,google ,books47 ,a ,,problem ,,in ,,greek ,,ethics ,,being ,,an ,,inquiry ,,into ,,the ,,phenomenon ,,of ,,sexual ,,inversion ,,addressed ,,especially ,,to ,,medical ,,psychologists ,,and ,,jurists ,,by ,,john ,,addington ,,symonds ,,privately ,,printed ,,for ,,the ,,areopagitiga ,,society ,,london #aijh ,privately ,printed in ,holland for the ,society4 ,,preface4 ,the following treatise on ,greek ,love was written in the year #ahgc1 when my mind was occupied with my ,studies of ,greek ,poets4 ,i printed ten copies of it privately in #ahhc4 ,it was only when ,i read the ,terminal ,essay appended by ,sir ,richard ,burton to his translation of the ,arabian ,nights in #ahhf1 that ,i became aware of ,m4 ,h4 ,e4 ,meier's article on ,pderastie 7,ersch and ,gruber's ,encyclopdie1 ,leipzig1 ,brockhaus1 #ahcg74 ,my treatise1 therefore1 is a wholly independent production4 ,this makes ,meier's agreement 7in ,section #g of his article7 with the theory ,i have set forth in ,section ,x4 regarding the ,north ,hellenic origin of ,greek ,love1 and its ,dorian character1 the more remarkable4 ,that two students1 working separately upon the same mass of material1 should have arrived at similar conclusions upon this point strongly confirms the probability of the hypothesis4 ,j4 ,a4 ,,symonds4 ,,contents4 ,i4 ,,introduction3 ,method of treating the subject4 ,,ii4 ,homer had no knowledge of paiderastia--,achilles--,treatment of ,homer by the later ,greeks4 ,,iii4 ,the ,romance of ,achilles and ,patroclus4 ,,iv4 ,the heroic ideal of masculine love4 ,v4 ,vulgar paiderastia--,how introduced into ,hellas--,crete--,laius--,the myth of ,ganymede4 ,,vi4 ,discrimination of two loves1 heroic and vulgar4 ,the mixed sort is the paiderastia defined as ,greek love in this essay4 ,,vii4 ,the intensity of paiderastia as an emotion1 and its quality4 ,,viii4 ,myths of paiderastia4 ,,ix4 ,semi-legendary tales of love--,harmodius and ,aristogeiton4 ,x4 ,dorian ,customs--,sparta and ,crete--,conditions of ,dorian life--,moral quality of ,dorian love--,its final degeneracy--,speculations on the early ,dorian ,ethos--,boeotians' customs--,the sacred band--,alexander the ,great--,customs of ,elis and ,megara--,hybris--,ionia4 ,,xi4 ,paiderastia in poetry of the lyric age4 ,theognis and ,kurnus--,solon--,ibycus1 the male ,sappho--,anacreon and ,smerdies--,drinking songs--,pindar and ,theoxenos--,pindar's lofty conception of adolescent beauty4 ,,xii4 ,paiderastia upon the ,attic stage--,myrmidones of schylus--,achilles' lovers1 and ,niobe of ,sophocles--,the ,chrysippus of ,euripides--,stories about ,sophocles--,illustrious ,greek paiderasts4 ,,xiii4 ,recapitulation of points--,quotation from the speech of ,pausanias on love in ,plato's ,symposium--,observations on this speech4 ,position of women at ,athens--,attic notion of marriage as a duty--,the institution of ,paidagogoi--,life of a ,greek boy--,aristophanes' ,clouds--,lucian's ,amores--,the ,palstra--,the ,lysis--,the ,charmides--,autolicus in ,xenophon's ,symposium--,speech of ,critobulus on beauty and love--,importance of gymnasia in relation to paiderastia--,statues of ,ers--,cicero's opinions--,laws concerning the gymnasia--,graffiti on walls--,love-poems and panegyrics--,presents to boys--,shops and mauvais lieux--,paiderastic ,hetaireia--,brothels--,phdon and ,agathocles4 ,street-brawls about boys--,lysias in ,simonem4 ,,xiv4 ,distinctions drawn by ,attic law and custom--,chrestoi ,pornoi--,presents and money--,atimia of freemen who had sold their bodies--,the definition of ,misthosis--,eromenos1 ,hetairekos1 ,peporneumenos1 distinguished--schines against ,timarchus--,general ,conclusion as to ,attic feeling about honourable paiderastia4 ,,xv4 ,platonic doctrine on ,greek love--,the asceticism of the ,laws--,socrates--,his position defined by ,maximus ,tyrius--,his science of erotics--,the theory of the ,phdrus3 erotic ,mania--,the mysticism of the ,symposium3 love of beauty--,points of contact between ,platonic paiderastia and chivalrous love3 ,mania and ,joie3 ,dante's ,vita ,nuova--,platonist and ,petrarchist--,gibbon on the thin device of the ,athenian philosophers--,testimony of ,lucian1 ,plutarch1 ,cicero4 ,,xvi4 ,greek liberty and ,greek love extinguished at ,chronea--,the ,idyllists--,lucian's ,amores--,greek poets never really gross--,mousa ,paidik--,philostratus' ,epistolai ,erotikai--,greek ,fathers on paiderastia4 ,,xvii4 ,the deep root struck by paiderastia in ,greece--,climate--,gymnastics--,syssiti a--,military life--,position of ,women3 inferior culture2 absence from places of resort--,greek leisure4 ,,xviii4 ,relation of paiderastia to the fine arts--,greek sculpture wholly and healthily human--,ideals of female deities--,paiderastia did not degrade the imagination of the race--,psychological analysis underlying ,greek mythology--,the psychology of love--,greek mythology fixed before ,homer--,opportunities enjoyed by artists for studying women--,anecdotes about artists--,the sthetic temperament of the ,greeks1 unbiased by morality and religion1 encouraged paiderastia--,hora--,physical and moral qualities admired by a ,greek--,greek ethics were sthetic--,sophrosyne--,greek religion was sthetic--,no notion of ,jehovah--,zeus and ,ganymede4 ,,xix4 ,homosexuality among ,greek women--,never attained to the same dignity as paiderastia4 ,,xx4 ,greek love did not exist at ,rome--,christianity--,chivalry--,the modus vivendi of the modern world4 ,a ,,problem ,,in ,,greek ,,ethics4 ,i4 ,for the student of sexual inversion1 ancient ,greece offers a wide field for observation and reflection4 ,its importance has hitherto been underrated by medical and legal writers on the subject1 who do not seem to be aware that here alone in history have we the example of a great and highly-developed race not only tolerating homosexual passions1 but deeming them of spiritual value1 and attempting to utilise them for the benefit of society4 ,here1 also1 through the copious stores of literature at our disposal1 we can arrive at something definite regarding the various forms assumed by these passions1 when allowed free scope for development in the midst of refined and intellectual civilisation4 ,what the ,greeks called paiderastia1 or boy-love1 was a phenomenon of one of the most brilliant periods of human culture1 in one of the most highly organised and nobly active nations4 ,it is the feature by which ,greek social life is most sharply distinguished from that of any other people approaching the ,hellenes in moral or mental distinction4 ,to trace the history of so remarkable a custom in their several communities1 and to ascertain1 so far as this is possible1 the ethical feeling of the ,greeks upon this subject1 must be of service to the scientific psychologist4 ,it enables him to approach the subject from another point of view than that usually adopted by modern jurists1 psychiatrists1 writers on forensic medicine4 ,,ii4 ,the first fact which the student has to notice is that in the ,homeric poems a modern reader finds no trace of this passion4 ,it is true that ,achilles1 the hero of the ,iliad1 is distinguished by his friendship for ,patroclus no less emphatically than ,odysseus1 the hero of the ,odyssey1 by lifelong attachment to ,penelope1 and ,hector by love for ,andromache4 ,but in the delineation of the friendship of ,achilles and ,patroclus there is nothing which indicates the passionate relation of the lover and the beloved1 as they were afterwards recognised in ,greek society4 ,this is the more remarkable because the love of ,achilles for ,patroclus added1 in a later age of ,greek history1 an almost religious sanction of the martial form of paiderastia4 ,in like manner the friendship of ,idomeneus for ,meriones1 and that of ,achilles1 after the death of ,patroclus1 for ,antilochus1 were treated by the later ,greeks as paiderastic4 ,yet1 inasmuch as ,homer gives no warrant for this interpretation of the tales in question1 we are justified in concluding that homosexual relations were not prominent in the so-called heroic age of ,greece4 ,had it formed a distinct feature of the society depicted in the ,homeric poems1 there is no reason to suppose that their authors would have abstained from delineating it4 ,we shall see that ,pindar1 schylus and ,sophocles1 the poets of an age when paiderastia was prevalent1 spoke unreservedly upon the subject4 ,impartial study of the ,iliad leads us to the belief that the ,greeks of the historic period interpreted the friendship of ,achilles and ,patroclus in accordance with subsequently developed customs4 ,the ,homeric poems were the ,bible of the ,greeks1 and formed the staple of their education2 nor did they scruple to wrest the sense of the original1 reading1 like modern ,bibliolaters1 the sentiments and passions of a later age into the text4 ,of this process a good example is afforded by schines in the oration against ,timarchus4 ,while discussing this very question of the love of ,achilles1 he says3 ,he1 indeed1 conceals their love1 and does not give its proper name to the affection between them1 judging that the extremity of their fondness would be intelligible to instructed men among his audience4 ,as an instance the orator proceeds to quote the passage in which ,achilles laments that he will not be able to fulfil his promise to ,menoetius by bringing ,patroclus home to ,opus4 ,he is here clearly introducing the sentiments of an ,athenian hoplite who had taken the boy he loved to ,syracuse and seen him slain there4 ,homer stood in a double relation to the historical ,greeks4 ,on the one hand1 he determined their development by the influence of his ideal characters4 ,on the other1 he underwent from them interpretations which varied with the spirit of each successive century4 ,he created the national temperament1 but received in turn the influx of new thoughts and emotions occurring in the course of its expansion4 ,it is1 therefore1 highly important1 on the threshold of this inquiry1 to determine the nature of that ,achilleian friendship to which the panegyrists and apologists of the custom make such frequent reference4 ,,iii4 ,the ideal of character in ,homer was what the ,greeks called heroic2 what we should call chivalrous4 ,young men studied the ,iliad as our ancestors studied the ,arthurian romances1 finding there a pattern of conduct raised almost too high above the realities of common life for imitation1 yet stimulative of enthusiasm and exciting to the fancy4 ,foremost among the paragons of heroic virtue stood ,achilles1 the splendour of whose achievements in the ,trojan war was only equalled by the pathos of his friendship4 ,the love for slain ,patroclus broke his mood of sullen anger1 and converted his brooding sense of wrong into a lively thirst for vengeance4 ,hector1 the slayer of ,patroclus1 had to be slain by ,achilles1 the comrade of ,patroclus4 ,no one can read the ,iliad without observing that its action virtually turns upon the conquest which the passion of friendship gains over the passion of resentment in the breast of the chief actor4 ,this the ,greek students of ,homer were not slow to see2 and they not unnaturally selected the friendship of ,achilles for their ideal of manly love4 ,it was a powerful and masculine emotion1 in which effeminacy had no part1 and which by no means excluded the ordinary sexual feelings4 ,companionship in battle and the chase1 in public and in private affairs of life1 was the communion proposed by ,achilleian friends--not luxury or the delights which feminine attractions offered4 ,the tie was both more spiritual and more energetic than that which bound man to woman4 ,such was the type of comradeship delineated by ,homer2 and such1 in spite of the modifications suggested by later poets1 was the conception retained by the ,greeks of this heroic friendship4 ,even schines1 in the place above quoted1 lays stress upon the mutual loyalty of ,achilles and ,patroclus as the strongest bond of their affection3 regarding1 ,i suppose1 their loyalty and mutual goodwill as the most touching feature of their love4#a ,,iv4 ,thus the tale of ,achilles and ,patroclus sanctioned among the ,greeks a form of masculine love1 which1 though afterwards connected with paiderastia properly so-called1 we are justified in describing as heroic1 and in regarding as one of the highest products of their emotional life4 ,it will be seen1 when we come to deal with the historical manifestations of this passion1 that the heroic love which took its name from ,homer's ,achilles existed as an ideal rather than an actual reality4 ,this1 however1 is equally the case with ,christianity and chivalry4 ,the facts of feudal history fall below the high conception which hovered like a dream above the knights and ladies of the ,middle ,ages2 nor has the spirit of the ,gospel been realised1 in fact1 by the most ,christian nations4 ,still we are not on that account debarred from speaking of both chivalry and ,christianity as potent and effective forces4 ,v4 ,homer1 then1 knew nothing of paiderastia1 though the ,iliad contained the first and noblest legend of heroic friendship4 ,very early1 however1 in ,greek history boy-love1 as a form of sensual passion1 became a national institution4 ,this is proved abundantly by mythological traditions of great antiquity1 by legendary tales connected with the founding of ,greek cities1 and by the primitive customs of the ,dorian tribes4 ,the question remains how paiderastia originated among the ,greeks1 and whether it was introduced or indigenous4 ,the ,greeks themselves speculated on this subject1 but they arrived at no one definite conclusion4 ,herodotus asserts that the ,persians learned the habit1 in its vicious form1 from the ,greeks2#b but1 even supposing this assertion to be correct1 we are not justified in assuming the same of all barbarians who were neighbours of the ,greeks2 since we know from the ,jewish records and from ,assyrian inscriptions that the ,oriental nations were addicted to this as well as other species of sensuality4 ,moreover1 it might with some strain on language be maintained that ,herodotus1 in the passage above referred to1 did not allude to boy-love in general1 but to the peculiarly ,hellenic form of it which ,i shall afterwards attempt to characterise4 ,a prevalent opinion among the ,greeks ascribed the origin of paiderastia to ,crete2 and it was here that the legend of ,zeus and ,ganymede was localised4#c ,the ,cretans1 says ,plato1#d are always accused of having invented the story of ,ganymede and ,zeus1 which is designed to justify themselves in the enjoyment of such pleasures by the practice of the god whom they believe to have been their lawgiver4 ,in another passage1#e ,plato speaks of the custom that prevailed before the time of ,laius--in terms which show his detestation of a vice that had gone far toward corrupting ,greek society4 ,this sentence indicates the second theory of the later ,greeks upon this topic4 ,they thought that ,laius1 the father of ,o,edipus1 was the first to practise ,hybris1 or lawless lust1 in this form1 by the rape committed on ,chrysippus1 the son of ,pelops4#f ,to this crime of ,laius1 the ,scholiast to the ,seven against ,thebes attributes all the evils which afterwards befell the royal house of ,thebes1 and ,euripides made it the subject of a tragedy4 ,in another but less prevalent ,saga the introduction of paiderastia is ascribed to ,orpheus4 ,it is clear from these conflicting theories that the ,greeks themselves had no trustworthy tradition on the subject4 ,nothing1 therefore1 but speculative conjecture is left for the modern investigator4 ,if we need in such a matter to seek further than the primal instincts of human nature1 we may suggest that1 like the orgiastic rites of the later ,hellenic cultus1 paiderastia in its crudest form was transmitted to the ,greeks from the ,east4 ,its prevalence in ,crete1 which1 together with ,cyprus1 formed one of the principal links between ,phoenicia and ,hellas proper1 favours this view4 ,paiderastia would1 on this hypothesis1 like the worship of the ,paphian and ,corinthian ,aphrodite1 have to be regarded as in part an ,oriental importation4#g ,yet1 if we adopt any such solution of the problem1 we must not forget that in this1 as in all similar cases1 whatever the ,greeks received from adjacent nations1 they distinguished with the qualities of their own personality4 ,paiderastia in ,hellas assumed ,hellenic characteristics1 and cannot be confounded with any merely ,asiatic form of luxury4 ,in the tenth section of this ,essay ,i shall return to the problem1 and advance my own conjecture as to the part played by the ,dorians in the development of paiderastia into a custom4 ,it is enough for the present to remark that1 however introduced1 the vice of boy-love1 as distinguished from heroic friendship1 received religious sanction at an early period4 ,the legend of the rape of ,ganymede was invented1 according to the passage recently quoted from ,plato1 by the ,cretans with the express purpose of investing their pleasures with a show of piety4 ,this localisation of the religious sanction of paiderastia in ,crete confirms the hypothesis of ,oriental influence2 for one of the notable features of ,grco ,asiatic worship was the consecration of sensuality in the ,phallus cult1 the ,hiero douloi 7temple slaves1 or bayadres7 of ,aphrodite1 and the eunuchs of the ,phrygian mother4 ,homer tells the tale of ,ganymede with the utmost simplicity4 ,the boy was so beautiful that ,zeus suffered him not to dwell on earth1 but translated him to heaven and appointed him the cupbearer of the immortals4 ,the sensual desire which made the king of gods and men prefer ,ganymede to ,leda1 ,io1 ,dana1 and all the maidens whom he loved and left on earth1 is an addition to the ,homeric version of the myth4 ,in course of time the tale of ,ganymede1 according to the ,cretan reading1 became the nucleus around which the paiderastic associations of the ,greek race gathered1 just as that of ,achilles formed the main point in their tradition of heroic friendship4 ,to the ,romans and the modern nations the name of ,ganymede1 debased to ,catamitus1 supplied a term of reproach1 which sufficiently indicates the nature of the love of which he became eventually the eponym4 ,,vi4 ,resuming the results of the last four sections1 we find two separate forms of masculine passion clearly marked in early ,hellas--a noble and a base1 a spiritual and a sensual4 ,to the distinction between them the ,greek conscience was acutely sensitive2 and this distinction1 in theory at least1 subsisted throughout their history4 ,they worshipped ,ers1 as they worshipped ,aphrodite1 under the twofold titles of ,ouranios 7celestial7 and ,pandemos 7vulgar1 or volvivaga72 and1 while they regarded the one love with the highest approval1 as the source of courage and greatness of soul1 they never publicly approved the other4 ,it is true1 as will appear in the sequel of this essay1 that boy-love in its grossest form was tolerated in historic ,hellas with an indulgence which it never found in any ,christian country1 while heroic comradeship remained an ideal hard to realise1 and scarcely possible beyond the limits of the strictest ,dorian sect4 ,yet the language of philosophers1 historians1 poets and orators is unmistakable4 ,all testify alike to the discrimination between vulgar and heroic love in the ,greek mind4 ,i purpose to devote a separate section of this inquiry to the investigation of these ethical distinctions4 ,for the present1 a quotation from one of the most eloquent of the later rhetoricians will sufficiently set forth the contrast1 which the ,greek race never wholly forgot3#h-- ,the one love is mad for pleasure2 the other loves beauty4 ,the one is an involuntary sickness2 the other is a sought enthusiasm4 ,the one tends to the good of the beloved2 the other to the ruin of both4 ,the one is virtuous2 the other incontinent in all its acts4 ,the one has its end in friendship2 the other in hate4 ,the one is freely given2 the other is bought and sold4 ,the one brings praise2 the other blame4 ,the one is ,greek2 the other is barbarous4 ,the one is virile2 the other effeminate4 ,the one is firm and constant2 the other light and variable4 ,the man who loves the one love is a friend of ,god1 a friend of law1 fulfilled of modesty1 and free of speech4 ,he dares to court his friend in daylight1 and rejoices in his love4 ,he wrestles with him in the playground and runs with him in the race1 goes afield with him to the hunt1 and in battle fights for glory at his side4 ,in his misfortune he suffers1 and at his death he dies with him4 ,he needs no gloom of night1 no desert place1 for this society4 ,the other lover is a foe to heaven1 for he is out of tune and criminal2 a foe to law1 for he transgresses law4 ,cowardly1 despairing1 shameless1 haunting the dusk1 lurking in desert places and secret dens1 he would fain be never seen consorting with his friend1 but shuns the light of day1 and follows after night and darkness1 which the shepherd hates1 but the thief loves4 ,and again1 in the same dissertation1 ,maximus ,tyrius speaks to like purpose1 clothing his precepts in imagery3-- ,you see a fair body in bloom and full of promise of fruit4 ,spoil not1 defile not1 touch not the blossom4 ,praise it1 as some wayfarer may praise a plant--even so by ,phoebus' altar have ,i seen a young palm shooting toward the sun4 ,refrain from ,zeus and ,phoebus' tree2 wait for the fruit-season and thou shall love more righteously4 ,with the baser form of paiderastia ,i shall have little to do in this essay4 ,vice of this kind does not vary to any great extent1 whether we observe it in ,athens or in ,rome1 in ,florence of the sixteenth or in ,paris of the nineteenth century2#i nor in ,hellas was it more noticeable than elsewhere1 except for its comparative publicity4 ,the nobler type of masculine love developed by the ,greeks is1 on the contrary1 almost unique in#aj the history of the human race4 ,it is that which more than anything else distinguishes the ,greeks from the barbarians of their own time1 from the ,romans and from modern men in all that appertains to the emotions4 ,the immediate subject of the ensuing inquiry will1 therefore1 be that mixed form of paiderastia upon which the ,greeks prided themselves1 which had for its heroic ideal the friendship of ,achilles and ,patroclus1 but which in historic times exhibited a sensuality unknown to ,homer4#aa ,in treating of this unique product of their civilisation ,i shall use the terms ,greek ,love1 understanding thereby a passionate and enthusiastic attachment subsisting between man and youth1 recognised by society and protected by opinion1 which1 though it was not free from sensuality1 did not degenerate into mere licentiousness4 ,,vii4 ,before reviewing the authors who deal with this subject in detail1 or discussing the customs of the several ,greek states1 it will be well to illustrate in general the nature of this love1 and to collect the principal legends and historic tales which set it forth4 ,greek love was1 in its origin and essence1 military4 ,fire and valour1 rather than tenderness or tears1 were the external outcome of this passion2 nor had ,malachia1 effeminacy1 a place in its vocabulary4 ,at the same time it was exceedingly absorbing4 ,half my life1 says the lover1 lives in thine image1 and the rest is lost4 ,when thou art kind1 ,i spend the day like a god2 when thy face is turned aside1 it is very dark with me4#ab ,plato1 in his celebrated description of a lover's soul1 writes3#ac-- ,wherever she thinks that she will behold the beautiful one1 thither in her desire she runs4 ,and when she has seen him1 and bathed herself with the waters of desire1 her constraint is loosened and she is refreshed1 and has no more pangs and pains2 and this is the sweetest of all pleasures at the time1 and is the reason why the soul of the lover will never forsake his beautiful one1 whom he esteems above all2 he has forgotten mother and brethren and companions1 and he thinks nothing of the neglect and loss of his property4 ,the rules and proprieties of life1 on which he formerly prided himself1 he now despises1 and is ready to sleep like a servant1 wherever he is allowed1 as near as he can to his beautiful one1 who is not only the object of his worship1 but the only physician who can heal him in his extreme agony4 ,these passages show how real and vital was the passion of ,greek love4 ,it would be difficult to find more intense expressions of affection in modern literature4 ,the effect produced upon the lover by the presence of his beloved was similar to that inspiration which the knight of romance received from his lady4 ,i know not1 says ,phdrus1 in the ,symposium of ,plato1#ad any greater blessing to a young man beginning life than a virtuous lover1 or to the lover than a beloved youth4 ,for the principle which ought to be the guide of men who would nobly live--that principle1 ,i say1 neither kindred1 nor honour1 nor wealth1 nor any other motive is able to implant so well as love4 ,of what am ,i speaking8 ,of the sense of honour and dishonour1 without which neither states nor individuals ever do any good or great work4 ,and ,i say that a lover who is detected in doing any dishonourable act1 or submitting1 through cowardice1 when any dishonour is done to him by another1 will be more pained at being detected by his beloved than at being seen by his father1 or by his companions1 or by any one else4 ,the beloved1 too1 when he is seen in any disgraceful situation1 has the same feeling about his lover4 ,and if there were only some way of contriving that a state or an army should be made up of lovers and their loves1 they would be the very best governors of their own city1 abstaining from all dishonour2 and emulating one another in honour2 and when fighting at one another's side1 although a mere handful1 they would overcome the world4 ,for what lover would not choose rather to be seen by all mankind than by his beloved1 either when abandoning his post1 or throwing away his arms8 ,he would be ready to die a thousand deaths rather than endure this4 ,or who would desert his beloved or fail him in the hour of danger8 ,the veriest coward would become an inspired hero1 equal to the bravest1 at such a time2 love would inspire him4 ,that courage which1 as ,homer says1 the god breathes into the soul of heroes1 love of his own nature inspires into the lover4 ,with the whole of this quotation we might compare what ,plutarch in the ,life of ,pelopidas relates about the composition of a ,sacred ,band2#ae while the following anecdote from the ,anabasis of ,xenophon may serve to illustrate the theory that regiments should consist of lovers4#af ,episthenes of ,olynthus1 one of ,xenophon's hoplites1 saved a beautiful boy from the slaughter commanded by ,seuthes in a ,thracian village4 ,the king could not understand why his orders had not been obeyed1 till ,xenophon excused his hoplite by explaining that ,episthenes was a passionate boy-lover1 and that he had once formed a corps of none but beautiful men4 ,then ,seuthes asked ,episthenes if he was willing to die instead of the boy1 and he answered1 stretching out his neck1 ,strike1 he says1 if the boy says ',yes1'#ag and will be pleased with it4 ,at the end of the affair1 which is told by ,xenophon with a quiet humour that brings a little scene of ,greek military life vividly before us1 ,seuthes gave the boy his liberty1 and the soldier walked away with him4 ,in order further to illustrate the hardy nature of ,greek love1 ,i may allude to the speech of ,pausanias in the ,symposium of ,plato4#ah ,the fruits of love1 he says1 are courage in the face of danger1 intolerance of despotism1 the virtues of the generous and haughty soul4 ,in ,ionia1 he adds1 and other places1 and generally in countries which are subject to the barbarians1 the custom is held to be dishonourable2 loves of youth share the evil repute of philosophy and gymnastics because they are inimical to tyranny1 for the interests of rulers require that their subjects should be poor in spirit1 and that there should be no strong bond of friendship or society among them1 which love1 above all other motives1 is likely to inspire1 as our ,athenian tyrants learned by experience4 ,,viii4 ,among the myths to which ,greek lovers referred with pride1 besides that of ,achilles1 were the legends of ,theseus and ,peirithous1 of ,orestes and ,pylades1 of ,talos and ,rhadamanthus1 of ,damon and ,pythias4 ,nearly all the ,greek gods1 except1 ,i think1 oddly enough1 ,ares1 were famous for their love4 ,poseidon1 according to ,pindar1 loved ,pelops2 ,zeus1 besides ,ganymede1 was said to have carried off ,chrysippus4 ,apollo loved ,ayacinth1 and numbered among his favourites ,branchos and ,claros4 ,pan loved ,cyparissus1 and the spirit of the evening star loved ,hymenus4 ,hypnos1 the god of slumber1 loved ,endymion1 and sent him to sleep with open eyes1 in order that he might always gaze upon their beauty4 7,ath4 xiii4 #efd74 ,the myths of ,phoebus1 ,pan1 and ,hesperus1 it may be said in passing1 are paiderastic parallels to the tales of ,adonis and ,daphne4 ,they do not represent the specific quality of national ,greek love at all in the same way as the legends of ,achilles1 ,theseus1 ,pylades1 and ,pythias4 ,we find in them merely a beautiful and romantic play of the mythopoeic fancy1 after paiderastia had taken hold on the imagination of the race4 ,the case is different with ,herakles1 the patron1 eponym1 and ancestor of ,dorian ,hellas4 ,he was a boy-lover of the true heroic type4 ,in the innumerable amours ascribed to him we always discern the note of martial comradeship4 ,his passion for ,iolaus was so famous that lovers swore their oaths upon the ,theban's tomb2#ai while the story of his loss of ,hylas supplied ,greek poets with one of their most charming subjects4 ,from the idyll of ,theocritus called ,hylas we learn some details about the relation between lover and beloved1 according to the heroic ideal4 ,nay1 but the son of ,amphitryon1 that heart of bronze1 he that abode the wild lion's onset1 loved a lad1 beautiful ,hylas--,hylas of the braided locks1 and he taught him all things as a father teaches his child1 all whereby himself became a mighty man and renowned in minstrelsy4 ,never was he apart from ,hylas144444 and all this that the lad might be fashioned to his mind1 and might drive a straight furrow1 and come to the true measure of man4#bj ,,ix4 ,passing from myth to semi-legendary history1 we find frequent mention made of lovers in connection with the great achievements of the earliest age of ,hellas4 ,what ,pausanias and ,phdrus are reported to have said in the ,symposium of ,plato1 is fully borne out by the records of the numerous tyrannicides and self-devoted patriots who helped to establish the liberties of the ,greek cities4 ,when ,epimenides of ,crete required a human victim in his purification of ,athens from the ,musos of the ,megacleid1 two lovers1 ,cratinus and ,aristodemus1 offered themselves as a voluntary sacrifice for the city4#ba ,the youth died to propitiate the gods2 the lover refused to live without him4 ,chariton and ,melanippus1 who attempted to assassinate ,phalaris of ,agrigentum1 were lovers4#bb ,so were ,diocles and ,philolaus1 natives of ,corinth1 who removed to ,thebes1 and after giving laws to their adopted city1 died and were buried in one grave4#bc ,not less celebrated was another ,diocles1 the ,athenian exile1 who fell near ,megara in battle1 fighting for the boy he loved4#bd ,his tomb was honoured with the rites and sacrifices specially reserved for heroes4 ,a similar story is told of the ,thessalian horseman ,cleomachus4#be ,this soldier rode into a battle which was being fought between the people of ,eretria and ,chalkis1 inflamed with such enthusiasm for the youth he beloved1 that he broke the foemen's ranks and won the victory for the ,chalkidians4 ,after the fight was over ,cleomachus was found among the slain1 but his corpse was nobly buried2 and from that time forward love was honoured by the men of ,chalkis4 ,these stories might be paralleled from actual ,greek history4 ,plutarch1 commenting upon the courage of the sacred band of ,thebans1#bf tells of a man who1 when his enemy was going to kill him1 earnestly requested him to run him through the breast1 that his lover might not blush to see him wounded in the back4 ,in order to illustrate the haughty temper of ,greek lovers1 the same author1 in his ,erotic ,dialogue1 records the names of ,antileon of ,metapontum1 who braved a tyrant in the cause of the boy he loved2#bg of ,crateas1 who punished ,archelaus with death for an insult offered to him2 of ,pytholaus1 who treated ,alexander of ,pher in like manner2 and of another youth who killed the ,ambracian tyrant ,periander for a similar affront4#bh ,to these tales we might add another story by ,plutarch in his ,life of ,demetrius ,poliorketes4 ,this man insulted a boy called ,damocles1 who1 finding no other way to save his honour1 jumped into a cauldron of boiling water and was killed upon the spot4#bi ,a curious legend1 belonging to semi-mythical romance related by ,pausanias1#cj deserves a place here1 since it proves to what extent the popular imagination was impregnated by notions of ,greek love4 ,the city of ,thespia was at one time infested by a dragon1 and young men were offered to appease its fury every year4 ,they all died unnamed and unremembered except one1 ,cleostratus4 ,to clothe this youth1 his lover1 ,menestratus1 forged a brazen coat of mail1 thick set with hooks turned upwards4 ,the dragon swallowed ,cleostratus and killed him1 but died by reason of the hooks4 ,thus love was the salvation of the city and the source of immortality to the two friends4 99 99 99 99 99 ,it would not be difficult to multiply romances of this kind2 the rhetoricians and moralists of later ,greece abound in them4#ca ,but the most famous of all remains to be recorded4 ,this is the story of ,harmodius and ,aristogeiton1 who freed ,athens from the tyrant ,hipparchus4 ,there is not a speech1 a poem1 essay1 a panegyrical oration in praise of either ,athenian liberty or ,greek love which does not tell the tale of this heroic friendship4 ,herodotus and ,thucydides treat the event as matter of serious history4 ,plato refers to it as the beginning of freedom for the ,athenians4 ,the drinking-song in honour of these lovers1 is one of the most precious fragments of popular ,greek poetry which we possess4 ,as in the cases of ,lucretia and ,virginia1 so here a tyrant's intemperance was the occasion1 if not the cause1 of a great nation's rising4 ,harmodius and ,aristogeiton were reverenced as martyrs and saviours of their country4 ,their names gave consecration to the love which made them bold against the despot1 and they became at ,athens eponyms of paiderastia4#cb ,x4 ,a considerable majority of the legends which have been related in the preceding section are ,dorian1 and the ,dorians gave the earliest and most marked encouragement to ,greek love4 ,nowhere else1 indeed1 except among the ,dorians1 who were an essentially military race1 living like an army of occupation in the countries they had seized1 herding together in barracks and at public messes1 and submitting to martial drill and discipline1 do we meet with paiderastia developed as an institution4 ,in ,crete and ,lacedmon it became a potent instrument of education4 ,what ,i have to say1 in the first instance1 on this matter is derived almost entirely from ,c4 ,o4 ,mllers's ,dorians1#cc to which work ,i refer my readers for the authorities cited in illustration of each detail4 ,plato says that the law of ,lycurgus in respect to love was ,poikiles1#cd by which he means that it allowed the custom under certain restrictions4 ,it would appear that the lover was called ,inspirer1 at ,sparta1 while the youth he loved was named ,hearer4 ,these local phrases sufficiently indicate the relation which subsisted between the pair4 ,the lover taught1 the hearer learned2 and so from man to man was handed down the tradition of heroism1 the peculiar tone and temper of the state to which1 in particular among the ,greeks1 the ,dorians clung with obstinate pertinacity4 ,xenophon distinctly states that love was maintained among the ,spartans with a view to education2 and when we consider the customs of the state1 by which boys were separated early from their homes and the influences of the family were almost wholly wanting1 it is not difficult to understand the importance of the paiderastic institution4 ,the ,lacedmonian lover might represent his friend in the ,assembly4 ,he was answerable for his good conduct1 and stood before him as a pattern of manliness1 courage1 and prudence4 ,of the nature of his teaching we may form some notion from the precepts addressed by the ,megarian ,theognis to the youth ,kurnus4 ,in battle the lovers fought side by side2 and it is worthy of notice that before entering into an engagement the ,spartans sacrificed to ,ers4 ,it was reckoned a disgrace if a youth found no man to be his lover4 ,consequently we find that the most illustrious ,spartans are mentioned by their biographers in connection with their comrades4 ,agesilaus heard ,lysander2 ,archidamus1 his son1 loved ,cleonymus2 ,cleomenes ,,iii1 was the hearer of ,xenares and the inspirer of ,panteus4 ,the affection of ,pausanias1 on the other hand1 for the boy ,argilus1 who betrayed him according to the account of ,thucydides1#ce must not be reckoned among these nobler loves4 ,in order to regulate the moral conduct of both parties1 ,lycurgus made it felony1 punishable with death or exile1 for the lover to desire the person of a boy in lust2 and1 on the other hand1 it was accounted exceedingly disgraceful for the younger to meet the advances of the elder with a view to gain4 ,honest affection and manly self-respect were exacted on both sides2 the bond of union implied no more of sensuality than subsists between a father and a son1 a brother and a brother4 ,at the same time great license of intercourse was permitted4 ,cicero1 writing long after the great age of ,greece1 but relying probably upon sources to which we have no access1 asserts that1 ,lacedmoni ipsi cum omnia concedunt in amore juvenum prter stuprum tenui sane muro disspiunt id quod excipiunt3 complexus enim concubitusque permittunt4#cf ,the ,lacedmonians1 while they permit all things except outrage in the love of youths1 certainly distinguish the forbidden by a thin wall of partition from the sanctioned1 for they allow embraces and a common couch to lovers4 ,in ,crete the paiderastic institutions were even more elaborate than at ,sparta4 ,the lover was called ,philetor1 and the beloved one ,kleinos4 ,when a man wished to attach to himself a youth in the recognised bonds of friendship1 he took him away from his home1 with a pretence of force1 but not without the connivance1 in most cases1 of his friends4#cg ,for two months the pair lived together among the hills1 hunting and fishing4 ,then the ,philetor gave gifts to the youth1 and suffered him to return to his relatives4 ,if the ,kleinos 7illustrious or laudable7 had received insult or ill-treatment during the probationary weeks1 he now could get redress at law4 ,if he was satisfied with the conduct of his would-be comrade1 he changed his title from ,kleinos to ,parastates 7comrade and bystander in the ranks of battle and life71 returned to the ,philetor1 and lived thenceforward in close bonds of public intimacy with him4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the primitive simplicity and regularity of these customs make it appear strange to modern minds2 nor is it easy to understand how they should ever have been wholly free from blame4 ,yet we must remember the influences which prevalent opinion and ancient tradition both contribute toward preserving a delicate sense of honour under circumstances of apparent difficulty4 ,the careful reading of one ,life by ,plutarch1 that1 for instance1 of ,cleomenes or that of ,agis1 will have more effect in presenting the realities of ,dorian existence to our imagination than any amount of speculative disquisition4 ,moreover1 a ,dorian was exposed to almost absolute publicity4 ,he had no chance of hiding from his fellow-citizens the secrets of his private life4 ,it was not1 therefore1 till the social and political complexion of the whole nation became corrupt that the institutions just described encouraged profligacy4#ch ,that the ,spartans and the ,cretans degenerated from their primitive ideal is manifest from the severe critiques of the philosophers4 ,plato1 while passing a deliberate censure on the ,cretans for the introduction of paiderastia into ,greece1#ci remarks that syssitia1 or meals in common1 and gymnasia are favourable to the perversion of the passions4 ,aristotle1 in a similar argument1#dj points out that the ,dorian habits had a direct tendency to check the population by encouraging the love of boys and by separating women from the society of men4 ,an obscure passage quoted from ,hagnon by ,athenus might also be cited to prove that the ,greeks at large had formed no high opinion of ,spartan manners4#da ,but the most convincing testimony is to be found in the ,greek language3 to do like the ,laconians1 to have connection in ,laconian way1 to do like the ,cretans1 tell their own tale1 especially when we compare these phrases with1 to do like the ,corinthians1 the ,lesbians1 the ,siphnians1 the ,phoenicians1 and other verbs formed to indicate the vices localised in separate districts4 99 99 99 99 99 ,up to this point ,i have been content to follow the notices of ,dorian institutions which are scattered up and down the later ,greek authors1 and which have been collected by ,c4 ,o4 ,mller4 ,i have not attempted to draw definite conclusions1 or to speculate upon the influence which the ,dorian section of the ,hellenic family may have exercised in developing paiderastia4 ,to do so now will be legitimate1 always remembering that what we actually know about the ,dorians is confined to the historic period1 and that the tradition respecting their early customs is derived from second-hand authorities4 99 99 99 99 99 ,it has frequently occurred to my mind that the mixed type of paiderastia which ,i have named ,greek ,love took its origin in ,doris4 ,homer1 who knew nothing about the passion as it afterwards existed1 drew a striking picture of masculine affection in ,achilles4 ,and ,homer1 ,i may add1 was not a native of northern ,greece4 ,whoever he was1 or whoever they were1 the poet1 or the poets1 we call ,homer1 belonged to the south-east of the gean4 ,homer1 then1 may have been ignorant of paiderastia4 ,yet friendship occupies the first place in his hero's heart1 while only the second is reserved for sexual emotion4 ,now ,achilles came from ,phthia1 itself a portion of that mountain region to which ,doris belonged4#db ,is it unnatural to conjecture that the ,dorians in their migration to ,lacedmon and ,crete1 the recognised headquarters of the custom1 carried a tradition of heroic paiderastia along with them8 ,is it unreasonable to surmise that here1 if anywhere in ,hellas1 the custom existed from prehistoric times8 ,if so1 the circumstances of their invasion would have fostered the transformation of this tradition into a tribal institution4 ,they went forth1 a band of warriors and pirates1 to cross the sea in boats1 and to fight their way along the hills and plains of ,southern ,greece4 ,the dominions they had conquered with their swords they occupied like soldiers4 ,the camp became their country1 and for a long period of time they literally lived upon the bivouac4 ,instead of a city-state1 with is manifold complexities of social life1 they were reduced to the narrow limits and the simple conditions of a roving horde4 ,without sufficiency of women1 without the sanctities of established domestic life1 inspired by the memory of ,achilles1 and venerating their ancestor ,herakles1 the ,dorian warriors had special opportunity for elevating comradeship to the rank of an enthusiasm4 ,the incidents of emigration into a distant country--perils of the sea1 passages of rivers and mountains1 assaults of fortresses and cities1 landings on a hostile shore1 night-vigils by the side of blazing beacons1 foragings for food1 picquet services in the front of watchful foes--involved adventures capable of shedding the lustre of romance on friendship4 ,these circumstances1 by bringing the virtues of sympathy with the weak1 tenderness for the beautiful1 protection for the young1 together with corresponding qualities of gratitude1 self-devotion and admiring attachment1 into play1 may have tended to cement unions between man and man no less firm than that of marriage4 ,on such connections a wise captain would have relied for giving strength to his battalion1 and for keeping alive the flame of enterprise and daring4 ,fighting and foraging in company1 sharing the same wayside board and heath-strewn bed1 rallying to the comrade's voice in onset1 relying on the comrade's shield when fallen1 these men learned the meanings of the words ,philetor and ,parastates4 ,to be loved was honourable1 for it implied being worthy to be died for4 ,to love was glorious1 since it pledged the lover to self-sacrifice in case of need4 ,in these conditions the paiderastic passion may have well combined manly virtue with carnal appetite1 adding such romantic sentiment as some stern men reserve within their hearts for women4#dc ,a motto might be chosen for a lover of this early ,dorian type from the olic poem ascribed to ,theocritus3 ,and made me tender from the iron man ,i used to be4 99 99 99 99 99 ,in course of time1 when the ,dorians had settled down upon their conquered territories1 and when the passions which had shown their more heroic aspect during a period of warfare came1 in a period of idleness1 to call for methods of restraint1 then the discrimination between honourable and base forms of love1 to which ,plato pointed as a feature of the ,dorian institutions1 took place4 ,it is also more than merely probable that in ,crete where these institutions were the most precisely regulated1 the ,dorian immigrants came into contact with ,phoenician vices1 the repression of which required the adoption of a strict code4#dd ,in this way paiderastia1 considered as a mixed custom1 partly martial1 partly luxurious1 recognised by public opinion and controlled by law1 obtained among the ,dorian ,tribes1 and spread from them throughout the states of ,hellas4 ,relics of numerous semi-savage habits--thefts of food1 ravishment as a prelude to marriage1 and so forth--indicate in like manner the survival among the ,dorians of primitive tribal institutions4 ,it will be seen that the conclusion to which ,i have been drawn by the foregoing consideration is that the mixed form of paiderastia1 called by me in this essay ,greek love1 owed its peculiar quality1 what ,plato called its intricacy of laws and customs1 to two diverse strains of circumstances harmonised in the ,greek temperament4 ,its military and enthusiastic elements were derived from the primitive conditions of the ,dorians during their immigration into ,southern ,greece4 ,its refinements of sensuality and sanctified impurity are referable to contact with ,phoenician civilisation4 ,the specific form it assumed among the ,dorians of the historic period1 equally removed from military freedom and from ,oriental luxury1 can be ascribed to the operation of that organising1 moulding and assimilating spirit which we recognise as ,hellenic4 ,the position thus stated is1 unfortunately1 speculative rather than demonstrable2 and in order to establish the reasonableness of the speculation1 it would be natural at this point to introduce some account of paiderastia as it exists in various savage tribes1 if their customs could be seen to illustrate the ,doric phase of ,greek love4 ,this1 however1 is not the case4 ,study of ,mr4 ,herbert ,spencer's ,tables1 and of ,bastian's ,der ,mensch in der ,geschichte 7vol4 iii4 pp4 #cjd-cbc71 together with the facts collected by travellers among the ,north ,american ,indians1 and the mass of curious information supplied by ,rosenbaum in his ,geschichte der ,lustseuche im ,alterthume1 makes it clear to my mind that the unisexual vices of barbarians follow1 not the type of ,greek paiderastia1 but that of the ,scythian disease of effeminacy1 described by ,herodotus and ,hippocrates as something essentially foreign and non-,hellenic4 ,in all these cases1 whether we regard the ,scythian impotent effeminates1 the ,north ,american ,bardashes1 the ,tsecats of ,madagascar1 the ,cordaches of the ,canadian ,indians and similar classes among ,californian ,indians1 natives of ,venezuela1 and so forth--the characteristic point is that effeminate males renounce their sex1 assume female clothes1 and live either in promiscuous concubinage with the men of the tribe or else in marriage with chosen persons4 ,this abandonment of the masculine attributes and habits1 this assumption of feminine duties and costume1 would have been abhorrent to the ,doric custom4 ,precisely similar effeminacies were recognised as pathological by ,herodotus1 to whom ,greek paiderastia was familiar4 ,the distinctive feature of ,dorian comradeship was that it remained on both sides masculine1 tolerating no sort of softness4 ,for similar reasons1 what we know about the prevalence of sodomy among the primitive peoples of ,mexico1 ,peru and ,yucatan1 and almost all half-savage nations1#de throws little light upon the subject of the present inquiry4 ,nor do we gain anything of importance from the semi-religious practices of ,japanese ,bonzes or ,egyptian priests4 ,such facts1 taken in connection with abundant modern experience of what are called unnatural vices1 only prove the universality of unisexual indulgence in all parts of the world and under all conditions of society4 ,considerable psychological interest attaches to the study of these sexual aberrations4 ,it is also true that we detect in them the germ or raw material of a custom which the ,dorians moralised or developed after a specific fashion2 but nowhere do we find an analogue to their peculiar institutions4 ,it was just that effort to moralise and adapt to social use a practice which has elsewhere been excluded in the course of civil growth1 or has been allowed to linger half-acknowledged as a remnant of more primitive conditions1 or has re-appeared in the corruption of society2 it was just this effort to elevate paiderastia according to the sthetic standard of ,greek ethics which constituted its distinctive quality in ,hellas4 ,we are obliged1 in fact1 to separate this1 the true ,hellenic manifestation of the paiderastic passion1 from the effeminacies1 brutalities1 and gross sensualities which can be noticed alike in imperfectly civilised and in luxuriously corrupt communities4 99 99 99 99 99 ,before leaving this part of the subject1 ,i must repeat that what ,i have suggested regarding the intervention of the ,dorians in creating the type of ,greek love is a pure speculation4 ,if it has any value1 that is due to the fixed and regulated forms which paiderastic institutions displayed at a very early date in ,crete and ,sparta1 and also to the remnants of savage customs embedded in them4 ,it depends to a certain extent also upon the absence of paiderastia in ,homer4 ,but on this point something still remains to be said4 ,our ,attic authorities certainly regarded the ,homeric poems as canonical books1 decisive for the culture of the first stage of ,hellenic history4 ,yet it is clear that ,homer refined ,greek mythology1 while many of the cruder elements of that mythology survived from pre-,homeric times in local cults and popular religious observances4 ,we know1 moreover1 that a body of non-,homeric writings1 commonly called the cyclic poems1 existed by the side of ,homer1 some of the material of which is preserved to us by dramatists1 lyrists1 historians1 antiquaries and anecdotists4 ,it is not impossible that this so-called cyclical literature contained paiderastic elements1 which were eliminated1 like the grosser forms of myth1 in the ,homeric poems4#df ,if this be conceded1 we might be led to conjecture that paiderastia was a remnant of ancient savage habits1 ignored by ,homer1 but preserved by tradition in the race4 ,given the habit1 the ,greeks were certainly capable of carrying it on without shame4 ,we ought to resist the temptation to seek a high and noble origin for all ,greek institutions4 ,but there remains the fact that1 however they acquired the habit1 whether from ,north ,dorian customs antecedent to ,homer1 or from conditions of experience subsequent to the ,homeric age1 the ,greeks gave it a dignity and an emotional superiority which is absent in the annals of barbarian institutions4 ,instead of abandoning it as part of the obsolete lumber of their prehistoric origins1 they chose to elaborate it into the region of romance and ideality4 ,and this they did in spite of ,homer's ignorance of the passion or of his deliberate reticence4 ,whatever view1 therefore1 we may take about ,homer's silence1 and about the possibility of paiderastia occurring in the lost poems of the cyclic type1 or lastly1 about its probable survival in the people from an age of savagery1 we are bound to regard its systematical development among the ,dorians as a fact of paramount significance4 ,in that passage of the ,symposium#dg where ,plato notices the ,spartan law of love as ,poikilos1 he speaks with disapprobation of the ,boeotians1 who were not restrained by custom and opinion within the same strict limits4 ,yet it should here be noted that the military aspect of ,greek love in the historic period was nowhere more distinguished than at ,thebes4 ,epaminondas was a notable boy-lover2 and the names of his beloved ,asopichus and ,cephisodorus are mentioned by ,plutarch4#dh ,they died1 and were buried with him at ,mantinea4 ,the paiderastic legend of ,herakles and ,iolaus was localised in ,boeotia2 and the lovers1 ,diocles and ,philolaus1 who gave laws to ,thebes1 directly encouraged those masculine attachments1 which had their origin in the ,palstra4#di ,the practical outcome of these national institutions in the chief town of ,boeotia was the formation of the so-called ,sacred ,band1 or ,band of ,lovers1 upon whom ,pelopidas relied in his most perilous operations4 ,plutarch relates that they were enrolled1 in the first instance1 by ,gorgidas1 the rank and file of the regiment being composed of young men bound together by affection4 ,report goes that they were never beaten till the battle of ,chronea4 ,at the end of that day1 fatal to the liberties of ,hellas1 ,philip of ,macedon went forth to view the slain2 and when he came to that place where the three hundred that fought his phalanx lay dead together1 he wondered1 and understanding that it was the band of lovers1 he shed tears1 and said1 ',perish any man who suspects that these men either did or suffered anything that was base4'#ej ,as at all the other turning points of ,greek history1 so at this1 too1 there is something dramatic and eventful4 ,thebes was the last strong-hold of ,greek freedom2 the ,sacred ,band contained the pith and flower of her army2 these lovers had fallen to a man1 like the ,spartans of ,leonidas at ,thermopyl1 pierced by the lances of the ,macedonian phalanx2 then1 when the day was over and the dead were silent1 ,philip1 the victor in that fight1 shed tears when he beheld their serried ranks1 pronouncing himself therewith the fittest epitaph which could have been inscribed upon their stel by a ,hellene4 99 99 99 99 99 ,at ,chronea1 ,greek liberty1 ,greek heroism1 and ,greek love1 properly so-called1 expired4 ,it is not unworthy of notice that the son of the conqueror1 young ,alexander1 endeavoured to revive the tradition of ,achilleian friendship4 ,this lad1 born in the decay of ,greek liberty1 took conscious pleasure in enacting the part of a ,homeric hero1 on the altered stage of ,hellas and of ,asia1 with somewhat tawdry histrionic pomp4#ea ,homer was his invariable companion upon his marches2 in the ,troad he paid special honour to the tomb of ,achilles1 running naked races round the barrow in honour of the hero1 and expressing the envy which he felt for one who had so true a friend and so renowned a poet to record his deeds4 ,the historians of his life relate that1 while he was indifferent to women1#eb he was madly given to the love of males4 ,this the story of his sorrow for ,hephaistion sufficiently confirms4 ,a kind of spiritual atavism moved the ,macedonian conqueror to assume on the vast ,bactrian plain the outward trappings of ,achilles ,agonistes4#ec ,returning from this digression upon ,alexander's almost hysterical archaism1 it should next be noticed that ,plato includes the people of ,elis in the censure which he passes upon the ,boeotians4 ,he accused the ,eleans of adopting customs which permitted youths to gratify their lovers without further distinction of age1 or quality1 or opportunity4 ,in like manner1 ,maximus ,tyrius distinguishes between the customs of ,crete and ,elis3 ,while ,i find the laws of the ,cretans excellent1 ,i must condemn those of ,elis for their license4#ed ,elis1#ee like ,megara1 instituted a contest for beauty among youths2 and it is significant that the ,megarians were not uncommonly accused of ,hybris1 or wanton lust1 by ,greek writers4 ,both the ,eleans and the ,megarians may therefore reasonably be considered to have exceeded the ,greek standard of taste in the amount of sensual indulgence which they openly acknowledged4 ,in ,ionia1 and other regions of ,hellas exposed to ,oriental influences1 ,plato says that paiderastia was accounted a disgrace4#ef ,at the same time he couples with paiderastia1 in this place1 both addiction to gymnastic exercise and to philosophical studies1 pointing out that despotism was always hostile to high thoughts and haughty customs4 ,the meaning of the passage1 therefore1 seems to be that the true type of ,greek love had no chance of unfolding itself freely on the shores of ,asia ,minor4 ,of paiderastic ,malakia1 or effeminacy1 there is here no question1 else ,plato would probably have made ,pausanias use other language4 ,,xi4 ,before proceeding to discuss the conditions under which paiderastia existed in ,athens1 it may be well to pause and to consider the tone adopted with regard to it by some of the earlier ,greek poets4 ,much that is interesting on the subject of the true ,hellenic ,ers can be gathered from ,theognis1 ,solon1 ,pindar1 schylus1 and ,sophocles2 while the lyrics of ,anacreon1 ,alcus1 ,ibycus1 and others of the same period illustrate the wanton and illiberal passion 7,hybris7 which tended to corrode and undermine the nobler feeling4 ,it is well known that ,theognis and his friend ,kurnus were members of the aristocracy of ,megara4 ,after ,megara had thrown off the yoke of ,corinth in the early part of the sixth century1 the city first submitted to the democratic despotism of ,theagenes1 and then for many years engaged in civil warfare4 ,the larger number of the elegies of ,theognis are specially intended to instruct ,kurnus how he ought to act as an illustrious party-leader of the nobles 7,esthloi7 in their contest with the people 7,deiloi74 ,they consist1 therefore1 of political and social precepts1 and for our present purpose are only important as illustrating the educational authority assumed by a ,dorian ,philetor over his friend4 ,the personal elegies intermingled with these poems on conduct reveal the very heart of a ,greek lover at his early period4 ,here is one on loyalty3-- ,love me not with words alone1 while your mind and thoughts are otherwise1 if you really care for me and the heart within you is loyal4 ,but love me with a pure and honest soul1 or openly disown and hate me2 let the breach between us be avowed4 ,he who hath a single tongue and a double mind is a bad comrade1 ,kurnus1 better as a foe than a friend4#eg ,the bitter-sweet of love is well described in the following couplets3-- ,harsh and sweet1 alluring and repellent1 until it be crowned with completion1 is love for young men4 ,if one brings it to perfection1 then it is sweet2 but if a man pursues and does not love1 then it is of all things the most painful4#eh ,the same strain is repeated in the lines which begin1 a boy's love is fair to keep1 fair to lay aside4#ei ,as one time ,theognis tells his friend that he has the changeable temper of a hawk1 the skittishness of a pampered colt4#fj ,at another he remarks that boys are more constant than women in their affection4#fa ,his passion rises to its noblest height in a poem which deserves to rank with some of ,shakespeare's sonnets1 and which1 like them1 has fulfilled its own promise of immortality4#fb ,in order to appreciate the value of the fame conferred on ,kurnus by ,theognis1 and celebrated in such lofty strains1 we must remember that these elegies were sung at banquets4 ,the fair young men1 of whom the poet speaks1 boy-lovers themselves1 chaunted the praise of ,kurnus to the sound of flutes1 while the cups went round or the lyre was passed from hand to hand of merry-making guests4 ,a subject to which ,theognis more than once refers is calumny3-- ,often will the folk speak vain things against thee in my ears1 and against me in thine4 ,pay thou no heed to them4#fc ,again1 he frequently reminds the boy he loves1 whether it be ,kurnus or some other1 that the bloom of youth is passing1 and that this is a reason for showing kindness4#fd ,this argument is urged with what appears like coarseness in the following couplet3-- ,o boy1 so long as thy chin remains smooth1 never will ,i cease from fawning1 no1 not if it is doomed for me to die4#fe ,a couplet1 which is also attributed to ,solon1 shows that paiderastia at this time in ,greece was associated with manly sports and pleasures3-- ,blest is the man who loves brave steeds of war1 ,fair boys1 and hounds1 and stranger guests from far4#ff ,nor must the following be omitted3-- ,blest is the man who loves1 and after play1 ,whereby his limbs are supple made and strong1 ,retiring to his home1 'twixt sleep and song1 ,sports with a fair boy on his breast all day4#fg ,the following couplet is attributed to him by ,plutarch1#fh nor does there seem any reason to doubt its genuineness4 ,the text seems to be corrupt1 but the meaning is pretty clear3-- ,in the charming season of the flower-time of youth thou shalt love boys1 yearning for their thighs and honeyed mouth4 ,solon1 it may be remembered1 thought it wise to regulate the conditions under which the love of free youths might be tolerated4 ,the general impression produced by a careful reading of ,theognis is that he entertained a genuine passion for ,kurnus1 and that he was anxious to train the young man's mind in what he judged the noblest principles4 ,love1 at the same time1 except in its more sensual moments1 he describes as bitter-sweet and subject to anxiety4 ,that perturbation of the emotions1 which is inseparable from any of the deeper forms of personal attachment1 and which the necessary conditions of boy-love exasperated1 was irksome to the ,greek4 ,it is not a little curious to observe how all the poets of the despotic age resent and fret against the force of their own feeling1 differing herein from the singers of chivalry1 who idealised the very pains of passion4 ,of ,ibycus1 who was celebrated among the ancients as the lyrist of paiderastia1#fi very little has been preserved to us1 but that little is sufficient to indicate the fervid and voluptuous style of his art4 ,his imagery resembles that of ,anacreon4 ,the onset of love1 for instance1 in one fragment is compared to the down-swooping of a ,thracian whirlwind2 in another the poet trembles at the approach of ,ers like an old racehorse who is dragged forth to prove his speed once more4 ,of the genuine ,anacreon we possess more numerous and longer fragments1 and the names of his favourites1 ,cleobulus1 ,smerdies1 ,leucaspis1 are famous4 ,the general tone of his love-poems is relaxed and ,oriental1 and his language abounds in phrases indicative of sensuality4 ,the following may be selected3-- ,cleobulus ,i love1 for ,cleobulus ,i am mad1 ,cleobulus ,i watch and worship with my gaze4#gj ,again3-- ,o boy1 with the maiden's eyes1 ,i seek and follow thee1 but thou heedest not1 nor knowest that thou art my soul's charioteer4 ,in another place he speaks of#ga-- ,love1 the virginal1 gleaming and radiant with desire4 ,syneban 7to pass the time of youth with friends7 is a word which ,anacreon may be said to have made current in ,greek4 ,it occurs twice in his fragments1#gb and exactly expresses the luxurious enjoyment of youthful grace and beauty which appear to have been his ideal of love4 ,we are very far here from the ,achilleian friendship of the ,iliad4 ,yet1 occasionally1 ,anacreon uses images of great force to describe the attack of passion1 as when he says that love has smitten him with a huge axe1 and plunged him in a wintry torrent4#gc ,it must be remembered that both ,anacreon and ,ibycus were court poets1 singing in the palaces of ,polycrates and ,hippias4 ,the youths they celebrated were probably little better than the exoleti of a ,roman ,emperor4#gd ,this cannot be said exactly of ,alcus1 whose love for black-eyed ,lycus was remembered by ,cicero and ,horace4 ,so little1 however1 is left of his erotic poems that no definite opinion can be formed about them4 ,the authority of later ,greek authors justifies our placing him upon the list of those who helped to soften and emasculate the character of ,greek love by their poems4#ge ,two ,athenian drinking-songs preserved by ,athenus1#gf which seem to bear the stamp of the lyric age1 may here be quoted4 ,they serve to illustrate the kind of feeling to which expression was given in public by friends and boy-lovers3-- ,would ,i were a lovely heap of ivory1 and that lovely boys carried me into the ,dionysian chorus4#gg ,this is marked by a very delicate1 though naf1 fancy4 ,the next is no less eminent for its sustained1 impassioned1 simple1 rhythmic feeling3-- ,drink with me1 be young with me1 love with me1 wear crowns with me1 with me when ,i am mad be mad1 with me when ,i am temperate be sober4 ,the greatest poet of the lyric age1 the lyrist par excellence ,pindar1 adds much to our conception of ,greek love at this period4 ,not only is the poem to ,theoxenos1 whom he loved1 and in whose arms he is said to have died in the theatre at ,argos1 one of the most splendid achievements of his art2#gh but its choice of phrase1 and the curious parallel which it draws between the free love of boys and the servile love of women1 help us to comprehend the serious intensity of this passion4 ,the flashing rays of his forehead1 and is storm-tossed with desire1 and the young-limbed bloom of boys1 are phrases which it is impossible adequately to translate4 ,so1 too1 are the images by which the heart of him who does not feel the beauty of ,theoxenos is said to have been forged with cold fire out of adamant1 while the poet himself is compared to wax wasting under the sun's rays4 ,in ,pindar1 passing from ,ibycus and ,anacreon1 we ascend at once into a purer and more healthful atmosphere1 fraught1 indeed1 with passion and pregnant with storm1 but no longer simply sensual4 ,taken as a whole1 the ,odes of ,pindar1 composed for the most part in the honour of young men and boys1 both beautiful and strong1 are the work of a great moralist as well as a great artist4 ,he never fails to teach by precept and example2 he does not1 as ,ibycus is reported to have done1 adorn his verse with legends of ,ganymede and ,tithonus1 for the sake of insinuating compliments4 ,yet no one shared in fuller measure the ,greek admiration for health and grace and vigour of limb4 ,this is obvious in the many radiant pictures of masculine perfection he has drawn1 as well as in the images by which he loves to bring the beauty-bloom of youth to mind4 ,the true ,hellenic spirit may be better studied in ,pindar than in any other poet of his age2 and after we have weighed his high morality1 sound counsel1 and reverence for all things good1 together with the passion he avows1 we shall have done something toward comprehending the inner nature of ,greek love4 ,,xii4 ,the treatment of paiderastia upon the ,attic stage requires separate considerations4 ,nothing proves the popular acceptance and national approval of ,greek love more forcibly to modern minds than the fact that the tragedians like schylus and ,sophocles made it the subject of their dramas4 ,from a notice in ,athenus it appears that ,stesichorus1 who first gave dramatic form to lyric poetry1 composed interludes upon paiderastic subjects4#gi ,but of these it is impossible to speak1 since their very titles have been lost4 ,what immediately follows1 in the narrative of ,athenus1 will serve as text for what ,i have to say upon this topic4 ,and shylus1 that mighty poet1 and ,sophocles1 brought masculine loves into the theatre through their tragedies4 ,wherefore some are wont to call tragedy a paiderast2 and the spectators welcome such4 ,nothing1 unfortunately1 remains of the plays which justified this language but a few fragments cited by ,aristophanes1 ,plutarch1 ,lucian1 and ,athenus4 ,to examine these will be the business of this section4 ,the tragedy of the ,myrmidones1 which formed part of a trilogy by schylus upon the legend of ,achilles1 must have been popular at ,athens1 for ,aristophanes quotes it no less than four times--twice in the ,frogs1 once in the ,birds1 and once in the ,ecclesiazus4 ,we can reconstruct its general plan from the lines which have come down to us on the authority of the writers above mentioned4#hj ,the play opened with an anapstic speech of the chorus1 composed of the clansmen of ,achilles1 who upbraided him for staying idle in his tent while the ,achaians suffered at the hands of ,hector4 ,achilles replied with the metaphor of the eagle stricken by an arrow winged from one of his own feathers4 ,then the embassy of ,phoenix arrived1 and ,patroclus was sent forth to battle4 ,achilles1 meanwhile1 engaged in a game of dice2 and while he was thus employed ,antilochus entered with the news of the death of ,patroclus4 ,the next fragment brings the whole scene vividly before our eyes4 ,wail for me1 ,antilochus1 rather than for the dead man--for me1 ,achilles1 who still live4 ,after this1 the corpse of ,patroclus was brought upon the stage1 and the son of ,peleus poured forth a lamentation over his friend4 ,the ,threnos of ,achilles on this occasion was very celebrated among the ancients4 ,one passage of unmeasured passion1 which described the love which subsisted between the two heroes1 has been quoted1 with varieties of reading1 by ,lucian1 ,plutarch1 and ,athenus4#ha ,lucian says3 ,achilles1 bewailing the death of ,patroclus with unhusbanded passion1 broke forth into the truth in self-abandonment to woe4 ,athenus gives the text as follows3-- ,hadst thou no reverence for the unsullied holiness of thighs1 ,o thou ungrateful for the showers of kisses given4 ,what we have here chiefly to notice is the change which the tale of ,achilles had undergone since ,homer4#hb ,homer represented ,patroclus as older in years than the son of ,peleus1 but inferior to him in station2 nor did he hint which of the friends was the ,erastes of the other4 ,that view of their comradeship had not occurred to him4 schylus makes ,achilles the lover2 and for this distortion of the ,homeric legend he was severely criticised by ,plato4#hc ,at the same time1 as the two lines quoted from the ,threnos prove1 he treated their affection from the point of view of post-,homeric paiderastia4 ,sophocles also wrote a play upon the legend of ,achilles1 which bears for its title ,achilles' ,loves4 ,very little is left of this drama2 but ,hesychius has preserved one phrase which illustrates the ,greek notion that love was an effluence from the beloved person through the eyes into the lover's soul1#hd while ,stobus quotes the beautiful simile by which love is compared to a piece of ice held in the hand by children4#he ,another play of ,sophocles1 the ,niobe1 is alluded to by ,plutarch and by ,athenus for the paiderastia which it contained4 ,plutarch's words are these3#hf ,when the children of ,niobe1 in ,sophocles1 are being pierced and dying1 one of them cries out1 appealing to no other rescuer or ally than his lover3 ,ho6 comrade1 up and aid me6 ,finally1 ,athenus quotes a single line from the ,colchian ,women of ,sophocles1 which alludes to ,ganymede1 and runs as follows3#hg ,inflaming with his thighs the royalty of ,zeus4 ,whether ,euripides treated paiderastia directly in any of his plays is not quite certain1 though the title ,chrysippus1 and one fragment preserved from that tragedy-- ,nature constrains me though ,i have sound judgment-- justify us in believing that he made the crime of ,laius his subject4 ,it may be added that a passage in ,cicero confirms this belief4#hh ,the title of another tragedy1 ,peirithous1 seems in like manner to point at friendship2 while a beautiful quotation from the ,dictys sufficiently indicates the high moral tone assumed by ,euripides in treating of ,greek love4 ,it runs as follows3--,he was my friend2 and never may love lead me to folly1 nor to ,kupris4 ,there is1 in truth1 another kind of love--love for the soul1 righteous1 temperate1 and good4 ,surely men ought to have made this law1 that only the temperate and chaste should love and send ,kupris1 daughter of ,zeus1 a-begging4 ,the philosophic ideal of comradeship is here vitalised by the dramatic vigour of the poet2 nor has the ,hellenic conception of pure affection for a soul1 just1 upright1 temperate and good1 been elsewhere more pithily expressed4 ,the ,euripidean conception of friendship1 it may further be observed1 is nobly personified in ,pylades1 who plays a generous and self-devoted part in the three tragedies of ,electra1 ,orestes1 and ,iphigenia in ,tauris4 ,having collected these notices of tragedies which dealt with boy-love1 it may be well to add a word upon comedies in the same relation4 ,we hear of a ,paidika by ,sophron1 a ,malthakoi by the older ,cratinus1 a ,baptoee by ,empolis1 in which ,alcibiades and his society were satirised4 ,paiderastes is the title of plays by ,diphilis and ,antiphanes2 ,ganymedes of plays of ,alkaeus1 ,antiphanes and ,eubulus4 ,what has been quoted from schylus and ,sophocles sufficiently establishes the fact that paiderastia was publicly received with approbation on the tragic stage4 ,this should make us cautious in rejecting the stories which are told about the love adventures of ,sophocles4#hi ,athenus calls him a lover of lads1 nor is it strange if1 in the age of ,pericles1 and while he was producing the ,achilles' ,loves1 he should have shared the tastes of which his race approved4 ,at this point it may be as well to mention a few illustrious names which1 to the student of ,greek art and literature1 are indissolubly connected with paiderastia4 ,parmenides1 whose life1 like that of ,pythagoras1 was accounted peculiarly holy1 loved his pupil ,zeno4#ij ,pheidias loved ,pantarkes1 a youth of ,elis1 and carved his portrait in the figure of a victorious athlete at the foot of the ,olympian ,zeus4#ia ,euripides is said to have loved the adult ,agathon ,lysias1 ,demosthenes1 and schines1 orators whose conduct was open to the most searching censure of malicious criticism1 did not scruple to avow their love4 ,socrates described his philosophy as the science of erotics4 ,plato defined the highest form of human existence to be philosophy together with paiderastia1 and composed the celebrated epigrams on ,aster and on ,agathon4 ,this list might be indefinitely lengthened4 ,,xiii4 ,before proceeding to collect some notes upon the state of paiderastia at ,athens1 ,i will recapitulate the points which ,i have already attempted to establish4 ,in the first place1 paiderastia was unknown to ,homer4#ib ,secondly1 soon after the heroic age1 two forms of paiderastia appeared in ,greece--the one chivalrous and martial1 which received a formal organisation in the ,dorian states2 the other sensual and lustful which1 though localised to some extent at ,crete1 pervaded the ,greek cities like a vice4 ,of the distinction between these two loves the ,greek conscience was well aware1 though they came in course of time to be confounded4 ,thirdly1 ,i traced the character of ,greek love1 using that term to indicate masculine affection of a permanent and enthusiastic temper1 without further ethical qualification1 in early ,greek history and in the institutions of the ,dorians4 ,in the fourth place1 ,i showed what kind of treatment it received at the hands of the elegiac1 lyric1 and tragic poets4 99 99 99 99 99 ,it now remains to draw some picture of the social life of the ,athenians in so far as paiderastia is concerned1 and to prove how ,plato was justified in describing ,attic customs on this point as qualified by important restriction and distinction4 99 99 99 99 99 ,i do not know a better way of opening this inquiry1 which must by its nature be fragmentary and disconnected1 than by transcribing what ,plato puts into the mouth of ,pausanias in the ,symposium4#ic ,after observing that the paiderastic customs of ,elis and ,boeotia involved no perplexity1 inasmuch as all concessions to the god of love were tolerated1 and that such customs did not exist in any despotic states1 he proceeds to ,athens4 ,there is yet a more excellent way of legislating about them1 which is our own way2 but this1 as ,i was saying1 is rather perplexing4 ,for observe that open loves are held to be more honourable than secret ones1 and that the love of the noblest and highest1 even if their persons are less beautiful than others1 is especially honourable4 ,consider1 too1 how great is the encouragement which all the world gives to the lover2 neither is he supposed to be doing anything dishonourable2 but if he succeeds he is praised1 and if he fail he is blamed4 ,and in the pursuit of his love1 the custom of mankind allows him to do many strange things1 which philosophy would bitterly censure if they were done from any motive of interest or wish for office or power4 ,he may pray and entreat1 and supplicate and swear1 and be a servant of servants1 and lie on a mat at the door2 in any other case friends and enemies would be equally ready to prevent him1 but now there is no friend who will be ashamed of him and admonish him1 and no enemy will charge him with meanness or flattery2 the actions of a lover have a grace which ennobles them1 and custom has decided that they are highly commendable1 and that there is no loss of character in them2 and what is strangest of all1 he only may swear or forswear himself 7this is what the world says71 and the gods will forgive his transgression1 for there is no such thing as a lover's oath4 ,such is the entire liberty which gods and men have allowed the lover1 according to the custom which prevails in our part of the world4 ,from this point of view a man fairly argues that in ,athens to love and to be loved is held to be a very honourable thing4 ,but when there is another regime1 and parents forbid their sons to talk with their lovers1 and place them under a tutor's care1 and their companions and equals cast in their teeth anything of this sort which they may observe1 and their elders refuse to silence the reprovers1 and do not rebuke them2 any one who reflects on all this will1 on the contrary1 think that we hold these practices to be most disgraceful4 ,but the truth1 as ,i imagine1 and as ,i said at first1 is1 that whether such practices are honourable or whether they are dishonourable is not a simple question2 they are honourable to him who follows them honourably1 dishonourable to him who follows them dishonourably4 ,there is dishonour in yielding to the evil1 or in an evil manner2 but there is honour in yielding to the good1 or in an honourable manner4 ,evil is the vulgar lover who loves the body rather than the soul1 and who is inconstant because he is a lover of the inconstant1 and1 therefore1 when the bloom of youth1 which he was desiring1 is over1 takes wing and flies away1 in spite of all his words and promises2 whereas the love of the noble mind1 which is one with the unchanging1 is lifelong4 ,pausanias then proceeds1 at considerable length1 to describe how the customs of ,athens required deliberate choice and trial of character as a condition of honourable love2 how it repudiated hasty and ephemeral attachments1 and engagements formed with the object of money-making or political aggrandisement2 how love on both sides was bound to be disinterested1 and what accession both of dignity and beauty the passion of friends obtained from the pursuit of philosophy1 and from the rendering of mutual services upon the path of virtuous conduct4 ,this sufficiently indicates1 in general terms1 the moral atmosphere in which ,greek love flourished at ,athens4 ,in an earlier part of his speech ,pausanias1 after dwelling upon the distinction between the two kinds of ,aphrodite1 heavenly and vulgar1 describes the latter in a way which proves that the love of boys was held to be ethically superior to that of women4#id ,the ,love who is the offspring of the common ,aphrodite is essentially common1 and has no discrimination1 being such as the meaner sort of men feel1 and is apt to be of women as well as of youths1 and is of the body rather than the soul2 the most foolish beings are the objects of this love1 which desires only to gain an end1 but never thinks of accomplishing the end nobly1 and therefore does good and evil quite indiscriminately4 ,the goddess who is his mother is far younger than the other1 and she was born of the union of the male and female1 and partakes of both4 ,then he turns to the ,uranian love4 ,the offspring of the heavenly ,aphrodite is derived from a mother in whose birth the female has no part4 ,she is from the male only2 this is that love which is of youths1 and the goddess being older1 has nothing of wantonness4 ,those who are inspired by this love turn to the male1 and delight in him who is the most valiant and intelligent nature2 any one may recognise the pure enthusiasts in the very character of their attachments2 for they love not boys1 but intelligent beings whose reason is beginning to be developed1 much about the time at which their beards begin to grow4 ,and in choosing them as their companions they mean to be faithful to them1 and pass their whole life in company with them1 not to take them in their inexperience1 and deceive them1 and play the fool with them1 or run away from one to another of them4 ,but the love of young boys should be forbidden by law1 because their future is uncertain2 they may turn out good or bad1 either in body or soul1 and much noble enthusiasm may be thrown away upon them2 in this matter the good are a law to themselves1 and the coarser sort of lovers ought to be restrained by force1 as we restrain or attempt to restrain them from fixing their affections on women of free birth4 ,these long quotations from a work accessible to every reader may require apology4 ,my excuse for giving them must be that they express in pure ,athenian diction a true ,athenian view of this matter4 ,the most salient characteristics of the whole speech are1 first1 the definition of a code of honour1 distinguishing the nobler from the baser forms of paiderastia2 secondly1 the decided preference of male over female love2 thirdly1 the belief in the possibility of permanent affection between paiderastic friends2 and1 fourthly1 the passing allusion to rules of domestic surveillance under which ,athenian boys were placed4 ,to the first of these points ,i shall have to return on another occasion4 ,with regard to the second1 it is sufficient for the present purpose to remember that free ,athenian women were comparatively uneducated and uninteresting1 and that the hetairai had proverbially bad manners4 ,while men transacted business and enjoyed life in public1 their wives and daughters stayed in the seclusion of the household1 conversing to a great extent with slaves1 and ignorant of nearly all that happened in the world around them4 ,they were treated throughout their lives as minors by the law1 nor could they dispose by will of more than the worth of a bushel of barley4 ,it followed that marriages at ,athens were usually matches of arrangement between the fathers of the bride and the bridegroom1 and that the motives which induced a man to marry were less the desire for companionship than the natural wish for children and a sense of duty to the country4#ie ,demosthenes1 in his speech against ,nera1 declares3#if ,we have courtesans for our pleasures1 concubines for the requirements of the body1 and wives for the procreation of lawful issue4 ,if he had been speaking at a drinking-party1 instead of before a jury1 he might have added1 and young men for intellectual companions4 ,the fourth point which ,i have noted above requires more illustration1 since its bearing on the general condition of ,athenian society is important4 ,owing to the prevalence of paiderastia1 a boy was exposed in ,athens to dangers which are comparatively unknown in our great cities1 and which rendered special supervision necessary4 ,it was the custom for fathers1 when they did not themselves accompany their sons1#ig to commit them to the care of slaves chosen usually among the oldest and most trustworthy4 ,the duty of the attendant guardian was not to instruct the boy1 but to preserve him from the addresses of importunate lovers or from such assaults as ,peisthetrus in the ,birds of ,aristophanes describes4#ih ,he followed his charge to the school and the gymnasium1 and was responsible for bringing him home at the right hour4 ,thus at the end of the ,lysis we read3#ii-- ,suddenly we were interrupted by the tutors of ,lysis and ,menexenus2 who came upon us like an evil apparition with their brothers1 and bade them go home1 as it was getting late4 ,at first1 we and the bystanders drove them off2 but afterwards1 as they would not mind1 and only went on shouting in their barbarous dialect1 and got angry1 and kept calling the boys--they appeared to us to have been drinking rather too much at the ,herma1 which made them difficult to manage--we fairly gave way and broke up the company4 ,in this way the daily conduct of ,athenian boys of birth and good condition was subjected to observation2 and it is not improbable that the charm which invested such lads as ,plato portrayed in his ,charmides and ,lysis was partly due to the self-respect and self-restraint generated by the peculiar conditions under which they passed their life4 ,of the way in which a ,greek boy spent his day1 we gain some notion from two passages in ,aristophanes and ,lucian4 ,the ,dikaios ,logos#ajj tells that-- in his days1 when justice flourished and self-control was held in honour1 a boy's voice was never heard4 ,he walked in order with his comrades of the same quarter1 lightly clad even in winter1 down to the school of the harp-player4 ,there he learned old-fashioned hymns to the gods1 and patriotic songs4 ,while he sat1 he took care to cover his person decently2 and when he rose1 he never forgot to rub out the marks which he might have left upon the dust lest any man should view them after he was gone4 ,at meals he ate what was put before him1 and refrained from idle chattering4 ,walking through the streets1 he never tried to catch a passer's eye or to attract a lover4 ,he avoided the shops1 the baths1#aja the ,agora1 the houses of ,hetairai4#ajb ,he reverenced old age and formed within his soul the image of modesty4 ,in the gymnasium he indulged in fair and noble exercise1 or ran races with his comrades among the olive-trees of the ,academy4 ,the ,adikos ,logos replies by pleading that this temperate sort of life is quite old-fashioned2 boys had better learn to use their tongues and bully4 ,in the last resort he uses a clinching argumentum ad juvenem4#ajc ,were it not for the beautiful and highly-finished portraits in ,plato1 to which ,i have already alluded1 the description of ,aristophanes might be thought a mere ideal2 and1 indeed1 it is probable that the actual life of the average ,athenian boy lay mid-way between the courses prescribed by the ,dikaios and the ,adikos ,logos4 ,meanwhile1 since ,euripides1 together with the whole school of studious and philosophic speculators1 are aimed at in the speeches of the ,adikos ,logos1 it will be fair to adduce a companion picture of the young ,greek educated on the athletic system1 as these men had learned to know him4 ,i quote from the ,autolycus1 a satyric drama of ,euripides3-- ,there are a myriad bad things in ,hellas1 but nothing is worse than the athletes4 ,to begin with1 they do not know how to live like gentlemen1 nor could they if they did2 for how can a man1 the slave of his jaws and his belly1 increase the fortune left him by his father8 ,poverty and ill-luck find them equally incompetent4 ,having acquired no habits of good living1 they are badly off when they come to roughing it4 ,in youth they shine like statues stuck about the town1 and take their walks abroad2 but when old age draws nigh1 you find them as threadbare as an old coat4 ,suppose a man has wrestled well1 or runs fast1 or has hurled a quoit1 or given a black eye in fine style1 has he done the ,state a service by the crowns he won8 ,do soldiers fight with quoits in hand1 or without the press of shields can kicks expel the foeman from the gate8 ,nobody is fool enough to do these things with steel before his face4 ,keep1 then1 your laurels for the wise and good1 for him who rules a city well1 the just and temperate1 who by his speeches wards off ill1 allaying wars and civil strife4 ,these are the things for cities1 yea1 and for all ,greece to boast of4 ,lucian represents1 of course1 a late period of ,attic life4 ,but his picture of the perfect boy completes1 and in some points supplements1 that of ,aristophanes4 ,callicratidas1 in the ,dialogue on ,love1 has just drawn an unpleasing picture of a woman1 surrounded in a fusty boudoir with her rouge-pots and cosmetics1 perfumes1 paints1 combs1 looking-glasses1 hair-dyes1 and curling irons4 ,then he turns to praise boys3#ajd ,how different is the boy6 ,in the morning1 he rises from his chaste couch1 washes the sleep from his eyes with cold water1 puts on his chlamys1#aje and takes his way to the school of the musician or the gymnast4 ,his tutors and guardians attend him1 and his eyes are bent upon the ground4 ,he spends the morning in studying the poets and philosophers1 in riding1 or in military drill4 ,then he betakes himself to the wrestling-ground1 and hardens his body with noontide heat and sweat and dust4 ,the bath follows and a modest meal4 ,after this he returns for awhile to study the lives of heroes and great men4 ,after a frugal supper sleep at last is shed upon his eyelids4 ,such is ,lucian's sketch of the day spent by a young ,greek at the famous ,university of ,athens4 ,much is1 undoubtedly1 omitted2 but enough is said to indicate the simple occupations to which an ,athenian youth1 capable of inspiring an enthusiastic affection1 was addicted4 ,then follows a burst of rhetoric1 which reveals1 when we compare it with the dislike expressed for women1 the deeply-seated virile nature of ,greek love4 ,truly he is worthy to be loved4 ,who would not love ,hermes in the palstra1 or ,phoebus at the lyre1 or ,castor on the racing-ground8 ,who would not wish to sit face to face with such a youth1 to hear him talk1 to share his toils1 to walk with him1 to nurse him in sickness1 to attend him on the sea1 to suffer chains and darkness with him if need be8 ,he who hated him should be my foe1 and who so loved him should be loved by me4 ,at his death ,i would die2 one grave should cover us both2 one cruel hand cut short our lives6 ,in the sequel of the dialogue ,lucian makes it clear that he intends these raptures of ,callicratidas to be taken in great measure for romantic boasting4 ,yet the fact remains that1 till the last1 ,greek paiderastia among the better sort of men implied no effeminacy4 ,community of interest in sport1 in exercise1 and in open-air life rendered it attractive4#ajf ,son of ,eudiades1 ,euphorion1 ,after the boxing-match1 in which he beat1 ,with wreaths ,i crowned1 and set fine silk upon1 ,his forehead and soft blossoms honey-sweet2 ,then thrice ,i kissed him all beblooded there2 ,his mouth ,i kissed1 his eyes1 his every bruise2 ,more fragrant far than frankincense1 ,i swear4 ,was the fierce chrism that from his brows did ooze4 ,i do not care for curls or tresses ,displayed in wily wildernesses2 ,i do not prize the arts that dye ,a painted cheek with hues that fly3 ,give me a boy whose face and hand ,are rough with dust or circus-sand1 ,whose ruddy flesh exhales the scent ,or health without embellishment3 ,sweet to my sense is such a youth1 ,whose charms have all the charm of truth3 ,leave paints and perfumes1 rouge1 and curls1 ,to lazy1 lewd ,corinthian girls4 ,the palstra was the place at ,athens where lovers enjoyed the greatest freedom4 ,in the ,phdrus ,plato observes that the attachment of the lover for a boy grew by meetings and personal contact#ajg in the gymnasiums and other social resorts1 and in the ,symposium he mentions gymnastic exercises1 with philosophy1 and paiderastia1 as the three pursuits of freemen most obnoxious to despots4 schines1 again describing the manners of boy-lovers in language familiar to his audience1 uses these phrases3 having grown up in gymnasium and games1 and the man having been a noisy haunter of gymnasiums1 and having been the lover of multitudes4 ,aristophanes1 also1 in the ,wasps1#ajh employs similar language3 and not seeking to go revelling around in exercising grounds4 ,i may compare ,lucian1 ,amores1 cap4 #b1 you care for gymnasiums and their sleek oiled combatants1 which is said to a notorious boy-lover4 ,boys and men met together with considerable liberty in the porches1 peristyles and other adjuncts to an ,attic wrestling-ground2 and it was here1 too1 that sophists and philosophers established themselves1 with the certainty of attracting a large and eager audience for their discussions4 ,it is true that an ancient law forbade the presence of adults in the wrestling-grounds of boys2 but this law appears to have become almost wholly obsolete in the days of ,plato4 ,socrates1 for example1 in the ,charmides1 goes down immediately after his arrival from the camp at ,potida into the palstra of ,taureas to hear the news of the day1 and the very first question which he asks his friends is whether a new beauty has appeared among the youths4#aji ,so again in the ,lysis1 ,hippothales invites ,socrates to enter the private palstra of ,miccus1 where boys and men were exercising together on the feast-day of ,hermes4#aaj ,the building1 he remarks1 is a newly-erected palstra1 and the entertainment is generally conversation1 to which you are welcome4 ,the scene which immediately follows is well known to ,greek students as one of the most beautiful and vivid pictures of ,athenian life4 ,one group of youths are sacrificing to ,hermes2 another are casting dice in a corner of the dressing-room4 ,lysis himself is standing among the other boys and youths1 having a crown upon his head1 like a fair vision1 and not less worthy of praise for his goodness than for his beauty4 ,the modesty of ,lysis is shown by the shyness which prevents him joining ,socrates' party until he has obtained the company of some of his young friends4 ,then a circle of boys and men is formed in a corner of the court1 and a conversation upon friendship begins4 ,hippothales1 the lover of ,lysis1 keeps at a decorous distance in the background4 ,not less graceful as a picture is the opening of the ,charmides4 ,in answer to a question of ,socrates1 the frequenters of the palstra tell him to expect the coming of young ,charmides4 ,he will then see the most beautiful boy in ,athens at the time3 for those who are just entering are the advanced guard of the great beauty of the day1 and he is likely to be not far off4 ,there is a noise and a bustle at the door1 and while the ,socratic party continues talking ,charmides enters4 ,the effect produced is overpowering3#aaa-- ,you know1 my friend1 that ,i cannot measure anything1 and of the beautiful ,i am simply such a measure as a white line is of chalk2 for almost all young persons appear to be beautiful in my eyes4 ,but at that moment when ,i saw him coming in1 ,i confess that ,i was quite astonished at his beauty and his stature2 all the world seemed to be enamoured of him2 amazement and confusion reigned when he entered2 and a troop of lovers followed him4 ,that grown-up men like ourselves should have been affected in this way was not surprising1 but ,i observed that there was the same feeling among the boys2 all of them1 down to the very least child1 turned and looked at him1 as if he had been a statue4 ,charmides1 like ,lysis1 is persuaded to sit down by ,socrates1 who opens a discussion upon the appropriate question of ,sophrosyne1 or modest temperance and self-restraint4#aab ,he came as he was bidden1 and sat down between ,critias and me4 ,great amusement was occasioned by everyone pushing with might and main at his neighbour in order to make a place for him next to them1 until at the two ends of the row one had to get up1 and the other was rolled over sideways4 ,now ,i1 my friend1 was beginning to feel awkward2 my former bold belief in my powers of conversing with him had vanished4 ,and when ,critias told him that ,i was the person who had the cure1 he looked at me in such an indescribable manner1 and was going to ask a question2 and then all the people in the palstra crowded about us1 and1 ,o rare6 ,i caught a sight of the inwards of his garment1 and took the flame4 ,then ,i could no longer contain myself4 ,i thought how well ,cydias understood the nature of love when1 in speaking of a fair youth1 he warns someone1 'not to bring the fawn in the sight of the lion to be devoured by him1' for ,i felt that ,i had been overcome by a sort of wild-beast appetite4 ,the whole tenor of the dialogue makes it clear that1 in spite of the admiration he excited1 the honour paid him by a public character like ,socrates and the troops of lovers and of friends surrounding him1 yet ,charmides was unspoiled4 ,his docility1 modesty1 simplicity1 and healthiness of soul are at least as remarkable as the beauty for which he was so famous4 ,a similar impression is produced upon our minds by ,autolycus in the ,symposium of ,xenophon4#aac ,callias1 his acknowledged lover#aad had invited him to a banquet after a victory which he had gained in the pancration2 and many other guests1 including the ,socratic party1 were asked to meet him4 ,autolycus came1 attended by his father2 and as soon as the tables were covered and the seats had been arranged1 a kind of divine awe fell upon the company4 ,the grown-up men were dazzled by the beauty and the modest bearing of the boy1 just as when a bright light is brought into a darkened room4 ,everybody gazed at him1 and all were silent1 sitting in uncomfortable attitudes of expectation and astonishment4 ,the dinner party would have passed off very tamely if ,phillipus1 a professional diner-out and jester1 had not opportunely made his appearance4 ,autolycus meanwhile never uttered a word1 but lay beside his father like a breathing statue4 ,later on in the evening he was obliged to answer a question4 ,he opened his lips with blushes1 and all he said was1#aae ,not ,i1 by gad4 ,still1 even this created a great sensation in the company4 ,everybody1 says ,xenophon1 was charmed to hear his voice1 and turned their eyes upon him4 ,it should be remarked that the conversation at this party fell almost entirely upon matters of love4 ,critobulus1 for example1 who was very beautiful and rejoiced in having many lovers1 gave a full account of his own feelings for ,cleinias4#aaf ,you all tell me1 he argued1 that ,i am beautiful1 and ,i cannot but believe you2 but if ,i am1 and if you feel what ,i feel when ,i look on ,cleinias1 ,i think that beauty is better worth having than all ,persia4 ,i would choose to be blind to everybody else if ,i could only see ,cleinias1 and ,i hate the night because it robs me of his sight4 ,i would rather be the slave of ,cleinias than live without him2 ,i would rather toil and suffer danger for his sake than live alone at ease and in safety4 ,i would go through fire with him1 as you would with me4 ,in my soul ,i carry an image of him better made than any sculptor could fashion4 ,what makes this speech the more singular is that ,critobulus was a newly-married man4 ,but to return from this digression to the palstra4 ,the ,greeks were conscious that gymnastic exercises tended to encourage and confirm the habit of paiderastia4 ,the cities which have most to do with gymnastics1 is the phrase which ,plato uses to describe the states where ,greek love flourished4#aag ,herodotus says the barbarians borrowed gymnastics together with paiderastia from the ,hellenes2 and we hear that ,polycrates of ,samos caused the gymnasia to be destroyed when he wished to discountenance the love which lent the warmth of personal enthusiasm to political associations4#aah ,it was common to erect statues of love in the wrestling-grounds2 and there1 says ,plutarch1#aai the god's wings grew so wide that no man could restrain his flight4 ,readers of the idyllic poets will remember that it was a statue of ,love which fell from its pedestal in the swimming-bath upon the cruel boy who had insulted the body of his self-slain friend4#abj ,charmus1 the lover of ,hippias1 erected an image of ,ers in the academy at ,athens which bore this epigram3-- ,love1 god of many evils and various devices1 ,charmus set up this altar to thee upon the shady boundaries of the gymnasium4#aba ,ers1 in fact1 was as much at home in the gymnasia of ,athens as ,aphrodite in the temples of ,corinth2 he was the patron of paiderastia1 as she of female love4 ,thus ,meleager writes3-- ,the ,cyprian queen1 a woman1 hurls the fire that maddens men for females2 but ,ers himself sways the love of males for males4#abb ,plutarch1 again1 in the ,erotic dialogue1 alludes to ,ers1 where ,aphrodite is not2 ,ers apart from ,aphrodite4 ,these facts relating to the gymnasia justified ,cicero in saying1 ,mihi quidem hc in ,grcorum gymnasiis nata consuetudo videtur2 in quibus isti liberi et concesi sunt amores4 ,he adds1 with a true ,roman's antipathy to ,greek sthetics and their flimsy screen for sensuality1 ,bene ergo ,ennius1 flagitii principium est nudare inter cives corpora4#abc ,to me1 indeed1 it seems that this custom was generated in the gymnasiums of the ,greeks1 for there those loves are freely indulged and sanctioned4 ,ennius therefore very properly observed that the beginning of vice is the habit of stripping the body among citizens4 ,the ,attic gymnasia and schools were regulated by strict laws4 ,we have already seen that adults were not supposed to enter the palstra2 and the penalty for the infringement of this rule by the gymnasiarch was death4 ,in the same way1 schools had to be shut at sunset and not opened again before daybreak2 nor was a grown-up man allowed to frequent them4 ,the public chorus teachers of boys were obliged to be above the age of forty4#abd ,slaves who presumed to make advances to a free boy were subject to the severest penalties2 in like manner they were prohibited from gymnastic exercises4 schines1 from whom we learn these facts1 draws the correct conclusion that gymnastics and ,greek love were intended to be the special privilege of freemen4 ,still1 in spite of all restrictions1 the palstra was the centre of ,athenian profligacy1 the place in which not only honourable attachments were formed1 but disgraceful bargains also were concluded2#abe and it is not improbable that men like ,taureas and ,miccus1 who opened such places of amusement as a private speculation1 may have played the part of go-betweens and panders4 ,their walls1 and the plane-trees which grew along their open courts1 were inscribed by lovers with the names of boys who had attracted them4 ,to scrawl up1 ,fair is ,dinomeneus1 fair is the boy1 was a common custom1 as we learn from ,aristophanes and from this anonymous epigram in the ,anthology3#abf-- ,i said and once again ,i said1 'fair1 fair'2 but still will ,i go on repeating how fascinating with his eyes is ,dositheus4 ,not upon an oak1 nor on a pine-tree1 nor yet upon a wall1 will ,i inscribe this word2 but love is smouldering in my heart of hearts4 ,another attention of the same kind from a lover to a boy was to have a vase or drinking-cup of baked clay made1 with a portrait of the youth depicted on its surface1 attended by winged genii of health and love4 ,the word ,fair was inscribed beneath1 and symbols of games were added--a hoop or a fighting-cock4#abg ,nor must ,i here omit the custom which induced lovers of a literary turn to praise their friends in prose or verse4 ,hippothales1 in the ,lysis of ,plato1 is ridiculed by his friends for recording the great deeds of the boy's ancestors1 and deafening his ears with odes and sonnets4 ,a diatribe on love1 written by ,lysias with a view to winning ,phdrus1 forms the starting-point of the dialogue between that youth and ,socrates4#abh ,we have1 besides1 a curious panegyrical oration 7called ,eroticos ,logos71 falsely ascribed to ,demosthenes1 in honour of a youth1 ,epicrates1 from which some information may be gathered concerning the topics usually developed in these compositions4 ,presents were of course a common way of trying to win favour4 ,it was reckoned shameful for boys to take money from their lovers1 but fashion permitted them to accept gifts of quails and fighting cocks1 pheasants1 horses1 dogs and clothes4#abi ,there existed1 therefore1 at ,athens frequent temptations for boys of wanton disposition1 or for those who needed money to indulge expensive tastes4 ,the speech of schines1 from which ,i have already frequently quoted1 affords a lively picture of the ,greek rake's progress1 in which ,timarchus is described as having sold his person in order to gratify his gluttony and lust and love of gaming4 ,the whole of this passage1#acj it may be observed in passing1 reads like a description of ,florentine manners in a sermon of ,savonarola4 ,the shops of the barbers1 surgeons1 perfumers1 and flower-sellers had an evil notoriety1 and lads who frequented these resorts rendered themselves liable to suspicion4 ,thus schines accuses ,timarchus of having exposed himself for hire in a surgeon's shop at the ,peirus2 while one of ,straton's most beautiful epigrams#aca describes an assignation which he made with a boy who had attracted his attention in a garland-weaver's stall4 ,in a fragment from the ,pyraunos of ,alexis1 a young man declares that he found thirty professors of the voluptuous life of pleasure1 in the ,cerameicus during a search of three days2 while ,cratinus and ,theopompus might be quoted to prove the ill fame of the monument to ,cimon and the hill of ,lycabettus4#acb ,the last step in the downward descent was when a youth abandoned the roof of his parents or guardians and accepted the hospitality of a lover4#acc ,if he did this1 he was lost4 ,in connection with this portion of the subject1 it may be well to state that the ,athenian law recognised contracts made between a man and boy1 even if the latter were of free birth1 whereby the one agreed to render up his person for a certain period and purpose1 and the other to pay a fixed sum of money4#acd ,the phrase a boy who has been a prostitute1 occurs quite naturally in ,aristophanes2#ace nor was it thought disreputable for men to engage in these liaisons4 ,disgrace only attached to the free youth who gained a living by prostitution2 and he was liable1 as we shall see1 at law to loss of civil rights4 ,public brothels for males were kept in ,athens1 from which the state derived a portion of its revenues4 ,it was in one of these bad places that ,socrates first saw ,phdo4#acf ,this unfortunate youth was a native of ,elis4 ,taken prisoner in war1 he was sold in the public market to a slave-dealer1 who then acquired the right by ,attic law to prostitute his person and engross his earnings for his own pocket4 ,a friend of ,socrates1 perhaps ,cebes1 bought him from his master1 and he became one of the chief members of the ,socratic circle4 ,his name is given to the ,platonic dialogue on immortality1 and he lived to found what is called the ,eleo-,socratic ,school4 ,no reader of ,plato forgets how the sage1 on the eve of his death1 stroked the beautiful long hair of ,phdo1#acg and prophesied that he would soon have to cut it short in mourning for his teacher4 ,agathocles1 the tyrant of ,syracuse1 is said to have spent his youth in brothels of this sort--by inclination1 however1 if the reports of his biographers be not calumnious4 ,from what has been collected on this topic1 it will be understood that boys in ,athens not unfrequently caused quarrels and street-brawls1 and that cases for recovery of damages or breach of contract were brought before the ,attic law-courts4 ,the ,peirus was especially noted for such scenes of violence4 ,the oration of ,lysias against ,simon is a notable example of the pleadings in a cause of this description4#ach ,simon1 the defendant1 and ,lysias1 the plaintiff 7or some one for whom ,lysias had composed the speech7 were both of them attached to ,theodotus1 a boy from ,plata4 ,theodotus was living with the plaintiff2 but the defendant asserted that the boy had signed an agreement to consort with him for the consideration of three hundred drachm1 and1 relying on this contract1 he had attempted more than once to carry off the boy by force4 ,violent altercations1 stone-throwings1 house-breakings1 and encounters of various kinds having ensued1 the plaintiff brought an action for assault and battery against ,simon4 ,a modern reader is struck with the fact that he is not at all ashamed of his own relation towards ,theodotus4 ,it may be noted that the details of this action throw light upon the historic brawl at ,corinth1 in which a boy was killed1 and which led to the foundation of ,syracuse by ,archias the ,bacchiad4#aci ,,xiv4 ,we have seen in the foregoing section that paiderastia at ,athens was closely associated with liberty1 manly sports1 severe studies1 enthusiasm1 self-sacrifice1 self-control1 and deeds of daring1 by those who cared for those things4 ,it has also been made abundantly manifest that no serious moral shame attached to persons who used boys like women1 but that effeminate youths of free birth were stigmatised for their indecent profligacy4 ,it remains still to ascertain the more delicate distinctions which were drawn by ,attic law and custom in this matter1 though what has been already quoted from ,pausanias1 in the ,symposium of ,plato1 may be taken fairly to express the code of honour among gentlemen4 ,in the ,plutus1#adj ,aristophanes is careful to divide boys with lovers1 into the good1 and the strumpets4 ,this distinction will serve as basis for the following remarks4 ,a very definite line was drawn by the ,athenians between boys who accepted the addresses of their lovers because they liked them or because they were ambitious of comradeship with men of spirit1 and those who sold their bodies for money4 ,minute inquiry was never instituted into the conduct of the former class2 else ,alcibiades could not have made his famous declaration about ,socrates1#ada nor would ,plato in the ,phdrus have regarded an occasional breach of chastity1 under the compulsion of violent passion1 as a venial error4#adb ,the latter1 on the other hand1 besides being visited with universal censure1 were disqualified by law from exercising the privileges of the franchise1 from undertaking embassies1 from frequenting the ,agora1 and from taking part in public festivals1 under the penalty of death4 schines1 from whom we learn the wording of this statute1 adds3#adc ,this law he passed with regard to youths who sin with facility and readiness against their own bodies4 ,he then proceeds to define the true nature of prostitution1 prohibited by law to the citizens of ,athens4 ,it is this3 ,any one who acts in this way towards a single man1 provided he do it with payment1 seems to me to be liable to the reproach in question4#add ,the whole discussion turns upon the word ,misthos4 ,the orator is cautious to meet the argument that a written contract was necessary in order to construct a case of ,hetaireia at law4#ade ,in the statute1 he observes1 there is no mention of contract or deed in writing4 ,the offence has been sufficiently established when in any way whatever payment has been made4 ,in order to illustrate the feeling of the ,athenians with regard to making profit out of paiderastic relations1 ,i may perhaps be permitted to interrupt the analysis of schines by referring to ,xenophon's character 7,anab4 si1 #f1 #ba7 of the ,strategus ,menon4 ,the whole tenor of his judgment is extremely unfavourable toward this man1 who invariable pursued selfish and mean aims1 debasing virtuous qualities like ambition and industry in the mere pursuit of wealth and power4 ,he was1 in fact1 devoid of chivalrous feeling1 good taste1 and honour4 ,about his behaviour as a youth1 ,xenophon writes3 ,with ,arius1 the barbarian1 because this man was partial to handsome youths1 he became extremely intimate while he was still in the prime of adolescence2 moreover1 he had ,tharypas for his beloved1 he being beardless and ,tharypas a man with a beard4 ,his crime seems to have been that he prostituted himself to the barbarian ,arius in order to advance his interest1 and1 probably with the same view1 flattered the effeminate vanity of an elder man by pretending to love him out of the right time or season4 ,plutarch 7,pyrrhus7 mentions this ,tharypas as the first to introduce ,hellenic manners among the ,molossi4 ,when more than one lover was admitted1 the guilt was aggravated4 ,it will then be manifest that he has not only acted the strumpet1 but that he has been a common prostitute4 ,for he who does this indifferently1 and with money1 and for money1 seems to have incurred that designation4 ,thus the question finally put to the ,areopagus1 in which court the case against ,timarchus was tried1 ran as follows1 in the words of schines3#adf ,to which of these two classes will you reckon ,timarchus--to those who have had a lover1 or to those who have been prostitutes8 ,in his rhetorical exposition1 schines defines the true character of the virtuous ,eromenos4 ,frankly admitting his own partiality for beautiful young men1 he argues after this fashion3#adg ,i do not attach any blame to love4 ,i do not take away the character of handsome lads4 ,i do not deny that ,i have often loved1 and had many quarrels and jealousies in this matter4 ,but ,i establish this as an irrefutable fact1 that1 while the love of beautiful and temperate youths does honour to humanity and indicates a generous temper1 the buying of the person of a free boy for debauchery is a mark of insolence and ill-breeding4 ,to be loved is an honour3 to sell yourself is a disgrace4 ,he then appeals to the law which forbade slaves to love1 thereby implying that this was the privilege and pride of free men4 ,he alludes to the heroic deed of ,aristogeiton and to the great example of ,achilles4 ,finally1 he draws up a list of well-known and respected citizens whose loves were notorious1 and compares them with a parallel list of persons infamous for their debauchery4 ,what remains in the peroration to this invective traverses the same ground4 ,some phrases may be quoted which illustrate the popular feeling of the ,athenians4 ,timarchus is stigmatised#adh as1 the man and male who1 in spite of this1 has debauched his body by womanly acts of lust1 and again as1 one who against the law of nature has given himself to lewdness4 ,it is obvious here that schines1 the self-avowed boy-lover1 while seeking to crush his opponent by flinging effeminacy and unnatural behaviour in his teeth1 assumes at the same time that honourable paiderastia implies no such disgrace4 ,again1 he observes that it is as easy to recognise a pathic by his impudent behaviour as a gymnast by his muscles4 ,lastly1 he bids the judges force intemperate lovers to abstain from free youths1 and satisfy their lusts upon the persons of foreigners and aliens4#adi ,the whole matter at this distance of time is obscure1 nor can we hope to apprehend the full force of distinctions drawn by a ,greek orator appealing to a ,greek audience4 ,we may1 indeed1 fairly presume that1 as is always the case with popular ethics1 considerable confusion existed in the minds of the ,athenians themselves1 and that1 even for them1 to formulate the whole of their social feelings on this topic consistently1 would have been impossible4 ,the main point1 however1 seems to be that at ,athens it was held honourable to love free boys with decency2 that the conduct of lovers between themselves1 within the limits of recognised friendship1 was not challenged2 and that no particular shame attached to profligate persons so long as they refrained from tampering with the sons of citizens4#aej ,,xv4 ,the sources from which our information has hitherto been drawn--speeches1 poems1 biographies1 and the dramatic parts of dialogues--yield more real knowledge about the facts of ,athenian paiderastia than can be found in the speculations of philosophers4 ,in ,aristotle1 for instance1 paiderastia is almost conspicuous by its absence4 ,it is true that he speculates upon the ,cretan customs in the ,politics1 mentions the prevalence of boy-love among the ,kelts1 and incidentally notices the legends of ,diocles and ,cleomachus2#aea but he never discusses the matter as fully as might have been expected from a philosopher whose speculations covered the whole field of ,greek experience4 ,the chapters on ,philia1 in the ,ethics1 might indeed have been written by a modern moralist for modern readers1 though it is possible that in his treatment of friendship with pleasure for its object1 and friendship with advantage for its object1 ,aristotle is aiming at the vicious sort of paiderastia4 ,as regards his silence in the ,politics1 it is worth noticing that this treatise breaks off at the very point where we should naturally look for a scientific handling of the education of the passions2 and1 therefore1 it is possible that we may have lost the weightiest utterance of ,greek philosophy upon the matter of our enquiry4 ,though ,aristotle contains but little to the purpose1 the case is different with ,plato2 nor would it be possible to omit a detailed examination of the ,platonic doctrine on the topic1 or to neglect the attempt he made to analyse and purify a passion1 capable1 according to his earlier philosophical speculations1 of supplying the starting-point for spiritual progress4 ,the first point to notice in the ,platonic treatment of paiderastia is the difference between the ethical opinions expressed in the ,phdrus1 ,symposium1 ,republic1 ,charmides1 and ,lysis1 on the one hand1 and those expounded in the ,laws upon the other4 ,the ,laws1 which are probably a genuine work of ,plato's old age1 condemn that passion which1 in the ,phdrus and ,symposium1 he exalted as the greatest boon of human life and as the groundwork of the philosophical temperament2 the ordinary social manifestations of which he described with sympathy in the ,lysis and the ,charmides2 and which he viewed with more than toleration in the ,republic4 ,it is not my business to offer a solution of this contradiction2 but ,i may observe that ,socrates1 who plays the part of protagonist in nearly all the other dialogues of ,plato1 and who1 as we shall see1 professed a special cult of love1 is conspicuous by his absence in the ,laws4 ,it is1 therefore1 not improbable that the philosophical idealisation of paiderastia1 to which the name of ,platonic love is usually given1 should rather be described as ,socratic4 ,however that may be1 ,i think it will be well to deal first with the doctrine put into the mouth of the ,athenian stranger in the ,laws1 and then to pass on to the consideration of what ,socrates is made to say upon the subject of ,greek love in the earlier dialogues4 ,the position assumed by ,plato in the ,laws 7p4 #fcf7 is this3 ,syssitia and gymnasia are excellent institutions in their way1 but they have a tendency to degrade natural love in man below the level of the beasts4 ,pleasure is only natural when it arises out of the intercourse between men and women1 but the intercourse between men and men1 or women and women1 is contrary to nature4#aeb ,the bold attempt at overleaping ,nature's laws was due originally to unbridled lust4 ,this position is developed in the eighth book 7p4 #hcf71 where ,plato directs his criticism1 not only against what would now be termed the criminal intercourse between persons of the same sex1 but also against incontinence in general4 ,while framing a law of almost monastic rigour for the regulation of the sexual appetite1 he remains an ancient ,greek4 ,he does not reach the point of view from which women are regarded as the proper objects of both passion and friendship1 as the fit companions of men in all relations of life2 far less does he revert to his earlier speculations upon the enthusiasm generated by a noble passion4 ,the modern ideal of marriage and the chivalrous conception of womanhood as worthy to be worshipped are like unknown to him4 ,abstinence from the delights of love1 continence except for the sole end of procreation1 is the rule which he proposes to the world4 99 99 99 99 99 ,there are three distinct things1 ,plato argues1 which1 owing to the inadequacy of language to represent states of thought1 have been confounded4#aec ,these are friendship1 desire1 and a third mixed species4 ,friendship is further described as the virtuous affection of equals in taste1 age and station4 ,desire is always founded on a sense of contrast4 ,while friendship is gentle and mutual through life1 desire is fierce and wild4#aed ,the true friend seeks to live chastely with the chaste object of his attachment1 whose soul he loves4 ,the lustful lover longs to enjoy the flower of his youth and cares only for the body4 ,the third sort is mixed of these2 and a lover of this composite kind is torn asunder by two impulses1 the one commanding him to enjoy the youth's person1 the other forbidding him to do so4#aee ,the description of the lover of the third species so exactly suits the paiderast of nobler quality in ,greece1 as ,i conceive him to have actually existed1 that ,i shall give a full quotation of this passage3#aef-- ,as to the mixed sort1 which is made up of them both1 there is1 first of all1 a difficulty in determining what he who is possessed by this third love desires2 moreover1 he is drawn different ways1 and is in doubt between the two principles1 the one exhorting him to enjoy the beauty of the youth1 and the other forbidding him2 for the one is a lover of the body and hungers after beauty like ripe fruit1 and would fain satisfy himself without any regard to the character of the beloved2 the other holds the desire of the body to be a secondary matter1 and1 looking rather than loving with his soul1 and desiring the soul of the other in a becoming manner1 regards the satisfaction of the bodily love as wantonness2 he reverences and respects temperance and courage and magnanimity and wisdom1 and wishes to live chastely with the chaste object of his affection4 ,it is remarkable that ,plato1 in this analysis of the three sorts of love1 keeps strictly within the bounds of paiderastia4 ,he rejects desire and the mixed sort of love1 reserving friendship 7,philia7 and ordaining marriage for the satisfaction of the aphrodisiac instinct at a fitting age1 but more particularly for the procreation of children4 ,wantonness of every description is to be made as much a sin as incest1 both by law and also by the world's opinion4 ,if ,olympian victors1 with an earthly crown in view1 learn to live chastely for the preservation of their strength while training1 shall not men1 whose contest is for heavenly prizes1 keep their bodies undefiled1 their spirits holy8 ,socrates1 the mystagogue of amorous philosophy1 is absent1 as ,i have observed1 from this discussion of the laws4 ,i turn now to those earlier dialogues in which he expounds the doctrine of ,platonic1 or1 as ,i should prefer to call it1 ,socratic1 love4 ,we know from ,xenophon1 as well as ,plato1 that ,socrates named his philosophy the ,science of ,love4 ,the one thing on which ,i pride myself1 he says1 is knowledge of all matters that pertain to love4 ,it furthermore appears that ,socrates thought himself in a peculiar sense predestined to reform and to ennoble paiderastia4 ,finding this passion at its height throughout the whole of ,hellas1 but most especially in ,athens1 and all places full of evil lovers and of youths seduced1 he felt a pity for both parties4 ,not being a lawgiver like ,solon1 he could not stop the custom by statute1 nor correct it by force1 nor again dissuade men from it by his eloquence4 ,he did not1 however1 on that account abandon the lovers or the boys to their fate1 but tried to suggest a remedy4 ,this passage1 which ,i have paraphrased from ,maximus ,tyrius1#aeg sufficiently expresses the attitude assumed by ,socrates in the ,platonic dialogue4 ,he sympathises with ,greek lovers1 and avows a fervent admiration for beauty in the persons of young men4 ,at the same time1 he declares himself upon the side of temperate and generous affection and strives to utilise the erotic enthusiasm as a motive power in the direction of philosophy4 ,this was really nothing more or less than an attempt to educate the ,athenians by appealing to their own higher instincts4 ,we have seen that paiderastia in the prime of ,hellenic culture1 whatever sensual admixture it might have contained1 was a masculine passion4 ,it was closely connected with the love of political independence1 with the contempt for ,asiatic luxury1 with the gymnastic sports1 and with the intellectual interests which distinguished ,hellenes from barbarians4 ,partly owing to the social habits of their cities1 and partly to the peculiar notions which they entertained regarding the seclusion of free women in the home1 all the higher elements of spiritual and mental activity1 and the conditions under which a generous passion was conceivable1 had become the exclusive privileges of men4 ,it was not that women occupied a semi-servile station1 as some students have imagined1 or that within the sphere of the household they were not the respected and trusted helpmates of men4 ,but circumstances rendered it impossible for them to excite romantic and enthusiastic passion4 ,the exaltation of the emotions was reserved for the male sex4 ,socrates1 therefore1 sought to direct and moralise a force already existing4 ,in the ,phdrus he describes the passion of love between man and boy as a madness1 not different in quality from that which inspires poets2 and1 after painting that fervid picture of the lover1 he declares that the true object of a noble life can only be attained by passionate friends1 bound together in the chains of close yet temperate comradeship1 seeking always to advance in knowledge1 self-restraint1 and intellectual illumination4 ,the doctrine of the ,symposium is not different1 except that ,socrates here takes a higher flight4 ,the same love is treated as the method whereby the soul may begin her mystic journey to the region of essential beauty1 truth1 and goodness4 ,it has frequently been remarked that ,plato's dialogues have to be read as poems1 even more than as philosophical treatises2 and if this be true at all1 it is particularly true of both the ,phdrus and the ,symposium4 ,the lesson which both essays seem intended to inculcate is this3 love1 like poetry and prophecy1 is a divine gift1 which diverts men from the common current of their lives2 but in the right use of this gift lies the secret of all human excellence4 ,the passion which grovels in the filth of sensual grossness may be transformed into a glorious enthusiasm1 a winged splendour1 capable of soaring to the contemplation of eternal verities4 ,how strange will it be1 when once those heights of intellectual intuition have been scaled1 to look down again to earth and view the ,meirakidia in whom the soul first recognised the form of beauty6#aeh ,there is a deeply-rooted mysticism1 an impenetrable soofyism1 in the ,socratic doctrine of ,ers4 ,in the ,phdrus1 the ,symposium1 the ,charmides1 the ,lysis1 and the ,republic1 ,plato dramatised the real ,socrates1 while he gave liberal scope to his own personal sympathy for paiderastia4#aei ,in the ,laws1 if we accept this treatise as the work of his old age1 he discarded the ,socratic mask1 and wrote a kind of palinode1 which indicates more moral growth than pure disapprobation of the paiderastic passion4 ,i have already tried to show that the point of view in the ,laws is still ,greek3 that their author has not passed beyond the sphere of ,hellenic ethics4 ,he has only become more ascetic in his rule of conduct as the years advanced1 importing the rumores senum severiorum into his discourse1 and recognising the imperfection of that halting-point between the two logical extremes of ,pagan license and monastic asceticism which in the fervour of his greener age he advocated4 ,as a young man1 ,plato felt sympathy for love so long as it was paiderastic and not spent on women2 he even condoned a lapse through warmth of feeling into self-indulgence4 ,as an old man1 he denounced carnal pleasure of all kinds1 and sought to limit the amative instincts to the one sole end of procreation4 ,it has so happened that ,plato's name is still connected with the ideal of passion purged from sensuality4 ,much might be written about the parallel between the mania of the ,phdrus and the joy of medival amorists4 ,nor would it be unprofitable to trace the points of contact between the love described by ,dante in the ,vita ,nuova and the paiderastia exalted to the heavens by ,plato4#afj ,the spiritual passion for ,beatrice1 which raised the ,florentine poet above vile things1 and led him by the philosophic paths of the ,convito to the beatific vision of the ,paradiso1 bears no slight resemblance to the ,ers of the ,symposium4 ,yet we know that ,dante could not have studied ,plato's works2 and the specific love which ,plato praised he sternly stigmatised4 ,the harmony between ,greek and medival mysticism in this matter of the emotions rests on something permanent in human nature1 common alike to paiderastia and to chivalrous enthusiasm for woman4 ,it would be well worth raising here the question whether there was not something special both in the ,greek consciousness itself1 and also in the conditions under which it reached maturity1 which justified the ,socratic attempt to idealise paiderastia4 ,placed upon the borderland of barbarism1 divided from the ,asiatic races by an acute but narrow line of demarcation1 the ,greeks had arrived at the first free notion of the spirit in its disentanglement from matter and from symbolism4 ,but this notion of the spirit was still sthetic1 rather than strictly ethical or rigorously scientific4 ,in the ,greek gods1 intelligence is perfected and character is well defined2 but these gods are always concrete persons1 with corporeal forms adapted to their spiritual essence4 ,the interpenetration of spiritual and corporeal elements in a complete personality1 the transfusion of intellectual and emotional faculties throughout a physical organism exactly suited to their adequate expression1 marks ,greek religion and ,greek art4 ,what the ,greeks worshipped in their ritual1 what they represented in their sculpture1 was always personality--the spirit and the flesh in amity and mutual correspondence2 the spirit burning through the flesh and moulding it to individual forms2 the flesh providing a fit dwelling for the spirit which controlled and fashioned it4 ,only philosophers1 among the ,greeks1 attempted to abstract the spirit as a self-sufficient1 independent1 conscious entity2 and these philosophers were few1 and what they wrote or spoke had little direct influence upon the people4 ,this being the mental attitude of the ,greek race1 it followed as a necessity that their highest emotional aspirations1 their purest personal service1 should be devoted to clear and radiant incarnations of the spirit in a living person4 ,they had never been taught to regard the body with a sense of shame1 but rather to admire it as the temple of the spirit1 and to accept its needs and instincts with natural acquiescence4 ,male beauty disengaged for them the passion it inspired from service of domestic1 social1 civic duties4 ,the female form aroused desire1 but it also suggested maternity and obligations of the household4 ,the male form was the most perfect image of the deity1 self-contained1 subject to no necessities of impregnation1 determined in its action only by the laws of its own reason and its own volition4 ,quite a different order of ideas governed the ideal adopted by medival chivalry4 ,the spirit in its self-sufficingness1 detached from the body1 antagonistic to the body1 had been divinised by ,christianity4 ,woman1 regarded as a virgin and at the same time a mother1 the maiden-mother of ,god made man1 had been exalted to the throne of heaven4 ,the worship of woman became1 by a natural and logical process1 the correlative in actual human life for that worship of the incarnate ,deity which was the essence of religion4 ,a remarkable point in medival love is that the sensual appetites were1 theoretically at least1 excluded from the homage paid to woman4 ,it was not the wife or the mistress1 but the lady1 who inspired the knight4 ,dante had children by ,gemma1 ,petrarch had children by an unknown concubine1 but it was the sainted ,beatrice1 it was the unattainable ,laura1 who received the homage of ,dante and of ,petrarch4 ,in like manner1 the sensual appetites were1 theoretically at least1 excluded from ,platonic paiderastia4 ,it was the divine in human flesh--the radiant sight of the beloved1 to quote from ,plato2 the fairest and most intellectual of earthly bodies1 to borrow a phrase from ,maximus ,tyrius--it was this which stimulated the ,greek lover1 just as a similar incarnation of divinity inspired the chivalrous lover4 ,thus we might argue that the ,platonic conception of paiderastia furnishes a close analogue to the chivalrous devotion to women1 due regard being paid to the differences which existed between the plastic ideal of ,greek religion and the romantic ideal of medival ,christianity4 ,the one veiled sodomy1 the other adultery4 ,that in both cases the conception was rarely realised in actual life only completes the parallel4 ,to pursue this inquiry further is1 however1 alien to my task4 ,it is enough to have indicated the psychological agreement in respect of purified affection which underlay two such apparently antagonistic ideals of passion4 ,few modern writers1 when they speak with admiration or contempt of ,platonic love1 reflect that in its origin this phrase denoted an absorbing passion for young men4 ,the ,platonist1 as appears from numerous passages in the ,platonic writings1 would have despised the ,petrarchist as a vulgar woman-lover4 ,the ,petrarchist would have loathed the ,platonist as a moral ,pariah4 ,yet ,platonic love1 in both its ,attic and its medival manifestations1 was one and the same thing4 ,the philosophical ideal of paiderastia in ,greece1 which bore the names of ,socrates and ,plato1 met with little but contempt4 ,cicero1 in a passage which has been echoed by ,gibbon1 remarked upon1 the thin device of virtue and friendship which amused the philosophers of ,athens4#afa ,epicurus criticised the ,stoic doctrine of paiderastia by sententiously observing that philosophers only differed from the common race of men in so far as they could better cloak their vice with sophistries4 ,this severe remark seems justified by the opinions ascribed to ,zeno by ,plutarch1 ,sextus ,empiricus1 and ,stobus4#afb ,but it may be doubted whether the real drift of the ,stoic theory of love1 founded on ,adiaphopha1 was understood4 ,lucian1 in the ,amores1#afc makes ,charicles1 the advocate of love for women1 deride the ,socratic ideal as vain nonsense1 while ,theomnestus1 the man of pleasure1 to whom the dispute is finally referred1 decides that the philosophers are either fools or humbugs4#afd ,daphnus1 in the erotic dialogue of ,plutarch1 arrives at a similar conclusion2 and1 in an essay on education1 the same author contends that no prudent father would allow the sages to enter into intimacy with his sons4#afe ,the discredit incurred by philosophers in the later age of ,greek culture is confirmed by more than one passage in ,petronius and ,juvenal1 while ,athenus especially inveighs against philosophic lovers as acting against nature4#aff ,the attempt of the ,platonic ,socrates to elevate1 without altering1 the morals of his race may therefore be said fairly to have failed4 ,like his ,republic1 his love existed only in heaven4 ,,xvi4 ,philip of ,macedon1 when he pronounced the panegyric of the ,sacred ,band at ,chronea1 uttered the funeral oration of ,greek love in its nobler forms4 ,with the decay of military spirit and the loss of freedom1 there was no sphere left for that type of comradeship which ,i attempted to describe in ,section ,,iv4 ,the philosophical ideal1 to which some cultivated ,attic thinkers had aspired1 remained unrealised1 except1 we may perhaps suppose1 in isolated instances4 ,meanwhile1 paiderastia as a vice did not diminish4 ,it only grew more wanton and voluptuous4 ,little1 therefore1 can be gained by tracing its historical development further1 although it is not without interest to note the mode of feeling and the opinion of some later poets and rhetoricians4 ,the ,idyllists are the only poets1 if we except a few epigrammatists of the ,anthology1 who preserve a portion of the old heroic sentiment4 ,no true student of ,greek literature will have felt that he could strictly censure the paiderastic passages of the ,thalysia1 ,ates1 ,hylas1 ,paidika4 ,they have the ring of genuine and respectable emotion4 ,this may also be said about the two fragments of ,bion which begin1 ,hespere tas eratas and ,olbioi oi phileontes4 ,the ,dusers1 ascribed without due warrant to ,theocritus1 is in many respects a beautiful composition1 but it lacks the fresh and manly touches of the master's style1 and bears the stamp of an unwholesome rhetoric4 ,why1 indeed1 should we pity this suicide1 and why should the statue of ,love have fallen on the object of his admiration8 ,maximus ,tyrius showed more sense when he contemptuously wrote about those men who killed themselves for love of a beautiful lad in ,locri3#afg ,and in good sooth they deserved to die4 ,the dialogue1 entitled ,erotes1 attributed to ,lucian1 deserves a paragraph4 ,more than any other composition of the rhetorical age of ,greek literature1 it attempts a comprehensive treatment of erotic passion1 and sums up the teaching of the doctors and the predilections of the vulgar in one treatise4#afh ,like many of ,lucian's compositions1 it has what may be termed a retrospective and resumptive value4 ,that is to say1 it represents less the actual feeling of the author and his age than the result of his reading and reflection brought into harmony with his experience4 ,the scene is laid at ,cnidus1 in the groves of ,aphrodite4 ,the temple and the garden and the statue of ,praxiteles are described with a luxury of language which strikes the keynote of the dialogue4 ,we have exchanged the company of ,plato1 ,xenophon1 or schines for that of a ,juvenalian ,grculus1 a delicate sthetic voluptuary4 ,every epithet smells of musk1 and every phrase is a provocative4 ,the interlocutors are ,callicratides1 the ,athenian1 and ,charicles1 the ,rhodian4 ,callicratides kept an establishment of exoleti2 when the down upon their chins had grown beyond the proper point--when the beard is just sprouting1 when youth is in the prime of charm1 they were drafted off to farms and country villages4 ,charicles maintained a harem of dancing-girls and flute-players4 ,the one was madly passionate for lads2 the other no less mad for women4 ,charicles undertook the cause of women1 ,callicratides that of boys4 ,charicles began4 ,the love of women is sanctioned by antiquity2 it is natural2 it endures through life2 it alone provides pleasure for both sexes4 ,boys grow bearded1 rough1 and past their prime4 ,women always excite passion4 ,then ,callicratides takes up his parable4 ,masculine love combines virtue with pleasure4 ,while the love of women is a physical necessity1 the love of boys is a product of high culture and an adjunct of philosophy4 ,paiderastia may be either vulgar or celestial2 the second will be sought by men of liberal education and good manners4 ,then follow contrasted pictures of the lazy woman and the manly youth4 ,the one provokes to sensuality1 the other excites noble emulation in the ways of virile living4 ,lucian1 summing up the arguments of the two pleaders1 decides that ,corinth must give way to ,athens1 adding3 ,marriage is open to all men1 but the love of boys to philosophers only4 ,this verdict is referred to ,theomnestus1 a ,don ,juan of both sexes4 ,he replies that both boys and women are good for pleasure2 the philosophical arguments of ,callicratides are cant4 99 99 99 99 99 ,this brief abstract of ,lucian's dialogue on love indicates the cynicism with which its author viewed the subject1 using the whole literature and all the experience of the ,greeks to support a thesis of pure hedonism4 ,the sybarites of ,cairo or ,constantinople at the present moment might employ the same arguments1 except that they would omit the philosophic cant of ,callicratides4 99 99 99 99 99 ,there is nothing in extant ,greek literature1 of a date anterior to the ,christian era1 which is foul in the same sense as that in which the works of ,roman poets 7,catullus and ,martial71 ,italian poets 7,beccatelli and ,baffo71 and ,french poets 7,scarron and ,voltaire7 are foul4 ,only purblind students will be unable to perceive the difference between the obscenity of the ,latin races and that of ,aristophanes4 ,the difference1 indeed1 is wide and radical1 and strongly marked4 ,it is the difference between a race naturally gifted with a delicate1 sthetic sense of beauty1 and one in whom that sense was always subject to the perturbation1 of gross instincts4 ,but with the first century of the new age a change came over even the imagination of the ,greeks4 ,though they never lost their distinction of style1 that precious gift of lightness and good taste conferred upon them with their language1 they borrowed something of their conquerors' vein4 ,this makes itself felt in the ,anthology4 ,straton and ,rufinus suffered the contamination of the ,roman genius1 stronger in political organisation than that of ,hellas1 but coarser and less spiritually tempered in morals and in art4 ,straton was a native of ,sardis1 who flourished in the second century4 ,he compiled a book of paiderastic poems1 consisting in a great measure of his own and ,meleager's compositions1 which now forms the twelfth section of the ,palatine ,anthology4 ,this book he dedicated1 not to the ,muse1 but to ,zeus2 for ,zeus was the boy-lover among deities2#afi he bade it carry forth his message of fair youths throughout the world2#agj and he claimed a special inspiration from heaven for singing of one sole subject1 paiderastia4#aga ,it may be said with truth that ,straton understood the bent of his own genius4 ,we trace a blunt earnestness of intention in his epigrams1 a certainty of feeling and directness of artistic treatment1 which show that he had only one object in view4 ,meleager has far higher qualities as a poet1 and his feeling1 as well as his style1 is more exquisite4 ,but he wavered between the love of boys and women1 seeking in both the satisfaction of emotional yearnings which in the modern world would have marked him as a sentimentalist4 ,the so-called ,mousa ,paidik1 ,muse of ,boyhood1 is a collection of two hundred and fifty-eight short poems1 some of them of great artistic merit1 in praise of boys and boy-love4 ,the common-places of these epigrams are ,ganymede and ,ers2#agb we hear but little of ,aphrodite--her domain is the other section of the ,anthology1 called ,erotika4 ,a very small percentage of these compositions can be described as obscene2#agc none are nasty1 in the style of ,martial or ,ausonius2 some are exceedingly picturesque2#agd a few are written in a strain of lofty or of lovely music2#age one or two are delicate and subtle in their humour4#agf ,the whole collection supplies good means of judging how the ,greeks of the decadence felt about this form of love4 ,malakia is the real condemnation of this poetry1 rather than brutality or coarseness4 ,a favourite topic is the superiority of boys over girls4 ,this sometimes takes a gross form2#agg but once or twice the treatment of the subject touches a real psychological distinction1 as in the following epigram3#agh-- ,the love of women is not after my heart's desire2 but the fires of male desire have placed me under inextinguishable coals of burning4 ,the heat there is mightier2 for the more powerful is male than female1 the keener is that desire4 ,these four lines give the key to much of the ,greek preference for paiderastia4 ,the love of the male1 when it has been apprehended and entertained1 is more exciting1 they thought1 more absorbent of the whole nature1 than the love of the female4 ,it is1 to use another kind of phraseology1 more of a mania and more of a disease4 ,with the ,anthology we might compare the curious ,epistolai ,erotikai of ,philostratus4#agi ,they were in all probability rhetorical compositions1 not intended for particular persons2 yet they indicate the kind of wooing to which youths were subjected in later ,hellas4#ahj ,the discrepancy between the triviality of their subject-matter and the exquisiteness of their diction is striking4 ,the second of these qualities has made them a mine for poets4 ,ben ,jonson1 for example1 borrowed the loveliest of his lyrics from the following concetto3--,i sent thee a crown of roses1 not so much honouring thee1 though this1 too1 was my meaning1 but wishing to do some kindness to the roses that they might not wither4 ,take1 again1 the phrase3 ,well1 and love himself is naked1 and the graces and the stars2 or this1 ,o rose1 that has a voice to speak with6--or this metaphor for the footsteps of the beloved1 ,o rhythms of most beloved feet1 ,o kisses pressed upon the ground6 ,while the paiderastia of the ,greeks was sinking into grossness1 effeminacy1 and sthetic prettiness1 the moral instincts of humanity began to assert themselves in earnest4 ,it became part of the higher doctrine of the ,roman ,stoics to suppress this form of passion4#aha ,the ,christians1 from ,st4 ,paul onwards1 instituted an uncompromising crusade against it4 ,theirs was no mere speculative warfare1 like that of the philosophers at ,athens4 ,they fought with all the forces of their manhood1 with the sword of the ,lord and with the excommunications of the ,church1 to suppress what seemed to them an unutterable scandal4 ,dio ,chrysostom1 ,clemens ,alexandrinus1 and ,athanasius1 are our best authorities for the vices which prevailed in ,hellas during the ,empire2#ahb the ,roman law1 moreover1 proves that the civil governors aided the ,church in its attempt to moralise the people on this point4 ,,xvii4 ,the transmutation of ,hellas proper into part of the ,roman ,empire1 and the intrusion of ,stoicism and ,christianity into the sphere of ,hellenic thought and feeling1 mark the end of the ,greek age4 ,it still remains1 however1 to consider the relation of this passion to the character of the race1 and to determine its influence4 ,in the fifth section of this essay1 ,i asserted that it is now impossible to ascertain whether the ,greeks derived paiderastia from any of the surrounding nations1 and if so1 from which4 ,homer's silence makes it probable that the contact of ,hellenic with ,phoenician traders in the post-heroic period led to the adoption by the ,greek race of a custom which they speedily assimilated and stamped with an ,hellenic character4 ,at the same time1 ,i suggested in the tenth section that paiderastia1 in its more enthusiastic and martial form1 may have been developed within the very sanctuary of ,greek national existence by the ,dorians1 matured in the course of their migrations1 and systematised after their settlement in ,crete and ,sparta4 ,that the ,greeks themselves regarded ,crete as the classic ground of paiderastia favours either theory1 and suggests a fusion of them both2 for the geographical position of this island made it the meeting-place of ,hellenes with the ,asiatic races1 while it was also one of the earliest ,dorian acquisitions4 ,when we come to ask why this passion struck roots so deep into the very heart and brain of the ,greek nation1 we must reject the favourite hypothesis of climate4 ,climate is1 no doubt1 powerful to a great extent in determining the complexion of sexual morality2 yet1 as regards paiderastia1 we have abundant proof that nations both of ,north and ,south have1 according to circumstances quite independent of climatic conditions1 been both equally addicted and equally averse to this habit4 ,the ,etruscan1#ahc the ,chinese1 the ancient ,keltic tribes1 the ,tartar hordes of ,timour ,khan1 the ,persians under ,moslem rule--races sunk in the sloth of populous cities1 as well as the nomadic children of the ,asian steppes1 have all acquired a notoriety at least equal to that of the ,greeks4 ,the only difference between these people and the ,greeks in respect to paiderastia is that everything which the ,greek genius touched acquired a portion of its distinction1 so that what in semi-barbarous society may be ignored as vice1 in ,greece demands attention as a phase of the spiritual life of a world-historic nation4 ,like climate1 ethnology must also be eliminated4 ,it is only a superficial philosophy of history which is satisfied with the nomenclature of ,semitic1 ,aryan1 and so forth2 which imagines that something is gained for the explanation of a complex psychological problem when hereditary affinities have been demonstrated4 ,the deeps of national personality are far more abysmal than this4 ,granting that climate and descent are elements of great importance1 the religious and moral principles1 the sthetic apprehensions1 and the customs which determine the character of a race1 leave always something still to be analysed4 ,in dealing with ,greek paiderastia1 we are far more likely to reach a probable solution if we confine our attention to the specific social conditions which fostered the growth of this passion in ,greece1 and to the general habit of mind which permitted its evolution out of the common stuff of humanity1 than if we dilate at ease upon the climate of the gean1 or discuss the ethnical complexion of the ,hellenic stock4 ,in other words1 it was the ,pagan view of human life and duty which gave scope to paiderastia1 while certain special ,greek customs aided its development4 ,the ,greeks themselves1 quoted more than once above1 have put us on the right track in this inquiry4 ,however paiderastia began in ,hellas1 it was encouraged by gymnastics and syssitia4 ,youths and boys engaged together in athletic exercises1 training their bodies to the highest point of physical attainment1 growing critical about the points and proportions of the human form1 lived of necessity in an atmosphere of mutual attention4 ,young men could not be insensible to the grace of boys in whom the bloom of beauty was unfolding4 ,boys could not fail to admire the strength and goodliness of men displayed in the comeliness of perfected development4 ,having exercised together in the wrestling-ground1 the same young men and boys consorted at the common tables4 ,their talk fell naturally upon feats of strength and training2 nor was it unnatural1 in the absence of a powerful religious prohibition1 that love should spring from such discourse and intercourse4 ,the nakedness1 which ,greek custom permitted in gymnastic games and some religious rites1 no doubt contributed to the erotic force of masculine passion2 and the history of their feeling upon this point deserves notice4 ,plato1 in the ,republic 7#deb71 observes that not long ago the ,greeks were of the opinion1 which is still generally received among the barbarians1 that the sight of a naked man was ridiculous and unseemly4 ,he goes on to mention the ,cretans and the ,lacedmonians as the institutors of naked games4 ,to these conditions may be added dances in public1 the ritual of gods like ,ers1 ceremonial processions1 and contests for the prize of beauty4 ,the famous passage in the first book of ,thucydides 7cap4 vi47 illustrates the same point4 ,while describing the primitive culture of the ,hellenes1 he thinks it worth while to mention that the ,spartans1 who first stripped themselves for running and wrestling1 abandoned the girdle which it was usual to wear around the loins4 ,he sees in this habit one of the strongest points of distinction between the ,greeks and barbarians4 ,herodotus insists upon the same point 7book i4 #aj71 which is further confirmed by the verse of ,ennius3 ,flagitii1 c4 ,the nakedness which ,homer 7,iliad1 xxii4 #ff7 and ,tyrtus 7i4 #ba7 describes as shameful and unseemly is that of an old man4 ,both poets seem to imply that a young man's naked body is beautiful even in death4 ,we have already seen that paiderastia1 as it existed in early ,hellas1 was a martial institution1 and that it never wholly lost its virile character4 ,this suggests the consideration of another class of circumstances which were in the highest degree conducive to its free development4 ,the ,dorians1 to begin with1 lived like regiments of soldiers in barracks4 ,the duty of training the younger men was thrown upon the elder2 so that the close relations thus established in a race which did not positively discountenance the love of male for male rather tended actively to encourage it4 ,nor is it difficult to understand why the romantic emotions in such a society were more naturally aroused by male companions than by women4 ,matrimony was not a matter of elective affinity between two persons seeking to spend their lives agreeably and profitably in common1 so much as an institution used by the ,state for raising vigorous recruits for the national army4 ,all that is known about the ,spartan marriage customs1 taken together with ,plato's speculations about a community of wives1 proves this conclusively4 ,it followed that the relation of the sexes to each other was both more formal and more simple than it is with us2 the natural and the political purposes of cohabitation were less veiled by those personal and emotional considerations which play so large a part in modern life4 ,there was less scope for the emergence of passionate enthusiasm between men and women1 while the full conditions of a spiritual attachment1 solely determined by reciprocal inclination1 were only to be found in comradeship4 ,in the wrestling-ground1 at the common tables1 in the ceremonies of religion1 at the ,pan-hellenic games1 in the camp1 in the hunting-field1 on the benches of the council chamber1 and beneath the porches of the ,agora1 men were all in all unto each other4 ,women meanwhile kept the house at home1 gave birth to babies1 and reared children till such time as the ,state thought fit to undertake their training4 ,it is1 moreover1 well known that the age at which boys were separated from their mothers was tender4 ,thenceforth they lived with persons of their own sex2 their expanding feelings were confined within the sphere of masculine experience until the age arrived when marriage had to be considered in the light of a duty to the commonwealth4 ,how far this tended to influence the growth of sentiment1 and to determine its quality1 may be imagined4 ,in the foregoing paragraph ,i have restricted my attention almost wholly to the ,dorians3 but what has just been said about the circumstance of their social life suggests a further consideration regarding paiderastia at large among the ,greeks1 which takes rank with the weightiest of all4 ,the peculiar status of ,greek women is a subject surrounded with difficulty2 yet no man can help feeling that the idealisation of masculine love1 which formed so prominent a feature of ,greek life in the historic period1 was intimately connected with the failure of the race to give their proper sphere in society to women4 ,the ,greeks themselves were not directly conscious of this fact2 nor can ,i remember any passage in which a ,greek has suggested that boy-love flourished precisely upon the special ground which had been wrestled from the right domain of file other sex4 ,far in advance of the barbarian tribes around them1 they could not well discern the defects of their own civilisation2 nor was it to be expected that they should have anticipated that exaltation of the love of women into a semi-religious cult which was the later product of chivalrous ,christianity4 ,we1 from the standpoint of a more fully organised society1 detect their errors1 and pronounce that paiderastia was a necessary consequence of their unequal social culture2 nor do we fail to notice that1 just as paiderastia was a post-,homeric intrusion into ,greek life1 so women1 after the age of the ,homeric poems1 suffered a corresponding depression in the social scale4 ,in the ,iliad and the ,odyssey1 and in the tragedies which deal with the heroic age1 they play a part of importance for which the actual conditions of historic ,hellas offered no opportunities4 ,it was at ,athens that the social disadvantages of women told with greatest force2 and this perhaps may help to explain the philosophic idealisation of boy-love among the ,athenians4 ,to talk familiarly with free women on the deepest subjects1 to treat them as intellectual companions1 or to choose them as associates in undertakings of political moment1 seems never to have entered the mind of an ,athenian4 ,women were conspicuous by their absence from all places of resort--from the palstra1 the theatre1 the ,agora1 ,pnyx1 the law-court1 the symposium2 and it was here1 and here alone1 that the spiritual energies of the men expanded4 ,therefore1 as the military ardour of the ,dorians naturally associated itself with paiderastia1 so the characteristic passion of the ,athenians for culture took the same direction4 ,the result in each case was a highly wrought psychical condition1 which1 however alien to our instincts1 must be regarded as an exaltation of the race above its common human needs--as a manifestation of fervid1 highly-pitched emotional enthusiasm4 ,it does not follow from the facts which ,i have just discussed that1 either at ,athens or at ,sparta1 women were excluded from an important position in the home1 or that the family in ,greece was not the sphere of female influence more active than the extant fragments of ,greek literature reveal to us4 ,the women of ,sophocles and ,euripides1 and the noble ladies described by ,plutarch1 warn us to be cautious in our conclusions on this topic4 ,the fact1 however1 remains that in ,greece1 as in medival ,europe1 the home was not regarded as the proper sphere for enthusiastic passion3 both paiderastia and chivalry ignored the family1 while the latter even set the matrimonial tie at nought4 ,it is therefore precisely at this point of the family1 regarded as a comparatively undeveloped factor in the higher spiritual life of ,greeks1 that the two problems of paiderastia and the position of women in ,greece intersect4 ,in reviewing the external circumstances which favoured paiderastia1 it may be added1 as a minor cause1 that the leisure in which the ,greeks lived1 supported by a crowd of slaves1 and attending chiefly to their physical and mental culture1 rendered them peculiarly liable to pre-occupations of passion and pleasure-seeking4 ,in the early periods1 when war was incessant1 this abundance of spare time bore less corrupt fruit than during the stagnation into which the ,greeks1 enslaved by ,macedonia and ,rome1 declined4 ,so far1 ,i have been occupied in the present section with the specific conditions of ,greek society which may be regarded as determining the growth of paiderastia4 ,with respect to the general habit of mind which caused the ,greeks1 in contradistinction to the ,jews and ,christians1 to tolerate this form of feeling1 it will be enough here to remark that ,paganism could have nothing logically to say against it4 ,the further consideration of this matter ,i shall reserve for the next division of my essay1 contenting myself for the moment with the observation that ,greek religion and the instincts of the ,greek race offered no direct obstacle to the expansion of a habit which was strongly encouraged by the circumstances ,i have just enumerated4 ,,xviii4 ,upon a topic of great difficulty1 which is1 however1 inseparable from the subject-matter of this inquiry1 ,i shall not attempt to do more than to offer a few suggestions4 ,this is the relation of paiderastia to ,greek art4 ,whoever may have made a study of antique sculpture will not have failed to recognise its healthy human tone1 its ethical rightness4 ,there is no partiality for the beauty of the male sex1 no endeavour to reserve for the masculine deities the nobler attributes of man's intellectual and moral nature1 no extravagant attempt to refine upon masculine qualities by the blending of feminine voluptuousness4 ,aphrodite and ,artemis hold their place beside ,ers and ,hermes4 ,ares is less distinguished by the genius lavished on him than ,athene4 ,hera takes rank with ,zeus1 the ,nymphs with the ,fauns1 the ,muses with ,apollo4 ,nor are even the minor statues1 which belong to decorative rather than high art1 noticeable for the attribution of sensual beauties to the form of boys4 ,this1 which is certainly true of the best age1 is1 with rare exceptions1 true of all the ages of ,greek plastic art4 ,no prurient effeminacy degraded1 deformed1 or unduly confounded1 the types of sex idealised in sculpture4 ,the first reflection which must occur to even prejudiced observers1 is that paiderastia did not corrupt the ,greek imagination to any serious extent4 ,the license of ,paganism found appropriate expression in female forms1 but hardly touched the male2 nor would it1 ,i think1 be possible to demonstrate that obscene works of painting or of sculpture were provided for paiderastic sensualists similar to those pornographic objects which fill the reserved cabinet of the ,neapolitan ,museum4 ,thus1 the testimony of ,greek art might be used to confirm the asseveration of ,greek literature1 that among free men1 at least1 and gentle1 this passion tended even to purify feelings which1 in their lust for women1 verged on profligacy4 ,for one androgynous statue of ,hermaphroditus or ,dionysus there are at least a score of luxurious ,aphrodites and voluptuous ,bacchantes4 ,ers himself1 unless he is portrayed according to the ,roman type of ,cupid1 as a mischievous urchin1 is a youth whose modesty is no less noticeable than his beauty4 ,his features are not unfrequently shadowed with melancholy1 as appears in the so-called ,genius of the ,vatican1 and in many statues which might pass for genii of silence or of sleep as well as love4 ,it would be difficult to adduce a single wanton ,ers1 a single image of this god provocative of sensual desires4 ,there is not one before which we could say--,the sculptor of that statue had sold his soul to paiderastic lust4 ,yet ,ers1 it may be remembered1 was the special patron of paiderastia4 ,greek art1 like ,greek mythology1 embodied a finely graduated half-unconscious analysis of human nature4 ,the mystery of procreation was indicated by phalli on the ,herm4 ,unbridled appetite found incarnation in ,priapus1 who1 moreover1 was never a ,greek god1 but a ,lampsacene adopted from the ,asian coast by the ,romans4 ,the natural desires were symbolised in ,aphrodite ,praxis1 ,kallipugos1 or ,pandemos4 ,the higher sexual enthusiasm assumed celestial form in ,aphrodite ,ouranios4 ,love itself appeared personified in the graceful ,ers of ,praxiteles2 and how sublimely ,pheidias presented this god to the eyes of his worshippers can now only be guessed at from a mutilated fragment among the ,elgin marbles4 ,the wild and native instincts1 wandering1 untutored and untamed1 which still connect man with the life of woods and beasts and ,april hours1 received half-human shape in ,pan and ,silenus1 the ,satyrs and the ,fauns4 ,in this department of semi-bestial instincts we find one solitary instance bearing upon paiderastia4 ,the group of a ,satyr tempting a youth at ,naples stands alone among numerous similar compositions which have female or hermaphroditic figures1 and which symbolise the violent and comprehensive lust of brutal appetite4 ,further distinctions between the several degrees of love were drawn by the ,greek artists4 ,himeros1 the desire that strikes the spirit through the eyes1 and ,pothos1 the longing of souls in separation from the object of their passion1 were carved together with ,ers by ,scopas for ,aphrodite's temple at ,megara4 ,throughout the whole of this series there is no form set aside for paiderastia1 as might have been expected if the fancy of the ,greeks had idealised a sensual ,asiatic passion4 ,statues of ,ganymede carried to heaven by the eagle are1 indeed1 common enough in ,grco-,roman plastic art2 yet1 even here1 there is nothing which indicates the preference for a specifically voluptuous type of male beauty4 ,it should be noticed that the mythology of the ,greeks was determined before paiderastia laid hold upon the race4 ,homer and ,hesiod1 says ,herodotus1 made the ,hellenic theogony1 and ,homer and ,hesiod knew only of the passions and emotions which are common to all healthy semi-civilised humanity4 ,the artists1 therefore1 found in myths and poems subject-matter which imperatively demanded a no less careful study of the female than of the male form2 nor were beautiful women wanting4 ,great cities placed their maidens at the disposition of sculptors and painters for the modelling of ,aphrodite4 ,the girls of ,sparta in their dances suggested groups of ,artemis and ,oreads4 ,the ,hetairai of ,corinth presented every detail of feminine perfection freely to the gaze4 ,eyes accustomed to the dazzling vision of a naked athlete were no less sensitive to the virginal veiled grace of the ,athenian ,canephoroi4 ,the temples of the female deities had their staffs of priestesses1 and the oracles their inspired prophetesses4 ,remembering these facts1 remembering also what we read about olian ladies who gained fame by poetry1 there is every reason to understand how sculptors found it easy to idealise the female form4 ,nor need we imagine1 because ,greek literature abounds in references to paiderastia1 and because this passion played an important part in ,greek history1 that therefore the majority of the race were not susceptible in a far higher degree to female charms4 ,on the contrary1 our best authorities speak of boy-love as a characteristic which distinguished warriors1 gymnasts1 poets1 and philosophers from the common multitude4 ,as far as regards artists1 the anecdotes which are preserved about them turn chiefly upon their preference for women4 ,for one tale concerning the ,pantarkes of ,pheidias1 we have a score relating to the ,campaspe of ,apelles and the ,phryne of ,praxiteles4 ,it may be judged superfluous to have proved that the female form was idealised in sculpture by the ,hellenes at least as nobly as the male2 nor need we seek elaborate reasons why paiderastia left no perceptible stain upon the art of a race distinguished before all things by the reserve of good taste4 ,at the same time1 there can be no reasonable doubt that the artistic temperament of the ,greeks had something to do with its wide diffusion and many sided development4 ,sensitive to every form of loveliness1 and unrestrained by moral or religious prohibition1 they could not fail to be enthusiastic for that corporeal beauty1 unlike all other beauties of the human form1 which marks male adolescence no less triumphantly than does the male soprano voice upon the point of breaking4 ,the power of this corporeal loveliness to sway their imagination by its unique thetic charm is abundantly illustrated in the passages which ,i have quoted above from the ,charmides of ,plato and ,xenophon's ,symposium4 ,an expressive ,greek phrase1 ,youths in their prime of adolescence1 but not distinguished by a special beauty1 recognises the persuasive influence1 separate from that of true beauty1 which belongs to a certain period of masculine growth4 ,the very evanescence of this bloom of youth made it in ,greek eyes desirable1 since nothing more clearly characterises the poetic myths which adumbrate their special sensibility than the pathos of a blossom that must fade4 ,when distinction of feature and symmetry of form were added to this charm of youthfulness1 the ,greeks admitted1 as true artists are obliged to do1 that the male body displays harmonies of proportion and melodies of outline more comprehensive1 more indicative of strength expressed in terms of grace1 than that of women4#ahd ,i guard myself against saying--more seductive to the senses1 more soft1 more delicate1 more undulating4 ,the superiority of male beauty does not consist in these attractions1 but in the symmetrical development of all the qualities of the human frame1 the complete organisation of the body as the supreme instrument of vital energy4 ,in the bloom of adolescence the elements of feminine grace1 suggested rather than expressed1 are combined with virility to produce a perfection which is lacking to the mature and adult excellence of either sex4 ,the ,greek lover1 if ,i am right in the idea which ,i have formed of him1 sought less to stimulate desire by the contemplation of sensual charms than to attune his spirit with the spectacle of strength at rest in suavity4 ,he admired the chastened lines1 the figure slight but sinewy1 the limbs well-knit and flexible1 the small head set upon broad shoulders1 the keen eyes1 the austere reins1 and the elastic movement of a youth made vigorous by exercise4 ,physical perfection of this kind suggested to his fancy all that he loved best in moral qualities4 ,hardihood1 self-discipline1 alertness of intelligence1 health1 temperance1 indomitable spirit1 energy1 the joy of active life1 plain living and high thinking--these qualities the ,greeks idealised1 and of these1 the lightning vision of the darling1 was the living incarnation4 ,there is plenty in their literature to show that paiderastia obtained sanction from the belief that a soul of this sort would be found within the body of a young man rather than a woman4 ,i need scarcely add that none but a race of artists could be lovers of this sort1 just as none but a race of poets were adequate to apprehend the chivalrous enthusiasm for woman as an object of worship4 ,the morality of the ,greeks1 as ,i have tried elsewhere to prove1 was sthetic4 ,they regarded humanity as a part of a good and beautiful universe1 nor did they shrink from any of their normal instincts4 ,to find the law of human energy1 the measure of man's natural desires1 the right moment for indulgence and for self-restraint1 the balance which results in health1 the proper limit for each several function which secures the harmony of all1 seem to them the aim of ethics4 ,their personal code of conduct ended in modest self-restraint3 not abstention1 but selection and subordination ruled their practice4 ,they were satisfied with controlling much that more ascetic natures unconditionally suppress4 ,consequently1 to the ,greeks1 there was nothing at first sight criminal in paiderastia4 ,to forbid it as a hateful and unclean thing did not occur to them4 ,finding it within their hearts1 they chose to regulate it1 rather than to root it out4 ,it was only after the inconveniences and scandals to which paiderastia gave rise had been forced upon their notice1 that they felt the visitings of conscience and wavered in their fearless attitude4 ,in like manner1 the religion of the ,greeks was sthetic4 ,they analysed the world of objects and the soul of man1 unconsciously perhaps1 but effectively1 and called their generalisations by the names of gods and goddesses4 ,that these were beautiful and filled with human energy was enough to arouse in them the sentiments of worship4 ,the notion of a single ,deity who ruled the human race by punishment and favour1 hating certain acts while he tolerated others--in other words1 a ,god who idealised one part of man's nature to the exclusion of the rest--had never passed into the sphere of ,greek conceptions4 ,when1 therefore1 paiderastia became a fact of their consciousness1 they reasoned thus3 ,if man loves boys1 ,god loves boys also4 ,homer and ,hesiod forgot to tell us about ,ganymede and ,hyacinth and ,hylas4 ,let these lads be added to the list of ,dana and ,semele and ,io4 ,homer told us that1 because ,ganymede was beautiful1 ,zeus made him the serving-boy of the immortals4 ,we understand the meaning of that tale4 ,zeus loved him4 ,the reason why he did not leave him here on earth like ,dana was that he could not beget sons upon his body and people the earth with heroes4 ,do not our wives stay at home and breed our children8 ,our favourite youths are always at our side4 ,,xix4 ,sexual inversion among ,greek women offers more difficulties than we met with in the study of paiderastia4 ,this is due1 not to the absence of the phenomenon1 but to the fact that feminine homosexual passions were never worked into the social system1 never became educational and military agents4 ,the ,greeks accepted the fact that certain females are congenitally indifferent to the male sex1 and appetitive of their own sex4 ,this appears from the myth of ,aristophanes in ,plato's ,symposium1 which expresses in comic form their theory of sexual differentiation4 ,there were originally human beings of three sexes3 men1 the offspring of the sun2 women1 the offspring of the earth2 hermaphrodites1 the offspring of the moon4 ,they were round with two faces1 four hands1 four feet1 and two sets of reproductive organs apiece4 ,in the case of the third 7hermaphroditic or lunar7 sex1 one set of reproductive organs was male1 the other female4 ,zeus1 on account of the insolence and vigour of these primitive human creatures1 sliced them into halves4 ,since that time1 the halves of each sort have always striven to unite with their corresponding halves1 and have found some satisfaction in carnal congress--males with males1 females with females1 and 7in the case of the lunar or hermaphroditic creatures7 males and females with one another4 ,philosophically1 then1 the homosexual passion of female for female1 and of male for male1 was placed upon exactly the same footing as the heterosexual passion of each sex for its opposite4 ,greek logic admitted the homosexual female to equal rights with the homosexual male1 and both to the same natural freedom as heterosexual individuals of either species4 ,although this was the position assumed by philosophers1 ,lesbian passion1 as the ,greeks called it1 never obtained the same social sanction as boy-love4 ,it is significant that ,greek mythology offers no legends of the goddesses parallel to those which consecrated paiderastia among the male deities4 ,again1 we have no recorded example1 so far as ,i can remember1 of noble friendships between women rising into political and historical prominence4 ,there are no female analogies to ,harmodius and ,aristogeiton1 ,cratinus and ,aristodemus4 ,it is true that ,sappho and the ,lesbian poetesses gave this female passion an eminent place in ,greek literature4 ,but the olian women did not found a glorious tradition corresponding to that of the ,dorian men4 ,if homosexual love between females assumed the form of an institution at one moment in olia1 this failed to strike roots deep into the subsoil of the nation4 ,later ,greeks1 while tolerating1 regarded it rather as an eccentricity of nature1 or a vice1 than as an honourable and socially useful emotion4 ,the condition of women in ancient ,hellas sufficiently accounts for the result4 ,there was no opportunity in the harem or the zenana of raising homosexual passion to the same moral and spiritual efficiency as it obtained in the camp1 the palstra1 and the schools of the philosophers4 ,consequently1 while the ,greeks utilised and ennobled boy-love1 they left ,lesbian love to follow the same course of degeneracy as it pursues in modern times4 ,in order to see how similar the type of ,lesbian love in ancient ,greece was to the form which it assumed in modern ,europe1 we have only to compare ,lucian's ,dialogues with ,parisian tales by ,catulle ,mends or ,guy de ,maupassant4 ,the woman who seduces the girl she loves1 is1 in the girl's phrase1 over-masculine1 androgynous4 ,the ,megilla of ,lucian insists upon being called ,megillos4 ,the girl is a weaker vessel1 pliant1 submissive to the virago's sexual energy1 selected from the class of meretricious ingnues4 ,there is an important passage in the ,amores of ,lucian which proves that the ,greeks felt an abhorrence of sexual inversion among women similar to that which moderns feel for its manifestation among men4 ,charicles1 who supports1 the cause of normal heterosexual passion1 argues after this wise3 ,if you concede homosexual love to males1 you must in justice grant the same to females2 you will have to sanction carnal intercourse between them2 monstrous instruments of lust will have to be permitted1 in order that their sexual congress may be carried out2 that obscene vocable1 tribad1 which so rarely offends our ears--,i blush to utter it--will become rampant1 and ,philnis will spread androgynous orgies throughout our harems4 ,what these monstrous instruments of lust were may be gathered from the sixth mime of ,herodas1 where one of them is described in detail4 ,philnis may1 perhaps1 be the poetess of an obscene book on sensual refinements1 to which ,athanus alludes 7,deipnosophist1 viii1 #cce74 ,it is also possible that ,philnis had become the common designation of a ,lesbian lover1 a tribad4 ,in the latter periods of ,greek literature1 as ,i have elsewhere shown1 certain fixed masks of ,attic comedy 7corresponding to the masks of the ,italian ,commedia dell' ,arte7 created types of character under conventional names--so that1 for example1 ,cerdo became a cobbler1 ,myrtal a common whore1 and possibly ,philnis a ,lesbian invert4 ,the upshot of this parenthetical investigation is to demonstrate that1 while the love of males for males in ,greece obtained moralisation1 and reached the high position of a recognised social function1 the love of female for female remained undeveloped and unhonoured1 on the same level as both forms of homosexual passion in the modern ,european world are4 ,,xx4 ,greece merged into ,rome2 but1 though the ,romans aped the arts and manners of the ,greeks1 they never truly caught the ,hellenic spirit4 ,even ,virgil only trod the court of the ,gentiles of ,greek culture4 ,it was not1 therefore1 possible that any social custom so peculiar as paiderastia should flourish on ,latin soil4 ,instead of ,cleomenes and ,epameinondas1 we find at ,rome1 ,nero1 the bride of ,sporus1 and ,commodus the public prostitute4 ,alcibiades is replaced by the ,mark ,antony of ,cicero's ,philippic4 ,corydon1 with artificial notes1 takes up the song of ,ageanax4 ,the melodies of ,meleager are drowned in the harsh discords of ,martial4 ,instead of love1 lust was the deity of the boy-lover on the shores of ,tiber4 ,in the first century of the ,roman ,empire1 ,christianity began its work of reformation4 ,when we estimate the effect of ,christianity1 we must bear in mind that the early ,christians found ,paganism disorganised and humanity rushing to a precipice of ruin4 ,their first efforts were directed toward checking the sensuality of ,corinth1 ,athens1 ,rome1 the capitals of ,syria and ,egypt4 ,christian asceticism1 in the corruption of the ,pagan systems1 led logically to the cloister and the hermitage4 ,the component elements of society had been disintegrated by the ,greeks in their decadence1 and by the ,romans in their insolence of material prosperity4 ,to the impassioned followers of ,christ1 nothing was left but separation from nature1 which had become incurable in its monstrosity of vices4 ,but the convent was a virtual abandonment of social problems4 ,from this policy of despair1 this helplessness to cope with evil1 and this hopelessness of good on earth1 emerged a new and nobler synthesis1 the merit of which belongs in no small measure to the ,teutonic converts to the ,christian faith4 ,the ,middle ,ages proclaimed1 through chivalry1 the truth1 then for the first time fully apprehended1 that woman is the mediating and ennobling element in human life4 ,not in escape into the cloister1 not in the self-abandonment to vice1 but in the fellow-service of free men and women must be found the solution of social problems4 ,the mythology of ,mary gave religious sanction to the chivalrous enthusiasm2 and a cult of woman sprang into being1 to which1 although it was romantic and visionary1 we owe the spiritual basis of our domestic and civil life4 ,the modus vivendi of the modern world was found4 ,,finis4 ,,footnotes3 #a ,compare the fine rhetorical passage in ,max4 ,tyr41 ,dissert41 xxiv4 #h1 ed4 ,didot1 #ahdb4 #b i4 #ace4 #c ,numerous localities1 however1 claimed this distinction4 ,see ,ath41 xiii4 #fja4 ,chalkis in ,euboea1 as well as ,crete1 could show the sacred spot where the mystical assumption of ,ganymede was reported to have happened4 #d ,laws1 i4 #fcf4 ,cp4 ,timus1 quoted by ,ath41 p4 #fjb4 ,servius1 ad ,aen4 x1 #cbe1 says that boy-love spread from ,crete to ,sparta1 and thence through ,hellas1 and ,strabo mentions its prevalence among the ,cretans 7x4 #dhc74 ,plato 7,rep4 v4 #deb7 speaks of the ,cretans as introducing naked athletic sports4 #e ,laws1 viii4 #hfc4 #f ,see ,ath41 xiii4 #fjb4 ,plutarch1 in the ,life of ,pelopidas 7,clough1 vol4 ii4 p4 #bai71 argues against this view4 #g ,see ,rosenbaum1 ,lustseuche im ,alterthume1 p4 #aah4 #h ,max4 ,tyr41 ,dissert41 ix4 #i ,see ,sismondi1 vol4 ii4 p4 #cbd1 ,symonds1 ,renaissance in ,italy1 ,age of the ,despots1 p4 #dce2 ,tardieu1 ,attentats aux ,moeurs1 ,les ,ordures de ,paris2 ,sir ,r4 ,burton's ,terminal ,essay to the ,arabian ,nights2 ,carlier1 ,les ,deux ,prostitutions1 etc4 #aj ,i say almost1 because something of the same sort appeared in ,persia at the time of ,saadi4 #aa ,plato1 in the ,phdrus1 the ,symposium1 and the ,laws1 is decisive on the mixed nature of paiderastia4 #ab ,theocr41 ,paidika1 probably an olic poem of much older date4 #ac ,phdrus1 p4 #beb1 ,jowett's translation4 #ad ,page #agh1 ,jowett4 #ae ,clough1 vol4 ii4 p4 #bah4 #af ,book vii4 #d1 #g4 #ag ,we may compare a passage from the ,symposium ascribed to ,xenophon1 viii4 #cb4 #ah ,page #ahb1 ,jowett4 #ai ,plutarch1 ,eroticus1 cap4 xvii4 p4 #gia1 #dj1 ,reiske4 #bj ,lang's translation1 p4 #fc4 #ba ,see ,athenus1 xiii4 #fjb1 for the details4 #bb ,see ,athenus1 xiii4 #fjb1 who reports an oracle in praise of these lovers4 #bc ,ar41 ,pol41 ii4 #i4 #bd ,see ,theocr4 ,ates and the ,scholia4 #be ,see ,plutarch's ,eroticus1 #gfj1 #db1 where the story is reported on the faith of ,aristotle4 #bf ,pelopidas1 ,clough's trans41 vol4 ii4 #bah4 #bg ,cap4 xvi4 p4 #gfj1 #ba4 #bh ,cap4 xxiii4 p4 #gfh1 #ec4 ,compare ,max4 ,tyr41 ,dissert41 xxiv4 #a4 ,see too the chapter on ,tyrannicide in ,ar4 ,pol41 viii4 7v47 #aj4 #bi ,clough's trans41 vol4 v4 p4 #aah4 #cj ,hellenics1 bk4 ix4 cap4 xxvi4 #ca ,suidas1 under the heading ,paidika1 tells of two lovers who both died in battle1 fighting each to save the other4 #cb ,see1 for example1 schines against ,timarchus1 #ei4 #cc ,trans4 by ,sir ,g4 ,c4 ,lewis1 vol4 ii4 pp4 #cji-cac4 #cd ,symp4 #ahb ,a4 #ce i4 #acb4 #cf ,de ,rep41 iv4 #d4 #cg ,i need hardly point out the parallel between this custom and the marriage customs of half-civilised communities4 #ch ,the general opinion of the ,greeks with regard to the best type of ,dorian love is well expressed by ,maximus ,tyrius1 ,dissert41 xxvi4 #h4 ,it is esteemed a disgrace to a ,cretan youth to have no lover4 ,it is a disgrace for a ,cretan youth to tamper with the boy he loves4 ,o custom1 beautifully blent of self-restraint and passion6 ,the man of ,sparta loves the lad of ,lacedmon1 but loves him only as one loves a fair statue2 and many love one1 and one loves many4 #ci ,laws1 i4 #fcf4 #dj ,pol41 ii4 #g1 #d4 #da ,lib4 #ac1fjb1 ,e4 #db ,it is not unimportant to note in this connection that paiderastia of no ignoble type still prevails among the ,albanian mountaineers4 #dc ,the foregoing attempt to reconstruct a possible environment for the ,dorian form of paiderastia is1 of course1 wholly imaginative4 ,yet it receives certain support from what we know about the manners of the ,albanian mountaineers and the nomadic ,tartar tribes4 ,aristotle remarks upon the paiderastic customs of the ,kelts1 who in his times were immigrant4 #dd ,see above1 ,section ,v4 #de ,it appears from the reports of travellers that this form of passion is not common among those ,african tribes who have not been corrupted by ,musselmans or ,europeans4 #df ,it may be plausibly argued that schylus drew the subject of his ,myrmidones from some such non-,homeric epic4 ,see below1 ,section ,,xii4 #dg #ahb ,a4 ,cp4 ,laws1 i4 #fcf4 #dh ,eroticus1 xvii4 p4 #gfa1 #cd4 #di ,see ,plutarch1 ,pelopidas1 ,clough1 vol4 ii4 p4 #bai4 #ej ,clough1 as quoted above1 p4 #bai4 #ea ,the connection of the royal family of ,macedon by descent with the acid1 and the early settlement of the ,dorians in ,macedonia1 are noticeable4 #eb ,cf4 ,athenus1 x4 #dce4 #ec ,hadrian in ,rome1 at a later period1 revived the ,greek tradition with even more of caricature4 ,his military ardour1 patronage of art1 and love for ,antinous seem to hang together4 #ed ,dissert41 xxvi4 #h4 #ee ,see ,athen41 xiii41 #fji1 ,f4 ,the prize was armour and the wreath of myrtle4 #ef ,symp4 #ahb1 ,b4 ,in the ,laws1 however1 he mentions the ,barbarians as corrupting ,greek morality in this respect4 ,we have here a further proof that it was the noble type of love which the ,barbarians discouraged4 ,for ,malakia they had no dislike4 #eg ,bergk41 ,poet ,lyrica ,grci1 vol4 ii4 p4 #dij1 line #hg of ,theognis4 #eh ,ibid41 line #a1cec4 #ei ,ibid41 line #a1cfi4 #fj ,ibid41 lines #a1bei-a1bgj4 #fa ,ibid41 line #a1bfg4 #fb ,ibid41 lines #bcg-bed4 ,translated by me in ,vagabunduli ,libellus1 p4 #afg4 #fc ,bergk41 ,poet ,lyrici ,grci1 vol4 ii4 line #a1bci4 #fd ,ibid41 line #a1cjd4 #fe ,ibid41 line #a1cbg4 #ff ,ibid41 line #a1bec4 #fg ,ibid41 line #a1cce4 #fh ,eroticus1 cap4 v4 p4 #gea1 #ba4 ,see ,bergk41 vol4 ii4 p4 #dcj4 #fi ,see ,cic41 ,tusc41 iv4 #cc #gj ,bergk41 vol4 iii4 p4 #a1jac4 #ga ,ibid41 p4 #a1jde4 #gb ,ibid41 pp4 #a1aji1 #a1jbc2 fr4 #bd1 #bf4 #gc ,ibid41 p4 #a1jbc2 fr4 #dh4 #gd ,maximus ,tyrius1 ,dissert41 xxvi41 says that ,smerdies was a ,thracian1 given1 for his great beauty1 by his ,greek captors to ,polycrates4 #ge ,see what ,agathon says in the ,thesmophoriazuse of ,aristophanes4 #gf xv4 #fie4 #gg ,bergk41 vol4 iii4 p4 #a1bic4 #gh ,ibid41 vol4 i4 p4 #cbg4 #gi ,athen41 xiii4 #fja ,a4 #hj ,see the fragments of the ,myrmidones in the ,poet ,scenici ,grci1 ,my interpretation of them is1 of course1 conjectural4 #ha ,lucian1 ,amores2 ,plutarch1 ,eroticus2 ,athenus1 xiii4 #fjb ,e4 #hb ,possibly schylus drew his fable from a non-,homeric source1 but if so1 it is curious that ,plato should only refer to ,homer4 #hc ,symph41 #ahj ,a4 ,xenophon1 ,symph41 #h1 #ca1 points out that in ,homer ,achilles avenged the death of ,patroclus1 not as his lover1 but as his comrade in arms4 #hd ,cf4 ,eurid41 ,hippol41 l4 #ebe2 ,plato1 ,phoedr41 p4 #bee2 ,max4 ,tyr41 ,dissert41 xxv4 #b4 #he ,see ,poet ,scenici1 ,fragments of ,sophocles4 #hf ,eroticus2 p4 #gij ,e4 #hg ,ath41 p4 #fjb ,e4 #hh ,tusc41 iv4 #cc4 #hi ,see ,athenus1 xiii4 pp4 #fjd1 #fje1 for two very outspoken stories about ,sophocles at ,chios and apparently at ,athens4 ,in #ehb1 e1 he mentions one of the boys beloved by ,sophocles1 a certain ,demophon4 #ij ,plato1 ,parm41 #abg ,a4 #ia ,pausanias1 v4 #aa1 and see ,meier1 p4 #aei1 note #ic4 #ib ,this1 by the way1 is a strong argument against the theory that the ,iliad was a post-,herodotean poem4 ,a poem in the age of ,pisistratus or ,pericles would not have omitted paiderastia from his view of life1 and could not have told the myth of ,ganymede as ,homer tells it4 ,it is doubtful whether he could have preserved the pure outlines of the story of ,patroclus4 #ic ,page #ahb1 ,jowett's trans4 ,mr4 ,jowett censures this speech as sophistic and confused in view4 ,it is precisely on this account that it is valuable4 ,the confusion indicates the obscure conscience of the ,athenians4 ,the sophistry is the result of a half-acknowledged false position4 #id ,page #aha1 ,jowett's trans4 #ie ,see the curious passages in ,plato1 ,symp41 p4 #aib2 ,plutarch1 ,erot41 p4 #gea2 and ,lucian1 ,amores1 c4 #ch4 #if ,quoted by ,athen1 xiii4 #egc ,b4 #ig ,as ,lycon chaperoned ,autolycus at the feast of ,callias4--,xen4 ,symp4 ,boys incurred immediate suspicion if they went out alone to parties4 ,see a fragment from the ,sappho of ,ephippus in ,athen41 xiii4 p4 #egb ,c4 #ih ,line #acg4 ,the joke here is that the father in ,utopia suggests1 of his own accord1 what in ,athens he carefully guarded against4 #ii ,page #bbb1 ,jowett's trans4 #ajj ,clouds1 #idh and on4 ,i have abridged the original1 doing violence to one of the most beautiful pieces of ,greek poetry4 #aja ,aristophanes returns to this point below1 line #a1jcf1 where he says that youths chatter all day in the hot baths and leave the wrestling-grounds empty4 #ajb ,there was a good reason for shunning each4 ,the ,agora was the meeting-place of idle gossips1 the centre of chaff and scandal4 ,the shops were1 as we shall see1 the resort of bad characters and panders4 #ajc ,line #a1jga1 et seq4 #ajd ,caps4 #dd1 #de1 #df4 ,the quotation is only an abstract of the original4 #aje ,worn up to the age of about eighteen4 #ajf ,compare with the passages just quoted two epigrams from the ,mousa ,paidik 7,greek ,anthology1 sect4 #ab73 ,no4 #abc1 from a lover to a lad who has conquered in a boxing-match2 ,no4 #aib1 where ,straton says he prefers the dust and oil of the wrestling-ground to the curls and perfumes of a woman's room4 #ajg ,page #bee ,b4 #ajh #a1jbe4 #aji ,charmides1 p4 #aec4 #aaj ,lysis1 #bjf1 ,this seems1 however1 to imply that on other occasions they were separated4 #aaa ,charmides1 p4 #aed1 ,jowett4 #aab ,page #aee1 ,jowett4 #aac ,cap4 i4 #h4 #aad ,see cap4 viii4 #g4 ,this is said before the boy1 and in his hearing4 #aae ,cap4 iii4 #ab4 #aaf ,cap4 iv4 #aj1 et seq4 ,the ,english is an abridgment4 #aag ,laws1 i4 #fcf ,c4 #aah ,athen41 xiii4 #fjb ,d4 #aai ,eroticus4 #abj ,line #fj1 ascribed to ,theocritus1 but not genuine4 #aba ,athen41 xiii4 #fji ,d4 #abb ,mousa ,paidik1 #hf4 #abc ,compare the ,atys of ,catullus3 ,ego mulier1 ego adolescens1 ego ephebus1 ego puer1 ,ego gymnasi fui flos1 ego eram decus olei4 #abd ,see the law on these points in sch4 adv4 ,timarchum4 #abe ,thus ,aristophanes1 quoted above4 #abf ,aristoph41 ,ach41 #add1 and ,mousa ,paidik1 #acj4 #abg ,see ,sir ,william ,hamilton's ,vases4 #abh ,lysias1 according to ,suidas1 was the author of five erotic epistles adressed to young men4 #abi ,see ,aristoph41 ,plutus1 #aec-aei2 ,birds1 #gjd-gjg4 ,cp4 ,mousa ,paidik1 #dd1 #bci1 #bcg4 ,the boys made extraordinary demands upon their lovers' generosity4 ,the curious tale told about ,alcibiades points in this direction4 ,in ,crete they did the like1 but also set their lovers to execute difficult tasks1 as ,eurystheus imposed the twelve labours on ,herakles4 #acj ,page #bi4 #aca ,mousa ,paidik1 #h3 cp4 a fragment of ,crates1 ,poet ,comici1 ,didot1 p4 #hc4 #acb ,comici ,grci1 ,didot1 pp4 #efb1 #ca1 #cjh4 #acc ,it is curious to compare the passage in the second ,philippic about the youth of ,mark ,antony with the story told by ,plutarch about ,alcibiades1 who left the custody of his guardians for the house of ,democrates4 #acd ,see both ,lysias against ,simon and schines against ,timarchus4 #ace ,peace1 line #aa2 compare the word ,pallakion in ,plato1 ,comici ,grci1 p4 #bfa4 #acf ,diog4 ,laert41 ii4 #aje4 #acg ,plato's ,phdo1 p4 #hi4 #ach ,orat4 ,attici1 vol4 ii4 p4 #bbc4 #aci ,see ,herodotus4 ,max4 ,tyr4 tells the story 7,dissert41 xxiv1 #a7 in detail4 ,the boy's name was ,acton1 wherefore he may be compared1 he says1 to that other ,acton who was torn to death by his own dogs4 #adj #aec4 #ada ,symp41 #bag4 #adb ,phdr41 #bef4 #adc ,page #ag4 ,my quotations are made from ,dobson's ,oratores ,attici1 vol4 xii41 and the references are to his pages4 #add ,page #cj4 #ade ,page #fg4 #adf ,page #fg4 #adg ,page #ei4 #adh ,page #ge4 #adi ,page #gh4 #aej chines1 p4 #bg1 apologises to ,misgolas1 who was a man1 he says1 of good breeding1 for being obliged to expose his early connection with ,timarchus4 ,misgolas1 however1 is more than once mentioned by the comic poets with contempt as a notorious rake4 #aea ,see ,pol41 ii4 #g1 #e2 ii4 #f1 #e2 ii4 #i1 #f4 #aeb ,the advocates of paiderastia in ,greece tried to refute the argument from animals 7,laws1 p4 #fcf ,b2 cp4 ,daphnis and ,chloe1 lib4 #d1 what ,daphnis says to ,gnathon7 by the following considerations3 ,man is not a lion or a bear4 ,social life among human beings is highly artificial2 forms of intimacy unknown to the natural state are therefore to be regarded1 like clothing1 cooking of food1 houses1 machinery1 c41 as the invention and privilege of rational beings4 ,see ,lucian1 ,amores1 #cc1 #cd1 #ce1 #cf1 for a full exposition of this argument4 ,see also ,mousa ,paidik1 #bde4 ,the curious thing is that many animals are addicted to all sorts of so-called unnatural vices4 #aec ,maximus ,tyrius1 who1 in the rhetorical analysis of love alluded to before 7p4 #agb71 has closely followed ,plato1 insists upon the confusion introduced by language4 ,dissert41 xxiv4 #c4 ,again1 ,dissert41 xxvi4 #d2 and compare ,dissert41 xxv4 #d4 #aed ,this is the development of the argument in the ,phdrus1 where ,socrates1 improvising an improvement on the speech of ,lysias1 compares lovers to wolves and boys to lambs4 ,see the passage in ,max4 ,tyr41 where ,socrates is compared to a shepherd1 the ,athenian lovers to butchers1 and the boys to lambs upon the mountains4 #aee ,this again is the development of the whole eloquent analysis of love1 as it attacks the uninitiated and unphilosophic nature1 in the ,phdrus4 #aef ,jowett's trans41 p4 #hcg4 #aeg ,dissert41 xxv4 #a4 ,the same author pertinently remarks that1 though the teaching of ,socrates on love might well have been considered perilous1 it1 formed no part of the accusations of either ,anytus or ,aristophanes4 ,dissert41 xxiv41 #e-g #aeh ,this is a remark of ,diotima's4 ,maximus ,tyrius 7,dissert41 xxvi4 #h7 gives it a very rational interpretation4 ,nowhere else1 he says1 but in the human form1 does the light of the divine beauty shine so clear4 ,this is the word of classic art1 the word of the humanities1 to use a phrase of the ,renaissance4 ,it finds an echo in many beautiful sonnets of ,michelangelo4 #aei ,see ,bergk41 vol4 ii4 pp4 #faf-fbi1 for a critique of the canon of the highly paiderastic epigrams which bear ,plato's name and for their text4 #afj ,i select the ,vita ,nuova as the most eminent example of medival erotic mysticism4 #afa ,tusc41 iv4 #cc2 ,decline and ,fall1 cap4 xliv4 note #aib4 #afb ,see ,meier1 cap4 #ae4 #afc ,cap4 #bc4 #afd ,cap4 #ed4 #afe ,page #d4 #aff ,it is noticeable that in all ages men of learning have been obnoxious to paiderastic passions4 ,dante says 7,inferno1 xv4 #ajf73-- ,in somma sappi1 che tutti fur cherci1 ,e letterati grandi e di gran fama1 ,d'un medesmo poccato al mondo lerci4 ,compare ,ariosto1 ,satire1 vii4 #afg ,dissert41 xxvi4 #i4 #afh ,i am aware that the genuineness of the essay has been questioned4 #afi ,mousa ,paidik1 i4 #agj ,ibid41 #bjh4 #aga ,ibid41 #beh1 #b4 #agb ,ibid41 #gj1 #fe1 #fi1 #aid1 #bbj1 #bba1 #fg1 #fh1 #gh1 and others4 #agc ,perhaps ten are of this sort4 #agd #h1 #abe1 for example4 #age #acb1 #bef1 #bba4 #agf #bai4 #agg #g4 #agh #ag4 ,compare #hf4 #agi ,ed4 ,kayser1 pp4 #cdc-cff4 #ahj ,it is worth comparing the letters of ,philostratus with those of ,alciphron1 a contemporary of ,lucian4 ,in the latter there is no hint of paiderastia4 ,the life of parasites1 grisettes1 lorettes1 and young men about town at ,athens is set forth in imitation probably of the later comedy4 ,athens is shown to have been a ,paris la ,murger4 #aha ,see the introduction by ,marcus ,aurelius to his ,meditations4 #ahb ,see quotations in ,rosenbaum1 #aai-adj4 #ahc ,see ,athen41 xii4 #eag1 for an account of their grotesque sensuality4 #ahd ,the following passage may be extracted from a letter of ,winckelmann 7see ,pater's ,studies in the ,history of the ,renaissance1 p4 #afb73 ,as it is confessedly the beauty of man which is to be conceived under one general idea1 so ,i have noticed that those who are observant of beauty only in women1 and are moved little or not at all by the beauty of men1 seldom have an impartial1 vital1 inborn instinct for beauty in art4 ,to such persons the beauty of ,greek art will ever seem wanting1 because its supreme beauty is rather male than female4 ,to this ,i think we ought to add that1 while it is true that the supreme beauty of ,greek art is rather male than female1 this is due not so much to any passion of the ,greeks for male beauty as to the fact that the male body exhibits a higher organisation of the human form than the female4