempted1 and deceiveth them4 ,nothing ,can ,be ,made ,a ,crime ,by ,a ,law ,made ,after ,the ,fact ,no ,law1 made after a ,fact done1 can make it a ,crime3 because if the ,fact be against the ,law of ,nature1 the ,law was before the ,fact2 and a ,positive ,law cannot be taken notice of1 before it be made2 and therefore cannot be ,obligatory4 ,but when the ,law that forbiddeth a ,fact1 is made before the ,fact be done2 yet he that doth the ,fact1 is lyable to the ,penalty ordained after1 in case no lesser ,penalty were made known before1 neither by ,writing1 nor by ,example1 for the reason immediatly before alledged4 ,false ,principles ,of ,right ,and ,wrong ,causes ,of ,crime ,from defect in ,reasoning1 7that is to say1 from ,errour17 men are prone to violate the ,lawes1 three wayes4 ,first1 by ,presumption of false ,principles2 as when men from having observed how in all places1 and in all ages1 unjust ,actions have been authorised1 by the force1 and victories of those who have committed them2 and that potent men1 breaking through the ,cob-web ,lawes of their ,country1 the weaker sort1 and those that have failed in their ,enterprises1 have been esteemed the onely ,criminals2 have thereupon taken for ,principles1 and grounds of their ,reasoning1 ,that ,justice is but a vain word3 ,that whatsoever a man can get by his own ,industry1 and hazard1 is his own3 ,that the ,practice of all ,nations cannot be unjust3 ,that examples of former times are good ,arguments of doing the like again2 and many more of that kind3 ,which being granted1 no ,act in it selfe can be a ,crime1 but must be made so 7not by the ,law1 but7 by the successe of them that commit it2 and the same ,fact be vertuous1 or vicious1 as ,fortune pleaseth2 so that what ,marius makes a ,crime1 ,sylla shall make meritorious1 and ,caesar 7the same ,lawes standing7 turn again into a ,crime1 to the perpetuall disturbance of the ,peace of the ,common-wealth4 ,false ,teachers ,mis-interpreting ,the ,law ,of ,nature ,secondly1 by false ,teachers1 that either mis-interpret the ,law of ,nature1 making it thereby repugnant to the ,law ,civill2 or by teaching for ,lawes1 such ,doctrines of their own1 or ,traditions of former times1 as are inconsistent with the duty of a ,subject4 ,and ,false ,inferences ,from ,true ,principles1 ,by ,teachers ,thirdly1 by ,erroneous ,inferences from ,true ,principles2 which happens commonly to men that are hasty1 and praecipitate in concluding1 and resolving what to do2 such as are they1 that have both a great opinion of their own understanding1 and believe that things of this nature require not time and study1 but onely common experience1 and a good naturall wit2 whereof no man thinks himselfe unprovided3 whereas the knowledge1 of ,right and ,wrong1 which is no lesse difficult1 there is no man will pretend to1 without great and long study4 ,and of those defects in ,reasoning1 there is none that can ,excuse 7though some of them may ,extenuate7 a ,crime1 in any man1 that pretendeth to the administration of his own private businesse2 much lesse in them that undertake a publique charge2 because they pretend to the ,reason1 upon the want whereof they would ground their ,excuse4 ,by ,their ,passions2 ,of the ,passions that most frequently are the causes of ,crime1 one1 is ,vain-glory1 or a foolish over-rating of their own worth2 as if difference of worth1 were an effect of their wit1 or riches1 or bloud1 or some other naturall quality1 not depending on the ,will of those that have the ,soveraign ,authority4 ,from whence proceedeth a ,presumption that the punishments ordained by the ,lawes1 and extended generally to all ,subjects1 ought not to be inflicted on them1 with the same rigour they are inflicted on poore1 obscure1 and simple men1 comprehended under the name of the ,vulgar4 ,presumption ,of ,riches ,therefore it happeneth commonly1 that such as value themselves by the greatnesse of their wealth1 adventure on ,crimes1 upon hope of escaping punishment1 by corrupting publique ,justice1 or obtaining ,pardon by ,mony1 or other rewards4 ,and ,friends ,and that such as have multitude of ,potent ,kindred2 and popular men1 that have gained reputation amongst the ,multitude1 take courage to violate the ,lawes1 from a hope of oppressing the ,power1 to whom it belongeth to put them in execution4 ,wisedome ,and that such as have a great1 and false opinion of their own ,wisedome1 take upon them to reprehend the actions1 and call in question the ,authority of them that govern1 and so to unsettle the ,lawes with their publique discourse1 as that nothing shall be a ,crime1 but what their own designes require should be so4 ,it happeneth also to the same men1 to be prone to all such ,crimes1 as consist in ,craft1 and in deceiving of their ,neighbours2 because they think their designes are too subtile to be perceived4 ,these ,i say are effects of a false presumption of their own ,wisdome4 ,for of them that are the first movers in the disturbance of ,common-wealth1 7which can never happen without a ,civill ,warre17 very few are left alive long enough1 to see their new ,designes established3 so that the benefit of their ,crimes1 redoundeth to ,posterity1 and such as would least have wished it3 which argues they were not as wise1 as they thought they were4 ,and those that deceive upon hope of not being observed1 do commonly deceive themselves1 7the darknesse in which they believe they lye hidden1 being nothing else but their own blindnesse27 and are no wiser than ,children1 that think all hid1 by hiding their own eyes4 ,and generally all vain-glorious men1 7unlesse they be withall timorous17 are subject to ,anger2 as being more prone than others to interpret for contempt1 the ordinary liberty of conversation3 ,and there are few ,crimes that may not be produced by ,anger4 ,hatred1 ,lust1 ,ambition1 ,covetousnesse1 ,causes ,of ,crime ,as for the ,passions1 of ,hate1 ,lust1 ,ambition1 and ,covetousnesse1 what ,crimes they are apt to produce1 is so obvious to every mans experience and understanding1 as there needeth nothing to be said of them1 saving that they are infirmities1 so annexed to the nature1 both of man1 and all other living creatures1 as that their effects cannot be hindred1 but by extraordinary use of ,reason1 or a constant severity in punishing them4 ,for in those things men hate1 they find a continuall1 and unavoydable molestation2 whereby either a mans patience must be everlasting1 or he must be eased by removing the power of that which molesteth him2 ,the former is difficult2 the later is many times impossible1 without some violation of the ,law4 ,ambition1 and ,covetousnesse are ,passions also that are perpetually incumbent1 and pressing2 whereas ,reason is not perpetually present1 to resist them3 and therefore whensoever the hope of impunity appears1 their effects proceed4 ,and for ,lust1 what it wants in the lasting1 it hath in the vehemence1 which sufficeth to weigh down the apprehension of all easie1 or uncertain punishments4 ,fear ,sometimes ,cause ,of ,crime1 ,as ,when ,the ,danger ,is ,neither ,present1 ,nor ,corporeall ,of all ,passions1 that which enclineth men least to break the ,lawes1 is ,fear4 ,nay1 7excepting some generous natures17 it is the onely thing1 7when there is apparence of profit1 or pleasure by breaking the ,lawes17 that makes men keep them4 ,and yet in many cases a ,crime may be committed through ,feare4 ,for not every ,fear justifies the ,action it produceth1 but the fear onely of corporeall hurt1 which we call ,bodily ,fear1 and from which a man cannot see how to be delivered1 but by the action4 ,a man is assaulted1 fears present death1 from which he sees not how to escape1 but by wounding him that assaulteth him2 ,if he wound him to death1 this is no ,crime2 because no man is supposed at the making of a ,common-wealth1 to have abandoned the defence of his life1 or limbes1 where the ,law cannot arrive time enough to his assistance4 ,but to kill a man1 because from his actions1 or his threatnings1 ,i may argue he will kill me when he can1 7seeing ,i have time1 and means to demand protection1 from the ,soveraign ,power17 is a ,crime4 ,again1 a man receives words of disgrace1 or some little injuries 7for which they that made the ,lawes1 had assigned no punishment1 nor thought it worthy of a man that hath the use of ,reason1 to take notice of17 and is afraid1 unlesse he revenge it1 he shall fall into contempt1 and consequently be obnoxious to the like injuries from others2 and to avoyd this1 breaks the ,law1 and protects himselfe for the future1 by the terrour of his private revenge4 ,this is a ,crime2 ,for the hurt is not ,corporeall1 but ,phantasticall1 and 7though in this corner of the world1 made sensible by a custome not many years since begun1 amongst young and vain men17 so light1 as a gallant man1 and one that is assured of his own courage1 cannot take notice of4 ,also a man may stand in fear of ,spirits1 either through his own superstition1 or through too much credit given to other men1 that tell him of strange ,dreams and visions2 and thereby be made believe they will hurt him1 for doing1 or omitting divers things1 which neverthelesse1 to do1 or omit1 is contrary to the ,lawes2 ,and that which is so done1 or omitted1 is not to be ,excused by this fear2 but is a ,crime4 ,for 7as ,i have shewn before in the second ,chapter7 ,dreams be naturally but the fancies remaining in sleep1 after the impressions our ,senses had formerly received waking2 and when men are by any accident unassured they have slept1 seem to be reall ,visions2 and therefore he that presumes to break the ,law upon his own1 or anothers ,dream1 or pretended ,vision1 or upon other ,fancy of the power of ,invisible ,spirits1 than is permitted by the ,common-wealth1 leaveth the ,law of ,nature1 which is a certain offence1 and followeth the imagery of his own1 or another private mans brain1 which he can never know whether it signifieth any thing1 or nothing1 nor whether he that tells his ,dream1 say true1 or lye2 which if every private man should have leave to do1 7as they must by the ,law of ,nature1 if any one have it7 there could no ,law be made to hold1 and so all ,common-wealth would be dissolved4 ,crimes ,not ,equall ,from these different sources of ,crimes1 it appeares already1 that all ,crimes are not 7as the ,stoicks of old time maintained7 of the same allay4 ,there is place1 not only for ,,excuse1 by which that which seemed a ,crime1 is proved to be none at all2 but also for ,,extenuation1 by which the ,crime1 that seemed great1 is made lesse4 ,for though all ,crimes doe equally deserve the name of ,injustice1 as all deviation from a strait line is equally crookednesse1 which the ,stoicks rightly observed2 yet it does not follow that all ,crimes are equally unjust1 no more than that all crooked lines are equally crooked2 which the ,stoicks not observing1 held it as great a ,crime1 to kill a ,hen1 against the ,law1 as to kill ones ,father4 ,totall ,excuses ,that which totally ,excuseth a ,fact1 and takes away from it the nature of a ,crime1 can be none but that1 which at the same time1 taketh away the obligation of the ,law4 ,for the fact committed once against the ,law1 if he that committed it be obliged to the ,law1 can be no other than a ,crime4 ,the want of means to know the ,law1 totally ,excuseth3 ,for the ,law whereof a man has no means to enforme himself1 is not obligatory4 ,but the want of diligence to enquire1 shall not be considered as a want of means2 ,nor shall any man1 that pretendeth to reason enough for the ,government of his own affairs1 be supposed to want means to know the ,lawes of ,nature2 because they are known by the reason he pretends to3 only ,children1 and ,madmen are ,excused from offences against the ,law ,naturall4 ,where a man is captive1 or in the power of the enemy1 7and he is then in the power of the enemy1 when his person1 or his means of living1 is so17 if it be without his own fault1 the ,obligation of the ,law ceaseth2 because he must obey the enemy1 or dye2 and consequently such obedience is no ,crime3 for no man is obliged 7when the protection of the ,law faileth17 not to protect himself1 by the best means he can4 ,if a man by the terrour of present death1 be compelled to doe a fact against the ,law1 he is totally ,excused2 because no ,law can oblige a man to abandon his own preservation4 ,and supposing such a ,law were obligatory2 yet a man would reason thus1 ,if ,i doe it not1 ,i die presently2 if ,i doe it1 ,i die afterwards2 therefore by doing it1 there is time of life gained2 ,nature therefore compells him to the fact4 ,when a man is destitute of food1 or other thing necessary for his life1 and cannot preserve himselfe any other way1 but by some fact against the ,law2 as if in a great famine he take the food by force1 or stealth1 which he cannot obtaine for mony nor charity2 or in defence of his life1 snatch away another mans ,sword1 he is totally ,excused1 for the reason next before alledged4 ,excuses ,against ,the ,author ,again1 ,facts done against the ,law1 by the authority of another1 are by that authority ,excused against the ,author2 because no man ought to accuse his own fact in another1 that is but his instrument3 but it is not ,excused against a third person thereby injured2 because in the violation of the law1 bothe the ,author1 and ,actor are ,criminalls4 ,from hence it followeth that when that ,man1 or ,assembly1 that hath the ,soveraign ,power1 commandeth a man to do that which is contrary to a former ,law1 the doing of it is totally ,excused3 ,for he ought not to condemn it himselfe1 because he is the ,author2 and what cannot justly be condemned by the ,soveraign1 cannot justly be punished by any other4 ,besides1 when the ,soveraign commandeth any thing to be done against his own former ,law1 the ,command1 as to that particular fact1 is an abrogation of the ,law4 ,if that ,man1 or ,assembly1 that hath the ,soveraign ,power1 disclaime any ,right essentiall to the ,soveraignty1 whereby there accrueth to the ,subject1 any liberty inconsistent with the ,soveraign ,power1 that is to say1 with the very being of a ,common-wealth1 if the ,subject shall refuse to obey the ,command in any thing1 contrary to the liberty granted1 this is neverthelesse a ,sinne1 and contrary to the duty of the ,subject3 for he ought to take notice of what is inconsistent with the ,soveraignty1 because it was erected by his own consent1 and for his own defence2 and that such liberty as is inconsistent with it1 was granted through ignorance of the evill consequence thereof4 ,but if he not onely disobey1 but also resist a publique ,minister in the execution of it1 then it is a ,crime2 because he might have been righted1 7without any breach of the ,peace17 upon complaint4 ,the ,degrees of ,crime are taken on divers ,scales1 and measured1 ,first1 by the malignity of the ,source1 or ,cause3 ,secondly1 by the contagion of the ,example3 ,thirdly1 by the mischiefe of the ,effect2 and ,fourthly1 by the concurrence of ,times1 ,places1 and ,persons4 ,presumption ,of ,power1 ,aggravateth ,the same ,fact done against the ,law1 if it proceed from ,presumption of strength1 riches1 or friends to resist those that are to execute the ,law1 is a greater ,crime1 than if it proceed from hope of not being discovered1 or of escape by flight3 ,for ,presumption of impunity by force1 is a ,root1 from whence springeth1 at all times1 and upon all temptations1 a contempt of all ,lawes2 whereas in the later case1 the apprehension of danger1 that makes a man fly1 renders him more obedient for the future4 ,a ,crime which we know to be so1 is greater than the same ,crime proceeding from a false perswasion that it is lawfull3 ,for he that committeth it against his own conscience1 presumeth on his force1 or other power1 which encourages him to commit the same again3 but he that doth it by errour1 after the errour shewn him1 is conformable to the ,law4 ,evill ,teachers1 ,extenuate ,hee1 whose errour proceeds from the authority of a ,teacher1 or an ,interpreter of the ,law publiquely authorised1 is not so faulty1 as he whose errour proceedeth from a peremptory pursute of his own principles1 and reasoning3 ,for what is taught by one that teacheth by publique ,authority1 the ,common-wealth teacheth1 and hath a resemblance of ,law1 till the same ,authority controuleth it2 and in all ,crimes that contain not in them a denyall of the ,soveraign ,power1 nor are against an evident ,law1 ,excuseth totally3 whereas he that groundeth his actions1 on his private ,judgement1 ought according to the rectitude1 or errour thereof1 to stand1 or fall4 ,examples ,of ,impunity1 ,extenuate ,the same ,fact1 if it have been constantly punished in other men1 as a greater ,crime1 than if there have been may precedent ,examples of impunity4 ,for those ,examples1 are so many hopes of ,impunity given by the ,soveraign himselfe3 ,and because he which furnishes a man with such a hope1 and presumption of mercy1 as encourageth him to offend1 hath his part in the offence2 he cannot reasonably charge the offender with the whole4 ,praemeditation1 ,aggravateth ,a ,crime arising from a sudden ,passion1 is not so great1 as when the same ariseth from long meditation3 ,for in the former case there is a place for ,extenuation1 in the common infirmity of humane nature3 but he that doth it with praemeditation1 has used circumspection1 and cast his eye1 on the ,law1 on the punishment1 and on the consequence thereof to humane society2 all which in committing the ,crime1 hee hath contemned1 and postposed to his own appetite4 ,but there is no suddennesse of ,passion sufficient for a totall ,excuse3 ,for all the time between the first knowing of the ,law1 and the ,commission of the ,fact1 shall be taken for a time of deliberation2 because he ought by meditation of the ,law1 to rectifie the irregularity of his ,passions4 ,where the ,law is publiquely1 and with assiduity1 before all the people read1 and interpreted2 a fact done against it1 is a greater ,crime1 than where men are left without such instruction1 to enquire of it with difficulty1 uncertainty1 and interruption of their ,callings1 and be informed by private men3 for in this case1 part of the fault is discharged upon common infirmity2 but in the former there is apparent negligence1 which is not without some contempt of the ,soveraign ,power4 ,tacite ,approbation ,of ,the ,soveraign1 ,extenuates ,those facts which the ,law expresly condemneth1 but the ,law-maker by other manifest signes of his will tacitly approveth1 are lesse ,crimes1 than the same facts1 condemned both by the ,law1 and ,lawmaker4 ,for seeing the will of the ,law-maker is a ,law1 there appear in this case two contradictory ,lawes2 which would totally ,excuse1 if men were bound to take notice of the ,soveraigns approbation1 by other arguments1 than are expressed by his command4 ,but because there are punishments consequent1 not onely to the transgression of his ,law1 but also to the observing of it1 he is in part a cause of the transgression1 and therefore cannot reasonably impute the whole ,crime to the ,delinquent4 ,for example1 the ,law condemneth ,duells2 the punishment is made capitall3 ,on the contrary part1 he that refuseth ,duell1 is subject to contempt and scorne1 without remedy2 and sometimes by the ,soveraign himselfe thought unworthy to have any charge1 or preferment in ,warre3 ,if thereupon he accept ,duell1 considering all men lawfully endeavour to obtain the good opinion of them that have the ,soveraign ,power1 he ought not in reason to be rigorously punished2 seeing part of the fault may be discharged on the punisher2 which ,i say1 not as wishing liberty of private revenges1 or any other kind of disobedience2 but a care in ,governours1 not to countenance any thing obliquely1 which directly they forbid4 ,the examples of ,princes1 to those that see them1 are1 and ever have been1 more potent to govern their actions1 than the ,lawes themselves4 ,and though it be our duty to do1 not what they do1 but what they say2 yet will that duty never be performed1 till it please ,god to give men an extraordinary1 and supernaturall grace to follow that ,precept4 ,comparison ,of ,crimes ,from ,their ,effects ,again1 if we compare ,crimes by the mischiefe of their ,effects1 ,first1 the same fact1 when it redounds to the dammage of many1 is greater1 than when it redounds to the hurt of few4 ,and therefore1 when a fact hurteth1 not onely in the present1 but also1 7by example7 in the future1 it is a greater ,crime1 than if it hurt onely in the present3 for the former1 is a fertile ,crime1 and multiplyes to the hurt of many2 the later is barren4 ,to maintain doctrines contrary to the ,religion established in the ,common-wealth1 is a greater fault1 in an authorised ,preacher1 than in a private person3 ,so also is it1 to live prophanely1 incontinently1 or do any irreligious act whatsoever4 ,likewise in a ,professor of the ,law1 to maintain any point1 on do any act1 that tendeth to the weakning of the ,soveraign ,power1 as a greater ,crime1 than in another man3 ,also in a man that hath such reputation for wisedome1 as that his counsells are followed1 or his actions imitated by many1 his fact against the ,law1 is a greater ,crime1 than the same fact in another3 ,for such men not onely commit ,crime1 but teach it for ,law to all other men4 ,and generally all ,crimes are the greater1 by the scandall they give2 that is to say1 by becoming stumbling-blocks to the weak1 that look not so much upon the way they go in1 as upon the light that other men carry before them4 ,laesae ,majestas ,also ,facts of ,hostility against the present state of the ,common-wealth1 are greater ,crimes1 than the same acts done to private men2 ,for the dammage extends it selfe to all3 ,such are the betraying of the strengths1 or revealing of the secrets of the ,common-wealth to an ,enemy2 also all attempts upon the ,representative of the ,common-wealth1 be it a monarch1 or an ,assembly2 and all endeavours by word1 or deed to diminish the ,authority of the same1 either in the present time1 or in succession3 which ,crimes the ,latines understand by ,crimina ,laesae ,majestatis1 and consist in designe1 or act1 contrary to a ,fundamentall ,law4 ,bribery ,and ,false ,testimony ,likewise those ,crimes1 which render ,judgements of no effect1 are greater ,crimes1 than ,injuries done to one1 or a few persons2 as to receive mony to give ,false judgement1 or testimony1 is a greater ,crime1 than otherwise to deceive a man of the like1 or a greater summe2 because not onely he has wrong1 that falls by such judgements2 but all ,judgements are rendered uselesse1 and occasion ministred to force1 and private revenges4 ,depeculation ,also ,robbery1 and ,depeculation of the ,publique treasure1 or ,revenues1 is a greater ,crime1 than the robbing1 or defrauding of a ,private man2 because to robbe the publique1 is to robbe many at once4 ,counterfeiting ,authority ,also the ,counterfeit usurpation of publique ,ministery1 the ,counterfeiting of publique ,seales1 or publique ,coine1 than counterfeiting of a private mans person1 or his seale2 because the fraud thereof1 extendeth to the dammage of many4 ,crimes ,against ,private ,men ,compared ,of facts against the ,law1 done to private men1 the greater ,crime1 is that1 where the dammage in the common opinion of men1 is most sensible4 ,and therefore ,to kill against the ,law1 is a greater ,crime1 that any other injury1 life preserved4 ,and to kill with ,torment1 greater1 than simply to kill4 ,and ,mutilation of a limbe1 greater1 than the spoyling a man of his goods4 ,and the spoyling a man of his goods1 by ,terrour of death1 or wounds1 than by clandestine surreption4 ,and by clandestine ,surreption1 than by consent fraudulently obtained4 ,and the violation of chastity by ,force1 greater1 than by flattery4 ,and of a woman ,married1 than of a woman not married4 ,for all these things are commonly so valued2 though some men are more1 and some lesse sensible of the same offence4 ,but the ,law regardeth not the particular1 but the generall inclination of mankind4 ,and therefore the offence men take1 from contumely1 in words1 or gesture1 when they produce no other harme1 than the present griefe of him that is reproached1 hath been neglected in the ,lawes of the ,greeks1 ,romans1 and other both antient1 and moderne ,common-wealths2 supposing the true cause of such griefe to consist1 not in the contumely1 7which takes no hold upon men conscious of their own ,vertue17 but in the ,pusillanimity of him that is offended by it4 ,also a ,crime against a private man1 is much aggravated by the person1 time1 and place4 ,for to kill ones ,parent1 is a greater ,crime1 than to kill another3 for the ,parent ought to have the honour of a ,soveraign1 7though he have surrendred his ,power to the ,civill ,law17 because he had it originally by ,nature4 ,and to ,robbe a poore man1 is a greater ,crime1 than to robbe a rich man2 because 'tis to the poore a more sensible dammage4 ,and a ,crime committed in the ,time1 or ,place appointed for ,devotion1 is greater1 than if committed at another time or place3 for it proceeds from a greater contempt of the ,law4 ,many other cases of ,aggravation1 and ,extenuation might be added3 but by these ,i have set down1 it is obvious to every man1 to take the altitude of any other ,crime proposed4 ,publique ,crimes ,what ,lastly1 because in almost all ,crimes there is an ,injury done1 not onely to some ,private man1 but also to the ,common-wealth2 the same ,crime1 when the accusation is in the name of the ,common-wealth1 is called ,publique ,crime2 and when in the name of a ,private man1 a ,private ,crime2 ,and the ,pleas according thereunto called ,publique1 ,judicia ,publica1 ,pleas of the ,crown2 or ,private ,pleas4 ,as in an ,accusation of ,murder1 if the accuser be a ,private man1 the plea is a ,private plea2 if the accuser be the ,soveraign1 the plea is a ,publique plea4 ,,chapter ,,xxviii4 ,,of ,,punishments1 ,,and ,,rewards ,the ,definition ,of ,punishment ,a ,,punishment1 is an ,evill inflicted by publique ,authority1 on him that hath done1 or omitted that which is ,judged by the same ,authority to be a ,transgression of the ,law2 to the end that the will of men may thereby the better be disposed to obedience4 ,right ,to ,punish ,whence ,derived ,before ,i inferre any thing from this definition1 there is a question to be answered1 of much importance2 which is1 by what door the ,right1 or ,authority of ,punishing in any case1 came in4 ,for by that which has been said before1 no man is supposed bound by ,covenant1 not to resist violence2 and consequently it cannot be intended1 that he gave any right to another to lay violent hands upon his person4 ,in the making of a ,common-wealth1 every man giveth away the right of defending another2 but not of defending himselfe4 ,also he obligeth himselfe1 to assist him that hath the ,soveraignty1 in the ,punishing of another2 but of himselfe not4 ,but to covenant to assist the ,soveraign1 in doing hurt to another1 unlesse he that so covenanteth have a right to doe it himselfe1 is not to give him a ,right to ,punish4 ,it is manifest therefore that the ,right which the ,common-wealth 7that is1 he1 or they that represent it7 hath to ,punish1 is not grounded on any concession1 or gift of the ,subjects4 ,but ,i have also shewed formerly1 that before the ,institution of ,common-wealth1 every man had a right to every thing1 and to do whatsoever he thought necessary to his own preservation2 subduing1 hurting1 or killing any man in order thereunto4 ,and this is the foundation of that right of ,punishing1 which is exercised in every ,common-wealth4 ,for the ,subjects did not give the ,soveraign that right2 but onely in laying down theirs1 strengthned him to use his own1 as he should think fit1 for the preservation of them all3 so that it was not given1 but left to him1 and to him onely2 and 7excepting the limits set him by naturall ,law7 as entire1 as in the condition of meer ,nature1 and of warre of every one against his neighbour4 ,private ,injuries1 ,and ,revenges ,no ,punishments ,from the definition of ,punishment1 ,i inferre1 ,first1 that neither private revenges1 nor injuries of private men1 can properly be stiled ,punishment2 because they proceed not from publique ,authority4 ,nor ,denyall ,of ,preferment ,secondly1 that to be neglected1 and unpreferred by the publique favour1 is not a ,punishment2 because no new evill is thereby on any man ,inflicted2 he is onely left in the estate he was in before4 ,nor ,pain ,inflicted ,without ,publique ,hearing ,thirdly1 that the evill inflicted by publique ,authority1 without precedent publique condemnation1 is not to be stiled by the name of ,punishment2 but of an hostile act2 because the fact for which a man is ,punished1 ought first to be ,judged by publique ,authority1 to be a transgression of the ,law4 ,nor ,pain ,inflicted ,by ,usurped ,power ,fourthly1 that the evill inflicted by usurped power1 and ,judges without ,authority from the ,soveraign1 is not ,punishment2 but an act of hostility2 because the acts of power usurped1 have not for ,author1 the person condemned2 and therefore are not acts of publique ,authority4 ,nor ,pain ,inflicted ,without ,respect ,to ,the ,future ,good ,fifthly1 that all evill which is inflicted without intention1 or possibility of disposing the ,delinquent1 or 7by his example7 other men1 to obey the ,lawes1 is not ,punishment2 but an act of hostility2 because without such an end1 no hurt done is contained under that name4 ,naturall ,evill ,consequences1 ,no ,punishments ,sixthly1 whereas to certain actions1 there be annexed by ,nature1 divers hurtfull consequences2 as when a man in assaulting another1 is himselfe slain1 or wounded2 or when he falleth into sicknesse by the doing of some unlawfull act2 such hurt1 though in respect of ,god1 who is the author of ,nature1 it may be said to be inflicted1 and therefore a ,punishment divine2 yet it is not contaned in the name of ,punishment in respect of men1 because it is not inflicted by the ,authority of man4 ,hurt ,inflicted1 ,if ,lesse ,than ,the ,benefit ,of ,transgressing1 ,is ,not ,punishment ,seventhly1 ,if the harm inflicted be lesse than the benefit1 or contentment that naturally followeth the crime committed1 that harm is not within the definition2 and is rather the ,price1 or ,redemption1 than the ,punishment of a ,crime3 ,because it is of the nature of ,punishment1 to have for end1 the disposing of men to obey the ,law2 which end 7if it be lesse that the benefit of the transgression7 it attaineth not1 but worketh a contrary effect4 ,where ,the ,punishment ,is ,annexed ,to ,the ,law1 ,a ,greater ,hurt ,is ,not ,punishment1 ,but ,hostility ,eighthly1 ,if a ,punishment be determined and prescribed in the ,law it selfe1 and after the crime committed1 there be a greater ,punishment inflicted1 the excesse is not ,punishment1 but an act of hostility4 ,for seeing the aym of ,punishment is not a revenge1 but terrour2 and the terrour of a great ,punishment unknown1 is taken away by the declaration of a lesse1 the unexpected addition is no part of the ,punishment4 ,but where there is no ,punishment at all determined by the ,law1 there whatsoever is inflicted1 hath the nature of ,punishment4 ,for he that goes about the violation of a ,law1 wherein no penalty is determined1 expecteth an indeterminate1 that is to say1 an arbitrary ,punishment4 ,hurt ,inflicted ,for ,a ,fact ,done ,before ,the ,law1 ,no ,punishment ,ninthly1 ,harme inflicted for a ,fact done before there was a ,law that forbad it1 is not ,punishment1 but an act of ,hostility3 ,for before the ,law1 there is no transgression of the ,law3 ,but ,punishment supposeth a fact judged1 to have been a transgression of the ,law2 ,therefore ,harme inflicted before the ,law made1 is not ,punishment1 but an act of ,hostility4 ,the ,representative ,of ,the ,common-wealth ,unpunishable ,tenthly1 ,hurt inflicted on the ,representative of the ,common-wealth1 is not ,punishment1 but an act of ,hostility3 ,because it is of the nature of ,punishment1 to be inflicted by publique ,authority1 which is the ,authority only of the ,representative it self4 ,hurt ,to ,revolted ,subjects ,is ,done ,by ,right ,of ,war1 ,not ,by ,way ,of ,punishment ,lastly1 ,harme inflicted upon one that is a declared enemy1 fals not under the name of ,punishment3 ,because seeing they were either never subject to the ,law1 and therefore cannot transgresse it2 or having been subject to it1 and professing to be no longer so1 by consequence deny they can transgresse it1 all the ,harmes that can be done them1 must be taken as acts of ,hostility4 ,but in declared ,hostility1 all infliction of evill is lawfull4 ,from whence it followeth1 that if a subject shall by fact1 or word1 wittingly1 and deliberatly deny the authority of the ,representative of the ,common-wealth1 7whatsoever penalty hath been formerly ordained for ,treason17 he may lawfully be made to suffer whatsoever the ,representative will3 ,for in denying subjection1 he denyes such ,punishment as by the ,law hath been ordained2 and therefore suffers as an enemy of the ,common-wealth2 that is1 according to the will of the ,representative4 ,for the ,punishments set down in the ,law1 are to ,subjects1 not to ,enemies2 such as are they1 that having been by their own act ,subjects1 deliberately revolting1 deny the ,soveraign ,power4 ,the first1 and most generall distribution of ,punishments1 is into ,divine1 and ,humane4 ,of the former ,i shall have occasion1 to speak1 in a more convenient place hereafter4 ,humane1 are those ,punishments that be inflicted by the ,commandement of ,man2 and are either ,corporall1 or ,pecuniary1 or ,ignominy1 or ,imprisonment1 or ,exile1 or mixt of these4 ,punishments ,corporall ,corporall ,punishment is that1 which is inflicted on the body directly1 and according to the intention of him that inflicteth it3 such as are stripes1 or wounds1 or deprivation of such pleasures of the body1 as were before lawfully enjoyed4 ,capitall ,and of these1 some be ,capitall1 some ,lesse than ,capitall4 ,capitall1 is the ,infliction of ,death2 and that either simply1 or with torment4 ,lesse than ,capitall1 are ,stripes1 ,wounds1 ,chains1 and any other corporall ,paine1 not in its own nature mortall4 ,for if upon the ,infliction of a ,punishment death follow not in the ,intention of the ,inflicter1 the ,punishment is not be bee esteemed ,capitall1 though the harme prove mortall by an accident not to be foreseen2 in which case death is not inflicted1 but hastened4 ,pecuniary ,punishment1 is that which consisteth not only in the deprivation of a ,summe of ,mony1 but also of ,lands1 or any other goods which are usually bought and sold for mony4 ,and in case the ,law1 that ordaineth such a punishment1 be made with design to gather mony1 from such as shall transgresse the same1 it is not properly a ,punishment1 but the ,price of priviledge1 and exemption from the ,law1 which doth not absolutely forbid the fact1 but only to those that are not able to pay the mony3 except where the ,law is ,naturall1 or part of ,religion2 for in that case it is not an exemption from the ,law1 but a transgression of it4 ,as where a ,law exacteth a ,pecuniary mulct1 of them that take the name of ,god in vaine1 the payment of the mulct1 is not the price of a dispensation to sweare1 but the ,punishment of the transgression of a ,law undispensable4 ,in like manner if the ,law impose a ,summe of ,mony to be payd1 to him that has been ,injured2 this is but a satisfaction for the hurt done him2 and extinguisheth the accusation of the party injured1 not the crime of the offender4 ,ignominy ,ignominy1 is the infliction of such ,evill1 as is made ,dishonorable2 or the deprivation of such ,good1 as is made ,honourable by the ,common-wealth4 ,for there be some things ,honorable by ,nature2 as the effects of ,courage1 ,magnanimity1 ,strength1 ,wisdome1 and other abilities of body and mind3 ,others made ,honorable by the ,common-wealth2 as ,badges1 ,titles1 ,offices1 or any other singular marke of the ,soveraigns favour4 ,the former1 7though they may faile by nature1 or accident17 cannot be taken away by a ,law2 and therefore the losse of them is not ,punishment4 ,but the later1 may be taken away by the publique authority that made them ,honorable1 and are properly ,punishments3 ,such are degrading men condemned1 of their ,badges1 ,titles1 and ,offices2 or declaring them uncapable of the like in time to come4 ,imprisonment ,imprisonment1 is when a man is by publique ,authority deprived of liberty2 and may happen from two divers ends2 whereof one is the safe custody of a man accused2 the other is the inflicting of paine on a man condemned4 ,the former is not ,punishment2 because no man is supposed to be ,punisht1 before he be ,judicially heard1 and declared guilty4 ,and therefore whatsoever hurt a man is made to suffer by bonds1 or restraint1 before his cause be heard1 over and above that which is necessary to assure his custody1 is against the ,law of ,nature4 ,but the ,later is ,punishment1 because ,evill1 and inflicted by publique ,authority1 for somewhat that has by the same ,authority been ,judged a ,transgression of the ,law4 ,under this word ,imprisonment1 ,i comprehend all restraint of motion1 caused by an externall obstacle1 be it a ,house1 which is called by the generall name of a ,prison2 or an ,iland1 as when men are said to be confined to it2 or a place where men are set to worke1 as in old time men have been condemned to ,quarries1 and in these times to ,gallies2 or be it a ,chaine1 or any other such impediment4 ,exile ,exile1 7,banishment7 is when a man is for a crime1 condemned to depart out of the dominion of the ,common-wealth1 or out of a certaine part thereof2 and during a prefixed time1 or for ever1 not to return into it3 and seemeth not in its own nature1 without other circumstances1 to be a ,punishment2 but rather an escape1 or a publique commandement to avoid ,punishment by flight4 ,and ,cicero sayes1 there was never any such ,punishment ordained in the ,city of ,rome2 but cals it a refuge of men in danger4 ,for if a man banished1 be neverthelesse permitted to enjoy his ,goods1 and the ,revenue of his ,lands1 the meer change of ayr is no punishment2 nor does it tend to that benefit of the ,common-wealth1 for which all ,punishments are ordained1 7that is to say1 to the forming of mens wils to the observation of the ,law27 but many times to the dammage of the ,common-wealth4 ,for a ,banished man1 is a lawfull enemy of the ,common-wealth that banished him2 as being no more a ,member of the same4 ,but if he be withall deprived of his ,lands1 or ,goods1 then the ,punishment lyeth not in the ,exile1 but is to be reckoned amongst ,punishments ,pecuniary4 ,the ,punishment ,of ,innocent ,subjects ,is ,contrary ,to ,the ,law ,of ,nature ,all ,punishments of ,innocent subjects1 be they great or little1 are against the ,law of ,nature2 ,for ,punishment is only of ,transgression of the ,law1 and therefore there can be no ,punishment of the ,innocent4 ,it is therefore a violation1 ,first1 of that ,law of ,nature1 which forbiddeth all men1 in their ,revenges1 to look at any thing but some future good3 ,for there can arrive no good to the ,common-wealth1 by ,punishing the ,innocent4 ,secondly1 of that1 which forbiddeth ,ingratitude3 ,for seeing all ,soveraign ,power1 is originally given by the consent of every one of the ,subjects1 to the end they should as long as they are obedient1 be protected thereby2 the ,punishment of the ,innocent1 is a rendring of ,evill for ,good4 ,and thirdly1 of the ,law that commandeth ,equity2 that is to say1 an equall distribution of ,justice2 which in ,punishing the ,innocent is not observed4 ,but ,the ,harme ,done ,to ,innocents ,in ,war1 ,not ,so ,but the ,infliction of what evill soever1 on an ,innocent man1 that is not a ,subject1 if it be for the benefit of the ,common-wealth1 and without violation of any former ,covenant1 is no breach of the ,law of ,nature4 ,for all men that are not ,subjects1 are either ,enemies1 or else they have ceased from being so1 by some precedent covenants4 ,but against ,enemies1 whom the ,common-wealth judgeth capable to do them hurt1 it is lawfull by the originall ,right of ,nature to make warre2 wherein the ,sword ,judgeth not1 nor doth the ,victor make distinction of ,nocent and ,innocent1 as to the time past2 nor has other respect of mercy1 than as it conduceth to the good of his own ,people4 ,and upon this ground it is1 that also in ,subjects1 who deliberatly deny the ,authority of the ,common-wealth established1 the vengeance is lawfully extended1 not onely to the ,fathers1 but also to the third and fourth generation not yet in being1 and consequently innocent of the fact1 for which they are afflicted3 because the nature of this offence1 consisteth in the renouncing of subjection2 which is a relapse into the condition of warre1 commonly called ,rebellion2 and they that so offend1 suffer not as ,subjects1 but as ,enemies4 ,for ,rebellion1 is but warre renewed4 ,reward1 ,is ,either ,salary1 ,or ,grace ,,reward1 is either of ,gift1 or by ,contract4 ,when by ,contract1 it is called ,salary1 and ,wages2 which is benefit due for service performed1 or promised4 ,when of ,gift1 it is benefit proceeding from the ,grace of them that bestow it1 to encourage1 or enable men to do them service4 ,and therefore when the ,soveraign of a ,common-wealth appointeth a ,salary to any publique ,office1 he that receiveth it1 is bound in ,justice to performe his office2 otherwise1 he is bound onely in honour1 to acknowledgement1 and an endeavour of requitall4 ,for though men have no lawfull remedy1 when they be commanded to quit their private businesse1 to serve the publique1 without ,reward1 or ,salary2 yet they are not bound thereto1 by the ,law of ,nature1 nor by the institution of the ,common-wealth1 unlesse the service cannot otherwise be done2 because it is supposed the ,soveraign may make use of all their means1 insomuch as the most common ,souldier1 may demand the wages of his warrefare1 as a debt4 ,benefits ,bestowed ,for ,fear1 ,are ,not ,rewards ,the benefits which a ,soveraign bestoweth on a ,subject1 for fear of some power1 and ability he hath to do hurt to the ,common-wealth1 are not properly ,rewards2 for they are not ,salaryes2 because there is in this case no contract supposed1 every man being obliged already not to do the ,common-wealth disservice3 nor are they ,graces2 because they be extorted by feare1 which ought not to be incident to the ,soveraign ,power3 but are rather ,sacrifices1 which the ,soveraign 7considered in his naturall person1 and not in the person of the ,common-wealth7 makes1 for the appeasing the discontent of him he thinks more potent than himselfe2 and encourage not to obedience1 but on the contrary1 to the continuance1 and increasing of further extortion4 ,salaries ,certain ,and ,casuall ,and whereas some ,salaries are certain1 and proceed from the publique ,treasure2 and others uncertain1 and casuall1 proceeding from the execution of the ,office for which the ,salary is ordained2 the later is in some cases hurtfull to the ,common-wealth2 as in the case of ,judicature4 ,for where the benefit of the ,judges1 and ,ministers of a ,court of ,justice1 ariseth for the multitude of ,causes that are brought to their cognisance1 there must needs follow two ,inconveniences3 ,one1 is the nourishing of sutes2 for the more sutes1 the greater benefit3 and another that depends on that1 which is contention about ,jurisdiction2 each ,court drawing to it selfe1 as many ,causes as it can4 ,but in offices of ,execution there are not those ,inconveniences2 because their employment cannot be encreased by any endeavour of their own4 ,and thus much shall suffice for the nature of ,punishment1 and ,reward2 which are1 as it were1 the ,nerves and ,tendons1 that move the limbes and joynts of a ,common-wealth4 ,hitherto ,i have set forth the nature of ,man1 7whose ,pride and other ,passions have compelled him to submit himselfe to ,government27 together with the great power of his ,governour1 whom ,i compared to ,leviathan1 taking that comparison out of the two last verses of the one and fortieth of ,job2 where ,god having set forth the great power of ,leviathan1 called him ,king of the ,proud4 ,there is nothing1 saith he1 on earth1 to be compared with him4 ,he is made so as not be afraid4 ,hee seeth every high thing below him2 and is ,king of all the children of pride4 ,but because he is mortall1 and subject to decay1 as all other ,earthly creatures are2 and because there is that in heaven1 7though not on earth7 that he should stand in fear of1 and whose ,lawes he ought to obey2 ,i shall in the next following ,chapters speak of his ,diseases1 and the causes of his ,mortality2 and of what ,lawes of ,nature he is bound to obey4 ,,chapter ,,xxix4 ,,of ,,those ,,things ,,that ,,weaken1 ,,or ,,tend ,,to ,,the ,,dissolution ,,of ,a ,,common-,,wealth ,dissolution ,of ,common-wealths ,proceedeth ,from ,imperfect ,institution ,though nothing can be immortall1 which mortals make2 yet1 if men had the use of reason they pretend to1 their ,common-wealths might be secured1 at least1 from perishing by internall diseases4 ,for by the nature of their ,institution1 they are designed to live1 as long as ,man-kind1 or as the ,lawes of ,nature1 or as ,justice it selfe1 which gives them life4 ,therefore when they come to be dissolved1 not by externall violence1 but intestine disorder1 the fault is not in men1 as they are the ,matter2 but as they are the ,makers1 and orderers of them4 ,for men1 as they become at last weary of irregular justling1 and hewing one another1 and desire with all their hearts1 to conforme themselves into one firme and lasting edifice2 so for want1 both of the art of making fit ,laws1 to square their actions by1 and also of humility1 and patience1 to suffer the rude and combersome points of their present greatnesse to be taken off1 they cannot without the help of a very able ,architect1 be compiled1 into any other than a crasie building1 such as hardly lasting out their own time1 must assuredly fall upon the heads of their posterity4 ,amongst the ,infirmities therefore of a ,common-wealth1 ,i will reckon in the first place1 those that arise from an ,imperfect ,institution1 and resemble the diseases of a naturall body1 which proceed from a ,defectuous ,procreation4 ,want ,of ,absolute ,power ,of which1 this is one1 ,that a man to obtain a ,kingdome1 is sometimes content with lesse ,power1 than to the ,peace1 and defence of the ,common-wealth is necessarily required4 ,from whence it commeth to passe1 that when the exercise of the ,power layd by1 is for the publique safety to be resumed1 it hath the resemblance of as unjust act2 which disposeth great numbers of men 7when occasion is presented7 to rebell2 ,in the same manner as the bodies of children1 gotten by diseased parents1 are subject either to untimely death1 or to purge the ill quality1 derived from their vicious conception1 by breaking out into biles and scabbs4 ,and when ,kings deny themselves some such necessary ,power1 it is not alwayes 7though sometimes7 out of ignorance of what is necessary to the office they undertake2 but many times out of a hope to recover the same again at their pleasure3 ,wherein they reason not well2 because such as will hold them to their promises1 shall be maintained against them by forraign ,common-wealths2 who in order to the good of their own ,subjects let slip few occasions to ,weaken the estate of their ,neighbours4 ,so was ,thomas ,beckett ,archbishop of ,canterbury1 supported against ,henry the ,second1 by the ,pope2 the subjection of ,ecclesiastiques to the ,common-wealth1 having been dispensed with by ,william the ,conqueror at his reception1 when he took an ,oath1 not to infringe the liberty of the ,church4 ,and so were the ,barons1 whose power was by ,william ,rufus 7to have their help in transferring the ,succession from his ,elder brother1 to himselfe17 encreased to a degree1 inconsistent with the ,soveraign ,power1 maintained in their ,rebellion against ,king ,john1 by the ,french4 ,nor does this happen in ,monarchy onely4 ,for whereas the stile of the antient ,roman ,common-wealth1 was1 ,the ,senate1 and ,people of ,rome2 neither ,senate1 nor ,people pretended to the whole ,power2 which first caused the seditions1 of ,tiberius ,gracchus1 ,caius ,gracchus1 ,lucius ,saturnius1 and others2 and afterwards the warres between the ,senate and the ,people1 under ,marius and ,sylla2 and again under ,pompey and ,caesar1 to the ,extinction of their ,democraty1 and the setting up of ,monarchy4 ,the people of ,athens bound themselves but from one onely ,action2 which was1 that no man on pain of death should propound the renewing of the warre for the ,island of ,salamis2 ,and yet thereby1 if ,solon had not caused to be given out he was mad1 and afterwards in gesture and habit of a mad-man1 and in verse1 propounded it to the ,people that flocked about him1 they had had an enemy perpetually in readinesse1 even at the gates of their ,citie2 such dammage1 or shifts1 are all ,common-wealths forced to1 that have their ,power never so little limited4 ,private ,judgement ,of ,good and ,evill ,in the second place1 ,i observe the ,diseases of a ,common-wealth1 that proceed from the poyson of seditious doctrines2 whereof one is1 ,that every private man is ,judge of ,good and ,evill actions4 ,this is true in the condition of meer ,nature1 where there are no ,civill ,lawes2 and also under ,civill ,government1 in such cases as are not determined by the ,law4 ,but otherwise1 it is manifest1 that the measure of ,good and ,evill actions1 is the ,civill ,law2 and the ,judge the ,legislator1 who is alwayes ,representative of the ,common-wealth4 ,from this false doctrine1 men are disposed to debate with themselves1 and dispute the commands of the ,common-wealth2 and afterwards to obey1 or disobey them1 as in their private judgements they shall think fit4 ,whereby the ,common-wealth is distracted and ,weakened4 ,erroneous ,conscience ,another doctrine repugnant to ,civill ,society1 is1 that ,whatsoever a man does against his ,conscience1 is ,sinne2 and it dependeth on the presumption of making himself judge of ,good and ,evill4 ,for a mans ,conscience1 and his ,judgement is the same thing2 and as the ,judgement1 so also the ,conscience may be erroneous4 ,therefore1 though he that is subject to no ,civill ,law1 sinneth in all he does against his ,conscience1 because he has no other rule to follow but his own reason2 yet it is not so with him that lives in a ,common-wealth2 because the ,law is the publique ,conscience1 by which he hath already undertaken to be guided4 ,otherwise in such diversity1 as there is of private ,consciences1 which are but private opinions1 the ,common-wealth must needs be distracted1 and no man dare to obey the ,soveraign ,power1 farther than it shall seem good in his own eyes4 ,pretence ,of ,inspiration ,it hath been also commonly taught1 ,that ,faith and ,sanctity1 are not to be attained by ,study and ,reason1 but by supernaturall ,inspiration1 or ,infusion1 which granted1 ,i see not why any man should render a reason of his ,faith2 or why every ,christian should not be also a ,prophet2 or why any man should take the ,law of his ,country1 rather than his own ,inspiration1 for the rule of his action4 ,and thus wee fall again into the fault of taking upon us to ,judge of ,good and ,evill2 or to make ,judges of it1 such private men as pretend to be supernaturally ,inspired1 to the ,dissolution of all ,civill ,government4 ,faith comes by hearing1 and hearing by those accidents1 which guide us into the presence of them that speak to us2 which accidents are all contrived by ,god ,almighty2 and yet are not supernaturall1 but onely1 for the great number of them that concurre to every effect1 unobservable4 ,faith1 and ,sanctity1 are indeed not very frequent2 but yet they are not ,miracles1 but brought to passe by education1 discipline1 correction1 and other naturall wayes1 by which ,god worketh them in his elect1 as such time as he thinketh fit4 ,and these three opinions1 pernicious to ,peace and ,government1 have in this part of the world1 proceeded chiefly from the tongues1 and pens of unlearned ,divines2 who joyning the words of ,holy ,scripture together1 otherwise than is agreeable to reason1 do what they can1 to make men think1 that ,sanctity and ,naturall ,reason1 cannot stand together4 ,subjecting ,the ,soveraign ,power ,to ,civill ,lawes ,a fourth opinion1 repugnant to the nature of a ,common-wealth1 is this1 ,that he that hath the ,soveraign ,power1 is subject to the ,civill ,lawes4 ,it is true1 that ,soveraigns are all subjects to the ,lawes of ,nature2 because such lawes be ,divine1 and cannot by any man1 or ,common-wealth be abrogated4 ,but to those ,lawes which the ,soveraign himselfe1 that is1 which the ,common-wealth maketh1 he is not subject4 ,for to be subject to ,lawes1 is to be subject to the ,common-wealth1 that is to the ,soveraign ,representative1 that is to himselfe2 which is not subjection1 but freedome from the ,lawes4 ,which errour1 because it setteth the ,lawes above the ,soveraign1 setteth also a ,judge above him1 and a ,power to punish him2 which is to make a new ,soveraign2 and again for the same reason a third1 to punish the second2 and so continually without end1 to the ,confusion1 and ,dissolution of the ,common-wealth4 ,attributing ,of ,absolute ,propriety ,to ,the ,subjects ,a ,fifth doctrine1 that tendeth to the ,dissolution of a ,common-wealth1 is1 ,that every private man has an absolute ,propriety in his ,goods2 such1 as excludeth the ,right of the ,soveraign4 ,every man has indeed a ,propriety that excludes the ,right of every other ,subject3 ,and he has it onely from the ,soveraign ,power2 without the protection whereof1 every other man should have equall ,right to the same4 ,but if the ,right of the ,soveraign also be excluded1 he cannot performe the office they have put him into2 which is1 to defend them both from forraign enemies1 and from the injuries of one another2 and consequently there is no longer a ,common-wealth4 ,and if the ,propriety of ,subjects1 exclude not the ,right of the ,soveraign ,representative to their ,goods2 much lesse to their offices of ,judicature1 or ,execution1 in which they ,represent the ,soveraign himselfe4 ,dividing ,of ,the ,soveraign ,power ,there is a ,sixth doctrine1 plainly1 and directly against the essence of a ,common-wealth2 and 'tis this1 ,that the ,soveraign ,power may be divided4 ,for what is it to divide the ,power of a ,common-wealth1 but to ,dissolve it2 for ,powers divided mutually destroy each other4 ,and for these doctrines1 men are chiefly beholding to some of those1 that making profession of the ,lawes1 endeavour to make them depend upon their own learning1 and not upon the ,legislative ,power4 ,imitation ,of ,neighbour ,nations ,and as ,false ,doctrine1 so also often-times the ,example of different ,government in a neighbouring ,nation1 disposeth men to alteration of the forme already setled4 ,so the people of the ,jewes were stirred up to reject ,god1 and to call upon the ,prophet ,samuel1 for a ,king after the manner of the ,nations2 ,so also the lesser ,cities of ,greece1 were continually disturbed1 with seditions of the ,aristocraticall1 and ,democraticall factions2 one part of almost every ,common-wealth1 desiring to imitate the ,lacedaemonians2 the other1 the ,athenians4 ,and ,i doubt not1 but many men1 have been contented to see the late troubles in ,england1 out of an imitation of the ,low ,countries2 supposing there needed no more to grow rich1 than to change1 as they had done1 the forme of their ,government4 ,for the constitution of mans nature1 is of it selfe subject to desire novelty3 ,when therefore they are provoked to the same1 by the neighbourhood also of those that have been enriched by it1 it is almost impossible for them1 not to be content with those that solicite them to change2 and love the first beginnings1 though they be grieved with the continuance of disorder2 like hot blouds1 that having gotten the itch1 tear themselves with their own nayles1 till they can endure the smart no longer4 ,imitation ,of ,the ,greeks1 ,and ,romans ,and as to ,rebellion in particular against ,monarchy2 one of the most frequent causes of it1 is the ,reading of the books of ,policy1 and ,histories of the antient ,greeks1 and ,romans2 from which1 young men1 and all others that are unprovided of the ,antidote of solid ,reason1 receiving a strong1 and delightfull impression1 of the great exploits of warre1 atchieved by the ,conductors of their ,armies1 receive withall a pleasing ,idea1 of all they have done besides2 and imagine their great prosperity1 not to have proceeded from the aemulation of particular men1 but from the vertue of their popular form of government3 ,not considering the frequent ,seditions1 and ,civill ,warres1 produced by the imperfection of their ,policy4 ,from the reading1 ,i say1 of such books1 men have undertaken to kill their ,kings1 because the ,greek and ,latine writers1 in their books1 and discourses of ,policy1 make it lawfull1 and laudable1 for any man so to do2 provided before he do it1 he call him ,tyrant4 ,for they say not ,regicide1 that is1 killing of a ,king1 but ,tyrannicide1 that is1 killing of a ,tyrant is lawfull4 ,from the same books1 they that live under a ,monarch conceive an opinion1 that the ,subjects in a ,popular ,common-wealth enjoy ,liberty2 but that in a ,monarchy they are all ,slaves4 ,i say1 they that live under a ,monarchy conceive such an opinion2 not they that live under a ,popular ,government2 for they find no such matter4 ,in summe1 ,i cannot imagine1 how anything can be more prejudiciall to a ,monarchy1 than the allowing of such books to be publikely read1 without present applying such correctives of discreet ,masters1 as are fit to take away their ,venime2 ,which ,venime ,i will not doubt to compare to the biting of a mad ,dogge1 which is a disease the ,physicians call ,hydrophobia1 or ,fear ,of ,water4 ,for as he that is so bitten1 has a continuall torment of thirst1 and yet abhorreth water2 and is in such an estate1 as if the poyson endeavoured to convert him into a ,dogge3 ,so when a ,monarchy is once bitten to the quick1 by those ,democraticall writers1 that continually snarle at that estate2 it wanteth nothing more than a strong ,monarch1 which neverthelesse out of a certain ,tyrannophobia1 or feare of being strongly governed1 when they have him1 they abhorre4 ,as here have been ,doctors1 that hold there be three ,soules in a man2 so there be also that think there may be more ,soules1 7that is1 more ,soveraigns17 than one1 in a ,common-wealth2 and set up a ,supremacy against the ,soveraignty2 ,canons against ,lawes2 and a ,ghostly ,authority against the ,civill2 working on mens minds1 with words and distinctions1 that of themselves signifie nothing1 but bewray 7by their obscurity7 that there walketh 7as some think invisibly7 another ,kingdome1 as it were a ,kingdome of ,fayries1 in the dark4 ,now seeing it is manifest1 that the ,civill ,power1 and the ,power of the ,common-wealth is the same thing2 and that ,supremacy1 and the ,power of making ,canons1 and granting ,faculties1 implyeth a ,common-wealth2 it followeth1 that where one is ,soveraign1 another ,supreme2 where one can make ,lawes1 and another make ,canons2 there must needs be two ,common-wealths1 of one the same ,subjects2 which is a ,kingdome divided in it selfe1 and cannot stand4 ,for notwithstanding the insignificant distinction of ,temporall1 and ,ghostly1 they are still two ,kingdomes1 and every ,subject is subject to two ,masters4 ,for seeing the ,ghostly ,power challengeth the ,right to declare what is ,sinne it challengeth by consequence to declare what is ,law1 7,sinne being nothing but the transgression of the ,law27 and again1 the ,civill ,power challenging to declare what is ,law1 every ,subject must obey two ,masters1 who bothe will have their ,commands be observed as ,law2 which is impossible4 ,or1 if it be but one ,kingdome1 either the ,civill1 which is the ,power of the ,common-wealth1 must be subordinate to the ,ghostly2 or the ,ghostly must be subordinate to the ,temporall and then there is no ,supremacy but the ,temporall4 ,when therefore these two ,powers oppose one another1 the ,common-wealth cannot but be in great danger of ,civill warre1 and ,dissolution4 ,for the ,civill ,authority being more visible1 and standing in the cleerer light of naturall reason cannot choose but draw to it in all times a very considerable part of the people3 ,and the ,spirituall1 though it stand in the darknesse of ,schoole distinctions1 and hard words2 yet because the fear of ,darknesse1 and ,ghosts1 is greater than other fears1 cannot want a party sufficient to ,trouble1 and sometimes to ,destroy a ,common-wealth4 ,and this is a ,disease which not unfitly may be compared to the ,epilepsie1 or ,falling-sicknesse 7which the ,jewes took to be one kind of possession by ,spirits7 in the ,body ,naturall4 ,for as in this ,disease1 there is an unnaturall spirit1 or wind in the head that obstructeth the roots of the ,nerves1 and moving them violently1 taketh away the motion which naturally they should have from the power of the ,soule in the ,brain1 and thereby causeth violent1 and irregular motions 7which men call ,convulsions7 in the parts2 insomuch as he that is seized therewith1 falleth down sometimes into the water1 and sometimes into the fire1 as a man deprived of his senses2 so also in the ,body ,politique1 when the ,spirituall power1 moveth the ,members of a ,common-wealth1 by the terrour of punishments1 and hope of rewards 7which are the ,nerves of it17 otherwise than by the ,civill ,power 7which is the ,soule of the ,common-wealth7 they ought to be moved2 and by strange1 and hard words suffocates the people1 and either ,overwhelm the ,common-wealth with ,oppression1 or cast it into the ,fire of a ,civill warre4 ,mixt ,government ,sometimes also in the meerly ,civill government1 there be more than one ,soule3 ,as when the ,power of levying mony1 7which is the ,nutritive faculty17 has depended on a generall ,assembly2 the ,power of conduct and command1 7which is the ,motive ,faculty17 on one man2 and the ,power of making ,lawes1 7which is the ,rationall faculty17 on the accidentall consent1 not onely of those two1 but also of a third2 ,this endangereth the ,common-wealth1 somtimes for want of consent to good ,lawes2 but most often for want of such ,nourishment1 as is necessary to ,life1 and ,motion4 ,for although few perceive1 that such government1 is not government1 but division of the ,common-wealth into three ,factions1 and call it mixt ,monarchy2 yet the truth is1 that it is not one independent ,common-wealth1 but three independent ,factions2 nor one ,representative ,person1 but three4 ,in the ,kingdome of ,god1 there may be three ,persons independent1 without breach of unity in ,god that ,reigneth2 but where men ,reigne1 that be subject to diversity of opinions1 it cannot be so4 ,and therefore if the ,king bear the person of the ,people1 and the generall ,assembly bear also the person of the ,people1 and another assembly bear the person of a ,part of the people1 they are not one ,person1 nor one ,soveraign1 but three ,persons1 and three ,soveraigns4 ,to what ,disease in the ,naturall ,body of man1 ,i may exactly compare this irregularity of a ,common-wealth1 ,i know not4 ,but ,i have seen a man1 that had another man growing out of his side1 with an head1 armes1 breast1 and stomach1 of his own3 ,if he had had another man growing out of his other side1 the comparison might then have been exact4 ,want ,of ,mony ,hitherto ,i have named such ,diseases of a ,common-wealth1 as are of the greatest1 and most present danger4 ,there be other1 not so great2 which neverthelesse are not unfit to be observed4 ,as first1 the difficulty of raising ,mony1 for the necessary uses of the ,common-wealth2 especially in the approach of warre4 ,this difficulty ariseth from the opinion1 that every ,subject hath of a ,propriety in his lands and goods1 exclusive of the ,soveraigns ,right to the use of the same4 ,from whence it commeth to passe1 that the ,soveraign ,power1 which foreseeth the necessities and dangers of the ,common-wealth1 7finding the passage of mony to the publique ,treasure obstructed1 by the tenacity of the people17 whereas it ought to extend it selfe1 to encounter1 and prevent such dangers in their beginnings1 contracteth it selfe as long as it can1 and when it cannot longer1 struggles with the people by strategems of ,law1 to obtain little summes1 which not sufficing1 he is fain at last violently to open the way for present supply1 or ,perish2 and being put often to these extremities1 at last reduceth the people to their due temper2 or else the ,common-wealth must perish4 ,insomuch as we may compare this ,distemper very aptly to an ,ague2 wherein1 the fleshy parts being congealed1 or by venomous matter obstructed2 the ,veins which by their naturall course empty themselves into the ,heart1 are not 7as they ought to be7 supplyed from the ,arteries1 whereby there succeedeth at first a cold contraction1 and trembling of the limbes2 and afterwards a hot1 and strong endeavour of the ,heart1 to force a passage for the ,bloud2 and before it can do that1 contenteth it selfe with the small refreshments of such things as coole of a time1 till 7if ,nature be strong enough7 it break at last the contumacy of the parts obstructed1 and dissipateth the venome into sweat2 or 7if ,nature be too weak7 the ,patient dyeth4 ,monopolies ,and ,abuses ,of ,publicans ,again1 there is sometimes in a ,common-wealth1 a ,disease1 which resembleth the ,pleurisie2 and that is1 when the ,treasure of the ,common-wealth1 flowing out of its due course1 is gathered together in too much abundance1 in one1 or a few private men1 by ,monopolies1 or by ,farmes of the ,publique ,revenues2 in the same manner as the ,blood in a ,pleurisie1 getting into the ,membrane of the breast1 breedeth there an ,inflammation1 accompanied with a ,fever1 and painfull stitches4 ,popular ,men ,also1 the ,popularity of a potent ,subject1 7unlesse the ,common-wealth have very good caution of his fidelity17 is a dangerous ,disease2 because the people 7which should receive their motion from the ,authority of the ,soveraign17 by the flattery1 and by the reputation of an ambitious man1 are drawn away from their obedience to the ,lawes1 to follow a man1 of whose vertues1 and designes they have no knowledge4 ,and this is commonly of more danger in a ,popular ,government1 than in a ,monarchy2 as it may easily be made believe1 they are the ,people4 ,by this means it was1 that ,julius ,caesar1 who was set up by the ,people against the ,senate1 having won to himselfe the affections of his ,army1 made himselfe ,master1 both of ,senate and ,people4 ,and this proceeding of popular1 and ambitious men1 is plain ,rebellion2 and may be resembled to the effects of ,witchcraft4 ,excessive ,greatnesse ,of ,a ,town1 ,multitude ,of ,corporations ,another infirmity of a ,common-wealth1 is the immoderate greatnesse of a ,town1 when it is able to furnish out of its own ,circuit1 the number1 and expence of a great ,army3 ,as also the great number of ,corporations2 which are as it were many lesser ,common-wealths in the bowels of a greater1 like wormes in the entrayles of a naturall man4 ,liberty ,of ,disputing ,against ,soveraign ,power ,to which may be added1 the ,liberty of ,disputing against absolute ,power1 by pretenders to ,politicall ,prudence2 which though bred for the most part in the ,lees of the people2 yet animated by ,false ,doctrines1 are perpetually medling with the ,fundamentall ,lawes1 to the molestation of the ,common-wealth2 like the little ,wormes1 which ,physicians call ,ascarides4 ,we may further adde1 the insatiable appetite1 or ,bulimia1 of enlarging ,dominion2 with the incurable ,wounds thereby many times received from the enemy2 ,and the ,wens1 of ununited conquests1 which are many times a burthen1 and with lesse danger lost1 than kept2 ,as also the ,lethargy of ,ease1 and ,consumption of ,riot and ,vain ,expence4 ,dissolution ,of ,the ,common-wealth ,lastly1 when in a warre 7forraign1 or intestine17 the enemies got a final ,victory2 so as 7the forces of the ,common-wealth keeping the field no longer7 there is no farther protection of ,subjects in their loyalty2 then is the ,common-wealth ,,dissolved1 and every man at liberty to protect himselfe by such courses as his own discretion shall suggest unto him4 ,for the ,soveraign1 is the publique ,soule1 giving ,life and ,motion to the ,common-wealth2 which expiring1 the ,members are governed by it no more1 than the ,carcasse of a man1 by his departed 7though ,immortal7 ,soule4 ,for though the ,right of a ,soveraign ,monarch cannot be extinguished by the act of another2 yet the ,obligation of the members may4 ,for he that wants protection1 may seek it anywhere2 and when he hath it1 is obliged 7without fraudulent pretence of having submitted himselfe out of fear17 to protect his ,protection as long as he is able4 ,but when the ,power of an ,assembly is once suppressed1 the ,right of the same perisheth utterly2 because the ,assembly it selfe is extinct2 and consequently1 there is no possibility for the ,soveraignty to re-enter4 ,,chapter ,,xxx4 ,,of ,,the ,,office ,,of ,,the ,,soveraign ,,representative ,the ,procuration ,of ,the ,good ,of ,the ,people ,the ,,office of the ,soveraign1 7be it a ,monarch1 or an ,assembly17 consisteth in the end1 for which he was trusted with the ,soveraign ,power1 namely the procuration of the ,safety ,of ,the ,people2 to which he is obliged by the ,law of ,nature1 and to render an account thereof to ,god1 the ,author of that ,law1 and to none but him4 ,but by ,safety here1 is not meant a bare ,preservation1 but also all other ,contentments of life1 which every man by lawfull ,industry1 without danger1 or hurt to the ,common-wealth1 shall acquire to himselfe4 ,by ,instruction ,lawes ,and this is intended should be done1 not by care applyed to ,individualls1 further than their protection from injuries1 when they shall complain2 but by a generall ,providence1 contained in publique ,instruction1 both of ,doctrine1 and ,example2 and in the making1 and executing of good ,lawes1 to which individuall persons may apply their own cases4 ,against ,the ,duty ,of ,a ,soveraign ,to ,relinquish ,any ,essentiall ,right of ,soveraignty ,or ,not ,to ,see ,the ,people ,taught ,the ,grounds ,of ,them ,and because1 if the essentiall ,rights of ,soveraignty 7specified before in the eighteenth ,chapter7 be taken away1 the ,common-wealth is thereby dissolved1 and every man returneth into the condition1 and calamity of a warre with every other man1 7which is the greatest evill that can happen in this life27 it is the ,office of the ,soveraign1 to maintain those ,rights entire2 and consequently against his duty1 ,first1 to transferre to another1 or to lay from himselfe any of them4 ,for he that deserteth the ,means1 deserteth the ,ends2 and he deserteth the ,means1 that being the ,soveraign1 acknowledgeth himselfe subject to the ,civill ,lawes2 and renounceth the ,power of ,supreme ,judicature2 or of making ,warre1 or ,peace by his own ,authority2 or of ,judging of the ,necessities of the ,common-wealth2 or of levying ,mony1 and ,souldiers1 when1 and as much as in his own conscience he shall judge necessary2 or of making ,officers1 and ,ministers both of ,warre1 and ,peace2 or of appointing ,teachers1 and examining what ,doctrines are conformable1 or contrary to the ,defence1 ,peace1 and ,good of the people4 ,secondly1 it is against his duty1 to let the people be ignorant1 or mis-in-formed of the grounds1 and reasons of those his essentiall ,rights2 because thereby men are easie to be seduced1 and drawn to resist him1 when the ,common-wealth shall require their use and exercise4 ,and the grounds of these ,rights1 have the rather need to be diligently1 and truly taught2 because they cannot be maintained by any ,civill ,law1 or terrour of legal punishment4 ,for a ,civill ,law1 that shall forbid ,rebellion1 7and such is all resistance to the essentiall ,rights of ,soveraignty17 is not 7as a ,civill ,law7 any obligation1 but by vertue onely of the ,law of ,nature1 that forbiddeth the violation of ,faith2 which naturall obligation if men know not1 they cannot know the ,right of any ,law the ,soveraign maketh4 ,and for the ,punishment1 they take it but for an act of ,hostility2 which when they think they have strength enough1 they will endeavour by acts of ,hostility1 to avoyd4 ,objection ,of ,those ,that ,say ,there ,are ,no ,principles ,of ,reason ,for ,absolute ,soveraignty ,as ,i have heard some say1 that ,justice is but a word1 without substance2 and that whatsoever a man can by force1 or art1 acquire to himselfe1 7not onely in the condition of warre1 but also in a ,common-wealth17 is his own1 which ,i have already shewed to be false3 ,so there be also that maintain1 that there are no grounds1 nor ,principles of ,reason1 to sustain those essentiall ,rights1 which make ,soveraignty absolute4 ,for if there were1 they would have been found out in some place1 or other2 whereas we see1 there has not hitherto been any ,common-wealth1 where those ,rights have been acknowledged1 or challenged4 ,wherein they argue as ill1 as if the ,savage people of ,america1 should deny there were any grounds1 or ,principles of ,reason1 so to build a house1 as to last as long as the materials1 because they never yet saw any so well built4 ,time1 and ,industry1 produce every day new knowledge4 ,and as the art of well building1 is derived from ,principles of ,reason1 observed by industrious men1 that had long studied the nature of materials1 and the divers effects of figure1 and proportion1 long after mankind began 7though poorly7 to build3 ,so1 long time after men have begun to constitute ,common-wealths1 imperfect1 and apt to relapse into disorder1 there may1 ,principles of ,reason be found out1 by industrious meditation1 to make use of them1 or be neglected by them1 or not1 concerneth my particular interest1 at this day1 very little4 ,but supposing that these of mine are not such ,principles of ,reason2 yet ,i am sure they are ,principles from ,authority of ,scripture2 as ,i shall make it appear1 when ,i shall come to speak of the ,kingdome of ,god1 7administred by ,moses17 over the ,jewes1 his peculiar people by ,covenant4 ,objection ,from ,the ,incapacity ,of ,the ,vulgar ,but they say again1 that though the ,principles be right1 yet ,common people are not of capacity enough to be made to understand them4 ,i should be glad1 that the ,rich1 and ,potent ,subjects of a ,kingdome1 or those that are accounted the most ,learned1 were no lesse incapable than they4 ,but all men know1 that the obstructions to this kind of doctrine1 proceed not so much from the difficulty of the matter1 as from the interest of them that are to learn4 ,potent men1 digest hardly any thing that setteth up a ,power to bridle their affections2 and ,learned men1 any thing that discovereth their errours1 and thereby lesseneth their ,authority3 whereas the ,common-peoples minds1 unlesse they be tainted with dependance on the ,potent1 or scribbled over with the opinions of their ,doctors1 are like clean paper1 fit to receive whatsoever by ,publique ,authority shall be imprinted in them4 ,shall whole ,nations be brought to ,acquiesce in the great ,mysteries of ,christian ,religion1 which are above ,reason2 and millions of men be made believe1 that the same ,body may be in innumerable places1 at one and the same time1 which is against ,reason2 and shall not men be able1 by their teaching1 and preaching1 protected by the ,law1 to make that received1 which is so consonant to ,reason1 that any unprejudicated man1 needs no more to learn it1 than to hear it8 ,i conclude therefore1 that in the instruction of the people in the ,essentiall ,rights 7which are the ,naturall1 and ,fundamentall ,lawes7 of ,soveraignty1 there is no difficulty1 7whilest a ,soveraign has his ,power entire17 but what proceeds from his own fault1 or the fault of those whom he trusteth in the administration of the ,common-wealth2 and consequently1 it is his ,duty1 to cause them so to be instructed2 and not onely his ,duty1 but his ,benefit also1 and ,security1 against the danger that may arrive to himselfe in his naturall ,person1 from ,rebellion4 ,subjects ,are ,to ,be ,taught1 ,not ,to ,affect ,change ,of ,government ,and 7to descend to particulars7 the ,people are to be taught1 ,first1 that they ought not to be in love with any forme of ,government they see in their neighbour ,nations1 more than with their own1 nor 7whatsoever present prosperity they behold in ,nations that are otherwise governed than they17 to desire change4 ,for the prosperity of a ,people ruled by an ,aristocraticall1 or ,democraticall assembly1 commeth not from ,aristocracy1 nor from ,democracy1 but from the ,obedience1 and ,concord of the ,subjects2 nor do the people flourish in a ,monarchy1 because one man has the right to rule them1 but because they obey him4 ,take away in any kind of ,state1 the ,obedience1 7and consequently the ,concord of the ,people17 and they shall not onely not flourish1 but in short time be dissolved4 ,and they that go about by disobedience1 to doe no more than reforme the ,common-wealth1 shall find they do thereby destroy it2 like the foolish daughters of ,peleus 7in the fable27 which desiring to renew the youth of their decrepit ,father1 did by the ,counsell of ,medea1 cut him in pieces1 and boyle him1 together with strange herbs1 but made not of him a new man4 ,this desire of change1 is like the breach of the first of ,gods ,commandements3 ,for there ,god says1 ,non ,habebis ,deos ,alienos2 ,thou shalt not have the ,gods of other ,nations2 and in another place concerning ,kings1 that they are ,gods4 ,nor ,adhere 7,against ,the ,soveraign7 ,to ,popular ,men ,secondly1 they are to be taught1 that they ought not to be led with admiration of the vertue of any of their fellow ,subjects1 how high soever he stand1 nor how conspicuously soever he shine in the ,common-wealth2 nor of any ,assembly1 7except the ,soveraign ,assembly17 so as to deferre to them any obedience1 or honour1 appropriate to the ,soveraign onely1 whom 7in their particular stations7 they represent2 nor to receive any influence from them1 but such as is conveighed by them from the ,soveraign ,authority4 ,for that ,soveraign1 cannot be imagined to love his ,people as he ought1 that is not ,jealous of them1 but suffers them by the flattery of ,popular men1 to be seduced from their loyalty1 as they have often been1 not onely secretly1 but openly1 so as to proclaime ,marriage with them ,in ,facie ,ecclesiae by ,preachers2 and by publishing the same in the open streets3 which may fitly be compared to the violation of the second of the ten ,commandements4 ,nor ,to ,dispute ,the ,soveraign ,power ,thirdly1 in consequence to this1 they ought to be informed1 how great fault it is1 to speak evill of the ,soveraign ,representative1 7whether ,one man1 or an ,assembly of men27 or to argue and dispute his ,power1 or any way to use his ,name irreverently1 whereby he may be brought into ,contempt with his ,people1 and their ,obedience 7in which the safety of the ,common-wealth consisteth7 slackened4 ,which doctrine the third ,commandement by resemblance pointeth to4 ,and ,to ,have ,dayes ,set ,apart ,to ,learn ,their ,duty ,fourthly1 seeing people cannot be taught this1 nor when 'tis taught1 remember it1 nor after one generation past1 so much as know in whom the ,soveraign ,power is placed1 without setting a part from their ordinary labour1 some certain times1 in which they may attend those that are appointed to instruct them2 ,it is necessary that some such times be determined1 wherein they may assemble together1 and 7after prayers and praises given to ,god1 the ,soveraign of ,soveraigns7 hear those their ,duties told them1 and the ,positive ,lawes1 such as generally concern them all1 read and expounded1 and be put in mind of the ,authority that maketh them ,lawes4 ,to this end had the ,jewes every seventh day1 a ,sabbath1 in which the ,law was read and expounded2 and in the solemnity whereof they were put in mind1 that their ,king was ,god2 that having created the world in six days1 he rested the seventh day2 and by their resting on it from their labour1 that that ,god was their ,king1 which redeemed them from their servile1 and painfull labour in ,egypt1 and gave them a time1 after they had rejoyced in ,god1 to take joy also in themselves1 by lawfull recreation4 ,so that the first ,table of the ,commandements1 is spent all1 in setting down the summe of ,gods absolute ,power2 not onely as ,god1 but as ,king by pact1 7in peculiar7 of the ,jewes2 and may therefore give light1 to those that have the ,soveraign ,power conferred on them by the consent of men1 to see what doctrine they ,ought to teach their ,subjects4 ,and ,to ,honour ,their ,parents ,and because the first instruction of ,children1 dependeth on the care of their ,parents2 it is necessary that they should be obedient to them1 whilest they are under their tuition2 and not onely so1 but that also afterwards 7as gratitude requireth17 they acknowledge the benefit of their education1 by externall signes of honour4 ,to which end they are to be taught1 that originally the ,father of every man was also his ,soveraign ,lord1 with power over him of life and death2 and that the ,fathers of families1 when by instituting a ,common-wealth1 they resigned that absolute ,power1 yet it was never intended1 they should lose the honour due unto them for their education4 ,for to relinquish such right1 was not necessary to the ,institution of ,soveraign ,power2 nor would there be any reason1 why any man should desire to have children1 or take the care to nourish1 and instruct them1 if they were afterwards to have no other benefit from them1 than from other men4 ,and this accordeth with the fifth ,commandement4 ,and ,to ,avoyd ,doing ,of ,injury3 ,again1 every ,soveraign ,ought to cause ,justice to be taught1 which 7consisting in taking from no man what is his7 is as much as to say1 to cause men to be taught not to deprive their ,neighbour1 by violence1 or fraud1 of any thing which by the ,soveraign ,authority is theirs4 ,of things held in propriety1 those that are dearest to a man are his own life1 limbs2 and in the next degree1 7in most men17 those that concern conjugall affection2 and after them riches and means of living4 ,therefore the ,people are to be taught1 to abstain from violence to one anothers person1 by private revenges2 from violation of conjugall honour2 and from forcibly rapine1 and fraudulent surreption of one anothers goods4 ,for which purpose also it is necessary they be shewed the evill consequences of false ,judgement1 by corruption either of ,judges or ,witnesses1 whereby the distinction of propriety is taken away1 and ,justice becomes of no effect3 all which things are intimated in the sixth1 seventh1 eighth1 and ninth ,commandements4 ,and ,to ,do ,all ,this ,sincerely ,from ,the ,heart ,lastly1 they are to be taught1 that not onely the unjust facts1 but the designes and intentions to do them1 7though by accident hindred17 are ,injustice2 which consisteth in the pravity of the will1 as well as in the irregularity of the act4 ,and this is the intention of the tenth ,commandement1 and the summe of the ,second ,table2 which is reduced all to this one ,commandement of mutuall ,charity1 ,thou shalt love thy neighbour as thy selfe3 as the summe of the first ,table is reduced to the love of ,god2 whom they had then newly received as their ,king4 ,the ,use ,of ,universities ,as for the ,means1 and ,conduits1 by which the people may receive this ,instruction1 wee are to search1 by what means so may ,opinions1 contrary to the peace of ,man-kind1 upon weak and false ,principles1 have neverthelesse been so deeply rooted in them4 ,i mean those1 which ,i have in the precedent ,chapter specified3 as ,that men shall ,judge of what is lawfull and unlawfull1 not by the ,law it selfe1 but by their own private ,judgements2 ,that ,subjects sinne in obeying the ,commands of the ,common-wealth1 unlesse they themselves have first judged them to be lawfull3 ,that their ,propriety in their riches is such1 as to exclude the ,dominion1 which the ,common-wealth hath over the same3 ,that it is lawfull for ,subjects to kill such1 as they call ,tyrants3 ,that the ,soveraign ,power may be divided1 and the like2 which come to be instilled into the ,people by this means4 ,they whom necessity1 or covetousnesse keepeth attent on their trades1 and labour2 and they1 on the other side1 whom superfluity1 or sloth carrieth after their sensuall pleasures1 7which two sorts of men take up the greatest part of ,man-kind17 being diverted from the deep meditation1 which the learning of truth1 not onely in the matter of ,naturall ,justice1 but also of all other ,sciences necessarily requireth1 receive the ,notions of their duty1 chiefly from ,divines in the ,pulpit1 and partly from such of their ,neighbours1 or familiar acquaintance1 as having the ,faculty of discoursing readily1 and plausibly1 seem wiser and better learned in cases of ,law1 and ,conscience1 than themselves4 ,and the ,divines1 and such others as make shew of ,learning1 derive their knowledge from the ,universities1 and from the ,schooles of ,law1 or from the ,books1 which by men eminent in those ,schooles1 and ,universities have been published4 ,it is therefore manifest1 that the ,instruction of the people1 dependeth wholly1 on the right teaching of ,youth in the ,universities4 ,but are not 7may some men say7 the ,universities of ,england learned enough already to do that8 or is it you will undertake to teach the ,universities8 ,hard questions4 ,yet to the first1 ,i doubt not to answer2 that till towards the later end of ,henry the ,eighth1 the ,power of the ,pope1 was alwayes upheld against the ,power of the ,common-wealth1 principally by the ,universities2 and that the doctrines maintained by so many ,preachers1 against the ,soveraign ,power of the ,king1 and by so many ,lawyers1 and others1 that had their education there1 is a sufficient argument1 that though the ,universities were not authors of those false doctrines1 yet they knew not how to plant the true4 ,for in such a contradiction of ,opinions1 it is most certain1 that they have not been sufficiently instructed2 and 'tis no wonder1 if they yet retain a relish of that subtile liquor1 wherewith they were first seasoned1 against the ,civill ,authority4 ,but to the later question1 it is not fit1 nor needfull for me to say either ,i1 or ,no3 for any man that sees what ,i am doing1 may easily perceive what ,i think4 ,the safety of the ,people1 requireth further1 from him1 or them that have the ,soveraign ,power1 that ,justice be equally administred to all degrees of ,people2 that is1 that as well the rich1 and mighty1 as poor and obscure persons1 may be righted of the injuries done them2 so as the great1 may have no greater hope of impunity1 when they doe violence1 dishonour1 or any ,injury to the meaner sort1 than when one of these1 does the like to one of them3 ,for in this consisteth ,equity2 to which1 as being a ,precept of the ,law of ,nature1 a ,soveraign is as much subject1 as any of the meanest of his ,people4 ,all breaches of the ,law1 are offences against the ,common-wealth3 but there be some1 that are also against private ,persons4 ,those that concern the ,common-wealth onely1 may without breach of ,equity be pardoned2 for every man may pardon what is done against himselfe1 according to his own discretion4 ,but an offence against a private man1 cannot in ,equity be pardoned1 without the consent of him that is injured2 or reasonable satisfaction4 ,the ,inequality of ,subjects1 proceedeth from the ,acts of ,soveraign ,power2 and therefore has no more place in the presence of the ,soveraign2 that is to say1 in a ,court of ,justice1 then the ,inequality between ,kings1 and their ,subjects1 in the presence of the ,king of ,kings4 ,the honour of great ,persons1 is to be valued for their beneficence1 and the aydes they give to men of inferiour rank1 or not at all4 ,and the violences1 oppressions1 and injuries they do1 are not extenuated1 but aggravated by the greatnesse of their persons2 because they have least need to commit them4 ,the consequences of this partiality towards the great1 proceed in this manner4 ,impunity maketh ,insolence2 ,insolence ,hatred2 and ,hatred1 an ,endeavour to pull down all oppressing and contumelious greatnesse1 though with the ruine of the ,common-wealth4 ,equall ,taxes ,to ,equall ,justice1 appertaineth also the ,equall imposition of ,taxes2 the equality whereof dependeth not on the ,equality of riches1 but on the ,equality of the debt1 that every man oweth to the ,common-wealth for his defence4 ,it is not enough1 for a man to labour for the maintenance of his life2 but also to fight1 7if need be17 for the securing of his labour4 ,they must either do as the ,jewes did after their return from captivity1 in re-edifying the ,temple1 build with one hand1 and hold the ,sword in the other2 or else they must hire others to fight for them4 ,for the ,impositions that are layd on the ,people by the ,soveraign ,power1 are nothing else but the ,wages1 due to them that hold the publique ,sword1 to defend private men in the exercise of severall ,trades1 and ,callings4 ,seeing then the benefit that every one receiveth thereby1 is the enjoyment of life1 which is equally dear to poor1 and rich2 the debt which a poor man oweth them that defend his life1 is the same which a rich man oweth for the defence of his2 saving that the rich1 who have the service of the poor1 may be debtors not onely for their own persons1 but for many more4 ,which considered1 the ,equality of ,imposition1 consisteth rather in the ,equality of that which is consumed1 than of the riches of the persons that consume the same4 ,for what reason is there1 that he which laboureth much1 and sparing the fruits of his labour1 consumeth little1 should be more charged1 then he that living idlely1 getteth little1 and spendeth all he gets2 seeing the one hath no more protection from the ,common-wealth1 then the other8 ,but when the ,impositions1 are layd upon those things which men consume1 every man payeth ,equally for what he useth3 ,nor is the ,common-wealth defrauded1 by the luxurious waste of private men4 ,publique ,charity ,and whereas many men1 by accident unevitable1 become unable to maintain themselves by their labour2 they ought not to be left to the ,charity of private persons2 but to be provided for1 7as far-forth as the necessities of ,nature require17 by the ,lawes of the ,common-wealth4 ,for as it is ,uncharitablenesse in any man1 to neglect the impotent2 so it is in the ,soveraign of a ,common-wealth1 to expose them to the hazard of such uncertain ,charity4 ,prevention ,of ,idlenesse ,but for such as have strong bodies1 the case is otherwise3 they are to be forced to work2 and to avoyd the excuse of not finding employment1 there ought to be such ,lawes1 as may encourage all manner of ,arts2 as ,navigation1 ,agriculture1 ,fishing1 and all manner of ,manifacture that requires labour4 ,the multitude of poor1 and yet strong people still encreasing1 they are to be transplanted into ,countries not sufficiently inhabited3 where neverthelesse1 they are not to exterminate those they find there2 but constrain them to inhabit closer together1 and not range a great deal of ground1 to snatch what they find2 but to court each little ,plot with art and labour1 to give them their sustenance in due season4 ,and when all the world is overchargd with ,inhabitants1 then the last remedy of all is ,warre2 which provideth for every man1 by ,victory1 or ,death4 ,good ,lawes ,what ,to the care of the ,soveraign1 belongeth the making of ,good ,lawes4 ,but what is a good ,law8 ,by a ,good ,law1 ,i mean not a ,just ,law3 for no ,law can be ,unjust4 ,the ,law is made by the ,soveraign ,power1 and all that is done by such ,power1 is warranted1 and owned by every one of the people2 and that which every man will have so1 no man can say is unjust4 ,it is in the ,lawes of a ,common-wealth1 as in the ,lawes of ,gaming3 whatsoever the ,gamesters all agree on1 is ,injustice to none of them4 ,a good ,law is that1 which is ,needfull1 for the ,good ,of ,the ,people1 and withall ,perspicuous4 ,such ,as ,are ,necessary ,for the use of ,lawes1 7which are but ,rules ,authorised7 is not to bind the ,people from all ,voluntary actions2 but to direct and keep them in such a motion1 as not to hurt themselves by their own impetuous desires1 rashnesse1 or indiscretion1 as ,hedges are set1 not to stop ,travellers1 but to keep them in the way4 ,and therefore a ,law that is not ,needfull1 having not the true ,end of a ,law1 is not ,good4 ,a ,law may be conceived to be ,good1 when it is for the benefit of the ,soveraign2 though it be not ,necessary for the ,people2 but it is not so4 ,for the good of the ,soveraign and ,people1 cannot be separated4 ,it is a weak ,soveraign1 that has weak ,subjects2 and a weak ,people1 whose ,soveraign wanteth ,power to rule them at his will4 ,unnecessary ,lawes are not good ,lawes2 but trapps for ,mony3 which where the right of ,soveraign ,power is acknowledged1 are superfluous2 and where it is not acknowledged1 unsufficient to defend the ,people4 ,such ,as ,are ,perspicuous ,the ,perspicuity1 consisteth not so much in the words of the ,law it selfe1 as in a ,declaration of the ,causes1 and ,motives1 for which it was made4 ,that is it1 that shewes us the meaning of the ,legislator1 and the meaning of the ,legislator known1 the ,law is more easily understood by few1 than many words4 ,for all words1 are subject to ambiguity2 and therefore multiplication of words in the body of the ,law1 is multiplication of ambiguity3 ,besides it seems to imply1 7by too much diligence17 that whosoever can evade the words1 is without the compasse of the ,law4 ,and this is a cause of many unnecessary ,processes4 ,for when ,i consider how short were the ,lawes of antient times2 and how they grew by degrees still longer2 me thinks ,i see a contention between the ,penners1 and ,pleaders of the ,law2 the former seeking to circumscribe the later2 and the later to evade their circumscriptions2 and that the ,pleaders have got the ,victory4 ,it belongeth therefore to the ,office of a ,legislator1 7such as is in all ,common-wealths the ,supreme ,representative1 be it one ,man1 or an ,assembly17 to make the reason ,perspicuous1 why the ,law was made2 and the ,body of the ,law it selfe1 as short1 but in as proper1 and significant termes1 as may be4 ,punishments ,it belongeth also to the ,office of the ,soveraign1 to make a right application of ,punishments1 and ,rewards4 ,and seeing the end of punishing is not revenge1 and discharge of choler2 but correction1 either of the offender1 or of others by his example2 the severest ,punishments are to be inflicted for those ,crimes1 that are of most ,danger to the ,publique2 such as are those which proceed from malice to the ,government established2 those that spring from contempt of ,justice2 those that provoke ,indignation in the ,multitude2 and those1 which unpunished1 seem ,authorised1 as when they are committed by ,sonnes1 ,servants1 or ,favorites of men in ,authority3 ,for ,indignation carrieth men1 not onely against the ,actors1 and ,authors of ,injustice2 but against all ,power that is likely to protect them2 as in the case of ,tarquin2 when for the ,insolent act of one of his ,sonnes1 he was driven out of ,rome1 and the ,monarchy it selfe dissolved4 ,but ,crimes of ,infirmity2 such as are those which proceed from great provocation1 from great fear1 great need1 or from ignorance whether the ,fact be a great ,crime1 or not1 there is place many times for ,lenity1 without prejudice to the ,common-wealth2 and ,lenity when there is such place for it1 is required by the ,law of ,nature4 ,the ,punishment of the ,leaders1 and teachers in a ,commotion2 not the poore seduced ,people1 when they are punished1 can profit the ,common-wealth by their example4 ,to be severe to the ,people1 is to punish that ignorance1 which may in great part be imputed to the ,soveraign1 whose fault it was1 they were no better instructed4 ,rewards ,in like manner it belongeth to the ,office1 and ,duty of the ,soveraign1 to apply his ,rewards alwayes so1 as there may arise from them benefit to the ,common-wealth3 wherein consisteth their ,use1 and ,end2 and is then done1 when they that have well served the ,common-wealth1 are with as little expence of the ,common ,treasure1 as is possible1 so well recompenced1 as others thereby may be encouraged1 both to serve the same as faithfully as they can1 and to study the arts by which they may be enabled to do it better4 ,to buy with ,mony1 or ,preferment1 from a ,popular ambitious ,subject1 to be quiet1 and desist from making ill impressions in the mindes of the ,people1 has nothing of the nature of ,reward2 7which is ordained not for disservice1 but for service past27 nor a signe of ,gratitude1 but of ,fear3 nor does it tend to the ,benefit1 but to the ,dammage of the ,publique4 ,it is a contention with ,ambition1 like that of ,hercules with the ,monster ,hydra1 which having many heads1 for every one that was vanquished1 there grew up three4 ,for in like manner1 when the stubbornnesse of one ,popular man1 is overcome with ,reward1 there arise many more 7by the ,example7 that do the same ,mischiefe1 in hope of like ,benefit3 and as all sorts of ,manifacture1 so also ,malice encreaseth by being vendible4 ,and though sometimes a ,civill warre1 may be differred1 by such wayes as that1 yet the danger growes still the greater1 and the ,publique ruine more assured4 ,it is therefore against the ,duty of the ,soveraign1 to whom the ,publique ,safety is committed1 to ,reward those that aspire to greatnesse by disturbing the ,peace of their ,country1 and not rather to oppose the beginnings of such men1 with a little danger1 than after a longer time with greater4 ,counsellours ,another ,businesse of the ,soveraign1 is to choose good ,counsellours2 ,i mean such1 whose advice he is to take in the ,government of the ,common-wealth4 ,for this word ,counsell1 ,consilium1 corrupted from ,considium1 is a large signification1 and comprehendeth all ,assemblies of men that sit together1 not onely to deliberate what is to be done hereafter1 but also to judge of ,facts past1 and of ,law for the present4 ,i take it here in the first sense onely3 ,and in this sense1 there is no choyce of ,counsell1 neither in a ,democracy1 nor ,aristocracy2 because the persons ,counselling are members of the person ,counselled4 ,the choyce of ,counsellours therefore is to ,monarchy2 ,in which1 the ,soveraign that endeavoureth not to make choyce of those1 that in every kind are the most able1 dischargeth not his ,office as he ought to do4 ,the most able ,counsellours1 are they that have least hope of benefit by giving evill ,counsell1 and most knowledge of those things that conduce to the ,peace1 and ,defence of the ,common-wealth4 ,it is a hard matter to know who expecteth benefit from publique troubles2 but the signes that guide to a just suspicion1 is the soothing of the people in their unreasonable1 or irremediable grievances1 by men whose estates are not sufficient to discharge their accustomed expences1 and may easily be observed by any one whom it concerns to know it4 ,but to know1 who has most knowledge of the ,publique affaires1 is yet harder2 and they that know them1 need them a great deale the lesse4 ,for to know1 who knowes the ,rules almost of any ,art1 is a great degree of the knowledge of the same ,art2 because no man can be assured of the truth of anothers ,rules1 but he that is first taught to understand them4 ,but the best signes of ,knowledge of any ,art1 are1 much conversing in it1 and constant good effects of it4 ,good ,counsell comes not by ,lot1 nor by ,inheritance2 and therefore there is no more reason to expect good ,advice from the rich1 or noble1 in matter of ,state1 than in delineating the dimensions of a fortresse2 unlesse we shall think there needs no method in the study of the ,politiques1 7as there does in the study of ,geometry17 but onely to be lookers on2 which is not so4 ,for the ,politiques is the harder study of the two4 ,whereas in these parts of ,europe1 it hath been taken for a ,right of certain persons1 to have place in the highest ,councell of ,state by ,inheritance2 it is derived from the ,conquests of the antient ,germans2 wherein many absolute ,lords joyning together to conquer other ,nations1 would not enter in to the ,confederacy1 without such ,priviledges1 as might be marks of difference in time following1 between their ,posterity1 and the posterity of their ,subjects2 which ,priviledges being inconsistent with the ,soveraign ,power1 by the favour of the ,soveraign1 they may seem to keep2 but contending for them as their ,right1 they must needs by degrees let them go1 and have at last no further honour1 than adhaereth naturally to their abilities4 ,and how able soever be the ,counsellours in any affaire1 the benefit of their ,counsell is greater1 when they give every one his ,advice1 and reasons of it apart1 than when they do it in an ,assembly1 by way of ,orations2 and when they have praemeditated1 than when they speak on the sudden2 both because they have more time1 to survey the consequences of action2 and are lesse subject to be carried away to contradiction1 through ,envy1 ,emulation1 or other ,passions arising from the difference of opinion4 ,the best ,counsell1 in those things that concern not other ,nations1 but onely the ease1 and benefit the ,subjects may enjoy1 by ,lawes that look onely inward1 is to be taken from the generall informations1 and complaints of the people of each ,province1 who are best acquainted with their own wants1 and ought therefore1 when they demand nothing in derogation of the essentiall ,rights of ,soveraignty1 to be diligently taken notice of4 ,for without those ,essentiall ,rights1 7as ,i have often before said17 the ,common-wealth cannot at all subsist4 ,commanders ,a ,commander of an ,army in chiefe1 if he be not ,popular1 shall not be beloved1 nor feared as he ought to be by his ,army2 and consequently cannot performe that office with good successe4 ,he must therefore be ,industrious1 ,valiant1 ,affable1 ,liberall and ,fortunate1 that he may gain an opinion both of sufficiency1 and of loving his ,souldiers4 ,this is ,popularity1 and breeds in the ,souldiers both desire1 and courage1 to recommend themselves to his favour2 and protects the severity of the ,generall1 in punishing 7when need is7 the ,mutinous1 or negligent ,souldiers4 ,but this love of ,souldiers1 7if caution be not given of the ,commanders fidelity17 is a dangerous thing to ,soveraign ,power2 especially when it is in the hands of an ,assembly not popular4 ,it belongeth therefore to the safety of the ,people1 both that they be good ,conductors1 and faithfull subjects1 to whom the ,soveraign ,commits his ,armies4 ,but when the ,soveraign himselfe is ,popular1 that is1 reverenced and beloved of his ,people1 there is no danger at all from the ,popularity of a ,subject4 ,for ,souldiers are never so generally unjust1 as to side with their ,captain2 though they love him1 against their ,soveraign1 when they love not onely his ,person1 but also his ,cause4 ,and therefore those1 who by violence have at any time suppressed the ,power of their ,lawfull ,soveraign1 before they could settle themselves in his place1 have been alwayes put to the trouble of contriving their ,titles1 to save the ,people from the shame of receiving them4 ,to have a known ,right to ,soveraign ,power1 is so popular a quality1 as he that has it needs no more1 for his own part1 to turn the hearts of his ,subjects to him1 but that they see him able absolutely to govern his own ,family3 ,nor1 on the part of his enemies1 but a disbanding of their ,armies4 ,for the greatest and most active part of ,mankind1 has never hetherto been well contented with the present4 ,concerning the ,offices of one ,soveraign to another1 which are comprehended in that ,law1 which is commonly called the ,law of ,nations1 ,i need not say any thing in this place2 because the ,law of ,nations1 and the ,law of ,nature1 is the same thing4 ,and every ,soveraign hath the same ,right1 in procuring the safety of his ,people1 that any particular man can have1 in procuring the safety of his own ,body4 ,and the same ,law1 that dictateth to men that have no ,civil ,government1 what they ought to do1 and what to avoyd in regard of one another1 dictateth the same to ,common-wealths1 that is1 to the ,consciences of ,soveraign ,princes1 and ,soveraign ,assemblies2 there being no ,court of ,naturall ,justice1 but in the ,conscience onely2 where not ,man1 but ,god raigneth2 whose ,lawes1 7such of them as oblige all ,mankind17 in respect of ,god1 as he is the ,author of ,nature1 are ,naturall2 and in respect of the same ,god1 as he is ,king of ,kings1 are ,lawes4 ,but of the ,kingdome of ,god1 as ,king of ,kings1 and as ,king also of a peculiar ,people1 ,i shall speak in the rest of this discourse4 ,,chapter ,,xxxi4 ,,of ,,the ,,kingdome ,,of ,,god ,,by ,,nature ,the ,scope ,of ,the ,following ,chapters ,that the condition of meer ,nature1 that is to say1 of absolute ,liberty1 such as is theirs1 that neither are ,soveraigns1 nor ,subjects1 is ,anarchy1 and the condition of ,warre3 ,that the ,praecepts1 by which men are guided to avoyd that condition1 are the ,lawes of ,nature3 ,that a ,common-wealth1 without ,soveraign ,power1 is but a word1 without substance1 and cannot stand3 ,that ,subjects owe to ,soveraigns1 simple ,obedience1 in all things1 wherein their obedience is not repugnant to the ,lawes of ,god1 ,i have sufficiently proved1 in that which ,i have already written4 ,there wants onely1 for the entire knowledge of ,civill duty1 to know what are those ,lawes of ,god4 ,for without that1 a man knows not1 when he is commanded any thing by the ,civill ,power1 whether it be contrary to the ,law of ,god1 or not3 and so1 either by too much civill obedience1 offends the ,divine ,majesty1 or through feare of offending ,god1 transgresses the commandements of the ,common-wealth4 ,to avoyd both these ,rocks1 it is necessary to know what are the ,lawes ,divine4 ,and seeing the knowledge of all ,law1 dependeth on the knowledge of the ,soveraign ,power2 ,i shall say something in that which followeth1 of the ,,kingdome ,,of ,,god4 ,who ,are ,subjects ,in ,the ,kingdome ,of ,god ,god is ,king1 let the ,earth rejoice1 saith the ,psalmist4 7,psal4 #if4 #a74 ,and again1 ,god is ,king though the ,nations be angry2 and he that sitteth on the ,cherubins1 though the earth be moved4 7,psal4 #ih4 #a74 ,whether men will or not1 they must be subject alwayes to the ,divine ,power4 ,by denying the ,existence1 or ,providence of ,god1 men may shake off their ,ease1 but not their ,yoke4 ,but to call this ,power of ,god1 which extendeth it selfe not onely to ,man1 but also to ,beasts1 and ,plants1 and ,bodies inanimate1 by the name of ,kingdome1 is but a metaphoricall use of the word4 ,for he onely is properly said to ,raigne1 that governs his ,subjects1 by his ,word1 and by promise of ,rewards to those that obey it1 and by threatning them with ,punishment that obey it not4 ,subjects therefore in the ,kingdome of ,god1 are not ,bodies ,inanimate1 nor creatures ,irrationall2 because they understand no ,precepts as his3 ,nor ,atheists2 nor they that believe not that ,god has any care of the actions of mankind2 because they acknowledge no ,word for his1 nor have hope of his rewards1 or fear of his threatnings4 ,they therefore that believe there is a ,god that governeth the world1 and hath given ,praecepts1 and propounded ,rewards1 and ,punishments to ,mankind1 are ,gods ,subjects2 all the rest1 are to be understood as ,enemies4 ,a ,threefold ,word ,of ,god1 ,reason1 ,revelation1 ,prophecy ,to rule by ,words1 requires that such ,words be manifestly made known2 for else they are no ,lawes3 ,for to the nature of ,lawes belongeth a sufficient1 and clear ,promulgation1 such as may take away the excuse of ,ignorance2 which in the ,lawes of men is but of one onely kind1 and that is1 ,proclamation1 or ,promulgation by the voyce of man4 ,but ,god declareth his ,lawes three wayes2 by the ,dictates of ,naturall ,reason1 ,by ,revelation1 and by the ,voyce of some ,man1 to whom by the operation of ,miracles1 he procureth credit with the rest4 ,from hence there ariseth a triple ,word of ,god1 ,rational1 ,sensible1 and ,prophetique3 to which ,correspondeth a triple ,hearing2 ,right ,reason1 ,sense ,supernaturall1 and ,faith4 ,as for ,sense ,supernaturall1 which consisteth in ,revelation1 or ,inspiration1 there have not been any ,universall ,lawes so given1 because ,god speaketh not in that manner1 but to particular persons1 and to divers men divers things4 ,a ,twofold ,kingdome ,of ,god1 ,naturall ,and ,prophetique ,from the difference between the other two kinds of ,gods ,word1 ,rationall1 and ,prophetique1 there may be attributed to ,god1 a two-fold ,kingdome1 ,naturall1 and ,prophetique3 ,naturall1 wherein he governeth as many of ,mankind as acknowledge his ,providence1 by the naturall ,dictates of ,right ,reason2 ,and ,prophetique1 wherein having chosen out one peculiar ,nation 7the ,jewes7 for his ,subjects1 he governed them1 and none but them1 not onely by naturall ,reason1 but by ,positive ,lawes1 which he gave them by the mouths of his holy ,prophets4 ,of the ,naturall ,kingdome of ,god ,i intend to speak in this ,chapter4 ,the ,right ,of ,gods ,soveraignty ,is ,derived ,from ,his ,omnipotence ,the ,right of ,nature1 whereby ,god reigneth over men1 and punisheth those that break his ,lawes1 is to be derived1 not from his ,creating them1 as if he required obedience1 as of ,gratitude for his benefits2 but from his ,irresistible ,power4 ,i have formerly shewn1 how the ,soveraign ,right ariseth from ,pact3 ,to shew how the same ,right may arise from ,nature1 requires no more1 but to shew in what case it is never taken away4 ,seeing all men by ,nature had ,right to ,all things1 they had ,right every one to reigne over all the rest4 ,but because this ,right could not be obtained by force1 it concerned the safety of every one1 laying by that ,right1 to set up men 7with ,soveraign ,authority7 by common consent1 to rule and defend them3 whereas if there had been any man of ,power ,irresistible2 there had been no reason1 why he should not by that ,power have ruled1 and defended both himselfe1 and them1 according to his own discretion4 ,to those therefore whose ,power is irresistible1 the dominion of all men adhaereth naturally by their excellence of ,power2 and consequently it is from that ,power1 that the ,kingdome over men1 and the ,right of afflicting men at his pleasure1 belongeth ,naturally to ,god ,almighty2 not as ,creator1 and ,gracious2 but as ,omnipotent4 ,and though ,punishment be due for ,sinne onely1 because by that word is understood ,affliction for ,sinne2 yet the ,right of ,afflicting1 is not alwayes derived from mens ,sinne1 but from ,gods ,power4 ,sinne ,not ,the ,cause ,of ,all ,affliction ,this question1 ,why ,evill men often ,prosper1 and ,good men suffer ,adversity1 has been much disputed by the ,antient1 and is the same with this of ours1 ,by what ,right ,god dispenseth the ,prosperities and ,adversities of this life2 and is of that difficulty1 as it hath shaken the faith1 not onely of the ,vulgar1 but of ,philosophers1 and which is more1 of the ,saints1 concerning the ,divine ,providence4 ,how ,good1 saith ,david1 is the ,god of ,israel to those that are ,upright in ,heart2 and yet my feet were almost gone1 my treadings had well-nigh slipt2 for ,i was grieved at the ,wicked1 when ,i saw the ,ungodly in such ,prosperity4 ,and ,job1 how earnestly does he expostulate with ,god1 for the many ,afflictions he suffered1 notwithstanding his ,righteousnesse8 ,this question in the case of ,job1 is decided by ,god himselfe1 not by arguments derived from ,job's ,sinne1 but his own ,power4 ,for whereas the friends of ,job drew their arguments from his ,affliction to his ,sinne1 and he defended himselfe by the conscience of his ,innocence1 ,god himselfe taketh up the matter1 and having justified the ,affliction by arguments drawn from his ,power1 such as this ,where was thou when ,i layd the foundations of the earth1 and the like1 both approved ,job's ,innocence1 and reproved the ,erroneous doctrine of his friends4 ,conformable to this doctrine is the sentence of our ,saviour1 concerning the man that was born ,blind1 in these words1 ,neither hath this man sinned1 nor his fathers2 but that the works of ,god might be made manifest in him4 ,and though it be said ,that ,death entred into the world by sinne1 7by which is meant that if ,adam had never sinned1 he had never dyed1 that is1 never suffered any separation of his soule from his body17 it follows not thence1 that ,god could not justly have ,afflicted him1 though he had not ,sinned1 as well as he afflicteth other living creatures1 that cannot sinne4 ,divine ,lawes ,having spoken of the ,right of ,gods ,soveraignty1 as grounded onely on ,nature2 we are to consider next1 what are the ,divine ,lawes1 or ,dictates of ,naturall ,reason2 which ,lawes concern either the naturall ,duties of one man to another1 or the ,honour naturally due to our ,divine ,soveraign4 ,the first are the same ,lawes of ,nature1 of which ,i have spoken already in the #ad4 and #ae4 ,chapters of this ,treatise2 namely1 ,equity1 ,justice1 ,mercy1 ,humility1 and the rest of the ,morall ,vertues4 ,it remaineth therefore that we consider1 what ,praecepts are dictated to men1 by their ,naturall ,reason onely1 without other word of ,god1 touching the ,honour and ,worship of the ,divine ,majesty4 ,honour ,and ,worship ,what ,honour consisteth in the inward thought1 and opinion of the ,power1 and ,goodnesse of another3 and therefore to ,honour ,god1 is to think as ,highly of his ,power and ,goodnesse1 as is possible4 ,and of that opinion1 the externall signes appearing in the ,words1 and ,actions of men1 are called ,worship2 which is one part of that which the ,latines understand by the word ,cultus3 ,for ,cultus signifieth properly1 and constantly1 that labour which a man bestowes on any thing1 with a purpose to make benefit by it4 ,now those things whereof we make benefit1 are either subject to us1 and the profit they yeeld1 followeth the labour we bestow upon them1 as a naturall effect2 or they are not subject to us1 but answer our labour1 according to their own ,wills4 ,in the first sense the labour bestowed on the ,earth1 is called ,culture2 and the education of ,children a ,culture of their mindes4 ,in the second sense1 where mens wills are to be wrought to our purpose1 not by ,force1 but by ,compleasance1 it signifieth as much as ,courting1 that is1 a winning of favour by good offices2 as by praises1 by acknowledging their ,power1 and by whatsoever is pleasing to them from whom we look for any benefit4 ,and this is properly ,worship3 in which sense ,publicola1 is understood for a ,worshipper of the ,people1 and ,cultus ,dei1 for the ,worship of ,god4 ,severall ,signes ,of ,honour ,from internall ,honour1 consisting in the opinion of ,power and ,goodnesse1 arise three ,passions2 ,love1 which hath reference to ,goodnesse2 and ,hope1 and ,fear1 that relate to ,power3 ,and three parts of externall worship2 ,praise1 ,magnifying1 and ,blessing3 ,the subject of ,praise1 being ,goodnesse2 the subject of ,magnifying1 and ,blessing1 being ,power1 and the effect thereof ,felicity4 ,praise1 and ,magnifying are significant both by ,words1 and ,actions3 ,by ,words1 when we say a man is ,good1 or ,great3 ,by ,actions1 when we thank him for his ,bounty1 and obey his ,power4 ,the opinion of the ,happinesse of another1 can onely be expressed by words4 ,worship ,naturall ,and ,arbitrary ,there be some signes of ,honour1 7both in ,attributes and ,actions17 that be ,naturally so2 as amongst ,attributes1 ,good1 ,just1 ,liberall1 and the like2 and amongst ,actions1 ,prayers1 ,thanks1 and ,obedience4 ,others are so by ,institution1 or ,custome of men2 and in some times and places are ,honourable2 in others ,dishonourable2 in others ,indifferent3 such as are the ,gestures in ,salutation1 ,prayer1 and ,thanksgiving1 in different times and places1 differently used4 ,the former is ,naturall2 the later ,arbitrary ,worship4 ,worship ,commanded ,and ,free ,and of ,arbitrary ,worship1 there bee two differences3 ,for sometimes it is a ,commanded1 sometimes ,voluntary ,worship3 ,commanded1 when it is such as hee requireth1 who is ,worshipped3 ,free1 when it is such as the ,worshipper thinks fit4 ,when it is ,commanded1 not the words1 or gestures1 but the obedience is the ,worship4 ,but when ,free1 the ,worship consists in the opinion of the beholders3 for if to them the words1 or actions by which we intend honour1 seem ridiculous1 and tending to contumely2 they are not ,worship2 because a signe is not a signe to him that giveth it1 but to him to whom it is made2 that is1 to the spectator4 ,worship ,publique ,and ,private ,again1 there is a ,publique1 and a ,private ,worship4 ,publique1 is the ,worship that a ,common-wealth performeth1 as one ,person4 ,private1 is that which a ,private person exhibiteth4 ,publique1 in respect of the whole ,common-wealth1 is ,free2 but in respect of ,particular men it is not so4 ,private1 is in secret ,free2 but in the sight of the multitude1 it is never without some ,restraint1 either from the ,lawes1 or from the ,opinion of men2 which is contrary to the nature of ,liberty4 ,the ,end ,of ,worship ,the ,end of ,worship amongst men1 is ,power4 ,for where a man seeth another worshipped he supposeth him powerfull1 and is the readier to obey him2 which makes his ,power greater4 ,but ,god has no ,ends3 the worship we do him1 proceeds from our duty1 and is directed according to our capacity1 by those rules of ,honour1 that ,reason dictateth to be done by the weak to the more potent men1 in hope of benefit1 for fear of dammage1 or in thankfulnesse for good already received from them4 ,attributes ,of ,divine ,honour ,that we may know what worship of ,god is taught us by the light of ,nature1 ,i will begin with his ,attributes4 ,where1 ,first1 it is manifest1 we ought to attribute to him ,existence3 ,for no man can have the will to honour that1 which he thinks not to have any ,beeing4 ,secondly1 that those ,philosophers1 who sayd the ,world1 or the ,soule of the ,world was ,god1 spake unworthily of him2 and denyed his ,existence3 ,for by ,god1 is understood the cause of the ,world2 and to say the ,world is ,god1 is to say there is no cause of it1 that is1 no ,god4 ,thirdly1 to say the ,world was not ,created1 but ,eternall1 7seeing that which is ,eternall has no cause17 is to deny there is a ,god4 ,fourthly1 that they who attributing 7as they think7 ,ease to ,god1 take from him the care of ,mankind2 take from him his ,honour3 for it takes away mens love1 and fear of him2 which is the root of ,honour4 ,fifthly1 in those things that signifie ,greatnesse1 and ,power2 to say he is ,finite1 is not to ,honour him3 ,for it is not a signe of the ,will to ,honour ,god1 to attribute to him lesse than we can2 and ,finite1 is lesse than we can2 because to ,finite1 it is easie to adde more4 ,therefore to attribute ,figure to him1 is not ,honour2 for all ,figure is ,finite3 ,nor to say we conceive1 and imagine1 or have an ,idea of him1 in our mind3 for whatsoever we conceive is ,finite3 ,not to attribute to him ,parts1 or ,totality2 which are the ,attributes onely of things ,finite3 ,nor to say he is this1 or that ,place3 for whatsoever is in ,place1 is bounded1 and ,finite3 ,nor that he is ,moved1 or ,resteth3 for both these ,attributes ascribe to him ,place3 ,nor that there be more ,gods than one2 because it implies them all ,finite3 for there cannot be more than one ,infinite3 ,nor to ascribe to him 7unlesse ,metaphorically1 meaning not the ,passion1 but the ,effect7 ,passions that partake of ,griefe2 as ,repentance1 ,anger1 ,mercy3 or of ,want2 as ,appetite1 ,hope1 ,desire2 or of any ,passive faculty3 ,for ,passion1 is ,power limited by somewhat else4 ,and therefore when we ascribe to ,god a ,will1 it is not to be understood1 as that of ,man1 for a ,rationall ,appetite2 but as the ,power1 by which he effecteth every thing4 ,likewise when we attribute to him ,sight1 and other acts of ,sense2 as also ,knowledge1 and ,understanding2 which in us is nothing else1 but a tumult of the mind1 raised by externall things that presse the organicall parts of mans body3 ,for there is no such thing in ,god2 and being things that depend on naturall causes1 cannot be attributed to him4 ,hee that will attribute to ,god1 nothing but what is warranted by naturall ,reason1 must either use such ,negative ,attributes1 as ,infinite1 ,eternall1 ,incomprehensible2 or ,superlatives1 as ,most ,high1 ,most ,great1 and the like2 or ,indefinite1 as ,good1 ,just1 ,holy1 ,creator2 and in such sense1 as if he meant not to declare what he is1 7for that were to circumscribe him within the limits of our ,fancy17 but how much wee admire him1 and how ready we would be to obey him2 which is a signe of ,humility1 and of a ,will to honour him as much as we can3 ,for there is but one ,name to signifie our ,conception of his ,nature1 and that is1 ,i ,,am3 and but one ,name of his ,relation to us1 and that is ,god2 in which is contained ,father1 ,king1 and ,lord4 ,actions ,that ,are ,signes ,of ,divine ,honour ,concerning the actions of ,divine ,worship1 it is a most generall ,precept of ,reason1 that they be signes of the ,intention to ,honour ,god2 such as are1 ,first1 ,prayers3 ,for not the ,carvers1 when they made ,images1 were thought to make them ,gods2 but the ,people that ,prayed to them4 ,secondly1 ,thanksgiving2 which differeth from ,prayer in ,divine ,worship1 no otherwise1 than that ,prayers precede1 and ,thanks succeed the benefit2 the end both of the one1 and the other1 being to acknowledge ,god1 for ,author of all benefits1 as well past1 as future4 ,thirdly1 ,gifts2 that is to say1 ,sacrifices1 and ,oblations1 7if they be of the best17 are signes of ,honour3 for they are ,thanksgivings4 ,fourthly1 ,not to swear by any but ,god1 is naturally a signe of ,honour3 for it is a confession that ,god onely knoweth the heart2 and that no mans wit1 or strength can protect a man against ,gods vengence on the perjured4 ,fifthly1 it is a part of ,rationall ,worship1 to speak ,considerately of ,god2 for it argues a ,fear of him1 and ,fear1 is a confession of his ,power4 ,hence followeth1 ,that the name of ,god is not to be used rashly1 and to no purpose2 for that is as much1 as in ,vain3 ,and it is to no purpose2 unlesse it be by way of ,oath1 and by order of the ,common-wealth1 to make ,judgements certain2 or between ,common-wealths1 to avoyd ,warre4 ,and that disputing of ,gods nature is contrary to his ,honour3 ,for it is supposed1 that in this naturall ,kingdome of ,god1 there is no other way to know any thing1 but by naturall ,reason2 that is1 from the ,principles of naturall ,science2 which are so farre from teaching us any thing of ,gods nature1 as they cannot teach us our own nature1 nor the nature of the smallest creature living4 ,and therefore1 when men out of the ,principles of naturall ,reason1 dispute of the ,attributes of ,god1 they but dishonour him3 ,for in the ,attributes which we give to ,god1 we are not to consider the signification of ,philosophicall ,truth2 but the signification of ,pious ,intention1 to do him the greatest ,honour we are able4 ,from the want of which consideration1 have proceeded the volumes of disputation about the ,nature of ,god1 that tend not to his ,honour1 but to the honour of our own wits1 and learning2 and are nothing else but inconsiderate1 and vain abuses of his ,sacred ,name4 ,sixthly1 in ,prayers1 ,thanksgivings1 ,offerings and ,sacrifices1 it is a ,dictate of naturall ,reason1 that they be every one in his kind the best1 and most significant of ,honour4 ,as for example1 that ,prayers1 and ,thanksgiving1 be made in ,words and ,phrases1 not sudden1 nor light1 nor ,plebeian2 but beautifull and well composed2 ,for else we do not ,god as much honour as we can4 ,and therefore the ,heathens did absurdly1 to worship ,images for ,gods3 ,but their doing it in ,verse1 and with ,musick1 both of ,voyce1 and ,instruments1 was reasonable4 ,also that the ,beasts they offered in sacrifice1 and the ,gifts they offered1 and their actions in ,worshipping1 were full of submission1 and commemorative of benefits received1 was according to reason1 as proceeding from an intention to honour him4 ,seventhly1 ,reason directeth not onely to worship ,god in ,secret2 but also1 and especially1 in ,publique1 and in the sight of men3 ,for without that1 7that which in honour is most acceptable7 the procuring others to honour him1 is lost4 ,lastly1 ,obedience to his ,lawes 7that is1 in this case to the ,lawes of ,nature17 is the greatest worship of all4 ,for as ,obedience is more acceptable to ,god than sacrifice2 so also to set light by his ,commandements1 is the greatest of all contumelies4 ,and these are the ,lawes of that ,divine ,worship1 which naturall ,reason dictateth to private men4 ,publique ,worship ,consisteth ,in ,uniformity ,but seeing a ,common-wealth is but one ,person1 it ought also to exhibite to ,god but one ,worship2 which then it doth1 when it commandeth it to be exhibited by ,private men1 ,publiquely4 ,and this is ,publique ,worship2 the property whereof1 is to be ,uniforme3 ,for those actions that are done differently1 by different men1 cannot be said to be a ,publique ,worship4 ,and therefore1 where many sorts of ,worship be allowed1 proceeding from the different ,religions of ,private men1 it cannot be said there is any ,publique ,worship1 nor that the ,common-wealth is of any ,religion at all4 ,all ,attributes ,depend ,on ,the ,lawes ,civill ,and because words 7and consequently the ,attributes of ,god7 have their signification by agreement1 and constitution of men2 those ,attributes are to be held significative of ,honour1 that men intend shall so be2 and whatsoever may be done by the wills of particular men1 where there is no ,law but ,reason1 may be done by the will of the ,common-wealth1 by ,lawes ,civill4 ,and because a ,common-wealth hath no ,will1 nor makes no ,lawes1 but those that are made by the ,will of him1 or them that have the ,soveraign ,power2 it followeth1 that those ,attributes which the ,soveraign ordaineth1 in the ,worship of ,god1 for signes of ,honour1 ought to be taken and used for such1 by private men in their publique ,worship4 ,not ,all ,actions ,but because not all ,actions are signes by ,constitution2 but some are ,naturally signes of ,honour1 others of ,contumely1 these later 7which are those that men are ashamed to do in the sight of them they reverence7 cannot be made by humane power a part of ,divine worship2 nor the former 7such as are decent1 modest1 humble ,behaviour7 ever be separated from it4 ,but whereas there be an infinite number of ,actions1 and ,gestures1 of an indifferent nature2 such of them as the ,common-wealth shall ordain to be ,publiquely and ,universally in use1 as signes of ,honour1 and part of ,gods ,worship1 are to be taken and used for such by the ,subjects4 ,and that which is said in the ,scripture1 ,it is better to obey ,god than men1 hath place in the kingdome of ,god by ,pact1 and not by ,nature4 ,naturall ,punishments ,having thus briefly spoken of the ,naturall ,kingdome of ,god1 and his ,naturall ,lawes1 ,i will adde onely to this ,chapter a short declaration of his ,naturall ,punishments4 ,there is no action of man in this life1 that is not the beginning of so long a chayn of ,consequences1 as no humane ,providence1 is high enough1 to give a man a prospect to the end4 ,and in this ,chayn1 there are linked together both pleasing and unpleasing events2 in such manner1 as he that will do any thing for his pleasure1 must engage himselfe to suffer all the pains annexed to it2 and these pains1 are the ,naturall ,punishments of those actions1 which are the beginning of more ,harme that ,good4 ,and hereby it comes to passe1 that ,intemperance1 is naturally punished with ,diseases2 ,rashnesse1 with ,mischances2 ,injustice1 with the ,violence of ,enemies2 ,pride1 with ,ruine2 ,cowardise1 with ,oppression2 ,negligent government of ,princes1 with ,rebellion2 and ,rebellion1 with ,slaughter4 ,for seeing ,punishments are consequent to the breach of ,lawes2 ,naturall ,punishments must be naturally consequent to the breach of the ,lawes of ,nature2 and therfore follow them as their naturall1 not arbitrary effects4 ,the ,conclusion ,of ,the ,second ,part ,and thus farre concerning the ,constitution1 ,nature1 and ,right of ,soveraigns2 and concerning the ,duty of ,subjects1 derived from the ,principles of ,naturall ,reason4 ,and now1 considering how different this ,doctrine is1 from the ,practise of the greatest part of the world1 especially of these ,western parts1 that have received their ,morall learning from ,rome1 and ,athens2 and how much depth of ,morall ,philosophy is required1 in them that have the ,administration of the ,soveraign ,power2 ,i am at the point of believing this my labour1 as uselesse1 and the ,common-wealth of ,plato2 ,for he also is of opinion that it is impossible for the disorders of ,state1 and change of ,governments by ,civill ,warre1 ever to be taken away1 till ,soveraigns be ,philosophers4 ,but when ,i consider again1 that the ,science of ,naturall ,justice1 is the onely ,science necessary for ,soveraigns1 and their principall ,ministers2 and that they need not be charged with the ,sciences ,mathematicall1 7as by ,plato they are17 further1 than by good ,lawes to encourage men to the study of them2 and that neither ,plato1 nor any other ,philosopher hitherto1 hath put into order1 and sufficiently1 or probably proved all the ,theoremes of ,morall doctrine1 that men may learn thereby1 both how to govern1 and how to obey2 ,i recover some hope1 that one time or other1 this writing of mine1 may fall into the hands of a ,soveraign1 who will consider it himselfe1 7for it is short1 and ,i think clear17 without the help of any interested1 or envious ,interpreter2 and by the exercise of entire ,soveraignty1 in protecting the ,publique teaching of it1 convert this ,truth of ,speculation1 into the ,utility of ,practice4 ,,part ,,iii4 ,,of ,a ,,christian ,,common-,,wealth ,,chapter ,,xxxii4 ,,of ,,the ,,principles ,,of ,,christian ,,politiques ,the ,word ,of ,god ,delivered ,by ,prophets ,is ,the ,main ,principle ,of ,christian ,politiques ,i have derived the ,rights of ,soveraigne ,power1 and the duty of ,subjects hitherto1 from the ,principles of ,nature onely2 such as ,experience has found true1 or ,consent 7concerning the use of words7 has made so2 that is to say1 from the nature of ,men1 known to us by ,experience1 and from ,definitions 7of such words as are ,essentiall to all ,politicall reasoning7 universally agreed on4 ,but in that ,i am next to handle1 which is the ,nature and ,rights of a ,,christian ,,common-,,wealth1 whereof there dependeth much upon ,supernaturall ,revelations of the ,will of ,god2 the ground of my ,discourse must be1 not only the ,naturall ,word of ,god1 but also the ,propheticall4 ,neverthelesse1 we are not to renounce our ,senses1 and ,experience2 nor 7that which is the undoubted ,word of ,god7 our naturall ,reason4 ,for they are the talents which he hath put into our hands to negotiate1 till the coming again of our blessed ,saviour2 and therefore not to be folded up in the ,napkin of an ,implicate ,faith1 but employed in the purchase of ,justice1 ,peace1 and true ,religion1 ,for though there be many things in ,gods ,word above ,reason2 that is to say1 which cannot by naturall reason be either demonstrated1 or confuted2 yet there is nothing contrary to it2 but when it seemeth so1 the fault is either in our unskilfull ,interpretation1 or erroneous ,ratiocination4 ,therefore1 when any thing therein written is too hard for our examination1 wee are bidden to captivate our understanding to the ,words2 and not to labour in sifting out a ,philosophicall truth by ,logick1 of such mysteries as are not comprehensible1 nor fall under any rule of naturall science4 ,for it is with the mysteries of our ,religion1 as with wholsome pills for the sick1 which swallowed whole1 have the vertue to cure2 but chewed1 are for the most part cast up again without effect4 ,what ,it ,is ,to ,captivate ,the ,understanding ,but by the ,captivity of our ,understanding1 is not meant a ,submission of the ,intellectual faculty1 to the ,opinion of any other man2 but of the ,will to ,obedience1 where obedience is due4 ,for ,sense1 ,memory1 ,understanding1 ,reason1 and ,opinion are not in our power to change2 but alwaies1 and necessarily such1 as the things we see1 hear1 and consider suggest unto us2 and therefore are not effects of our ,will1 but our ,will of them4 ,we then ,captivate our ,understanding and ,reason1 when we forbear contradiction2 when we so speak1 as 7by lawfull ,authority7 we are commanded2 and when we live accordingly2 which in sum1 is ,trust1 and ,faith reposed in him that speaketh1 though the mind be incapable of any ,notion at all from the words spoken4 ,how ,god ,speaketh ,to ,men ,when ,god speaketh to man1 it must be either immediately2 or by mediation of another man1 to whom he had formerly spoken by himself immediately4 ,how ,god speaketh to a man immediately1 may be understood by those well enough1 to whom he hath so spoken2 but how the same should be understood by another1 is hard1 if not impossible to know4 ,for if a man pretend to me1 that ,god hath spoken to him supernaturally1 and immediately1 and ,i make doubt of it1 ,i cannot easily perceive what argument he can produce1 to oblige me to beleeve it4 ,it is true1 that if he be my ,soveraign1 he may oblige me to obedience1 so1 as not by act or word to declare ,i beleeve him not2 but not to think any otherwise then my reason perswades me4 ,but if one that hath not such authority over me1 shall pretend the same1 there is nothing that exacteth either beleefe1 or obedience4 ,for to say that ,god hath spoken to him in the ,holy ,scripture1 is not to say ,god hath spoken to him immediately1 but by mediation of the ,prophets1 or of the ,apostles1 or of the ,church1 in such manner as he speaks to all other ,christian men4 ,to say he hath spoken to him in a ,dream1 is no more than to say he dreamed that ,god spake to him2 which is not of force to win beleef from any man1 that knows dreams are for the most part naturall1 and may proceed from former thoughts2 and such dreams as that1 from selfe conceit1 and foolish arrogance1 and false opinion of a mans own godlinesse1 or other vertue1 by which he thinks he hath merited the favour of extraordinary ,revelation4 ,to say he hath seen a ,vision1 or heard a ,voice1 is to say1 that he hath dreamed between sleeping and waking3 for in such manner a man doth many times naturally take his dream for a vision1 as not having well observed his own slumbering4 ,to say he speaks by supernaturall ,inspiration1 is to say he finds an ardent desire to speak1 or some strong opinion of himself1 for which he can alledge no naturall and sufficient reason4 ,so that though ,god ,almighty can speak to a man1 by ,dreams1 ,visions1 ,voice1 and ,inspiration2 yet he obliges no man to beleeve he hath so done to him that pretends it2 who 7being a man71 may erre1 and 7which is more7 may lie4 ,by ,what ,marks ,prophets ,are ,known ,how then can he1 to whom ,god hath never revealed his ,wil immediately 7saving by the way of natural reason7 know when he is to obey1 or not to obey his ,word1 delivered by him1 that sayes he is a ,prophet8 7#a ,kings #bb7 ,of #djj ,prophets1 of whom the ,k4 of ,israel asked counsel1 concerning the warre he made against ,ramoth ,gilead1 only ,micaiah was a true one47#a ,kings #ac7 ,the ,prophet that was sent to prophecy against the ,altar set up by ,jeroboam1 though a true ,prophet1 and that by two miracles done in his presence appears to be a ,prophet sent from ,god1 was yet deceived by another old ,prophet1 that perswaded him as from the mouth of ,god1 to eat and drink with him4 ,if one ,prophet deceive another1 what certainty is there of knowing the will of ,god1 by other way than that of ,reason8 ,to which ,i answer out of the ,holy ,scripture1 that there be two marks1 by which together1 not asunder1 a true ,prophet is to be known4 ,one is the doing of miracles2 the other is the not teaching any other ,religion than that which is already established4 ,asunder 7,i say7 neither of these is sufficient4 7,deut4 #ac v4 #a1b1c1d1e 7 ,if a ,prophet rise amongst you1 or a ,dreamer of dreams1 and shall pretend the doing of a miracle1 and the miracle come to passe2 if he say1 ,let us follow strange ,gods1 which thou hast not known1 thou shalt not hearken to him1 c4 ,but that ,prophet and ,dreamer of dreams shall be put to death1 because he hath spoken to you to ,revolt from the ,lord your ,god4 ,in which words two things are to be observed1 ,first1 that ,god wil not have miracles alone serve for arguments1 to approve the ,prophets calling2 but 7as it is in the third verse7 for an experiment of the constancy of our adherence to himself4 ,for the works of the ,egyptian ,sorcerers1 though not so great as those of ,moses1 yet were great miracles4 ,secondly1 that how great soever the miracle be1 yet if it tend to stir up revolt against the ,king1 or him that governeth by the ,kings authority1 he that doth such miracle1 is not to be considered otherwise than as sent to make triall of their allegiance4 ,for these words1 revolt from the ,lord your ,god1 are in this place equivalent to revolt from your ,king4 ,for they had made ,god their ,king by pact at the foot of ,mount ,sinai2 who ruled them by ,moses only2 for he only spake with ,god1 and from time to time declared ,gods ,commandements to the people4 ,in like manner1 after our ,saviour ,christ had made his ,disciples acknowledge him for the ,messiah1 7that is to say1 for ,gods anointed1 whom the nation of the ,jews daily expected for their ,king1 but refused when he came17 he omitted not to advertise them of the danger of miracles4 ,there shall arise1 7saith he7 false ,christs1 and false ,prophets1 and shall doe great wonders and miracles1 even to the seducing 7if it were possible7 of the very ,elect4 7,mat4 #bd4 #bd7 ,by which it appears1 that false ,prophets may have the power of miracles2 yet are wee not to take their doctrin for ,gods ,word4 ,st4 ,paul says further to the ,galatians1 that if himself1 or an ,angell from heaven preach another ,gospel to them1 than he had preached1 let him be accursed4 7,gal4 #a4 #h7 ,that ,gospel was1 that ,christ was ,king2 so that all preaching against the power of the ,king received1 in consequence to these words1 is by ,st4 ,paul accursed4 ,for his speech is addressed to those1 who by his preaching had already received ,jesus for the ,christ1 that is to say1 for ,king of the ,jews4 ,the ,marks ,of ,a ,prophet ,in ,the ,old ,law1 ,miracles1 ,and ,doctrine ,conformable ,to ,the ,law ,and as ,miracles1 without preaching that ,doctrine which ,god hath established2 so preaching the true ,doctrine1 without the doing of ,miracles1 is an unsufficient argument of immediate ,revelation4 ,for if a man that teacheth not false ,doctrine1 should pretend to bee a ,prophet without shewing any ,miracle1 he is never the more to bee regarded for his pretence1 as is evident by ,deut4 #ah4 v4 #ba1 #bb4 ,if thou say in thy heart1 ,how shall we know that the ,word 7of the ,prophet7 is not that which the ,lord hath spoken4 ,when the ,prophet shall have spoken in the name of the ,lord1 that which shall not come to passe1 that's the word which the ,lord hath not spoken1 but the ,prophet has spoken it out of the pride of his own heart1 fear him not4 ,but a man may here again ask1 ,when the ,prophet hath foretold a thing1 how shal we know whether it will come to passe or not8 ,for he may foretel it as a thing to arrive after a certain long time1 longer then the time of mans life2 or indefinitely1 that it will come to passe one time or other3 in which case this mark of a ,prophet is unusefull2 and therefore the miracles that oblige us to beleeve a ,prophet1 ought to be confirmed by an immediate1 or a not long deferr'd event4 ,so that it is manifest1 that the teaching of the ,religion which ,god hath established1 and the showing of a present ,miracle1 joined together1 were the only marks whereby the ,scripture would have a true ,prophet1 that is to say immediate ,revelation to be acknowledged2 neither of them being singly sufficient to oblige any other man to regard what he saith4 ,miracles ,ceasing1 ,prophets ,cease1 ,the ,scripture ,supplies ,their ,place ,seeing therefore ,miracles now cease1 we have no sign left1 whereby to acknowledge the pretended ,revelations1 or ,inspirations of any private man2 nor obligation to give ear to any ,doctrine1 farther than it is conformable to the ,holy ,scriptures1 which since the time of our ,saviour1 supply the want of all other ,prophecy2 and from which1 by wise and careful ratiocination1 all rules and precepts necessary to the knowledge of our duty both to ,god and man1 without ,enthusiasme1 or supernaturall ,inspiration1 may easily be deduced4 ,and this ,scripture is it1 out of which ,i am to take the ,principles of my ,discourse1 concerning the ,rights of those that are the ,supream ,govenors on earth1 of ,christian ,common-wealths2 and of the duty of ,christian ,subjects towards their ,soveraigns4 ,and to that end1 ,i shall speak in the next ,chapter1 or the ,books1 ,writers1 ,scope and ,authority of the ,bible4 ,,chapter ,,xxxiii4 ,,of ,,the ,,number1 ,,antiquity1 ,,scope1 ,,authority1 ,,and ,,interpreters ,,of ,,the ,,books ,,of ,,holy ,,scripture ,of ,the ,books ,of ,holy ,scripture ,by the ,books of ,holy ,,scripture1 are understood those1 which ought to be the ,canon1 that is to say1 the ,rules of ,christian life4 ,and because all ,rules of life1 which men are in conscience bound to observe1 are ,laws2 the question of the ,scripture1 is the question of what is ,law throughout all ,christendome1 both ,naturall1 and ,civill4 ,for though it be not determined in ,scripture1 what ,laws every ,christian ,king shall constitute in his own ,dominions2 yet it is determined what laws he shall not constitute4 ,seeing therefore ,i have already proved1 that ,soveraigns in their own ,dominions are the sole ,legislators2 those ,books only are ,canonicall1 that is1 ,law1 in every nation1 which are established for such by the ,soveraign ,authority4 ,it is true1 that ,god is the ,soveraign of all ,soveraigns2 and therefore1 when he speaks to any ,subject1 he ought to be obeyed1 whatsoever any earthly ,potentate command to the contrary4 ,but the question is not of obedience to ,god1 but of ,when1 and ,what ,god hath said2 which to ,subjects that have no supernaturall revelation1 cannot be known1 but by that naturall reason1 which guided them1 for the obtaining of ,peace and ,justice1 to obey the authority of their severall ,common-wealths2 that is to say1 of their lawfull ,soveraigns4 ,according to this obligation1 ,i can acknowledge no other ,books of the ,old ,testament1 to be ,holy ,scripture1 but those which have been commanded to be acknowledged for such1 by the ,authority of the ,church of ,england4 ,what ,books these are1 is sufficiently known1 without a ,catalogue of them here2 and they are the same that are acknowledged by ,st4 ,jerome1 who holdeth the rest1 namely1 the ,wisdome of ,solomon1 ,ecclesiasticus1 ,judith1 ,tobias1 the first and second of ,maccabees1 7though he had seen the first in ,hebrew7 and the third and fourth of ,esdras1 for ,apocrypha4 ,of the ,canonicall1 ,josephus a learned ,jew1 that wrote in the time of the ,emperor ,domitian1 reckoneth ,twenty ,two1 making the number agree with the ,hebrew ,alphabet4 ,st4 ,jerome does the same1 though they reckon them in different manner4 ,for ,josephus numbers ,five ,books of ,moses1 ,thirteen of ,prophets1 that writ the ,history of their own times 7which how it agrees with the ,prophets writings contained in the ,bible wee shall see hereafter71 and ,four of ,hymnes and ,morall ,precepts4 ,but ,st4 ,jerome reckons ,five ,books of ,moses1 ,eight of ,prophets1 and ,nine of other ,holy writ1 which he calls of ,hagiographa4 ,the ,septuagint1 who were #gj4 learned men of the ,jews1 sent for by ,ptolemy ,king of ,egypt1 to translate the ,jewish ,law1 out of the ,hebrew into the ,greek1 have left us no other for holy ,scripture in the ,greek tongue1 but the same that are received in the ,church of ,england4 ,as for the ,books of the ,new ,testament1 they are equally acknowledged for ,canon by all ,christian ,churches1 and by all sects of ,christians1 that admit any ,books at all for ,canonicall4 ,their ,antiquity ,who were the originall writers of the severall ,books of ,holy ,scripture1 has not been made evident by any sufficient testimony of other ,history1 7which is the only proof of matter of fact72 nor can be by any arguments of naturall ,reason2 for ,reason serves only to convince the truth 7not of fact1 but7 of consequence4 ,the light therefore that must guide us in this question1 must be that which is held out unto us from the ,bookes themselves3 ,and this light1 though it show us not the writer of every book1 yet it is not unusefull to give us knowledge of the time1 wherein they were written4 ,the ,pentateuch ,not ,written ,by ,moses ,and first1 for the ,pentateuch1 it is not argument enough that they were written by ,moses1 because they are called the five ,books of ,moses2 no more than these titles1 ,the ,book of ,joshua1 the ,book of ,judges1 ,the ,book of ,ruth1 and the ,books of the ,kings1 are arguments sufficient to prove1 that they were written by ,joshua1 by the ,judges1 by ,ruth1 and by the ,kings4 ,for in titles of ,books1 the subject is marked1 as often as the writer4 ,the ,history ,of ,livy1 denotes the ,writer2 but the ,history ,of ,scanderbeg1 is denominated from the subject4 ,we read in the last ,chapter of ,deuteronomie1 ,ver4 #f4 concerning the sepulcher of ,moses1 that no man knoweth of his sepulcher to this day1 that is1 to the day wherein those words were written4 ,it is therefore manifest1 that those words were written after his interrement4 ,for it were a strange interpretation1 to say ,moses spake of his own sepulcher 7though by ,prophecy71 that it was not found to that day1 wherein he was yet living4 ,but it may perhaps be alledged1 that the last ,chapter only1 not the whole ,pentateuch1 was written by some other man1 but the rest not3 ,let us therefore consider that which we find in the ,book of ,genesis1 ,chap4 #ab4 ,ver4 #f ,and ,abraham passed through the land to the place of ,sichem1 unto the plain of ,moreh1 and the ,canaanite was then in the land2 which must needs bee the words of one that wrote when the ,canaanite was not in the land2 and consequently1 not of ,moses1 who dyed before he came into it4 ,likewise ,numbers #ba4 ,ver4 #ad4 the ,writer citeth another more ancient ,book1 ,entituled1 ,the ,book of the ,warres of the ,lord1 wherein were registred the ,acts of ,moses1 at the ,red-sea1 and at the brook of ,arnon4 ,it is therefore sufficiently evident1 that the five ,books of ,moses were written after his time1 though how long after it be not so manifest4 ,but though ,moses did not compile those ,books entirely1 and in the form we have them2 yet he wrote all that which hee is there said to have written3 as for example1 the ,volume of the ,law1 which is contained1 as it seemeth in the #aa of ,deuteronomie1 and the following ,chapters to the #bg4 which was also commanded to be written on stones1 in their entry into the land of ,canaan4 7,deut4 #ca4 #i7 ,and this did ,moses himself write1 and deliver to the ,priests and ,elders of ,israel1 to be read every seventh year to all ,israel1 at their assembling in the feast of ,tabernacles4 ,and this is that ,law which ,god commanded1 that their ,kings 7when they should have established that form of ,government7 should take a copy of from the ,priests and ,levites to lay in the side of the ,arke2 7,deut4 #ca4 #bf7 and the same which having been lost1 was long time after found again by ,hilkiah1 and sent to ,king ,josias1 who causing it to be read to the ,people1 renewed the ,covenant between ,god and them4 7#b ,king4 #bb4 #h #bc4 #a1b1c7 ,the ,book of ,joshua ,written ,after ,his ,time ,that the ,book of ,joshua was also written long after the time of ,joshua1 may be gathered out of many places of the ,book it self4 ,joshua had set up twelve stones in the middest of ,jordan1 for a monument of their passage2 7,josh #d4 #i7 of which the ,writer saith thus1 ,they are there unto this day2 7,josh #e4 #i7 for unto this day1 is a phrase that signifieth a time past1 beyond the memory of man4 ,in like manner1 upon the saying of the ,lord1 that he had rolled off from the people the ,reproach of ,egypt1 the ,writer saith1 ,the place is called ,gilgal unto this day2 which to have said in the time of ,joshua had been improper4 ,so also the name of the ,valley of ,achor1 from the trouble that ,achan raised in the ,camp1 7,josh4 #g4 #bf7 the ,writer saith1 remaineth unto this day2 which must needs bee therefore long after the time of ,joshua4 ,arguments of this kind there be many other2 as ,josh4 #h4 #bi4 #ac4 #ac4 #ad4 #ad4 #ae4 #fc4 ,the ,booke ,of ,judges ,and ,ruth ,written ,long ,after ,the ,captivity ,the same is manifest by like arguments of the ,book of ,judges1 chap4 #a4 #ba1bf #f4bd #aj4d #ae4ai #ag4f and ,ruth #a4 #a4 but especially ,judg4 #ah4 #cj4 where it is said1 that ,jonathan and his sonnes were ,priests to the ,tribe of ,dan1 untill the day of the captivity of the land4 ,the ,like ,of ,the ,bookes ,of ,samuel ,that the ,books of ,samuel were also written after his own time1 there are the like arguments1 #a ,sam4 #e4e4 #g4ac1ae4 #bg4f4 #cj4be4 where1 after ,david had adjudged equall part of the spoiles1 to them that guarded the ,ammunition1 with them that fought1 the ,writer saith1 ,he made it a ,statute and an ,ordinance to ,israel to this day4 7#b4 ,sam4 #f4d47 ,again1 when ,david 7displeased1 that the ,lord had slain ,uzzah1 for putting out his hand to sustain the ,ark17 called the place ,perez-,uzzah1 the ,writer saith1 it is called so to this day3 the time therefore of the writing of that ,book1 must be long after the time of the fact2 that is1 long after the time of ,david4 ,the ,books ,of ,the ,kings1 ,and ,the ,chronicles ,as for the two ,books of the ,kings1 and the two books of the ,chronicles1 besides the places which mention such monuments1 as the ,writer saith1 remained till his own days2 such as are #a ,kings #i4ac4 #i4ba4 #aj4 #ab4 #ab4ai4 #b ,kings #b4bb4 #h4bb4 #aj4bg4 #ad4g4 #af4f4 #ag4bc4 #ag4cd4 #ag4da4 #a ,chron4 #d4da4 #e4bf4 ,it is argument sufficient they were written after the captivity in ,babylon1 that the ,history of them is continued till that time4 ,for the ,facts ,registred are alwaies more ancient than such ,books as make mention of1 and quote the ,register2 as these ,books doe in divers places1 referring the ,reader to the ,chronicles of the ,kings of ,juda1 to the ,chronicles of the ,kings of ,israel1 to the ,books of the ,prophet ,samuel1 or the ,prophet ,nathan1 of the ,prophet ,ahijah2 to the ,vision of ,jehdo1 to the ,books of the ,prophet ,serveiah1 and of the ,prophet ,addo4 ,ezra ,and ,nehemiah ,the ,books of ,esdras and ,nehemiah were written certainly after their return from captivity2 because their return1 the re-edification of the walls and houses of ,jerusalem1 the renovation of the ,covenant1 and ordination of their policy are therein contained4 ,esther ,the ,history of ,queen ,esther is of the time of the ,captivity2 and therefore the ,writer must have been of the same time1 or after it4 ,job ,the ,book of ,job hath no mark in it of the time wherein it was written3 and though it appear sufficiently 7,exekiel #ad4ad1 and ,james #e4aa47 that he was no fained person2 yet the ,book it self seemeth not to be a ,history1 but a ,treatise concerning a question in ancient time much disputed1 why wicked men have often prospered in this world1 and good men have been afflicted2 and it is the most probably1 because from the beginning1 to the third verse of the third chapter1 where the complaint of ,job beginneth1 the ,hebrew is 7as ,st4 ,jerome testifies7 in prose2 and from thence to the sixt verse of the last chapter in ,hexameter ,verses2 and the rest of that chapter again in prose4 ,so that the dispute is all in verse2 and the prose is added1 but as a ,preface in the beginning1 and an ,epilogue in the end4 ,but ,verse is no usuall stile of such1 as either are themselves in great pain1 as ,job2 or of such as come to comfort them1 as his friends2 but in ,philosophy1 especially morall ,philosophy1 in ancient time frequent4 ,the ,psalter ,the ,psalmes were written the most part by ,david1 for the use of the ,quire4 ,to these are added some songs of ,moses1 and other holy men2 and some of them after the return from the ,captivity2 as the #acg4 and the #abf4 whereby it is manifest that the ,psalter was compiled1 and put into the form it now hath1 after the return of the ,jews from ,babylon4 ,the ,proverbs ,the ,proverbs1 being a ,collection of wise and godly ,sayings1 partly of ,solomon1 partly of ,agur the son of ,jakeh2 and partly of the ,mother of ,king ,lemuel1 cannot probably be thought to have been collected by ,solomon1 rather then by ,agur1 or the ,mother of ,lemues2 and that1 though the sentences be theirs1 yet the collection or compiling them into this one ,book1 was the work of some other godly man1 that lived after them all4 ,ecclesiastes ,and ,the ,canticles ,the ,books of ,ecclesiastes and the ,canticles have nothing that was not ,solomons1 except it be the ,titles1 or ,inscriptions4 ,for ,the ,words of the ,preacher1 the ,son of ,david1 ,king in ,jerusalem2 and1 the ,song of ,songs1 which is ,solomon's1 seem to have been made for distinctions sake1 then1 when the ,books of ,scripture were gathered into one body of the ,law2 to the end1 that not the ,doctrine only1 but the ,authors also might be extant4 ,the ,prophets ,of the ,prophets1 the most ancient1 are ,sophoniah1 ,jonas1 ,amos1 ,hosea1 ,isaiah and ,michaiah1 who lived in the time of ,amaziah1 and ,azariah1 otherwise ,ozias1 ,kings of ,judah4 ,but the ,book of ,jonas is not properly a ,register of his ,prophecy1 7for that is contained in these few words1 ,fourty dayes and ,ninivy shall be destroyed17 but a ,history or ,narration of his frowardenesse and disputing ,gods commandements2 so that there is small probability he should be the ,author1 seeing he is the subject of it4 ,but the ,book of ,amos is his ,prophecy4 ,jeremiah1 ,abdias1 ,nahum1 and ,habakkuk prophecyed in the time of ,josiah4 ,ezekiel1 ,daniel1 ,aggeus1 and ,zacharias1 in the ,captivity4 ,when ,joel and ,malachi prophecyed1 is not evident by their ,writings4 ,but considering the ,inscriptions1 or ,titles of their ,books1 it is manifest enough1 that the whole ,scripture of the ,old ,testament1 was set forth in the form we have it1 after the return of the ,jews from their ,captivity in ,babylon1 and before the time of ,ptolemaeus ,philadelphus1 that caused it to bee translated into ,greek by seventy men1 which were sent him out of ,judea for that purpose4 ,and if the ,books of ,apocrypha 7which are recommended to us by the ,church1 though not for ,canonicall1 yet for profitable ,books for our instruction7 may in this point be credited1 the ,scripture was set forth in the form wee have it in1 by ,esdras2 as may appear by that which he himself saith1 in the second book1 chapt4 #ad4 verse #ba1 #bb1 c4 where speaking to ,god1 he saith thus1 ,thy law is burnt2 therefore no man knoweth the things which thou has done1 or the works that are to begin4 ,but if ,i have found ,grace before thee1 send down the holy ,spirit into me1 and ,i shall write all that hath been done in the world1 since the beginning1 which were written in thy ,law1 that men may find thy path1 and that they which will live in the later days1 may live4 ,and verse #de4 ,and it came to passe when the forty dayes were fulfilled1 that the ,highest spake1 saying1 #8,the first that thou hast written1 publish openly1 that the worthy and unworthy may read it2 but keep the seventy last1 that thou mayst deliver them onely to such as be wise among the people4' ,and thus much concerning the time of the writing of the ,bookes of the ,old ,testament4 ,the ,new ,testament ,the ,writers of the ,new ,testament lived all in lesse then an age after ,christs ,ascension1 and had all of them seen our ,saviour1 or been his ,disciples1 except ,st4 ,paul1 and ,st4 ,luke2 and consequently whatsoever was written by them1 is as ancient as the time of the ,apostles4 ,but the time wherein the ,books of the ,new ,testament were received1 and acknowledged by the ,church to be of their writing1 is not altogether so ancient4 ,for1 as the ,bookes of the ,old ,testament are derived to us1 from no higher time then that of ,esdras1 who by the direction of ,gods ,spirit retrived them1 when they were lost3 ,those of the ,new ,testament1 of which the copies were not many1 nor could easily be all in any one private mans hand1 cannot bee derived from a higher time1 that that wherein the ,governours of the ,church collected1 approved1 and recommended them to us1 as the writings of those ,apostles and ,disciples2 under whose names they go4 ,the first enumeration of all the ,bookes1 both of the ,old1 and ,new ,testament1 is in the ,canons of the ,apostles1 supposed to be collected by ,clement the first 7after ,st4 ,peter7 ,bishop of ,rome4 ,but because that is but supposed1 and by many questioned1 the ,councell of ,laodicea is the first we know1 that recommended the ,bible to the then ,christian ,churches1 for the ,writings of the ,prophets and ,apostles3 and this ,councell was held in the #cfd4 yeer after ,christ4 ,at which time1 though ambition had so far prevailed on the great ,doctors of the ,church1 as no more to esteem ,emperours1 though ,christian1 for the ,shepherds of the people1 but for ,sheep2 and ,emperours not ,christian1 for ,wolves2 and endeavoured to passe their ,doctrine1 not for ,counsell1 and ,information1 as ,preachers2 but for ,laws1 as absolute ,governours2 and thought such frauds as tended to make the people the more obedient to ,christian ,doctrine1 to be pious2 yet ,i am perswaded they did not therefore falsifie the ,scriptures1 though the copies of the ,books of the ,new ,testament1 were in the hands only of the ,ecclesiasticks2 because if they had had an intention so to doe1 they would surely have made them more favorable to their power over ,christian ,princes1 and ,civill ,soveraignty1 than they are4 ,i see not therefore any reason to doubt1 but that the ,old1 and ,new ,testament1 as we have them now1 are the true ,registers of those things1 which were done and said by the ,prophets1 and ,apostles4 ,and so perhaps are some of those ,books which are called ,apocrypha1 if left out of the ,canon1 not for inconformity of ,doctrine with the rest1 but only because they are not found in the ,hebrew4 ,for after the conquest of ,asia by ,alexander the ,great1 there were few learned ,jews1 that were not perfect in the ,greek tongue4 ,for the seventy ,interpreters that converted the ,bible into ,greek1 were all of them ,hebrews2 and we have extant the works of ,philo and ,josephus both ,jews1 written by them eloquently in ,greek4 ,but it is not the ,writer1 but the authority of the ,church1 that maketh a ,book ,canonicall4 ,their ,scope ,and although these ,books were written by divers men1 yet it is manifest the ,writers were all indued with one and the same ,spirit1 in that they conspire to one and the same end1 which is the setting forth of the ,rights of the ,kingdome of ,god1 the ,father1 ,son1 and ,holy ,ghost4 ,for the ,book of ,genesis1 deriveth the ,genealogy of ,gods people1 from the creation of the ,world1 to the going into ,egypt3 the other four ,books of ,moses1 contain the ,election of ,god for their ,king1 and the ,laws which hee prescribed for their ,government3 ,the ,books of ,joshua1 ,judges1 ,ruth1 and ,samuel1 to the time of ,saul1 describe the acts of ,gods people1 till the time they cast off ,gods yoke1 and called for a ,king1 after the manner of their neighbour nations2 ,the rest of the ,history of the ,old ,testament1 derives the succession of the line of ,david1 to the ,captivity1 out of which line was to spring the restorer of the ,kingdome of ,god1 even our blessed ,saviour ,god the ,son1 whose coming was foretold in the ,bookes of the ,prophets1 after whom the ,evangelists writt his life1 and actions1 and his claim to the ,kingdome1 whilst he lived one earth3 and lastly1 the ,acts1 and ,epistles of the ,apostles1 declare the coming of ,god1 the ,holy ,ghost1 and the ,authority he left with them1 and their successors1 for the direction of the ,jews1 and for the invitation of the ,gentiles4 ,in summe1 the ,histories and the ,prophecies of the old ,testament1 and the ,gospels1 and ,epistles of the ,new ,testament1 have had one and the same scope1 to convert men to the obedience of ,god2 #a4 in ,moses1 and the ,priests2 #b4 in the man ,christ2 and #c4 in the ,apostles and the successors to ,apostolicall power4 ,for these three at several times did represent the person of ,god3 ,moses1 and his successors the ,high ,priests1 and ,kings of ,judah1 in the ,old ,testament3 ,christ himself1 in the time he lived on earth3 and the ,apostles1 and their successors1 from the day of ,pentecost 7when the ,holy ,ghost descended on them7 to this day4 ,the ,question ,of ,the ,authority ,of ,the ,scriptures ,stated4 ,it is a question much disputed between the divers sects of ,christian ,religion1 ,from ,whence ,the ,scriptures ,derive ,their ,authority2 which question is also propounded sometimes in other terms1 as1 ,how ,wee ,know ,them ,to ,be ,the ,word ,of ,god1 or1 ,why ,we ,beleeve ,them ,to ,be ,so3 and the difficulty of resolving it1 ariseth chiefly from the impropernesse of the words wherein the question it self is couched4 ,for it is beleeved on all hands1 that the first and originall ,author of them is ,god2 and consequently the question disputed1 is not that4 ,again1 it is manifest1 that none can know they are ,gods ,word1 7though all true ,christians beleeve it17 but those to whom ,god himself hath revealed it supernaturally2 and therefore the question is not rightly moved1 of our ,knowledge of it4 ,lastly1 when the question is propounded of our ,beleefe2 because some are moved to beleeve for one1 and others for other reasons1 there can be rendred no one generall answer for them all4 ,the question truly stated is1 ,by ,what ,authority ,they ,are ,made ,law4 ,their ,authority ,and ,interpretation ,as far as they differ not from the ,laws of ,nature1 there is no doubt1 but they are the ,law of ,god1 and carry their ,authority with them1 legible to all men that have the use of naturall reason3 but this is no other ,authority1 then that of all other ,morall ,doctrine consonant to ,reason2 the ,dictates whereof are ,laws1 not ,made1 but ,eternall4 ,if they be made ,law by ,god himselfe1 they are of the nature of written ,law1 which are ,laws to them only to whom ,god hath so sufficiently published them1 as no man can excuse himself1 by saying1 he know not they were his4 ,he therefore1 to whom ,god hath not supernaturally revealed1 that they are his1 nor that those that published them1 were sent by him1 is not obliged to obey them1 by any ,authority1 but his1 whose ,commands have already the force of ,laws2 that is to say1 by any other ,authority1 then that of the ,common-wealth1 residing in the ,soveraign1 who only has the ,legislative power4 ,again1 if it be not the ,legislative ,authority of the ,common-wealth1 that giveth them the force of ,laws1 it must bee some other ,authority derived from ,god1 either private1 or publique3 if private1 it obliges onely him1 to whom in particular ,god hath been pleased to reveale it4 ,for if every man should be obliged1 to take for ,gods ,law1 what particular men1 on pretence of private ,inspiration1 or ,revelation1 should obtrude upon him1 7in such a number of men1 that out of pride1 and ignorance1 take their own ,dreams1 and extravagant ,fancies1 and ,madnesse1 for testimonies of ,gods ,spirit2 or out of ambition1 pretend to such ,divine testimonies1 falsely1 and contrary to their own consciences17 it were impossible that any ,divine ,law should be acknowledged4 ,if publique1 it is the ,authority of the ,common-wealth1 or of the ,church4 ,but the ,church1 if it be one person1 is the same thing with a ,common-wealth of ,christians2 called a ,common-wealth1 because it consisteth of men united in one person1 their ,soveraign2 and a ,church1 because it consisteth in ,christian men1 united in one ,christian ,soveraign4 ,but if the ,church be not one person1 then it hath no authority at all2 it can neither command1 nor doe any action at all2 nor is capable of having any power1 or right to any thing2 nor has any ,will1 ,reason1 nor ,voice2 for all these qualities are personall4 ,now if the whole number of ,christians be not contained in one ,common-wealth1 they are not one person2 nor is there an ,universall ,church that hath any authority over them2 and therefore the ,scriptures are not made ,laws1 by the ,universall ,church3 or if it bee one ,common-wealth1 then all ,christian ,monarchs1 and ,states are private persons1 and subject to bee judged1 deposed1 and punished by an ,universall ,soveraigne of all ,christendome4 ,so that the question of the ,authority of the ,scriptures is reduced to this1 ,whether ,christian ,kings1 and the ,soveraigne ,assemblies in ,christian ,common-wealths1 be absolute in their own ,territories1 immediately under ,god2 or subject to one ,vicar of ,christ1 constituted over the ,universall ,church2 to bee judged1 condemned1 deposed1 and put to death1 as hee shall think expedient1 or necessary for the common good4 ,which question cannot bee resolved1 without a more particular consideration of the ,kingdome of ,god2 from whence also1 wee are to judge of the ,authority of ,interpreting the ,scripture4 ,for1 whosoever hath a lawfull power over any ,writing1 to make it ,law1 hath the power also to approve1 or disapprove the interpretation of the same4 ,,chapter ,,xxxiv4 ,,of ,,the ,,signification ,,of ,,spirit1 ,,angel1 ,,and ,,inspiration ,,in ,,the ,,books ,,of ,,holy ,,scripture ,body ,and ,spirit ,how ,taken ,in ,the ,scripture ,seeing the foundation of all true ,ratiocination1 is the constant ,signification of words2 which in the ,doctrine following1 dependeth not 7as in naturall science7 on the ,will of the ,writer1 nor 7as in common conversation7 on vulgar use1 but on the sense they carry in the ,scripture2 ,it is necessary1 before ,i proceed any further1 to determine1 out of the ,bible1 the meaning of such words1 as by their ambiguity1 may render what ,i am to inferre upon them1 obscure1 or disputable4 ,i will begin with the words ,,body1 and ,,spirit1 which in the language of the ,schools are termed1 ,substances1 ,corporeall1 and ,incorporeall4 ,the ,word ,body1 in the most generall acceptation1 signifieth that which filleth1 or occupyeth some certain room1 or imagined place2 and dependeth not on the imagination1 but is a reall part of that we call the ,universe4 ,for the ,universe1 being the ,aggregate of all ,bodies1 there is no reall part thereof that is not also ,body2 nor any thing properly a ,body1 that is not also part of 7that ,aggregate of all ,bodies7 the ,universe4 ,the same also1 because ,bodies are subject to change1 that is to say1 to variety of apparence to the sense of living creatures1 is called ,substance1 that is to say1 ,subject1 to various accidents1 as sometimes to be ,moved1 sometimes to stand ,still2 and to seem to our senses sometimes ,hot1 sometimes ,cold1 sometimes of one ,colour1 ,smel1 ,tast1 or ,sound1 somtimes of another4 ,and this diversity of ,seeming1 7produced by the diversity of the operation of bodies1 on the organs of our sense7 we attribute to alterations of the ,bodies that operate1 call them ,accidents of those ,bodies4 ,and according to this acceptation of the word1 ,substance and ,body1 signifie the same thing2 and therefore ,substance ,incorporeall are words1 which when they are joined together1 destroy one another1 as if a man should say1 an ,incorporeall ,body4 ,but in the sense of common people1 not all the ,universe is called ,body1 but only such parts thereof as they can discern by the sense of ,feeling1 to resist their force1 or by the sense of their ,eyes1 to hinder them from a farther prospect4 ,therefore in the common language of men1 ,aire1 and ,aeriall ,substances1 use not to be taken for ,bodies1 but 7as often as men are sensible of their effects7 are called ,wind1 or ,breath1 or 7because the some are called in the ,latine ,spiritus7 ,spirits2 as when they call that aeriall substance1 which in the body of any living creature1 gives it life and motion1 ,vitall and ,animall ,spirits4 ,but for those ,idols of the brain1 which represent ,bodies to us1 where they are not1 as in a ,looking-glasse1 in a ,dream1 or to a ,distempered brain waking1 they are 7as the ,apostle saith generally of all ,idols7 nothing2 ,nothing at all1 ,i say1 there where they seem to bee2 and in the brain it self1 nothing but tumult1 proceeding either from the action of the objects1 or from the disorderly agitation of the ,organs of our ,sense4 ,and men1 that are otherwise imployed1 then to search into their causes1 know not of themselves1 what to call them2 and may therefore easily be perswaded1 by those whose knowledge they much reverence1 some to call them ,bodies1 and think them made of aire compacted by a power supernaturall1 because the sight judges them corporeall2 and some to call them ,spirits1 because the sense of ,touch discerneth nothing in the place where they appear1 to resist their fingers3 ,so that the proper signification of ,spirit in common speech1 is either a subtile1 fluid1 and invisible ,body1 or a ,ghost1 or other ,idol or ,phantasme of the ,imagination4 ,but for metaphoricall significations1 there be many3 for sometimes it is taken for ,disposition or ,inclination of the mind2 as when for the disposition to controwl the sayings of other men1 we say1 ,a ,spirit ,contradiction2 ,for ,a ,disposition to ,uncleannesse1 ,an ,unclean ,spirit2 for ,perversenesse1 ,a ,froward ,spirit2 for ,sullennesse1 ,a ,dumb ,spirit1 and for ,inclination ,to ,godlinesse1 ,and ,gods ,service1 the ,spirit of ,god3 sometimes for any eminent ability1 or extraordinary passion1 or disease of the mind1 as when ,great ,wisdome is called the ,spirit ,of ,wisdome2 and ,mad ,men are said to be ,possessed ,with ,a ,spirit4 ,other signification of ,spirit ,i find no where any2 and where none of these can satisfie the sense of that word in ,scripture1 the place falleth not under humane ,understanding2 and our ,faith therein consisteth not in our ,opinion1 but in our ,submission2 as in all places where ,god is said to be a ,spirit2 or where by the ,spirit of ,god1 is meant ,god himselfe4 ,for the nature of ,god is incomprehensible2 that is to say1 we understand nothing of ,what ,he ,is1 but only ,that ,he ,is2 and therefore the ,attributes we give him1 are not to tell one another1 ,what ,he ,is1 ,nor to signifie our opinion of his ,nature1 but our desire to honor him with such names as we conceive most honorable amongst our selves4 ,spirit ,of ,god ,taken ,in ,the ,scripture ,sometimes ,for ,a ,wind1 ,or ,breath ,gen4 #a4 #b4 ,the ,spirit of ,god moved upon the face of the ,waters4 ,here if by the ,spirit of ,god be meant ,god himself1 then is ,motion attributed to ,god1 and consequently ,place1 which are intelligible only of ,bodies1 and not of substances incorporeall2 and so the place is above our understanding1 that can conceive nothing moved that changes not place1 or that has not dimension2 and whatsoever has dimension1 is ,body4 ,but the meaning of those words is best understood by the like place1 ,gen4 #h4 #a4 ,where when the earth was covered with ,waters1 as in the beginning1 ,god intending to abate them1 and again to discover the dry land1 useth like words1 ,i will bring my ,spirit upon the ,earth1 and the waters shall be diminished3 in which place by ,spirit is understood a ,wind1 7that is an ,aire or ,spirit ,moved17 which might be called 7as in the former place7 the ,spirit of ,god1 because it was ,gods ,work4 ,secondly1 ,for ,extraordinary ,gifts ,of ,the ,understanding ,gen4 #da4 #ch4 ,pharaoh calleth the ,wisdome of ,joseph1 the ,spirit of ,god4 ,for ,joseph having advised him to look out a wise and discreet man1 and to set him over the land of ,egypt1 he saith thus1 ,can we find such a man as this is1 in whom is the ,spirit of ,god8 and ,exod4 #bh4c4 ,thou shalt speak 7saith ,god7 to all that are wise hearted1 whom ,i have filled with the ,spirit of ,wisdome1 to make ,aaron ,garments1 to consecrate him4 ,where extraordinary ,understanding1 though but in making ,garments1 as being the ,gift of ,god1 is called the ,spirit of ,god4 ,the same is found again1 ,exod4 #ca4c1d1e1f4 and #ce4ca4 ,and ,isaiah #aa4b1c4 where the ,prophet speaking of the ,messiah1 saith1 ,the ,spirit of the ,lord shall abide upon him1 the ,spirit of wisdome and understanding1 the ,spirit of counsell1 and fortitude2 and the ,spirit of the fear of the ,lord4 ,where manifestly is meant1 not so many ,ghosts1 but so many eminent ,graces that ,god would give him4 ,thirdly1 ,for ,extraordinary ,affections ,in the ,book of ,judges1 an extraordinary ,zeal1 and ,courage in the defence of ,gods people1 is called the ,spirit of ,god2 as when it excited ,othoniel1 ,gideon1 ,jeptha1 and ,samson to deliver them from servitude1 ,judg4 #c4aj4 #f4cd4 #aa4bi4 #ac4be4 #ad4f1ai4 ,and of ,saul1 upon the newes of the insolence of the ,ammonites towards the men of ,jabeth ,gilead1 it is said 7#a ,sam4#aa4f47 that ,the ,spirit of ,god came upon ,saul1 and his ,anger 7or1 as it is in the ,latine1 ,his ,fury7 was kindled greatly4 ,where it is not probable was meant a ,ghost1 but an extraordinary ,zeal to punish the cruelty of the ,ammonites4 ,in like manner by the ,spirit of ,god1 that came upon ,saul1 when hee was amongst the ,prophets that praised ,god in ,songs1 and ,musick 7#a ,sam4#ai4bj47 is to be understood1 not a ,ghost1 but an unexpected and sudden ,zeal to join with them in their devotions4 ,fourthly1 ,for ,the ,gift ,of ,prediction ,by ,dreams ,and ,visions ,the false ,prophet ,zedekiah1 saith to ,micaiah 7#a ,kings #bb4bd47 ,which way went the ,spirit of the ,lord from me to speak to thee8 ,which cannot be understood of a ,ghost2 for ,micaiah declared before the ,kings of ,israel and ,judah1 the event of the battle1 as from a ,vision1 and not as from a ,spirit1 speaking in him4 ,in the same manner it appeareth1 in the ,books of the ,prophets1 that though they spake by the ,spirit of ,god1 that is to say1 by a speciall grace of ,prediction2 yet their knowledge of the future1 was not by a ,ghost within them1 but by some supernaturall ,dream or ,vision4 ,fiftly1 ,for ,life ,gen4 #b4g4 ,it is said1 ,god made man of the dust of the ,earth1 and breathed into his nostrills 7spiraculum vitae7 the breath of life1 and man was made a living soul4 ,there the ,breath of ,life inspired by ,god1 signifies no more1 but that ,god gave him life2 ,and 7,job #bg4c47 as long as the ,spirit of ,god is in my nostrils2 is no more then to say1 as long as ,i live4 ,so in ,ezek4 #a4bj4 the ,spirit of life was in the wheels1 is equivalent to1 the wheels were alive4 ,and 7,ezek4 #b4cj47 the spirit entred into me1 and set me on my feet1 that is1 ,i recovered my vitall strength2 not that any ,ghost1 or incorporeal substance entred into1 and possessed his body4 ,sixtly1 ,for ,a ,subordination ,to ,authority ,in the #aa chap4 of ,numbers4 verse #ag4 ,i will take 7saith ,god7 of the ,spirit1 which is upon thee1 and will put it upon them1 and they shall bear the burthen of the people with thee2 that is1 upon the seventy ,elders3 whereupon two of the seventy are said to prophecy in the campe2 of whom some complained1 and ,joshua desired ,moses to forbid them2 which ,moses would not doe4 ,whereby it appears2 that ,joshua knew not they had received authority so to do1 and prophecyed according to the mind of ,moses1 that is to say1 by a ,spirit1 or ,authority subordinate to his own4 ,in the like sense we read 7,deut4 #cd4i47 that ,joshua was full of the ,spirit of wisdome1 because ,moses had laid his hands upon him3 that is1 because he was ,ordained by ,moses1 to prosecute the work hee had himselfe begun1 7namely1 the bringing of ,gods people into the promised land71 but prevented by death1 could not finish4 ,in the like sense it is said1 7,rom4 #h4i47 ,if any man have not the ,spirit of ,christ1 he is none of his3 not meaning thereby the ,ghost of ,christ1 but a ,submission to his ,doctrine4 ,as also 7#a ,john #d4b47 ,hereby you shall know the ,spirit of ,god2 ,every ,spirit that confesseth that ,jesus ,christ is come in the flesh1 is of ,god2 by which is meant the ,spirit of unfained ,christianity1 or ,submission to that main ,article of ,christian faith1 that ,jesus is the ,christ2 which cannot be interpreted of a ,ghost4 ,likewise these words 7,luke #d4a47 ,and ,jesus full of the ,holy ,ghost 7that is1 as it is exprest1 ,mat4 #d4a4 and ,mar4 #a4ab4 of the ,holy ,spirit17 may be understood1 for ,zeal to doe the work for which hee was sent by ,god the ,father3 but to interpret it of a ,ghost1 is to say1 that ,god himselfe 7for so our ,saviour was17 was filled with ,god2 which is very unproper1 and unsignificant4 ,how we came to translate ,spirits1 by the word ,ghosts1 which signifieth nothing1 neither in heaven1 nor earth1 but the ,imaginary inhabitants of mans brain1 ,i examine not3 but this ,i say1 the word ,spirit in the text signifieth no such thing2 but either properly a reall ,substance1 or ,metaphorically1 some extraordinary ,ability of ,affection of the ,mind1 or of the ,body4 ,seventhly1 ,for ,aeriall ,bodies ,the ,disciples of ,christ1 seeing him walking upon the sea1 7,mat4 #ad4bf4 and ,marke #f4di47 supposed him to be a ,spirit1 meaning thereby an ,aeriall ,body1 and not a ,phantasme3 for it is said1 they all saw him2 which cannot be understood of the delusions of the brain1 7which are not common to many at once1 as visible ,bodies are2 but singular1 because of the differences of ,fancies71 but of ,bodies only4 ,in like manner1 where he was taken for a ,spirit1 by the same ,apostles 7,luke #bd4c1g473 ,so also 7,acts #ab4ae7 when ,st4 ,peter was delivered out of ,prison1 it would not be beleeved2 but when the ,maid said he was at the dore1 they said it was his ,angel2 by which must be meant a corporeall substance1 or we must say1 the ,disciples themselves did follow the common opinion of both ,jews and ,gentiles1 that some such apparitions were not ,imaginary1 but ,reall2 and such as needed not the fancy of man for their ,existence3 ,these the ,jews called ,spirits1 and ,angels1 ,good or ,bad2 as the ,greeks called the same by the name of ,daemons4 ,and some such apparitions may be reall1 and substantiall2 that is to say1 subtile ,bodies1 which ,god can form by the same power1 by which he formed all things1 and make use of1 as of ,ministers1 and ,messengers 7that is to say1 ,angels7 to declare his will1 and execute the same when he pleaseth1 in extraordinary and supernaturall manner4 ,but when hee hath so formed them they are ,substances1 endued with dimensions1 and take up roome1 and can be moved from place to place1 which is peculiar to ,bodies2 and therefore are not ,ghosts ,incorporeall1 that is to say1 ,ghosts that are in ,no ,place2 that is to say1 that are ,no ,where2 that is to say1 that seeming to be ,somewhat1 are ,nothing4 ,but if corporeall be taken in the most vulgar manner1 for such ,substances as are perceptible by our externall ,senses2 then is ,substance ,incorporeall1 a thing not ,imaginary1 but ,reall2 namely1 a thin ,substance ,invisible1 but that hath the same dimensions that are in grosser ,bodies4 ,angel ,what ,by the name of ,,angel1 is signified generally1 a ,messenger2 and most often1 a ,messenger of ,god3 ,and by a ,messenger of ,god1 is signified1 any thing that makes known his extraordinary ,presence2 that is to say1 the extraordinary manifestation of his power1 especially by a ,dream1 or ,vision4 ,concerning the creation of ,angels1 there is nothing delivered in the ,scriptures4 ,that they are ,spirits1 is often repeated3 but by the name of ,spirit1 is signified both in ,scripture1 and vulgarly1 both amongst ,jews1 and ,gentiles1 sometimes thin ,bodies2 as the ,aire1 the ,wind1 the ,spirits ,vitall1 and ,animall1 of living creatures2 and sometimes the ,images that rise in the fancy in ,dreams1 and ,visions2 which are not reall ,substances1 but accidents of the brain2 yet when ,god raiseth them supernaturally1 to signifie his ,will1 they are not unproperly termed ,gods ,messengers1 that is to say1 his ,angels4 ,and as the ,gentiles did vulgarly conceive the ,imagery of the brain1 for things really subsistent without them1 and not dependent on the fancy2 and out of them framed their opinions of ,daemons1 ,good and ,evill2 which because they seemed to subsist really1 they called ,substances2 and because they could not feel them with their hands1 ,incorporeall3 so also the ,jews upon the same ground1 without any thing in the ,old ,testament that constrained them thereunto1 had generally an opinion1 7except the sect of the ,sadduces17 that those apparitions 7which it pleased ,god sometimes to produce in the fancie of men1 for his own service1 and therefore called them his ,angels7 were substances1 not dependent on the fancy1 but permanent creatures of ,god2 whereof those which they thought were good to them1 they esteemed the ,angels of ,god1 and those they thought would hurt them1 they called ,evill ,angels1 or ,evill ,spirits2 such as was the ,spirit of ,python1 and the ,spirits of ,mad-men1 of ,lunatiques1 and ,epileptiques3 ,for they esteemed such as were troubled with such diseases1 ,daemoniaques4 ,but if we consider the places of the ,old ,testament where ,angels are mentioned1 we shall find1 that in most of them1 there can nothing else be understood by the word ,angel1 but some image raised 7supernaturally7 in the fancy1 to signifie the presence of ,god in the execution of some supernaturall work2 and therefore in the rest1 where their nature is not exprest1 it may be understood in the same manner4 ,for we read ,gen4 #af4 that the same apparition is called1 not onely an ,angel1 but ,god2 where that which 7verse #g47 is called the ,angel of the ,lord1 in the tenth verse1 saith to ,agar1 ,i will multiply thy seed exceedingly2 that is1 speaketh in the person of ,god4 ,neither was this apparition a ,fancy figured1 but a ,voice4 ,by which it is manifest1 that ,angel signifieth there1 nothing but ,god himself1 that caused ,agar supernaturally to apprehend a voice supernaturall1 testifying ,gods speciall presence there4 ,why therefore may not the ,angels that appeared to ,lot1 and are called ,gen4 #ai4ac4 ,men2 and to whom1 though they were but two1 ,lot speaketh 7ver4 #ah47 as but one1 and that one1 as ,god1 7for the words are1 ,lot said unto them1 ,oh not so my ,lord7 be understood of images of men1 supernaturally formed in the ,fancy2 as well as before by ,angel was understood a fancyed ,voice8 ,when the ,angel called to ,abraham out of heaven1 to stay his hand 7,gen4 #bb4aa47 from slaying ,isaac1 there was no ,apparition1 but a ,voice2 which neverthelesse was called properly enough a ,messenger1 or ,angel of ,god1 because it declared ,gods will supernaturally1 and saves the labour of supposing any permanent ,ghosts4 ,the ,angels which ,jacob saw on the ,ladder of ,heaven 7,gen4 #bh4ab47 were a ,vision of his sleep2 therefore onely ,fancy1 and a ,dream2 yet being supernaturall1 and signs of ,gods ,speciall presence1 those apparitions are not improperly called ,angels4 ,the same is to be understood 7,gen4#ca4aa47 where ,jacob saith thus1 ,the ,angel of the ,lord appeared to mee in my sleep4 ,for an apparition made to a man in his sleep1 is that which all men call a ,dreame1 whether such ,dreame be naturall1 or supernaturall3 and that which there ,jacob calleth an ,angel1 was ,god himselfe2 for the same ,angel saith 7verse #ac47 ,i am the ,god of ,bethel4 ,also 7,exod4#ad4i47 the ,angel that went before the ,army of ,israel to the ,red ,sea1 and then came behind it1 is 7verse #ai47 the ,lord himself2 and he appeared not in the form of a beautifull man1 but in form 7by day7 of a ,pillar ,of ,cloud and 7by night7 in form of a ,pillar ,of ,fire2 and yet this ,pillar was all the apparition1 and ,angel promised to ,moses 7,exod4 #ad4i47 for the ,armies guide3 ,for this cloudy pillar1 is said1 to have descended1 and stood at the dore of the ,tabernacle1 and to have talked with ,moses4 ,there you see ,motion1 and ,speech1 which are commonly attributed to ,angels1 attributed to a ,cloud1 because the ,cloud served as a sign of ,gods presence2 and was no lesse an ,angel1 then if it had had the form of a ,man1 or ,child of never so great beauty2 or ,wings1 as usually they are painted1 for the false instruction of common people4 ,for it is not the shape2 but their use1 that makes them ,angels4 ,but their use is to be significations of ,gods presence in supernaturall operations2 ,as when ,moses 7,exod4 #cc4ad47 had desired ,god to goe along with the ,campe1 7as he had done alwaies before the making of the ,golden ,calfe17 ,god did not answer1 ,i will goe1 nor ,i will send an ,angel in my stead2 but thus1 my presence shall goe with thee4 ,to mention all the places of the ,old ,testament where the name of ,angel is found1 would be too long4 ,therefore to comprehend them all at once1 ,i say1 there is no text in that part of the ,old ,testament1 which the ,church of ,england holdeth for ,canonicall1 from which we can conclude1 there is1 or hath been created1 any permanent thing 7understood by the name of ,spirit or ,angel17 that hath not quantity2 and that may not be1 by the understanding divided2 that is to say1 considered by parts2 so as one part may bee in one place1 and the next part in the next place to it2 and1 in summe1 which is not 7taking ,body for that1 which is some what1 or some where7 ,corporeall2 but in every place1 the sense will bear the interpretation of ,angel1 for ,messenger2 as ,john ,baptist is called an ,angel1 and ,christ the ,angel of the ,covenant2 and as 7according to the same ,analogy7 the ,dove1 and the ,fiery ,tongues1 in that they were signes of ,gods speciall presence1 might also be called ,angels4 ,though we find in ,daniel two names of ,angels1 ,gabriel1 and ,michael2 yet is cleer out of the text it selfe1 7,dan4 #ab4a7 that by ,michael is meant ,christ1 not as an ,angel1 but as a ,prince3 and that ,gabriel 7as the like apparitions made to other holy men in their sleep7 was nothing but a supernaturall phantasme1 by which it seemed to ,daniel1 in his dream1 that two ,saints being in talke1 one of them said to the other1 ,gabriel1 let us make this man understand his ,vision3 ,for ,god needeth not1 to distinguish his ,celestiall servants by names1 which are usefull onely to the short memories of ,mortalls4 ,nor in the ,new ,testament is there any place1 out of which it can be proved1 that ,angels 7except when they are put for such men1 as ,god hath made the ,messengers1 and ,ministers of his word1 or works7 are things permanent1 and withall incorporeall4 ,that they are permanent1 may bee gathered from the words of our ,saviour himselfe1 7,mat4 #be4da47 where he saith1 it shall be said to the wicked in the last day1 ,go ye cursed into everlasting fire prepared for the ,devil and his ,angels3 which place is manifest for the permanence of ,evill ,angels1 7unlesse wee might think the name of ,devill and his ,angels may be understood of the ,churches ,adversaries and their ,ministers27 but then it is repugnant to their ,immateriality2 because ,everlasting fire is no punishment to impatible substances1 such as are all things ,incorporeall4 ,angels therefore are not thence proved to be ,incorporeall4 ,in like manner where ,st4 ,paul sayes 7#a ,cor4 #f4c47 ,knew ye not that wee shall judge the ,angels8 ,and 7#b ,pet4 #b4d47 ,for if ,god spared not the ,angels that sinned1 but cast them down into ,hell4 ,and 7,jude #a1f47 ,and the ,angels that kept not their first estate1 but left their owne habitation1 hee hath reserved in everlasting chaines under darknesse unto the ,judgement of the last day2 though it prove the ,permanence of ,angelicall nature1 it confirmeth also their ,materiality4 ,and 7,mat4 #bb4cj47 ,in the resurrection men doe neither marry1 nor give in marriage1 but are as the ,angels of ,god in heaven3 but in the resurrection men shall be ,permanent1 and not ,incorporeall2 so therefore also are the ,angels4 ,there be divers other places out of which may be drawn the like conclusion4 ,to men that understand the signification of these words1 ,substance1 and ,incorporeall2 as ,incorporeall is taken not for subtile body1 but for ,not ,body1 they imply a contradiction3 insomuch as to say1 an ,angel1 or ,spirit is 7in that sense7 an ,incorporeall ,substance1 is to say in effect1 there is no ,angel nor ,spirit at all4 ,considering therefore the signification of the word ,angel in the ,old ,testament1 and the nature of ,dreams and ,visions that happen to men by the ordinary way of ,nature2 ,i was enclined to this opinion1 that ,angels were nothing but supernaturall apparitions of the ,fancy1 raised by the speciall and extraordinary operation of ,god1 thereby to make his presence and commandements known to mankind1 and chiefly to his own people4 ,but the many places of the ,new ,testament1 and our ,saviours own words1 and in such texts1 wherein is no suspicion of corruption of the ,scripture1 have extorted from my feeble ,reason1 an acknowledgement1 and beleef1 that there be also ,angels substantiall1 and permanent4 ,but to beleeve they be in no place1 that is to say1 no where1 that is to say1 nothing1 as they 7though indirectly7 say1 that will have them ,incorporeall1 cannot by ,scripture bee evinced4 ,inspiration ,what ,on the signification of the word ,spirit1 dependeth that of the word ,,inspiration2 which must either be taken properly2 and then it is nothing but the blowing into a man some thin and subtile aire1 or wind1 in such manner as a man filleth a bladder with his breath2 or if ,spirits be not corporeal1 but have their existence only in the fancy1 it is nothing but the blowing in of a ,phantasme2 which is improper to say1 and impossible2 for ,phantasmes are not1 but only seem to be somewhat4 ,that word therefore is used in the ,scripture metaphorically onely3 ,as 7,gen4 #b4g47 where it is said1 that ,god ,inspired into man the breath of life1 no more is meant1 then that ,god gave unto him vitall motion4 ,for we are not to think that ,god made first a living breath1 and then blew it into ,adam after he was made1 whether that breath were reall1 or seeming2 but only as it is 7,acts #ag4be47 that he gave him life and breath2 that is1 made him a living creature4 ,and where it is said 7#b ,tim4 #c4af47 all ,scripture is given by ,inspiration from ,god1 speaking there of the ,scripture of the ,old ,testament1 it is an easie metaphor1 to signifie1 that ,god enclined the spirit or mind of those ,writers1 to write that which should be usefull1 in teaching1 reproving1 correcting1 and instructing men in the way of righteous living4 ,but where ,st4 ,peter 7#b ,pet4 #a4ba47 saith1 that ,prophecy came not in old time by the will of man1 but the holy men of ,god spake as they were moved by the ,holy ,spirit1 by the ,holy ,spirit1 is meant the voice of ,god in a ,dream1 or ,vision supernaturall1 which is not ,inspiration2 ,nor when our ,saviour breathing on his ,disciples1 said1 ,receive the ,holy ,spirit1 was that ,breath the ,spirit1 but a sign of the spirituall graces he gave unto them4 ,and though it be said of many1 and of our ,saviour himself1 that he was full of the ,holy ,spirit2 yet that ,fulnesse is not to be understood for ,infusion of the substance of ,god1 but for accumulation of his gifts1 such as are the gift of sanctity of life1 of tongues1 and the like1 whether attained supernaturally1 or by study and industry2 for in all cases they are the gifts of ,god4 ,so likewise where ,god sayes 7,joel #b4bh47 ,i will powre out my ,spirit upon all flesh1 and your ,sons and your ,daughters shall prophecy1 your ,old men shall dream ,dreams1 and your ,young men shall see ,visions1 wee are not to understand it in the proper sense1 as if his ,spirit were like water1 subject to effusion1 or infusion2 but as if ,god had promised to give them ,propheticall ,dreams1 and ,visions4 ,for the proper use of the word ,infused1 in speaking of the graces of ,god1 is an abuse of it2 for those graces are ,vertues1 not ,bodies to be carryed hither and thither1 and to be powred into men1 as into barrels4 ,in the same manner1 to take ,inspiration in the proper sense1 or to say that ,good ,spirits entred into men to make them prophecy1 or ,evill ,spirits into those that became ,phrenetique1 ,lunatique1 or ,epileptique1 is not to take the word in the sense of the ,scripture2 for the ,spirit there is taken for the power of ,god1 working by causes to us unknown4 ,as also 7,acts #b4b47 the wind1 that is there said to fill the house wherein the ,apostles were assembled on the day of ,pentecost1 is not to be understood for the ,holy ,spirit1 which is the ,deity it self2 but for an ,externall sign of ,gods speciall working on their hearts1 to effect in them the internall graces1 and holy vertues hee thought requisite for the performance of their ,apostleship4 ,,chapter ,,xxxv4 ,,of ,,the ,,signification ,,in ,,scripture ,,of ,,kingdome ,,of ,,god1 ,,of ,,holy1 ,,sacred1 ,,and ,,sacrament ,kingdom ,of ,god ,taken ,by ,divines ,metaphorically ,but ,in ,the ,scriptures ,properly ,the ,kingdome of ,god in the ,writings of ,divines1 and specially in ,sermons1 and ,treatises of ,devotion1 is taken most commonly for ,eternall ,felicity1 after this life1 in the ,highest ,heaven1 which they also call the ,kingdome of ,glory2 and sometimes for 7the earnest of that felicity7 ,sanctification1 which they terme the ,kingdome of ,grace1 but never for the ,monarchy1 that is to say1 the ,soveraign ,power of ,god over any ,subjects acquired by their own consent1 which is the proper signification of ,kingdome4 ,to the contrary1 ,i find the ,,kingdome ,,of ,,god1 to signifie in most places of ,scripture1 a ,kingdome ,properly ,so ,named1 constituted by the ,votes of the ,people of ,israel in peculiar manner2 wherein they chose ,god for their ,king by ,covenant made with him1 upon ,gods promising them the possession of the land of ,canaan2 and but seldom metaphorically2 and then it is taken for ,dominion ,over ,sinne2 7and only in the ,new ,testament27 because such a ,dominion as that1 every ,subject shall have in the ,kingdome of ,god1 and without prejudice to the ,soveraign4 ,from the very ,creation1 ,god not only reigned over all men ,naturally by his might2 but also had ,peculiar ,subjects1 whom he commanded by a ,voice1 as one man speaketh to another4 ,in which manner he ,reigned over ,adam1 and gave him commandement to abstaine from the tree of cognizance of ,good and ,evill2 which when he obeyed not1 but tasting thereof1 took upon him to be as ,god1 judging between ,good and ,evill1 not by his ,creators commandement1 but by his own sense1 his punishment was a privation of the estate of ,eternall life1 wherein ,god had at first created him3 ,and afterwards ,god punished his posterity1 for their vices1 all but eight persons1 with an universall deluge2 ,and in these eight did consist the then ,kingdome ,of ,god4 ,the ,originall ,of ,the ,kingdome ,of ,god ,after this1 it pleased ,god to speak to ,abraham1 and 7,gen4 #ag4g1h47 to make a ,covenant with him in these words1 ,i will establish my ,covenant between me1 and thee1 and thy seed after thee in their generations1 for an everlasting ,covenant1 to be a ,god to thee1 and to thy seed after thee2 ,and ,i will give unto thee1 and to thy seed after thee1 the land wherein thou art a stranger1 all the land of ,canaan for an everlasting possession4 ,and for a memoriall1 and a token of this ,covenant1 he ordaineth 7verse #aa47 the ,sacrament of ,circumcision4 ,this is it which is called the ,old ,covenant1 or ,testament2 and containeth a ,contract between ,god and ,abraham2 by which ,abraham obligeth himself1 and his posterity1 in a peculiar manner to be subject to ,gods positive ,law2 for to the ,law ,morall he was obliged before1 as by an ,oath of ,allegiance4 ,and though the name of ,king be not yet given to ,god1 nor of ,kingdome to ,abraham and his seed2 yet the thing is the same2 namely1 an ,institution by pact1 of ,gods peculiar ,soveraignty over the seed of ,abraham2 which in the renewing of the same ,covenant by ,moses1 at ,mount ,sinai1 is expressely called a peculiar ,kingdome of ,god over the ,jews3 and it is of ,abraham 7not of ,moses7 ,st4 ,paul saith 7,rom4 #d4aa47 that he is the ,father of the ,faithfull1 that is1 of those that are loyall1 and doe not violate their ,allegiance sworn to ,god1 then by ,circumcision1 and afterwards in the ,new ,covenant by ,baptisme4 ,that ,the ,kingdome ,of ,god ,is ,properly ,his ,civill ,soveraignty ,over ,a ,peculiar ,people ,by ,pact ,this ,covenant1 at the ,foot of ,mount ,sinai1 was renewed by ,moses 7,exod4 #ai4e47 where the ,lord commandeth ,moses to speak to the people in this manner1 ,if you will obey my voice indeed1 and keep my ,covenant1 then yee shall be a peculiar people to me1 for all the ,earth is mine2 and yee shall be unto me a ,sacerdotall ,kingdome1 and an holy ,nation4 ,for a ,peculiar people the vulgar ,latine hath1 ,peculium ,de ,cunctis ,populis3 the ,english translation made in the beginning of the ,reign of ,king ,james1 hath1 a ,peculiar treasure unto me above all ,nations2 and the ,geneva ,french1 the most precious ,jewel of all ,nations4 ,but the truest ,translation is the first1 because it is confirmed by ,st4 ,paul himself 7,tit4 #b4ad47 where he saith1 alluding to that place1 that our blessed ,saviour gave himself for us1 that he might purifie us to himself1 a peculiar 7that is1 an extraordinary7 people3 for the word is in the ,greek periousios1 which is opposed commonly to the word epiousios3 and as this signifieth ,ordinary1 ,quotidian1 or 7as in the ,lords ,prayer7 ,of ,daily ,use2 so the other signifieth that which is ,overplus1 and ,stored ,up1 and ,enjoyed ,in ,a ,speciall ,manner2 which the ,latines call ,peculium2 and this meaning of the place is confirmed by the reason ,god rendereth of it1 which followeth immediately1 in that he addeth1 ,for all the ,earth is mine1 as if he should say1 ,all the ,nations of the world are mine2 but it is not so that you are mine1 but in a ,speciall ,manner3 ,for they are all mine1 by reason of my ,power2 but you shall be mine1 by your own ,consent1 and ,covenant2 which is an addition to his ordinary title1 to all nations4 ,the same is again confirmed in expresse words in the same ,text1 ,yee shall be to me a ,sacerdotall ,kingdome1 and an holy ,nation4 ,the ,vulgar ,latine hath it1 ,regnum ,sacerdotale1 to which agreeth the ,translation of that place 7#a ,pet4 #b4i47 ,sacerdotium ,regale1 ,a ,regal ,priesthood2 as also the ,institution it self1 by which no man might enter into the ,sanctum ,sanctorum1 that is to say1 no man might enquire ,gods will immediately of ,god himselfe1 but onely the ,high ,priest4 ,the ,english ,translation before mentioned1 following that of ,geneva1 has1 a ,kingdome of ,priests2 which is either meant of the succession of one ,high ,priest after another1 or else it accordeth not with ,st4 ,peter1 nor with the exercise of the ,high ,priesthood2 ,for there was never any but the ,high ,priest onely1 that was to informe the ,people of ,gods ,will2 nor any ,convocation of ,priests ever allowed to enter into the ,sanctum ,sanctorum4 ,again1 the title of a ,holy ,nation confirmes the same3 ,for ,holy signifies1 that which is ,gods by speciall1 not by generall ,right4 ,all the ,earth 7as is said in the text7 is ,gods2 but all the ,earth is not called ,holy1 but that onely which is set apart for his especiall service1 as was the ,nation of the ,jews4 ,it is therefore manifest enough by this one place1 that by the ,kingdome of ,god1 is properly meant a ,common-wealth1 instituted 7by the consent of those which were to be subject thereto7 for their ,civill ,government1 and the regulating of their behaviour1 not onely towards ,god their ,king1 but also towards one another in point of justice1 and towards other ,nations both in peace and warre2 which properly was a ,kingdome1 wherein ,god was ,king1 and the ,high priest was to be 7after the death of ,moses7 his sole ,viceroy1 or ,lieutenant4 ,but there be many other places that clearly prove the same4 ,as first 7#a ,sam4 #h4g47 when the ,elders of ,israel 7grieved with the corruption of the ,sons of ,samuel7 demanded a ,king1 ,samuel displeased therewith1 prayed unto the ,lord2 and the ,lord answering said unto him1 ,hearken unto the voice of the ,people1 for they have not rejected thee1 but they have rejected me1 that ,i should not reign over them4 ,out of which it is evident1 that ,god himself was then their ,king2 and ,samuel did not command the people1 but only delivered to them that which ,god from time to time appointed him4 ,again1 7#a ,sam4 #ab4ab47 where ,samuel saith to the ,people1 ,when yee saw that ,nahash ,king of the ,children of ,ammon came against you1 ye said unto me1 ,nay1 but a ,king shall reign over us1 when the ,lord your ,god was your ,king3 ,it is manifest that ,god was their ,king1 and governed the ,civill ,state of their ,common-wealth4 ,and after the ,israelites had rejected ,god1 the ,prophets did foretell his restitution2 as 7,isaiah #bd4bc47 ,then the ,moon shall be confounded1 and the ,sun ashamed when the ,lord of ,hosts shall reign in ,mount ,zion1 and in ,jerusalem2 where he speaketh expressely of his ,reign in ,zion1 and ,jerusalem2 that is1 on ,earth4 ,and 7,micah #d4g47 ,and the ,lord shall reign over them in ,mount ,zion3 ,this ,mount ,zion is in ,jerusalem upon the ,earth4 ,and 7,ezek4 #bj4cc47 ,as ,i live1 saith the ,lord ,god1 surely with a mighty hand1 and a stretched out arme1 and with fury powred out1 ,i wil rule over you2 and 7verse #cg47 ,i will cause you to passe under the rod1 and ,i will bring you into the bond of the ,covenant2 that is1 ,i will reign over you1 and make you to stand to that ,covenant which you made with me by ,moses1 and brake in your rebellion against me in the days of ,samuel1 and in your election of another ,king4 ,and in the ,new testament1 the ,angel ,gabriel saith of our ,saviour 7,luke #a4cb1cc7 ,he shall be great1 and be called the ,son of the ,most ,high1 and the ,lord shall give him the throne of his ,father ,david2 and he shall reign over the house of ,jacob for ever2 and of his ,kingdome there shall be no end4 ,this is also a ,kingdome upon ,earth2 for the claim whereof1 as an enemy to ,caesar1 he was put to death2 the title of his crosse1 was1 ,jesus of ,nazareth1 ,king of the ,jews2 hee was crowned in scorn with a crown of ,thornes2 and for the proclaiming of him1 it is said of the ,disciples 7,acts #ag4g47 ,that they did all of them contrary to the decrees of ,caesar1 saying there was another ,king1 one ,jesus4 ,the ,kingdome therefore of ,god1 is a reall1 not a metaphoricall ,kingdome2 and so taken1 not onely in the ,old ,testament1 but the ,new2 when we say1 ,for thine is the ,kingdome1 the ,power1 and ,glory1 it is to be understood of ,gods ,kingdome1 by force of our ,covenant1 not by the ,right of ,gods ,power2 for such a ,kingdome ,god alwaies hath2 so that it were superfluous to say in our prayer1 ,thy ,kingdome come1 unlesse it be meant of the ,restauration of that ,kingdome of ,god by ,christ1 which by revolt of the ,israelites had been interrupted in the election of ,saul4 ,nor had it been proper to say1 ,the ,kingdome of ,heaven is at hand1 or to pray1 ,thy ,kingdome come1 if it had still continued4 ,there be so many other places that confirm this interpretation1 that it were a wonder there is no greater notice taken of it1 but that it gives too much light to ,christian ,kings to see their right of ,ecclesiastical ,government4 ,this they have observed1 that in stead of a ,sacerdotall ,kingdome1 translate1 a ,kingdome of ,priests3 for they may as well translate a ,royall ,priesthood1 7as it is in ,st4 ,peter7 into a ,priesthood of ,kings4 ,and whereas1 for a ,peculiar ,people1 they put a ,pretious ,jewel1 or ,treasure1 a man might as well call the speciall ,regiment1 or ,company of a ,generall1 the ,generalls pretious ,jewel1 or his ,treasure4 ,in short1 the ,kingdome of ,god is a ,civill ,kingdome2 which consisted1 first in the obligation of the people of ,israel to those ,laws1 which ,moses should bring unto them from ,mount ,sinai2 and which afterwards the ,high ,priest of the time being1 should deliver to them from before the ,cherubins in the ,sanctum ,sanctorum2 and which kingdome having been cast off1 in the election of ,saul1 the ,prophets foretold1 should be restored by ,christ2 and the ,restauration whereof we daily pray for1 when we say in the ,lords ,prayer1 ,thy ,kingdome come2 and the ,right whereof we acknowledge1 when we adde1 ,for thine is the ,kingdome1 the ,power1 and ,glory1 for ever and ever1 ,amen2 and the ,proclaiming whereof1 was the ,preaching of the ,apostles2 and to which men are prepared1 by the ,teachers of the ,gospel2 to embrace which ,gospel1 7that is to say1 to promise obedience to ,gods government7 is1 to bee in the ,kingdome of ,grace1 because ,god hath gratis given to such the power to bee the subjects 7that is1 ,children7 of ,god hereafter1 when ,christ shall come in ,majesty to judge the world1 and actually to govern his owne people1 which is called the ,kingdome of ,glory4 ,if the ,kingdome of ,god 7called also the ,kingdome of ,heaven1 from the gloriousnesse1 and admirable height of that throne7 were not a ,kingdome which ,god by his ,lieutenant1 or ,vicars1 who deliver his ,commandements to the people1 did exercise on ,earth2 there would not have been so much contention1 and warre1 about who it is1 by whom ,god speaketh to us2 neither would many ,priests have troubled themselves with ,spirituall ,jurisdiction1 nor any ,king have denied it them4 ,out of this literall interpretation of the ,kingdome of ,god1 ariseth also the true interpretation of the word ,,holy4 ,for it is a word1 which in ,gods ,kingdome answereth to that1 which men in their ,kingdomes use to call ,publique1 or the ,kings4 ,the ,king of any ,countrey is the ,publique ,person1 or ,representative of all his own ,subjects4 ,and ,god the ,king of ,israel was the ,holy ,one of ,israel4 ,the ,nation which is subject to one earthly ,soveraign1 is the ,nation of that ,soveraign1 that is1 of the ,publique ,person4 ,so the ,jews1 who were ,gods ,nation1 were called 7,exod4 #ai4f47 a ,holy ,nation4 ,for by ,holy1 is alwaies understood1 either ,god himselfe1 or that which is ,gods in propriety2 as by ,publique is alwaies meant1 either the ,person of the ,common-wealth it self1 or something that is so the ,common-wealths1 as no private person can claim any propriety therein4 ,therefore the ,sabbath 7,gods day7 is a ,holy ,day2 the ,temple1 7,gods house7 a ,holy ,house2 ,sacrifices1 ,tithes1 and ,offerings 7,gods tribute7 ,holy ,duties2 ,priests1 ,prophets1 and anointed ,kings1 under ,christ 7,gods ministers7 ,holy ,men2 ,the ,coelestiall ministring ,spirits 7,gods ,messengers7 ,holy ,angels2 and the like3 and wheresoever the word ,holy is taken properly1 there is still something signified of ,propriety1 gotten by consent4 ,in saying ,hallowed be thy name1 we do but pray to ,god for grace to keep the first ,commandement1 of having no other ,gods but ,him4 ,mankind is ,gods ,nation in propriety3 but the ,jews only were a ,holy ,nation4 ,why1 but because they became his ,propriety by covenant4 ,sacred ,what ,and the word ,profane1 is usually taken in the ,scripture for the same with ,common2 and consequently their contraries1 ,holy1 and ,proper1 in the ,kingdome of ,god must be the same also4 ,but figuratively1 those men also are called ,holy1 that led such godly lives1 as if they had forsaken all worldly designes1 and wholly devoted1 and given themselves to ,god4 ,in the proper sense1 that which is made ,holy by ,gods appropriating or separating it to his own use1 is said to be ,sanctified by ,god1 as the ,seventh day in the fourth ,commandement2 and as the ,elect in the ,new ,testament were said to bee ,sanctified1 when they were endued with the ,spirit of godlinesse4 ,and that which is made ,holy by the dedication of men1 and given to ,god1 so as to be used onely in his publique service1 is called also ,,sacred1 and said to be consecrated1 as ,temples1 and other ,houses of ,publique ,prayer1 and their ,utensils1 ,priests1 and ,ministers1 ,victimes1 ,offerings1 and the externall matter of ,sacraments4 ,degrees of ,sanctity ,of ,holinesse there be degrees3 for of those things that are set apart for the service of ,god1 there may bee some set apart again1 for a neerer and more especial service4 ,the whole ,nation of the ,israelites were a people ,holy to ,god2 yet the tribe of ,levi was amongst the ,israelites a ,holy tribe2 and amongst the ,levites1 the ,priests were yet more ,holy2 and amongst the ,priests1 the ,high ,priest was the most ,holy4 ,so the ,land of ,judea was the ,holy ,land2 but the ,holy ,city wherein ,god was to be worshipped1 was more ,holy2 and again1 the ,temples more ,holy than the ,city2 and the ,sanctum ,sanctorum more ,holy than the rest of the ,temple4 ,sacrament ,a ,,sacrament1 is a separation of some visible thing from common use2 and a consecration of it to ,gods service1 for a sign1 either of our admission into the ,kingdome of ,god1 to be of the number of his peculiar people1 or for a ,commemoration of the same4 ,in the ,old ,testament1 the sign of ,admission was ,circumcision2 in the ,new ,testament1 ,baptisme4 ,the ,commemoration of it in the ,old ,testament1 was the ,eating 7at a certain time1 which was ,anniversary7 of the ,paschall ,lamb2 by which they were put in mind of the night wherein they were delivered out of their bondage in ,egypt2 and in the ,new ,testament1 the celebrating of the ,lords ,supper2 by which1 we are put in mind1 of our deliverance from the bondage of sin1 by our ,blessed ,saviours death upon the crosse4 ,the ,sacraments of ,admission1 are but once to be used1 because there needs but one ,admission2 but because we have need of being often put in mind of our deliverance1 and of our ,allegeance1 ,the ,sacraments of ,commemoration have need to be reiterated4 ,and these are the principall ,sacraments1 and as it were the solemne oathes we make of our ,alleageance4 ,there be also other ,consecrations1 that may be called ,sacraments1 as the word implyeth onely ,consecration to ,gods service2 but as it implies an oath1 or promise of ,alleageance to ,god1 there were no other in the ,old ,testament1 but ,circumcision1 and the ,passover2 nor are there any other in the ,new ,testament1 but ,baptisme1 and the ,lords ,supper4 ,,chapter ,,xxxvi4 ,,of ,,the ,,word ,,of ,,god1 ,,and ,,of ,,prophets ,word ,what ,when there is mention of the ,word of ,god1 or of ,man1 it doth not signifie a part of ,speech1 such as ,grammarians call a ,nown1 or a ,verb1 or any simple voice1 without a contexture with other words to make it significative2 but a perfect ,speech or ,discourse1 whereby the speaker ,affirmeth1 ,denieth1 ,commandeth1 ,promiseth1 ,threateneth1 ,wisheth1 or ,interrogateth4 ,in which sense it is not ,vocabulum1 that signifies a ,word2 but ,sermo1 7in ,greek ,logos7 that is some ,speech1 ,discourse1 or ,saying4 ,the ,words ,spoken ,by ,god ,and ,concerning ,god1 ,both ,are ,called ,gods ,word ,in ,scripture ,again1 if we say the ,word of ,god1 or of ,man1 it may bee understood sometimes of the ,speaker1 7as the words that ,god hath spoken1 or that a ,man hath spoken73 ,in which sense1 when we say1 the ,gospel of ,st4 ,matthew1 we understand ,st4 ,matthew to be the ,writer of it3 and sometimes of the ,subject3 ,in which sense1 when we read in the ,bible1 ,the words of the days of the ,kings of ,israel1 or ,judah1 'tis meant1 that the acts that were done in those days1 were the ,subject of those ,words2 ,and in the ,greek1 which 7in the ,scripture7 retaineth many ,hebraismes1 by the ,word of ,god is oftentimes meant1 not that which is spoken by ,god1 but concerning ,god1 and his government2 that is to say1 the ,doctrine of ,religion3 ,insomuch1 as it is all one1 to say ,logos ,theou1 and ,theologia2 which is1 that ,doctrine which wee usually call ,divinity1 as is manifest by the places following 7,acts #ac4df47 ,then ,paul and ,barnabas waxed bold1 and said1 ,it was necessary that the ,word of ,god should first have been spoken to you1 but seeing you put it from you1 and judge your selves unworthy of everlasting life1 loe1 we turn to the ,gentiles4 ,that which is here called the ,word of god1 was the ,doctrine of ,christian ,religion2 as it appears evidently by that which goes before4 ,and 7,acts #e4bj47 where it is said to the ,apostles by an ,angel1 ,go stand and speak in the ,temple1 all the ,words of this life2 by the ,words of this life1 is meant1 the ,doctrine of the ,gospel2 as is evident by what they did in the ,temple1 and is expressed in the last verse of the same ,chap4 ,daily in the ,temple1 and in every house they ceased not to teach and preach ,christ ,jesus3 ,in which place it is manifest1 that ,jesus ,christ was the subject of this ,word of ,life2 or 7which is all one7 the subject of the ,words of this ,life ,eternall1 that our saviour offered them4 ,so 7,acts #ae4g47 the ,word of ,god1 is called the ,word of the ,gospel1 because it containeth the ,doctrine of the ,kingdome of ,christ2 and the same ,word 7,rom4 #aj4h1i47 is called the ,word of ,faith2 that is1 as is there expressed1 the ,doctrine of ,christ come1 and raised from the dead4 ,also 7,mat4 #ac4 #ai47 ,when any one heareth the ,word of the ,kingdome2 that is1 the ,doctrine of the ,kingdome taught by ,christ4 ,again1 the same ,word1 is said 7,acts #ab4 #bd47 to grow and to be multiplied2 which to understand of the ,evangelicall ,doctrine is easie1 but of the ,voice1 or ,speech of ,god1 hard and strange4 ,in the same sense the ,doctrine of ,devils1 signifieth not the ,words of any ,devill1 but the ,doctrine of ,heathen men concerning ,daemons1 and those ,phantasms which they worshipped as ,gods4 7#a ,tim4 #d4a47 ,considering these two significations of the ,,word ,,of ,,god1 as it is taken in ,scripture1 it is manifest in this later sense 7where it is taken for the ,doctrine of the ,christian ,religion17 that the whole scripture is the ,word of ,god3 but in the former sense not so4 ,for example1 though these words1 ,i am the ,lord thy ,god1 c4 to the end of the ,ten ,commandements1 were spoken by ,god to ,moses2 yet the ,preface1 ,god spake these words and said1 is to be understood for the ,words of him that wrote the holy ,history4 ,the ,word of ,god1 as it is taken for that which he hath spoken1 is understood sometimes ,properly1 sometimes ,metaphorically4 ,properly1 as the words1 he hath spoken to his ,prophets2 ,metaphorically1 for his ,wisdome1 ,power1 and eternall ,decree1 in making the world2 in which sense1 those ,fiats1 ,let there be light1 ,let there be a firmament1 ,let us make man1 c4 7,gen4 #a47 are the ,word of ,god4 ,and in the same sense it is said 7,john #a4c47 ,all things were made by it1 and without it was nothing made that was made2 ,and 7,heb4 #a4c47 ,he upholdeth all things by the word of his ,power2 that is1 by the ,power of his ,word2 that is1 by his ,power2 and 7,heb4 #aa4c47 ,the worlds were framed by the ,word of ,god2 and many other places to the same sense3 ,as also amongst the ,latines1 the name of ,fate1 which signifieth properly ,the ,word ,spoken1 is taken in the same sense4 ,secondly1 ,for ,the ,effect ,of ,his ,word ,secondly1 for the effect of his ,word2 that is to say1 for the thing it self1 which by his ,word is ,affirmed1 ,commanded1 ,threatned1 or ,promised2 as 7,psalm #aje4ai47 where ,joseph is said to have been kept in prison1 till his ,word was come2 that is1 till that was come to passe which he had 7,gen4 #dj4ac47 foretold to ,pharaohs ,butler1 concerning his being restored to his office3 for there by ,his ,word ,was ,come1 is meant1 the thing it self was come to passe4 ,so also 7#a ,king4 #ah4cf47 ,elijah saith to ,god1 ,i have done all these thy ,words1 in stead of ,i have done all these things at thy ,word1 or commandement3 and 7,jer4 #ag4ae47 ,where is the ,word of the ,lord1 is put for1 ,where is the ,evill he threatened3 ,and 7,ezek4 #ab4bh47 ,there shall none of my ,words be prolonged any more3 by ,words are understood those ,things1 which ,god promised to his people4 ,and in the ,new ,testament 7,mat4 #bd4ce47 heaven and earth shal pass away1 but my ,words shall not pass away2 that is1 there is nothing that ,i have promised or foretold1 that shall not come to passe4 ,and in this sense it is1 that ,st4 ,john the ,evangelist1 and1 ,i think1 ,st4 ,john onely calleth our ,saviour himself as in the flesh the ,word of ,god 7as ,joh4 #a4ad47 the ,word was made ,flesh2 that is to say1 the ,word1 or ,promise that ,christ should come into the world1 who in the beginning was with ,god2 that is to say1 it was in the purpose of ,god the ,father1 to send ,god the ,son into the world1 to enlighten men in the way of ,eternall life1 but it was not till then put in execution1 and actually incarnate2 ,so that our ,saviour is there called the ,word1 not because he was the promise1 but the thing promised4 ,they that taking occasion from this place1 doe commonly call him the ,verbe of ,god1 do but render the text more obscure4 ,they might as well term him the ,nown of ,god3 for as by ,nown1 so also by ,verbe1 men understand nothing but a part of speech1 a voice1 a sound1 that neither affirms1 nor denies1 nor commands1 nor promiseth1 nor is any substance corporeall1 or spirituall2 and therefore it cannot be said to bee either ,god1 or ,man2 whereas our ,saviour is both4 ,and this ,word which ,st4 ,john in his ,gospel saith was with ,god1 is 7in his #a ,epistle1 verse #a47 called the ,word of ,life2 and 7verse #b47 ,the eternall life1 which was with the ,father3 so that he can be in no other sense called the ,word1 then in that1 wherein he is called ,eternall life2 that is1 he that hath procured us ,eternall life1 by his comming in the flesh4 ,so also 7,apocalypse #ai4ac47 the ,apostle speaking of ,christ1 clothed in a garment dipt in bloud1 saith2 his name is the ,word of ,god2 which is to be understood1 as if he had said his name had been1 ,he that was come according to the purpose of ,god from the beginning1 and according to his ,word and promises delivered by the ,prophets4 ,so that there is nothing here of the ,incarnation of a ,word1 but of the ,incarnation of ,god the ,son1 therefore called the ,word1 because his ,incarnation was the ,performance of the ,promise2 ,in like manner as the ,holy ,ghost is called ,the ,promise4 7,acts #a4d4 ,luke #bd4di47 ,thirdly1 ,for ,the ,words ,of ,reason ,and ,equity ,there are also places of the ,scripture1 where1 by the ,word of ,god1 is signified such ,words as are consonant to reason1 and equity1 though spoken sometimes neither by prophet1 nor by a holy man4 ,for ,pharaoh ,necho was an ,idolator2 yet his ,words to the good ,king ,josiah1 in which he advised him by ,messengers1 not to oppose him in his march against ,carchemish1 are said to have proceeded from the mouth of ,god2 and that ,josiah not hearkning to them1 was slain in the battle2 as is to be read #b ,chron4 #ce4 vers4 #ba1bb1bc4 ,it is true1 that as the same ,history is related in the first book of ,esdras1 not ,pharaoh1 but ,jeremiah spake these words to ,josiah1 from the mouth of the ,lord4 ,but wee are to give credit to the ,canonicall ,scripture1 whatsoever be written in the ,apocrypha4 ,the ,word of ,god1 is then also to be taken for the ,dictates of reason1 and equity1 when the same is said in the ,scriptures to bee written in mans heart2 as ,psalm #cf4ca4 ,jerem4 #ca4cc4 ,deut4#cj4aa1 #ad4 and many other like places4 ,divers ,acceptions ,of ,the ,word ,prophet ,the name of ,,prophet1 signifieth in ,scripture sometimes ,prolocutor2 that is1 he that speaketh from ,god to ,man1 or from man to ,god3 ,and sometimes ,praedictor1 or a foreteller of things to come2 ,and sometimes one that speaketh incoherently1 as men that are distracted4 ,it is most frequently used in the sense of speaking from ,god to the ,people4 ,so ,moses1 ,samuel1 ,elijah1 ,isaiah1 ,jeremiah1 and others were ,prophets4 ,and in this sense the ,high ,priest was a ,prophet1 for he only went into the ,sanctum ,sanctorum1 to enquire of ,god2 and was to declare his answer to the people4 ,and therefore when ,caiphas said1 it was expedient that one man should die for the people1 ,st4 ,john saith 7chap4 #aa4ea47 that ,he spake not this of himselfe1 but being ,high ,priest that year1 he prophesied that one man should dye for the nation4 ,also they that in ,christian ,congregations taught the people1 7#a ,cor4 #ad4c47 are said to ,prophecy4 ,in the like sense it is1 that ,god saith to ,moses 7,exod4 #d4af47 concerning ,aaron1 ,he shall be thy ,spokes-man to the ,people2 and he shall be to thee a mouth1 and thou shalt be to him in stead of ,god2 that which here is ,spokesman1 is 7chap4#g4a47 interpreted ,prophet2 ,see 7saith ,god7 ,i have made thee a ,god to ,pharaoh1 and ,aaron thy ,brother shall be thy ,prophet4 ,in the sense of speaking from man to ,god1 ,abraham is called a ,prophet 7,genes4 #bj4g47 where ,god in a ,dream speaketh to ,abimelech in this manner1 ,now therefore restore the man his wife1 for he is a ,prophet1 and shall pray for thee2 whereby may be also gathered1 that the name of ,prophet may be given1 not unproperly to them that in ,christian ,churches1 have a ,calling to say publique prayers for the ,congregation4 ,in the same sense1 the ,prophets that came down from the ,high place 7or ,hill of ,god7 with a ,psaltery1 and a ,tabret1 and a ,pipe1 and a ,harp 7#a ,sam4 #aj4e1f47 and 7vers4 #aj47 ,saul amongst them1 are said to ,prophecy1 in that they praised ,god1 in that manner publiquely4 ,in the like sense1 is ,miriam 7,exod4 #ae4bj47 called a ,prophetesse4 ,so is it also to be taken 7#a ,cor4 #aa4d1e47 where ,st4 ,paul saith1 ,every man that prayeth or prophecyeth with his head covered1 c4 and every woman that prayeth or prophecyeth with her head uncovered3 ,for ,prophecy in that place1 signifieth no more1 but praising ,god in ,psalmes1 and ,holy ,songs2 which women might doe in the ,church1 though it were not lawfull for them to speak to the ,congregation4 ,and in this signification it is1 that the ,poets of the ,heathen1 that composed ,hymnes and other sorts of ,poems in the honor of their ,gods1 were called ,vates 7,prophets7 as is well enough known by all that are versed in the ,books of the ,gentiles1 and as is evident 7,tit4 #a4ab47 where ,st4 ,paul saith of the ,cretians1 that a ,prophet of their owne said1 they were ,liars2 not that ,st4 ,paul held their ,poets for ,prophets1 but acknowledgeth that the word ,prophet was commonly used to signifie them that celebrated the honour of ,god in ,verse ,praediction ,of ,future ,contingents1 ,not ,alwaies ,prophecy ,when by ,prophecy is meant ,praediction1 or foretelling of future ,contingents2 not only they were ,prophets1 who were ,gods ,spokesmen1 and foretold those things to others1 which ,god had foretold to them2 but also all those ,imposters1 that pretend by the helpe of familiar spirits1 or by superstitious divination of events past1 from false causes1 to foretell the like events in time to come3 of which 7as ,i have declared already in the #ab4 chapter of this ,discourse7 there be many kinds1 who gain in the opinion of the common sort of men1 a greater reputation of ,prophecy1 by one casuall event that may bee but wrested to their purpose1 than can be lost again by never so many failings4 ,prophecy is not an art1 nor 7when it is taken for ,praediction7 a constant ,vocation2 but an extraordinary1 and temporary ,employment from ,god1 most often of ,good men1 but sometimes also of the ,wicked4 ,the woman of ,endor1 who is said to have had a familiar spirit1 and thereby to have raised a ,phantasme of ,samuel1 and foretold ,saul his death1 was not therefore a ,prophetesse2 for neither had she any science1 whereby she could raise such a ,phantasme2 nor does it appear that ,god commanded the raising of it2 but onely guided that ,imposture to be a means of ,sauls terror and discouragement2 and by consequent1 of the discomfiture1 by which he fell4 ,and for ,incoherent ,speech1 it was amongst the ,gentiles taken for one sort of ,prophecy1 because the ,prophets of their ,oracles1 intoxicated with a spirit1 or vapour from the cave of the ,pythian ,oracle at ,delphi1 were for the time really mad1 and spake like mad-men2 of whose loose words a sense might be made to fit any event1 in such sort1 as all bodies are said to be made of ,materia prima4 ,in the ,scripture ,i find it also so taken 7#a ,sam4 #ah4 #aj47 in these words1 ,and the ,evill spirit came upon ,saul1 and he ,prophecyed in the midst of the house4 ,the ,manner ,how ,god ,hath ,spoken ,to ,the ,prophets ,and although there be so many significations in ,scripture of the word ,prophet2 yet is that the most frequent1 in which it is taken for him1 to whom ,god speaketh immediately1 that which the ,prophet is to say from him1 to some other man1 or to the people4 ,and hereupon a question may be asked1 in what manner ,god speaketh to such a ,prophet4 ,can it 7may some say7 be properly said1 that ,god hath voice and language1 when it cannot be properly said1 he hath a tongue1 or other organs1 as a man8 ,the ,prophet ,david argueth thus1 ,shall he that made the eye1 not see8 or he that made the ear1 not hear8 ,but this may be spoken1 not 7as usually7 to signifie ,gods nature1 but to signifie our intention to honor him4 ,for to ,see1 and ,hear1 are ,honorable ,attributes1 and may be given to ,god1 to declare 7as far as our capacity can conceive7 his ,almighty power4 ,but if it were to be taken in the strict1 and proper sense1 one might argue from his making of all parts of mans body1 that he had also the same use of them which we have2 which would be many of them so uncomely1 as it would be the greatest contumely in the world to ascribe them to him4 ,therefore we are to interpret ,gods speaking to men immediately1 for that way 7whatsoever it be71 by which ,god makes them understand his will3 ,and the wayes whereby he doth this1 are many2 and to be sought onely in the ,holy ,scripture3 where though many times it be said1 that ,god spake to this1 and that person1 without declaring in what manner2 yet there be again many places1 that deliver also the signes by which they were to acknowledge his presence1 and commandement2 and by these may be understood1 how he spake to many of the rest4 ,to ,the ,extraordinary ,prophets ,of ,the ,old ,testament ,he ,spake ,by ,dreams1 ,or ,visions ,in what manner ,god spake to ,adam1 and ,eve1 and ,cain1 and ,noah1 is not expressed2 nor how he spake to ,abraham1 till such time as he came out of his own countrey to ,sichem in the land of ,canaan2 and then 7,gen4 #ab4g47 ,god is said to have ,appeared to him4 ,so there is one way1 whereby ,god made his presence manifest2 that is1 by an ,apparition1 or ,vision4 ,and again1 7,gen4 #ae4a47 ,the ,word of the ,lord came to ,abraham in a ,vision2 that is to say1 somewhat1 as a sign of ,gods presence1 appeared as ,gods ,messenger1 to speak to him4 ,again1 the ,lord appeared to ,abraham 7,gen4 #ah4 #a47 by an apparition of three ,angels2 and to ,abimelech 7,gen4 #bj4 #c47 in a dream3 ,to ,lot 7,gen4 #ai4 #a47 by an apparition of ,two ,angels3 ,and to ,hagar 7,gen4 #ba4 #ag47 by the apparition of one ,angel3 ,and to ,abraham again 7,gen4 #bb4 #aa47 by the apparition of a voice from heaven3 ,and 7,gen4 #bf4 #bd47 to ,isaac in the night2 7that is1 in his sleep1 or by dream73 ,and to ,jacob 7,gen4 #ah4 #ab47 in a dream2 that is to say 7as are the words of the text7 ,jacob dreamed that he saw a ladder1 c4 ,and 7,gen4 #cb4 #a47 in a ,vision of ,angels3 ,and to ,moses 7,exod4 #c4b47 in the apparition of a flame of fire out of the midst of a bush3 ,and after the time of ,moses1 7where the manner how ,god spake immediately to man in the ,old ,testament1 is expressed7 hee spake alwaies by a ,vision1 or by a ,dream2 as to ,gideon1 ,samuel1 ,eliah1 ,elisha1 ,isaiah1 ,ezekiel1 and the rest of the ,prophets2 and often in the ,new ,testament1 as to ,joseph1 to ,st4 ,peter1 to ,st4 ,paul1 and to ,st4 ,john the ,evangelist in the ,apocalypse4 ,onely to ,moses hee spake in a more extraordinary manner in ,mount ,sinai1 and in the ,tabernacle2 and to the ,high ,priest in the ,tabernacle1 and in the ,sanctum ,sanctorum of the ,temple4 ,but ,moses1 and after him the ,high ,priests were ,prophets of a more eminent place1 and degree in ,gods favour2 ,and ,god himself in express words declareth1 that to other ,prophets hee spake in ,dreams and ,visions1 but to his servant ,moses1 in such manner as a man speaketh to his friend4 ,the words are these 7,numb4 #ab4 #f1g1h47 ,if there be a ,prophet among you1 ,i the ,lord will make my self known to him in a ,vision1 and will speak unto him in a ,dream4 ,my servant ,moses is not so1 who is faithfull in all my house2 with him ,i will speak mouth to mouth1 even apparently1 not in dark speeches2 and the similitude of the ,lord shall he behold4 ,and 7,exod4 #cc4 #aa47 ,the ,lord spake to ,moses face to face1 as a man speaketh to his friend4 ,and yet this speaking of ,god to ,moses1 was by mediation of an ,angel1 or ,angels1 as appears expressely1 ,acts #g4 ver4 #ce4 and #ec4 and ,gal4 #c4 #ai4 and was therefore a ,vision1 though a more cleer ,vision than was given to other ,prophets4 ,and conformable hereunto1 where ,god saith 7,deut4 #ac4 #a47 ,if there arise amongst you a ,prophet1 or ,dreamer of ,dreams1 the later word is but the interpretation of the former4 ,and 7,joel #b4 #bh47 ,your sons and your daughters shall ,prophecy2 your old men shall dream ,dreams1 and your young men shall see ,visions3 where again1 the word ,prophecy is expounded by ,dream1 and ,vision4 ,and in the same manner it was1 that ,god spake to ,solomon1 promising him ,wisdome1 ,riches1 and ,honor2 for the text saith1 7#a ,kings #c4 #ae47 ,and ,solomon awoak1 and behold it was a ,dream3 ,so that generally the ,prophets extraordinary in the old ,testament took notice of the ,word of ,god no otherwise1 than from their ,dreams1 or ,visions1 that is to say1 from the imaginations which they had in their sleep1 or in an ,extasie2 which imaginations in every true ,prophet were supernaturall2 but in false ,prophets were either naturall1 or feigned4 ,the same ,prophets were neverthelesse said to speak by the ,spirit2 as 7,zach4 #g4 #ab47 where the ,prophet speaking of the ,jewes1 saith1 ,they made their hearths hard as ,adamant1 lest they should hear the law1 and the words which the ,lord of ,hosts hath sent in his ,spirit by the former ,prophets4 ,by which it is manifest1 that speaking by the ,spirit1 or ,inspiration1 was not a particular manner of ,gods speaking1 different from ,vision1 when they that were said to speak by the ,spirit1 were extraordinary ,prophets1 such as for every new message1 were to have a particular ,commission1 or 7which is all one7 a new ,dream1 or ,vision4 ,to ,prophets ,of ,perpetuall ,calling1 ,and ,supreme1 ,god ,spake ,in ,the ,old ,testament ,from ,the ,mercy ,seat1 ,in ,a ,manner ,not ,expressed ,in ,the ,scripture4 ,of ,prophets1 that were so by a perpetuall ,calling in the ,old ,testament1 some were ,supreme1 and some ,subordinate3 ,supreme were first ,moses2 and after him the ,high ,priest1 every one for his time1 as long as the ,priesthood was ,royall2 and after the people of the ,jews1 had rejected ,god1 that he should no more reign over them1 those ,kings which submitted themselves to ,gods government1 were also his chief ,prophets2 and the ,high ,priests office became ,ministeriall4 ,and when ,god was to be consulted1 they put on the holy vestments1 and enquired of the ,lord1 as the ,king commanded them1 and were deprived of their office1 when the ,king thought fit4 ,for ,king ,saul 7#a ,sam4 #ac4 #i47 commanded the burnt offering to be brought1 and 7#a ,sam4 #ad4 #ah47 he commands the ,priest to bring the ,ark neer him2 and 7ver4 #ai47 again to let it alone1 because he saw an advantage upon his enemies4 ,and in the same chapter ,saul asketh counsell of ,god4 ,in like manner ,king ,david1 after his being anointed1 though before he had possession of the ,kingdome1 is said to enquire of the ,lord 7#a ,sam4 #bc4 #b47 whether he should fight against the ,philistines at ,keilah2 and 7verse #aj47 ,david commandeth the ,priest to bring him the ,ephod1 to enquire whether he should stay in ,keilah1 or not4 ,and ,king ,solomon 7#a ,kings #b4 #bg47 took the ,priesthood from ,abiathar1 and gave it 7verse #ce47 to ,zadoc4 ,therefore ,moses1 and the ,high ,priests1 and the pious ,kings1 who enquired of ,god on all extraordinary occasions1 how they were to carry themselves1 or what event they were to have1 were all ,soveraign ,prophets4 ,but in what manner ,god spake unto them1 is not manifest4 ,to say that when ,moses went up to ,god in ,mount ,sinai1 it was a ,dream1 or ,vision1 such as other ,prophets had1 is contrary to that distinction which ,god made between ,moses1 and other ,prophets1 ,numb4 #ab4 #f1g1h4 ,to say ,god spake or appeared as he is in his own nature1 is to deny his ,infinitenesse1 ,invisibility1 ,incomprehensibility4 ,to say he spake by ,inspiration1 or ,infusion of the ,holy ,spirit1 as the ,holy ,spirit signifieth the ,deity1 is to make ,moses equall with ,christ1 in whom onely the ,godhead 7as ,st4 ,paul speaketh ,col4 #b4i47 dwelleth bodily4 ,and lastly1 to say he spake by the ,holy ,spirit1 as it signifieth the graces1 or gifts of the ,holy ,spirit1 is to attribute nothing to him supernaturall4 ,for ,god disposeth men to ,piety1 ,justice1 ,mercy1 ,truth1 ,faith1 and all manner of ,vertue1 both ,morall1 and ,intellectuall1 by doctrine1 example1 and by severall occasions1 naturall1 and ordinary4 ,and as these ways cannot be applyed to ,god1 in his speaking to ,moses1 at ,mount ,sinai2 so also1 they cannot be applyed to him1 in his speaking to the ,high ,priests1 from the ,mercy-,seat4 ,therefore in what manner ,god spake to those ,soveraign ,prophets of the ,old ,testament1 whose office it was to enquire of him1 is not intelligible4 ,in the time of the ,new ,testament1 there was no ,soveraign ,prophet1 but our ,saviour2 who was both ,god that spake1 and the ,prophet to whom he spake4 ,to ,prophets ,of ,perpetuall ,calling1 ,but ,subordinate1 ,god ,spake ,by ,the ,spirit4 ,to subordinate ,prophets of perpetuall ,calling1 ,i find not any place that proveth ,god spake to them supernaturally2 but onely in such manner1 as naturally he inclineth men to ,piety1 to ,beleef1 to ,righteousnesse1 and to other vertues all other ,christian ,men4 ,which way1 though it consist in ,constitution1 ,instruction1 ,education1 and the occasions and invitements men have to ,christian vertues2 yet it is truly attributed to the operation of the ,spirit of ,god1 or ,holy ,spirit 7which we in our language call the ,holy ,ghost73 ,for there is no good inclination1 that is not of the operation of ,god4 ,but these operations are not alwaies supernaturall4 ,when therefore a ,prophet is said to speak in the ,spirit1 or by the ,spirit of ,god1 we are to understand no more1 but that he speaks according to ,gods will1 declared by the supreme ,prophet4 ,for the most common acceptation of the word ,spirit1 is in the signification of a mans intention1 mind1 or disposition4 ,in the time of ,moses1 there were seventy men besides himself1 that ,prophecyed in the ,campe of the ,israelites4 ,in what manner ,god spake to them1 is declared in the #aa of ,numbers1 verse #be4 ,the ,lord came down in a cloud1 and spake unto ,moses1 and took of the ,spirit that was upon him1 and gave it to the seventy ,elders4 ,and it came to passe1 when the ,spirit rested upon them1 they ,prophecyed1 and did not cease1 ,by which it is manifest1 first1 that their ,prophecying to the people1 was subservient1 and subordinate to the ,prophecying of ,moses2 for that ,god took of the ,spirit of ,moses1 to put upon them2 so that they ,prophecyed as ,moses would have them3 otherwise they had not been suffered to ,prophecy at all4 ,for there was 7verse #bg47 a complaint made against them to ,moses2 and ,joshua would have ,moses to have forbidden them2 which he did not1 but said to ,joshua1 ,bee not jealous in my behalf4 ,secondly1 that the ,spirit of ,god in that place1 signifieth nothing but the ,mind and ,disposition to obey1 and assist ,moses in the administration of the ,government4 ,for if it were meant they had the substantial ,spirit of ,god2 that is1 the ,divine nature1 inspired into them1 then they had it in no lesse manner than ,christ himself1 in whom onely the ,spirit of ,god dwelt bodily4 ,it is meant therefore of the ,gift and ,grace of ,god1 that guided them to co-operate with ,moses2 from whom their ,spirit was derived4 ,and it appeareth 7verse #af47 that1 they were such as ,moses himself should appoint for ,elders and ,officers of the ,people3 ,for the words are1 ,gather unto me seventy men1 whom thou knowest to be ,elders and ,officers of the people3 where1 thou knowest1 is the same with thou appointest1 or hast appointed to be such4 ,for we are told before 7,exod4 #ah47 that ,moses following the counsell of ,jethro his ,father-in-law1 did appoint ,judges1 and ,officers over the people1 such as feared ,god2 and of these1 were those ,seventy1 whom ,god by putting upon them ,moses spirit1 inclined to aid ,moses in the ,administration of the ,kingdome3 and in this sense the ,spirit of ,god is said 7#a ,sam4 #af4 #ac1 #ad47 presently upon the anointing of ,david1 to have come upon ,david1 and left ,saul2 ,god giving his graces to him he chose to govern his people1 and taking them away from him1 he rejected4 ,so that by the ,spirit is meant ,inclination to ,gods service2 and not any supernaturall ,revelation4 ,god ,sometimes ,also ,spake ,by ,lots ,god spake also many times by the event of ,lots2 which were ordered by such as he had put in ,authority over his people4 ,so wee read that ,god manifested by the ,lots which ,saul caused to be drawn 7#a ,sam4 #ad4 #dc47 the fault that ,jonathan had committed1 in eating a honey-comb1 contrary to the oath taken by the people4 ,and 7,josh4 #ah4 #aj47 ,god divided the land of ,canaan amongst the ,israelite1 by the lots that ,joshua did cast before the ,lord in ,shiloh4 ,in the same manner it seemeth to be1 that ,god discovered 7,joshua #g4af41 c47 the crime of ,achan4 ,and these are the wayes whereby ,god declared his ,will in the ,old ,testament4 ,all which ways he used also in the ,new ,testament4 ,to the ,virgin ,mary1 by a ,vision of an ,angel3 ,to ,joseph in a ,dream3 again to ,paul in the way to ,damascus in a ,vision of our ,saviour3 and to ,peter in the ,vision of a sheet let down from heaven1 with divers sorts of flesh1 of clean and unclean1 beasts2 and in prison1 by ,vision of an ,angel3 ,and to all the ,apostles1 and ,writers of the ,new ,testament1 by the graces of his ,spirit2 and to the ,apostles again 7at the choosing of ,matthias in the place of ,judas ,iscariot7 by lot4 ,every ,man ,ought ,to ,examine ,the ,probability ,of ,a ,pretended ,prophets ,calling ,seeing then all ,prophecy supposeth ,vision1 or ,dream1 7which two1 when they be naturall1 are the same17 or some especiall gift of ,god1 so rarely observed in mankind1 as to be admired where observed2 and seeing as well such gifts1 as the most extraordinary ,dreams1 and ,visions1 may proceed from ,god1 not onely by his supernaturall1 and immediate1 but also by his naturall operation1 and by mediation of second causes2 there is need of ,reason and ,judgement to discern between naturall1 and supernaturall ,gifts1 and between naturall1 and supernaturall ,visions1 or ,dreams4 ,and consequently men had need to be very circumspect1 and wary1 in obeying the voice of man1 that pretending himself to be a ,prophet1 requires us to obey ,god in that way1 which he in ,gods name telleth us to be the way to happinesse4 ,for he that pretends to teach men the way of so great felicity1 pretends to govern them2 that is to say1 to rule1 and reign over them2 which is a thing1 that all men naturally desire1 and is therefore worthy to be suspected of ,ambition and ,imposture2 and consequently1 ought to be examined1 and tryed by every man1 before hee yeeld them obedience2 unlesse he have yeelded it them already1 in the institution of a ,common-wealth2 as when the ,prophet is the ,civill ,soveraign1 or by the ,civil ,soveraign ,authorized4 ,and if this examination of ,prophets1 and ,spirits1 were not allowed to every one of the people1 it had been to no purpose1 to set out the marks1 by which every man might be able1 to distinguish between those1 whom they ought1 and those whom they ought not to follow4 ,seeing therefore such marks are set out 7,deut4 #ac4 #a1;c47 to know a ,prophet by2 and 7#a ,john #d4a4;,c7 to know a ,spirit by3 and seeing there is so much ,prophecying in the ,old ,testament2 and so much ,preaching in the ,new ,testament against ,prophets2 and so much greater a number ordinarily of false ,prophets1 then of true2 every one is to beware of obeying their directions1 at their own perill4 ,and first1 that there were many more false than true ,prophets1 appears by this1 that when ,ahab 7#a ,kings #ab47 consulted four hundred ,prophets1 they were all false ,imposters1 but onely one ,michaiah4 ,and a little before the time of the ,captivity1 the ,prophets were generally lyars4 ,the ,prophets 7saith the ,lord by ,jerem4 cha4 #ad4 verse #ad47 prophecy ,lies in my name4 ,i sent them not1 neither have ,i commanded them1 nor spake unto them1 they prophecy to you a false ,vision1 a thing of naught2 and the deceit of their heart4 ,in so much as ,god commanded the ,people by the mouth of the ,prophet ,jeremiah 7chap4 #bc4 #af47 not to obey them4 ,thus saith the ,lord of ,hosts1 hearken not unto the words of the ,prophets1 that prophecy to you4 ,they make you vain1 they speak a ,vision of their own heart1 and not out of the mouth of the ,lord4 ,all ,prophecy ,but ,of ,the ,soveraign ,prophet ,is ,to ,be ,examined ,by ,every ,subject ,seeing then there was in the time of the ,old ,testament1 such quarrells amongst the ,visionary ,prophets1 one contesting with another1 and asking ,when departed the ,spirit from me1 to go to thee8 as between ,michaiah1 and the rest of the four hundred2 and such giving of the ,lye to one another1 7as in ,jerem4 #ad4ad47 and such controversies in the ,new ,testament at this day1 amongst the ,spirituall ,prophets3 ,every man then was1 and now is bound to make use of his ,naturall ,reason1 to apply to all ,prophecy those ,rules which ,god hath given us1 to discern the true from the false4 ,of which rules1 in the ,old ,testament1 one was1 conformable doctrine to that which ,moses the ,soveraign ,prophet had taught them2 and the other the miraculous power of foretelling what ,god would bring to passe1 as ,i have already shown out of ,deut4 #ac4 #a4 c4 and in the ,new ,testament there was but one onely mark2 and that was the preaching of this ,doctrine1 ,that ,jesus ,is ,the ,christ1 that is1 the ,king of the ,jews1 promised in the ,old ,testament4 ,whosoever denyed that ,article1 he was a false ,prophet1 whatsoever miracles he might seem to work2 and he that taught it was a true ,prophet4 ,for ,st4 ,john 7#a ,epist1 #d4 #b1 c7 speaking expressely of the means to examine ,spirits1 whether they be of ,god1 or not2 after he hath told them that there would arise false ,prophets1 saith thus1 ,hereby know ye the ,spirit of ,god4 ,every ,spirit that confesseth that ,jesus ,christ is come in the flesh1 is of ,god2 that is1 is approved and allowed as a ,prophet of ,god3 not that he is a godly man1 or one of the ,elect1 for this1 that he confesseth1 professeth1 or preacheth ,jesus to be the ,christ2 but for that he is a ,prophet avowed4 ,for ,god sometimes speaketh by ,prophets1 whose persons he hath not accepted2 as he did by ,baalam2 and as he foretold ,saul of his death1 by the ,witch of ,endor4 ,again in the next verse1 ,every ,spirit that confesseth not that ,jesus ,christ is come in the ,flesh1 is not of ,christ4 ,and this is the ,spirit of ,antichrist4 ,so that the rule is perfect on both sides2 that he is a true ,prophet1 which preacheth the ,messiah already come1 in the person of ,jesus2 and he a false one that denyeth him come1 and looketh for him in some future ,imposter1 that shall take upon him that honour falsely1 whom the ,apostle there properly calleth ,antichrist4 ,every man therefore ought to consider who is the ,soveraign ,prophet2 that is to say1 who it is1 that is ,gods ,viceregent on earth2 and hath next under ,god1 the ,authority of ,governing ,christian men2 and to observe for a ,rule1 that ,doctrine1 which in the name of ,god1 hee commanded to bee taught2 and thereby to examine and try out the truth of those ,doctrines1 which pretended ,prophets with miracles1 or without1 shall at any time advance3 and if they find it contrary to that ,rule1 to doe as they did1 that came to ,moses1 and complained that there were some that ,prophecyed in the ,campe1 whose ,authority so to doe they doubted of2 and leave to the ,soveraign1 as they did to ,moses to uphold1 or to forbid them1 as hee should see cause2 and if hee disavow them1 then no more to obey their voice2 or if he approve them1 then to obey them1 as men to whom ,god hath given a part of the ,spirit of their ,soveraigne4 ,for when ,christian men1 take not their ,christian ,soveraign1 for ,gods ,prophet2 they must either take their owne ,dreams1 for the prophecy they mean to bee governed by1 and the tumour of their own hearts for the ,spirit of ,god2 or they must suffer themselves to bee lead by some strange ,prince2 or by some of their fellow subjects1 that can bewitch them1 by slander of the government1 into rebellion1 without other miracle to confirm their calling1 then sometimes an extraordinary successe1 and ,impunity2 and by this means destroying all laws1 both divine1 and humane1 reduce all ,order1 ,government1 and ,society1 to the first ,chaos of ,violence1 and ,civill warre4 ,,chapter ,,xxxvii4 ,,of ,,miracles1 ,,and ,,their ,,use ,a ,miracle ,is ,a ,work ,that ,causeth ,admiration ,by ,miracles are signified the ,admirable works of ,god3 therefore they are also called ,wonders4 ,and because they are for the most part1 done1 for a signification of his commandement1 in such occasions1 as without them1 men are apt to doubt1 7following their private naturall reasoning17 what he hath commanded1 and what not1 they are commonly in ,holy ,scripture1 called ,signes1 in the same sense1 as they are called by the ,latines1 ,ostenta1 and ,portenta1 from shewing1 and fore-signifying that1 which the ,almighty is about to bring to passe4 ,and ,must ,therefore ,be ,rare1 ,whereof ,there ,is ,no ,naturall ,cause ,known ,to understand therefore what is a ,miracle1 we must first understand what works they are1 which men wonder at1 and call ,admirable4 ,and there be but two things which make men wonder at any event3 ,the one is1 if it be strange1 that is to say1 such1 as the like of it hath never1 or very rarely been produced3 ,the other is1 if when it is produced1 we cannot imagine it to have been done by naturall means1 but onely by the immediate hand of ,god4 ,but when wee see some possible1 naturall cause of it1 how rarely soever the like has been done2 or if the like have been often done1 how impossible soever it be to imagine a naturall means thereof1 we no more wonder1 nor esteem it for a ,miracle4 ,therefore1 if a ,horse1 or ,cow should speak1 it were a ,miracle2 because both the thing is strange1 the ,naturall cause difficult to imagin3 ,so also were it1 to see a strange deviation of nature1 in the production of some new shape of a living creature4 ,but when a man1 or other ,animal1 engenders his like1 though we know no more how this is done1 than the other2 yet because 'tis usuall1 it is no ,miracle4 ,in like manner1 if a man be metamorphosed into a stone1 or into a pillar1 it is a ,miracle2 because strange3 but if a peece of wood be so changed2 because we see it often1 it is no ,miracle3 and yet we know no more1 by what operation of ,god1 the one is brought to passe1 than the other4 ,the first ,rainbow that was seen in the world1 was a ,miracle1 because the first2 and consequently strange2 and served for a sign from ,god1 placed in heaven1 to assure his people1 there should be no more an universall destruction of the world by ,water4 ,but at this day1 because they are frequent1 they are not ,miracles1 neither to them that know their naturall causes1 nor to them who know them not4 ,again1 there be many rare works produced by the ,art of man3 yet when we know they are done2 because thereby wee know also the means how they are done1 we count them not for ,miracles1 because not wrought by the immediate hand of ,god1 but by mediation of humane ,industry4 ,that ,which ,seemeth ,a ,miracle ,to ,one ,man1 ,may ,seem ,otherwise ,to ,another ,furthermore1 seeing ,admiration and ,wonder1 is consequent to the knowledge and experience1 wherewith men are endued1 some more1 some lesse2 it followeth1 that the same thing1 may be a ,miracle to one1 and not to another4 ,and thence it is1 that ignorant1 and superstitious men make great ,wonders of those works1 which other men1 knowing to proceed from ,nature1 7which is not the immediate1 but the ordinary work of ,god17 admire not at all3 ,as when ,ecclipses of the ,sun and ,moon have been taken for supernaturall works1 by the common people2 when neverthelesse1 there were others1 could from their naturall causes1 have foretold the very hour they should arrive3 ,or1 as when a man1 by confederacy1 and secret intelligence1 getting knowledge of the private actions of an ignorant1 unwary man1 thereby tells him1 what he has done in former time2 it seems to him a ,miraculous thing2 but amongst wise1 and cautelous men1 such ,miracles as those1 cannot easily be done4 ,the ,end ,of ,miracles ,again1 it belongeth to the nature of a ,miracle1 that it be wrought for the procuring of credit to ,gods ,messengers1 ,ministers1 and ,prophets1 that thereby men may know1 they are called1 sent1 and employed by ,god1 and thereby be the better inclined to obey them4 ,and therefore1 though the creation of the world1 and after that the destruction of all living creatures in the universall deluge1 were admirable works2 yet because they were not done to procure credit to any ,prophet1 or other ,minister of ,god1 they use not to be called ,miracles4 ,for how admirable soever any work be1 the ,admiration consisteth not in that it could be done1 because men naturally beleeve the ,almighty can doe all things1 but because he does it at the ,prayer1 or ,word of a man4 ,but the works of ,god in ,egypt1 by the hand of ,moses1 were properly ,miracles2 because they were done with intention to make the people of ,israel beleeve1 that ,moses came unto them1 not out of any design of his owne interest1 but as sent from ,god4 ,therefore after ,god had commanded him to deliver the ,israelites from the ,egyptian bondage1 when he said 7,exod #d4a4 c47 ,they will not beleeve me1 but will say1 the ,lord hath not appeared unto me1 ,god gave him power1 to turn the ,rod he had in his hand into a ,serpent1 and again to return it into a ,rod2 and by putting his hand into his bosome1 to make it leprous2 and again by pulling it out to make it whole1 to make the ,children of ,israel beleeve 7as it is verse #e47 that the ,god of their ,fathers had appeared unto him2 ,and if that were not enough1 he gave him power to turn their waters into bloud4 ,and when hee had done these ,miracles before the people1 it is said 7verse #da47 that they beleeved him4 ,neverthelesse1 for fear of ,pharaoh1 they durst not yet obey him4 ,therefore the other works which were done to plague ,pharaoh and the ,egyptians1 tended all to make the ,israelites beleeve in ,moses1 and were properly ,miracles4 ,in like manner if we consider all the ,miracles done by the hand of ,moses1 and all the rest of the ,prophets1 till the ,captivity2 and those of our ,saviour1 and his ,apostles afterward2 we shall find1 their end was alwaies to beget1 or confirm beleefe1 that they came not of their own motion1 but were sent by ,god4 ,wee may further observe in ,scripture1 that the end of ,miracles1 was to beget beleef1 not universally in all men1 elect1 and reprobate2 but in the elect only2 that is to say1 is such as ,god had determined should become his ,subjects4 ,for those miraculous plagues of ,egypt1 had not for end1 the conversion of ,pharaoh2 ,for ,god had told ,moses before1 that he would harden the heart of ,pharaoh1 that he should not let the people goe3 ,and when he let them goe at last1 not the ,miracles perswaded him1 but the plagues forced him to it4 ,so also of our ,saviour1 it is written1 7,mat4 #ac4 #eh47 that he wrought not many ,miracles in his own countrey1 because of their unbeleef2 and 7in ,marke #f4e47 in stead of1 he wrought not many1 it is1 he could work none4 ,it was not because he wanted power2 which to say1 were blasphemy against ,god2 nor that the end of ,miracles was not to convert incredulous men to ,christ2 for the end of all the ,miracles of ,moses1 of ,prophets1 of our ,saviour1 and of his ,apostles was to adde men to the ,church2 but it was1 because the end of their ,miracles1 was to adde to the ,church 7not all men1 but7 such as should be saved2 that is to say1 such as ,god had elected4 ,seeing therefore our ,saviour sent from his ,father1 hee could not use his power in the conversion of those1 whom his ,father had rejected4 ,they that expounding this place of ,st4 ,marke1 say1 that his word1 ,hee could not1 is put for1 ,he would not1 do it without example in the ,greek tongue1 7where ,would ,not1 is put sometimes for ,could ,not1 in things inanimate1 that have no will2 but ,could ,not1 for ,would ,not1 never17 and thereby lay a stumbling block before weak ,christians2 as if ,christ could doe no ,miracles1 but amongst the credulous4 ,the ,definition ,of ,a ,miracle ,from that which ,i have here set down1 of the nature1 and use of a ,miracle1 we may define it thus1 ,a ,,miracle1 is a work of ,god1 7besides his operation by the way of ,nature1 ordained in the ,creation17 done for the making manifest to his elect1 the mission of an extraordinary ,minister for their salvation4 ,and from this definition1 we may inferre2 ,first1 that in all ,miracles1 the work done1 is not the effect of any vertue in the ,prophet2 because it is the effect of the immediate hand of ,god2 that is to say ,god hath done it1 without using the ,prophet therein1 as a subordinate cause4 ,secondly1 that no ,devil1 ,angel1 or other created ,spirit1 can do a ,miracle4 ,for it must either be by vertue of some naturall science1 or by ,incantation1 that is1 vertue of words4 ,for if the ,inchanters do it by their own power independent1 there is some power that proceedeth not from ,god2 which all men deny3 and if they doe it by power given them1 then is the work not from the immediate hand of ,god1 but naturall1 and consequently no ,miracle4 ,there be some texts of ,scripture1 that seem to attribute the power of working wonders 7equall to some of those immediate ,miracles1 wrought by ,god himself17 to certain ,arts of ,magick1 and ,incantation4 ,as for example1 when we read that after the ,rod of ,moses being cast on the ground became a ,serpent1 7,exod4 #g4 #aa47 the ,magicians of ,egypt did the like by their ,enchantments2 and that after ,moses had turned the waters of the ,egyptian ,streams1 ,rivers1 ,ponds1 and ,pooles of water into blood1 7,exod4 #g4 #bb47 the ,magicians of ,egypt did so likewise1 with their ,enchantments2 and that after ,moses had by the power of ,god brought frogs upon the land1 7,exod4 #h4 #g47 the ,magicians also did so with their ,enchantments1 and brought up frogs upon the land of ,egypt2 will not a man be apt to attribute ,miracles to ,enchantments2 that is to say1 to the efficacy of the sound of ,words2 and think the same very well proved out of this1 and other such places8 and yet there is no place of ,scripture1 that telleth us what on ,enchantment is4 ,if therefore ,enchantment be not1 as many think it1 a working of strange effects by spells1 and words2 but ,imposture1 and delusion1 wrought by ordinary means2 and so far from supernaturall1 as the ,impostors need not the study so much as of naturall causes1 but the ordinary ignorance1 stupidity1 and superstition of mankind1 to doe them2 those texts that seem to countenance the power of ,magick1 ,witchcraft1 and ,enchantment1 must needs have another sense1 than at first sight they seem to bear4 ,that ,men ,are ,apt ,to ,be ,deceived ,by ,false ,miracles ,for it is evident enough1 that ,words have no effect1 but on those that understand them2 and then they have no other1 but to signifie the intentions1 or passions of them that speak2 and thereby produce1 hope1 fear1 or other passions1 or conceptions in the hearer4 ,therefore when a ,rod seemeth a ,serpent1 or the ,water ,bloud1 or any other ,miracle seemeth done by ,enchantment2 if it be not to the edification of ,gods people1 not the ,rod1 nor the ,water1 nor any other thing is enchanted2 that is to say1 wrought upon by the ,words1 but the ,spectator4 ,so that all the ,miracle consisteth in this1 that the ,enchanter has deceived a man2 which is no ,miracle1 but a very easie matter to doe4 ,for such is the ignorance1 and aptitude to error generally of all men1 but especially of them that have not much knowledge of naturall causes1 and of the nature1 and interests of men2 as by innumerable and easie tricks to be abused4 ,what opinion of miraculous power1 before it was known there was a ,science of the course of the ,stars1 might a man have gained1 that should have told the people1 ,this hour1 or day the ,sun should be darkned8 ,a juggler by the handling of his goblets1 and other trinkets1 if it were not now ordinarily practised1 would be thought to do his wonders by the power at least of the ,devil4 ,a man that hath practised to speak by drawing in of his breath1 7which kind of men in antient time were called ,ventriloqui17 and so make the weaknesse of his voice seem to proceed1 not from the weak impulsion of the organs of ,speech1 but from distance of place1 is able to make very many men beleeve it is a voice from ,heaven1 whatsoever he please to tell them4 ,and for a crafty man1 that hath enquired into the secrets1 and familiar confessions that one man ordinarily maketh to another of his actions and adventures past1 to tell them him again is no hard matter2 and yet there be many1 that by such means as that1 obtain the reputation of being ,conjurers4 ,but it is too long a businesse1 to reckon up the severall sorts of those men1 which the ,greeks called ,thaumaturgi1 that is to say1 workers of things wonderfull2 and yet these do all they do1 by their own single dexterity4 ,but if we looke upon the ,impostures wrought by ,confederacy1 there is nothing how impossible soever to be done1 that is impossible to bee beleeved4 ,for two men conspiring1 one to seem lame1 the other to cure him with a charme1 will deceive many3 but many conspiring1 one to seem lame1 another so to cure him1 and all the rest to bear witnesse2 will deceive many more4 ,cautions ,against ,the ,imposture ,of ,miracles ,in this aptitude of mankind1 to give too hasty beleefe to pretended ,miracles1 there can be no better1 nor ,i think any other caution1 than that which ,god hath prescribed1 first by ,moses1 7as ,i have said before in the precedent chapter17 in the beginning of the #ac4 and end of the #ah4 of ,deuteronomy2 ,that wee take not any for ,prophets1 that teach any other ,religion1 then that which ,gods ,lieutenant1 7which at that time was ,moses17 hath established2 nor any1 7though he teach the same ,religion17 whose ,praediction we doe not see come to passe4 ,moses therefore in his time1 and ,aaron1 and his successors in their times1 and the ,soveraign ,governour of ,gods people1 next under ,god himself1 that is to say1 the ,head of the ,church in all times1 are to be consulted1 what doctrine he hath established1 before wee give credit to a pretended ,miracle1 or ,prophet4 ,and when that is done1 the thing they pretend to be a ,miracle1 we must both see it done1 and use all means possible to consider1 whether it be really done2 and not onely so1 but whether it be such1 as no man can do the like by his naturall power1 but that it requires the immediate hand of ,god4 ,and in this also we must have recourse to ,gods ,lieutenant2 to whom in all doubtfull cases1 wee have submitted our private judgments4 ,for ,example2 if a man pretend1 that after certain words spoken over a peece of bread1 that presently ,god hath made it not bread1 but a ,god1 or a man1 or both1 and neverthelesse it looketh still as like bread as ever it did2 there is no reason for any man to think it really done2 nor consequently to fear him1 till he enquire of ,god1 by his ,vicar1 or ,lieutenant1 whether it be done1 or not4 ,if he say not1 then followeth that which ,moses saith1 7,deut4 #ah4 #bb47 he hath spoken it presumptuously1 thou shalt not fear him4 ,if he say 'tis done1 then he is not to contradict it4 ,so also if wee see not1 but onely hear tell of a ,miracle1 we are to consult the ,lawful ,church2 that is to say1 the lawful ,head thereof1 how far we are to give credit to the relators of it4 ,and this is chiefly the case of men1 that in these days live under ,christian ,soveraigns4 ,for in these times1 ,i do not know one man1 that ever saw any such wondrous work1 done by the charm1 or at the word1 or prayer of a man1 that a man endued but with a mediocrity of reason1 would think supernaturall3 and the question is no more1 whether what wee see done1 be a ,miracle2 whether the ,miracle we hear1 or read of1 were a reall work1 and not the ,act of a tongue1 or pen2 but in plain terms1 whether the report be true1 or a lye4 ,in which question we are not every one1 to make our own private ,reason1 or ,conscience1 but the ,publique ,reason1 that is1 the reason of ,gods ,supreme ,lieutenant1 ,judge2 and indeed we have made him ,judge already1 if wee have given him a ,soveraign power1 to doe all that is necessary for our peace and defence4 ,a private man has alwaies the liberty1 7because thought is free17 to beleeve1 or not beleeve in his heart1 those acts that have been given out for ,miracles1 according as he shall see1 what benefit can accrew by mens belief1 to those that pretend1 or countenance them1 and thereby conjecture1 whether they be ,miracles1 or ,lies4 ,but when it comes to confession of that faith1 the ,private ,reason must submit to the ,publique2 that is to say1 to ,gods ,lieutenant4 ,but who is this ,lieutenant of ,god1 and ,head of the ,church1 shall be considered in its proper place thereafter4 ,,chapter ,,xxxviii4 ,,of ,,the ,,signification ,,in ,,scripture ,,of ,,eternall ,,life1 ,,hell1 ,,salvation1 ,,the ,,world ,,to ,,come1 ,,and ,,redemption ,the maintenance of ,civill ,society1 depending on ,justice2 and ,justice on the power of ,life and ,death1 and other lesse ,rewards and ,punishments1 residing in them that have the ,soveraignty of the ,common-wealth2 ,it is impossible a ,common-wealth should stand1 where any other than the ,soveraign1 hath a power of giving greater rewards than ,life2 and of inflicting greater punishments than ,death4 ,now seeing ,eternall ,life is a greater reward1 than the ,life ,present2 and ,eternall ,torment a greater punishment than the ,death of ,nature2 ,it is a thing worthy to be well considered1 of all men that desire 7by obeying ,authority7 to avoid the calamities of ,confusion1 and ,civill war1 what is meant in ,holy ,scripture1 by ,life ,eternall1 and ,torment ,eternall2 and for what offences1 against whom committed1 men are to be ,eternally ,tormented2 and for what actions1 they are to obtain ,eternall ,life4 ,place ,of ,adams ,eternity ,if ,he ,had ,not ,sinned1 ,the ,terrestrial ,paradise ,and first we find1 that ,adam was created in such a condition of life1 as had he not broken the commandement of ,god1 he had enjoyed it in the ,paradise of ,eden ,everlastingly4 ,for there was the ,tree of ,life2 whereof he was so long allowed to eat1 as he should forbear to eat of the tree of ,knowledge of ,good an ,evill2 which was not allowed him4 ,and therefore as soon as he had eaten of it1 ,god thrust him out of ,paradise1 lest he should put forth his hand1 and take also of the tree of life1 and live for ever4 7,gen4 #c4 #bb47 ,by which it seemeth to me1 7with submission neverthelesse both in this1 and in all questions1 whereof the determination dependeth on the ,scriptures1 to the interpretation of the ,bible authorized by the ,common-wealth1 whose ,subject ,i am17 that ,adam if he had not sinned1 had had an ,eternall ,life on ,earth3 and that ,mortality entred upon himself1 and his posterity1 by his first ,sin4 ,not that actuall ,death then entred2 for ,adam then could never have had children2 whereas he lived long after1 and saw a numerous posterity ere he dyed4 ,but where it is said1 ,in the day that thou eatest thereof1 thou shalt surely die1 it must needs bee meant of his ,mortality1 and certitude of death4 ,seeing then ,eternall life was lost by ,adams forfeiture1 in committing sin1 he that should cancell that forfeiture was to recover thereby1 that ,life again4 ,now ,jesus ,christ hath satisfied for the sins of all that beleeve in him2 and therefore recovered to all beleevers1 that ,,eternall ,,life1 which was lost by the sin of ,adam4 ,and in this sense it is1 that the comparison of ,st4 ,paul holdeth 7,rom4 #e4ah1 #ai47 ,as by the offence of one1 ,judgment came upon all men to condemnation1 even so by the righteousnesse of one1 the free gift came upon all men to ,justification of ,life4 ,which is again 7#a ,cor4 #ae4ba1bb7 more perspicuously delivered in these words1 ,for since by man came death1 by man came also the resurrection of the dead4 ,for as in ,adam all die1 even so in ,christ shall all be made alive4 ,texts ,concerning ,the ,place ,of ,life ,eternall ,for ,beleevers ,concerning the place wherein men shall enjoy that ,eternall ,life1 which ,christ hath obtained for them1 the texts next before alledged seem to make it on ,earth4 ,for if as in ,adam1 all die1 that is1 have forfeited ,paradise1 and ,eternall ,life on ,earth2 even so in ,christ all shall be made alive2 then all men shall be made to live on ,earth2 for else the comparison were not proper4 ,hereunto seemeth to agree that of the ,psalmist1 7,psal4 #acc4c47 ,upon ,zion ,god commanded the blessing1 even ,life for evermore2 for ,zion1 is in ,jerusalem1 upon ,earth3 as also that of ,s4 ,joh4 7,rev4 #b4g47 ,to him that overcommeth ,i will give to eat of the tree of life1 which is in the midst of the ,paradise of ,god4 ,this was the tree of ,adams ,eternall life2 but his life was to have been on ,earth4 ,the same seemeth to be confirmed again by ,st4 ,joh4 7,rev4 #ba4b47 where he saith1 ,i ,john saw the ,holy ,city1 ,new ,jerusalem1 coming down from ,god out of heaven1 prepared as a ,bride adorned for her husband3 and again v4 #aj4 to the same effect3 ,as if he should say1 the new ,jerusalem1 the ,paradise of ,god1 at the coming again of ,christ1 should come down to ,gods people from ,heaven1 and not they goe up to it from ,earth4 ,and this differs nothing from that1 which the two men in white clothing 7that is1 the two ,angels7 said to the ,apostles1 that were looking upon ,christ ascending 7,acts #a4aa47 ,this same ,jesus1 who is taken up from you into ,heaven1 shall so come1 as you have seen him go up into ,heaven4 ,which soundeth as if they had said1 he should come down to govern them under his ,father1 ,eternally here2 and not take them up to govern them in ,heaven2 and is conformable to the ,restauration of the ,kingdom of ,god1 instituted under ,moses2 which was a ,political government of the ,jews on ,earth4 ,again1 that saying of our ,saviour 7,mat4 #bb4cj47 that in the ,resurrection they neither marry1 nor are given in marriage1 but are as the ,angels of ,god in heaven1 is a description of an ,eternall ,life1 resembling that which we lost in ,adam in the point of ,marriage4 ,for seeing ,adam1 and ,eve1 if they had not sinned1 had lived on ,earth ,eternally1 in their individuall persons2 it is manifest1 they should not continually have procreated their kind4 ,for if ,immortals should have generated1 as ,mankind doth now2 the ,earth in a small time1 would not have been able to afford them a place to stand on4 ,the ,jews that asked our ,saviour the question1 whose wife the woman that had married many brothers1 should be1 in the resurrection1 knew not what were the consequences of ,immortality2 that there shal be no ,generation1 and consequently no marriage1 no more than there is ,marriage1 or generation among the ,angels4 ,the comparison between that ,eternall life which ,adam lost1 and our ,saviour by his ,victory over death hath recovered2 holdeth also in this1 that as ,adam lost ,eternall ,life by his sin1 and yet lived after it for a time2 so the faithful ,christian hath recovered ,eternal ,life by ,christs passion1 though he die a natural death1 and remaine dead for a time2 namely1 till the ,resurrection4 ,for as ,death is reckoned from the ,condemnation of ,adam1 not from the ,execution2 so life is reckoned from the ,absolution1 not from the ,resurrection of them that are elected in ,christ4 ,ascension ,into ,heaven ,that the place wherein men are to live ,eternally1 after the ,resurrection1 is the ,heavens1 meaning by ,heaven1 those parts of the world1 which are the most remote from ,earth1 as where the stars are1 or above the stars1 in another ,higher ,heaven1 called ,caelum ,empyreum1 7whereof there is no mention in ,scripture1 nor ground in ,reason7 is not easily to be drawn from any text that ,i can find4 ,by the ,kingdome of ,heaven1 is meant the ,kingdome of the ,king that dwelleth in ,heaven2 and his ,kingdome was the people of ,israel1 whom he ruled by the ,prophets his ,lieutenants1 first ,moses1 and after him ,eleazar1 and the ,soveraign ,priests1 till in the days of ,samuel they rebelled1 and would have a mortall man for their ,king1 after the manner of other ,nations4 ,and when our ,saviour ,christ1 by the preaching of his ,ministers1 shall have perswaded the ,jews to return1 and called the ,gentiles to his obedience1 then shall there be a new ,kingdome of ,heaven1 because our ,king shall then be ,god1 whose ,throne is ,heaven2 without any necessity evident in the ,scripture1 that man shall ascend to his happinesse any higher than ,gods ,footstool the ,earth4 ,on the contrary1 we find written 7,joh4 #c4ac47 that no man hath ascended into ,heaven1 but he that came down from ,heaven1 even the ,son of man1 that is in ,heaven4 ,where ,i observe by the way1 that these words are not1 as those which go immediately before1 the words of our ,saviour1 but of ,st4 ,john himself2 for ,christ was then not in ,heaven1 but upon the ,earth4 ,the like is said of ,david 7,acts #b4cd47 where ,st4 ,peter1 to prove the ,ascension of ,christ1 using the words of the ,psalmist1 7,psal4 #af4aj47 ,thou wilt not leave my soule in ,hell1 nor suffer thine ,holy one to see corruption1 saith1 they were spoken 7not of ,david1 but7 of ,christ2 and to prove it1 addeth this ,reason1 ,for ,david is not ascended into ,heaven4 ,but to this a man may easily answer1 and say1 that though their bodies were not to ascend till the generall day of ,judgment1 yet their souls were in ,heaven as soon as they were departed from their bodies2 which also seemeth to be confirmed by the words of our ,saviour 7,luke #bj4cg1ch47 who proving the ,resurrection out of the word of ,moses1 saith thus1 ,that the dead are raised1 even ,moses shewed1 at the bush1 when he calleth the ,lord1 the ,god of ,abraham1 and the ,god of ,isaac1 and the ,god of ,jacob4 ,for he is not a ,god of the ,dead1 but of the ,living2 for they all live to him4 ,but if these words be to be understood only of the ,immortality of the ,soul1 they prove not at all that which our ,saviour intended to prove1 which was the ,resurrection of the ,body1 that is to say1 the ,immortality of the ,man4 ,therefore our ,saviour meaneth1 that those ,patriarchs were ,immortall2 not by a property consequent to the essence1 and nature of mankind1 but by the will of ,god1 that was pleased of his mere grace1 to bestow ,eternall ,life upon the faithfull4 ,and though at that time the ,patriarchs and many other faithfull men were ,dead1 yet as it is in the text1 they ,lived ,to ,god2 that is1 they were written in the ,book of ,life with them that were absolved of their sinnes1 and ordained to ,life eternall at the ,resurrection4 ,that the ,soul of man is in its own nature ,eternall1 and a living ,creature independent on the ,body2 or that any meer man is ,immortall1 otherwise than by the ,resurrection in the last day1 7except ,enos and ,elias17 is a doctrine not apparent in ,scripture4 ,the whole #ad4 ,chapter of ,job1 which is the speech not of his friends1 but of himselfe1 is a complaint of this ,mortality of ,nature2 and yet no contradiction of the ,immortality at the ,resurrection4 ,there is hope of a tree1 7saith hee verse #g47 if it be cast down1 ,though the root thereof wax old1 and the stock thereof die in the ground1 yet when it scenteth the water it will bud1 and bring forth boughes like a ,plant4 ,but man dyeth1 and wasteth away1 yea1 man giveth up the ,ghost1 and where is he8 and 7verse #ab47 man lyeth down1 and riseth not1 till the heavens be no more4 ,but when is it1 that the heavens shall be no more8 ,st4 ,peter tells us1 that it is at the generall ,resurrection4 ,for in his #b4 ,epistle1 #c4 ,chapter1 and #g4 verse1 he saith1 that the ,heavens and the ,earth that are now1 are reserved unto fire against the day of ,judgment1 and perdition of ungodly men1 and 7verse #ab47 looking for1 and hasting to the comming of ,god1 wherein the ,heavens shall be on fire1 and shall be dissolved1 and the ,elements shall melt with fervent heat4 ,neverthelesse1 we according to the promise look for new ,heavens1 and a new ,earth1 wherein dwelleth righteousnesse4 ,therefore where ,job saith1 man riseth not till the ,heavens be no more2 it is all one1 as if he had said1 the ,immortall ,life 7and ,soule and ,life in the ,scripture1 do usually signifie the same thing7 beginneth not in man1 till the ,resurrection1 and day of ,judgment2 and hath for cause1 not his specificall nature1 and generation2 but the ,promise4 ,for ,st4 ,peter saies not1 ,wee look for new heavens1 and a new earth1 7from ,nature7 but from ,promise4 ,lastly1 seeing it hath been already proved out of divers evident places of ,scripture1 in the #ce4 chapter of this book1 that the ,kingdom of ,god is a ,civil ,common-wealth1 where ,god himself is ,soveraign1 by vertue first of the ,old1 and since of the ,new ,covenant1 wherein he reigneth by his ,vicar1 or ,lieutenant2 the same places do therefore also prove1 that after the comming again of our ,saviour in his ,majesty1 and glory1 to reign actually1 and ,eternally2 the ,kingdom of ,god is to be on ,earth4 ,but because this doctrine 7though proved out of places of ,scripture not few1 nor obscure7 will appear to most men a novelty2 ,i doe but propound it2 maintaining nothing in this1 or any other paradox of ,religion2 but attending the end of that dispute of the sword1 concerning the ,authority1 7not yet amongst my ,countrey-men decided17 by which all sorts of doctrine are to bee approved1 or rejected2 and whose commands1 both in speech1 and writing1 7whatsoever be the opinions of private men7 must by all men1 that mean to be protected by their ,laws1 be obeyed4 ,for the points of doctrine concerning the ,kingdome 7of7 ,god1 have so great influence on the ,kingdome of ,man1 as not to be determined1 but by them1 that under ,god have the ,soveraign ,power4 ,the ,place ,after ,judgment1 ,of ,those ,who ,were ,never ,in ,the ,kingdome ,of ,god1 ,or ,having ,been ,in1 ,are ,cast ,out ,as the ,kingdome of ,god1 and ,eternall ,life1 so also ,gods ,enemies1 and their ,torments after ,judgment1 appear by the ,scripture1 to have their place on ,earth4 ,the name of the place1 where all men remain till the ,resurrection1 that were either buryed1 or swallowed up of the ,earth1 is usually called in ,scripture1 by words that signifie ,under ,ground2 which the ,latines read generally ,infernus1 and ,inferni1 and the ,greeks ,hades2 that is to say1 a place where men cannot see2 and containeth as well the ,grave1 as any other deeper place4 ,but for the place of the damned after the ,resurrection1 it is not determined1 neither in the ,old1 nor ,new ,testament1 by any note of situation2 but onely by the company3 as that it shall bee1 where such wicked men were1 as ,god in former times in extraordinary1 and miraculous manner1 had destroyed from off the face of the ,earth3 ,as for ,example1 that they are in ,inferno1 in ,tartarus1 or in the bottomelesse pit2 because ,corah1 ,dathan1 and ,abirom1 were swallowed up alive into the earth4 ,not that the ,writers of the ,scripture would have us beleeve1 there could be in the globe of the ,earth1 which is not only finite1 but also 7compared to the height of the ,stars7 of no considerable magnitude1 a pit without a bottome2 that is1 a hole of infinite depth1 such as the ,greeks in their ,daemonologie 7that is to say1 in their doctrine concerning ,daemons17 and after them1 the ,romans called ,tartarus2 of which ,virgill sayes1 ,bis patet in prceps1 tantem tendtque sub umbras1 ,quantus ad thereum cli suspectus ,olympum3 for that is a thing the proportion of ,earth to ,heaven cannot bear3 but that wee should beleeve them there1 indefinitely1 where those men are1 on whom ,god inflicted that ,exemplary punnishment4 ,the ,congregation ,of ,giants ,again1 because those mighty men of the ,earth1 that lived in the time of ,noah1 before the floud1 7which the ,greeks called ,heroes1 and the ,scripture ,giants1 and both say1 were begotten1 by copulation of the children of ,god1 with the children of men17 were for their wicked life destroyed by the generall deluge2 the place of the ,damned1 is therefore also sometimes marked out1 by the company of those deceased ,giants2 as ,proverbs #ba4af4 ,the man that wandreth out of the way of understanding1 shall remain in the congregation of the ,giants1 and ,job #bf4e4 ,behold the ,giants groan under water1 and they that dwell with them4 ,here the place of the ,damned1 is under the water4 ,and ,isaiah #ad4i4 ,hell is troubled how to meet thee1 7that is1 the ,king of ,babylon7 and will displace the ,giants for thee3 and here again the place of the ,damned1 7if the sense be literall17 is to be under water4 ,lake ,of ,fire ,thirdly1 because the ,cities of ,sodom1 and ,gomorrah1 by the extraordinary wrath of ,god1 were consumed for their wickednesse with ,fire and ,brimstone1 and together with them the countrey about made a stinking bituminous ,lake2 the place of the ,damned is sometimes expressed by ,fire1 and a ,fiery ,lake3 as in the ,apocalypse ch4#ba4h4 ,but the timorous1 incredulous1 and abominable1 and ,murderers1 and ,whoremongers1 and ,sorcerers1 and ,idolators1 and all ,lyars1 shall have their part in the ,lake that burneth with ,fire1 and ,brimstone2 which is the second ,death4 ,so that it is manifest1 that ,hell ,fire1 which is here expressed by ,metaphor1 from the reall ,fire of ,sodome1 signifieth not any certain kind1 or place of ,torment2 but is to be taken indefinitely1 for ,destruction1 as it is in the #bj4 ,chapter1 at the #ad4 verse2 where it is said1 that ,death and ,hell were cast into the ,lake of ,fire2 that is to say1 were abolished1 and destroyed2 as if after the day of ,judgment1 there shall be no more ,dying1 nor no more going into ,hell2 that is1 no more going to ,hades 7from which word perhaps our word ,hell is derived17 which is the same with no more ,dying4 ,utter ,darknesse ,fourthly1 from the ,plague of ,darknesse inflicted on the ,egyptians1 of which it is written 7,exod4 #aj4bc47 ,they saw not one another1 neither rose any man from his place for three days2 but all the ,children of ,israel had light in their dwellings2 the place of the wicked after ,judgment1 is called ,utter ,darknesse1 or 7as it is in the originall7 ,darknesse ,without4 ,and so it is expressed 7,mat4 #bb4ac47 where the ,king commandeth his ,servants1 to bind hand and foot the man that had not on his ,wedding garment1 and to cast him out1 ,eis ,to ,skotos ,to ,exoteron1 ,externall ,darknesse1 or ,darknesse ,without3 which though translated ,utter ,darknesse1 does not signifie ,how ,great1 but ,where that darknesse is to be2 namely1 ,without ,the ,habitation of ,gods ,elect4 ,gehenna1 ,and ,tophet ,lastly1 whereas there was a place neer ,jerusalem1 called the ,valley of the ,children of ,hinnon2 in a part whereof1 called ,tophet1 the ,jews had committed most grievous ,idolatry1 sacrificing their children to the ,idol ,moloch2 and wherein also ,god had afflicted his enemies with most grievous punishments2 and wherein ,josias had burnt the ,priests of ,moloch upon their own ,altars1 as appeareth at large in the #b of ,kings chap4 #bc4 the place served afterwards1 to receive the filth1 and garbage which was carried thither1 out of the ,city2 and there used to be fires made1 from time to time1 to purifie the aire1 and take away the stench of ,carrion4 ,from this abominable place1 the ,jews used ever after to call the place of the ,damned1 by the name of ,gehenna1 or ,valley of ,hinnon4 ,and this ,gehenna1 is that word1 which is usually now translated ,,hell2 and from the fires from time to time there burning1 we have the notion of ,everlasting1 and ,unquenchable ,fire4 ,of ,the ,literall ,sense ,of ,the ,scripture ,concerning ,hell ,seeing now there is none1 that so interprets the ,scripture1 as that after the day of ,judgment1 the wicked are all ,eternally to be punished in the ,valley of ,hinnon2 or that they shall so rise again1 as to be ever after under ground1 or under water2 or that after the ,resurrection1 they shall no more see one another2 nor stir from one place to another2 it followeth1 me thinks1 very necessarily1 that that which is thus said concerning ,hell ,fire1 is spoken metaphorically2 and that therefore there is a proper sense to bee enquired after1 7for of all ,metaphors there is some reall ground1 that may be expressed in proper words7 both of the ,place of ,hell1 and the nature of ,hellish ,torment1 and ,tormenters4 ,satan1 ,devill1 ,not ,proper ,names1 ,but ,appellatives ,and first for the ,tormenters1 wee have their nature1 and properties1 exactly and properly delivered by the names of1 ,the ,enemy1 or ,satan2 ,the ,accuser1 or ,diabolus2 ,the ,destroyer1 or ,abbadon4 ,which significant names1 ,satan1 ,devill1 ,abbadon1 set not forth to us any ,individuall person1 as proper names use to doe2 but onely an office1 or quality2 and are therefore ,appellatives2 which ought not to have been left untranslated1 as they are1 in the ,latine1 and ,modern ,bibles2 because thereby they seem to be the proper names of ,daemons2 and men are the more easily seduced to beleeve the doctrine of ,devills2 which at that time was the ,religion of the ,gentiles1 and contrary to that of ,moses1 and of ,christ4 ,and because by the ,enemy1 the ,accuser1 and ,destroyer1 is meant1 the ,enemy of them that shall be in the ,kingdome of ,god2 therefore if the ,kingdome of ,god after the ,resurrection1 bee upon the ,earth1 7as in the former ,chapter ,i have shewn by ,scripture it seems to be17 ,the ,enemy1 and his ,kingdome must be on ,earth also4 ,for so also was it1 in the time before the ,jews had deposed ,god4 ,for ,gods ,kingdome was in ,palestine2 and the ,nations round about1 were the ,kingdomes of the ,enemy2 and consequently by ,satan1 is meant any ,earthly ,enemy of the ,church4 ,torments ,of ,hell ,the ,torments of ,hell1 are expressed sometimes1 by weeping1 and gnashing of teeth1 as ,mat4 #h4ab4 ,sometimes1 by the worm of ,conscience2 as ,isa4#ff4bd4 and ,mark #i4dd1 #df1 #dh2 sometimes1 by ,fire1 as in the place now quoted1 where the worm dyeth not1 and the fire is not quenched1 and many places beside3 sometimes by ,shame1 and contempt1 as ,dan4 #ab4b4 ,and many of them that sleep in the dust of the ,earth1 shall awake2 some to ,everlasting life2 and some to shame1 and everlasting contempt4 ,all which places design metaphorically a grief1 and discontent of mind1 from the sight of that ,eternall felicity in others1 which they themselves through their own incredulity1 and disobedience have lost4 ,and because such felicity in others1 is not sensible but by comparison with their own actuall miseries2 it followeth that they are to suffer such bodily paines1 and calamities1 as are incident to those1 who not onely live under evill and cruell ,governours1 but have also for ,enemy1 the ,eternall ,king of the ,saints1 ,god ,almighty4 ,and amongst these bodily paines1 is to be reckoned also to every one of the wicked a second ,death4 ,for though the ,scripture bee clear for an universall ,resurrection2 yet wee do not read1 that to any of the ,reprobate is promised an ,eternall life4 ,for whereas ,st4 ,paul 7#a ,cor4 #ae4db1 #dc47 to the question concerning what bodies men shall rise with again1 saith1 that the body is sown in corruption1 and is raised in incorruption2 ,it is sown in dishonour1 it is raised in glory2 it is sown in weaknesse1 it is raised in power2 ,glory and ,power cannot be applyed to the bodies of the wicked3 ,nor can the name of ,second ,death1 bee applyed to those that can never die but once3 ,and although in ,metaphoricall speech1 a ,calamitous life ,everlasting1 may bee called an ,everlasting ,death yet it cannot well be understood of a ,second ,death4 ,the fire prepared for the wicked1 is an ,everlasting ,fire3 that is to say1 the estate wherein no man can be without torture1 both of body and mind1 after the ,resurrection1 shall endure for ever2 and in that sense the ,fire shall be unquenchable1 and the torments ,everlasting3 but it cannot thence be inferred1 that hee who shall be cast into that fire1 or be tormented with those torments1 shall endure1 and resist them so1 as to be eternally burnt1 and tortured1 and yet never be destroyed1 nor die4 ,and though there be many places that affirm ,everlasting ,fire1 and ,torments 7into which men may be cast successively one after another for ever27 yet ,i find none that affirm there shall bee an ,eternall ,life therein of any individuall person2 but on the contrary1 an ,everlasting ,death1 which is the ,second ,death3 7,apoc4 #bj4 #ac1ad47 ,for after ,death1 and the ,grave shall have delivered up the dead which were in them1 and every man be judged according to his works2 ,death and the ,grave shall also be cast into the ,lake of ,fire4 ,this is the ,second ,death4 ,whereby it is evident1 that there is to bee a ,second ,death of every one that shall bee condemned at the day of ,judgement1 after which hee shall die no more4 ,the ,joyes ,of ,life ,eternall1 ,and ,salvation ,the ,same ,thing1 ,salvation ,from ,sin1 ,and ,from ,misery1 ,all ,one ,the joyes of ,life ,eternall1 are in ,scripture comprehended all under the name of ,,salvation1 or ,being ,saved4 ,to be saved1 is to be secured1 either respectively1 against speciall ,evills1 or absolutely against all ,evill1 comprehending ,want1 ,sicknesse1 and ,death it self4 ,and because man was created in a condition ,immortall1 not subject to corruption1 and consequently to nothing that tendeth to the dissolution of his nature2 and fell from that happinesse by the sin of ,adam2 it followeth1 that to be ,saved ,from ,sin1 is to be saved from all the ,evill1 and ,calamities that ,sinne hath brought upon us4 ,and therefore in the ,holy ,scripture1 ,remission of ,sinne1 and ,salvation from ,death and ,misery1 is the same thing1 as it appears by the words of our ,saviour1 who having cured a man sick of the ,palsey1 by saying1 7,mat4 #i4b47 ,son be of good cheer1 thy ,sins be forgiven thee2 and knowing that the ,scribes took for blasphemy1 that a man should pretend to forgive ,sins1 asked them 7v4#e47 whether it were easier to say1 ,thy ,sinnes be forgiven thee1 or1 ,arise and walk2 signifying thereby1 that it was all one1 as to the saving of the sick1 to say1 ,thy ,sins are forgiven1 and ,arise and walk2 and that he used that form of speech1 onely to shew he had power to forgive ,sins4 ,and it is besides evident in reason1 that since ,death and ,misery1 were the punishments of ,sin1 the discharge of ,sinne1 must also be a discharge of ,death and ,misery2 that is to say1 ,salvation absolute1 such as the faithfull are to enjoy after the day of ,judgment1 by the power1 and favour of ,jesus ,christ1 who for that cause is called our ,,saviour4 ,concerning ,particular ,salvations1 such as are understood1 #a ,sam4 #ad4ci4 as the ,lord liveth that saveth ,israel1 that is1 from their temporary enemies1 and #b ,sam4 #bb4d4 ,thou art my ,saviour1 thou savest me from violence2 and #b ,kings #ac4e4 ,god gave the ,israelites a ,saviour1 and so they were delivered from the hand of the ,assyrians1 and the like1 ,i need say nothing2 there being neither difficulty1 nor interest1 to corrupt the interpretation of texts of that kind4 ,the ,place ,of ,eternall ,salvation ,but concerning the ,generall ,salvation1 because it must be in the ,kingdome of ,heaven1 there is great difficulty concerning the ,place4 ,on one side1 by ,kingdome 7which is an estate ordained by men for their perpetuall security against enemies1 and want7 it seemeth that this ,salvation should be on ,earth4 ,for by ,salvation is set forth unto us1 a glorious ,reign of our ,king1 by ,conquest2 not a safety by ,escape3 and therefore there where we look for ,salvation1 we must look also for ,triumph2 and before ,triumph1 for ,victory2 and before ,victory1 for ,battell2 which cannot well be supposed1 shall be in ,heaven4 ,but how good soever this reason may be1 ,i will not trust to it1 without very evident places of ,scripture4 ,the state of ,salvation is described at large1 ,isaiah1 #cc4 ver4 #bj1ba1bb1bc1bd4 ,look upon ,zion1 the ,city of our solemnities1 thine eyes shall see ,jerusalem a quiet habitation1 a tabernacle that shall not be taken down2 not one of the stakes thereof shall ever be removed1 neither shall any of the cords thereof be broken4 ,but there the glorious ,lord will be unto us a place of broad rivers1 and streams2 wherein shall goe no ,gally with oares2 neither shall gallant ship passe thereby4 ,for the ,lord is our ,judge1 the ,lord is our ,lawgiver1 the ,lord is our ,king1 he will save us4 ,thy tacklings are loosed2 they could not well strengthen their mast2 they could not spread the sail3 then is the prey of a great spoil divided2 the lame take the prey4 ,and the ,inhabitant shall not say1 ,i am sicke2 the people that shall dwell therein shall be forgiven their ,iniquity4 ,in which words wee have the place from whence ,salvation is to proceed1 ,jerusalem1 a quiet habitation2 the ,eternity of it1 a tabernacle that shall not be taken down1 c4 ,the ,saviour of it1 the ,lord1 their ,judge1 their ,lawgiver1 their ,king1 he will save us2 the ,salvation1 the ,lord shall be to them as a broad mote of swift waters1 c4 the condition of their ,enemies1 their tacklings are loose1 their masts weake1 the lame shal take the spoil of them4 ,the condition of the ,saved1 ,the ,inhabitants shall not say1 ,i am sick3 ,and lastly1 all this is comprehended in ,forgivenesse of sin1 ,the people that dwell therein shall be forgiven their iniquity4 ,by which it is evident1 that ,salvation shall be on ,earth1 then1 when ,god shall reign1 7at the coming again of ,christ7 in ,jerusalem2 and from ,jerusalem shall proceed the ,salvation of the ,gentiles that shall be received into ,gods ,kingdome2 as is also more expressely declared by the same ,prophet1 ,chap4 #ff4bj1 #ba4 ,and they1 7that is1 the ,gentiles who had any ,jew in bondage7 shall bring all your brethren1 for an offering to the ,lord1 out of all nations1 upon horses1 and in charets1 and in litters1 and upon mules1 and upon swift beasts1 to my holy mountain1 ,jerusalem1 saith the ,lord1 as the ,children of ,israel bring an offering in a clean vessell into the ,house of the ,lord4 ,and ,i will also take of them for ,priests and for ,levites1 saith the ,lord3 ,whereby it is manifest1 that the chief seat of ,gods ,kingdome 7which is the ,place1 from whence the ,salvation of us that were ,gentiles1 shall proceed7 shall be ,jerusalem2 ,and the same is also confirmed by our ,saviour1 in his discourse with the woman of ,samaria1 concerning the place of ,gods worship2 to whom he saith1 ,john #d4bb4 that the ,samaritans worshipped they know not what1 but the ,jews worship what they knew1 ,for ,salvation is of the ,jews 7,ex ,judais1 that is1 begins at the ,jews73 as if he should say1 you worship ,god1 but know not by whom he wil save you1 as we doe1 that know it shall be one of the tribe of ,judah1 a ,jew1 not a ,samaritan4 ,and therefore also the woman not impertinently answered him again1 ,we know the ,messias shall come4 ,so that which our saviour saith1 ,salvation is from the ,jews1 is the same that ,paul sayes 7,rom4 #a4af1ag47 ,the ,gospel is the power of ,god to ,salvation to every one that beleeveth2 ,to the ,jew first1 and also to the ,greek4 ,for therein is the righteousnesse of ,god revealed from faith to faith2 from the faith of the ,jew1 to the faith of the ,gentile4 ,in the like sense the ,prophet ,joel describing the day of ,judgment1 7chap4 #b4cj1ca47 that ,god would shew wonders in heaven1 and in earth1 bloud1 and fire1 and pillars of smoak4 ,the ,sun should be turned to darknesse1 and the ,moon into bloud1 before the great and terrible day of the ,lord come1 he addeth verse #cb4 and it shall come to passe1 that whosoever shall call upon the name of the ,lord1 shall be saved4 ,for in ,mount ,zion1 and in ,jerusalem shall be ,salvation4 ,and ,obadiah verse #ag saith the same1 ,upon ,mount ,zion shall be ,deliverance2 and there shall be holinesse1 and the house of ,jacob shall possesse their possessions1 that is1 the possessions of the ,heathen1 which possessions he expresseth more particularly in the following verses1 by the ,mount of ,esau1 the ,land of the ,philistines1 the ,fields of ,ephraim1 of ,samaria1 ,gilead1 and the ,cities of the ,south1 and concludes with these words1 the ,kingdom shall be the ,lords4 ,all these places are for ,salvation1 and the ,kingdome of ,god 7after the day of ,judgement7 upon ,earth4 ,on the other side1 ,i have not found any text that can probably be drawn1 to prove any ,ascension of the ,saints into ,heaven2 that is to say1 into any ,coelum ,empyreum1 or other aetheriall ,region2 saving that it is called the ,kingdome of ,heaven2 which name it may have1 because ,god1 that was ,king of the ,jews1 governed them by his commands1 sent to ,moses by ,angels from ,heaven1 to reduce them to their obedience2 and shall send him thence again1 to rule both them1 and all other faithfull men1 from the day of ,judgment1 ,everlastingly3 or from that1 that the ,throne of this our ,great ,king is in ,heaven2 whereas the ,earth is but his ,footstoole4 ,but that the ,subjects of ,god should have any place as high as his throne1 or higher than his ,footstoole1 it seemeth not sutable to the dignity of a ,king1 nor can ,i find any evident text for it in holy ,scripture4 ,from this that hath been said of the ,kingdom of ,god1 and of ,salvation1 it is not hard to interpret1 what is meant by the ,,world ,,to ,,come4 ,there are three worlds mentioned in ,scripture1 the ,old ,world1 the ,present ,world1 and the ,world to ,come4 ,of the first1 ,st4 ,peter speaks1 7#b ,pet4 #b4e47 ,if ,god spared not the ,old ,world1 but saved ,noah the eighth person1 a ,preacher of righteousnesse1 bringing the flood upon the world of the ungodly1 c4 ,so the ,first ,world1 was from ,adam to the generall ,flood4 ,of the present ,world1 our ,saviour speaks 7,john #ah4cf47 ,my ,kingdome is not of this ,world4 ,for he came onely to teach men the way of ,salvation1 and to renew the ,kingdome of his ,father1 by his doctrine4 ,of the ,world to come1 ,st4 ,peter speaks1 7#b ,pet4 #c4 #ac47 ,neverthelesse we according to his promise look for new ,heavens1 and a new ,earth4 ,this is that ,,world1 wherein ,christ coming down from ,heaven1 in the clouds1 with great power1 and glory1 shall send his ,angels1 and shall gather together his elect1 from the four winds1 and from the uttermost parts of the ,earth1 and thence forth reign over them1 7under his ,father7 ,everlastingly4 ,redemption ,salvation of a sinner1 supposeth a precedent ,,redemption2 for he that is once guilty of ,sin1 is obnoxious to the ,penalty of the same2 and must pay 7or some other for him7 such ,ransome1 as he that is offended1 and has him in his power1 shall require4 ,and seeing the person offended1 is ,almighty ,god1 in whose power are all things2 such ,ransome is to be paid before ,salvation can be acquired1 as ,god hath been pleased to require4 ,by this ,ransome1 is not intended a satisfaction for ,sin1 equivalent to the ,offence1 which no sinner for himselfe1 nor righteous man can ever be able to make for another2 ,the dammage a man does to another1 he may make amends for by restitution1 or recompence1 but sin cannot be taken away by recompence2 for that were to make the liberty to sin1 a thing vendible4 ,but sins may bee pardoned to the repentant1 either ,gratis1 or upon such penalty1 as ,god is pleased to accept4 ,that which ,god usually accepted in the ,old ,testament1 was some ,sacrifice1 or ,oblation4 ,to forgive sin is not an act of ,injustice1 though the punishment have been threatned4 ,even amongst men1 though the promise of ,good1 bind the promiser2 yet threats1 that is to say1 promises1 of ,evill1 bind them not2 much lesse shall they bind ,god1 who is infinitely more mercifull then men4 ,our ,saviour ,christ therefore to ,redeem us1 did not in that sense satisfie for the ,sins of men1 as that his ,death1 of its own vertue1 could make it unjust in ,god to punish sinners with ,eternall death2 but did make that ,sacrifice1 and ,oblation of himself1 at his first coming1 which ,god was pleased to require1 for the ,salvation at his second coming1 of such as in the mean time should repent1 and beleeve in him4 ,and though this act of our ,redemption1 be not alwaies in ,scripture called a ,sacrifice1 and ,oblation1 but sometimes a ,price1 yet by ,price we are not to understand any thing1 by the value whereof1 he could claim right to a pardon for us1 from his offended ,father1 but that ,price which ,god the ,father was pleased in mercy to demand4 ,,chapter ,,xxxix4 ,,of ,,the ,,signification ,,in ,,scripture ,,of ,,the ,,word ,,church ,church ,the ,lords ,house ,the word ,church1 7,ecclesia7 signifieth in the ,books of ,holy ,scripture divers things4 ,sometimes 7though not often7 it is taken for ,gods ,house1 that is to say1 for a ,temple1 wherein ,christians assemble to perform holy duties publiquely2 as1 #a ,cor4 #ad4 ver4 #cd4 ,let your women keep silence in the ,churches3 but this is ,metaphorically put1 for the ,congregation there assembled2 and hath been since used for the ,edifice it self1 to distinguish between the ,temples of ,christians1 and ,idolaters4 ,the ,temple of ,jerusalem was ,gods ,house1 and the ,house of ,prayer2 and so is any ,edifice dedicated by ,christians to the worship of ,christ1 ,christs ,house3 and therefore the ,greek ,fathers call it ,kuriake1 ,the ,lords ,house2 and thence1 in our language it came to be called ,kyrke1 and ,church4 ,ecclesia ,properly ,what ,church 7when not taken for a ,house7 signifieth the same that ,ecclesia signified in the ,grecian ,common-wealths2 that is to say1 a ,congregation1 or an ,assembly of ,citizens1 called forth1 to hear the ,magistrate speak unto them2 and which in the ,common-wealth of ,rome was called ,concio1 as he that spake was called ,ecclesiastes1 and ,concionator4 ,and when they were called forth by lawfull ,authority1 7,acts #ai4ci47 it was ,ecclesia ,legitima1 a ,lawfull ,church1 ,ennomos ,ecclesia4 ,but when they were excited by tumultuous1 and seditious clamor1 then it was a confused ,church1 ,ecclesia ,sugkechumene4 ,it is taken also sometimes for the men that have right to be of the ,congregation1 though not actually assembled2 that is to say1 for the whole multitude of ,christian men1 how far soever they be dispersed3 as 7,act4 #h4c47 where it is said1 that ,saul made havock of the ,church3 ,and in this sense is ,christ said to be ,head of the ,church4 ,and sometimes for a certain part of ,christians1 as 7,col4 #d4ae47 ,salute the ,church that is in his house4 ,sometimes also for the ,elect onely2 as 7,ephes4 #e4bg47 ,a ,glorious ,church1 without spot1 or wrinkle1 holy1 and without blemish2 which is meant of the ,church ,triumphant1 or1 ,church ,to ,come4 ,sometimes1 for a ,congregation assembled1 of professors of ,christianity1 whether their profession be true1 or counterfeit1 as it is understood1 ,mat4 #ah4ag4 where it is said1 ,tell it to the ,church1 and if hee neglect to hear the ,church1 let him be to thee as a ,gentile1 or ,publican4 ,in ,what ,sense ,the ,church ,is ,one ,person ,church ,defined ,and in this last sense only it is that the ,church can be taken for one ,person2 that is to say1 that it can be said to have power to will1 to pronounce1 to command1 to be obeyed1 to make laws1 or to doe any other action whatsoever2 ,for without authority from a lawfull ,congregation1 whatsoever act be done in a concourse of people1 it is the particular act of every one of those that were present1 and gave their aid to the performance of it2 and not the act of them all in grosse1 as of one body2 much lesse that act of them that were absent1 or that being present1 were not willing it should be done4 ,according to this sense1 ,i define a ,,church to be1 ,a company of men professing ,christian ,religion1 united in the person of one ,soveraign2 at whose command they ought to assemble1 and without whose authority they ought not to assemble4 ,and because in all ,common-wealths1 that ,assembly1 which is without warrant from the ,civil ,soveraign1 is unlawful2 that ,church also1 which is assembled in any ,common-wealth1 that hath forbidden them to assemble1 is an unlawfull ,assembly4 ,a ,christian ,common-wealth1 ,and ,a ,church ,all ,one ,it followeth also1 that there is on ,earth1 no such universall ,church as all ,christians are bound to obey2 because there is no power on ,earth1 to which all other ,common-wealths are subject3 ,there are ,christians1 in the ,dominions of severall ,princes and ,states2 but every one of them is subject to that ,common-wealth1 whereof he is himself a member2 and consequently1 cannot be subject to the commands of any other ,person4 ,and therefore a ,church1 such as one as is capable to ,command1 to ,judge1 ,absolve1 ,condemn1 or do any other act1 is the same thing with a ,civil ,common-wealth1 consisting of ,christian men2 and is called a ,civill ,state1 for that the subjects of it are ,men2 and a ,church1 for that the subjects thereof are ,christians4 ,temporall and ,spirituall ,government1 are but two words brought into the world1 to make men see double1 and mistake their ,lawfull ,soveraign4 ,it is true1 that the bodies of the faithfull1 after the ,resurrection shall be not onely ,spirituall1 but ,eternall2 but in this life they are grosse1 and corruptible4 ,there is therefore no other ,government in this life1 neither of ,state1 nor ,religion1 but ,temporall2 nor teaching of any doctrine1 lawfull to any ,subject1 which the ,governour both of the ,state1 and of the ,religion1 forbiddeth to be taught3 ,and that ,governor must be one2 or else there must needs follow ,faction1 and ,civil war in the ,common-wealth1 between the ,church and ,state2 between ,spiritualists1 and ,temporalists2 between the ,sword ,of ,justice1 and the ,shield ,of ,faith2 and 7which is more7 in every ,christian mans own brest1 between the ,christian1 and the ,man4 ,the ,doctors of the ,church1 are called ,pastors2 so also are ,civill ,soveraignes3 ,but if ,pastors be not subordinate one to another1 so as that there may bee one chief ,pastor1 men will be taught contrary ,doctrines1 whereof both may be1 and one must be false4 ,who that one chief ,pastor is1 according to the law of ,nature1 hath been already shewn2 namely1 that it is the ,civill ,soveraign2 ,and to whom the ,scripture hath assigned that ,office1 we shall see in the ,chapters following4 ,,chapter ,,xl ,,of ,,the ,,rights ,,of ,,the ,,kingdome ,,of ,,god1 ,,in ,,abraham1 ,,moses1 ,,high ,,priests1 ,,and ,,the ,,kings ,,of ,,judah ,the ,soveraign ,rights ,of ,abraham ,the ,father of the ,faithfull1 and first in the ,kingdome of ,god by ,covenant1 was ,abraham4 ,for with him was the ,covenant first made2 wherein he obliged himself1 and his seed after him1 to acknowledge and obey the commands of ,god2 not onely such1 as he could take notice of1 7as ,morall ,laws17 by the light of ,nature2 but also such1 as ,god should in speciall manner deliver to him by ,dreams and ,visions4 ,for as to the ,morall law1 they were already obliged1 and needed not have been contracted withall1 by promise of the ,land of ,canaan4 ,nor was there any ,contract1 that could adde to1 or strengthen the ,obligation1 by which both they1 and all men else were bound naturally to obey ,god ,almighty3 ,and therefore the ,covenant which ,abraham made with ,god1 was to take for the ,commandement of ,god1 that which in the name of ,god was commanded him1 in a ,dream1 or ,vision1 and to deliver it to his family1 and cause them to observe the same4 ,abraham ,had ,the ,sole ,power ,of ,ordering ,the ,religion ,of ,his ,own ,people ,in this ,contract of ,god with ,abraham1 wee may observe three points of important consequence in the government of ,gods people4 ,first1 that at the making of this ,covenant1 ,god spake onely to ,abraham2 and therefore contracted not with any of his family1 or seed1 otherwise then as their wills 7which make the essence of all ,covenants7 were before the ,contract involved in the will of ,abraham2 who was therefore supposed to have had a lawfull power1 to make them perform all that he covenanted for them4 ,according whereunto 7,gen #ah4ah1 #ai47 ,god saith1 ,all the ,nations of the ,earth shall be blessed in him1 ,for ,i know him that he will command his children and his houshold after him1 and they shall keep the way of the ,lord4 ,from whence may be concluded this first point1 that they to whom ,god hath not spoken immediately1 are to receive the positive commandements of ,god1 from their ,soveraign2 as the family and seed of ,abraham did from ,abraham their ,father1 and ,lord1 and ,civill ,soveraign4 ,and ,consequently in every ,common-wealth1 they who have no supernaturall ,revelation to the contrary1 ought to obey the laws of their own ,soveraign1 in the externall acts and profession of ,religion4 ,as for the inward ,thought1 and beleef of men1 which humane ,governours can take no notice of1 7for ,god onely knoweth the heart7 they are not voluntary1 nor the effect of the laws1 but of the unrevealed will1 and of the power of ,god2 and consequently fall not under obligation4 ,no ,pretence ,of ,private ,spirit ,against ,the ,religion ,of ,abraham ,from whence proceedeth another point1 that it was not unlawfull for ,abraham1 when any of his ,subjects should pretend ,private ,vision1 or ,spirit1 or other ,revelation from ,god1 for the countenancing of any doctrine which ,abraham should forbid1 or when they followed1 or adhered to any such pretender1 to punish them2 and consequently that it is lawfull now for the ,soveraign to punish any man that shall oppose his ,private ,spirit against the ,laws3 ,for hee hath the same place in the ,common-wealth1 that ,abraham had in his own ,family4 ,abraham ,sole ,judge1 ,and ,interpreter ,of ,what ,god ,spake ,there ariseth also from the same1 a third point2 that as none but ,abraham in his family1 so none but the ,soveraign in a ,christian ,common-wealth1 can take notice what is1 or what is not the ,word of ,god4 ,for ,god spake onely to ,abraham2 and it was he onely1 that was able to know what ,god said1 and to interpret the same to his family3 ,and therefore also1 they that have the place of ,abraham in a ,common-wealth1 are the onely ,interpreters of what ,god hath spoken4 ,the ,authority ,of ,moses ,whereon ,grounded ,the same ,covenant was renewed with ,isaac2 and afterwards with ,jacob2 but afterwards no more1 till the ,israelites were freed from the ,egyptians1 and arrived at the ,foot of ,mount ,sinai3 and then it was renewed by ,moses 7as ,i have said before1 chap4 #ce47 in such manner1 as they became from that time forward the ,peculiar ,kingdome of ,god2 whose ,lieutenant was ,moses1 for his owne time2 and the succession to that office was setled upon ,aaron1 and his heirs after him1 to bee to ,god a ,sacerdotall ,kingdome for ever4 ,by this constitution1 a ,kingdome is acquired to ,god4 ,but seeing ,moses had no authority to govern the ,israelites1 as a successor to the right of ,abraham1 because he could not claim it by inheritance2 it appeareth not as yet1 that the people were obliged to take him for ,gods ,lieutenant1 longer than they beleeved that ,god spake unto him4 ,and therefore his authority 7notwithstanding the ,covenant they made with ,god7 depended yet merely upon the opinion they had of his ,sanctity1 and of the reality of his ,conferences with ,god1 and the verity of his ,miracles2 which opinion coming to change1 they were no more obliged to take any thing for the law of ,god1 which he propounded to them in ,gods name4 ,we are therefore to consider1 what other ground there was1 of their obligation to obey him4 ,for it could not be the commandement of ,god that could oblige them2 because ,god spake not to them immediately1 but by the mediation of ,moses ,himself2 ,and our ,saviour saith of himself1 7,john #e4 #ca47 ,if ,i bear witnesse of my self1 my witnesse is not true1 much lesse if ,moses bear witnesse of himselfe1 7especially in a claim of ,kingly power over ,gods people7 ought his testimony to be received4 ,his authority therefore1 as the authority of all other ,princes1 must be grounded on the ,consent of the ,people1 and their ,promise to obey him4 ,and so it was3 for the people 7,exod4 #bj4ah47 when they saw the ,thunderings1 and the ,lightnings1 and the noyse of the ,trumpet1 and the mountaine smoaking1 removed1 and stood a far off4 ,and they said unto ,moses1 speak thou with us1 and we will hear1 but let not ,god speak with us lest we die4 ,here was their promise of obedience2 and by this it was they obliged themselves to obey whatsoever he should deliver unto them for the ,commandement of ,god4 ,moses ,was 7,under ,god7 ,soveraign ,of ,the ,jews1 ,all ,his ,own ,time1 ,though ,aaron ,had ,the ,priesthood ,and notwithstanding the ,covenant constituted a ,sacerdotall ,kingdome1 that is to say1 a ,kingdome hereditary to ,aaron2 yet that is to be understood of the succession1 after ,moses should bee dead4 ,for whosoever ordereth1 and establisheth the ,policy1 as first founder of a ,common-wealth 7be it ,monarchy1 ,aristocracy1 or ,democracy7 must needs have ,soveraign ,power over the people all the while he is doing of it4 ,and that ,moses had that power all his own time1 is evidently affirmed in the ,scripture4 ,first1 in the text last before cited1 because the people promised obedience1 not to ,aaron but to him4 ,secondly1 7,exod4 #bd4a1 #b47 ,and ,god said unto ,moses1 ,come up unto the ,lord1 thou1 and ,aaron1 ,nadab and ,abihu1 and seventy of the ,elders of ,israel4 ,and ,moses alone shall come neer the ,lord1 but they shall not come nigh1 neither shall the people goe up with him4 ,by which it is plain1 that ,moses who was alone called up to ,god1 7and not ,aaron1 nor the other ,priests1 nor the ,seventy ,elders1 nor the ,people who were forbidden to come up7 was alone he1 that represented to the ,israelites the ,person of ,god2 that is to say1 was their sole ,soveraign under ,god4 ,and though afterwards it be said 7verse #i47 ,then went up ,moses1 and ,aaron1 ,nadab1 and ,abihu1 and seventy of the ,elders of ,israel1 and they saw the ,god of ,israel1 and there was under his feet1 as it were a paved work of a saphire stone1 c4 yet this was not till after ,moses had been with ,god before1 and had brought to the people the words which ,god had said to him4 ,he onely went for the businesse of the people2 the others1 as the ,nobles of his retinue1 were admitted for honour to that speciall grace1 which was not allowed to the people2 which was1 7as in the verse after appeareth7 to see ,god and live4 ,god laid not his hand upon them1 they saw ,god and did eat and drink 7that is1 did live71 but did not carry any commandement from him to the people4 ,again1 it is every where said1 ,the ,lord spake unto ,moses1 as in all other occasions of ,government2 so also in the ordering of the ,ceremonies of ,religion1 contained in the #be1 #bf1 #bg1 #bh1 #bi1 #cj1 and #ca ,chapters of ,exodus1 and throughout ,leviticus3 to ,aaron seldome4 ,the ,calfe that ,aaron made1 ,moses threw into the fire4 ,lastly1 the question of the ,authority of ,aaron1 by occasion of his and ,miriams mutiny against ,moses1 was 7,numbers #ab47 judged by ,god himself for ,moses4 ,so also in the question between ,moses1 and the ,people1 when ,corah1 ,dathan1 and ,abiram1 and two hundred and fifty ,princes of the ,assembly gathered themselves together 7,numbers #af4 #c7 against ,moses1 and against ,aaron1 and said unto them1 #8,ye take too much upon you1 seeing all the congregation are ,holy1 every one of them1 and the ,lord is amongst them1 why lift you up your selves above the congregation of the ,lord8' ,god caused the ,earth to swallow ,corah1 ,dathan1 and ,abiram with their wives and children alive1 and consumed those two hundred and fifty ,princes with fire4 ,therefore neither ,aaron1 nor the ,people1 nor any ,aristocracy of the chief ,princes of the ,people1 but ,moses alone had next under ,god the ,soveraignty over the ,israelites3 ,and that not onely in causes of ,civill ,policy1 but also of ,religion2 ,for ,moses onely spake with ,god1 and therefore onely could tell the ,people1 what it was that ,god required at their hands4 ,no man upon pain of death might be so presumptuous as to approach the ,mountain where ,god talked with ,moses4 ,thou shalt set bounds 7saith the ,lord1 ,exod #ai4 #ab47 to the people round about1 and say1 ,take heed to your selves that you goe not up into the ,mount1 or touch the border of it2 whosoever toucheth the ,mount shall surely be put to death4 and again 7verse #ba47 ,get down1 charge the people1 lest they break through unto the ,lord to gaze4 ,out of which we may conclude1 that whosoever in a ,christian ,common-wealth holdeth the place of ,moses1 is the sole ,messenger of ,god1 and ,interpreter of his ,commandements4 ,and according hereunto1 no man ought in the interpretation of the ,scripture to proceed further then the bounds which are set by their severall ,soveraigns4 ,for the ,scriptures since ,god now speaketh in them1 are the ,mount ,sinai2 the bounds whereof are the ,laws of them that represent ,gods ,person on ,earth4 ,to look upon them and therein to behold the wondrous works of ,god1 and learn to fear him is allowed2 but to interpret them2 that is1 to pry into what ,god saith to him whom he appointeth to govern under him1 and make themselves ,judges whether he govern as ,god commandeth him1 or not1 is to transgresse the bounds ,god hath set us1 and to gaze upon ,god irreverently4 ,all ,spirits ,were ,subordinate ,to ,the ,spirit ,of ,moses ,there was no ,prophet in the time of ,moses1 nor pretender to the ,spirit of ,god1 but such as ,moses had approved1 and ,authorized4 ,for there were in his time but ,seventy men1 that are said to ,prophecy by the ,spirit of ,god1 and these were of all ,moses his election2 concerning whom ,god saith to ,moses 7,numb4 #aa4af47 ,gather to mee ,seventy of the ,elders of ,israel1 whom thou knowest to be the ,elders of the ,people4 ,to these ,god imparted his ,spirit2 but it was not a different ,spirit from that of ,moses2 for it is said 7verse #be47 ,god came down in a cloud1 and took of the ,spirit that was upon ,moses1 and gave it to the ,seventy ,elders4 ,but as ,i have shewn before 7chap4 #cf47 by ,spirit1 is understood the ,mind2 so that the sense of the place is no other than this1 that ,god endued them with a mind conformable1 and subordinate to that of ,moses1 that they might ,prophecy1 that is to say1 speak to the people in ,gods name1 in such manner1 as to set forward 7as ,ministers of ,moses1 and by his authority7 such doctrine as was agreeable to ,moses his doctrine4 ,for they were but ,ministers2 and when two of them ,prophecyed in the ,camp1 it was thought a new and unlawfull thing2 and as it is in the #bg4 and #bh4 verses of the same ,chapter1 they were accused of it1 and ,joshua advised ,moses to forbid them1 as not knowing that it was by ,moses his ,spirit that they ,prophecyed4 ,by which it is manifest1 that no ,subject ought to pretend to ,prophecy1 or to the ,spirit1 in opposition to the doctrine established by him1 whom ,god hath set in the place of ,moses4 ,after ,moses ,the ,soveraignty ,was ,in ,the ,high ,priest ,aaron being dead1 and after him also ,moses1 the ,kingdome1 as being a ,sacerdotall ,kingdome1 descended by vertue of the ,covenant1 to ,aarons ,son1 ,eleazar the ,high ,priest3 ,and ,god declared him 7next under himself7 for ,soveraign1 at the same time that he appointed ,joshua for the ,generall of their ,army4 ,for thus ,god saith expressely 7,numb4 #bg4ba47 concerning ,joshua2 ,he shall stand before ,eleazar the ,priest1 who shall ask counsell for him1 before the ,lord1 at his word shall they goe out1 and at his word they shall come in1 both he1 and all the ,children of ,israel with him3 ,therefore the ,supreme ,power of making ,war and ,peace1 was in the ,priest4 ,the ,supreme ,power of ,judicature belonged also to the ,high ,priest3 ,for the ,book of the ,law was in their keeping2 and the ,priests and ,levites onely were the subordinate ,judges in causes ,civill1 as appears in ,deut4 #ag4h1 #i1 #aj4 ,and for the manner of ,gods worship1 there was never doubt made1 but that the ,high ,priest till the time of ,saul1 had the ,supreme ,authority4 ,therefore the ,civill and ,ecclesiasticall ,power were both joined together in one and the same person1 the ,high ,priest2 and ought to bee so1 in whosoever governeth by ,divine ,right2 that is1 by ,authority immediate from ,god4 ,of ,the ,soveraign ,power ,between ,the ,time ,of ,joshua ,and ,of ,saul ,after the death of ,joshua1 till the time of ,saul1 the time between is noted frequently in the ,book of ,judges1 that there was in those dayes no ,king in ,israel2 and sometimes with this addition1 that every man did that which was right in his own eyes4 ,by which is to bee understood1 that where it is said1 there was no ,king1 is meant1 there was no ,soveraign ,power in ,israel4 ,and so it was1 if we consider the ,act1 and ,exercise of such power4 ,for after the death of ,joshua1 ,eleazar1 there arose another generation 7,judges #b4aj47 that knew not the ,lord1 nor the works which he had done for ,israel1 but did evill in the sight of the ,lord1 and served ,baalim4 ,and the ,jews had that quality which ,st4 ,paul noteth1 to look for a sign1 not onely before they would submit themselves to the government of ,moses1 but also after they had obliged themselves by their submission4 ,whereas ,signs1 and ,miracles had for ,end to procure ,faith1 not to keep men from violating it1 when they have once given it2 for to that men are obliged by the law of ,nature4 ,but if we consider not the ,exercise1 but the ,right of governing1 the ,soveraign power was still in the ,high ,priest4 ,therefore whatsoever obedience was yeelded to any of the ,judges1 7who were men chosen by ,god extraordinarily1 to save his rebellious subjects out of the hands of the enemy17 it cannot bee drawn into argument against the ,right the ,high ,priest had to the ,soveraign ,power1 in all matters1 both of ,policy and ,religion4 ,and neither the ,judges1 nor ,samuel himselfe had an ordinary1 but extraordinary calling to the ,government2 and were obeyed by the ,israelites1 not out of duty1 but out of reverence to their favour with ,god1 appearing in their wisdome1 courage1 or felicity4 ,hitherto therefore the ,right of ,regulating both the ,policy1 and the ,religion1 were inseparable4 ,of ,the ,rights ,of ,the ,kings ,of ,israel ,to the ,judges1 succeeded ,kings2 ,and whereas before1 all authority1 both in ,religion1 and ,policy1 was in the ,high ,priest2 so now it was all in the ,king4 ,for the ,soveraignty over the people1 which was before1 not onely by vertue of the ,divine ,power1 but also by a particular pact of the ,israelites in ,god1 and next under him1 in the ,high ,priest1 as his ,viceregent on earth1 was cast off by the ,people1 with the consent of ,god himselfe4 ,for when they said to ,samuel 7#a ,sam4 #h4e47 make us a ,king to judge us1 like all the ,nations1 they signified that they would no more bee governed by the commands that should bee laid upon them by the ,priest1 in the name of ,god2 but by one that should command them in the same manner that all other nations were commanded2 and consequently in deposing the ,high ,priest of ,royall authority1 they deposed that peculiar ,government of ,god4 ,and yet ,god consented to it1 saying to ,samuel 7verse #g47 ,hearken unto the voice of the ,people1 in all that they shall say unto thee2 for they have not rejected thee1 but they have rejected mee1 that ,i should not reign over them4 ,having therefore rejected ,god1 in whose ,right the ,priests governed1 there was no authority left to the ,priests1 but such as the ,king was pleased to allow them2 which was more1 or lesse1 according as the ,kings were good1 or evill4 ,and for the ,government of ,civill affaires1 it is manifest1 it was all in the hands of the ,king4 ,for in the same ,chapter1 verse #bj4 ,they say they will be like all the ,nations2 that their ,king shall be their ,judge1 and goe before them1 and fight their battells2 that is1 he shall have the whole authority1 both in ,peace and ,war4 ,in which is contained also the ordering of ,religion2 for there was no other ,word of ,god in that time1 by which to regulate ,religion1 but the ,law of ,moses1 which was their ,civill ,law4 ,besides1 we read 7#a ,kings #b4bg47 that ,solomon thrust out ,abiathar from being ,priest before the ,lord3 ,he had therefore authority over the ,high ,priest1 as over any other ,subject2 which is a great mark of ,supremacy in ,religion4 ,and we read also 7#a ,kings #h47 that hee dedicated the ,temple2 that he blessed the ,people2 and that he himselfe in person made that excellent prayer1 used in the ,consecrations of all ,churches1 and houses of ,prayer2 which is another great mark of ,supremacy in ,religion4 ,again1 we read 7#b ,kings #bb47 that when there was question concerning the ,book of the ,law found in the ,temple1 the same was not decided by the ,high ,priest1 but ,josiah sent both him1 and others to enquire concerning it1 of ,hulda1 the ,prophetesse2 which is another mark of the ,supremacy in ,religion4 ,lastly1 wee read 7#a ,chro4 #bf4cj47 that ,david made ,hashabiah and his brethren1 ,hebronites1 ,officers of ,israel among them ,westward1 in all businesse of the ,lord1 and in the service of the ,king4 ,likewise 7verse #cb47 that hee made other ,hebronites1 rulers over the ,reubenites1 the ,gadites1 and the halfe tribe of ,manasseh 7these were the rest of ,israel that dwelt beyond ,jordan7 for every matter pertaining to ,god1 and affairs of the ,king4 ,is not this full ,power1 both ,temporall and ,spirituall1 as they call it1 that would divide it8 ,to conclude2 from the first institution of ,gods ,kingdome1 to the ,captivity1 the ,supremacy of ,religion1 was in the same hand with that of the ,civill ,soveraignty2 and the ,priests office after the election of ,saul1 was not ,magisteriall1 but ,ministeriall4 ,the ,practice ,of ,supremacy ,in ,religion1 ,was ,not ,in ,the ,time ,of ,the ,kings1 ,according ,to ,the ,right ,thereof ,notwithstanding the government both in ,policy and ,religion1 were joined1 first in the ,high ,priests1 and afterwards in the ,kings1 so far forth as concerned the ,right2 yet it appeareth by the same ,holy ,history1 that the people understood it not2 but there being amongst them a great part1 and probably the greatest part1 that no longer than they saw great miracles1 or 7which is equivalent to a miracle7 great abilities1 or great felicity in the enterprises of their ,governours1 gave sufficient credit1 either to the fame of ,moses1 or to the ,colloquies between ,god and the ,priests2 they took occasion as oft as their ,governours displeased them1 by blaming sometimes the ,policy1 sometimes the ,religion1 to change the ,government1 or revolt from their ,obedience at their pleasure3 ,and from thence proceeded from time to time the civill troubles1 divisions1 and calamities of the ,nation4 ,as for example1 after the death of ,eleazar and ,joshua1 the next generation which had not seen the wonders of ,god1 but were left to their own weak reason1 not knowing themselves obliged by the ,covenant of a ,sacerdotall ,kingdome1 regarded no more the ,commandement of the ,priest1 nor any law of ,moses1 but did every man that which was right in his own eyes2 and obeyed in ,civill affairs1 such men1 as from time to time they thought able to deliver them from the neighbour ,nations that oppressed them2 and consulted not with ,god 7as they ought to doe17 but with such men1 or women1 as they guessed to bee ,prophets by their ,praedictions of things to come2 and thought they had an ,idol in their ,chappel1 yet if they had a ,levite for their ,chaplain1 they made account they worshipped the ,god of ,israel4 ,and afterwards when they demanded a ,king1 after the manner of the nations2 yet it was not with a design to depart from the worship of ,god their ,king2 but despairing of the justice of the sons of ,samuel1 they would have a ,king to judg them in ,civill actions2 but not that they would allow their ,king to change the ,religion which they thought was recommended to them by ,moses4 ,so that they alwaies kept in store a pretext1 either of ,justice1 or ,religion1 to discharge themselves of their obedience1 whensoever they had hope to prevaile4 ,samuel was displeased with the people1 for that they desired a ,king1 7for ,god was their ,king already1 and ,samuel had but an authority under him72 yet did ,samuel1 when ,saul observed not his counsell1 in destroying ,agag as ,god had commanded1 anoint another ,king1 namely ,david1 to take the succession from his heirs4 ,rehoboam was no ,idolater2 but when the people thought him an ,oppressor2 that ,civil pretence carried from him ten ,tribes to ,jeroboam an ,idolater4 ,and generally through the whole ,history of the ,kings1 as well of ,judah1 as of ,israel1 there were ,prophets that alwaies controlled the ,kings1 for transgressing the ,religion2 and sometimes also for ,errours of ,state2 7#b ,chro4 #ai4 #b47 as ,jehosaphat was reproved by the ,prophet ,jehu1 for aiding the ,king of ,israel against the ,syrians2 and ,hezekiah1 by ,isaiah1 for shewing his treasures to the ,ambassadors of ,babylon4 ,by all which it appeareth1 that though the power both of ,state and ,religion were in the ,kings2 yet none of them were uncontrolled in the use of it1 but such as were gracious for their own naturall abilities1 or felicities4 ,so that from the practise of those times1 there can no argument be drawn1 that the right of ,supremacy in ,religion was not in the ,kings1 unlesse we place it in the ,prophets2 and conclude1 that because ,hezekiah praying to the ,lord before the ,cherubins1 was not answered from thence1 nor then1 but afterwards by the ,prophet ,isaiah1 therefore ,isaiah was supreme ,head of the ,church2 or because ,josiah consulted ,hulda the ,prophetesse1 concerning the ,book of the ,law1 that therefore neither he1 nor the ,high ,priest1 but ,hulda the ,prophetesse had the ,supreme authority in matter of ,religion2 which ,i thinke is not the opinion of any ,doctor4 ,after ,the ,captivity ,the ,jews ,had ,no ,setled ,common-wealth ,during the ,captivity1 the ,jews had no ,common-wealth at all3 ,and after their return1 though they renewed their ,covenant with ,god1 yet there was no promise made of obedience1 neither to ,esdras1 nor to any other2 ,and presently after they became subjects to the ,greeks 7from whose ,customes1 and ,daemonology1 and from the doctrine of the ,cabalists1 their ,religion became much corrupted73 ,in such sort as nothing can be gathered from their confusion1 both in ,state and ,religion1 concerning the ,supremacy in either4 ,and therefore so far forth as concerneth the ,old ,testament1 we may conclude1 that whosoever had the ,soveraignty of the ,common-wealth amongst the ,jews1 the same had also the ,supreme ,authority in matter of ,gods externall worship2 and represented ,gods ,person2 that is the person of ,god the ,father2 though he were not called by the name of ,father1 till such time as he sent into the world his ,son ,jesus ,christ1 to redeem mankind from their sins1 and bring them into his ,everlasting ,kingdome1 to be saved for evermore4 ,of which we are to speak in the ,chapter following4 ,,chapter ,,xli4 ,,of ,,the ,,office ,,of ,,our ,,blessed ,,saviour ,three ,parts ,of ,the ,office ,of ,christ ,we find in ,holy ,scripture three parts of the ,office of the ,messiah3 the first of a ,redeemer1 or ,saviour3 ,the second of a ,pastor1 ,counsellour1 or ,teacher1 that is1 of a ,prophet sent from ,god1 to convert such as ,god hath elected to ,salvation2 ,the third of a ,king1 and ,eternall ,king1 but under his ,father1 as ,moses and the ,high ,priests were in their severall times4 ,and to these three parts are corespondent three times4 ,for our ,redemption he wrought at his first coming1 by the ,sacrifice1 wherein he offered up himself for our sinnes upon the ,crosse3 our conversion he wrought partly then in his own ,person2 and partly worketh now by his ,ministers2 and will continue to work till his coming again4 ,and after his coming again1 shall begin that his glorious ,reign over his elect1 which is to last eternally4 ,his ,office ,as ,a ,redeemer ,to the ,office of a ,redeemer1 that is1 of one that payeth the ,ransome of ,sin1 7which ,ransome is ,death17 it appertaineth1 that he was ,sacrificed1 and thereby bare upon his own head1 and carryed away from us our iniquities1 in such sort as ,god had required4 ,not that the death of one man1 though without sinne1 can satisfie for the offences of all men1 in the rigour of ,justice1 but in the ,mercy of ,god1 that ordained such ,sacrifices for sin1 as he was pleased in his mercy to accept4 ,in the old ,law 7as we may read1 ,leviticus the #af47 the ,lord required1 that there should every year once1 bee made an ,atonement for the ,sins of all ,israel1 both ,priests1 and others2 for the doing whereof1 ,aaron alone was to sacrifice for himself and the ,priests a young ,bullock2 and for the rest of the people1 he was to receive from them two young ,goates1 of which he was to ,sacrifice one2 but as for the other1 which was the ,scape ,goat1 he was to lay his hands on the head thereof1 and by a confession of the iniquities of the people1 to lay them all on that head1 and then by some opportune man1 to cause the ,goat to be led into the wildernesse1 and there to ,escape1 and carry away with him the iniquities of the people4 ,as the ,sacrifice of the one ,goat was a sufficient 7because an acceptable7 price for the ,ransome of all ,israel2 so the death of the ,messiah1 is a sufficient price1 for the ,sins of all mankind1 because there was no more required4 ,our ,saviour ,christs sufferings seem to be here figured1 as cleerly1 as in the oblation of ,isaac1 or in any other type of him in the ,old ,testament3 ,he was both the sacrificed ,goat1 and the ,scape ,goat2 ,hee was oppressed1 and he was afflicted 7,isa4 #ec4g472 he opened not his mouth2 he brought as a lamb to the slaughter1 and as a sheep is dumbe before the shearer1 so opened he not his mouth3 ,here he is the ,sacrificed ,goat4 ,he hath born our ,griefs1 7ver4#d47 and carried our sorrows2 ,and again1 7ver4 #f47 the ,lord hath laid upon him the iniquities of us all3 ,and so he is the ,scape ,goat4 ,he was cut off from the land of the living 7ver4 #h47 for the transgression of my ,people3 ,there again he is the ,sacrificed ,goat4 ,and again 7ver4 #aa47 he shall bear their sins3 ,hee is the ,scape ,goat4 ,thus is the ,lamb of ,god equivalent to both those ,goates2 sacrificed1 in that he dyed2 and escaping1 in his ,resurrection2 being raised opportunely by his ,father1 and removed from the habitation of men in his ,ascension4 ,christs ,kingdome ,not ,of ,this ,world ,for as much therefore1 as he that ,redeemeth1 hath no title to the ,thing ,redeemed1 before the ,redemption1 and ,ransome paid2 and this ,ransome was the ,death of the ,redeemer2 it is manifest1 that our ,saviour 7as man7 was not ,king of those that he ,redeemed1 before hee suffered death2 that is1 during that time hee conversed bodily on the ,earth4 ,i say1 he was not then ,king in present1 by vertue of the ,pact1 which the faithfull make with him in ,baptisme2 ,neverthelesse1 by the renewing of their ,pact with ,god in ,baptisme1 they were obliged to obey him for ,king1 7under his ,father7 whensoever he should be pleased to take the ,kingdome upon him4 ,according whereunto1 our ,saviour himself expressely saith1 7,john #ah4cf47 ,my ,kingdome is not of this world4 ,now seeing the ,scripture maketh mention but of two worlds2 this that is now1 and shall remain to the day of ,judgment1 7which is therefore also called1 ,the ,last ,day27 and that which shall bee a new ,heaven1 and a new ,earth2 the ,kingdome of ,christ is not to begin till the general ,resurrection4 ,and that is it which our ,saviour saith1 7,mat4 #af4bg47 ,the ,son of man shall come in the glory of his ,father1 with his ,angels2 and then he shall reward every man according to his works4 ,to reward every man according to his works1 is to execute the ,office of a ,king2 and this is not to be till he come in the glory of his ,father1 with his ,angells4 ,when our ,saviour saith1 7,mat4 #bc4b47 ,the ,scribes and ,pharisees sit in ,moses seat2 ,all therefore whatsoever they bid you doe1 that observe and doe2 hee declareth plainly1 that hee ascribeth ,kingly ,power1 for that time1 not to himselfe1 but to them4 ,and so hee hath also1 where he saith1 7,luke #ab4ad47 ,who made mee a ,judge1 or ,divider over you8 ,and 7,john #ab4dg47 ,i came not to judge the world1 but to save the world4 ,and yet our ,saviour came into this world that hee might bee a ,king1 and a ,judge in the world to come3 ,for hee was the ,messiah1 that is1 the ,christ1 that is1 the ,anointed ,priest1 and the ,soveraign ,prophet of ,god2 that is to say1 he was to have all the power that was in ,moses the ,prophet1 in the ,high ,priests that succeeded ,moses1 and in the ,kings that succeeded the ,priests4 ,and ,st4 ,john saies expressely 7chap4 #e4 ver4 #bb47 ,the ,father judgeth no man1 but hath committed all judgment to the ,son4 ,and this is not repugnant to that other place1 ,i came not to judge the world3 for this is spoken of the world present1 the other of the world to come2 as also where it is said1 that at the second coming of ,christ1 7,mat4 #ai4 #bh47 ,yee that have followed me in the ,regeneration1 when the ,son of man shall sit in the throne of his ,glory1 yee shall also sit on twelve thrones1 judging the twelve tribes of ,israel4 ,the ,end ,of ,christs ,comming ,was ,to ,renew ,the ,covenant ,of ,the ,kingdome ,of ,god1 ,and ,to ,perswade ,the ,elect ,to ,imbrace ,it1 ,which ,was ,the ,second ,part ,of ,his ,office ,if then ,christ while hee was on ,earth1 had no ,kingdome in this ,world1 to what end was his first coming8 ,it was to restore unto ,god1 by a new ,covenant1 the ,kingdome1 which being his by the ,old ,covenant1 had been cut off by the rebellion of the ,israelites in the election of ,saul4 ,which to doe1 he was to preach unto them1 that he was the ,messiah1 that is1 the ,king promised to them by the ,prophets2 and to offer himselfe in sacrifice for the sinnes of them that should by faith submit themselves thereto2 and in case the nation generally should refuse him1 to call to his obedience such as should beleeve in him amongst the ,gentiles4 ,so that there are two parts of our ,saviours ,office during his aboad upon the ,earth2 ,one to ,proclaim himself the ,christ2 and another by ,teaching1 and by working of ,miracles1 to perswade1 and prepare men to live so1 as to be worthy of the ,immortality ,beleevers were to enjoy1 at such time as he should come in majesty1 to take possession of his ,fathers ,kingdome4 ,and therefore it is1 that the time of his preaching1 is often by himself called the ,regeneration2 which is not properly a ,kingdome1 and thereby a warrant to deny obedience to the ,magistrates that then were1 7for hee commanded to obey those that sate then in ,moses chaire1 and to pay tribute to ,caesar27 but onely an earnest of the ,kingdome of ,god that was to come1 to those to whom ,god had given the grace to be his disciples1 and to beleeve in him2 ,for which cause the ,godly are said to bee already in the ,kingdome of ,grace1 as naturalized in that heavenly ,kingdome4 ,the ,preaching ,of ,christ ,not ,contrary ,to ,the ,then ,law ,of ,the ,jews1 ,nor ,of ,caesar ,hitherto therefore there is nothing done1 or taught by ,christ1 that tendeth to the diminution of the ,civill ,right of the ,jewes1 or of ,caesar4 ,for as touching the ,common-wealth which then was amongst the ,jews1 both they that bare rule amongst them1 that they that were governed1 did all expect the ,messiah1 and ,kingdome of ,god2 which they could not have done if their ,laws had forbidden him 7when he came7 to manifest1 and declare himself4 ,seeing therefore he did nothing1 but by ,preaching1 and ,miracles go about to prove himselfe to be that ,messiah1 hee did therein nothing against their laws4 ,the ,kingdome hee claimed was to bee in another world2 ,he taught all men to obey in the mean time them that sate in ,moses seat3 he allowed them to give ,caesar his tribute1 and refused to take upon himselfe to be a ,judg4 ,how then could his words1 or actions bee seditious1 or tend to the overthrow of their then ,civill ,government8 ,but ,god having determined his sacrifice1 for the reduction of his elect to their former covenanted obedience1 for the means1 whereby he would bring the same to effect1 made use of their malice1 and ingratitude4 ,nor was it contrary to the laws of ,caesar4 ,for though ,pilate himself 7to gratifie the ,jews7 delivered him to be crucified2 yet before he did so1 he pronounced openly1 that he found no fault in him3 ,and put for title of his condemnation1 not as the ,jews required1 that he pretended to be ,king2 but simply1 ,that hee was ,king of the ,jews2 and notwithstanding their clamour1 refused to alter it2 saying1 ,what ,i have written1 ,i have written4 ,the ,third ,part ,of ,his ,office ,was ,to ,be ,king 7,under ,his ,father7 ,of ,the ,elect ,as for the third part of his ,office1 which was to be ,king1 ,i have already shewn that his ,kingdome was not to begin till the ,resurrection4 ,but then he shall be ,king1 not onely as ,god1 in which sense he is ,king already1 and ever shall be1 of all the ,earth1 in vertue of his omnipotence2 but also peculiarly of his own ,elect1 by vertue of the pact they make with him in their ,baptisme4 ,and therefore it is1 that our ,saviour saith 7,mat4 #ai4bh47 that his ,apostles should sit upon twelve thrones1 judging the twelve tribes of ,israel1 ,when the ,son of man shall sit in the throne of his glory2 whereby he signified that he should reign then in his humane nature2 and 7,mat4 #af4bg47 ,the ,son of man shall come in the glory of his ,father1 with his ,angels1 and then he shall reward every man according to his works4 ,the same we may read1 ,marke #ac44bf4 and #ad4bf4 and more expressely for the time1 ,luke #bb4bi1 #cj4 ,i appoint unto you a ,kingdome1 as my ,father hath appointed to mee1 that you may eat and drink at my table in my ,kingdome1 and sit on thrones judging the twelve tribes of ,israel4 ,by which it is manifest that the ,kingdome of ,christ appointed to him by his ,father1 is not to be before the ,son of ,man shall come in ,glory1 and make his ,apostles ,judges of the twelve tribes of ,israel4 ,but a man may here ask1 seeing there is no marriage in the ,kingdome of ,heaven1 whether men shall then eat1 and drink2 what eating therefore is meant in this place8 ,this is expounded by our ,saviour 7,john #f4bg47 where he saith1 ,labour not for the meat which perisheth1 but for that meat which endureth unto everlasting life1 which the ,son of man shall give you4 ,so that by eating at ,christs table1 is meant the eating of the ,tree of ,life2 that is to say1 the enjoying of ,immortality1 in the ,kingdome of the ,son of ,man4 ,by which places1 and many more1 it is evident1 that our ,saviours ,kingdome is to bee exercised by him in his humane nature4 ,christs ,authority ,in ,the ,kingdome ,of ,god ,subordinate ,to ,his ,father ,again1 he is to be ,king then1 no otherwise than as subordinate1 or ,viceregent of ,god the ,father1 as ,moses was in the wildernesse2 and as the ,high ,priests were before the reign of ,saul2 and as the ,kings were after it4 ,for it is one of the ,prophecies concerning ,christ1 that he should be like 7in ,office7 to ,moses2 ,i will raise them up a ,prophet 7saith the ,lord1 ,deut4 #ah4ah47 from amongst their ,brethren like unto thee1 and will put my words into his mouth1 and this similitude with ,moses1 is also apparent in the actions of our ,saviour himself1 whilest he was conversant on ,earth4 ,for as ,moses chose twelve ,princes of the tribes1 to govern under him2 so did our ,saviour choose twelve ,apostles1 who shall sit on twelve thrones1 and judge the twelve tribes of ,israel2 ,and as ,moses authorized ,seventy ,elders1 to receive the ,spirit of ,god1 and to ,prophecy to the people1 that is1 7as ,i have said before17 to speak unto them in the name of ,god2 so our ,saviour also ordained seventy ,disciples1 to preach his ,kingdome1 and ,salvation to all ,nations4 ,and as when a complaint was made to ,moses1 against those of the ,seventy that prophecyed in the camp of ,israel1 he justified them in it1 as being subservient therein to his government2 so also our ,saviour1 when ,st4 ,john complained to him of a certain man that cast out ,devills in his name1 justified him therein1 saying1 7,luke #i4ej47 ,forbid him not1 for hee that is not against us1 is on our part4 ,again1 our ,saviour resembled ,moses in the institution of ,sacraments1 both of ,admission into the ,kingdome of ,god1 and of ,commemoration of his deliverance of his ,elect from their miserable condition4 ,as the ,children of ,israel had for ,sacrament of their ,reception into the ,kingdome of ,god1 before the time of ,moses1 the rite of ,circumcision1 which rite having been omitted in the ,wildernesse1 was again restored as soon as they came into the land of ,promise2 so also the ,jews1 before the coming of our ,saviour1 had a rite of ,baptizing1 that is1 of washing with water all those that being ,gentiles1 embraced the ,god of ,israel4 ,this rite ,st4 ,john the ,baptist used in the reception of all them that gave their names to the ,christ1 whom hee preached to bee already come into the world2 and our ,saviour instituted the same for a ,sacrament to be taken by all that beleeved in him4 ,from what cause the rite of ,baptisme first proceeded1 is not expressed formally in the ,scripture2 but it may be probably thought to be an imitation of the law of ,moses1 concerning ,leprousie2 wherein the ,leprous man was commanded to be kept out of the campe of ,israel for a certain time2 after which time being judged by the ,priest to be clean1 hee was admitted into the campe after a solemne ,washing4 ,and this may therefore bee a type of the ,washing in ,baptisme2 wherein such men as are cleansed of the ,leprousie of ,sin by ,faith1 are received into the ,church with the solemnity of ,baptisme4 ,there is another conjecture drawn from the ,ceremonies of the ,gentiles1 in a certain case that rarely happens2 and that is1 when a man that was thought dead1 chanced to recover1 other men made scruple to converse with him1 as they would doe to converse with a ,ghost1 unlesse hee were received again into the number of men1 by ,washing1 as ,children new born were washed from the uncleannesse of their nativity1 which was a kind of new birth4 ,this ceremony of the ,greeks1 in the time that ,judaea was under the ,dominion of ,alexander1 and the ,greeks his successors1 may probably enough have crept into the ,religion of the ,jews4 ,but seeing it is not likely our ,saviour would countenance a ,heathen rite1 it is most likely it proceeded from the ,legall ,ceremony of ,washing after ,leprosie4 ,and for the other ,sacraments1 of eating the ,paschall ,lambe1 it is manifestly imitated in the ,sacrament of the ,lords ,supper2 in which the ,breaking of the ,bread1 and the pouring out of the ,wine1 do keep in memory our deliverance from the ,misery of ,sin1 by ,christs ,passion1 as the eating of the ,paschall ,lambe1 kept in memory the deliverance of the ,jewes out of the ,bondage of ,egypt4 ,seeing therefore the authority of ,moses was but subordinate1 and hee but a ,lieutenant to ,god2 it followeth1 that ,christ1 whose authority1 as man1 was to bee like that of ,moses1 was no more but subordinate to the authority of his ,father4 ,the same is more expressely signified1 by that that hee teacheth us to pray1 ,our ,father1 ,let thy ,kingdome come2 and1 ,for thine is the ,kingdome1 the power and the ,glory2 and by that it is said1 that ,hee shall come in the ,glory of his ,father2 and by that which ,st4 ,paul saith1 7#a ,cor4 #ae4bd47 then commeth the end1 when hee shall have delivered up the ,kingdome to ,god1 even the ,father2 and by many other most expresse places4 ,one ,and ,the ,same ,god ,is ,the ,person ,represented ,by ,moses1 ,and ,by ,christ ,our ,saviour therefore1 both in ,teaching1 and ,reigning1 representeth 7as ,moses ,did7 the ,person of ,god2 which ,god from that time forward1 but not before1 is called the ,father2 and being still one and the same substance1 is one ,person as represented by ,moses1 and another ,person as represented by his ,sonne the ,christ4 ,for ,person being a relative to a ,representer1 it is consequent to plurality of ,representers1 that there bee a plurality of ,persons1 though of one and the same ,substance4 ,,chapter ,,xlii4 ,,of ,,power ,,ecclesiasticall ,for the understanding of ,,power ,,ecclesiasticall1 what1 and in whom it is1 we are to distinguish the time from the ,ascension of our ,saviour1 into two parts2 one before the ,conversion of ,kings1 and men endued with ,soveraign ,civill ,power2 the other after their ,conversion4 ,for it was long after the ,ascension1 before any ,king1 or ,civill ,soveraign embraced1 and publiquely allowed the teaching of ,christian ,religion4 ,of ,the ,holy ,spirit ,that ,fel ,on ,the ,apostles ,and for the time between1 it is manifest1 that the ,power ,ecclesiasticall1 was in the ,apostles2 and after them in such as were by them ordained to ,preach the ,gospell1 and to convert men to ,christianity1 and to direct them that were converted in the way of ,salvation2 and after these the ,power was delivered again to others by these ordained1 and this was done by ,imposition of hands upon such as were ordained2 by which was signified the giving of the ,holy ,spirit1 or ,spirit of ,god1 to those whom they ordained ,ministers of ,god1 to advance his ,kingdome4 ,so that ,imposition of hands1 was nothing else but the ,seal of their ,commission to ,preach ,christ1 and teach his ,doctrine2 and the giving of the ,holy ,ghost by that ceremony of ,imposition of hands1 was an imitation of that which ,moses did4 ,for ,moses used the same ceremony to his ,minister ,joshua1 as wee read ,deuteronomy #cd4 ver4 #i4 ,and ,joshua the son of ,nun was full of the ,spirit of ,wisdome2 for ,moses had laid his hands upon him4 ,our ,saviour therefore between his ,resurrection1 and ,ascension1 gave his ,spirit to the ,apostles2 first1 by ,breathing on them1 and saying1 7,john #bj4bb47 ,receive yee the ,holy ,spirit2 and after his ,ascension 7,acts #b4b1 #c47 by sending down upon them1 a mighty wind1 and ,cloven tongues of fire2 and not by ,imposition of hands2 as neither did ,god lay his hands on ,moses2 and his ,apostles afterward1 transmitted the same ,spirit by ,imposition of hands1 as ,moses did to ,joshua4 ,so that it is manifest hereby1 in whom the ,power ,ecclesiasticall continually remained1 in those first times1 where there was not any ,christian ,common-wealth2 namely1 in them that received the same from the ,apostles1 by successive laying on of hands4 ,of ,the ,trinity ,here wee have the ,person of ,god born now the third time4 ,for as ,moses1 and the ,high ,priests1 were ,gods ,representative in the ,old ,testament2 and our ,saviour himselfe as ,man1 during his abode on earth3 ,so the ,holy ,ghost1 that is to say1 the ,apostles1 and their successors1 in the ,office of ,preaching1 and ,teaching1 that had received the ,holy ,spirit1 have ,represented him ever since4 ,but a ,person1 7as ,i have shewn before1 chapt4 #af447 is he that is ,represented1 as often as hee is ,represented2 and therefore ,god1 who has been ,represented 7that is1 ,personated7 thrice1 may properly enough be said to be three ,persons2 though neither the word ,person1 nor ,trinity be ascribed to him in the ,bible4 ,st4 ,john indeed 7#a ,epist4 #e4g47 saith1 ,there be three that bear witnesse in heaven1 the ,father1 the ,word1 and the ,holy ,spirit2 and these ,three are ,one3 ,but this disagreeth not1 but accordeth fitly with three ,persons in the proper signification of ,persons2 which is1 that which is ,represented by another4 ,for so ,god the ,father1 as ,represented by ,moses1 is one ,person2 and as ,represented by his ,sonne1 another ,person1 and as ,represented by the ,apostles1 and by the ,doctors that taught by authority from them derived1 is a third ,person2 and yet every ,person here1 is the ,person of one and the same ,god4 ,but a man may here ask1 what it was whereof these three bare witnesse4 ,st4 ,john therefore tells us 7verse #aa47 that they bear witnesse1 that ,god hath given us eternall life in his ,son4 ,again1 if it should be asked1 wherein that testimony appeareth1 the ,answer is easie2 for he hath testified the same by the miracles he wrought1 first by ,moses2 secondly1 by his ,son himself2 and lastly by his ,apostles1 that had received the ,holy ,spirit2 all which in their times ,represented the ,person of ,god2 and either prophecyed1 or preached ,jesus ,christ4 ,and as for the ,apostles1 it was the character of the ,apostleship1 in the twelve first and great ,apostles1 to bear ,witnesse of his ,resurrection2 as appeareth expressely 7,acts #a4 ver4 #ba1bb47 where ,st ,peter1 when a new ,apostle was to be chosen in the place of ,judas ,iscariot1 useth these words1 ,of these men which have companied with us all the time that the ,lord ,jesus went in and out amongst us1 beginning at the ,baptisme of ,john1 unto that same day that hee was taken up from us1 must one bee ordained to be a ,witnesse with us of his ,resurrection3 which words interpret the ,bearing of ,witnesse1 mentioned by ,st4 ,john4 ,there is in the same place mentioned another ,trinity of ,witnesses in ,earth4 ,for 7ver4 #h47 he saith1 there are three that bear ,witnesse in ,earth1 the ,spirit1 and the ,water1 and the ,bloud2 and these three agree in one3 that is to say1 the graces of ,gods ,spirit1 and the two ,sacraments1 ,baptisme1 and the ,lords ,supper1 which all agree in one ,testimony1 to assure the consciences of beleevers1 of eternall life2 of which ,testimony he saith 7verse #aj47 ,he that beleeveth on the ,son of man hath the ,witnesse in himselfe4 ,in this ,trinity on ,earth the ,unity is not of the thing2 for the ,spirit1 the ,water1 and the ,bloud1 are not the same substance1 though they give the same testimony3 ,but in the ,trinity of ,heaven1 the ,persons are the persons of one and the same ,god1 though ,represented in three different times and occasions4 ,to conclude1 the doctrine of the ,trinity1 as far as can be gathered directly from the ,scripture1 is in substance this2 that ,god who is alwaies ,one and the same1 was the ,person ,represented by ,moses2 the ,person ,represented by his ,son ,incarnate2 and the ,person ,represented by the ,apostles4 ,as ,represented by the ,apostles1 the ,holy ,spirit by which they spake1 is ,god2 ,as ,represented by his ,son 7that was ,god and ,man71 the ,son is that ,god2 ,as represented by ,moses1 and the ,high ,priests1 the ,father1 that is to say1 the ,father of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ1 is that ,god3 ,from whence we may gather the reason why those names ,father1 ,son1 and ,holy ,spirit in the signification of the ,godhead1 are never used in the ,old ,testament3 ,for they are ,persons1 that is1 they have their names from ,representing2 which could not be1 till divers men had ,represented ,gods ,person in ruling1 or in directing under him4 ,thus wee see how the ,power ,ecclesiasticall was left by our ,saviour to the ,apostles2 and how they were 7to the end they might the better exercise that ,power17 endued with the ,holy ,spirit1 which is therefore called sometime in the ,new ,testament ,paracletus which signifieth an ,assister1 or one called to for helpe1 though it bee commonly translated a ,comforter4 ,let us now consider the ,power it selfe1 what it was1 and over whom4 ,the ,power ,ecclesiasticall ,is ,but ,the ,power ,to ,teach ,cardinall ,bellarmine in his third generall ,controversie1 hath handled a great many questions concerning the ,ecclesiasticall ,power of the ,pope of ,rome2 and begins with this1 ,whether it ought to be ,monarchicall1 ,aristocraticall1 or ,democraticall4 ,all which sorts of ,power1 are ,soveraign1 and ,coercive4 ,if now it should appear1 that there is no ,coercive ,power left them by our ,saviour2 but onely a ,power to proclaim the ,kingdom of ,christ1 and to perswade men to submit themselves thereunto2 and by precepts and good counsell1 to teach them that have submitted1 what they are to do1 that they may be received into the ,kingdom of ,god when it comes2 and that the ,apostles1 and other ,ministers of the ,gospel1 are our ,schoolemasters1 and not our ,commanders1 and their ,precepts not ,laws1 but wholesome ,counsells then were all that dispute in vain4 ,an ,argument ,thereof1 ,the ,power ,of ,christ ,himself ,i have shewn already 7in the last ,chapter17 that the ,kingdome of ,christ is not of this world3 therefore neither can his ,ministers 7unlesse they be ,kings17 require obedience in his name4 ,for if the ,supreme ,king1 have not his ,regall ,power in this world2 by what authority can obedience be required to his ,officers8 ,as my ,father sent me1 7so saith our ,saviour7 ,i send you4 ,but our ,saviour was sent to perswade the ,jews to return to1 and to invite the ,gentiles1 to receive the ,kingdome of his ,father1 and not to reign in ,majesty1 no not1 as his ,fathers ,lieutenant1 till the day of ,judgment4 ,from ,the ,name ,of ,regeneration ,the time between the ,ascension1 and the generall ,resurrection1 is called1 not a ,reigning1 but a ,regeneration2 that is1 a ,preparation of men for the second and glorious coming of ,christ1 at the day of ,judgment2 as appeareth by the words of our ,saviour1 ,mat4 #ai4bh4 ,you that have followed me in the ,regeneration1 when the ,son of man shall sit in the throne of his glory1 you shall also sit upon twelve ,thrones2 ,and of ,st4 ,paul 7,ephes4 #f4ae47 ,having your feet shod with the ,preparation of the ,gospell of ,peace4 ,from ,the ,comparison ,of ,it1 ,with ,fishing1 ,leaven1 ,seed ,and is compared by our ,saviour1 to ,fishing2 that is1 to winning men to obedience1 not by ,coercion1 and ,punishing2 but by ,perswasion3 and therefore he said not to his ,apostles1 hee would make them so many ,nimrods1 ,hunters ,of ,men2 ,but ,fishers ,of ,men4 ,it is compared also to ,leaven2 to ,sowing of ,seed1 and to the ,multiplication of a grain of ,mustard-seed2 by all which ,compulsion is excluded2 and consequently there can in that time be no actual ,reigning4 ,the work of ,christs ,ministers1 is ,evangelization2 that is1 a ,proclamation of ,christ1 and a preparation for his second comming2 as the ,evangelization of ,john ,baptist1 was a preparation to his first coming4 ,from ,the ,nature ,of ,faith3 ,again1 the ,office of ,christs ,ministers in this world1 is to make men ,beleeve1 and have ,faith in ,christ3 ,but ,faith hath no relation to1 nor dependence at all upon ,compulsion1 or ,commandement2 but onely upon certainty1 or probability of ,arguments drawn from ,reason1 or from something men beleeve already4 ,therefore the ,ministers of ,christ in this world1 have no ,power by that title1 to ,punish any man for not ,beleeving1 or for ,contradicting what they say2 they have ,i say no ,power by that title of ,christs ,ministers1 to ,punish such3 but if they have ,soveraign ,civill ,power1 by politick institution1 then they may indeed lawfully ,punish any ,contradiction to their laws whatsoever3 ,and ,st4 ,paul1 of himselfe and other then ,preachers of the ,gospell saith in expresse words1 7#b ,cor4 #a4bd47 ,wee have no ,dominion over your ,faith1 but are ,helpers of your ,joy4 ,from ,the ,authority ,christ ,hath ,left ,to ,civill ,princes ,another ,argument1 that the ,ministers of ,christ in this present world have no right of ,commanding1 may be drawn from the lawfull ,authority which ,christ hath left to all ,princes1 as well ,christians1 as ,infidels4 ,st4 ,paul saith 7,col4 #c4bj47 ,children obey your ,parents in all things2 for this is well pleasing to the ,lord4 ,and ver4 #bb4 ,servants obey in all things your ,masters according to the flesh1 not with eye-service1 as men-pleasers1 but in singlenesse of heart1 as fearing the ,lord2 ,this is spoken to them whose ,masters were ,infidells2 and yet they are bidden to obey them ,in ,all ,things4 ,and again1 concerning obedience to ,princes4 7,rom4 #ac4 the first #f4 verses7 exhorting to be subject to the ,higher ,powers1 he saith1 that all ,power is ordained of ,god2 and that we ought to be subject to them1 not onely for fear of incurring their wrath1 but also for conscience sake4 ,and ,st4 ,peter1 7#a ,epist4 chap4 #b;e ver4 #ac1 #ad1 #ae47 ,submit your selves to every ,ordinance of ,man1 for the ,lords sake1 whether it bee to the ,king1 as ,supreme1 or unto ,governours1 as to them that be sent by him for the punishment of evill doers1 and for the praise of them that doe well2 for so is the will of ,god4 ,and again ,st4 ,paul 7,tit4 #c4a47 ,put men in mind to be subject to ,principalities1 and ,powers1 and to obey ,magistrates4 ,these ,princes1 and ,powers1 whereof ,st4 ,peter1 and ,st4 ,paul here speak1 were all ,infidels2 much more therefore we are to obey those ,christians1 whom ,god hath ordained to have ,soveraign ,power over us4 ,how then can wee be obliged to doe any thing contrary to the ,command of the ,king1 or other ,soveraign ,representant of the ,common-wealth1 whereof we are members1 and by whom we look to be protected8 ,it is therefore manifest1 that ,christ hath not left to his ,ministers in this world1 unlesse they be also endued with ,civill ,authority1 any authority to ,command other men4 ,what ,christians ,may ,do ,to ,avoid ,persecution ,but what 7may some object7 if a ,king1 or a ,senate1 or other ,soveraign ,person forbid us to beleeve in ,christ8 ,to this ,i answer1 that such forbidding is of no effect1 because ,beleef1 and ,unbeleef never follow mens ,commands4 ,faith is a gift of ,god1 which ,man can neither give1 nor take away by promise of rewards1 or menaces of torture4 ,and if it be further asked1 ,what if wee bee commanded by our lawfull ,prince1 to say with our tongue1 wee beleeve not2 must we obey such command8 ,profession with the tongue is but an externall thing1 and no more then any other gesture whereby we signifie our obedience2 and wherein a ,christian1 holding firmely in his heart the ,faith of ,christ1 hath the same liberty which the ,prophet ,elisha allowed to ,naaman the ,syrian4 ,naaman was converted in his heart to the ,god of ,israel2 ,for hee saith 7#b ,kings #e4ag47 ,thy servant will henceforth offer neither burnt offering1 nor sacrifice unto other ,gods but unto the ,lord4 ,in this thing the ,lord pardon thy servant1 that when my ,master goeth into the house of ,rimmon to worship there1 and he leaneth on my hand1 and ,i bow my selfe in the house of ,rimmon2 when ,i bow my selfe in the house of ,rimmon1 the ,lord pardon thy servant in this thing4 ,this the ,prophet approved1 and bid him ,goe in peace4 ,here ,naaman beleeved in his heart2 but by bowing before the ,idol ,rimmon1 he denyed the true ,god in effect1 as much as if he had done it with his lips4 ,but then what shall we answer to our ,saviours saying1 ,whosoever denyeth me before men1 ,i will deny him before my ,father which is in ,heaven8 ,this we may say1 that whatsoever a ,subject1 as ,naaman was1 is compelled to in obedience to his ,soveraign1 and doth it not in order to his own mind1 but in order to the laws of his country1 that action is not his1 but his ,soveraigns2 nor is it he that in this case denyeth ,christ before men1 but his ,governour1 and the law of his countrey4 ,if any man shall accuse this doctrine1 as repugnant to true1 and unfeigned ,christianity2 ,i ask him1 in case there should be a subject in any ,christian ,common-wealth1 that should be inwardly in his heart of the ,mahometan ,religion1 whether if his ,soveraign ,command him to bee present at the divine service of the ,christian ,church1 and that on pain of death1 he think that ,mamometan obliged in conscience to suffer death for that cause1 rather than to obey that command of his lawful ,prince4 ,if he say1 he ought rather to suffer death1 then he authorizeth all private men1 to disobey their ,princes1 in maintenance of their ,religion1 true1 or false2 if he say1 he ought to bee obedient1 then he alloweth to himself1 that which hee denyeth to another1 contrary to the words of our ,saviour1 ,whatsoever you would that men should doe unto you1 that doe yee unto them2 and contrary to the ,law of ,nature1 7which is the indubitable everlasting ,law of ,god7 ,do not to another1 that which thou wouldest not he should doe unto thee4 ,of ,martyrs ,but what then shall we say of all those ,martyrs we read of in the ,history of the ,church1 that they have needlessely cast away their lives8 ,for answer hereunto1 we are to distinguish the persons that have been for that cause put to death2 whereof some have received a ,calling to preach1 and professe the ,kingdome of ,christ openly2 others have had no such ,calling1 nor more has been required of them than their owne faith4 ,the former sort1 if they have been put to death1 for bearing witnesse to this point1 that ,jesus ,christ is risen from the dead1 were true ,martyrs2 ,for a ,martyr is1 7to give the true definition of the word7 a ,witnesse of the ,resurrection of ,jesus the ,messiah2 which none can be but those that conversed with him on earth1 and saw him after he was risen3 ,for a ,witnesse must have seen what he testifieth1 or else his testimony is not good4 ,and that none but such1 can properly be called ,martyrs of ,christ1 is manifest out of the words of ,st4 ,peter1 ,act4 #a4ba1 #bb4 ,wherefore of these men which have companyed with us all the time that the ,lord ,jesus went in and out amongst us1 beginning from the ,baptisme of ,john unto that same day hee was taken up from us1 must one be ordained to be a ,martyr 7that is a ,witnesse7 with us of his ,resurrection3 ,where we may observe1 that he which is to bee a ,witnesse of the truth of the ,resurrection of ,christ1 that is to say1 of the truth of this fundamentall article of ,christian ,religion1 that ,jesus was the ,christ1 must be some ,disciple that conversed with him1 and saw him before1 and after his ,resurrection2 and consequently must be one of his originall ,disciples3 whereas they which were not so1 can ,witnesse no more1 but that their antecessors said it1 and are therefore but ,witnesses of other mens testimony2 and are but second ,martyrs1 or ,martyrs of ,christs ,witnesses4 ,he1 that to maintain every doctrine which he himself draweth out of the ,history of our ,saviours life1 and of the ,acts1 or ,epistles of the ,apostles2 or which he beleeveth upon the authority of a private man1 wil oppose the ,laws and ,authority of the ,civill ,state1 is very far from being a ,martyr of ,christ1 or a ,martyr of his ,martyrs4 ',tis one ,article onely1 which to die for1 meriteth so honorable a name2 and that ,article is this1 that ,jesus ,is ,the ,christ2 that is to say1 ,he that hath redeemed us1 and shall come again to give us salvation1 and eternall life in his glorious ,kingdome4 ,to die for every tenet that serveth the ambition1 or profit of the ,clergy1 is not required2 nor is it the ,death of the ,witnesse1 but the ,testimony it self that makes the ,martyr3 for the word signifieth nothing else1 but the man that beareth ,witnesse1 whether he be put to death for his testimony1 or not4 ,also he that is not sent to preach this fundamentall article1 but taketh it upon him of his private authority1 though he be a ,witnesse1 and consequently a ,martyr1 either primary of ,christ1 or secondary of his ,apostles1 ,disciples1 or their ,successors2 yet is he not obliged to suffer death for that cause2 because being not called thereto1 tis not required at his hands2 nor ought hee to complain1 if he loseth the reward he expecteth from those that never set him on work4 ,none therefore can be a ,martyr1 neither of the first1 nor second degree1 that have not a warrant to preach ,christ come in the flesh2 that is to say1 none1 but such as are sent to the conversion of ,infidels4 ,for no man is a ,witnesse to him that already beleeveth1 and therefore needs no ,witnesse2 but to them that deny1 or doubt1 or have not heard it4 ,christ sent his ,apostles1 and his ,seventy ,disciples1 with authority to preach2 he sent not all that beleeved3 ,and he sent them to unbeleevers2 ,i send you 7saith he7 as sheep amongst wolves2 not as sheep to other sheep4 ,argument ,from ,the ,points ,of ,their ,commission ,lastly the points of their ,commission1 as they are expressely set down in the ,gospel1 contain none of them any authority over the ,congregation4 ,to ,preach ,we have first 7,mat4 #aj47 that the twelve ,apostles were sent to the lost sheep of the house of ,israel1 and commanded to ,preach1 that the ,kingdome of ,god was at hand4 ,now ,preaching in the originall1 is that act1 which a ,crier1 ,herald1 or other ,officer useth to doe publiquely in ,proclaiming of a ,king4 ,but a ,crier hath not right to ,command any man4 ,and 7,luke #aj4b47 the seventy ,disciples are sent out1 as ,labourers1 not as ,lords of the ,harvest2 and are bidden 7verse #i47 to say1 ,the ,kingdome of ,god is come nigh unto you2 and by ,kingdome here is meant1 not the ,kingdome of ,grace1 but the ,kingdome of ,glory2 for they are bidden to denounce it 7ver4 #aa47 to those ,cities which shall not receive them1 as a threatning1 that it shall be more tolerable in that day for ,sodome1 than for such a ,city4 ,and 7,mat4 #bj4bh47 our ,saviour telleth his ,disciples1 that sought ,priority of place1 their ,office was to minister1 even as the ,son of man came1 not to be ministred unto1 but to minister4 ,preachers therefore have not ,magisteriall1 but ,ministeriall power3 ,bee not called ,masters1 7saith our ,saviour1 ,mat4 #bc4aj7 for one is your ,master1 even ,christ4 ,and ,teach ,another point of their ,commission1 is1 to ,teach ,all ,nations2 as it is in ,mat4 #bh4ai4 or as in ,st4 ,mark #af4ae ,goe into all the world1 and ,preach the ,gospel to every creature4 ,teaching therefore1 and ,preaching is the same thing4 ,for they that ,proclaim the comming of a ,king1 must withall make known by what right he commeth1 if they mean men shall submit themselves unto him3 ,as ,st4 ,paul did to the ,jews of ,thessalonica1 when three ,sabbath days he reasoned with them out of the ,scriptures1 opening1 and alledging that ,christ must needs have suffered1 and risen again from the dead1 and that this ,jesus is ,christ4 ,but to teach out of the ,old ,testament that ,jesus was ,christ1 7that is to say1 ,king17 and risen from the dead1 is not to say1 that men are bound after they beleeve it1 to obey those that tell them so1 against the laws1 and commands of their ,soveraigns2 but that they shall doe wisely1 to expect the coming of ,christ hereafter1 in ,patience1 and ,faith1 with ,obedience to their present ,magistrates4 ,to ,baptize2 ,another point of their ,commission1 is to ,baptize1 in the name of the ,father1 and of the ,son1 and of the ,holy ,ghost4 ,what is ,baptisme8 ,dipping into water4 ,but what is it to ,dip a man into the water in the name of any thing8 ,the meaning of these words of ,baptisme is this4 ,he that is ,baptized1 is ,dipped or ,washed1 as a sign of becomming a new man1 and a loyall subject to that ,god1 whose ,person was represented in old time by ,moses1 and the ,high ,priests1 when he reigned over the ,jews2 and to ,jesus ,christ1 his ,sonne1 ,god1 and ,man1 that hath redeemed us1 and shall in his humane nature ,represent his ,fathers ,person in his eternall ,kingdome after the ,resurrection2 and to acknowledge the ,doctrine of the ,apostles1 who assisted by the ,spirit of the ,father1 and of the ,son1 were left for guides to bring us into that ,kingdome1 to be the onely1 and assured way thereunto4 ,this1 being our promise in ,baptisme2 and the ,authority of ,earthly ,soveraigns being not to be put down till the day of ,judgment2 7for that is expressely affirmed by ,s4 ,paul #a ,cor4 #ae4 #bb1 #bc1 #bd4 where he saith1 ,as in ,adam all die1 so in ,christ all shall be made alive4 ,but every man in his owne order1 ,christ the first fruits1 afterward they that are ,christs1 at his comming2 ,then ,commeth the end1 when he shall have delivered up the ,kingdome of ,god1 even the ,father1 when he shall have put down all ,rule1 and all ,authority and ,power7 it is manifest1 that we do not in ,baptisme constitute over us another authority1 by which our externall actions are to be governed in this life2 but promise to take the doctrine of the ,apostles for our direction in the way to life eternall4 ,and ,to ,forgive1 ,and ,retain ,sinnes ,the ,power of ,remission1 ,and ,retention ,of ,sinnes1 called also the ,power of ,loosing1 and ,binding1 and sometimes the ,keyes ,of ,the ,kingdome ,of ,heaven1 is a consequence of the ,authority to ,baptize1 or refuse to ,baptize4 ,for ,baptisme is the ,sacrament of ,allegeance1 of them that are to be received into the ,kingdome of ,god2 that is to say1 into ,eternall life2 that is to say1 to ,remission of ,sin3 ,for as ,eternall life was lost by the ,committing1 so it is recovered by the ,remitting of mens ,sins4 ,the end of ,baptisme is ,remission of ,sins3 and therefore ,st4 ,peter1 when they that were converted by his ,sermon on the day of ,pentecost1 asked what they were to doe1 advised them to repent1 and be ,baptized in the name of ,jesus1 for the ,remission of ,sins4 ,and therefore seeing to ,baptize is to declare the ,reception of men into ,gods ,kingdome2 and to refuse to ,baptize is to declare their ,exclusion2 it followeth1 that the ,power to declare them ,cast out1 or ,retained in it1 was given to the same ,apostles1 and their ,substitutes1 and ,successors4 ,and therefore after our ,saviour had breathed upon them1 saying1 7,john #bj4bb47 ,receive the ,holy ,ghost1 hee addeth in the next verse1 ,whose soever ,sins ye ,remit1 they are ,remitted unto them2 and whose soever ,sins ye ,retain1 they are ,retained4 ,by which words1 is not granted an ,authority to ,forgive1 or ,retain ,sins1 simply and absolutely1 as ,god ,forgiveth or ,retaineth them1 who knoweth the ,heart of man1 and truth of his ,penitence and ,conversion2 but conditionally1 to the ,penitent3 ,and this ,forgivenesse1 or ,absolution1 in case the absolved have but a feigned ,repentance1 is thereby without other act1 or sentence of the ,absolvent1 made void1 and hath no effect at all to ,salvation1 but on the contrary1 to the ,aggravation of his ,sin4 ,therefore the ,apostles1 and their ,successors1 are to follow but the outward marks of ,repentance2 which appearing1 they have no ,authority to deny ,absolution2 and if they appeare not1 they have no authority to ,absolve4 ,the same also is to be observed in ,baptisme3 for to a converted ,jew1 or ,gentile1 the ,apostles had not the ,power to deny ,baptisme2 nor to grant it to the ,un-penitent4 ,but seeing no man is able to discern the truth of another mans ,repentance1 further than by externall marks1 taken from his words1 and actions1 which are subject to hypocrisie2 another question will arise1 ,who it is that is constituted ,judge of those marks4 ,and this question is decided by our ,saviour himself2 7,mat4 #ah4 #ae1 #af1 #ag47 ,if thy ,brother 7saith he7 shall trespasse against thee1 go and tell him his fault between thee1 and him alone2 if he shall hear thee1 thou hast gained thy ,brother4 ,but if he will not hear thee1 then take with thee one1 or two more4 ,and if he shall neglect to hear them1 tell it unto the ,church1 let him be unto thee as an ,heathen man1 and a ,publican4 ,by which it is manifest1 that the ,judgment concerning the truth of ,repentance1 belonged not to any one ,man1 but to the ,church1 that is1 to the ,assembly of the ,faithfull1 or to them that have authority to bee their ,representant4 ,but besides the ,judgment1 there is necessary also the pronouncing of ,sentence3 ,and this belonged alwaies to the ,apostle1 or some ,pastor of the ,church1 as ,prolocutor2 and of this our ,saviour speaketh in the #ah verse1 ,whatsoever ye shall bind on earth1 shall be bound in heaven2 and whatsoever ye shall loose on earth1 shall be loosed in heaven4 ,and comformable hereunto was the practise of ,st4 ,paul 7#a ,cor4 #e4c1 #d1 #e47 where he saith1 ,for ,i verily1 as absent in body1 but present in spirit1 have determined already1 as though ,i were present1 concerning him that hath so done this deed2 ,in the name of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ when ye are gathered together1 and my spirit1 with the power of our ,lord ,jesus ,christ1 ,to deliver such a one to ,satan2 that is to say1 to cast him out of the ,church1 as a man whose ,sins are not ,forgiven4 ,paul here pronounceth the ,sentence2 but the ,assembly was first to hear the ,cause1 7for ,st4 ,paul was absent27 and by consequence to condemn him4 ,but in the same chapter 7ver4 #aa1 #ab47 the ,judgment in such a case is more expressely attributed to the ,assembly3 ,but now ,i have written unto you1 not to keep company1 if any man that is called a ,brother be a ,fornicator1 c4 with such a one no not to eat4 ,for what have ,i to do to judg them that are without8 ,do not ye judg them that are within8 ,the ,sentence therefore by which a man was put out of the ,church1 was pronounced by the ,apostle1 or ,pastor2 but the ,judgment concerning the merit of the cause1 was in the ,church2 that is to say1 7as the times were before the conversion of ,kings1 and men that had ,soveraign ,authority in the ,common-wealth17 the ,assembly of the ,christians dwelling in the same ,city2 as in ,corinth1 in the ,assembly of the ,christians of ,corinth4 ,of ,excommunication ,this part of the ,power of the ,keyes1 by which men were thrust out from the ,kingdome of ,god1 is that which is called ,excommunication2 and to excommunicate1 is in the ,originall1 ,aposunagogon ,poiein1 ,to ,cast ,out ,of ,the ,synagogue2 that is1 out of the place of ,divine service2 a word drawn from the custom of the ,jews1 to cast out of their ,synagogues1 such as they thought in manners1 or doctrine1 contagious1 as ,lepers were by the ,law of ,moses separated from the congregation of ,israel1 till such time as they should be by the ,priest pronounced clean4 ,the ,use ,of ,excommunication ,without ,civill ,power4 ,the ,use and ,effect of ,excommunication1 whilest it was not yet strengthened with the ,civill ,power1 was no more1 than that they1 who were not ,excommunicate1 were to avoid the company of them that were4 ,it was not enough to repute them as ,heathen1 that never had been ,christians2 for with such they might eate1 and drink2 which with ,excommunicate persons they might not do2 as appeareth by the words of ,st4 ,paul1 7#a ,cor4 #e4 ver4 #i1 #aj1 c47 where he telleth them1 he had formerly forbidden them to company with ,fornicators2 but 7because that could not bee without going out of the world17 he restraineth it to such ,fornicators1 and otherwise vicious persons1 as were of the brethren2 with such a one 7he saith7 they ought not to keep company1 no1 not to eat4 ,and this is no more than our ,saviour saith 7,mat4 #ah4ag47 ,let him be to thee as a ,heathen1 and as a ,publican4 ,for ,publicans 7which signifieth ,farmers1 and ,receivers of the revenue of the ,common-wealth7 were so hated1 and detested by the ,jews that were to pay for it1 as that ,publican and ,sinner were taken amongst them for the same thing3 ,insomuch1 as when our ,saviour accepted the invitation of ,zacchaeus a ,publican2 though it were to ,convert him1 yet it was objected to him as a ,crime4 ,and therefore1 when our ,saviour1 to ,heathen1 added ,publican1 he did forbid them to eat with a man ,excommunicate4 ,as for keeping them out of their ,synagogues1 or places of ,assembly1 they had no ,power to do it1 but that of the owner of the place1 whether he were ,christian1 or ,heathen4 ,and because all places are by right1 in the ,dominion of the ,common-wealth2 as well hee that was ,excommunicated1 as hee that never was ,baptized1 might enter into them by ,commission from the ,civill ,magistrate2 as ,paul before his conversion entred into their ,synagogues at ,damascus1 7,acts #i4b47 to apprehend ,christians1 men and women1 and to carry them bound to ,jerusalem1 by ,commission from the ,high ,priest4 ,of ,no ,effect ,upon ,an ,apostate ,by which it appears1 that upon a ,christian1 that should become an ,apostate1 in a place where the ,civill ,power did persecute1 or not assist the ,church1 the effect of ,excommunication had nothing in it1 neither of dammage in this world1 nor of terrour3 ,not of terrour1 because of their unbeleef2 nor of dammage1 because they returned thereby into the favour of the world2 and in the world to come1 were to be in no worse estate1 then they which never had beleeved4 ,the dammage redounded rather to the ,church1 by provocation of them they cast out1 to a freer execution of their malice4 ,but ,upon ,the ,faithfull ,only ,excommunication therefore had its effect onely upon those1 that beleeved that ,jesus ,christ was to come again in ,glory1 to reign over1 and to judge both the quick1 and the dead1 and should therefore refuse entrance into his ,kingdom1 to those whose ,sins were ,retained2 that is1 to those that were ,excommunicated by the ,church4 ,and thence it is that ,st4 ,paul calleth ,excommunication1 a delivery of the ,excommunicate person to ,satan4 ,for without the ,kingdom of ,christ1 all other ,kingdomes after ,judgment1 are comprehended in the ,kingdome of ,satan4 ,this is it that the faithfull stood in fear of1 as long as they stood ,excommunicate1 that is to say1 in an estate wherein their sins were not ,forgiven4 ,whereby wee may understand1 that ,excommunication in the time that ,christian ,religion was not authorized by the ,civill ,power1 was used onely for a correction of manners1 not of errours in opinion3 for it is a punishment1 whereof none could be sensible but such as beleeved1 and expected the coming again of our ,saviour to judge the world2 and they who so beleeved1 needed no other opinion1 but onely uprightnesse of life1 to be saved4 ,for ,what ,fault ,lyeth ,excommunication ,there ,lyeth ,excommunication for ,injustice2 as 7,mat4 #ah47 ,if thy ,brother offend thee1 tell it him privately2 then with ,witnesses2 lastly1 tell the ,church2 and then if he obey not1 ,let him be to thee as an ,heathen man1 and a ,publican4 ,and there lyeth ,excommunication for a ,scandalous ,life1 as 7#a ,cor4 #e4 #aa47 ,if any man that is called a ,brother1 be a ,fornicator1 or ,covetous1 or an ,idolater1 or a ,drunkard1 or an ,extortioner1 with such a one yee are not to eat4 ,but to ,excommunicate a man that held this foundation1 that ,jesus ,was ,the ,christ1 for difference of opinion in other points1 by which that ,foundation was not destroyed1 there appeareth no authority in the ,scripture1 nor example in the ,apostles4 ,there is indeed in ,st4 ,paul 7,titus #c4aj47 a text that seemeth to be to the contrary4 ,a man that is an ,haeretique1 after the first and second admonition1 reject4 ,for an ,haeretique1 is he1 that being a member of the ,church1 teacheth neverthelesse some private opinion1 which the ,church has forbidden3 and such a one1 ,s4 ,paul adviseth ,titus1 after the first1 and second admonition1 to ,reject4 ,but to ,reject 7in this place7 is not to ,excommunicate the ,man2 ,but to ,give ,over ,admonishing ,him1 ,to ,let ,him ,alone1 ,to ,set ,by ,disputing ,with ,him1 as one that is to be convinced onely by himselfe4 ,the same ,apostle saith 7#b ,tim4 #b4bc47 ,foolish and unlearned questions avoid2 ,the word ,avoid in this place1 and ,reject in the former1 is the same in the ,originall1 paraitou3 but ,foolish questions may bee set by without ,excommunication4 ,and again1 7,tit4 #c4ic7 ,avoid ,foolish questions1 where the ,originall1 periistaso1 7set them by7 is equivalent to the former word ,reject4 ,there is no other place that can so much as colourably be drawn1 to countenance the ,casting out of the ,church faithfull men1 such as beleeved the foundation1 onely for a singular superstructure of their own1 proceeding perhaps from a good pious conscience4 ,but on the contrary1 all such places as command avoiding such disputes1 are written for a ,lesson to ,pastors1 7such as ,timothy and ,titus were7 not to make new ,articles of ,faith1 by determining every small controversie1 which oblige men to a needlesse burthen of ,conscience1 or provoke them to break the union of the ,church4 ,which ,lesson the ,apostles themselves observed well4 ,s4 ,peter and ,s4 ,paul1 though their controversie were great1 7as we may read in ,gal4 #b4aa47 yet they did not cast one another out of the ,church4 ,neverthelesse1 during the ,apostles time1 there were other ,pastors that observed it not2 ,as ,diotrephes 7#c ,john #i4 c47 who cast out of the ,church1 such as ,s4 ,john himself thought fit to be received into it1 out of a pride he took in ,praeeminence2 so early it was1 that ,vainglory1 and ,ambition had found entrance into the ,church of ,christ4 ,of ,persons ,liable ,to ,excommunication ,that a man be liable to ,excommunication1 there be many conditions requisite2 as ,first1 that he be a member of some ,commonalty1 that is to say1 of some lawfull ,assembly1 that is to say1 of some ,christian ,church1 that hath power to judge of the cause for which hee is to bee ,excommunicated4 ,for where there is no community1 there can bee no ,excommunication2 nor where there is no power to ,judge1 can there bee any power to give ,sentence4 ,from hence it followeth1 that one ,church cannot be ,excommunicated by another3 ,for either they have equall power to ,excommunicate each other1 in which case ,excommunication is not ,discipline1 nor an act of ,authority1 but ,schisme1 and ,dissolution of charity2 or one is so subordinate to the other1 as that they both have but one voice1 and then they be but one ,church2 and the part ,excommunicated1 is no more a ,church1 but a dissolute number of individuall persons4 ,and because the sentence of ,excommunication1 importeth an advice1 not to keep company1 nor so much as to eat with him that is ,excommunicate1 if a ,soveraign ,prince1 or ,assembly bee ,excommunicate1 the sentence is of no effect4 ,for all ,subjects are bound to be in the company and presence of their own ,soveraign 7when he requireth it7 by the law of ,nature2 nor can they lawfully either expell him from any place of his own ,dominion1 whether profane or holy2 nor go out of his ,dominion1 without his leave2 much lesse 7if he call them to that honour17 refuse to eat with him4 ,and as to other ,princes and ,states1 because they are not parts of one and the same congregation1 they need not any other sentence to keep them from keeping company with the ,state ,excommunicate3 for the very ,institution1 as it uniteth many men into one ,community2 so it dissociateth one ,community from another3 so that ,excommunication is not needfull for keeping ,kings and ,states asunder2 nor has any further effect then is in the nature of ,policy it selfe2 unlesse it be to instigate ,princes to warre upon one another4 ,nor is the ,excommunication of a ,christian ,subject1 that obeyeth the laws of his own ,soveraign1 whether ,christian1 or ,heathen1 of any effect4 ,for if he beleeve that ,jesus is the ,christ1 he hath the ,spirit of ,god 7#a ,joh4 #d4a47 and ,god dwelleth in him1 and he in ,god1 7#a ,joh4 #d4ae47 ,but hee that hath the ,spirit of ,god2 hee that dwelleth in ,god2 hee in whom ,god dwelleth1 can receive no harm by the ,excommunication of men4 ,therefore1 he that beleeveth ,jesus to be the ,christ1 is free from all the dangers threatned to persons ,excommunicate4 ,he that beleeveth it not1 is no ,christian4 ,therefore a true and unfeigned ,christian is not liable to ,excommunication2 ,nor he also that is a professed ,christian1 till his ,hypocrisy appear in his ,manners1 that is1 till his behaviour bee contrary to the law of his ,soveraign1 which is the rule of ,manners1 and which ,christ and his ,apostles have commanded us to be subject to4 ,for the ,church cannot judge of ,manners but by externall ,actions1 which ,actions can never bee unlawfull1 but when they are against the ,law of the ,common-wealth4 ,if a mans ,father1 or ,mother1 or ,master bee ,excommunicate1 yet are not the ,children forbidden to keep them ,company1 nor to ,eat with them2 for that were 7for the most part7 to oblige them not to eat at all1 for want of means to get food2 and to authorise them to disobey their ,parents1 and ,masters1 contrary to the ,precept of the ,apostles4 ,in summe1 the ,power of ,excommunication cannot be extended further than to the end for which the ,apostles and ,pastors of the ,church have their ,commission from our ,saviour2 which is not to rule by ,command and ,coaction1 but by ,teaching and ,direction of men in the way of ,salvation in the world to come4 ,and as a ,master in any ,science1 may abandon his ,scholar1 when hee obstinately neglecteth the practise of his rules2 but not accuse him of ,injustice1 because he was never bound to obey him3 so a ,teacher of ,christian doctrine may abandon his ,disciples that obstinately continue in an unchristian life2 but he cannot say1 they doe him wrong1 because they are not obliged to obey him3 ,for to a ,teacher that shall so complain1 may be applyed the ,answer of ,god to ,samuel in the like place1 7#a ,sam4 #h47 ,they have not rejected thee1 but mee4 ,excommunication therefore when it wanteth the assistance of the ,civill ,power1 as it doth1 when a ,christian ,state1 or ,prince is ,excommunicate by a forain ,authority1 is without effect2 and consequently ought to be without terrour4 ,the name of ,fulmen ,excommunicationis 7that is1 the ,thunderbolt ,of ,excommunication7 proceeded from an imagination of the ,bishop of ,rome1 which first used it1 that he was ,king of ,kings1 as the ,heathen made ,jupiter ,king of the ,gods2 and assigned him in their ,poems1 and ,pictures1 a ,thunderbolt1 wherewith to subdue1 and punish the ,giants1 that should dare to deny his power3 ,which imagination was grounded on two errours2 one1 that the ,kingdome of ,christ is of this world1 contrary to our ,saviours owne words1 ,my ,kingdome is not of this world2 the other1 that hee is ,christs ,vicar1 not onely over his owne ,subjects1 but over all the ,christians of the ,world2 whereof there is no ground in ,scripture1 and the contrary shall bee proved in its due place4 ,of ,the ,interpreter ,of ,the ,scriptures ,before ,civill ,soveraigns ,became ,christians ,st4 ,paul coming to ,thessalonica1 where was a ,synagogue of the ,jews1 7,acts #ag4b1 #c47 ,as his manner was1 went in unto them1 and three ,sabbath dayes reasoned with them out of the ,scriptures1 ,opening and alledging1 that ,christ must needs have suffered and risen again from the dead2 and that this ,jesus whom he preached was the ,christ4 ,the ,scriptures here mentioned were the ,scriptures of the ,jews1 that is1 the ,old ,testament4 ,the men1 to whom he was to prove that ,jesus was the ,christ1 and risen again from the dead1 were also ,jews1 and did beleeve already1 that they were the ,word of ,god4 ,hereupon 7as it is verse #d47 some of them beleeved1 and 7as it is in the #e4 ver47 some beleeved not4 ,what was the reason1 when they all beleeved the ,scripture1 that they did not all beleeve alike2 but that some approved1 others disapproved the ,interpretation of ,st4 ,paul that cited them2 and every one ,interpreted them to himself8 ,it was this2 ,s4 ,paul came to them without any ,legall ,commission1 and in the manner of one that would not ,command1 but ,perswade2 which he must needs do1 either by ,miracles1 as ,moses did to the ,israelites in ,egypt1 that they might see his ,authority in ,gods works2 or by ,reasoning from the already received ,scripture1 that they might see the truth of his doctrine in ,gods ,word4 ,but whosoever perswadeth by reasoning from principles written1 maketh him to whom hee speaketh ,judge1 both of the meaning of those principles1 and also of the force of his inferences upon them4 ,if these ,jews of ,thessalonica were not1 who else was the ,judge of what ,s4 ,paul alledged out of ,scripture8 ,if ,s4 ,paul1 what needed he to quote any places to prove his doctrine8 ,it had been enough to have said1 ,i find it so in ,scripture1 that is to say1 in your ,laws1 of which ,i am ,interpreter1 as sent by ,christ4 ,the ,interpreter therefore of the ,scripture1 to whose ,interpretation the ,jews of ,thessalonica were bound to stand1 could be none3 every one might beleeve1 or not beleeve1 according as the ,allegations seemed to himselfe to be agreeable1 or not agreeable to the meaning of the places alledged4 ,and generally in all cases of the world1 hee that pretendeth any proofe1 maketh ,judge of his proofe him to whom he addresseth his speech4 ,and as to the case of the ,jews in particular1 they were bound by expresse words 7,deut4 #ag47 to receive the determination of all hard questions1 from the ,priests and ,judges of ,israel for the time being4 ,but this is to bee understood of the ,jews that were yet unconverted4 ,for the ,conversion of the ,gentiles1 there was no use of alledging the ,scriptures1 which they beleeved not4 ,the ,apostles therefore laboured by ,reason to confute their ,idolatry2 and that done1 to perswade them to the faith of ,christ1 by their testimony of his ,life1 and ,resurrection4 ,so that there could not yet bee any controversie concerning the authority to ,interpret ,scripture2 seeing no man was obliged during his infidelity1 to follow any mans ,interpretation of any ,scripture1 except his ,soveraigns ,interpretation of the ,laws of his countrey4 ,let us now consider the ,conversion it self1 and see what there was therein1 that could be cause of such an obligation4 ,men were converted to no other thing then to the ,beleef of that which the ,apostles preached3 ,and the ,apostles preached nothing1 but that ,jesus was the ,christ1 that is to say1 the ,king that was to save them1 and reign over them eternally in the world to come2 and consequently that hee was not dead1 but risen again from the dead1 and gone up into ,heaven1 and should come again one day to judg the world1 7which also should rise again to be judged17 and reward every man according to his works4 ,none of them preached that himselfe1 or any other ,apostle was such an ,interpreter of the ,scripture1 as all that became ,christians1 ought to take their ,interpretation for ,law4 ,for to ,interpret the ,laws1 is part of the ,administration of a present ,kingdome2 which the ,apostles had not4 ,they prayed then1 and all other ,pastors ever since1 ,let thy ,kingdome come2 and exhorted their ,converts to obey their then ,ethnique ,princes4 ,the ,new ,testament was not yet published in one ,body4 ,every of the ,evangelists was ,interpreter of his own ,gospel2 and every ,apostle of his own ,epistle2 ,and of the ,old ,testament1 our ,saviour himselfe saith to the ,jews 7,john #e4 #ci47 ,search the ,scriptures2 for in them yee thinke to have eternall life1 and they are they that testifie of me4 ,if hee had not meant they should ,interpret them1 hee would not have bidden them take thence the proof of his being the ,christ2 he would either have ,interpreted them himselfe1 or referred them to the ,interpretation of the ,priests4 ,when a difficulty arose1 the ,apostles and ,elders of the ,church assembled themselves together1 and determined what should bee preached1 and taught1 and how they should ,interpret the ,scriptures to the ,people2 but took not from the ,people the liberty to read1 and ,interpret them to themselves4 ,the ,apostles sent divers ,letters to the ,churches1 and other ,writings for their instruction2 which had been in vain1 if they had not allowed them to ,interpret1 that is1 to consider the meaning of them4 ,and as it was in the ,apostles time1 it must be till such time as there should be ,pastors1 that could authorise an ,interpreter1 whose ,interpretation should generally be stood to3 ,but that could not be till ,kings were ,pastors1 or ,pastors ,kings4 ,of ,the ,power ,to ,make ,scripture ,law ,there be two senses1 wherein a ,writing may be said to be ,canonicall2 for ,canon1 signifieth a ,rule2 and a ,rule is a ,precept1 by which a man is guided1 and directed in any action whatsoever4 ,such ,precepts1 though given by a ,teacher to his ,disciple1 or a ,counsellor to his friend1 without power to ,compell him to observe them1 are neverthelesse ,canons2 because they are ,rules3 ,but when they are given by one1 whom he that receiveth them is bound to obey1 then are those ,canons1 not onely ,rules1 but ,laws3 ,the question therefore here1 is of the ,power to make the ,scriptures 7which are the ,rules of ,christian ,faith7 ,laws4 ,of ,the ,ten ,commandements ,that part of the ,scripture1 which was first ,law1 was the ,ten ,commandements1 written in two ,tables of ,stone1 and delivered by ,god himselfe to ,moses2 and by ,moses made known to the people4 ,before that time there was no written ,law of ,god1 who as yet having not chosen any people to bee his peculiar ,kingdome1 had given no ,law to men1 but the ,law of ,nature1 that is to say1 the ,precepts of ,naturall ,reason1 written in every mans own heart4 ,of these two ,tables1 the first containeth the law of ,soveraignty2 #a4 ,that they should not obey1 nor honour the ,gods of other ,nations1 in these words1 ,non habebis ,deos alienos coram me1 that is1 ,thou shalt not have for ,gods1 the ,gods that other ,nations worship2 but onely me3 whereby they were forbidden to obey1 or honor1 as their ,king and ,governour1 any other ,god1 than him that spake unto them then by ,moses1 and afterwards by the ,high ,priest4 #b4 ,that they should not make any ,image to represent him2 that is to say1 they were not to choose to themselves1 neither in heaven1 nor in earth1 any ,representative of their own fancying1 but obey ,moses and ,aaron1 whom he had appointed to that office4 #c4 ,that they should not take the ,name of ,god in vain2 that is1 they should not speak rashly of their ,king1 nor dispute his ,right1 nor the commissions of ,moses and ,aaron1 his ,lieutenants4 #d4 ,that they should every ,seventh day abstain from their ordinary labour1 and employ that time in doing him ,publique ,honor4 ,the second ,table containeth the ,duty of one man towards another1 as ,to honor ,parents2 ,not to kill2 ,not to ,commit ,adultery2 ,not to steale2 ,not to corrupt ,judgment by false witnesse2 and finally1 ,not so much as to designe in their heart the doing of any injury one to another4 ,the question now is1 ,who it was that gave to these written ,tables the obligatory force of ,lawes4 ,there is no doubt but that they were made ,laws by ,god himselfe3 ,but because a ,law obliges not1 nor is ,law to any1 but to them that acknowledge it to be the act of the ,soveraign1 how could the people of ,israel that were forbidden to approach the ,mountain to hear what ,god said to ,moses1 be obliged to obedience to all those laws which ,moses propounded to them8 ,some of them were indeed the ,laws of ,nature1 as all the ,second ,table2 and therefore to be acknowledged for ,gods ,laws2 not to the ,israelites alone1 but to all people3 ,but of those that were peculiar to the ,israelites1 as those of the first ,table1 the question remains2 saving that they had obliged themselves1 presently after the propounding of them1 to obey ,moses1 in these words 7,exod4 #bj4ai47 ,speak them thou to us1 and we will hear thee2 but let not ,god speak to us1 lest we die4 ,it was therefore onely ,moses then1 and after him the ,high ,priest1 whom 7by ,moses7 ,god declared should administer this his peculiar ,kingdome1 that had on ,earth1 the power to make this short ,scripture of the ,decalogue to bee ,law in the ,common-wealth of ,israel4 ,but ,moses1 and ,aaron1 and the succeeding ,high ,priests were the ,civill ,soveraigns4 ,therefore hitherto1 the ,canonizing1 or making of the ,scripture ,law1 belonged to the ,civill ,soveraigne4 ,of ,the ,judicial1 ,and ,leviticall ,law ,the ,judiciall ,law1 that is to say1 the ,laws that ,god prescribed to the ,magistrates of ,israel1 for the rule of their administration of ,justice1 and of the ,sentences1 or ,judgments they should pronounce1 in ,pleas between man and man2 and the ,leviticall ,law1 that is to say1 the rule that ,god prescribed touching the ,rites and ,ceremonies of the ,priests and ,levites1 were all delivered to them by ,moses onely2 and therefore also became ,lawes1 by vertue of the same promise of obedience to ,moses4 ,whether these laws were then written1 or not written1 but dictated to the ,people by ,moses 7after his forty dayes being with ,god in the ,mount7 by word of mouth1 is not expressed in the ,text2 but they were all positive ,laws1 and equivalent to holy ,scripture1 and made ,canonicall by ,moses the ,civill ,soveraign4 ,the ,second ,law ,after the ,israelites were come into the ,plains of ,moab over against ,jericho1 and ready to enter into the land of ,promise1 ,moses to the former ,laws added divers others2 which therefore are called ,deuteronomy3 that is1 ,second ,laws4 ,and are 7as it is written1 ,deut4 #bi4a47 ,the words of a ,covenant which the ,lord commanded ,moses to make with the ,children of ,israel1 besides the ,covenant which he made with them in ,horeb4 ,for having explained those former ,laws1 in the beginning of the ,book of ,deuteronomy1 he addeth others1 that begin at the #ab4 ,cha4 and continue to the end of the #bf4 of the same ,book4 ,this ,law 7,deut4 #bg4a47 they were commanded to write upon great stones playstered over1 at their passing over ,jordan3 ,this ,law also was written by ,moses himself in a ,book2 and delivered into the hands of the ,priests1 and to the ,elders of ,israel1 7,deut4 #ca4i47 and commanded 7ve4 #bf47 to be put in the side of the ,arke2 for in the ,ark it selfe was nothing but the ,ten ,commandements4 ,this was the ,law1 which ,moses 7,deuteronomy #ag4ah47 commanded the ,kings of ,israel should keep a copie of3 ,and this is the ,law1 which having been long time lost1 was found again in the ,temple in the time of ,josiah1 and by his authority received for the ,law of ,god4 ,but both ,moses at the writing1 and ,josiah at the recovery thereof1 had both of them the ,civill ,soveraignty4 ,hitherto therefore the ,power of making ,scripture ,canonicall1 was in the ,civill ,soveraign4 ,besides this ,book of the ,law1 there was no other ,book1 from the time of ,moses1 till after the ,captivity1 received amongst the ,jews for the ,law of ,god4 ,for the ,prophets 7except a few7 lived in the time of the ,captivity it selfe2 and the rest lived but a little before it2 and were so far from having their ,prophecies generally received for ,laws1 as that their persons were persecuted1 partly by false ,prophets1 and partly by the ,kings which were seduced by them4 ,and this ,book it self1 which was confirmed by ,josiah for the ,law of ,god1 and with it all the ,history of the ,works of ,god1 was lost in the ,captivity1 and sack of the ,city of ,jerusalem1 as appears by that of #b ,esdras #ad4ba4 ,thy ,law is burnt2 therefor no man knoweth the things that are done of thee1 of the works that shall begin4 ,and before the ,captivity1 between the time when the ,law was lost1 7which is not mentioned in the ,scripture1 but may probably be thought to be the time of ,rehoboam1 when ,shishak ,king of ,egypt took the spoils of the ,temple17#a ,kings #ad4bf477 and the time of ,josiah1 when it was found againe1 they had no written ,word of ,god1 but ruled according to their own discretion1 or by the direction of such1 as each of them esteemed ,prophets4 ,the ,old ,testament1 ,when ,made ,canonicall ,from whence we may inferre1 that the ,scriptures of the ,old ,testament1 which we have at this day1 were not ,canonicall1 nor a ,law unto the ,jews1 till the renovation of their ,covenant with ,god at their return from the ,captivity1 and restauration of their ,common-wealth under ,esdras4 ,but from that time forward they were accounted the ,law of the ,jews1 and for such translated into ,greek by ,seventy ,elders of ,judaea1 and put into the ,library of ,ptolemy at ,alexandria1 and approved for the ,word of ,god4 ,now seeing ,esdras was the ,high ,priest1 and the ,high ,priest was their ,civill ,soveraigne1 it is manifest1 that the ,scriptures were never made ,laws1 but by the ,soveraign ,civill ,power4 ,the ,new ,testament ,began ,to ,be ,canonicall ,under ,christian ,soveraigns ,by the ,writings of the ,fathers that lived in the time before that ,christian ,religion was received1 and authorised by ,constantine the ,emperour1 we may find1 that the ,books wee now have of the ,new ,testament1 were held by the ,christians of that time 7except a few1 in respect of whose paucity the rest were called the ,catholique ,church1 and others ,haeretiques7 for the dictates of the ,holy ,ghost2 and consequently for the ,canon1 or ,rule of ,faith3 such was the reverence and opinion they had of their ,teachers2 as generally the reverence that the ,disciples bear to their first ,masters1 in all manner of doctrine they receive from them1 is not small4 ,therefore there is no doubt1 but when ,s4 ,paul wrote to the ,churches he had converted2 or any other ,apostle1 or ,disciple of ,christ1 to those which had then embraced ,christ1 they received those their ,writings for the true ,christian ,doctrine4 ,but in that time1 when not the ,power and ,authority of the ,teacher1 but the ,faith of the ,hearer caused them to receive it1 it was not the ,apostles that made their own ,writings ,canonicall1 but every ,convert made them so to himself4 ,but the question here1 is not what any ,christian made a ,law1 or ,canon to himself1 7which he might again reject1 by the same right he received it27 but what was so made a ,canon to them1 as without injustice they could not doe any thing contrary thereunto4 ,that the ,new ,testament should in this sense be ,canonicall1 that is to say1 a ,law in any place where the ,law of the ,common-wealth had not made it so1 is contrary to the nature of a ,law4 ,for a ,law1 7as hath been already shewn7 is the ,commandement of that ,man1 or ,assembly1 to whom we have given ,soveraign ,authority1 to make such ,rules for the direction of our actions1 as hee shall think fit2 and to punish us1 when we doe any thing contrary to the same4 ,when therefore any other man shall offer unto us any other ,rules1 which the ,soveraign ,ruler hath not prescribed1 they are but ,counsell1 and ,advice2 which1 whether good1 or bad1 hee that is counselled1 may without injustice refuse to observe1 and when contrary to the ,laws already established1 without injustice cannot observe1 how good soever he conceiveth it to be4 ,i say1 he cannot in this case observe the same in his actions1 nor in his discourse with other men2 though he may without blame beleeve the his private ,teachers1 and wish he had the liberty to practise their advice2 and that it were publiquely received for ,law4 ,for internall faith is in its own nature invisible1 and consequently exempted from all humane jurisdiction2 whereas the words1 and actions that proceed from it1 as breaches of our ,civil obedience1 are injustice both before ,god and ,man4 ,seeing then our ,saviour hath denyed his ,kingdome to be in this world1 seeing he hath said1 he came not to judge1 but to save the world1 he hath not subjected us to other ,laws than those of the ,common-wealth2 that is1 the ,jews to the ,law of ,moses1 7which he saith 7,mat4 #e47 he came not to destroy1 but to fulfill17 and other ,nations to the ,laws of their severall ,soveraigns1 and all men to the ,laws of ,nature2 the observing whereof1 both he himselfe1 and his ,apostles have in their teaching recommended to us1 as a necessary condition of being admitted by him in the last day into his eternall ,kingdome1 wherein shall be ,protection1 and ,life everlasting4 ,seeing then our ,saviour1 and his ,apostles1 left not new ,laws to oblige us in this world1 but new ,doctrine to prepare us for the next2 the ,books of the ,new ,testament1 which containe that ,doctrine1 untill obedience to them was commanded1 by them that ,god hath given power to on earth to be ,legislators1 were not obligatory ,canons1 that is1 ,laws1 but onely good1 and safe advice1 for the direction of sinners in the way to salvation1 which every man might take1 and refuse at his owne perill1 without injustice4 ,again1 our ,saviour ,christs ,commission to his ,apostles1 and ,disciples1 was to ,proclaim his ,kingdome 7not present1 but7 to come2 and to ,teach all ,nations2 and to ,baptize them that should beleeve2 and to enter into the houses of them that should receive them2 and where they were not received1 to shake off the dust of their feet against them2 but not to call for fire from heaven to destroy them1 nor to compell them to obedience by the ,sword4 ,in all which there is nothing of ,power1 but of ,perswasion4 ,he sent them out as ,sheep unto ,wolves1 not as ,kings to their ,subjects4 ,they had not in ,commission to make ,laws2 but to obey1 and teach obedience to ,laws made2 and consequently they could not make their ,writings obligatory ,canons1 without the help of the ,soveraign ,civill ,power4 ,and therefore the ,scripture of the ,new ,testament is there only ,law1 where the lawfull ,civill ,power hath made it so4 ,and there also the ,king1 or ,soveraign1 maketh it a ,law to himself2 by which he subjecteth himselfe1 not to the ,doctor1 or ,apostle1 that converted him1 but to ,god himself1 and his ,son ,jesus ,christ1 as immediately as did the ,apostles themselves4 ,of ,the ,power ,of ,councells ,to ,make ,the ,scripture ,law ,that which may seem to give the ,new ,testament1 in respect of those that have embraced ,christian ,doctrine1 the force of ,laws1 in the times1 and places of persecution1 is the decrees they made amongst themselves in their ,synods4 ,for we read 7,acts #ae4bh47 the stile of the ,councell of the ,apostles1 the ,elders1 and the whole ,church1 in this manner1 ,it seemed good to the ,holy ,ghost1 and to us1 to lay upon you no greater burthen than these necessary things1 ,c4 which is a stile that signifieth a ,power to lay a burthen on them that had received their ,doctrine4 ,now to lay a burthen on another1 seemeth the same that to oblige2 and therefore the ,acts of that ,councell were ,laws to the then ,christians4 ,neverthelesse1 they were no more ,laws than are these other ,precepts1 ,repent1 ,be ,baptized2 ,keep the ,commandements2 ,beleeve the ,gospel2 ,come unto me2 ,sell all that thou hast2 ,give it to the poor2 and ,follow me2 which are not ,commands1 but ,invitations1 and ,callings of men to ,christianity1 like that of ,esay #ee4a4 ,ho1 every man that thirsteth1 come yee to the waters1 come1 and buy wine and milke without money4 ,for first1 the ,apostles power was no other than that of our ,saviour1 to invite men to embrace the ,kingdome of ,god2 which they themselves acknowledged for a ,kingdome 7not present1 but7 to come2 and they that have no ,kingdome1 can make no ,laws4 ,and secondly1 if their ,acts of ,councell1 were ,laws1 they could not without sin be disobeyed4 ,but we read not any where1 that they who received not the ,doctrine of ,christ1 did therein sin2 but that they died in their sins2 that is1 that their sins against the ,laws to which they owed obedience1 were not pardoned4 ,and those ,laws were the ,laws of ,nature1 and the ,civill ,laws of the ,state1 whereto every ,christian man had by pact submitted himself4 ,and therefore by the ,burthen1 which the ,apostles might lay on such as they had converted1 are not to be understood ,laws1 but ,conditions1 proposed to those that sought ,salvation2 which they might accept1 or refuse at their own perill1 without a new sin1 though not without the hazard of being condemned1 and excluded out of the ,kingdome of ,god for their sins past4 ,and therefore of ,infidels1 ,s4 ,john saith not1 the wrath of ,god shall come upon them1 but the wrath of ,god remaineth upon them2 and not that they shall be condemned2 but that they are condemned already47,john #c4cf1 #c4ah7 ,nor can it be conceived1 that the benefit of ,faith1 is ,remission of sins unlesse we conceive withall1 that the dammage of ,infidelity1 is the ,retention of the same sins4 ,but to what end is it 7may some man aske71 that the ,apostles1 and other ,pastors of the ,church1 after their time1 should meet together1 to agree upon what ,doctrine should be taught1 both for ,faith and ,manners1 if no man were obliged to observe their ,decrees8 ,to this may be answered1 that the ,apostles1 and ,elders of that ,councell1 were obliged even by their entrance into it1 to teach the ,doctrine therein concluded1 and decreed to be taught1 so far forth1 as no precedent ,law1 to which they were obliged to yeeld obedience1 was to the contrary2 but not that all other ,christians should be obliged to observe1 what they taught4 ,for though they might deliberate what each of them should teach2 yet they could not deliberate what others should do1 unless their ,assembly had had a ,legislative ,power2 which none could have but ,civill ,soveraigns4 ,for though ,god be the ,soveraign of all the world1 we are not bound to take for his ,law1 whatsoever is propounded by every man in his name2 nor any thing contrary to the ,civill ,law1 which ,god hath expressely commanded us to obey4 ,seeing then the ,acts of ,councell of the ,apostles1 were then no ,laws1 but ,councells2 much lesse are ,laws the ,acts of any other ,doctors1 or ,councells since1 if assembled without the ,authority of the ,civill ,soveraign4 ,and consequently1 the ,books of the ,new ,testament1 though most perfect ,rules of ,christian ,doctrine1 could not be made ,laws by any other authority then that of ,kings1 or ,soveraign ,assemblies4 ,the first ,councell1 that made the ,scriptures we now have1 ,canon1 is not extant3 ,for that ,collection the first ,bishop of ,rome after ,s4 ,peter1 is subject to question3 ,for though the ,canonicall books bee there reckoned up2 yet these words1 ,sint vobis omnibus ,clericis ,laicis ,libris venerandi1 c4 containe a distinction of ,clergy1 and ,laity1 that was not in use so neer ,st4 ,peters time4 ,the first ,councell for setling the ,canonicall ,scripture1 that is extant1 is that of ,laodicea1 ,can4 #ei4 which forbids the reading of other ,books then those in the ,churches2 which is a ,mandate that is not addressed to every ,christian1 but to those onely that had authority to read any publiquely in the ,church2 that is1 to ,ecclesiastiques onely4 ,of ,the ,right ,of ,constituting ,ecclesiasticall ,officers ,in ,the ,time ,of ,the ,apostles ,of ,ecclesiastical ,officers in the time of the ,apostles1 some were ,magisteriall1 some ,ministeriall4 ,magisteriall were the ,offices of preaching of the ,gospel of the ,kingdom of ,god to ,infidels2 of administring the ,sacraments1 and ,divine ,service2 and of teaching the ,rules of ,faith and ,manners to those that were converted4 ,ministeriall was the ,office of ,deacons1 that is1 of them that were appointed to the administration of the secular necessities of the ,church1 at such time as they lived upon a common stock of mony1 raised out of the voluntary contributions of the faithfull4 ,amongst the ,officers ,magisteriall1 the first1 and principall were the ,apostles2 whereof there were at first but twelve2 and these were chosen and constituted by our ,saviour himselfe2 and their ,office was not onely to ,preach1 ,teach1 and ,baptize1 but also to be ,martyrs1 7,witnesses of our ,saviours ,resurrection47 ,this ,testimony1 was the specificall1 and essentiall mark2 whereby the ,apostleship was distinguished from other ,magistracy ,ecclesiasticall2 as being necessary for an ,apostle1 either to have seen our ,saviour after his ,resurrection1 or to have conversed with him before1 and seen his works1 and other arguments of his ,divinity1 whereby they might be taken for sufficient ,witnesses4 ,and therefore at the election of a new ,apostle in the place of ,judas ,iscariot1 ,s4 ,peter saith 7,acts #a4ba1bb47 ,of these men that have companyed with us1 all the time that the ,lord ,jesus went in and out among us1 beginning from the ,baptisme of ,john unto that same day that he was taken up from us1 must one be ordained to be a ,witnesse with us of his ,resurrection3 where1 by this word ,must1 is implyed a necessary property of an ,apostle1 to have companyed with the first and prime ,apostles in the time that our ,saviour manifested himself in the flesh4 ,matthias ,made ,apostle ,by ,the ,congregation4 ,the first ,apostle1 of those which were not constituted by ,christ in the time he was upon the ,earth1 was ,matthias1 chosen in this manner3 ,there were assembled together in ,jerusalem about #abj ,christians 7,acts #a4ae47 ,these appointed two1 ,joseph the ,just1 and ,matthias 7ver4 #bc47 and caused lots to be drawn2 and 7ver4 #bf47 the ,lot fell on ,matthias and he was numbred with the ,apostles4 ,so that here we see the ordination of this ,apostle1 was the act of the ,congregation1 and not of ,st4 ,peter1 nor of the eleven1 otherwise then as ,members of the ,assembly4 ,paul ,and ,barnabas ,made ,apostles ,by ,the ,church ,of ,antioch ,after him there was never any other ,apostle ordained1 but ,paul and ,barnabas1 which was done 7as we read ,acts #ac4a1b1c47 in this manner4 ,there were in the ,church that was at ,antioch1 certaine ,prophets1 and ,teachers2 as ,barnabas1 and ,simeon that was called ,niger1 and ,lucius of ,cyrene1 and ,manaen2 which had been brought up with ,herod the ,tetrarch1 and ,saul4 ,as they ministred unto the ,lord1 and fasted1 the ,holy ,ghost said1 #8,separate mee ,barnabas1 and ,saul for the worke whereunto ,i have called them4' ,and when they had fasted1 and prayed1 and laid their hands on them1 they sent them away4 ,by which it is manifest1 that though they were called by the ,holy ,ghost1 their ,calling was declared unto them1 and their ,mission authorized by the particular ,church of ,antioch4 ,and that this their calling was to the ,apostleship1 is apparent by that1 that they are both called 7,acts #ad4ad47 ,apostles3 ,and that it was by vertue of this act of the ,church of ,antioch1 that they were ,apostles1 ,s4 ,paul declareth plainly 7,rom4 #a4a47 in that hee useth the word1 which the ,holy ,ghost used at his calling3 ,for he stileth himself1 ,an ,apostle separated unto the ,gospel of ,god2 alluding to the words of the ,holy ,ghost1 ,separate me ,barnabas and ,saul1 c4 ,but seeing the work of an ,apostle1 was to be a ,witnesse of the ,resurrection of ,christ1 and man may here aske1 how ,s4 ,paul that conversed not with our ,saviour before his passion1 could know he was risen4 ,to which it is easily answered1 that our ,saviour himself appeared to him in the way to ,damascus1 from ,heaven1 after his ,ascension2 and chose him for a vessell to bear his name before the ,gentiles1 and ,kings1 and ,children of ,israel2 and consequently 7having seen the ,lord after his passion7 was a competent ,witnesse of his ,resurrection3 ,and as for ,barnabas1 he was a ,disciple before the ,passion4 ,it is therefore evident that ,paul1 and ,barnabas were ,apostles2 and yet chosen1 and authorized 7not by the first ,apostles alone1 but7 by the ,church of ,antioch2 as ,matthias was chosen1 and authorized by the ,church of ,jerusalem4 ,what ,offices ,in ,the ,church ,are ,magisteriall ,bishop1 a word formed in our language1 out of the ,greek ,episcopus1 signifieth an overseer1 or ,superintendent of any businesse1 and particularly a ,pastor or ,shepherd2 and thence by metaphor was taken1 not only amongst the ,jews that were originally ,shepherds1 but also amongst the ,heathen1 to signifie the ,office of a ,king1 or any other ,ruler1 or ,guide of ,people1 whether he ruled by ,laws1 or ,doctrine4 ,and so the ,apostles were the first ,christian ,bishops1 instituted by ,christ himselfe3 in which sense the ,apostleship of ,judas is called 7,acts #a4bj47 his ,bishoprick4 ,and afterwards1 when there were constituted ,elders in the ,christian ,churches1 with charge to guide ,christs flock by their doctrine1 and advice2 these ,elders were also called ,bishops4 ,timothy was an ,elder 7which word ,elder1 in the ,new ,testament is a name of ,office1 as well as of ,age27 yet he was also a ,bishop4 ,and ,bishops were then content with the ,title of ,elders4 ,nay ,s4 ,john himselfe1 the ,apostle beloved of our ,lord1 beginneth his ,second ,epistle with these words1 ,the ,elder to the ,elect ,lady4 ,by which it is evident1 that ,bishop1 ,pastor1 ,elder1 ,doctor1 that is to say1 ,teacher1 were but so many divers names of the same ,office in the time of the ,apostles4 ,for there was then no government by ,coercion1 but only by ,doctrine1 and ,perswading4 ,the ,kingdome of ,god was yet to come1 in a new world2 so that there could be no authority to compell in any ,church1 till the ,common-wealth had embraced the ,christian ,faith2 and consequently no diversity of ,authority1 though there were diversity of ,employments4 ,besides these ,magisteriall employments in the ,church1 namely ,apostles1 ,bishops1 ,elders1 ,pastors1 and ,doctors1 whose calling was to proclaim ,christ to the ,jews1 and ,infidels1 and to direct1 and teach those that beleeved we read in the ,new ,testament of no other4 ,for by the names of ,evangelists and ,prophets1 is not signified any ,office1 but severall ,gifts1 by which severall men were profitable to the ,church3 as ,evangelists1 by writing the life and acts of our ,saviour2 such as were ,s4 ,matthew and ,s4 ,john ,apostles1 and ,s4 ,marke and ,s4 ,luke ,disciples1 and whosoever else wrote of that subject1 7as ,s4 ,thomas1 and ,s4 ,barnabas are said to have done1 though the ,church have not received the ,books that have gone under their names37 and as ,prophets1 by the gift of interpreting the ,old ,testament2 and sometimes by declaring their speciall ,revelations to the ,church4 ,for neither these gifts1 nor the gifts of ,languages1 nor the gift of ,casting out ,devils1 or of ,curing other diseases1 nor any thing else did make an ,officer in the ,church1 save onely the due calling and election to the charge of ,teaching4 ,ordination ,of ,teachers ,as the ,apostles1 ,matthias1 ,paul1 and ,barnabas1 were not made by our ,saviour himself1 but were elected by the ,church1 that is1 by the ,assembly of ,christians2 namely1 ,matthias by the ,church of ,jerusalem1 and ,paul1 and ,barnabas by the ,church of ,antioch2 so were also the ,presbyters1 and ,pastors in other ,cities1 elected by the ,churches of those ,cities4 ,for proof whereof1 let us consider1 first1 how ,s4 ,paul proceeded in the ,ordination of ,presbyters1 in the ,cities where he had converted men to the ,christian ,faith1 immediately after he and ,barnabas had received their ,apostleship4 ,we read 7,acts #ad4bc47 that they ordained ,elders in every ,church2 which at first sight may be taken for an ,argument1 that they themselves chose1 and gave them their authority3 ,but if we consider the ,originall text1 it will be manifest1 that they were authorized1 and chosen by the ,assembly of the ,christians of each ,city4 ,for the words there are1 cheirotonesantes autoispresbuterous kat ekklesian1 that is1 ,when they had ,ordained them ,elders by the ,holding up of ,hands in every ,congregation4 ,now it is well enough known1 that in all those ,cities1 the manner of choosing ,magistrates1 and ,officers1 was by plurality of suffrages2 and 7because the ordinary way of distinguishing the ,affirmative ,votes from the ,negatives1 was by ,holding up of ,hands7 to ordain an ,officer in any of the ,cities1 was no more but to bring the people together1 to elect them by plurality of ,votes1 whether it were by plurality of elevated hands1 or by plurality of voices1 or plurality of balls1 or beans1 or small stones1 of which every man cast in one1 into a vessell marked for the ,affirmative1 or ,negative2 for divers ,cities had divers customes in that point4 ,it was therefore the ,assembly that elected their own ,elders3 the ,apostles were onely ,presidents of the ,assembly to call them together for such ,election1 and to pronounce them ,elected1 and to give them the benediction1 which now is called ,consecration4 ,and for this cause they that were ,presidents of the ,assemblies1 as 7in the absence of the ,apostles7 the ,elders were1 were called proestotes1 and in ,latin ,antistities2 which words signifie the ,principall ,person of the ,assembly1 whose office was to number the ,votes1 and to declare thereby who was chosen2 and where the ,votes were equall1 to decide the matter in question1 by adding his own2 which is the ,office of a ,president in ,councell4 ,and 7because all the ,churches had their ,presbyters ordained in the same manner17 where the word is ,constitute1 7as ,titus #a4e47 ina katasteses kata polin presbuterous1 ,for this cause left ,i thee in ,crete1 that thou shouldest constitute ,elders in every ,city1 we are to understand the same thing2 namely1 that hee should call the faithfull together1 and ordain them ,presbyters by plurality of suffrages4 ,it had been a strange thing1 if in a ,town1 where men perhaps had never seen any ,magistrate otherwise chosen then by an ,assembly1 those of the ,town becomming ,christians1 should so much as have thought on any other way of ,election of their ,teachers1 and ,guides1 that is to say1 of their ,presbyters1 7otherwise called ,bishops17 then this of plurality of suffrages1 intimated by ,s4 ,paul 7,acts #ad4bc47 in the word ,cheirotonesantes3 ,nor was there ever any choosing of ,bishops1 7before the ,emperors found it necessary to regulate them in order to the keeping of the peace amongst them17 but by the ,assemblies of the ,christians in every severall ,town4 ,the same is also confirmed by the continuall practise even to this day1 in the ,election of the ,bishops of ,rome4 ,for if the ,bishop of any place1 had the right of choosing another1 to the succession of the ,pastorall ,office1 in any ,city1 at such time as he went from thence1 to plant the same in another place2 much more had he had the ,right1 to appoint his successour in that place1 in which he last resided and dyed3 ,and we find not1 that ever any ,bishop of ,rome appointed his successor4 ,for they were a long time chosen by the ,people1 as we may see by the sedition raised about the ,election1 between ,damascus1 and ,ursinicus2 which ,ammianus ,marcellinus saith was so great1 that ,juventius the ,praefect1 unable to keep the peace between them1 was forced to goe out of the ,city2 and that there were above an hundred men found dead upon that occasion in the ,church it self4 ,and though they afterwards were chosen1 first1 by the whole ,clergy of ,rome1 and afterwards by the ,cardinalls2 yet never any was appointed to the succession by his predecessor4 ,if therefore they pretended no right to appoint their successors1 ,i think ,i may reasonably conclude1 they had no right to appoint the new power2 which none could take from the ,church to bestow on them1 but such as had a lawfull authority1 not onely to ,teach1 but to ,command the ,church2 which none could doe1 but the ,civill ,soveraign4 ,ministers ,of ,the ,church ,what ,the word ,minister in the ,originall ,diakonos signifieth one that voluntarily doth the businesse of another man2 and differeth from a ,servant onely in this1 that ,servants are obliged by their condition1 to what is commanded them2 whereas ,ministers are obliged onely by their undertaking1 and bound therefore to no more than that they have undertaken3 ,so that both they that teach the ,word of ,god1 and they that administer the secular affairs of the ,church1 are both ,ministers1 but they are ,ministers of different ,persons4 ,for the ,pastors of the ,church1 called 7,acts #f4d47 ,the ,ministers of the ,word1 are ,ministers of ,christ1 whose ,word it is3 ,but the ,ministery of a ,deacon1 which is called 7verse #b4 of the same ,chapter7 ,serving of ,tables1 is a service done to the ,church1 or ,congregation3 ,so that neither any one man1 nor the whole ,church1 could ever of their ,pastor say1 he was their ,minister2 but of a ,deacon1 whether the charge he undertook were to serve tables1 or distribute maintenance to the ,christians1 when they lived in each ,city on a common stock1 or upon collections1 as in the first times1 or to take a care of the ,house of ,prayer1 or of the ,revenue1 or other worldly businesse of the ,church1 the whole ,congregation might properly call him their ,minister4 ,for their employment1 as ,deacons1 was to serve the ,congregation2 though upon occasion they omitted not to preach the ,gospel1 and maintain the ,doctrine of ,christ1 every one according to his gifts1 as ,s4 ,steven did2 and both to ,preach1 and ,baptize1 as ,philip did3 ,for that ,philip1 which 7,act4 #h4 #e47 ,preached the ,gospel at ,samaria1 and 7verse #ch47 ,baptized the ,eunuch1 was ,philip the ,deacon1 not ,philip the ,apostle4 ,for it is manifest 7verse #a47 that when ,philip preached in ,samaria1 the ,apostles were at ,jerusalem1 and 7verse #ad47 ,when they heard that ,samaria had received the ,word of ,god1 sent ,peter and ,john to them2 by imposition of whose hands1 they that were ,baptized 7verse #ae47 received 7which before by the ,baptisme of ,philip they had not received7 the ,holy ,ghost4 ,for it was necessary for the conferring of the ,holy ,ghost1 that their ,baptisme should be administred1 or confirmed by a ,minister of the ,word1 not by a ,minister of the ,church4 ,and therefore to confirm the ,baptisme of those that ,philip the ,deacon had ,baptized1 the ,apostles sent out of their own number from ,jerusalem to ,samaria1 ,peter1 and ,john2 who conferred on them that before were but ,baptized1 those graces that were signs of the ,holy ,spirit1 which at that time did accompany all true ,beleevers2 which what they were may be understood by that which ,s4 ,marke saith 7chap4 #af4ag47 ,these signs follow them that beleeve in my ,name2 they shall cast out ,devills2 they shall speak with new tongues2 ,they shall take up ,serpents1 and if they drink any deadly thing1 it shall not hurt them2 ,they shall lay hands on the sick1 and they shall recover4 ,this to doe1 was it that ,philip could not give2 but the ,apostles could1 and 7as appears by this place7 effectually did to every man that truly beleeved1 and was by a ,minister of ,christ himself ,baptized3 which power either ,christs ,ministers in this age cannot conferre1 or else there are very few true ,beleevers1 or ,christ hath very few ,ministers4 ,and ,how ,chosen ,what ,that the first ,deacons were chosen1 not by the ,apostles1 but by a ,congregation of the ,disciples2 that is1 of ,christian men of all sorts1 is manifest out of ,acts #f4 where we read that the ,twelve1 after the number of ,disciples was multiplyed1 called them together1 and having told them1 that it was not fit that the ,apostles should leave the ,word of ,god1 and serve tables1 said unto them 7verse #c47 ,brethren looke you out among you seven men of honest report1 full of the ,holy ,ghost1 and of ,wisdome1 whom we may appoint over this businesse4 ,here it is manifest1 that though the ,apostles declared them elected2 yet the ,congregation chose them2 which also1 7verse the fift7 is more expressely said1 where it is written1 that the saying pleased the multitude1 and they chose seven1 c4 ,of ,ecclesiasticall ,revenue1 ,under ,the ,law ,of ,moses ,under the ,old ,testament1 the ,tribe of ,levi were onely capable of the ,priesthood1 and other inferiour ,offices of the ,church4 ,the land was divided amongst the other ,tribes 7,levi excepted17 which by the subdivision of the ,tribe of ,joseph1 into ,ephraim and ,manasses1 were still twelve4 ,to the ,tribe of ,levi were assigned certain ,cities for their habitation1 with the suburbs for their cattell3 but for their portion1 they were to have the tenth of the fruits of the land of their ,brethren4 ,again1 the ,priests for their maintenance had the tenth of that tenth1 together with part of the oblations1 and sacrifices4 ,for ,god had said to ,aaron 7,numb4 #ah4 #bj47 ,thou shalt have no inheritance in their land1 neither shalt thou have any part amongst them1 ,i am thy part1 and thine inheritance amongst the ,children of ,israel4 ,for ,god being then ,king1 and having constituted the ,tribe of ,levi to be his ,publique ,ministers1 he allowed them for their maintenance1 the ,publique revenue1 that is to say1 the part that ,god had reserved to himself2 which were ,tythes1 and ,offerings3 and that it is which is meant1 where ,god saith1 ,i am thine inheritance4 ,and therefore to the ,levites might not unfitly be attributed the name of ,clergy from ,kleros1 which signifieth ,lot1 or ,inheritance2 not that they were heirs of the ,kingdome of ,god1 more than other2 but that ,gods inheritance1 was their maintenance4 ,now seeing in this time ,god himself was their ,king1 and ,moses1 ,aaron1 and the succeeding ,high ,priests were his ,lieutenants2 it is manifest1 that the ,right of ,tythes1 and ,offerings was constituted by the ,civill ,power4 ,after their rejection of ,god in the demand of a ,king1 they enjoyed still the same revenue2 but the ,right thereof was derived from that1 that the ,kings did never take it from them3 for the ,publique ,revenue was at the disposing of him that was the ,publique ,person2 and that 7till the ,captivity7 was the ,king4 ,and again1 after the return from the ,captivity1 they paid their ,tythes as before to the ,priest4 ,hitherto therefore ,church ,livings were determined by the ,civill ,soveraign4 ,in ,our ,saviours ,time1 ,and ,after ,of the maintenance of our ,saviour1 and his ,apostles1 we read onely they had a ,purse1 7which was carried by ,judas ,iscariot27 and1 that of the ,apostles1 such as were ,fisher-men1 did sometimes use their trade2 and that when our ,saviour sent the ,twelve ,apostles to ,preach1 he forbad them to carry ,gold1 and ,silver1 and ,brasse in their purses1 for that the workman is worthy of his hire3 7,mat4 #aj4 #i1aj47 ,by which it is probable1 their ordinary maintenance was not unsuitable to their employment2 for their employment was 7ver4 #h47 freely to give1 because they had freely received2 and their maintenance was the ,free ,gift of those that beleeved the good tyding they carryed about of the coming of the ,messiah their ,saviour4 ,to which we may adde1 that which was contributed out of gratitude1 by such as our ,saviour had healed of diseases2 of which are mentioned ,certain women 7,luke #h4 #b1c47 which had been healed of evill spirits and infirmities2 ,mary ,magdalen1 out of whom went seven ,devills2 and ,joanna the wife of ,chuza1 ,herods ,steward2 and ,susanna1 and many others1 which ministred unto him of their substance4 ,after our ,saviours ,ascension1 the ,christians of every ,city lived in ,common1 7,acts #d4 #cd47 upon the mony which was made of the sale of their lands and possessions1 and laid down at the feet of the ,apostles1 of good will1 not of duty2 for whilest the ,land remained 7saith ,s4 ,peter to ,ananias ,acts #e4d47 was it not thine8 and after it was sold1 was it not in thy power8 which sheweth he needed not to have saved his land1 nor his money by lying1 as not being bound to contribute any thing at all1 unlesse he had pleased4 ,and as in the time of the ,apostles1 so also all the time downward1 till after ,constantine the ,great1 we shall find1 that the maintenance of the ,bishops1 and ,pastors of the ,christian ,church1 was nothing but the voluntary contribution of them that had embraced their ,doctrine4 ,there was yet no mention of ,tythes3 but such was in the time of ,constantine1 and his ,sons1 the affection of ,christians to their ,pastors1 as ,ammianus ,marcellinus saith 7describing the sedition of ,damasus and ,ursinicus about the ,bishopricke17 that it was worth their contention1 in that the ,bishops of those times by the liberality of their flock1 and especially of ,matrons1 lived splendidly1 were carryed in ,coaches1 and sumptuous in their fare and apparell4 ,the ,ministers ,of ,the ,gospel ,lived ,on ,the ,benevolence ,of ,their ,flocks ,but here may some ask1 whether the ,pastor were then bound to live upon voluntary contribution1 as upon almes1 ,for who 7saith ,s4 ,paul #a ,cor4 #i4 #g47 goeth to war at his own charges8 or who feedeth a flock1 and eatheth not of the milke of the flock8 ,and again1 7#a ,cor4 #i4 #ac47 ,doe ye not know that they which minister about holy things1 live of the things of the ,temple2 and they which wait at the ,altar1 partake with the ,altar2 that is to say1 have part of that which is offered at the ,altar for their maintenance8 ,and then he concludeth1 ,even so hath the ,lord appointed1 that they which preach the ,gospel should live of the ,gospel4 ,from which place may be inferred indeed1 that the ,pastors of the ,church ought to be maintained by their flocks2 but not that the ,pastors were to determine1 either the quantity1 or the kind of their own allowance1 and be 7as it were7 their own ,carvers4 ,their allowance must needs therefore be determined1 either by the gratitude1 and liberality of every particular man of their flock1 or by the whole ,congregation4 ,by the whole ,congregation it could not be1 because their ,acts were then no ,laws3 ,therefore the maintenance of ,pastors1 before ,emperours and ,civill ,soveraigns had made ,laws to settle it1 was nothing but ,benevolence4 ,they that served at the ,altar lived on what was offered4 ,in what court should they sue for it1 who had no ,tribunalls8 ,or if they had ,arbitrators amongst themselves1 who should execute their ,judgments1 when they had no power to arme their ,officers8 ,it remaineth therefore1 that there could be no certaine maintenance assigned to any ,pastors of the ,church1 but by the whole ,congregation2 and then onely1 when their ,decrees should have the force 7not onely of ,canons1 but also7 of ,laws2 which ,laws could not be made1 but by ,emperours1 ,kings1 or other ,civill ,soveraignes4 ,the ,right of ,tythes in ,moses ,law1 could not be applyed to the then ,ministers of the ,gospell2 because ,moses and the ,high ,priests were the ,civill ,soveraigns of the people under ,god1 whose ,kingdom amongst the ,jews was present2 whereas the ,kingdome of ,god by ,christ is yet to come4 ,hitherto hath been shewn what the ,pastors of the ,church are2 what are the points of their ,commission 7as that they were to ,preach1 to ,teach1 to ,baptize1 to be ,presidents in their severall ,congregations27 what is ,ecclesiasticall ,censure1 viz4 ,excommunication1 that is to say1 in those places where ,christianity was forbidden by the ,civill ,laws1 a putting of themselves out of the company of the ,excommunicate1 and where ,christianity was by the ,civill ,law commanded1 a putting the ,excommunicate out of the ,congregations of ,christians2 who elected the ,pastors and ,ministers of the ,church1 7that it was1 the ,congregation72 who consecrated and blessed them1 7that it was the ,pastor72 what was their due revenue1 7that it was none but their own possessions1 and their own labour1 and the voluntary contributions of devout and gratefull ,christians74 ,we are to consider now1 what ,office those persons have1 who being ,civill ,soveraignes1 have embraced also the ,christian ,faith4 ,the ,civill ,soveraign ,being ,a ,christian ,hath ,the ,right ,of ,appointing ,pastors ,and first1 we are to remember1 that the ,right of ,judging what ,doctrines are fit for ,peace1 and to be taught the ,subjects1 is in all ,common-wealths inseparably annexed 7as hath been already proved cha4 #ah47 to the ,soveraign ,power ,civill1 whether it be in one ,man1 or in one ,assembly of men4 ,for it is evident to the meanest capacity1 that mens actions are derived from the opinions they have of the ,good1 or ,evill1 which from those actions redound unto themselves2 and consequently1 men that are once possessed of an opinion1 that their obedience to the ,soveraign ,power1 will bee more hurtfull to them1 than their disobedience1 will disobey the ,laws1 and thereby overthrow the ,common-wealth1 and introduce confusion1 and ,civill war2 for the avoiding whereof1 all ,civill ,government was ordained4 ,and therefore in all ,common-wealths of the ,heathen1 the ,soveraigns have had the name of ,pastors of the ,people1 because there was no ,subject that could lawfully ,teach the people1 but by their permission and authority4 ,this ,right of the ,heathen ,kings1 cannot bee thought taken from them by their conversion to the ,faith of ,christ2 who never ordained1 that ,kings for beleeving in him1 should be deposed1 that is1 subjected to any but himself1 or 7which is all one7 be deprived of the power necessary for the conservation of ,peace amongst their ,subjects1 and for their defence against foraign ,enemies4 ,and therefore ,christian ,kings are still the ,supreme ,pastors of their people1 and have power to ordain what ,pastors they please1 to teach the ,church1 that is1 to teach the ,people committed to their charge4 ,again1 let the right of choosing them be 7as before the conversion of ,kings7 in the ,church1 for so it was in the time of the ,apostles themselves 7as hath been shewn already in this chapter72 even so also the ,right will be in the ,civill ,soveraign1 ,christian4 ,for in that he is a ,christian1 he allowes the ,teaching2 and in that he is the ,soveraign 7which is as much as to say1 the ,church by ,representation17 the ,teachers hee elects1 are elected by the ,church4 ,and when an ,assembly of ,christians choose their ,pastor in a ,christian ,common-wealth1 it is the ,soveraign that electeth him1 because tis done by his ,authority2 ,in the same manner1 as when a ,town choose their ,maior1 it is the act of him that hath the ,soveraign ,power3 ,for every act done1 is the act of him1 without whose consent it is invalid4 ,and therefore whatsoever examples may be drawn out of ,history1 concerning the ,election of ,pastors1 by the ,people1 or by the ,clergy1 they are no arguments against the ,right of any ,civill ,soveraign1 because they that elected them did it by his ,authority4 ,seeing then in every ,christian ,common-wealth1 the ,civill ,soveraign is the ,supreme ,pastor1 to whose charge the whole flock of his ,subjects is committed1 and consequently that it is by his authority1 that all other ,pastors are made1 and have power to teach1 and performe all other ,pastorall offices2 it followeth also1 that it is from the ,civill ,soveraign1 that all other ,pastors derive their right of ,teaching1 ,preaching1 and other functions pertaining to that ,office2 and that they are but his ,ministers2 in the same manner as the ,magistrates of ,towns1 ,judges in ,courts of ,justice1 and ,commanders of ,armies1 are all but ,ministers of him that is the ,magistrate of the whole ,common-wealth1 ,judge of all ,causes1 and ,commander of the whole ,militia1 which is alwayes the ,civill ,soveraign4 ,and the reason hereof1 is not because they that ,teach1 but because they that are to ,learn1 are his ,subjects4 ,for let it be supposed1 that a ,christian ,king commit the ,authority of ,ordaining ,pastors in his ,dominions to another ,king1 7as divers ,christian ,kings allow that power to the ,pope27 he doth not thereby constitute a ,pastor over himself1 nor a ,soveraign ,pastor over his ,people2 for that were to deprive himself of the ,civill ,power2 which depending on the opinion men have of their ,duty to him1 and the fear they have of ,punishment in another world1 would depend also on the skill1 and loyalty of ,doctors1 who are no lesse subject1 not only to ,ambition1 but also to ,ignorance1 than any other sort of men4 ,so that where a stranger hath authority to appoint ,teachers1 it is given him by the ,soveraign in whose ,dominions he teacheth4 ,christian ,doctors are our ,schoolmasters to ,christianity2 ,but ,kings are ,fathers of ,families1 and may receive ,schoolmasters for their ,subjects from the recommendation of a stranger1 but not from the command2 especially when the ill teaching them shall redound to the great and manifest profit of him that recommends them3 nor can they be obliged to retain them1 longer than it is for the ,publique good2 the care of which they stand so long charged withall1 as they retain any other essentiall ,right of the ,soveraignty4 ,the ,pastorall ,authority ,of ,soveraigns ,only ,is ,de ,jure ,divino1 ,that ,of ,other ,pastors ,is ,jure ,civili ,if a man therefore should ask a ,pastor1 in the execution of his ,office1 as the chief ,priests and ,elders of the people 7,mat4 #ba4bc47 asked our ,saviour1 ,by what authority dost thou these things1 and who gave thee this authority3 he can make no other just ,answer1 but that he doth it by the ,authority of the ,common-wealth1 given him by the ,king1 or ,assembly that representeth it4 ,all ,pastors1 except the ,supreme1 execute their charges in the ,right1 that is by the ,authority of the ,civill ,soveraign1 that is1 ,jure ,civili4 ,but the ,king1 and every other ,soveraign executeth his ,office of ,supreme ,pastor1 by immediate ,authority from ,god1 that is to say1 ,in ,gods ,right1 or ,jure ,divino4 ,and therefore none but ,kings can put into their ,titles 7a mark of their submission to ,god onely 7 ,dei ,gratia ,rex1 c4 ,bishops ought to say in the beginning of their ,mandates1 ,by the favour of the ,kings ,majesty1 ,bishop of such a ,diocesse2 or as ,civill ,ministers1 ,in his ,majesties ,name4 ,for in saying1 ,divina ,providentia1 which is the same with ,dei ,gratia1 though disguised1 they deny to have received their authority from the ,civill ,state2 and sliely slip off the ,collar of their ,civill ,subjection1 contrary to the unity and defence of the ,common-wealth4 ,christian ,kings ,have ,power ,to ,execute ,all ,manner ,of ,pastoral ,function ,but if every ,christian ,soveraign be the ,supreme ,pastor of his own ,subjects1 it seemeth that he hath also the ,authority1 not only to ,preach 7which perhaps no man will deny27 but also to ,baptize1 and to ,administer the ,sacrament of the ,lords ,supper2 and to ,consecrate both ,temples1 and ,pastors to ,gods service2 which most men deny2 partly because they use not to do it2 and partly because the ,administration of ,sacraments1 and ,consecration of ,persons1 and ,places to holy uses1 requireth the ,imposition of such mens hands1 as by the like ,imposition successively from the time of the ,apostles have been ordained to the like ,ministery4 ,for proof therefore that ,christian ,kings have power to ,baptize1 and to ,consecrate1 ,i am to render a reason1 both why they use not to doe it1 and how1 without the ordinary ceremony of ,imposition of hands1 they are made capable of doing it1 when they will4 ,there is no doubt but any ,king1 in case he were skilfull in the ,sciences1 might by the same ,right of his ,office1 read ,lectures of them himself1 by which he authorizeth others to read them in the ,universities4 ,neverthelesse1 because the care of the summe of the businesse of the ,common-wealth taketh up his whole time1 it were not convenient for him to apply himself in ,person to that particular4 ,a ,king may also if he please1 sit in ,judgment1 to hear and determine all manner of ,causes1 as well as give others authority to doe it in his name2 but that the charge that lyeth upon him of ,command and ,government1 constrain him to bee continually at the ,helm1 and to commit the ,ministeriall ,offices to others under him4 ,in the like manner our ,saviour 7who surely had power to ,baptize7 ,baptized none himselfe1 but sent his ,apostles and ,disciples to ,baptize4 7,john #d4b47 ,so also ,s4 ,paul1 by the necessity of ,preaching in divers and far distant places1 ,baptized few3 ,amongst all the ,corinthians he ,baptized only ,crispus1 ,cajus1 and ,stephanus2 7#a ,cor4#a4ad1af47 and the reason was1 because his principall ,charge was to ,preach4 7#a ,cor4 #a4ag47 ,whereby it is manifest1 that the greater ,charge1 7such as is the ,government of the ,church17 is a dispensation for the lesse4 ,the reason therefore why ,christian ,kings use not to ,baptize1 is evident1 and the same1 for which at this day there are few ,baptized by ,bishops1 and by the ,pope fewer4 ,and as concerning ,imposition of ,hands1 whether it be needfull1 for the authorizing of a ,king to ,baptize1 and ,consecrate1 we may consider thus4 ,imposition of ,hands1 was a most ancient publique ceremony amongst the ,jews1 by which was designed1 and made certain1 the person1 or other thing intended in a mans prayer1 blessing1 sacrifice1 consecration1 condemnation1 or other speech4 ,so ,jacob in blessing the children of ,joseph 7,gen4 #dh4ad47 ,laid his right ,hand on ,ephraim the younger1 and his left ,hand on ,manasseh the first born2 and this he did ,wittingly 7though they were so presented to him by ,joseph1 as he was forced in doing it to stretch out his arms acrosse7 to design to whom he intended the greater blessing4 ,so also in the sacrificing of the ,burnt offering1 ,aaron is commanded 7,exod4 #bi4aj47 to ,lay his ,hands on the head of the bullock2 and 7ver4 #ae47 to ,lay his ,hand on the head of the ramme4 ,the same is also said again1 ,levit4 #a4d4 #h4ad4 ,likewise ,moses when he ordained ,joshua to be ,captain of the ,israelites1 that is1 consecrated him to ,gods service1 7,numb4 #bg4bc47 ,laid his hands upon him1 and gave him his ,charge1 designing and rendring certain1 who it was they were to obey in war4 ,and in the consecration of the ,levites 7,numb4 #h4aj47 ,god commanded that the ,children of ,israel should ,put their ,hands upon the ,levites4 ,and in the condemnation of him that had blasphemed the ,lord 7,levit4 #bd4ad47 ,god commanded that all that heard him should ,lay their ,hands on his head1 and that all the ,congregation should stone him4 ,and why should they only that heard him1 ,lay their ,hands upon him1 and not rather a ,priest1 ,levite1 or other ,minister of ,justice1 but that none else were able to design1 and demonstrate to the eyes of the ,congregation1 who it was that had blasphemed1 and ought to die8 ,and to design a man1 or any other thing1 by the ,hand to the ,eye is lesse subject to mistake1 than when it is done to the ,eare by a ,name4 ,and so much was this ceremony observed1 that in blessing the whole ,congregation at once1 which cannot be done by ,laying on of ,hands1 yet ,aaron 7,levit4 #i4bb47 did lift up his ,hand towards the people when he blessed them4 ,and we read also of the like ceremony of ,consecration of ,temples amongst the ,heathen1 as that the ,priest laid his ,hands on some post of the ,temple1 all the while he was uttering the words of ,consecration4 ,so naturall it is to design any individuall thing1 rather by the ,hand1 to assure the ,eyes1 than by ,words to inform the ,eare in matters of ,gods ,publique service4 ,this ceremony was not therefore new in our ,saviours time4 ,for ,jairus 7,mark #e4bc47 whose daughter was sick1 besought our ,saviour 7not to heal her1 but7 to ,lay his ,hands upon her1 that shee might bee healed4 ,and 7,matth4 #ai4ac47 they brought unto him little children1 that hee should ,put his ,hands on them1 and ,pray4 ,according to this ancient ,rite1 the ,apostles1 and ,presbyters1 and the ,presbytery it self1 ,laid ,hands on them whom they ordained ,pastors1 and withall prayed for them that they might receive the ,holy ,ghost2 and that not only once1 but sometimes oftner1 when a new occasion was presented3 but the end was still the same1 namely a punctuall1 and religious designation of the person1 ordained either to the ,pastorall ,charge in general1 or to a particular ,mission3 so 7,act4 #f4f47 ,the ,apostles ,prayed1 and ,laid their ,hands on the seven ,deacons2 which was done1 not to give them the ,holy ,ghost1 7for they were full of the ,holy ,ghost before thy were chosen1 as appeareth immediately before1 verse #c47 but to design them to that ,office4 ,and after ,philip the ,deacon had converted certain persons in ,samaria1 ,peter and ,john went down 7,act4 #h4ag47 and laid their ,hands on them1 and they received the ,holy ,ghost4 ,and not only an ,apostle1 but a ,presbyter had this power3 ,for ,s4 ,paul adviseth ,timothy 7#a ,tim4 #e4bb47 ,lay ,hands suddenly on no man2 that is1 designe no man rashly to the ,office of a ,pastor4 ,the whole ,presbytery ,laid their ,hands on ,timothy1 as we read #a ,tim4 #d4ad4 but this is to be understood1 as that some did it by the appointment of the ,presbytery1 and most likely their ,proestos1 or ,prolocutor1 which it may be was ,st4 ,paul himself4 ,for in his #b ,epist4 to ,tim4 ver4 #f4 he saith to him1 ,stirre up the gift of ,god which is in thee1 by the ,laying on of my ,hands3 where note by the way1 that by the ,holy ghost1 is not meant the third ,person in the ,trinity1 but the ,gifts necessary to the ,pastorall ,office4 ,we read also1 that ,st4 ,paul had ,imposition of ,hands twice2 once from ,ananias at ,damascus 7,acts #i4ag1ah47 at the time of his ,baptisme2 and again 7,acts #ac4c47 at ,antioch1 when he was first sent out to ,preach4 ,the use then of this ceremony considered in the ,ordination of ,pastors1 was to design the ,person to whom they gave such ,power4 ,but if there had been then any ,christian1 that had had the ,power of ,teaching before2 the ,baptizing of him1 that is the making of him a ,christian1 had given him no new ,power1 but had onely caused him to preach true ,doctrine1 that is1 to use his ,power aright2 and therefore the ,imposition of ,hands had been unnecessary2 ,baptisme it selfe had been sufficient4 ,but every ,soveraign1 before ,christianity1 had the power of ,teaching1 and ,ordaining ,teachers2 and therefore ,christianity gave them no new ,right1 but only directed them in the way of teaching truth2 and consequently they needed no ,imposition of ,hands 7besides that which is done in ,baptisme7 to authorize them to exercise any part of the ,pastorall ,function1 as namely1 to ,baptize1 and ,consecrate4 ,and in the ,old ,testament1 though the ,priest only had right to ,consecrate1 during the time that the ,soveraignty was in the ,high ,priest2 yet it was not so when the ,soveraignty was in the ,king3 ,for we read 7#a ,kings #h47 ,that ,solomon ,blessed the ,people1 ,consecrated the ,temple1 and pronounced that ,publique ,prayer1 which is the pattern now for ,consecration of all ,christian ,churches1 and ,chappels3 whereby it appears1 he had not only the right of ,ecclesiasticall ,government2 but also of exercising ,ecclesiasticall ,functions4 ,the ,civill ,soveraigne ,if ,a ,christian1 ,is ,head ,of ,the ,church ,in ,his ,own ,dominions ,from this consolidation of the ,right ,politique1 and ,ecclesiastique in ,christian ,soveraigns1 it is evident1 they have all manner of ,power over their ,subjects1 that can be given to man1 for the government of mens externall actions1 both in ,policy1 and ,religion2 and may make such ,laws1 as themselves shall judge fittest1 for the government of their own ,subjects1 both as they are the ,common-wealth1 and as they are the ,church3 for both ,state1 and ,church are the same men4 ,if they please therefore1 they may 7as many ,christian ,kings now doe7 commit the government of their ,subjects in matters of ,religion to the ,pope2 but then the ,pope is in that point ,subordinate to them1 and exerciseth that ,charge in anothers ,dominion ,jure ,civili1 in the ,right of the ,civill ,soveraign2 not ,jure ,divino1 in ,gods ,right2 and may therefore be discharged of that ,office1 when the ,soveraign for the good of his ,subjects shall think it necessary4 ,they may also if they please1 commit the care of ,religion to one ,supreme ,pastor1 or to an ,assembly of ,pastors2 and give them what power over the ,church1 or one over another1 they think most convenient2 and what titles of honor1 as of ,bishops1 ,archbishops1 ,priests1 or ,presbyters1 they will2 and make such ,laws for their maintenance1 either by ,tithes1 or otherwise1 as they please1 so they doe it out of a sincere conscience1 of which ,god onely is the ,judge4 ,it is the ,civill ,soveraign1 that is to appoint ,judges1 and ,interpreters of the ,canonicall ,scriptures2 for it is he that maketh them ,laws4 ,it is he also that giveth strength to ,excommunications2 which but for such ,laws and ,punishments1 as may humble obstinate ,libertines1 and reduce them to union with the rest of the ,church1 would bee contemned4 ,in summe1 he hath the ,supreme ,power in all causes1 as well ,ecclesiasticall1 as ,civill1 as far as concerneth actions1 and words1 for these onely are known1 and may be accused2 and of that which cannot be accused1 there is no ,judg at all1 but ,god1 that knoweth the heart4 ,and these ,rights are incident to all ,soveraigns1 whether ,monarchs1 or ,assemblies3 for they that are the ,representants of a ,christian ,people1 are ,representants of the ,church3 for a ,church1 and a ,common-wealth of ,christian ,people1 are the same thing4 ,cardinal ,bellarmines ,books ,de ,summo ,pontifice ,considered ,though this that ,i have here said1 and in other places of this ,book1 seem cleer enough for the asserting of the ,supreme ,ecclesiasticall ,power to ,christian ,soveraigns2 yet because the ,pope of ,romes challenge to that ,power universally1 hath been maintained chiefly1 and ,i think as strongly as is possible1 by ,cardinall ,bellarmine1 in his ,controversie ,de ,summo ,pontifice2 ,i have thought it necessary1 as briefly as ,i can1 to examine the grounds1 and strength of his ,discourse4 ,the ,first ,book ,of five ,books he hath written of this subject1 the first containeth three ,questions3 ,one1 ,which is simply the best government1 ,monarchy1 ,aristocracy1 or ,democracy2 and concludeth for neither1 but for a government mixt of all there3 ,another1 which of these is the best ,government of the ,church2 and concludeth for the mixt1 but which should most participate of ,monarchy3 the third1 whether in this mixt ,monarchy1 ,st4 ,peter had the place of ,monarch4 ,concerning his first ,conclusion1 ,i have already sufficiently proved 7chapt4 #ah47 that all ,governments which men are bound to obey1 are ,simple1 and ,absolute4 ,in ,monarchy there is but ,one ,man ,supreme2 and all other men that have any kind of ,power in the ,state1 have it by his ,commission1 during his pleasure2 and execute it in his name3 ,and in ,aristocracy1 and ,democracy1 but ,one ,supreme ,assembly1 with the same ,power that in ,monarchy belongeth to the ,monarch1 which is not a ,mixt1 but an ,absolute ,soveraignty4 ,and of the three sorts1 which is the best1 is not to be disputed1 where any one of them is already established2 but the present ought alwaies to be preferred1 maintained1 and accounted best2 because it is against both the ,law of ,nature1 and the ,divine positive ,law1 to doe any thing tending to the subversion thereof4 ,besides1 it maketh nothing to the ,power of any ,pastor1 7unlesse he have the ,civill ,soveraignty17 what kind of ,government is the best2 because their ,calling is not to govern men by ,commandement1 but to teach them1 and perswade them by ,arguments1 and leave it to them to consider1 whether they shall embrace1 or reject the ,doctrine taught4 ,for ,monarchy1 ,aristocracy1 and ,democracy1 do mark out unto us three sorts of ,soveraigns1 not of ,pastors2 or1 as we may say1 three sorts of ,masters of ,families1 not three sorts of ,schoolmasters for their children4 ,and therefore the second ,conclusion1 concerning the best form of ,government of the ,church1 is nothing to the question of the ,popes ,power without his own ,dominions3 ,for in all other ,common-wealths his ,power 7if hee have any at all7 is that of the ,schoolmaster onely1 and not of the ,master of the ,family4 ,for the third ,conclusion1 which is1 that ,st4 ,peter was ,monarch of the ,church1 he bringeth for his chiefe argument the place of ,s4 ,matth4 7chap4 #af4ah1 #ai47 ,thou art ,peter1 ,and upon this rock ,i will build my ,church1 c4 ,and ,i will give thee the keyes of ,heaven2 whatsoever thou shalt bind on ,earth1 shall be bound in ,heaven1 and whatsoever thou shalt loose on ,earth1 shall be loosed in ,heaven4 ,which place well considered1 proveth no more1 but that the ,church of ,christ hath for foundation one onely ,article2 namely1 that which ,peter in the name of all the ,apostles professing1 gave occasion to our ,saviour to speak the words here cited2 which that wee may cleerly understand1 we are to consider1 that our ,saviour preached by himself1 by ,john ,baptist1 and by his ,apostles1 nothing but this ,article of ,faith1 that he was the ,christ2 all other ,articles requiring faith no otherwise1 than as founded on that4 ,john began first1 7,mat4 #c4b47 preaching only this1 ,the ,kingdome of ,god is at hand4 ,then our ,saviour himself 7,mat4 #d4ag47 preached the same3 ,and to his ,twelve ,apostles1 when he gave them their ,commission 7,mat4 #aj4g47 there is no mention of preaching any other ,article but that4 ,this was the fundamentall ,article1 that is the ,foundation of the ,churches ,faith4 ,afterwards the ,apostles being returned to him1 he asketh them all1 7,mat4 #af4ac7 not ,peter onely1 ,who men said he was2 and they answered1 that some said he was ,john the ,baptist1 some ,elias1 and others ,jeremias1 or one of the ,prophets3 ,then 7ver4 #ae47 he asked them all again1 7not ,peter onely7 ,whom say yee that ,i am8 ,therefore ,peter answered 7for them all7 ,thou art ,christ1 the ,son of the ,living ,god2 which ,i said is the ,foundation of the ,faith of the whole ,church2 from which our ,saviour takes the occasion of saying1 ,upon this stone ,i will build my ,church2 ,by which it is manifest1 that by the ,foundation-,stone of the ,church1 was meant the ,fundamentall ,article of the ,churches ,faith4 ,but why then 7will some object7 doth our ,saviour interpose these words1 ,thou art ,peter8 ,if the originall of this text had been rigidly translated1 the reason would easily have appeared3 ,we are therefore to consider1 that the ,apostle ,simon1 was surnamed ,stone1 7which is the signification of the ,syriacke word ,cephas1 and of the ,greek word ,petrus74 ,our ,saviour therefore after the confession of that ,fundamentall ,article1 alluding to his name1 said 7as if it were in ,english7 thus1 ,thou art ,stone1 and upon this ,stone ,i will build my ,church3 which is as much as to say1 this ,article1 that ,i am the ,christ1 is the ,foundation of all the ,faith ,i require in those that are to bee members of my ,church3 ,neither is this allusion to a name1 an unusuall thing in common speech3 ,but it had been a strange1 and obscure speech1 if our ,saviour intending to build his ,church on the ,person of ,st4 ,peter1 had said1 thou art a ,stone1 and upon this ,stone ,i will build my ,church1 when it was so obvious without ambiguity to have said1 ,i will build my ,church on thee2 and yet there had been still the same allusion to his name4 ,and for the following words1 ,i will give thee the ,keyes of ,heaven1 c4 it is no more than what our ,saviour gave also to all the rest of his ,disciples 7,matth4 #ah4ah47 ,whatsoever yee shall bind on ,earth1 shall be bound in ,heaven4 ,and whatsoever ye shall loose on ,earth1 shall be loosed in ,heaven4 ,but howsoever this be interpreted1 there is no doubt but the ,power here granted belongs to all ,supreme ,pastors2 such as are all ,christian ,civill ,soveraignes in their own ,dominions4 ,in so much1 as if ,st4 ,peter1 or our ,saviour himself had converted any of them to beleeve him1 and to acknowledge his ,kingdome2 yet because his ,kingdome is not of this world1 he had left the supreme care of converting his subjects to none but him2 or else hee must have deprived him of the ,soveraignty1 to which the ,right of ,teaching is inseparably annexed4 ,and thus much in refutation of his first ,book1 wherein hee would prove ,st4 ,peter to have been the ,monarch ,universall of the ,church1 that is to say1 of all the ,christians in the world4 ,the ,second ,book ,the second ,book hath two ,conclusions3 ,one1 that ,s4 ,peter was ,bishop of ,rome1 and there dyed3 ,the other1 that the ,popes of ,rome are his ,successors4 ,both which have been disputed by others4 ,but supposing them to be true2 yet if by ,bishop of ,rome bee understood either the ,monarch of the ,church1 or the ,supreme ,pastor of it2 not ,silvester1 but ,constantine 7who was the first ,christian ,emperour7 was that ,bishop2 and as ,constantine1 so all other ,christian ,emperors were of ,right supreme ,bishops of the ,roman ,empire2 ,i say of the ,roman ,empire1 not of all ,christendome3 ,for other ,christian ,soveraigns had the same ,right in their severall ,territories1 as to an ,office essentially adhaerent to their ,soveraignty4 ,which shall serve for answer to his second ,book4 ,the ,third ,book ,in the third ,book1 he handleth the question whether the ,pope be ,antichrist4 ,for my part1 ,i see no argument that proves he is so1 in that sense that ,scripture useth the name3 nor will ,i take any argument from the quality of ,antichrist1 to contradict the ,authority he exerciseth1 or hath heretofore exercised in the ,dominions of any other ,prince1 or ,state4 ,it is evident that the ,prophets of the ,old ,testament foretold1 and the ,jews expected a ,messiah1 that is1 a ,christ1 that should re-establish amongst them the kingdom of ,god1 which had been rejected by them in the time of ,samuel1 when they required a ,king after the manner of other ,nations4 ,this expectation of theirs1 made them obnoxious to the ,imposture of all such1 as had both the ambition to attempt the attaining of the ,kingdome1 and the art to deceive the ,people by counterfeit miracles1 by hypocriticall life1 or by orations and doctrine plausible4 ,our ,saviour therefore1 and his ,apostles forewarned men of ,false ,prophets1 and of ,false ,christs4 ,false ,christs1 are such as pretend to be the ,christ1 but are not1 and are called properly ,antichrists1 in such sense1 as when there happeneth a ,schisme in the ,church by the election of two ,popes1 the one calleth the other ,antipapa1 or the false ,pope4 ,and therefore ,antichrist in the proper signification hath two essentiall marks2 ,one1 that he denyeth ,jesus to be ,christ2 and another that he professeth himselfe to bee ,christ4 ,the first ,mark is set down by ,s4 ,john in his #a ,epist4 #d4 ch4 #c4 ver4 ,every ,spirit that confesseth not that ,jesus ,christ is come in the flesh1 is not of ,god2 ,and this is the ,spirit of ,antichrist4 ,the other ,mark is expressed in the words of our ,saviour1 7,mat4 #bd4e47 ,many shall come in my name1 saying1 ,i am ,christ2 and again1 ,if any man shall say unto you1 ,loe1 here is ,christ1 there is ,christ beleeve it not4 ,and therefore ,antichrist must be a ,false ,christ1 that is1 some one of them that shall pretend themselves to be ,christ4 ,and out of these two ,marks1 to deny ,jesus to be the ,christ1 and to affirm himselfe to be the ,christ1 it followeth1 that he must also be an ,adversary of the true ,christ1 which is another usuall signification of the word ,antichrist4 ,but of these many ,antichrists1 there is one speciall one1 ,o ,antichristos1 ,the ,antichrist1 or ,antichrist definitely1 as one certaine person2 not indefinitely ,an ,antichrist4 ,now seeing the ,pope of ,rome1 neither pretendeth himself1 nor denyeth ,jesus to be the ,christ1 ,i perceive not how he can be called ,antichrist2 by which word is not meant1 one that falsely pretendeth to be ,his ,lieutenant1 or ,vicar ,generall1 but to be ,hee4 ,there is also some ,mark of the time of this speciall ,antichrist1 as 7,mat4 #bd4ae47 when that abominable ,destroyer1 spoken of by ,daniel1 7,dan4 #i4 #bg47 shall stand in the ,holy place1 and such tribulation as was not since the beginning of the world1 nor ever shall be again1 insomuch as if it were to last long1 7ver4 #bb47 no flesh could be saved2 but for the elects sake those days shall be shortened 7made fewer74 ,but that tribulation is not yet come2 for it is to be followed immediately 7ver4 #bi47 by a darkening of the ,sun and ,moon1 a falling of the ,stars1 a concussion of the ,heavens1 and the glorious coming again of our ,saviour1 in the cloudes4 ,and therefore ,the ,antichrist is not yet come2 whereas1 many ,popes are both come and gone4 ,it is true1 the ,pope in taking upon him to give ,laws to all ,christian ,kings1 and ,nations1 usurpeth a ,kingdome in this world1 which ,christ took not on him3 but he doth it not ,as ,christ1 but as ,for ,christ1 wherein there is nothing of the ,antichrist4 ,the ,fourth ,book ,in the fourth ,book1 to prove the ,pope to be the supreme ,judg in all questions of ,faith and ,manners1 7which is as much as to be the absolute ,monarch of all ,christians in the world17 be bringeth three ,propositions3 ,the first1 that his ,judgments are ,infallible3 ,the second1 that he can make very ,laws1 and punish those that observe them not3 ,the third1 that our ,saviour conferred all ,jurisdiction ,ecclesiasticall on the ,pope of ,rome4 ,texts ,for ,the ,infallibility ,of ,the ,popes ,judgement ,in ,points ,of ,faith ,for the ,infallibility of his ,judgments1 he alledgeth the ,scriptures3 and first1 that of ,luke #bb4ca4 ,simon1 ,simon1 ,satan hath desired you that hee may sift you as wheat2 but ,i have prayed for thee1 that thy faith faile not2 and when thou art converted1 strengthen thy ,brethren4 ,this1 according to ,bellarmines exposition1 is1 that ,christ gave here to ,simon ,peter two priviledges3 one1 that neither his ,faith should fail1 neither he1 nor any of his successors should ever define any point concerning ,faith1 or ,manners erroneously1 or contrary to the definition of a former ,pope3 ,which is a strange1 and very much strained interpretation4 ,but he that with attention readeth that chapter1 shall find there is no place in the whole ,scripture1 that maketh more against the ,popes ,authority1 than this very place4 ,the ,priests and ,scribes seeking to kill our ,saviour at the ,passeover1 and ,judas possessed with a resolution to betray him1 and the day of killing the ,passeover being come1 our ,saviour celebrated the same with his ,apostles1 which he said1 till the ,kingdome of ,god was come hee would doe no more2 and withall told them1 that one of them was to betray him3 ,hereupon they questioned1 which of them it should be2 and withall 7seeing the next ,passeover their ,master would celebrate should be when he was ,king7 entred into a contention1 who should then be the greater man4 ,our ,saviour therefore told them1 that the ,kings of the ,nations had ,dominion over their ,subjects1 and are called by a name 7in ,hebrew7 that signifies ,bountifull2 but ,i cannot be so to you1 you must endeavour to serve one another2 ,i ordain you a ,kingdome1 but it is such as my ,father hath ordained mee2 a ,kingdome that ,i am now to purchase with my blood1 and not to possesse till my second coming2 then yee shall eat and drink at my ,table1 and sit on ,thrones1 judging the twelve ,tribes of ,israel3 ,and then addressing himself to ,st4 ,peter1 he saith1 ,simon1 ,simon1 ,satan seeks by suggesting a present domination1 to weaken your faith of the future2 but ,i have prayed for thee1 that thy faith shall not fail2 ,thou therefore 7,note this17 being converted1 and understanding my ,kingdome as of another world1 confirm the same faith in thy ,brethren3 ,to which ,s4 ,peter answered 7as one that no more expected any authority in this world7 ,lord ,i am ready to goe with thee1 not onely to ,prison1 but to ,death4 ,whereby it is manifest1 ,s4 ,peter had not onely no jurisdiction given him in this world1 but a charge to teach all the other ,apostles1 that they also should have none4 ,and for the ,infallibility of ,st4 ,peters sentence definitive in matter of ,faith1 there is no more to be attributed to it out of this ,text1 than that ,peter should continue in the beleef of this point1 namely1 that ,christ should come again1 and possesse the ,kingdome at the day of ,judgement2 which was not given by the ,text to all his ,successors2 for wee see they claim it in the ,world that now is4 ,the second place is that of ,matth4 #af4 ,thou art ,peter1 and upon this rocke ,i will build my ,church1 and the gates of ,hell shall not prevail against it4 ,by which 7as ,i have already shewn in this chapter7 is proved no more1 than that the gates of ,hell shall not prevail against the confession of ,peter1 which gave occasion to that speech2 namely this1 ,that ,jesus ,is ,christ ,the ,sonne ,of ,god4 ,the third text is ,john #ba4 ver4 #af1ag4 ,feed my sheep2 which contains no more but a ,commission of ,teaching3 ,and if we grant the rest of the ,apostles to be contained in that name of ,sheep2 then it is the supreme ,power of ,teaching3 but it was onely for the time that there were no ,christian ,soveraigns already possessed of that ,supremacy4 ,but ,i have already proved1 that ,christian ,soveraignes are in their owne ,dominions the supreme ,pastors1 and instituted thereto1 by vertue of their being ,baptized1 though without other ,imposition of ,hands4 ,for such imposition being a ,ceremony of designing the person1 is needlesse1 when hee is already designed to the ,power of ,teaching what ,doctrine he will1 by his institution to an ,absolute ,power over his ,subjects4 ,for as ,i have proved before1 ,soveraigns are supreme ,teachers 7in generall7 by their ,office and therefore oblige themselves 7by their ,baptisme7 to teach the ,doctrine of ,christ3 ,and when they suffer others to teach their people1 they doe it at the perill of their own souls2 for it is at the hands of the ,heads of ,families that ,god will require the account of the instruction of his ,children and ,servants4 ,it is of ,abraham himself1 not of a hireling1 that ,god saith 7,gen4 #ah4ai7 ,i know him that he will command his ,children1 and his houshold after him1 that they keep the way of the ,lord1 and do justice and judgement4 ,the fourth place is that of ,exod4 #bh4cj4 ,thou shalt put in the ,breastplate of ,judgment1 the ,urim and the ,thummin3 which hee saith is interpreted by the ,septuagint1 delosin kai aletheian1 that is1 ,evidence and ,truth3 ,and thence concludeth1 ,god had given ,evidence1 and ,truth1 7which is almost infallibility17 to the ,high ,priest4 ,but be it ,evidence and ,truth it selfe that was given2 or be it but ,admonition to the ,priest to endeavour to inform himself cleerly1 and give judgment uprightly2 yet in that it was given to the ,high ,priest1 it was given to the ,civill ,soveraign3 ,for next under ,god was the ,high ,priest in the ,common-wealth of ,israel2 and is an argument for ,evidence and ,truth1 that is1 for the ,ecclesiasticall ,supremacy of ,civill ,soveraigns over their own ,subjects1 against the pretended ,power of the ,pope4 ,these are all the ,texts hee bringeth for the ,infallibility of the ,judgement of the ,pope1 in point of ,faith4 ,texts ,for ,the ,same ,in ,point ,of ,manners ,for the ,infallibility of his ,judgment concerning ,manners1 hee bringeth one ,text1 which is that of ,john #af4ac4 ,when the ,spirit of truth is come1 hee will lead you into all truth where 7saith he7 by ,all ,truth1 is meant1 at least1 ,all ,truth ,necessary ,to ,salvation4 ,but with this mitigation1 he attributeth no more ,infallibility to the ,pope1 than to any man that professeth ,christianity1 and is not to be damned3 ,for if any man erre in any point1 wherein not to erre is necessary to ,salvation1 it is impossible he should be saved2 for that onely is necessary to ,salvation1 without which to be saved is impossible4 ,what points these are1 ,i shall declare out of the ,scripture in the ,chapter following4 ,in this place ,i say no more1 but that though it were granted1 the ,pope could not possibly teach any error at all1 yet doth not this entitle him to any ,jurisdiction in the ,dominions of another ,prince1 unlesse we shall also say1 a man is obliged in conscience to set on work upon all occasions the best workman1 even then also when he hath formerly promised his work to another4 ,besides the ,text1 he argueth from ,reason1 thus1 ,if the ,pope could erre in necessaries1 then ,christ hath not sufficiently provided for the ,churches ,salvation2 because he hath commanded her to follow the ,popes directions4 ,but this ,reason is invalid1 unlesse he shew when1 and where ,christ commanded that1 or took at all any notice of a ,pope3 ,nay granting whatsoever was given to ,s4 ,peter was given to the ,pope2 yet seeing there is in the ,scripture no command to any man to obey ,st4 ,peter1 no man can bee just1 that obeyeth him1 when his commands are contrary to those of his lawfull ,soveraign4 ,lastly1 it hath not been declared by the ,church1 nor by the ,pope himselfe1 that he is the ,civill ,soveraign of all the ,christians in the world2 and therefore all ,christians are not bound to acknowledge his ,jurisdiction in point of ,manners4 ,for the ,civill ,soveraignty1 and supreme ,judicature in controversies of ,manners1 are the same thing3 ,and the ,makers of ,civill ,laws1 are not onely ,declarers1 but also ,makers of the justice1 and injustice of actions2 there being nothing in mens ,manners that makes them righteous1 or unrighteous1 but their conformity with the ,law of the ,soveraign4 ,and therefore when the ,pope challengeth ,supremacy in controversies of ,manners1 hee teacheth men to disobey the ,civill ,soveraign2 which is an erroneous ,doctrine1 contrary to the many precepts of our ,saviour and his ,apostles1 delivered to us in the ,scripture4 ,to prove the ,pope has ,power to make ,laws1 he alledgeth many places2 as first1 ,deut4 #ag4ab4 ,the man that will doe presumptuously1 and will not hearken unto the ,priest1 7that standeth to ,minister there before the ,lord thy ,god1 or unto the ,judge17 even that man shall die1 and thou shalt put away the evill from ,israel4 ,for answer whereunto1 we are to remember that the ,high ,priest 7next and immediately under ,god7 was the ,civill ,soveraign2 and all ,judges were to be constituted by him4 ,the words alledged sound therefore thus4 ,the man that will presume to disobey the ,civill ,soveraign for the time being1 or any of his ,officers in the execution of their places1 that man shall die1 c4 which is cleerly for the ,civill ,soveraignty1 against the ,universall power of the ,pope4 ,secondly1 he alledgeth that of ,matth4 #af4 ,whatsoever yee shall bind1 c4 and interpreteth it for such ,binding as is attributed 7,matth4 #bc4d47 to the ,scribes and ,pharisees1 ,they bind heavy burthens1 and grievous to be born1 and lay them on mens shoulders2 by which is meant 7he sayes7 ,making of ,laws2 and concludes thence1 the ,pope can make ,laws4 ,but this also maketh onely for the ,legislative power of ,civill ,soveraigns3 ,for the ,scribes1 and ,pharisees sat in ,moses ,chaire1 but ,moses next under ,god was ,soveraign of the ,people of ,israel3 and therefore our ,saviour commanded them to doe all that they should say1 but not all that they should do4 ,that is1 to obey their ,laws1 but not follow their ,example4 ,the third place1 is ,john #ba4af4 ,feed my sheep2 which is not a ,power to make ,laws1 but a command to ,teach4 ,making ,laws belongs to the ,lord of the ,family2 who by his owne discretion chooseth his ,chaplain1 as also a ,schoolmaster to ,teach his children4 ,the fourth place ,john #bj4ba4 is against him4 ,the words are1 ,as my ,father sent me1 so send ,i you4 ,but our ,saviour was sent to ,redeem 7by his ,death7 such as should ,beleeve2 and by his own1 and his ,apostles preaching to prepare them for their entrance into his ,kingdome2 which he himself saith1 is not of this world1 and hath taught us to pray for the coming of it hereafter1 though hee refused 7,acts #a4f1g47 to tell his ,apostles when it should come2 and in which1 when it comes1 the twelve ,apostles shall sit on twelve ,thrones 7every one perhaps as high as that of ,st4 ,peter7 to judge the twelve tribes of ,israel4 ,seeing then ,god the ,father sent not our ,saviour to make ,laws in this present world1 wee may conclude from the ,text1 that neither did our ,saviour send ,s4 ,peter to make ,laws here1 but to perswade men to expect his second comming with a stedfast faith2 and in the mean time1 if ,subjects1 to obey their ,princes2 and if ,princes1 both to beleeve it themselves1 and to do their best to make their ,subjects doe the same2 which is the ,office of a ,bishop4 ,therefore this place maketh most strongly for the joining of the ,ecclesiasticall ,supremacy to the ,civill ,soveraignty1 contrary to that which ,cardinall ,bellarmine alledgeth it for4 ,the fift place is ,acts #ae4bh4 ,it hath seemed good to the ,holy ,spirit1 and to us1 to lay upon you no greater burden1 than these necessary things1 that yee abstaine from meats offered to ,idols1 and from bloud1 and from things strangled1 and from fornication4 ,here hee notes the word ,laying ,of ,burdens for the ,legislative ,power4 ,but who is there1 that reading this ,text1 can say1 this stile of the ,apostles may not as properly be used in giving ,counsell1 as in making ,laws8 ,the stile of a ,law is1 ,we ,command3 ,but1 ,we ,think ,good1 is the ordinary stile of them1 that but give ,advice2 and they lay a ,burthen that give ,advice1 though it bee conditionall1 that is1 if they to whom they give it1 will attain their ends3 ,and such is the ,burthen1 of abstaining from things strangled1 and from bloud2 not absolute1 but in case they will not erre4 ,i have shewn before 7chap4 #be47 that ,law1 is distinguished from ,counsell1 in this1 that the reason of a ,law1 is taken from the designe1 and benefit of him that prescribeth it2 but the reason of a ,counsell1 from the designe1 and benefit of him1 to whom the ,counsell is given4 ,but here1 the ,apostles aime onely at the benefit of the converted ,gentiles1 namely their ,salvation2 not at their own benefit2 for having done their endeavour1 they shall have their reward1 whether they be obeyed1 or not4 ,and therefore the ,acts of this ,councell1 were not ,laws1 but ,counsells4 ,the sixt place is that of ,rom4 #ac4 ,let every ,soul be subject to the ,higher ,powers1 for there is no ,power but of ,god2 which is meant1 he saith not onely of ,secular1 but also of ,ecclesiasticall ,princes4 ,to which ,i answer1 first1 that there are no ,ecclesiasticall ,princes but those that are also ,civill ,soveraignes2 and their ,principalities exceed not the compasse of their ,civill ,soveraignty2 without those bounds though they may be received for ,doctors1 they cannot be acknowledged for ,princes4 ,for if the ,apostle had meant1 we should be subject both to our own ,princes1 and also to the ,pope1 he had taught us a doctrine1 which ,christ himself hath told us is impossible1 namely1 to serve two ,masters4 ,and though the ,apostle say in another place1 ,i write these things being absent1 lest being present ,i should use sharpnesse1 according to the ,power which the ,lord hath given me2 it is not1 that he challenged a ,power either to put to death1 imprison1 banish1 whip1 or fine any of them1 which are ,punishments2 but onely to ,excommunicate1 which 7without the ,civill ,power7 is no more but a leaving of their company1 and having no more to doe with them1 than with a ,heathen man1 or a ,publican2 which in many occasions might be a greater pain to the ,excommunicant1 than to the ,excommunicate4 ,the seventh place is #a ,cor4 #d4ba4 ,shall ,i come unto you with a ,rod1 or in love1 and the spirit of lenity8 ,but here again1 it is not the ,power of a ,magistrate to punish offenders1 that is meant by a ,rod2 but onely the ,power of ,excommunication1 which is not in its owne nature a ,punishment1 but onely a ,denouncing of punishment1 that ,christ shall inflict1 when he shall be in possession of his ,kingdome1 at the day of ,judgment4 ,nor then also shall it bee properly a ,punishment1 as upon a ,subject that hath broken the ,law2 but a ,revenge1 as upon an ,enemy1 or ,revolter1 that denyeth the ,right of our ,saviour to the ,kingdome3 ,and therefore this proveth not the ,legislative ,power of any ,bishop1 that has not also the ,civill ,power4 ,the eighth place is1 ,timothy #c4b4 ,a ,bishop must be the husband but of one wife1 vigilant1 sober1 c4 which he saith was a ,law4 ,i thought that none could make a ,law in the ,church1 but the ,monarch of the ,church1 ,st4 ,peter4 ,but suppose this ,precept made by the authority of ,st4 ,peter2 yet ,i see no reason why to call it a ,law1 rather than an ,advice1 seeing ,timothy was not a ,subject1 but a ,disciple of ,st4 ,paul2 nor the flock under the charge of ,timothy1 his ,subjects in the ,kingdome1 but his ,scholars in the ,schoole of ,christ3 ,if all the ,precepts he giveth ,timothy1 be ,laws1 why is not this also a ,law1 ,drink no longer water1 but use a little wine for thy healths sake8 ,and why are not also the ,precepts of good ,physitians1 so many ,laws8 but that it is not the ,imperative manner of speaking1 but an absolute ,subjection to a ,person1 that maketh his ,precept ,laws4 ,in like manner1 the ninth place1 #a ,tim4 #e4 #ai4 ,against an ,elder receive not an accusation1 but before two or three ,witnesses1 is a wise ,precept1 but not a ,law4 ,the tenth place is1 ,luke #aj4af4 ,he that heareth you1 heareth mee2 and he that despiseth you1 despiseth me4 ,and there is no doubt1 but he that despiseth the ,counsell of those that are sent by ,christ1 despiseth the ,counsell of ,christ himself4 ,but who are those now that are sent by ,christ1 but such as are ordained ,pastors by lawfull ,authority8 and who are lawfully ordained1 that are not ordained by the ,soveraign ,pastor8 and who is ordained by the ,soveraign ,pastor in a ,christian ,common-wealth1 that is not ordained by the authority of the ,soveraign thereof8 ,out of this place therefore it followeth1 that he which heareth his ,soveraign being a ,christian1 heareth ,christ2 and hee that despiseth the ,doctrine which his ,king being a ,christian1 authorizeth1 despiseth the ,doctrine of ,christ 7which is not that which ,bellarmine intendeth here to prove1 but the contrary74 ,but all this is nothing to a ,law4 ,nay more1 a ,christian ,king1 as a ,pastor1 and ,teacher of his ,subjects1 makes not thereby his ,doctrines ,laws4 ,he cannot oblige men to beleeve2 though as a ,civill ,soveraign he may make ,laws suitable to his ,doctrine1 which may oblige men to certain actions1 and sometimes to such as they would not otherwise do1 and which he ought not to command2 and yet when they are commanded1 they are ,laws2 and the externall actions done in obedience to them1 without the inward approbation1 are the actions of the ,soveraign1 and not of the ,subject1 which is in that case but as an instrument1 without any motion of his owne at all2 because ,god hath commanded to obey them4 ,the eleventh1 is every place1 where the ,apostle for ,counsell1 putteth some word1 by which men use to signifie ,command2 or calleth the following of his ,counsell1 by the name of ,obedience4 ,and therefore they are alledged out of #a ,cor4 #aa4b4 ,i commend you for keeping my ,precepts as ,i delivered them to you4 ,the ,greek is1 ,i commend you for keeping those things ,i delivered to you1 as ,i delivered them4 ,which is far from signifying that they were ,laws1 or any thing else1 but good ,counsell4 ,and that of #a ,thess4 #d4b4 ,you know what commandements we gave you3 where the ,greek word is paraggelias edokamen1 equivalent to paredokamen1 what wee delivered to you1 as in the place next before alledged1 which does not prove the ,traditions of the ,apostles1 to be any more than ,counsells2 though as is said in the #hth verse1 he that despiseth them1 despiseth not man1 but ,god3 ,for our ,saviour himself came not to ,judge1 that is1 to be ,king in this world2 but to ,sacrifice himself for ,sinners1 and leave ,doctors in his ,church1 to lead1 not to drive men to ,christ1 who never accepteth forced actions1 7which is all the ,law produceth17 but the inward conversion of the heart2 which is not the work of ,laws1 but of ,counsell1 and ,doctrine4 ,and that of #b ,thess4 #c4ad4 ,if any man ,obey not our word by this ,epistle1 note that man1 and have no company with him1 that he may bee ashamed3 where from the word ,obey1 he would inferre1 that this ,epistle was a ,law to the ,thessalonians4 ,the ,epistles of the ,emperours were indeed ,laws4 ,if therefore the ,epistle of ,s4 ,paul were also a ,law1 they were to obey two ,masters4 ,but the word ,obey1 as it is in the ,greek upakouei1 signifieth ,hearkening ,to1 or ,putting ,in ,practice1 not onely that which is ,commanded by him that has right to punish1 but also that which is delivered in a way of ,counsell for our good2 and therefore ,st4 ,paul does not bid kill him that disobeys1 nor beat1 nor imprison1 nor amerce him1 which ,legislators may all do2 but avoid his company1 that he may bee ashamed3 whereby it is evident1 it was not the ,empire of an ,apostle1 but his ,reputation amongst the ,faithfull1 which the ,christians stood in awe of4 ,the last place is that of ,heb4 #ac4ag4 ,obey your ,leaders1 and submit your selves to them1 for they watch for your souls1 as they that must give account3 ,and here also is intended by ,obedience1 a following of their ,counsell3 ,for the reason of our ,obedience1 is not drawn from the will and command of our ,pastors1 but from our own benefit1 as being the ,salvation of our ,souls they watch for1 and not for the ,exaltation of their own ,power1 and ,authority4 ,if it were meant here1 that all they teach were ,laws1 then not onely the ,pope1 but every ,pastor in his ,parish should have ,legislative ,power4 ,again1 they that are bound to obey1 their ,pastors1 have no power to examine their commands4 ,what then shall wee say to ,st4 ,john who bids us 7#a ,epist4 chap4 #d4 ver4 #a47 ,not to beleeve every ,spirit1 but to try the ,spirits whether they are of ,god1 because many false ,prophets are gone out into the world8 ,it is therefore manifest1 that wee may dispute the ,doctrine of our ,pastors2 but no man can dispute a ,law4 ,the ,commands of ,civill ,soveraigns are on all sides granted to be ,laws3 if any else can make a ,law besides himselfe1 all ,common-wealth1 and consequently all ,peace1 and ,justice must cease2 which is contrary to all ,laws1 both ,divine and ,humane4 ,nothing therefore can be drawn from these1 or any other places of ,scripture1 to prove the ,decrees of the ,pope1 where he has not also the ,civill ,soveraignty1 to be ,laws4 ,the ,question ,of ,superiority ,between ,the ,pope ,and ,other ,bishops ,the last point hee would prove1 is this1 ,that our ,saviour ,christ has committed ,ecclesiasticall ,jurisdiction immediately to none but the ,pope4 ,wherein he handleth not the ,question of ,supremacy between the ,pope and ,christian ,kings1 but between the ,pope and other ,bishops4 ,and first1 he sayes it is agreed1 that the ,jurisdiction of ,bishops1 is at least in the generall ,de ,jure ,divino1 that is1 in the ,right of ,god2 for which he alledges ,s4 ,paul1 ,ephes4 #d4aa4 where hee sayes1 that ,christ after his ,ascension into heaven1 gave gifts to men1 some ,apostles1 some ,prophets1 and some ,evangelists1 and some ,pastors1 and some ,teachers3 ,and thence inferres1 they have indeed their ,jurisdiction in ,gods ,right2 but will not grant they have it immediately from ,god1 but derived through the ,pope4 ,but if a man may be said to have his ,jurisdiction ,de ,jure ,divino1 and yet not immediately2 what lawfull ,jurisdiction1 though but ,civill1 is there in a ,christian ,common-wealth1 that is not also ,de ,jure ,divino8 ,for ,christian ,kings have their ,civill ,power from ,god immediately2 and the ,magistrates under him exercise their severall charges in vertue of his ,commission2 wherein that which they doe1 is no lesse ,de ,jure ,divino ,mediato1 than that which the ,bishops doe1 in vertue of the ,popes ,ordination4 ,all lawfull ,power is of ,god1 immediately in the ,supreme ,governour1 and mediately in those that have ,authority under him3 ,so that either hee must grant every ,constable in the ,state1 to hold his ,office in the ,right of ,god2 or he must not hold that any ,bishop holds his so1 besides the ,pope himselfe4 ,but this whole ,dispute1 whether ,christ left the ,jurisdiction to the ,pope onely1 or to other ,bishops also1 if considered out of these places where the ,pope has the ,civill ,soveraignty1 is a contention ,de ,lana ,caprina3 ,for none of them 7where they are not ,soveraigns7 has any ,jurisdiction at all4 ,for ,jurisdiction is the ,power of hearing and determining ,causes between man and man2 and can belong to none1 but him that hath the ,power to prescribe the ,rules of ,right and ,wrong2 that is1 to make ,laws2 and with the ,sword of ,justice to compell men to obey his ,decisions1 pronounced either by himself1 or by the ,judges he ordaineth thereunto2 which none can lawfully do1 but the ,civill ,soveraign4 ,therefore when he alledgeth out of the #f of ,luke1 that our ,saviour called his ,disciples together1 and chose twelve of them which he named ,apostles1 he proveth that he ,elected them 7all1 except ,matthias1 ,paul and ,barnabas17 and gave them ,power and ,command to ,preach1 but not to ,judge of ,causes between man and man3 for that is a ,power which he refused to take upon himselfe1 saying1 ,who made me a ,judge1 or a ,divider1 amongst you8 and in another place1 ,my ,kingdome is not of this world4 ,but hee that hath not the ,power to hear1 and determine ,causes between man and man1 cannot be said to have any ,jurisdiction at all4 ,and yet this hinders not1 but that our ,saviour gave them ,power to ,preach and ,baptize in all parts of the world1 supposing they were not by their own lawfull ,soveraign forbidden3 ,for to our own ,soveraigns ,christ himself1 and his ,apostles have in sundry places expressely commanded us in all things to be obedient4 ,the arguments by which he would prove1 that ,bishops receive their ,jurisdiction from the ,pope 7seeing the ,pope in the ,dominions of other ,princes hath no ,jurisdiction himself17 are all in vain4 ,yet because they prove1 on the contrary1 that all ,bishops receive ,jurisdiction when they have it from their ,civill ,soveraigns1 ,i will not omit the recitall of them4 ,the first1 is from ,numbers #aa4 where ,moses not being able alone to undergoe the whole burthen of administring the affairs of the ,people of ,israel1 ,god commanded him to choose ,seventy ,elders1 and took part of the spirit of ,moses1 to put it upon those ,seventy ,elders3 by which it is understood1 not that ,god weakened the spirit of ,moses1 for that had not eased him at all2 but that they had all of them their authority from him2 wherein he doth truly1 and ingenuously interpret that place4 ,but seeing ,moses had the entire ,soveraignty in the ,common-wealth of the ,jews1 it is manifest1 that it is thereby signified1 that they had their ,authority from the ,civill ,soveraign3 and therefore that place proveth1 that ,bishops in every ,christian ,common-wealth have their ,authority from the ,civill ,soveraign2 and from the ,pope in his own ,territories only1 and not in the ,territories of any other ,state4 ,the second argument1 is from the nature of ,monarchy2 wherein all ,authority is in one ,man1 and in others by derivation from him3 ,but the ,government of the ,church1 he says1 is ,monarchicall4 ,this also makes for ,christian ,monarchs4 ,for they are really ,monarchs of their own people2 that is1 of their own ,church 7for the ,church is the same thing with a ,christian people27 whereas the ,power of the ,pope1 though hee were ,s4 ,peter1 is neither ,monarchy1 nor hath any thing of ,archicall1 nor ,craticall1 but onely of ,didacticall2 ,for ,god accepteth not a forced1 but a willing obedience4 ,the third1 is1 from that the ,sea of ,s4 ,peter is called by ,s4 ,cyprian1 the ,head1 the ,source1 the ,roote1 the ,sun1 from whence the ,authority of ,bishops is derived4 ,but by the ,law of ,nature 7which is a better ,principle of ,right and ,wrong1 than the word of any ,doctor that is but a man7 the ,civill ,soveraign in every ,common-wealth1 is the ,head1 the ,source1 the ,root1 and the ,sun1 from which all ,jurisdiction is derived4 ,and therefore1 the ,jurisdiction of ,bishops1 is derived from the ,civill ,soveraign4 ,the fourth1 is taken from the ,inequality of their ,jurisdictions3 ,for if ,god 7saith he7 had given it them immediately1 he had given aswell ,equality of ,jurisdiction1 as of ,order3 ,but wee see1 some are ,bishops but of own ,town1 some of a hundred ,towns1 and some of many whole ,provinces2 which differences were not determined by the command of ,god2 their ,jurisdiction therefore is not of ,god1 but of ,man2 and one has a greater1 another a lesse1 as it pleaseth the ,prince of the ,church4 ,which argument1 if he had proved before1 that the ,pope had had an ,universall ,jurisdiction over all ,christians1 had been for his purpose4 ,but seeing that hath not been proved1 and that it is notoriously known1 the large ,jurisdiction of the ,pope was given him by those that had it1 that is1 by the ,emperours of ,rome1 7for the ,patriarch of ,constantinople1 upon the same title1 namely1 of being ,bishop of the ,capitall ,city of the ,empire1 and ,seat of the ,emperour1 claimed to be equal to him17 it followeth1 that all other ,bishops have their ,jurisdiction from the ,soveraigns of the place wherein they exercise the same3 ,and as for that cause they have not their ,authority ,de ,jure ,divino2 so neither hath the ,pope his ,de ,jure ,divino1 except onely where hee is also the ,civill ,soveraign4 ,his fift argument is this1 ,if ,bishops have their ,jurisdiction immediately from ,god1 the ,pope could not take it from them1 for he can doe nothing contrary to ,gods ordination2 ,and this consequence is good1 and well proved4 ,but1 7saith he7 the ,pope can do this1 and has done it4 ,this also is granted1 so he doe it in his own ,dominions1 or in the ,dominions of any other ,prince that hath given him that ,power2 but not universally1 in ,right of the ,popedome3 ,for that power belongeth to every ,christian ,soveraign1 within the bounds of his owne ,empire1 and is inseparable from the ,soveraignty4 ,before the ,people of ,israel had 7by the commandment of ,god to ,samuel7 set over themselves a ,king1 after the manner of other ,nations1 the ,high ,priest had the ,civill ,government2 and none but he could make1 nor depose an inferiour ,priest3 ,but that ,power was afterwards in the ,king1 as may be proved by this same argument of ,bellarmine2 ,for if the ,priest 7be he the ,high ,priest or any other7 had his ,jurisdiction immediately from ,god1 then the ,king could not take it from him2 for he could do nothing contrary to ,gods ordinance3 ,but it is certain1 that ,king ,solomon 7#a ,kings #b4bf47 deprived ,abiathar the ,high ,priest of his office1 and placed ,zadok 7verse #ce47 in his room4 ,kings therefore may in the like manner ,ordaine1 and ,deprive ,bishops1 as they shall thinke fit1 for the well governing of their ,subjects4 ,his sixth argument is this1 ,if ,bishops have their ,jurisdiction ,de ,jure ,divino 7that is1 immediately from ,god17 they that maintaine it1 should bring some ,word of ,god to prove it3 ,but they can bring none4 ,the argument is good2 ,i have therefore nothing to say against it4 ,but it is an argument no lesse good1 to prove the ,pope himself to have no ,jurisdiction in the ,dominion of any other ,prince4 ,lastly1 hee bringeth for argument1 the testimony of two ,popes1 ,innocent1 and ,leo2 and ,i doubt not but hee might have alledged1 with as good reason1 the testimonies of all the ,popes almost since ,s4 ,peter3 ,for considering the love of ,power naturally implanted in mankind1 whosoever were made ,pope1 he would be tempted to uphold the same opinion4 ,neverthelesse1 they should therein but doe1 as ,innocent1 and ,leo did1 bear witnesse of themselves1 and therefore their witness should not be good4 ,of ,the ,popes ,temporall ,power ,in the fift ,book he hath four ,conclusions4 ,the first is1 ,that the ,pope in not ,lord of all the world3 the second1 that the ,pope is not ,lord of all the ,christian world3 ,the third1 ,that the ,pope 7without his owne ,territory7 has not any ,temporall ,jurisdiction ,,directly3 ,these three ,conclusions are easily granted4 ,the fourth is1 ,that the ,pope has 7in the ,dominions of other ,princes7 the ,supreme ,temporall ,power ,,indirectly3 which is denyed2 unlesse he mean by ,indirectly1 that he has gotten it by ,indirect means2 then is that also granted4 ,but ,i understand1 that when he saith he hath it ,indirectly1 he means1 that such ,temporall ,jurisdiction belongeth to him of ,right1 but that this ,right is but a ,consequence of his ,pastorall ,authority1 the which he could not exercise1 unlesse he have the other with it3 ,and therefore to the ,pastorall ,power 7which he calls ,spirituall7 the ,supreme ,power ,civill is necessarily annexed2 and that thereby hee hath a ,right to change ,kingdomes1 giving them to one1 and taking them from another1 when he shall think it conduces to the ,salvation of ,souls4 ,before ,i come to consider the ,arguments by which hee would prove this doctrine1 it will not bee amisse to lay open the ,consequences of it2 that ,princes1 and ,states1 that have the ,civill ,soveraignty in their severall ,common-wealths1 may bethink themselves1 whether it bee convenient for them1 and conducing to the good of their ,subjects1 of whom they are to give an account at the day of ,judgment1 to admit the same4 ,when it is said1 the ,pope hath not 7in the ,territories of other ,states7 the ,supreme ,civill ,power ,directly2 we are to understand1 he doth not challenge it1 as other ,civill ,soveraigns doe1 from the originall submission thereto of those that are to be governed4 ,for it is evident1 and has already been sufficiently in this ,treatise demonstrated1 that the ,right of all ,soveraigns1 is derived originally from the consent of every one of those that are to bee governed2 whether they that choose him1 doe it for their common defence against an ,enemy1 as when they agree amongst themselves to appoint a ,man1 or an ,assembly of men to protect them2 or whether they doe it1 to save their lives1 by submission to a conquering ,enemy4 ,the ,pope therefore1 when he disclaimeth the ,supreme ,civill ,power over other ,states ,directly1 denyeth no more1 but that his ,right cometh to him by that way2 ,he ceaseth not for all that1 to claime it another way2 and that is1 7without the consent of them that are to be governed7 by a ,right given him by ,god1 7which hee calleth ,indirectly17 in his ,assumption to the ,papacy4 ,but by what way soever he pretend1 the ,power is the same2 and he may 7if it bee granted to be his ,right7 depose ,princes and ,states1 as often as it is for the ,salvation of ,soules1 that is1 as often as he will2 for he claimeth also the ,sole ,power to ,judge1 whether it be to the salvation of mens ,souls1 or not4 ,and this is the ,doctrine1 not onely that ,bellarmine here1 and many other ,doctors teach in their ,sermons and ,books1 but also that some ,councells have decreed1 and the ,popes have decreed1 and the ,popes have accordingly1 when the occasion hath served them1 put in practise4 ,for the fourth ,councell of ,lateran held under ,pope ,innocent the third1 7in the third ,chap4 ,de ,haereticis17 hath this ,canon4 ,if a ,king at the ,popes admonition1 doe not purge his ,kingdome of ,haeretiques1 and being ,excommunicate for the same1 make not satisfaction within a year1 his subjects are absolved of their ,obedience4 ,and the practise hereof hath been seen on divers occasions2 as in the ,deposing of ,chilperique1 ,king of ,france2 in the ,translation of the ,roman ,empire to ,charlemaine2 in the ,oppression of ,john ,king of ,england2 in ,transferring the ,kingdome of ,navarre2 and of late years1 in the ,league against ,henry the third of ,france1 and in many more occurrences4 ,i think there be few ,princes that consider not this as ,injust1 and ,inconvenient2 but ,i wish they would all resolve to be ,kings1 or ,subjects4 ,men cannot serve two ,masters3 ,they ought therefore to ease them1 either by holding the ,reins of ,government wholly in their own hands2 or by wholly delivering them into the hands of the ,pope2 that such men as are willing to be obedient1 may be protected in their obedience4 ,for this distinction of ,temporall1 and ,spirituall ,power is but words4 ,power is as really divided1 and as dangerously to all purposes1 by sharing with another ,indirect ,power1 as with a ,direct one4 ,but to come now to his ,arguments4 ,the first is this1 ,the ,civill ,power is subject to the ,spirituall3 ,therefore he that hath the ,supreme ,power ,spirituall1 hath right to command ,temporall ,princes1 and dispose of their ,temporalls in order to the ,spirituall4 ,as for the distinction of ,temporall1 and ,spirituall1 let us consider in what sense it may be said intelligibly1 that the ,temporall1 or ,civill ,power is subject to the ,spirituall4 ,there be but two ways that those words can be made sense4 ,for when wee say1 one ,power is subject to another ,power1 the meaning either is1 that he which hath the one1 is subject to him that hath the other2 or that the one ,power is to the other1 as the means to the end4 ,for wee cannot understand1 that one ,power hath ,power over another ,power2 and that one ,power can have ,right or ,command over another3 ,for ,subjection1 ,command1 ,right1 and ,power are accidents1 not of ,powers1 but of ,persons3 ,one ,power may be subordinate to another1 as the art of a ,sadler1 to the art of a ,rider4 ,if then it be granted1 that the ,civill ,government be ordained as a means to bring us to a ,spirituall felicity2 yet it does not follow1 that if a ,king have the ,civill ,power1 and the ,pope the ,spirituall1 that therefore the ,king is bound to obey the ,pope1 more then every ,sadler is bound to obey every ,rider4 ,therefore as from ,subordination of an ,art1 cannot be inferred the ,subjection of the ,professor2 so from the ,subordination of a ,government1 cannot be inferred the ,subjection of the ,governor4 ,when therefore he saith1 the ,civill ,power is ,subject to the ,spirituall1 his meaning is1 that the ,civill ,soveraign1 is ,subject to the ,spirituall ,soveraign4 ,and the ,argument stands thus1 ,the ,civil ,soveraign1 is subject to the ,spirituall2 ,therefore the ,spirituall ,prince may command ,temporall ,princes4 ,where the conclusion is the same1 with the ,antecedent he should have proved4 ,but to prove it1 he alledgeth first1 this reason1 ,kings and ,popes1 ,clergy and ,laity make but one ,common-wealth2 that is to say1 but one ,church3 ,and in all ,bodies the ,members depend one upon another3 ,but things ,spirituall depend not of things ,temporall3 ,therefore1 ,temporall depend on ,spirituall4 ,and therefore are ,subject to them4 ,in which ,argumentation there be two grosse errours3 one is1 that all ,christian ,kings1 ,popes1 ,clergy1 and all other ,christian men1 make but one ,common-wealth3 ,for it is evident that ,france is one ,common-wealth1 ,spain another1 and ,venice a third1 c4 ,and these consist of ,christians2 and therefore also are severall ,bodies of ,christians2 that is to say1 severall ,churches3 ,and their severall ,soveraigns ,represent them1 whereby they are capable of commanding and obeying1 of doing and suffering1 as a natural man2 which no ,generall or ,universall ,church is1 till it have a ,representant2 which it hath not on ,earth3 for if it had1 there is no doubt but that all ,christendome were one ,common-wealth1 whose ,soveraign were that ,representant1 both in things ,spirituall and ,temporall3 ,and the ,pope1 to make himself this ,representant1 wanteth three things that our ,saviour hath not given him1 to ,command1 and to ,judge1 and to ,punish1 otherwise than 7by ,excommunication7 to run from those that will not ,learn of him3 ,for though the ,pope were ,christs onely ,vicar1 yet he cannot exercise his government1 till our ,saviours second coming3 ,and then also it is not the ,pope1 but ,st4 ,peter himselfe1 with the other ,apostles1 that are to be ,judges of the world4 ,the other errour in this his first ,argument is1 that he sayes1 the ,members of every ,common-wealth1 as of a naturall ,body1 depend one of another3 ,it is true1 they cohaere together2 but they depend onely on the ,soveraign1 which is the ,soul of the ,common-wealth2 which failing1 the ,common-wealth is dissolved into a ,civill war1 no one man so much as cohaering to another1 for want of a common ,dependance on a known ,soveraign2 ,just as the ,members of the naturall ,body dissolve into ,earth1 for want of a ,soul to hold them together4 ,therefore there is nothing in this similitude1 from whence to inferre a dependance of the ,laity on the ,clergy1 or of the ,temporall ,officers on the ,spirituall2 but of both on the ,civill ,soveraign2 which ought indeed to direct his ,civill commands to the ,salvation of ,souls2 but is not therefore subject to any but ,god himselfe4 ,and thus you see the laboured fallacy of the first ,argument1 to deceive such men as distinguish not between the ,subordination of ,actions in the way to the ,end2 and the ,subjection of ,persons one to another in the administration of the ,means4 ,for to every ,end1 the ,means are determined by ,nature1 or by ,god himselfe supernaturally3 but the ,power to make men use the ,means1 is in every nation resigned 7by the ,law of ,nature1 which forbiddeth men to violate their ,faith given7 to the ,civill ,soveraign4 ,his second ,argument is this1 ,every ,common-wealth1 7because it is supposed to be perfect and sufficient in it self17 may command any other ,common-wealth1 not subject to it1 and force it to change the administration of the ,government1 nay depose the ,prince1 and set another in his room1 if it cannot otherwise defend it selfe against the injuries he goes about to doe them3 much more may a ,spirituall ,common-wealth command a ,temporall one to change the administration of their ,government1 and may depose ,princes1 and institute others1 when they cannot otherwise defend the ,spirituall ,good4 ,that a ,common-wealth1 to defend it selfe against injuries1 may lawfully doe all that he hath here said1 is very true2 and hath already in that which hath gone before been sufficiently demonstrated4 ,and if it were also true1 that there is now in this world a ,spirituall ,common-wealth1 distinct from a ,civill ,common-wealth1 then might the ,prince thereof1 upon injury done him1 or upon want of caution that injury be not done him in time to come1 repaire1 and secure himself by ,warre2 which is in summe1 deposing1 killing1 or subduing1 or doing any act of ,hostility4 ,but by the same reason1 it would be no lesse lawfull for a ,civill ,soveraign1 upon the like injuries done1 or feared1 to make warre upon the ,spirituall ,soveraign2 which ,i beleeve is more than ,cardinall ,bellarmine would have inferred from his own proposition4 ,but ,spirituall ,common-wealth there is none in this world3 for it is the same thing with the ,kingdome of ,christ2 which he himselfe saith1 is not of this world2 but shall be in the next world1 at the ,resurrection1 when they that have lived justly1 and beleeved that he was the ,christ1 shall 7though they died ,naturall bodies7 rise ,spirituall bodies2 and then it is1 that our ,saviour shall judge the world1 and conquer his ,adversaries1 and make a ,spirituall ,common-wealth4 ,in the mean time1 seeing there are no men on earth1 whose bodies are ,spirituall2 there can be no ,spirituall ,common-wealth amongst men that are yet in the flesh2 unlesse wee call ,preachers1 that have ,commission to ,teach1 and prepare men for their reception into the ,kingdome of ,christ at the ,resurrection1 a ,common-wealth2 which ,i have proved to bee none4 ,the third ,argument is this2 ,it is not lawfull for ,christians to tolerate an ,infidel1 or ,haereticall ,king1 in case he endeavour to draw them to his ,haeresie1 or ,infidelity4 ,but to judge whether a ,king draw his subjects to ,haeresie1 or not1 belongeth to the ,pope4 ,therefore hath the ,pope ,right1 to determine whether the ,prince be to be deposed1 or not deposed4 ,to this ,i answer1 that both these assertions are false4 ,for ,christians1 7or men of what ,religion soever17 if they tolerate not their ,king1 whatsoever law hee maketh1 though it bee concerning ,religion1 doe violate their faith1 contrary to the ,divine ,law1 both ,naturall and ,positive3 ,nor is there any ,judge of ,haeresie amongst ,subjects1 but their own ,civill ,soveraign2 for ,haeresie is nothing else1 but a private opinion1 obstinately maintained1 contrary to the opinion which the ,publique ,person 7that is to say1 the ,representant of the ,common-wealth7 hath commanded to bee taught4 ,by which it is manifest1 that an opinion publiquely appointed to bee taught1 cannot be ,haeresie2 nor the ,soveraign ,princes that authorize them1 ,haeretiques4 ,for ,haeretiques are none but private men1 that stubbornly defend some ,doctrine1 prohibited by their lawful ,soveraigns4 ,but to prove that ,christians are not to tolerate ,infidell1 or ,haereticall ,kings1 he alledgeth a place in ,deut4 #ag4 where ,god forbiddeth the ,jews1 when they shall set a ,king over themselves1 to choose a stranger2 ,and from thence inferreth1 that it is unlawfull for a ,christian1 to choose a ,king1 that is not a ,christian4 ,and 'tis true1 that he that is a ,christian1 that is1 hee that hath already obliged himself to receive our ,saviour when he shall come1 for his ,king1 shal tempt ,god too much in choosing for ,king in this world1 one that hee knoweth will endeavour1 both by terrour1 and perswasion to make him violate his faith4 ,but1 it is 7saith hee7 the same danger1 to choose one that is not a ,christian1 for ,king1 and not to depose him1 when hee is chosen4 ,to this ,i say1 the question is not of the danger of not deposing2 but of the ,justice of deposing him4 ,to choose him1 may in some cases bee unjust2 but to depose him1 when he is chosen1 is in no case ,just4 ,for it is alwaies violation of faith1 and consequently against the ,law of ,nature1 which is the eternal ,law of ,god4 ,nor doe wee read1 that any such ,doctrine was accounted ,christian in the time of the ,apostles2 nor in the time of the ,romane ,emperours1 till the ,popes had the ,civill ,soveraignty of ,rome4 ,but to this he hath replyed1 that the ,christians of old1 deposed not ,nero1 nor ,diocletian1 nor ,julian1 nor ,valens an ,arrian1 for this cause onely1 that they wanted ,temporall forces4 ,perhaps so4 ,but did our ,saviour1 who for calling for1 might have had twelve ,legions of immortall1 invulnerable ,angels to assist him1 want forces to depose ,caesar1 or at least ,pilate1 that unjustly1 without finding fault in him1 delivered him to the ,jews to bee crucified8 ,or if the ,apostles wanted ,temporall forces to depose ,nero1 was it therefore necessary for them in their ,epistles to the new made ,christians1 to teach them1 7as they did7 to obey the ,powers constituted over them1 7whereof ,nero in that time was one17 and that they ought to obey them1 not for fear of their wrath1 but for conscience sake8 ,shall we say they did not onely obey1 but also teach what they meant not1 for want of strength8 ,it is not therefore for want of strength1 but for conscience sake1 that ,christians are to tolerate their ,heathen ,princes1 or ,princes 7for ,i cannot call any one whose ,doctrine is the ,publique ,doctrine1 an ,haeretique7 that authorize the teaching of an ,errour4 ,and whereas for the ,temporall ,power of the ,pope1 he alledgeth further1 that ,st4 ,paul 7#a ,cor4 #f47 appointed ,judges under the ,heathen ,princes of those times1 such as were not ordained by those ,princes2 it is not true4 ,for ,st4 ,paul does but advise them1 to take some of their ,brethren to compound their differences1 as ,arbitrators1 rather than to goe to law one with another before the ,heathen ,judges2 which is a wholsome ,precept1 and full of ,charity1 fit to bee practised also in the ,best ,christian ,common-wealths4 ,and for the danger that may arise to ,religion1 by the ,subjects tolerating of an ,heathen1 or an ,erring ,prince1 it is a point1 of which a ,subject is no competent ,judge2 or if hee bee1 the ,popes ,temporall ,subjects may judge also of the ,popes ,doctrine4 ,for every ,christian ,prince1 as ,i have formerly proved1 is no lesse ,supreme ,pastor of his own ,subjects1 than the ,pope of his4 ,the fourth ,argument1 is taken from the ,baptisme of ,kings2 wherein1 that they may be made ,christians they submit their ,scepters to ,christ2 and promise to keep1 and defend the ,christian ,faith4 ,this is true2 for ,christian ,kings are no more but ,christs ,subjects3 but they may1 for all that1 bee the ,popes ,fellowes2 for they are ,supreme ,pastors of their own ,subjects2 and the ,pope is no more but ,king1 and ,pastor1 even in ,rome it selfe4 ,the fifth ,argument1 is drawn from the words spoken by our ,saviour1 ,feed ,my ,sheep2 by which was give all ,power necessary for a ,pastor2 as the ,power to chase away ,wolves1 such as are ,haeretiques2 the ,power to shut up ,rammes1 if they be mad1 or push at the other ,sheep with their ,hornes1 such as are ,evill 7though ,christian7 ,kings2 and ,power to give the ,flock convenient food3 ,from whence hee inferreth1 that ,st4 ,peter had these three ,powers given him by ,christ4 ,to which ,i answer1 that the last of these ,powers1 is no more than the ,power1 or rather ,command to ,teach4 ,for the first1 which is to chase away ,wolves1 that is1 ,haeretiques1 the place hee quoteth is 7,matth4 #g4ae47 ,beware of false ,prophets which come to you in ,sheeps clothing1 but inwardly are ravening ,wolves4 ,but neither are ,haeretiques false ,prophets1 or at all ,prophets3 nor 7admitting ,haeretiques for the ,wolves there meant17 were the ,apostles commanded to kill them1 or if they were ,kings1 to depose them2 but to beware of1 fly1 and avoid them3 nor was it to ,st4 ,peter1 nor to any of the ,apostles1 but to the multitude of the ,jews that followed him into the mountain1 men for the most part not yet converted1 that hee gave this ,counsell1 to ,beware of false ,prophets3 which therefore if it conferre a ,power of chasing away ,kings1 was given1 not onely to private men2 but to men that were not at all ,christians4 ,and as to the ,power of ,separating1 and ,shutting up of furious ,rammes1 7by which hee meaneth ,christian ,kings that refuse to submit themselves to the ,roman ,pastor17 our ,saviour refused to take upon him that ,power in this world himself1 but advised to let the ,corn and ,tares grow up together till the day of ,judgment3 much lesse did hee give it to ,st4 ,peter1 or can ,s4 ,peter give it to the ,popes4 ,st4 ,peter1 and all other ,pastors1 are bidden to esteem those ,christians that disobey the ,church1 that is1 7that disobey the ,christian ,soveraigne7 as ,heathen men1 and as ,publicans4 ,seeing then men challenge to the ,pope no authority over ,heathen ,princes1 they ought to challenge none over those that are to bee esteemed as ,heathen4 ,but from the ,power to ,teach onely1 hee inferreth also a ,coercive ,power in the ,pope1 over ,kings4 ,the ,pastor 7saith he7 must give his flock convenient food3 ,therefore the ,pope may1 and ought to compell ,kings to doe their duty4 ,out of which it followeth1 that the ,pope1 as ,pastor of ,christian men1 is ,king of ,kings3 which all ,christian ,kings ought indeed either to ,confesse1 or else they ought to take upon themselves the ,supreme ,pastorall ,charge1 every one in his own ,dominion4 ,his sixth1 and last ,argument1 is from ,examples4 ,to which ,i answer1 first1 that ,examples prove nothing2 ,secondly1 that the ,examples he alledgeth make not so much as a probability of ,right4 ,the fact of ,jehoiada1 in ,killing ,athaliah 7#b ,kings #aa47 was either by the ,authority of ,king ,joash1 or it was a horrible ,crime in the ,high ,priest1 which 7ever after the election of ,king ,saul7 was a mere ,subject4 ,the fact of ,st4 ,ambrose1 in ,excommunicating ,theodosius the ,emperour1 7if it were true hee did so17 was a ,capitall ,crime4 ,and for the ,popes1 ,gregory #a4 ,greg4 #b4 ,zachary1 and ,leo #c4 their ,judgments are void1 as given in their own ,cause2 and the ,acts done by them conformably to this ,doctrine1 are the greatest ,crimes 7especially that of ,zachary7 that are incident to ,humane ,nature4 ,and thus much of ,power ,ecclesiasticall2 wherein ,i had been more briefe1 forbearing to examine these ,arguments of ,bellarmine1 if they had been his1 as a ,private man1 and not as the ,champion of the ,papacy1 against all other ,christian ,princes1 and ,states4 ,,chapter ,,xliii4 ,,of ,,what ,,is ,,necessary ,,for ,a ,,mans ,,reception ,,into ,,the ,,kingdome ,,of ,,heaven4 ,the ,difficulty ,of ,obeying ,god ,and ,man ,both ,at ,once ,the most frequent praetext of ,sedition1 and ,civill ,warre1 in ,christian ,common-wealths hath a long time proceeded from a difficulty1 not yet sufficiently resolved1 of obeying at once1 both ,god1 and ,man1 then when their ,commandements are one contrary to the other4 ,it is manifest enough1 that when a man receiveth two contrary ,commands1 and knows that one of them is ,gods1 he ought to obey that1 and not the other1 though it be the command even of his lawfull ,soveraign 7whether a ,monarch1 or a ,soveraign ,assembly17 or the command of his ,father4 ,the difficulty therefore consisteth in this1 that men when they are commanded in the name of ,god1 know not in divers ,cases1 whether the command be from ,god1 or whether he that commandeth1 doe but abuse ,gods name for some private ends of his own4 ,for as there ware in the ,church of the ,jews1 many false ,prophets1 that sought reputation with the people1 by feigned ,dreams1 and ,visions2 so there have been in all times in the ,church of ,christ1 false ,teachers1 that seek reputation with the people1 by phantasticall and false ,doctrines2 and by such reputation 7as is the nature of ,ambition17 to govern them for their private benefit4 ,is ,none ,to ,them ,that ,distinguish ,between ,what ,is1 ,and ,what ,is ,not ,necessary ,to ,salvation ,but this difficulty of obeying both ,god1 and the ,civill ,soveraign on earth1 to those that can distinguish between what is ,necessary1 and what is not ,necessary for their ,reception into the ,kingdome of ,god1 is of no moment4 ,for if the command of the ,civill ,soveraign bee such1 as that it may be obeyed1 without the forfeiture of life ,eternall2 not to obey it is unjust2 and the precept of the ,apostle takes place2 ,servants obey your ,masters in all things2 and1 ,children obey your ,parents in all things2 and the precept of our ,saviour1 ,the ,scribes and ,pharisees sit in ,moses ,chaire1 ,all therefore they shall say1 that observe1 and doe4 ,but if the command be such1 as cannot be obeyed1 without being damned to ,eternall ,death1 then it were madnesse to obey it1 and the ,counsell of our ,saviour takes place1 7,mat4 #aj4 #bh47 ,fear not those that kill the body1 but cannot kill the soule4 ,all men therefore that would avoid1 both the punishments that are to be in this world inflicted1 for disobedience to their earthly ,soveraign1 and those that shall be inflicted in the world to come for disobedience to ,god1 have need be taught to distinguish well between what is1 and what is not ,necessary to ,eternall ,salvation4 ,all ,that ,is ,necessary ,to ,salvation ,is ,contained ,in ,faith ,and ,obedience ,all that is ,,necessary to ,salvation1 is contained in two ,vertues1 ,faith in ,christ1 and ,obedience to ,laws4 ,the latter of these1 if it were perfect1 were enough to us4 ,but because wee are all guilty of disobedience to ,gods ,law1 not onely originally in ,adam1 but also actually by our own transgressions1 there is required at our hands now1 not onely ,obedience for the rest of our time1 but also a ,remission of sins for the time past2 which ,remission is the reward of our ,faith in ,christ4 ,that nothing else is ,necessarily required to ,salvation1 is manifest from this1 that the ,kingdome of ,heaven1 is shut to none but to ,sinners2 that is to say1 to the disobedient1 or transgressors of the ,law2 nor to them1 in case they ,repent1 and ,beleeve all the ,articles of ,christian ,faith1 ,necessary to ,salvation4 ,what ,obedience ,is ,necessary2 ,the ,obedience required at our hands by ,god1 that accepteth in all our actions the ,will for the ,deed1 is a serious ,endeavour to ,obey him2 and is called also by all such names as signifie that ,endeavour4 ,and therefore ,obedience1 is sometimes called by the names of ,charity1 and ,love1 because they imply a ,will to ,obey2 and our ,saviour himself maketh our ,love to ,god1 and to one another1 a ,fulfilling of the whole ,law3 and sometimes by the name of ,righteousnesse2 for ,righteousnesse is but the will to give to every one his owne1 that is to say1 the will to obey the ,laws3 and sometimes by the name of ,repentance2 because to ,repent1 implyeth a turning away from sinne1 which is the same1 with the return of the will to ,obedience4 ,whosoever therefore unfeignedly desireth to fulfill the ,commandements of ,god1 or repenteth him truely of his transgressions1 or that loveth ,god with all his heart1 and his neighbor as himself1 hath all the ,obedience ,necessary to his ,reception into the ,kingdome of ,god3 ,for if ,god should require perfect ,innocence1 there could no flesh be saved4 ,and ,to ,what ,laws ,but what ,commandements are those that ,god hath given us8 ,are all those ,laws which were given to the ,jews by the hand of ,moses1 the ,commandements of ,god8 ,if they bee1 why are not ,christians taught to obey them8 ,if they be not1 what others are so1 besides the ,law of ,nature8 ,for our ,saviour ,christ hath not given us new ,laws1 but ,counsell to observe those wee are subject to2 that is to say1 the ,laws of ,nature1 and the ,laws of our severall ,soveraigns3 ,nor did he make any new ,law to the ,jews in his ,sermon on the ,mount1 but onely expounded the ,laws of ,moses1 to which they were subject before4 ,the ,laws of ,god therefore are none but the ,laws of ,nature1 whereof the principall is1 that we should not violate our ,faith1 that is1 a commandement to obey our ,civill ,soveraigns1 which wee constituted over us1 by mutuall pact one with another4 ,and this ,law of ,god1 that commandeth ,obedience to the ,law ,civill1 commandeth by consequence ,obedience to all the ,precepts of the ,bible1 which 7as ,i have proved in the precedent ,chapter7 is there onely ,law1 where the ,civill ,soveraign hath made it so2 and in other places but ,counsell2 which a man at his own perill1 may without injustice refuse to obey4 ,in ,the ,faith ,of ,a ,christian1 ,who ,is ,the ,person ,beleeved ,knowing now what is the ,obedience ,necessary to ,salvation1 and to whom it is due2 we are to consider next concerning ,faith1 whom1 and why we beleeve2 and what are the ,articles1 or ,points necessarily to be beleeved by them that shall be saved4 ,and first1 for the ,person whom we beleeve1 because it is impossible to beleeve any ,person1 before we know what he saith1 it is necessary he be one that wee have heard speak4 ,the ,person therefore1 whom ,abraham1 ,isaac1 ,jacob1 ,moses and the ,prophets beleeved1 was ,god himself1 that spake unto them supernaturally3 ,and the ,person1 whom the ,apostles and ,disciples that conversed with ,christ beleeved1 was our ,saviour himself4 ,but of them1 to whom neither ,god the ,father1 nor our ,saviour ever spake1 it cannot be said1 that the ,person whom they beleeved1 was ,god4 ,they beleeved the ,apostles1 and after them the ,pastors and ,doctors of the ,church1 that recommended to their faith the ,history of the ,old and ,new ,testament3 so that the ,faith of ,christians ever since our ,saviours time1 hath had for foundation1 first1 the reputation of their ,pastors1 and afterward1 the authority of those that made the ,old and ,new ,testament to be received for the ,rule of ,faith2 which none could do but ,christian ,soveraignes2 who are therefore the ,supreme ,pastors1 and the onely ,persons1 whom ,christians now hear speak from ,god2 except such as ,god speaketh to1 in these days supernaturally4 ,but because there be many false ,prophets gone out into the world1 other men are to examine such ,spirits 7as ,st4 ,john advised us1 #a ,epistle1 ,chap4 #d4 ver4#a47 whether they be of ,god1 or not4 ,and therefore1 seeing the ,examination of ,doctrines belongeth to the ,supreme ,pastor1 the ,person which all they that have no speciall revelation are to beleeve1 is 7in every ,common-wealth7 the ,supreme ,pastor1 that is to say1 the ,civill ,soveraigne4 ,the ,causes ,of ,christian ,faith ,the causes why men beleeve any ,christian ,doctrine1 are various2 ,for ,faith is the gift of ,god2 and he worketh it in each severall man1 by such wayes1 as it seemeth good unto himself4 ,the most ordinary immediate cause of our beleef1 concerning any point of ,christian ,faith1 is1 that wee beleeve the ,bible to be the ,word of ,god4 ,but why wee beleeve the ,bible to be the ,word of ,god1 is much disputed1 as all questions must needs bee1 that are not well stated4 ,for they make not the question to be1 ,why we ,beleeve it1 but ,how wee ,know it2 as if ,beleeving and ,knowing were all one4 ,and thence while one side ground their ,knowledge upon the ,infallibility of the ,church1 and the other side1 on the ,testimony of the ,private ,spirit1 neither side concludeth what it pretends4 ,for how shall a man know the ,infallibility of the ,church1 but by knowing first the ,infallibility of the ,scripture8 ,or how shall a man know his own ,private spirit to be other than a beleef1 grounded upon the ,authority1 and ,arguments of his ,teachers2 or upon a ,presumption of his own ,gifts8 ,besides1 there is nothing in the ,scripture1 from which can be inferred the ,infallibility of the ,church2 much lesse1 of any particular ,church2 and least of all1 the ,infallibility of any particular man4 ,faith ,comes ,by ,hearing ,it is manifest1 therefore1 that ,christian men doe not know1 but onely beleeve the ,scripture to be the ,word of ,god2 and that the means of making them beleeve which ,god is pleased to afford men ordinarily1 is according to the way of ,nature1 that is to say1 from their ,teachers4 ,it is the ,doctrine of ,st4 ,paul concerning ,christian ,faith in generall1 7,rom4 #aj4ag47 ,faith cometh by ,hearing1 that is1 by ,hearing our lawfull ,pastors4 ,he saith also 7ver4 #ad1ae4 of the same ,chapter7 ,how shall they beleeve in him of whom they have not heard8 and how shall they hear without a ,preacher8 and how shall they ,preach1 except they be sent8 ,whereby it is evident1 that the ordinary cause of beleeving that the ,scriptures are the ,word of ,god1 is the same with the cause of the beleeving of all other ,articles of our ,faith1 namely1 the ,hearing of those that are by the ,law allowed and appointed to ,teach us1 as our ,parents in their ,houses1 and our ,pastors in the ,churches3 ,which also is made more manifest by experience4 ,for what other cause can there bee assigned1 why in ,christian ,common-wealths all men either beleeve1 or at least professe the ,scripture to bee the ,word of ,god1 and in other ,common-wealths scarce any2 but that in ,christian ,common-wealths they are taught it from their infancy2 and in other places they are taught otherwise8 ,but if ,teaching be the cause of ,faith1 why doe not all beleeve8 ,it is certain therefore that ,faith is the gift of ,god1 and hee giveth it to whom he will4 ,neverthelesse1 because of them to whom he giveth it1 he giveth it by the means of ,teachers1 the immediate cause of ,faith is ,hearing4 ,in a ,school where many are taught1 and some profit1 others profit not1 the cause of learning in them that profit1 is the ,master2 yet it cannot be thence inferred1 that learning is not the gift of ,god4 ,all good things proceed from ,god2 yet cannot all that have them1 say they are ,inspired2 for that implies a gift supernaturall1 and the immediate hand of ,god2 which he that pretends to1 pretends to be a ,prophet1 and is subject to the examination of the ,church4 ,but whether men ,know1 or ,beleeve1 or ,grant the ,scriptures to be the ,word of ,god2 if out of such places of them1 as are without obscurity1 ,i shall shew what ,articles of ,faith are necessary1 and onely necessary for ,salvation1 those men must needs ,know1 ,beleeve1 or ,grant the same4 ,the ,onely ,necessary ,article ,of ,christian ,faith1 ,the 7,unum ,necessarium7 ,onely ,article of ,faith1 which the ,scripture maketh simply ,necessary to ,salvation1 is this1 that ,,jesus ,,is ,,the ,,christ4 ,by the name of ,christ1 is understood the ,king1 which ,god had before promised by the ,prophets of the ,old ,testament1 to send into the world1 to reign 7over the ,jews1 and over such of other nations as should beleeve in him7 under himself eternally2 and to give them that eternall life1 which was lost by the sin of ,adam4 ,which when ,i have proved out of ,scripture1 ,i will further shew when1 and in what sense some other ,articles may bee also called ,necessary4 ,proved ,from ,the ,scope ,of ,the ,evangelists ,for ,proof that the ,beleef of this ,article1 ,jesus ,is ,the ,christ1 is all the ,faith required to ,salvation1 my first ,argument shall bee from the ,scope of the ,evangelists2 which was by the description of the life of our ,saviour1 to establish that one ,article1 ,jesus ,is ,the ,christ4 ,the summe of ,st4 ,matthews ,gospell is this1 ,that ,jesus was of the stock of ,david2 ,born of a ,virgin2 which are the ,marks of the true ,christ3 ,that the ,magi came to worship him as ,king of the ,jews3 ,that ,herod for the same cause sought to kill him3 ,that ,john ,baptist proclaimed him3 ,that he preached by himselfe1 and his ,apostles that he was that ,king2 ,that he taught the ,law1 not as a ,scribe1 but as a man of ,authority3 ,that he cured diseases by his ,word onely1 and did many other ,miracles1 which were foretold the ,christ should doe3 ,that he was saluted ,king when he entered into ,jerusalem3 ,that he fore-warned them to beware of all others that should pretend to be ,christ3 ,that he was taken1 accused1 and put to death1 for saying1 hee was ,king3 ,that the cause of his condemnation written on the ,crosse1 was ,,jesus ,,of ,,nazareth1 ,,the ,,king ,,of ,,the ,,jewes4 ,all which tend to no other end than this1 that men should beleeve1 that ,jesus ,is ,the ,christ4 ,such therefore was the ,scope of ,st4 ,matthews ,gospel4 ,but the ,scope of all the ,evangelists 7as may appear by reading them7 was the same4 ,therefore the ,scope of the whole ,gospell1 was the establishing of that onely ,article4 ,and ,st4 ,john expressely makes it his conclusion1 ,john #bj4 #ca4 ,these things are written1 that you may know that ,jesus is the ,christ1 the ,son of the living ,god4 ,from ,the ,sermons ,of ,the ,apostles3 ,my second ,argument is taken from the ,subject of the ,sermons of the ,apostles1 both whilest our ,saviour lived on earth1 and after his ,ascension4 ,the ,apostles in our ,saviours time were sent1 ,luke #i4b4 to ,preach the ,kingdome of ,god3 ,for neither there1 nor ,mat4 #aj4g4 giveth he any ,commission to them1 other than this1 ,as ye go1 ,preach1 saying1 the ,kingdome of ,heaven is at hand2 that is1 that ,jesus is the ,messiah1 the ,christ1 the ,king which was to come4 ,that their ,preaching also after his ascension was the same1 is manifest out of ,acts #ag4f4 ,they drew 7saith ,st4 ,luke7 ,jason and certain ,brethren unto the ,rulers of the ,city1 crying1 ,these that have turned the world upside down are come hither also1 whom ,jason hath received4 ,and these all do contrary to the ,decrees of ,caesar1 saying1 that there is another ,king1 one ,jesus3 ,and out of the #b4c4 verses of the same ,chapter1 where it is said1 that ,st4 ,paul as his manner was1 went in unto them2 and three ,sabbath dayes reasoned with them out of the ,scriptures2 opening and alledging1 that ,christ must needs have suffered1 and risen againe from the dead1 and that this ,jesus 7whom he preached7 is ,christ4 ,from ,the ,easinesse ,of ,the ,doctrine3 ,the third ,argument is1 from those places of ,scripture1 by which all the ,faith required to ,salvation is declared to be ,easie4 ,for if an inward assent of the mind to all the ,doctrines concerning ,christian ,faith now taught1 7whereof the greatest part are disputed17 were necessary to ,salvation1 there would be nothing in the world so hard1 as to be a ,christian4 ,the ,thief upon the ,crosse though repenting1 could not have been saved for saying1 ,lord remember me when thou commest into thy ,kingdome2 by which he testified no beleefe of any other ,article1 but this1 ,that ,jesus ,was ,the ,king4 ,nor could it bee said 7as it is ,mat4 #aa4 #cj47 that ,christs yoke is ,easy1 and his burthen ,light3 ,nor that ,little ,children beleeve in him1 as it is ,matth4 #ah4f4 ,nor could ,st4 ,paul have said 7#a ,cor4 #a4 #ba47 ,it pleased ,god by the ,foolishnesse of preaching1 to save them that beleeve3 ,nor could ,st4 ,paul himself have been saved1 much lesse have been so great a ,doctor of the ,church so suddenly1 that never perhaps thought of ,transsubstantiation1 nor ,purgatory1 nor many other ,articles now obtruded4 ,from ,formall ,and ,cleer ,texts ,the fourth ,argument is taken from places expresse1 and such as receive no controversie of ,interpretation2 as first1 ,john #e4 #ci4 ,search the ,scriptures1 for in them yee thinke yee have eternall life2 and they are they that testifie of mee4 ,our ,saviour here speaketh of the ,scriptures onely of the ,old ,testament2 for the ,jews at that time could not search the ,scriptures of the ,new ,testament1 which were not written4 ,but the ,old ,testament hath nothing of ,christ1 but the ,markes by which men might know him when hee came2 as that he should descend from ,david1 be born at ,bethlehem1 and of a ,virgin2 doe great ,miracles1 and the like4 ,therefore to beleeve that this ,jesus was ,he1 was sufficient to eternall life3 but more than sufficient is not ,necessary2 and consequently no other ,article is required4 ,again1 7,john #aa4 #bf47 ,whosoever liveth and beleeveth in mee1 shall not die eternally1 ,therefore to beleeve in ,christ1 is faith sufficient to eternall life2 and consequently no more faith than that is ,necessary1 ,but to beleeve in ,jesus1 and to beleeve that ,jesus is the ,christ1 is all one1 as appeareth in the verses immediately following4 ,for when our ,saviour 7verse #bf47 had said to ,martha1 ,beleevest thou this8 she answereth 7verse #bg47 ,yea ,lord1 ,i beleeve that thou art the ,christ1 the ,son of ,god1 which should come into the world2 ,therefore this ,article alone is faith sufficient to life eternall2 and more than sufficient is not ,necessary4 ,thirdly1 ,john #bj4 #ca4 ,these things are written that yee might beleeve1 that ,jesus is the ,christ1 the ,son of ,god1 and that beleeving yee might have life through his name4 ,there1 to beleeve that ,jesus ,is ,the ,christ1 is faith sufficient to the obtaining of life2 and therefore no other ,article is ,necessary4 ,fourthly1 #a ,john #d4 #b4 ,every ,spirit that confesseth that ,jesus ,christ is come in the flesh1 is of ,god4 ,and #a ,joh4 #e4 #a4 whosoever beleeveth that ,jesus is the ,christ1 is born of ,god4 ,and verse #e4 ,who is hee that overcommeth the world1 but he that beleeveth that ,jesus is the ,son of ,god8 ,fiftly1 ,act4 #h4 ver4 #cf1 #cg4 ,see 7saith the ,eunuch7 here is water1 what doth hinder me to be baptized8 ,and ,philip said1 ,if thou beleevest with all thy heart thou mayst4 ,and hee answered and said1 ,i beleeve that ,jesus ,christ is the ,son of ,god4 ,therefore this ,article beleeved1 ,jesus ,is ,the ,christ1 is sufficient to ,baptisme1 that is to say1 to our ,reception into the ,kingdome of ,god1 and by consequence1 onely ,necessary4 ,and generally in all places where our ,saviour saith to any man1 ,thy faith hath saved thee1 the cause he saith it1 is some ,confession1 which directly1 or by consequence1 implyeth a beleef1 that ,jesus ,is ,the ,christ4 ,from ,that ,it ,is ,the ,foundation ,of ,all ,other ,articles ,the last ,argument is from the places1 where this ,article is made the ,foundation of ,faith3 ,for he that holdeth the ,foundation shall bee saved4 ,which places are first1 ,mat4 #bd4bc4 ,if any man shall say unto you1 ,loe1 here is ,christ1 or there1 beleeve it not1 for there shall arise false ,christs1 and false ,prophets1 and shall shew great signes and wonders1 c4 ,here wee see1 this ,article ,jesus ,is ,the ,christ1 must bee held1 though hee that shall teach the contrary should doe great miracles4 ,the second place is ,gal4 #a4 #h4 ,though we1 or an ,angell from ,heaven preach any other ,gospell unto you1 than that wee have preached unto you1 let him bee accursed4 ,but the ,gospell which ,paul1 and the other ,apostles1 preached1 was onely this ,article1 that ,jesus ,is ,the ,christ2 ,therefore for the ,beleef of this ,article1 we are to reject the ,authority of an ,angell from heaven2 much more of any mortall man1 if he teach the contrary4 ,this is therefore the ,fundamentall ,article of ,christian ,faith4 ,a third place is1 #a ,joh4 #d4a4 ,beloved1 beleeve not every spirit4 ,hereby yee shall know the ,spirit of ,god2 every spirit that confesseth that ,jesus ,christ is come in the flesh1 is of ,god4 ,by which it is evident1 that this ,article1 is the measure1 and rule1 by which to estimate1 and examine all other ,articles2 and is therefore onely ,fundamentall4 ,a fourth is1 ,matt4 #af4ah4 where after ,st4 ,peter had professed this ,article1 saying to our ,saviour1 ,thou art ,christ the ,son of the living ,god1 ,our ,saviour answered1 ,thou art ,peter1 and upon this ,rock ,i will build my ,church3 from whence ,i inferre1 that this ,article is that1 on which all other ,doctrines of the ,church are built1 as on their ,foundation4 ,a fift is 7#a ,cor4 #c4 ver4 #aa1 #ab1 c47 ,other ,foundation can no man lay1 than that which is laid1 ,jesus is the ,christ4 ,now if any man build upon this ,foundation1 ,gold1 ,silver1 pretious ,stones1 ,wood1 ,hay1 ,stubble2 ,every mans work shall be made manifest2 ,for the ,day shall declare it1 because it shall be revealed by fire1 and the fire shall try every mans work1 of what sort it is4 ,if any mans work abide1 which he hath built thereupon1 he shall receive a reward3 ,if any mans work shall bee burnt1 he shall suffer losse2 but he himself shall be saved1 yet so as by fire4 ,which words1 being partly plain and easie to understand1 and partly allegoricall and difficult2 out of that which is plain1 may be inferred1 that ,pastors that teach this ,foundation1 that ,jesus ,is ,the ,christ1 though they draw from it false consequences1 7which all men are sometimes subject to17 they may neverthelesse bee saved2 much more that they may bee saved1 who being no ,pastors1 but ,hearers1 beleeve that which is by their lawfull ,pastors taught them4 ,therefore the beleef of this ,article is sufficient2 and by consequence there is no other ,article of ,faith ,necessarily required to ,salvation4 ,now for the part which is ,allegoricall1 as ,that the fire shall try every mans work1 and that ,they shall be saved1 but so as by fire1 or through fire1 7for the originall is dia puros17 it maketh nothing against this conclusion which ,i have drawn from the other words1 that are plain4 ,neverthelesse1 because upon this place there hath been an argument taken1 to prove the fire of ,purgatory1 ,i will also here offer you my conjecture concerning the meaning of this triall of ,doctrines1 and saving of men as by ,fire4 ,the ,apostle here seemeth to allude to the words of the ,prophet ,zachary1 ,ch4 #ac4 #h1i4 who speaking of the ,restauration of the ,kingdome of ,god1 saith thus1 ,two parts therein shall be cut off1 and die1 but the third shall be left therein2 and ,i will bring the third part through the ,fire1 and will refine them as ,silver is refined1 and will try them as ,gold is tryed2 they shall call on the name of the ,lord1 and ,i will hear them4 ,the day of ,judgment1 is the day of the ,restauration of the ,kingdome of ,god2 and at that day it is1 that ,st4 ,peter tells us 7#b ,pet4 #c4 v4#g1 #aj1 #ab47 shall be the ,conflagration of the world1 wherein the wicked shall perish2 but the remnant which ,god will save1 shall passe through that ,fire1 unhurt1 and be therein 7as ,silver and ,gold are refined by the fire from their drosse7 tryed1 and refined from their ,idolatry1 and be made to call upon the name of the true ,god4 ,alluding whereto ,st4 ,paul here saith1 that ,the ,day 7that is1 the ,day of ,judgment1 the ,great ,day of our ,saviours comming to restore the ,kingdome of ,god in ,israel7 shall try every mans doctrine1 by ,judging1 which are ,gold1 ,silver1 ,pretious ,stones1 ,wood1 ,hay1 ,stubble2 ,and then they that have built false ,consequences on the true ,foundation1 shall see their ,doctrines condemned2 neverthelesse they themselves shall be saved1 and passe unhurt through this universall ,fire1 and live eternally1 to call upon the name of the true and onely ,god4 ,in which sense there is nothing that accordeth not with the rest of ,holy ,scripture1 or any glimpse of the fire of ,purgatory4 ,in ,what ,sense ,other ,articles ,may ,be ,called ,necessary ,but a man may here aske1 whether it bee not as necessary to ,salvation1 to beleeve1 that ,god is ,omnipotent2 ,creator of the world2 that ,jesus ,christ is risen2 and that all men else shall rise again from the dead at the last day2 as to beleeve1 that ,jesus ,is ,the ,christ4 ,to which ,i answer1 they are2 and so are many more ,articles3 but they are such1 as are contained in this one1 and may be deduced from it1 with more1 or lesse difficulty4 ,for who is there that does not see1 that they who beleeve ,jesus to be the ,son of the ,god of ,israel1 and that the ,israelites had for ,god the ,omnipotent ,creator of all things1 doe therein also beleeve1 that ,god is the ,omnipotent ,creator of all things8 ,or how can a man beleeve1 that ,jesus is the ,king that shall reign eternally1 unlesse hee beleeve him also risen again from the dead8 ,for a dead man cannot exercise the ,office of a ,king4 ,in summe1 he that holdeth this ,foundation1 ,jesus ,is ,the ,christ1 holdeth ,expressely all that hee seeth rightly deduced from it1 and ,implicitely all that is consequent thereunto1 though he have not skill enough to discern the consequence4 ,and therefore it holdeth still good1 that the beleef of this one ,article is sufficient faith to obtaine remission of sinnes to the ,penitent1 and consequently to bring them into the ,kingdome of ,heaven4 ,that ,faith1 ,and ,obedience ,are ,both ,of ,them ,necessary ,to ,salvation ,now that ,i have shewn1 that all the ,obedience required to ,salvation1 consisteth in the will to obey the ,law of ,god1 that is to say1 in ,repentance2 and all the ,faith required to the same1 is comprehended in the beleef of this ,article1 ,jesus ,is ,the ,christ2 ,i will further alledge those places of the ,gospell1 that prove1 that all that is ,necessary to ,salvation is contained in both these joined together4 ,the men to whom ,st4 ,peter preached on the day of ,pentecost1 next after the ,ascension of our ,saviour1 asked him1 and the rest of the ,apostles1 saying1 7,act4 #b4cg47 ,men and ,brethren what shall we doe8 to whom ,st4 ,peter answered 7in the next verse7 ,repent1 and be ,baptized every one of you1 for the remission of sins1 and ye shall receive the gift of the ,holy ,ghost4 ,therefore ,repentance1 and ,baptisme1 that is1 beleeving that ,jesus ,is ,the ,christ1 is all that is ,necessary to ,salvation4 ,again1 our ,saviour being asked by a certain ,ruler1 7,luke #ah4ah47 ,what shall ,i doe to inherit eternall life8 ,answered 7verse #bj7 ,thou knowest the ,commandements1 ,doe not commit ,adultery1 ,doe not ,kill1 ,doe not ,steal1 ,doe not bear false witnesse1 ,honor thy ,father1 and thy ,mother2 which when he said he had observed1 our ,saviour added1 ,sell all thou hast1 give it to the ,poor1 and come and follow me3 which was as much as to say1 ,relye on me that am the ,king3 ,therefore to fulfill the ,law1 and to beleeve that ,jesus is the ,king1 is all that is required to bring a man to eternall life4 ,thirdly1 ,st4 ,paul saith 7,rom4 #a4ag47 ,the ,just shall live by ,faith2 not every one1 but the ,just2 therefore ,faith and ,justice 7that is1 the ,will ,to ,be ,just1 or ,repentance7 are all that is ,necessary to life eternall4 ,and 7,mark #a4ae47 our ,saviour preached1 saying1 ,the time is fulfilled1 and the ,kingdom of ,god is at hand1 ,repent and ,beleeve the ,evangile1 that is1 the ,good news that the ,christ was come4 ,therefore to ,repent1 and to ,beleeve that ,jesus is the ,christ1 is all that is required to ,salvation4 ,what ,each ,of ,them ,contributes ,thereunto ,seeing then it is ,necessary that ,faith1 and ,obedience 7implyed in the word ,repentance7 do both concurre to our ,salvation2 the question by which of the two we are ,justified1 is impertinently disputed4 ,neverthelesse1 it will not be impertinent1 to make manifest in what manner each of them contributes thereunto2 and in what sense it is said1 that we are to be ,justified by the one1 and by the other4 ,and first1 if by ,righteousnesse be understood the ,justice of the ,works themselves1 there is no man that can be saved2 for there is none that hath not transgressed the ,law of ,god4 ,and therefore when wee are said to be ,justified by ,works1 it is to be understood of the ,will1 which ,god doth alwaies accept for the ,work it selfe1 as well in good1 as in evill men4 ,and in this sense onely it is1 that a man is called ,just1 or ,unjust2 and that his ,justice ,justifies him1 that is1 gives him the title1 in ,gods acceptation1 of ,just2 and renders him capable of ,living ,by ,his ,faith1 which before he was not4 ,so that ,justice ,justifies in that that sense1 in which to ,justifie1 is the same that to ,denominate ,a ,man ,just2 and not in the signification of discharging the ,law2 whereby the punishment of his sins should be unjust4 ,but a man is then also said to be ,justified1 when his ,plea1 though in it selfe unsufficient1 is accepted2 as when we ,plead our ,will1 our ,endeavour to fulfill the ,law1 and ,repent us of our failings1 and ,god accepteth it for the ,performance it selfe3 ,and because ,god accepteth not the ,will for the ,deed1 but onely in the ,faithfull2 it is therefore ,faith that makes good our ,plea2 and in this sense it is1 that ,faith onely ,justifies3 ,so that ,faith and ,obedience are both ,necessary to ,salvation2 yet in severall senses each of them is said to ,justifie4 ,obedience ,to ,god ,and ,to ,the ,civill ,soveraign ,not ,inconsistent ,whether ,christian1 ,having thus shewn what is ,necessary to ,salvation2 it is not hard to reconcile our ,obedience to the ,civill ,soveraign2 who is either ,christian1 or ,infidel4 ,if he bee a ,christian1 he alloweth the beleefe of this ,article1 that ,jesus ,is ,the ,christ2 and of all the ,articles that are contained in1 or are evident consequence deduced from it3 which is all the ,faith ,necessary to ,salvation4 ,and because he is a ,soveraign1 he requireth ,obedience to all his owne1 that is1 to all the ,civill ,laws2 in which also are contained all the ,laws of ,nature1 that is1 all the ,laws of ,god3 for besides the ,laws of ,nature1 and the ,laws of the ,church1 which are part of the ,civill ,law1 7for the ,church that can make ,laws is the ,common-wealth17 there bee no other ,laws ,divine4 ,whosoever therefore obeyeth his ,christian ,soveraign1 is not thereby hindred1 neither from beleeving1 nor from obeying ,god4 ,but suppose that a ,christian ,king should from this ,foundation1 ,jesus ,is ,the ,christ1 draw some false consequences1 that is to say1 make some superstructions of ,hay1 or ,stubble1 and command the teaching of the same2 yet seeing ,st4 ,paul says1 he shal be saved2 much more shall he be saved1 that teacheth them by his command2 and much more yet1 he that teaches not1 but onely beleeves his lawfull ,teacher4 ,and in case a ,subject be forbidden by the ,civill ,soveraign to professe some of those his opinions1 upon what grounds can he disobey8 ,christian ,kings may erre in deducing a ,consequence1 but who shall ,judge8 ,shall a private man ,judge1 when the question is of his own obedience8 or shall any man ,judg but he that is appointed thereto by the ,church1 that is1 by the ,civill ,soveraign that representeth it8 or if the ,pope1 or an ,apostle ,judge1 may he not erre in deducing of a consequence8 did not one of the two1 ,st4 ,peter1 or ,st4 ,paul erre in a superstructure1 when ,st4 ,paul withstood ,st4 ,peter to his face8 ,there can therefore be no contradiction between the ,laws of ,god1 and the ,laws of a ,christian ,common-wealth4 ,or ,infidel ,and when the ,civill ,soveraign is an ,infidel1 every one of his own ,subjects that resisteth him1 sinneth against the ,laws of ,god 7for such as are the ,laws of ,nature17 and rejecteth the counsell of the ,apostles1 that admonisheth all ,christians to obey their ,princes1 and all ,children and ,servants to obey they ,parents1 and ,masters1 in all things4 ,and for their ,faith1 it is internall1 and invisible2 ,they have the licence that ,naaman had1 and need not put themselves into danger for it4 ,but if they do1 they ought to expect their reward in ,heaven1 and not complain of their ,lawfull ,soveraign2 much lesse make warre upon him4 ,for he that is not glad of any just occasion of ,martyrdome1 has not the faith be professeth1 but pretends it onely1 to set some colour upon his own contumacy4 ,but what ,infidel ,king is so unreasonable1 as knowing he has a ,subject1 that waiteth for the second comming of ,christ1 after the present world shall be burnt1 and intendeth then to obey him 7which is the intent of beleeving that ,jesus is the ,christ17 and in the mean time thinketh himself bound to obey the ,laws of that ,infidel ,king1 7which all ,christians are obliged in conscience to doe17 to put to death1 or to persecute such a ,subject8 ,and thus much shall suffice1 concerning the ,kingdome of ,god1 and ,policy ,ecclesiasticall4 ,wherein ,i pretend not to advance any ,position of my own1 but onely to shew what are the ,consequences that seem to me deducible from the ,principles of ,christian ,politiques1 7which are the holy ,scriptures17 in confirmation of the ,power of ,civill ,soveraigns1 and the ,duty of their ,subjects4 ,and in the allegation of ,scripture1 ,i have endeavoured to avoid such ,texts as are of obscure1 or controverted ,interpretation2 and to alledge none1 but is such sense as is most plain1 and agreeable to the harmony and scope of the whole ,bible2 which was written for the re-establishment of the ,kingdome of ,god in ,christ4 ,for it is not the bare ,words1 but the ,scope of the writer that giveth the true light1 by which any writing is to bee interpreted2 and they that insist upon single ,texts1 without considering the main ,designe1 can derive no thing from them cleerly2 but rather by casting atomes of ,scripture1 as dust before mens eyes1 make every thing more obscure than it is2 an ordinary artifice of those that seek not the truth1 but their own advantage4 ,,part ,,iv4 ,,of ,,the ,,kingdome ,,of ,,darknesse ,,chapter ,,xliv4 ,,of ,,spirituall ,,darknesse ,,from ,,misinterpretation ,,of ,,scripture ,the ,kingdome ,of ,darknesse ,what ,besides these ,soveraign ,powers1 ,divine1 and ,humane1 of which ,i have hitherto discoursed1 there is mention in ,scripture of another ,power1 namely1 7,eph4 #f4 #ab471 that of the ,rulers of the ,darknesse of this world1 7,mat4 #ab4 #bf471 the ,kingdome of ,satan1 and1 7,mat4 #i4 #cd471 the ,principality of ,beelzebub over ,daemons1 that is to say1 over ,phantasmes that appear in the ,air3 ,for which cause ,satan is also called 7,eph4 #b4 #b47 the ,prince of the ,power of the ,air2 and 7because he ruleth in the darknesse of this world7 7,joh4 #af4 #aa47 ,the ,prince of this world2 ,and in consequence hereunto1 they who are under his ,dominion1 in opposition to the faithfull 7who are the ,children ,of ,the ,light7 are called the ,children ,of ,darknesse4 ,for seeing ,beelzebub is ,prince of ,phantasmes1 ,inhabitants of his ,dominion of ,air and ,darknesse1 the ,children of ,darknesse1 and these ,daemons1 ,phantasmes1 or ,spirits of ,illusion1 signifie allegorically the same thing4 ,this considered1 the ,kingdome of ,darknesse1 as it is set forth in these1 and other places of the ,scripture1 is nothing else but a ,confederacy of ,deceivers1 that to obtain dominion over men in this present world1 endeavour by dark1 and erroneous ,doctrines1 to extinguish in them the ,light1 both of ,nature1 and of the ,gospell2 and so to dis-prepare them for the ,kingdome of ,god to come4 ,the ,church ,not ,yet ,fully ,freed ,of ,darknesse ,as men that are utterly deprived from their ,nativity1 of the light of the bodily ,eye1 have no ,idea at all1 of any such light2 and no man conceives in his imagination any greater light1 than he hath at some time1 or other perceived by his outward ,senses3 so also is it of the light of the ,gospel1 and of the light of the ,understanding1 that no man can conceive there is any greater degree of it1 than that which he hath already attained unto4 ,and from hence it comes to passe1 that men have no other means to acknowledge their owne ,darknesse1 but onely by reasoning from the un-forseen mischances1 that befall them in their ways2 ,the ,darkest part of the ,kingdome of ,satan1 is that which is without the ,church of ,god2 that is to say1 amongst them that beleeve not in ,jesus ,christ4 ,but we cannot say1 that therefore the ,church enjoyeth 7as the land of ,goshen7 all the light1 which to the performance of the work enjoined us by ,god1 is necessary4 ,whence comes it1 that in ,christendome there has been1 almost from the time of the ,apostles1 such justling of one another out of their places1 both by forraign1 and ,civill war8 such stumbling at every little asperity of their own fortune1 and every little eminence of that of other men8 and such diversity of ways in running to the same mark1 ,felicity1 if it be not ,night amongst us1 or at least a ,mist8 wee are therefore yet in the ,dark4 ,four ,causes ,of ,spirituall ,darknesse ,the ,enemy has been here in the ,night of our naturall ,ignorance1 and sown the tares of ,spirituall ,errors2 and that1 ,first1 by abusing1 and putting out the light of the ,scriptures3 ,for we erre1 not knowing the ,scriptures4 ,secondly1 by introducing the ,daemonology of the ,heathen ,poets1 that is to say1 their fabulous ,doctrine concerning ,daemons1 which are but ,idols1 or ,phantasms of the braine1 without any reall nature of their own1 distinct from humane fancy2 such as are dead mens ,ghosts1 and ,fairies1 and other matter of old ,wives tales4 ,thirdly1 by mixing with the ,scripture divers reliques of the ,religion1 and much of the vain and erroneous ,philosophy of the ,greeks1 especially of ,aristotle4 ,fourthly1 by mingling with both these1 false1 or uncertain ,traditions1 and fained1 or uncertain ,history4 ,and so we come to erre1 by giving heed to seducing ,spirits1 and the ,daemonology of such as speak lies in ,hypocrisie1 7or as it is in the ,originall1 #a ,tim4 #d4a1b4 of those that play the part of lyars7 with a seared conscience1 that is1 contrary to their own knowledge4 ,concerning the first of these1 which is the ,seducing of men by abuse of ,scripture1 ,i intend to speak briefly in this ,chapter4 ,errors ,from ,misinterpreting ,the ,scriptures1 ,concerning ,the ,kingdome ,of ,god ,the greatest1 and main abuse of ,scripture1 and to which almost all the rest are either consequent1 or subservient1 is the wresting of it1 to prove that the ,kingdome of ,god1 mentioned so often in the ,scripture1 is the present ,church1 or multitude of ,christian men now living1 or that being dead1 are to rise again at the last day3 whereas the ,kingdome of ,god was first instituted by the ,ministery of ,moses1 over the ,jews onely2 who were therefore called his ,peculiar ,people2 and ceased afterward1 in the election of ,saul1 when they refused to be governed by ,god any more1 and demanded a ,king after the manner of the nations2 which ,god himself consented unto1 as ,i have more at large proved before1 in the #ce4 ,chapter4 ,after that time1 there was no other ,kingdome of ,god in the world1 by any ,pact1 or otherwise1 than he ever was1 is1 and shall be ,king1 of all men1 and of all creatures1 as governing according to his ,will1 by his infinite ,power4 ,neverthelesse1 he promised by his ,prophets to restore this his ,government to them again1 when the time he hath in his secret counsell appointed for it shall bee fully come1 and when they shall turn unto him by repentance1 and amendment of life2 and not onely so1 but he invited also the ,gentiles to come in1 and enjoy the happinesse of his ,reign1 on the same conditions of conversion and repentance2 and hee promised also to send his ,son into the world1 to expiate the sins of them all by his death1 and to prepare them by his ,doctrine1 to receive him at his second coming3 ,which second coming not yet being1 the ,kingdome of ,god is not yet come1 and wee are not now under any other ,kings by ,pact1 but our ,civill ,soveraigns2 saving onely1 that ,christian men are already in the ,kingdome of ,grace1 in as much as they have already the ,promise of being received at his comming againe4 ,as ,that ,the ,kingdome ,of ,god ,is ,the ,present ,church ,consequent to this ,errour1 that the present ,church is ,christs ,kingdome1 there ought to be some one ,man1 or ,assembly1 by whose mouth our ,saviour 7now in heaven7 speaketh1 giveth law1 and which representeth his person to all ,christians1 or divers ,men1 or divers ,assemblies that doe the same to divers parts of ,christendome4 ,this power ,regal under ,christ1 being challenged1 universally by that ,pope1 and in particular ,common-wealths by ,assemblies of the ,pastors of the place1 7when the ,scripture gives it to none but to ,civill ,soveraigns17 comes to be so passionately disputed1 that it putteth out the ,light of ,nature1 and causeth so great a ,darknesse in mens understanding1 that they see not who it is to whom they have engaged their obedience4 ,and ,that ,the ,pope ,is ,his ,vicar ,generall ,consequent to this claim of the ,pope to ,vicar ,generall of ,christ in the present ,church1 7supposed to be that ,kingdom of his1 to which we are addressed in the ,gospel17 is the ,doctrine1 that it is necessary for a ,christian ,king1 to receive his ,crown by a ,bishop2 as if it were from that ,ceremony1 that he derives the clause of ,dei ,gratia in his title2 and that then onely he is made ,king by the favour of ,god1 when he is crowned by the authority of ,gods universall ,viceregent on earth2 and that every ,bishop whosoever be his ,soveraign1 taketh at his ,consecration an oath of absolute ,obedience to the ,pope1 ,consequent to the same1 is the ,doctrine of the fourth ,councell of ,lateran1 held under ,pope ,innocent the third1 7,chap4 #c4 ,de ,haereticis47 ,that if a ,king at the ,popes admonition1 doe not purge his ,kingdome of ,haeresies1 and being excommunicate for the same1 doe not give satisfaction within a year1 his ,subjects are absolved of the bond of their obedience4 ,where1 by ,haeresies are understood all opinions which the ,church of ,rome hath forbidden to be maintained4 ,and by this means1 as often as there is any repugnancy between the ,politicall designes of the ,pope1 and other ,christian ,princes1 as there is very often1 there ariseth such a ,mist amongst their ,subjects1 that they know not a stranger that thrusteth himself into the throne of their lawfull ,prince1 from him whom they had themselves placed there2 and in this ,darknesse of mind1 are made to fight one against another1 without discerning their enemies from their friends1 under the conduct of another mans ambition4 ,and ,that ,the ,pastors ,are ,the ,clergy ,from the same opinion1 that the present ,church is the ,kingdome of ,god1 it proceeds that ,pastours1 ,deacons1 and all other ,ministers of the ,church1 take the name to themselves of the ,clergy1 giving to other ,christians the name of ,laity1 that is1 simply ,people4 ,for ,clergy signifies those1 whose maintenance is that ,revenue1 which ,god having reserved to himselfe during his ,reigne over the ,israelites1 assigned to the tribe of ,levi 7who were to be his publique ,ministers1 and had no portion of land set them out to live on1 as their brethren7 to be their inheritance4 ,the ,pope therefore1 7pretending the present ,church to be1 as the ,realme of ,israel1 the ,kingdome of ,god7 challenging to himselfe and his subordinate ,ministers1 the like revenue1 as the ,inheritance of ,god1 the name of ,clergy was sutable to that claime4 ,and thence it is1 that ,tithes1 or other tributes paid to the ,levites1 as ,gods ,right1 amongst the ,israelites1 have a long time been demanded1 and taken of ,christians1 by ,ecclesiastiques1 ,jure ,divino1 that is1 in ,gods ,right4 ,by which meanes1 the people every where were obliged to a double tribute2 one to the ,state1 another to the ,clergy2 whereof1 that to the ,clergy1 being the tenth of their revenue1 is double to that which a ,king of ,athens 7and esteemed a ,tyrant7 exacted of his subjects for the defraying of all publique charges3 ,for he demanded no more but the twentieth part2 and yet abundantly maintained therewith the ,commonwealth4 ,and in the ,kingdome of the ,jewes1 during the ,sacerdotall ,reigne of ,god1 the ,tithes and ,offerings were the whole ,publique ,revenue4 ,from the same mistaking of the present ,church for the ,kingdom of ,god1 came in the distinction betweene the ,civill and the ,canon ,laws3 ,the civil ,law being the acts of ,soveraigns in their own ,dominions1 and the ,canon ,law being the ,acts of the ,pope in the same ,dominions4 ,which ,canons1 though they were but ,canons1 that is1 ,rules ,propounded1 and but voluntarily received by ,christian ,princes1 till the translation of the ,empire to ,charlemain2 yet afterwards1 as the power of the ,pope encreased1 became ,rules ,commanded1 and the ,emperours themselves 7to avoyd greater mischiefes1 which the people blinded might be led into7 were forced to let them passe for ,laws4 ,from hence it is1 that in all ,dominions1 where the ,popes ,ecclesiasticall power is entirely received1 ,jewes1 ,turkes1 and ,gentiles1 are in the ,roman ,church tolerated in their ,religion1 as farre forth1 as in the exercise and profession thereof they offend not against the civill power3 whereas in a ,christian1 though a stranger1 not to be of the ,roman ,religion1 is ,capitall2 because the ,pope pretendeth that all ,christians are his ,subjects4 ,for otherwise it were as much against the law of ,nations1 to persecute a ,christian stranger1 for professing the ,religion of his owne country1 as an ,infidell2 or rather more1 in as much as they that are not against ,christ1 are with him4 ,from the same it is1 that in every ,christian ,state there are certaine men1 that are exempt1 by ,ecclesiasticall liberty1 from the tributes1 and from the tribunals of the ,civil ,state2 for so are the secular ,clergy1 besides ,monks and ,friars1 which in many places1 bear so great a proportion to the common people1 as if need were1 there might be raised out of them alone1 an ,army1 sufficient for any warre the ,church militant should imploy them in1 against their owne1 or other ,princes4 ,error ,from ,mistaking ,consecration ,for ,conjuration ,a second generall abuse of ,scripture1 is the turning of ,consecration into ,conjuration1 or ,enchantment4 ,to ,consecrate1 is in ,scripture1 to ,offer1 ,give1 or ,dedicate1 in pious and decent language and gesture1 a man1 or any other thing to ,god1 by separating of it from common use2 that is to say1 to ,sanctifie1 or make it ,gods1 and to be used only by those1 whom ,god hath appointed to be his ,publike ,ministers1 7as ,i have already proved at large in the #ce4 ,chapter27 and thereby to change1 not the thing ,consecrated1 but onely the use of it1 from being ,profane and common1 to be ,holy1 and peculiar to ,gods service4 ,but when by such words1 the nature of qualitie of the thing it selfe1 is pretended to be changed1 it is not ,consecration1 but either an extraordinary worke of ,god1 or a vaine and impious ,conjuration4 ,but seeing 7for the frequency of pretending the change of ,nature in their ,consecrations17 it cannot be esteemed a work extraordinary1 it is no other than a ,conjuration or ,incantation1 whereby they would have men to beleeve an alteration of ,nature that is not1 contrary to the testimony of mans ,sight1 and of all the rest of his ,senses4 ,as for example1 when the ,priest1 in stead of ,consecrating ,bread and ,wine to ,gods peculiar service in the ,sacrament of the ,lords ,supper1 7which is but a separation of it from the common use1 to signifie1 that is1 to put men in mind of their ,redemption1 by the ,passion of ,christ1 whose body was broken1 and blood shed upon the ,crosse for our transgressions17 pretends1 that by saying of the words of our ,saviour1 ,this is my ,body1 and ,this is my ,blood1 the nature of ,bread is no more there1 but his very ,body2 notwithstanding there appeared not to the ,sight1 or other ,sense of the ,receiver1 any thing that appeareth not before the ,consecration4 ,the ,egyptian ,conjurers1 that are said to have turned their ,rods to ,serpents1 and the ,water into ,bloud1 are thought but to have deluded the senses of the ,spectators by a false shew of things1 yet are esteemed ,enchanters3 ,but what should wee have thought of them1 if there had appeared in their ,rods nothing like a ,serpent1 and in the ,water enchanted1 nothing like ,bloud1 nor like any thing else but ,water1 but that they had faced down the ,king1 that they were ,serpents that looked like ,rods1 and that it was ,bloud that seemed ,water8 ,that had been both ,enchantment1 and ,lying4 ,and yet in this daily act of the ,priest1 they doe the very same1 by turning the holy words into the manner of a ,charme1 which produceth nothing now to the ,sense2 but they face us down1 that it hath turned the ,bread into a ,man2 nay more1 into a ,god2 and require men to worship it1 as if it were our ,saviour himself present ,god and ,man1 and thereby to commit most grosse ,idolatry4 ,for if it bee enough to excuse it of ,idolatry1 to say it is no more ,bread1 but ,god2 why should not the same excuse serve the ,egyptians1 in case they had the faces to say1 the ,leeks1 and ,onyons they worshipped1 were not very ,leeks1 and ,onyons1 but a ,divinity under their ,species1 or likenesse4 ,the words1 ,this is my ,body1 are aequivalent to these1 ,this signifies1 or represents my ,body2 and it is an ordinary figure of ,speech3 but to take it literally1 is an abuse2 nor though so taken1 can it extend any further1 than to the ,bread which ,christ himself with his own hands ,consecrated4 ,for hee never said1 that of what ,bread soever1 any ,priest whatsoever1 should say1 ,this is my ,body1 or1 ,this is ,christs ,body1 the same should presently be transubstantiated4 ,nor did the ,church of ,rome ever establish this ,transubstantiation1 till the time of ,innocent the third2 which was not above #ejj4 years agoe1 when the ,power of ,popes was at the ,highest1 and the ,darknesse of the time grown so great1 as men discerned not the ,bread that was given them to eat1 especially when it was stamped with the figure of ,christ upon the ,crosse1 as if they would have men beleeve it were ,transubstantiated1 not onely into the ,body of ,christ1 but also into the ,wood of his ,crosse1 and that they did eat both together in the ,sacrament4 ,incantation ,in ,the ,ceremonies ,of ,baptisme ,the like incantation1 in stead of ,consecration1 is used also in the ,sacrament of ,baptisme3 ,where the abuse of ,gods name in each severall ,person1 and in the whole ,trinity1 with the sign of the ,crosse at each name1 maketh up the ,charm3 ,as first1 when they make the ,holy water1 the ,priest saith1 ,i ,conjure thee1 thou ,creature of ,water1 in the name of ,god the ,father ,almighty1 and in the name of ,jesus ,christ his onely ,son our ,lord1 and in vertue of the ,holy ,ghost1 that thou become ,conjured water1 to drive away all the ,powers of the ,enemy1 and to eradicate1 and supplant the ,enemy1 c4 ,and the same in the ,benediction of the ,salt to be mingled with it2 ,that thou become ,conjured ,salt1 that all ,phantasmes1 and ,knavery of the ,devills fraud may fly and depart from the place wherein thou art sprinkled2 and every unclean ,spirit bee ,conjured by ,him that shall come to judge the quicke and the dead4 ,the same in the ,benediction of the ,oyle4 ,that all the ,power of the ,enemy1 all the ,host of the ,devill1 all ,assaults and ,phantasmes of ,satan1 may be driven away by this ,creature of ,oyle4 ,and for the ,infant that is to be ,baptized1 he is subject to many ,charms2 ,first1 at the ,church dore the ,priest blows thrice in the ,childs face1 and sayes1 ,goe out of him unclean ,spirit1 and give place to the ,holy ,ghost the ,comforter4 ,as if all ,children1 till blown on by the ,priest were ,daemoniaques3 ,again1 before his entrance into the ,church1 he saith as before1 ,i ,conjure thee1 c4 to goe out1 and depart from this ,servant of ,god3 ,and again the same ,exorcisme is repeated once more before he be ,baptized4 ,these1 and some other ,incantations1 and ,consecrations1 in administration of the ,sacraments of ,baptisme1 and the ,lords ,supper2 wherein every thing that serveth to those holy men 7except the unhallowed ,spittle of the ,priest7 hath some set form of ,exorcisme4 ,in ,marriage1 ,in ,visitation ,of ,the ,sick1 ,and ,in ,consecration ,of ,places ,nor are the other rites1 as of ,marriage1 of ,extreme ,unction1 of ,visitation of the ,sick1 of ,consecrating ,churches1 and ,church-yards1 and the like1 exempt from ,charms2 in as much as there is in them the use of ,enchanted ,oyle1 and ,water1 with the abuse of the ,crosse1 and of the holy word of ,david1 ,asperges me ,domine ,hyssopo1 as things of efficacy to drive away ,phantasmes1 and ,imaginery ,spirits4 ,errors ,from ,mistaking ,eternall ,life1 ,and ,everlasting ,death ,another generall ,error1 is from the ,misinterpretation of the words ,eternall ,life1 ,everlasting ,death1 and the ,second ,death4 ,for though we read plainly in ,holy ,scripture1 that ,god created ,adam in an estate of ,living for ,ever1 which was conditionall1 that is to say1 if he disobeyed not his ,commandement2 which was not essentiall to ,humane ,nature1 but consequent to the vertue of the ,tree of ,life2 whereof hee had liberty to eat1 as long as hee had not sinned2 and that hee was thrust out of ,paradise after he had sinned1 lest hee should eate thereof1 and live for ever2 and that ,christs ,passion is a ,discharge of sin to all that beleeve on him2 and by consequence1 a restitution of ,eternall ,life1 to all the ,faithfull1 and to them onely3 yet the ,doctrine is now1 and hath been a long time far otherwise2 namely1 that every man hath ,eternity of ,life by ,nature1 in as much as his ,soul is ,immortall3 ,so that the flaming ,sword at the entrance of ,paradise1 though it hinder a man from coming to the ,tree of ,life1 hinders him not from the ,immortality which ,god took from him for his ,sin2 nor makes him to need the sacrificing of ,christ1 for the recovering of the same2 and consequently1 not onely the faithfull and righteous1 but also the wicked1 and the ,heathen1 shall enjoy ,eternall ,life1 without any ,death at all2 much lesse a ,second1 and ,everlasting ,death4 ,to salve this1 it is said1 that by ,second1 and ,everlasting ,death1 is meant a ,second1 and ,everlasting ,life1 but in ,torments2 a ,figure never used1 but in this very ,case4 ,all which ,doctrine is founded onely on some of the obscurer places of the ,new ,testament2 which neverthelesse1 the whole scope of the ,scripture considered1 are cleer enough in a different sense1 and unnecessary to the ,christian ,faith4 ,for supposing that when a man dies1 there remaineth nothing of him but his carkasse2 cannot ,god that raised inanimated dust and clay into a living creature by his ,word1 as easily raise a dead carkasse to life again1 and continue him alive for ,ever1 or make him die again1 by another ,word8 ,the ,soule in ,scripture1 signifieth alwaies1 either the ,life1 or the ,living ,creature2 and the ,body and ,soule jointly1 the ,body ,alive4 ,in the fift day of the ,creation1 ,god said1 ,let the water produce ,reptile ,animae ,viventis1 the creeping thing that hath in it a ,living ,soule2 the ,english translate it1 that hath ,life3 ,and again1 ,god created ,whales1 omnem animam viventem2 which in the ,english is1 every living ,creature3 ,and likewise of ,man1 ,god made him of the dust of the earth1 and breathed in his face the breath of ,life1 factus est ,homo in animam viventem1 that is1 and ,man was made a ,living ,creature2 ,and after ,noah came out of the ,arke1 ,god saith1 hee will no more smite omnem animam viventem1 that is every ,living ,creature2 ,and ,deut4 #ab4bc4 ,eate not the ,bloud1 for the ,bloud is the ,soule2 that is the ,life4 ,from which places1 if by ,soule were meant a ,substance ,incorporeall1 with an existence separated from the ,body1 it might as well be inferred of any other living ,creature1 as of ,man4 ,but that the ,souls of the ,faithfull1 are not of their own ,nature1 but by ,gods speciall ,grace1 to remaine in their bodies1 from the ,resurrection to all ,eternity1 ,i have already ,i think sufficiently proved out of the ,scriptures1 in the #ch4 ,chapter4 ,and for the places of the ,new ,testament1 where it is said that any man shall be cast ,body and ,soul into ,hell fire1 it is no more than ,body and ,life2 that is to say1 they shall be cast alive into the perpetuall fire of ,gehenna4 ,as ,the ,doctrine ,of ,purgatory1 ,and ,exorcismes1 ,and ,invocation ,of ,saints ,this window it is1 that gives entrance to the ,dark ,doctrine1 first1 of ,eternall ,torments2 and afterwards of ,purgatory1 and consequently of the walking abroad1 especially in places ,consecrated1 ,solitary1 or ,dark1 of the ,ghosts of men deceased2 and thereby to the pretences of ,exorcisme and ,conjuration of ,phantasmes2 as also of ,invocation of men dead2 and to the ,doctrine of ,indulgences2 that is to say1 of exemption for a time1 or for ever1 from the fire of ,purgatory1 wherein these ,incorporeall ,substances are pretended by burning to be cleansed1 and made fit for ,heaven4 ,for men being generally possessed before the time of our ,saviour1 by contagion of the ,daemonology of the ,greeks1 of an opinion1 that the ,souls of men were substances distinct from their ,bodies1 and therefore that when the ,body was dead1 the ,soule of every man1 whether godly1 or wicked1 must subsist somewhere by vertue of its own nature1 without acknowledging therein any supernaturall gift of ,gods2 the ,doctors of the ,church doubted a long time1 what was the place1 which they were to abide in1 till they should be re-united to their ,bodies in the ,resurrection2 supposing for a while1 they lay under the ,altars3 but afterward the ,church of ,rome found it more profitable1 to build for them this place of ,purgatory2 which by some other ,churches in this later age1 has been demolished4 ,the ,texts ,alledged ,for ,the ,doctrines ,aforementioned ,have ,been ,answered ,before ,let us now consider1 what texts of ,scripture seem most to confirm these three generall ,errors1 ,i have here touched4 ,as for those which ,cardinall ,bellarmine hath alledged1 for the present ,kingdome of ,god administred by the ,pope1 7than which there are none that make a better show of proof17 ,i have already answered them2 and made it evident1 that the ,kingdome of ,god1 instituted by ,moses1 ended in the election of ,saul3 ,after which time the ,priest of his own authority never deposed any ,king4 ,that which the ,high ,priest did to ,athaliah1 was not done in his own right1 but in the right of the young ,king ,joash her ,son3 ,but ,solomon in his own right deposed the ,high ,priest ,abiathar1 and set up another in his place4 ,the most difficult place to answer1 of all those than can be brought1 to prove the ,kingdome of ,god by ,christ is already in this world1 is alledged1 not by ,bellarmine1 nor any other of the ,church of ,rome2 but by ,beza2 that will have it to begin from the ,resurrection of ,christ4 ,but whether hee intend thereby1 to entitle the ,presbytery to the ,supreme ,power ,ecclesiasticall in the ,common-wealth of ,geneva1 7and consequently to every ,presbytery in every other ,common-wealth17 or to ,princes1 and other ,civill ,soveraignes1 ,i doe not know4 ,for the ,presbytery hath challenged the power to ,excommunicate their owne ,kings1 and to bee the ,supreme ,moderators in ,religion1 in the places where they have that form of ,church government1 no lesse then the ,pope challengeth it universally4 ,answer ,to ,the ,text ,on ,which ,beza ,infereth ,that ,the ,kingdome ,of ,christ ,began ,at ,the ,resurrection ,the words are 7,marke #i4a47 ,verily1 ,i say unto you1 that there be some of them that stand here1 which shall not tast of death1 till they have seene the ,kingdome of ,god come with power4 ,which words1 if taken grammatically1 make it certaine1 that either some of those men that stood by ,christ at that time1 are yet alive2 or else1 that the ,kingdome of ,god must be now in this present world4 ,and then there is another place more difficult3 ,for when the ,apostles after our ,saviours ,resurrection1 and immediately before his ,ascension1 asked our ,saviour1 saying1 7,acts4#a4f47 ,wilt thou at this time restore again the ,kingdome to ,israel1 he answered them1 ,it is not for you to know the times and the seasons1 which the ,father hath put in his own power2 ,but ye shall receive power by the comming of the ,holy ,ghost upon you1 and yee shall be my 7,martyrs7 witnesses both in ,jerusalem1 in all ,judaea1 and in ,samaria1 and unto the uttermost part of the ,earth3 ,which is as much as to say1 ,my ,kingdome is not yet come1 nor shall you foreknow when it shall come1 for it shall come as a theefe in the night2 ,but ,i will send you the ,holy ,ghost1 and by him you shall have power to beare witnesse to all the world 7by your preaching7 of my ,resurrection1 and the workes ,i have done1 and the doctrine ,i have taught1 that they may beleeve in me1 and expect eternall life1 at my comming againe3 ,how does this agree with the comming of ,christs ,kingdome at the ,resurrection8 ,and that which ,st4 ,paul saies 7#a ,thessal4 #a4i1 #aj47 ,that they turned from ,idols1 to serve the living and true ,god1 and to waite for his ,sonne from ,heaven3 ,where to waite for his ,sonne from ,heaven1 is to wait for his comming to be ,king in power2 which were not necessary1 if this ,kingdome had beene then present4 ,againe1 if the ,kingdome of ,god began 7as ,beza on that place 7,mark #i4a47 would have it7 at the ,resurrection2 what reason is there for ,christians ever since the ,resurrection to say in their prayers1 ,let thy ,kingdome ,come8 ,it is therefore manifest1 that the words of ,st4 ,mark are not so to be interpreted4 ,there be some of them that stand here 7saith our ,saviour7 that shall not tast of death till they have seen the ,kingdome of ,god come in power4 ,if then this ,kingdome were to come at the ,resurrection of ,christ1 why is it said1 some of them rather than all8 ,for they all lived till after ,christ was risen4 ,explication ,of ,the ,place ,in ,mark #i4a ,but they that require an exact interpretation of this text1 let them interpret first the like words of our ,saviour to ,st4 ,peter concerning ,st4 ,john1 7chap4 #ba4bb47 ,if ,i will that he tarry till ,i come1 what is that to thee8 upon which was grounded a report that hee should not dye3 ,neverthelesse the truth of that report was neither confirmed1 as well grounded2 nor refuted1 as ill grounded on those words2 but left as a saying not understood4 ,the same difficulty is also in the place of ,st4 ,marke4 ,and if it be lawfull to conjecture at their meaning1 by that which immediately followes1 both here1 and in ,st4 ,luke1 where the same is againe repeated1 it is not unprobable1 to say they have relation to the ,transfiguration1 which is described in the verses immediately following2 where it is said1 that ,after six dayes ,jesus taketh with him ,peter1 and ,james1 and ,john 7not all1 but some of his ,disciples7 and leadeth them up into an high mountaine apart by themselves1 and was transfigured before them4 ,and his rayment became shining1 exceeding white as snow2 so as no ,fuller on earth can white them4 ,and there appeared unto them ,elias with ,moses1 and they were talking with ,jesus1 c4 ,so that they saw ,christ in ,glory and ,majestie1 as he is to come2 insomuch as ,they were sore afraid4 ,and thus the promise of our ,saviour was accomplished by way of ,vision3 ,for it was a ,vision1 as may probably bee inferred out of ,st4 ,luke1 that reciteth the same story 7ch4 #i4 ve4 #bh47 and saith1 that ,peter and they that were with him1 were heavy with sleep2 ,but most certainly out of ,matth4 #ag4i4 7where the same is again related27 for our ,saviour charged them1 saying1 ,tell no man the ,vision untill the ,son of man be ,risen from the dead4 ,howsoever it be1 yet there can from thence be taken no argument1 to prove that the ,kingdome of ,god taketh beginning till the day of ,judgement4 ,abuse ,of ,some ,other ,texts ,in ,defence ,of ,the ,power ,of ,the ,pope ,as for some other texts1 to prove the ,popes ,power over civill ,soveraignes 7besides those of ,bellarmine27 as that the two ,swords that ,christ and his ,apostles had amongst them1 were the ,spirituall and the ,temporall ,sword1 which they say ,st4 ,peter had given him by ,christ3 ,and1 that of the two ,luminaries1 the greater signifies the ,pope1 and the lesser the ,king2 ,one might as well inferre out of the first verse of the ,bible1 that by ,heaven is meant the ,pope1 and by ,earth the ,king3 ,which is not arguing from ,scripture1 but a wanton insulting over ,princes1 that came in fashion after the time the ,popes were growne so secure of their greatnesse1 as to contemne all ,christian ,kings2 and ,treading on the necks of ,emperours1 to mocke both them1 and the ,scripture1 in the words of the #ia4 ,psalm1 ,thou shalt ,tread upon the ,lion and the ,adder1 the young ,lion and the ,dragon thou shalt ,trample under thy feet4 ,the ,manner ,of ,consecrations ,in ,the ,scripture1 ,was ,without ,exorcisms ,as for the rites of ,consecration1 though they depend for the most part upon the discretion and judgement of the governors of the ,church1 and not upon the ,scriptures2 yet those governors are obliged to such direction1 as the nature of the action it selfe requireth2 as that the ceremonies1 words1 and gestures1 be both decent1 and significant1 or at least conformable to the action4 ,when ,moses consecrated the ,tabernacle1 the ,altar1 and the ,vessels belonging to them 7,exod4 #dj47 he anointed them with the ,oyle which ,god had commanded to bee made for that purpose2 and they were holy2 ,there was nothing ,exorcised1 to drive away ,phantasmes4 ,the same ,moses 7the civill ,soveraigne of ,israel7 when he consecrated ,aaron 7the ,high ,priest17 and his ,sons1 did wash them with ,water1 7not ,exorcised water17 put their ,garments upon them1 and anointed them with ,oyle2 and they were sanctified1 to minister unto the ,lord in the ,priests office2 which was a simple and decent cleansing1 and adorning them1 before hee presented them to ,god1 to be his servants4 ,when ,king ,solomon1 7the civill ,soveraigne of ,israel7 consecrated the ,temple hee had built1 7#b ,kings #h47 he stood before all the ,congregation of ,israel2 and having blessed them1 he gave thanks to ,god1 for putting into the heart of his father1 to build it2 and for giving to himselfe the grace to accomplish the same2 and then prayed unto him1 first1 to accept that ,house1 though it were not sutable to his infinite ,greatnesse2 and to hear the prayers of his ,servants that should pray therein1 or 7if they were absent7 towards it2 and lastly1 he offered a sacrifice of ,peace-offering1 and the ,house was dedicated4 ,here was no ,procession2 the ,king stood still in his first place2 no ,exorcised ,water2 no ,asperges ,me1 nor other impertinent application of words spoken upon another occasion2 but a decent1 and rationall speech1 and such as in making to ,god a present of his new built ,house1 was most conformable to the occasion4 ,we read not that ,st4 ,john did ,exorcise the ,water of ,jordan2 nor ,philip the ,water of the river wherein he baptized the ,eunuch2 nor that any ,pastor in the time of the ,apostles1 did take his spittle1 and put it to the nose of the person to be ,baptized1 and say1 ,in odorem suavitatis1 that is1 for a sweet savour unto the ,lord2 wherein neither the ,ceremony of ,spittle1 for the uncleannesse2 nor the application of that ,scripture for the levity1 can by any authority of man be justified4 ,the ,immortality ,of ,mans ,soule1 ,not ,proved ,by ,scripture ,to ,be ,of ,nature1 ,but ,of ,grace ,to prove that the ,soule separated from the ,body liveth eternally1 not onely the ,soules of the ,elect1 by especiall grace1 and restauration of the ,eternall ,life which ,adam lost by ,sinne1 and our ,saviour restored by the ,sacrifice of himself1 to the ,faithfull1 but also the ,soules of ,reprobates1 as a property naturally consequent to the essence of mankind1 without other grace of ,god1 but that which is universally given to all mankind2 there are divers places1 which at the first sight seem sufficiently to serve the turn3 but such1 as when ,i compare them with that which ,i have before 7,chapter #ch47 alledged out of the #ad of ,job1 seem to mee much more subject to a divers interpretation1 than the words of ,job4 ,and first there are the words of ,solomon 7,ecclesiastes #ab4g47 ,then shall the ,dust return to ,dust1 as it was1 and the ,spirit shall return to ,god that gave it4 ,which may bear well enough 7if there be no other text directly against it7 this interpretation1 that ,god onely knows1 7but ,man not17 what becomes of a mans spirit1 when he expireth2 and the same ,solomon1 in the same ,book1 7,chap4 #c4 ver4 #bj1ba47 delivereth in the same sentence in the sense ,i have given it3 ,his words are1 ,all goe1 7man and beast7 to the same place2 all are of the dust1 and all turn to dust again2 who knoweth that the spirit of ,man goeth upward1 and the spirit of the ,beast goeth downward to the earth8 ,that is1 none knows but ,god2 ,nor is it an unusuall phrase to say of things we understand not1 ,god knows what1 and ,god knows where4 ,that of ,gen4 #e4bd4 ,enoch walked with ,god1 and he was not2 for ,god took him2 which is expounded ,heb4 #ac4e4 ,he was translated1 that he should not die2 and was not found1 because ,god had translated him4 ,for before his ,translation1 he had this testimony1 that he pleased ,god1 making as much for the ,immortality of the ,body1 as of the ,soule1 proveth1 that this his translation was peculiar to them that please ,god2 not common to them with the wicked2 and depending on ,grace1 not on ,nature4 ,but on the contrary1 what interpretation shall we give1 besides the literall sense of the words of ,solomon 7,eccles4 #c4ai47 ,that which befalleth the ,sons of ,men1 befalleth ,beasts1 even one thing befalleth them2 as the one dyeth1 so doth the other2 yea1 they have all one breath 7one spirit27 so that a ,man hath no praeeminence above a ,beast1 for all is vanity4 ,by the literall sense1 here is no ,naturall ,immortality of the ,soule2 nor yet any repugnancy with the ,life ,eternall1 which the ,elect shall enjoy by ,grace4 ,and 7chap4 #d4 ver4#c47 ,better is he that hath not yet been1 than both they2 that is1 than they that live1 or have lived2 which1 if the ,soule of all them that have lived1 were ,immortall1 were a hard saying2 for then to have an ,immortall ,soule1 were worse than to have no ,soule at all4 ,and againe17,chapt4 #i4e47 ,the living know they shall die1 but the dead know not any thing2 that is1 ,naturally1 and before the resurrection of the body4 ,another place which seems to make for a ,naturall ,immortality of the ,soule1 is that1 where our ,saviour saith1 that ,abraham1 ,isaac1 and ,jacob are living3 but this is spoken of the promise of ,god1 and of their certitude to rise again1 not of a ,life then actuall2 and in the same sense that ,god said to ,adam1 that on the day hee should eate of the forbidden fruit1 he should certainly die2 from that time forward he was a dead man by sentence2 but not by execution1 till almost a thousand years after4 ,so ,abraham1 ,isaac1 and ,jacob were alive by promise1 then1 when ,christ spake2 but are not actually till the ,resurrection4 ,and the ,history of ,dives and ,lazarus1 make nothing against this1 if wee take it 7as it is7 for a ,parable4 ,but there be other places of the ,new ,testament1 where an ,immortality seemeth to be directly attributed to the wicked4 ,for it is evident1 that they shall all rise to ,judgement4 ,and it is said besides in many places1 that they shall goe into ,everlasting fire1 ,everlasting torments1 ,everlasting punishments2 and that the worm of conscience never dyeth2 and all this is comprehended in the word ,everlasting ,death1 which is ordinarily interpreted ,everlasting ,life ,in ,torments3 ,and yet ,i can find no where that any man shall live in torments ,everlastingly4 ,also1 it seemeth hard1 to say1 that ,god who is the ,father of ,mercies1 that doth in ,heaven and ,earth all that hee will2 that hath the hearts of all men in his disposing2 that worketh in men both to doe1 and to will2 and without whose free gift a man hath neither inclination to good1 nor repentance of evill1 should punish mens transgressions without any end of time1 and with all the extremity of torture1 that men can imagine1 and more4 ,we are therefore to consider1 what the meaning is1 of ,everlasting ,fire1 and other the like phrases of ,scripture4 ,i have shewed already1 that the ,kingdome of ,god by ,christ beginneth at the day of ,judgment3 ,that in that day1 the ,faithfull shall rise again1 with glorious1 and spirituall ,bodies1 and bee his ,subjects in that his ,kingdome1 which shall be ,eternall2 ,that they shall neither marry1 nor be given in marriage1 nor eate and drink1 as they did in their naturall bodies2 but live for ever in their individuall persons1 without the specificall eternity of generation3 ,and that the ,reprobates also shall rise again1 to receive punishments for their sins3 ,as also1 that those of the ,elect1 which shall be alive in their earthly bodies at that day1 shall have their bodies suddenly changed1 and made spirituall1 and ,immortall4 ,but that the bodies of the ,reprobate1 who make the ,kingdome of ,satan1 shall also be glorious1 or spirituall bodies1 or that they shall bee as the ,angels of ,god1 neither eating1 nor drinking1 nor engendring2 or that their life shall be ,eternall in their individuall persons1 as the life of every faithfull man is1 or as the life of ,adam had been if hee had not sinned1 there is no place of ,scripture to prove it2 save onely these places concerning ,eternall ,torments2 which may otherwise be interpreted4 ,from whence may be inferred1 that as the ,elect after the ,resurrection shall be restored to the estate1 wherein ,adam was before he had sinned2 so the ,reprobate shall be in the estate1 that ,adam1 and his posterity were in after the sin committed2 saving that ,god promised a ,redeemer to ,adam1 and such of his seed as should trust in him1 and repent2 but not to them that should die in their sins1 as do the ,reprobate4 ,eternall ,torments ,what ,these things considered1 the texts that mention ,eternall ,fire1 ,eternal ,torments1 or the ,word ,that ,never ,dieth1 contradict not the ,doctrine of a ,second1 and ,everlasting ,death1 in the proper and naturall sense of the word ,death4 ,the ,fire1 or ,torments prepared for the wicked in ,gehenna1 ,tophet1 or in what place soever1 may continue for ever2 and there may never want wicked men to be tormented in them2 though not every1 nor any one ,eternally4 ,for the wicked being left in the estate they were in after ,adams sin1 may at the ,resurrection live as they did1 marry1 and give in marriage1 and have grosse and corruptible bodies1 as all mankind now have2 and consequently may engender perpetually1 after the ,resurrection1 as they did before3 ,for there is no place of ,scripture to the contrary4 ,for ,st4 ,paul1 speaking of the ,resurrection 7#a ,cor4 #ae47 understandeth it onely of the ,resurrection to ,life ,eternall2 and not the ,resurrection to ,punishment4 ,and of the first1 he saith that the ,body is ,sown in ,corruption1 raised in ,incorruption2 sown in ,dishonour1 raised in ,honour2 sown in ,weaknesse1 raised in ,power2 sown a ,naturall body1 raised a ,spirituall body3 ,there is no such thing can be said of the bodies of them that rise to ,punishment4 ,the text is ,luke #bj4 ,verses #cd1ce1cf4 a fertile text4 ,the ,children of this world marry1 and are given in marriage2 but they that shall be counted worthy to obtaine that world1 and the ,resurrection from the dead1 neither marry1 nor are given in marriage3 ,neither can they die any more2 for they are equall to the ,angells1 and are the ,children of ,god1 being the ,children of the ,resurrection3 ,the ,children of this world1 that are in the estate which ,adam left them in1 shall marry1 and be given in marriage2 that is corrupt1 and generate successively2 which is an ,immortality of the ,kind1 but not of the ,persons of men3 ,they are not worthy to be counted amongst them that shall obtain the next world1 and an absolute ,resurrection from the dead2 but onely a short time1 as inmates of that world2 and to the end onely to receive condign punishment for their contumacy4 ,the ,elect are the onely children of the ,resurrection2 that is to say the sole heirs of ,eternall ,life3 they only can die no more2 it is they that are equall to the ,angels1 and that are the children of ,god2 and not the ,reprobate4 ,to the ,reprobate there remaineth after the ,resurrection1 a ,second1 and ,eternall ,death3 between which ,resurrection1 and their ,second1 and ,eternall death1 is but a time of ,punishment and ,torment2 and to last by succession of sinners thereunto1 as long as the kind of ,man by propagation shall endure1 which is ,eternally4 ,answer ,of ,the ,texts ,alledged ,for ,purgatory ,upon this ,doctrine of the ,naturall ,eternity of separated ,soules1 is founded 7as ,i said7 the ,doctrine of ,purgatory4 ,for supposing ,eternall ,life by ,grace onely1 there is no ,life1 but the ,life of the ,body2 and no ,immortality till the ,resurrection4 ,the texts for ,purgatory alledged by ,bellarmine out of the ,canonicall ,scripture of the old ,testament1 are first1 the ,fasting of ,david for ,saul and ,jonathan1 mentioned 7#b ,kings1 #a4 #ab472 and againe1 7#b ,sam4 #c4 #ce47 for the death of ,abner4 ,this ,fasting of ,david1 he saith1 was for the obtaining of something for them at ,gods hands1 after their death2 because after he had ,fasted to procure the recovery of his owne child1 assoone as he know it was dead1 he called for meate4 ,seeing then the ,soule hath an existence separate from the ,body1 and nothing can be obtained by mens ,fasting for the ,soules that are already either in ,heaven1 or ,hell1 it followeth that there be some ,soules of dead men1 what are neither in ,heaven1 nor in ,hell2 and therefore they must bee in some third place1 which must be ,purgatory4 ,and thus with hard straining1 hee has wrested those places to the proofe of a ,purgatory2 whereas it is manifest1 that the ceremonies of ,mourning1 and ,fasting1 when they are used for the death of men1 whose life was not profitable to the ,mourners1 they are used for honours sake to their persons2 and when tis done for the death of them by whose life the ,mourners had benefit1 it proceeds from their particular dammage3 ,and so ,david honoured ,saul1 and ,abner1 with his ,fasting2 and in the death of his owne child1 recomforted himselfe1 by receiving his ordinary food4 ,in the other places1 which he alledgeth out of the old ,testament1 there is not so much as any shew1 or colour of proofe4 ,he brings in every text wherein there is the word ,anger1 or ,fire1 or ,burning1 or ,purging1 or ,clensing1 in case any of the ,fathers have but in a ,sermon rhetorically applied it to the ,doctrine of ,purgatory1 already beleeved4 ,the first verse of ,psalme1 #cg4 ,o ,lord rebuke me not in thy wrath1 nor chasten me in thy hot displeasure3 ,what were this to ,purgatory1 if ,augustine had not applied the ,wrath to the fire of ,hell1 and the ,displeasure1 to that of ,purgatory8 ,and what is it to ,purgatory1 that of ,psalme1 #ff4 #ab4 ,wee went through fire and water1 and thou broughtest us to a moist place2 and other the like texts1 7with which the ,doctors of those times entended to adorne1 or extend their ,sermons1 or ,commentaries7 haled to their purposes by force of wit8 ,places ,of ,the ,new ,testament ,for ,purgatory ,answered ,but he alledgeth other places of the ,new ,testament1 that are not so easie to be answered3 ,and first that of ,matth4 #ab4cb4 ,whosoever speaketh a word against the ,sonne of man1 it shall be forgiven him2 but whosoever speaketh against the ,holy ,ghost1 it shall not bee forgiven him neither in this world1 nor in the world to come3 ,where he will have ,purgatory to be the ,world to come1 wherein some sinnes may be forgiven1 which in this ,world were not forgiven3 notwithstanding that it is manifest1 there are but three ,worlds2 one from the ,creation to the ,flood1 which was destroyed by ,water1 and is called in ,scripture the ,old ,world2 another from the ,flood to the day of ,judgement1 which is the ,present ,world1 and shall bee destroyed by ,fire2 and the third1 which shall bee from the day of ,judgement forward1 everlasting1 which is called the ,world ,to ,come2 and in which it is agreed by all1 there shall be no ,purgatory2 ,and therefore the ,world to come1 and ,purgatory1 are inconsistent4 ,but what then can bee the meaning of those our ,saviours words8 ,i confesse they are very hardly to bee reconciled with all the ,doctrines now unanimously received3 ,nor is it any shame1 to confesse the profoundnesse of the ,scripture1 to bee too great to be sounded by the shortnesse of humane understanding4 ,neverthelesse1 ,i may propound such things to the consideration of more learned ,divines1 as the text it selfe suggesteth4 ,and first1 seeing to speake against the ,holy ,ghost1 as being the third ,person of the ,trinity1 is to speake against the ,church1 in which the ,holy ,ghost resideth2 it seemeth the comparison is made1 betweene the ,easinesse of our ,saviour1 in bearing with offences done to him while he was on earth1 and the ,severity of the ,pastors after him1 against those which should deny their authority1 which was from the ,holy ,ghost3 ,as if he should say1 ,you that deny my ,power2 nay you that shall crucifie me1 shall be pardoned by mee1 as often as you turne unto mee by ,repentance3 ,but if you deny the ,power of them that teach you hereafter1 by vertue of the ,holy ,ghost1 they shall be inexorable1 and shall not forgive you1 but persecute you in this ,world1 and leave you without absolution1 7though you turn to me1 unlesse you turn also to them17 to the punishments 7as much as lies in them7 of the ,world to come3 ,and so the words may be taken as a ,prophecy1 or ,praediction concerning the times1 as they have along been in the ,christian ,church3 ,or if this be not the meaning1 7for ,i am not peremptory in such difficult places17 perhaps there may be place left after the ,resurrection for the ,repentance of some sinners3 ,and there is also another place1 that seemeth to agree therewith4 ,for considering the words of ,st4 ,paul 7#a ,cor4 #ae4 #bi47 ,what shall they doe which are ,baptized for the dead1 if the dead rise not at all8 why also are they ,baptized for the dead8 a man may probably inferre1 as some have done1 that in ,st4 ,pauls time1 there was a custome by receiving ,baptisme for the dead1 7as men that now beleeve1 are ,sureties and ,undertakers for the ,faith of ,infants1 that are not capable of beleeving17 to undertake for the persons of their deceased friends1 that they should be ready to obey1 and receive our ,saviour for their ,king1 at his coming again2 and then the forgivenesse of sins in the world to come1 has no need of a ,purgatory4 ,but in both these interpretations1 there is so much of paradox1 that ,i trust not to them2 but propound them to those that are throughly versed in the ,scripture1 to inquire if there be no clearer place that contradicts them4 ,onely of thus much1 ,i see evident ,scripture1 to perswade men1 that there is neither the word1 nor the thing of ,purgatory1 neither in this1 nor any other text2 nor any thing that can prove a necessity of a place for the ,soule without the ,body2 neither for the ,soule of ,lazarus during the four days he was dead2 nor for the ,soules of them which the ,romane ,church pretend to be tormented now in ,purgatory4 ,for ,god1 that could give a life to a peece of clay1 hath the same power to give life again to a dead man1 and renew his inanimate1 and rotten ,carkasse1 into a glorious1 spirituall1 and immortall ,body4 ,another place is that of #a ,cor4 #c4 where it is said that they which built ,stubble1 ,hay1 c4 on the true ,foundation1 their work shall perish2 but they themselves shall be saved2 but as through ,fire3 ,this ,fire1 he will have to be the ,fire of ,purgatory4 ,the words1 as ,i have said before1 are an allusion to those of ,zach4 #ac4 #i4 where he saith1 ,i will bring the third part through the ,fire1 and refine them as ,silver is refined1 and will try them as ,gold is tryed2 ,which is spoken of the comming of the ,messiah in ,power and ,glory2 that is1 at the day of ,judgment1 and ,conflagration of the present world2 wherein the ,elect shall not be consumed1 but be refined2 that is1 depose their erroneous ,doctrines1 and ,traditions1 and have them as it were sindged off2 and shall afterwards call upon the name of the true ,god4 ,in like manner1 the ,apostle saith of them1 that holding this ,foundation ,jesus ,is ,the ,christ1 shall build thereon some other ,doctrines that be erroneous1 that they shall not be consumed in that fire which reneweth the world1 but shall passe through it to ,salvation2 but so1 as to see1 and relinquish their former ,errours4 ,the ,builders1 are the ,pastors2 the ,foundation1 that ,jesus ,is ,the ,christ2 the ,stubble and ,hay1 ,false ,consequences ,drawn ,from ,it ,through ,ignorance1 ,or ,frailty2 the ,gold1 ,silver1 and pretious ,stones1 are their ,true ,doctrines2 and their ,refining or ,purging1 the ,relinquishing ,of ,their ,errors4 ,in all which there is no colour at all for the burning of ,incorporeall1 that is to say1 ,impatible ,souls4 ,baptisme ,for ,the ,dead1 ,how ,understood ,a third place is that of #a ,cor4 #ae4 before mentioned1 concerning ,baptisme for the ,dead3 out of which he concludeth1 first1 that ,prayers for the ,dead are not unprofitable2 and out of that1 that there is a ,fire of ,purgatory3 ,but neither of them rightly4 ,for of many interpretations of the word ,baptisme1 he approveth this in the first place1 that by ,baptisme is meant 7metaphorically7 a ,baptisme of ,penance2 and that men are in this sense ,baptized1 when they ,fast1 and ,pray1 and give ,almes3 ,and so ,baptisme for the ,dead1 and ,prayer of the ,dead1 is the same thing4 ,but this is a ,metaphor1 of which there is no example1 neither in the ,scripture1 nor in any other use of language2 and which is also discordant to the harmony1 and scope of the ,scripture4 ,the word ,baptisme is used 7,mar4 #aj4 #ch4 ,luk4 #ab4 #ei47 for being ,dipped in ones own bloud1 as ,christ was upon the ,cross1 and as most of the ,apostles were1 for giving testimony of him4 ,but it is hard to say1 that ,prayer1 ,fasting1 and ,almes1 have any similitude with ,dipping4 ,the same is used also ,mat4 #c4 #aa4 7which seemeth to make somewhat for ,purgatory7 for a ,purging with ,fire4 ,but it is evident the ,fire and ,purging here mentioned1 is the same whereof the ,prophet ,zachary speaketh 7chap4 #ac4 v4 #i47 ,i will bring the third part through the ,fire1 and will ,refine them1 c4 ,and ,st4 ,peter after him 7#a ,epist4 #a4 #g47 ,that the triall of your ,faith1 which is much more precious than of ,gold that perisheth1 though it be tryed with fire1 might be found unto praise1 and honour1 and glory at the ,appearing of ,jesus ,christ2 ,and ,st4 ,paul 7#a ,cor4 #c4 #ac47 ,the ,fire shall trie every mans work of what sort it is4 ,but ,st4 ,peter1 and ,st4 ,paul speak of the ,fire that shall be at the ,second ,appearing of ,christ2 and the ,prophet ,zachary of the ,day of ,judgment3 ,and therefore this place of ,s4 ,mat4 may be interpreted of the same2 and then there will be no necessity of the ,fire of ,purgatory4 ,another interpretation of ,baptisme for the ,dead1 is that which ,i have before mentioned1 which he preferreth to the second place of probability2 ,and thence also he inferreth the utility of ,prayer for the ,dead4 ,for if after the ,resurrection1 such as have not heard of ,christ1 or not beleeved in him1 may be received into ,christs ,kingdome2 it is not in vain1 after their death1 that their friends should pray for them1 till they should be risen4 ,but granting that ,god1 at the prayers of the faithfull1 may convert unto him some of those that have not heard ,christ preached1 and consequently cannot have rejected ,christ1 and that the charity of men in that point1 cannot be blamed2 yet this concludeth nothing for ,purgatory1 because to rise from ,death to ,life1 is one thing2 to rise from ,purgatory to ,life is another2 and being a rising from ,life to ,life1 from a ,life in torments to a ,life in joy4 ,a fourth place is that of ,mat4 #e4 #be4 ,agree with thine ,adversary quickly1 whilest thou art in the way with him1 lest at any time the ,adversary deliver thee to the ,officer1 and thou be cast into prison4 ,verily ,i say unto thee1 thou shalt by no means come out thence1 till thou has paid the uttermost farthing4 ,in which ,allegory1 the ,offender is the ,sinner2 both the ,adversary and the ,judge is ,god2 the ,way is this ,life2 the ,prison is the ,grave2 the ,officer1 ,death2 from which1 the sinner shall not rise again to life eternall1 but to a second ,death1 till he have paid the utmost farthing1 or ,christ pay it for him by his ,passion1 which is a full ,ransome for all manner of sin1 as well lesser sins1 as greater crimes2 both being made by the passion of ,christ equally veniall4 ,the fift place1 is that of ,matth4 #e4 #bb4 ,whosoever is angry with his ,brother without a cause1 shall be guilty in ,judgment4 ,and whosoever shall say to his ,brother1 ,,racha1 shall be guilty in the ,councel4 ,but whosoever shall say1 ,thou ,foole1 shall be guilty to hell fire4 ,from which words he inferreth three sorts of ,sins1 and three sorts of ,punishments2 and that none of those sins1 but the last1 shall be punished with hell fire2 and consequently1 that after this life1 there is punishment of lesser sins in ,purgatory4 ,of which inference1 there is no colour in any interpretation that hath yet been given to them3 ,shall there be a distinction after this life of ,courts of ,justice1 as there was amongst the ,jews in our ,saviours time1 to hear1 and determine divers sorts of ,crimes2 as the ,judges1 and the ,councell8 ,shall not all ,judicature appertain to ,christ1 and his ,apostles8 ,to understand therefore this text1 we are not to consider it solitarily1 but jointly with the words precedent1 and subsequent4 ,our ,saviour in this ,chapter interpreteth the ,law of ,moses2 which the ,jews thought was then fulfilled1 when they had not transgressed the ,grammaticall sense thereof1 howsoever they had transgressed against the sentence1 or meaning of the ,legislator4 ,therefore whereas they thought the ,sixth ,commandement was not broken1 but by ,killing a man2 nor the ,seventh1 but when a man lay with a woman1 not his wife2 our ,saviour tells them1 the inward ,anger of a man against his brother1 if it be without just cause1 is ,homicide3 ,you have heard 7saith hee7 the ,law of ,moses1 ,thou shalt not ,kill1 and that ,whosoever shall ,kill1 shall be condemned before the ,judges1 or before the ,session of the ,seventy3 ,but ,i say unto you1 to be ,angry with ones ,brother without cause2 or to say unto him ,racha1 or ,foole1 is ,homicide1 and shall be punished at the day of ,judgment1 and ,session of ,christ1 and his ,apostles1 with ,hell fire3 so that those words were not used to distinguish between divers ,crimes1 and divers ,courts of ,justice1 and divers ,punishments2 but to taxe the distinction between sin1 and sin1 which the ,jews drew not from the difference of the ,will in ,obeying ,god1 but from the difference of their ,temporall ,courts of ,justice2 and to shew them that he that had the ,will to hurt his ,brother1 though the effect appear but in ,reviling1 or not at all1 shall be cast into hell fire1 by the ,judges1 and by the ,session1 which shall be the same1 not different ,courts at the day of ,judgment4 ,this ,considered1 what can be drawn from this text1 to maintain ,purgatory1 ,i cannot imagine4 ,the sixth place is ,luke #af4 #i4 ,make yee friends of the unrighteous ,mammon1 that when yee faile1 they may receive you into ,everlasting ,tabernacles4 ,this he alledges to prove ,invocation of ,saints departed4 ,but the sense is plain1 ,that we should make friends with our ,riches1 of the ,poore1 and thereby obtain their ,prayers whilest they live4 ,he that giveth to the ,poore1 lendeth to the ,lord4 ,the seventh is ,luke #bc4 #db4 ,lord remember me when thou commest into thy ,kingdome3 ,therefore1 saith hee1 there is ,remission of sins after this life4 ,but the consequence is not good4 ,our ,saviour then forgave him2 and at his comming againe in ,glory1 will remember to raise him againe to ,life ,eternall4 ,the ,eight is ,acts #b4 #bd4 where ,st4 ,peter saith of ,christ1 that ,god had raised him up1 and loosed the ,paines of ,death1 because it was not possible he should be holden of it2 ,which hee interprets to bee a descent of ,christ into ,purgatory1 to loose some ,soules there from their torments2 whereas it is manifest1 that it was ,christ that was loosed2 it was hee that could not bee holden of ,death1 or the ,grave2 and not the ,souls in ,purgatory4 ,but if that which ,beza sayes in his notes on this place be well observed1 there is none that will not see1 that in stead of ,paynes1 it should be ,bands2 and then there is no further cause to seek for ,purgatory in this ,text4 ,,chapter ,,xlv4 ,,of ,,daemonology1 ,,and ,,other ,,reliques ,,of ,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,the ,,gentiles ,the ,originall ,of ,daemonology ,the impression made on the organs of ,sight1 by lucide ,bodies1 either in one direct line1 or in many lines1 reflected from ,opaque1 or refracted in the passage through ,diaphanous ,bodies1 produceth in living ,creatures1 in whom ,god hath placed such ,organs1 an ,imagination of the ,object1 from whence the ,impression proceedeth2 which ,imagination is called ,sight2 and seemeth not to bee a meer ,imagination1 but the ,body it selfe without us2 in the same manner1 as when a man violently presseth his eye1 there appears to him a light without1 and before him1 which no man perceiveth but himselfe2 because there is indeed no such thing without him1 but onely a motion in the interiour organs1 pressing by resistance outward1 that makes him think so4 ,and the motion made by this pressure1 continuing after the object which caused it is removed1 is that we call ,imagination1 and ,memory1 and 7in sleep1 and sometimes in great distemper of the organs by ,sicknesse1 or ,violence7 a ,dream3 of which things ,i have already spoken briefly1 in the second and third ,chapters4 ,this nature of ,sight having never been discovered by the ancient pretenders to ,naturall ,knowledge2 much lesse by those that consider not things so remote 7as that ,knowledge is7 from their present use2 it was hard for men to conceive of those ,images in the ,fancy1 and in the ,sense1 otherwise1 than of things really without us3 ,which some 7because they vanish away1 they know not whither1 nor how17 will have to be absolutely ,incorporeall1 that is to say ,immateriall1 of ,formes without ,matter2 ,colour and ,figure1 without any coloured or figured ,body2 and that they can put on ,aiery bodies 7as a garment7 to make them ,visible when they will to our bodily ,eyes2 and others say1 are ,bodies1 and living ,creatures1 but made of ,air1 or other more subtile and aethereall ,matter1 which is1 then1 when they will be seen1 condensed4 ,but ,both of them agree on one generall appellation of them1 ,,daemons4 ,as if the ,dead of whom they ,dreamed1 were not ,inhabitants of their own ,brain1 but of the ,air1 or of ,heaven1 or ,hell2 not ,phantasmes1 but ,ghosts2 with just as much reason1 as if one should say1 he saw his own ,ghost in a ,looking-,glasse1 or the ,ghosts of the ,stars in a ,river2 or call the ordinary apparition of the ,sun1 of the quantity of about a foot1 the ,daemon1 or ,ghost of that great ,sun that enlighteneth the whole visible world3 ,and by that means have feared them1 as things of an unknown1 that is1 of an unlimited power to doe them good1 or harme2 and consequently1 given occasion to the ,governours of the ,heathen ,common-wealths to regulate this their fear1 by establishing that ,,daemonology 7in which the ,poets1 as ,principal ,priests of the ,heathen ,religion1 were specially employed1 or reverenced7 to the ,publique ,peace1 and to the ,obedience of ,subjects necessary thereunto2 and to make some of them ,good ,daemons1 and others ,evill2 the one as a ,spurre to the ,observance1 the other1 as ,reines to withhold them from ,violation of the ,laws4 ,what ,were ,the ,daemons ,of ,the ,ancients ,what kind of things they were1 to whom they attributed the name of ,daemons1 appeareth partly in the ,genealogie of their ,gods1 written by ,hesiod1 one of the most ancient ,poets of the ,graecians2 and partly in other ,histories2 of which ,i have observed some few before1 in the #ab4 ,chapter of this discourse4 ,how ,that ,doctrine ,was ,spread ,the ,graecians1 by their ,colonies and ,conquests1 communicated their ,language and ,writings into ,asia1 ,egypt1 and ,italy2 and therein1 by necessary consequence their ,daemonology1 or 7as ,st4 ,paul calles it7 their ,doctrines of ,devils2 ,and by that meanes1 the contagion was derived also to the ,jewes1 both of ,judaea1 and ,alexandria1 and other parts1 whereinto they were dispersed4 ,but the name of ,daemon they did not 7as the ,graecians7 attribute to ,spirits both ,good1 and ,evill2 but to the ,evill onely3 ,and to the ,good ,daemons they gave the name of the ,spirit of ,god2 and esteemed those into whose bodies they entred to be ,prophets4 ,in summe1 all singularity if ,good1 they attributed to the ,spirit of ,god2 and if ,evill1 to some ,daemon1 but a kakodaimen1 an ,evill ,daemon1 that is1 a ,devill4 ,and therefore1 they called ,daemoniaques1 that is1 possessed by the ,devill1 such as we call ,madmen or ,lunatiques2 or such as had the ,falling ,sicknesse2 or that spoke any thing1 which they for want of understanding1 thought absurd3 ,as also of an ,unclean person in a notorious degree1 they used to say he had an ,unclean ,spirit2 of a ,dumbe man1 that he had a ,dumbe ,devill2 and of ,john ,baptist 7,math4 #aa4 #ah47 for the singularity of his fasting1 that he had a ,devill2 and of our ,saviour1 because he said1 hee that keepeth his sayings should not see ,death ,in ,aeternum1 7,john #h4 #eb47 ,now we know thou hast a ,devill2 ,abraham is dead1 and the ,prophets are dead3 ,and again1 because he said 7,john #g4 #bj47 ,they went about to kill him1 the people answered1 ,thou hast a ,devill1 who goeth about to kill thee8 ,whereby it is manifest1 that the ,jewes had the same opinions concerning ,phantasmes1 namely1 that they were not ,phantasmes that is1 ,idols of the braine1 but things reall1 and independent on the ,fancy4 ,why ,our ,saviour ,controlled ,it ,not ,which doctrine if it be not true1 why 7may some say7 did not our ,saviour contradict it1 and teach the ,contrary8 nay why does he use on diverse occasions1 such forms of speech as seem to confirm it8 ,to this ,i answer1 that first1 where ,christ saith1 ,a ,spirit hath not flesh and bone1 though hee shew that there be ,spirits1 yet he denies not that they are ,bodies3 ,and where ,st4 ,paul sais1 ,we shall rise ,spirituall ,bodies1 he acknowledgeth the nature of ,spirits1 but that they are ,bodily ,spirits2 which is not difficult to understand4 ,for ,air and many other things are ,bodies1 though not ,flesh and ,bone1 or any other grosse body1 to bee discerned by the eye4 ,but when our ,saviour speaketh to the ,devill1 and commandeth him to go out of a man1 if by the ,devill1 be meant a ,disease1 as ,phrenesy1 or ,lunacy1 or a corporeal ,spirit1 is not the speech improper8 can ,diseases heare8 or can there be a corporeall ,spirit in a ,body of ,flesh and ,bone1 full already of vitall and animall ,spirits8 ,are there not therefore ,spirits1 that neither have ,bodies1 nor are meer ,imaginations8 ,to the first ,i answer1 that the addressing of our ,saviours command to the ,madnesse1 or ,lunacy he cureth1 is no more improper1 then was his rebuking of the ,fever1 or of the ,wind1 and ,sea2 for neither do these hear3 ,or than was the command of ,god1 to the ,light1 to the ,firmament1 to the ,sunne1 and ,starres1 when he commanded them to bee2 for they could not heare before they had a beeing4 ,but those speeches are not improper1 because they signifie the power of ,gods ,word3 no more therefore is it improper1 to command ,madnesse1 or ,lunacy 7under the appellation of ,devils1 by which they were then commonly understood17 to depart out of a mans body4 ,to the second1 concerning their being ,incorporeall1 ,i have not yet observed any place of ,scripture1 from whence it can be gathered1 that any man was ever possessed with any other ,corporeal ,spirit1 but that of his owne1 by which his body is naturally moved4 ,the ,scriptures ,doe ,not ,teach ,that ,spirits ,are ,incorporeall ,our ,saviour1 immediately after the ,holy ,ghost descended upon him in the form of a ,dove1 is said by ,st4 ,matthew 7,chapt4 #d4 #a47 to have been led up by the ,spirit into the ,wildernesse2 and the same is recited 7,luke #d4 #a47 in these words1 ,jesus being full of the ,holy ,ghost1 was led in the ,spirit into the ,wildernesse2 ,whereby it is evident1 that by ,spirit there1 is meant the ,holy ,ghost4 ,this cannot be interpreted for a ,possession3 ,for ,christ1 and the ,holy ,ghost1 are but one and the same substance2 which is no possession of one substance1 or body1 by another4 ,and whereas in the verses following1 he is said to have been taken up by the ,devill into the ,holy ,city1 and set upon a pinnacle of the ,temple1 shall we conclude thence that hee was possessed of the ,devill1 or carryed thither by violence8 ,and again1 carryed thence by the ,devill into an exceeding high mountain1 who shewed him them thence all the ,kingdomes of the world3 herein1 wee are not to beleeve he was either possessed1 or forced by the ,devill2 nor that any ,mountaine is high enough1 7according to the literall sense17 to shew him one whole ,hemisphere4 ,what then can be the meaning of this place1 other than that he went of himself into the ,wildernesse2 and that this carrying of him up and down1 from the ,wildernesse to the ,city1 and from thence into a ,mountain1 was a ,vision8 ,conformable whereunto1 is also the phrase of ,st4 ,luke1 that hee was led into the ,wildernesse1 not ,by1 but ,in the ,spirit3 whereas concerning ,his being ,taken up into the ,mountaine1 and unto the ,pinnacle of the ,temple1 hee speaketh as ,st4 ,matthew doth4 ,which suiteth with the nature of a ,vision4 ,again1 where ,st4 ,luke sayes of ,judas ,iscariot1 that ,satan entred into him1 and thereupon that he went and communed with the ,chief ,priests1 and ,captaines1 how he might betray ,christ unto them3 it may be answered1 that by the ,entring of ,satan 7that is the ,enemy7 into him1 is meant1 the hostile and traiterous intention of selling his ,lord and ,master4 ,for as by the ,holy ,ghost1 is frequently in ,scripture understood1 the ,graces and good ,inclinations given by the ,holy ,ghost2 so by the ,entring of ,satan1 may bee understood the wicked ,cogitations1 and ,designes of the ,adversaries of ,christ1 and his ,disciples4 ,for as it is hard to say1 that the ,devill was entred into ,judas1 before he had any such hostile designe2 so it is impertinent to say1 he was first ,christs ,enemy in his heart1 and that the ,devill entred into him afterwards4 ,therefore the ,entring of ,satan1 and his ,wicked ,purpose1 was one and the same thing4 ,but if there be no ,immateriall ,spirit1 nor any ,possession of mens bodies by any ,spirit ,corporeall1 it may again be asked1 why our ,saviour and his ,apostles did not teach the ,people so2 and in such cleer words1 as they might no more doubt thereof4 ,but such questions as these1 are more curious1 than necessary for a ,christian mans ,salvation4 ,men may as well aske1 why ,christ that could have given to all men ,faith1 ,piety1 and all manner of morall ,vertues1 gave it to some onely1 and not to all3 and why he left the search of naturall ,causes1 and ,sciences1 to the naturall ,reason and ,industry of men1 and did not reveal it to all1 or any man supernaturally2 and many other such questions3 ,of which neverthelesse there may be alledged probable and pious reasons4 ,for as ,god1 when he brought the ,israelites into the ,land of ,promise1 did not secure them therein1 by subduing all the ,nations round about them2 but left many of them1 as thornes in their sides1 to awaken from time to time their ,piety and ,industry3 so our ,saviour1 in conducting us toward his heavenly ,kingdome1 did not destroy all the difficulties of ,naturall ,questions2 but left them to exercise our ,industry1 and ,reason2 the ,scope of his preaching1 being onely to shew us this plain and direct way to ,salvation1 namely1 the beleef of this ,article1 that he was the ,christ1 the ,son of the living ,god1 sent into the world to sacrifice himselfe for our ,sins1 and at his comming again1 gloriously to reign over his ,elect1 and to save them from their ,enemies eternally3 ,to which1 the opinion of ,possession by ,spirits1 or ,phantasmes1 are no impediment in the way2 though it be to some an occasion of going out of the way1 and to follow their own ,inventions4 ,if wee require of the ,scripture an account of all questions1 which may be raised to trouble us in the performance of ,gods commands2 we may as well complaine of ,moses for not having set downe the time of the creation of such ,spirits1 as well as of the ,creation of the ,earth1 and ,sea1 and of ,men1 and ,beasts4 ,to conclude1 ,i find in ,scripture that there be ,angels1 and ,spirits1 good and evill2 but not that they are ,incorporeall1 as are the ,apparitions men see in the ,dark1 or in a ,dream1 or ,vision2 which the ,latines call ,spectra1 and took for ,daemons4 ,and ,i find that there are ,spirits ,corporeal1 7though subtile and ,invisible27 but not that any mans body was possessed1 or inhabited by them2 ,and that the ,bodies of the ,saints shall be such1 namely1 ,spirituall ,bodies1 as ,st4 ,paul calls them4 ,the ,power ,of ,casting ,out ,devills1 ,not ,the ,same ,it ,was ,in ,the ,primitive ,church ,neverthelesse1 the contrary ,doctrine1 namely1 that there be ,incorporeall ,spirits1 hath hitherto so prevailed in the ,church1 that the use of ,exorcisme1 7that is to say1 of ejection of ,devills by ,conjuration7 is thereupon built2 and 7though rarely and faintly practised7 is not yet totally given over4 ,that there were many ,daemoniaques in the ,primitive ,church1 and few ,mad-men1 and other such singular diseases2 whereas in these times we hear of1 and see many ,mad-men1 and few ,daemoniaques1 proceeds not from the change of ,nature2 but of ,names4 ,but how it comes to passe1 that whereas heretofore the ,apostles1 and after them for a time1 the ,pastors of the ,church1 did cure those singular ,diseases1 which now they are not seen to doe2 as likewise1 why it is not in the power of every true ,beleever now1 to doe all that the ,faithfull did then1 that is to say1 as we read 7,mark #af4 #ag47 ,in ,christs name to cast out ,devills1 to speak with new ,tongues1 to take up ,serpents1 to drink deadly ,poison without harm taking1 and to cure the ,sick by the laying on of their hands1 and all this without other words1 but in the ,name of ,jesus1 is another question4 ,and it is probable1 that those extraordinary gifts were given to the ,church1 for no longer a time1 than men trusted wholly to ,christ1 and looked for their felicity onely in his ,kingdome to come2 and consequently1 that when they sought ,authority1 and ,riches1 and trusted to their own ,subtilty for a ,kingdome of this world1 these supernaturall gifts of ,god were again taken from them4 ,another ,relique ,of ,gentilisme1 ,worshipping ,images1 ,left ,in ,the ,church1 ,not ,brought ,into ,it ,another relique of ,gentilisme1 is the ,worship of ,images1 neither instituted by ,moses in the ,old1 nor by ,christ in the ,new ,testament2 nor yet brought in from the ,gentiles2 but left amongst them1 after they had given their names to ,christ4 ,before our ,saviour preached1 it was the generall ,religion of the ,gentiles1 to worship for ,gods1 those ,apparences that remain in the ,brain from the impression of externall ,bodies upon the organs of their ,senses1 which are commonly called ,ideas1 ,idols1 ,phantasmes1 ,conceits1 as being ,representations of those externall ,bodies1 which cause them1 and have nothing in them of reality1 no more than there is in the things that seem to stand before us in a ,dream3 ,and this is the reason why ,st4 ,paul says1 ,wee know that an ,idol is ,nothing3 ,not that he thought that an ,image of ,metall1 ,stone1 or ,wood1 was nothing2 but that the thing which they honored1 or feared in the ,image1 and held for a ,god1 was a meer ,figment1 without place1 habitation1 motion1 or existence1 but in the motions of the ,brain4 ,and the worship of these with ,divine ,honour1 is that which is in the ,scripture called ,idolatry1 and ,rebellion against ,god4 ,for ,god being ,king of the ,jews1 and his ,lieutenant being first ,moses1 and afterward the ,high ,priest2 if the people had been permitted to worship1 and pray to ,images1 7which are ,representations of their own ,fancies17 they had had no farther dependence on the true ,god1 of whom there can be no similitude2 nor on his prime ,ministers1 ,moses1 and the ,high ,priests2 but every man had governed himself according to his own appetite1 to the utter eversion of the ,common-wealth1 and their own destruction for want of ,union4 ,and therefore the first ,law of ,god was1 ,they should not take for ,gods1 ,,alienos ,,deos1 that is1 the ,gods of other nations1 but that onely true ,god1 who vouchsafed to commune with ,moses1 and by him to give them laws and directions1 for their peace1 and for their salvation from their enemies4 ,and the second was1 that they should not make to themselves any ,image to ,worship1 of their own ,invention4 ,for it is the same deposing of a ,king1 to submit to another ,king1 whether he be set up by a neighbour nation1 or by our selves4 ,answer ,to ,certain ,seeming ,texts ,for ,images ,the places of ,scripture pretended to countenance the setting up of ,images1 to worship them2 or to set them up at all in the places where ,god is worshipped1 are ,first1 two ,examples2 one of the ,cherubins over the ,ark of ,god2 the other of the ,brazen ,serpent3 ,secondly1 some texts whereby we are commanded to worship certain ,creatures for their relation to ,god2 as to worship his ,footstool3 ,and lastly1 some other texts1 by which is authorized1 a religious honoring of ,holy things4 ,but before ,i examine the force of those places1 to prove that which is pretended1 ,i must first explain what is to be understood by ,worshipping1 and what by ,images1 and ,idols4 ,what ,is ,worship ,i have already shewn in the #bj ,chapter of this ,discourse1 that to ,honor1 is to value highly the ,power of any person3 and that such value is measured1 by our comparing him with others4 ,but because there is nothing to be compared with ,god in ,power2 we ,honor him not but ,dishonour him by any ,value lesse than ,infinite4 ,and thus ,honor is properly of its own nature1 secret1 and internall in the heart4 ,but the inward thoughts of men1 which appeare outwardly in their words and actions1 are the signes of our ,honoring1 and these goe by the name of ,,worship1 in ,latine1 ,,cultus4 ,therefore1 to ,pray to1 to ,swear by1 to ,obey1 to bee ,diligent1 and ,officious in ,serving3 in summe1 all words and actions that betoken ,fear to ,offend1 or ,desire to ,please1 is ,worship1 whether those words and actions be sincere1 or feigned3 and because they appear as signes of ,honoring1 are ordinarily also called ,honor4 ,distinction ,between ,divine ,and ,civill ,worship ,the ,worship we exhibite to those we esteem to be but men1 as to ,kings1 and men in ,authority1 is ,civill ,worship3 ,but the worship we exhibite to that which we think to bee ,god1 whatsoever the words1 ceremonies1 gestures1 or other actions be1 is ,divine ,worship4 ,to fall prostrate before a ,king1 in him that thinks him but a ,man1 is but ,civill ,worship3 ,and he that but putteth off his hat in the ,church1 for this cause1 that he thinketh it the ,house of ,god1 worshippeth with ,divine ,worship4 ,they that seek the distinction of ,divine and ,civill ,worship1 not in the intention of the ,worshipper1 but in the ,words douleia1 and latreia1 deceive themselves4 ,for whereas there be two sorts of ,servants2 that sort1 which is of those that are absolutely in the power of their ,masters1 as ,slaves taken in war1 and their ,issue1 whose bodies are not in their own power1 7their lives depending on the ,will of their ,masters1 in such manner as to forfeit them upon the least disobedience17 and that are bought and sold as ,beasts1 were called ,douloi1 that is properly1 ,slaves1 and their ,service1 ,douleia3 ,the other1 which is of those that serve 7for hire1 or in hope of benefit from their ,masters7 voluntarily2 are called ,thetes2 that is1 ,domestique ,servants2 to whose service the ,masters have no further right1 than is contained in the ,covenants made betwixt them4 ,these two kinds of ,servants have thus much common to them both1 that their labour is appointed them by another1 whether1 as a ,slave1 or a voluntary ,servant3 ,and the word ,latris1 is the general name of both1 signifying him that worketh for another1 whether1 as a ,slave1 or a voluntary ,servant3 ,so that ,latreia signifieth generally all ,service2 but ,douleia the service of ,bondmen onely1 and the condition of ,slavery3 ,and both are used in ,scripture 7to signifie our ,service of ,god7 promiscuously4 ,douleia1 because we are ,gods ,slaves2 ,latreia1 because wee ,serve him3 and in all kinds of ,service is contained1 not onely ,obedience1 but also ,worship1 that is1 such actions1 gestures1 and words1 as signifie ,honor4 ,an ,image ,what ,phantasmes ,an ,,image 7in the most strict signification of the word7 is the ,resemblance of some thing visible3 ,in which sense the ,phantasticall ,formes1 ,apparitions1 or ,seemings of ,visible ,bodies to the ,sight1 are onely ,images2 such as are the ,shew of a man1 or other thing in the ,water1 by ,reflexion1 or ,refraction2 or of the ,sun1 or ,stars by ,direct ,vision in the ,air2 which are nothing reall in the things seen1 nor in the place where thy seem to bee2 nor are their magnitudes and figures the same with that of the object2 but changeable1 by the variation of the organs of ,sight1 or by glasses2 and are present oftentimes in our ,imagination1 and in our ,dreams1 when the object is absent2 or changed into other colours1 and shapes1 as things that depend onely upon the ,fancy4 ,and these are the ,images which are originally and most properly called ,ideas1 and ,,idols1 and derived from the language of the ,graecians1 with whom the word ,eido signifieth to ,see4 ,they are also called ,,phantasmes1 which is in the same language1 ,apparitions4 ,and from these ,images it is that one of the faculties of mans ,nature1 is called the ,imagination4 ,and from hence it is manifest1 that there neither is1 nor can bee any ,image made of a thing ,invisible4 ,it is also evident1 that there can be no ,image of a thing ,infinite3 for all the ,images1 and ,phantasmes that are made by the ,impression of things visible1 are figured3 but ,figure is a quantity every way determined3 ,and therefore there can bee no ,image of ,god3 nor of the ,soule of ,man2 nor of ,spirits1 but onely of ,bodies ,visible1 that is1 ,bodies that have light in themselves1 or are by such enlightened4 ,fictions2 ,materiall ,images ,and whereas a man can fancy ,shapes he never saw2 making up a ,figure out of the parts of divers creatures2 as the ,poets make their ,centaures1 ,chimaeras1 and other ,monsters never seen3 ,so can he also give ,matter to those ,shapes1 and make them in ,wood1 ,clay or ,metall4 ,and these are also called ,images1 not for the resemblance of any corporeall thing1 but for the resemblance of some ,phantasticall ,inhabitants of the ,brain of the ,maker4 ,but in these ,idols1 as they are originally in the ,brain1 and as they are painted1 carved1 moulded1 or moulten in matter1 there is a similitude of the one to the other1 for which the ,materiall ,body made by ,art1 may be said to be the ,image of the ,phantasticall ,idoll made by ,nature4 ,but in a larger use of the word ,image1 is contained also1 any ,representation of one thing by another4 ,so an earthly ,soveraign may be called the ,image of ,god3 ,and an inferiour ,magistrate the ,image of an earthly ,soveraign4 ,and many times in the ,idolatry of the ,gentiles there was little regard to the similitude of their ,materiall ,idoll to the ,idol in their fancy1 and yet it was called the ,image of it4 ,for a ,stone unhewn has been set up for ,neptune1 and divers other shapes far different from the shapes they conceived of their ,gods4 ,and at this day we see many ,images of the ,virgin ,mary1 and other ,saints1 unlike one another1 and without correspondence to any one mans ,fancy2 and yet serve well enough for the purpose they were erected for2 which was no more but by the ,names onely1 to represent the ,persons mentioned in the ,history2 to which every man applyeth a ,mentall ,image of his owne making1 or none at all4 ,and thus an ,image in the largest sense1 is either the ,resemblance1 or the ,representation of some thing ,visible2 or both together1 as it happeneth for the most part4 ,but the name of ,idoll is extended yet further in ,scripture1 to signifie also the ,sunne1 or a ,starre1 or any other ,creature1 visible or invisible1 when they are worshipped for ,gods4 ,idolatry ,what ,having shewn what is ,worship1 and what an ,image2 ,i will now put them together1 and examine what that ,,idolatry is1 which is forbidden in the ,second ,commandement1 and other places of the ,scripture4 ,to worship an ,image1 is voluntarily to doe those externall acts1 which are signes of honoring either the matter of the ,image1 which is ,wood1 ,stone1 or ,metall1 or some other visible creature2 or the ,phantasme of the brain1 for the resemblance1 or representation whereof1 the matter was formed and figured2 or both together1 as one animate ,body1 composed of the ,matter and the ,phantasme1 as of a ,body and ,soule4 ,to be uncovered1 before a man of ,power and ,authority1 or before the ,throne of a ,prince1 or in such other places as hee ordaineth to that purpose in his absence1 is to ,worship that man1 or ,prince with ,civill ,worship2 as being a signe1 not of honoring the stoole1 or place1 but the ,person2 and is not ,idolatry4 ,but if hee that doth it1 should suppose the ,soule of the ,prince to be in the ,stool1 or should present a ,petition to the ,stool1 it were ,divine ,worship1 and ,idolatry4 ,to pray to a ,king for such things1 as hee is able to doe for us1 though we prostrate our selves before him1 is but ,civill ,worship2 because we acknowledge no other power in him1 but humane3 ,but voluntarily to pray unto him for fair weather1 or for any thing which ,god onely can doe for us1 is ,divine ,worship1 and ,idolatry4 ,on the other side1 if a ,king compell a man to it by the terrour of ,death1 or other great corporall punishment1 it is not ,idolatry3 ,for the ,worship which the ,soveraign commandeth to bee done unto himself by the terrour of his ,laws1 is not a sign that he that obeyeth him1 does inwardly honour him as a ,god1 but that he is desirous to save himselfe from death1 or from a miserable life2 and that which is not a sign of internall honor1 is no ,worship2 and therefore no ,idolatry4 ,neither can it bee said1 that hee that does it1 scandalizeth1 or layeth any stumbling block before his ,brother2 because how wise1 or learned soever he be that worshippeth in that manner1 another man cannot from thence argue1 that he approveth it2 but that he doth it for fear2 and that it is not his act1 but the act of the ,soveraign4 ,to worship ,god1 in some peculiar ,place1 or turning a mans face towards an ,image1 or determinate ,place1 is not to worship1 or honor the ,place1 or ,image2 but to acknowledge it ,holy1 that is to say1 to acknowledge the ,image1 or the ,place to be set apart from common use3 for that is the meaning of the word ,holy2 which implies no new quality in the ,place1 or ,image2 but onely a new ,relation by ,appropriation to ,god2 and therefore is not ,idolatry2 no more than it was ,idolatry to worship ,god before the ,brazen ,serpent2 or for the ,jews when they were out of their owne countrey1 to turn their faces 7when they prayed7 toward the ,temple of ,jerusalem2 or for ,moses to put off his ,shoes when he was before the ,flaming ,bush1 the ground appertaining to ,mount ,sinai2 which place ,god had chosen to appear in1 and to give his ,laws to the ,people of ,israel1 and was therefore ,holy ground1 not by inhaerent sanctity1 but by separation to ,gods use2 or for ,christians to worship in the ,churches1 which are once solemnly dedicated to ,god for that purpose1 by the ,authority of the ,king1 or other true ,representant of the ,church4 ,but to worship ,god1 is inanimating1 or inhibiting1 such ,image1 or place2 that is to say1 an infinite substance in a finite place1 is ,idolatry3 for such finite ,gods1 are but ,idols of the brain1 nothing reall2 and are commonly called in the ,scripture by the names of ,vanity1 and ,lyes1 and ,nothing4 ,also to worship ,god1 not as inanimating1 or present in the place1 or ,image2 but to the end to be put in mind of him1 or of some works of his1 in case the ,place1 or ,image be dedicated1 or set up by private authority1 and not by the authority of them that are our ,soveraign ,pastors1 is ,idolatry4 ,for the ,commandement is1 ,thou shalt not make to thy selfe any graven image4 ,god commanded ,moses to set up the ,brazen ,serpent2 hee did not make it to himselfe2 it was not therefore against the ,commandement4 ,but the making of the ,golden ,calfe by ,aaron1 and the ,people1 as being done without authority from ,god1 was ,idolatry2 not onely because they held it for ,god1 but also because they made it for a ,religious use1 without warrant either from ,god their ,soveraign1 or from ,moses1 that was his ,lieutenant4 ,the ,gentiles worshipped for ,gods1 ,jupiter1 and others2 that living1 were men perhaps that had done great and glorious ,acts2 and for the ,children of ,god1 divers men and women1 supposing them gotten between an ,immortall ,deity1 and a mortall man4 ,this was ,idolatry1 because they made them so to themselves1 having no authority from ,god1 neither in his eternall ,law of ,reason1 nor in his positive and revealed ,will4 ,but though our ,saviour was a man1 whom wee also beleeve to bee ,god ,immortall1 and the ,son of ,god2 yet this is no ,idolatry2 because wee build not that beleef upon our own fancy1 or judgment1 but upon the ,word of ,god revealed in the ,scriptures4 ,and for the adoration of the ,eucharist1 if the words of ,christ1 ,this is my ,body1 signifie1 that he himselfe1 and the seeming bread in his hand2 and not onely so1 but that all the seeming morsells of bread that have ever since been1 and any time hereafter shall bee consecrated by ,priests1 bee so many ,christs bodies1 and yet all of them but one body1 then is that no ,idolatry1 because it is authorized by our ,saviour3 but if that text doe not signifie that1 7for there is no other that can be alledged for it17 then1 because it is a worship of humane institution1 it is ,idolatry4 ,for it is not enough to say1 ,god can transubstantiate the ,bread into ,christs ,body3 ,for the ,gentiles also held ,god to be ,omnipotent2 and might upon that ground no lesse excuse their ,idolatry1 by pretending1 as well as others1 as transubstantiation of their ,wood1 and ,stone into ,god ,almighty4 ,whereas there be1 that pretend ,divine ,inspiration1 to be a supernaturall entring of the ,holy ,ghost into a man1 and not an acquisition of ,gods grace1 by doctrine1 and study2 ,i think they are in a very dangerous ,dilemma4 ,for if they worship not the men whom they beleeve to be so inspired1 they fall into ,impiety2 as not adoring ,gods supernaturall ,presence4 ,and again1 if they worship them1 they commit ,idolatry2 for the ,apostles would never permit themselves to be so worshipped4 ,therefore the safest way is to beleeve1 that by the ,descending of the ,dove upon the ,apostles2 and by ,christs ,breathing on them1 when hee gave them the ,holy ,ghost2 and by the giving of it by ,imposition of ,hands1 are understood the signes which ,god hath been pleased to use1 or ordain to be used1 of his promise to assist those persons in their study to ,preach his ,kingdome1 and in their ,conversation1 that it might not be ,scandalous1 but ,edifying to others4 ,scandalous ,worship ,of ,images ,besides the ,idolatrous ,worship of ,images1 there is also a ,scandalous ,worship of them2 which is also a sin2 but not ,idolatry4 ,for ,idolatry is to worship by signes of an internall1 and reall honour3 but ,scandalous ,worship1 is but ,seeming ,worship2 and may sometimes bee joined with an inward1 and hearty detestation1 both of the ,image1 and of the ,phantasticall ,daemon1 or ,idol1 to which it is dedicated2 and proceed onely from the fear of death1 or other grievous punishment2 and is neverthelesse a sin in them that so worship1 in case they be men whose actions are looked at by others1 as lights to guide them by2 because following their ways1 they cannot but stumble1 and fall in the way of ,religion3 ,whereas the example of those we regard not1 works not on us at all1 but leaves us to our own diligence and caution2 and consequently are no causes of our falling4 ,if therefore a ,pastor lawfully called to teach and direct others1 or any other1 of whose knowledge there is a great opinion1 doe externall honor to an ,idol for fear2 unlesse he make his feare1 and unwillingnesse to it1 as evident as the worship2 he ,scandalizeth his ,brother1 by seeming to approve ,idolatry4 ,for his ,brother1 arguing from the action of his teacher1 or of him whose knowledge he esteemeth great1 concludes it to bee lawfull in it selfe4 ,and this ,scandall1 is ,sin1 and a ,scandall given4 ,but if one being no ,pastor1 nor of eminent reputation for knowledge in ,christian ,doctrine1 doe the same1 and another follow him2 this is no ,scandall given2 for he had no cause to follow such example3 but is a pretence of ,scandall which hee taketh of himselfe for an excuse before men3 ,for an unlearned man1 that is in the power of an idolatrous ,king1 or ,state1 if commanded on pain of death to worship before an ,idoll1 hee detesteth the ,idoll in his heart1 hee doth well2 though if he had the fortitude to suffer death1 rather than worship it1 he should doe better4 ,but if a ,pastor1 who as ,christs ,messenger1 has undertaken to teach ,christs ,doctrine to all nations1 should doe the same1 it were not onely a sinfull ,scandall1 in respect of other ,christian mens consciences1 but a perfidious forsaking of his charge4 ,the summe of that which ,i have said hitherto1 concerning the ,worship of ,images1 is that1 that he that worshippeth in an ,image1 or any ,creature1 either the ,matter thereof1 or any ,fancy of his own1 which he thinketh to dwell in it2 or both together2 or beleeveth that such things hear his ,prayers1 or see his ,devotions1 without ,ears1 or ,eyes1 committeth ,idolatry3 and he that counterfeiteth such ,worship for fear of punishment1 if he bee a man whose example hath power amongst his ,brethren1 committeth a sin3 ,but he that worshippeth the ,creator of the world before such an ,image1 or in such a place as he hath not made1 or chosen of himselfe1 but taken from the commandement of ,gods ,word1 as the ,jewes did in worshipping ,god before the ,cherubins1 and before the ,brazen ,serpent for a time1 and in1 or towards the ,temple of ,jerusalem1 which was also but for a time1 committeth not ,idolatry4 ,now for the ,worship of ,saints1 and ,images1 and ,reliques1 and other things at this day practised in the ,church of ,rome1 ,i say they are not allowed by the ,word of ,god1 not brought into the ,church of ,rome1 from the ,doctrine there taught2 but partly left in it at the first conversion of the ,gentiles2 and afterwards countenanced1 and confirmed1 and augmented by the ,bishops of ,rome4 ,answer ,to ,the ,argument ,from ,the ,cherubins1 ,and ,brazen ,serpent ,as for the proofs alledged out of ,scripture1 namely1 those examples of ,images appointed by ,god to bee set up2 ,they were not set up for the people1 or any man to worship2 but that they should worship ,god himselfe before them3 as before the ,cherubins over the ,ark1 and the ,brazen ,serpent4 ,for we read not1 that the ,priest1 or any other did worship the ,cherubins2 but contrarily wee read 7#b ,kings #ah4d47 that ,hezekiah brake in pieces the ,brazen ,serpent which ,moses had set up1 because the ,people burnt incense to it4 ,besides1 those examples are not put for our ,imitation1 that we also should set up ,images1 under pretence of worshipping ,god before them2 because the words of the second ,commandement1 ,thou shalt not make to thy selfe any graven ,image1 c4 distinguish between the ,images that ,god commanded to be set up1 and those which wee set up to our selves4 ,and therefore from the ,cherubins1 or ,brazen ,serpent1 to the ,images of mans devising2 and from the ,worship commanded by ,god1 to the ,will-,worship of men1 the argument is not good4 ,this also is to bee considered1 that as ,hezekiah brake in pieces the ,brazen ,serpent1 because the ,jews did worship it1 to the end they should doe so no more2 so also ,christian ,soveraigns ought to break down the ,images which their ,subjects have been accustomed to worship2 that there be no more occasion of such ,idolatry4 ,for at this day1 the ignorant ,people1 where ,images are worshipped1 doe really beleeve there is a ,divine ,power in the ,images2 and are told by their ,pastors1 that some of them have spoken2 and have bled2 and that miracles have been done by them2 which they apprehend as done by the ,saint1 which they think either is the ,image it self1 or in it4 ,the ,israelites1 when they worshipped the ,calfe1 did think they worshipped the ,god that brought them out of ,egypt2 and yet it was ,idolatry1 because they thought the ,calfe either was that ,god1 or had him in his belly4 ,and though some man may think it impossible for people to be so stupid1 as to think the ,image to be ,god1 or a ,saint2 or to worship it in that notion2 yet it is manifest in ,scripture to the contrary2 where when the ,golden ,calfe was made1 the people said1 7,exod4 #cb4 #b47 ,these are thy ,gods ,o ,israel2 and where the ,images of ,laban 7,gen4 #ca4cj47 are called his ,gods4 ,and wee see daily by experience in all sorts of ,people1 that such men as study nothing but their food and ease1 are content to beleeve any absurdity1 rather than to trouble themselves to examine it2 holding their faith as it were by entaile unalienable1 except by an expresse and new ,law4 ,painting ,of ,fancies ,no ,idolatry3 ,abusing ,them ,to ,religious ,worship ,is ,but they inferre from some other places1 that it is lawfull to paint ,angels1 and also ,god himselfe3 as from ,gods walking in the ,garden2 from ,jacobs seeing ,god at the top of the ladder2 and from other ,visions1 and ,dreams4 ,but ,visions1 and ,dreams whether naturall1 or supernaturall1 are but ,phantasmes3 and he that painteth an ,image of any of them1 maketh not an ,image of ,god1 but of his own ,phantasm1 which is1 making of an ,idol4 ,i say not1 that to draw a ,picture after a fancy1 is a ,sin2 but when it is drawn1 to hold it for a ,representation of ,god1 is against the second ,commandement2 and can be of no use1 but to worship4 ,and the same may be said of the ,images of ,angels1 and of men dead2 unlesse as ,monuments of friends1 or of men worthy remembrance3 ,for such use of an ,image1 is not ,worship of the ,image2 but a civill honoring of the ,person1 not that is1 but that was3 ,but when it is done to the ,image which we make of a ,saint1 for no other reason1 but that we think he heareth our prayers1 and is pleased with the honour wee doe him1 when dead1 and without sense1 wee attribute to him more than humane power2 and therefore it is ,idolatry4 ,seeing therefore there is no authority1 neither in the ,law of ,moses1 nor in the ,gospel1 for the religious ,worship of ,images1 or other ,representations of ,god1 which men set up to themselves2 or for the ,worship of the ,image of any ,creature in ,heaven1 or ,earth1 or under the ,earth3 ,and whereas ,christian ,kings1 who are living ,representants of ,god1 are not to be worshipped by their ,subjects1 by any act1 that signifieth a greater esteem of his power1 than the nature of mortall man is capable of2 ,it cannot be imagined1 that the ,religious ,worship now in use1 was brought into the ,church1 by misunderstanding of the ,scripture4 ,it resteth therefore1 that it was left in it1 by not destroying the ,images themselves1 in the conversion of the ,gentiles that worshipped them4 ,how ,idolatry ,was ,left ,in ,the ,church ,the cause whereof1 was the immoderate esteem1 and prices set upon the workmanship of them1 which made the owners 7though converted1 from worshipping them as they had done ,religiously for ,daemons7 to retain them still in their houses1 upon pretence of doing it in the honor of ,christ1 of the ,virgin ,mary1 and of the ,apostles1 and other the ,pastors of the ,primitive ,church2 as being easie1 by giving them new names1 to make that an ,image of the ,virgin ,mary1 and of her ,sonne our ,saviour1 which before perhaps was called the ,image of ,venus1 and ,cupid2 and so of a ,jupiter to make a ,barnabas1 and of ,mercury a ,paul1 and the like4 ,and as worldly ambition creeping by degrees into the ,pastors1 drew them to an endeavour of pleasing the new made ,christians2 and also to a liking of this kind of honour1 which they also might hope for after their decease1 as well as those that had already gained it3 so the worshipping of the ,images of ,christ and his ,apostles1 grow more and more ,idolatrous2 save that somewhat after the time of ,constantine1 divers ,emperors1 and ,bishops1 and generall ,councells observed1 and opposed the unlawfulnesse thereof2 but too late1 or too weakly4 ,canonizing ,of ,saints ,the ,canonizing of ,saints1 is another ,relique of ,gentilisme3 ,it is neither a misunderstanding of ,scripture1 nor a new invention of the ,roman ,church1 but a custome as ancient as the ,common-wealth of ,rome it self4 ,the first that ever was canonized at ,rome1 was ,romulus1 and that upon the narration of ,julius ,proculus1 that swore before the ,senate1 he spake with him after his death1 and was assured by him1 he dwelt in ,heaven1 and was there called ,quirinius1 and would be propitious to the ,state of their new ,city3 ,and thereupon the ,senate gave ,publique ,testimony of his ,sanctity4 ,julius ,caesar1 and other ,emperors after him1 had the like ,testimony2 that is1 were ,canonized for ,saints2 now defined2 and is the same with the ,apotheosis of the ,heathen4 ,the ,name ,of ,pontifex ,it is also from the ,roman ,heathen1 that the ,popes have received the name1 and power of ,,pontifex ,,maximus4 ,this was the name of him that in the ancient ,common-wealth of ,rome1 had the ,supreme ,authority under the ,senate and ,people1 of regulating all ,ceremonies1 and ,doctrines concerning their ,religion3 ,and when ,augustus ,caesar changed the ,state into a ,monarchy1 he took to himselfe no more but this office1 and that of ,tribune of the ,people1 7than is to say1 the ,supreme ,power both in ,state1 and ,religion27 and the succeeding ,emperors enjoyed the same4 ,but when the ,emperour ,constantine lived1 who was the first that professed and authorized ,christian ,religion1 it was consonant to his profession1 to cause ,religion to be regulated 7under his authority7 by the ,bishop of ,rome3 ,though it doe not appear they had so soon the name of ,pontifex2 but rather1 that the succeeding ,bishops took it of themselves1 to countenance the power they exercised over the ,bishops of the ,roman ,provinces4 ,for it is not any ,priviledge of ,st4 ,peter1 but the ,priviledge of the ,city of ,rome1 which the ,emperors were alwaies willing to uphold2 that gave them such authority over other ,bishops2 as may be evidently seen by that1 that the ,bishop of ,constantinople1 when the ,emperour made that ,city the ,seat of the ,empire1 pretended to bee equall to the ,bishop of ,rome2 though at last1 not without contention1 the ,pope carryed it1 and became the ,pontifex ,maximus2 but in right onely of the ,emperour2 and not without the bounds of the ,empire2 nor any where1 after the ,emperour had lost his power in ,rome2 though it were the ,pope himself that took his power from him4 ,from whence wee may by the way observe1 that there is no place for the superiority of the ,pope over other ,bishops1 except in the territories whereof he is himself the ,civill ,soveraign2 and where the ,emperour having ,soveraign ,power ,civill1 hath expressely chosen the ,pope for the chief ,pastor under himselfe1 of his ,christian ,subjects4 ,procession ,of ,images ,the carrying about of ,images in ,procession1 is another ,relique of the ,religion of the ,greeks1 and ,romans3 ,for they also carried their ,idols from place to place1 in a kind of ,chariot1 which was peculiarly dedicated to that use1 which the ,latines called ,thensa1 and ,vehiculum ,deorum2 and the ,image was placed in a frame1 or ,shrine1 which they called ,ferculum3 ,and that which they called ,pompa1 is the same that now is named ,procession3 ,according whereunto1 amongst the ,divine ,honors which were given to ,julius ,caesar by the ,senate1 this was one1 that in the ,pompe 7or ,procession7 at the ,circaean games1 he should have ,thensam ,ferculum1 a sacred ,chariot1 and a ,shrine2 which was as much1 as to be carried up and down as a ,god3 ,just as at this day the ,popes are carried by ,switzers under a ,canopie4 ,wax ,candles1 ,and ,torches ,lighted ,to these ,processions also belonged the bearing of burning ,torches1 and ,candles1 before the ,images of the ,gods1 both amongst the ,greeks1 and ,romans4 ,for afterwards the ,emperors of ,rome received the same honor2 as we read of ,caligula1 that at his reception to the ,empire1 he was carried from ,misenum to ,rome1 in the midst of a throng of ,people1 the wayes beset with ,altars1 and ,beasts for ,sacrifice1 and burning ,torches3 ,and of ,caracalla that was received into ,alexandria with ,incense1 and with casting of ,flowers1 and ,dadouchiais1 that is1 with ,torches2 for ,dadochoi were they that amongst the ,greeks carried ,torches lighted in the ,processions of their ,gods3 ,and in processe of time1 the devout1 but ignorant ,people1 did many times honor their ,bishops with the like pompe of ,wax ,candles1 and the ,images of our ,saviour1 and the ,saints1 constantly1 in the ,church it self4 ,and thus came in the use of ,wax ,candles2 and was also established by some of the ancient ,councells4 ,the ,heathens had also their ,aqua ,lustralis1 that is to say1 ,holy ,water4 ,the ,church of ,rome imitates them also in their ,holy ,dayes4 ,they had their ,bacchanalia2 and we have our ,wakes1 answering to them3 ,they their ,saturnalia1 and we our ,carnevalls1 and ,shrove-tuesdays liberty of ,servants3 ,they their ,procession of ,priapus2 wee our fetching in1 erection1 and dancing about ,may-poles2 and ,dancing is one kind of ,worship3 ,they had their ,procession called ,ambarvalia2 and we our ,procession about the fields in the ,rogation ,week4 ,nor do ,i think that these are all the ,ceremonies that have been left in the ,church1 from the first conversion of the ,gentiles3 but they are all that ,i can for the present call to mind2 and if a man would wel observe that which is delivered in the ,histories1 concerning the ,religious ,rites of the ,greeks and ,romanes1 ,i doubt not but he might find many more of these old empty ,bottles of ,gentilisme1 which the ,doctors of the ,romane ,church1 either by ,negligence1 or ,ambition1 have filled up again with the new ,wine of ,christianity1 that will not faile in time to break them4 ,,chapter ,,xlvi4 ,,of ,,darknesse ,,from ,,vain ,,philosophy1 ,,and ,,fabulous ,,traditions ,what ,philosophy ,is ,by ,philosophy is understood the ,knowledge acquired by ,reasoning1 from the ,manner of the ,generation of any thing1 to the ,properties2 or from the ,properties1 to some possible ,way of ,generation of the same2 to the end to bee able to produce1 as far as matter1 and humane force permit1 such ,effects1 as humane life requireth4 ,so the ,geometrician1 from the ,construction of ,figures1 findeth out many ,properties thereof2 and from the ,properties1 new ,ways of their ,construction1 by ,reasoning2 to the end to be able to measure ,land and ,water2 and for infinite other uses4 ,so the ,astronomer1 from the ,rising1 ,setting1 and ,moving of the ,sun1 and ,starres1 in divers parts of the ,heavens1 findeth out the ,causes of ,day1 and ,night1 and of the different ,seasons of the ,year2 whereby he keepeth an account of ,time3 ,and the like of other ,sciences4 ,prudence ,no ,part ,of ,philosophy ,by which ,definition it is evident1 that we are not to account as any part thereof1 that originall knowledge called ,experience1 in which consisteth ,prudence3 ,because it is not attained by ,reasoning1 but found as well in ,brute ,beasts1 as in ,man2 and is but a ,memory of successions of events in times past1 wherein the omission of every little circumstance altering the effect1 frustrateth the expectation of the most ,prudent3 whereas nothing is produced by ,reasoning aright1 but generall1 eternall1 and immutable ,truth4 ,no ,false ,doctrine ,is ,part ,of ,philosophy ,nor are we therefore to give that name to any false ,conclusions3 ,for he that ,reasoneth aright in words he understandeth1 can never conclude an ,error3 ,no ,more ,is ,revelation ,supernaturall ,nor to that which any man knows by supernaturall ,revelation2 because it is not acquired by ,reasoning3 ,nor ,learning ,taken ,upon ,credit ,of ,authors ,nor that which is gotten by ,reasoning from the ,authority of ,books2 because it is not by ,reasoning from the ,cause to the ,effect1 nor from the ,effect to the ,cause2 and is not ,knowledge1 but ,faith4 ,of ,the ,beginnings ,and ,progresse ,of ,philosophy ,the faculty of ,reasoning being consequent to the use of ,speech1 it was not possible1 but that there should have been some generall ,truthes found out by ,reasoning1 as ancient almost as ,language it selfe4 ,the ,savages of ,america1 are not without some good ,morall ,sentences2 also they have a little ,arithmetick1 to adde1 and divide in ,numbers not too great3 but they are not therefore ,philosophers4 ,for as there were ,plants of ,corn and ,wine in small quantity dispersed in the ,fields and ,woods1 before men knew their vertue1 or made use of them for their nourishment1 or planted them apart in ,fields1 and ,vineyards2 in which time they fed on ,akorns1 and drank ,water3 so also there have been divers true1 generall1 and profitable ,speculations from the beginning2 as being the naturall plants of humane ,reason3 ,but they were at first but few in number2 men lived upon grosse ,experience2 there was no ,method2 that is to say1 no ,sowing1 nor ,planting of ,knowledge by it self1 apart from the ,weeds1 and common ,plants of ,errour and ,conjecture3 ,and the cause of it being the want of leasure from procuring the necessities of life1 and defending themselves against their neighbours1 it was impossible1 till the erecting of great ,common-wealths1 it should be otherwise4 ,leasure is the mother of ,philosophy2 and ,common-wealth1 the mother of ,peace1 and ,leasure3 ,where first were great and flourishing ,cities1 there was first the study of ,philosophy4 ,the ,gymnosophists of ,india1 the ,magi of ,persia1 and the ,priests of ,chaldea and ,egypt1 are counted the most ancient ,philosophers2 and those ,countreys were the most ancient of ,kingdomes4 ,philosophy was not risen to the ,graecians1 and other people of the ,west1 whose ,common-wealths 7no greater perhaps then ,lucca1 or ,geneva7 had never ,peace1 but when their fears of one another were equall2 nor the ,leasure to observe any thing but one another4 ,at length1 when ,warre had united many of these ,graecian lesser ,cities1 into fewer1 and greater2 then began ,seven ,men1 of severall parts of ,greece1 to get the reputation of being ,wise2 some of them for ,morall and ,politique ,sentences2 and others for the learning of the ,chaldeans and ,egyptians1 which was ,astronomy1 and ,geometry4 ,but we hear not yet of any ,schools of ,philosophy4 ,of ,the ,schools ,of ,philosophy ,amongst ,the ,athenians ,after the ,athenians by the overthrow of the ,persian ,armies1 had gotten the ,dominion of the ,sea2 and thereby1 of all the ,islands1 and ,maritime ,cities of the ,archipelago1 as well of ,asia as ,europe2 and were grown wealthy2 they that had no employment1 neither at home1 nor abroad1 had little else to employ themselves in1 but either 7as ,st4 ,luke says1 ,acts #ag4ba47 in telling and hearing news1 or in discoursing of ,philosophy publiquely to the youth of the ,city4 ,every ,master took some place for that purpose4 ,plato in certaine publique ,walks called ,academia1 from one ,academus3 ,aristotle in the ,walk of the ,temple of ,pan1 called ,lycaeum3 others in the ,stoa1 or covered ,walk1 wherein the ,merchants ,goods were brought to land3 others in other places2 where they spent the time of their ,leasure1 in teaching or in disputing of their ,opinions3 and some in any place1 where they could get the youth of the ,city together to hear them talk4 ,and this was it which ,carneades also did at ,rome1 when he was ,ambassadour3 which caused ,cato to advise the ,senate to dispatch him quickly1 for feare of corrupting the manners of the young men that delighted to hear him speak 7as they thought7 fine things4 ,from this it was1 that the place where any of them taught1 and disputed1 was called ,schola1 which in their ,tongue signifieth ,leasure2 and their ,disputations1 ,diatribae1 that is to say1 ,passing of ,the ,time4 ,also the ,philosophers themselves had the name of their ,sects1 some of them from these their ,schools3 ,for they that followed ,plato's ,doctrine1 were called ,academiques2 ,the followers of ,aristotle1 ,peripatetiques1 from the ,walk hee taught in2 and those that ,zeno taught1 ,stoiques1 from the ,stoa3 as if we should denominate men from ,more-fields1 from ,pauls-,church1 and from the ,exchange1 because they meet there often1 to prate and loyter4 ,neverthelesse1 men were so much taken with this custome1 that in time it spread it selfe over all ,europe1 and the best part of ,afrique2 so as there were ,schools publiquely erected1 and maintained for ,lectures1 and ,disputations1 almost in every ,common-wealth4 ,of ,the ,schools ,of ,the ,jews ,there were also ,schools1 anciently1 both before1 and after the time of our ,saviour1 amongst the ,jews3 but they were ,schools of their ,law4 ,for though they were called ,synagogues1 that is to say1 ,congregations of the ,people2 yet in as much as the ,law was every ,sabbath day read1 expounded1 and disputed in them1 they differed not in nature1 but in name onely from ,publique ,schools2 and were not onely in ,jerusalem1 but in every ,city of the ,gentiles1 where the ,jews inhabited4 ,there was such a ,schoole at ,damascus1 whereinto ,paul entred1 to persecute4 ,there were others at ,antioch1 ,iconium and ,thessalonica1 whereinto he entred1 to dispute3 ,and such was the ,synagogue of the ,libertines1 ,cyrenians1 ,alexandrians1 ,cilicians1 and those of ,asia2 that is to say1 the ,schoole of ,libertines1 and of ,jewes1 that were strangers in ,jerusalem3 ,and of this ,schoole they were that disputed with ,saint ,steven4 ,the ,schoole ,of ,graecians ,unprofitable ,but what has been the ,utility of those ,schools8 what ,science is there at this day acquired by their ,readings and ,disputings8 ,that wee have of ,geometry1 which is the ,mother of all ,naturall ,science1 wee are not indebted for it to the ,schools4 ,plato that was the best ,philosopher of the ,greeks1 forbad entrance into his ,schoole1 to all that were not already in some measure ,geometricians4 ,there were many that studied that ,science to the great advantage of mankind3 but there is no mention of their ,schools2 nor was there any ,sect of ,geometricians2 nor did they then passe under the name of ,philosophers4 ,the naturall ,philosophy of those ,schools1 was rather a ,dream than ,science1 and set forth in senselesse and insignificant ,language2 which cannot be avoided by those that will teach ,philosophy1 without having first attained great knowledge in ,geometry3 ,for ,nature worketh by ,motion2 the ,wayes1 and ,degrees whereof cannot be known1 without the knowledge of the ,proportions and ,properties of ,lines1 and ,figures4 ,their ,morall ,philosophy is but a description of their own ,passions4 ,for the rule of ,manners1 without ,civill ,government1 is the ,law of ,nature2 and in it1 the ,law ,civill2 that determineth what is ,honest1 and ,dishonest2 what is ,just1 and ,unjust2 and generally what is ,good1 and ,evill3 whereas they make the ,rules of ,good1 and ,bad1 by their own ,liking1 and ,disliking3 ,by which means1 in so great diversity of taste1 there is nothing generally agreed on2 but every one doth 7as far as he dares7 whatsoever seemeth good in his own eyes1 to the subversion of ,common-wealth4 ,their ,logique which should bee the ,method of ,reasoning1 is nothing else but ,captions of ,words1 and ,inventions how to puzzle such as should goe about to pose them4 ,to conclude there is nothing so absurd1 that the old ,philosophers 7as ,cicero saith1 who was one of them7 have not some of them maintained4 ,and ,i beleeve that scarce any thing can be more absurdly said in naturall ,philosophy1 than that which now is called ,aristotles ,metaphysiques1 nor more repugnant to ,government1 than much of that hee hath said in his ,politiques2 nor more ignorantly1 than a great part of his ,ethiques4 ,the ,schools ,of ,the ,jews ,unprofitable ,the ,schoole of the ,jews1 was originally a ,schoole of the ,law of ,moses2 who commanded 7,deut4 #ca4aj47 that at the end of every seventh year1 at the ,feast of the ,tabernacles1 it should be read to all the people1 that they might hear1 and learn it3 ,therefore the reading of the ,law 7which was in use after the ,captivity7 every ,sabbath day1 ought to have had no other end1 but the acquainting of the people with the ,commandements which they were to obey1 and to expound unto them the writings of the ,prophets4 ,but it is manifest1 by the many reprehensions of them by our ,saviour1 that they corrupted the ,text of the ,law with their false ,commentaries1 and vain ,traditions2 and so little understood the ,prophets1 that they did neither acknowledge ,christ1 nor the works he did2 for which the ,prophets prophecyed4 ,so that by their ,lectures and ,disputations in their ,synagogues1 they turned the ,doctrine of their ,law into a ,phantasticall kind of ,philosophy1 concerning the incomprehensible nature of ,god1 and of ,spirits2 which they compounded of the ,vain ,philosophy and ,theology of the ,graecians1 mingled with their own fancies1 drawn from the obscurer places of the ,scripture1 and which might most easily bee wrested to their purpose2 and from the ,fabulous ,traditions of their ,ancestors4 ,university ,what ,it ,is ,that which is now called an ,university1 is a ,joyning together1 and an ,incorporation under one ,government of many ,publique ,schools1 in one and the same ,town or ,city4 ,in which1 the principal ,schools were ordained for the three ,professions1 that is to say1 of the ,romane ,religion1 of the ,romane ,law1 and of the ,art of ,medicine4 ,and for the study of ,philosophy it hath no otherwise place1 then as a handmaid to the ,romane ,religion3 ,and since the ,authority of ,aristotle is onely current there1 that study is not properly ,philosophy1 7the nature whereof dependeth not on ,authors17 but ,aristotelity4 ,and for ,geometry1 till of very late times it had no place at all2 as being subservient to nothing but rigide ,truth4 ,and if any man by the ingenuity of his owne nature1 had attained to any degree of perfection therein1 hee was commonly thought a ,magician1 and his ,art ,diabolicall4 ,errors ,brought ,into ,religion ,from ,aristotles ,metaphysiques ,now to descend to the particular ,tenets of ,vain ,philosophy1 derived to the ,universities1 and thence into the ,church1 partly from ,aristotle1 partly from ,blindnesse of understanding2 ,i shall first consider their ,principles4 ,there is a certain ,philosophia ,prima1 on which all other ,philosophy ought to depend2 and consisteth principally1 in right limiting of the significations of such ,appellations1 or ,names1 as are of all others the most ,universall3 ,which ,limitations serve to avoid ambiguity1 and aequivocation in ,reasoning2 and are commonly called ,definitions2 such as are the ,definitions of ,body1 ,time1 ,place1 ,matter1 ,forme1 ,essence1 ,subject1 ,substance1 ,accident1 ,power1 ,act1 ,finite1 ,infinite1 ,quantity1 ,quality1 ,motion1 ,action1 ,passion1 and divers others1 necessary to the explaining of a mans ,conceptions concerning the ,nature and ,generation of ,bodies4 ,the ,explication 7that is1 the setling of the meaning7 of which1 and the like ,terms1 is commonly in the ,schools called ,metaphysiques2 as being a part of the ,philosophy of ,aristotle1 which hath that for title3 but it is in another sense2 for there it signifieth as much1 as ,books written1 or placed after his naturall ,philosophy3 ,but the ,schools take them for ,books ,of ,supernaturall ,philosophy3 for the word ,metaphysiques will bear both these senses4 ,and indeed that which is there written1 is for the most part so far from the possibility of being understood1 and so repugnant to naturall ,reason1 that whosoever thinketh there is any thing to bee understood by it1 must needs think it supernaturall4 ,errors ,concerning ,abstract ,essences ,from these ,metaphysiques1 which are mingled with the ,scripture to make ,schoole ,divinity1 wee are told1 there be in the world certaine ,essences separated from ,bodies1 which they call ,abstract ,essences1 and ,substantiall ,formes3 ,for the ,interpreting of which ,jargon1 there is need of somewhat more than ordinary attention in this place4 ,also ,i ask pardon of those that are not used to this kind of ,discourse1 for applying my selfe to those that are4 ,the ,world1 7,i mean not the ,earth onely1 that denominates the ,lovers of it ,worldly ,men1 but the ,universe1 that is1 the whole masse of all things that are7 is ,corporeall1 that is to say1 ,body2 and hath the dimensions of ,magnitude1 namely1 ,length1 ,bredth1 and ,depth3 also every part of ,body1 is likewise ,body1 and hath the like dimensions2 and consequently every part of the ,universe1 is ,body1 and that which is not ,body1 is no part of the ,universe3 ,and because the ,universe is all1 that which is no part of it1 is ,nothing2 and consequently ,no ,where4 ,nor does it follow from hence1 that ,spirits are ,nothing3 for they have dimensions1 and are therefore really ,bodies2 though that name in common ,speech be given to such ,bodies onely1 as are visible1 or palpable2 that is1 that have some degree of ,opacity3 ,but for ,spirits1 they call them ,incorporeall2 which is a name of more honour1 and may therefore with more piety bee attributed to ,god himselfe2 in whom wee consider not what ,attribute expresseth best his ,nature1 which is ,incomprehensible2 but what best expresseth our desire to honour him4 ,to know now upon what grounds they say there be ,essences ,abstract1 or ,substantiall ,formes1 wee are to consider what those words do properly signifie4 ,the use of ,words1 is to register to our selves1 and make manifest to others the ,thoughts and ,conceptions of our ,minds4 ,of which ,words1 some are the names of the ,things conceived2 as the names of all sorts of ,bodies1 that work upon the ,senses1 and leave an ,impression in the ,imagination3 ,others are the names of the ,imaginations themselves2 that is to say1 of those ,ideas1 or mentall ,images we have of all things wee see1 or remember3 ,and others againe are names of ,names2 or of different sorts of ,speech3 ,as ,universall1 ,plurall1 ,singular1 ,negation1 ,true1 ,false1 ,syllogisme1 ,interrogation1 ,promise1 ,covenant1 are the names of certain ,forms of ,speech4 ,others serve to shew the ,consequence1 or ,repugnance of one name to another2 as when one saith1 ,a ,man is a ,body1 hee intendeth that the name of ,body is necessarily consequent to the name of ,man2 as being but severall names of the same thing1 ,man2 which ,consequence is signified by coupling them together with the word ,is4 ,and as wee use the ,verbe ,is2 so the ,latines use their ,verbe ,est1 and the ,greeks their ,esti through all its ,declinations4 ,whether all other ,nations of the world have in their severall languages a word that answereth to it1 or not1 ,i cannot tell2 but ,i am sure they have not need of it3 ,for the placing of two names in order may serve to signifie their ,consequence1 if it were the custome1 7for ,custome is it1 that give words their force17 as well as the words ,is1 or ,bee1 or ,are1 and the like4 ,and if it were so1 that there were a ,language without any ,verb answerable to ,est1 or ,is1 or ,bee2 yet the men that used it would bee not a jot the lesse capable of ,inferring1 ,concluding1 and of all kind of ,reasoning1 than were the ,greeks1 and ,latines4 ,but what then would become of these ,terms1 of ,entity1 ,essence1 ,essentiall1 ,essentially1 that are derived from it1 and of many more that depend on these1 applyed as most commonly they are8 ,they are therefore no ,names of ,things2 but ,signes1 by which wee make known1 that wee conceive the ,consequence of one name or ,attribute to another3 as when we say1 a ,man1 is1 a living ,body1 wee mean not that the ,man is one thing1 the ,living ,body another1 and the ,is1 or ,beeing a third3 but that the ,man1 and the ,living ,body1 is the same thing3 because the ,consequence1 ,if hee bee a ,man1 hee is a living ,body1 is a true ,consequence1 signified by that word ,is4 ,therefore1 to bee a ,body1 to ,walke1 to bee ,speaking1 to ,live1 to ,see1 and the like ,infinitives2 also ,corporeity1 ,walking1 ,speaking1 ,life1 ,sight1 and the like1 that signifie just the same1 are the names of ,nothing2 as ,i have elsewhere more amply expressed4 ,but to what purpose 7may some man say7 is such subtilty in a work of this nature1 where ,i pretend to nothing but what is necessary to the doctrine of ,government and ,obedience8 ,it is to this purpose1 that men may no longer suffer themselves to be abused1 by them1 that by this doctrine of ,separated ,essences1 built on the ,vain ,philosophy of ,aristotle1 would fright them from ,obeying the ,laws of their ,countrey1 with empty names2 as men fright ,birds from the ,corn with an empty doublet1 a hat1 and a crooked stick4 ,for it is upon this ground1 that when a ,man is dead and buried1 they say his ,soule 7that is his ,life7 can walk separated from his ,body1 and is seen by night amongst the graves4 ,upon the same ground they say1 that the ,figure1 and ,colour1 and ,tast of a peece of ,bread1 has a being1 there1 where they say there is no ,bread3 ,and upon the same ground they say1 that ,faith1 and ,wisdome1 and other ,vertues are sometimes powred into a man1 sometimes blown into him from ,heaven2 as if the ,vertuous1 and their ,vertues could be asunder2 and a great many other things that serve to lessen the dependance of ,subjects on the ,soveraign ,power of their ,countrey4 ,for who will endeavour to obey the ,laws1 if he expect ,obedience to be ,powred or ,blown into him8 ,or who will not obey a ,priest1 that can make ,god1 rather than his ,soveraign2 nay than ,god himselfe8 ,or who1 that is in fear of ,ghosts1 will not bear great respect to those that can make the ,holy ,water1 that drives them from him8 ,and this shall suffice for an example of the ,errors1 which are brought into the ,church1 from the ,entities1 and ,essences of ,aristotle3 which it may be he knew to be false ,philosophy2 but writ it as a thing consonant to1 and corroborative of their ,religion2 and fearing the fate of ,socrates4 ,being once fallen into this ,error of ,separated ,essences1 they are thereby necessarily involved in many other absurdities that follow it4 ,for seeing they will have these ,forms to be reall1 they are obliged to assign them some place4 ,but because they hold them ,incorporeall1 without all dimension of ,quantity1 and all men know that ,place is ,dimension1 and not to be filled1 but by that which is ,corporeall2 they are driven to uphold their credit with a distinction1 that they are not indeed any where ,circumscriptive1 but ,definitive3 ,which ,terms being meer ,words1 and in this occasion insignificant1 passe onely in ,latine1 that the vanity of them may bee concealed4 ,for the ,circumscription of a thing1 is nothing else but the ,determination1 or ,defining of its ,place2 and so both the ,terms of the ,distinction are the same4 ,and in particular1 of the ,essence of a ,man1 which 7they say7 is his ,soule1 they affirm it1 to be ,all of it in his little ,finger1 and ,all of it in every other ,part 7how small soever7 of his ,body2 and yet no more ,soule in the ,whole ,body1 than in any one of those ,parts4 ,can any man think that ,god is served with such absurdities8 ,and yet all this is necessary to beleeve1 to those that will beleeve the ,existence of an ,incorporeall ,soule1 ,separated from the ,body4 ,and when they come to give account1 how an ,incorporeall ,substance can be capable of ,pain1 and be tormented in the fire of ,hell1 or ,purgatory1 they have nothing at all to answer1 but that it cannot be known how fire can burn ,soules4 ,again1 whereas ,motion is change of ,place1 and ,incorporeall ,substances are not capable of ,place1 they are troubled to make it seem possible1 how a ,soule can goe hence1 without the ,body to ,heaven1 ,hell1 or ,purgatory2 and how the ,ghosts of men 7and ,i may adde of their clothes which they appear in7 can walk by night in ,churches1 ,church-yards1 and other places of ,sepulture4 ,to which ,i know not what they can answer1 unlesse they will say1 they walke ,definitive1 not ,circumscriptive1 or ,spiritually1 not ,temporally3 for such egregious distinctions are equally applicable to any difficulty whatsoever4 ,nunc-stans ,for the meaning of ,eternity1 they will not have it to be an ,endlesse ,succession of ,time2 for then they should not be able to render a reason how ,gods ,will1 and ,praeordaining of things to come1 should not be before his ,praescience of the same1 as the ,efficient ,cause before the ,effect1 or ,agent before the ,action2 nor of many other their bold opinions concerning the ,incomprehensible ,nature of ,god4 ,but they will teach us1 that ,eternity is the ,standing still of the ,present ,time1 a ,nunc-stans 7as the ,schools call it27 which neither they1 nor any else understand1 no more than they would a ,hic-stans for an ,infinite greatnesse of ,place4 ,one ,body ,in ,many ,places1 ,and ,many ,bodies ,in ,one ,place ,at ,once ,and whereas men divide a ,body in their thought1 by numbring parts of it1 and in numbring those parts1 number also the parts of the ,place it filled2 it cannot be1 but in making many parts1 wee make also many places of those parts2 whereby there cannot bee conceived in the mind of any man1 more1 or fewer parts1 than there are places for3 yet they will have us beleeve1 that by the ,almighty power of ,god1 one body may be at one and the same time in many places2 and many bodies at one and the same time in one place2 as if it were an acknowledgment of the ,divine ,power1 to say1 that which is1 is not2 or that which has been1 has not been4 ,and these are but a small part of the ,incongruities they are forced to1 from their disputing ,philosophically1 in stead of admiring1 and adoring of the ,divine and ,incomprehensible ,nature2 whose ,attributes cannot signifie what he is1 but ought to signifie our desire to honour him1 with the best ,appellations we can think on4 ,but they that venture to reason of his ,nature1 from these ,attributes of ,honour1 losing their understanding in the very first attempt1 fall from one ,inconvenience into another1 without end1 and without number2 in the same manner1 as when a man ignorant of the ,ceremonies of ,court1 comming into the presence of a greater ,person than he is used to speak to1 and stumbling at his entrance1 to save himselfe from falling1 lets slip his ,cloake2 to recover his ,cloake1 lets fall his ,hat2 and with one disorder after another1 discovers his astonishment and rusticity4 ,absurdities ,in ,naturall ,philosophy1 ,as ,gravity ,the ,cause ,of ,heavinesse ,then for ,physiques1 that is1 the knowledge of the subordinate1 and secundary causes of naturall events2 they render none at all1 but empty words4 ,if you desire to know why some kind of bodies sink naturally downwards toward the ,earth1 and others goe naturally from it2 ,the ,schools will tell you out of ,aristotle1 that the bodies that sink downwards1 are ,heavy2 and that this ,heavinesse is it that causes them to descend3 ,but if you ask what they mean by ,heavinesse1 they will define it to bee an endeavour to goe to the center of the ,earth3 so that the cause why things sink downward1 is an ,endeavour to be below3 which is as much as to say1 that bodies descend1 or ascend1 because they doe4 ,or they will tell you the center of the ,earth is the place of ,rest1 and ,conservation for ,heavy things2 and therefore they endeavour to be there3 ,as if ,stones1 and ,metalls had a desire1 or could discern the place they would bee at1 as ,man does2 or loved ,rest1 as ,man does not2 or that a peece of ,glasse were lesse safe in the ,window1 than falling into the ,street4 ,quantity ,put ,into ,body ,already ,made ,if we would know why the same ,body seems greater 7without adding to it7 one time1 than another2 they say1 when it seems lesse1 it is ,condensed2 when greater1 ,rarefied4 ,what is that ,condensed1 and ,rarefied8 ,condensed1 is when there is in the very same ,matter1 lesse ,quantity than before2 and ,rarefied1 when more4 ,as if there could be ,matter1 that had not some determined ,quantity2 when ,quantity is nothing else but the ,determination of ,matter2 that is to say of ,body1 by which we say one ,body is greater1 or lesser than another1 by thus1 or thus much4 ,or as if a ,body were made without any ,quantity at all1 and that afterwards more1 or lesse were put into it1 according as it is intended the ,body should be more1 or lesse ,dense4 ,powring ,in ,of ,soules ,for the cause of the ,soule of ,man1 they say1 ,creatur ,infundendo1 and ,creando ,infunditur3 that is1 ,it is ,created by ,powring it in1 and ,powred in by ,creation4 ,ubiquity ,of ,apparition ,for the ,cause of ,sense1 an ubiquity of ,species2 that is1 of the ,shews or ,apparitions of objects2 which when they be ,apparitions to the ,eye1 is ,sight2 when to the ,eare1 ,hearing2 to the ,palate1 ,tast2 to the ,nostrill1 ,smelling2 and to the rest of the ,body1 ,feeling4 ,will1 ,the ,cause ,of ,willing ,for cause of the ,will1 to doe any particular action1 which is called ,volitio1 they assign the ,faculty1 that is to say1 the ,capacity in generall1 that men have1 to will sometimes one thing1 sometimes another1 which is called ,voluntas2 making the ,power the cause of the ,act3 ,as if one should assign for cause of the good or evill ,acts of men1 their ,ability to doe them4 ,ignorance ,an ,occult ,cause ,and in many occasions they put for cause of ,naturall events1 their own ,ignorance1 but disguised in other words3 ,as when they say1 ,fortune is the cause of things contingent2 that is1 of things whereof they know no cause3 ,and as when they attribute many ,effects to ,occult ,qualities2 that is1 qualities not known to them2 and therefore also 7as they thinke7 to no ,man else4 ,and to ,sympathy1 ,antipathy1 ,antiperistasis1 ,specificall ,qualities1 and other like ,termes1 which signifie neither the ,agent that produceth them1 nor the ,operation by which they are produced4 ,if such ,metaphysiques1 and ,physiques as this1 be not ,vain ,philosophy1 there was never any2 nor needed ,st4 ,paul to give us warning to avoid it4 ,one ,makes ,the ,things ,incongruent1 ,another ,the ,incongruity ,and for their ,morall1 and ,civill ,philosophy1 it hath the same1 or greater absurdities4 ,if a man doe an action of ,injustice1 that is to say1 an action contrary to the ,law1 ,god they say is the prime cause of the ,law1 and also the prime cause of that1 and all other ,actions2 but no cause at all of the ,injustice2 which is the ,inconformity of the ,action to the ,law4 ,this is ,vain ,philosophy4 ,a man might as well say1 that one man maketh both a streight line1 and a crooked1 and another maketh their ,incongruity4 ,and such is the ,philosophy of all men that resolve of their ,conclusions1 before they know their ,premises2 pretending to comprehend1 that which is ,incomprehensible2 and of ,attributes of ,honour to make ,attributes of ,nature2 as this distinction was made to maintain the ,doctrine of ,free-,will1 that is1 of a ,will of man1 not subject to the ,will of ,god4 ,private ,appetite ,the ,rule ,of ,publique ,good3 ,aristotle1 and other ,heathen ,philosophers define ,good1 and ,evill1 by the ,appetite of men2 and well enough1 as long as we consider them governed every one by his own ,law3 ,for in the condition of men that have no other ,law but their own ,appetites1 there can be no generall ,rule of ,good1 and ,evill ,actions4 ,but in a ,common-wealth this measure is false3 ,not the ,appetite of ,private men1 but the ,law1 which is the ,will and ,appetite of the ,state is the measure4 ,and yet is this ,doctrine still practised2 and men judge the ,goodnesse1 or ,wickednesse of their own1 and of other mens actions1 and of the actions of the ,common-wealth it selfe1 by their own ,passions2 and no man calleth ,good or ,evill1 but that which is so in his own eyes1 without any regard at all to the ,publique ,laws2 except onely ,monks1 and ,friers1 that are bound by ,vow to that simple obedience to their ,superiour1 to which every ,subject ought to think himself bound by the ,law of ,nature to the ,civill ,soveraign4 ,and this private measure of ,good1 is a ,doctrine1 not onely ,vain1 but also ,pernicious to the ,publique ,state4 ,and ,that ,lawfull ,marriage ,is ,unchastity ,it is also ,vain and false ,philosophy1 to say the work of ,marriage is repugnant to ,chastity1 or ,continence1 and by consequence to make them ,morall ,vices2 as they doe1 that pretend ,chastity1 and ,continence1 for the ground of denying ,marriage to the ,clergy4 ,for they confesse it is no more1 but a ,constitution of the ,church1 that requireth in those holy ,orders that continually attend the ,altar1 and administration of the ,eucharist1 a continuall ,abstinence from women1 under the name of continuall ,chastity1 ,continence1 and ,purity4 ,therefore they call the lawfull use of ,wives1 want of ,chastity1 and ,continence2 and so make ,marriage a ,sin1 or at least a thing so impure1 and unclean1 as to render a man unfit for the ,altar4 ,if the ,law were made because the use of ,wives is ,incontinence1 and contrary to ,chastity1 then all marriage is vice2 ,if because it is a thing too impure1 and unclean for a man consecrated to ,god2 much more should other naturall1 necessary1 and daily works which all men doe1 render men unworthy to bee ,priests1 because they are more unclean4 ,but the secret foundation of this prohibition of ,marriage of ,priests1 is not likely to have been laid so slightly1 as upon such errours in ,morall ,philosophy2 nor yet upon the preference of single life1 to the estate of ,matrimony2 which proceeded from the wisdome of ,st4 ,paul1 who perceived how inconvenient a thing it was1 for those that in those times of persecution were ,preachers of the ,gospel1 and forced to fly from one countrey to another1 to be clogged with the care of wife and children2 but upon the design of the ,popes1 and ,priests of after times1 to make themselves the ,clergy1 that is to say1 sole ,heirs of the ,kingdome of ,god in this world2 to which it was necessary to take from them the use of ,marriage1 because our ,saviour saith1 that at the coming of his ,kingdome the ,children of ,god shall neither ,marry1 nor bee given in ,marriage1 but shall bee as the ,angels in heaven2 that is to say1 ,spirituall4 ,seeing then they had taken on them the name of ,spirituall1 to have allowed themselves 7when there was no need7 the propriety of ,wives1 had been an ,incongruity4 ,and ,that ,all ,government ,but ,popular1 ,is ,tyranny ,from ,aristotles ,civill ,philosophy1 they have learned1 to call all manner of ,common-wealths but the ,popular1 7such as was at that time the state of ,athens17 ,tyranny4 ,all ,kings they called ,tyrants2 and the ,aristocracy of the thirty ,governours set up there by the ,lacedemonians that subdued them1 the thirty ,tyrants3 ,as also to call the condition of the people under the ,democracy1 ,liberty4 ,a ,tyrant originally signified no more simply1 but a ,monarch3 ,but when afterwards in most parts of ,greece that kind of government was abolished1 the name began to signifie1 not onely the thing it did before1 but with it1 the hatred which the ,popular ,states bare towards it3 ,as also the name of ,king became odious after the deposing of the ,kings in ,rome1 as being a thing naturall to all men1 to conceive some great ,fault to be signified in any ,attribute1 that is given in despight1 and to a great ,enemy4 ,and when the same men shall be displeased with those that have the administration of the ,democracy1 or ,aristocracy1 they are not to seek for disgraceful names to expresse their anger in2 but call readily the one ,anarchy1 and the other ,oligarchy1 or the ,tyranny ,of ,a ,few4 ,and that which offendeth the ,people1 is no other thing1 but that they are governed1 not as every one of them would himselfe1 but as the ,publique ,representant1 be it one ,man1 or an ,assembly of men thinks fit2 that is1 by an ,arbitrary government3 for which they give evill names to their ,superiors2 never knowing 7till perhaps a little after a ,civill warre7 that without such ,arbitrary government1 such ,warre must be perpetuall2 and that it is ,men1 and ,arms1 not ,words1 and ,promises1 that make the ,force and ,power of the ,laws4 ,that ,not ,men1 ,but ,law ,governs ,and therefore this is another ,errour of ,aristotles ,politiques1 that in a wel ordered ,common-wealth1 not ,men should govern1 but the ,laws4 ,what man1 that has his naturall ,senses1 though he can neither write nor read1 does not find himself governed by them he fears1 and beleeves can kill or hurt him when he obeyeth not8 or that beleeves the ,law can hurt him2 that is1 ,words1 and ,paper1 without the ,hands1 and ,swords of men8 ,and this is of the number of pernicious ,errors3 for they induce men1 as oft as they like not their ,governours1 to adhaere to those that call them ,tyrants1 and to think it lawfull to raise warre against them3 ,and yet they are many times cherished from the ,pulpit1 by the ,clergy4 ,laws ,over ,the ,conscience ,there is another ,errour in their ,civill ,philosophy 7which they never learned of ,aristotle1 nor ,cicero1 nor any other of the ,heathen17 to extend the power of the ,law1 which is the ,rule of ,actions onely1 to the very ,thoughts1 and ,consciences of men1 by ,examination1 and ,inquisition of what they ,hold1 notwithstanding the ,conformity of their ,speech and ,actions3 ,by which1 men are either punished for answering the truth of their thoughts1 or constrained to answer an untruth for fear of punishment4 ,it is true1 that the ,civill ,magistrate1 intending to employ a ,minister in the charge of ,teaching1 may enquire of him1 if hee bee content to ,preach such1 and such ,doctrines2 and in case of refusall1 may deny him the employment3 ,but to force him to accuse himselfe of ,opinions1 when his ,actions are not by ,law forbidden1 is against the ,law of ,nature2 and especially in them1 who teach1 that a man shall bee damned to ,eternall and extream torments1 if he die in a false opinion concerning an ,article of the ,christian ,faith4 ,for who is there1 that knowing there is so great danger in an error1 when the naturall care of himself1 compelleth not to hazard his ,soule upon his own judgement1 rather than that of any other man that is unconcerned in his damnation8 ,private ,interpretation ,of ,law ,for a ,private man1 without the ,authority of the ,common-wealth1 that is to say1 without permission from the ,representant thereof1 to ,interpret the ,law by his own ,spirit1 is another ,error in the ,politiques2 but not drawn from ,aristotle1 nor from any other of the ,heathen ,philosophers4 ,for none of them deny1 but that in the ,power of making ,laws1 is comprehended also the ,power of ,explaining them when there is need4 ,and are not the ,scriptures1 in all places where they are ,law1 made ,law by the ,authority of the ,common-wealth1 and consequently1 a part of the ,civill ,law8 ,of the same kind it is also1 when any but the ,soveraign restraineth in any man that power which the ,common-wealth hath not restrained3 as they do1 that impropriate the ,preaching of the ,gospell to one certain ,order of men1 where the ,laws have left it free4 ,if the ,state give me leave to preach1 or teach2 that is1 if it forbid me not1 no man can forbid me4 ,if ,i find my selfe amongst the ,idolaters of ,america1 shall ,i that am a ,christian1 though not in ,orders1 think it a sin to preach ,jesus ,christ1 till ,i have received ,orders from ,rome8 or when ,i have preached1 shall not ,i answer their doubts1 and expound the ,scriptures to them2 that is shall ,i not ,teach8 ,but for this may some say1 as also for administring to them the ,sacraments1 the necessity shall be esteemed for a sufficient ,mission2 which is true3 ,but this is true also1 that for whatsoever1 a dispensation is due for the necessity1 for the same there needs no dispensation1 when there is no ,law that forbids it4 ,therefore to deny these ,functions to those1 to whom the ,civill ,soveraigne hath not denyed them1 is a taking away of a lawfull ,liberty1 which is contrary to the ,doctrine of ,civill ,government4 ,language ,of ,schoole-,divines ,more examples of ,vain ,philosophy1 brought into ,religion by the ,doctors of ,schoole-,divinity1 might be produced2 but other men may if they please observe them of themselves4 ,i shall onely adde this1 that the ,writings of ,schoole-,divines1 are nothing else for the most part1 but insignificant ,traines of strange and barbarous words1 or words otherwise used1 then in the common use of the ,latine tongue2 such as would pose ,cicero1 and ,varro1 and all the ,grammarians of ancient ,rome4 ,which if any man would see proved1 let him 7as ,i have said once before7 see whether he can translate any ,schoole-,divine into any of the ,modern tongues1 as ,french1 ,english1 or any other copious language3 for that which cannot in most of these be made ,intelligible1 is no ,intelligible in the ,latine4 ,which ,insignificancy of language1 though ,i cannot note it for false ,philosophy2 yet it hath a quality1 not onely to hide the ,truth1 but also to make men think they have it1 and desist from further search4 ,errors ,from ,tradition ,lastly1 for the errors brought in from false1 or uncertain ,history1 what is all the ,legend of fictitious ,miracles1 in the lives of the ,saints2 and all the ,histories of ,apparitions1 and ,ghosts1 alledged by the ,doctors of the ,romane ,church1 to make good their ,doctrines of ,hell1 and purgatory1 the power of ,exorcisme1 and other ,doctrines which have no warrant1 neither in ,reason1 nor ,scripture2 as also all those ,traditions which they call the unwritten ,word of ,god2 but old ,wives ,fables8 ,whereof1 though they find dispersed somewhat in the ,writings of the ancient ,fathers2 yet those ,fathers were men1 that might too easily beleeve false reports2 and the producing of their opinions for testimony of the truth of what they beleeved1 hath no other force with them that 7according to the ,counsell of ,st4 ,john #a ,epist4 chap4 #d4 verse #a47 examine ,spirits1 than in all things that concern the power of the ,romane ,church1 7the abuse whereof either they suspected not1 or had benefit by it17 to discredit their testimony1 in respect of too rash beleef of reports2 which the most sincere men1 without great knowledge of naturall causes1 7such as the ,fathers were7 are commonly the most subject to3 ,for naturally1 the best men are the least suspicious of fraudulent purposes4 ,gregory the ,pope1 and ,s4 ,bernard have somewhat of ,apparitions of ,ghosts1 that said they were in ,purgatory2 and so has our ,beda3 but no where1 ,i beleeve1 but by report from others4 ,but if they1 or any other1 relate any such stories of their own knowledge1 they shall not thereby confirm the more such vain reports2 but discover their own ,infirmity1 or ,fraud4 ,suppression ,of ,reason ,with the ,introduction of ,false1 we may joyn also the suppression of ,true ,philosophy1 by such men1 as neither by lawfull authority1 nor sufficient study1 are competent ,judges of the truth4 ,our own ,navigations make manifest1 and all men learned in humane ,sciences1 now acknowledge there are ,antipodes3 ,and every day it appeareth more and more1 that ,years1 and ,dayes are determined by ,motions of the ,earth4 ,neverthelesse1 men that have in their ,writings but supposed such ,doctrine1 as an occasion to lay open the reasons for1 and against it1 have been punished for it by ,authority ,ecclesiasticall4 ,but what reason is there for it8 ,is it because such opinions are contrary to true ,religion8 that cannot be1 if they be true4 ,let therefore the truth be first examined by competent ,judges1 or confuted by them that pretend to know the contrary4 ,is it because they be contrary to the ,religion established8 ,let them be silenced by the ,laws of those1 to whom the ,teachers of them are subject2 that is1 by the ,laws ,civill3 ,for disobedience may lawfully be punished in them1 that against the ,laws teach even true ,philosophy4 ,is it because they tend to disorder in ,government1 as countenancing ,rebellion1 or ,sedition8 then let them be silenced1 and the ,teachers punished by vertue of his power to whom the care of the ,publique quiet is committed2 which is the ,authority ,civill4 ,for whatsoever ,power ,ecclesiastiques take upon themselves 7in any place where they are subject to the ,state7 in their own ,right1 though they call it ,gods ,right1 is but ,usurpation4 ,,chapter ,,xlvii4 ,,of ,,the ,,benefit ,,that ,,proceedeth ,,from ,,such ,,darknesse1 ,,and ,,to ,,whom ,,it ,,accreweth ,he ,that ,receiveth ,benefit ,by ,a ,fact1 ,is ,presumed ,to ,be ,the ,author ,cicero maketh honorable mention of one of the ,cassii1 a severe ,judge amongst the ,romans1 for a custome he had1 in ,criminal causes1 7when the testimony of the witnesses was not sufficient17 to ask the ,accusers1 ,cui ,bono2 that is to say1 what ,profit1 ,honor1 or other ,contentment1 the accused obtained1 or expected by the ,fact4 ,for amongst ,praesumptions1 there is none that so evidently declareth the ,author1 as doth the ,,benefit of the ,action4 ,by the same rule ,i intend in this place to examine1 who they may be1 that have possessed the ,people so long in this part of ,christendome1 with these ,doctrines1 contrary to the ,peaceable ,societies of ,mankind4 ,that ,the ,church ,militant ,is ,the ,kingdome ,of ,god1 ,was ,first ,taught ,by ,the ,church ,of ,rome ,and first1 to this ,error1 ,that ,the ,present ,church ,now ,militant ,on ,earth1 ,is ,the ,kingdome ,of ,god1 7that is1 the ,kingdome of ,glory1 or the ,land of ,promise2 not the ,kingdome of ,grace1 which is but a ,promise of the ,land17 are annexed these worldly ,benefits1 ,first1 that the ,pastors1 and ,teachers of the ,church1 are entitled thereby1 as ,gods ,publique ,ministers1 to a ,right of ,governing the ,church2 and consequently 7because the ,church1 and ,common-wealth are the same ,persons7 to be ,rectors1 and ,governours of the ,common-wealth4 ,by this title it is1 that the ,pope prevailed with the subjects of all ,christian ,princes1 to beleeve1 that to disobey him1 was to disobey ,christ himselfe2 and in all differences between him and other ,princes1 7charmed with the word ,power ,spirituall17 to abandon their lawfull ,soveraigns2 which is in effect an universall ,monarchy over all ,christendome4 ,for though they were first invested in the right of being ,supreme ,teachers of ,christian ,doctrine1 by1 and under ,christian ,emperors1 within the limits of the ,romane ,empire 7as is acknowledged by themselves7 by the title of ,pontifex ,maximus1 who was an ,officer subject to the ,civill ,state2 yet after the ,empire was divided1 and dissolved1 it was not hard to obtrude upon the people already subject to them1 another ,title1 namely1 the ,right of ,st4 ,peter2 not onely to save entire their pretended ,power2 but also to extend the same over the same ,christian ,provinces1 though no more united in the ,empire of ,rome4 ,this ,benefit of an ,universall ,monarchy1 7considering the desire of men to bear ,rule7 is a sufficient ,presumption1 that the popes that pretended to it1 and for a long time enjoyed it1 were the ,authors of the ,doctrine1 by which it was obtained2 namely1 that the ,church now on ,earth1 is the ,kingdome of ,christ4 ,for that granted1 it must be understood1 that ,christ hath some ,lieutenant amongst us1 by whom we are to be told what are his ,commandements4 ,after that certain ,churches had renounced this universall ,power of the ,pope1 one would expect in reason1 that the ,civill ,soveraigns in all those ,churches1 should have recovered so much of it1 as 7before they had unadvisedly let it goe7 was their own ,right1 and in their own hands4 ,and in ,england it was so in effect2 saving that they1 by whom the ,kings administred the ,government of ,religion1 by maintaining their imployment to be in ,gods ,right1 seemed to usurp1 if not a ,supremacy1 yet an ,independency on the ,civill ,power3 and they but seemed to usurp it1 in as much as they acknowledged a ,right in the ,king1 to deprive them of the ,exercise of their ,functions at his pleasure4 ,and ,maintained ,also ,by ,the ,presbytery ,but in those places where the ,presbytery took that ,office1 though many other ,doctrines of the ,church of ,rome were forbidden to be taught2 yet this ,doctrine1 that the ,kingdome of ,christ is already come1 and that it began at the ,resurrection of our ,saviour1 was still retained4 ,but ,cui ,bono8 ,what ,profit did they expect from it8 ,the same which the ,popes expected3 to have a ,soveraign ,power over the ,people4 ,for what is it for men to excommunicate their lawful ,king1 but to keep him from all places of ,gods publique ,service in his own ,kingdom8 and with force to resist him1 when he with force endeavoureth to correct them8 ,or what is it1 without ,authority from the ,civill ,soveraign1 to excommunicate any person1 but to take from him his ,lawfull ,liberty1 that is1 to usurpe an unlawfull ,power over their ,brethren8 ,the ,authors therefore of this ,darknesse in ,religion1 are the ,romane1 and the ,presbyterian ,clergy4 ,infallibility ,to this head1 ,i referre also all those ,doctrines1 that serve them to keep the possession of this spirituall ,soveraignty after it is gotten4 ,as first1 that the ,pope ,in ,his ,publique ,capacity ,cannot ,erre4 ,for who is there1 that beleeving this to be true1 will not readily obey him in whatsoever he commands8 ,subjection ,of ,bishops ,secondly1 that all other ,bishops1 in what ,common-wealth soever1 have not their ,right1 neither immediately from ,god1 nor mediately from their ,civill ,soveraigns1 but from the ,pope1 is a ,doctrine1 by which there comes to be in every ,christian ,common-wealth many potent men1 7for so are ,bishops17 that have their dependance on the ,pope1 and owe obedience to him1 though he be a forraign ,prince2 by which means he is able1 7as he hath done many times7 to raise a ,civill ,war against the ,state that submits not it self to be governed according to his pleasure and ,interest4 ,exemptions ,of ,the ,clergy ,thirdly1 the exemption of these1 and of all other ,priests1 and of all ,monkes1 and ,fryers1 from the ,power of the ,civill ,laws4 ,for by this means1 there is a great part of every ,common-wealth1 that enjoy the benefit of the ,laws1 and are protected by the ,power of the ,civill ,state1 which neverthelesse pay no part of the ,publique expence2 nor are lyable to the penalties1 as other ,subjects1 due to their crimes2 and consequently1 stand not in fear of any man1 but the ,pope2 and adhere to him onely1 to uphold his universall ,monarchy4 ,the ,names ,of ,sacerdotes1 ,and ,sacrifices ,fourthly1 the giving to their ,priests 7which is no more in the ,new ,testament but ,presbyters1 that is1 ,elders7 the name of ,sacerdotes1 that is1 ,sacrificers1 which was the title of the ,civill ,soveraign1 and his publique ,ministers1 amongst the ,jews1 whilest ,god was their ,king4 ,also1 the making the ,lords ,supper a ,sacrifice1 serveth to make the ,people beleeve the ,pope hath the same power over all ,christian1 that ,moses and ,aaron had over the ,jews2 that is to say1 all power1 both ,civill and ,ecclesiasticall1 as the ,high ,priest then had4 ,the ,sacramentation ,of ,marriage ,fiftly1 the teaching that ,matrimony is a ,sacrament1 giveth to the ,clergy the ,judging of the lawfulnesse of ,marriages2 and thereby1 of what ,children are ,legitimate2 and consequently1 of the ,right of ,succession to haereditary ,kingdomes4 ,the ,single ,life ,of ,priests ,sixtly1 the ,deniall of ,marriage to ,priests1 serveth to assure this ,power of the pope over ,kings4 ,for if a ,king be a ,priest1 he cannot ,marry1 and transmit his ,kingdome to his ,posterity2 ,if he be not a ,priest then the ,pope pretendeth this ,authority ,ecclesiasticall over him1 and over his people4 ,auricular ,confession ,seventhly1 from ,auricular ,confession1 they obtain1 for the assurance of their ,power1 better intelligence of the designs of ,princes1 and great persons in the ,civill ,state1 than these can have of the designs of the ,state ,ecclesiasticall4 ,canonization ,of ,saints1 ,and ,declaring ,of ,martyrs ,eighthly1 by the ,canonization of ,saints1 and declaring who are ,martyrs1 they assure their ,power1 in that they induce simple men into an obstinacy against the ,laws and ,commands of their ,civill ,soveraigns even to death1 if by the ,popes excommunication1 they be declared ,heretiques or ,enemies to the ,church2 that is1 7as they interpret it17 to the ,pope4 ,transubstantiation1 ,penance1 ,absolution ,ninthly1 they assure the same1 by the ,power they ascribe to every ,priest1 of making ,christ2 and by the ,power of ordaining ,pennance2 and of ,remitting1 and ,retaining of sins4 ,purgatory1 ,indulgences1 ,externall ,works ,tenthly1 by the ,doctrine of ,purgatory1 of ,justification by externall works1 and of ,indulgences1 the ,clergy is enriched4 ,daemonology ,and ,exorcism ,eleventhly1 by their ,daemonology1 and the use of ,exorcisme1 and other things appertaining thereto1 they keep 7or thinke they keep7 the ,people more in awe of their ,power4 ,school-,divinity ,lastly1 the ,metaphysiques1 ,ethiques1 and ,politiques of ,aristotle1 the frivolous ,distinctions1 barbarous ,terms1 and obscure ,language of the ,schoolmen1 taught in the ,universities1 7which have been all erected and regulated by the ,popes ,authority17 serve them to keep these ,errors from being detected1 and to make men mistake the ,ignis ,fatuus of ,vain ,philosophy1 for the ,light of the ,gospell4 ,the ,authors ,of ,spirituall ,darknesse1 ,who ,they ,be ,to these1 if they sufficed not1 might be added other of their dark ,doctrines1 the profit whereof redoundeth manifestly1 to the setting up of an unlawfull ,power over the lawfull ,soveraigns of ,christian ,people2 or for the sustaining of the same1 when it is set up2 or to the worldly ,riches1 ,honour1 and ,authority of those that sustain it4 ,and therefore by the aforesaid rule1 of ,cui ,bono1 we may justly pronounce for the ,authors of all this ,spirituall ,darknesse1 the ,pope1 and ,roman ,clergy1 and all those besides that endeavour to settle in the mindes of men this erroneous ,doctrine1 that the ,church now on ,earth1 is that ,kingdome of ,god mentioned in the ,old and ,new ,testament4 ,but the ,emperours1 and other ,christian ,soveraigns1 under whose ,government these ,errours1 and the like encroachments of ,ecclesiastiques upon their ,office1 at first crept in1 to the disturbance of their possessions1 and of the tranquillity of their ,subjects1 though they suffered the same for want of foresight of the ,sequel1 and of insight into the designs of their ,teachers1 may neverthelesse bee esteemed accessories to their own1 and the ,publique dammage2 ,for without their ,authority there could at first no seditious ,doctrine have been publiquely preached4 ,i say they might have hindred the same in the beginning3 ,but when the people were once possessed by those spirituall men1 there was no humane remedy to be applyed1 that any man could invent3 ,and for the remedies that ,god should provide1 who never faileth in his good time to destroy all the ,machinations of men against the ,truth1 wee are to attend his good pleasure1 that suffereth many times the prosperity of his enemies1 together with their ambition1 to grow to such a height1 as the violence thereof openeth the eyes1 which the warinesse of their predecessours had before sealed up1 and makes men by too much grasping let goe all1 as ,peters net was broken1 by the struggling of too great a multitude of ,fishes2 whereas the ,impatience of those1 that strive to resist such encroachment1 before their ,subjects eyes were opened1 did but encrease the power they resisted4 ,i doe not therefore blame the ,emperour ,frederick for holding the stirrop to our countryman ,pope ,adrian2 for such was the disposition of his subjects then1 as if hee had not doe it1 hee was not likely to have succeeded in the ,empire3 ,but ,i blame those1 that in the beginning1 when their power was entire1 by suffering such ,doctrines to be forged in the ,universities of their own ,dominions1 have holden the ,stirrop to all the succeeding ,popes1 whilest they mounted into the ,thrones of all ,christian ,soveraigns1 to ride1 and tire1 both them1 and their people1 at their pleasure4 ,but as the ,inventions of men are woven1 so also are they ravelled out2 the way is the same1 but the order is inverted3 ,the web begins at the first ,elements of ,power1 which are ,wisdom1 ,humility1 ,sincerity1 and other vertues of the ,apostles1 whom the people converted1 obeyed1 out of ,reverence1 not by ,obligation3 ,their ,consciences were free1 and their ,words and ,actions subject to none but the ,civill ,power4 ,afterwards the ,presbyters 7as the ,flocks of ,christ encreased7 assembling to consider what they should teach1 and thereby obliging themselves to teach nothing against the ,decrees of their ,assemblies1 made it to be thought the people were thereby obliged to follow their ,doctrine1 and when they refused1 refused to keep them company1 7that was then called ,excommunication17 not as being ,infidels1 but as being disobedient3 ,and this was the first knot upon their ,liberty4 ,and the number of ,presbyters encreasing1 the ,presbyters of the chief ,city or ,province1 got themselves an authority over the parochiall ,presbyters1 and appropriated to themselves the names of ,bishops3 ,and this was a second knot on ,christian ,liberty4 ,lastly1 the ,bishop of ,rome1 in regard of the ,imperiall ,city1 took upon him an ,authority 7partly by the wills of the ,emperours themselves1 and by the title of ,pontifex ,maximus1 and at last when the ,emperours were grown weak1 by the priviledges of ,st4 ,peter7 over all other ,bishops of the ,empire3 ,which was the third and last knot1 and the whole ,synthesis and ,construction of the ,pontificall ,power4 ,and therefore the ,analysis1 or ,resolution is by the same way2 but beginning with the knot that was last tyed2 as wee may see in the dissolution of the praeterpoliticall ,church ,government in ,england4 ,first1 the ,power of the ,popes was dissolved totally by ,queen ,elizabeth2 and the ,bishops1 who before exercised their ,functions in ,right of the ,pope1 did afterwards exercise the same in ,right of the ,queen and her ,successours2 though by retaining the phrase of ,jure ,divino1 they were thought to demand it by immediate ,right from ,god3 ,and so was untyed the first knot4 ,after this1 the ,presbyterians lately in ,england obtained the putting down of ,episcopacy3 ,and so was the second knot dissolved3 ,and almost at the same time1 the ,power was taken also from the ,presbyterians3 ,and so we are reduced to the ,independency of the ,primitive ,christians to follow ,paul1 or ,cephas1 or ,apollos1 every man as he liketh best3 ,which1 if it be without contention1 and without measuring the ,doctrine of ,christ1 by our affection to the ,person of his ,minister1 7the fault which the ,apostle reprehended in the ,corinthians17 is perhaps the best3 ,first1 because there ought to be no ,power over the ,consciences of men1 but of the ,word it selfe1 working ,faith in every one1 not alwayes according to the purpose of them that ,plant and ,water1 but of ,god himself1 that giveth the ,increase3 and secondly1 because it is unreasonable in them1 who teach there is such danger in every little ,errour1 to require of a man endued with ,reason of his own1 to follow the ,reason of any other man1 or of the most voices of many other men2 ,which is little better1 then to venture his ,salvation at crosse and pile4 ,nor ought those ,teachers to be displeased with this losse of their antient ,authority3 ,for there is none should know better then they1 that power is preserved by the same ,vertues by which it is acquired2 that is to say1 by ,wisdome1 ,humility1 ,clearnesse of ,doctrine1 and sincerity of ,conversation2 and not by suppression of the ,naturall ,sciences1 and of the ,morality of ,naturall ,reason2 nor by obscure ,language2 nor by ,arrogating to themselves more ,knowledge than they make appear2 nor by ,pious ,frauds2 nor by such other faults1 as in the ,pastors of ,gods ,church are not only ,faults1 but also scandalls1 apt to make men stumble one time or other upon the suppression of their ,authority4 ,comparison ,of ,the ,papacy ,with ,the ,kingdome ,of ,fayries ,but after this ,doctrine1 that the ,church now ,militant1 is the ,kingdome of ,god spoken of in the ,old and ,new ,testament1 was received in the ,world2 the ambition1 and canvasing for the ,offices that belong thereunto1 and especially for that great ,office of being ,christs ,lieutenant1 and the ,pompe of them that obtained therein the principal ,publique ,charges1 became by degrees so evident1 that they lost the inward ,reverence due to the ,pastorall ,function3 in so much as the ,wisest men1 of them that had any power in the ,civill ,state1 needed nothing but the authority of their ,princes1 to deny them any further ,obedience4 ,for1 from the time that the ,bishop of ,rome had gotten to be acknowledged for ,bishop ,universall1 by pretence of ,succession to ,st4 ,peter1 their whole ,hierarchy1 or ,kingdome of ,darknesse1 may be compared not unfitly to the ,kingdome of ,fairies2 that is1 to the old wives ,fables in ,england1 concerning ,ghosts and ,spirits1 and the feats they play in the night4 ,and if a man consider the originall of this great ,ecclesiasticall ,dominion1 he will easily perceive1 that the ,papacy1 is no other1 than the ,ghost of the deceased ,romane ,empire1 sitting crowned upon the grave thereof3 ,for so did the ,papacy start up on a ,sudden out of the ,ruines of that ,heathen ,power4 ,the ,language also1 which they use1 both in the ,churches1 and in their ,publique ,acts1 being ,latine1 which is not commonly used by any ,nation now in the world1 what is it but the ,ghost of the ,old ,romane ,language4 ,the ,fairies in what ,nation soever they converse1 have but one ,universall ,king1 which some ,poets of ours call ,king ,oberon2 but the ,scripture calls ,beelzebub1 ,prince of ,daemons4 ,the ,ecclesiastiques likewise1 in whose ,dominions soever they be found1 acknowledge but one ,universall ,king1 the ,pope4 ,the ,ecclesiastiques are ,spirituall men1 and ,ghostly ,fathers4 ,the ,fairies are ,spirits1 and ,ghosts4 ,fairies and ,ghosts inhabite ,darknesse1 ,solitudes1 and ,graves4 ,the ,ecclesiastiques walke in ,obscurity of ,doctrine1 in ,monasteries1 ,churches1 and ,churchyards4 ,the ,ecclesiastiques have their ,cathedral ,churches2 which1 in what ,towne soever they be erected1 by vertue of ,holy ,water1 and certain ,charmes called ,exorcismes1 have the power to make those ,townes1 cities1 that is to say1 ,seats of ,empire4 ,the ,fairies also have their enchanted ,castles1 and certain ,gigantique ,ghosts1 that domineer over the ,regions round about them4 ,the fairies are not to be seized on2 and brought to answer for the hurt they do4 ,so also the ,ecclesiastiques vanish away from the ,tribunals of ,civill ,justice4 ,the ,ecclesiastiques take from young men1 the use of ,reason1 by certain ,charms compounded of ,metaphysiques1 and ,miracles1 and ,traditions1 and ,abused ,scripture1 whereby they are good for nothing else1 but to execute what they command them4 ,the ,fairies likewise are said to take young ,children out of their ,cradles1 and to change them into ,naturall ,fools1 which ,common people do therefore call ,elves1 and are apt to mischief4 ,in what ,shop1 or ,operatory the ,fairies make their ,enchantment1 the old ,wives have not determined4 ,but the ,operatories of the ,clergy1 are well enough known to be the ,universities1 that received their ,discipline from ,authority ,pontificall4 ,when the ,fairies are displeased with any body1 they are said to send their ,elves1 to pinch them4 ,the ,ecclesiastiques1 when they are displeased with any ,civill ,state1 make also their ,elves1 that is1 ,superstitious1 ,enchanted ,subjects1 to pinch their ,princes1 by preaching ,sedition2 or one ,prince enchanted with promises1 to pinch another4 ,the ,fairies marry not2 but there be amongst them ,incubi1 that have copulation with flesh and bloud4 ,the ,priests also marry not4 ,the ,ecclesiastiques take the ,cream of the ,land1 by ,donations of ignorant men1 that stand in aw of them1 and by ,tythes3 ,so also it is in the ,fable of ,fairies1 that they enter into the ,dairies1 and ,feast upon the ,cream1 which they skim from the ,milk4 ,what kind of ,money is currant in the ,kingdome of ,fairies1 is not recorded in the ,story4 ,but the ,ecclesiastiques in their ,receipts accept of the same ,money that we doe2 though when they are to make any ,payment1 it is in ,canonizations1 ,indulgences1 and ,masses4 ,to this1 and such like resemblances between the ,papacy1 and the ,kingdome of ,fairies1 may be added this1 that as the ,fairies have no existence1 but in the ,fancies of ignorant people1 rising from the ,traditions of old ,wives1 or old ,poets3 so the ,spirituall ,power of the ,pope 7without the bounds of his own ,civill ,dominion7 consisteth onely in the ,fear that ,seduced people stand in1 of their ,excommunication2 upon hearing of false ,miracles1 false ,traditions1 and false ,interpretations of the ,scripture4 ,it was not therefore a very difficult matter1 for ,henry #h4 by his ,exorcisme2 nor for ,qu4 ,elizabeth by hers1 to cast them out4 ,but who knows that this ,spirit of ,rome1 now gone out1 and walking by ,missions through the dry places of ,china1 ,japan1 and the ,indies1 that yeeld him little fruit1 may not return1 or rather an ,assembly of ,spirits worse than he1 enter1 and inhabite this clean swept house1 and make the ,end thereof worse than the beginning8 ,for it is not the ,romane ,clergy onely1 that pretends the ,kingdome of ,god to be of this ,world1 and thereby to have a ,power therein1 distinct from that of the ,civill ,state4 ,and this is all ,i had a designe to say1 concerning the ,doctrine of the ,,politiques4 ,which when ,i have reviewed1 ,i shall willingly expose it to the censure of my ,countrey4 ,a ,,review1 ,,and ,,conclusion ,from the contrariety of some of the ,naturall ,faculties of the ,mind1 one to another1 as also of one ,passion to another1 and from their reference to ,conversation1 there has been an argument taken1 to inferre an impossibility that any one man should be sufficiently disposed to all sorts of ,civill duty4 ,the ,severity of ,judgment1 they say1 makes men ,censorious1 and unapt to pardon the ,errours and ,infirmities of other men3 and on the other side1 ,celerity of ,fancy1 makes the thoughts lesse steddy than is necessary1 to discern exactly between ,right and ,wrong4 ,again1 in all ,deliberations1 and in all ,pleadings1 the faculty of solid ,reasoning1 is necessary3 for without it1 the ,resolutions of men are rash1 and their ,sentences unjust3 and yet if there be not powerfull ,eloquence1 which procureth attention and ,consent1 the effect of ,reason will be little4 ,but these are contrary ,faculties2 the former being grounded upon principles of ,truth2 the other upon ,opinions already received1 true1 or false2 and upon the ,passions and ,interests of men1 which are different1 and mutable4 ,and amongst the ,passions1 ,courage1 7by which ,i mean the ,contempt of ,wounds1 and violent ,death7 enclineth men to private ,revenges1 and sometimes to endeavour the unsetling of the ,publique ,peace2 ,and ,timorousnesse1 many times disposeth to the desertion of the ,publique ,defence4 ,both these they say cannot stand together in the same person4 ,and to consider the contrariety of mens ,opinions1 and ,manners in generall1 ,it is they say1 impossible to entertain a constant ,civill ,amity with all those1 with whom the ,businesse of the world constrains us to converse3 ,which ,businesse consisteth almost in nothing else but a perpetuall contention for ,honor1 ,riches1 and ,authority4 ,to which ,i answer1 that these are indeed great difficulties1 but not ,impossibilities3 ,for by ,education1 and ,discipline1 they may bee1 and are sometimes reconciled4 ,judgment1 and ,fancy may have place in the same man2 but by turnes2 as the end which he aimeth at requireth4 ,as the ,israelites in ,egypt1 were sometimes fastened to their labour of making ,bricks1 and other times were ranging abroad to gather ,straw3 ,so also may the ,judgment sometimes be fixed upon one certain ,consideration1 and the ,fancy at another time wandring about the world4 ,so also ,reason1 and ,eloquence1 7though not perhaps in the ,naturall ,sciences1 yet in the ,morall7 may stand very well together4 ,for wheresoever there is place for adorning and preferring of ,errour1 there is much more place for adorning and preferring of ,truth1 if they have it to adorn4 ,nor is there any repugnancy between fearing the ,laws1 and not fearing a publique ,enemy2 nor between abstaining from ,injury1 and pardoning it in others4 ,there is therefore no such ,inconsistence of ,humane ,nature1 with ,civill ,duties1 as some think4 ,i have known cleernesse of ,judgment1 and largenesse of ,fancy2 strength of ,reason1 and gracefull ,elocution2 a ,courage for the ,warre1 and a ,fear for the ,laws1 and all eminently in one man2 and that was my most noble and honored friend ,mr4 ,sidney ,godolphin2 who hating no man1 nor hated of any1 was unfortunately slain in the beginning of the late ,civill warre1 in the ,publique quarrel1 by an indiscerned1 and an undiscerning hand4 ,to the ,laws of ,nature1 declared in the #ae4 ,chapter1 ,i would have this added1 ,that every man is bound by ,nature1 as much as in him lieth1 to protect in ,warre1 the ,authority1 by which he is himself protected in time of ,peace4 ,for he that pretendeth a ,right of ,nature to preserve his owne body1 cannot pretend a ,right of ,nature to destroy him1 by whose strength he is preserved3 ,it is a manifest contradiction of himselfe4 ,and though this ,law may bee drawn by consequence1 from some of those that are there already mentioned2 yet the ,times require to have it inculcated1 and remembred4 ,and because ,i find by divers ,english ,books lately printed1 that the ,civill warres have not yet sufficiently taught men1 in what point of time it is1 that a ,subject becomes obliged to the ,conquerour2 nor what is ,conquest2 nor how it comes about1 that it obliges men to obey his ,laws3 ,therefore for farther satisfaction of men therein1 ,i say1 the point of time1 wherein a man becomes subject of a ,conquerour1 is that point1 wherein having liberty to submit to him1 he consenteth1 either by expresse words1 or by other sufficient sign1 to be his ,subject4 ,when it is that a man hath the liberty to submit1 ,i have showed before in the end of the #ba4 ,chapter2 namely1 that for him that hath no obligation to his former ,soveraign but that of an ordinary ,subject1 it is then1 when the means of his life is within the ,guards and ,garrisons of the ,enemy2 for it is then1 that he hath no longer ,protection from him1 but is protected by the adverse party for his ,contribution4 ,seeing therefore such contribution is every where1 as a thing inevitable1 7notwithstanding it be an assistance to the ,enemy17 esteemed lawfull2 as totall ,submission1 which is but an assistance to the ,enemy1 cannot be esteemed unlawfull4 ,besides1 if a man consider that they who submit1 assist the ,enemy but with part of their estates1 whereas they that refuse1 assist him with the whole1 there is no reason to call their ,submission1 or ,composition an ,assistance2 but rather a ,detriment to the ,enemy4 ,but if a man1 besides the obligation of a ,subject1 hath taken upon him a new obligation of a ,souldier1 then he hath not the liberty to submit to a new ,power1 as long as the old one keeps the field1 and giveth him means of subsistence1 either in his ,armies1 or ,garrisons3 for in this case1 he cannot complain of want of ,protection1 and means to live as a ,souldier3 ,but when that also failes1 a ,souldier also may seek his ,protection wheresoever he has most hope to have it2 and may lawfully submit himself to his new ,master4 ,and so much for the ,time when he may do it lawfully1 if hee will4 ,if therefore he doe it1 he is undoubtedly bound to be a true ,subject3 ,for a ,contract lawfully made1 cannot lawfully be broken4 ,by this also a man may understand1 when it is1 that men may be said to be ,conquered2 and in what the nature of ,conquest1 and the ,right of a ,conquerour consisteth3 ,for this ,submission is it implyeth them all4 ,conquest1 is not the ,victory it self2 but the ,acquisition by ,victory1 of a ,right1 over the persons of men4 ,he therefore that is slain1 is ,overcome1 but not ,conquered2 ,he that is taken1 and put into prison1 or chaines1 is not ,conquered1 though ,overcome2 for he is still an ,enemy1 and may save himself if hee can3 ,but he that upon promise of ,obedience1 hath his ,life and ,liberty allowed him1 is then ,conquered1 and a ,subject2 and not before4 ,the ,romanes used to say1 that their ,generall had ,pacified such a ,province1 that is to say1 in ,english1 ,conquered it2 and that the ,countrey was ,pacified by ,victory1 when the people of it had promised ,imperata ,facere1 that is1 ,to ,doe ,what ,the ,romane ,people ,commanded ,them3 this was to be ,conquered4 ,but this promise may be either expresse1 or tacite3 ,expresse1 by ,promise3 ,tacite1 by other signes4 ,as for example1 a man that hath not been called to make such an expresse ,promise1 7because he is one whose power perhaps is not considerable27 yet if he live under their ,protection openly1 hee is understood to submit himselfe to the ,government3 ,but if he live there secretly1 he is lyable to any thing that may bee done to a ,spie1 and ,enemy of the ,state4 ,i say not1 hee does any ,injustice1 7for acts of open ,hostility bear not that name72 but that he may be justly put to death4 ,likewise1 if a man1 when his ,country is conquered1 be out of it1 he is not ,conquered1 nor ,subject3 but if at his return1 he submit to the ,government1 he is bound to obey it4 ,so that ,conquest 7to define it7 is the ,acquiring of the ,right of ,soveraignty by ,victory4 ,which ,right1 is acquired1 in the peoples ,submission1 by which they contract with the ,victor1 promising ,obedience1 for ,life and ,liberty4 ,in the #bith ,chapter ,i have set down for one of the causes of the ,dissolutions of ,common-wealths1 their ,imperfect ,generation1 consisting in the want of an ,absolute and ,arbitrary ,legislative ,power2 for want whereof1 the ,civill ,soveraign is fain to handle the ,sword of ,justice unconstantly1 and as if it were too hot for him to hold3 ,one reason whereof 7which ,i have not there mentioned7 is this1 ,that they will all of them justifie the ,war1 by which their ,power was at first gotten1 and whereon 7as they think7 their ,right dependeth1 and not on the ,possession4 ,as if1 for example1 the ,right of the ,kings of ,england did depend on the goodnesse of the cause of ,william the ,conquerour1 and upon their lineall1 and directest ,descent from him2 by which means1 there would perhaps be no tie of the ,subjects obedience to their ,soveraign at this day in all the world3 wherein whilest they needlessely think to justifie themselves1 they justifie all the successefull ,rebellions that ,ambition shall at any time raise against them1 and their ,successors4 ,therefore ,i put down for one of the most effectuall seeds of the ,death of any ,state1 that the ,conquerours require not onely a ,submission of mens actions to them for the future1 but also an ,approbation of all their actions past2 when there is scarce a ,common-wealth in the world1 whose beginnings can in conscience be justified4 ,and because the name of ,tyranny1 signifieth nothing more1 nor lesse1 than the name of ,soveraignty1 be it in one1 or many men1 saving that they that use the former word1 are understood to bee angry with them they call ,tyrants2 ,i think the toleration of a professed hatred of ,tyranny1 is a ,toleration of hatred to ,common-wealth in general1 and another evill seed1 not differing much from the former4 ,for to the ,justification of the ,cause of a ,conqueror1 the ,reproach of the ,cause of the ,conquered1 is for the most part necessary3 but neither of them necessary for the ,obligation of the ,conquered4 ,and thus much ,i have thought fit to say upon the ,review of the first and second part of this ,discourse4 ,in the #ceth ,chapter1 ,i have sufficiently declared out of the ,scripture1 that in the ,common-wealth of the ,jewes1 ,god himselfe was made the ,soveraign1 by ,pact with the ,people2 who were therefore called his ,peculiar ,people1 to distinguish them from the rest of the world1 over whom ,god reigned not by their ,consent1 but by his own ,power3 ,and that in this ,kingdome ,moses was ,gods ,lieutenant on ,earth2 and that it was he that told them what ,laws ,god appointed to doe ,execution2 especially in ,capitall ,punishments2 not then thinking it a matter of so necessary consideration1 as ,i find it since4 ,wee know that generally in all ,common-wealths1 the ,execution of ,corporeall ,punishments1 was either put upon the ,guards1 or other ,souldiers of the ,soveraign ,power2 or given to those1 in whom want of means1 contempt of honour1 and hardnesse of heart1 concurred1 to make them sue for such an ,office4 ,but amongst the ,israelites it was a ,positive ,law of ,god their ,soveraign1 that he that was convicted of a capitall ,crime1 should be stoned to death by the ,people2 and that the ,witnesses should cast the first ,stone1 and after the ,witnesses1 then the rest of the ,people4 ,this was a ,law that designed who were to be the ,executioners2 but not that any one should throw a ,stone at him before ,conviction and ,sentence1 where the ,congregation was ,judge4 ,the ,witnesses were neverthelesse to be heard before they proceeded to ,execution1 unlesse the ,fact were committed in the presence of the ,congregation it self1 or in sight of the lawfull ,judges2 for then there needed no other ,witnesses but the ,judges themselves4 ,neverthelesse1 this manner of proceeding being not throughly understood1 hath given occasion to a dangerous opinion1 that any man may kill another1 is some cases1 by a ,right of ,zeal2 as if the ,executions done upon ,offenders in the ,kingdome of ,god in old time1 proceeded not from the ,soveraign ,command1 but from the ,authority of ,private ,zeal3 which1 if we consider the texts that seem to favour it1 is quite contrary4 ,first1 where the ,levites fell upon the ,people1 that had made and worshipped the ,golden ,calfe1 and slew three thousand of them2 it was by the ,commandement of ,moses1 from the mouth of ,god2 as is manifest1 ,exod4 #cb4bg4 ,and when the ,son of a woman of ,israel had blasphemed ,god1 they that heard it1 did not kill him1 but brought him before ,moses1 who put him under custody1 till ,god should give ,sentence against him2 as appears1 ,levit4 #be4aa1 #ab4 ,again1 7,numbers #be4f1 #g47 when ,phinehas killed ,zimri and ,cosbi1 it was not by right of ,private ,zeale3 ,their ,crime was committed in the sight of the ,assembly2 there needed no ,witnesse2 the ,law was known1 and he the heir apparent to the ,soveraignty2 and which is the principall point1 the ,lawfulnesse of his ,act depended wholly upon a subsequent ,ratification by ,moses1 whereof he had no cause to doubt4 ,and this ,presumption of a future ,ratification1 is sometimes necessary to the safety of a ,common-wealth2 as in a sudden ,rebellion1 any man that can suppresse it by his own ,power in the ,countrey where it begins1 may lawfully doe it1 and provide to have it ,ratified1 or ,pardoned1 whilest it is in doing1 or after it is done4 ,also ,numb4 #ce4cj4 it is expressely said1 ,whosoever shall kill the ,murtherer1 shall kill him upon the word of ,witnesses3 but ,witnesses suppose a formall ,judicature1 and consequently condemn that pretence of ,jus ,zelotarum4 ,the ,law of ,moses concerning him that enticeth to ,idolatry1 7that is to say1 in the ,kingdome of ,god to a renouncing of his ,allegiance7 7,deut4 #ac4h47 forbids to conceal him1 and commands the ,accuser to cause him to be put to death1 and to cast the first stone at him2 but not to kill him before he be ,condemned4 ,and 7,deut4 #ag4 ver4#d1 #e1 #f47 the ,processe against ,idolatry is exactly set down3 ,for ,god there speaketh to the ,people1 as ,judge1 and commandeth them1 when a man is ,accused of ,idolatry1 to ,enquire diligently of the ,fact1 and finding it true1 then to ,stone him2 but still the hand of the ,witnesse throweth the first stone4 ,this is not ,private ,zeal1 but ,publique ,condemnation4 ,in like manner when a ,father hath a rebellious ,son1 the ,law is 7,deut4 #ba4 #ah47 that he shall bring him before the ,judges of the ,town1 and all the people of the ,town shall ,stone him4 ,lastly1 by pretence of these ,laws it was1 that ,st4 ,steven was ,stoned1 and not by pretence of ,private ,zeal3 for before hee was carried away to ,execution1 he had ,pleaded his ,cause before the ,high ,priest4 ,there is nothing in all this1 nor in any other part of the ,bible1 to countenance ,executions by ,private ,zeal2 which being oftentimes but a conjunction of ,ignorance and ,passion1 is against both the ,justice and ,peace of a ,common-wealth4 ,in the #cfth ,chapter ,i have said1 that it is not declared in what manner ,god spake supernaturally to ,moses3 ,not that he spake not to him sometimes by ,dreams and ,visions1 and by a supernaturall ,voice1 as to other ,prophets3 ,for the manner how he spake unto him from the ,mercy-seat1 is expressely set down 7,numbers #g4hi47 in these words1 ,from that time forward1 when ,moses entred into the ,tabernacle of the ,congregation to speak with ,god1 he heard a ,voice which spake unto him from over the ,mercy-,seate1 which is over the ,arke of the ,testimony1 from between the ,cherubins he spake unto him4 ,but it is not declared in what consisted the praeeminence of the manner of ,gods speaking to ,moses1 above that of his speaking to other ,prophets1 as to ,samuel1 and to ,abraham1 to whom he also spake by a ,voice1 7that is1 by ,vision7 ,unlesse the difference consist in the cleernesse of the ,vision4 ,for ,face to ,face1 and ,mouth to ,mouth1 cannot be literally understood of the ,infinitenesse1 and ,incomprehensibility of the ,divine ,nature4 ,and as to the whole ,doctrine1 ,i see not yet1 but the principles of it are true and proper2 and the ,ratiocination solid4 ,for ,i ground the ,civill ,right of ,soveraigns1 and both the ,duty and ,liberty of ,subjects1 upon the known naturall ,inclinations of ,mankind1 and upon the ,articles of the ,law of ,nature2 of which no man1 that pretends but reason enough to govern his private family1 ought to be ignorant4 ,and for the ,power ,ecclesiasticall of the same ,soveraigns1 ,i ground it on such ,texts1 as are both evident in themselves1 and consonant to the ,scope of the whole ,scripture4 ,and therefore am perswaded1 that he that shall read it with a purpose onely to be informed1 shall be informed by it4 ,but for those that by ,writing1 or ,publique ,discourse1 or by their eminent actions1 have already engaged themselves to the maintaining of contrary opinions1 they will not bee so easily satisfied4 ,for in such cases1 it is naturall for men1 at one and the same time1 both to proceed in reading1 and to lose their attention1 in the search of objections to that they had read before3 ,of which1 in a time wherein the interests of men are changed 7seeing much of that ,doctrine1 which serveth to the establishing of a new ,government1 must needs be contrary to that which conduced to the dissolution of the old17 there cannot choose but be very many4 ,in that part which treateth of a ,christian ,common-wealth1 there are some new ,doctrines1 which1 it may be1 in a ,state where the contrary were already fully determined1 were a fault for a ,subject without leave to divulge1 as being an usurpation of the place of a ,teacher4 ,but in this time1 that men call not onely for ,peace1 but also for ,truth1 to offer such ,doctrines as ,i think ,true1 and that manifestly tend to ,peace and ,loyalty1 to the consideration of those that are yet in deliberation1 is no more1 but to offer ,new ,wine1 to bee put into ,new ,cask1 that bothe may be preserved together4 ,and ,i suppose1 that then1 when ,novelty can breed no trouble1 nor disorder in a ,state1 men are not generally so much inclined to the reverence of ,antiquity1 as to preferre ,ancient ,errors1 before ,new and well proved ,truth4 ,there is nothing ,i distrust more than my ,elocution2 which neverthelesse ,i am confident 7excepting the ,mischances of the ,presse7 is not obscure4 ,that ,i have neglected the ,ornament of quoting ancient ,poets1 ,orators1 and ,philosophers1 contrary to the custome of late time1 7whether ,i have done well or ill in it17 proceedeth from my judgment1 grounded on many reasons4 ,for first1 all ,truth of ,doctrine dependeth either upon ,reason1 or upon ,scripture2 both which give credit to many1 but never receive it from any ,writer4 ,secondly1 the matters in question are not of ,fact1 but of ,right1 wherein there is no place for ,witnesses4 ,there is scarce any of those old ,writers1 that contradicteth not sometimes both himself1 and others2 which makes their ,testimonies insufficient4 ,fourthly1 such ,opinions as are taken onely upon ,credit of ,antiquity1 are not intrinsically the ,judgment of those that cite them1 but ,words that passe 7like gaping7 from mouth to mouth4 ,fiftly1 it is many times with a fraudulent ,designe that men stick their corrupt ,doctrine with the ,cloves of other mens ,wit4 ,sixtly1 ,i find not that the ,ancients they cite1 took it for an ,ornament1 to doe the like with those that wrote before them4 ,seventhly1 it is an argument of ,indigestion1 when ,greek and ,latine ,sentences unchewed come up again1 as they use to doe1 unchanged4 ,lastly1 though ,i reverence those men of ,ancient time1 that either have written ,truth perspicuously1 or set us in a better way to find it out our selves2 yet to the ,antiquity it self ,i think nothing due3 ,for if we will reverence the ,age1 the ,present is the ,oldest4 ,if the ,antiquity of the ,writer1 ,i am not sure1 that generally they to whom such honor is given1 were more ,ancient when they wrote1 than ,i am that am ,writing3 ,but if it bee well considered1 the praise of ,ancient ,authors1 proceeds not from the reverence of the ,dead1 but from the competition1 and mutuall envy of the ,living4 ,to conclude1 there is nothing in this whole ,discourse1 nor in that ,i writ before of the same ,subject in ,latine1 as far as ,i can perceive1 contrary either to the ,word of ,god1 or to good ,manners2 or to the disturbance of the ,publique ,tranquillity4 ,therefore ,i think it may be profitably printed1 and more profitably taught in the ,universities1 in case they also think so1 to whom the judgment of the same belongeth4 ,for seeing the ,universities are the ,fountains of ,civill1 and ,morall ,doctrine1 from whence the ,preachers1 and the ,gentry1 drawing such water as they find1 use to sprinkle the same 7both from the ,pulpit1 and in their ,conversation7 upon the ,people1 there ought certainly to be great care taken1 to have it pure1 both from the ,venime of ,heathen ,politicians1 and from the ,incantation of ,deceiving ,spirits4 ,and by that means the most men1 knowing their ,duties1 will be the less subject to serve the ,ambition of a few discontented persons1 in their purposes against the ,state2 and be the lesse grieved with the ,contributions necessary for their ,peace1 and ,defence2 and the ,governours themselves have the lesse cause1 to maintain at the ,common charge any greater ,army1 than is necessary to make good the ,publique ,liberty1 against the ,invasions and ,encroachments of forraign ,enemies4 ,and thus ,i have brought to an end my ,discourse of ,civill and ,ecclesiasticall ,government1 occasioned by the disorders of the present time1 without partiality1 without application1 and without other designe1 than to set before mens eyes the mutuall ,relation between ,protection and ,obedience2 of which the condition of ,humane ,nature1 and the ,laws ,divine1 7both ,naturall and ,positive7 require an inviolable observation4 ,and though in the revolution of ,states1 there can be no very good ,constellation for ,truths of this nature to be born under1 7as having an angry aspect from the dissolvers of an old ,government1 and seeing but the backs of them that erect a new27 yet ,i cannot think it will be condemned at this time1 either by the ,publique ,judge of ,doctrine1 or by any that desires the continuance of ,publique ,peace4 ,and in this hope ,i return to my interrupted ,speculation of ,bodies ,naturall2 wherein1 7if ,god give me health to finish it17 ,i hope the ,novelty will as much please1 as in the ,doctrine of this ,artificiall ,body it useth to offend4 ,for such ,truth1 as opposeth no man profit1 nor pleasure1 is to all men welcome4 ,,finis