,,the ,,chinese ,,classics  with a      
translation1 critical and exegetical    
notes1 prolegomena1 and copious indexes 
by  ,james ,legge  ,,in ,,five ,,volumes
  ,,confucian ,,analects ,,the ,,great  
,,learning ,,the ,,doctrine ,,of ,,the  
,,mean ,,prolegomena4  ,,chapter ,i4    
,,of ,,the ,,chinese ,,classics         
,,generally4  ,,section ,i4 ,,books     
,,included ,,under ,,the ,,name ,,of    
,,the ,,chinese ,,classics4 #a4 ,the    
,books now recognised as of highest     
authority in ,china are comprehended    
under the denominations of ',the five   
,ching #a' and ',the four ,shu #b4' ,the
 term ,ching is of textile origin1 and  
signifies the warp threads of a web1 and
 their adjustment4 ,an easy application 
of it is to denote what is regular and  
insures regularity4 ,as used with       
reference to books1 it indicates their  
authority on the subjects of which they 
treat4 ',the five ,ching' are the five  
canonical ,works1 containing the truth  
upon the highest subjects from the sages

 of ,china1 and which should be received
 as law by all generations4 ,the term   
,shu simply means ,writings or ,books1  
the ,pencil ,speaking2 it may be used of
 a single character1 or of books        
containing thousands of characters4 #b4 
',the five ,ching' are3 the ,yi #c1 or1 
as it has been styled1 ',the ,book of   
,changes2' the ,shu #d1 or ',the ,book  
of ,history2' the ,shih #e1 or ',the    
,book of ,poetry2' the ,li ,chi #f1 or  
',record of ,rites2' and the ,ch'un     
,ch'iu #g1 or ',spring and ,autumn1' a  
chronicle of events1 extending from #gbb
 to #dha ,b4,c4 ,the authorship1 or     
compilation rather1 of all these ,works 
is loosely attributed to ,confucius4    
,but much of the ,li ,chi is from later 
hands4 ,of the ,yi1 the ,shu1 and the   
,shih1 it is only in the first that we  
find additions attributed to the        
philosopher himself1 in the shape of    
appendixes4 ,the ,ch'un ,ch'iu is the   
only one of the five ,ching which can1  
with an approximation to correctness1 be

 described as of his own 'making4' #a 4 
#b 4 #c 4 #d 4 #e 4 #f 4 #g 4 ',the     
,four ,books' is an abbreviation for    
',the ,books of the ,four ,philosophers 
#a4' ,the first is the ,lun ,yu #b1 or  
',digested ,conversations1' being       
occupied chiefly with the sayings of    
,confucius4 ,he is the philosopher to   
whom it belongs4 ,it appears in this    
,work under the title of ',confucian    
,analects4' ,the second is the ,ta ,hsio
 #c1 or ',great ,learning1' now commonly
 attributed to ,tsang ,shan #d1 a       
disciple of the sage4 ,he is he         
philosopher of it4 ,the third is the    
,chung ,yung #e1 or ',doctrine of the   
,mean1' as the name has often been      
translated1 though it would be better to
 render it1 as in the present edition1  
by ',the ,state of ,equilibrium and     
,harmony4' ,its composition is ascribed 
to ,k'ung ,chi #f1 the grandson of      
,confucius4 ,he is the philosopher of   
it4 ,the fourth contains the works of   
,mencius4 #c4 ,this arrangement of the  

,classical ,books1 which is commonly    
supposed to have originated with the    
scholars of the ,sung dynasty1 is       
defective4 ,the ,great ,learning and the
 ,doctrine of the ,mean are both found  
in the ,record of ,rites1 being the     
thirty-ninth and twenty-eighth ,books   
respectively of that compilation1       
according to the best arrangement of it4
 #d4 ,the oldest enumerations of the    
,classical ,books specify only the five 
,ching4 ,the ,yo ,chi1 or ',record of   
,music #g1' the remains of which now    
form one of the ,books in the ,li ,chi1 
was sometimes added to those1 making    
with them the six ,ching4 ,a division   
was also made into nine ,ching1         
consisting of the ,yi1 the ,shih1 the   
,shu1 the ,chau ,li #h1 or ',ritual of  
,chau1' the ,i ,li #i1 or certain       
',ceremonial ,usages1' the ,li ,chi1 and
 the annotated editions of the ,ch'un   
,ch'iu #aj1 by ,tso ,ch'iu-ming #aa1    
,kung- yang ,kao #ab1 and ,ku-liang     
,ch'ih #ac4 ,in the famous compilation  

of the ,classical ,books1 undertaken by 
order of ,t'ai-tsung1 the second emperor
 of the ,t'ang dynasty 7,a4,d4          
#fbg-fdi71 and which appeared in the    
reign of his successor1 there are       
thirteen ,ching1 viz4 the ,yi1 the      
,shih1 the ,shu1 the three editions of  
the ,ch'un ,ch'iu1 the ,li ,chi1 the    
,chau ,li1 the ,i ,li1 the ,confucian   
,analects1 the ,r ,ya #ad1 a sort of    
ancient dictionary1 the ,hsiao ,ching   
#ae1 or ',classic of ,filial ,piety1'   
and the works of ,mencius4 #e4 ,a       
distinction1 however1 was made among the
 ,works thus #a 4 #b 4 #c 4 #d 4 #e 4 #f
 4 #g 4 #h 4 #i 4 #aj  #aa 4 #ab 4 #ac 4
 #ad 4 #ae 4 comprehended under the same
 common name2 and ,mencius1 the ,lun    
,yu1 the ,ta ,hsio1 the ,chung ,yung1   
and the ,hsiao ,ching were spoken of as 
the ,hsiao ,ching1 or ',smaller         
,classics4' ,it thus appears1 contrary  
to the ordinary opinion on the subject1 
that the ,ta ,hsio and ,chung ,yung had 
been published as separate treatises    

before the ,sung dynasty1 and that ,four
 ,books1 as distinguished from the      
greater ,ching1 had also previously     
found a place in the literature of      
,china #a4 ,,section ,,ii4 ,,the        
,,authority ,,of ,,the ,,chinese        
,,classics4 #a4 ,this subject will be   
discussed in connexion with each        
separate ,work1 and it is only designed 
here to exhibit generally the evidence  
on which the ,chinese ,classics claim to
 be received as genuine productions of  
the time to which they are referred4 #b4
 ,in the memoirs of the ,former ,han    
dynasty 7,b4,c4 #bjb-;,a4,d4 #bd71 we   
have one chapter which we may call the  
,history of ,literature #b4 ,it         
commences thus3 ',after the death of    
,confucius #c1 there was an end of his  
exquisite words2 and when his seventy   
disciples had passed away1 violence     
began to be done to their meaning4 ,it  
came about that there were five         
different editions of the ,ch'un ,ch'iu1
 four of the ,shih1 and several of the  

,yi4 ,amid the disorder and collisions  
of the warring ,states 7,b4,c4          
#dha-bbj71 truth and falsehood were     
still more in a state of warfare1 and a 
sad confusion marked the words of the   
various scholars4 ,then came the        
calamity inflicted under the ,ch'in     
dynasty 7,b4,c4 #bbj-bje71 when the     
literary monuments were destroyed by    
fire1 in order to keep the people in    
ignorance4 ,but1 by and by1 there arose 
the ,han dynasty1 which set itself to   
remedy the evil wrought by the ,ch'in4  
,great efforts were made to collect     
slips and tablets #d1 and the way was   
thrown wide open for the bringing in of 
,books4 ,in the time of the emperor     
,hsiao-wu #e 7,b4,c4 #adj-he71 portions 
of ,books being wanting and tablets     
lost1 so that ceremonies and music were 
#a ,for the statements in the two last  
paragraphs1 see 1 1  4 #b 1 1 1 4 #c 4  
#d 1 slips and tablets of bamboo1 which 
supplied in those days the place of     
paper4 #e 4 suffering great damage1 he  

was moved to sorrow and said1 ,i am very
 sad for this4 ,he therefore formed the 
plan of ,repositories1 in which the     
,books might be stored1 and appointed   
officers to transcribe ,books on an     
extensive scale1 embracing the works of 
the various scholars1 that they might   
all be placed in the ,repositories4 ,the
 emperor ,ch'ang 7,b4,c4 #cb-e71 finding
 that a portion of the ,books still     
continued dispersed or missing1         
commissioned ,ch'an ,nang1 the          
,superintendent of ,guests #b1 to search
 for undiscovered ,books throughout the 
empire1 and by special edict ordered the
 chief of the ,banqueting ,house1 ,liu  
,hsiang #c1 to examine the ,classical   
,works1 along with the commentaries on  
them1 the writings of the scholars1 and 
all poetical productions2 the           
,master-controller of ,infantry1 ,zan   
,hwang #d1 to examine the ,books on the 
art of war2 the ,grand ,historiographer1
 ,yin ,hsien #e1 to examine the ,books  
treating of the art of numbers 7i4e4    

divination72 and the imperial           
,physician1 ,li ,chu-kwo #f1 to examine 
the ,books on medicine4 ,whenever any   
book was done with1 ,hsiang forthwith   
arranged it1 indexed it1 and made a     
digest of it1 which was presented to the
 emperor4 ,while this work was in       
progress1 ,hsiang died1 and the emperor 
,ai 7,b4,c4 #f-;,a4,d4 #a7 appointed his
 son1 ,hsin #g1 a ,master of the        
imperial carriages1 to complete his     
father's work4 ,on this1 ,hsin collected
 all the ,books1 and presented a report 
of them1 under seven divisions4' ,the   
first of these divisions seems to have  
been a general catalogue #h containing  
perhaps only the titles of the works    
included in the other six4 ,the second  
embraced the ,classical ,works #i4 ,from
 the abstract of it1 which is preserved 
in the chapter referred to1 we find that
 there were #bid collections of the     
,yi-ching from thirteen different       
individuals or editors #aj2 #dab        
collections of the ,shu-ching1 from nine

 different individuals2 #daf volumes of 
the ,shih-ching1 from six different     
individuals #aa2 of the ,books of       
,rites1 #eee collec- #a 4 #b 4 #c 4 #d 4
 #e 4 #f 4 #g 4 #h 4 #i 4 #aj 1 1 4 ,how
 much of the whole work was contained in
 each 1 it is impossible to determine4  
,p4 ,regis says3 ',pien1 quemadmodum    
,gallice dicimus des pieces d'loquence1 
de posie4' #aa 1 1 4 ,the collections of
 the ,shih-ching are mentioned under the
 name of chuan1 'sections1' 'portions4' 
,had p'ien been used1 it might have been
 understood of individual odes4 ,this   
change of terms shows that by p'ien in  
the other summaries1 we are not to      
understand single blocks or chapters4   
tions1 from thirteen different          
individuals2 of the ,books on ,music1   
#afe collections1 from six different    
editors2 #idh collections of ,history1  
under the heading of the ,ch'un ,ch'iu1 
from twenty-three different individuals2
 #bbi collections of the ,lun ,yu1      
including the ,analects and kindred     

fragments1 from twelve different        
individuals2 of the ,hsiao-ching1       
embracing also the ,r ,ya1 and some     
other portions of the ancient           
literature1 #ei collections1 from eleven
 different individuals2 and finally of  
the lesser ,learning1 being works on the
 form of the characters1 #de            
collections1 from eleven different      
individuals4 ,the works of ,mencius were
 included in the second division #a1    
among the writings of what were deemed  
orthodox scholars #b1 of which there    
were #hcf collections1 from fifty-three 
different individuals4 #c4 ,the above   
important document is sufficient to show
 how the emperors of the ,han dynasty1  
as soon as they had made good their     
possession of the empire1 turned their  
attention to recover the ancient        
literature of the nation1 the ,classical
 ,books engaging their first care1 and  
how earnestly and effectively the       
scholars of the time responded to the   
wishes of their rulers4 ,in addition to 

the facts specified in the preface to   
it1 ,i may relate that the ordinance of 
the ,ch'in dynasty against possessing   
the ,classical ,books 7with the         
exception1 as it will appear in its     
proper place1 of the ,yi-ching7 was     
repealed by the second sovereign of the 
,han1 the emperor ,hsiao ,hui #c1 in the
 fourth year of his reign1 ,b4,c4 #aia1 
and that a large portion of the         
,shu-ching was recovered in the time of 
the third emperor1 ,b4,c4 #agi-aeg1     
while in the year ,b4,c4 #acf a special 
,board was constituted1 consisting of   
literati1 who were put in charge of the 
five ,ching #d4 #d4 ,the collections    
reported on by ,liu ,hsin suffered      
damage in the troubles which began      
,a4,d4 #h1 and continued till the rise  
of the second or eastern ,han dynasty in
 the year #be4 ,the founder of it       
7,a4,d4 #be-eg7 zealously promoted the  
undertaking of his predecessors1 and    
additional repositories were required   
for the ,books which were collected4    

,his successors1 the emperors           
,hsiao-ming #e 7#eh-ge71 ,hsiao-chang #f
 7#gf-hh71 and ,hsiao-hwo #g 7#hi-aje71 
took a part themselves in the studies   
and discussions of the literary         
tribunal1 and #a 4 #b 4 #c 4 #d 1 4 #e 4
 #f 4 #g 4 the emperor ,hsiao-ling #a1  
between the years #agb-agh1 had the text
 of the five ,ching1 as it had been     
fixed1 cut in slabs of stone1 and set up
 in the capital outside the gate of the 
,grand ,college4 ,some old accounts say 
that the characters were in three       
different forms1 but they were only in  
one form2 -- see the #bhgth book of ,chu
 ,i-tsun's great ,work4 #e4 ,since the  
,han1 the successive dynasties have     
considered the literary monuments of the
 country to be an object of their       
special care4 ,many of them have issued 
editions of the ,classics1 embodying the
 commentaries of preceding generations4 
,no dynasty has distinguished itself    
more in this line than the present      
,manchau possessors of the empire4 ,in  

fine1 the evidence is complete that the 
,classical ,books of ,china have come   
down from at least a century before our 
,christian era1 substantially the same  
as we have them at present4 #f4 ,but it 
still remains to inquire in what        
condition we may suppose the ,books     
were1 when the scholars of the ,han     
dynasty commenced their labors upon     
them4 ,they acknowledge that the tablets
 -- we cannot here speak of manuscripts 
-- were mutilated and in disorder4 ,was 
the injury which they had received of   
such an extent that all the care and    
study put forth on the small remains    
would be of little use8 ,this question  
can be answered satisfactorily1 only by 
an examination of the evidence which is 
adduced for the text of each particular 
,classic2 but it can be made apparent   
that there is nothing1 in the nature of 
the case1 to interfere with our         
believing that the materials were       
sufficient to enable the scholars to    
execute the work intrusted to them4 #g  

,the burning of the ancient ,books by   
order of the founder of the ,ch'in      
dynasty is always referred to as the    
greatest disaster which they sustained1 
and with this is coupled the slaughter  
of many of the ,literati by the same    
monarch4 ,the account which we have of  
these transactions in the ,historical   
,records is the following #b3 ',in his  
#cdth year the #cdth year1 that is1     
after he had ascended the throne of     
,ch'in4 ,it was only the #ith year after
 he had been acknowledged ,sovereign of 
the empire1 coinciding with ,b4,c4 #bac1
 the emperor1 returning from a visit to 
the south1 which had extended #a 4 #b ,i
 have thought it well to endeavour to   
translate the whole of the passages4    
,father de ,mailla merely constructs    
from them a narrative of his own2 see   
,l',histoire ,gnrale de ,la ,china1 tome
 ii4 pp4 #cii-djb4 ,the  avoids the     
difficulties of the original by giving  
an abridgment of it4 as far as ,yueh1   
gave a feast in his palace at           

,hsien-yang1 when the ,great ,scholars1 
amounting to seventy men1 appeared and  
wished him a long life #a4 ,one of the  
principal ministers1 ,chau ,ch'ing-ch'an
 #b1 came forward and said1 ,formerly1  
the ,state of ,ch'in was only #ajjj li  
in extent1 but ,your ,majesty1 by your  
spirit-like efficacy and intelligent    
wisdom1 has tranquillized and settled   
the whole empire1 and driven away all   
barbarous tribes1 so that1 wherever the 
sun and moon shine1 all rulers appear   
before you as guests acknowledging      
subjection4 ,you have formed the states 
of the various princes into provinces   
and districts1 where the people enjoy a 
happy tranquillity1 suffering no more   
from the calamities of war and          
contention4 ,this condition of things   
will be transmitted for #aj1jjj         
generations4 ,from the highest antiquity
 there has been no one in awful virtue  
like ,your ,majesty4 ',the emperor was  
pleased with this flattery1 when        
,shun-yu ,yueh #c1 one of the ,great    

,scholars1 a native of ,ch'i1 advanced  
and said1 ,the sovereigns of ,yin and   
,chau1 for more than a thousand years1  
invested their sons and younger         
brothers1 and meritorious ministers1    
with domains and rule1 and could thus   
depend upon them for support and aid2-- 
that ,i have heard4 ,but now ,your      
,majesty is in possession of all within 
the seas1 and your sons and younger     
brothers are nothing but private        
individuals4 ,the issue will be that    
some one will arise to play the part of 
,t'ien ,ch'ang #d1 or of the six nobles 
of ,tsin4 ,without the support of your  
own family1 where will you find the aid 
which you may require8 ,that a state of 
things not modelled from the lessons of 
antiquity can long continue2-- that is  
what ,i have not heard4 ,ch'ing is now  
showing himself to be a flatterer1 who  
increases the errors of ,your ,majesty1 
and not a loyal minister4 ',the emperor 
requested the opinions of others on this
 representation1 and the premier1 ,li   

,sze #e1 said1 ,the five emperors were  
not one the double of the other1 nor did
 the three dynasties accept one         
another's ways4 ,each had a peculiar    
system of government1 not for the sake  
of the contrariety1 but as being        
required by the changed times4 ,now1    
,your ,majesty has laid the foundations 
of #a 4 ,the  were not only 'great      
scholars1' but had an official rank4    
,there was what we may call a college of
 them1 consisting of seventy members4 #b
 1 4 #c 4 #d 4 --  should probably be 1 
as it is given in the ,t'ung ,chien4    
,see ,analects ,,xiv4 xxii4 ,t'ien ,hang
 was the same as ,ch'an ,ch'ang of that 
chapter4 #e  imperial sway1 so that it  
will last for #aj1jjj generations4 ,this
 is indeed beyond what a stupid scholar 
can understand4 ,and1 moreover1 ,yueh   
only talks of things belonging to the   
,three ,dynasties1 which are not fit to 
be models to you4 ,at other times1 when 
the princes were all striving together1 
they endeavoured to gather the wandering

 scholars about them2 but now1 the      
empire is in a stable condition1 and    
laws and ordinances issue from one      
supreme authority4 ,let those of the    
people who abide in their homes give    
their strength to the toils of          
husbandry1 while those who become       
scholars should study the various laws  
and prohibitions4 ,instead of doing     
this1 however1 the scholars do not learn
 what belongs to the present day1 but   
study antiquity4 ,they go on to condemn 
the present time1 leading the masses of 
the people astray1 and to disorder4 ',at
 the risk of my life1 ,i1 the prime     
minister1 say3 ,formerly1 when the      
nation was disunited and disturbed1     
there was no one who could give unity to
 it4 ,the princes therefore stood up    
together2 constant references were made 
to antiquity to the injury of the       
present state2 baseless statements were 
dressed up to confound what was real1   
and men made a boast of their own       
peculiar learning to condemn what their 

rulers appointed4 ,and now1 when ,your  
,majesty has consolidated the empire1   
and1 distinguishing black from white1   
has constituted it a stable unity1 they 
still honour their peculiar learning1   
and combine together2 they teach men    
what is contrary to your laws4 ,when    
they hear that an ordinance has been    
issued1 every one sets to discussing it 
with his learning4 ,in the court1 they  
are dissatisfied in heart2 out of it1   
they keep talking in the streets4 ,while
 they make a pretense of vaunting their 
,master1 they consider it fine to have  
extraordinary views of their own4 ,and  
so they lead on the people to be guilty 
of murmuring and evil speaking4 ,if     
these things are not prohibited1 ,your  
,majesty's authority will decline1 and  
parties will be formed4 ,the best way is
 to prohibit them1 ,i pray that all the 
,records in charge of the               
,historiographers be burned1 excepting  
those of ,ch'in2 that1 with the         
exception of those officers belonging to

 the ,board of ,great ,scholars1 all    
throughout the empire who presume to    
keep copies of the ,shih-ching1 or of   
the ,shu-ching1 or of the books of the  
,hundred ,schools1 be required to go    
with them to the officers in charge of  
the several districts1 and burn them #a2
 that all who may dare to speak #a 4    
together about the ,shih and the ,shu be
 put to death1 and their bodies exposed 
in the market-place2 that those who make
 mention of the past1 so as to blame the
 present1 be put to death along with    
their relatives2 that officers who shall
 know of the violation of those rules   
and not inform against the offenders1 be
 held equally guilty with them2 and that
 whoever shall not have burned their    
,books within thirty days after the     
issuing of the ordinance1 be branded and
 sent to labor on the wall for four     
years4 ,the only ,books which should be 
spared are those on medicine1           
divination1 and husbandry4 ,whoever     
wants to learn the laws may go to the   

magistrates and learn of them4 ',the    
imperial decision was -- ,approved4'    
,the destruction of the scholars is     
related more briefly4 ,in the year after
 the burning of the ,books1 the         
resentment of the emperor was excited by
 the remarks and the flight of two      
scholars who had been favourites with   
him1 and he determined to institute a   
strict inquiry about all of their class 
in ,hsien-yang1 to find out whether they
 had been making ominous speeches about 
him1 and disturbing the minds of the    
people4 ,the investigation was committed
 to the ,censors #a1 and it being       
discovered that upwards of #dfj scholars
 had violated the prohibitions1 they    
were all buried alive in pits #b1 for a 
warning to the empire1 while degradation
 and banishment were employed more      
strictly than before against all who    
fell under suspicion4 ,the emperor's    
eldest son1 ,fu-su1 remonstrated with   
him1 saying that such measures against  
those who repeated the words of         

,confucius and sought to imitate him1   
would alienate all the people from their
 infant dynasty1 but his interference   
offended him father so much that he was 
sent off from court1 to be with the     
general who was superintending the      
building of the great wall4 #h4 ,no     
attempts have been made by ,chinese     
critics and historians to discredit the 
record of these events1 though some have
 questioned the extent of the injury    
inflicted by them on the monuments of   
their ancient literature #c4 ,it is     
important to observe that the edict     
against the ,books did not extend to the
 ,yi-ching1 which was #a 1 4 #b 1 1 4   
,the meaning of this passage as a whole 
is sufficiently plain1 but ,i am unable 
to make out the force of the phrase  4  
#c ,see the remarks of ,chamg ,chia-tsi 
771 of the ,sung dynasty1 on the        
subject1 in the 1 ,bk4 clxxiv4 p4 #e4   
exempted as being a work on divination1 
nor did it extend to the other classics 
which were in charge of the ,board of   

,great ,scholars4 ,there ought to have  
been no difficulty in finding copies    
when the ,han dynasty superseded that of
 the ,ch'in1 and probably there would   
have been none but for the sack of the  
capital in ,b4,c4 #bjf by ,hsiang ,yu1  
the formidable opponent of the founder  
of the ,house of ,han4 ,then1 we are    
told1 the fires blazed for three months 
among the palaces and public buildings1 
and must have proved as destructive to  
the copies of the ,great ,scholars as   
the edict of the tyrant had been to the 
copies among the people4 ,it is to be   
noted also that the life of ,shih ,hwang
 ,ti lasted only three years after the  
promulgation of his edict4 ,he died in  
,b4,c4 #baj1 and the reign of his second
 son who succeeded him lasted only other
 three years4 ,a brief period of        
disorder and struggling for the supreme 
authority between different chiefs      
ensured2 but the reign of the founder of
 the ,han dynasty dates from ,b4,c4     
#bjb4 ,thus1 eleven years were all which

 intervened between the order for the   
burning of the ,books and rise of that  
family1 which signaled itself by the    
care which it bestowed for their        
recovery2 and from the edict of the     
tyrant of ,ch'in against private        
individuals having copies in their      
keeping1 to its express abrogation by   
the emperor ,hsiao ,hui1 there were only
 twenty-two years4 ,we may believe1     
indeed1 that vigorous efforts to carry  
the edict into effect would not be      
continued longer than the life of its   
author1-- that is1 not for more than    
about three years4 ,the calamity        
inflicted upon the ancient ,books of    
,china by the ,house of ,ch'in could not
 have approached to anything like a     
complete destruction of them4 ,there    
would be no occasion for the scholars of
 the ,han dynasty1 in regard to the bulk
 of their ancient literature1 to        
undertake more than the work of         
recension and editing4 #i4 ,the idea of 
forgery by them on a large scale is out 

of the question4 ,the catalogues of     
,liang ,hsin enumerated more than       
#ac1jjj volumes of a larger or smaller  
size1 the productions of nearly #fjj    
different writers1 and arranged in      
thirty-eight subdivisions of subjects   
#a4 ,in the third catalogue1 the first  
subdivision contained the orthodox      
writers #b1 to the number of            
fifty-three1 with #hcf ,works or        
portions of their ,works4 ,between      
,mencius and #a 1 1 1 4 #b 4 ,k'ung     
,chi1 the grandson of ,confucius1 eight 
different authors have place4 ,the      
second subdivision contained the ,works 
of the ,taoist school #a1 amounting to  
#iic collections1 from thirty-seven     
different authors4 ,the sixth           
subdivision contained the ,mohist       
writers #b1 to the number of six1 with  
their productions in #hf collections4 ,i
 specify these two subdivisions1 because
 they embrace the ,works of schools or  
sects antagonistic to that of           
,confucius1 and some of them still hold 

a place in ,chinese literature1 and     
contain many references to the five     
,classics1 and to ,confucius and his    
disciples4 #aj4 ,the inquiry pursued in 
the above paragraphs conducts us to the 
conclusion that the materials from which
 the classics1 as they have come down to
 us1 were compiled and edited in the two
 centuries preceding our ,christian era1
 were genuine remains1 going back to a  
still more remote period4 ,the injury   
which they sustained from the dynasty of
 ,ch'in was1 ,i believe1 the same in    
character as that to which they were    
exposed during all the time of 'the     
,warring ,states4' ,it may have been    
more intense in degree1 but the constant
 warfare which prevailed for some       
centuries among the different states    
which composed the kingdom was eminently
 unfavourable to the cultivation of     
literature4 ,mencius tells us how the   
princes had made away with many of the  
records of antiquity1 from which their  
own usurpations and innovations might   

have been condemned #c4 ,still the times
 were not unfruitful1 either in scholars
 or statesmen1 to whom the ways and     
monuments of antiquity were dear1 and   
the space from the rise of the ,ch'in   
dynasty to the death of ,confucius was  
not very great4 ,it only amounted to    
#beh years4 ,between these two periods  
,mencius stands as a connecting link4   
,born probably in the year ,b4,c4 #cga1 
he reached1 by the intervention of ,kung
 ,chi1 back to the sage himself1 and as 
his death happened ,b4,c4 #bhh1 we are  
brought down to within nearly half a    
century of the ,ch'in dynasty4 ,from all
 these considerations we may proceed    
with confidence to consider each        
separate ,work1 believing that we have  
in these ,classics and ,books what the  
great sage of ,china and his disciples  
gave to their country more than #bjjj   
years ago4 #a 4 #b 4 #c ,see ,mencius1  
,v4 ,pt4 ,,ii4 ii4 #b4 ,,chapter ,,ii4  
,,of ,,the ,,confucian ,,analects4      
,,section ,i4 ,,formation ,,of ,,the    

,,text ,,of ,,the ,,analects ,,by ,,the 
,,scholars ,,of ,,the ,,han ,,dynasty4  
#a4 ,when the work of collecting and    
editing the remains of the ,classical   
,books was undertaken by the scholars of
 ,han1 there appeared two different     
copies of the ,analects1 one from ,lu1  
the native ,state of ,confucius1 and the
 other from ,ch'i1 the ,state adjoining4
 ,between these there were considerable 
differences4 ,the former consisted of   
twenty ,books or ,chapters1 the same as 
those into which the ,classic is now    
divided4 ,the latter contained two      
,books in addition1 and in the twenty   
,books1 which they had in common1 the   
chapters and sentences were somewhat    
more numerous than in the ,lu exemplar4 
#b4 ,the names of several individuals   
are given1 who devoted themselves to the
 study of those two copies of the       
,classic4 ,among the patrons of the ,lu 
copy are mentioned the names of         
,hsia-hau ,shang1 grand-tutor of the    
heir- apparent1 who died at the age of  

#ij1 and in the reign of the emperor    
,hsuan 7,b4,c4 #gc-di7 #a2 ,hsiao       
,wang-chih #b1 a general-officer1 who   
died in the reign of the emperor ,yuan  
7,b4,c4 #dh-cc72 ,wei ,hsien1 who was a 
premier of the empire from ,b4,c4       
#gj-ff2 and his son ,hsuan-ch'ang #c4   
,as patrons of the ,ch'i copy1 we have  
,wang ,ch'ing1 who was a censor in the  
year ,b4,c4 #ii #d2 ,yung ,shang #e2 and
 ,wang ,chi #f1 a statesman who died in 
the beginning of the reign of the       
emperor ,yuan4 #c4 ,but a third copy of 
the ,analects was discovered about      
,b4,c4 #aej4 ,one of the sons of the    
emperor ,ching was appointed king of ,lu
 #g in the year ,b4,c4 #aed1 and some   
time after1 wishing to enlarge his      
palace1 he proceeded to pull down the   
house of the ,k'ung family1 known as    
that where ,confucius himself had lived4
 #a 4 #b 1 4 #c 1 1 1 4 #d 4 #e 4 #f 4  
#g  7or 74 ,while doing so1 there were  
found in the wall copies of the         
,shu-ching1 the ,ch'un ,ch'iu1 the      

,hsiao-ching1 and the ,lun ,yu or       
,analects1 which had been deposited     
there1 when the edict for the burning of
 the ,books was issued4 ,there were all 
written1 however1 in the most ancient   
form of the ,chinese character #a1 which
 had fallen into disuse1 and the king   
returned them to the ,k'ung family1 the 
head of which1 ,k'ung ,an-kwo #b1 gave  
himself to the study of them1 and       
finally1 in obedience to an imperial    
order1 published a ,work called ,the    
,lun ,yu1 with ,explanations of the     
,characters1 and ,exhibition of the     
,meaning #c4' #d4 ,the recovery of this 
copy will be seen to be a most important
 circumstance in the history f the text 
of the ,analects4 ,it is referred to by 
,chinese writers1 as ',the old ,lun     
,yu4' ,in the historical narrative which
 we have of the affair1 a circumstance  
is added which may appear to some minds 
to throw suspicion on the whole account4
 ,the king was finally arrested1 we are 
told1 in his purpose to destroy the     

house1 by hearing the sounds of bells1  
musical stones1 lutes1 and citherns1 as 
he was ascending the steps that led to  
the ancestral hall or temple4 ,this     
incident was contrived1 we may suppose1 
by the ,k'ung family1 to preserve the   
house1 or it may have been devised by   
the historian to glorify the sage1 but  
we may not1 on account of it1 discredit 
the finding of the ancient copies of the
 ,books4 ,we have ,k'ung ,an-kwo's own  
account of their being committed to him1
 and of the ways which he took to       
decipher them4 ,the work upon the       
,analects1 mentioned above1 has not     
indeed come down to us1 but his labors  
on the ,shu-ching still remain4 #e4 ,it 
has been already stated1 that the ,lun  
,yu of ,ch'i contained two ,books more  
than that of ,lu4 ,in this respect1 the 
old ,lun ,yu agreed with the ,lu        
exemplar4 ,those two books were wanting 
in it as well4 ,the last book of the ,lu
 ,lun was divided in it1 however1 into  
two1 the chapter beginning1 ',yao said1'

 forming a whole ,book by itself1 and   
the remaining two chapters formed       
another ,book beginning ',tsze-chang4'  
,with this trifling difference1 the old 
and the ,lu copies appear to have agreed
 together4 #f ,chang ,yu1 prince of     
,an-ch'ang #d1 who died ,b4,c4 #d1 after
 having #a 1 -- lit4 'tadpole           
characters4' ,they were1 it is said1 the
 original forms devised by              
,ts'ang-chieh1 with large heads and fine
 tails1 like the creature from which    
they were named4 ,see the notes to the  
preface to the ,shu-ching in ',the      
,thirteen ,classics4' #b 4 #c 4 ,see the
 preface to the ,lun ,yu in ',the       
,thirteen ,ching4' ,it has been my      
principal authority in this section4 #d 
1 4 sustained several of the highest    
offices of the empire1 instituted a     
comparison between the exemplars of ,lu 
and ,ch'i1 with a view to determine the 
true text4 ,the result of his labors    
appeared in twenty-one ,books1 which are
 mentioned in ,liu ,hsin's catalogue4   

,they were known as the ,lun of prince  
,chang #a1 and commanded general        
approbation4 ,to ,chang ,yu is commonly 
ascribed the ejecting from the ,classic 
the two additional books which the ,ch'i
 exemplar contained1 but ,ma ,twan-lin  
prefers to rest that circumstance on the
 authority of the old ,lun1 which we    
have seen was without them #b4 ,if we   
had the two ,books1 we might find       
sufficient reason from their contents to
 discredit them4 ,that may have been    
sufficient for ,chang ,yu to condemn    
them as he did1 but we can hardly       
supposed that he did not have before him
 the old ,lun1 which had come to light  
about a century before he published his 
work4 #g4 ,in the course of the second  
century1 a new edition of the ,analects1
 with a commentary1 was published by one
 of the greatest scholars which ,china  
has ever produced1 ,chang ,hsuan1 known 
also as ,chang ,k'ang-ch'ang #c4 ,he    
died in the reign of the emperor ,hsien 
7,a4,d4 #aij-bbj7 #d at the age of #gd1 

and the amount of his labors on the     
ancient classical literature is almost  
incredible4 ,while he adopted the ,lu   
,lun as the received text of his time1  
he compared it minutely with those of   
,ch'i and the old exemplar4 ,in the last
 section f this chapter will be found a 
list of the readings in his commentary  
different from those which are now      
acknowledged in deference to the        
authority of ,chu ,hsi1 of the ,sung    
dynasty4 ,they are not many1 and their  
importance is but trifling4 #h4 ,on the 
whole1 the above statements will satisfy
 the reader of the care with which the  
text of the ,lun ,yu was fixed during   
the dynasty of ,han4 ,,section ,,ii4    
,,at ,,what ,,time1 ,,and ,,by ,,whom1  
,,the ,,analects ,,were ,,written2      
,,their ,,plan2 ,,and ,,authenticity4   
#a4 ,at the commencement of the notes   
upon the first ,book1 under the heading1
 ',the ,title of the ,work1' ,i have    
given the received account of its       
authorship1 which precedes the catalogue

 #a 4 #b 1 ,bk4 clxxxiv4 p4 #c4 #c 1 4  
#d 4 of ,liu ,hsin4 ,according to that1 
the ,analects were compiled by the      
disciples if ,confucius coming together 
after his death1 and digesting the      
memorials of his discourses and         
conversations which they had severally  
preserved4 ,but this cannot be true4 ,we
 may believe1 indeed1 that many of the  
disciples put on record conversations   
which they had had with their master1   
and notes about his manners and         
incidents of his life1 and that these   
have been incorporated with the ,work   
which we have1 but that ,work must have 
taken its present form at a period      
somewhat later4 ,in ,book ,,viii1       
chapters iii iv1 we have some notices of
 the last days of ,tsang ,shan1 and are 
told that he was visited on his         
death-bed by the officer ,mang ,ching4  
,now ,ching was the posthumous title of 
,chung- sun ,chieh #a1 and we find him  
alive 7,li ,chi1 ,,ii4 ,pt4 ii4 #b7     
after the death of duke ,tao of ,lu #b1 

which took place ,b4,c4 #dca1 about     
fifty years after the death of          
,confucius4 ,again1 ,book ,,xix is all  
occupied with the sayings of the        
disciples4 ,confucius personally does   
not appear in it4 ,parts of it1 as      
chapters iii1 xii1 and xviii1 carry us  
down to a time when the disciples had   
schools and followers of their own1 and 
were accustomed to sustain their        
teachings by referring to the lessons   
which they had learned from the sage4   
,thirdly1 there is the second chapter of
 ,book ,,xi1 the second paragraph of    
which is evidently a note by the        
compilers of the ,work1 enumerating ten 
of the principal disciples1 and         
classifying them according to their     
distinguishing characteristics4 ,we can 
hardly suppose it to have been written  
while any of the ten were alive4 ,but   
there is among them the name of         
,tsze-hsia1 who lived to the age of     
about a hundred4 ,we find him1 ,b4,c4   
#djg1 three-quarters of a century after 

the death of ,confucius1 at the court of
 ,wei1 to the prince of which he is     
reported to have presented some of the  
,classical ,books #c4 #b4 ,we cannot    
therefore accept the above account of   
the origin of the ,analects1-- that they
 were compiled by the disciples of      
,confucius4 ,much more likely is the    
view that we owe the work to their      
disciples4 ,in the note on ,i4 ii4 ,i1 a
 peculiarity is pointed out in the use  
of the surnames of ,yew ,zo and ,tsang  
,shan1 which #a ,see ,chu ,hsi's        
commentary1 in loc4 -- 1 1 1 4 #b 4 #c 2
 see the 1 ,bk4 i4 p4 #gg4 has made some
 ,chinese critics attribute the         
compilation to their followers4 ,but    
this conclusion does not stand          
investigation4 ,others have assigned    
different portions to different schools4
 ,thus1 ,book ,v is given to the        
disciples of ,tsze-kung2 ,book ,,xi1 to 
those of ,min ,tsze-ch'ien2 ,book ,,xiv1
 to ,yuan ,hsien2 and ,book ,,xvi has   
been supposed to be interpolated from   

the ,analects of ,ch'i4 ,even if we were
 to acquiesce in these decisions1 we    
should have accounted only for a small  
part of the ,work4 ,it is best to rest  
in the general conclusion1 that it was  
compiled by the disciples of the        
disciples of the sage1 making free use  
of the written memorials concerning him 
which they had received1 and the oral   
statements which they had heard1 from   
their several masters4 ,and we shall not
 be far wrong1 if we determine its date 
as about the end of the fourth1 or the  
beginning of the fifth century before   
,christ4 #c4 ,in the critical work on   
the ,four ,books1 called ',record of    
,remarks in the village of ,yung #a1' it
 is observed1 ',the ,analects1 in my    
opinion1 were made by the disciples1    
just like a record of remarks4 ,there   
they were recorded1 and afterwards came 
a first-rate hand1 who gave them the    
beautiful literary finish which we now  
witness1 so that there is not a         
character which does not have its own   

indispensable place #b4' ,we have seen  
that the first of these statements      
contains only a small amount of truth   
with regard to the materials of the     
,analects1 nor can we receive the       
second4 ,if one hand or one mind had    
digested the materials provided by many1
 the arrangement and the style of the   
work would have been different4 ,we     
should not have had the same remark     
appearing in several ,books1 with little
 variation1 and sometimes with none at  
all4 ,nor can we account on this        
supposition for such fragments as the   
last chapters of the ninth1 tenth1 and  
sixteenth ,books1 and many others4 ,no  
definite plan has been kept in view     
throughout4 ,a degree of unity appears  
to belong to some books more than       
others1 and in general to the first ten 
more than to those which follow1 but    
there is no progress of thought or      
illustration of subject from ,book to   
,book4 ,and even in those where the     
chapters have #a 1-- 1 'the village of  

,yung1' is1 ,i conceive1 the writer's   
nom de plume4 #b 1 1 1 1 1  4 a common  
subject1 they are thrown together at    
random more than on any plan4 #d4 ,we   
cannot tell when the ,work was first    
called the ,lun ,yu #a4 ,the evidence in
 the preceding section is sufficient to 
prove that when the ,han scholars were  
engaged in collecting the ancient       
,books1 it came before them1 not in     
broken tablets1 but complete1 and       
arranged in ,books or ,sections1 as we  
now have it4 ,the ,old copy was found   
deposited in the wall of the house which
 ,confucius had occupied1 and must have 
been placed there not later than ,b4,c4 
#baa1 distant from the date which ,i    
have assigned to the compilation1 not   
much more than a century and a half4    
,that copy1 written in the most ancient 
characters1 was1 possibly1 the autograph
 of the compilers4 ,we have the         
,writings1 or portions of the ,writings1
 of several authors of the third and    
fourth centuries before ,christ4 ,of    

these1 in addition to ',the ,great      
,learning1' ',the ,doctrine of the      
,mean1' and ',the ,works of ,mencius1'  
,i have looked over the ,works of ,hsun 
,ch'ing #b of the orthodox school1 of   
the philosophers ,chwang and ,lieh of   
the ,taoist school #c1 and of the       
heresiarch ,mo #d4 ,in the ,great       
,learning1 ,commentary1 chapter iv1 we  
have the words of ,ana4 ,,xii4 xiii4 ,in
 the ,doctrine of the ,mean1 ch4 iii1 we
 have ,ana4 ,,vi4 xxvii2 and in ch4     
xxviii4 #e1 we have substantially ,ana4 
,,iii4 ix4 ,in ,mencius1 ,,ii4 ,pt4 ,i4 
ii4 #ai1 we have ,ana4 ,,vii4 xxxiii1   
and in vii4 #b1 ,ana4 ,,iv4 i2 in ,,iii4
 ,pt4 ,i4 iv4 #aa1 ,ana4 ,,viii4 xviii1 
xix2 in ,,iv4 ,pt4 ,i4 xiv4 #a1 ,ana4   
,,xi4 xvi4 #b2 in ,v4 ,pt4 ,,ii4 vii4   
#i1 ,ana4 ,x4 xiii4 #d2 and in ,,vii4   
,pt4 ,,ii4 xxxvii4 #a1 #b1 #h1 ,ana4 ,v4
 xxi1 ,,xiii4 xxi1 and ,,xvii4 xiii4    
,these quotations1 however1 are         
introduced by ',the ,master said1' or   
',confucius said1' no mention being made

 of any book called ',the ,lun ,yu1' or 
,analects4 ,in the ,great ,learning1    
,commentary1 x4 #ae1 we have the words  
of ,ana4 ,,iv4 iii1 and in #a ,in the   
continuation of the ',general           
,examination of ,records and ,scholars  
771' ,bk4 cxcviii4 p4 #ag1 it is said1  
indeed1 on the authority of ,wang       
,ch'ung 771 a scholar of our first      
century1 that when the ,work came out of
 the wall it was named a ,chwan or      
,record 771 and that it was when ,k'ung 
,an-kwo instructed a native of ,tsin1   
named ,fu-ch'ing1 in it1 that it first  
got the name of ,lun ,yu3-- 1 1  1 4 ,if
 it were so1 it is strange the          
circumstance is not mentioned in ,ho    
,yen's preface4 #b 4 #c 1 4 #d 4        
,mencius1 ,,iii4 ,pt4 ,,ii4 vii4 #c1    
those of ,ana4 ,,xvii4 i1 but without   
any notice of quotation4 ,in the        
writings of ,hsun ,ch'ing1 ,book ,i4    
page #b1 we find something like the     
words of ,ana4 ,,xv4 xxx2 and on p4 #f1 
part of ,,xiv4 xxv4 ,but in these       

instances there is no mark of quotation4
 ,in the writings of ,chwang1 ,i have   
noted only one passage where the words  
of the ,analects are reproduced4 ,ana4  
,,xviii4 v is found1 but with large     
additions1 and no reference of          
quotation1 in his treatise on ',man in  
the ,world1 associated with other ,men  
#a4' ,in all those ,works1 as well as in
 those of ,lieh and ,mo1 the references 
to ,confucius and his disciples1 and to 
many circumstances of his life1 are     
numerous #b4 ,the quotations of sayings 
of his not found in the ,analects are   
likewise many1 especially in the        
,doctrine of the ,mean1 in ,mencius1 and
 in the ,works of ,chwang4 ,those in the
 latter are mostly burlesques1 but those
 by the orthodox writers have more or   
less of classical authority4 ,some of   
them may be found in the ,chia ,yu #c1  
or ',narratives of the ,school1' and in 
parts of the ,li ,chi1 while others are 
only known to us by their occurrence in 
these ,writings4 ,altogether1 they do   

not supply the evidence1 for which ,i am
 in quest1 of the existence of the      
,analects as a distinct ,work1 bearing  
the name of the ,lun ,yu1 prior to the  
,ch'in dynasty4 ,they leave the         
presumption1 however1 in favour of those
 conclusions1 which arises from the     
facts stated in the first section1      
undisturbed4 ,they confirm it rather4   
,they show that there was abundance of  
materials at hand to the scholars of    
,han1 to compile a much larger ,work    
with the same title1 if they had felt it
 their duty to do the business of       
compilation1 and not that of editing4   
,,section ,,iii4 ,,of ,,commentaries    
,,upon ,,the ,,analects4 #a4 ,it would  
be a vast and unprofitable labor to     
attempt to give a list of the           
,commentaries which have been published 
on this ,work4 ,my object is merely to  
point out how zealously the business of 
interpretation was undertaken1 as soon  
as the text had been #a 4 #b ,in ,mo's  
chapter against the ,literati1 he       

mentions some of the characteristics of 
,confucius in the very words of the     
,tenth ,book of the ,analects4 #c 4     
recovered by the scholars of the ,han   
dynasty1 and with what industry it has  
been persevered in down to the present  
time4 #b4 ,mention has been made1 in    
,section ,i4 #f1 of the ,lun of prince  
,chang1 published in the half century   
before our era4 ,pao ,hsien #a1 a       
distinguished scholar and officer1 f the
 reign of ,kwang-wu #b1 the first       
emperor of the ,eastern ,han dynasty1   
,a4,d4 #be-eg1 and another scholar of   
the surname ,chau #c1 less known but of 
the same time1 published ,works1        
containing arrangements of this in      
chapters and sentences1 with explanatory
 notes4 ,the critical work of ,k'ung    
,an-kwo on the old ,lun ,yu has been    
referred to4 ,that was lost in          
consequence of suspicions under which   
,an-kwo fell towards the close of the   
reign of the emperor ,wu1 but in the    
time of the emperor ,shun1 ,a4,d4       

#abf-add1 another scholar1 ,ma ,yung #d1
 undertook the exposition of the        
characters in the old ,lun1 giving at   
the same time his views of the general  
meaning4 ,the labors of ,chang ,hsuan in
 the second century have been mentioned4
 ,not long after his death1 there ensued
 a period of anarchy1 when the empire   
was divided into three governments1 well
 known from the celebrated historical   
romance1 called ',the ,three ,kingdoms4'
 ,the strongest of them1 the ,house of  
,wei1 patronized literature1 and three  
of its high officers and scholars1      
,ch'an ,ch'un1 ,wang ,su1 and ,chau     
,shang-lieh #e1 in the first half1 and  
probably the second quarter1 of the     
third century1 all gave to the world    
their notes on the ,analects4 ,very     
shortly after1 five of the great        
ministers of the ,government of ,wei1   
,sun ,yung1 ,chang ,ch'ung1 ,tsao ,hsi1 
,hsun ,k'ai1 and ,ho ,yen #f1 united in 
the production of one great ,work1      
entitled1 ',a ,collection of            

,explanations of the ,lun ,yu #g4' ,it  
embodied the labors of all the writers  
which have been mentioned1 and1 having  
been frequently reprinted by succeeding 
dynasties1 it still remains4 ,the       
preface of the five compilers1 in the   
form of a memorial to the emperor1 so   
called1 of the ,house of ,wei1 is       
published with it1 and has been of much 
assistance to me in writing these       
sections4 ,ho #a 4 #b 4 #c 4 #d 1 1 1 4 
#e 1 2 1 2 1 4 #f 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 1 2 1  2
 1 1 1 4 #g 4 ,i possess a copy of this 
work1 printed about the middle of our   
fourteenth century4 ,yen was the leader 
among them1 and the work is commonly    
quoted as if it were the production of  
him alone4 #c4 ,from ,ho ,yen downwards1
 there has hardly been a dynasty which  
has not contributed its laborers to the 
illustration of the ,analects4 ,in the  
,liang1 which occupied the throne a good
 part of the sixth century1 there       
appeared the ',comments of ,hwang ,k'an 
#a1' who to the seven authorities cited 

by ,ho ,yen added other thirteen1 being 
scholars who had deserved well of the   
,classic during the intermediate time4  
,passing over other dynasties1 we come  
to the ,sung1 ,a4,d4 #ifj-abgi4 ,an     
edition of the ,classics was published  
by imperial authority1 about the        
beginning of the eleventh century1 with 
the title of ',the ,correct ,meaning4'  
,the principal scholar engaged in the   
undertaking was ,hsing ,p'ing #b4 ,the  
portion of it on the ,analects #c is    
commonly reprinted in ',the ,thirteen   
,classics1' after ,ho ,yen's            
explanations4 ,but the names of the     
,sung dynasty are all thrown into the   
shade by that of ,chu ,hsi1 than whom   
,china has not produced a greater       
scholar4 ,he composed1 or his disciples 
complied1 in the twelfth century1 three 
,works on the ,analects3-- the first    
called ',collected ,meanings #d2' the   
second1 ',collected ,comments #e2' and  
the third1 ',queries #f4' ,nothing could
 exceed the grace and clearness of his  

style1 and the influence which he has   
exerted on the literature of ,china has 
been almost despotic4 ,the scholars of  
the present dynasty1 however1 seem      
inclined to question the correctness of 
his views and interpretations of the    
,classics1 and the chief place among    
them is due to ,mao ,ch'i-ling #g1 known
 by the local name of ,hsi-ho #h4 ,his  
writings1 under the name of ',the       
,collected ,works of ,hsi-ho #i1' have  
been published in eighty volumes1       
containing between three and four       
hundred books or sections4 ,he has nine 
treatises on the ,four ,books1 or parts 
of them1 and deserves to take rank with 
,chang ,hsuan and ,chu ,hsi at the head 
of ,chinese scholars1 though he is a    
vehement opponent of the latter4 ,most  
of his writings are to be found also in 
the great ,work called ',a ,collection  
of ,works on the ,classics1 under the   
,imperial dynasty of ,ch'ing #aj1' which
 contains #adjj sections1 and is a noble
 contribution by the scholars of the    

present dynasty to the illustration of  
its ancient literature4 #a 4 #b 4 #c 4  
#d 4 #e 4 #f 4 #g 4 #h 4 #i 4 #aj 4     
,,section ,,iv4 ,,of ,,various          
,,readings4 ,in ',the ,collection of    
,supplementary ,observations on the     
,four ,books #a1' the second chapter    
contains a general view of commentaries 
on the ,analects1 and from it ,i extract
 the following list of various readings 
of the text found in the comments of    
,chang ,hsuan1 and referred to in the   
first section of this chapter4 ,book    
,,ii4 i1  for 2 viii1  for 2 xix1  for 2
 xxiii4 #a1 1 without 1 for 4 ,book     
,,iii4 vii1 in the clause 1 he makes a  
full stop at 2 xxi4 #a1  for 4 ,book    
,,iv4 x1  for 1 and  for 4 ,book ,v4    
xxi1 he puts a full stop at 4 ,book     
,,vi4 vii1 he has not the characters 4  
,book ,,vii4 iv1  for  2 xxxiv1  simply1
 for 4 ,book ,,ix4 ix1  for 4 ,book     
,,xi4 xxv4 #g1  for  1 and  for 4 ,book 
,,xiii4 iii4 #c1  for 2 xviii4 #a1  for 
4 ,book ,,xiv4 xxxi1  for 2 xxxiv4 #a1  

for 4 ,book ,,xv4 i4 a1  for 4 ,book    
,,xvi4 i4 #ac1  for 4 ,book ,,xvii4 i1  
for 2 xxiv4 #b1  for 4 ,book ,,xviii4   
iv1  for 2 viii4 #a1  for 4 ,these      
various readings are exceedingly few1   
and in themselves insignificant4 ,the   
student who wishes to pursue this       
subject at length1 is provided with the 
means in the ,work of ,ti ,chiao-shau   
#b1 expressly devoted to it4 ,it forms  
sections #ddi-dgc of the ,works of the  
,classics1 mentioned at the close of the
 preceding section4 ,a still more       
comprehensive work of the same kind is1 
',the ,examination of the ,text of the  
,classics and of ,commentaries on them1'
 published under the superintendence of 
,yuan ,yuan1 forming chapters #hah to   
#ajed of the same ,collection4 ,chapters
 #ajaf to #ajcj are occupied with the   
,lun yu2 see the reference to ,yuan     
,yuan farther on1 on p4 #acb4 #a 4      
,published in #agih4 ,the author was a  
,tsao ,yin-ku -- 4 #b 1 4 ,,chapter     
,,iii4 ,,of ,,the ,,great ,,learning4   

,,section ,i4 ,,history ,,of ,,the      
,,text1 ,,and ,,the ,,different         
,,arrangements ,,of ,,it ,,which ,,have 
,,been ,,proposed4 #a4 ,it has already  
been mentioned that ',the ,great        
,learning' frms one of the ,books of the
 ,li ,chi1 or ',record of ,rites1' the  
formation of the text of which will be  
treated of in its proper place4 ,i will 
only say here1 that the ,records of     
,rites had suffered much more1 after the
 death of ,confucius1 than the other    
ancient ,classics which were supposed to
 have been collected and digested by    
him4 ,they were in a more dilapidated   
condition at the time of the revivial of
 the ancient literature under the ,han  
dynasty1 and were then published in     
three collections1 only one of which -- 
the ,record of ,rites -- retains its    
place among the five ,ching4 ,the       
,record of ,rites consists1 according to
 the ordinary arrangement1 of forty-nine
 ,chapters or ,books4 ,liu ,hsiang 7see 
ch4 ,i4 sect4 ,,ii4 #b7 took the lead in

 its formation1 and was followed by the 
two famous scholars1 ,tai ,teh #a1 and  
his relative1 ,tai ,shang #b4 ,the first
 of these reduced upwards of #bjj       
chapters1 collected by ,hsiang1 to      
eighty-nine1 and ,shang reduced these   
again to forty-six4 ,the three other    
,books were added in the second century 
of our era1 the ,great ,learning being  
one of them1 by ,ma ,yung1 mentioned in 
the last chapter1 section ,,iii4#b4     
,since his time1 the ,work has not      
received any further additions4 #b4 ,in 
his note appended to what he calls the  
chapter of ',classical ,text1' ,chu ,hsi
 says that the tablets of the 'old      
copies' of the rest of the ,great       
,learning were considerably out of      
order4 ,by those old copies1 he intends 
the ,work of ,chang ,hsuan1 who         
published his commentary on the         
,classic1 soon after it was completed by
 the additions of ,ma ,yung2 and t is   
possible that the tablets were in       
confusion1 and had not been arranged    

with sufficient care2 but such a thing  
does not appear to have been suspected  
until the #a  #b  ,shang was a second   
cousin of ,teh4 twelfth century1 nor can
 any evidence from ancient monuments be 
adduced in its support4 ,i have related 
how the ancient ,classics were cut on   
slabs of stone by imperial order1 ,a4,d4
 #age1 the text being that which the    
various literati had determined1 and    
which had been adopted by ,chang ,hsuan4
 ,the same work was performed about     
seventy years later1 under the so-called
 dynasty of ,wei1 between the years #bdj
 and #bdh1 and the two sets of slabs    
were set up together4 ,the only         
difference between them was1 that       
whereas the ,classics had been cut in   
the first instance only in one form1 the
 characters in the slabs of ,wei were in
 three different forms4 ,amd the changes
 of dynasties1 the slabs both of ,han   
and ,wei had perished1 or nearly so1    
before the rise of the ,t'ang dynasty1  
,a4,d4 #fbd2 but under one of its       

emperors1 in the year #hcf1 a copy of   
the ,classics was again cut on stone1   
though only in one form of the          
character4 ,these slabs we can trace    
down through the ,sung dynasty1 when    
they were known as the tablets of ,shen 
#a4 ,they were in exact conformity with 
the text of the ,classics adopted by    
,chang ,hsuan in his commentaries2 and  
they exist at the present day at the    
city of ,hsi-an1 ,shen-hsi1 still called
 by the same name4 ,the ,sung dynasty   
did not accomplish a similar work       
itself1 nor did either of the two which 
followed it think it necessary to       
engrave in stone in this way the ancient
 ,classics4 ,about the middle of the    
sixteenth century1 however1 the literary
 world in ,china was startled by a reprt
 that the slabs of ,wei which contained 
the ,great ,learning had been           
discovered4 ,but this was nothing more  
than the result f an impudent attempt at
 an imposition1 for which it is         
difficult to a foreigner to assign any  

adequate cause4 ,the treatise1 as       
printed from these slabs1 has some      
trifling additions1 and many alterations
 in the order of the text1 but differing
 from the arrangements proposed by ,chu 
,hsi1 and by other scholars4 ,there     
seems to be now no difference of opinion
 among ,chinese critics that the whole  
affair was a forgery4 ,the text of the  
,great ,learning1 as it appears in the  
,record of ,rites with the commentary of
 ,chang ,hsuan1 and was thrice engraved 
on stone1 in three different dynasties1 
is1 no doubt1 that which was edited in  
the ,han dynasty by ,ma ,yung4 #c4 ,i   
have said1 that it is possible that the 
tablets containing the #a 4 text were   
not arranged with sufficient care by    
him2 and indeed1 any one who studies the
 treatise attentively1 will probably    
come to the conclusion that the part of 
it forming the first six chapters of    
commentary in the present ,work is but a
 fragment4 ,it would not be a difficult 
task to propose an arrangement of the   

text different from any which ,i have   
yet seen2 but such an undertaking would 
not be interesting out of ,china4 ,my   
object here is simply to mention the    
,chinese scholars wh have rendered      
themselves famous or notorious in their 
own country by what they hav done in    
this way4 ,the first was ,ch'ang ,hao1 a
 native of ,lo-yang in ,ho-nan          
,province1 in the eleventh century #a4  
,his designation of ,po-shun1 but since 
his death he has been known chiefly by  
the style of ,ming-tao #b1 which we may 
render the ,wise-in-doctrine4 ,the      
eulogies heaped on him by ,chu ,hsi and 
others are extravagant1 and he is placed
 immediately after ,mencious in the list
 of great scholars4 ,doubtless he was a 
man of vast literary acquirements4 ,the 
greatest change which he introduced into
 the ,great ,learning1 was to read sin  
#c for ch'in #d1 at the commencement1   
making the second object proposed in the
 treatise to be the renovation of the   
people1 instead of loving them4 ,this   

alteration and his various              
transpositions of the text are found in 
,mao ,hsi-ho's treatise on ',the        
,attested ,text of the ,great ,learning 
#e4' ,hardly less illustrious than      
,ch'ang ,hao was his younger brother    
,ch'ang ,i1 known by the style of       
,chang-shu #f1 and since his death by   
that of ,i-chwan #g4 ,he followed ,hao  
in the adoption of the reading 'to      
renovate1' instead of 'to love4' ,but he
 transposed the text differently1 more  
akin to the arrangement afterwards made 
by ,chu ,hsi1 suggesting also that there
 were some superfluous sentences in the 
old text which might conveniently be    
erased4 ,the ,work1 as proposed to be   
read by him1 will be found in the volume
 of ,mao just referred to4 ,we come to  
the name of ,chu ,hsi who entered into  
the labors of the brothers ,ch'ang1 the 
young of whom he styles his ,master1 in 
his introductory note to the ,great     
,learning4 ,his arrangement of the text 
is that now current in all the editions 

of the ,four ,books1 and it had nearly  
displaced the ancient text #a 1114 #b 4 
#c 4 #d 4 #e 4 #f 114 #g 4 altogether4  
,the sanction of ,imperial approval was 
given to it during the ,yuan and ,ming  
dynasties4 ,in the editions of the ,five
 ,ching published by them1 only the     
names of the ,doctrine of the ,mean and 
the ,great ,learning were preserved4 ,no
 text of these ,books was given1 and    
,hsi-ho tells us that in the reign of   
,chia-ching #a1 the most flourishing    
period of the ,ming dynasty 7,a4,d4     
#aebb-aeff71 when ,wang ,wan-ch'ang #b  
published a copy of the ,great          
,learning1 taken from the ,t'ang edition
 of the ,thirteen ,ching1 all the       
officers and scholars looked at one     
another in astonishment1 and were       
inclined to supposed that the ,work was 
a forgery4 ,besides adopting the reading
 of sin for ch'in from the ,ch'ang1 and 
modifying their arrangements of the     
text1 ,chu ,hsi made other innovations4 
,he first divided the whole into one    

chapter of ,classical text1 which he    
assigned to ,confucius1 and then        
chapters of ,commentary1 which he       
assigned to the disciple ,tsang4        
,previous to him1 the whole had been    
published1 indeed1 without any          
specification of chapters and           
paragraphs4 ,he undertook1 moreover1 to 
supply one whole chapter1 which he      
supposed1 after his master ,ch'ang1 to  
be missing4 ,since the time of ,chu     
,hsi1 many scholars have exercised their
 wit on the ,great ,learning4 ,the work 
of ,mao ,hsi-ho contains four           
arrangements of the text1 proposed      
respectively by the scholars ,wang      
,lu-chai #c1 ,chi ,p'ang- shan #d1 ,kao 
,ching-yi #e1 and ,ko ,ch'i-chan #f4    
,the curious student may examine them   
here4 ,under the present dynasty1 the   
tendency has been to depreciate the     
labors of ,chu ,hsi4 ,the integrity of  
the text of ,chang ,hsuan is zealously  
maintained1 and the simpler method of   
interpretation employed by him is       

advocated in preference to the more     
refined and ingenious schemes of the    
,sung scholars4 ,i have referred several
 times in the notes to a ,work published
 a few years ago1 under the title of    
',the ,old ,text of the sacred ,ching1  
with ,commentary and ,discussions1 by   
,lo ,chung-fan of ,nan-hai #g4' ,i knew 
the man many years ago4 ,he was a fine  
scholar1 and had taken the second       
degree1 or that of ,chu-zan4 ,he applied
 to me in #ahdc for ,christian baptism1 
and1 offended by my hesitancy1 went and 
enrolled himself among the disciples of 
another missionary4 ,he soon1 however1  
#a 4 #b 4 #c 4 #d 4 #e 4 #f  #g 14      
withdrew into seclusion1 and spent the  
last years of his life in literary      
studies4 ,his family have published the 
,work on the ,great ,learning1 and one  
or two others4 ,he most vehemently      
impugns nearly every judgment of ,chu   
,hsi2 but in his own exhibitions of the 
meaning he blends many ideas of the     
,supreme ,being and of the condition of 

human nature1 which he had learned from 
the ,christian ,scriptures4 ,,section   
,,ii4 ,,of ,,the ,,authorship1 ,,and    
,,distinction ,,of ,,the ,,text ,,into  
,,classical ,,text ,,and ,,commentary4  
#a4 ,the authorship of the ,great       
,learning is a very doubtful point1 and 
one on which it does not appear possible
 to come to a decided conclusion4 ,chu  
,hsi1 as ,i have stated in the last     
section1 determined that so much of it  
was ,ching1 or ,classic1 being the very 
words of ,confucius1 and that all the   
rest was ,chwan1 or ,commentary1 being  
the views of ,tsang ,shan upon the      
sage's words1 recorded by his disciples4
 ,thus1 he does not expressly attribute 
the composition of the ,treatise to     
,tsang1 as he is generally supposed to  
do4 ,what he says1 however1 as it is    
destitute of external support1 is       
contrary also to the internal evidence4 
,the fourth chapter of commentary       
commences with ',the ,master said4'     
,surely1 if there were anything more1   

directly from ,confucius1 there would be
 an intimation of it in the same way4   
,or1 if we may allow that short sayings 
of ,confucius might be interwoven with  
the ,work1 as in the fifteenth paragraph
 of the tenth chapter1 without referring
 them expressly to him1 it is too much  
to ask us to receive the long chapter at
 the beginning as being from him4 ,with 
regard to the ,work having come from the
 disciples of ,tsang ,shan1 recording   
their master's views1 the paragraph in  
chapter sixth1 commencing with ',the    
disciple ,tsang said1' seems to be      
conclusive against such an hypothesis4  
,so much we may be sure is ,tsang's1 and
 no more4 ,both of ,chu ,hsi's judgments
 must be set aside4 ,we cannot admit    
either the distinction of the contents  
into ,classical text and ,commentary1 or
 that the ,work was the production of   
,tsang's disciples4 #b4 ,who then was   
the author8 ,an ancient tradition       
attributes it to ,k'ung ,chi1 the       
grandson of ,confucius4 ,in a notice    

published1 at the time of their         
preparation1 about the stone slabs of   
,wei1 the following statement by ,chia  
,k'wei1 a noted scholar of the first    
century1 is found3-- ',when ,k'ung ,chi 
was living1 and in straits1 in ,sung1   
being afraid lest the lessons of the    
former sages should become obscure1 and 
the principles of the ancient sovereigns
 and kings fall to the ground1 he       
therefore made the ,great ,learning as  
the warp of them1 and the ,doctrine of  
the ,mean as the woof #a4' ,this would  
seem1 therefore1 to have been the       
opinion of that early time1 and ,i may  
say the only difficulty in admitting it 
is that no mention is made of it by     
,chang ,hsuan4 ,there certainly is that 
agreement between the two treatises1    
which makes their common authorship not 
at all unlikely4 #c4 ,though we cannot  
positively assign the authorship of the 
,great ,learning1 there can be no       
hesitation in receiving it as a genuine 
monument of the ,confucian school4      

,there are not many words in it from the
 sage himself1 but it is a faithful     
reflection of his teachings1 written by 
some of his followers1 not far removed  
from him by lapse of time4 ,it must     
synchronize pretty nearly with the      
,analects1 and may be safely referred to
 the fifth century before our era4      
,,section ,,iii4 ,,its ,,scope ,,and    
,,value4 #a4 ,the worth of the ,great   
,learning has been celebrated in most   
extravagant terms by ,chinese writers1  
and there have been foreigners who have 
not yielded to them in their estimation 
of it4 ,pauthier1 in the ',argument     
,philosphique1' prefixed to his         
translation of the ,work1 says3-- ',it  
is evident that the aim of the ,chinese 
philosopher is to exhibit the duties of 
political government as those of the    
perfecting of self1 and of the practice 
of virtue by all men4 ,he felt that he  
had a higher mission than that with     
which the greater part of ancient and   
modern philosophers have contented      

themselves2 and his immense love for the
 happiness of humanity1 which dominated 
over all his other sentiments1 has made 
of his #a 11111 1112 see the 11 p4 #e4  
philosophy a system of social           
perfectionating1 which1 we venture to   
say1 has never been equalled4' ,very    
different is the judgment passed upon   
the treatise by a writer in the ,chinese
 ,repository3 ',the ,ta ,hsio is a short
 politico-moral discourse4 ,ta ,hsio1 or
 ,superior ,learning1 is at the same    
time both the name and the subject of   
the discourse2 it is the summum bonum of
 the ,chinese4 ,in opening this ,book1  
compiled by a disciple of ,confucius1   
and containing his doctrines1 we might  
expect to find a work like ,cicero's ,de
 ,officiis2 but we find a very different
 production1 consisting of a few        
commonplace rules for the maintenance of
 a good government #a4' ,my readers will
 perhaps think1 after reading the       
present section1 that the truth lies    
between these two representations4 #b4  

,i believe that the ,book should be     
styled ,t'ai ,hsio #b1 and not ,ta      
,hsio1 and that it was so named as      
setting forth the higher and more       
extensive principles of moral science1  
which come into use and manifestation in
 the conduct of government4 ,when ,chu  
,shi endeavours to make the title mean  
-- ',the principles of ,learning1 which 
were taught in the higher schools of    
antiquity1' and tells us how at the age 
of fifteen1 all the sons of the         
sovereign1 with the legitimate sons of  
the nobles1 and high officers1 down to  
the more promising scions of the common 
people1 all entered these seminaries1   
and were taught the difficult lessons   
here inculcated1 we pity the ancient    
youth of ,china4 ,such 'strong meat' is 
not adapted for the nourishment of      
youthful minds4 ,but the evidence       
adduced for the existence of such       
educational institutions in ancient     
times is unsatisfactory1 and from the   
older interpretation of the title we    

advance more easily to contemplate the  
object and method of the ,work4 #c4 ,the
 object is stated definitely enough in  
the opening paragraph3 ',what the ,great
 ,learning teaches1 is -- to illustrate 
illustrious virtue2 to love the people2 
and to rest in the highest excellence4' 
,the political aim of the writer is here
 at once evident4 ,he has before him on 
one side1 the people1 the masses of the 
empire1 and over against them are those 
whose work and duty1 delegated by       
,heaven1 is to govern them1 culminating1
 as a class1 in 'the son of ,heaven #c1'
 'the ,one man #d1' the sovereign4 ,from
 the fourth and #a ,chinese ,repository1
 vol4 iii4 p4 #ih #b 1 not 4 ,see the   
note on the title of the ,work below4 #c
 1 ,cl4 7classical7 ,text1 par4 #f1 #b4 
#d 1 ,comm4 ix4 #c4 fifth paragraphs1 we
 see that if the lessons of the treatise
 be learned and carried into practice1  
the result will be that 'illustrious    
virtue will be illustrated throughout   
the nation1' which will be brought1     

through all its length and breadth1 to a
 condition of happy tranquillity4 ,this 
object is certainly both grand and good2
 annd if a reasonable and likely method 
to secure it were proposed in the ,work1
 language would hardly supply terms     
adequate to express its value4 #d4 ,but 
the above account of the object of the  
,great ,learning leads us to the        
conclusion that the student of it should
 be a sovereign4 ,what interest can an  
ordinary man have in it8 ,it is high up 
in the clouds1 far beyond his reach4    
,this is a serious objection to it1 and 
quite unfits it for a place in schools1 
such as ,chu ,hsi contends it once had4 
,intelligent ,chinese1 whose minds were 
somewhat quickened by ,christianity1    
have spoken to me of this defect1 and   
complained of the difficulty they felt  
in making the book a practical directory
 for their conduct4 ',it is so vague and
 vast1' was the observation of one man4 
,the writer1 however1 has made some     
provision for the general application of

 his instructions4 ,he tells us that1   
from the sovereign down to the mass of  
the people1 all must consider the       
cultivation of the person to be the     
root1 that is1 the first thing to be    
attended to #a4 as in his method1       
moreover1 he reaches from the           
cultivation of the person to the        
tranquillization of the kingdom1 through
 the intermediate steps of the          
regulation of the family1 and the       
government of the ,state #b1 there is   
room for setting forth principles that  
parents and rulers generally may find   
adapted for their guidance4 #e4 ,the    
method which is laid down for the       
attainment of the great object proposed1
 consists of seven steps3-- the         
investigation of things2 the completion 
of knowledge2 the sincerity of the      
thoughts2 the rectifying of the heart2  
the cultivation of the person2 the      
regulation of the family2 and the       
government of the state4 ,these form the
 steps of a climax1 the end of which is 

the kingdom tranquillized4 ,pauthier    
calls the paragraphs where they occur   
instances of the sorites1 or abridged   
syllogism4 ,but they elong to rhetoric1 
and not to logic4 #f4 ,in offering some 
observations on these steps1 and the    
writer's treatment of them1 it will be  
well to separate them into those        
preceding the cultivation of the person1
 and those following it2 and to #a ,cl4 
,text1 par4 #f4 #b ,cl4 ,text1 pars4 #d4
 #e4 deal with the latter first4 -- ,let
 us suppose that the cultivation of the 
person is fully attained1 every         
discordant mental element having been   
subdued and removed4 ,it is assumed that
 the regulation of the family will      
necessarily flow from this4 ,two short  
paragraphs are all that are given to the
 illustration of the point1 and they are
 vague generalities on the subject of   
men's being led astray by their feelings
 and affections4 ,the family being      
regulated1 there will result from it the
 government of the ,state4 ,first1 the  

virtues taught in the family have their 
correspondencies in the wider sphere4   
,filial piety will appear as loyalty4   
,fraternal submission will be seen in   
respect and obedience to elders and     
superiors4 ,kindness is capable of      
universal application4 ,second1 ',from  
the loving example of one family1 a     
whole ,state becomes loving1 and from   
its courtesies the whole ,state become  
courteous #a4' ,seven paragraphs suffice
 to illustrate these statements1 and    
short as they are1 the writer goes back 
to the topic of self-cultivation1       
returning from the family to the        
individual4 ,the ,state being governed1 
the whole empire will become peaceful   
and happy4 ,there is even less of       
connexion1 however1 in the treatment of 
this theme1 between the premiss and the 
conclusion1 than in the two previous    
chapters4 ,nothing is said about the    
relation between the whole kingdom1 and 
its component ,states1 or any one of    
them4 ,it is said at once1 ',what is    

meant by ,the making the whole kingdom  
peaceful and happy depends on the       
government of the ,state1 is this3--    
,when the sovereign behaves to his aged1
 as the aged should be behaved to1 the  
people become filial2 when the sovereign
 behaves to his elders1 as elders should
 be behaved to1 the people learn        
brotherly submission2 when the sovereign
 treats compassionately the young and   
helpless1 the people do the same #b4'   
,this is nothing but a repetition of the
 preceding chapter1 instead of that     
chapter's being made a step from which  
to go on to the splendid consummation of
 the good government of the whole       
kingdom4 ,the words which ,i have quoted
 are followed by a very striking        
enunciation of the golden rule in its   
negative form1 and under the name of the
 measuring square1 and all the lessons  
of the chapter are connected more or    
less closely with that4 ,the application
 of this principle by a ruler1 whose    
heart is in the first place in loving   

sympathy with the people1 will guide him
 in all the exactions which #a ,see     
,comm4 ix4 #c4 #b ,see ,comm4 x4 #a4 he 
lays upon them1 and in his selection of 
ministers1 in such a way that he will   
secure the affections of his subjects1  
and his throne will be established1 for 
'by gaining the people1 the kingdom is  
gained1 and1 by losing the people1 the  
kingdom is lost #a4' ,there are in this 
part of the treatise many valuable      
sentiments1 and counsels for all in     
authority over others4 ,the objection to
 it is1 that1 as the last step of the   
climax1 it does not rise upon all the   
others with the accumulated force of    
their conclusions1 but introduces us to 
new principles of action1 and a new line
 of argument4 ,cut off the commencement 
of the first paragraph which connects it
 with the preceding chapters1 and it    
would form a brief but admirable        
treatise by itself on the art of        
government4 ,this brief review of the   
writer's treatment of the concluding    

steps of his method will satisfy the    
reader that the execution is not equal  
to the design2 and1 moreover1 underneath
 all the reasoning1 and more especially 
apparent in the eighth and ninth        
chapters of commentary 7according to the
 ordinary arrangement of the work71     
there lies the assumption that example  
is all but omnipotent4 ,we find this    
principle pervading all the ,confucian  
philosophy4 ,and doubtless it is a      
truth1 most important in education and  
government1 that the influence of       
example is very great4 ,i believe1 and  
will insist upon it hereafter in these  
prolegomena1 that we have come to       
overlook this element in our conduct of 
administration4 ,it will be well if the 
study of the ,chinese ,classics should  
call attention to it4 ,yet in them the  
subject is pushed to an extreme1 and    
represented in an extravagant manner4   
,proceeding from the view of human      
nature that it is entirely good1 and led
 astray only by influences from without1

 the sage of ,china and his followers   
attribute to personal example and to    
instruction a power which we do not find
 that they actually possess4 #g4 ,the   
steps which precede the cultivation of  
the person are more briefly dealt with  
than those which we have just           
considered4 ',the cultivation of the    
person results from the rectifying of   
the heart or mind #b4' ,true1 but in the
 ,great ,learning very inadequately set 
forth4 ',the rectifying of the mind is  
realized when the thoughts are made     
sincere #c4' ,and the thoughts are      
sincere1 when no self-deception is      
allowed1 and we move without effort to  
what is right and wrong1 'as we love    
what is beautiful1 and as we dislike a  
bad #a ,comm4 x4 #e4 #b ,comm4 vii4 #a4 
#c ,comm4 ,ch4 vi4 smell #a4' ,how are  
we to attain this state8 ,here the      
,chinese moralist fails us4 ,according  
to ,chu ,hsi's arrangement of the       
,treatise1 there is only one sentence   
from which we can frame a reply to the  

above question4 ',therefore1' it is     
said1 'the superior man must be watchful
 over himself when he is alone #b4'     
,following4 ,chu's sixth chapter of     
commentary1 and forming1 we may say1    
part of it1 we have in the old          
arrangement of the ,great ,learning all 
the passages which he has distributed so
 as to form the previous five chapters4 
,but even from the examination of them1 
we do not obtain the information which  
we desire on this momentous inquiry4 #h4
 ,indeed1 the more ,i study the ,work1  
the more satisfied ,i become1 that from 
the conclusion of what is now called the
 chapter of classical text to the sixth 
chapter of commentary1 we have only a   
few fragments1 which it is of no use    
trying to arrange1 so as fairly to      
exhibit the plan of the author4         
,according to his method1 the chapter on
 the connexion between making the       
thoughts sincere and so rectifying the  
mental nature1 should be preceded by one
 on the completion of knowledge as the  

means of making the thoughts sincere1   
and that again by one on the completion 
of knowledge by the investigation of    
things1 or whatever else the phrase ko  
wu may mean4 ,i am less concerned for   
the loss and injury which this part of  
the ,work has suffered1 because the     
subject of the connexion between        
intelligence and virtue is very fully   
exhibited in the ,doctrine of the ,mean1
 and will come under our notice in the  
review of that ,treatise4 ,the manner in
 which ,chu ,hsi has endeavoured to     
supply the blank about the perfecting of
 knowledge by the investigation of      
things is too extravagant4 ',the        
,learning for ,adults1' he says1 'at the
 outset of its lessons1 instructs the   
learner1 in regard to all things in the 
world1 to proceed from what knowledge he
 has of their principles1 and pursue his
 investigation of them1 till he reaches 
the extreme point4 ,after exerting      
himself for a long time1 he will        
suddenly find himself possessed of a    

wide and far-reaching penetration4      
,then1 the qualities of all things1     
whether external or internal1 the subtle
 or the coarse1 will be apprehended1 and
 the mind1 in its entire substance and  
its relations to things1 will be        
perfectly intelligent4 ,this is called  
the investigation of things4 ,this is   
called the perfection of knowledge #c4' 
,and knowledge must be thus perfected   
before we can achieve the sincerity of  
our thoughts1 and the rectifying of our 
hearts6 #a ,comm4 vi4 #a4 #b ,comm4 vi4 
#b4 #c ,suppl4 to ,comm4 ,ch4 v4 ,verily
 this would be learning not for adults  
only1 but even ,methuselahs would not be
 able to compass it4 ,yet for centuries 
this has been accepted as the orthodox  
exposition of the ,classic4 ,lo         
,chung-fan does not express himself too 
strongly when he says that such language
 is altogether incoherent4 ,the author  
would only be 'imposing on himself and  
others4' #i4 ,the orthodox doctrine of  
,china concerning the connexion between 

intelligence and virtue is most         
seriously erroneous1 but ,i will not lay
 to the charge of the author of the     
,great ,learning the wild               
representations of the commentator of   
our twelfth century1 nor need ,i make   
here any remarks on what the doctrine   
really is4 ,after the exhibition which  
,i have given1 my readers will probably 
conclude that the ,work before us is far
 from developing1 as ,pauthier asserts1 
'a system of social perfectionating     
which has never been equalled4' #aj4    
,the ,treatise has undoubtedly great    
merits1 but they are not to be sought in
 the severity of its logical processes1 
or the large-minded prosecution of any  
course of thought4 ,we shall find them  
in the announcement of certain seminal  
principles1 which1 if recognised in     
government and the regulation of        
conduct1 would conduce greatly to the   
happiness and virtue of mankind4 ,i will
 conclude these observations by         
specifying four such principles4 ,first4

 ,the writer conceives nobly of the     
object of government1 that it is to make
 its subjects happy and good4 ,this may 
not be a sufficient account of that     
object1 but it is much to have it so    
clearly laid down to 'all kings and     
governors1' that they are to love the   
people1 ruling not for their own        
gratification but for the good of those 
over whom they are exalted by ,heaven4  
,very important also is the statement   
that rulers have no divine right but    
what springs from the discharge of their
 duty4 ',the decree does not always rest
 on them4 ,goodness obtains it1 and the 
want of goodness loses it #a4' ,second4 
,the insisting on personal excellence in
 all who have authority in the family1  
the state1 and the kingdom1 is a great  
moral and social principle4 ,the        
influence of such personal excellence   
may be overstated1 but by the           
requirement of its cultivation the      
writer deserved well of his country4    
,third4 ,still more important than the  

requirement of such excellence1 is the  
principle that it must be rooted in the 
state of #a ,comm4 x4 #aa4 the heart1   
and be the natural outgrowth of internal
 sincerity4 ',as a man thinketh in his  
heart1 so is he4' ,this is the teaching 
alike of ,solomon and the author of the 
,great ,learning4 ,fourth4 ,i mention   
last the striking exhibition which we   
have of the golden rule1 though only in 
its negative form3-- ',what a man       
dislikes in his superiors1 let him not  
display in the treatment of his         
inferiors2 what he dislikes in          
inferiors1 let him not display in his   
service of his superiors2 what he       
dislikes in those who are before him1   
let him not therewith precede those who 
are behind him2 what he dislikes in     
those who are behind him1 let him not   
therewith follow those who are before   
him2 what he dislikes to receive on the 
right1 let him not bestow on the left2  
what he dislikes to receive on the left1
 let him not bestow on the right4 ,this 

is what is called the principle with    
which1 as with a measuring square1 to   
regulate one's conduct #a4' ,the ,work  
which contains those principles cannot  
be thought meanly of4 ,they are         
'commonplace1' as the writer in the     
,chinese ,repository calls them1 but    
they are at the same time eternal       
verities4 l ,comm4 x4 a4 ,,chapter ,,iv4
 ,,the ,,doctrine ,,of ,,the ,,mean4    
,,section ,i4 ,,its ,,place ,,in ,,the  
,,li ,,chi1 ,,and ,,its ,,publication   
,,separately4 #a4 ,the ,doctrine of the 
,mean was one of the treatises which    
came to light in connexion with the     
labors of ,liu ,hsiang1 and its place as
 the thirty-first ,book in the ,li ,chi 
was finally determined by ,ma ,yung and 
,chang ,hsuan4 ,in the translation of   
the ,li ,chi in ',the ,sacred ,books of 
the ,east' it is the twenty-eighth      
,treatise4 #b4 ,but while it was thus   
made to form a part of the great        
collection of ,treatises on ,ceremonies1
 it maintained a separate footing of its

 own4 ,in ,liu ,hsin's ,catalogue of the
 ,classical ,works1 we find ',two p'ien 
of ,observations on the ,chung ,yung l4'
 ,in the ,records of the dynasty of ,sui
 7,a4,d4 #ehi-fah71 in the chapter on   
the ,history of ,literature #b1 there   
are mentioned three ,works on the ,chung
 ,yung2-- the first called ',the ,record
 of the ,chung ,yung1' in two chuan1    
attributed to ,tai ,yung1 a scholar who 
flourished about the middle of the fifth
 century2 the second1 ',a ,paraphrase   
and ,commentary on the ,chung ,yung1'   
attributed to the emperor ,wu 7,a4,d4   
#ejb-edi7 of the ,liang dynasty1 in one 
chuan 2 and the third1 ',a ,private     
,record1 ,determining the ,meaning of   
the ,chung ,yung1' in five chuan1 the   
author1 or supposed author1 of which is 
not mentioned #c4 ,it thus appears1 that
 the ,chung ,yung had been published and
 commented on separately1 long before   
the time of the ,sung dynasty4 ,the     
scholars of that1 however1 devoted      
special attention to it1 the way being  

led by the famous ,chau ,lien-ch'i #d4  
,he was followed by the two brothers    
,ch'ang1 but neither of them published  
upon it4 ,at last came ,chu ,hsi1 who   
produced his ,work called #a 4 #b 11111 
p4 #ab4 #c 11211224 #d 4 ',the ,chung   
,yung1 in ,chapters and ,sentences #a1' 
which was made the text book of the     
,classic at the literary examinations1  
by the fourth emperor of the ,yuan      
dynasty 7,a4,d4 #acab-acbj71 and from   
that time the name merely of the        
,treatise was retained in editions of   
the ,li ,chi4 ,neither text nor ancient 
commentary was given4 ,under the present
 dynasty it is not so4 ,in the superb   
edition of ',the ,three ,li ,ching1'    
edited by numerous committees of        
scholars towards the middle of the      
,ch'ien-lung reign1 the ,chung ,yung is 
published in two parts1 the ancient     
commentaries from ',the ,thirteen       
,ching' being given side by side with   
those of ,chu ,hsi4 ,,section ,,ii4     
,,its ,,author2 ,,and ,,some ,,account  

,,of ,,him4 #a4 ,the composition of the 
,chung ,yung is attributed to ,k'ung    
,chi1 the grandson of ,confucius #b4    
,chinese inquirers and critics are      
agreed on this point1 and apparently on 
sufficient grounds4 ,there is indeed no 
internal evidence in the ,work to lead  
us to such a conclusion4 ,among the many
 quotations of ,confucius's words and   
references to him1 we might have        
expected to find some indication that   
the sage was the grandfather of the     
author1 but nothing of the kind is      
given4 ,the external evidence1 however1 
or that from the testimony of           
authorities1 is very strong4 ,in ,sze-ma
 ,ch'ien's ,historical ,records1        
published about ,b4,c4 #ajj1 it is      
expressly said that ',tsze- sze made the
 ,chung ,yung4' ,and we have a still    
stronger proof1 a century earlier1 from 
,tsze-sze's own descendant1 ,k'ung ,fu1 
whose words are1 ',tsze- sze compiled   
the ,chung ,yung in forty-nine p'ien    
#c4' ,we may1 therefore1 accept the     

received account without hesitation4 #b4
 ,as ,chi1 spoken of chiefly by his     
designation of ,tsze-sze1 thus occupies 
a distinguished place in the classical  
literature of ,china1 it #a 4 #b 2 see  
the 114 #c ,this ,k'ung ,fu 77 was that 
descendant of ,confucius1 who hid       
several books in the wall of his house1 
on the issuing of the imperial edict for
 their burning4 ,he was a writer        
himself1 and his ,works are referred to 
under the title of 4 ,i have not seen   
them1 but the statement given above is  
found in the 2-- art4 4 -- 114 may not  
be out of place to bring together here a
 few notices of him gathered from       
reliable sources4 ,he was the son of    
,li1 whose death took place ,b4,c4 #dhc1
 four years before that of the sage1 his
 father4 ,i have not found it recorded  
in what year he was born4 ,sze-ma       
,ch'ien says he died at the age of #fb4 
,but this is evidently wrong1 for we    
learn from ,mencius that he was high in 
favour with the duke ,mu of ,lu #a1     

whose accession to that principality    
dates in ,b4,c4 #dji1 seventy years     
after the death of ,confucius4 ,in the  
',plates and ,notices of the ,worthies1 
sacrificed to in the ,sage's ,temples   
#b1' it is supposed that the sixty-two  
in the ,historical ,records should be   
eighty-two #c4 ,it is maintained by     
others that ,tsze-sze's life was        
protracted beyond #ajj years #d4 ,this  
variety of opinions simply shows that   
the point cannot be positively          
determined4 ,to me it seems that the    
conjecture in the ,sacrificial ,canon   
must be pretty near the truth #e4       
,during the years of his boyhood1 then1 
,tsze-sze must have been with his       
grandfather1 and received his           
instructions4 ,it is related1 that one  
day1 when he was alone with the sage1   
and heard him sighing1 he went up to    
him1 and1 bowing twice1 inquired the    
reason of his grief4 ',is it1' said he1 
'because you think that your            
descendants1 through not cultivating    

themselves1 will be unworthy of you8 ,or
 is it that1 in your admiration of the  
ways of ,yao and ,shun1 you are vexed   
that you fall short of them8' ',child1' 
replied ,confucius1 'how is it that you 
know my thoughts8' ',i have often1' said
 ,tsze-sze1 'heard from you the lesson1 
that when the father has gathered and   
prepared the firewood1 if the son cannot
 carry the bundle1 he is to be          
pronounced degenerate and unworthy4 ,the
 remark comes frequently into my        
thoughts1 and fills me with great       
apprehensions4' ,the sage was delighted4
 ,he #a4 7or 74 #b4 4 #c4 4 ,eighty-two 
and sixty-two may more easily be        
confounded1 as written in ,chinese1 than
 with the ,roman figures4 #d ,see the 1 
on the preface to the ,chung ,yung1 -- 4
 #e ,li himself was born in ,confucius's
 twenty-first year1 and if ,tsze-sze had
 been born in ,li's twenty-first year1  
he must have been #ajc at the time of   
duke ,mu's accession4 ,but the tradition
 is1 that ,tsze-sze was a pupil of      

,tsang ,shan who was born ,b4,c4 #ejd4  
,we must place his birth therefore      
considerably later1 and suppose him to  
have been quite young when his father   
died4 ,i was talking once about the     
question with a ,chinese friend1 who    
observed3-- ',li was fifty when he died1
 and his wife married again into a      
family of ,wei4 ,we can hardly think1   
therefore1 that she was anything like   
that age4 ,li could not have married so 
soon as his father did4 ,perhaps he was 
about forty when ,chi was born4' smiled 
and said1 ',now1 indeed1 shall ,i be    
without anxiety6 ,my undertakings will  
not come to naught4 ,they will be       
carried on and flourish #a4' ,after the 
death of ,confucius1 ,chi became a      
pupil1 it is said1 of the philosopher   
,tsang4 ,but he received his            
instructions with discrimination1 and in
 one instance which is recorded in the  
,li ,chi1 the pupil suddenly took the   
place of the master4 ,we there read3    
',tsang said to ,tsze-sze1 ,chi1 when ,i

 was engaged in mourning for my parents1
 neither congee nor water entered my    
mouth for seven days4 ,tsze-sze         
answered1 ,in ordering their rules of   
propriety1 it was the design of the     
ancient kings that those who would go   
beyond them should stoop and keep by    
them1 and that those who could hardly   
reach them should stand on tiptoe to do 
so4 ,thus it is that the superior man1  
in mourning for his parents1 when he has
 been three days without water or       
congee1 takes a staff to enable himself 
to rise #b4' ,while he thus condemned   
the severe discipline of ,tsang1        
,tsze-sze appears1 in various incidents 
which are related of him1 to have been  
himself more than sufficiently ascetic4 
,as he was living in great poverty1 a   
friend supplied him with grain1 which he
 readily received4 ,another friend was  
emboldened by this to send him a bottle 
of spirits1 but he declined to receive  
it4' ,you receive your corn from other  
people1' urged the donor1 'and why      

should you decline my gift1 which is of 
less value8 ,you can assign no ground in
 reason for it1 and if you wish to show 
your independence1 you should do so     
completely4' ',i am so poor1' was the   
reply1 'as to be in want1 and being     
afraid lest ,i should die and the       
sacrifices not be offered to my         
ancestors1 ,i accept the grain as an    
alms4 ,but the spirits and the dried    
flesh which you offer to me are the     
appliances of a feast4 ,for a poor man  
to be feasting is certainly             
unreasonable4 ,this is the ground of my 
refusing your gift4 ,i have no thought  
of asserting my independence #c4' ,to   
the same effect is the account of       
,tsze-sze1 which we have from ,liu      
,hsiang4 ,that scholar relates3-- ',when
 ,chi was living in ,wei1 he wore a     
tattered coat1 without any lining1 and  
in thirty days had only nine meals4     
,t'ien ,tsze-fang having heard of his #a
 ,see the 1 in the place just quoted    
from4 ,for the incident we are indebted 

to ,k'ung ,fu2 see note #c1 p4 #cf4 #b  
,li ,chi1 ,,ii4 ,sect4 ,i4 ii4 #g4 #c   
,see the 1 as above4 distress1 sent a   
messenger to him with a coat of fox-fur1
 and being afraid that he might not     
receive it1 he added the message1--     
,when ,i borrow from a man1 ,i forget   
it2 when ,i give a thing1 ,i part with  
it freely as if ,i threw it away4       
,tsze-sze declined the gift thus        
offered1 and when ,tsze- fang said1 ,i  
have1 and you have not2 why will you not
 take it8 he replied1 ,you give away as 
rashly as if you were casting your      
things into a ditch4 ,poor as ,i am1 ,i 
cannot think of my body as a ditch1 and 
do not presume to accept your gift #a4  
',tsze-sze's mother married again1 after
 ,li's death1 into a family of ,wei4    
,but this circumstance1 which is not at 
all creditable in ,chinese estimation1  
did not alienate his affections from    
her4 ,he was in ,lu when he heard of her
 death1 and proceeded to weep in the    
temple of his family4 ,a disciple came  

to him and said1 ',your mother married  
again into the family of the ,shu1 and  
do you weep for her in the temple of the
 ,k'ung8' ',i am wrong1' said ,tsze-sze1
 ',i am wrong2' and with these words he 
went to weep elsewhere #b4 ,in his own  
married relation he does not seem to    
have been happy1 and for some cause1    
which has not been transmitted to us1 he
 divorced his wife1 following in this1  
it has been wrongly said1 the example of
 ,confucius4 ,on her death1 her son1    
,tsze-shang #c1 did not undertake any   
mourning for her4 ,tsze-sze's disciples 
were surprised and questioned him4 ',did
 your predecessor1 a superior man1' they
 asked1 'mourn for his mother who had   
been divorced8' ',yes1' was the reply4  
',then why do you not cause ,pai #d to  
mourn for his mother8' ,tsze-sze        
answered1 ',my progenitor1 a superior   
man1 failed in nothing to pursue the    
proper path4 ,his observances increased 
or decreased as the case required4 ,but 
,i cannot attain to this4 ,while she was

 my wife1 she was ,pai's mother2 when   
she ceased to be my wife1 she ceased to 
be ,pai's mother4' ,the custom of the   
,k'ung family not to mourn for a mother 
who had been divorced1 took its rise    
from ,tsze-sze #e4 ,these few notices of
 ,k'ung ,chi in his more private        
relations bring him before us as a man  
of strong feeling and strong will1      
independent1 and with a tendency to     
asceticism in his habits4 #a ,see the 1 
as above4 #b ,see the ,li ,chi1 ,,ii4   
,sect4 ,,ii4 iii4 #ae4  must be         
understood as ,i have done above1 and   
not with ,chang ,hsuan1 -- ',your mother
 was born a ,miss ,shu4' #c  -- this was
 the designation of ,tsze-sze's son4 #d 
1-- this was ,tsze-shang's name4 #e ,see
 the ,li ,chi1 ,,ii4 ,sect4 ,i4 i4 #d4  
,as a public character1 we find him at  
the ducal courts of ,wei1 ,sung2 ,lu1   
and ,pi1 and at each of them held in    
high esteem by the rulers4 ,to ,wei he  
was carried probably by the fact of his 
mother having married into that ,state4 

,we are told that the prince of ,wei    
received him with great distinction and 
lodged him honourably4 ,on one occasion 
he said to him1 ',an officer of the     
,state of ,lu1 you have not despised    
this small and narrow ,wei1 but have    
bent your steps hither to comfort and   
preserve it2 vouchsafe to confer your   
benefits upon me4' ,tsze-sze replied4   
',if ,i should wish to requite your     
princely favour with money and silks1   
your treasuries are already full of     
them1 and ,i am poor4 ,if ,i should wish
 to requite it with good words1 ,i am   
afraid that what ,i should say would not
 suit your ideas1 so that ,i should     
speak in vain and not be listened to4   
,the only way in which ,i can requite   
it1 is by recommending to your notice   
men of worth4' ,the duke said4 ',men of 
worth are exactly what ,i desire4'      
',nay1' said ,chi4 'you are not able to 
appreciate them4' ',nevertheless1' was  
the reply1 ',i should like to hear whom 
you consider deserving that name4'      

,tsze-sze replied1 ',do you wish to     
select your officers for the name they  
may have or for their reality8' ',for   
their reality1 certainly1' said the     
duke4 ,his guest then said1 ',in the    
eastern borders of your ,state1 there is
 one ,li ,yin1 who is a man of real     
worth4' ',what were his grandfather and 
father8' asked the duke4 ',they were    
husbandmen1' was the reply1 on which the
 duke broke into a loud laugh1 saying1 '
 ,i do not like husbandry4 ,the son of a
 husbandman cannot be fit for me to     
employ4 ,i do not put into office all   
the cadets of those families even in    
which office is hereditary4' ,tsze-sze  
observed1 ',i mention ,li ,yin because  
of his abilities2 what has the fact of  
his forefathers being husbandmen to do  
with the case8 ,and moreover1 the duke  
of ,chau was a great sage1 and          
,k'ang-shu was a great worthy4 ,yet if  
you examine their beginnings1 you will  
find that from the business of husbandry
 they came forth to found their ,states4

 ,i did certainly have my doubts that in
 the selection of your officers you did 
not have regard to their real character 
and capacity4' ,with this the           
conversation ended4 ,the duke was silent
 #a4 ,tsze-sze was naturally led to     
,sung1 as the ,k'ung family originally  
sprang from that principality4 ,one     
account1 quoted in ',the #a ,see the    
1114 ,four ,books1 ,text and            
,commentary1 with ,proofs and           
,illustrations #a1' says that he went   
thither in his sixteenth year1 and      
having foiled an officer of the ,state1 
named ,yo ,so1 in a conversation on the 
,shu ,ching1 his opponent was so        
irritated at the disgrace put on him by 
a youth1 that he listened to the advice 
of evil counsellors1 and made an attack 
on him to put him to death4 ,the duke of
 ,sung1 hearing the tumult1 hurried to  
the rescue1 and when ,chi found himself 
in safety1 he said1 ',when king ,wan was
 imprisoned in ,yu-li1 he made the ,yi  
of ,chau4 ,my grandfather made the      

,ch'un ,ch'iu after he had been in      
danger in ,ch'an and ,ts'ai4 ,shall ,i  
not make something when rescued from    
such a risk in ,sung8' ,upon this he    
made the ,chung ,yung in forty-nine     
p'ien4 ,according to this account1 the  
,chung ,yung was the work of ,tsze-sze's
 early manhood1 and the tradition has   
obtained a wonderful prevalence4 ,the   
notice in ',the ,sacrificial ,canon'    
says1 on the contrary1 that it was the  
work of his old age1 when he had finally
 settled in ,lu1 which is much more     
likely #b4 ,of ,tsze-sze in ,pi1 which  
could hardly be said to be out of ,lu1  
we have only one short notice1-- in     
,mencius1 ,v4 ,pt4 ,,ii4 iii4 #c1 where 
the duke ,hui of ,pi is introduced as   
saying1 ',i treat ,tsze-sze as my       
master4' ,we have fuller accounts of him
 in ,lu1 where he spent all the latter  
years of his life1 instructing his      
disciples to the number of several      
hundred #c1 and held in great reverence 
by the duke ,mu4 ,the duke indeed wanted

 to raise him to the highest office1 but
 he declined this1 and would only occupy
 the position of a 'guide1 philosopher1 
and friend4' ,of the attention which he 
demanded1 however1 instances will he    
found in ,mencius1 ,,ii4 ,pt4 ,,ii4 xi4 
#c2 ,v4 ,pt4 ,,ii4 vi4 #d1 and vii4 #d4 
,in his intercourse with the duke he    
spoke the truth to him fearlessly4 ,in  
the ',cyclopaedia of ,surnames #d1' ,i  
find the following conversations1 but ,i
 cannot tell from what source they are  
extracted into that ,work4-- ',one day1 
the duke said to ,tsze-sze1 ,the officer
 ,hsien told me that you do good without
 #a ,this is the ,work so often referred
 to as the 1 the full title being 4 ,the
 passage here translated from it will be
 found in the place several times       
referred to in this section4 #b ,the    
author of the  adopts the view that the 
,work was composed in ,sung4 ,some have 
advocated this from ch4 xxviii4 #e1     
compared with ,ana4 ,,iii4 ix1 'it being
 proper1' they say1 'that ,tsze-sze1    

writing in ,sung1 should not depreciate 
it as ,confucius had done out of it6' #c
 ,see in the ',sacrificial ,canon1' on  
,tsze-sze4 #d ,this is the ,work        
referred to in note #a1 p4 #dj4 wishing 
for any praise from men2-- is it so8    
,tsze-sze replied1 ,no1 that is not my  
feeling4 ,when ,i cultivate what is     
good1 ,i wish men to know it1 for when  
they know it and praise me1 ,i feel     
encouraged to be more zealous in the    
cultivation4 ,this is what ,i desire1   
and am not able to obtain4 ,if ,i       
cultivate what is good1 and men do not  
know it1 it is likely that in their     
ignorance they will speak evil of me4   
,so by my good-doing ,i only come to be 
evil spoken of4 ,this is what ,i do not 
desire1 but am not able to avoid4 ,in   
the case of a man1 who gets up at       
cock-crowing to practise what is good   
and continues sedulous in the endeavour 
till midnight1 and says at the same time
 that he does not wish men to know it1  
lest they should praise him1 ,i must say

 of such a man1 that1 if he be not      
deceitful1 he is stupid4' ,another day1 
the duke asked ,tsze-sze1 saying1 ',can 
my state be made to flourish8' ',it     
may1' was the reply4 ',and how8'        
,tsze-sze said1 ',o prince1 if you and  
your ministers will only strive to      
realize the government of the duke of   
,chau and of ,po-ch'in2 practising their
 transforming principles1 sending forth 
wide the favours of your ducal house1   
and not letting advantages flow in      
private channels2 if you will thus      
conciliate the affections of the people1
 and at the same time cultivate friendly
 relations with neighboring states1 your
 state will soon begin to flourish4' ,on
 one occasion1 the duke asked whether it
 had been the custom of old for         
ministers to go into mourning for a     
prince whose service and state they had 
left4 ,tsze-sze replied to him1 ',of    
old1 princes advanced their ministers to
 office according to propriety1 and     
dismissed them in the same way1 and     

hence there was that rule4 ,but         
now-a-days1 princes bring their         
ministers forward as if they were going 
to take them on their knees1 and send   
them away as if they would cast them    
into an abyss4 ,if they do not treat    
them as their greatest enemies1 it is   
well4-- ,how can you expect the ancient 
practice to be observed in such         
circumstances #a8' ,these instances may 
suffice to illustrate the character of  
,tsze-sze1 as it was displayed in his   
intercourse with the princes of his     
time4 ,we see the same independence     
which he affected in private life1 and a
 dignity not unbecoming the grandson of 
,confucius4 ,but we miss the reach of   
thought and capacity for administration 
which belonged to the ,sage4 ,it is with
 him1 how- #a ,this conversation is     
given in the ,li ,chi1 ,,ii4 ,sect4     
,,ii4 ,pt4 ii1 #a4 ever1 as a thinker   
and writer that we have to do1 and his  
rank in that capacity will appear from  
the examination of the ,chung ,yung in  

the section iv below4 ,his place in the 
temples of the ,sage has been that of   
one of his four assessors1 since the    
year #abfg4 ,he ranks with ,yen ,hui1   
,tsang ,shan1 and ,mencius1 and bears   
the title of ',the ,philosopher         
,tsze-sze1 ,transmitter of the ,sage    
#a4' ,,section ,,iii4 ,,its ,,integrity4
 ,in the testimony of ,k'ung ,fu1 which 
has been adduced to prove the authorship
 of the ,chung ,yung1 it is said that   
the ,work consisted originally of       
forty-nine p'ien4 ,from this statement  
it is argued by some1 that the          
arrangement of it in thirty-three       
chapters1 which originated with ,chu    
,hsi1 is wrong #b2 but this does not    
affect the question of integrity1 and   
the character p'ien is so vague and     
indefinite1 that we cannot affirm that  
,k'ung ,fu meant to tell us by it that  
,tsze-sze himself divided his ,treatise 
into so many paragraphs or chapters4 ,it
 is on the entry in ,liu ,hsin's        
,catalogue1 quoted section i1-- ',two   

p'ien of ,observations on the ,chung    
,yung1' that the integrity of the       
present ,work is called in question4    
,yen ,sze-ku1 of the ,tang dynasty1 has 
a note on that entry to the effect3--   
',there is now the ,chung ,yung in the  
,li ,chi in one p'ien4 ,but that is not 
the original ,treatise here mentioned1  
but only a branch from it #c' ,wang     
,wei1 a writer of the ,ming dynasty1    
says3-- ',anciently1 the ,chung ,yung   
consisted of two p'ien1 as appears from 
the ,history of ,literature of the ,han 
dynasty1 but in the ,li ,chi we have    
only one p'ien1 which ,chu ,hsi1 when he
 made his ,chapters and ,sentences1     
divided into thirty-three chapters4 ,the
 old ,work in two p'ien is not to be met
 with now #d4' ,these views are based on
 a misinterpretation of the entry in the
 #a 4 #b ,see the 1 art4 4 #c 1114 #d   
1111111 14 ,catalogue4 ,it does not     
speak of two p'ien of the ,chung ,yung1 
but of two p'ien of ,observations       
thereon4 ,the ,great ,learning carries  

on its front the evidence of being      
incomplete1 but the student will not    
easily believe that the ,doctrine of the
 ,mean is so4 ,i see no reason for      
calling its integrity in question1 and  
no necessity therefore to recur to the  
ingenious device employed in the edition
 of the five ching published by the     
imperial authority of ,k'ang ,hsi1 to   
get over the difficulty which ,wang ,wei
 supposes4 ,it there appears in two     
p'ien1 of which we have the following   
account from the author of              
',supplemental ,remarks upon the ,four  
,books3'-- ',the proper course now is to
 consider the first twenty chapters in  
,chu ,hsi's arrangement as making up the
 first p'ien1 and the remaining thirteen
 as forming the second4 ,in this way we 
retain the old form of the ,treatise1   
and do not come into collision with the 
views of ,chu4 ,for this suggestion we  
are indebted to ,lu ,wang-chai' 7an     
author of the ,sung dynasty 7 #a4       
,,section ,,iv4 ,,its ,,scope ,,and     

,,value4 #a4 ,the ,doctrine of the ,mean
 is a work not easy to understand4 ',it 
first1' says the philosopher ,chang1    
'speaks of one principle2 it next       
spreads this out and embraces all       
things2 finally1 it returns and gathers 
them up under the one principle4 ,unroll
 it and it fills the universe2 roll it  
up1 and it retires and lies hid in      
secrecy #b4' ,there is this advantage1  
however1 to the student of it1 that more
 than most other ,chinese ,treatises it 
has a beginning1 a middle1 and an end4  
,the first chapter stands to all that   
follows in the character of a text1     
containing several propositions of which
 we have the expansion or development4  
,if that development were satisfactory1 
we should be able to bring our own minds
 en rapport with that of the author4    
,unfortunately it is not so4 ,as a      
writer he belongs to the intuitional    
school more than to the logical4 ,this  
is well put in the ',continuation of the
 ,general ,examination of ,literary     

,monuments and ,learned ,men1'-- ',the  
philosopher ,tsang reached his          
conclusions by following in the train of
 things1 watch- #a ,see the 1 art4 4 #b 
,see the ,introductory note of ,chu     
,hsi4 ing and examining2 whereas        
,tsze-sze proceeds directly and reaches 
to ,heavenly virtue4 ,his was a         
mysterious power of discernment1        
approaching to that of ,yen ,hui #a4'   
,we must take the ,book and the author1 
however1 as we have them1 and get to    
their meaning1 if we can1 by assiduous  
examination and reflection4 #b4 ',man   
has received his nature from ,heaven4   
,conduct in accordance with that nature 
constitutes what is right and true1-- is
 a pursuing of the proper ,path4 ,the   
cultivation or regulation of that path  
is what is called ,instruction4' ,it is 
with these axioms that the ,treatise    
commences1 and from such an introduction
 we might expect that the writer would  
go on to unfold the various principles  
of duty1 derived from an analysis of    

man's moral constitution4 ,confining    
himself1 however1 to the second axiom1  
he proceeds to say that 'the path may   
not for an instant be left1 and that the
 superior man is cautious and careful in
 reference to what he does not see1 and 
fearful and apprehensive in reference to
 what he does not hear4 ,there is       
nothing more visible than what is       
secret1 and nothing more manifest than  
what is minute1 and therefore the       
superior man is watchful over his       
aloneness4' ,this is not all very plain4
 ,comparing it with the sixth chapter of
 ,commentary in the ,great ,learning1 it
 seems to inculcate what is there called
 'making the thoughts sincere4' ,the    
passage contains an admonition about    
equivalent to that of ,solomon1-- ',keep
 thy heart with all diligence1 for out  
of it are the issues of life4' ,the next
 paragraph seems to speak of the nature 
and the path under other names4 ',while 
there are no movements of pleasure1     
anger1 sorrow1 or joy1 we have what may 

be called the state of equilibrium4     
,when those feelings have been moved1   
and they all act in the due degree1 we  
have what may be called the state of    
harmony4 ,this equilibrium is the great 
root of the world1 and this harmony is  
its universal path4' ,what is here      
called 'the state of equilibrium1' is   
the same as the nature given by ,heaven1
 considered absolutely in itself1       
without deflection or inclination4 ,this
 nature acted on from without1 and      
responding with the various emotions1 so
 as always 'to hit #b' the mark with    
entire #a ,see the 1 ,bk4 cxcix1 art4   
1--11 14 #b 4 correctness1 produces the 
state of harmony1 and such harmonious   
response is the path along which all    
human activities should proceed4        
,finally4 ',let the states of           
equilibrium and harmony exist in        
perfection1 and a happy order will      
prevail throughout heaven and earth1 and
 all things will be nourished and       
flourish4' ,here we pass into the sphere

 of mystery and mysticism4 ,the         
language1 according to ,chu ,hsi1       
'describes the meritorious achievements 
and transforming influence of sage and  
spiritual men in their highest extent4' 
,from the path of duty1 where we tread  
on solid ground1 the writer suddenly    
raises us aloft on wings of air1 and    
will carry us we know not where1 and to 
we know not what4 #c4 ,the paragraphs   
thus presented1 and which constitute    
,chu ,hsi's first chapter1 contain the  
sum of the whole ,work4 ,this is        
acknowledged by all2-- by the critics   
who disown ,chu ,hsi's interpretations  
of it1 as freely as by him #a4          
,revolving them in my own mind often and
 long1 ,i collect from them the         
following as the ideas of the author3-- 
,firstly1 ,man has received from ,heaven
 a moral nature by which he is          
constituted a law to himself2 secondly1 
,over this nature man requires to       
exercise a jealous watchfulness2 and    
thirdly1 ,as he possesses it1 absolutely

 and relatively1 in perfection1 or      
attains to such possession of it1 he    
becomes invested with the highest       
dignity and power1 and may say to       
himself-- ',i am a god2 yea1 ,i sit in  
the seat of ,god4' ,i will not say here 
that there is impiety in the last of    
these ideas2 but do we not have in them 
the same combination which we found in  
the ,great ,learning1-- a combination of
 the ordinary and the extraordinary1 the
 plain and the vague1 which is very     
perplexing to the mind1 and renders the 
,book unfit for the purposes of mental  
and moral discipline8 ,and here ,i may  
inquire whether we do right in calling  
the ,treatise by any of the names which 
foreigners have hitherto used for it8   
,in the note on the title1 ,i have      
entered a little into this question4    
,the ,work is not at all what a reader  
must expect to find in what he supposes 
to be a treatise on ',the ,golden       
,medium1' ',the ,invariable ,mean1' or  
',the ,doctrine of the ,mean4' ,those l 

,compare ,chu ,hsi's language in his    
concluding note to the first chapter3-- 
1 and ,mao ,hsi-ho's1 in his 1 1 p4     
#aa3--  4 names are descriptive only of 
a portion of it4 ,where the phrase      
,chung ,yung occurs in the quotations   
from ,confucius1 in nearly every chapter
 from the second to the eleventh1 we do 
well to translate it by 'the course of  
the ,mean1' or some similar terms2 but  
the conception of it in ,tsze-sze's mind
 was of a different kind1 as the        
preceding analysis of the first chapter 
sufficiently shows #a4 #d4 ,i may return
 to this point of the proper title for  
the ,work again1 but in the meantime we 
must proceed with the analysis of it4-- 
,the ten chapters from the second to the
 eleventh constitute the second part1   
and in them ,tsze-sze quotes the words  
of ,confucius1 'for the purpose1'       
according to ,chu ,hsi1 'of illustrating
 the meaning of the first chapter4'     
,yet1 as ,i have just intimated1 they do
 not to my mind do this4 ,confucius     

bewails the rarity of the practice of   
the ,mean1 and graphically sets forth   
the difficulty of it4 ',the empire1 with
 its component ,states and families1 may
 be ruled2 dignities and emoluments may 
be declined2 naked weapons may be       
trampled under foot2 but the course of  
the ,mean can not be attained to #b4'   
',the knowing go beyond it1 and the     
stupid do not come up to it #c4' ,yet   
some have attained to it4 ,shun did so1 
humble and ever learning from people far
 inferior to himself #d2 and ,yen ,hui  
did so1 holding fast whatever good he   
got hold of1 and never letting it go #e4
 ,tsze-lu thought the ,mean could be    
taken by storm1 but ,confucius taught   
him better #f4 ,and in fine1 it is only 
the sage who can fully exemplify the    
,mean #g4 ,all these citations do not   
throw any light on the ideas presented  
in the first chapter4 ,on the contrary1 
they interrupt the train of thought4    
,instead of showing us how virtue1 or   
the path of duty is in accordance with  

our ,heaven-given nature1 they lead us  
to think of it as a mean between two    
extremes4 ,each extreme may be a        
violation of the law of our nature1 but 
that is not made to appear4 ,confucius's
 sayings would be in place in           
illustrating the doctrine of the        
,peripatetics1 'which placed all virtue 
in a medium between opposite vices #h4' 
,here in the ,chung ,yung of ,tsze-sze  
,i have always felt them to be out of   
place4 #e4 ,in the twelfth chapter      
,tsze-sze speaks again himself1 and we  
seem at once to know the voice4 ,he     
begins by saying that 'the way of the   
superior man reaches far and wide1 and  
yet is #a ,in the version in ',the      
,sacred ,books of the ,east1' ,i call   
the ,treatise ',the ,state of           
,equilibrium and ,harmony4' #b ,ch4 ix4 
#c ,ch4 iv4 #d ,ch4 vi4 #e ,ch4 viii4 #f
 ,ch4 x4 #g ,ch4 xi4 #h ,encyclopdia    
,britannica1 ,preliminary               
,dissertations1 p4 #cah1 eighth edition4
 secret1' by which he means to tell us  

that the path of duty is to be pursued  
everywhere and at all times1 while yet  
the secret spring and rule of it is near
 at hand1 in the ,heaven-conferred      
nature1 the individual consciousness1   
with which no stranger can intermeddle4 
,chu ,hsi1 as will be seen in the notes1
 gives a different interpretation of the
 utterance4 ,but the view which ,i have 
adopted is maintained convincingly by   
,mao ,hsi-ho in the second part of his  
',observations on the ,chung ,yung4'    
,with this chapter commences the third  
part of the ,work1 which embraces also  
the eight chapters which follow4 ',it is
 designed1' says ,chu ,hsi1 'to         
illustrate what is said in the first    
chapter that the path may not be left4' 
,but more than that one sentence finds  
its illustration here4 ,tsze-sze had    
reference in it also to what he had     
said-- ',the superior man does not wait 
till he sees things to be cautious1 nor 
till he hears things to be apprehensive4
 ,there is nothing more visible than    

what is secret1 and nothing more        
manifest than what is minute4           
,therefore1 the superior man is watchful
 over himself when he is alone4' ,it is 
in this portion of the ,chung ,yung that
 we find a good deal of moral           
instruction which is really valuable4   
,most of it consists of sayings of      
,confucius1 but the sentiments of       
,tsze-sze himself in his own language   
are interspersed with them4 ,the sage of
 ,china has no higher utterances than   
those which are given in the thirteenth 
chapter4-- ',the path is not far from   
man4 ,when men try to pursue a course   
which is far from the common indications
 of consciousness1 this course cannot be
 considered the path4 ,in the ,book of  
,poetry it is said-- ,in hewing an      
axe-handle1 in hewing an axe-handle1    
,the pattern is not far off4 ,we grasp  
one axe-handle to hew the other1 and yet
 if we look askance from the one to the 
other1 we may consider them as apart4   
,therefore1 the superior man governs men

 according to their nature1 with what is
 proper to them2 and as soon as they    
change what is wrong1 he stops4 ,when   
one cultivates to the utmost the moral  
principles of his nature1 and exercises 
them on the principle of reciprocity1 he
 is not far from the path4 ,what you do 
not like when done to yourself1 do not  
do to others4' ',in the way of the      
superior man there are four things1 to  
none of which have ,i as yet attained4--
 ,to serve my father as ,i would require
 my son to serve me3 to this ,i have not
 attained2 to serve my elder brother as 
,i would require my younger brother to  
serve me3 to this ,i have not attained2 
to serve my ruler as ,i would require my
 minister to serve me3 to this ,i have  
not attained2 to set the example in     
behaving to a friend as ,i would require
 him to behave to me3 to this ,i have   
not attained4 ,earnest in practising the
 ordinary virtues1 and careful in       
speaking about them2 if in his practice 
he has anything defective1 the superior 

man dares not but exert himself2 and if 
in his words he has any excess1 he dares
 not allow himself such license4 ,thus  
his words have respect to his actions1  
and his actions have respect to his     
words2-- is it not just an entire       
sincerity which marks the superior man8'
 ,we have here the golden rule in its   
negative form expressly propounded3--   
',what you do not like when done to     
yourself1 do not do to others4' ,but in 
the paragraph which follows we have the 
rule virtually in its positive form4    
,confucius recognises the duty of taking
 the initiative1-- of behaving himself  
to others in the first instance as he   
would that they should behave to him4   
,there is a certain narrowness1 indeed1 
in that the sphere of its operations    
seems to be confined to the relations of
 society1 which are spoken of more at   
large in the twentieth chapter1 but let 
us not grudge the tribute of our warm   
approbation to the sentiments4 ,this    
chapter is followed by two from         

,tsze-sze1 to the effect that the       
superior man does what is proper in     
every change of his situation1 always   
finding his rule in himself2 and that in
 his practice there is an orderly       
advance from step to step1-- from what  
is near to what is remote4 ,then follow 
five chapters from ,confucius3-- the    
first1 on the operation and influence of
 spiritual beings1 to show 'the         
manifestness of what is minute1 and the 
irrepressibleness of sincerity2' the    
second1 on the filial piety of ,shun1   
and how it was rewarded by ,heaven with 
the throne1 with enduring fame1 and with
 long life2 the third and fourth1 on the
 kings ,wan and ,wu1 and the duke of    
,chau1 celebrating them for their filial
 piety and other associate virtues2 and 
the fifth1 on the subject of government4
 ,these chapters are interesting enough 
in themselves1 but when ,i go back from 
them1 and examine whether ,i have from  
them any better understanding of the    
paragraphs in the first chapter which   

they are said to illustrate1 ,i do not  
find that ,i have4 ,three of them1 the  
seventeenth1 eighteenth1 and nineteenth1
 would be more in place in the ,classic 
of ,filial ,piety than here in the      
,chung ,yung4 ,the meaning of the       
sixteenth is shadowy and undefined4     
,after all the study which ,i have      
directed to it1 there are some points in
 reference to which ,i have still doubts
 and difficulties4 ,the twentieth       
chapter1 which concludes the third      
portion of the ,work1 contains a full   
exposition of ,confucius's views on     
government1 though professedly          
descriptive only of that of the kings   
,wan and ,wu4 ,along with lessons proper
 for a ruler there are many also of     
universal application1 but the mingling 
of them perplexes the mind4 ,it tells us
 of 'the five duties of universal       
application1'-- those between sovereign 
and minister1 husband and wife1 father  
and son1 elder and younger brother1 and 
friends2 of 'the three virtues by which 

those duties are carried into effect1'  
namely1 knowledge1 benevolence1 and     
energy2 and of 'the one thing1 by which 
those virtues are practised1' which is  
singleness or sincerity #a4 ,it sets    
forth in detail the 'nine standard rules
 for the administration of government1' 
which are 'the cultivation by the ruler 
of his own character2 the honouring men 
of virtue and talents2 affection to his 
relatives2 respect towards the great    
ministers2 kind and considerate         
treatment of the whole body of officers2
 cherishing the mass of the people as   
children2 encouraging all classes of    
artisans2 indulgent treatment of men    
from a distance2 and the kindly         
cherishing of the princes of the ,states
 #b4' ,there are these and other equally
 interesting topics in this chapter2    
but1 as they are in the ,work1 they     
distract the mind1 instead of making the
 author's great object more clear to it1
 and ,i will not say more upon them     
here4 #f4 ,doubtless it was the mention 

of 'singleness1' or 'sincerity1' in the 
twentieth chapter1 which made ,tsze-sze 
introduce it into this ,treatise1 for   
from those terms he is able to go on to 
develop what he intended in saying that 
'if the states of ,equilibrium and      
,harmony exist in perfection1 a happy   
order will prevail throughout heaven and
 earth1 and all things will be nourished
 and flourish4' ,it is here1 that now we
 are astonished at the audacity of the  
writer's assertions1 and now lost in    
vain endeavours to ascertain his        
meaning4 ,i have quoted the words of    
,confucius that it is 'singleness' by   
which the three virtues of knowledge1   
benevolence1 and energy are able to     
carry into practice the duties of       
universal obligation4 ,he says also that
 it is this same 'singleness' by which  
'the nine standard rules of government' 
can be effectively carried out #c4 ,this
 'singleness' is merely a name for 'the 
states of ,equilibrium #a ,par4 #h4 #b  
,par4 #ab4 #c ,par4 #ae4 and ,harmony   

existing in perfection4' ,it denotes a  
character absolutely and relatively     
good1 wanting nothing in itself1 and    
correct in all its outgoings4           
',sincerity' is another term for the    
same thing1 and in speaking about it1   
,confucius makes a distinction between  
sincerity absolute and sincerity        
acquired4 ,the former is born with some1
 and practised by them without any      
effort2 the latter is attained by study1
 and practised by strong endeavour #a4  
,the former is 'the way of ,heaven2' the
 latter is 'the way of men #b4' ',he who
 possesses sincerity1'-- absolutely1    
that is1-- 'is he who without effort    
hits what is right1 and apprehends      
without the exercise of thought2 he is  
the sage who naturally and easily       
embodies the right way4 ,he who attains 
to sincerity1 is he who chooses what is 
good and firmly holds it fast4 ,and to  
this attainment there are requisite the 
extensive study of what is good1        
accurate inquiry about it1 careful      

reflection on it1 the clear             
discrimination of it1 and the earnest   
practice of it #c4' ,in these passages  
,confucius unhesitatingly enunciates his
 belief that there are some men who are 
absolutely perfect1 who come into the   
world as we might conceive the first man
 was1 when he was created by ,god 'in   
,his own image1' full of knowledge and  
righteousness1 and who grow up as we    
know that ,christ did1 'increasing in   
wisdom and in stature4' ,he disclaimed  
being considered to be such an one      
himself #d1 but the sages of ,china were
 such4 ,and moreover1 others who are not
 so naturally may make themselves to    
become so4 ,some will have to put forth 
more effort and to contend with greater 
struggles1 but the end will be the      
possession of the knowledge and the     
achievement of the practice4 ,i need not
 say that these sentiments are contrary 
to the views of human nature which are  
presented in the ,bible4 ,the testimony 
of ,revelation is that 'there is not a  

just man upon earth that doeth good and 
sinneth not4' ',if we say that we have  
no sin1' and in writing this term1 ,i am
 thinking here not of sin against ,god1 
but1 if we can conceive of it apart from
 that1 of failures in regard to what    
ought to be in our regulation of        
ourselves1 and in our behavior to       
others2-- 'if we say that we have no    
sin1 we deceive ourselves1 and the truth
 is not in us4' ,this language is       
appropriate in the lips of the learned  
as well as in those of the ignorant1 to 
the highest sage as to the lowest child 
of the soil4 ,neither the scriptures of 
,god nor the experience of man know of  
individuals #a ,par4 #i4 #b ,par4 #ah4  
#c ,pars4 #ah1 #ai4 #d ,ana4 ,,vii4 xix4
 absolutely perfect4 ,the other         
sentiment that men can make themselves  
perfect is equally wide of the truth4   
,intelligence and goodness by no means  
stand to each other in the relation of  
cause and effect4 ,the sayings of ,ovid1
 ',video meliora proboque1 deteriora    

sequor1' ',nitimur in velitum semper4   
cupimusque negata1' are a more correct  
expression of the facts of human        
consciousness and conduct than the      
high-flown praises of ,confucius4 #g4   
,but ,tsze-sze adopts the dicta of his  
grandfather without questioning them1   
and gives them forth in his own style at
 the commencement of the fourth part of 
his ,treatise4 ',when we have           
intelligence resulting from sincerity1  
this condition is to be ascribed to     
nature2 when we have sincerity resulting
 from intelligence1 this condition is to
 be ascribed to instruction4 ,but given 
the sincerity1 and there shall be the   
intelligence2 given the intelligence1   
and there shall be the sincerity #a4'   
,tsze-sze does more than adopt the dicta
 of ,confucius4 ,he applies them in a   
way which the ,sage never did1 and which
 he would probably have shrunk from     
doing4 ,the sincere1 or perfect man of  
,confucius1 is he who satisfies         
completely all the requirements of duty 

in the various relations of society1 and
 in the exercise of government2 but the 
sincere man of ,tsze-sze is a potency in
 the universe4 ',able to give its full  
development to his own nature1 he can do
 the same to the nature of other men4   
,able to give its full development to   
the nature of other men1 he can give    
their full development to the natures of
 animals and things4 ,able to give their
 full development to the natures of     
creatures and things1 he can assist the 
transforming and nourishing powers of   
,heaven and ,earth4 ,able to assist the 
transforming and nourishing powers of   
,heaven and ,earth1 he may with ,heaven 
and ,earth form a ternion #b4' ,such are
 the results of sincerity natural4 ,the 
case below this -- of sincerity         
acquired1 is as follows1-- ',the        
individual cultivates its shoots4 ,from 
these he can attain to the possession of
 sincerity4 ,this sincerity becomes     
apparent4 ,from being apparent1 it      
becomes manifest4 ,from being manifest1 

it becomes brilliant4 ,brilliant1 it    
affects others4 ,affecting others1 they 
are changed by it4 ,changed by it1 they 
are transformed4 ,it is only he who is  
possessed of the most complete sincerity
 that can exist under heaven1 who can   
transform #c4' ,it may safely be        
affirmed1 that when he thus expressed   
himself1 ,tsze-sze understood neither   
what he said nor #a ,ch4 xxi4 #b ,ch4   
xxii4 #c ,ch4 xxiii4 whereof he         
affirmed4 ,mao ,hsi-ho and some other   
modern writers explain away many of his 
predicates of sincerity1 so that in     
their hands they become nothing but     
extravagant hyperboles1 but the author  
himself would1 ,i believe1 have         
protested against such a mode of dealing
 with his words4 ,true1 his structures  
are castles in the air1 but he had no   
idea himself that they were so4 ,in the 
twenty-fourth chapter there is a        
ridiculous descent from the sublimity of
 the two preceding4 ,we are told that   
the possessor of entire sincerity is    

like a spirit and can foreknow1 but the 
foreknowledge is only a judging by the  
milfoil and tortoise and other auguries6
 ,but the author recovers himself1 and  
resumes his theme about sincerity as    
conducting to self-completion and the   
completion of other men and things1     
describing it also as possessing all the
 qualities which can be predicated of   
,heaven and ,earth4 ,gradually the      
subject is made to converge to the      
person of ,confucius1 who is the ideal  
of the sage1 as the sage is the ideal of
 humanity at large4 ,an old account of  
the object of ,tsze-sze in the ,chung   
,yung is that he wrote it to celebrate  
the virtue of his grandfather #a4 ,he   
certainly contrives to do this in the   
course of it4 ,the thirtieth1           
thirty-first1 and thirty-second chapters
 contain his eulogium1 and never has any
 other mortal been exalted in such      
terms4 ',he may be compared to heaven   
and earth in their supporting and       
containing1 their over-shadowing and    

curtaining all things2 he may be        
compared to the four seasons in their   
alternating progress1 and to the sun and
 moon in their successive shining4'     
',quick in apprehension1 clear in       
discernment1 of far-reaching            
intelligence1 and all-embracing         
knowledge1 he was fitted to exercise    
rule2 magnanimous1 generous1 benign1 and
 mild1 he was fitted to exercise        
forbearance2 impulsive1 energetic1      
strong1 and enduring1 he was fitted to  
maintain a firm hold2 self-adjusted1    
grave1 never swerving from the ,mean1   
and correct1 he was fitted to command   
reverence2 accomplished1 distinctive1   
concentrative1 and searching1 he was    
fitted to exercise discrimination4'     
',all-embracing and vast1 he was like   
heaven2 deep and active as a fountain1  
he was like the abyss4' ',therefore his 
fame overspreads the ,middle ,kingdom1  
and extends to all barbarous tribes4    
,wherever ships and carriages reach2    
wherever the strength of man penetrates2

 wherever the heavens overshadow #a 112 
see the 1 p4 #a4 and the earth sustains2
 wherever the sun and moon shine2       
wherever frosts and dews fall2-- all who
 have blood and breath unfeignedly      
honour and love him4 ,hence it is       
said1-- ,he is the equal of ,heaven6'   
',who can know him but he who is indeed 
quick in apprehension1 clear in         
discernment1 of far-reaching            
intelligence1 and all-embracing         
knowledge1 possessing all heavenly      
virtue8' #h4 ,we have arrived at the    
concluding chapter of the ,work1 in     
which the author1 according to ,chu     
,hsi1 'having carried his descriptions  
to the highest point in the preceding   
chapters1 turns back and examines the   
source of his subject2 and then again   
from the work of the learner1 free from 
all selfishness and watchful over       
himself when he is alone1 he carries out
 his description1 till by easy steps he 
brings it to the consummation of the    
whole world tranquillized by simple and 

sincere reverentialness4 ,he moreover   
eulogizes its mysteriousness1 till he   
speaks of it at last as without sound or
 smell #a4' ,between the first and last 
chapters there is a correspondency1 and 
each of them may be considered as a     
summary of the whole treatise4 ,the     
difference between them is1 that in the 
first a commencement is made with the   
mention of ,heaven as the conferrer of  
man's nature1 while in this the progress
 of man in virtue is traced1 step by    
step1 till at last it is equal to that  
of ,high ,heaven4 #i4 ,i have thus in   
the preceding paragraphs given a general
 and somewhat copious review of this    
,work4 ,my object has been to seize1 if 
,i could1 the train of thought and to   
hold it up to the reader4 ,minor        
objections to it1 arising from the      
confused use of terms and singular      
applications of passages from the older 
,classics1 are noticed in the notes     
subjoined to the translation4 ,i wished 
here that its scope should be seen1 and 

the means be afforded of judging how far
 it is worthy of the high character     
attributed to it4 ',the relish of it1'  
says the younger ,ch'ang1 'is           
inexhaustible4 ,the whole of it is solid
 learning4 ,when the skilful reader has 
explored it with delight till he has    
apprehended it1 he may carry it into    
practice all his life1 and will find    
that it cannot be exhausted #b4' ,my own
 opinion of it is less favourable4 ,the 
names by which it has been called in    
translations of it have led to          
misconceptions of its character4 ,were  
it styled ',the states of ,equilibrium  
and ,harmony1' we should be prepared to 
expect something strange and probably   
extravagant4 ,assuredly we should expect
 nothing more #a ,see the concluding    
note by ,chu ,hsi4 #b ,see the          
,introductory note below4 strange or    
extravagant than what we have4 ,it      
begins sufficiently well1 but the author
 has hardly enunciated his preliminary  
apophthegms1 when he conducts into an   

obscurity where we can hardly grope our 
way1 and when we emerge from that1 it is
 to be bewildered by his gorgeous but   
unsubstantial pictures of sagely        
perfection4 ,he has eminently           
contributed to nourish the pride of his 
countrymen4 ,he has exalted their sages 
above all that is called ,god or is     
worshipped1 and taught the masses of the
 people that with them they have need of
 nothing from without4 ,in the meantime 
it is antagonistic to ,christianity4    
,by-and-by1 when ,christianity has      
prevailed in ,china1 men will refer to  
it as a striking proof how their fathers
 by their wisdom knew neither ,god nor  
themselves4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,,confucius   
,,and ,,his ,,immediate ,,disciples4    
,,section ,i4 ,,life ,,of ,,confucius4  
#a4 ',and have you foreigners surnames  
as well8' ,this question has often been 
put to me by ,chinese4 ,it marks the    
ignorance which belongs to the people of
 all that is external to ,sidebar ,his  
ancestry4 themselves1 and the pride of  

antiquity which enters largely as an    
element into their character4 ,if such a
 pride could in any case be justified1  
we might allow it to the family of the  
,k'ung1 the descendants of ,confucius4  
,in the reign of ,k'ang-hsi1 twenty-one 
centuries and a half after the death of 
the sage1 they amounted to eleven       
thousand males4 ,but their ancestry is  
carried back through a period of equal  
extent1 and genealogical tables are     
common1 in which the descent of         
,confucius is traced down from          
,hwang-ti1 in whose reign the cycle was 
invented1 ,b4,c4 #bfcg #a4 ,the more    
moderate writers1 however1 content      
themselves with exhibiting his ancestry 
back to the commencement of the ,chau   
dynasty1 ,b4,c4 #aaba4 ,among the       
relatives of the tyrant ,chau1 the last 
emperor of the ,yin dynasty1 was an     
elder brother1 by a concubine1 named    
,ch'i #b1 who is celebrated by          
,confucius1 ,ana4 ,,xviii4 i1 under the 
title of the viscount of ,wei4          

,foreseeing the impending ruin of their 
family1 ,ch'i withdrew from the court2  
and subsequently he was invested by the 
emperor ,ch'ang1 the second of the house
 of ,chau1 with the principality of     
,sung1 which embraced the eastern       
portion of the present province of      
,ho-nan1 that he might there continue   
the sacrifices to the sovereigns of     
,yin4 ,ch'i was followed as duke of     
,sung by a younger brother1 in whose    
line the succession continued4 ,his     
great-grandson1 the duke ,min #c1 was l 
,see ,mmoires concernant les ,chinois1  
,tome ,,xii1 p4 #ddg et seq4 ,father    
,amiot states1 p4 #eja1 that he had seen
 the representative of the family1 who  
succeeded to the dignity of  in the     
ninth year of ,ch'ien- lung1 ,a4,d4     
#agdd4 ,the last duke1 not the present1 
was visited in our own time by the late 
,dr4 ,williamson and ,mr4 ,consul       
,markham4 ,it is hardly necessary that  
,i should say here1 that the name       
,confucius is merely the ,chinese       

characters  7,k'ung ,fu-tsze1 ',the     
master ,k'ung'7 ,latinized4 #b 4 #c 4   
followed1 ,b4,c4 #ijh1 by a younger     
brother1 leaving1 however1 two sons1    
,fu-fu ,ho #a and ,fang-sze #b4 ,fu ,ho 
#c resigned his right to the dukedom in 
favour of ,fang-sze1 who put his uncle  
to death in ,b4,c4 #hic1 and became     
master of the ,state4 ,he is known as   
the duke ,li #d1 and to his elder       
brother belongs the honour of having the
 sage among his descendants4 ,three     
descents from ,fu ,ho1 we find ,chang   
,k'ao-fu #e1 who was a distinguished    
officer under the dukes ,tai1 ,wu1 and  
,hsuan #f 7,b4,c4 #gii- #gbh74 ,he is   
still celebrated for his humility1 and  
for his literary tastes4 ,we have       
accounts of him as being in             
communication with the ,grand-          
historiographer of the kingdom1 and     
engaged in researches about its ancient 
poetry1 thus setting an example of one  
of the works to which ,confucius gave   
himself #g4 ,k'ao gave birth to         

,k'ung-fu ,chia #h1 from whom the       
surname of ,k'ung took its rise4 ,five  
generations had now elapsed since the   
dukedom was held in the direct line of  
his ancestry1 and it was according to   
the rule in such cases that the branch  
should cease its connexion with the     
ducal stem1 and merge among the people  
under a new surname4 ,k'ung ,chia was   
,master of the ,horse in ,sung1 and an  
officer of well-known loyalty and       
probity4 ,unfortunately for himself1 he 
had a wife of surpassing beauty1 of whom
 the chief minister of the ,state1 by   
name ,hwa ,tu #i1 happened on one       
occasion to get a glimpse4 ,determined  
to possess her1 he commenced a series of
 intrigues1 which ended1 ,b4,c4 #gaj1 in
 the murder of ,chia and of the ruling  
duke ,shang #aj4 ,at the same time1 ,tu 
secured the person of the lady1 and     
hastened to his palace with the prize1  
but on the way she had strangled herself
 with her girdle4 ,an enmity was thus   
commenced between the two families of   

,k'ung and ,hwa which the lapse of time 
did not obliterate1 and the latter being
 the more powerful of the two1 ,chia's  
great-grandson withdrew into the ,state 
of ,lu to avoid their persecution4      
,there he was appointed commandant of   
the city of ,fang #aa1 and is known #a 4
 #b 7al4 7 4 #c ,i drop here the        
7second tone71 which seems to have been 
used in those times in a manner         
equivalent to our ,mr4 #d 4 #e 2  is    
used in the same way as 2 see note #c4  
#f 1 1 1 4 #g ,see the 1 and 2 quoted in
 ,chiang ,yung's 77 ,life of ,confucius1
 which forms a part of the 4 #h 4 #i 4  
#aj 4 #aa 4 in history by the name of   
,fang-shu #a4 ,fang-shu gave birth to   
,po-hsia #b1 and from him came          
,shu-liang ,heh #c1 the father of       
,confucius4 ,heh appears in the history 
of the times as a soldier of great      
prowess and daring bravery4 ,in the year
 ,b4,c4 #efb1 when serving at the siege 
of a place called ,peh-yang #d1 a party 
of the assailants made their way in at a

 gate which had purposely been left     
open1 and no sooner were they inside    
than the portcullis was dropped4 ,heh   
was just entering2 and catching the     
massive structure with both his hands1  
he gradually by dint of main strength   
raised it and held it up1 till his      
friends had made their escape4 ,thus    
much on the ancestry of the sage4       
,doubtless he could trace his descent in
 the way which has been indicated up to 
the imperial house of ,yin1 nor was     
there one among his ancestors during the
 rule of ,chau to whom he could not     
refer with satisfaction4 ,they had been 
ministers and soldiers of ,sung and ,lu1
 all men of worth1 and in ,chang ,k'ao1 
both for his humility and literary      
researches1 ,confucius might have       
special complacency4 #b4 ,confucius was 
the child of ,shu-liang ,heh's old age4 
,the soldier had married in early life1 
but his wife brought him only ,sidebar  
,from his birth to his first public     
employments4 ,b4,c4 #eea-eca4           

daughters1-- to the number of nine1 and 
no son4 ,by a concubine he had a son1   
named ,mang-p'i1 and also ,po-ni #e1 who
 proved a cripple1 so that1 when he was 
over seventy years1 ,heh sought a second
 wife in the ,yen family #f1 from which 
came subsequently ,yen ,hui1 the        
favourite disciple of his son4 ,there   
were three daughters in the family1 the 
youngest being named ,chang-tsai #g4    
,their father said to them1 ',here is   
the commandant of ,tsau4 ,his father and
 grandfather were only scholars1 but his
 ancestors before them were descendants 
of the sage sovereigns4 ,he is a man ten
 feet high #h1 and of extraordinary     
prowess1 and ,i am very desirous of his 
alliance4 ,though he is old and austere1
 you need have no misgivings about him4 
,which of you three will be his wife8   
',the two elder daughters were silent1  
but ,chang-tsai said1 ',why do you ask  
us1 father8 ,it is for you to           
determine4' ',very well1' said her      
father in reply1 'you will do4'         

,chang-tsai1 accordingly1 became ,heh's 
wife1 and in due time gave #a 4 #b 4 #c 
4 #d 4 #e 1 4 #f 4 #g 4 #h 1 4 ,see1 on 
the length of the ancient foot1 ,ana4   
,,viii4 vi1 but the point needs a more  
sifting investigation than it has yet   
received4 birth to ,confucius1 who      
received the name of ,ch'iu1 and was    
subsequently styled ,chung-ni #a4 ,the  
event happened on the twenty-first day  
of the tenth month of the twenty-first  
year of the duke ,hsiang1 of ,lu1 being 
the twentieth year of the emperor ,ling1
 ,b4,c4 #eeb #b4 ,the birth-place was in
 the district of ,tsau #c1 of which ,heh
 was the governor4 ,it was somewhere    
within the limits of the present        
department of ,yen-chau in ,shan-tung1  
but the honour of being the exact spot  
is claimed for two places in two        
different districts of the department4  
,the notices which we have of           
,confucius's early years are very       
scanty4 ,when he was in his third year  
his father died4 ,it is related of him1 

that as a boy he used to play at the    
arrangement of #a 1 4 ,the legends say  
that ,chang-tsai fearing lest she should
 not have a son1 in consequence of her  
husband's age1 privately ascended the   
,ni-ch'iu hill to pray for the boon1 and
 that when she had obtained it1 she     
commemorated the fact in the names --   
,ch'iu and ,chung-ni4 ,but the cripple1 
,mang-p'i1 had previous been styled     
,po-ni4 ,there was some reason1 previous
 to ,confucius's birth1 for using the   
term ni in the family4 ,as might be     
expected1 the birth of the sage is      
surrounded with many prodigious         
occurrences4 ,one account is1 that the  
husband and wife prayed together for a  
son in a dell of mount ,ni4 ,as         
,chang-tsai went up the hill1 the leaves
 of the trees and plants all erected    
themselves1 and bent downwards on her   
return4 ,that night she dreamt the black
 ,ti appeared1 and said to her1 ',you   
shall have a son1 a sage1 and you must  
bring him forth in a hollow mulberry    

tree4' ,one day during her pregnancy1   
she fell into a dreamy state1 and saw   
five old men in the hall1 who called    
themselves the essences of the five     
planets1 and led an animal which looked 
like a small cow with one horn1 and was 
covered with scales like a dragon4 ,this
 creature knelt before ,chang-tsai1 and 
cast forth from its mouth a slip of     
jade1 on which was the inscription1--   
',the son of the essence of water shall 
succeed to the decaying ,chau1 and be a 
throneless king4' ,chang-tsai tied a    
piece of embroidered ribbon about its   
horn1 and the vision disappeared4 ,when 
,heh was told of it1 he said1 ',the     
creature must be the ,ch'i-lin4' ,as her
 time drew near1 ,chang-tsai asked her  
husband if there was any place in the   
neighborhood called 'the hollow mulberry
 tree4' ,he told her there was a dry    
cave in the south hill1 which went by   
that name4 ,then she said1 ',i will go  
and be confined there4' ,her husband was
 surprised1 but when made acquainted    

with her former dream1 he made the      
necessary arrangements4 ,on the night   
when the child was born1 two dragons    
came and kept watch on the left and     
right of the hill1 and two spirit-ladies
 appeared in the air1 pouring out       
fragrant odors1 as if to bathe          
,chang-tsai2 and as soon as the birth   
took place1 a spring of clear warm water
 bubbled up from the floor of the cave1 
which dried up again when the child had 
been washed in it4 ,the child was of an 
extraordinary appearance2 with a mouth  
like the sea1 ox lips1 a dragon's back1 
c4 c4 ,on the top of his head was a     
remarkable formation1 in consequence of 
which he was named ,ch'iu1 c4 ,see the 1
 ,bk4 lxxviii4--,sze-ma ,ch'ien seems to
 make ,confucius to have been           
illegitimate1 saying that ,heh and ,miss
 ,yen cohabited in the wilderness 7 74  
,chiang ,yung says that the phrase has  
reference simply to the disparity of    
their ages4 #b ,sze-ma ,ch'ien says that
 ,confucius was born in the             

twenty-second year of duke ,hsiang1     
,b4,c4 #eej4 ,he is followed by ,chu    
,hsi in the short sketch of ,confucius's
 life prefixed to the ,lun ,yu1 and by  
',the ,annals of the ,empire' 771       
published with imperial sanction in the 
reign of ,chia-ch'ing4 7,to this latter 
work ,i have generally referred for my  
dates47 ,the year assigned in the text  
above rests on the authority of         
,ku-liang and ,kung- yang1 the two      
commentators on the ,ch'un-,ch'iu4 ,with
 regard to the month1 however1 the tenth
 is that assigned by ,ku-liang1 while   
,kung-yang names the eleventh4 #c ,tsau 
is written 1 1 1 and 4 sacrificial      
vessels1 and at postures of ceremony4   
,of his schooling we have no reliable   
account4 ,there is a legend1 indeed1    
that at seven he went to school to ,yen 
,p'ing-chung #a1 but it must be rejected
 as ,p'ing-chung belonged to the ,state 
of ,ch'i4 ,he tells us himself that at  
fifteen he bent his mind to learning #b2
 but the condition of the family was one

 of poverty4 ,at a subsequent period1   
when people were astonished at the      
variety of his knowledge1 he explained  
it by saying1 ',when ,i was young1 my   
condition was low1 and therefore ,i     
acquired my ability in many things2 but 
they were mean matters #c4' ,when he was
 nineteen1 he married a lady from the   
,state of ,sung1 of the ,chien-kwan     
family #d1 and in the following year his
 son ,li was born4 ,on the occasion of  
this event1 the duke ,chao sent him a   
present of a couple of carp4 ,it was to 
signify his sense of his prince's       
favour1 that he called his son ,li 7,the
 ,carp71 and afterwards gave him the    
designation of ,po-yu #e 7,fish         
,primus74 ,no mention is made of the    
birth of any other children1 though we  
know1 from ,ana4 ,v4 i1 that he had at  
least one daughter4 ,we know also1 from 
an inscription on her grave1 that he had
 one other daughter1 who died when she  
was quite young4 ,the fact of the duke  
of ,lu's sending him a gift on the      

occasion of ,li's birth1 shows that he  
was not unknown1 but was already        
commanding public attention and the     
respect of the great4 ,it was about this
 time1 probably in the year after his   
marriage1 that ,confucius took his first
 public employment1 as keeper of the    
stores of grain #f1 and in the following
 year he was put in charge of the public
 fields and lands #g4 ,mencius adduces  
these employments in illustration of his
 doctrine that the superior man may at  
times take office on account of his     
poverty1 but must confine himself in    
such a case to places of small          
emolument1 and aim at nothing but the   
discharge of their humble duties4       
,according to him4 ,confucius1 as keeper
 of stores1 said1 ',my calculations must
 all be right3-- that is all ,i have to 
care about2' and when in charge of the  
public fields1 he said1 ',the oxen and  
sheep must be fat and strong and #a 4 #b
 ,ana4 ,,ii4 iv4 #c ,ana4 ,,ix4 vi4 #d 4
 #e 1 4 #f 4 ,this is ,mencius's        

account4 ,sze-ma ,ch'ien says 1 but his 
subsequent words  show that the office  
was the same4 #g ,mencius calls this    
office 1 while ,sze-ma ,ch'ien says 4   
superior3-- that is all ,i have to care 
about #a4' ,it does not appear whether  
these offices were held by ,confucius in
 the direct employment of the ,state1 or
 as a dependent of the ,chi family in   
whose jurisdiction he lived4 ,the       
present of the carp from the duke may   
incline us to suppose the former4 #c4   
,in his twenty-second year1 ,confucius  
commenced his labors as a public        
teacher1 and his house became a resort  
for young and inquiring spirits1 who    
wished to learn the doctrines of        
antiquity4 ,sidebar ,commencement of his
 labors as a teacher4 ,the death of his 
mother4 ,b4,c4 #eca-ebg4 ,however small 
the fee his pupils were able to afford1 
he never refused his instructions #b4   
,all that he required1 was an ardent    
desire for improvement1 and some degree 
of capacity4 ',i do not open up the     

truth1' he said1 'to one who is not     
eager to get knowledge1 nor help out any
 one who is not anxious to explain      
himself4 ,when ,i have presented one    
corner of a subject to any one1 and he  
cannot from it learn the other three1 ,i
 do not repeat my lesson #c4' ,his      
mother died in the year ,b4,c4 #ebg1 and
 he resolved that her body should lie in
 the same grave with that of his father1
 and that their common resting-place    
should be in ,fang1 the first home of   
the ,k'ung in ,lu4 ,but here a          
difficulty presented itself4 ,his       
father's coffin had been for twenty     
years where it had first been deposited1
 off the road of ,the ,five ,fathers1 in
 the vicinity of ,tsau3-- would it be   
right in him to move it8 ,he was        
relieved from this perplexity by an old 
woman of the neighborhood1 who told him 
that the coffin had only just been put  
into the ground1 as a temporary         
arrangement1 and not regularly buried4  
,on learning this1 he carried his       

purpose into execution4 ,both coffins   
were conveyed to ,fang1 and put in the  
ground together1 with no intervening    
space between them1 as was the custom in
 some ,states4 ,and now came a new      
perplexity4 ,he said to himself1 ',in   
old times1 they had graves1 but raised  
no tumulus over them4 ,but ,i am a man1 
who belongs equally to the north and the
 south1 the east and the west4 ,i must  
have something by which ,i can remember 
the place4' ,accordingly he raised a    
mound1 four feet high1 over the grave1  
and returned home1 leaving a party of   
his disciples to see everything properly
 completed4 ,in the meantime there came 
on a heavy storm of rain1 and it was a  
considerable time before the disciples  
joined him4 ',what makes you so late8'  
he asked4 ',the grave in ,fang fell     
down1' they said4 ,he made no reply1 and
 they repeated their #a ,mencius1 ,v4   
,pt4 ,,ii4 v4 #d4 #b ,ana4 ,,vii4 vii4  
#c ,ana4 ,,vii4 viii4 answer three      
times1 when he burst into tears1 and    

said1 ',ah6 they did not make their     
graves so in antiquity #a4' ',confucius 
mourned for his mother the regular      
period of three years1-- three years    
nominally1 but in fact only twenty-seven
 months4 ,five days after the mourning  
was expired1 he played on his lute1 but 
could not sing4 ,it required other five 
days before he could accompany an       
instrument with his voice #b4 ,some     
writers have represented ,confucius as  
teaching his disciples important lessons
 from the manner in which he buried his 
mother1 and having a design to correct  
irregularities in the ordinary funeral  
ceremonies of the time4 ,these things   
are altogether 'without book4' ,we      
simply have a dutiful son paying the    
last tribute of affection to a good     
parent4 ,in one point he departs from   
the ancient practice1 raising a mound   
over the grave1 and when the fresh earth
 gives way from a sudden rain1 he is    
moved to tears1 and seems to regret his 
innovation4 ,this sets ,confucius       

vividly before us1-- a man of the past  
as much as of the present1 whose own    
natural feelings were liable to be      
hampered in their development by the    
traditions of antiquity which he        
considered sacred4 ,it is important1    
however1 to observe the reason which he 
gave for rearing the mound4 ,he had in  
it a presentiment of much of his future 
course4 ,he was 'a man of the north1 the
 south1 the east1 and the west4' ,he    
might not confine himself to any one    
,state4 ,he would travel1 and his way   
might be directed to some 'wise ruler1' 
whom his counsels would conduct to a    
benevolent sway that would break forth  
on every side till it transformed the   
empire4 #d4 ,when the mourning for his  
mother was over1 ,confucius remained in 
,lu1 but in what special capacity we do 
not know4 ,probably he continued to     
encourage the resort of ,sidebar ,he    
learns music2 visits the court of ,chau2
 and returns to ,lu4 ,b4,c4 #ebg-eag4   
inquirers to whom he communicated       

instruction1 and pursued his own        
researches into the history1 literature1
 and institutions of the empire4 ,in the
 year ,b4,c4 #ebe1 the chief of the     
small ,state of ,t'an #c1 made his      
appearance at the court of ,lu1 and     
discoursed in a wonderful manner1 at a  
feast given to him by the duke1 about   
the names which the most ancient        
sovereigns1 from ,hwang-ti downwards1   
gave to their #a ,li ,chi1 ,,ii4 ,sect  
,i4 i4 #aj2 ,sect4 ,,ii4 iii4 #cj2 ,pt4 
,i4 i4 #f4 ,see also the discussion of  
those passages in ,chiang ,yung's ',life
 of ,confucius4' #b ,li ,chi1 ,,ii4     
,sect4 ,i4 i4 #bc4 #c ,see the ,ch'un   
,ch'iu1 under the seventh year of duke  
,chao1-- 1  4 ministers4 ,the sacrifices
 to the emperor ,shao-hao1 the next in  
descent from ,hwang-ti1 were maintained 
in ,t'an1 so that the chief fancied that
 he knew all about the abstruse subject 
on which he discoursed4 ,confucius1     
hearing about the matter1 waited on the 
visitor1 and learned from him all that  

he had to communicate #a4 ,to the year  
,b4,c4 #ebe1 when ,confucius was        
twenty-nine years old1 is referred his  
studying music under a famous master of 
the name of ,hsiang #b4 ,he was         
approaching his thirtieth year when1 as 
he tells us1 'he stood #c' firm1 that   
is1 in his convictions on the subjects  
of learning to which he had bent his    
mind fifteen years before4 ,five years  
more1 however1 were still to pass by1   
before the anticipation mentioned in the
 conclusion of the last paragraph began 
to receive its fulfillment #d1 though we
 may conclude from the way in which it  
was brought about that he was growing   
all the time in the estimation of the   
thinking minds in his native ,state4 ,in
 the twenty-fourth year of duke ,chao1  
,b4,c4 #eah1 one of the principal       
ministers of ,lu1 known by the name of  
,mang ,hsi1 died4 ,seventeen years      
before1 he had painfully felt his       
ignorance of ceremonial observances1 and
 had made it his subsequent business to 

make himself acquainted with them4 ,on  
his deathbed1 he addressed his chief    
officer1 saying1 ',a knowledge of       
propriety is the stem of a man4 ,without
 it he has no means of standing firm4 ,i
 have heard that there is one ,k'ung    
,ch'iu1 who is thoroughly versed in it4 
,he is a descendant of sages1 and though
 the line of his family was extinguished
 in ,sung1 among his ancestors there    
were ,fu-fu ,ho1 who resigned the ,state
 to his brother1 and ,chang ,k'ao-fu1   
who was distinguished for his humility4 
,tsang ,heh has observed that if sage   
men of intelligent virtue do not attain 
to eminence1 distinguished men are sure 
to appear among their posterity4 ,his   
words are now to be verified1 ,i think1 
in ,k'ung ,ch'iu4 ,after my death1 you  
must #a ,this rests on the respectable  
authority of ,tso ,ch'iu-ming's         
annotations on the ,ch'un ,ch'iu1 but ,i
 must consider it apocryphal4 ,the      
legend-writers have fashioned a journey 
to ,t'an4 ,the slightest historical     

intimation becomes a text with them1 on 
which they enlarge to the glory of the  
sage4 ,amiot has reproduced and expanded
 their romancings1 and others1 such as  
,pauthier 7,chine1 pp4 #aba-ahc7 and    
,thornton 7,history of ,china1 vol4 i4  
pp4 #aea-bae71 have followed in his     
wake4 #b 4 ,see the ',narratives of the 
,school1' 1 art 2 but the account there 
given is not more credible than the     
chief of ,t'an's expositions4 #c ,ana4  
,,ii4 iv4 #d ,the journey to ,chau is   
placed by ,sze-ma ,ch'ien before        
,confucius's holding of his first       
official employments1 and ,chu ,hsi and 
most other writers follow him4 ,it is a 
great error1 and arisen from a          
misunderstanding of the passage from the
  upon the subject4 tell ,ho-chi to go  
and study proprieties under him #a4' ,in
 consequence of this charge1 ,ho-chi #b1
 ,mang ,hsi's son1 who appears in the   
,analects under the name of ,mang ,i #c1
 and a brother1 or perhaps ony a near   
relative1 named ,nan-kung ,chang-shu #d1

 became disciples of ,confucius4 ,their 
wealth and standing in the ,state gave  
him a position which he had not had     
before1 and he told ,chang-shu of a wish
 which he had to visit the court of     
,chau1 and especially to confer on the  
subject of ceremonies and music with    
,lao ,tan4 ,chang-shu represented the   
matter to the duke ,ch'ao1 who put a    
carriage and a pair of horses at        
,confucius's disposal for the expedition
 #e4 ,at this time the court of ,chau   
was in the city of ,lo #f4 in the       
present department of ,ho-nan of the    
province of the same name4 ,the reigning
 sovereign is known by the title of     
,chang #g1 but the sovereignty was      
little more than nominal4 ,the state of 
,china was then analogous to that of one
 of the ,european kingdoms during the   
prevalence of the feudal system4 ,at the
 commencement of the dynasty1 the       
various states of the kingdom had been  
assigned to the relatives and adherents 
of the reigning family4 ,there were     

thirteen principalities of greater note1
 and a large number of smaller          
dependencies4 ,during the vigorous youth
 of the dynasty1 the sovereign or lord  
paramount exercised an effective control
 over the various chiefs1 but with the  
lapse of time there came weakness and   
decay4 ,the chiefs -- corresponding     
somewhat to the ,european dukes1 earls1 
marquises1 barons1 c4 -- quarrelled and 
warred among themselves1 and the        
stronger among them barely acknowledged 
their subjection to the sovereign4 ,a   
similar condition of things prevailed in
 each particular ,state4 ,there there   
sic were hereditary ministerial         
families1 who were continually          
encroaching on the authority of their   
rulers1 and the heads of those families 
again were frequently hard pressed by   
their inferior officers4 ,such was the  
state of ,china in ,confucius's time4   
,the reader must have it clearly before 
him1 if he would understand the position
 of the sage1 and the reforms which1 we 

shall find1 it was subsequently his     
object to introduce4 ,arrived at ,chau1 
he had no intercourse with the court or 
any of #a ,see 1 4 #b 4 #c 4 #d 4 #e    
,the  makes ,chang-shu accompany        
,confucius to ,chau4 ,it is difficult to
 understand this1 if ,chang-shu were    
really a son of ,mang ,hsi who had died 
that year4 #f 4 #g  7,b4,c4 #eai-dge7   
the principal ministers4 ,he was there  
not as a politician1 but as an inquirer 
about the ceremonies and maxims of the  
founders of the existing dynasty4 ,lao  
,tan #a1 whom he had wished to see1     
generally acknowledged as the founder of
 the ,taoists1 or ,rationalistic sect   
7so called71 which has maintained its   
ground in opposition to the followers of
 ,confucius1 was then a curator of the  
royal library4 ,they met and freely     
interchanged their views1 but no        
reliable account of their conversations 
has been preserved4 ,in the fifth ,book 
of the ,li ,chi1 which is headed ',the  
philosopher ,tsang asked1' ,confucius   

refers four times to the views of       
,lao-tsze on certain points of funeral  
ceremonies1 and in the ',narratives of  
the ,school1' ,book ,,xxiv1 he tells    
,chi ,k'ang what he had heard from him  
about ',the ,five ,tis1' but we may hope
 their conversation turned also on more 
important subjects4 ,sze-ma ,ch'ien1    
favourable to ,lao-tsze1 makes him      
lecture his visitor in the following    
style3-- ',those whom you talk about are
 dead1 and their bones are moldered to  
dust2 only their words remain4 ,when the
 superior man gets his time1 he mounts  
aloft2 but when the time is against him1
 he moves as if his feet were entangled4
 ,i have heard that a good merchant1    
though he has rich treasures deeply     
stored1 appears as if he were poor1 and 
that the superior man whose virtue is   
complete1 is yet to outward seeming     
stupid4 ,put away your proud air and    
many desires1 your insinuating habit and
 wild will #b4 ,these are of no         
advantage to you4 ,this is all which ,i 

have to tell you4' ,on the other hand1  
,confucius is made to say to his        
disciples1 ',i know how birds can fly1  
how fishes can swim1 and how animals can
 run4 ,but the runner may be snared1 the
 swimmer may be hooked1 and the flyer   
may be shot by the arrow4 ,but there is 
the dragon4 ,i cannot tell how he mounts
 on the wind through the clouds1 and    
rises to heaven4 ,today ,i have seen    
,lao-tsze1 and can only compare him to  
the dragon #c4' ,while at ,lo1          
,confucius walked over the grounds set  
apart for the great sacrifices to       
,heaven and ,earth2 inspected the       
pattern of the ,hall of ,light1 built to
 give audience in to the princes of the 
kingdom2 and examined all the           
arrangements of the ancestral temple and
 the court4 ,from the whole he received 
a profound #a ,according to ,sze-ma     
,ch'ien1 ,tan was the posthumous epithet
 of this individual1 whose surname was  
,li 771 name ,r 771 and designation     
,po-yang 774 #b 4 #c ,see the 1 1 and   

compare the remarks attributed to       
,lao-tsze in the account of the ,k'ung  
family near the beginning4 impression4  
',now1' said he with a sigh1 ',i know   
the sage wisdom of the duke of ,chau1   
and how the ,house of ,chau attained to 
the royal sway #a4' ,on the walls of the
 ,hall of ,light were paintings of the  
ancient sovereigns from ,yao and ,shun  
downwards1 their characters appearing in
 the representations of them1 and words 
of praise or warning being appended4    
,there was also a picture of the duke of
 ,chau sitting with his infant nephew1  
the king ,ch'ang1 upon his knees1 to    
give audience to all the princes4       
,confucius surveyed the scene with      
silent delight1 and then said to his    
followers1 ',here you see how ,chau     
became so great4 ,as we use a glass to  
examine the forms of things1 so must we 
study antiquity in order to understand  
the present time #b4' ,in the hall of   
the ancestral temple1 there was a metal 
statue of a man with three clasps upon  

his mouth1 and his back covered over    
with an enjoyable homily on the duty of 
keeping a watch upon the lips4          
,confucius turned to his disciples and  
said1 ',observe it1 my children4 ,these 
words are true1 and commend themselves  
to our feelings #c4' ,about music he    
made inquiries at ,ch'ang ,hung1 to whom
 the following remarks are attributed3--
 ',i have observed about ,chung-ni many 
marks of a sage4 ,he has river eyes and 
a dragon forehead1-- the very           
characteristics of ,hwang-ti4 ,his arms 
are long1 his back is like a tortoise1  
and he is nine feet six inches in       
height1-- the very semblance of ,t'ang  
the ,completer4 ,when he speaks1 he     
praises the ancient kings4 ,he moves    
along the path of humility and courtesy4
 ,he has heard of every subject1 and    
retains with a strong memory4 ,his      
knowledge of things seems               
inexhaustible4-- ,have we not in him the
 rising of a sage #d8' ,i have given    
these notices of ,confucius at the court

 of ,chau1 more as being the only ones  
,i could find1 than because ,i put much 
faith in them4 ,he did not remain there 
long1 but returned the same year to ,lu1
 and continued his work of teaching4    
,his fame was greatly increased2        
disciples came to him from different    
parts1 till their number amounted to    
three thousand4 ,several of those who   
have come down to us as the most        
distinguished among his followers1      
however1 were yet unborn1 and the       
statement just given may be considered  
as an exaggeration4 ,we are not to      
conceive of the disciples as forming a  
community1 and living together4 ,parties
 #a #b #c ,see the 1 1 art4 4 #d ,quoted
 by ,chiang ,yung from the ',narratives 
of the ,school4' of them may have done  
so4 ,we shall find ,confucius hereafter 
always moving amid a company of admiring
 pupils2 but the greater number must    
have had their proper avocations and    
ways of living1 and would only resort to
 the ,master1 when they wished specially

 to ask his counsel or to learn of him4 
#e4 ,in the year succeeding the return  
to ,lu1 that ,state fell into great     
confusion4 ,there were three ,families  
in it1 all connected irregularly with   
the ducal ,house1 which had long kept   
the rulers in a condition of dependency4
 ,they appear frequently in the         
,analects as the ,chi clan1 the ,shu1   
and the ,mang2 and while ,confucius     
freely spoke of their ,sidebar ,he      
withdraws to ,chi and returns to ,lu the
 following year4 ,b4,c4 #eae1 #eaf4     
usurpations #a1 he was a sort of        
dependent of the ,chi family1 and       
appears in frequent communication with  
members of all the three4 ,in the year  
,b4,c4 #eag1 the duke ,chao came to open
 hostilities with them1 and being       
worsted1 fled into ,ch'i1 the ,state    
adjoining ,lu on the north4 ,thither    
,confucius also repaired1 that he might 
avoid the prevailing disorder of his    
native ,state4 ,ch'i was then under the 
government of a ruler 7in rank a        

marquis1 but historically called duke7 1
 afterwards styled ,ching #b1 who 'had a
 thousand teams1 each of four horses1   
but on the day of his death the people  
did not praise him for a single virtue  
#c4' ,his chief minister1 however1 was  
,yen ,ying #d1 a man of considerable    
ability and worth4 ,at his court the    
music of the ancient sage-emperor1      
,shun1 originally brought to ,ch'i from 
the ,state of ,ch'an #e1 was still      
preserved4 ,according to the            
',narratives of the ,school1' an        
incident occurred on the way to ,ch'i1  
which ,i may transfer to these pages as 
a good specimen of the way in which     
,confucius turned occurring matters to  
account1 in his intercourse with his    
disciples4 ,as he was passing by the    
side of the ,tai mountain1 there was a  
woman weeping and wailing by a grave4   
,confucius bent forward in his carriage1
 and after listening to her for some    
time1 sent ,tsze-lu to ask the cause of 
her grief4 ',you weep1 as if you had    

experienced sorrow upon sorrow1' said   
,tsze-lu4 ,the woman replied1 ',it is   
so4 ,my husband's father was killed here
 by a tiger1 and my husband also2 and   
now my son has met the same fate4'      
,confucius asked her why she did not    
remove from the place1 and on her       
answering1' ,there is here no oppressive
 government1' he turned to his          
disciples1 and said1 ',my #a ,see       
,analects1 ,,iii4 i4 ii1 et al4 #b 4 #c 
,ana4 ,,xvi4 xii4 #d 4 ,this is the same
 who was afterwards styled 4 #e 4       
children1 remember this4 ,oppressive    
government is fiercer than a tiger #a4' 
,as soon as he crossed the border from  
,lu1 we are told he discovered from the 
gait and manners of a boy1 whom he saw  
carrying a pitcher1 the influence of the
 sages' music1 and told the driver of   
his carriage to hurry on to the capital 
#b4 ,arrived there1 he heard the strain1
 and was so ravished with it1 that for  
three months he did not know the taste  
of flesh4 ',i did not think1' he said1  

'that music could have been made so     
excellent as this #c4' ,the duke ,ching 
was pleased with the conferences which  
he had with him #d1 and proposed to     
assign to him the town of ,lin-ch'iu1   
from the revenues of which he might     
derive a sufficient support2 but        
,confucius refused the gift1 and said to
 his disciples1 ',a superior man will   
only receive reward for services which  
he has done4 ,i have given advice to the
 duke ,ching1 but he has not yet obeyed 
it1 and now he would endow me with this 
place6 ,very far is he from             
understanding me #e6' ,on one occasion  
the duke asked about government1 and    
received the characteristic reply1      
',there is government when the ruler is 
ruler1 and the minister is minister2    
when the father is father1 and the son  
is son #f4' ,i say that the reply is    
characteristic4 ,once1 when ,tsze-lu    
asked him what he would consider the    
first thing to be done if entrusted with
 the government of a ,state1 ,confucius 

answered1 ',what is necessary is to     
rectify names #g4' ,the disciple thought
 the reply wide of the mark1 but it was 
substantially the same with what he said
 to the marquis ,ching4 ,there is a     
sufficient foundation in nature for     
government in the several relations of  
society1 and if those be maintained and 
developed according to their relative   
significancy1 it is sure to obtain4     
,this was a first principle in the      
political ethics of ,confucius4 ,another
 day the duke got to a similar inquiry  
the reply that the art of government lay
 in an economical use of the revenues2  
and being pleased1 he resumed his       
purpose of retaining the philosopher in 
his ,state1 and proposed to assign to   
him the fields of ,ni-ch'i4 ,his #a ,see
 the 1 1 art4 4 ,i have translated1     
however1 from the ,li ,chi1 ,,ii4 ,sect4
 ,,ii4 iii4 #aj1 where the same incident
 is given1 with some variations1 and    
without saying when or where it         
occurred4 #b ,see the 1 1 p4 #ac4 #c    

,ana4 ,,vii4 xiii4 #d ,some of these are
 related in the ',narratives of the     
,school2'-- about the burning of the    
ancestral shrine of the sovereign 1 and 
a one-footed bird which appeared hopping
 and flapping its wings in ,ch'i4 ,they 
are plainly fabulous1 though quoted in  
proof of ,confucius's sage wisdom4 ,this
 reference to them is more than enough4 
#e 1 1 4 #f ,ana4 ,,xii4 xi4 #g ,ana4   
,,xiii4 iii4 chief minister ,yen ,ying  
dissuaded him from the purpose1 saying1 
',those scholars are impracticable1 and 
cannot be imitated4 ,they are haughty   
and conceited of their own views1 so    
that they will not be content in        
inferior positions4 ,they set a high    
value on all funeral ceremonies1 give   
way to their grief1 and will waste their
 property on great burials1 so that they
 would only be injurious to the common  
manners4 ,this ,mr4 ,k'ung has a        
thousand peculiarities4 ,it would take  
generations to exhaust all that he knows
 about the ceremonies of going up and   

going down4 ,this is not the time to    
examine into his rules of propriety4 ,if
 you1 prince1 wish to employ him to     
change the customs of ,ch'i1 you will   
not be making the people your primary   
consideration #a4' ,i had rather believe
 that these were not the words of ,yen  
,ying1 but they must represent pretty   
correctly the sentiments of many of the 
statesmen of the time about ,confucius4 
,the duke of ,ch'i got tired ere long of
 having such a monitor about him1 and   
observed4 ',i cannot treat him as ,i    
would the chief of the ,chi family4 ,i  
will treat him in a way between that    
accorded to the chief of the ,chi1 and  
that given to the chief of the ,mang    
family4' ,finally he said1 ',i am old2  
,i cannot use his doctrines #b4' ,these 
observations were made directly to      
,confucius1 or came to his hearing #c4  
,it was not consistent with his         
self-respect to remain longer in ,ch'i1 
and he returned to ,lu #d4 #f4 ,returned
 to ,lu1 he remained for the long period

 of about fifteen years without being   
engaged in any official employment4 ,it 
,sidebar ,he remains without office in  
,lu1 ,b4,c4 #eaf-eja4 was a time indeed 
of great disorder4 ,the duke ,chao      
continued a refugee in ,ch'i1 the       
government being in the hands of the    
great ,families1 up to his death in     
,b4,c4 #eaj1 on which event the rightful
 heir was set aside1 and another member 
of the ducal ,house1 known to us by the 
title of ,ting #e1 substituted in his   
place4 ,the ruling authority of the     
principality became thus still more     
enfeebled than it had been before1 and1 
on the other hand1 the chiefs of the    
,chi1 the ,shu1 and the ,mang1 could    
hardly keep their ground against their  
own officers4 ,of those latter1 the two 
most conspicuous were ,yang ,hu #f1     
called also ,yang ,ho #g1 and #a ,see   
the 1 1 p4 #b4 #b ,ana4 ,,xviii4 iii #c 
,sze-ma ,ch'ien makes the first         
observation to have been addressed      
directly to ,confucius4 #d ,according to

 the above account ,confucius was only  
once1 and for a portion of two years1 in
 ,ch'i4 ,for the refutation of contrary 
accounts1 see ,chiang ,yung's ,life of  
the ,sage4 #e 4 #f 4 #g 4 ,kung-shan    
,fu-zao #a4 ,at one time ,chi ,hwan1 the
 most powerful of the chiefs1 was kept a
 prisoner by ,yang ,hu1 and was obliged 
to make terms with him in order to      
obtain his liberation4 ,confucius would 
give his countenance to none1 as he     
disapproved of all1 and he studiously   
kept aloof from them4 ,of how he        
comported himself among them we have a  
specimen in the incident related in the 
,analects1 ,,xvii4 i4-- ',yang ,ho      
wished to see ,confucius1 but ,confucius
 would not go to see him4 ,on this1 he  
sent a present of a pig to ,confucius1  
who1 having chosen a time when ,ho was  
not at home1 went to pay his respects   
for the gift4 ,he met him1 however1 on  
the way4 ,come1 let me speak with you1  
said the officer4 ,can he be called     
benevolent1 who keeps his jewel in his  

bosom1 and leaves his country to        
confusion8 ,confucius replied1 ,no4 ,can
 he be called wise1 who is anxious to be
 engaged in public employment1 and yet  
is constantly losing the opportunity of 
being so8 ,confucius again said1 ,no4   
,the other added1 ,the days and months  
are passing away2 the years do not wait 
for us4 ,confucius said1 ,right2 ,i will
 go into office4' ,chinese writers are  
eloquent in their praises of the sage   
for the combination of propriety1       
complaisance and firmness1 which they   
see in his behavior in this matter4 ,to 
myself there seems nothing remarkable in
 it but a somewhat questionable         
dexterity4 ,but it was well for the fame
 of ,confucius that his time was not    
occupied during those years with        
official services4 ,he turned them to   
better account1 prosecuting his         
researches into the poetry1 history1    
ceremonies1 and music of the nation4    
,many disciples continued to resort to  
him1 and the legendary writers tell us  

how he employed their services in       
digesting the results of his studies4 ,i
 must repeat1 however1 that several of  
them1 whose names are most famous1 such 
as ,tsang ,shan1 were as yet children1  
and ,min ,sun #b was not born till      
,b4,c4 #ejj4 ,to this period we must    
refer the almost single instance which  
we have of the manner of ,confucius's   
intercourse with his son ,li4 ',have you
 heard any lessons from your father     
different from what we have all heard8' 
asked one of the disciples once of ,li4 
',no1' said ,li4 ',he was standing alone
 once1 when ,i was passing through the  
court below with hasty steps1 and said  
to me1 ,have you learned the ,odes8 ,on 
my replying1 ,not yet1 he added1 ,if you
 do not learn the ,odes1 you will not be
 fit to converse with4 ,another day1 #a 
71 74 #b 4 in the same place and the    
same way1 he said to me1 ,have you read 
the rules of ,propriety8 ,on my         
replying1 ,not yet1 he added1 ,if you do
 not learn the rules of ,propriety1 your

 character cannot be established4 ,i    
have heard only these two things from   
him4' ,the disciple was delighted and   
observed1 ',i asked one thing1 and ,i   
have got three things4 ,i have heard    
about the ,odes4 ,i have heard about the
 rules of ,propriety4 ,i have also heard
 that the superior man maintains a      
distant reserve towards his son #a4' ,i 
can easily believe that this distant    
reserve was the rule which ,confucius   
followed generally in his treatment of  
his son4 ,a stern dignity is the quality
 which a father has to maintain upon his
 system4 ,it is not to be without the   
element of kindness1 but that must never
 go beyond the line of propriety4 ,there
 is too little room left for the play   
and development of natural affection4   
,the divorce of his wife must also have 
taken place during these years1 if it   
ever took place at all1 which is a      
disputed point4 ,the curious reader will
 find the question discussed in the     
notes on the second ,book of the ,li    

,chi4 ,the evidence inclines1 ,i think1 
against the supposition that ,confucius 
did put his wife away4 ,when she died1  
at a period subsequent to the present1  
,li kept on weeping aloud for her after 
the period for such a demonstration of  
grief had expired1 when ,confucius sent 
a message to him that his sorrow must be
 subdued1 and the obedient son dried his
 tears #b4 ,we are glad to know that on 
one occasion the death of his favourite 
disciple1 ,yen ,hui -- the tears of     
,confucius himself would flow over and  
above the measure of propriety #c4 #g4  
,we come to the short period of         
,confucius's official life4 ,in the     
,sidebar ,he holds office4 ,b4,c4       
#ejj-dif4 year ,b4,c4 #eja1 things had  
come to a head between the chiefs of the
 three ,families and their ministers1   
and had resulted in the defeat of the   
latter4 ,in that year the resources of  
,yang ,hu were exhausted1 and he fled   
into ,ch'i1 so that the ,state was      
delivered from its greatest troubler1   

and the way was made more clear for     
,confucius to go into office1 should an 
opportunity occur4 ,it soon presented   
itself4 ,towards the end of that year he
 was made chief magistrate of the town  
of ,chung-tu #d4 #a ,ana4 ,,xvi4 xiii4  
#b ,see the ,li ,chi1 ,,ii4 ,pt4 ,i4 i4 
#bg4 #c ,ana4 ,,xi4 ix4 #d 4 ,amiot says
 this was 'la ville meme ou le          
,souverain tenoit sa ,cour' 7,vie de    
,confucius1 p4 #adg74 ,he is followed of
 course by ,thornton and ,pauthier4 ,my 
reading has not shown me that such was  
the case4 ,in the notes to ,k'ang-hsi's 
edition of the ',five ,ching1' ,li ,chi1
 ,,ii ,sect4 ,i4 iii4 #d1 it is simply  
said-- ',chung-tu1-- the name of a town 
of ,lu4 ,it afterwards belonged to ,ch'i
 when it was called ,ping-lu 774' ,just 
before he received this appointment1 a  
circumstance occurred of which we do not
 well know what to make4 ,when ,yang-hu 
fled into ,ch'i1 ,kung-shan ,fu-zao1 who
 had been confederate with him1         
continued to maintain an attitude of    

rebellion1 and held the city of ,pi     
against the ,chi family4 ,thence he sent
 a message to ,confucius inviting him to
 join him1 and the ,sage seemed so      
inclined to go that his disciple        
,tsze-lu remonstrated with him1 saying1 
',indeed you cannot go6 why must you    
think of going to see ,kung-shan8'      
,confucius replied1 ',can it be without 
some reason that he has invited me8 ,if 
any one employ me1 may ,i not make an   
eastern ,chau #a8' ,the upshot1 however1
 was that he did not go1 and ,i cannot  
suppose that he had ever any serious    
intention of doing so4 ,amid the general
 gravity of his intercourse with his    
followers1 there gleam out a few        
instances of quiet pleasantry1 when he  
amused himself by playing with their    
notions about him4 ,this was probably   
one of them4 ,as magistrate of ,chung-tu
 he produced a marvellous reformation of
 the manners of the people in a short   
time4 ,according to the ',narratives of 
the ,school1' he enacted rules for the  

nourishing of the living and all        
observances to the dead4 ,different food
 was assigned to the old and the young1 
and different burdens to the strong and 
the weak4 ,males and females kept apart 
from each other in the streets4 ,a thing
 dropped on the road was not picked up4 
,there was no fraudulent carving of     
vessels4 ,inner coffins were made four  
inches thick1 and the outer ones five4  
,graves were made on the high grounds1  
no mounds being raised over them1 and no
 trees planted about them4 ,within      
twelve months1 the princes of the other 
,states all wished to imitate his style 
of administration #b4 ,the duke ,ting1  
surprised at what he saw1 asked whether 
his rules could be employed to govern a 
whole ,state1 and ,confucius told him   
that they might be applied to the whole 
kingdom4 ,on this the duke appointed him
 assistant-superintendent of ,works #c1 
in which capacity he surveyed the lands 
of the ,state1 and made many            
improvements in agriculture4 ,from this 

he was quickly made minister of ,crime  
#d1 and the appointment was enough to   
put an end to crime4 ,there was no      
necessity to put the penal laws in      
execution4 ,no offenders showed         
themselves #e4 #a ,ana4 ,,xvii4 v4 #b 1 
,bk4 ,i4 #c 4 ,this office1 however1 was
 held by the chief of the ,mang ,family4
 ,we must understand that ,confucius was
 only an assistant to him1 or perhaps   
acted for him4 #d 4 #e 1 ,bk4 ,i4 ,these
 indiscriminating eulogies are of little
 value4 ,one incident1 related in the   
annotations of ,tso-shih on the         
,ch'un-,ch'iu #a1 commends itself at    
once to our belief1 as in harmony with  
,confucius's character4 ,the chief of   
the ,chi1 pursuing with his enmity the  
duke ,chao1 even after his death1 had   
placed his grave apart from the graves  
of his predecessors2 and ,confucius     
surrounded the ducal cemetery with a    
ditch so as to include the solitary     
resting-place1 boldly telling the chief 
that he did it to hide his disloyalty   

#b4 ,but he signalized himself most of  
all in ,b4,c4 #ejj1 by his behavior at  
an interview between the dukes of ,lu   
and ,ch'i1 at a place called ,shih-ch'i 
#c1 and ,chia-ku #d1 in the present     
district of ,lai-wu1 in the department  
of ,t'ai-an #e4 ,confucius was present  
as master of ceremonies on the part of  
,lu1 and the meeting was professedly    
pacific4 ,the two princes were to form a
 covenant of alliance4 ,the principal   
officer on the part of ,ch'i1 however1  
despising ,confucius as 'a man of       
ceremonies1 without courage1' had       
advised his sovereign to make the duke  
of ,lu a prisoner1 and for this purpose 
a band of the half-savage original      
inhabitants of the place advanced with  
weapons to the stage where the two dukes
 were met4 ,confucius understood the    
scheme1 and said to the opposite party1 
',our two princes are met for a pacific 
object4 ,for you to bring a band of     
savage vassals to disturb the meeting   
with their weapons1 is not the way in   

which ,ch'i can expect to give law to   
the princes of the kingdom4 ,these      
barbarians have nothing to do with our  
,great ,flowery land4 ,such vassals may 
not interfere with our covenant4        
,weapons are out of place at such a     
meeting4 ,as before the spirits1 such   
conduct is unpropitious4 ,in point of   
virtue1 it is contrary to right4 ,as    
between man and man1 it is not polite4' 
,the duke of ,ch'i ordered the          
disturbers off1 but ,confucius withdrew1
 carrying the duke of ,lu with him4 ,the
 business proceeded1 notwithstanding1   
and when the words of the alliance were 
being read on the part of ,ch'i1-- ' ,so
 be it to ,lu1 if it contribute not #cjj
 chariots of war to the help of ,ch'i1  
when its army goes across its borders1' 
a messenger from ,confucius added1 ',and
 so be it to us1 if we obey your orders1
 unless you return to us the fields on  
the south of the ,wan4' ,at the         
conclusion of the ceremonies1 the prince
 of ,ch'i wanted to give a grand        

entertainment1 but ,confucius           
demonstrated that such a thing would be 
#a 1 4 #b 1 ,bk4 ,i4 #c 4 #d 4 #e 1 4   
contrary to the established rules of    
propriety1 his real object being to keep
 his sovereign out of danger4 ,in this  
way the two parties separated1 they of  
,ch'i filled with shame at being foiled 
and disgraced by 'the man of            
ceremonies2' and the result was that the
 lands of ,lu which had been            
appropriated by ,ch'i were restored #a4 
,for two years more ,confucius held the 
office of minister of ,crime4 ,some have
 supposed that he was further raised to 
the dignity of chief minister of the    
,state #b1 but that was not the case4   
,one instance of the manner in which he 
executed his functions is worth         
recording4 ,when any matter came before 
him1 he took the opinion of different   
individuals upon it1 and in giving      
judgment would say1 ',i decide according
 to the view of so and so4' ,there was  
an approach to our jury system in the   

plan1 ,confucius's object being to      
enlist general sympathy1 and carry the  
public judgment with him in his         
administration of justice4 ,a father    
having brought some charge against his  
son1 ,confucius kept them both in prison
 for three months1 without making any   
difference in favour of the father1 and 
then wished to dismiss them both4 ,the  
head of the ,chi was dissatisfied1 and  
said1 ',you are playing with me1 ,sir   
minister of ,crime4 ,formerly you told  
me that in a ,state or a family filial  
duty was the first thing to be insisted 
on4 ,what hinders you now from putting  
to death this unfilial son as an example
 to all the people8' ,confucius with a  
sigh replied1 ',when superiors fail in  
their duty1 and yet go to put their     
inferiors to death1 it is not right4    
,this father has not taught his son to  
be filial2 to listen to his charge would
 be to slay the guiltless4 ,the manners 
of the age have been long in a sad      
condition2 we cannot expect the people  

not to be transgressing the laws #c4'   
,at this time two of his disciples1     
,tsze-lu and ,tsze-yu1 entered the      
employment of the ,chi family1 and lent 
their influence1 the former especially1 
to forward the plans of their master4   
,one great cause of disorder in the     
,state was the fortified cities held by 
the three chiefs1 in which they could   
defy the supreme authority1 and were in 
turn defied themselves by their         
officers4 ,those cities were like the   
castles of the barons of ,england in the
 time of the ,norman #a ,this meeting at
 ,chia-ku is related in ,sze-ma ,ch'ien1
 the ',narratives of the school1' and   
,ku-liang1 with many exaggerations4 ,i  
have followed 1 4 #b ,the  says ,bk4    
,,ii1 1 4 ,but he was a  only in the    
sense of an assistant of ceremonies1 as 
at the meeting in ,chia-ku1 described   
above4 #c ,see the 1 ,bk4 ,,ii4 kings4  
,confucius had their destruction very   
much at heart1 and partly by the        
influence of persuasion1 and partly by  

the assisting counsels of ,tsze-lu1 he  
accomplished his object in regard to ,pi
 #a1 the chief city of the ,chi1 and    
,hau #b1 the chief city of the ,shu4 ,it
 does not appear that he succeeded in   
the same way in dismantling ,ch'ang #c1 
the chief city of the ,mang #d2 but his 
authority in the ,state greatly         
increased4 ',he strengthened the ducal  
,house and weakened the private         
,families4 ,he exalted the sovereign1   
and depressed the ministers4 ,a         
transforming government went abroad4    
,dishonesty and dissoluteness were      
ashamed and hid their heads4 ,loyalty   
and good faith became the               
characteristics of the men1 and chastity
 and docility those of the women4       
,strangers came in crowds from other    
,states #e4' ,confucius became the idol 
of the people1 and flew in songs through
 their mouths #f4 ,but this sky of      
bright promise was soon overcast4 ,as   
the fame of the reformations in ,lu went
 abroad1 the neighboring princes began  

to be afraid4 ,the duke of ,ch'i said1  
',with ,confucius at the head of its    
government1 ,lu will become supreme     
among the ,states1 and ,ch'i which is   
nearest to it will be the first         
swallowed up4 ,let us propitiate it by a
 surrender of territory4' ,one of his   
ministers proposed that they should     
first try to separate between the sage  
and his sovereign1 and to effect this1  
they hit upon the following scheme4     
,eighty beautiful girls1 with musical   
and dancing accomplishments1 and a      
hundred and twenty of the finest horses 
that could be found1 were selected1 and 
sent as a present to duke ,ting4 ,they  
were put up at first outside the city1  
and ,chi ,hwan having gone in disguise  
to see them1 forgot the lessons of      
,confucius1 and took the duke to look at
 the bait4 ,they were both captivated4  
,the women were received1 and the sage  
was neglected4 ,for three days the duke 
gave no audience to his ministers4      
',master1' said ,tsze-lu to ,confucius1 

'it is time for you to be going4' ,but  
,confucius was very unwilling to leave4 
,the spring was coming on1 when the     
sacrifice to ,heaven would be offered1  
and he determined to wait and see       
whether the #a 4 #b 4 #c 4 #d ,in       
connexion with these events1 the        
',narratives of the ,school' and ,sze-ma
 ,ch'ien mention the summary punishment 
inflicted by ,confucius on an able but  
unscrupulous and insidious officer the  
,shaou chang1 ,maou 774 ,his judgment   
and death occupy a conspicuous place in 
the legendary accounts4 ,but the        
,analects1 ,tsze-sze1 ,mencius1 and ,tso
 ,ch'iu-ming are all silent about it1   
and ,chiang ,yung rightly rejects it as 
one of the many narratives invented to  
exalt the sage4 #e ,see the 1 ,bk4 ,,ii4
 #f ,see 1 quoted by ,chiang ,yung4     
solemnization of that would bring the   
duke back to his right mind4 ,no such   
result followed4 ,the ceremony was      
hurried through1 and portions of the    
offerings were not sent round to the    

various ministers1 according to the     
established custom4 ,confucius          
regretfully took his departure1 going   
away slowly and by easy stages #a4 ,he  
would have welcomed a message of recall4
 ,but the duke continued in his         
abandonment1 and the sage went forth to 
thirteen weary years of homeless        
wandering4 #h4 ,on leaving ,lu1         
,confucius first bent his steps westward
 to the ,state of ,wei1 situate about   
where the present provinces of ,chih-li 
and ,ho-nan adjoin4 ,sidebar ,he wanders
 from ,state to ,state4 ,b4,c4 #dig-dhd4
 ,he was now in his fifty-sixth year1   
and felt depressed and melancholy4 ,as  
he went along1 he gave expression to his
 feelings in verse3-- ',fain would ,i   
still look towards ,lu1 ,but this ,kwei 
hill cuts off my view4 ,with an axe1    
,i'd hew the thickets through3-- ,vain  
thought6 'gainst the hill ,i nought can 
do2' and again1-- ',through the valley  
howls the blast1 ,drizzling rain falls  
thick and fast4 ,homeward goes the      

youthful bride1 ,o'er the wild1 crowds  
by her side4 ,how is it1 ,o azure       
,heaven1 ,from my home ,i thus am       
driven1 ,through the land my way to     
trace1 ,with no certain dwelling-place8 
,dark1 dark2 the minds of men6 ,worth in
 vain comes to their ken4 ,hastens on my
 term of years2 ,old age1 desolate1     
appears #b1' ,a number of his disciples 
accompanied him1 and his sadness        
infected them4 ,when they arrived at the
 borders of ,wei at a place called ,i1  
the warden sought an interview1 and on  
coming out from the sage1 he tried to   
comfort the disciples1 saying1 ',my     
friends1 why are you distressed at your 
master's loss of office8 ,the world has 
been long without the principles of     
truth and right2 ,heaven is going to use
 your master as a bell with its wooden  
tongue #c4' ,such was the thought of    
this friendly stranger4 ,the bell did   
indeed sound1 but few had ears to hear4 
#a 1 1 p4 #e4 ,see also ,mencius1 ,v4   
,pt4 ,,ii4 i4 #d42 et al4 #b ,see       

,chiang ,yung's ,life of ,confucius1 4  
#c ,ana4 ,,iii4 xxiv4 ,confucius's fame1
 however1 had gone before him1 and he   
was in little danger of having to suffer
 from want4 ,on arriving at the capital 
of ,wei1 he lodged at first with a      
worthy officer1 named ,yen ,ch'au-yu #a4
 ,the reigning duke1 known to us by the 
epithet of ,ling #b1 was a worthless1   
dissipated man1 but he could not neglect
 a visitor of such eminence1 and soon   
assigned to ,confucius a revenue of     
#fj1jjj measures of grain #c4 ,here he  
remained for ten months1 and then for   
some reason left it to go to ,ch'an #d4 
,on the way he had to pass by ,k'wang   
#e1 a place probably in the present     
department of ,k'ai-fung in ,ho-nan1    
which had formerly suffered from        
,yang-hu4 ,it so happened that          
,confucius resembled ,hu1 and the       
attention of the people being called to 
him by the movements of his             
carriage-driver1 they thought it was    
their old enemy1 and made an attack upon

 him4 ,his followers were alarmed1 but  
he was calm1 and tried to assure them by
 declaring his belief that he had a     
divine mission4 ,he said to them1       
',after the death of king ,wan1 was not 
the cause of truth lodged here in me8   
,if ,heaven had wished to let this cause
 of truth perish1 then ,i1 a future     
mortal1 should not have got such a      
relation to that cause4 ,while ,heaven  
does not let the cause of truth perish1 
what can the people of ,k'wang do to me 
#f8' ,having escaped from the hands of  
his assailants1 he does not seem to have
 carried out his purpose of going to    
,ch'an1 but returned to ,wei4 ,on the   
way1 he passed a house where he had     
formerly lodged1 and finding that the   
master was dead1 and the funeral        
ceremonies going on1 he went in to      
condole and weep4 ,when he came out1 he 
told ,tsze-kung to take the outside     
horses from his carriage1 and give them 
as a contribution to the expenses of the
 occasion4 ',you never did such a       

thing1' ,tsze-kung remonstrated1 'at the
 funeral of any of your disciples2 is it
 not too great a gift on this occasion  
of the death of an old host8' ',when ,i 
went in1' replied ,confucius1 'my       
presence brought a burst of grief from  
the chief mourner1 and ,i joined him    
with my tears4 ,i dislike the thought of
 my tears not being followed by         
anything4 ,do it1 my child #g4' ,on     
reaching ,wei1 he lodged with ,chu      
,po-yu1 an officer of whom #a 4 ,see    
,mencius1 ,v4 ,pt4 ,i4 viii4 #b4 #b4 4  
#c see the 1 1 p4 #e4 #d 4 #e4 4 #f     
,ana4 ,,ix4 v4 ,in ,ana4 ,,xi4 xxii1    
there is another reference to this time1
 in which ,yen ,hui is made to appear4  
#g ,see the ,li ,chi1 ,,ii4 ,sect4 ,i4  
ii4 #af4 honourable mention is made in  
the ,analects #a4 ,but this time he did 
not remain long in the ,state4 ,the duke
 was ,sidebar ,b4,c4 #die4 married to a 
lady of the house of ,sung1 known by the
 name of ,nan-tsze1 notorious for her   
intrigues and wickedness4 ,she sought an

 interview with the sage1 which he was  
obliged unwillingly to accord #b4 ,no   
doubt he was innocent of thought or act 
of evil1 but it gave great              
dissatisfaction to ,tsze- lu that his   
master should have been in company with 
such a woman1 and ,confucius1 to assure 
him1 swore an oath1 saying1 ',wherein ,i
 have done improperly1 may ,heaven      
reject me6 ,may ,heaven reject me #c6'  
,he could not well abide1 however1 about
 such a court4 ,one day the duke rode   
out through the streets of his capital  
in the same carriage with ,nan-tsze1 and
 made ,confucius follow them in another4
 ,perhaps he intended to honour the     
philosopher1 but the people saw the     
incongruity1 and cried out1 ',lust in   
the front2 virtue behind6' ,confucius   
was ashamed1 and made the observation1  
',i have not seen one who loves virtue  
as he loves beauty #d4' ,wei was no     
place for him4 ,he left it1 and took his
 way towards ,ch'an4 ,ch'an1 which      
formed part of the present province of  

,ho-nan1 lay south from ,wei4 ,after    
passing the small ,state of ,ts'ao #e1  
he approached the borders of ,sung1     
occupying the present prefecture of     
,kwei-teh1 and had some intentions of   
entering it1 when an incident occurred1 
which it is not easy to understand from 
the meagre style in which it is related1
 but which gave occasion to a remarkable
 saying4 ,confucius was practising      
ceremonies with his disciples1 we are   
told1 under the shade of a large tree4  
,hwan ,t'ui1 an ill-minded officer of   
,sung1 heard of it1 and sent a band of  
men to pull down the tree1 and kill the 
philosopher1 if they could get hold of  
him4 ,the disciples were much alarmed1  
but ,confucius observed1 ',heaven has   
produced the virtue that is in me2 what 
can ,hwan ,t'ui do to me #f8' ,they all 
made their escape1 but seem to have been
 driven westwards to the ,state of      
,chang #g1 on arriving at the gate      
conducting into which from the east1    
,confucius found himself separated from 

his followers4 ,tsze-kung had arrived   
before him1 and was told by a native of 
,chang that there was a man standing by 
the east gate1 with a forehead like     
,yao1 a neck like ,kao- yao1 his        
shoulders on a level with those of      
,tsze-ch'an1 but wanting1 below the     
waist1 three #a ,ana4 ,,xiv4 xxvi2 ,,xv4
 vi4 #b ,see the account in the 1 1 p4  
#f4 #c ,ana4 ,,vi4 xxvi4 #d ,ana4 ,,ix4 
xvii4 #e 4 #f ana4 ,,ix4 xxii4 #g 4     
inches of the height of ,yu1 and        
altogether having the disconsolate      
appearance of a stray dog4' ,tsze-kung  
knew it was the master1 hastened to him1
 and repeated to his great amusement the
 description which the man had given4   
',the bodily appearance1' said          
,confucius1 'is but a small matter1 but 
to say ,i was like a stray dog1--       
capital6 capital6' ,the stay they made  
at ,chang was short1 and by the end of  
,b4,c4 #die1 ,confucius was in ,ch'an4  
,all the next year he remained there1   
lodging with the warder of the city     

wall1 an officer of worth1 of the name  
of ,chang #b1 and we have no accounts of
 him which deserve to be related here   
#c4 ,in ,b4,c4 #did1 ,ch'an was much    
disturbed by attacks from ,wu #d1 a     
large ,state1 the capital of which was  
in the present department of ,su-chau1  
and ,confucius determined to retrace his
 steps to ,wei4 ,on the way he was laid 
hold of at a place called ,p'u #e1 which
 was held by a rebellious officer       
against ,wei1 and before he could get   
away1 he was obliged to engage that he  
would not proceed thither4 ,thither1    
notwithstanding1 he continued his route1
 and when ,tsze-kung asked him whether  
it was right to violate the oath he had 
taken1 he replied1 ',it was a forced    
oath4 ,the spirits do not hear such #f4'
 ',the duke ,ling received him with     
distinction1 but paid no more attention 
to his lessons than before1 and         
,confucius is said then to have uttered 
his complaint1 ',if there were any of   
the princes who would employ me1 in the 

course of twelve months ,i should have  
done something considerable4 ,in three  
years the government would be perfected 
#g4' ,a circumstance occurred to direct 
his attention to the ,state of ,tsin #h1
 which occupied the southern part of the
 present ,shan-hsi1 and extended over   
the ,yellow river into ,ho-nan4 ,an     
invitation came to ,confucius1 like that
 which he had formerly received from    
,kung-shan ,fu-zao4 ,pi ,hsi1 an officer
 of ,tsin1 who was holding the town of  
,chung-mau against his chief1 invited   
him to visit him1 and ,confucius was    
inclined to go4 ,tsze-lu was always the 
mentor on such occasions4 ,he said to   
him1 ',master1 ,i have heard you say1 #a
 ,see the 1 1 p4 #f4 #b 4 ,see ,mencius1
 ,v4 ,pt4 ,i4 viii4 #c4 #c ,chiang ,yung
 digests in this place two foolish      
stories1-- about a large bone found in  
the ,state of ,yueh1 and a bird which   
appeared in ,ch'ia and died1 shot       
through with a remarkable arrow4        
,confucius knew all about them4 #d 4 #e 

4 #f ,this ia related by ,sze-ma ch'ien 
1 p4 #g1 and also in the ',narratives of
 the ,school4' ,i would fain believe it 
is not true4 ,the wonder is1 that no    
,chinese critic should have set about   
disproving it4 #g ,ana4 ,,xii4 x4 #h 4  
that when a man in his own person is    
guilty of doing evil1 a superior man    
will not associate with him4 ,pi ,hsi is
 in rebellion2 if you go to him1 what   
shall be said8' ,confucius replied1     
',yes1 ,i did use those words4 ,but is  
it not said that if a thing be really   
hard1 it may be ground without being    
made thin2 and if it be really white1 it
 may be steeped in a dark fluid without 
being made black8 ,am ,i a bitter gourd8
 ,am ,i to be hung up out of the way of 
being eaten #a8' ,these sentiments sound
 strangely from his lips4 ,after all1 he
 did not go to ,pi ,hsi2 and having     
travelled as far as the ,yellow river   
that he might see one of the principal  
ministers of ,tsin1 he heard of the     
violent death of two men of worth1 and  

returned to ,wei1 lamenting the fate    
which prevented him from crossing the   
stream1 and trying to solace himself    
with poetry as he had done on leaving   
,lu4 ,again did he communicate with the 
duke1 but as ineffectually1 and         
disgusted at being questioned by him    
about military tactics1 he left and went
 back to ,ch'an4 ,he resided in ,ch'an  
all the next year1 ,b4,c4 #dia1 without 
anything occurring there which is worthy
 of note #b4 ,events had transpired in  
,lu1 however1 which were to issue in his
 return to his native ,state4 ,the duke 
,ting had deceased ,b4,c4 #did1 and ,chi
 ,hwan1 the chief of the ,chi family1   
died in this year4 ,on his death-bed1 he
 felt remorse for his conduct to        
,confucius1 and charged his successor1  
known to us in the ,analects as ,chi    
,k'ang1 to recall the sage2 but the     
charge was not immediately fulfilled4   
,chi ,k'ang1 by the advice of one of his
 officers1 sent to ,ch'an for the       
disciple ,yen ,ch'iu instead4 ,confucius

 willingly sent him off1 and would      
gladly have accompanied him4 ',let me   
return6' he said1 ',let me return #c6'  
,but that was not to be for several     
years yet4 ,in ,b4,c4 #dij1 accompanied1
 as usual1 by several of his disciples1 
he went from ,ch'an to ,ts'ai1 a small  
dependency of the great fief of ,ch'u1  
which occupied a large part of the      
present provinces of ,hu-nan and        
,hu-pei4 ,on the way1 between ,ch'an and
 ,ts'ai1 their provisions became        
exhausted1 and they were cut off somehow
 from obtaining a fresh supply4 ,the    
disciples were quite overcome with want1
 and ,tsze-lu said to the master1 ',has 
the superior man indeed to endure in    
this way8' ,confucius answered him1     
',the superior man may indeed have to   
endure want2 but the mean man l ,ana4   
,,xvii4 vii4 #b ,tso ,ch'iu-ming1       
indeed1 relates a story of ,confucius1  
on the report of a fire in ,lu1 telling 
whose ancestral temple had been         
destroyed by it4 #c ,ana4 ,v4 xxi4 when 

he is in want1 gives way to unbridled   
license #a4' ,according to the          
',narratives of the ,school1' the       
distress continued seven days1 during   
which time ,confucius retained his      
equanimity1 and was even cheerful1      
playing on his lute and singing #b4 ,he 
retained1 however1 a strong impression  
of the perils of the season1 and we find
 him afterwards recurring to it1 and    
lamenting that of the friends that were 
with him in ,ch'an and ,ts'ai1 there    
were none remaining to enter his door   
#c4 ,escaped from this strait1 he       
remained in ,ts'ai over ,b4,c4 #dhi1 and
 in the following year we find him in   
,sheh1 another district of ,ch'u1 the   
chief of which had taken the title of   
duke1 according to the usurping policy  
of that ,state4 ,puzzled about his      
visitor1 he asked ,tsze-lu what he      
should think of him1 but the disciple   
did not venture a reply4 ,when          
,confucius heard of it1 he said to      
,tsze-lu4 ',why did you not say to      

him3-- ,he is simply a man who in his   
eager pursuit of knowledge forgets his  
food1 who in the joy of its attainment  
forgets his sorrows1 and who does not   
perceive that old age is coming on #d8' 
,subsequently1 the duke1 in conversation
 with ,confucius1 asked him about       
government1 and got the reply1 dictated 
by some circumstances of which we are   
ignorant1 ',good government obtains1    
when those who are near are made happy1 
and those who are far off are attracted 
#e' ,after a short stay in ,sheh1       
according to ,sze-ma ,ch'ien1 he        
returned to ,ts'ai1 and having to dross 
a river1 he sent ,tsze-lu to inquire for
 the ford of two men who were at work in
 a neighboring field4 ,they were        
recluses1 men who had withdrawn from    
public life in disgust at the           
waywardness of the times4 ,one of them  
was called ,ch'ang-tsu1 and instead of  
giving ,tsze-lu the information he      
wanted1 he asked him1 ',who is it that  
holds the reins in the carriage there8' 

',it is ,k'ung ,ch'iu4' ',k'ung ,ch'iu  
of ,lu8' ',yes1' was the reply1 and then
 the man rejoined1 ',he knows the ford4'
 ,tsze-lu applied to the other1 who was 
called ,chieh-ni1 but got for answer the
 question1 ',who are you1 ,sir8' ,he    
replied1 ',i am ,chung ,yu4' ',chung    
,yu1 who is the disciple of ,k'ung      
,ch'iu of ,lu8' ',yes1' again replied   
,tsze-lu1 and ,chieh-ni said to him1    
',disorder1 like a swelling flood1      
spreads over the whole kingdom1 #a ,ana4
 ,,xv4 i4 #b1 #c4 #b 1 1 1 4 #c ,ana4   
,,xi4 ii4 #d ,ana4 ,,vii4 xviii4 #e     
,ana4 ,,xiii4 xvi4 and who is he that   
will change it for you8 ,than follow one
 who merely withdraws from this one and 
that one1 had you not better follow     
those who withdraw from the world       
altogether8' ,with this he fell to      
covering up the seed1 and gave no more  
heed to the stranger4 ,tsze-lu went back
 and reported what they had said1 when  
,confucius vindicated his own course1   
saying4 ',it is impossible to associate 

with birds and beasts as if they were   
the same with us4 ,if ,i associate not  
with these people1-- with mankind1--    
with whom shall ,i associate8 ,if right 
principles prevailed through the        
kingdom1 there would be no need for me  
to change its state #a4' ,about the same
 time he had an encounter with another  
recluse1 who was known as ',the madman  
of ,ch'u4' ,he passed by the carriage of
 ,confucius1 singing out1 ',o phoenix1  
,o phoenix1 how is your virtue          
degenerated6 ,as to the past1 reproof is
 useless1 but the future may be provided
 against4 ,give up1 give up your vain   
pursuit4' ,confucius alighted and wished
 to enter into conversation with him1   
but the man hastened away #b4 ,but now  
the attention of the ruler of ,ch'u --  
king1 as he styled himself -- was       
directed to the illustrious stranger who
 was in his dominions1 and he met       
,confucius and conducted him to his     
capital1 which was in the present       
district of ,i-ch'ang1 in the department

 of ,hsiang-yang #c1 in ,hu-pei4 ,after 
a time1 he proposed endowing the        
philosopher with a considerable         
territory1 but was dissuaded by his     
prime minister1 who said to him1 ',has  
your majesty any officer who could      
discharge the duties of an ambassador   
like ,tsze-kung8 or any one so qualified
 for a premier as ,yen ,hui8 or any one 
to compare as a general with ,tsze-lu8  
,the kings ,wan and ,wu1 from their     
hereditary dominions of a hundred li1   
rose to the sovereignty of the kingdom4 
,if ,k'ung ,ch'iu1 with such disciples  
to be his ministers1 get the possession 
of any territory1 it will not be to the 
prosperity of ,ch'u #d8 ,on this        
remonstrance the king gave up his       
purpose2 and1 when he died in the same  
year1 ,confucius left the ,state1 and   
went back again to ,wei4 ,the duke ,ling
 had died four years before1 soon after 
,confucius ,sidebar ,b4,c4 #dhi4 had    
last parted from him1 and the reigning  
duke1 known to us by the title of ,ch'u 

#e1 was his grandson1 and was holding   
the principality against his own father4
 ,the relations #a ,ana4 ,,xviii4 vi4 #b
 ,ana ,,xvii4 v4 #c 4 #d ,see the 1 1 p4
 #aj4 #e 4 between them were rather     
complicated4 ,the father had been driven
 out in consequence of an attempt which 
he had instigated on the life of his    
step-mother1 the notorious ,nan-tsze1   
and the succession was given to his son4
 ,subsequently1 the father wanted to    
reclaim what he deemed his right1 and an
 unseemly struggle ensued4 ,the duke    
,ch'u was conscious how much his cause  
would be strengthened by the support of 
,confucius1 and hence when he got to    
,wei1 ,tsze-lu could say to him1 ',the  
prince of ,wei has been waiting for you1
 in order with you to administer the    
government2-- what will you consider the
 first thing to be done #a8' ,the       
opinion of the philosopher1 however1 was
 against the propriety of the duke's    
course #b1 and he declined taking office
 with him1 though he remained in ,wei   

for between five and six years4 ,during 
all that time there is a blank in his   
history4 ,in the very year of his       
return1 according to the ',annals of the
 ,empire1' his most beloved disciple1   
,yen ,hui1 died1 on which occasion he   
exclaimed1 ',alas6 ,heaven is destroying
 me6 ,heaven is destroying me #c6' ,the 
death of his wife is assigned to ,b4,c4 
#dhd1 but nothing else is related which 
we can connect with this long period4   
#i4 ,his return to ,lu was brought about
 by the disciple ,yen ,yu1 who1 we have 
seen1 went into the service of ,chi     
,k'ang1 in ,b4,c4 #dia4 ,sidebar ,from  
his return to ,lu to his death4 ,b4,c4  
#dhd-dgh4 ,in the year ,b4,c4 #dhc1 ,yu 
had the conduct of some military        
operations against ,ch'i1 and being     
successful1 ,chi ,k'ang asked him how he
 had obtained his military skill2-- was 
it from nature1 or by learning8 ,he     
replied that he had learned it from     
,confucius1 and entered into a glowing  
eulogy of the philosopher4 ,the chief   

declared that he would bring ,confucius 
home again to ,lu4 ',if you do so1' said
 the disciple1 'see that you do not let 
mean men come between you and him4' ,on 
this ,k'ang sent three officers with    
appropriate presents to ,wei1 to invite 
the wanderer home1 and he returned with 
them accordingly #d4 ,this event took   
place in the eleventh year of the duke  
,ai #e1 who succeeded to ,ting1 and     
according to ,k'ung ,fu1 ,confucius's   
descendant1 the invitation proceeded    
from him #f4 ,we may suppose that #a    
,ana4 ,,xiii4 iii4 ,in the notes on this
 passage1 ,i have given ,chu ,hsi's     
opinion as to the time when ,tsze-lu    
made this remark4 ,it seems more        
correct1 however1 to refer it to        
,confucius's return to ,wei from ,ch'u1 
as is done by ,chiang ,yung4 #b ,ana4   
,,vii4 xiv4 #c ,ana4 ,,xi4 viii4 ,in the
 notes on ,ana4 ,,xi4 vii1 ,i have      
adverted to the chronological difficulty
 connected with the dates assigned      
respectively to the deaths of ,yen ,hui 

and ,confucius's own son1 ,li4 ,chiang  
,yung assigns ,hui's death to ,b4,c4    
#dha4 #d ,see the 1 4 #e 4 #f ,see      
,chiang ,yung's memoir1 in loc4 while   
,chi ,k'ang was the mover and director  
of the proceeding1 it was with the      
authority and approval of the duke4 ,it 
is represented in the chronicle of ,tso 
,ch'iu-ming as having occurred at a very
 opportune time4 ,the philosopher had   
been consulted a little before by ,k'ung
 ,wan #a1 an officer of ,wei1 about how 
he should conduct a feud with another   
officer1 and disgusted at being referred
 to on such a subject1 had ordered his  
carriage and prepared to leave the      
,state1 exclaiming1 ',the bird chooses  
its tree4 ,the tree does not choose the 
bird4' ,k'ung ,wan endeavoured to excuse
 himself1 and to prevail on ,confucius  
to remain in ,wei1 and just at this     
juncture the messengers from ,lu arrived
 #b4 ,confucius was now in his          
sixty-ninth year4 ,the world had not    
dealt kindly with him4 ,in every ,state 

which he had visited he had met with    
disappointment and sorrow4 ,only five   
more years remained to him1 nor were    
they of a brighter character than the   
past4 ,he had1 indeed1 attained to that 
state1 he tells us1 in which 'he could  
follow what his heart desired without   
transgressing what was right #c1' but   
other people were not more inclined than
 they had been to abide by his counsels4
 ,the duke ,ai and ,chi ,k'ang often    
conversed with him1 but he no longer had
 weight in the guidance of state        
affairs1 and wisely addressed himself to
 the completion of his literary labors4 
,he wrote a preface1 according to       
,sze-ma ,ch'ien1 to the ,shu-ching2     
carefully digested the rites and        
ceremonies determined by the wisdom of  
the more ancient sages and kings2       
collected and arranged the ancient      
poetry2 and undertook the reform of     
music #d4 ,he has told us himself4 ',i  
returned from ,wei to ,lu1 and then the 
music was reformed1 and the pieces in   

the ,songs of the ,kingdom and ,praise  
,songs found all their proper place #e4'
 ,to the ,yi-ching he devoted much      
study1 and ,sze-ma ,ch'ien says that the
 leather thongs by which the tablets of 
his copy were bound together were thrice
 worn out4 ',if some years were added to
 my life1' he said1 ',i would give fifty
 to the study of the ,yi1 and then ,i   
might come to be without great faults   
#f4' ,during this time also1 we may     
suppose that he supplied ,tsang ,shan   
with the materials of the classic of    
,filial ,piety4 ,the same year that he  
returned1 ,chi ,kang sent ,yen ,yu to   
ask his opinion about an #a 1 the same  
who is mentioned in the ,analects1 ,v4  
xiv4 #b ,see the 1 4 #c ,ana4 ,,ii4 iv4 
#f4 #d ,see the 1 1 p4 #ab4 #e ,ana4    
,,ix4 xiv4 #f ,ana4 ,,vii4 xvi4         
additional impost which he wished to lay
 upon the people1 but ,confucius refused
 to give any reply1 telling the disciple
 privately his disapproval of the       
proposed measure4 ,it was carried out1  

however1 in the following year1 by the  
agency of ,yen1 on which occasion1 ,i   
suppose1 it was that ,confucius said to 
the other disciples1 ',he is no disciple
 of mine2 my little children1 beat the  
drum and assail him #a4' ,the year      
,b4,c4 #dhc was marked by the death of  
his son ,li1 which he seems to have     
borne with more equanimity than he did  
that of his disciple ,yen ,hui1 which   
some writers assign to the following    
year1 though ,i have already mentioned  
it under the year ,b4,c4 #dhi4 ,in the  
spring of ,b4,c4 #dha1 a servant of ,chi
 ,k'ang caught a ,ch'i-lin on a hunting 
excursion of the duke in the present    
district of ,chia-hsiang #b4 ,no person 
could tell what strange animal it was1  
and ,confucius was called to look at it4
 ,he at once knew it to be a lin1 and   
the legend-writers say that it bore on  
one of its horns the piece of ribbon1   
which his mother had attached to the one
 that appeared to her before his birth4 
,according to the chronicle of          

,kung-yang1 he was profoundly affected4 
,he cried out1 ',for whom have you come8
 ,for whom have you come8' ,his tears   
flowed freely1 and he added1 ',the      
course of my doctrines is run #c4'      
,notwithstanding the appearance of the  
lin1 the life of ,confucius was still   
protracted for two years longer1 though 
he took occasion to terminate with that 
event his history of the ,ch'un ,ch'iu4 
,this ,work1 according to ,sze-ma       
,ch'ien1 was altogether the production  
of this year1 but we heed not suppose   
that it was so4 ,in it1 from the        
standpoint of ,lu1 he briefly indicates 
the principal events occurring          
throughout the country1 every term being
 expressive1 it is said1 of the true    
character of the actors and events      
described4 ,confucius said himself1 ',it
 is the ,spring and ,autumn which will  
make men know me1 and it is the ,spring 
and ,autumn which will make men condemn 
me #d4' ,mencius makes the composition  
of it to have been an achievement as    

great as ,yu's regulation of the waters 
of the deluge3-- ',confucius completed  
the ,spring and ,autumn1 and rebellious 
ministers and villainous sons were      
struck with terror #e4' ,towards the end
 of this year1 word came to ,lu that the
 duke #a ,ana4 ,,xi4 xvi4 #b 4 #c 1 4   
,according to ,kung-yang1 however1 the  
lin was found by some wood-gatherers4 #d
 ,mencius ,,iii4 ,pt4 ,,ii4 ix4 #h4 #e  
,mencius ,,iii4 ,pt4 ,,ii4 ix4 #aa4 of  
,ch'i had been murdered by one of his   
officers4 ,confucius was moved with     
indignation4 ,such an outrage he felt1  
called for his solemn interference4 ,he 
bathed1 went to court1 and represented  
the matter to the duke1 saying1 ',ch'an 
,hang has slain his sovereign1 ,i beg   
that you will undertake to punish him4' 
,the duke pleaded his incapacity1 urging
 that ,lu was weak compared with ,ch'i1 
but ,confucius replied1 ',one half the  
people of ,ch'i are not consenting to   
the deed4 ,if you add to the people of  
,lu one half the people of ,ch'i1 you   

are sure to overcome4' ,but he could not
 infuse his spirit into the duke1 who   
told him to go and lay the matter before
 the chiefs of the three ,families4     
,sorely against his sense of propriety1 
he did so1 but they would not act1 and  
he withdrew with the remark1 ',following
 in the rear of the great officers1 ,i  
did not dare not to represent such a    
matter #a4' ,in the year ,b4,c4 #dgi1   
,confucius had to mourn the death of    
another of his disciples1 one of those  
who had been longest with him1 the      
well-known ,tsze-lu4 ,he stands out a   
sort of ,peter in the ,confucian school1
 a man of impulse1 prompt to speak and  
prompt to act4 ,he gets many a check    
from the master1 but there is evidently 
a strong sympathy between them4 ,tsze-  
lu uses a freedom with him on which none
 of the other disciples dares to        
venture1 and there is not one among them
 all1 for whom1 if ,i may speak from my 
own feeling1 the foreign student comes  
to form such a liking4 ,a pleasant      

picture is presented to us in one       
passage of the ,analects4 ,it is said1  
',the disciple ,min was standing by his 
side1 looking bland and precise2        
,tsze-lu 7named ,yu71 looking bold and  
soldierly2 ,yen ,yu and ,tsze-kung1 with
 a free and straightforward manner4 ,the
 master was pleased1 but he observed1   
,yu there6-- he will not die a natural  
death #b4' ,this prediction was         
verified4 ,when ,confucius returned to  
,lu from ,wei1 he left ,tsze-lu and     
,tsze-kao #c engaged there in official  
service4 ,troubles arose4 ,news came to 
,lu1 ,b4,c4 #dgi1 that a revolution was 
in progress in ,wei1 and when ,confucius
 heard it1 he said1 ',ch'ai will come   
here1 but ,yu will die #d4' ,so it      
turned out4 ,when ,tsze-kao saw that    
matters were desperate he made his      
escape1 but ,tsze-lu would not forsake  
the chief who had treated #a ,see the 1 
and ,analects ,,xiv4 xxii4 #b ,ana4     
,,xi4 xii4 #c 1 by surname ,kao 771 and 
name ,ch'ai 774 #d ,see the 1 4 him     

well4 ,he threw himself into the melee1 
and was slain4 ,confucius wept sore for 
him1 but his own death was not far off4 
,it took place on the eleventh day of   
the fourth month in the same year1      
,b4,c4 #dgi #a4 ,early one morning1 we  
are told1 he got up1 and with his hands 
behind his back1 dragging his staff1 he 
moved about by his door1 crooning       
over1-- ',the great mountain must       
crumble2 ,the strong beam must break2   
,and the wise man wither away like a    
plant4' ,after a little1 he entered the 
house and sat down opposite the door4   
,tsze-kung had heard his words1 and said
 to himself1 ',if the great mountain    
crumble1 to what shall ,i look up8 ,if  
the strong beam break1 and the wise man 
wither away1 on whom shall ,i lean8 ,the
 master1 ,i fear1 is going to be ill4'  
,with this he hastened into the house4  
,confucius said to him1 ',ts'ze1 what   
makes you so late8 ,according to the    
statutes of ,hsia1 the corpse was       
dressed and coffined at the top of the  

eastern steps1 treating the dead as if  
he were still the host4 ,under the ,yin1
 the ceremony was performed between the 
two pillars1 as if the dead were both   
host and guest4 ,the rule of ,chau is to
 perform it at the top of the western   
steps1 treating the dead as if he were a
 guest4 ,i am a man of ,yin1 and last   
night ,i dreamt that ,i was sitting with
 offerings before me between the two    
pillars4 ,no intelligent monarch arises2
 there is not one in the kingdom that   
will make me his master4 ,my time has   
come to die4' ,so it was4 ,he went to   
his couch1 and after seven days expired 
#b4 ,such is the account which we have  
of the last hours of the great          
philosopher of ,china4 ,his end was not 
unimpressive1 but it was melancholy4 ,he
 sank behind a cloud4 ,disappointed     
hopes made his soul bitter4 ,the great  
ones of the kingdom had not received his
 teachings4 ,no wife nor child was by to
 do the kindly offices of affection for 
him4 ,nor were the expectations of      

another life present with him as he     
passed through the dark valley4 ,he     
uttered no prayer1 and he betrayed no   
apprehensions4 ,deep-treasured in his   
own heart may have been the thought that
 he had endeavoured to serve his        
generation by the will of ,god1 but he  
gave no sign4 ',the mountain falling    
came to nought1 and the rock was removed
 #a ,see the 1 1 and ,chiang ,yung's    
,life of ,confucius1 in loc4 #b ,see the
 ,li ,chi1 ,,ii1 ,sect4 ,i4 ii4 #bj4 out
 of his place4 ,so death prevailed      
against him and he passed2 his          
countenance was changed1 and he was sent
 away4' #aj4 ,i flatter myself that the 
preceding paragraphs contain a more     
correct narrative of the principal      
incidents in the life of ,confucius than
 has yet been given in any ,european    
language4 ,they might easily have been  
expanded into a volume1 but ,i did not  
wish to exhaust the subject1 but only to
 furnish a sketch1 which1 while it might
 satisfy the general reader1 would be of

 special assistance to the careful      
student of the classical ,books4 ,i had 
taken many notes of the manifest errors 
in regard to chronology and other       
matters in the ',narratives of the      
,school1' and the chapter of ,sze-ma    
,ch'ien on the ,k'ung family1 when the  
digest of ,chiang ,yung1 to which ,i    
have made frequent reference1 attracted 
my attention4 ,conclusions to which ,i  
had come were confirmed1 and a clue was 
furnished to difficulties which ,i was  
seeking to disentangle4 ,i take the     
opportunity to acknowledge here my      
obligations to it4 ,with a few notices  
of ,confucius's habits and manners1 ,i  
shall conclude this section4 ,very      
little can be gathered from reliable    
sources on the personal appearance of   
the sage4 ,the height of his father is  
stated1 as ,i have noted1 to have been  
ten feet1 and though ,confucius came    
short of this by four inches1 he was    
often called 'the tall man4' ,it is     
allowed that the ancient foot or cubit  

was shorter than the modem1 but it must 
be reduced more than any scholar ,i have
 consulted has yet done1 to bring this  
statement within the range of           
credibility4 ,the legends assign to his 
figure 'nine-and-forty remarkable       
peculiarities #a1' a tenth part of which
 would have made him more a monster than
 a man4 ,dr4 ,morrison says that the    
images of him which he had seen in the  
northern parts of ,china1 represent him 
as of a dark1 swarthy colour #b4 ,it is 
not so with those common in the south4  
,he was1 no doubt1 in size and          
complexion much the same as many of his 
descendants in the present day4 ,dr4    
,edkins and myself enjoyed the services 
of two of those descendants1 who acted  
as 'wheelers' in the wheelbarrows which 
conveyed us from ,ch'u-fau to a town on 
the ,grand ,canal more than #bej miles  
off4 ,they were strong1 capable men1    
both physically and mentally superior to
 their companions4 #a 4 #b ,chinese and 
,english ,dictionary1 char4 4 ,sir ,john

 ,davis also mentions seeing a figure of
 ,confucius1 in a temple near the       
,po-yang lake1 of which the complexion  
was 'quite black' 7,the ,chinese1 vol4  
ii4 p4 #ff74 ,but if his disciples had  
nothing to chronicle of his personal    
appearance1 they have gone very minutely
 into an account of many of his habits4 
,the tenth ,book of the ,analects is all
 occupied with his deportment1 his      
eating1 and his dress4 ,in public1      
whether in the village1 the temple1 or  
the court1 he was the man of rule and   
ceremony1 but 'at home he was not       
formal4' ,yet if not formal1 he was     
particular4 ,in bed even he did not     
forget himself2-- 'he did not lie like a
 corpse1' and 'he did not speak4' ',he  
required his sleeping dress to be half  
as long again as his body4' ',if he     
happened to be sick1 and the prince came
 to visit him1 he had his face set to   
the east1 made his court robes be put   
over him1 and drew his girdle across    
them4' ,he was nice in his diet1-- 'not 

disliking to have his rice dressed fine1
 nor to have his minced meat cut small4'
 ',anything at all gone he would not    
touch4' ',he must have his meat cut     
properly1 and to every kind its proper  
sauce2 but he was not a great eater4'   
',it was only in drink that he laid down
 no limit to himself1 but he did not    
allow himself to be confused by it4'    
',when the villagers were drinking      
together1 on those who carried staffs   
going out1 he went out immediately      
after4' ,there must always be ginger at 
the table1 and 'when eating1 he did not 
converse4' ',although his food might be 
coarse rice and poor soup1 he would     
offer a little of it in sacrifice1 with 
a grave1 respectful air4' ',on occasion 
of a sudden clap of thunder1 or a       
violent wind1 he would change           
countenance4 ,he would do the same1 and 
rise up moreover1 when he found himself 
a guest at a loaded board4' ',at the    
sight of a person in mourning1 he would 
also change countenance1 and if he      

happened to be in his carriage1 he would
 bend forward with a respectful         
salutation4' ',his general way in his   
carriage was not to turn his head round1
 nor talk hastily1 nor point with his   
hands4' ,he was charitable4 ',when any  
of his friends died1 if there were no   
relations who could be depended on for  
the necessary offices1 he would say1 ,i 
will bury him4 ',the disciples were so  
careful to record these and other       
characteristics of their master1 it is  
said1 because every act1 of movement or 
of rest1 was closely associated with the
 great principles which it was his      
object to inculcate4 ,the detail of so  
many small matters1 however1 hardly     
impresses a foreigner so favourably4    
,there rather seems to be a want of     
freedom about the philosopher4 ,,section
 ,,ii4 ,,his ,,influence ,,and          
,,opinions4 #a4 ,confucius died1 we have
 seen1 complaining that of all the      
princes of the kingdom there was not one
 who would adopt his ,sidebar ,homage   

rendered to ,confucius by the sovereigns
 of ,china4 principles and obey his     
lessons4 ,he had hardly passed from the 
stage of life1 when his merit began to  
be acknowledged4 ,when the duke ,ai     
heard of his death1 he pronounced his   
eulogy in the words1 ',heaven has not   
left to me the aged man4 ,there is none 
now to assist me on the throne4 ,woe is 
me6 ,alas6 ,o venerable ,ni #a6'        
,tsze-kung complained of the            
inconsistency of this lamentation from  
one who could not use the master when he
 was alive1 but the prince was probably 
sincere in his grief4 ,he caused a      
temple to be erected1 and ordered that  
sacrifice should be offered to the sage1
 at the four seasons of the year #b4    
,the sovereigns of the tottering dynasty
 of ,chau had not the intelligence1 nor 
were they in a position1 to do honour to
 the departed philosopher1 but the facts
 detailed in the first chapter of these 
prolegomena1 in connexion with the      
attempt of the founder of the ,ch'in    

dynasty to destroy the literary         
monuments of antiquity1 show how the    
authority of ,confucius had come by that
 time to prevail through the nation4    
,the founder of the ,han dynasty1 in    
passing through ,lu1 ,b4,c4 #aie1       
visited his tomb and offered the three  
victims in sacrifice to him4 ,other     
sovereigns since then have often made   
pilgrimages to the spot4 ,the most      
famous temple in the empire now rises   
near the place of the grave4 ,the second
 and greatest of the rulers of the      
present dynasty1 in the twenty-third    
year of his reign1 the ,k'ang-hsi       
period1 there set the example of        
kneeling thrice1 and each time laying   
his forehead thrice in the dust1 before 
the image of the sage4 ,in the year of  
our ,lord #a1 began the practice of     
conferring honourary designations on    
,confucius by imperial authority4 ,the  
emperor ,ping #c then styled him-- ',the
 duke ,ni1 all-complete and l ,li ,chi1 
,,ii4 ,sect4 ,i4 iii4 #dc4 ,this eulogy 

is found at greater length in the 1     
immediately after the notice of the     
sage's death4 #b ,see the 1 1 art4 on   
,confucius4 ,i am indebted to this for  
most of the notices in this paragraph4  
#c 4 illustrious #a4' ,this was changed1
 in ,a4,d4 #dib1 to-- ',the venerable   
,ni1 the accomplished ,sage #b4' ,other 
titles have supplanted this4 ,shun-chih 
#c1 the first of the ,man-chau dynasty1 
adopted1 in his second year1 ,a4,d4     
#afde1 the style1 ',k'ung1 the ancient  
,teacher1 accomplished and illustrious1 
all- complete1 the perfect ,sage #d2'   
but twelve years later1 a shorter title 
was introduced1-- ',k'ung1 the ancient  
,teacher1 the perfect ,sage #e4' ,since 
that year no further alteration has been
 made4 ,at first1 the worship of        
,confucius was confined to the country  
of ,lu1 but in ,a4,d4 #eg it was enacted
 that sacrifices should be offered to   
him in the imperial college1 and in all 
the colleges of the principal           
territorial divisions throughout the    

empire4 ,in those sacrifices he was for 
some centuries associated with the duke 
of ,chau1 the legislator to whom        
,confucius made frequent reference1 but 
in ,a4,d4 #fji separate temples were    
assigned to them1 and in #fbh our sage  
displaced the older worthy altogether4  
,about the same time began the custom1  
which continues to the present day1 of  
erecting temples to him1-- separate     
structures1 in connexion with all the   
colleges1 or examination-halls1 of the  
country4 ,the sage is not alone in those
 temples4 ,in a hall behind the         
principal one occupied by himself are   
the tablets -- in some cases1 the images
 -- of several of his ancestors1 and    
other worthies2 while associated with   
himself are his principal disciples1 and
 many who in subsequent times have      
signalized themselves as expounders and 
exemplifiers of his doctrines4 ,on the  
first day of every month1 offerings of  
fruits and vegetables are set forth1 and
 on the fifteenth there is a solemn     

burning of incense4 ,but twice a year1  
in the middle months of spring and      
autumn1 when the first ting day #f of   
the month comes round1 the worship of   
,confucius is performed with peculiar   
solemnity4 ,at the imperial college the 
emperor himself is required to attend in
 state1 and is in fact the principal    
performer4 ,after all the preliminary   
arrangements have been made1 and the    
emperor has twice knelt and six times   
bowed his head to the earth1 the        
presence of ,confucius's spirit is      
invoked in the words1 ',great art thou1 
,o perfect sage6 ,thy virtue is full2   
thy doctrine is complete4 ,among mortal 
men there has not been thine equal4 ,all
 kings honour thee4 ,thy statutes and   
laws have come gloriously #a 4 #b 4 #c 4
 #d 1 1  #e  #f  down4 ,thou art the    
pattern in this imperial school4        
,reverently have the sacrificial vessels
 been set out4 ,full of awe1 we sound   
our drums and bells #a4' ,the spirit is 
supposed now to be present1 and the     

service proceeds through various        
offerings1 when the first of which has  
been set forth1 an officer reads the    
following #b1 which is the prayer on the
 occasion3-- ',on this 444 month of this
 444 year1 ,i1 ,a4,b41 the emperor1     
offer a sacrifice to the philosopher    
,k'ung1 the ancient ,teacher1 the       
perfect ,sage1 and say1-- ,o ,teacher1  
in virtue equal to ,heaven and ,earth1  
whose doctrines embrace the past time   
and the present1 thou didst digest and  
transmit the six classics1 and didst    
hand down lessons for all generations6  
,now in this second month of spring 7or 
autumn71 in reverent observance of the  
old statutes1 with victims1 silks1      
spirits1 and fruits1 ,i carefully offer 
sacrifice to thee4 ,with thee are       
associated the philosopher ,yen1        
,continuator of thee2 the philosopher   
,tsang1 ,exhibiter of thy fundamental   
principles2 the philosopher ,tsze-sze1  
,transmitter of thee2 and the           
philosopher ,mang1 ,second to thee4     

,may'st thou enjoy the offerings6' ,i   
need not go on to enlarge on the homage 
which the emperors of ,china render to  
,confucius4 ,it could not be more       
complete4 ,he was unreasonably neglected
 when alive4 ,he is now unreasonably    
venerated when dead4 #b4 ,the rulers of 
,china are not singular in this matter1 
but in entire sympathy with the mass of 
their people4 ,it is the distinction    
,sidebar ,general appreciation of       
,confucius4 of this empire that         
education has been highly prized in it  
from the earliest times4 ,it was so     
before the era of ,confucius1 and we may
 be sure that the system met with his   
approbation4 ,one of his remarkable     
sayings was1-- ',to lead an uninstructed
 people to war is to throw them away    
#c4' ,when he pronounced this judgment1 
he was not thinking of military         
training1 but of education in the duties
 of life and citizenship4 ,a people so  
taught1 he thought1 would be morally    
fitted to fight for their government4   

,mencius1 when lecturing to the ruler of
 ,t'ang on the proper way of governing a
 kingdom1 told him that he must provide 
the means of education for all1 the poor
 as well as the rich4 ',establish1' said
 he1 'hsiang1 hsu1 hsio1 and hsiao1--   
all those educational institutions1--   
for the instruction of the people #d4'  
#a #b ,see the 4 #c ,ana4 ,,xiii4 xxx4  
#d ,mencius ,,iii4 ,pt4 ,i4 iii4 #aj4   
,at the present day1 education is widely
 diffused throughout ,china4 ,in few    
other countries is the schoolmaster more
 abroad1 and in all schools it is       
,confucius who is taught4 ,the plan of  
competitive examinations1 and the       
selection for civil offices only from   
those who have been successful          
candidates1-- good so far as the        
competition is concerned1 but injurious 
from the restricted range of subjects   
with which an acquaintance is           
required1-- have obtained for more than 
twelve centuries4 ,the classical works  
are the text books4 ,it is from them    

almost exclusively that the themes      
proposed to determine the knowledge and 
ability of the students are chosen4 ,the
 whole of the magistracy of ,china is   
thus versed in all that is recorded of  
the sage1 and in the ancient literature 
which he preserved4 ,his thoughts are   
familiar to every man in authority1 and 
his character is more or less reproduced
 in him4 ,the official civilians of     
,china1 numerous as they are1 are but a 
fraction of its students1 and the       
students1 or those who make literature a
 profession1 are again but a fraction of
 those who attend school for a shorter  
or longer period4 ,yet so far as the    
studies have gone1 they have been       
occupied with the ,confucian writings4  
,in the schoolrooms there is a tablet or
 inscription on the wall1 sacred to the 
sage1 and every pupil is required1 on   
coming to school on the morning of the  
first and fifteenth of every month1 to  
bow before it1 the first thing1 as an   
act of reverence #a4 ,thus all in ,china

 who receive the slightest tincture of  
learning do so at the fountain of       
,confucius4 ,they learn of him and do   
homage to him at once4 ,i have          
repeatedly quoted the statement that    
during his life-time he had three       
thousand disciples4 ,hundreds of        
millions are his disciples now4 ,it is  
hardly necessary to make any allowance  
in this statement for the followers of  
,taoism and ,buddhism1 for1 as ,sir     
,john ,davis has observed1 'whatever the
 other opinions or faith of a ,chinese  
may be1 he takes good care to treat     
,confucius with respect #b4' ,for two   
thousand years he has reigned supreme1  
the undisputed teacher of this most     
populous land4 #c4 ,this position and   
influence of ,confucius are to be       
ascribed1 ,i conceive1 chiefly to two   
causes3-- his being the preserver1      
namely of l ,during the present dynasty1
 the tablet of 1 the god of literature1 
has to a considerable extent displaced  
that of ,confucius in schools4 ,yet the 

worship of him does not clash with that 
of the other4 ,he is 'the father' of    
composition only4 #b ,the ,chinese1 vol4
 ii4 p4 #de4 the monuments of antiquity1
 and the exemplifier and expounder of   
,sidebar ,the causes of his influence4  
the maxims of the golden age of ,china2 
and the devotion to him of his immediate
 disciples and their early followers4   
,the national and the personal are thus 
blended in him1 each in its highest     
degree of excellence4 ,he was a ,chinese
 of the ,chinese2 he is also represented
 as1 and all now believe him to have    
been1 the beau ideal of humanity in its 
best and noblest estate4 #d4 ,it may be 
well to bring forward here ,confucius's 
own estimate of himself and of his      
doctrines4 ,it will serve to illustrate 
the ,sidebar ,his own estimate of       
himself and of his doctrines4 statements
 just made4 ,the following are some of  
his sayings3-- ',the sage and the man of
 perfect virtue2-- how dare ,i rank     
myself with them8 ,it may simply be said

 of me1 that ,i strive to become such   
without satiety1 and teach others       
without weariness4' ',in letters ,i am  
perhaps equal to other men2 but the     
character of the superior man1 carrying 
out in his conduct what he professes1 is
 what ,i have not yet attained to4'     
',the leaving virtue without proper     
cultivation2 the not thoroughly         
discussing what is learned2 not being   
able to move towards righteousness of   
which a knowledge is gained2 and not    
being able to change what is not good2--
 these are the things which occasion me 
solicitude4' ',i am not one who was born
 in the possession of knowledge2 ,i am  
one who is fond of antiquity and earnest
 in seeking it there4' ',a transmitter  
and not a maker1 believing in and loving
 the ancients1 ,i venture to compare    
myself with our old ,p'ang #a4'         
,confucius cannot be thought to speak of
 himself in these declarations more     
highly than he ought to do4 ,rather we  
may recognise in them the expressions of

 a genuine humility4 ,he was conscious  
that personally he came short in many   
things1 but he toiled after the         
character1 which he saw1 or fancied that
 he saw1 in the ancient sages whom he   
acknowledged2 and the lessons of        
government and morals which he labored  
to diffuse were those which had already 
been inculcated and exhibited by them4  
,emphatically he was 'a transmitter and 
not a maker4' ,it is not to be          
understood that he was not fully        
satisfied of the truth of the principles
 which he had learned4 ,he held them    
with the full approval and consent of   
his own understanding4 ,he believed that
 if they were acted on1 they would      
remedy the evils of his time4 #a ,all   
these passages are taken from the       
seventh ,book of the ,analects4 ,see    
chapters xxxiii1 xxxii1 iii1 xix1 and i4
 ,there was nothing to prevent rulers   
like ,yao and ,shun and the great ,yu   
from again arising1 and a condition of  
happy tranquillity being realized       

throughout the kingdom under their sway4
 ,if in anything he thought himself     
'superior and alone1' having attributes 
which others could not claim1 it was in 
his possessing a divine commission as   
the conservator of ancient truth and    
rules4 ,he does not speak very          
definitely on this point4 ,it is noted  
that 'the appointments of ,heaven was   
one of the subjects on which he rarely  
touched #a4' ,his most remarkable       
utterance was that which ,i have already
 given in the sketch of his ,life3--    
',when he was put in fear in ,k'wang1 he
 said1 ,after the death of king ,wan1   
was not the cause of truth lodged here  
in me8 ,if ,heaven had wished to let    
this cause of truth perish1 then ,i1 a  
future mortal1 should not have got such 
a relation to that cause4 ,while ,heaven
 does not let the cause of truth perish1
 what can the people of ,k'wang do to me
 #b8' ,confucius1 then1 did feel that he
 was in the world for a special purpose4
 ,but it was not to announce any new    

truths1 or to initiate any new economy4 
,it was to prevent what had previously  
been known from being lost4 ,he followed
 in the wake of ,yao and ,shun1 of      
,t'ang1 and king ,wan4 ,distant from the
 last by a long interval of time1 he    
would have said that he was distant from
 him also by a great inferiority of     
character1 but still he had learned the 
principles on which they all happily    
governed the country1 and in their name 
he would lift up a standard against the 
prevailing lawlessness of his age4 #e4  
,the language employed with reference to
 ,confucius by his disciples and their  
early followers presents a striking     
contrast with his own4 ,sidebar         
,estimate of him by his disciples and   
their early followers4 ,i have already1 
in writing of the scope and value of    
',the ,doctrine of the ,mean1' called   
attention to the extravagant eulogies of
 his grandson ,tsze- sze4 ,he only      
followed the example which had been set 
by those among whom the philosopher went

 in and out4 ,we have the language of   
,yen ,yuan1 his favourite1 which is     
comparatively moderate1 and simply      
expresses the genuine admiration of a   
devoted pupil #c4 ,tsze-kung on several 
occasions spoke in a different style4   
,having heard that one of the chiefs of 
,lu had said that he himself --         
,tsze-kung -- was superior to           
,confucius1 he observed1 ',let me use   
the comparison of a house and its       
encompassing wall4 ,my wall #a ,ana4    
,,ix4 i4 #b ,ana4 ,,ix4 iii4 #c ,ana4   
,,ix4 x4 only reaches to the shoulders4 
,one may peep over it1 and see whatever 
is valuable in the apartments4 ,the wall
 of my master is several fathoms high4  
,if one do not find the door and enter  
by it1 he cannot see the rich ancestral 
temple with its beauties1 nor all the   
officers in their rich array4 ,but ,i   
may assume that they are few who find   
the door4 ,the remark of the chief was  
only what might have been expected #a'  
,another time1 the same individual      

having spoken revilingly of ,confucius1 
,tsze-kung said1 ',it is of no use doing
 so4 ,chung-ni cannot be reviled4 ,the  
talents and virtue of other men are     
hillocks and mounds which may be stepped
 over4 ,chung-ni is the sun or moon1    
which it is not possible to step over4  
,although a man may wish to cut himself 
off from the sage1 what harm can he do  
to the sun and moon8 ,he only shows that
 he does not know his own capacity #b4' 
,in conversation with a fellow-disciple1
 ,tsze-kung took a still higher flight4 
,being charged by ,tsze-ch'in with being
 too modest1 for that ,confucius was not
 really superior to him1 he replied1    
',for one word a man is often deemed to 
be wise1 and for one word he is often   
deemed to be foolish4 ,we ought to be   
careful indeed in what we say4 ,our     
master cannot be attained to1 just in   
the same way as the heavens cannot be   
gone up to by the steps of a stair4     
,were our master in the position of the 
prince of a ,state1 or the chief of a   

,family1 we should find verified the    
description which has been given of a   
sage's rule3-- ,he would plant the      
people1 and forthwith they would be     
established2 he would lead them on1 and 
forthwith they would follow him2 he     
would make them happy1 and forthwith    
multitudes would resort to his          
dominions2 he would stimulate them1 and 
forthwith they would be harmonious4     
,while he lived1 he would be glorious4  
,when he died1 he would be bitterly     
lamented4 ,how is it possible for him to
 be attained to #c8' ,from these        
representations of ,tsze-kung1 it was   
not a difficult step for ,tsze-sze to   
take in exalting ,confucius not only to 
the level of the ancient sages1 but as  
'the equal of ,heaven4' ,and ,mencius   
took up the theme4 ,being questioned by 
,kung-sun ,ch'au1 one of his disciples1 
about two acknowledged sages1 ,po-i and 
,i ,yin1 whether they were to be placed 
in the same rank with ,confucius1 he    
replied1 ',no4 ,since there were living 

men until now1 there never was another  
,confucius2' and then he proceeded to   
fortify his #a ,ana4 ,,xix4 xxiii4 #b   
,ana4 ,,xix4 xxiv4 #c ,ana4 ,,xix4 xxv4 
opinion by the concurring testimony of  
,tsai ,wo1 ,tsze-kung1 and ,yu ,zo1 who 
all had wisdom1 he thought1 sufficient  
to know their master4 ,tsai ,wo's       
opinion was1 ',according to my view of  
our master1 he is far superior to ,yao  
and ,shun4' ,tsze-kung said1 ',by       
viewing the ceremonial ordinances of a  
prince1 we know the character of his    
government4 ,by hearing his music1 we   
know the character of his virtue4 ,from 
the distance of a hundred ages after1 ,i
 can arrange1 according to their merits1
 the kings of those hundred ages2-- not 
one of them can escape me4 ,from the    
birth of mankind till now1 there has    
never been another like our master4' ,yu
 ,zo said1 ',is it only among men that  
it is so8 ,there is the ch'i-lin among  
quadrupeds2 the fung-hwang among birds2 
the ,t'ai mountain among mounds and     

ant-hills2 and rivers and seas among    
rainpools4 ,though different in degree1 
they are the same in kind4 ,so the sages
 among mankind are also the same in     
kind4 ,but they stand out from their    
fellows1 and rise above the level2 and  
from the birth of mankind till now1     
there never has been one so complete as 
,confucius #a4' ,i will not indulge in  
farther illustration4 ,the judgment of  
the sage's disciples1 of ,tsze-sze1 and 
of ,mencius1 has been unchallenged by   
the mass of the scholars of ,china4     
,doubtless it pleases them to bow down  
at the shrine of the ,sage1 for their   
profession of literature is thereby     
glorified4 ,a reflection of the honour  
done to him falls upon themselves4 ,and 
the powers that be1 and the multitudes  
of the people1 fall in with the         
judgment4 ,confucius is thus1 in the    
empire of ,china1 the one man by whom   
all possible personal excellence was    
exemplified1 and by whom all possible   
lessons of social virtue and political  

wisdom are taught4 #f4 ,the reader will 
be prepared by the preceding account not
 to expect to find any light thrown by  
,confucius on the great problems of the 
human condition and destiny4 ,he did not
 speculate on the creation of things or 
the end of them4 ,he was not troubled to
 account for the origin of man1 nor did 
he seek to know about his hereafter4 ,he
 meddled neither with physics nor       
metaphysics #b4 ,sidebar ,subjects on   
which ,confucius did not treat4-- ,that 
he was unreligious1 unspiritual1 and    
open to the charge of insincerity4 ,the 
testimony of the ,analects about the    
subjects of his teaching is the         
following3-- ',his frequent themes of   
discourse were the ,book #a ,mencius1   
,,ii4 ,pt4 ,i4 ii4 #bc-bh4 #b ',the     
contents of the ,yi-ching1 and          
,confucius's labors upon it1 may be     
objected in opposition to this          
statement1 and ,i must be understood to 
make it with come reservation4 ,six     
years ago1 ,i spent all my leisure time 

for twelve months in the study of that  
,work1 and wrote out a translation of   
it1 but at the close ,i was only groping
 my way in darkness to lay hold of      
footnote continued next page4 of        
,poetry1 the ,book of ,history1 and the 
maintenance of the rules of ,propriety4'
 ',he taught letters1 ethics1 devotion  
of soul1 and truthfulness4'             
',extraordinary things2 feats of        
strength2 states of disorder2 and       
spiritual beings1 he did not like to    
talk about #a4' ,confucius is not to be 
blamed for his silence on the subjects  
here indicated4 ,his ignorance of them  
was to a great extent his misfortune4   
,he had not learned them4 ,no report of 
them had come to him by the ear2 no     
vision of them by the eye4 ,and to his  
practical mind the toiling of thought   
amid uncertainties seemed worse than    
useless4 ,the question has1 indeed1 been
 raised1 whether he did not make changes
 in the ancient creed of ,china #b1 but 
,i cannot believe that he did so        

consciously and designedly4 ,had his    
idiosyncrasy been different1 we might   
have had expositions of the ancient     
views on some points1 the effect of     
which would have been more beneficial   
than the indefiniteness in which they   
are now left1 and it may be doubted so  
far1 whether ,confucius was not         
unfaithful to his guides4 ,but that he  
suppressed or added1 in order to bring  
in articles of belief originating with  
himself1 is a thing not to be charged   
against him4 ,i will mention two        
important subjects in regard to which   
there is a conviction in my mind that he
 came short of the faith of the older   
sages4 ,the first is the doctrine of    
,god4 ,this name is common in the       
,shih-ching and ,shu-ching4 ,ti or      
,shang-,ti appears there as a personal  
being1 ruling in heaven and on earth1   
the author of man's moral nature1 the   
governor among the nations1 by whom     
kings reign and princes decree justice1 
the rewarder of the good1 and the       

punisher of the bad4 ,confucius         
preferred to speak of ,heaven4          
,instances have already been given of   
this4 ,two others may be cited3-- ',he  
who offends against ,heaven has none to 
whom he can pray #c8' ',alas6 ' said he1
 'there is no one that knows me4'       
,tsze-kung said1 ',what do you mean by  
thus saying that no one knows you8' ,he 
replied1 ',i do not murmur against      
,heaven4 ,i do footnote continued from  
previous page its scope and meaning1 and
 up to this time ,i have not been able  
to master it so as to speak positively  
about it4 ,it will come in due time1 in 
its place1 in the present ,publication1 
and ,i do not think that what ,i here   
say of ,confucius will require much1 if 
any1 modification4' ,so ,i wrote in     
#ahfa2 and ,i at last accomplished a    
translation of the ,yi1 which was       
published in #ahhb1 as the sixteenth    
volume of ',the ,sacred ,books of 'the  
,east4' ,i should like to bring out a   
revision of that version1 with the      

,chinese text1 so as to make it uniform 
with the volumes of the ,classics       
previously published4 ,but as ,yang ,ho 
said to ,confucius1 ',the years do not  
wait for us4' #a ,ana4 ,,vii4 xvii2     
xxiv2 xx4 #b ,see ,hardwick's ',christ  
and other ,masters1' ,part iii1 pp4 #ah1
 #ai1 with his reference in a note to a 
passage from ,meadows's ',the ,chinese  
and their ,rebellions4' #c ,ana4 ,,iii4 
xiii4 not grumble against men4 ,my      
studies lie low1 and my penetration     
rises high4 ,but there is ,heaven2--    
,,that knows me #a6' ,not once          
throughout the ,analects does he use the
 personal name4 ,i would say that he was
 unreligious rather than irreligious2   
yet by the coldness of his temperament  
and intellect in this matter1 his       
influence is unfavourable to the        
development of ardent religious feeling 
among the ,chinese people generally2 and
 he prepared the way for the            
speculations of the literati of medieval
 and modern times1 which have exposed   

them to the charge of atheism4          
,secondly1 ,along with the worship of   
,god there existed in ,china1 from the  
earliest historical times1 the worship  
of other spiritual beings1-- especially1
 and to every individual1 the worship of
 departed ancestors4 ,confucius         
recognised this as an institution to be 
devoutly observed4 ',he sacrificed to   
the dead as if they were present2 he    
sacrificed to the spirits as if the     
spirits were present4 ,he said4 ,i      
consider my not being present at the    
sacrifice as if ,i did not sacrifice    
#b4' ,the custom must have originated   
from a belief in the continued existence
 of the dead4 ,we cannot suppose that   
they who instituted it thought that with
 the cessation of this life on earth    
there was a cessation also of all       
conscious being4 ,but ,confucius never  
spoke explicitly on this subject4 ,he   
tried to evade it4 ',chi ,lu asked about
 serving the spirits of the dead1 and   
the master said1 ,while you are not able

 to serve men1 how can you serve their  
spirits8 ,the disciple added1 ,i venture
 to ask about death1 and he was         
answered1 ,while you do not know life1  
how can you know about death #c4' ,still
 more striking is a conversation with   
another disciple1 recorded in the       
',narratives of the ,school4' ,tsze-kung
 asked him1 saying1 ',do the dead have  
knowledge 7of our services1 that is71 or
 are they without knowledge8' ,the      
master replied1 ',if ,i were to say that
 the dead have such knowledge1 ,i am    
afraid that filial sons and dutiful     
grandsons would injure their substance  
in paying the last offices to the       
departed2 and if ,i were to say that the
 dead have not such knowledge1 ,i am    
afraid lest unfilial sons should leave  
their parents unburied4 ,you need not   
wish1 ,tsze1 to know whether the dead   
have knowledge or not4 ,there is no     
present urgency about the point4        
,hereafter you will know it for yourself
 #d4' ,surely this was not the teaching 

proper to a sage4 #a ,ana4 ,,xiv4       
xxxvii4 #b ,ana4 ,,iii4 xii4 #c ,ana4   
,,xi4 xi4 #d 1 1 art4 1 towards the end4
 ,he said on one occasion that he had no
 concealments from his disciples #a4    
,why did he not candidly tell his real  
thoughts on so interesting a subject8 ,i
 incline to think that he doubted more  
than he believed4 ,if the case were not 
so1 it would be difficult to account for
 the answer which he returned to a      
question as to what constituted         
wisdom3-- ',to give one's self          
earnestly1' said he1 'to the duties due 
to men1 and1 while respecting spiritual 
beings1 to keep aloof from them1 may be 
called wisdom #b4' ,at any rate1 as by  
his frequent references to ,heaven1     
instead of following the phraseology of 
the older sages1 he gave occasion to    
many of his professed followers to      
identify ,god with a principle of reason
 and the course of nature2 so1 in the   
point now in hand1 he has led them to   
deny1 like the ,sadducees of old1 the   

existence of any spirit at all1 and to  
tell us that their sacrifices to the    
dead are but an outward form1 the mode  
of expression which the principle of    
filial piety requires them to adopt when
 its objects have departed this life4   
,it will not be supposed that ,i wish to
 advocate or to defend the practice of  
sacrificing to the dead4 ,my object has 
been to point out how ,confucius        
recognised it1 without acknowledging the
 faith from which it must have          
originated1 and how he enforced it as a 
matter of form or ceremony4 ,it thus    
connects itself with the most serious   
charge that can be brought against      
him1-- the charge of insincerity4 ,among
 the four things which it is said he    
taught1 'truthfulness' is specified #c1 
and many sayings might be quoted from   
him1 in which 'sincerity' is celebrated 
as highly and demanded as stringently as
 ever it has been by any ,christian     
moralist2 yet he was not altogether the 
truthful and true man to whom we accord 

our highest approbation4 ,there was the 
case of ,mang ,chih-fan1 who boldly     
brought up the rear of the defeated     
troops of ,lu1 and attributed his       
occupying the place of honour to the    
backwardness of his horse4 ,the action  
was gallant1 but the apology for it was 
weak and unnecessary4 ,and yet          
,confucius saw nothing in the whole but 
matter for praise #d4 ,he could excuse  
himself from seeing an unwelcome visitor
 on the ground that he was sick1 when   
there was nothing the matter with him   
#e4 ,these were small matters1 but what 
shall we say to the incident which ,i   
have given in the sketch of his ,life1  
p4 #gi1-- his deliberately breaking the 
oath which he had sworn1 simply on the  
ground that it had been forced from him8
 #a ,ana4 ,,vii4 xxiii4 #b ,ana4 ,,vi4  
xx4 #c ,see above1 near the beginning of
 this paragraph4 #d ,ana4 ,,vi4 xiii4 #e
 ,am4 ,,xvii4 xx4 ,i should be glad if  
,i could find evidence on which to deny 
the truth of that occurrence4 ,but it   

rests on the same authority as most     
other statements about him1 and it is   
accepted as a fact by the people and    
scholars of ,china4 ,it must have had1  
and it must still have1 a very injurious
 influence upon them4 ,foreigners charge
 a habit of deceitfulness upon the      
nation and its government2-- on the     
justice or injustice of this charge ,i  
say nothing4 ,for every word of         
falsehood and every act of insincerity1 
the guilty party must bear his own      
burden1 but we cannot but regret the    
example of ,confucius in this           
particular4 ,it is with the ,chinese and
 their sage1 as it was with the ,jews of
 old and their teachers4 ,he that leads 
them has caused them to err1 and        
destroyed the way of their paths #a4    
,but was not insincerity a natural      
result of the un-religion of ,confucius8
 ,there are certain virtues which demand
 a true piety in order to their         
flourishing in the heart of man4        
,natural affection1 the feeling of      

loyalty1 and enlightened policy1 may do 
much to build up and preserve a family  
and a state1 but it requires more to    
maintain the love of truth1 and make a  
lie1 spoken or acted1 to be shrunk from 
with shame4 ,it requires in fact the    
living recognition of a ,god of truth1  
and all the sanctions of revealed       
religion4 ,unfortunately the ,chinese   
have not had these1 and the example of  
him to whom they bow down as the best   
and wisest of men1 does not set them    
against dissimulation4 #g4 ,i go on to a
 brief discussion of ,confucius's views 
on government1 or what we may call his  
principles of political science4 ,it    
,sidebar ,his views on government4 could
 not be in his long intercourse with his
 disciples but that he should enunciate 
many maxims bearing on character and    
morals generally1 but he never rested in
 the improvement of the individual4     
',the kingdom1 the world1 brought to a  
state of happy tranquillity #b1' was the
 grand object which he delighted to     

think of2 that it might be brought about
 as easily as 'one can look upon the    
palm of his hand1' was the dream which  
it pleased him to indulge #c4 ,he held  
that there was in men an adaptation and 
readiness to be governed1 which only    
needed to be taken advantage of in the  
proper way4 ,there must be the right    
administrators1 but given those1 and    
'the growth of government would be      
rapid1 just as vegetation is rapid in   
the earth2 yea1 their #a ,isaiah iii4   
#ab4 #b 4 ,see the 1 1 pars4 #d1 #e2 c4 
#c ,ana4 ,,iii4 xi2 et al4 government   
would display itself like an            
easily-growing rush #a4' ,the same      
sentiment was common from the lips of   
,mencius4 ,enforcing it one day1 when   
conversing with one of the petty rulers 
of his time1 he said in his peculiar    
style1 ',does your ,majesty understand  
the way of the growing grain8 ,during   
the seventh and eighth months1 when     
drought prevails1 the plants become dry4
 ,then the clouds collect densely in the

 heavens2 they send down torrents of    
rain1 and the grain erects itself as if 
by a shoot4 ,when it does so1 who can   
keep it back #b8' ,such1 he contended1  
would be the response of the mass of the
 people to any true 'shepherd of men4'  
,it may be deemed unnecessary that ,i   
should specify this point1 for it is a  
truth applicable to the people of all   
nations4 ,speaking generally1 government
 is by no device or cunning craftiness2 
human nature demands it4 ,but in no     
other family of mankind is the          
characteristic so largely developed as  
in the ,chinese4 ,the love of order and 
quiet1 and a willingness to submit to   
'the powers that be1' eminently         
distinguish them4 ,foreign writers have 
often taken notice of this1 and have    
attributed it to the influence of       
,confucius's doctrines as inculcating   
subordination2 but it existed previous  
to his time4 ,the character of the      
people molded his system1 more than it  
was molded by it4 ,this readiness to be 

governed arose1 according to ,confucius1
 from 'the duties of universal          
obligation1 or those between sovereign  
and minister1 between father and son1   
between husband and wife1 between elder 
brother and younger1 and those belonging
 to the intercourse of friends #c4' ,men
 as they are born into the world1 and   
grow up in it1 find themselves existing 
in those relations4 ,they are the       
appointment of ,heaven4 ,and each       
relation has its reciprocal obligations1
 the recognition of which is proper to  
the ,heaven-conferred nature4 ,it only  
needs that the sacredness of the        
relations be maintained1 and the duties 
belonging to them faithfully discharged1
 and the 'happy tranquillity' will      
prevail all under heaven4 ,as to the    
institutions of government1 the laws and
 arrangements by which1 as through a    
thousand channels1 it should go forth to
 carry plenty and prosperity through the
 length and breadth of the country1 it  
did not belong to ,confucius1 'the      

throneless king1' to set them forth     
minutely4 ,and indeed they were existing
 in the records of 'the ancient         
sovereigns4' ,nothing new was needed4   
,it was only #a 1 xx4 #c4 #b ,mencius1  
,i4 ,pt4 ,i4 vi4 #f4 #c 1 xx4 #h4       
requisite to pursue the old paths1 and  
raise up the old standards4 ',the       
government of ,wan and ,wu1' he said1   
'is displayed in the records1-- the     
tablets of wood and bamboo4 ,let there  
be the men1 and the government will     
flourish2 but without the men1 the      
government decays and ceases #a4' ,to   
the same effect was the reply which he  
gave to ,yen ,hui when asked by him how 
the government of a ,state should be    
administered4 ,it seems very wide of the
 mark1 until we read it in the light of 
the sage's veneration for ancient       
ordinances1 and his opinion of their    
sufficiency4 ',follow1' he said1 'the   
seasons of ,hsia4 ,ride in the state    
carriages of ,yin4 ,wear the ceremonial 
cap of ,chau4 ,let the music be the     

,shao with its pantomimes4 ,banish the  
songs of ,chang1 and keep far from      
specious talkers #b4' ,confucius's idea 
then of a happy1 well-governed ,state   
did not go beyond the flourishing of the
 five relations of society which have   
been mentioned2 and we have not any     
condensed exhibition from him of their  
nature1 or of the duties belonging to   
the several parties in them4 ,of the two
 first he spoke frequently1 but all that
 he has said on the others would go into
 small compass4 ,mencius has said that  
'between father and son there should be 
affection2 between sovereign and        
minister righteousness2 between husband 
and wife attention to their separate    
functions2 between old and young1 a     
proper order2 and between friends1      
fidelity #c4' ,confucius1 ,i apprehend1 
would hardly have accepted this account4
 ,it does not bring out sufficiently the
 authority which he claimed for the     
father and the sovereign1 and the       
obedience which he exacted from the     

child and the minister4 ,with regard to 
the relation of husband and wife1 he was
 in no respect superior to the preceding
 sages who had enunciated their views of
 'propriety' on the subject4 ,we have a 
somewhat detailed exposition of his     
opinions in the ',narratives of the     
,school4'-- ',man1' said he1 'is the    
representative of ,heaven1 and is       
supreme over all things4 ,woman yields  
obedience to the instructions of man1   
and helps to carry out his principles   
#d4 ,on this account she can determine  
nothing of herself1 and is subject to   
the rule of the three obediences4 ,when 
young1 she must obey her father and     
elder brother2 when married1 she must   
obey her husband2 #a 1 xx4 #b4 #b ,ana4 
,,xv4 x4 #c ,mencius1 ,,iii4 ,pt4 ,i4   
iv4 #h4 #d 1 2 1 1 4 when her husband is
 dead1 she must obey her son4 ,she may  
not think of marrying a second time4 ,no
 instructions or orders must issue from 
the harem4 ,woman's business is simply  
the preparation and supplying of drink  

and food4 ,beyond the threshold of her  
apartments she should not be known for  
evil or for good4 ,she may not cross the
 boundaries of the ,state to attend a   
funeral4 ,she may take no step on her   
own motion1 and may come to no          
conclusion on her own deliberation4     
,there are five women who are not to be 
taken in marriage3-- the daughter of a  
rebellious house2 the daughter of a     
disorderly house2 the daughter of a     
house which has produced criminals for  
more than one generation2 the daughter  
of a leprous house2 and the daughter who
 has lost her father and elder brother4 
,a wife may be divorced for seven       
reasons1 which1 however1 may be         
overruled by three considerations4 ,the 
grounds for divorce are disobedience to 
her husband's parents2 not giving birth 
to a son2 dissolute conduct2 jealousy-- 
7of her husband's attentions1 that is1  
to the other inmates of his harem72     
talkativeness2 and thieving4 ,the three 
considerations which may overrule these 

grounds are-- first1 if1 while she was  
taken from a home1 she has now no home  
to return to2 second1 if she have passed
 with her husband through the three     
years' mourning for his parents2 third1 
if the husband have become rich from    
being poor4 ,all these regulations were 
adopted by the sages in harmony with the
 natures of man and woman1 and to give  
importance to the ordinance of marriage 
#a4' ,with these ideas of the relations 
of society1 ,confucius dwelt much on the
 necessity of personal correctness of   
character on the part of those in       
authority1 in order to secure the right 
fulfillment of the duties implied in    
them4 ,this is one grand peculiarity of 
his teaching4 ,i have adverted to it in 
the review of ',the ,great ,learning1'  
but it deserves some further exhibition1
 and there are three conversations with 
the chief ,chi ,k'ang in which it is    
very expressly set forth4 ',chi ,k'ang  
asked about government1 and ,confucius  
replied1 ,to govern means to rectify4   

,if you lead on the people with         
correctness1 who will dare not to be    
correct8' ',chi ,k'ang1 distressed about
 the number of thieves in the ,state1   
inquired of ,confucius about how to do  
away with them4 ,confucius said1 ,if    
you1 sir1 were not covetous1 though you 
should reward them to do it1 they would 
not steal4' ',chi ,k'ang asked about    
government1 #a 1  saying1 ,what do you  
say to killing the unprincipled for the 
good of the principled8 ,confucius      
replied1 ,sir1 in carrying on your      
government1 why should you use killing  
at all8 ,let your evinced desires be for
 what is good1 and the people will be   
good4 ,the relation between superiors   
and inferiors is like that between the  
wind and the grass4 ,the grass must     
bend1 when the wind blows across it #a4'
 ,example is not so powerful as         
,confucius in these and many other      
passages represented it1 but its        
influence is very great4 ,its virtue is 
recognised in the family1 and it is     

demanded in the church of ,christ4 ',a  
bishop'-- and ,i quote the term with the
 simple meaning of overseer-- 'must be  
blameless4' ,it seems to me1 however1   
that in the progress of society in the  
,west we have come to think less of the 
power of example in many departments of 
state than we ought to do4 ,it is       
thought of too little in the army and   
the navy4 ,we laugh at the 'self-denying
 ordinance1' and the 'new model' of     
#afdd1 but there lay beneath them the   
principle which ,confucius so broadly   
propounded1-- the importance of personal
 virtue in all who are in authority4    
,now that ,great ,britain is the        
governing power over the masses of      
,india and that we are coming more and  
more into contact with tens of thousands
 of the ,chinese1 this maxim of our sage
 is deserving of serious consideration  
from all who bear rule1 and especially  
from those on whom devolves the conduct 
of affairs4 ,his words on the           
susceptibility of the people to be acted

 on by those above them ought not to    
prove as water spilt on the ground4 ,but
 to return to ,confucius4-- ,as he thus 
lays it down that the mainspring of the 
well-being of society is the personal   
character of the ruler1 we look         
anxiously for what directions he has    
given for the cultivation of that4 ,but 
here he is very defective4              
',self-adjustment and purification1' he 
said1 'with careful regulation of his   
dress1 and the not making a movement    
contrary to the rules of propriety2--   
this is the way for the ruler to        
cultivate his person #b4' ,this is      
laying too much stress on what is       
external2 but even to attain to this is 
beyond unassisted human strength4       
,confucius1 however1 never recognised a 
disturbance of the moral elements in the
 constitution of man4 ,the people would 
move1 according to him1 to the virtue of
 their ruler as the grass bends to the  
wind1 and that virtue #a ,ana4 ,,xii4   
xvii2 xviii2 xix4 #b 1 xx4 #ad4 would   

come to the ruler at his call4 ,many    
were the lamentations which he uttered  
over the degeneracy of his times2       
frequent were the confessions which he  
made of his own shortcomings4 ,it seems 
strange that it never came distinctly   
before him1 that there is a power of    
evil in the prince and the peasant1     
which no efforts of their own and no    
instructions of sages are effectual to  
subdue4 ,the government which ,confucius
 taught was a despotism1 but of a       
modified character4 ,he allowed no 'jus 
divinum1' independent of personal virtue
 and a benevolent rule4 ,he has not     
explicitly stated1 indeed1 wherein lies 
the ground of the great relation of the 
governor and the governed1 but his views
 on the subject were1 we may assume1 in 
accordance with the language of the     
,shu-ching3-- ',heaven and ,earth are   
the parents of all things1 and of all   
things men are the most intelligent4    
,the man among them most distinguished  
for intelligence becomes chief ruler1   

and ought to prove himself the parent of
 the people #a4' ,and again1 ',heaven1  
protecting the inferior people1 has     
constituted for them rulers and         
teachers1 who should be able to be      
assisting to ,god1 extending favour and 
producing tranquillity throughout all   
parts of the kingdom #b4' ,the moment   
the ruler ceases to be a minister of    
,god for good1 and does not administer a
 government that is beneficial to the   
people1 he forfeits the title by which  
he holds the throne1 and perseverance in
 oppression will surely lead to his     
overthrow4 ,mencius inculcated this     
principle with a frequency and boldness 
which are remarkable4 ,it was one of the
 things about which ,confucius did not  
like to talk4 ,still he held it4 ,it is 
conspicuous in the last chapter of ',the
 ,great ,learning4' ,its tendency has   
been to check the violence of           
oppression1 and maintain the            
self-respect of the people1 all along   
the course of ,chinese history4 ,i must 

bring these observations on ,confucius's
 views of government to a close1 and ,i 
do so with two remarks4 ,first1 they are
 adapted to a primitive1 unsophisticated
 state of society4 ,he is a good        
counsellor for the father of a family1  
the chief of a clan1 and even the head  
of a small principality4 ,but his views 
want the comprehension which would make 
them of much service in a great         
dominion4 ,within three centuries after 
his death1the government of ,china      
passed into a new phase4 ,the founder of
 the ,ch'in dynasty conceived the grand 
idea of abolishing all its feudal       
kingdoms1 and centralizing their        
administration in himself4 ,he effected 
the revo- l #b ,see the ,shu-ching1 ,v4 
i4 ,sect4 ,i4 #b1 #g4 lution1 and       
succeeding dynasties adopted his system1
 and gradually molded it into the forms 
and proportions which are now existing4 
,there has been a tendency to advance1  
and ,confucius has all along been trying
 to carry the nation back4 ,principles  

have been needed1 and not 'proprieties4'
 ,the consequence is that ,china has    
increased beyond its ancient dimensions1
 while there has been no corresponding  
development of thought4 ,its body       
politic has the size of a giant1 while  
it still retains the mind of a child4   
,its hoary age is in danger of becoming 
but senility4 ,second1 ,confucius makes 
no provision for the intercourse of his 
country with other and independent      
nations4 ,he knew indeed of none such4  
,china was to him ',the ,middle ,kingdom
 #a1' ',the multitude of ,great ,states 
#b1' ',all under heaven #c4' ,beyond it 
were only rude and barbarous tribes4 ,he
 does not speak of them bitterly1 as    
many ,chinese have done since his time4 
,in one place he contrasts their        
condition favourably with the prevailing
 anarchy of the kingdom1 saying ',the   
rude tribes of the east and north have  
their princes1 and are not like the     
,states of our great land which are     
without them #d4' ,another time1        

disgusted with the want of appreciation 
which he experienced1 he was expressing 
his intention to go and live among the  
nine wild tribes of the east4 ,some one 
said1 ',they are rude4 ,how can you do  
such a thing8' ,his reply was1 ',if a   
superior man dwelt among them1 what     
rudeness would there be #e8' ,but had he
 been a ruler-sage1 he would not only   
have influenced them by his             
instructions1 but brought them to       
acknowledge and submit to his sway1 as  
the great ,yu did #f4 ,the only passage 
of ,confucius's teachings from which any
 rule can be gathered for dealing with  
foreigners is that in the ',doctrine of 
the ,mean1' where 'indulgent treatment  
of men from a distance' is laid down as 
one of the nine standard rules for the  
government of the country #g4 ,but 'the 
men from a distance' are understood to  
be pin and lu #h simply1-- 'guests1'    
that is1 or officers of one ,state      
seeking employment in another1 or at the
 royal court2 and 'visitors1' or        

travelling merchants4 ,of independent   
nations the ancient classics have not   
any knowledge1 nor has ,confucius4 ,so  
long as merchants from ,europe and other
 parts of the world could have been     
content to appear in ,china as          
suppliants1 seeking the privilege of    
trade1 so #a 4 #b 2 ,ana4 ,,iii4 v4 #c 2
 passim4 #d ,ana4 ,,iii4 v4 #e ,ana4    
,,ix4 xiii4 #f 1 ,,iii4 ii4 #aj2 et al4 
#g 4 #h 4 long the government would have
 ranked them with the barbarous hordes  
of antiquity1 and given them the benefit
 of the maxim about 'indulgent          
treatment1' according to its own        
understanding of it4 ,but when their    
governments interfered1 and claimed to  
treat with that of ,china on terms of   
equality1 and that their subjects should
 be spoken to and of as being of the    
same clay with the ,chinese themselves1 
an outrage was committed on tradition   
and prejudice1 which it was necessary to
 resent with vehemence4 ,i do not charge
 the contemptuous arrogance of the      

,chinese government and people upon     
,confucius2 what ,i deplore1 is that he 
left no principles on record to check   
the development of such a spirit4 ,his  
simple views of society and government  
were in a measure sufficient for the    
people while they dwelt apart from the  
rest of mankind4 ,his practical lessons 
were better than if they had been left1 
which but for him they probably would   
have been1 to fall a prey to the        
influences of ,taoism and ,buddhism1 but
 they could only subsist while they were
 left alone4 ,of the earth earthy1      
,china was sure to go to pieces when it 
came into collision with a              
,christianly-civilized power4 ,its sage 
had left it no preservative or          
restorative elements against such a     
case4 ,it is a rude awakening from its  
complacency of centuries which ,china   
has now received4 ,its ancient landmarks
 are swept away4 ,opinions will differ  
as to the justice or injustice of the   
grounds on which it has been assailed1  

and ,i do not feel called to judge or to
 pronounce here concerning them4 ,in the
 progress of events1 it could hardly be 
but that the collision should come2 and 
when it did come it could not be but    
that ,china should be broken and        
scattered4 ,disorganization will go on  
to destroy it more and more1 and yet    
there is hope for the people1 with their
 veneration for the relations of        
society1 with their devotion to         
learning1 and with their habits of      
industry and sobriety2 there is hope for
 them1 if they will look away from all  
their ancient sages1 and turn to ,him1  
who sends them1 along with the          
dissolution of their ancient state1 the 
knowledge of ,himself1 the only living  
and true ,god1 and of ,jesus ,christ    
whom ,he hath sent4 #h4 ,i have little  
more to add on the opinions of          
,confucius4 ,many of his sayings are    
pithy1 and display much knowledge of    
character2 but as they are contained in 
the body of the ,work1 ,i will not      

occupy the space here with a selection  
of those which have struck myself as    
most worthy of notice4 ,the fourth ,book
 of the ,analects1 which is on the      
subject of zan1 or perfect virtue1 has  
several utterances which are remarkable4
 ,thornton observes3-- ',it may excite  
surprise1 and probably incredulity1 to  
state that the golden rule of our       
,saviour1 ',do unto others as you would 
that they should do unto you1' which    
,mr4 ,locke designates as 'the most     
unshaken rule of morality1 and          
foundation of all social virtue1' had   
been inculcated by ,confucius1 almost in
 the same words1 four centuries before  
#a4' ,i have taken notice of this fact  
in reviewing both ',the ,great          
,learning' and ',the ,doctrine of the   
,mean4' ,i would be far from grudging a 
tribute of admiration to ,confucius for 
it4 ,the maxim occurs also twice in the 
,analects4 ,in ,book ,,xv4 xxiii1       
,tsze-kung asks if there be one word    
which may serve as a rule of practice   

for all one's life1 and is answered1    
',is not reciprocity such a word8 ,what 
you do not want done to yourself do not 
do to others4' ,the same disciple       
appears in ,book ,v4 xi1 telling        
,confucius that he was practising the   
lesson4 ,he says1 ',what ,i do not wish 
men to do to me1 ,i also wish not to do 
to men2' but the master tells him1      
',tsze1 you have not attained to that4' 
,it would appear from this reply1 that  
he was aware of the difficulty of       
obeying the precept 2 and it is not     
found1 in its condensed expression at   
least1 in the older classics4 ,the merit
 of it is ,confucius's own4 ,when a     
comparison1 however1 is drawn between it
 and the rule laid down by ,christ1 it  
is proper to call attention to the      
positive form of the latter1 ',all      
things whatsoever ye would that men     
should do unto you1 do ye even so to    
them4' ,the lesson of the gospel        
commands men to do what they feel to be 
right and good4 ,it requires them to    

commence a course of such conduct1      
without regard to the conduct of others 
to themselves4 ,the lesson of ,confucius
 only forbids men to do what they feel  
to be wrong and hurtful4 ,so far as the 
point of priority is concerned1         
moreover1 ,christ adds1 ',this is the   
law and the prophets4' ,the maxim was to
 be found substantially in the earlier  
revelations of ,god4 ,still it must be  
allowed that ,confucius was well aware  
of the importance of taking the         
initiative in discharging all the       
relations of society4 ,see his words as 
quoted from ',the ,doctrine of the      
,mean' on pages #dh1 #di above4 ,but the
 worth of the two maxims depends on the 
intention of the enunciators in regard  
to their application4 ,confucius1 it    
seems to me1 did not think of the       
reciprocity coming into action beyond   
the circle of his five relations of     
society4 ,possibly1 he might have #a    
,history of ,china1 vol4 i4 p4 #bji4    
required its observance in dealings even

 with the rude tribes1 which were the   
only specimens of mankind besides his   
own countrymen of which he knew         
anything1 for on one occasion1 when     
asked about perfect virtue1 he replied1 
',it is1 in retirement1 to be sedately  
grave2 in the management of business1 to
 be reverently attentive2 in intercourse
 with others1 to be strictly sincere4   
,though a man go among the rude         
uncultivated tribes1 these qualities may
 not be neglected #a4' ,still ,confucius
 delivered his rule to his countrymen   
only1 and only for their guidance in    
their relations of which ,i have had so 
much occasion to speak4 ,the rule of    
,christ is for man as man1 having to do 
with other men1 all with himself on the 
same platform1 as the children and      
subjects of the one ,god and ,father in 
heaven4 ,how far short ,confucius came  
of the standard of ,christian           
benevolence1 may be seen from his       
remarks when asked what was to be       
thought of the principle that injury    

should be recompensed with kindness4 ,he
 replied1 ',with what then will you     
recompense kindness8 ,recompense injury 
with justice1 and recompense kindness   
with kindness #b4' ,the same deliverance
 is given in one of the ,books of the   
,li ,chi1 where he adds that 'he who    
recompenses injury with kindness is a   
man who is careful of his person #c4'   
,chang ,hsuan1 the commentator of the   
second century1 says that such a course 
would be 'incorrect in point of         
propriety #d4' ,this 'propriety' was a  
great stumbling-block in the way of     
,confucius4 ,his morality was the result
 of the balancings of his intellect1    
fettered by the decisions of men of old1
 and not the gushings of a loving heart1
 responsive to the promptings of        
,heaven1 and in sympathy with erring and
 feeble humanity4 ,this subject leads me
 on to the last of the opinions of      
,confucius which ,i shall make the      
subject of remark in this place4 ,a     
commentator observes1 with reference to 

the inquiry about recompensing injury   
with kindness1 that the questioner was  
asking only about trivial matters1 which
 might be dealt with in the way he      
mentioned1 while great offences1 such as
 those against a sovereign or a father1 
could not be dealt with by such an      
inversion of the principles of justice  
#e4 ,in the second ,book of the ,li ,chi
 there is the following passage3--      
',with the slayer of his father1 a man  
may not live under the same heaven2     
against the slayer of his brother1 a man
 must never have to go home to fetch a  
weapon2 with the slayer of #a ,ana4     
,,xiii4 xix4 #b ,ana4 ,,xiv4 xxxvi4 #c 1
 1 par4 #ab4 #d 4 #e ,see notes in loc41
 p4 #bhh4 his friend1 a man may not live
 in the same ,state #a4' ,the lex       
talionis is here laid down in its       
fullest extent4 ,the ,chau ,li tells us 
of a provision made against the evil    
consequences of the principle1 by the   
appointment of a minister called ',the  
,reconciler #b4' ,the provision is very 

inferior to the cities of refuge which  
were set apart by ,moses for the        
manslayer to flee to from the fury of   
the avenger4 ,such as it was1 however1  
it existed1 and it is remarkable that   
,confucius1 when consulted on the       
subject1 took no notice of it1 but      
affirmed the duty of blood-revenge in   
the strongest and most unrestricted     
terms4 ,his disciple ,tsze-hsia asked   
him1 ',what course is to be pursued in  
the case of the murder of a father or   
mother8' ,he replied1 ',the son must    
sleep upon a matting of grass1 with his 
shield for his pillow2 he must decline  
to take office2 he must not live under  
the same heaven with the slayer4 ,when  
he meets him in the marketplace or the  
court1 he must have his weapon ready to 
strike him4' ',and what is the course on
 the murder of a brother8' ',the        
surviving brother must not take office  
in the same ,state with the slayer2 yet 
if he go on his prince's service to the 
,state where the slayer is1 though he   

meet him1 he must not fight with him4'  
',and what is the course on the murder  
of an uncle or a cousin8' ',in this case
 the nephew or cousin is not the        
principal4 ,if the principal on whom the
 revenge devolves can take it1 he has   
only to stand behind with his weapon in 
his hand1 and support him #c4' ,sir     
,john ,davis has rightly called         
attention to this as one of the         
objectionable principles of ,confucius  
#d4 ,the bad effects of it are evident  
even in the present day4 ,revenge is    
sweet to the ,chinese4 ,i have spoken of
 their readiness to submit to           
government1 and wish to live in peace1  
yet they do not like to resign even to  
government the 'inquisition for blood4' 
,where the ruling authority is feeble1  
as it is at present1 individuals and    
clans take the law into their own hands1
 and whole districts are kept in a state
 of constant feud and warfare4 ,but ,i  
must now leave the sage4 ,i hope ,i have
 not done him injustice2 the more ,i    

have studied his character and opinions1
 the more highly have ,i come to regard 
him4 ,he was a very great man1 and his  
influence has been on the whole a great 
benefit to the ,chinese1 while his      
teachings suggest important lessons to  
ourselves who profess to belong to the  
school of ,christ4 #a 1 ,i4 ,sect4 ,i4  
,pt4 v4 #aj4 #b 1 1 pp4 #ad-ah4 #c 1    
,,ii4 ,sect4 ,i4 ,pt4 ii4 #bd4 ,see also
 the 1 1 4 #d ,the ,chinese1 vol4 ii4 p4
 #da4 ,,section ,,iii4 ,,his ,,immediate
 ,,disciples4 ,sze-ma ,ch'ien makes     
,confucius say3 ',the disciples who     
received my instructions1 and could     
themselves comprehend them1 were        
seventy-seven individuals4 ,they were   
all scholars of extraordinary ability   
#a4' ,the common saying is1 that the    
disciples of the sage were three        
thousand1 while among them there were   
seventy-two worthies4 ,i propose to give
 here a list of all those whose names   
have come down to us1 as being his      
followers4 ,of the greater number it    

will be seen that we know nothing more  
than their names and surnames4 ,my      
principal authorities will be the       
',historical ,records1' the ',narratives
 of the ,school1' ',the ,sacrificial    
,canon for the ,sage's ,temple1 with    
,plates1' and the chapter on ',the      
,disciples of ,confucius' prefixed to   
the ',four ,books1 ,text and            
,commentary1 with ,proofs and           
,illustrations4' ,in giving a few       
notices of the better-known individuals1
 ,i will endeavour to avoid what may be 
gathered from the ,analects4 #a4 ,yen   
,hui1 by designation ,tsze-yuan 71 74   
,he was a native of ,lu1 the favourite  
of his master1 whose junior he was by   
thirty years1 and whose disciple he     
became when he was quite a youth4       
',after ,i got ,hui1' ,confucius        
remarked1 'the disciples came closer to 
me4' ,we are told that once1 when he    
found himself on the ,nang hill with    
,hui1 ,tsze-lu1 and ,tsze- kung1        
,confucius asked them to tell him their 

different aims1 and he would choose     
between them4 ,tsze-lu began1 and when  
he had done1 the master said1 ',it marks
 your bravery4' ,tsze-kung followed1 on 
whose words the judgment was1 ',they    
show your discriminating eloquence4' ,at
 last came ,yen ,yuan1 who said1 ',i    
should like to find an intelligent king 
and sage ruler whom ,i might assist4 ,i 
would diffuse among the people          
instructions on the five great points1  
and lead them on by the rules of        
propriety and music1 so that they should
 not care to fortify their cities by    
walls and moats1 but would fuse their   
swords and spears into implements of    
agriculture4 ,they should send forth    
their flocks without fear into the      
plains and forests4 ,there should be no 
sunderings of families1 no widows or    
widowers4 ,for a thousand #a 1 1 1 4    
years there would be no calamity of war4
 ,yu would have no opportunity to       
display his bravery1 or ,ts'ze to       
display his oratory4' ,the master       

pronounced1 ',how admirable is this     
virtue6' ,when ,hui was twenty-nine1 his
 hair was all white1 and in three years 
more he died4 ,he was sacrificed to1    
along with ,confucius1 by the first     
emperor of the ,han dynasty4 ,the title 
which he now has in the sacrificial     
,canon1-- ',continuator of the ,sage1'  
was conferred in the ninth year of the  
emperor1 or1 to speak more correctly1 of
 the period1 ,chia-ching1 ,a4 ,d4 #aecj4
 ,almost all the present sacrificial    
titles of the worthies in the temple    
were fixed at that time4 ,hui's place is
 the first of the four ,assessors1 on   
the east of the sage #a4 #b4 ,min ,sun1 
styled ,tsze-ch'ien 774 ,he was a native
 of ,lu1 fifteen years younger than     
,confucius1 according to ,sze-ma        
,ch'ien1 but fifty years younger1       
according to the ',narratives of the    
,school1' which latter authority is     
followed in ',the ,annals of the        
,empire4' ,when he first came to        
,confucius1 we are told1 he had a       

starved look #b1 which was by-and-by    
exchanged for one of fulness and        
satisfaction #c4 ,tsze-kung asked him   
how the change had come about4 ,he      
replied1 ',i came from the midst of my  
reeds and sedges into the school of the 
master4 ,he trained my mind to filial   
piety1 and set before me the examples of
 the ancient kings4 ,i felt a pleasure  
in his instructions2 but when ,i went   
abroad1 and saw the people in authority1
 with their umbrellas and banners1 and  
all the pomp and circumstance of their  
trains1 ,i also felt pleasure in that   
show4 ,these two things assaulted each  
other in #a ,i have referred briefly1 at
 p4 #ia1 to the temples of ,confucius4  
,the principal hall1 called 1 or ',hall 
of the ,great and ,complete ,one1' is   
that in which is his own statue or the  
tablet of his spirit1 having on each    
side of it1 within a screen1 the        
statues1 or tablets1 of his 'four       
,assessors4' ,on the east and west1     
along the walls of the same apartment1  

are the two 1 the places of the 1 or    
'twelve ,wise ,ones1' those of his      
disciples1 who1 next to the             
',assessors1' are counted worthy of     
honour4 ,outside this apartment1 and    
running in a line with the two 1 but    
along the external wall of the sacred   
inclosure1 are the two 1 or             
side-galleries1 which ,i have sometimes 
called the ranges of the outer court4   
,in each there are sixty-four tablets of
 the disciples and other worthies1      
having the same title as the ,wise      
,ones1 that of 1 or ',ancient ,worthy1' 
or the inferior title of 1 ',ancient    
,scholar4' ,behind the principal hall is
 the 1 sacred to ,confucius's ancestors1
 whose tablets are in the centre1       
fronting the south1 like that of        
,confucius4 ,on each side are likewise  
the tablets of certain 'ancient         
,worthies1' and 'ancient ,scholars4' #b 
4 #c 4 my breast4 ,i could not determine
 which to prefer1 and so ,i wore that   
look of distress4 ,but now the lessons  

of our master have penetrated deeply    
into my mind4 ,my progress also has been
 helped by the example of you my        
fellow-disciples4 ,i now know what ,i   
should follow and what ,i should avoid1 
and all the pomp of power is no more to 
me than the dust of the ground4 ,it is  
on this account that ,i have that look  
of fulness and satisfaction4' ,tsze-    
ch'ien was high in ,confucius's esteem4 
,he was distinguished for his purity and
 filial affection4 ,his place in the    
temple is the first1 east1 among ',the  
,wise ,ones1' immediately after the four
 assessors4 ,he was first sacrificed to 
along with ,confucius1 as is to be      
understood of the other ',wise ,ones1'  
excepting in the case of ,yu ,zo1 in the
 eighth year of the style ,k'ai-yuan of 
the sixth emperor of the ,t'ang dynasty1
 ,a4,d4 #gbj4 ,his title1 the same as   
that of all but the ,assessors1 is--    
',the ancient ,worthy1 the philosopher  
,min4' #c 4 ,zan ,kang1 styled ,po-niu  
71  al4  74 ,he was a native of ,lu1 and

 ,confucius's junior only by seven      
years4 ,when ,confucius became minister 
of ,crime1 he appointed ,po-niu to the  
office1 which he had himself formerly   
held1 of commandant of ,chung-tu4 ,his  
tablet is now fourth among ',the ,wise  
,ones1' on the west4 #d4 ,zan ,yung1    
styled ,chung-kung 71 74 ,he was of the 
same clan as ,zan ,kang1 and twenty-nine
 years younger than ,confucius4 ,he had 
a bad father1 but the master declared   
that was not to be counted to him1 to   
detract from his admitted excellence4   
,his place is among ',the ,wise ,ones1' 
the second1 east4 #e4 ,zan ,ch'iu1      
styled ,tsze-yu 71 74 ,he was related to
 the two former1 and of the same age as 
,chung-kung4 ,he was noted among the    
disciples for his versatile ability and 
many acquirements4 ,tsze-kung said of   
him1 ',respectful to the old1 and kind  
to the young2 attentive to guests and   
visitors2 fond of learning and skilled  
in many arts2 diligent in his           
examination of things3-- these are what 

belong to ,zan ,ch'iu4 ,it has been     
noted in the life of ,confucius that it 
was by the influence of ,tsze-yu that he
 was finally restored to ,lu4 ,he       
occupies the third place1 west1 among   
',the ,wise ,ones4' #f4 ,chung ,yu1     
styled ,tsze-lu and ,chi-lu 71 1 74 ,he 
was a native of ,p'ien 77 in ,lu and    
only nine years younger than ,confucius4
 ,at their first interview1 the master  
asked him what he was fond of1 and he   
replied1 ',my long sword4' ,confucius   
said1 ',if to your present ability there
 were added the results of learning1 you
 would be a very superior man4' ',of    
what advantage would learning be to me8'
 asked ,tsze-lu4 ',there is a bamboo on 
the southern hill1 which is straight    
itself without being bent4 ,if you cut  
it down and use it1 you can send it     
through a rhinoceros's hide2-- what is  
the use of learning8' ',yes1' said the  
master2 'but if you feather it and point
 it with steel1 will it not penetrate   
more deeply8' ,tsze-lu bowed ' twice1   

and said1 ',i will reverently receive   
your instructions4' ,confucius was wont 
to say1 ',from the time that ,i got ,yu1
 bad words no more came to my ears4'    
,for some time ,tsze-lu was chief       
magistrate of the district of ,p'u 771  
where his administration commanded the  
warm commendations of the master4 ,he   
died finally in ,wei1 as has been       
related above1 pp4 #hf1 #hg4 ,his tablet
 is now the fourth1 east1 from those of 
the ,assessors4 #g4 ,tsai ,yu styled    
,tsze-wo 71 74 ,he was a native of ,lu1 
but nothing is mentioned of his age4 ,he
 had 'a sharp mouth1' according to ,sze-
 ma ,ch'ien4 ,once1 when he was at the  
court of ,ch'u on some commission1 the  
king ,chao offered him an easy carriage 
adorned with ivory for his master4 ,yu  
replied1 ',my master is a man who would 
rejoice in a government where right     
principles were carried out1 and can    
find his joy in himself when that is not
 the case4 ,now right principles and    
virtue are as it were in a state of     

slumber4 ,his wish is to rouse and put  
them in motion4 ,could he find a prince 
really anxious to rule according to     
them1 he would walk on foot to his court
 and be glad to do so4 ,why need he     
receive such a valuable gift1 as this   
from so great a distance8' ,confucius   
commended this reply2 but where he is   
mentioned in the ,analects1 ,tsze-wo    
does not appear to great advantage4 ,he 
took service in the ,state of ,ch'i1 and
 was chief magistrate of ,lin-tsze1     
where he joined with ,t'ien ,ch'ang in  
some disorderly movement #a1 which led  
to the destruction of his kindred1 and  
made ,confucius ashamed of him4 ,his    
tablet is now the second1 west1 among   
',the ,wise ,ones4' #h4 ,twan-mu ,ts'ze1
 styled ,tsze-kung 71  al4 71 whose     
place is now third1 east1 from the      
,assessors4 ,he #a 4 ,see ,sze-ma       
,ch'ien's ,biographies1 chap4 #g1 though
 come have doubted the genuineness of   
this part of the notice of ,tsze-wo4 was
 a native of ,wei 771 and thirty-one    

years younger than ,confucius4 ,he had  
great quickness of natural ability1 and 
appears in the ,analects as one of the  
most forward talkers among the          
disciples4 ,confucius used to say1      
',from the time that ,i got ,ts'ze1     
scholars from a distance came daily     
resorting to me4' ,several instances of 
the language which he used to express   
his admiration of the master have been  
given in the last section4 ,here is     
another3-- ,the duke ,ching of ,ch'i    
asked ,tsze-kung how ,chung-ni was to be
 ranked as a sage4 ',i do not know1' was
 the reply4 ',i have all my life had the
 heaven over my head1 but ,i do not know
 its height1 and the earth under my     
feet1 but ,i do not know its thickness4 
,in my serving of ,confucius1 ,i am like
 a thirsty man who goes with his pitcher
 to the river1 and there he drinks his  
fill1 without knowing the river's       
depth4' ,he took leave of ,confucius to 
become commandant of ,hsin-yang 771 when
 the master said to him1 ',in dealing   

with your subordinates1 there is nothing
 like impartiality2 and when wealth     
comes in your way1 there is nothing like
 moderation4 ,hold fast these two       
things1 and do not swerve from them4 ,to
 conceal men's excellence is to obscure 
the worthy2 and to proclaim people's    
wickedness is the part of a mean man4   
,to speak evil of those whom you have   
not sought the opportunity to instruct  
is not the way of friendship and        
harmony4' ,subsequently ,tsze-kung was  
high in office both in ,lu and ,wei1 and
 finally died in ,ch'i4 ,we saw how he  
was in attendance on ,confucius at the  
time of the sage's death4 ,many of the  
disciples built huts near the master's  
grave1 and mourned for him three years1 
but ,tsze-kung remained sorrowing alone 
for three years more4 #i4 ,yen ,yen1    
styled ,tsze-yu 71 71 now the fourth in 
the western range of ',the ,wise ,ones4'
 ,he was a native of ,wu 771 forty-five 
years younger than ,confucius1 and      
distinguished for his literary          

acquirements4 ,being made commandant of 
,wu-ch'ang1 he transformed the character
 of the people by 'proprieties' and     
music1 and was praised by the master4   
,after the death of ,confucius1 ,chi    
,k'ang asked ,yen how that event had    
made no sensation like that which was   
made by the death of ,tsze-ch'an1 when  
the men laid aside their bowstring rings
 and girdle ornaments1 and the women    
laid aside their pearls and ear-rings1  
and the voice of weeping was heard in   
the lanes for three months4 ,yen        
replied1 ',the influences of ,tsze-     
ch'an and my master might be compared to
 those of overflowing water and the     
fattening rain4 ,wherever the water in  
its overflow reaches1 men take knowledge
 of it1 while the fattening rain falls  
unobserved4' #aj4 ,pu ,shang1 styled    
,tsze-hsia 71 74 ,it is not certain to  
what ,state he belonged1 his birth being
 assigned to ,wei 771 to ,wei 771 and to
 ,wan 774 ,he was forty-five years      
younger than ,confucius1 and lived to a 

great age1 for we find him1 ,b4,c4 #djf1
 at the court of the prince ,wan of ,wei
 7 71 to whom he gave copies of some of 
the classical ,books4 ,he is represented
 as a scholar extensively read and      
exact1 but without great comprehension  
of mind4 ,what is called ,mao's         
,shih-ching 77 is said to contain the   
views of ,tsze-hsia4 ,kung-yang ,kao and
 ,ku-liang ,ch'ih are also said to have 
studied the ,ch'un ,ch'iu with him4 ,on 
the occasion of the death of his son he 
wept himself blind4 ,his place is the   
fifth1 east1 among ',the ,wise ,ones4'  
#aa4 ,chwan-sun ,shih1 styled           
,tsze-chang 71 71 has his tablet1       
corresponding to that of the preceding1 
on the west4 ,he was a native of ,ch'an 
771 and forty-eight years younger than  
,confucius4 ,tsze-kung said1 ',not to   
boast of his admirable merit2 not to    
signify joy on account of noble station2
 neither insolent nor indolent2 showing 
no pride to the dependent3-- these are  
the characteristics of ,chwan-sun       

,shih4' ,when he was sick1 he called    
7his son7 ,shan-hsiang to him1 and said1
 ',we speak of his end in the case of a 
superior man1 and of his death in the   
case of a mean man4 ,may ,i think that  
it is going to be the former with me    
to-day8' #ab4 ,tsang ,shan or ,ts'an    
styled ,tsze-yu 71  al4 74 ,he was a    
native of south ,wu-ch'ang1 and         
forty-six years younger than ,confucius4
 ,in his sixteenth year he was sent by  
his father into ,ch'u1 where ,confucius 
then was1 to learn under the sage4      
,excepting perhaps ,yen ,hui1 there is  
not a name of greater note in the       
,confucian school4 ,tsze-kung said of   
him1 ',there is no subject which he has 
not studied4 ,his appearance is         
respectful4 ,his virtue is solid4 ,his  
words command credence4 ,before great   
men he draws himself up in the pride of 
self-respect4 ,his eyebrows are those of
 longevity4' ,he was noted for his      
filial piety1 and after the death of his
 parents1 he could not read the rites of

 mourning without being led to think of 
them1 and moved to tears4 ,he was a     
voluminous writer4 ,ten ,books of his   
composition are said to be contained in 
the ',rites of the elder ,tai' 774 ,the 
,classic of ,filial ,piety he is said to
 have made under the eye of ,confucius4 
,on his connexion with ',the ,great     
,learning1' see above1 ,ch4 ,,iii4      
,sect4 ,,ii4 ,he was first associated   
with the sacrifices to ,confucius in    
,a4,d4 #ffh1 but in #abfg he was        
advanced to be one of the sage's four   
,assessors4 ,his title-- ',exhibitor of 
the ,fundamental ,principles of the     
,sage1' dates from the period of        
,chia-ching1 as mentioned in speaking of
 ,yen ,hui4 #ac4 ,tan-t'ai ,mieh-ming1  
styled ,tsze-yu 71 74 ,he was a native  
of ,wu-ch'ang1 thirty-nine years younger
 than ,confucius1 according to the      
',historical ,records1' but forty-nine1 
according to the ',narratives of the    
,school4' ,he was excessively ugly1 and 
,confucius thought meanly of his talents

 in consequence1 on his first           
application to him4 ,after completing   
his studies1 he travelled to the south  
as far as the ,yang-tsze4 ,traces of his
 presence in that part of the country   
are still pointed out in the department 
of ,su-chau4 ,he was followed by about  
three hundred disciples1 to whom he laid
 down rules for their guidance in their 
intercourse with the princes4 ,when     
,confucius heard of his success1 he     
confessed how he had been led by his bad
 looks to misjudge him4 ,he1 with nearly
 all the disciples whose names follow1  
first had a place assigned to him in the
 sacrifices to ,confucius in ,a4,d4     
#gci4 ,the place of his tablet is the   
second1 east1 in the outer court1 beyond
 that of the ',assessors' and ',wise    
,ones4' #ad4 ,corresponding to the      
preceding1 on the west1 is the tablet of
 ,fu ,pu-ch'i styled ,tsze-tsien 7 al4  
and 1 all   1 74 ,he was a native of    
,lu1 and1 according to different        
accounts1 thirty1 forty1 and forty-nine 

years younger than ,confucius4 ,he was  
commandant of ,tan-fu 7 71 and hardly   
needed to put forth any personal effort4
 ,wu-ma ,ch'i had been in the same      
office1 and had succeeded by dint of the
 greatest industry and toil4 ,he asked  
,pu-ch'i how he managed so easily for   
himself1 and was answered1 ',i employ   
men2 you employ men's strength4' ,people
 pronounced ,fu to be a superior man4   
,he was also a writer1 and his works are
 mentioned in ,liu ,hsin's ,catalogue4  
#ae4 ,next to that of ,mieh-ming is the 
tablet of ,yuan ,hsien1 styled ,tsze-   
sze 71 7 a native of ,sung or according 
to ,chang ,hsuan1 of ,lu1 and younger   
than ,confucius by thirty-six years4 ,he
 was noted for his purity and modesty1  
and for his happiness in the principles 
of the master amid deep poverty4 ,after 
the death of ,confucius1 he lived in    
obscurity in ,wei4 ,in the notes to     
,ana4 ,,vi4 iii1 ,i have referred to an 
interview which he had with ,tsze-kung4 
#af4 ,kung-ye ,ch'ang al4 ,chih1 styled 

,tsze-ch'ang al4 ,tsze- chih1 7 al4 1   
al4 71 has his tablet next to that of   
,pu-ch'i4 ,he was son-in-law to         
,confucius4 ,his nativity is assigned   
both to ,lu and to ,ch'i4 #ag4 ,nan-kung
 ,kwo1 styled ,tsze-yung 7 al4  and1 in 
the ',narratives of the ,school1'       
7,t'ao71 71 has the place at the east   
next to ,yuan ,hsien4 ,it is a question 
much debated whether he was the same    
with ,nan-kung ,chang-shu1 who          
accompanied ,confucius to the court of  
,chau1 or not4 ,on occasion of a fire   
breaking out in the palace of duke ,ai1 
while others were intent on securing the
 contents of the ,treasury1 ,nan-kung   
directed his efforts to save the        
,library1 and to him was owing the      
preservation of the copy of the ,chau   
,li which was in ,lu1 and other ancient 
monuments4 #ah4 ,kung-hsi ,ai1 styled   
,chi-ts'ze al4 ,chi-ch'an 71  al4 74    
,his tablet follows that of ,kung-ye4   
,he was a native of ,lu1 or of ,ch'i4   
,confucius commended him for refusing to

 take office with any of the ,families  
which were encroaching on the authority 
of the princes of the ,states1 and for  
choosing to endure the severest poverty 
rather than sacrifice a tittle of his   
principles4 #ai4 ,tsang ,tien1 styled   
,hsi 7al4 1 74 4,he was the father of   
,tsang ,shan4 ,his place in the temples 
is the hall to ,confucius's ancestors1  
where his tablet is the first1 west4    
#bj4 ,yen ,wu-yao1 styled ,lu 71 74 ,he 
was the father of ,yen ,hui1 younger    
than ,confucius by six years4 ,his      
sacrificial place is the first1 east1 in
 the same hall as the last4 #ba4        
,following the tablet of ,nan-kung ,kwo 
is that of ,shang ,chu1 styled ,tsze-mu 
71 74 ,to him1 it is said1 we are       
indebted for the preservation of the    
,yi-ching1 which he received from       
,confucius4 ,its transmission step by   
step1 from ,chu down to the ,han        
dynasty1 is minutely set forth4 #bb4    
,next to ,kung-hsi ,ai is the place of  
,kao ,ch'ai1 styled ,tsze-kao and       

,chi-kao 71  al4 2 for  moreover1 we    
find 1 and 71 a native of ,ch'i1        
according to the ',narratives of the    
,school1' but of ,wei1 according to     
,sze-ma ,ch'ien and ,chang ,hsuan4 ,he  
was thirty 7some say forty7 years       
younger than ,confucius1 dwarfish and   
ugly1 but of great worth and ability4   
,at one time he was criminal judge of   
,wei1 and in the execution of his office
 condemned a prisoner to lose his feet4 
,afterwards that same man saved his     
life1 when he was flying from the       
,state4 ,confucius praised ,ch'ai for   
being able to administer stern justice  
with such a spirit of benevolence as to 
disarm resentment4 #bc4 ,shang ,chu is  
followed by ,ch'i-tiao ,k'ai prop4      
,ch'i1 styled ,tsze-k'ai1 ,tsze-zo1 and 
,tsze-hsiu 7 pr4 1 1 1 and 71 a native  
of ,ts'ai 771 or according to ,chang    
,hsuan1 of ,lu4 ,we only know him as a  
reader of the ,shu-ching1 and refusing  
to go into office4 #bd4 ,kung-po ,liao1 
styled ,tsze-chau 71 74 ,he appears in  

the ,analects1 ,,xiv4 xxxiii1 slandering
 ,tsze-lu4 ,it is doubtful whether he   
should have a place among the disciples4
 #be4 ,sze-ma ,kang1 styled ,tsze-niu 71
 71 follows ,ch'i-tiao ,k'ai2 also      
styled 4 ,he was a great talker1 a      
native of ,sung1 and a brother of ,hwan 
,t'ui1 to escape from whom seems to have
 been the labour of his life4 #bf4 ,the 
place next ,kao ,ch'ai is occupied by   
,fan ,hsu1 styled ,tsze-ch'ih 7 1 71 a  
native of ,ch'i1 or1 according to       
others1 of ,lu1 and whose age is given  
as thirty-six and forty-six years       
younger than ,confucius4 ,when young1 he
 distinguished himself in a military    
command under the ,chi family4 #bg4 ,yu 
,zo1 styled ,tsze-zo 71 74 ,he was a    
native of ,lu1 and his age is stated    
very variously4 ,he was noted among the 
disciples for his great memory and      
fondness for antiquity4 ,after the death
 of ,confucius1 the rest of the         
disciples1 because of some likeness in  
,zo's speech to the ,master1 wished to  

render the same observances to him which
 they had done to ,confucius1 but on    
,tsang ,shan's demurring to the thing1  
they abandoned the purpose4 ,the tablet 
of ,tsze-zo is now the sixth1 east among
 ',the ,wise ,ones1' to which place it  
was promoted in the third year of       
,ch'ien-lung of the present dynasty4    
,this was done in compliance with a     
memorial from the president of one of   
the ,boards1 who said he was moved by a 
dream to make the request4 ,we may      
suppose that his real motives were a    
wish to do ,justice to the merits of    
,tsze-zo1 and to restore the symmetry of
 the tablets in the ',hall of the ,great
 and ,complete ,one1' which had been    
disturbed by the introduction of the    
tablet of ,chu ,hsi in the preceding    
reign4 #bh4 ,kung-hsi ,ch'ih1 styled    
,tsze-hwa 71 71 a native of ,lu1 younger
 than ,confucius by forty-two years1    
whose place is the fourth1 west1 in the 
outer court4 ,he was noted for his      
knowledge of ceremonies1 and the other  

disciples devolved on him all the       
arrangements about the funeral of the   
,master4 #bi4 ,wu-ma ,shih or ,ch'i1    
styled ,tsze-,ch'i 7 al4 1  al4 71 a    
native of ,ch'an1 or1 according to      
,chang ,hsuan1 of ,lu1 thirty years     
younger than ,confucius4 ,his tablet is 
on the east1 next to that of ,sze-ma    
,kang4 ,it is related that on one       
occasion1 when ,confucius was about to  
set out with a company of the disciples 
on a walk or journey1 he told them to   
take umbrellas4 ,they met with a heavy  
shower1 and ,wu-ma asked him1 saying1   
',there were no clouds in the morning2  
but after the sun had risen1 you told us
 to take umbrellas4 ,how did you know   
that it would rain8' ,confucius said1   
',the moon last evening was in the      
constellation ,pi1 and is it not said in
 the ,shih-ching1 ,when the moon is in  
,pi1 there will be heavy rain8 ,it was  
thus ,i knew it4' #cj4 ,liang ,chan al4 
,li1 styled ,shu-yu 7 al4  71 occupies  
the eighth place1 west1 among the       

tablets of the outer court4 ,he was a   
man of ,ch'i1 and his age is stated as  
twenty-nine and thirty-nine years       
younger than ,confucius4 ,the following 
story is told in connexion with him4--  
,when he was thirty1 being disappointed 
that he had no son1 he was minded to put
 away his wife4 ',do not do so1' said   
,shang ,chu to him4 ',i was thirty-eight
 before ,i had a son1 and my mother was 
then about to take another wife for me1 
when the ,master proposed sending me to 
,ch'i4 ,my mother was unwilling that ,i 
should go1 but ,confucius said1 ',don't 
be anxious4 ,chu will have five sons    
after he is forty4' ,it has turned out  
so1 and ,i apprehend it is your fault1  
and not your wife's1 that you have no   
son yet4' ,chan took this advice1 and in
 the second year after1 he had a son4   
#ca4 ,yen ,hsing al4 ,hsin1 ,liu1 and   
,wei1 styled ,tsze-liu 7 al4 1 1 and 1  
71 occupies the place1 east1 after      
,wu-ma ,shih4 ,he was a native of ,lu1  
and forty-six years younger than        

,confucius4 #cb4 ,liang ,chan is        
followed on the west by ,zan ,zu1 styled
 ,tsze-lu al4 ,tsze-tsang and ,tsze-yu 7
 al4  99 al4  99 ,digitizer's note3     
,this is  in the source text2 ,i have   
corrected what is an obvious misprint4  
and 71 a native of ,lu1 and fifty years 
younger than ,confucius4 #cc4 ,yen      
,hsing is followed on the east by ,ts'ao
 ,hsu1 styled ,tsze-hsun 7 1 71 a native
 of ,ts'ai1 fifty years younger than    
,confucius4 #cd4 ,next on the west is   
,po ,ch'ien1 styled ,tsze-hsi1 or1 in   
the current copies of the ',narratives  
of the ,school1' ,tsze-ch'iai 71  al4   
or 71 a native of ,lu1 fifty years      
younger than ,confucius4 #ce4 ,following
 ,tsze-hsun is ,kung-sun ,lung al4      
,ch'ung styled ,tsze- shih 7 al4 1 71   
whose birth is assigned by different    
writers to ,wei1 ,ch'u1 and ,chao 774   
,he was fifty-three years younger than  
,confucius4 ,we have the following      
account3-- ',tsze-kung asked ,tsze-shih1
 saying1 ,have you not learned the ,book

 of' ,poetry8 ,tsze-shih replied1 ,what 
leisure have ,i to do so8 ,my parents   
require me to be filial2 my brothers    
require me to be submissive2 and my     
friends require me to be sincere4 ,what 
leisure have ,i for anything else8 ,come
 to my ,master1 said ,tsze-kung1 and    
learn of him4' ,sze-ma ,ch'ien here     
observes3 ',of the thirty-five disciples
 which precede1 we have some details4   
,their age and other particulars are    
found in the ,books and ,records4 ,it is
 not so1 however1 in regard to the      
fifty-two which follow4' #cf4 ,zan ,chi1
 styled ,tsze-ch'an al4 ,chi-ch'an and  
,tsze-ta 71   al4  and 71 a native of   
,lu1 whose place is the #aath1 west1    
next to ,po ,ch'ien4 #cg4 ,kung-tsu     
,kau-tsze or simply ,tsze1 styled       
,tsze-chih 7 or simply 1 71 a native of 
,lu4 ,his tablet is the #bcrd1 east1 in 
the outer court4 #ch4 ,ch'in ,tsu1      
styled ,tsze-nan 71 71 a native of      
,ch'in4 ,his tablet precedes that of the
 last1 two places4 #ci4 ,ch'i-tiao      

,ch'ih1 styled ,tsze-lien 7 al4 1 71 a  
native of ,lu4 ,his tablet is the #acth1
 west4 #dj4 ,yen ,kao1 styled           
,tsze-chiao 774 ,according to the       
',narratives of the ,school1' he was the
 same as ,yen ,k'o 71 or 71 who drove   
the carriage when ,confucius rode in    
,wei after the duke and ,nan-tsze4 ,but 
this seems doubtful4 ,other authorities 
make his name ,ch'an 771 and style him  
,tsze-tsing 774 ,his tablet is the      
#acth1 east4 #da4 ,ch'i-tiao ,tu-fu al4 
4 ,ts'ung1 styled ,tsze-yu1 ,tsze-ch'i1 
and ,tsze-wan 7 al4 1  or  al4  and 71 a
 native of ,lu1 whose tablet precedes   
that of ,ch'i-tiao ,ch'ih4 #db4 ,zang   
,sze-ch'ih1 styled ,tsze-t'u1 or        
,tsze-ts'ung 7 al4  1   al4 71 a native 
of ,ch'in4 ,some consider ,zang-sze 77  
to be a double surname4 ,his tablet     
comes after that of ,no4 #dj4 #dc4      
,shang ,chai1 styled ,tsze-,ch'i and    
,tsze-hsiu 71  al4  71 a native of ,lu4 
,his tablet is immediately after that of
 ,fan ,hsu1 ,no4 #bf4 #dd4 ,shih ,tso   

al4 ,chih and ,tsze-shu1 styled         
,tsze-ming 7 al4  and 1 1 74 ,some take 
,shih-tso 77 as a double surname4 ,his  
tablet follows that of ,no4 #db4 #de4   
,zan ,pu-ch'i1 styled ,hsuan 71 71 a    
native of ,ch'u1 whose tablet is next to
 that of ,no4 #bh4 #df4 ,kung-liang ,zu1
 styled ,tsze-chang 7 al4 1 71 a native 
of ,ch'in1 follows the preceding in the 
temples4 ,the ',sacrificial ,canon'     
says3-- ',tsze-chang was a man of worth 
and bravery4 ,when ,confucius was       
surrounded and stopped in ,p'u1         
,tsze-chang fought so desperately1 that 
the people of ,p'u were afraid1 and let 
the ,master go1 on his swearing that he 
would not proceed to ,wei4' #dg4 ,hau   
al4 ,shih ,ch'u al4 ,ch'ien1 styled     
,tsze-li al4 ,li-ch'ih 7 al4   al4 1    
al4 71 a native of ,ch'i1 having his    
tablet the #agth1 east4 #dh4 ,ch'in     
,zan1 styled ,k'ai 71 71 a native of    
,ts'ai4 ,he is not given in the list of 
the ',narratives of the ,school1' and on
 this account his tablet was put out of 

the temples in the ninth year of        
,chia-tsing4 ,it was restored1 however1 
in the second year of ,yung-chang1      
,a4,d4 #agbd1 and is the #ccrd1 east1 in
 the outer court4 #di4 ,kung-hsia ,shau1
 styled ,shang and ,tsze-shang 7 al4 1  
and 71 a native of ,lu1 whose tablet is 
next to that of ,no4 #dd4 #ej4 ,hsi     
,yung-tien or simply ,tien1 styled      
,tsze-hsi al4 ,tsze- chieh and          
,tsze-ch'ieh 7 or 1  al4  and 71 a      
native of ,wei1 having his tablet the   
#ahth1 east4 #ea4 ,kung ,chien-ting al4 
,kung ,yu1 styled ,tsze-chung 7 al4     
al4 1  al4  and 74 ,his nativity is     
assigned to ,lu1 to ,wei1 and to ,tsin  
774 ,he follows ,no4 #df4 #eb4 ,yen ,tsu
 al4 ,hsiang1 styled ,hsiang and        
,tsze-hsiang 7 al4 1 1 and 71 a native  
of ,lu1 with his tablet following that  
of ,no4 #ej4 #ec4 ,chiao ,tan al4 ,wu1  
styled ,tsze-kea 7 al4 1 71 a native of 
,lu4 ,his place is next to that of ,no4 
#ea4 #ed4 ,chu al4 ,kau ,tsing-ch'iang  
and simply ,tsing1 styled ,tsze- ch'iang

 al4 ,tsze-chieh and ,tsze-mang 7 al4   
and   and simply 1  al4  and 71 a native
 of ,wei1 following ,no4 #eb4 #ee4 ,han 
al4 ,tsai-fu ,hei1 styled ,tsze-hei al4 
,tsze-so and ,tsze-su 7 al4  1  al4  and
 71 a native of ,lu1 whose tablet is    
next to that of ,no4 #ec4 #ef4 ,ch'in   
,shang1 styled ,tsze-p'ei al4 ,p'ei-tsze
 and ,pu-tsze 71   al4  and 71 a native 
of ,lu1 or1 according to ,chang ,hsuan1 
of ,ch'u4 ,he was forty years younger   
than ,confucius4 ,one authority1        
however1 says he was only four years    
younger1 and that his father and        
,confucius's father were both celebrated
 for their strength4 ,his tablet is the 
#abth1 east4 #eg4 ,shin ,tang1 styled   
,chau 774 ,in the ',narratives of the   
,school' there is a ,shin ,chi1 styled  
,tsze-chau 71 74 ,the name is given by  
others as ,t'ang 7 and 7 and ,tsu 771   
with the designation ,tsze-tsu 7 74     
,these are probably the same person     
mentioned in the ,analects as ,shin     
,ch'ang 774 ,prior to the ,ming dynasty 

they were sacrificed to as two1 but in  
,a4,d4 #aecj1 the name ,tang was        
expunged from the sacrificial list1 and 
only that of ,ch'ang left4 ,his tablet  
is the #cast1 east4 #eh4 ,yen ,chih-p'o1
 styled ,tsze-shu or simply ,shu 71  or 
simply 71 a native of ,lu1 who occupies 
the #bith place1 east4 #ei4 ,yung ,ch'i1
 styled ,tsze-ch'i al4 ,tsze-yen 7 or 1 
or  al4 71 a native of ,lu1 whose tablet
 is the #bjth1 west4 99 ,digitizer's    
note3 ,the actual variant used by ,legge
 is 774 #fj4 ,hsien ,ch'ang1 styled     
,tsze-ch'i al4 ,tsze-hung 71  al4 71 a  
native of ,lu4 ,his place is the #bbnd1 
east4 #fa4 ,tso ,zan-ying or simply     
,ying1 styled ,hsing and ,tsze-hsing 7  
or simply 1  and 71 a native of ,lu4    
,his tablet follows that of ,no4 #ei4   
#fb4 ,yen ,chi1 styled ,an al4 ,tsze-sze
 7 or 1  al4 7 a native of ,ch'in4 ,his 
tablet is the #bdth east4 #fc3 ,chang   
,kwo1 styled ,tsze-t'u 71 71 a native of
 ,lu4 ,this is understood to be the same
 with the ,hsieh ,pang1 styled          

,tsze-ts'ung 71  71 of the ',narratives 
of the ,school4' ,his tablet follows    
,no4 #fa4 #fd4 ,ch'in ,fei1 styled      
,tsze-chih 71 71 a native of ,lu1 having
 his tablet the #cast1 west4 #fe4 ,shih 
,chih-ch'ang1 styled ,tsze-hang al4     
ch'ang 71  al4 71 a native of ,lu4 ,his 
tablet is the #cjth1 east4 #ff4 ,yen    
,k'wai1 styled ,tsze-shang 71 71 a      
native of ,lu4 ,his tablet is the next  
to that of ,no4 #fd4 #fg4 ,pu           
,shu-shang1 styled ,tsze-ch'e 7 in the  
',narratives of the ,school' we have an 
old form of 1 71 a native of ,ch'i4     
,sometimes for ,pu 77 we find ,shao 774 
,his tablet is the #cjth1 west4 #fh4    
,yuan ,k'ang1 styled ,tsze-chi 71 71 a  
native of ,lu4 ,sze-ma ,ch'ien calls him
 ,yuan ,k'ang-chi1 not mentioning any   
designation4 ,the ',narratives of the   
,school' makes him ,yuan ,k'ang 771     
styled ,chi4 ,his tablet is the #bcrd1  
west4 #fi4 ,yo ,k'o al4 ,hsin1 styled   
,tsze-shang 71 al4 1 71 a native of ,lu4
 ,his tablet is the #beth1 east4 #gj4   

,lien ,chieh1 styled ,yung and          
,tsze-yung al4 ,tsze-ts'ao 71   and  al4
 71 a native of ,wei1 or of ,ch'i4 ,his 
tablet is next to that of ,no4 #fh4 #ga4
 ,shu-chung ,hui al4 ,k'wai1 styled     
,tsze-ch'i 7 al4 1 71 a native of ,lu1  
or1 according to ,chang ,hsuan1 of      
,tsin4 ,he was younger than ,confucius  
by fifty-four years4 ,it is said that he
 and another youth1 called ,k'ung ,hsuan
 771 attended by turns with their       
pencils1 and acted as amanuenses to the 
sage1 and when ,mang ,wu-po expressed a 
doubt of their competency1 ,confucius   
declared his satisfaction with them4 ,he
 follows ,lien ,chieh in the temples4   
#gb4 ,yen ,ho1 styled ,zan 71 71 a      
native of ,lu4 ,the present copies of   
the ',narratives of the ,school' do not 
contain his name1 and in ,a4,d4 #aehh   
,zan was displaced from his place in the
 temples4 ,his tablet1 however1 has been
 restored during the present dynasty4   
,it is the #ccrd1 west4 #gc4 ,ti ,hei1  
styled ,che al4 ,tsze-che and ,che-chih 

71  al4  and 71 a native of ,wei1 or of 
,lu4 ,his tablet is the #bfth1 east4    
#gd4 ,kwei al4 ,pang ,sun1 styled       
,tsze-lien al4 ,tsze-yin 7 7kui#a 7 al4 
1  al4 71 a native of ,lu4 ,his tablet  
is the #bgth1 west4 #ge4 ,k'ung ,chung1 
styled ,tsze-mieh 71 74 ,this was the   
son1 it is said1 of ,confucius's elder  
brother1 the cripple ,mang-p'i4 ,his    
tablet is next to that of ,no4 #gc4 ,his
 sacrificial title is ',the ancient     
,worthy1 the philosopher ,mieh4' #gf4   
,kung-hsi ,yu-zu al4 ,yu1 styled        
,tsze-shang 7 al4  1 71 a native of ,lu4
 ,his place is the #bfth1 west4 #gg4    
,kung-hsi ,tien1 styled ,tsze-shang 7 or
 1  al4  71 a native of ,lu4 ,his tablet
 is the #bhth1 east4 #gh4 ,ch'in ,chang 
al4 ,lao1 styled ,tsze-k'ai 7 al4 1 71 a
 native of ,wei4 ,his tablet is the     
#bith1 west4 #gi4 ,ch'an ,k'ang1 styled 
,tsze-k'ang al4 ,tsze-ch'in 71  al4 71 a
 native of ,ch'an4 ,see notes on ,ana4  
,i4 x4 #hj4 ,hsien ,tan al4 ,tan-fu and 
,fang1 styled ,tsze-hsiang 7 al4  and 1 

71 a native of ,lu4 ,some suppose that  
this is the same as ,no4 #ec4 ,the      
advisers of the present dynasty in such 
matters1 however1 have considered them  
to be different1 and in #agbd1 a tablet 
was assigned to ,hsien ,tan1 the #cdth1 
west4 ,the three preceding names are    
given in the ',narratives of the        
,school4' ,the research of scholars has 
added about twenty others4 #ha4 ,lin    
,fang1 styled ,tsze-ch'iu 71 71 a native
 of ,lu4 ,the only thing known of him is
 from the ,ana4 ,,iii4 iv4 ,his tablet  
was displaced under the ,ming1 but has  
been restored by the present dynasty4   
,it is the first1 west4 #hb4 ,chu ,yuan1
 styled ,po-yu 71 71 an officer of ,wei1
 and1 as appears from the ,analects and 
,mencius1 an intimate friend of         
,confucius4 ,still his tablet has shared
 the same changes as that of ,lin ,fang4
 ,it is now the first1 east4 #hc and    
#hd4 ,shan ,ch'ang 77 and ,shan ,t'ang  
774 ,see ,no4 #eg4 #he4 ,mu ,p'i 771    
mentioned by ,mencius1 ,,vii4 ,pt4 ,,ii4

 xxxvii4 #d4 ,his entrance into the     
temple has been under the present       
dynasty4 ,his tablet is the #cdth1 east4
 #hf4 ,tso ,ch'iu-ming or ,tso-ch'iu    
,ming 77 has the #cbnd place1 east4 ,his
 title was fixed in ,a4,d4 #aecj to be  
',the ,ancient ,scholar1' but in #afdb  
it was raised to that of ',ancient      
,worthy4' ,to him we owe the most       
distinguished of the annotated editions 
of the ,ch'un ,ch'iu4 ,but whether he   
really was a disciple of ,confucius1 and
 in personal communication with him1 is 
much debated4 ,the above are the only   
names and surnames of those of the      
disciples who now share in the          
sacrifices to the sage4 ,those who wish 
to exhaust the subject1 mention in      
addition1 on the authority of ,tso      
,ch'iu-ming1 ,chung-sun ,ho-chi 771 a   
son of ,mang ,hsi 7see p4 #fc71 and     
,chung-sun ,shwo 7 71 also a son of     
,mang ,hsi1 supposed by many to be the  
same with ,no4 #ag2 ,zu ,pei1 771       
mentioned in the ,analects1 ,,xvii4 xx1 

and in the ,li ,chi1 ,,xviii4 ,sect4    
,,ii4 ii4 #bb2 ,kung-wang ,chih-ch'iu 77
 and ,hsu ,tien 771 mentioned in the ,li
 ,chi1 ,,xliii4 #g2 ,pin-mau ,chia 771  
mentioned in the ,li ,chi1 ,,xvii4 iii4 
#af2 ,k'ung ,hsuan 77 and ,hai ,shu-lan 
771 on the authority of the ',narratives
 of the ,school2' ,ch'ang ,chi 771      
mentioned by ,chwang-tsze2 ,chu ,yu 771 
mentioned by ,yen-tsze 772 ,lien ,yu 77 
and ,lu ,chun 771 on the authority of 2 
and finally ,tsze-fu ,ho 7 71 the       
,tsze-fu ,ching-po 77 of the ,analects1 
,,xiv4 xxxviii4 ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,list  
,,of ,,the ,,principal ,,works ,,which  
,,have ,,been ,,consulted ,,in ,,the    
,,preparation ,,of ,,this ,,volume4     
,,section ,i4 ,,chinese ,,works1 ,,with 
,,brief ,,notices4 1 ',the ,thirteen    
,ching1 with ,commentary and            
,explanations4' ,this is the great      
repertory of ancient lore upon the      
,classics4 ,on the ,analects1 it        
contains the ',collection of            
,explanations of the ,lun ,yu1' by ,ho  

,yen and others 7see p4 #ai71 and ',the 
,correct ,meaning1' or ,paraphrase of   
,hsing ,ping 7see p4 #bj74 ,on the      
,great ,learning and the ,doctrine of   
the ,mean1 it contains the comments and 
glosses of ,chang ,hsuan1 and of ,k'ung 
,ying-ta 77 of the ,t'ang dynasty4 1 ',a
 new edition of the ,four ,books1       
,punctuated and ,annotated1 for         
,reading4' ,this work was published in  
the seventh year of ,tao-kwang 7#ahbg7  
by a ,kao ,lin 774 ,it is the finest    
edition of the ,four ,books which ,i    
have seen1 in point of typographical    
execution4 ,it is indeed a volume for   
reading4 ,it contains the ordinary      
',collected ,comments' of ,chu ,hsi on  
the ,analects1 and his ',chapters and   
,sentences' of the ,great ,learning and 
,doctrine of the ,mean4 ,the editor's   
own notes are at the top and bottom of  
the page1 in rubric4 1 ',the ,proper    
,meaning of the ,four ,books as         
determined by ,chu ,hsi1 ,compared with1
 and ,illustrated from1 other           

,commentators4' ,this is a most         
voluminous work1 published in the tenth 
year of ,ch'ien-lung1 ,a4,d4 #agde1 by  
,wang ,pu-ch'ing 771 a member of the    
,han-lin ,college4 ,on the ,great       
,learning and the ,doctrine of the      
,mean1 the ',queries' 77 addressed to   
,chu ,hsi and his replies are given in  
the same text as the standard           
commentary4 1 ',the ,four ,books1 ,text 
and ,commentary1 with ,proofs and       
,illustrations4' ,the copy of this ,work
 which ,i have was edited by a ,wang    
,t'ing-chi 771 in the third year of     
,chia-ch'ing1 ,a4,d4 #agih4 ,it may be  
called a commentary on the commentary4  
,the research in all matters of         
,geography1 ,history1 ,biography1       
,natural ,history1 c41 is immense4 1 ',a
 ,collection of the most important      
,comments of ,scholars on the ,four     
,books4' ,by ,li ,p'ei-lin 772 published
 in the fifty-seventh ,k'ang-hsi year1  
,a4,d4 #agah4 ,this ,work is about as   
voluminous as the 1 but on a different  

plan4 ,every chapter is preceded by a   
critical discussion of its general      
meaning1 and the logical connexion of   
its several paragraphs4 ,this is        
followed by the text1 and ,chu ,hsi's   
standard commentary4 ,we have then a    
paraphrase1 full and generally          
perspicuous4 ,next1 there is a selection
 of approved comments1 from a great     
variety of authors2 and finally1 the    
reader finds a number of critical       
remarks and ingenious views1 differing  
often from the common interpretation1   
which are submitted for his examination4
 1 ',a ,supplemental ,commentary1 and   
,literary ,discussions1 on the ,four    
,books4' ,by ,chang ,chan-t'ao al4      
,t'i-an 7 al4 71 a member of the        
,han-lin college1 in the early part1    
apparently1 of the reign of             
,ch'ien-lung4 ,the work is on a peculiar
 plan4 ,the reader is supposed to be    
acquainted with ,chu ,hsi's commentary1 
which is not given2 but the author      
generally supports his views1 and       

defends them against the criticisms of  
some of the early scholars of this      
dynasty4 ,his own exercitations are of  
the nature of essays more than of       
commentary4 ,it is a book for the       
student who is somewhat advanced1 rather
 than for the learner4 ,i have often    
perused it with interest and advantage4 
1 ',the ,four ,books1 according to the  
,commentary1 with ,paraphrase4'         
,published in the eighth year of ,yung  
,chang1 ,a4,d4 #agcj1 by ,wang ,fu al4  
,k'eh-fu 7 al4 74 ,every page is divided
 into two parts4 ,below1 we have the    
text and ,chu ,hsi's commentary4 ,above1
 we have an analysis of every chapter1  
followed by a paraphrase of the several 
paragraphs4 ,to the paraphrase of each  
paragraph are subjoined critical notes1 
digested from a great variety of        
scholars1 but without the mention of    
their names4 ,a list of #aaf is given   
who are thus laid under contribution4   
,in addition1 there are maps and        
illustrative figures at the             

commencement2 and to each ,book there   
are prefixed biographical notices1      
explanations of peculiar allusions1 c4 1
 ',the ,four ,books1 with a ,complete   
,digest of ,supplements to the          
,commentary1 and additional             
,suggestions4 ,a new edition1 with      
,additions4' ,by ,tu ,ting-chi 774      
,published ,a4,d4 #aggi4 ,the original  
of this ,work was by ,tang ,lin 771 a   
scholar of the ,ming dynasty4 ,it is    
perhaps the best of all editions of the 
,four ,books for a learner4 ,each page  
is divided into three parts4 ,below1 is 
the text divided into sentences and     
members of sentences1 which are followed
 by short glosses4 ,the text is followed
 by the usual commentary1 and that by a 
paraphrase1 to which are subjoined the  
,supplements and ,suggestions4 ,the     
middle division contains a critical     
analysis of the chapters and paragraphs2
 and above1 there are the necessary     
biographical and other notes4 1 ',the   
,four ,books1 with the ,relish of the   

,radical ,meaning4' ,this is a new      
,work1 published in #aheb4 ,it is the   
production of ,chin ,ch'ang1 styled     
,chi'u-t'an 71 71 an officer and        
scholar1 who1 returning1 apparently to  
,canton province1 from the ,north in    
#ahcf1 occupied his retirement with     
reviewing his literary studies of former
 years1 and employed his sons to        
transcribe his notes4 ,the writer is    
fully up in all the commentaries on the 
,classics1 and pays particular attention
 to the labours of the scholars of the  
present dynasty4 ,to the ,analects1 for 
instance1 there is prefixed ,chiang     
,yung's ,history of ,confucius1 with    
criticisms on it by the author himself4 
,each chapter is preceded by a critical 
analysis4 ,then follows the text with   
the standard commentary1 carefully      
divided into sentences1 often with      
glosses1 original and selected1 between 
them4 ,to the commentary there succeeds 
a paraphrase1 which is not copied by the
 author from those of his predecessors4 

,after the paraphrase we have           
,explanations 774 ,the book is          
beautifully printed1 and in small type1 
so that it is really a multum in parvo1 
with considerable freshness4 1 ',a      
,paraphrase for ,daily ,lessons1        
,explaining the ,meaning of the ,four   
,books4' ,this work was produced in     
#afgg1 by a department of the members of
 the ,han-lin college1 in obedience to  
an imperial rescript4 ,the paraphrase is
 full1 perspicuous1 and elegant4 2 2 2 2
 4 ,these works form together a superb  
edition of the ,five ,ching1 published  
by imperial authority in the ,k'ang-hsi 
and ,yung-chang reigns4 ,they contain   
the standard views 772 various opinions 
772 critical decisions of the editors 77
 2 prolegomena2 plates or cuts2 and     
other apparatus for the student4 1 ',the
 ,collected ,writings of ,mao ,hsi-ho4' 
,see prolegomena1 p4 #bj4 ,the          
voluminousness of his ,writings is      
understated there4 ,of 1 or ,writings on
 the ,classics1 there are #bcf sections1

 while his 1 or other literary          
compositions1 amount to #beg sections4  
,his treatises on the ,great ,learning  
and the ,doctrine of the ,mean have been
 especially helpful to me4 ,he is a     
great opponent of ,chu ,hsi1 and would  
be a much more effective one1 if he     
possessed the same graces of style as   
that 'prince of literature4' 1 ',a      
,collection of ,supplemental            
,observations on the ,four ,books4' ,the
 preface of the author1 ,ts'ao          
,chih-shang 771 is dated in #agie1 the  
last year of the reign of ,ch'ien-lung4 
,the work contains what we may call     
prolegomena on each of the ,four ,books1
 and then excursus on the most difficult
 and disputed passages4 ,the tone is    
moderate1 and the learning displayed    
extensive and solid4 ,the views of ,chu 
,hsi are frequently well defended from  
the assaults of ,mao ,hsi-ho4 ,i have   
found the ,work very instructive4 1 ',on
 the ,tenth ,book of the ,analects1 with
 ,plates4' ,this ,work was published by 

the author1 ,chiang ,yung 771 in the    
twenty-first ,ch'ien-lung year1 ,a4,d4  
#agfa1 when he was seventy-six years    
old4 ,it is devoted to the illustration 
of the above portion of the ,analects1  
and is divided into ten sections1 the   
first of which consists of woodcuts and 
tables4 ,the second contains the ,life  
of ,confucius1 of which ,i have largely 
availed myself in the preceding chapter4
 ,the whole is a remarkable specimen of 
the minute care with which ,chinese     
scholars have illustrated the ,classical
 ,books 2 2 2 4 ,we may call these      
volumes-- ',the ,topography of the ,four
 ,books2 with three ,supplements4' ,the 
,author's name is ,yen ,zo-ch'u 774 ,the
 first volume was published in #afih1   
and the second in #agjj4 ,i have not    
been able to find the dates of          
publication of the other two1 in which  
there is more biographical and general  
matter than topographical4 ,the author  
apologizes for the inappropriateness of 
their titles by saying that he could not

 help calling them ,supplements to the  
,topography1 which was his 'first love4'
 1 ',explanations of the ,classics1     
under the ,imperial ,ts'ing ,dynasty4'  
,see above1 p4 #bj4 ,the ,work1 however1
 was not published1 as ,i have there    
supposed1 by imperial authority1 but    
under the superintendence1 and at the   
expense 7aided by other officers71 of   
,yuan ,yuan 771 ,governor-general of    
,kwang-tung and ,kwang-hsi1 in the ninth
 year of the last reign1 #ahbi4 ,the    
publication of so extensive a ,work     
shows a public spirit and zeal for      
literature among the high officers of   
,china1 which should keep foreigners    
from thinking meanly of them4 1         
',sayings of the ,confucian ,family4'   
,family is to be taken in the sense of  
,sect or ,school4 ,in ,liu ,hsin's      
,catalogue1 in the subdivision devoted  
to the ,lun ,yu1 we find the entry3--   
',sayings of the ,confucian ,family1    
twenty-seven ,books1' with a note by    
,yen ,sze-ku of the ,t'ang dynasty1--   

',not the existing ,work called the     
,family ,sayings4' ,the original ,work  
was among the treasures found in the    
wall of ,confucius's old house1 and was 
deciphered and edited by ,k'ung ,an-kwo4
 ,the present ,work is by ,wang ,su of  
the ,wei 77 dynasty1 grounded           
professedly on the older one1 the blocks
 of which had suffered great            
dilapidation during the intervening     
centuries4 ,it is allowed also1 that1   
since ,su's time1 the ,work has suffered
 more than any of the acknowledged      
,classics4 ,yet it is a very valuable   
fragment of antiquity1 and it would be  
worth while to incorporate it with the  
,analects4 ,my copy is the edition of   
,li ,yung 771 published in #aghj4 ,i    
have generally called the ,work         
',narratives of the ,school4' 1         
',sacrificial ,canon of the ,sage's     
,temples1 with ,plates4' ,this ,work1   
published in #ahbf1 by ,ku ,yuan1 styled
 ,hsiang-chau 71 71 is a very           
painstaking account of all the ,names   

sacrificed to in the temples of         
,confucius1 the dates of their attaining
 to that honour1 c4 ,there are appended 
to it ,memoirs of ,confucius and        
,mencius1 which are not of so much      
value4 1 ',the ,complete ,works of the  
,ten ,tsze4' ,see ,morrison's           
,dictionary1 under the character 4 ,i   
have only had occasion1 in connexion    
with this ,work1 to refer to the        
writings of ,chwang-tsze 77 and         
,lieh-tsze 774 ,my copy is an edition of
 #ahjd4 1 ',a ,cyclopdia of ,surnames1  
or ,biographical ,dictionary1 of the    
,famous ,men and ,virtuous ,women of the
 ,successive ,dynasties4' ,this is a    
very notable work of its class2         
published in #agic1 by  1 and extending 
through #aeg chapters or ,books4 1      
',general ,examination of ,records and  
,scholars4' ,this astonishing ,work1    
which cost its author1 ,ma ,twan-lin 771
 twenty years' labour1 was first        
published in #acba4 ,rmusat says1--     
',this excellent ,work is a library in  

itself1 and if ,chinese literature      
possessed no other1 the language would  
be worth learning for the sake of       
reading this alone4' ,it does indeed    
display all but incredible research into
 every subject connected with the       
,government1 ,history1 ,literature1     
,religion1 c41 of the empire of ,china4 
,the author's researches are digested in
 #cdh ,books4 ,i have had occasion to   
consult principally those on the        
,literary ,monuments1 embraced in       
seventy-six ,books1 from the #agdth to  
the #bdith4 1 ',an ,examination of the  
,commentaries on the ,classics1' by ,chu
 ,i-tsun4 ,the author was a member of   
the ,han-lin college1 and the work was  
first published with an imperial preface
 by the ,ch'ien-lung emperor4 ,it is an 
exhaustive work on the literature of the
 ,classics1 in #cjj chapters or ,books4'
 1 ',a ,continuation of the ,general    
,examination of ,records and ,scholars4'
 ,this ,work1 which is in #bed ,books1  
and nearly as extensive as the former1  

was the production of ,wang ,ch'i 771   
who dates his preface in #aehf1 the     
fourteenth year of ,wan-li1 the style of
 the reign of the fourteenth emperor of 
the ,ming dynasty4 ,wang ,ch'i brings   
down the ,work of his predecessor to his
 own times4 ,he also frequently goes    
over the same ground1 and puts things in
 a clearer light4 ,i have found this to 
be the case in the chapters on the      
classical and other ,books4 1 ',the     
,twenty-four ,histories4' ,these are the
 imperially- authorized records of the  
empire1 commencing with the ',historical
 ,records1' the work of ,sze-ma ,ch'ien1
 and ending with the ,history of the    
,ming dynasty1 which appeared in #agdb1 
the result of the joint labours of #ade 
officers and scholars of the present    
dynasty4 ,the extent of the collection  
may be understood from this1 that my    
copy1 bound in ,english fashion1 makes  
sixty-three volumes1 each one larger    
than this4 ,no nation has a history so  
thoroughly digested2 and on the whole it

 is trustworthy4 ,in pre- paring this   
volume1 my necessities have been        
confined mostly to the ,works of ,sze-ma
 ,ch'ien1 and his successor1 ,pan ,ku   
771 the ,historian of the first ,han    
dynasty4 1 ',the ,annals of the         
,nation4' ,published by imperial        
authority in #ahjc1 the eighth year of  
,ch'ia-ch'ing4 ,this ,work is invaluable
 to a student1 being1 indeed1 a         
collection of chronological tables1     
where every year1 from the rise of the  
,chau dynasty1 ,b4,c4 #aaba1 has a      
distinct column to itself1 in which1 in 
different compartments1 the most        
important events are noted4 ,beyond that
 date1 it ascends to nearly the         
commencement of the cycles in the       
sixty-first year of ,hwang-ti1 giving --
 not every year1 but the years of which 
anything has been mentioned in history4 
,from ,hwang-ti also1 it ascends through
 the dateless ages up to ,p'an-ku1 the  
first of mortal sovereigns4 1 ',the     
,boundaries of the ,nation in the       

successive ,dynasties4' ,this ,work by  
the same author1 and published in #ahag1
 does for the boundaries of the empire  
the same service which the preceding    
renders to its chronology4 1 ',the      
,topography of the ,nation in the       
successive ,dynasties4' ,another ,work  
by the same author1 and of the same date
 as the preceding4  ,the ,dictionaries  
chiefly consulted have been3-- ,the     
well-known ,shwo ,wan 771 by ,hsu ,shan1
 styled ,shu-chung 7 1 71 published in  
,a4,d4 #ajj2 with the supplement 77 by  
,hsu ,ch'ieh 771 of the southern ,tang  
dynasty4 ,the characters are arranged in
 the ,shwo ,wan under #edj keys or      
radicals1 as they are unfortunately     
termed4 ,the ,liu ,shu ,ku 771 by ,tai  
,t'ung1 styled ,chung-ta 71 71 of our   
thirteenth century4 ,the characters are 
arranged in it1 somewhat after the      
fashion of the ,r ,ya 7p4 #b71 under six
 general divisions1 which again are     
subdivided1 according to the affinity of
 subjects1 into various categories4 ,the

 ,tsze ,hui 771 which appeared in the   
,wan-li 77 reign of the ,ming dynasty   
7#aegc-afai74 ,the #edj radicals of the 
,shwo ,wan were reduced in this to #bad1
 at which number they have since        
continued4 ,the ,k'ang-hsi ,tsze ,tien  
771 or ,kang-hsi ,dictionary1 prepared  
by order of the great ,k'ang-hsi emperor
 in #agaf4 ,this is the most common and 
complete of all ,chinese dictionaries   
for common use4 ,the ,i ,wan ,pi ,lan   
771 ',a ,complete ,exhibition of all the
 ,authorized ,characters1' published in 
#aghg2 'furnishing1' says ,dr4          
,williams1 'good definitions of all the 
common characters1 whose ancient forms  
are explained4' ,the ,pei ,wan ,yun ,fu 
771 generally known among foreigners as 
',the ,kang-hsi ,thesaurus4' ,it was    
undertaken by an imperial order1 and    
published in #agaa1 being probably1 as  
,wylie says1 'the most extensive work of
 a lexicographical character ever       
produced4' ,it does for the phraseology 
of ,chinese literature all1 and more    

than all1 that the ,kang-hsi dictionary 
does for the individual characters4 ,the
 arrangement of the characters is       
according to their tones and final      
sounds4 ,my copy of it1 with a          
supplement published about ten years    
later1 is in forty-five large volumes1  
with much more letter-press in it than  
the edition of the ,dynastic ,histories 
mentioned on p4 #acc4 ,the ,ching ,tsi  
,tswan ,ku1 ping ,pu ,wei 77771 ',a     
,digest of the ,meanings in the         
,classical and other ,books1 with       
,supplement1' by1 or rather under the   
superintendence of1 ,yuan ,yuan 7p4     
#acb74 ,this has often been found       
useful4 ,it is arranged according to the
 tones and rhymes like the characters in
 the ,thesaurus4 ,,section ,,ii4        
,,translations ,,and ,,other ,,works4   
,,confucius ,,sinarum ,,philosophus2    
sive ,scientia ,sinensis ,latine        
,exposita4 ,studio et opera ,prosperi   
,intorcetta1 ,christiani ,herdritch1    
,francisci ,rougemont1 ,philippi        

,couplet1 ,patrum ,societatis ,,jesu4   
,jussu ,ludovici ,magni4 ,parisiis1     
#ahcg4 ,,the ,,works ,,of ,,confucius2  
containing the ,original ,text1 with a  
,translation4 ,vol4 #a4 ,by ,j4         
,marshman4 ,serampore1 #ahji4 ,this is  
only a fragment of ',the ,works of      
,confucius4' ,,the ,,four ,,books2      
,translated into ,english1 by ,rev4     
,david ,collie1 of the ,london          
,missionary ,society4 ,malacca1 #ahbh4  
,l',,invariable ,,milieu2 ,ouvrage      
,moral de ,tseu-sse1 en ,chinois et en  
,mandchou1 avec une ,version littrale   
,latine1 une ,traduction ,franoise1 c4  
c4 ,par ,m4 ,abel-,rmusat4 ,a ,paris1   
#ahag4 ,,le ,,ta ,,hio1 ,,ou ,,la       
,,grande ,,tude2 ,traduit en ,franoise1 
avec une ,version ,latine1 c4 ,par ,g4  
,pauthier4 ,paris1 #ahcg4 ,y-,,king2    
,antiquissimus ,sinarum ,liber1 quem ex 
,latina ,interpretatione ,p4 ,regis1    
aliorumque ex ,soc4 ,,jesu ,,pp4 edidit 
,julius ,mohl4 ,stuttgarti et ,tubing1  
#ahci4 ,m,,moires concernant            

,l',histoire1 ,les ,sciences1 ,les      
,arts1 ,les ,murs1 ,les ,usages1 c41 des
 ,chinois4 ,par les ,missionaires de    
,pkin4 ,a ,paris1 #aggf- #ahad4         
,,histoire ,g,n,,rale ,,de ,,la ,,chine2
 ou ,annales de cet ,empire4 ,traduites 
du ,tong-,kien-,kang-,mou4 ,par le feu  
,pre ,joseph-,annie-,marie de ,moyriac  
de ,mailla1 ,jesuite ,franoise1         
,missionaire  ,pekin4 ,a ,paris1 #aggf- 
#aghe4 ,,notitia ,,lingu ,,sinic4       
,auctore ,p4 ,prmare4 ,malacc1 cura     
,academi ,anglo-,sinensis1 #ahca4 ,,the 
,,chinese ,,repository4 ,canton1 ,china1
 #bj vols41 #ahcb-ahea4 ,,dictionnaire  
,,des ,,noms1 ,anciens et ,modernes1 des
 ,villes et ,arrondissements de         
,premier1 ,deuxime1 et ,troisime ordre1 
compris dans ,l',empire ,chinois1 c4    
,par douard ,biot1 ,membre du ,conseil  
de la ,socit ,asiatique4 ,paris1 #ahdb4 
,,the ,,chinese4 ,by ,john ,francis     
,davis1 ,esq41 ,f4,r4,s41 c4 ,in two    
volumes4 ,london1 #ahcf4 ,,china3 its   
,state and ,prospects4 ,by ,w4 ,h4      

,medhurst1 ,d4 ,d41 of the ,london      
,missionary ,society4 ,london1 #ahch4   
,l',,univers3 ,histoire et ,dscription  
des tous les ,peuples4 ,chine4 ,par ,m4 
,g4 ,pauthier4 ,paris1 #ahch4 ,,history 
,,of ,,china1 from the earliest ,records
 to the ,treaty with ,great ,britain in 
#ahdb4 ,by ,thomas ,thornton1 ,esq41    
,member of the ,royal ,asiatic ,society4
 ,in two volumes4 ,london1 #ahdd4 ,,the 
,,middle ,,kingdom3 ,a ,survey of the   
,geography1 ,government1 ,education1    
,social ,life1 ,arts1 ,religion1 c41 of 
the ,chinese ,empire4 ,by ,s4 ,wells    
,williams1 ,,ll4,d4 ,in two volumes4    
,new ,york and ,london1 #ahdh4 ,the     
,second ,edition1 ,revised1 #ahhc4 ,,the
 ,,religious ,,condition ,,of ,,the     
,,chinese4 ,by ,rev4 ,joseph ,edkins1   
,b4 ,a41 of the ,london ,missionary     
,society4 ,london1 #ahei4 ,,christ ,,and
 ,,other ,,masters4 ,by ,charles        
,hardwood1 ,m4 ,a41 ,christian ,advocate
 in the ,university of ,cambridge4 ,part
 ,,iii4 ,religions of ,china1 ,america1 

and ,oceanica4 ,cambridge1 #aheh4       
,,introduction ,,to ,,the ,,study ,,of4 
,,chinese ,,characters4 ,by ,j4 ,edkins1
 ,d4,d4 ,london1 #ahgf4 ,,the           
,,structure ,,of ,,chinese ,,characters1
 under #cjj ,primary ,forms4 ,by ,john  
,chalmers1 ,m4,a41 ,,ll4,d4 ,aberdeen1  
#ahhb4