,manifesto ,of the ,communist ,party ,by ,,karl ,,marx and ,,frederick ,,engels ,,authorized ,,english ,,translation ,edited and ,annotated by ,frederick ,engels ,price #aj ,cents ,,new ,,york ,published by the ,new ,york ,labor ,news ,co41 #bh ,city ,hall ,place #aijh ,,preface ,the ,manifesto was published as the platform of the ,communist ,league1 a workingmen's association1 first exclusively ,german1 later on international1 and1 under the political conditions of the ,continent before #ahdh1 unavoidably a secret society4 ,at a ,congress of the ,league1 held in ,london in ,november1 #ahdg1 ,marx and ,engels were commissioned to prepare for publication a complete theoretical and practical party programme4 ,drawn up in ,german1 in ,january1 #ahdh1 the manuscript was sent to the printer in ,london a few weeks before the ,french revolution of ,february #bd4 ,a ,french translation was brought out in ,paris1 shortly before the insurrection of ,june1 #ahdh4 ,the first ,english translation1 by ,miss ,helen ,macfarlane1 appeared in ,george ,julian ,harney's ,red ,republican1 ,london1 #ahej4 ,a ,danish and a ,polish edition had also been published4 ,the defeat of the ,parisian insurrection of ,june1 #ahdh--the first great battle between ,proletariat and ,bourgeoisie--drove again into the background1 for a time1 the social and political aspirations of the ,european working class4 ,thenceforth1 the struggle for supremacy was again1 as it had been before the revolution of ,february1 solely between the different sections of the propertied class2 the working class was reduced to a fight for political elbow-room1 and to the position of extreme wing of the ,middle-class ,radicals4 ,wherever independent proletarian movements continued to show signs of life1 they were ruthlessly hunted down4 ,thus the ,prussian police hunted out the ,central ,board of the ,communist ,league1 then located in ,cologne4 ,the members were arrested1 and1 after eighteen months' imprisonment1 they were tried in ,october1 #aheb4 ,this celebrated ,cologne ,communist trial lasted from ,october #d till ,november #ab2 seven of the prisoners were sentenced to terms of imprisonment in a fortress1 varying from three to six years4 ,immediately after the sentence the ,league was formally dissolved by the remaining members4 ,as to the ,manifesto1 it seemed thenceforth to be doomed to oblivion4 ,when the ,european working class had recovered sufficient strength for another attack on the ruling classes1 the ,international ,workingmen's ,association sprang up4 ,but this association1 formed with the express aim of welding into one body the whole militant proletariat of ,europe and ,america1 could not at once proclaim the principles laid down in the ,manifesto4 ,the ,international was bound to have a programme broad enough to be acceptable to the ,english ,trades' ,unions1 to the followers of ,proudhon in ,france1 ,belgium1 ,italy and ,spain1 and to the ,lassalleans7a7 in ,germany4 ,marx1 who drew up this programme to the satisfaction of all parties1 entirely trusted to the intellectual development of the working class1 which was sure to result from combined action and mutual discussion4 ,the very events and vicissitudes of the struggle against ,capital1 the defeats even more than the victories1 could not help bringing home to men's minds the insufficiency of their various favorite nostrums1 and preparing the way for a more complete insight into the true conditions of working-class emancipation4 ,and ,marx was right4 ,the ,international1 on its breaking up in #ahgd1 left the workers quite different men from what it had found them in #ahfd4 ,proudhonism in ,france1 ,lassalleanism in ,germany1 were dying out1 and even the conservative ,english ,trades' ,unions1 though most of them had long since severed their connection with the ,international1 were gradually advancing towards that point at which1 last year at ,swansea1 their ,president could say in their name1 ,continental ,socialism has lost its terrors for us4 ,in fact1 the principles of the ,manifesto had made considerable headway among the workingmen of all countries4 ,the ,manifesto itself thus came to the front again4 ,the ,german text had been1 since #ahej1 reprinted several times in ,switzerland1 ,england and ,america4 ,in #ahgb it was translated into ,english in ,new ,york1 where the translation was published in ,woodhull and ,claflin's ,weekly4 ,from this ,english version a ,french one was made in ,le ,socialiste of ,new ,york4 ,since then at least two more ,english translations1 more or less mutilated1 have been brought out in ,america1 and one of them has been reprinted in ,england4 ,the first ,russian translation1 made by ,bakounine1 was published at ,herzen's ,kolokol office in ,geneva1 about #ahfc2 a second one1 by the heroic ,vera ,zasulitch1 also in ,geneva1 #ahhb4 ,a new ,danish edition is to be found in ,socialdemokratisk ,bibliothek1 ,copenhagen1 #ahhe2 a fresh ,french translation in ,le ,socialiste1 ,paris1 #ahhf4 ,from this latter a ,spanish version was prepared and published in ,madrid1 #ahhf4 ,the ,german reprints are not to be counted2 there have been twelve altogether at the least4 ,an ,armenian translation1 which was to be published in ,constantinople some months ago1 did not see the light1 ,i am told1 because the publisher was afraid of bringing out a book with the name of ,marx on it1 while the translator declined to call it his own production4 ,of further translations into other languages ,i have heard1 but have not seen them4 ,thus the history of the ,manifesto reflects1 to a great extent1 the history of the modern working class movement2 at present it is undoubtedly the most widespread1 the most international production of all ,socialist ,literature1 the common platform acknowledged by millions of workingmen from ,siberia to ,california4 ,yet1 when it was written1 we could not have called it a ,socialist ,manifesto4 ,by ,socialists1 in #ahdg1 were understood1 on the one hand1 the adherents of the various ,utopian systems3 ,owenites in ,england1 ,fourierists in ,france1 both of them already reduced to the position of mere sects1 and gradually dying out2 on the other hand1 the most multifarious social quacks1 who1 by all manners of tinkering1 professed to redress1 without any danger to capital and profit1 all sorts of social grievances2 in both cases men outside the working class movement and looking rather to the educated classes for support4 ,whatever portion of the working classes had become convinced of the insufficiency of mere political revolutions1 and had proclaimed the necessity of a total social change1 that portion1 then1 called itself ,communist4 ,it was a crude1 rough-hewn1 purely instinctive sort of ,communism2 still it touched the cardinal point and was powerful enough among the working class to produce the ,utopian ,communism1 in ,france of ,cabet1 and in ,germany of ,weitling4 ,thus1 ,socialism was1 in #ahdg1 a middle class movement1 ,communism a working class movement4 ,socialism was1 on the ,continent at least1 respectable2 ,communism was the very opposite4 ,and as our notion1 from the very beginning was1 that the emancipation of the working class must be the act of the working class itself1 there could be no doubt as to which of the two names we must take4 ,moreover1 we have ever since been far from repudiating it4 ,the ,manifesto being our joint production1 ,i consider myself bound to state that the fundamental proposition which forms its nucleus belongs to ,marx4 ,that proposition is3 that in every historical epoch1 the prevailing mode of economic production and exchange1 and the social organization necessarily following from it1 form the basis upon which is built up1 and from which alone can be explained1 the political and intellectual history of that epoch2 that consequently the whole history of mankind 7since the dissolution of primitive tribal society1 holding land in common ownership7 has been a history of class struggles1 contests between exploiting and exploited1 ruling and oppressed classes2 that the history of these class struggles forms a series of evolution in which1 nowadays1 a stage has been reached where the exploited and the oppressed class--the proletariat--cannot attain its emancipation from the sway of the exploiting and ruling class--the bourgeoisie--without1 at the same time1 and once for all1 emancipating society at large from all exploitation1 oppression1 class distinctions and class struggles4 ,this proposition1 which1 in my opinion1 is destined to do for history what ,darwin's theory has done for biology1 we1 both of us1 had been gradually approaching for some years before #ahde4 ,how far ,i had independently progressed toward it1 is best shown by my ,condition of the ,working ,class in ,england47b7 ,but when ,i again met ,marx at ,brussels in the spring of #ahde1 he had it ready worked out1 and put it before me1 in terms almost as clear as those in which ,i have stated it here4 ,from our joint preface to the ,german edition of #ahgb1 ,i quote the following3 ,however much the state of things may have altered during the last twenty-five years1 the general principles laid down in this ,manifesto are1 on the whole1 as correct to-day as ever4 ,here and there some detail might be improved4 ,the practical application of the principles will depend1 as the ,manifesto itself states1 everywhere and at all times1 on the historical conditions for the time being existing1 and for that reason no special stress is laid on the revolutionary measures proposed at the end of ,section ,,ii4 ,that passage would1 in many respects1 be very differently worded to-day4 ,in view of the gigantic strides of modern industry since #ahdh1 and of the accompanying improved and extended organization of the working class2 in view of the practical experience gained1 first in the ,february revolution1 and then1 still more1 in the ,paris ,commune1 where the proletariat for the first time held political power for two whole months1 this programme has in some details become antiquated4 ,one thing especially was proved by the ,commune1 viz41 that 'the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made ,state machinery1 and wield it for its own purposes4' 7,see ',the ,civil ,war in ,france2 ,address of the ,general ,council of the ,international ,workingmen's ,association1' ,london1 ,truelove1 #ahga1 p4 #ae1 where this point is further developed47 ,further1 it is self-evident that the criticism of ,socialist literature is deficient in relation to the present time1 because it comes down only to #ahdg2 also1 that the remarks on the relation of the ,communists to the various opposition parties 7,section ,,iv471 although in principle still correct1 yet in practice are antiquated1 because the political situation has been entirely changed1 and the progress of history has swept from off the earth the greater portion of the political parties there enumerated4 ,but1 then1 the ,manifesto has become a historical document which we have no longer any right to alter4 ,the present translation is by ,mr4 ,samuel ,moore1 the translator of the greater portion of ,marx's ,capital4 ,we have revised it and ,i have added a few notes explanatory of historical allusions4 ,,frederick ,,engels4 ,london1 ,january #cj1 #ahhh4 7a7 ,lassalle personally1 to us1 always acknowledged himself to be a disciple of ,marx1 and1 as such1 stood on the ground of the ,manifesto4 ,but in his public agitation1 #ahfb-fd1 he did not go beyond demanding co-operative workshops supported by ,state credit4 7b7 ,the condition of the ,working ,class in ,england in #ahdd4 ,by ,frederick ,engels4 ,translated by ,florence ,k4 ,wischnewetzky4 ,to be had from the ,n4 ,y4 ,labor ,news ,co41 #bh ,city ,hall ,place1 ,new ,york4 ,,manifesto ,,of ,,the ,,communist ,,party4 ,,by ,,karl ,,marx ,,and ,,frederick ,,engels4 ,a specter is haunting ,europe--the specter of ,communism4 ,all the powers of old ,europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this specter2 ,pope and ,czar1 ,metternich and ,guizot1 ,french radicals and ,german police spies4 ,where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as ,communistic by its opponents in power8 ,where the opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach of ,communism1 against the more advanced opposition parties1 as well as against its reactionary adversaries8 ,two things result from this fact4 ,i4 ,communism is already acknowledged by all ,european powers to be in itself a power4 ,,ii4 ,it is high time that ,communists should openly1 in the face of the whole world1 publish their views1 their aims1 their tendencies1 and meet this nursery tale of the ,specter of ,communism with a ,manifesto of the party itself4 ,to this end the ,communists of various nationalities have assembled in ,london1 and sketched the following manifesto to be published in the ,english1 ,french1 ,german1 ,italian1 ,flemish and ,danish languages4 ,i4 ,,bourgeois ,,and ,,proletarians47a7 ,the history of all hitherto existing society7b7 is the history of class struggles4 ,freeman and slave1 patrician and plebeian1 lord and serf1 guildmaster7c7 and journeyman1 in a word1 oppressor and oppressed1 stood in constant opposition to one another1 carried on an uninterrupted1 now hidden1 now open fight1 that each time ended1 either in the revolutionary reconstitution of society at large1 or in the common ruin of the contending classes4 ,in the earlier epochs of history we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society into various orders1 a manifold gradation of social rank4 ,in ancient ,rome we have patricians1 knights1 plebeians1 slaves2 in the middle ages1 feudal lords1 vassals1 guild masters1 journeymen1 apprentices1 serfs2 in almost all of these classes1 again1 subordinate gradations4 ,the modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society1 has not done away with class antagonisms4 ,it has but established new classes1 new conditions of oppression1 new forms of struggle in place of the old ones4 ,our epoch1 the epoch of the bourgeois1 possesses1 however1 this distinctive feature3 it has simplified the class antagonisms4 ,society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps1 into two great classes directly facing each other3 ,bourgeoisie and ,proletariat4 ,from the serfs of the middle ages sprang the chartered burghers of the earliest towns4 ,from these burgesses the first elements of the bourgeoisie were developed4 ,the discovery of ,america1 the rounding of the ,cape1 opened up fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie4 ,the ,east ,indian and ,chinese markets1 the colonization of ,america1 trade with the colonies1 the increase in the means of exchange and in commodities generally1 gave to commerce1 to navigation1 to industry1 an impulse never before known1 and thereby1 to the revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society1 a rapid development4 ,the feudal system of industry1 under which industrial production was monopolized by close guilds1 now no longer sufficed for the growing wants of the new markets4 ,the manufacturing system took its place4 ,the guild masters were pushed on one side by the manufacturing middle class2 division of labor between the different corporate guilds vanished in the face of division of labor in each single workshop4 ,meantime the markets kept ever growing1 the demand ever rising4 ,even manufacture no longer sufficed4 ,thereupon steam and machinery revolutionized industrial production4 ,the place of manufacture was taken by the giant1 ,modern ,industry1 the place of the industrial middle class1 by industrial millionaires1 the leaders of whole industrial armies1 the modern bourgeois4 ,modern industry has established the world's market1 for which the discovery of ,america paved the way4 ,the market has given an immense development to commerce1 to navigation1 to communication by land4 ,this development has1 in its turn1 reacted on the extension of industry2 and in proportion as industry1 commerce1 navigation and railways extended1 in the same proportion the bourgeoisie developed1 increased its capital1 and pushed into the background every class handed down from the middle ages4 ,we see1 therefore1 how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product of a long course of development1 of a series of revolutions in the modes of production and of exchange4 ,each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a corresponding political advance of that class4 ,an oppressed class under the sway of the feudal nobility1 an armed and self-governing association in the medieval commune7d71 here independent urban republic 7as in ,italy and ,germany71 there taxable third estate of the monarchy 7as in ,france71 afterwards1 in the period of manufacture proper1 serving either the semi-feudal or the absolute monarchy as a counterpoise against the nobility1 and1 in fact1 corner-stone of the great monarchies in general1 the bourgeoisie has at last1 since the establishment of ,modern ,industry and of the world's market1 conquered for itself1 in the modern representative ,state1 exclusive political sway4 ,the executive of the modern ,state is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie4 ,the bourgeoisie1 historically1 has played a most revolutionary part4 ,the bourgeoisie1 wherever it has got the upper hand1 has put an end to all feudal1 patriarchal1 idyllic relations4 ,it has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his natural superiors1 and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest1 callous cash payment4 ,it has drowned the most heavenly ecstacies of religious fervor1 of chivalrous enthusiasm1 of philistine sentimentalism1 in the icy water of egotistical calculation4 ,it has resolved personal worth into exchange value1 and in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms1 has set up that single1 unconscionable freedom--,free ,trade4 ,in one word1 for exploitation1 veiled by religious and political illusions1 it has substituted naked1 shameless1 direct1 brutal exploitation4 ,the bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honored and looked up to with reverent awe4 ,it has converted the physician1 the lawyer1 the priest1 the poet1 the man of science1 into its paid wage laborers4 ,the bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil1 and has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation4 ,the bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal display of vigor in the middle ages1 which ,reactionists so much admire1 found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence4 ,it has been the first to show what man's activity can bring about4 ,it has accomplished wonders far surpassing ,egyptian pyramids1 ,roman aqueducts1 and ,gothic cathedrals2 it has conducted expeditions that put in the shade all former ,exoduses of nations and crusades4 ,the bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing the instruments of production1 and thereby the relations of production1 and with them the whole relations of society4 ,conservation of the old modes of production in unaltered forms1 was1 on the contrary1 the first condition of existence for all earlier industrial classes4 ,constant revolutionizing of production1 uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions1 everlasting uncertainty and agitation1 distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones4 ,all fixed1 fast-frozen relations1 with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions1 are swept away2 all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify4 ,all that is solid melts into air1 all that is holy is profaned1 and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses his real conditions of life and his relations with his kind4 ,the need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe4 ,it must nestle everywhere1 settle everywhere1 establish connections everywhere4 ,the bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world's market given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country4 ,to the great chagrin of ,reactionists1 it has drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood4 ,all old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed4 ,they are dislodged by new industries1 whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilized nations1 by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material1 but raw material drawn from the remotest zones1 industries whose products are consumed1 not only at home1 but in every quarter of the globe4 ,in place of the old wants1 satisfied by the productions of the country1 we find new wants1 requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes4 ,in place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency1 we have intercourse in every direction1 universal inter-dependence of nations4 ,and as in material1 so also in intellectual production4 ,the intellectual creations of individual nations become common property4 ,national one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible1 and from the numerous national and local literatures1 there arises a world literature4 ,the bourgeoisie1 by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production1 by the immensely facilitated means of communication1 draws all1 even the most barbarian1 nations into civilization4 ,the cheap prices of its commodities are the heavy artillery with which it batters down all ,chinese walls1 with which it forces the barbarians' intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate4 ,it compels all nations1 on pain of extinction1 to adopt the bourgeois mode of production2 it compels them to introduce what it calls civilization into their midst1 i4e41 to become bourgeois themselves4 ,in one word1 it creates a world after its own image4 ,the bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns4 ,it has created enormous cities1 has greatly increased the urban population as compared with the rural1 and has thus rescued a considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural life4 ,just as it has made the country dependent on the towns1 so it has made barbarian and semi-barbarian countries dependent on the civilized ones1 nations of peasants on nations of bourgeois1 the ,east on the ,west4 ,the bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the scattered state of the population1 of the means of production1 and of property4 ,it has agglomerated population1 centralized means of production1 and has concentrated property in a few hands4 ,the necessary consequence of this was political centralization4 ,independent1 or but loosely connected provinces1 with separate interests1 laws1 governments and systems of taxation1 became lumped together into one nation1 with one government1 one code of laws1 one national class interest1 one frontier1 and one customs tariff4 ,the bourgeoisie1 during its rule of scarce one hundred years1 has created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding generations together4 ,subjection of ,nature's forces to man1 machinery1 application of chemistry to industry and agriculture1 steam navigation1 railways1 electric telegraphs1 clearing of whole continents for cultivation1 canalization of rivers1 whole populations conjured out of the ground--what earlier century had even a presentiment that such productive forces slumbered in the lap of social labor8 ,we see then3 the means of production and of exchange on whose foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up1 were generated in feudal society4 ,at a certain stage in the development of these means of production and of exchange1 the conditions under which feudal society produced and exchanged1 the feudal organization of agriculture and manufacturing industry1 in one word1 the feudal relations of property1 became no longer compatible with the already developed productive forces2 they became so many fetters4 ,they had to be burst asunder4 ,into their place stepped free competition1 accompanied by a social and political constitution adapted to it1 and by the economical and political sway of the bourgeois class4 ,a similar movement is going on before our own eyes4 ,modern bourgeois society with its relations of production1 of exchange1 and of property1 a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of production and of exchange1 is like the sorcerer1 who is no longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells4 ,for many a decade past the history of industry and commerce is but the history of the revolt of modern productive forces against modern conditions of production1 against the property relations that are the conditions for the existence of the bourgeoisie and of its rule4 ,it is enough to mention the commercial crises that by their periodical return put on its trial1 each time more threateningly1 the existence of the bourgeois society4 ,in these crises a great part not only of the existing products1 but also of the previously created productive forces1 is periodically destroyed4 ,in these crises there breaks out an epidemic that1 in all earlier epochs1 would have seemed an absurdity--the epidemic of overproduction4 ,society suddenly finds itself put back into a state of momentary barbarism2 it appears as if a famine1 a universal war of devastation had cut off the supply of every means of subsistence2 industry and commerce seem to be destroyed2 and why8 because there is too much civilization1 too much means of subsistence1 too much industry1 too much commerce4 ,the productive forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the development of the conditions of bourgeois property2 on the contrary1 they have become too powerful for these conditions1 by which they are fettered1 and so soon as they overcome these fetters1 they bring disorder into the whole of bourgeois society1 endanger the existence of bourgeois property4 ,the conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them4 ,and how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises8 ,on the one hand by enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces2 on the other1 by the conquest of new markets1 and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones4 ,that is to say1 by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises1 and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented4 ,the weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself4 ,but not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself2 it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons--the modern working class--the proletarians4 ,in proportion as the bourgeoisie1 i4e41 capital1 is developed1 in the same proportion is the proletariat1 the modern working class1 developed2 a class of laborers1 who live only so long as they find work1 and who find work only so long as their labor increases capital4 ,these laborers1 who must sell themselves piecemeal1 are a commodity1 like every other article of commerce1 and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of competition1 to all the fluctuations of the market4 ,owing to the extensive use of machinery and to division of labor1 the work of the proletarians has lost all individual character1 and1 consequently1 all charm for the workman4 ,he becomes an appendage of the machine1 and it is only the most simple1 most monotonous1 and most easily acquired knack1 that is required of him4 ,hence1 the cost of production of a workman is restricted almost entirely to the means of subsistence that he requires for his maintenance1 and for the propagation of his race4 ,but the price of a commodity1 and therefore also of labor1 is equal1 in the long run1 to its cost of production4 ,in proportion1 therefore1 as the repulsiveness of the work increases1 the wage decreases4 ,nay1 more1 in proportion as the use of machinery and division of labor increase1 in the same proportion the burden of toil also increases1 whether by prolongation of the working hours1 by increase of the work exacted in a given time1 or by increased speed of the machinery1 etc4 ,modern industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal master into the great factory of the industrial capitalist4 ,masses of laborers1 crowded into the factory1 are organized like soldiers4 ,as privates of the industrial army they are placed under the command of a perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants4 ,not only are they slaves of the bourgeois class1 and of the bourgeois ,state1 they are daily and hourly enslaved by the machine1 by the over-seer1 and1 above all1 by the individual bourgeois manufacturer himself4 ,the more openly this despotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim1 the more petty1 the more hateful and the more embittering it is4 ,the less skill and exertion of strength is implied in manual labor1 in other words1 the more modern industry becomes developed1 the more is the labor of men superseded by that of women4 ,differences of age and sex have no longer any distinctive social validity for the working class4 ,all are instruments of labor1 more or less expensive to use1 according to age and sex4 ,no sooner is the exploitation of the laborer by the manufacturer so far at an end that he receives his wages in cash1 than he is set upon by the other portions of the bourgeoisie1 the landlord1 the shopkeeper1 the pawnbroker1 etc4 ,the lower strata of the middle class--the small trades-people1 shopkeepers1 and retired tradesmen generally1 the handicraftsmen and peasants--all these sink gradually into the proletariat1 partly because their diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on which modern industry is carried on1 and is swamped in the competition with the large capitalists1 partly because their specialized skill is rendered worthless by new methods of production4 ,thus the proletariat is recruited from all classes of the population4 ,the proletariat goes through various stages of development4 ,with its birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie4 ,at first the contest is carried on by individual laborers1 then by the workpeople of a factory1 then by the operatives of one trade1 in one locality1 against the individual bourgeois who directly exploits them4 ,they direct their attacks not against the bourgeois conditions of production1 but against the instruments of production themselves2 they destroy imported wares that compete with their labor1 they smash to pieces machinery1 they set factories ablaze1 they seek to restore by force the vanished status of the workman of the middle ages4 ,at this stage the laborers still form an incoherent mass scattered over the whole country1 and broken up by their mutual competition4 ,if anywhere they unite to form more compact bodies1 this is not yet the consequence of their own active union1 but of the union of the bourgeoisie1 which class1 in order to attain its own political ends1 is compelled to set the whole proletariat in motion1 and is moreover yet1 for a time1 able to do so4 ,at this stage1 therefore1 the proletarians do not fight their enemies1 but the enemies of their enemies1 the remnants of absolute monarchy1 and land owners1 the non-industrial bourgeois1 the petty bourgeoisie4 ,thus the whole historical movement is concentrated in the hands of the bourgeoisie2 every victory so obtained is a victory for the bourgeoisie4 ,but with the development of industry the proletariat not only increases in number2 it becomes concentrated in greater masses1 its strength grows and it feels that strength more4 ,the various interests and conditions of life within the ranks of the proletariat are more and more equalized1 in proportion as machinery obliterates all distinctions of labor1 and nearly everywhere reduces wages to the same low level4 ,the growing competition among the bourgeois1 and the resulting commercial crises1 make the wages of the workers ever more fluctuating4 ,the unceasing improvement of machinery1 ever more rapidly developing1 makes their livelihood more and more precarious2 the collisions between individual workman and individual bourgeois take more and more the character of collisions between two classes4 ,thereupon the workers begin to form combinations 7,trades' ,unions7 against the bourgeois2 they club together in order to keep up the rate of wages2 they found permanent associations in order to make provision beforehand for these occasional revolts4 ,here and there the contest breaks out into riots4 ,now and then the workers are victorious1 but only for a time4 ,the real fruit of their battles lies not in the immediate result but in the ever improved means of communication that are created in modern industry and that place the workers of different localities in contact with one another4 ,it was just this contact that was needed to centralize the numerous local struggles1 all of the same character1 into one national struggle between classes4 ,but every class struggle is a political struggle4 ,and that union1 to attain which the burghers of the middle ages1 with their miserable highways1 required centuries1 the modern proletarians1 thanks to railways1 achieve in a few years4 ,this organization of the proletarians into a class and consequently into a political party1 is continually being upset again by the competition between the workers themselves4 ,but it ever rises up again2 stronger1 firmer1 mightier4 ,it compels legislative recognition of particular interests of the workers1 by taking advantage of the divisions among the bourgeoisie itself4 ,thus the ten-hours' bill in ,england was carried4 ,altogether collisions between the classes of the old society further1 in many ways1 the course of the development of the proletariat4 ,the bourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant battle4 ,at first with the aristocracy2 later on1 with those portions of the bourgeoisie itself whose interests have become antagonistic to the progress of industry2 at all times with the bourgeoisie of foreign countries4 ,in all these countries it sees itself compelled to appeal to the proletariat1 to ask for its help1 and thus to drag it into the political arena4 ,the bourgeoisie itself1 therefore1 supplies the proletariat with weapons for fighting the bourgeoisie4 ,further1 as we have already seen1 entire sections of the ruling classes are1 by the advance of industry1 precipitated into the proletariat1 or are at least threatened in their conditions of existence4 ,these also supply the proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and progress4 ,finally1 in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour1 the process of dissolution going on within the ruling class1 in fact within the whole range of old society1 assumes such a violent1 glaring character1 that a small section of the ruling class cuts itself adrift1 and joins the revolutionary class1 the class that holds the future in its hands4 ,just as1 therefore1 at an earlier period1 a section of the nobility went over to the bourgeoisie1 so now a portion of the bourgeoisie goes over to the proletariat1 and in particular1 a portion of the bourgeois ideologists1 who have raised themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole4 ,of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie to-day1 the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class4 ,the other classes decay and finally disappear in the face of modern industry2 the proletariat is its special and essential product4 ,the lower middle class1 the small manufacturer1 the shopkeeper1 the artisan1 the peasant1 all these fight against the bourgeoisie to save from extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class4 ,they are therefore not revolutionary1 but conservative4 ,nay1 more1 they are reactionary1 for they try to roll back the wheel of history4 ,if by chance they are revolutionary1 they are so only in view of their impending transfer into the proletariat2 they thus defend not their present1 but their future interests1 they desert their own standpoint to place themselves at that of the proletariat4 ,the dangerous class1 the social scum1 that passively rotting class thrown off by the lowest layers of old society1 may1 here and there1 be swept into the movement by a proletarian revolution2 its conditions of life1 however1 prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue4 ,in the conditions of the proletariat1 those of old society at large are already virtually swamped4 ,the proletarian is without property2 his relation to his wife and children has no longer anything in common with the bourgeois family relations2 modern industrial labor1 modern subjection to capital1 the same in ,england as in ,france1 in ,america as in ,germany1 has stripped him of every trace of national character4 ,law1 morality1 religion1 are to him so many bourgeois prejudices1 behind which lurk in ambush just as many bourgeois interests4 ,all the preceding classes that got the upper hand sought to fortify their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their conditions of appropriation4 ,the proletarians cannot become masters of the productive forces of society1 except by abolishing their own previous mode of appropriation1 and thereby also every other previous mode of appropriation4 ,they have nothing of their own to secure and to fortify2 their mission is to destroy all previous securities for1 and insurances of1 individual property4 ,all previous historical movements were movements of minorities1 or in the interest of minorities4 ,the proletarian movement is the self-conscious1 independent movement of the immense majority1 in the interest of the immense majority4 ,the proletariat1 the lowest stratum of our present society1 cannot stir1 cannot raise itself up1 without the whole super-incumbent strata of official society being sprung into the air4 ,though not in substance1 yet in form1 the struggle of the proletariat with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle4 ,the proletariat of each country must1 of course1 first of all settle matters with its own bourgeoisie4 ,in depicting the most general phases of the development of the proletariat1 we traced the more or less veiled civil war1 raging within existing society1 up to the point where that war breaks out into open revolution1 and where the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat4 ,hitherto every form of society has been based1 as we have already seen1 on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed classes4 ,but in order to oppress a class certain conditions must be assured to it under which it can1 at least1 continue its slavish existence4 ,the serf1 in the period of serfdom1 raised himself to membership in the commune1 just as the petty bourgeois1 under the yoke of feudal absolutism1 managed to develop into a bourgeois4 ,the modern laborer1 on the contrary1 instead of rising with the progress of industry1 sinks deeper and deeper below the conditions of existence of his own class4 ,he becomes a pauper1 and pauperism develops more rapidly than population and wealth4 ,and here it becomes evident that the bourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be the ruling class in society and to impose its conditions of existence upon society as an over-riding law4 ,it is unfit to rule because it is incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery1 because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state that it has to feed him instead of being fed by him4 ,society can no longer live under this bourgeoisie2 in other words1 its existence is no longer compatible with society4 ,the essential condition for the existence1 and for the sway of the bourgeois class1 is the formation and augmentation of capital2 the condition for capital is wage-labor4 ,wage-labor rests exclusively on competition between the laborers4 ,the advance of industry1 whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie1 replaces the isolation of the laborers1 due to competition1 by their revolutionary combination1 due to association4 ,the development of modern industry1 therefore1 cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products4 ,what the bourgeoisie therefore produces1 above all1 are its own grave diggers4 ,its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable4 7a7 ,by bourgeoisie is meant the class of modern ,capitalists1 owners of the means of social production and employers of wage-labor4 ,by proletariat1 the class of modern wage-laborers who1 having no means of production of their own1 are reduced to selling their labor-power in order to live4 7b7 ,that is1 all written history4 ,in #ahdg1 the pre-history of society1 the social organization existing previous to recorded history1 was all but unknown4 ,since then1 ,haxthausen discovered common ownership of land in ,russia1 ,maurer proved it to be the social foundation from which all ,teutonic races started in history1 and by and by village communities were found to be1 or to have been the primitive form of society everywhere from ,india to ,ireland4 ,the inner organization of this primitive ,communistic society was laid bare1 in its typical form1 by ,morgan's crowning discovery of the true nature of the ,gens and its relation to the ,tribe4 ,with the dissolution of these primaeval communities society begins to be differentiated into separate and finally antagonistic classes4 ,i have attempted to retrace this process of dissolution in3 ,der ,ursprung der ,familie1 des ,privateigenthums und des ,staats1 #bnd edit41 ,stuttgart1 #ahhf4 7c7 ,guildmaster1 that is a full member of a guild1 a master within1 not a head of a guild4 7d7 ,commune was the name taken1 in ,france1 by the nascent towns even before they had conquered from their feudal lords and masters1 local self-government and political rights as the ,third ,estate4 ,generally speaking1 for the economical development of the bourgeoisie1 ,england is here taken as the typical country2 for its political development1 ,france4 ,,ii4 ,,proletarians ,,and ,,communists4 ,in what relation do the ,communists stand to the proletarians as a whole8 ,the ,communists do not form a separate party opposed to other working class parties4 ,they have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole4 ,they do not set up any sectarian principles of their own by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement4 ,the ,communists are distinguished from the other working class parties by this only3 #a4 ,in the national struggles of the proletarians of the different countries1 they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat1 independently of all nationality4 #b4 ,in the various stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through1 they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole4 ,the ,communists1 therefore1 are on the one hand1 practically1 the most advanced and resolute section of the working class parties of every country1 that section which pushes forward all others2 on the other hand1 theoretically1 they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the line of march1 the conditions1 and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement4 ,the immediate aim of the ,communists is the same as that of all the other proletarian parties3 formation of the proletariat into a class1 overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy1 conquest of political power by the proletariat4 ,the theoretical conclusions of the ,communists are in no way based on ideas or principles that have been invented1 or discovered1 by this or that would-be universal reformer4 ,they merely express1 in general terms1 actual relations springing from an existing class struggle1 from a historical movement going on under our very eyes4 ,the abolition of existing property relations is not at all a distinctive feature of ,communism4 ,all property relations in the past have continually been subject to historical change1 consequent upon the change in historical conditions4 ,the ,french revolution1 for example1 abolished feudal property in favor of bourgeois property4 ,the distinguishing feature of ,communism is not the abolition of property generally1 but the abolition of bourgeois property4 ,but modern bourgeois private property is the final and most complete expression of the system of producing and appropriating products1 that is based on class antagonisms1 on the exploitation of the many by the few4 ,in this sense the theory of the ,communists may be summed up in the single sentence3 ,abolition of private property4 ,we ,communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing the right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a man's own labor1 which property is alleged to be the ground work of all personal freedom1 activity and independence4 ,hard-won1 self-acquired1 self-earned property6 ,do you mean the property of the petty artisan and of the small peasant1 a form of property that preceded the bourgeois form8 ,there is no need to abolish that2 the development of industry has to a great extent already destroyed it1 and is still destroying it daily4 ,or do you mean modern bourgeois private property8 ,but does wage labor create any property for the laborer8 ,not a bit4 ,it creates capital1 i4e41 that kind of property which exploits wage-labor1 and which cannot increase except upon condition of begetting a new supply of wage-labor for fresh exploitation4 ,property1 in its present form1 is based on the antagonism of capital and wage labor4 ,let us examine both sides of this antagonism4 ,to be a capitalist1 is to have not only a purely personal1 but a social status in production4 ,capital is a collective product1 and only by the united action of many members1 nay1 in the last resort1 only by the united action of all members of society1 can it be set in motion4 ,capital is therefore not a personal1 it is a social power4 ,when1 therefore1 capital is converted into common property1 into the property of all members of society1 personal property is not thereby transformed into social property4 ,it is only the social character of the property that is changed4 ,it loses its class character4 ,let us now take wage-labor4 ,the average price of wage-labor is the minimum wage1 i4e41 that quantum of the means of subsistence1 which is absolutely requisite to keep the laborer in bare existence as a laborer4 ,what1 therefore1 the wage-laborer appropriates by means of his labor1 merely suffices to prolong and reproduce a bare existence4 ,we by no means intend to abolish this personal appropriation of the products of labor1 an appropriation that is made for the maintenance and reproduction of human life1 and that leaves no surplus wherewith to command the labor of others4 ,all that we want to do away with1 is the miserable character of this appropriation1 under which the laborer lives merely to increase capital1 and is allowed to live only in so far as the interest of the ruling class requires it4 ,in bourgeois society living labor is but a means to increase accumulated labor4 ,in ,communist society accumulated labor is but a means to widen1 to enrich1 to promote the existence of the laborer4 ,in bourgeois society1 therefore1 the past dominates the present2 in ,communist society1 the present dominates the past4 ,in bourgeois society capital is independent and has individuality1 while the living person is dependent and has no individuality4 ,and the abolition of this state of things is called by the bourgeois3 abolition of individuality and freedom6 ,and rightly so4 ,the abolition of bourgeois individuality1 bourgeois independence1 and bourgeois freedom is undoubtedly aimed at4 ,by freedom is meant1 under the present bourgeois conditions of production1 free trade1 free selling and buying4 ,but if selling and buying disappears1 free selling and buying disappears also4 ,this talk about free selling and buying1 and all the other brave words of our bourgeoisie about freedom in general1 have a meaning1 if any1 only in contrast with restricted selling and buying1 with the fettered traders of the middle ages1 but have no meaning when opposed to the ,communistic abolition of buying and selling1 of the bourgeois conditions of production1 and of the bourgeoisie itself4 ,you are horrified at our intending to do away with private property4 ,but in your existing society private property is already done away with for nine-tenths of the population2 its existence for the few is solely due to its non-existence in the hands of those nine-tenths4 ,you reproach us1 therefore1 with intending to do away with a form of property1 the necessary condition for whose existence is the non-existence of any property for the immense majority of society4 ,in one word1 you reproach us with intending to do away with your property4 ,precisely so3 that is just what we intend4 ,from the moment when labor can no longer be converted into capital1 money1 or rent1 into a social power capable of being monopolized1 i4e41 from the moment when individual property can no longer be transformed into bourgeois property1 into capital1 from that moment1 you say1 individuality vanishes6 ,you must1 therefore1 confess that by individual you mean no other person than the bourgeois1 than the middle class owner of property4 ,this person must1 indeed1 be swept out of the way1 and made impossible4 ,communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the products of society3 all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subjugate the labor of others by means of such appropriation4 ,it has been objected1 that upon the abolition of private property all work will cease1 and universal laziness will overtake us4 ,according to this1 bourgeois society ought long ago to have gone to the dogs through sheer idleness2 for those of its members who work1 acquire nothing1 and those who acquire anything1 do not work4 ,the whole of this objection is but another expression of tautology1 that there can no longer be any wage-labor when there is no longer any capital4 ,all objections against the ,communistic mode of producing and appropriating material products1 have1 in the same way1 been urged against the ,communistic modes of producing and appropriating intellectual products4 ,just as1 to the bourgeois the disappearance of class property is the disappearance of production itself1 so the disappearance of class culture is to him identical with the disappearance of all culture4 ,that culture1 the loss of which he laments1 is1 for the enormous majority1 a mere training to act as a machine4 ,but don't wrangle with us so long as you apply to our intended abolition of bourgeois property1 the standard of your bourgeois notions of freedom1 culture1 law1 etc4 ,your very ideas are but the outgrowth of the conditions of your bourgeois production and bourgeois property1 just as your jurisprudence is but the will of your class made into a law for all1 a will1 whose essential character and direction are determined by the economical conditions of existence of your class4 ,the selfish misconception that induces you to transform into eternal laws of nature and of reason1 the social forms springing from your present mode of production and form of property--historical relations that rise and disappear in the progress of production--the misconception you share with every ruling class that has preceded you4 ,what you see clearly in the case of ancient property1 what you admit in the case of feudal property1 you are of course forbidden to admit in the case of your own bourgeois form of property4 ,abolition of the family6 ,even the most radical flare up at this infamous proposal of the ,communists4 ,on what foundation is the present family1 the bourgeois family1 based8 ,on capital1 on private gain4 ,in its completely developed form this family exists only among the bourgeoisie4 ,but this state of things finds its complement in the practical absence of the family among the proletarians1 and in public prostitution4 ,the bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course when its complement vanishes1 and both will vanish with the vanishing of capital4 ,do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of children by their parents8 ,to this crime we plead guilty4 ,but1 you will say1 we destroy the most hallowed of relations1 when we replace home education by social4 ,and your education6 ,is not that also social1 and determined by the social conditions under which you educate1 by the intervention1 direct or indirect1 of society by means of schools1 etc48 ,the ,communists have not invented the intervention of society in education2 they do but seek to alter the character of that intervention1 and to rescue education from the influence of the ruling class4 ,the bourgeois clap-trap about the family and education1 about the hallowed co-relation of parent and child become all the more disgusting1 as1 by the action of modern industry1 all family ties among the proletarians are torn asunder1 and their children transformed into simple articles of commerce and instruments of labor4 ,but you ,communists would introduce community of women1 screams the whole bourgeoisie in chorus4 ,the bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production4 ,he hears that the instruments of production are to be exploited in common1 and1 naturally1 can come to no other conclusion than that the lot of being common to all will likewise fall to the women4 ,he has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do away with the status of women as mere instruments of production4 ,for the rest nothing is more ridiculous than the virtuous indignation of our bourgeois at the community of women which1 they pretend1 is to be openly and officially established by the ,communists4 ,the ,communists have no need to introduce community of women2 it has existed almost from time immemorial4 ,our bourgeois1 not content with having the wives and daughters of their proletarians at their disposal1 not to speak of common prostitutes1 take the greatest pleasure in seducing each other's wives4 ,bourgeois marriage is in reality a system of wives in common1 and thus1 at the most1 what the ,communists might possibly be reproached with1 is that they desire to introduce1 in substitution for a hypocritically concealed1 an openly legalized community of women4 ,for the rest it is self-evident that the abolition of the present system of production must bring with it the abolition of the community of women springing from that system1 i4e41 of prostitution both public and private4 ,the ,communists are further reproached with desiring to abolish countries and nationality4 ,the workingmen have no country4 ,we cannot take from them what they have not got4 ,since the proletariat must first of all acquire political supremacy1 must rise to be the leading class of the nation1 must constitute itself the nation1 it is1 so far1 itself national1 though not in the bourgeois sense of the word4 ,national differences and antagonisms between peoples are daily more and more vanishing2 owing to the development of the bourgeoisie1 to freedom of commerce1 to the world's market1 to uniformity in the mode of production and in the conditions of life corresponding thereto4 ,the supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still faster4 ,united action1 of the leading civilized countries at least1 is one of the first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat4 ,in proportion as the exploitation of one individual by another is put an end to1 the exploitation of one nation by another will also be put an end to4 ,in proportion as the antagonism between classes within the nation vanishes1 the hostility of one nation to another will come to an end4 ,the charges against ,communism made from a religious1 a philosophical1 and1 generally1 from an ideological standpoint are not deserving of serious examination4 ,does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man's ideas1 views1 and conceptions1 in one word1 man's consciousness changes with every change in the conditions of his material existence1 in his social relations and in his social life8 ,what else does the history of ideas prove1 than that intellectual production changes its character in proportion as material production is changed8 ,the ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of its ruling class4 ,when people speak of ideas that revolutionize society they do but express the fact that within the old society the elements of a new one have been created1 and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps even pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence4 ,when the ancient world was in its last throes the ancient religions were overcome by ,christianity4 ,when ,christian ideas succumbed in the eighteenth century to rationalist ideas1 feudal society fought its death battle with the then revolutionary bourgeoisie4 ,the ideas of religious liberty and freedom of conscience merely gave expression to the sway of free competition within the domain of knowledge4 ,undoubtedly1 it will be said1 religious1 moral1 philosophical and juridical ideas have been modified in the course of historical development4 ,but religion1 morality1 philosophy1 political science1 and law1 constantly survived this change4 ,there are besides1 eternal truths1 such as ,freedom1 ,justice1 etc41 that are common to all states of society4 ,but ,communism abolishes eternal truths1 it abolishes all religion and all morality1 instead of constituting them on a new basis2 it therefore acts in contradiction to all past historical experience4 ,what does this accusation reduce itself to8 ,the history of all past society has consisted in the development of class antagonisms1 antagonisms that assumed different forms at different epochs4 ,but whatever form they may have taken1 one fact is common to all past ages1 viz41 they exploitation of one part of society by the other4 ,no wonder1 then1 that the social consciousness of past ages1 despite all the multiplicity and variety it displays1 moves within certain common forms1 or general ideas1 which cannot completely vanish except with the total disappearance of class antagonisms4 ,the ,communist revolution is the most radical rupture with traditional property relations2 no wonder that its development involves the most radical rupture with traditional ideas4 ,but let us have done with the bourgeois objections to ,communism4 ,we have seen above that the first step in the revolution by the working class is to raise the proletariat to the position of the ruling class2 to win the battle of democracy4 ,the proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest1 by degrees1 all capital from the bourgeoisie2 to centralize all instruments of production in the hands of the ,state1 i4e41 of the proletariat organized as the ruling class2 and to increase the total of productive forces as rapidly as possible4 ,of course1 in the beginning this cannot be effected except by means of despotic inroads on the rights of property and on the conditions of bourgeois production2 by means of measures1 therefore1 which appear economically insufficient and untenable1 but which1 in the course of the movement1 outstrip themselves1 necessitate further inroads upon the old social order and are unavoidable as a means of entirely revolutionizing the mode of production4 ,these measures will1 of course1 be different in different countries4 ,nevertheless in the most advanced countries the following will be pretty generally applicable3 #a4 ,abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public purposes4 #b4 ,a heavy progressive or graduated income tax4 #c4 ,abolition of all right of inheritance4 #d4 ,confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels4 #e4 ,centralization of credit in the hands of the ,state1 by means of a national bank with ,state capital and an exclusive monopoly4 #f4 ,centralization of the means of communication and transport in the hands of the ,state4 #g4 ,extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the ,state2 the bringing into cultivation of waste lands1 and the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan4 #h4 ,equal liability of all to labor4 ,establishment of industrial armies1 especially for agriculture4 #i4 ,combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries3 gradual abolition of the distinction between town and country1 by a more equable distribution of the population over the country4 #aj4 ,free education for all children in public schools4 ,abolition of children's factory labor in its present form4 ,combination of education with industrial production1 etc41 etc4 ,when1 in the course of development1 class distinctions have disappeared and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation1 the public power will lose its political character4 ,political power1 properly so called1 is merely the organized power of one class for oppressing another4 ,if the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled1 by the force of circumstances1 to organize itself as a class1 if1 by means of a revolution1 it makes itself the ruling class1 and1 as such1 sweeps away by force the old conditions of production then it will1 along with these conditions1 have swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms1 and of classes generally1 and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class4 ,in place of the old bourgeois society with its classes and class antagonisms we shall have an association in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all4 ,,iii4 ,,socialist ,,and ,,communist ,,literature4 ,i4 ,,reactionary ,,socialism4 7a7 ,feudal ,socialism4 ,owing to their historical position1 it became the vocation of the aristocracies of ,france and ,england to write pamphlets against modern bourgeois society4 ,in the ,french revolution of ,july1 #ahcj1 and in the ,english reform agitation1 these aristocracies again succumbed to the hateful upstart4 ,thenceforth1 a serious political contest was altogether out of question4 ,a literary battle alone remained possible4 ,but even in the domain of literature the old cries of the restoration period7a7 had become impossible4 ,in order to arouse sympathy1 the aristocracy were obliged to lose sight1 apparently1 of their own interests1 and to formulate their indictment against the bourgeoisie in the interest of the exploited working class alone4 ,thus the aristocracy took their revenge by singing lampoons on their new master1 and whispering in his ears sinister prophecies of coming catastrophe4 ,in this way arose feudal ,socialism2 half lamentation1 half lampoon2 half echo of the past1 half menace of the future1 at times by its bitter1 witty and incisive criticism1 striking the bourgeoisie to the very heart's core1 but always ludicrous in its effects1 through total incapacity to comprehend the march of modern history4 ,the aristocracy1 in order to rally the people to them1 waved the proletarian alms-bag in front for a banner4 ,but the people1 so often as it joined them1 saw on their hindquarters the old feudal coats of arms and deserted with loud and irreverent laughter4 ,one section of the ,french ,legitimists1 and ,young ,england1 exhibited this spectacle4 ,in pointing out that their mode of exploitation was different from that of the bourgeoisie1 the feudalists forget that they exploited under circumstances and conditions that were quite different and that are now antiquated4 ,in showing that under their rule the modern proletariat never existed they forget that the modern bourgeoisie is the necessary offspring of their own form of society4 ,for the rest1 so little do they conceal the reactionary character of their criticism1 that their chief accusation against the bourgeoisie amounts to this3 that under the bourgeois regime a class is being developed1 which is destined to cut up root and branch the old order of society4 ,what they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is not so much that it creates a proletariat1 as that it creates a revolutionary proletariat4 ,in political practice1 therefore1 they join in all coercive measures against the working class2 and in ordinary life1 despite their high falutin phrases1 they stoop to pick up the golden apples dropped from the tree of industry1 and to barter truth1 love1 and honor for traffic in wool1 beet-root sugar and potato spirit7b74 ,as the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord1 so has ,clerical ,socialism with ,feudal ,socialism4 ,nothing is easier than to give ,christian asceticism a ,socialist tinge4 ,has not ,christianity declaimed against private property1 against marriages1 against the ,state8 ,has it not preached in the place of these charity and poverty1 celibacy and mortification of the flesh1 monastic life and ,mother ,church8 ,christian ,socialism is but the ,holy ,water with which the priest consecrates the heart-burnings of the aristocrat4 7b7 ,petty ,bourgeois ,socialism4 ,the feudal aristocracy was not the only class that was ruined by the bourgeoisie1 not the only class whose conditions of existence pined and perished in the atmosphere of modern bourgeois society4 ,the medieval burgesses and the small peasant proprietors were the precursors of the modern bourgeoisie4 ,in those countries which are but little developed1 industrially and commercially these two classes still vegetate side by side with the rising bourgeoisie4 ,in countries where modern civilization has become fully developed1 a new class of petty bourgeois has been formed1 fluctuating between proletariat and bourgeoisie1 and ever renewing itself as a supplementary part of bourgeois society4 ,the individual members of this class1 however1 are being constantly hurled down into the proletariat by the action of competition and as modern industry develops1 they even see the moment approaching when they will completely disappear as an independent section of modern society to be replaced in manufactures1 agriculture and commerce1 by overlookers1 bailiffs and shopmen4 ,in countries like ,france1 where the peasants constitute far more than half of the population1 it was natural that writers who sided with the proletariat against the bourgeoisie1 should use in their criticism of the bourgeois regime1 the standard of the peasant and petty bourgeois1 and from the standpoint of these intermediate classes should take up the cudgels for the working class4 ,thus arose petty bourgeois ,socialism4 ,sismondi was the head of this school1 not only in ,france but also in ,england4 ,this school of ,socialism dissected with great acuteness the contradictions in the conditions of modern production4 ,it laid bare the hypocritical apologies of economists4 ,it proved incontrovertibly the disastrous effects of machinery and division of labor2 the concentration of capital and land in a few hands2 overproduction and crises2 it pointed out the inevitable ruin of the petty bourgeois and peasant1 the misery of the proletariat1 the anarchy in production1 the crying inequalities in the distribution of wealth1 the industrial war of extermination between nations1 the dissolution of old moral bonds1 of the old family relations1 of the old nationalities4 ,in its positive aims1 however1 this form of ,socialism aspires either to restoring the old means of production and of exchange1 and with them the old property relations and the old society1 or to cramping the modern means of production and of exchange1 within the frame work of the old property relations that have been and were bound to be exploded by those means4 ,in either case1 it is both reactionary and ,utopian4 ,its last words are3 corporate guilds for manufacture2 patriarchal relations in agriculture4 ,ultimately1 when stubborn historical facts had dispersed all intoxicating effects of self-deception1 this form of ,socialism ended in a miserable fit of the blues4 7c7 ,german or ,true ,socialism4 ,the ,socialist and ,communist literature of ,france1 a literature that originated under the pressure of a bourgeoisie in power1 and that was the expression of the struggle against this power1 was introduced into ,germany at a time when the bourgeoisie in that country had just begun its contest with feudal absolutism4 ,german philosophers1--would-be philosophers and beaux esprits1--eagerly seized on this literature1 only forgetting that when these writings immigrated from ,france into ,germany1 ,french social conditions had not immigrated along with them4 ,in contact with ,german social conditions1 this ,french literature lost all its immediate practical significance1 and assumed a purely literary aspect4 ,thus1 to the ,german philosophers of the eighteenth century1 the demands of the first ,french ,revolution were nothing more than the demands of ,practical ,reason in general1 and the utterances of the will of the revolutionary ,french bourgeoisie signified in their eyes the laws of pure will1 of will as it was bound to be1 of true human will generally4 ,the work of the ,german literati consisted solely in bringing the new ,french ideas into harmony with their ancient philosophical conscience1 or rather1 in annexing the ,french ideas without deserting their own philosophic point of view4 ,this annexation took place in the same way in which a foreign language is appropriated1 namely1 by translation4 ,it is well known how the monks wrote silly lives of ,catholic ,saints over the manuscripts on which the classical works of ancient heathendom had been written4 ,the ,german literati reversed this process with the profane ,french literature4 ,they wrote their philosophical nonsense beneath the ,french original4 ,for instance1 beneath the ,french criticism of the economic functions of money they wrote ,alienation of ,humanity1 and beneath the ,french criticism of the bourgeois ,state they wrote ,dethronement of the ,category of the ,general1 and so forth4 ,the introduction of these philosophical phrases at the back of the ,french historical criticisms they dubbed ,philosophy of ,action1 ,true ,socialism1 ,german ,science of ,socialism1 ,philosophical ,foundation of ,socialism1 and so on4 ,the ,french ,socialist and ,communist literature was thus completely emasculated4 ,and1 since it ceased in the hands of the ,german to express the struggle of one class with the other1 he felt conscious of having overcome ,french one-sidedness and of representing not true requirements but the requirements of truth1 not the interests of the proletariat1 but the interests of human nature1 of man in general1 who belongs to no class1 has no reality1 and exists only in the misty realm of philosophical phantasy4 ,this ,german ,socialism1 which took its school-boy task so seriously and solemnly1 and extolled its poor stock in trade in such mountebank fashion1 meanwhile gradually lost its pedantic innocence4 ,the fight of the ,german1 and especially of the ,prussian bourgeoisie1 against feudal aristocracy and absolute monarchy1 in other words1 the liberal movement1 became more earnest4 ,by this1 the long wished-for opportunity was offered to ,true ,socialism of confronting the political movement with the ,socialist demands1 of hurling the traditional anathemas against liberalism1 against representative government1 against bourgeois competition1 bourgeois freedom of the press1 bourgeois legislation1 bourgeois liberty and equality1 and of preaching to the masses that they had nothing to gain and everything to lose by this bourgeois movement4 ,german ,socialism forgot1 in the nick of time1 that the ,french criticism1 whose silly echo it was1 presupposed the existence of modern bourgeois society1 with its corresponding economic conditions of existence1 and the political constitution adapted thereto1 the very things whose attainment was the object of the pending struggle in ,germany4 ,to the absolute governments1 with their following of parsons1 professors1 country squires and officials1 it served as a welcome scarecrow against the threatening bourgeoisie4 ,it was a sweet finish after the bitter pills of floggings and bullets with which these same governments1 just at that time1 dosed the ,german working-class risings4 ,while this ,true ,socialism thus served the government as a weapon for fighting the ,german bourgeoisie1 it1 at the same time1 directly represented a reactionary interest1 the interest of the ,german philistines4 ,in ,germany the petty bourgeois class1 a relique of the #afth century and since then constantly cropping up again under various forms1 is the real social basis of the existing state of things4 ,to preserve this class1 is to preserve the existing state of things in ,germany4 ,the industrial and political supremacy of the bourgeoisie threatens it with certain destruction2 on the one hand1 from the concentration of capital2 on the other1 from the rise of a revolutionary proletariat4 ,true ,socialism appeared to kill these two birds with one stone4 ,it spread like an epidemic4 ,the robe of speculative cobwebs1 embroidered with flowers of rhetoric1 steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment1 this transcendental robe in which the ,german ,socialists wrapped their sorry eternal truths all skin and bone1 served to wonderfully increase the sale of their goods amongst such a public4 ,and on its part1 ,german ,socialism recognized more and more its own calling as the bombastic representative of the petty bourgeois philistine4 ,it proclaimed the ,german nation to be the model nation1 and the ,german petty philistine to be the typical man4 ,to every villainous meanness of this model man it gave a hidden1 higher1 socialistic interpretation1 the exact contrary of its real character4 ,it went to the extreme length of directly opposing the brutally destructive tendency of ,communism1 and of proclaiming its supreme and impartial contempt of all class-struggles4 ,with very few exceptions1 all the so-called ,socialist and ,communist publications that now 7#ahdg7 circulate in ,germany belong to the domain of this foul and enervating literature4 #b4 ,,conservative ,,or ,,bourgeois ,,socialism4 ,a part of the bourgeoisie is desirous of redressing social grievances1 in order to secure the continued existence of bourgeois society4 ,to this section belong economists1 philanthropists1 humanitarians1 improvers of the condition of the working class1 organizers of charity1 members of societies for the prevention of cruelty to animals1 temperance fanatics1 hole and corner reformers of every imaginable kind4 ,this form of ,socialism has1 moreover1 been worked out into complete systems4 ,we may cite ,proudhon's ,philosophie de la ,misre as an example of this form4 ,the socialistic bourgeois want all the advantages of modern social conditions without the struggles and dangers necessarily resulting therefrom4 ,they desire the existing state of society minus its revolutionary and disintegrating elements4 ,they wish for a bourgeoisie without a proletariat4 ,the bourgeoisie naturally conceives the world in which it is supreme to be the best2 and bourgeois socialism develops this comfortable conception into various more or less complete systems4 ,in requiring the proletariat to carry out such a system1 and thereby to march straightway into the social ,new ,jerusalem1 it but requires in reality1 that the proletariat should remain within the bounds of existing society1 but should cast away all its hateful ideas concerning the bourgeosie4 ,a second and more practical1 but less systematic form of this ,socialism sought to depreciate every revolutionary movement in the eyes of the working class1 by showing that no mere political reform but a change in the material conditions of existence in economical relations could be of any advantage to them4 ,by changes in the material conditions of existence this form of ,socialism1 however1 by no means understands abolition of the bourgeois relations of production1--an abolition that can be effected only by a revolution--but administrative reforms1 based on the continued existence of these relations2 reforms1 therefore1 that in no respect affect the relations between capital and labor1 but1 at the best1 lessen the cost and simplify the administrative work of bourgeois government4 ,bourgeois ,socialism attains adequate expression1 when1 and only when1 it becomes a mere figure of speech4 ,free ,trade3 for the benefit of the working class4 ,protective ,duties3 for the benefit of the working class4 ,prison ,reform3 for the benefit of the working class4 ,this is the last word and the only seriously meant word of bourgeois ,socialism4 ,it is summed up in the phrase3 the bourgeois is a bourgeois--for the benefit of the working class4 #c4 ,,critical-,,utopian ,,socialism ,,and ,,communism4 ,we do not here refer to that literature which1 in every great modern revolution1 has always given voice to the demands of the proletariat1 such as the writings of ,baboeuf and others4 ,the first direct attempts of the proletariat to attain its own ends1 made in times of universal excitement1 when feudal society was being overthrown1 these attempts necessarily failed1 owing to the then undeveloped state of the proletariat1 as well as to the absence of the economic conditions for its emancipation1 conditions that had yet to be produced1 and could be produced by the impending bourgeois epoch alone4 ,the revolutionary literature that accompanied these first movements of the proletariat had necessarily a reactionary character4 ,it inculcated universal asceticism and social levelling in its crudest form4 ,the ,socialist and ,communist systems properly so called1 those of ,st4 ,simon1 ,fourier1 ,owen and others1 spring into existence in the early undeveloped period1 described above1 of the struggle between proletariat and bourgeoisie 7see3 ,section ,i41 ,bourgeoisie and ,proletariat47 ,the founders of these systems see1 indeed1 the class antagonisms as well as the action of the decomposing elements in the prevailing form of society4 ,but the proletariat1 as yet in its infancy1 offers to them the spectacle of a class without any historical initiative or any independent political movement4 ,since the development of class antagonism keeps even pace with the development of industry1 the economic situation1 as they find it1 does not as yet offer to them the material conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat4 ,they therefore search after a new social science1 after new social laws1 that are to create these conditions4 ,historical action is to yield to their personal inventive action1 historically created conditions of emancipation to phantastic ones1 and the gradual1 spontaneous class organization of the proletariat to an organization of society specially contrived by these inventors4 ,future history resolves itself1 in their eyes1 into the propaganda and the practical carrying out of their social plans4 ,in the formation of their plans they are conscious of caring chiefly for the interest of the working class1 as being the most suffering class4 ,only from the point of view of being the most suffering class does the proletariat exist for them4 ,the undeveloped state of the class struggle as well as their own surroundings cause ,socialists of this kind to consider themselves far superior to all class antagonisms4 ,they want to improve the condition of every member of society1 even that of the most favored4 ,hence they habitually appeal to society at large1 without distinction of class2 nay1 by preference to the ruling class4 ,for how can people1 when once they understand their system1 fail to see in it the best possible plan of the best possible state of society8 ,hence they reject all political1 and especially all revolutionary action2 they wish to attain their ends by peaceful means1 and endeavor1 by small experiments1 necessarily doomed to failure1 and by the force of example1 to pave the way for the new social ,gospel4 ,such phantastic pictures of future society1 painted at a time when the proletariat is still in a very undeveloped state and has but a phantastic conception of its own position1 correspond with the first instinctive yearnings of that class for a general reconstruction of society4 ,but these ,socialist and ,communist publications contain also a critical element4 ,they attack every principle of existing society4 ,hence they are full of the most valuable materials for the enlightenment of the working class4 ,the practical measures proposed in them1 such as the abolition of the distinction between town and country1 of the family1 of the carrying on of industries for the account of private individuals1 and of the wage system1 the proclamation of social harmony1 the conversion of the functions of the ,state into a mere superintendence of production1 all these proposals point solely to the disappearance of class antagonisms which were1 at that time1 only just cropping up1 and which1 in these publications1 are recognized under their earliest1 indistinct and undefined forms only4 ,these proposals1 therefore1 are of a purely ,utopian character4 ,the significance of ,critical-,utopian ,socialism and ,communism bears an inverse relation to historical development4 ,in proportion as the modern class struggle develops and takes definite shape1 this phantastic standing apart from the contest1 these phantastic attacks on it lose all practical value and all theoretical justification4 ,therefore1 although the originators of these systems were1 in many respects1 revolutionary1 their disciples have in every case formed mere reactionary sects4 ,they hold fast by the original views of their masters1 in opposition to the progressive historical development of the proletariat4 ,they1 therefore1 endeavor1 and that consistently1 to deaden the class struggle and to reconcile the class antagonisms4 ,they still dream of experimental realization of their social ,utopias1 of founding isolated phalansteres1 of establishing ,home ,colonies1 of setting up a ,little ,icaria7c7--duodecimo editions of the ,new ,jerusalem1 and to realize all these castles in the air1 they are compelled to appeal to the feelings and purses of the bourgeois4 ,by degrees they sink into the category of the reactionary conservative ,socialists depicted above1 differing from these only by more systematic pedantry1 and by their fanatical and superstitious belief in the miraculous effects of their social science4 ,they1 therefore1 violently oppose all political action on the part of the working class2 such action1 according to them1 can only result from blind unbelief in the new ,gospel4 ,the ,owenites in ,england1 and the ,fourierists in ,france1 respectively1 oppose the ,chartists and the ,rformistes4 7a7 ,not the ,english ,restoration #affj to #afhi1 but the ,french ,restoration #ahad to #ahcj4 7b7 ,this applies chiefly to ,germany where the landed aristocracy and squirearchy have large portions of their estates cultivated for their own account by stewards1 and are moreover1 extensive beet-root sugar manufacturers and distillers of potato spirits4 ,the wealthier ,british aristocracy are1 as yet1 rather above that2 but they1 too1 know how to make up for declining rents by lending their names to floaters of more or less shady joint-stock companies4 7c7 ,phalansteres were socialist colonies on the plan of ,charles ,fourier2 ,icaria was the name given by ,cabet to his ,utopia and1 later on1 to his ,american ,communist colony4 ,,iv4 ,,position ,,of ,,the ,,communists ,,in ,,relation ,,to ,,the ,,various ,,existing ,,opposition ,,parties4 ,section ,,ii4 has made clear the relations of the ,communists to the existing working class parties1 such as the ,chartists in ,england and the ,agrarian ,reformers in ,america4 ,the ,communists fight for the attainment of the immediate aims1 for the enforcement of the momentary interests of the working class2 but in the movement of the present1 they also represent and take care of the future of that movement4 ,in ,france the ,communists ally themselves with the ,social-,democrats7a71 against the conservative and radical bourgeoisie1 reserving1 however1 the right to take up a critical position in regard to phrases and illusions traditionally handed down from the great ,revolution4 ,in ,switzerland they support the ,radicals1 without losing sight of the fact that this party consists of antagonistic elements1 partly of ,democratic ,socialists1 in the ,french sense1 partly of radical bourgeois4 ,in ,poland they support the party that insists on an agrarian revolution1 as the prime condition for national emancipation1 that party which fomented the insurrection of ,cracow in #ahdf4 ,in ,germany they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever it acts in a revolutionary way against the absolute monarchy1 the feudal squirearchy1 and the petty bourgeoisie4 ,but they never cease1 for a single instant1 to instil into the working class the clearest possible recognition of the hostile antagonism between bourgeoisie and proletariat1 in order that the ,german workers may straightway use1 as so many weapons against the bourgeoisie1 the social and political conditions that the bourgeoisie must necessarily introduce along with its supremacy1 and in order that1 after the fall of the reactionary classes in ,germany1 the fight against the bourgeoisie itself may immediately begin4 ,the ,communists turn their attention chiefly to ,germany1 because that country is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that is bound to be carried out under more advanced conditions of ,european civilization1 and with a much more developed proletariat1 than that of ,england was in the seventeenth1 and of ,france in the eighteenth century1 and because the bourgeois revolution in ,germany will be but the prelude to an immediately following proletarian revolution4 ,in short1 the ,communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement against the existing social and political order of things4 ,in all these movements they bring1 to the front1 as the leading question in each1 the property question1 no matter what its degree of development at the time4 ,finally1 they labor everywhere for the union and agreement of the democratic parties of all countries4 ,the ,communists disdain to conceal their views and aims4 ,they openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions4 ,let the ruling classes tremble at a ,communistic revolution4 ,the proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains4 ,they have a world to win4 ,workingmen of all countries unite6 7a7 ,the party then represented in parliament by ,ledru-,rollin1 in literature by ,louis ,blanc1 in the daily press by the ,reforme4 ,the name of ,social-,democracy signified1 with these its inventors1 a section of the ,democratic or ,republican party more or less tinged with ,socialism4 ,,the ,,end4 ,the ,preamble ,,of ,,the ,,industrial ,,workers ,,of ,,the ,,world ,an ,address ,delivered at ,minneapolis1 ,minn1 ,by ,,daniel ,,de ,,leon ,the organization of the ,industrial ,workers of the ,world1 at ,chicago1 ,july #aj1 #aije1 marked an epoch in the history of the ,labor ,movement in ,america1 for the reason that1 as the preamble to the constitution declares1 there can be no peace between the exploited working class and the exploiting capitalist class2 the ,i4 ,w4 ,w4 organized on that basis--the recognition of the class struggle4 ,a #dh-,,page ,,pamphlet1 #e ,,cents ,send all orders to 4444 ,,new ,,york ,,labor ,,news ,,co4 #bh ,,city ,,hall ,,place ,,new ,,york ,,what ,,means ,,this ,,strike8 ,by ,,daniel ,,de ,,leon ,what ,means ,this ,strike8 is an address delivered before the striking textile workers of ,new ,bedford1 ,mass4 ,it is the best thing extant with which to begin the study of ,socialism4 ,the strike is used as an object lesson to show the nature of capitalist society4 ,the development of the capitalist is clearly given1 showing why it is that the capitalist class is able to live in idleness and luxury while the working class rots in poverty and toil4 ,,contents4--,whence ,do ,wages ,come1 and ,whence ,profits--,the ,capitalist ,system of ,production--,nature of the ,work ,performed by the ,capitalist--,mechanism of ,stock ,corporation--,nature of the ,work ,performed by the ,directors of ,stock ,corporations--,original ,accumulation--,how the ,capitalist in ,general ,gets ,his ,capital--,how ,levi ,p4 ,morton ,got ,his ,capital--,the ,class ,struggle--,nature of the ,conflict ,between the ,working ,class and the ,capitalist ,class--,development of ,capitalist ,society--,development of the ,strike--,how the ,capitalists ,rob ,inventors--,how the ,capitalist ,uses ,machinery to ,rob and ,subjugate the ,working ,class--,why the ,modern ,strike ,is ,usually a ,failure--,principles of the ,organization the ,working ,class ,must ,have to ,fight ,successfully the ,capitalist ,class--,weaknesses of ,pure and ,simple ,trade ,unions--,career of ,samuel ,gompers--,there ,will ,be ,no ,safety for the ,working ,class ,until ,it ,wrenches the ,government from the ,capitalist ,class1 ,abolishes the ,wages ,system of ,slavery1 and ,unfurls the ,banner of the ,socialist ,republic4 ,single ,copies1 #e ,cents2 #ajj ,copies1 ,,literature4 ,leaflets1 in ,english1 per thousand 44444444444444444444444444 #a4ge ,leaflets1 in ,german1 44444444444444444444444444 #c4jj ,leaflets1 in ,italian1 44444444444444444444444444 #d4jj ,leaflets1 in ,french1 44444444444444444444444444 #d4jj ,leaflets1 in ,slavonic1 44444444444444444444444444 #c4jj ,leaflets1 in ,croatian1 44444444444444444444444444 #c4jj ,leaflets1 in ,spanish1 44444444444444444444444444 #e4jj ,leaflets1 in ,polish1 44444444444444444444444444 #d4jj ,leaflets1 in ,finnish1 44444444444444444444444444 #e4jj ,leaflets1 in ,swedish1 44444444444444444444444444 #c4jj ,,note4---,the requisite amount of each must accompany each order4 ,all supplies sent by the ,general ,office have the postage or express charges paid in advance4 ,,new ,,york ,,labor ,,news ,,co4 #bh ,,city ,,hall ,,place1 ,,new ,,york ,,value1 ,,price1 ,,and ,,profit ,by ,,karl ,,marx4 ,edited by his daughter ,,eleanor ,,marx ,,aveling4 ,with an ,introduction and ,annotations by ,,lucien ,,sanial4 ,this book is especially timely1 like everything else that ,marx wrote4 ,written a couple of years before his ,capital appeared1 it is an address to workingmen1 and covers in popular form many of the subjects later scientifically expanded in ,capital4 ,lucien ,sanial says of it3 ,it is universally considered as the best epitome we have of the first volume of ',capital1' and as such1 is invaluable to the beginner in economics4 ,it places him squarely on his feet at the threshold of his inquiry2 that is1 in a position where his perceptive faculties cannot be deceived and his reasoning power vitiated by the very use of his eyesight2 whereas1 by the very nature of his capitalist surroundings1 he now stands on his head and sees all things inverted4 ,special interest attaches to what ,marx says relative to strikes4 ,were the working ,class thoroughly acquainted with the subject matter of this little work1 we should hear no more of the common ground on which capital and labor might meet to settle their differences4 ,the thousand and one schemes that are daily being flaunted in the faces of the working class by the lieutenants of the capitalists show the necessity there is on the part of the working class for a comprehensive understanding of the matter of wages1 the relation of the worker to the employer1 the source of profits1 and the relation between profits and wages4 ,these and other subjects are here presented1 and so clearly does ,marx present them that all he has to say can be understood by any person willing to pay close attention to his words4 ,cloth1 #ej ,cents4 ,paper1 #ae ,cents4 ,,new ,,york ,,labor ,,news ,,company1 #bh ,,city ,,hall ,,place1 ,,new ,,york4 ---------------------------------------- ------------------------------ ,from a ,mechanical ,standpoint it is the first one ,marx's works published in ,america that can be looked upon as a careful piece of publishing4 ,it is to be hoped that this excellent volume is the forerunner of other volumes of ,marx1 and that ,america will have the honor of publishing an edition that is accurate as to text1 thorough in annotations1 convenient in size1 and presentable in every way4 ,the present book will delight the lover of ,marx1 and every ,socialist will desire a copy of it4--,n4 ,y4 ,daily ,people4 ---------------------------------------- ------------------------------