,,some ,,causes ,,of ,,the ,,prevailing ,,discontent ,by ,charles ,dudley ,warner ,the ,declaration of ,independence opens with the statement of a great and fruitful political truth4 ,but if it had said3--,we hold these truths to be self-evident3 that all men are created unequal2 that they are endowed by their ,creator with certain inalienable rights2 that among these are life1 liberty and the pursuit of happiness1 it would also have stated the truth2 and if it had added1 ,all men are born in society with certain duties which cannot be disregarded without danger to the social state1 it would have laid down a necessary corollary to the first declaration4 ,no doubt those who signed the document understood that the second clause limited the first1 and that men are created equal only in respect to certain rights4 ,but the first part of the clause has been taken alone as the statement of a self-evident truth1 and the attempt to make this unlimited phrase a reality has caused a great deal of misery4 ,in connection with the neglect of the idea that the recognition of certain duties is as important as the recognition of rights in the political and social state--that is1 in connection with the doctrine of laissez faire --this popular notion of equality is one of the most disastrous forces in modern society4 ,doubtless men might have been created equal to each other in every respect1 with the same mental capacity1 the same physical ability1 with like inheritances of good or bad qualities1 and born into exactly similar conditions1 and not dependent on each other4 ,but men never were so created and born1 so far as we have any record of them1 and by analogy we have no reason to suppose that they ever will be4 ,inequality is the most striking fact in life4 ,absolute equality might be better1 but so far as we can see1 the law of the universe is infinite diversity in unity2 and variety in condition is the essential of what we call progress--it is1 in fact1 life4 ,the great doctrine of the ,christian era--the brotherhood of man and the duty of the strong to the weak--is in sharp contrast with this doctrinarian notion of equality4 ,the ,christian religion never proposed to remove the inequalities of life or its suffering1 but by the incoming of charity and contentment and a high mind to give individual men a power to be superior to their conditions4 ,it cannot1 however1 be denied that the spirit of ,christianity has ameliorated the condition of civilized peoples1 cooperating in this with beneficent inventions4 ,never were the mass of the people so well fed1 so well clad1 so well housed1 as today in the ,united ,states4 ,their ordinary daily comforts and privileges were the luxuries of a former age1 often indeed unknown and unattainable to the most fortunate and privileged classes4 ,nowhere else is it or was it so easy for a man to change his condition1 to satisfy his wants1 nowhere else has he or had he such advantages of education1 such facilities of travel1 such an opportunity to find an environment to suit himself4 ,as a rule the mass of mankind have been spot where they were born4 ,a mighty change has taken place in regard to liberty1 freedom of personal action1 the possibility of coming into contact with varied life and an enlarged participation in the bounties of nature and the inventions of genius4 ,the whole world is in motion1 and at liberty to be so4 ,everywhere that civilization has gone there is an immense improvement in material conditions during the last one hundred years4 ,and yet men were never so discontented1 nor did they ever find so many ways of expressing their discontent4 ,in view of the general amelioration of the conditions of life this seems unreasonable and illogical1 but it may seem less so when we reflect that human nature is unchanged1 and that which has to be satisfied in this world is the mind4 ,and there are some exceptions to this general material prosperity1 in its result to the working classes4 ,manufacturing ,england is an exception4 ,there is nothing so pitiful1 so hopeless in the record of man1 not in the ,middle ,ages1 not in rural ,france just before the ,revolution1 as the physical and mental condition of the operators in the great manufacturing cities and in the vast reeking slums of ,london4 ,the political economists have made ,england the world's great workshop1 on the theory that wealth is the greatest good in life1 and that with the golden streams flowing into ,england from a tributary world1 wages would rise1 food be cheap1 employment constant4 ,the horrible result to humanity is one of the exceptions to the general uplift of the race1 not paralleled as yet by anything in this country1 but to be taken note of as a possible outcome of any material civilization1 and fit to set us thinking whether we have not got on a wrong track4 ,mr4 ,froude1 fresh from a sight of the misery of industrial ,england1 and borne straight on toward ,australia over a vast ocean1 through calm and storm1 by a great steamer1--horses of fire yoked to a sea-chariot1--exclaims3 ,what1 after all1 have these wonderful achievements done to elevate human nature8 ,human nature remains as it was4 ,science grows1 but morality is stationary1 and art is vulgarized4 ,not here lie the 'things necessary to salvation1' not the things which can give to human life grace1 or beauty1 or dignity4 ,in the ,united ,states1 with its open opportunities1 abundant land1 where the condition of the laboring class is better actually and in possibility than it ever was in history1 and where there is little poverty except that which is inevitably the accompaniment of human weakness and crime1 the prevailing discontent seems groundless4 ,but of course an agitation so widespread1 so much in earnest1 so capable of evoking sacrifice1 even to the verge of starvation and the risk of life1 must have some reason in human nature4 ,even an illusion--and men are as ready to die for an illusion as for a reality--cannot exist without a cause4 ,now1 content does not depend so much upon a man's actual as his relative condition4 ,often it is not so much what ,i need1 as what others have that disturbs me4 ,i should be content to walk from ,boston to ,new ,york1 and be a fortnight on the way1 if everybody else was obliged to walk who made that journey4 ,it becomes a hardship when my neighbor is whisked over the route in six hours and ,i have to walk4 ,it would still be a hardship if he attained the ability to go in an hour1 when ,i was only able to accomplish the distance in six hours4 ,while there has been a tremendous uplift all along the line of material conditions1 and the laboring man who is sober and industrious has comforts and privileges in his daily life which the rich man who was sober and industrious did not enjoy a hundred years ago1 the relative position of the rich man and the poor man has not greatly changed4 ,it is true1 especially in the ,united ,states1 that the poor have become rich and the rich poor1 but inequality of condition is about as marked as it was before the invention of labor-saving machinery1 and though workingmen are better off in many ways1 the accumulation of vast fortunes1 acquired often in brutal disregard of humanity1 marks the contrast of conditions perhaps more emphatically than it ever appeared before4 ,that this inequality should continue in an era of universal education1 universal suffrage1 universal locomotion1 universal emancipation from nearly all tradition1 is a surprise1 and a perfectly comprehensible cause of discontent4 ,it is axiomatic that all men are created equal4 ,but1 somehow1 the problem does not work out in the desired actual equality of conditions4 ,perhaps it can be forced to the right conclusion by violence4 ,it ought to be said1 as to the ,united ,states1 that a very considerable part of the discontent is imported1 it is not native1 nor based on any actual state of things existing here4 ,agitation has become a business4 ,a great many men and some women1 to whom work of any sort is distasteful1 live by it4 ,some of them are refugees from military or political despotism1 some are refugees from justice1 some from the lowest conditions of industrial slavery4 ,when they come here1 they assume that the hardships they have come away to escape exist here1 and they begin agitating against them4 ,their business is to so mix the real wrongs of our social life with imaginary hardships1 and to heighten the whole with illusory and often debasing theories1 that discontent will be engendered4 ,for it is by means of that only that they live4 ,it requires usually a great deal of labor1 of organization1 of oratory to work up this discontent so that it is profitable4 ,the solid workingmen of ,america who know the value of industry and thrift1 and have confidence in the relief to be obtained from all relievable wrongs by legitimate political or other sedate action1 have no time to give to the leadership of agitations which require them to quit work1 and destroy industries1 and attack the social order upon which they depend4 ,the whole case1 you may remember1 was embodied thousands of years ago in a parable1 which ,jotham1 standing on the top of ,mount ,gerizim1 spoke to the men of ,shechem3 ,the trees went forth on a time to anoint a king over them2 and they said unto the olive-tree1 ',reign thou over us4' ,but the olive-tree said unto them1 ',should ,i leave my fatness wherewith by me they honor ,god and man1 and go to be promoted over the trees8' ,and the trees said to the fig-tree1 ',come thou and reign over us4' ,but the fig-tree said unto them1 ',should ,i forsake my sweetness and my good fruit1 and go to be promoted over the trees8' ,then said the trees unto the vine1 ',come thou and reign over us4' ,and the vine said unto them1 ',should ,i leave my wine1 which cheereth ,god and man1 and go to be promoted over the trees8' ,then said the trees unto the bramble1 ',come thou and reign over us4' ,and the bramble said to the trees1 ',if in truth ye anoint me king over you1 then come and put your trust in my shadow2 and if not1 let fire come out of the bramble1 and devour the cedars of ,lebanon4' ,in our day a conflagration of the cedars of ,lebanon has been the only result of the kingship of the bramble4 ,in the opinion of many1 our universal education is one of the chief causes of the discontent4 ,this might be true and not be an argument against education1 for a certain amount of discontent is essential to self-development and if1 as we believe1 the development of the best powers of every human being is a good in itself1 education ought not to be held responsible for the evils attending a transitional period4 ,yet we cannot ignore the danger1 in the present stage1 of an education that is necessarily superficial1 that engenders conceit of knowledge and power1 rather than real knowledge and power1 and that breeds in two-thirds of those who have it a distaste for useful labor4 ,we believe in education2 but there must be something wrong in an education that sets so many people at odds with the facts of life1 and1 above all1 does not furnish them with any protection against the wildest illusions4 ,there is something wanting in the education that only half educates people4 ,whether there is the relation of cause and effect between the two ,i do not pretend to say1 but universal and superficial education in this country has been accompanied with the most extraordinary delusions and the evolution of the wildest theories4 ,it is only necessary to refer1 by way of illustration1 to the greenback illusion1 and to the whole group of spiritualistic disturbances and psychological epidemics4 ,it sometimes seems as if half the ,american people were losing the power to apply logical processes to the ordinary affairs of life4 ,in studying the discontent in this country which takes the form of a labor movement1 one is at first struck by its illogical aspects4 ,so far as it is an organized attempt to better the condition of men by association of interests it is consistent4 ,but it seems strange that the doctrine of individualism should so speedily have an outcome in a personal slavery1 only better in the sense that it is voluntary1 than that which it protested against4 ,the revolt from authority1 the assertion of the right of private judgment1 has been pushed forward into a socialism which destroys individual liberty of action1 or to a state of anarchy in which the weak would have no protection4 ,i do not imagine that the leaders who preach socialism1 who live by agitation and not by labor1 really desire to overturn the social order and bring chaos4 ,if social chaos came1 their occupation would be gone1 for if all men were reduced to a level1 they would be compelled to scratch about with the rest for a living4 ,they live by agitation1 and they are confident that government will be strong enough to hold things together1 so that they can continue agitation4 ,the strange thing is that their followers who live by labor and expect to live by it1 and believe in the doctrine of individualism1 and love liberty of action1 should be willing to surrender their discretion to an arbitrary committee1 and should expect that liberty of action would be preserved if all property were handed over to the ,state1 which should undertake to regulate every man's time1 occupation1 wages1 and so on4 ,the central committee or authority1 or whatever it might be called1 would be an extraordinary despotism1 tempered only by the idea that it could be overturned every twenty-four hours4 ,but what security would there be for any calculations in life in a state of things in expectation of a revolution any moment8 ,compared with the freedom of action in such a government as ours1 any form of communism is an iniquitous and meddlesome despotism4 ,in a less degree an association to which a man surrenders the right to say when1 where1 and for how much he shall work1 is a despotism1 and when it goes further and attempts to put a pressure on all men outside of the association1 so that they are free neither to work nor to hire the workmen they choose1 it is an extraordinary tyranny4 ,it almost puts in the shade ,mexican or ,russian personal government4 ,a demand is made upon a railway company that it shall discharge a certain workman because and only because he is not a member of the union4 ,the company refuses4 ,then a distant committee orders a strike on that road1 which throws business far and wide into confusion1 and is the cause of heavy loss to tens of thousands who have no interest in any association of capital or labor1 many of whom are ruined by this violence4 ,some of the results of this surrender of personal liberty are as illegal as illogical4 ,the boycott is a conspiracy to injure another person1 and as such indictable at common law4 ,a strike1 if a conspiracy only to raise wages or to reduce hours of labor1 may not be indictable1 if its object cannot be shown to be the injury of another1 though that may be incidentally its effect4 ,but in its incidents1 such as violence1 intimidation1 and in some cases injury to the public welfare1 it often becomes an indictable offense4 ,the law of conspiracy is the most ill-defined branch of jurisprudence1 but it is safe to say of the boycott and the strike that they both introduce an insupportable element of tyranny1 of dictation1 of interference1 into private life4 ,if they could be maintained1 society would be at the mercy of an irresponsible and even secret tribunal4 ,the strike is illogical4 ,take the recent experience in this country4 ,we have had a long season of depression1 in which many earned very little and labor sought employment in vain4 ,in the latter part of winter the prospect brightened1 business revived1 orders for goods poured in to all the factories in the country1 and everybody believed that we were on the eve of a very prosperous season4 ,this was the time taken to order strikes1 and they were enforced in perhaps a majority of cases against the wishes of those who obeyed the order1 and who complained of no immediate grievance4 ,what men chiefly wanted was the opportunity to work4 ,the result has been to throw us all back into the condition of stagnation and depression4 ,many people are ruined1 an immense amount of capital which ventured into enterprises is lost1 but of course the greatest sufferers are the workingmen themselves4 ,the methods of violence suggested by the communists and anarchists are not remedial4 ,real difficulties exist1 but these do not reach them4 ,the fact is that people in any relations incur mutual obligations1 and the world cannot go on without a recognition of duties as well as rights4 ,we all agree that every man has a right to work for whom he pleases1 and to quit the work if it does not or the wages do not suit him4 ,on the other hand1 a man has a right to hire whom he pleases1 pay such wages as he thinks he can afford1 and discharge men who do not suit him4 ,but when men come together in the relation of employer and employed1 other considerations arise4 ,a man has capital which1 instead of loaning at interest or locking up in real estate or bonds1 he puts into a factory4 ,in other words1 he unlocks it for the benefit partly of men who want wages4 ,he has the expectation of making money1 of making more than he could by lending his money4 ,perhaps he will be disappointed1 for a common experience is the loss of capital thus invested4 ,he hires workmen at certain wages4 ,on the strength of this arrangement1 he accepts orders and makes contracts for the delivery of goods4 ,he may make money one year and lose the next4 ,it is better for the workman that he should prosper1 for the fund of capital accumulated is that upon which they depend to give them wages in a dull time4 ,but some day when he is in a corner with orders1 and his rivals are competing for the market1 and labor is scarce1 his men strike on him4 ,conversely1 take the workman settled down to work in the mill1 at the best wages attainable at the time4 ,he has a house and family4 ,he has given pledges to society4 ,his employer has incurred certain duties in regard to him by the very nature of their relations4 ,suppose the workman and his family cannot live in any comfort on the wages he receives4 ,the employer is morally bound to increase the wages if he can4 ,but if1 instead of sympathizing with the situation of his workman1 he forms a combination with all the mills of his sort1 and reduces wages merely to increase his gains1 he is guilty of an act as worthy of indictment as the strike4 ,i do not see why a conspiracy against labor is not as illegal as a conspiracy against capital4 ,the truth is1 the possession of power by men or associations makes them selfish and generally cruel4 ,few employers consider anything but the arithmetic of supply and demand in fixing wages1 and workingmen who have the power1 tend to act as selfishly as the male printers used to act in striking in an establishment which dared to give employment to women typesetters4 ,it is of course sentimental to say it1 but ,i do not expect we shall ever get on with less friction than we have now1 until men recognize their duties as well as their rights in their relations with each other4 ,in running over some of the reasons for the present discontent1 and the often illogical expression of it1 ,i am far from saying anything against legitimate associations for securing justice and fair play4 ,disassociated labor has generally been powerless against accumulated capital4 ,of course1 organized labor1 getting power will use its power 7as power is always used7 unjustly and tyrannically4 ,it will make mistakes1 it will often injure itself while inflicting general damage4 ,but with all its injustice1 with all its surrender of personal liberty1 it seeks to call the attention of the world to certain hideous wrongs1 to which the world is likely to continue selfishly indifferent unless rudely shaken out of its sense of security4 ,some of the objects proposed by these associations are chimerical1 but the agitation will doubtless go on until another element is introduced into work and wages than mere supply and demand4 ,i believe that some time it will be impossible that a woman shall be forced to make shirts at six cents apiece1 with the gaunt figures of starvation or a life of shame waiting at the door4 ,i talked recently with the driver of a street-car in a large city4 ,he received a dollar and sixty cents a day4 ,he went on to his platform at eight in the morning1 and left it at twelve at night1 sixteen hours of continuous labor every day in the week4 ,he had no rest for meals1 only snatched what he could eat as he drove along1 or at intervals of five or eight minutes at the end of routes4 ,he had no ,sunday1 no holiday in the year4 ,between twelve o'clock at night and eight the next morning he must wash and clean his car4 ,thus his hours of sleep were abridged4 ,he was obliged to keep an eye on the passengers to see that they put their fares in the box1 to be always1 responsible for them1 that they got on and off without accident1 to watch that the rules were enforced1 and that collisions and common street dangers were avoided4 ,this mental and physical strain for sixteen consecutive hours1 with scant sleep1 so demoralized him that he was obliged once in two or three months to hire a substitute and go away to sleep4 ,this is treating a human being with less consideration than the horses receive4 ,he is powerless against the great corporation2 if he complains1 his place is instantly filled2 the public does not care4 ,now what ,i want to say about this case1 and that of the woman who makes a shirt for six cents 7and these are only types of disregard of human souls and bodies that we are all familiar with71 is that if society remains indifferent it must expect that organizations will attempt to right them1 and the like wrongs1 by ways violent and destructive of the innocent and guilty alike4 ,it is human nature1 it is the lesson of history1 that real wrongs1 unredressed1 grow into preposterous demands4 ,men are much like nature in action2 a little disturbance of atmospheric equilibrium becomes a cyclone1 a slight break in the levee 'a crevasse with immense destructive power4 ,in considering the growth of discontent1 and of a natural disregard of duties between employers and employed1 it is to be noted that while wages in nearly all trades are high1 the service rendered deteriorates1 less conscience is put into the work1 less care to give a fair day's work for a fair day's wages1 and that pride in good work is vanishing4 ,this may be in the nature of retaliation for the indifference to humanity taught by a certain school of political economists1 but it is1 nevertheless1 one of the most alarming features of these times4 ,how to cultivate the sympathy of the employers with the employed as men1 and how to interest the employed in their work beyond the mere wages they receive1 is the double problem4 ,as the intention of this paper was not to suggest remedies1 but only to review some of the causes of discontent1 ,i will only say1 as to this double problem1 that ,i see no remedy so long as the popular notion prevails that the greatest good of life is to make money rapidly1 and while it is denied that all men who contribute to prosperity ought to share equitably in it4 ,the employed must recognize the necessity of an accumulated fund of capital1 and on the other hand the employer must be as anxious to have about him a contented1 prosperous community1 as to heap up money beyond any reasonable use for it4 ,the demand seems to be reasonable that the employer in a prosperous year ought to share with the workmen the profits beyond a limit that capital1 risk1 enterprise1 and superior skill can legitimately claim2 and that on the other hand the workmen should stand by the employer in hard times4 ,discontent1 then1 arises from absurd notions of equality1 from natural conditions of inequality1 from false notions of education1 and from the very patent fact1 in this age1 that men have been educated into wants much more rapidly than social conditions have been adjusted1 or perhaps ever can be adjusted1 to satisfy those wants4 ,beyond all the actual hardship and suffering1 there is an immense mental discontent which has to be reckoned with4 ,this leads me to what ,i chiefly wanted to say in this paper1 to the cause of discontent which seems to me altogether the most serious1 altogether the most difficult to deal with4 ,we may arrive at some conception of it1 if we consider what it is that the well-to-do1 the prosperous1 the rich1 the educated and cultivated portions of society1 most value just now4 ,if1 to take an illustration which is sufficiently remote to give us the necessary perspective1 if the political economists1 the manufacturers1 the traders and aristocracy of ,england had had chiefly in mind the development of the laboring people of ,england into a fine type of men and women1 full of health and physical vigor1 with minds capable of expansion and enjoyment1 the creation of decent1 happy1 and contented homes1 would they have reared the industrial fabric we now see there8 ,if they had not put the accumulation of wealth above the good of individual humanity1 would they have turned ,england into a grimy and smoky workshop1 commanding the markets of the world by cheap labor1 condemning the mass of the people to unrelieved toil and the most squalid and degraded conditions of life in towns1 while the land is more and more set apart for the parks and pleasure grounds of the rich8 ,the policy pursued has made ,england the richest of countries1 a land of the highest refinement and luxury for the upper classes1 and of the most misery for the great mass of common people4 ,on this point we have but to read the testimony of ,english writers themselves4 ,it is not necessary to suppose that the political economists were inhuman4 ,they no doubt believed that if ,england attained this commanding position1 the accumulated wealth would raise all classes into better conditions4 ,their mistake is that of all peoples who have made money their first object4 ,looked at merely on the material side1 you would think that what a philanthropic statesman would desire1 who wished a vigorous1 prosperous nation1 would be a strong and virile population1 thrifty and industrious1 and not mere slaves of mines and mills1 degenerating in their children1 year by year1 physically and morally4 ,but apparently they have gone upon the theory that it is money1 not man1 that makes a state4 ,in the ,united ,states1 under totally different conditions1 and under an economic theory that1 whatever its defects on paper1 has nevertheless insisted more upon the worth of the individual man1 we have had1 all the same1 a distinctly material development4 ,when foreign critics have commented upon this1 upon our superficiality1 our commonplaceness1 what they are pleased to call the weary level of our mediocrity1 upon the raging unrest and race for fortune1 and upon the tremendous pace of ,american life1 we have said that this is incident to a new country and the necessity of controlling physical conditions1 and of fitting our heterogeneous population to their environment4 ,it is hardly to be expected1 we have said1 until1 we have the leisure that comes from easy circumstances and accumulated wealth1 that we should show the graces of the highest civilization1 in intellectual pursuits4 ,much of this criticism is ignorant1 and to say the best of it1 ungracious1 considering what we have done in the way of substantial appliances for education1 in the field of science1 in vast charities1 and missionary enterprises1 and what we have to show in the diffused refinements of life4 ,we are already wealthy2 we have greater resources and higher credit than any other nation2 we have more wealth than any save one2 we have vast accumulations of fortune1 in private hands and in enormous corporations4 ,there exists already1 what could not be said to exist a quarter of a century ago1 a class who have leisure4 ,now what is the object in life of this great1 growing class that has money and leisure1 what does it chiefly care for8 ,in your experience of society1 what is it that it pursues and desires8 ,is it things of the mind or things of the senses8 ,what is it that interests women1 men of fortune1 club-men1 merchants1 and professional men whose incomes give them leisure to follow their inclinations1 the young men who have inherited money8 ,is it political duties1 the affairs of state1 economic problems1 some adjustment of our relations that shall lighten and relieve the wrongs and misery everywhere apparent2 is the interest in intellectual pursuits and art 7except in a dilettante way dictated for a season by fashion7 in books1 in the wide range of mental pleasures which make men superior to the accidents of fortune8 ,or is the interest of this class1 for the most part1 with some noble exceptions1 rather in things grossly material1 in what is called pleasure8 ,to come to somewhat vulgar details1 is not the growing desire for equipages1 for epicurean entertainments1 for display1 either refined or ostentatious1 rivalry in profusion and expense1 new methods for killing time1 for every imaginable luxury1 which is enjoyed partly because it pleases the senses1 and partly because it satisfies an ignoble craving for class distinction8 ,i am not referring to these things as a moralist at all1 but simply in their relation to popular discontent4 ,the astonishing growth of luxury and the habit of sensual indulgence are seen everywhere in this country1 but are most striking in the city of ,new ,york1 since the fashion and wealth of the whole country meet there for display and indulgence1--,new ,york1 which rivals ,london and outdoes ,paris in sumptuousness4 ,there congregate more than elsewhere idlers1 men and women of leisure who have nothing to do except to observe or to act in the spectacle of ,vanity ,fair4 ,aside from the display of luxury in the shops1 in the streets1 in private houses1 one is impressed by the number of idle young men and women of fashion4 ,it is impossible that a workingman who stands upon a metropolitan street corner and observes this ,bacchanalian revel and prodigality of expense1 should not be embittered by a sense of the inequality of the conditions of life4 ,but this is not the most mischievous effect of the spectacle4 ,it is the example of what these people care for4 ,with all their wealth and opportunities1 it seems to him that these select people have no higher object than the pleasures of the senses1 and he is taught daily by reiterated example that this is the end and aim of life4 ,when he sees the value the intelligent and the well-to-do set upon material things1 and their small regard for intellectual things and the pleasures of the mind1 why should he not most passionately desire those things which his more fortunate neighbors put foremost8 ,it is not the sight of a ,peter ,cooper and his wealth that discontents him1 nor the intellectual pursuits of the scholar who uses the leisure his fortune gives him for the higher pleasures of the mind4 ,but when society daily dins upon his senses the lesson that not manhood and high thinking and a contented spirit are the most desirable things1 whether one is rich or poor1 is he to be blamed for having a wrong notion of what will or should satisfy him8 ,what the well-to-do1 the prosperous1 are seen to value most in life will be the things most desired by the less fortunate in accumulation4 ,it is not so much the accumulation of money that is mischievous in this country1 for the most stupid can see that fortunes are constantly shifting hands1 but it is the use that is made of the leisure and opportunity that money brings4 ,another observation1 which makes men discontented with very slow accumulation1 is that apparently1 in the public estimation it does not make much difference whether a man acquires wealth justly or unjustly4 ,if he only secures enough1 he is a power1 he has social position1 he grasps the high honors and places in the state4 ,the fact is that the toleration of men who secure wealth by well known dishonest and sharp practices is a chief cause of the demoralization of the public conscience4 ,however the lines social and political may be drawn1 we have to keep in mind that nothing in one class can be foreign to any other1 and that practically one philosophy underlies all the movements of an age4 ,if our philosophy is material1 resulting in selfish ethics1 all our energies will have a materialistic tendency4 ,it is not to be wondered at1 therefore1 that1 in a time when making money is the chief object1 if it is not reckoned the chief good1 our education should all tend to what is called practical1 that is1 to that which can be immediately serviceable in some profitable occupation of life1 to the neglect of those studies which are only of use in training the intellect and cultivating and broadening the higher intelligence4 ,to this purely material and utilitarian idea of life1 the higher colleges and universities everywhere are urged to conform themselves4 ,thus is the utilitarian spirit eating away the foundations of a higher intellectual life1 applying to everything a material measure4 ,in proportion as scholars yield to it1 they are lowering the standard of what is most to be desired in human life1 acting in perfect concert with that spirit which exalts money making as the chief good1 which makes science itself the slave of the avaricious and greedy1 and fills all the world with discontented and ignoble longing4 ,we do not need to be told that if we neglect pure science for the pursuit of applied science only1 applied science will speedily be degraded and unfruitful2 and it is just as true that if we pursue knowledge only for the sake of gain1 and not for its own sake1 knowledge will lose the power it has of satisfying the higher needs of the human soul4 ,if we are seen to put only a money value on the higher education1 why should not the workingman1 who regards it only as a distinction of class or privilege1 estimate it by what he can see of its practical results in making men richer1 or bringing him more pleasure of the senses8 ,the world is ruled by ideas1 by abstract thought4 ,society1 literature1 art1 politics1 in any given age are what the prevailing system of philosophy makes them4 ,we recognize this clearly in studying any past period4 ,we see1 for instance1 how all the currents of human life changed upon the adoption of the inductive method2 no science1 no literature1 no art1 practical or fine1 no person1 inquiring scholar1 day laborer1 trader1 sailor1 fine lady or humblest housekeeper1 escaped the influence4 ,even though the prevailing ethics may teach that every man's highest duty is to himself1 we cannot escape community of sympathy and destiny in this cold-blooded philosophy4 ,no social or political movement stands by itself4 ,if we inquire1 we shall find one preponderating cause underlying every movement of the age4 ,if the utilitarian spirit is abroad1 it accounts for the devotion to the production of wealth1 and to the consequent separation of classes and the discontent1 and it accounts also for the demand that all education shall be immediately useful4 ,i was talking the other day with a lady who was doubting what sort of an education to give her daughter1 a young girl of exceedingly fine mental capacity4 ,if she pursued a classical course1 she would1 at the age of twenty-one1 know very little of the sciences4 ,and ,i said1 why not make her an intellectual woman8 ,at twenty-one1 with a trained mind1 all knowledges are at one's feet4 ,if anything can correct the evils of devotion to money1 it seems to me that it is the production of intellectual men and women1 who will find other satisfactions in life than those of the senses4 ,and when labor sees what it is that is really most to be valued1 its discontent will be of a nobler kind4