and ,chris ,brennen ,,essays ,,and ,,miscellanies ,the ,complete ,works ,volume #c ,by ,plutarch ,,contents ,,philosophical ,,essays ,that ,it ,is ,not ,possible ,to ,live ,pleasurably ,according ,to ,the ,doctrine ,of ,epicurus ,that ,a ,philosopher ,ought ,chiefly ,to ,converse ,with ,great ,men ,sentiments ,concerning ,nature1 ,with ,which ,philosophers ,were ,delighted ,abstract ,of ,a ,discourse ,showing ,that ,the ,stoics ,speak ,greater ,improbabilities ,than ,the ,poets ,symposiacs ,common ,conceptions ,against ,the ,stoics ,contradictions ,of ,the ,stoics ,the ,eating ,of ,flesh ,concerning ,fate ,against ,colotes1 ,the ,disciple ,and ,favorite ,of ,epicurus ,platonic ,questions ,,literary ,,essays ,the ,life ,and ,poetry ,of ,homer ,the ,banquet ,of ,the ,seven ,wise ,men ,how ,a ,young ,man ,ought ,to ,hear ,poems ,abstract ,of ,a ,comparison ,between ,aristophanes ,and ,menander ,the ,malice ,of ,herodotus ,,philosophical ,,essays ,,that ,,it ,,is ,,not ,,possible ,,to ,,live ,,pleasurably ,,according ,,to ,,the ,,doctrine ,,of ,,epicurus4 ,,plutarch1 ,,zeuxippus1 ,,theon1 ,,aristodemus4 ,epicurus's great confidant and familiar1 ,colotes1 set forth a book with this title to it1 that according to the tenets of the other philosophers it is impossible to live4 ,now what occurred to me then to say against him1 in the defence of those philosophers1 hath been already put into writing by me4 ,but since upon breaking up of our lecture several things have happened to be spoken afterwards in the walks in further opposition to his party1 ,i thought it not amiss to recollect them also1 if for no other reason1 yet for this one1 that those who will needs be contradicting other men may see that they ought not to run cursorily over the discourses and writings of those they would disprove1 nor by tearing out one word here and another there1 or by falling foul upon particular passages without the books1 to impose upon the ignorant and unlearned4 ,now as we were leaving the school to take a walk 7as our manner is7 in the gymnasium1 ,zeuxippus began to us3 ,in my opinion1 said he1 the debate was managed on our side with more softness and less freedom than was fitting4 ,i am sure1 ,heraclides went away disgusted with us1 for handling ,epicurus and ,aletrodorus more roughly than they deserved4 ,yet you may remember1 replied ,theon1 how you told them that ,colotes himself1 compared with the rhetoric of those two gentlemen1 would appear the complaisantest man alive2 for when they have raked together the lewdest terms of ignominy the tongue of man ever used1 as buffooneries1 trollings1 arrogancies1 whorings1 assassinations1 whining counterfeits1 black-guards1 and blockheads1 they faintly throw them in the faces of ,aristotle1 ,socrates1 ,pythagoras1 ,protagoras1 ,theophrastus1 ,heraclides1 ,hipparchus1 and which not1 even of the best and most celebrated authorities4 ,so that1 should they pass for very knowing men upon all other accounts1 yet their very calumnies and reviling language would bespeak them at the greatest distance from philosophy imaginable4 ,for emulation can never enter that godlike consort1 nor such fretfulness as wants resolution to conceal its own resentments4 ,aristodemus then subjoined3 ,heraclides1 you know1 is a great philologist2 and that may be the reason why he made ,epicurus those amends for the poetic din 7so1 that party style poetry7 and for the fooleries of ,homer2 or else1 it may be1 it was because ,metrodorus had libelled that poet in so many books4 ,but let us let these gentlemen pass at present1 ,zeuxippus1 and rather return to what was charged upon the philosophers in the beginning of our discourse1 that it is impossible to live according to their tenets4 ,and ,i see not why we two may not despatch this affair betwixt us1 with the good assistance of ,theon2 for ,i find this gentleman 7meaning me7 is already tired4 ,then ,theon said to him1 ,our fellows have that garland from us won2 therefore1 if you please1 ,let's fix another goal1 and at that run4 7,odyssey1 xxii1 #f7 ,we will even prosecute them at the suit of the philosophers1 in the following form3 ,we'll prove1 if we can1 that it is impossible to live a pleasurable life according to their tenets4 ,bless me6 said ,i to him1 smiling1 you seem to me to level your foot at the very bellies of the men1 and to design to enter the list with them for their lives1 whilst you go about to rob them thus of their pleasure1 and they cry out to you1 ,forbear1 we're no good boxers1 sir2 no1 nor good pleaders1 nor good senators1 nor good magistrates either2 ,our proper talent is to eat and drink4 7,odyssey1 viii1 #bdf1 #bdh7 and to excite such tender and delicate motions in our bodies as may chafe our imaginations to some jolly delight or gayety4 ,and therefore you seem to me not so much to take off 7as ,i may say7 the pleasurable part1 as to deprive the men of their very lives1 while you will not leave them to live pleasurably4 ,nay then1 said ,theon1 if you approve so highly of this subject1 why do you not set in hand to it8 ,by all means1 said ,i1 ,i am for this1 and shall not only hear but answer you too1 if you shall insist4 ,but ,i must leave it to you to take the lead4 ,then1 after ,theon had spoken something to excuse himself1 ,aristodemus said3 ,when we had so short and fair a cut to our design1 how have you blocked up the way before us1 by preventing us from joining issue with the faction at the very first upon the single point of propriety6 ,for you must grant1 it can be no easy matter to drive men already possessed that pleasure is their utmost good yet to believe a life of pleasure impossible to be attained4 ,but now the truth is1 that when they failed of living becomingly they failed also of living pleasurably2 for to live pleasurably without living becomingly is even by themselves allowed inconsistent4 ,theon then said3 ,we may probably resume the consideration of that in the process of our discourse2 in the interim we will make use of their concessions4 ,now they suppose their last good to lie about the belly and such other conveyances of the body as let in pleasure and not pain2 and are of opinion1 that all the brave and ingenious inventions that ever have been were contrived at first for the pleasure of the belly1 or the good hope of compassing such pleasure1--as the sage ,metrodorus informs us4 ,by which1 my good friend1 it is very plain1 they found their pleasure in a poor1 rotten1 and unsure thing1 and one that is equally perforated for pains1 by the very passages they receive their pleasures by2 or rather indeed1 that admits pleasure but by a few1 but pain by all its parts4 ,for the whole of pleasure is in a manner in the joints1 nerves1 feet1 and hands2 and these are oft the seats of very grievous and lamentable distempers1 as gouts1 corroding rheums1 gangrenes1 and putrid ulcers4 ,and if you apply to yourself the exquisitest of perfumes or gusts1 you will find but some one small part of your body is finely and delicately touched1 while the rest are many times filled with anguish and complaints4 ,besides1 there is no part of us proof against fire1 sword1 teeth1 or scourges1 or insensible of dolors and aches2 yea1 heats1 colds1 and fevers sink into all our parts alike4 ,but pleasures1 like gales of soft wind1 move simpering1 one towards one extreme of the body and another towards another1 and then go off in a vapor4 ,nor are they of any long durance1 but1 as so many glancing meteors1 they are no sooner kindled in the body than they are quenched by it4 ,as to pain1 ,aeschylus's ,philoctetes affords us a sufficient testimony3-- ,the cruel viper ne'er will quit my foot2 ,her dire envenomed teeth have there ta'en root4 ,for pain will not troll off as pleasure doth1 nor imitate it in its pleasing and tickling touches4 ,but as the clover twists its perplexed and winding roots into the earth1 and through its coarseness abides there a long time2 so pain disperses and entangles its hooks and roots in the body1 and continues there1 not for a day or a night1 but for several seasons of years1 if not for some revolutions of ,olympiads1 nor scarce ever departs unless struck out by other pains1 as by stronger nails4 ,for who ever drank so long as those that are in a fever are a-dry8 ,or who was ever so long eating as those that are besieged suffer hunger8 ,or where are there any that are so long solaced with the conversation of friends as tyrants are racking and tormenting8 ,now all this is owing to the baseness of the body and its natural incapacity for a pleasurable life2 for it bears pains better than it doth pleasures1 and with respect to those is firm and hardy1 but with respect to these is feeble and soon palled4 ,to which add1 that if we are minded to discourse on a life of pleasure1 these men won't give us leave to go on1 but will presently confess themselves that the pleasures of the body are but short1 or rather indeed but of a moment's continuance2 if they do not design to banter us or else speak out of vanity1 when ,metrodorus tells us1 ,we many times spit at the pleasures of the body1 and ,epicurus saith1 ,a wise man1 when he is sick1 many times laughs in the very extremity of his distemper4 ,for ,ithaca is no fit place ,for mettled steeds to run a race4 7,odyssey1 iv4 #fje47 ,neither can the joys of our poor bodies be smooth and equal2 but on the contrary they must be coarse and harsh1 and immixed with much that is displeasing and inflamed4 ,zeuxippus then said3 ,and do you not think then they take the right course to begin at the body1 where they observe pleasure to have its first rise1 and thence to pass to the mind as the more stable and sure part1 there to complete and crown the whole8 ,they do1 by ,jove1 ,i said2 and if1 after removing thither they have indeed found something more consummate than before1 a course too as well agreeing with nature as becoming men adorned with both contemplative and civil knowledge4 ,but if after all this you still hear them cry out1 and protest that the mind of man can receive no satisfaction or tranquillity from anything under ,heaven but the pleasures of the body either in possession or expectance1 and that these are its proper and only good1 can you forbear thinking they make use of the soul but as a funnel for the body1 while they mellow their pleasure by shifting it from one vessel to another1 as they rack wine out of an old and leaky vessel into a new one and there let it grow old1 and then imagine they have performed some extraordinary and very fine thing8 ,true indeed1 a fresh pipe may both keep and recover wine that hath thus been drawn off2 but the mind1 receiving but the remembrance only of past pleasure1 like a kind of scent1 retains that and no more4 ,for as soon as it hath given one hiss in the body1 it immediately expires1 and that little of it that stays behind in the memory is but flat and like a queasy fume3 as if a man should lay up and treasure in his fancy what he either ate or drank yesterday1 that he may have recourse to that when he wants fresh fare4 ,see now how much more temperate the ,cyrenaics are1 who1 though they have drunk out of the same bottle with ,epicurus1 yet will not allow men so much as to practise their amours by candlelight1 but only under the covert of the dark1 for fear seeing should fasten too quick an impression of the images of such actions upon the fancy and thereby too frequently inflame the desire4 ,but these gentlemen account it the highest accomplishment of a philosopher to have a clear and retentive memory of all the various figures1 passions1 and touches of past pleasure4 ,we will not now say1 they present us with nothing worthy the name of philosophy1 while they leave the refuse of pleasure in their wise man's mind1 as if it could be a lodging for bodies2 but that it is impossible such things as these should make a man live pleasurably1 ,i think is abundantly manifest from hence4 ,for it will not perhaps seem strange if ,i assert1 that the memory of pleasure past brings no pleasure with it if it appeared but little in the very enjoyment1 or to men of such abstinence as to account it for their benefit to retire from its first approaches2 when even the most amazed and sensual admirers of corporeal delights remain no longer in their gaudy and pleasant humor than their pleasure lasts them4 ,what remains is but an empty shadow and dream of that pleasure that hath now taken wing and is fled from them1 and that serves but for fuel to foment their untamed desires4 ,like as in those that dream they are a-dry or in love1 their unaccomplished pleasures and enjoyments do but excite the inclination to a greater keenness4 ,nor indeed can the remembrance of past enjoyments afford them any real contentment at all1 but must serve only1 with the help of a quick desire1 to raise up very much of outrage and stinging pain out of the remains of a feeble and befooling pleasure4 ,neither doth it befit men of continence and sobriety to exercise their thoughts about such poor things1 or to do what one twitted ,carneades with1 to reckon1 as out of a diurnal1 how oft they have lain with ,hedia or ,leontion1 or where they last drank ,thasian wine1 or at what twentieth-day feast they had a costly supper4 ,for such transport and captivatedness of the mind to its own remembrances as this is would show a detestable and bestial restlessness and raving towards the present and hoped-for acts of pleasure4 ,and therefore ,i cannot but look upon the sense of these inconveniences as the true cause of their retiring at last to a freedom from pain and a firm state of body2 as if living pleasurably could lie in bare imagining this either past or future to some persons4 ,true indeed it is1 that a sound state of body and a good assurance of its continuing must needs afford a most transcending and solid satisfaction to all men capable of reasoning4 ,but yet look first what work they make1 while they course this same thing--whether it be pleasure1 exemption from pain1 or good health--up and down1 first from the body to the mind1 and then back again from the mind to the body1 being compelled to return it to its first origin1 lest it should run out and so give them the slip4 ,thus they place the pleasure of the body 7as ,epicurus says7 upon the complacent joy in the mind1 and yet conclude again with the good hopes that complacent joy hath in bodily pleasure4 ,indeed what wonder is it if1 when the foundation shakes1 the superstructure totter8 ,or that there should be no sure hope nor unshaken joy in a matter that suffers so great concussion and changes as continually attend a body exposed to so many violences and strokes from without1 and having within it the origins of such evils as human reason cannot avert8 ,for if it could1 no understanding man would ever fall under stranguries1 gripes1 consumptions1 or dropsies2 with some of which ,epicurus himself did conflict and ,polyaenus with others1 while others of them were the deaths of ,neocles and ,agathobulus4 ,and this we mention not to disparage them1 knowing very well that ,pherecydes and ,heraclitus1 both very excellent persons1 labored under very uncouth and calamitous distempers4 ,we only beg of them1 if they will own their own diseases and not by noisy rants and popular harangues incur the imputation of false bravery1 either not to take the health of the whole body for the ground of their content1 or else not to say that men under the extremities of dolors and diseases can yet rally and be pleasant4 ,for a sound and hale constitution of body is indeed a thing that often happens1 but a firm and steadfast assurance of its continuance can never befall an intelligent mind4 ,but as at sea 7according to ,aeschylus7 ,night to the ablest pilot trouble brings1 7,aechylus1 ,suppliants1 #ggj47 and so will a calm too1 for no man knows what will be1--so likewise is it impossible for a soul that dwells in a healthful body1 and that places her good in the hopes she hath of that body1 to perfect her voyage here without frights or waves4 ,for man's mind hath not1 like the sea1 its tempests and storms only from without it1 but it also raises up from within far more and greater disturbances4 ,and a man may with more reason look for constant fair weather in the midst of winter than for perpetual exemption from afflictions in his body4 ,for what else hath given the poets occasion to term us ephemeral creatures1 uncertain and unfixed1 and to liken our lives to leaves that both spring and fall in the lapse of a summer1 but the unhappy1 calamitous1 and sickly condition of the body1 whose very utmost good we are warned to dread and prevent8 ,for an exquisite habit1 ,hippocrates saith1 is slippery and hazardous4 ,and ,he that but now looked jolly1 plump1 and stout1 ,like a star shot by ,jove1 is now gone out2 as it is in ,euripides4 ,and it is a vulgar persuasion1 that very handsome persons1 when looked upon1 oft suffer damage by envy and an evil eye2 for a body at its utmost vigor will through delicacy very soon admit of changes4 ,but now that these men are miserably unprovided for an undisturbed life1 you may discern even from what they themselves advance against others4 ,for they say that those who commit wickedness and incur the displeasure of the laws live in constant misery and fear1 for1 though they may perhaps attain to privacy1 yet it is impossible they should ever be well assured of that privacy2 whence the ever impending fear of the future will not permit them to have either complacency or assurance in their present circumstances4 ,but they consider not how they speak all this against themselves4 ,for a sound and healthy state of body they may indeed oftentimes possess1 but that they should ever be well assured of its continuance is impossible2 and they must of necessity be in constant disquiet and pain for the body with respect to futurity1 never being able to reach that firm and steadfast assurance which they expect4 ,but to do no wickedness will contribute nothing to our assurance2 for it is not suffering unjustly but suffering in itself that is dismaying4 ,nor can it be a matter of trouble to be engaged in villanies one's self1 and not afflictive to suffer by the villanies of others4 ,neither can it be said that the tyranny of ,lachares was less1 if it was not more1 calamitous to the ,athenians1 and that of ,dionysius to the ,syracusans1 than they were to the tyrants themselves2 for it was disturbing that made them be disturbed2 and their first oppressing and pestering of others gave them occasion to expect to suffer ill themselves4 ,why should a man recount the outrages of rabbles1 the barbarities of thieves1 or the villanies of inheritors1 or yet the contagions of airs and the concursions of seas1 by which ,epicurus 7as himself writeth7 was in his voyage to ,lampsacus within very little of drowning8 ,the very composition of the body--it containing in it the matter of all diseases1 and 7to use a pleasantry of the vulgar7 cutting thongs for the beast out of its own hide1 ,i mean pains out of the body--is sufficient to make life perilous and uneasy1 and that to the good as well as to the bad1 if they have learned to set their complacence and assurance in the body and the hopes they have of it1 and in nothing else2 as ,epicurus hath written1 as well in many other of his discourses as in that of ,man's ,end4 ,they therefore assign not only a treacherous and unsure ground of their pleasurable living1 but also one in all respects despicable and little1 if the escaping of evils be the matter of their complacence and last good4 ,but now they tell us1 nothing else can be so much as imagined1 and nature hath no other place to bestow her good in but only that out of which her evil hath been driven2 as ,metrodorus speaks in his book against the ,sophists4 ,so that this single thing1 to escape evil1 he says1 is the supreme good2 for there is no room to lodge this good in where no more of what is painful and afflicting goes out4 ,like unto this is that of ,epicurus1 where he saith3 ,the very essence of good arises from the escaping of bad1 and a man's recollecting1 considering1 and rejoicing within himself that this hath befallen him4 ,for what occasions transcending joy 7he saith7 is some great impending evil escaped2 and in this lies the very nature and essence of good1 if a man consider it aright1 and contain himself when he hath done1 and not ramble and prate idly about it4 ,oh1 the rare satisfaction and felicity these men enjoy1 that can thus rejoice for having undergone no evil and endured neither sorrow nor pain6 ,have they not reason1 think you1 to value themselves for such things as these1 and to speak as they are wont when they style themselves immortals and equals to gods8--and when1 through the excessiveness and transcendency of the blessed things they enjoy1 they rave even to the degree of whooping and hollowing for very satisfaction that1 to the shame of all mortals1 they have been the only men that could find out this celestial and divine good that lies in an exemption from all evil8 ,so that their beatitude differs little from that of swine and sheep1 while they place it in a mere tolerable and contented state1 either of the body1 or of the mind upon the body's account4 ,for even the more prudent and more ingenious sort of brutes do not esteem escaping of evil their last end2 but when they have taken their repast1 they are disposed next by fullness to singing1 and they divert themselves with swimming and flying2 and their gayety and sprightliness prompt them to entertain themselves with attempting to counterfeit all sorts of voices and notes2 and then they make their caresses to one another1 by skipping and dancing one towards another2 nature inciting them1 after they have escaped evil1 to look after some good1 or rather to shake off what they find uneasy and disagreeing1 as an impediment to their pursuit of something better and more congenial4 ,for what we cannot be without deserves not the name of good2 but that which claims our desire and preference must be something beyond a bare escape from evil4 ,and so1 by ,jove1 must that be too that is either agreeing or congenial to us1 according to ,plato1 who will not allow us to give the name of pleasures to the bare departures of sorrows and pains1 but would have us look upon them rather as obscure draughts and mixtures of agreeing and disagreeing1 as of black and white1 while the extremes would advance themselves to a middle temperament4 ,but oftentimes unskilfulness and ignorance of the true nature of extreme occasions some to mistake the middle temperament for the extreme and outmost part4 ,thus do ,epicurus and ,metrodorus1 while they make avoiding of evil to be the very essence and consummation of good1 and so receive but as it were the satisfaction of slaves or of rogues newly discharged the jail1 who are well enough contented if they may but wash and supple their sores and the stripes they received by whipping1 but never in their lives had one taste or sight of a generous1 clean1 unmixed and unulcerated joy4 ,for it follows not that1 if it be vexatious to have one's body itch or one's eyes to run1 it must be therefore a blessing to scratch one's self1 and to wipe one's eye with a rag2 nor that1 if it be bad to be dejected or dismayed at divine matters or to be discomposed with the relations of hell1 therefore the bare avoiding of all this must be some happy and amiable thing4 ,the truth is1 these men's opinion1 though it pretends so far to outgo that of the vulgar1 allows their joy but a straight and narrow compass to toss and tumble in1 while it extends it but to an exemption from the fear of hell1 and so makes that the top of acquired wisdom which is doubtless natural to the brutes4 ,for if freedom from bodily pain be still the same1 whether it come by endeavor or by nature1 neither then is an undisturbed state of mind the greater for being attained to by industry than if it came by nature4 ,though a man may with good reason maintain that to be the more confirmed habit of the mind which naturally admits of no disorder1 than that which by application and judgment eschews it4 ,but let us suppose them both equal2 they will yet appear not one jot superior to the beasts for being unconcerned at the stories of hell and the legends of the gods1 and for not expecting endless sorrows and everlasting torments hereafter4 ,for it is ,epicurus himself that tells us that1 had our surmises about heavenly phenomena and our foolish apprehensions of death and the pains that ensue it given us no disquiet1 we had not then needed to contemplate nature for our relief4 ,for neither have the brutes any weak surmises of the gods or fond opinion about things after death to disorder themselves with2 nor have they as much as imagination or notion that there is anything in these to be dreaded4 ,i confess1 had they left us the benign providence of ,god as a presumption1 wise men might then seem1 by reason of their good hopes from thence1 to have something towards a pleasurable life that beasts have not4 ,but now1 since they have made it the scope of all their discourses of ,god that they may not fear him1 but may be eased of all concern about him1 ,i much question whether those that never thought at all of him have not this in a more confirmed degree than they that have learned to think he can do no harm4 ,for if they were never freed from superstition1 they never fell into it2 and if they never laid aside a disturbing conceit of ,god1 they never took one up4 ,the like may be said as to hell and the future state4 ,for though neither the ,epicurean nor the brute can hope for any good thence2 yet such as have no forethought of death at all cannot but be less amused and scared with what comes after it than they that betake themselves to the principle that death is nothing to us4 ,but something to them it must be1 at least so far as they concern themselves to reason about it and contemplate it2 but the beasts are wholly exempted from thinking of what appertains not to them2 and if they fly from blows1 wounds1 and slaughters1 they fear no more in death than is dismaying to the ,epicurean himself4 ,such then are the things they boast to have attained by their philosophy4 ,let us now see what those are they deprive themselves of and chase away from them4 ,for those diffusions of the mind that arise from the body1 and the pleasing condition of the body1 if they be but moderate1 appear to have nothing in them that is either great or considerable2 but if they be excessive1 besides their being vain and uncertain1 they are also importune and petulant2 nor should a man term them either mental satisfactions or gayeties1 but rather corporeal gratifications1 they being at best but the simperings and effeminacies of the mind4 ,but now such as justly deserve the names of complacencies and joys are wholly refined from their contraries1 and are immixed with neither vexation1 remorse1 nor repentance2 and their good is congenial to the mind and truly mental and genuine1 and not superinduced4 ,nor is it devoid of reason1 but most rational1 as springing either from that in the mind that is contemplative and inquiring1 or else from that part of it that is active and heroic4 ,how many and how great satisfactions either of these affords us1 no one can ever relate4 ,but to hint briefly at some of them4 ,we have the historians before us1 which1 though they find us many and delightful exercises1 still leave our desire after truth insatiate and uncloyed with pleasure1 through which even lies are not without their grace4 ,yea1 tales and poetic fictions1 while they cannot gain upon our belief1 have something in them that is charming to us4 ,for do but think with yourself1 with what a sting we read ,plato's ,atlantic and the conclusion of the ,iliad1 and how we hanker and gape after the rest of the tale1 as when some beautiful temple or theatre is shut up4 ,but now the informing of ourselves with the truth herself is a thing so delectable and lovely as if our very life and being were for the sake of knowing4 ,and the darkest and grimmest things in death are its oblivion1 ignorance1 and obscurity4 ,whence1 by ,jove1 it is that almost all mankind encounter with those that would destroy the sense of the departed1 as placing the very whole of their life1 being1 and satisfaction solely in the sensible and knowing part of the mind4 ,for even the things that grieve and afflict us yet afford us a sort of pleasure in the hearing4 ,and it is often seen that those that are disordered by what is told them1 even to the degree of weeping1 notwithstanding require the telling of it4 ,so he in the tragedy who is told1 ,alas ,i now the very worst must tell1 replies1 ,i dread to hear it too1 but ,i must hear4 7,sophocles1 ,pedipus ,tyrannus1 #aafi1 #aagj47 ,but this may seem perhaps a sort of intemperateness of delight in knowing everything1 and as it were a stream violently bearing down the reasoning faculty4 ,but now1 when a story that hath in it nothing that is troubling and afflictive treats of great and heroic enterprises with a potency and grace of style such as we find in ,herodotus's ,grecian and in ,xenophon's ,persian history1 or in what1 ,inspired by heavenly gods1 sage ,homer sung1 or in the ,travels of ,euxodus1 the ,foundations and ,republics of ,aristotle1 and the ,lives of ,famous ,men compiled by ,aristoxenus2 these will not only bring us exceeding much and great contentment1 but such also as is clean and secure from repentance4 ,and who could take greater satisfaction either in eating when a-hungry or drinking when a-dry amongst the ,phaeacians1 than in going over ,ulysses's relation of his own voyage and rambles8 ,and what man could be better pleased with the embraces of the most exquisite beauty1 than with sitting up all night to read over what ,xenophon hath written of ,panthea1 or ,aristobulus of ,timoclea1 or ,theopompus of ,thebe8 ,but now these appertain all solely to the mind4 ,but they chase away from them the delights that accrue from the mathematics also4 ,though the satisfactions we receive from history have in them something simple and equal2 but those that come from geometry1 astronomy1 and music inveigle and allure us with a sort of nimbleness and variety1 and want nothing that is tempting and engaging2 their figures attracting us as so many charms1 whereof whoever hath once tasted1 if he be but competently skilled1 will run about chanting that in ,sophocles1 ,i'm mad2 the ,muses with new rage inspire me4 ,i'll mount the hill2 my lyre1 my numbers fire me4 7,from the ,thamyras of ,sophocles1 ,frag4 #bbe7 ,nor doth ,thamyras break out into poetic raptures upon any other score2 nor1 by ,jove1 ,euxodus1 ,aristarchus1 or ,archimedes4 ,and when the lovers of the art of painting are so enamoured with the charmingness of their own performances1 that ,nicias1 as he was drawing the ,evocation of ,ghosts in ,homer1 often asked his servants whether he had dined or no1 and when ,king ,ptolemy had sent him threescore talents for his piece1 after it was finished1 he neither would accept the money nor part with his work2 what and how great satisfactions may we then suppose to have been reaped from geometry and astronomy by ,euclid when he wrote his ,dioptrics1 by ,philippus when he had perfected his demonstration of the figure of the moon1 by ,archimedes when with the help of a certain angle he had found the sun's diameter to make the same part of the largest circle that that angle made of four right angles1 and by ,apollonius and ,aristarchus who were the inventors of some other things of the like nature8 ,the bare contemplating and comprehending of all these now engender in the learners both unspeakable delights and a marvellous height of spirit4 ,and it doth in no wise beseem me1 by comparing with these the fulsome debauchees of victualling-houses and stews1 to contaminate ,helicon and the ,muses1-- ,where swain his flock ne'er fed1 ,nor tree by hatchet bled4 7,euripides1 ,hippolytus1 #ge47 ,but these are the verdant and untrampled pastures of ingenious bees2 but those are more like the mange of lecherous boars and he-goats4 ,and though a voluptuous temper of mind be naturally erratic and precipitate1 yet never any yet sacrificed an ox for joy that he had gained his will of his mistress2 nor did any ever wish to die immediately1 might he but once satiate himself with the costly dishes and comfits at the table of his prince4 ,but now ,eudoxus wished he might stand by the sun1 and inform himself of the figure1 magnitude1 and beauty of that luminary1 though he were1 like ,phaethon1 consumed by it4 ,and ,pythagoras offered an ox in sacrifice for having completed the lines of a certain geometric diagram2 as ,apollodotus tells us1 ,when the famed lines ,pythagoras devised1 ,for which a splendid ox he sacrificed4 ,whether it was that by which he showed that the line that regards the right angle in a triangle is equivalent to the two lines that contain that angle1 or the problem about the area of the parabolic section of a cone4 ,and ,archimedes's servants were forced to hale him away from his draughts1 to be anointed in the bath2 but he notwithstanding drew the lines upon his belly with his strigil4 ,and when1 as he was washing 7as the story goes of him71 he thought of a manner of computing the proportion of gold in ,king ,hiero's crown by seeing the water flowing over the bathing-stool1 he leaped up as one possessed or inspired1 crying1 ,i have found it2 which after he had several times repeated1 he went his way4 ,but we never yet heard of a glutton that exclaimed with such vehemence1 ,i have eaten1 or of an amorous gallant that ever cried1 ,i have kissed1 among the many millions of dissolute debauchees that both this and preceding ages have produced4 ,yea1 we abominate those that make mention of their great suppers with too luscious a gust1 as men overmuch taken with mean and abject delights4 ,but we find ourselves in one and the same ecstasy with ,eudoxus1 ,archimedes1 and ,hipparchus2 and we readily give assent to ,plato when he saith of the mathematics1 that while ignorance and unskilledness make men despise them1 they still thrive notwithstanding by reason of their charmingness1 in despite of contempt4 ,these then so great and so many pleasures1 that run like perpetual springs and rills1 these men decline and avoid2 nor will they permit those that put in among them so much as to take a taste of them1 but bid them hoist up the little sails of their paltry cock-boats and fly from them4 ,nay1 they all1 both he and she philosophers1 beg and entreat ,pythocles1 for dear ,epicurus's sake1 not to affect or make such account of the sciences called liberal4 ,and when they cry up and defend one ,apelles1 they write of him that he kept himself clean by refraining himself all along from the mathematics4 ,but as to history--to pass over their aversedness to other kinds of compositions--,i shall only present you with the words of ,metrodorus1 who in his treatise of the ,poets writes thus3 ,wherefore let it never disturb you1 if you know not either what side ,hector was of1 or the first verses in ,homer's ,poem1 or again what is in its middle4 ,but that the pleasures of the body spend themselves like the winds called ,etesian or ,anniversary1 and utterly determine when once age is past its vigor1 ,epicurus himself was not insensible2 and therefore he makes it a problematic question1 whether a sage philosopher1 when he is an old man and disabled for enjoyment1 may not still be recreated with having handsome girls to feel and grope him1 being not1 it seems1 of the mind of old ,sophocles1 who thanked ,god he had at length escaped from this kind of pleasure1 as from an untamed and furious master4 ,but1 in my opinion1 it would be more advisable for these sensual lechers1 when they see that age will dry up so many of their pleasures1 and that1 as ,euripides saith1 ,dame ,venus is to ancient men a foe1 7,euripides1 ,aeolus1 ,frag4 #bc47 in the first place to collect and lay up in store1 as against a siege1 these other pleasures1 as a sort of provision that will not impair and decay2 that then1 after they have celebrated the venereal festivals of life1 they may spend a cleanly after-feast in reading over the historians and poets1 or else in problems of music and geometry4 ,for it would never have come into their minds so much as to think of these purblind and toothless gropings and spurtings of lechery1 had they but learned1 if nothing more1 to write comments upon ,homer or ,euripides1 as ,aristotle1 ,heraclides1 and ,dicaerchus did4 ,but ,i verily persuade myself that their neglecting to take care for such provisions as these1 and finding all the other things they employed themselves in 7as they use to say of virtue7 but insipid and dry1 and being wholly set upon pleasure1 and the body no longer supplying them with it1 give them occasion to stoop to do things both mean and shameful in themselves and unbecoming their age2 as well when they refresh their memories with their former pleasures and serve themselves of old ones 7as it were7 long since dead and laid up in pickle for the purpose1 when they cannot have fresh ones1 as when again they offer violence to nature by suscitating and inflaming in their decayed bodies1 as in cold embers1 other new ones equally senseless1 they having not1 it seems1 their minds stored with any congenial pleasure that is worth the rejoicing at4 ,as to the other delights of the mind1 we have already treated of them1 as they occurred to us4 ,but their aversedness and dislike to music1 that affords us so great delights and such charming satisfactions1 a man could not forget if he would1 by reason of the inconsistency of what ,epicurus saith1 when he pronounceth in his book called his ,doubts that his wise man ought to be a lover of public spectacles and to delight above any other man in the music and shows of the ,bacchanals2 and yet he will not admit of music problems or of the critical inquiries of philologists1 no1 not so much as at a compotation4 ,yea1 he advises such princes as are lovers of the ,muses rather to entertain themselves at their feasts either with some narration of military adventures or with the importune scurrilities of drolls and buffoons1 than to engage in disputes about music or in questions of poetry4 ,for this very thing he had the face to write in his treatise of ,monarchy1 as if he were writing to ,sardanapalus1 or to ,nanarus ruler of ,babylon4 ,for neither would a ,hiero nor an ,attalus nor an ,archelaus be persuaded to make a ,euripides1 a ,simonides1 a ,melanippides1 a ,crates1 or a ,diodotus rise up from their tables1 and to place such scaramuchios in their rooms as a ,cardax1 an ,agrias1 or a ,callias1 or fellows like ,thrasonides and ,thrasyleon1 to make people disorder the house with hollowing and clapping4 ,had the great ,ptolemy1 who was the first that formed a consort of musicians1 but met with these excellent and royal admonitions1 would he not1 think you1 have thus addressed himself to the ,samians3-- ,o ,muse1 whence art thou thus maligned8 ,for certainly it can never belong to any ,athenian to be in such enmity and hostility with the ,muses4 ,but ,no animal accurst by ,jove ,music's sweet charms can ever love4 7,pindar1 ,pythian1 i4 #be47 ,what sayest thou now1 ,epicurus8 ,wilt thou get thee up betimes in the morning1 and go to the theatre to hear the harpers and flutists play8 ,but if a ,theophrastus discourse at the table of ,concords1 or an ,aristoxenus of ,varieties1 or if an ,aristophanes play the critic upon ,homer1 wilt thou presently1 for very dislike and abhorrence1 clap both thy hands upon thy ears8 ,and do they not hereby make the ,scythian king ,ateas more musical than this comes to1 who1 when he heard that admirable flutist ,ismenias1 detained then by him as a prisoner of war1 playing upon the flute at a compotation1 swore he had rather hear his own horse neigh8 ,and do they not also profess themselves to stand at an implacable and irreconcilable defiance with whatever is generous and becoming8 ,and indeed what do they ever embrace or affect that is either genteel or regardable1 when it hath nothing of pleasure to accompany it8 ,and would it not far less affect a pleasurable way of living1 to abhor perfumes and odors1 like beetles and vultures1 than to shun and abhor the conversation of learned1 critics and musicians8 ,for what flute or harp ready tuned for a lesson1 or ,what sweetest concerts e'er with artful noise1 ,warbled by softest tongue and best tuned voice1 ever gave ,epicurus and ,metrodorus such content as the disputes and precepts about concerts gave ,aristotle1 ,theophrastus1 ,hieronymus1 and ,dicaerchus8 ,and also the problems about flutes1 rhythms1 and harmonies2 as1 for instance1 why the longer of two flutes of the same longitude should speak flatter8--why1 if you raise the pipe1 will all its notes be sharp2 and flat again1 if you depress it8--and why1 when clapped to another1 will it sound flatter2 and sharper again1 when taken from it8--why also1 if you scatter chaff or dust about the orchestra of a theatre1 will the sound be deadened8--and why1 when one would have set up a bronze ,alexander for a frontispiece to a stage at ,pella1 did the architect advise to the contrary1 because it would spoil the actors' voices8 and why1 of the several kinds of music1 will the chromatic diffuse and the harmonic compose the mind8 ,but now the several humors of poets1 their differing turns and forms of style1 and the solutions of their difficult places1 have conjoined with a sort of dignity and politeness somewhat also that is extremely agreeable and charming2 insomuch that to me they seem to do what was once said by ,xenophon1 to make a man even forget the joys of love1 so powerful and overcoming is the pleasure they bring us4 ,in this investigation these gentlemen have not the least share1 nor do they so much as pretend or desire to have any4 ,but while they are sinking and depressing their contemplative part into the body1 and dragging it down by their sensual and intemperate appetites1 as by so many weights of lead1 they make themselves appear little better than hostlers or graziers that still ply their cattle with hay1 straw1 or grass1 looking upon such provender as the properest and meetest food for them4 ,and is it not even thus they would swill the mind with the pleasures of the body1 as hogherds do their swine1 while they will not allow it can be gay any longer than it is hoping1 experiencing1 or remembering something that refers to the body2 but will not have it either to receive or seek for any congenial joy or satisfaction from within itself8 ,though what can be more absurd and unreasonable than--when there are two things that go to make up the man1 a body and a soul1 and the soul besides hath the perogative of governing--that the body should have its peculiar1 natural1 and proper good1 and the soul none at all1 but must sit gazing at the body and simper at its passions1 as if she were pleased and affected with them1 though indeed she be all the while wholly untouched and unconcerned1 as having nothing of her own to choose1 desire1 or take delight in8 ,for they should either pull off the vizor quite1 and say plainly that man is all body 7as some of them do1 that take away all mental being71 or1 if they will allow us to have two distinct natures1 they should then leave to each its proper good and evil1 agreeable and disagreeable2 as we find it to be with our senses1 each of which is peculiarly adapted to its own sensible1 though they all very strangely intercommune one with another4 ,now the intellect is the proper sense of the mind2 and therefore that it should have no congenial speculation1 movement1 or affection of its own1 the attaining to which should be matter of complacency to it1 is the most irrational thing in the world1 if ,i have not1 by ,jove1 unwittingly done the men wrong1 and been myself imposed upon by some that may perhaps have calumniated them4 ,then ,i said to him3 ,if we may be your judges1 you have not2 yea1 we must acquit you of having offered them the least indignity2 and therefore pray despatch the rest of your discourse with assurance4 ,how6 said ,i1 and shall not ,aristodemus then succeed me1 if you are tired out yourself8 ,aristodemus said3 ,with all my heart1 when you are as much tired as he is2 but since you are yet in your vigor1 pray make use of yourself1 my noble friend1 and don't think to pretend weariness4 ,theon then replied3 ,what is yet behind1 ,i must confess1 is very easy2 it being but to go over the several pleasures contained in that part of life that consists in action4 ,now themselves somewhere say that there is far more satisfaction in doing than in receiving good2 and good may be done many times1 it is true1 by words1 but the most and greatest part of good consists in action1 as the very name of beneficence tells us and they themselves also attest4 ,for you may remember1 continued he1 we heard this gentleman tell us but now what words ,epicurus uttered1 and what letters he sent to his friends1 applauding and magnifying ,metrodorus1--how bravely and like a spark he quitted the city and went down to the port to relieve ,mithrus the ,syrian1--and this1 though ,metrodorus did not then do anything at all4 ,what and how great then may we presume the pleasures of ,plato to have been1 when ,dion by the measures he gave him deposed the tyrant ,dionysius and set ,sicily at liberty8 ,and what the pleasures of ,aristotle1 when he rebuilt his native city ,stagira1 then levelled with the ground1 and brought back its exiled inhabitants8 ,and what the pleasures of ,theophrastus and of ,phidias1 when they cut off the tyrants of their respective countries8 ,for what need a man recount to you1 who so well know it1 how many particular persons they relieved1 not by sending them a little wheat or a measure of meal 7as ,epicurus did to some of his friends71 but by procuring restoration to the banished1 liberty to the imprisoned1 and restitution of wives and children to those that had been bereft of them8 ,but a man could not1 if he were willing1 pass by the sottish stupidity of the man who1 though he tramples under foot and vilifies the great and generous actions of ,themistocles and ,miltiades1 yet writes these very words to his friends about himself3 ,you have given a very gallant and noble testimony of your care of me in the provision of corn you have made for me1 and have declared your affection to me by signs that mount to the very skies4 ,so that1 should a man but take that poor parcel of corn out of the great philosopher's epistle1 it might seem to be the recital of some letter of thanks for the delivery or preservation of all ,greece or of the commons of ,athens4 ,we will now forbear to mention that ,nature requires very large and chargeable provisions to be made for accomplishing the pleasures of the body2 nor can the height of delicacy be had in black bread and lentil pottage4 ,but voluptuous and sensual appetites expect costly dishes1 ,thasian wines1 perfumed unguents1 and varieties of pastry works1 ,and cakes by female hands wrought artfully1 ,well steep'd in th' liquor of the gold-wing'd bee2 and besides all this1 handsome young lassies too1 such as ,leontion1 ,boidion1 ,hedia1 and ,nicedion1 that were wont to roam about in ,epicurus's philosophic garden4 ,but now such joys as suit the mind must undoubtedly be grounded upon a grandeur of actions and a splendor of worthy deeds1 if men would not seem little1 ungenerous1 and puerile1 but on the contrary1 bulky1 firm1 and brave4 ,but for a man to be elated by happiness1 as ,epicurus is1 like sailors upon the festivals of ,venus1 and to vaunt himself that1 when he was sick of an ascites1 he notwithstanding called his friends together to certain collations and grudged not his dropsy the addition of good liquor1 and that1 when he called to remembrance the last words of ,neocles1 he was melted with a peculiar sort of joy intermixed with tears1--no man in his right senses would call these true joys or satisfactions4 ,nay1 ,i will be bold to say that1 if such a thing as that they call a sardonic or grinning laughter can happen to the mind1 it is to be found in these artificial and crying laughters4 ,but if any will needs have them still called by the name of joys and satisfactions1 let him but yet think how far they are exceeded by the pleasures that here ensue3-- ,our counsels have proud ,sparta's glory clipt2 and ,stranger1 this is his country ,rome's great star2 and again this1 ,i know not which to guess thee1 man or god4 ,now when ,i set before my eyes the brave achievements of ,thrasybulus and ,pelopidas1 of ,aristides engaged at ,platea and ,miltiades at ,marathon1 ,i am here constrained with ,herodotus to declare it my opinion1 that in an active state of life the pleasure far exceeds the glory4 ,and ,epaminondas herein bears me witness also1 when he saith 7as is reported of him71 that the greatest satisfaction he ever received in his life was that his father and mother had lived to see the trophy set up at ,leuctra when himself was general4 ,let us then compare with ,epaminondas's ,epicurus's mother1 rejoicing that she had lived to see her son cooping himself up in a little garden1 and getting children in common with ,polyaenus upon the strumpet of ,cyzicus4 ,as for ,metrodorus's mother and sister1 how extravagantly rejoiced they were at his nuptials appears by the letters he wrote to his brother in answer to his2 that is1 out of his own books4 ,nay1 they tell us bellowing that they have not only lived a life of pleasure1 but also exult and sing hymns in the praise of their own living4 ,though1 when our servants celebrate the festivals of ,saturn or go in procession at the time of the rural bacchanals1 you would scarcely brook the hollowing and din they make1 if the intemperateness of their joy and their insensibleness of decorum should make them act and speak such things as these3-- ,lean down1 boy6 why dost sit ,i let's tope like mad6 ,here's belly-timber store2 ne'er spare it1 lad4 ,straight these huzza like wild4 ,one fills up drink2 ,another plaits a wreath1 and crowns the brink ,o' th' teeming bowl4 ,then to the verdant bays ,all chant rude carols in ,apollo's praise2 ,while one the door with drunken fury smites1 ,till he from bed his loving consort frights4 ,and are not ,metrodorus's words something like to these when he writes to his brother thus3 ,it is none of our business to preserve the ,greeks1 or to get them to bestow garlands upon us for our wit1 but to eat well and drink good wine1 ,timocrates1 so as not to offend but pleasure our stomachs4 ,and he saith again1 in some other place in the same epistles3 ,how gay and how assured was ,i1 when ,i had once learned of ,epicurus the true way of gratifying my stomach2 for1 believe me1 philosopher ,timocrates1 our prime good lies at the stomach4 ,in brief1 these men draw out the dimensions of their pleasures like a circle1 about the stomach as a centre4 ,and the truth is1 it is impossible for those men ever to participate of generous and princely joy1 such as enkindles a height of spirit in us and sends forth to all mankind an unmade hilarity and calm serenity1 that have taken up a sort of life that is confined1 unsocial1 inhuman1 and uninspired towards the esteem of the world and the love of mankind4 ,for the soul of man is not an abject1 little1 and ungenerous thing1 nor doth it extend its desires 7as polyps do their claws7 unto eatables only1--yea1 these are in an instant of time taken off by the least plenitude1 but when its efforts towards what is brave and generous and the honors and caresses that accrue therefrom are now in their consummate vigor this life's duration cannot limit them1 but the desire of glory and the love of mankind grasp at whole eternity1 and wrestle with such actions and charms as bring with them an ineffable pleasure1 and such as good men1 though never so fain1 cannot decline1 they meeting and accosting them on all sides and surrounding them about1 while their being beneficial to many occasions joy to themselves4 ,as he passes through the throngs in the city1 ,all gaze upon him as some deity4 7,odyssey1 viii4 #agc47 ,for he that can so affect and move other men as to fill them with joy and rapture1 and to make them long to touch him and salute him1 cannot but appear even to a blind man to possess and enjoy very extraordinary satisfactions in himself4 ,and hence it comes that such men are both indefatigable and undaunted in serving the public1 and we still hear some such words from them ,thy father got thee for the common good2 and ,let's not give off to benefit mankind4 ,but what need ,i instance in those that are consummately good8 ,for if to one of the middling rank of bad men1 when he is just a-dying1 he that hath the power over him 7whether his god or prince7 should but allow one hour more1 upon condition that1 after he hath spent that either in some generous action or in sensual enjoyment1 he should then presently die1 who would in this time choose rather to accompany with ,lais or drink ,ariusion wine1 than to despatch ,archias and restore the ,athenians to their liberties8 ,for my part ,i believe none would4 ,for ,i see that even common sword-players1 if they are not utter brutes and savages1 but ,greek born1 when they are to enter the list1 though there be many and very costly dishes set before them1 yet take more content in employing their time in commanding their poor wives to some of their friends1 yea1 and in conferring freedom on their slaves1 than in gratifying their stomachs4 ,but should the pleasures of the body be allowed to have some extraordinary matter in them1 this would yet be common to men of action and business4 ,for they can eat good meat1 and red wine drink1 7,see ,iliad1 v4 #cda47 aye1 and entertain themselves with their friends1 and perhaps with a greater relish too1 after their engagements and hard services1--as did ,alexander and ,agesilaus1 and 7by ,jove7 ,phocion and ,epaminondas too1--than these gentlemen who anoint themselves by the fireside1 and are gingerly rocked about the streets in sedans4 ,yea1 those make but small account of such pleasures as these1 as being comprised in those greater ones4 ,for why should a man mention ,epaminondas's denying to sup with one1 when he saw the preparations made were above the man's estate1 but frankly saying to his friend1 ,i thought you had intended a sacrifice and not a debauch1 when ,alexander himself refused ,queen ,ada's cooks1 telling her he had better ones of his own1 to wit1 travelling by night for his dinner1 and a light dinner for his supper1 and when ,philoxenus writing to him about some handsome boys1 and desiring to know of him whether he would have him buy them for him1 was within a small matter of being discharged his office for it8 ,and yet who might better have them than he8 ,but as ,hippocrates saith that of two pains the lesser is forgot in the greater1 so the pleasures that accrue from action and the love of glory1 while they cheer and refresh the mind1 do by their transcendency and grandeur obliterate and extinguish the inferior satisfactions of the body4 ,if1 then1 the remembering of former good things 7as they affirm7 be that which most contributes to a pleasurable living1 not one of us will then credit ,epicurus when he1 tells us that1 while he was dying away in the midst of the strongest agonies and distempers1 he yet bore himself up with the memory of the pleasures he formerly enjoyed4 ,for a man may better see the resemblance of his own face in a troubled deep or a storm1 than a smooth and smiling remembrance of past pleasure in a body tortured with such lancing and rending pains4 ,but now the memories of past actions no man can put from him that would4 ,for did ,alexander1 think you1 7or indeed could he possibly7 forget the fight at ,arbela8 ,or ,pelopidas the tyrant ,leontiadas8 ,or ,themistocles the engagement at ,salamis8 ,for the ,athenians to this very day keep an annual festival for the battle at ,marathon1 and the ,thebans for that at ,leuctra2 and so1 by ,jove1 do we ourselves 7as you very well know7 for that which ,daiphantus gained at ,hyampolis1 and all ,phocis is filled with sacrifices and public honors4 ,nor is there any of us that is better satisfied with what himself hath either eaten or drunk than he is with what they have achieved4 ,it is very easy then to imagine what great content1 satisfaction1 and joy accompanied the authors of these actions in their lifetime1 when the very memory of them hath not yet after five hundred years and more lost its rejoicing power4 ,the truth is1 ,epicurus himself allows there are some pleasures derived from fame4 ,and indeed why should he not1 when he himself had such a furious lechery and wriggling after glory as made him not only to disown his masters and scuffle about syllables and accents with his fellow-pedant ,democritus 7whose principles he stole verbatim71 and to tell his disciples there never was a wise man in the world besides himself1 but also to put it in writing how ,colotes performed adoration to him1 as he was one day philosophizing1 by touching his knees1 and that his own brother ,neocles was used from a child to say1 ,there neither is1 nor ever was in the world1 a wiser man than ,epicurus1 and that his mother had just so many atoms within her as1 when coming together1 must have produced a complete wise man8 ,may not a man then--as ,callicratidas once said of the ,athenian admiral ,conon1 that he whored the sea as well say of ,epicurus that he basely and covertly forces and ravishes ,fame1 by not enjoying her publicly but ruffling and debauching her in a corner8 ,for as men's bodies are oft necessitated by famine1 for want of other food1 to prey against nature upon themselves1 a like mischief to this does vainglory create in men's minds1 forcing them1 when they hunger after praise and cannot obtain it from other men1 at last to commend themselves4 ,and do not they then that stand so well affected towards applause and fame themselves own they cast away very extraordinary pleasures1 when they decline1 magistrature1 public offices1 and the favor and confidences of princes1 from whom ,democritus once said the grandest blessings of human life are derived8 ,for he will never induce any mortal to believe1 that he that could so highly value and please himself with the attestation of his brother ,neocles and the adoration of his friend ,colotes would not1 were he clapped by all the ,greeks at the ,olympiads1 go quite out of his wits and even hollow for joy1 or rather indeed be elated in the manner spoken of by ,sophocles1 ,puffed like the down of a gray-headed thistle4 ,if it be a pleasing thing then to be of a good fame1 it is on the contrary afflictive to be of an ill one2 and it is most certain that nothing in the world can be more infamous than want of friendship1 idleness1 atheism1 debauchery1 and negligence4 ,now these are looked upon by all men except themselves as inseparable companions of their party4 ,but unjustly1 some one may say4 ,be it so then2 for we consider not now the truth of the charge1 but what fame and reputation they are of in the world4 ,and we shall forbear at present to mention the many books that have been written to defame them1 and the blackening decrees made against them by several republics2 for that would look like bitterness4 ,but if the answers of oracles1 the providence of the gods1 and the tenderness and affection of parents to their issue1--if civil policy1 military order1 and the office of magistracy be things to be looked upon as deservedly esteemed and celebrated1 it must of necessity then be allowed also1 that they that tell us it is none of their business to preserve the ,greeks1 but they must eat and drink so as not to offend but pleasure their stomachs1 are base and ignominious persons1 and that their being reputed such must needs extremely humble them and make their lives untoward to them1 if they take honor and a good name for any part of their satisfaction4 ,when ,theon had thus spoken1 we thought good to break up our walk to rest us awhile 7as we were wont to do7 upon the benches4 ,nor did we continue any long space in our silence at what was spoken2 for ,zeuxippus1 taking his hint from what had been said1 spake to us3 ,who will make up that of the discourse which is yet behind8 ,for it hath not yet received its due conclusion2 and this gentleman1 by mentioning divination and providence1 did in my opinion suggest as much to us2 for these people boast that these very things contribute in no way to the providing of their lives with pleasure1 serenity1 and assurance2 so that there must be something said to these too4 ,aristodemus subjoined then and said3 ,as to pleasure1 ,i think there hath been enough said already to evince that1 supposing their doctrine to be successful and to attain its own design1 it yet doth but ease us of fear and a certain superstitious persuasion but helps us not to any comfort or joy from the gods at all2 nay1 while it brings us to such a state as to be neither disquieted nor pleased with them1 it doth but render us in the same manner affected towards them as we are towards the ,scythians or ,hyrcanians1 from whom we look for neither good nor harm4 ,but if something more must be added to what hath been already spoken1 ,i think ,i may very well take it from themselves4 ,and in the first place1 they quarrel extremely with those that would take away all sorrowing1 weeping1 and sighing for the death of friends1 and tell them that such unconcernedness as arrives to an insensibility proceeds from some other worse cause1 to wit1 inhumanity1 excessive vainglory1 or prodigious fierceness1 and that therefore it would be better to be a little concerned and affected1 yea1 and to liquor one's eyes and be melted1 with other pretty things of the like kind1 which they use artificially to affect and counterfeit1 that they may be thought tender and loving-hearted people4 ,for just in this manner ,epicurus expressed himself upon the occasion of the death of ,hegesianax1 when he wrote to ,dositheus the father and to ,pyrson the brother of the deceased person2 for ,i fortuned very lately to run over his epistles4 ,and ,i say1 in imitation of them1 that atheism is no less an evil than inhumanity and vainglory1 and into this they would lead us who take away with ,god's anger the comfort we might derive from him4 ,for it would be much better for us to have something of the unsuiting passion of dauntedness and fear conjoined and intermixed with our sentiments of a deity1 than while we fly from it1 to leave ourselves neither hope1 content1 nor assurance in the enjoyment of our good things nor any recourse to ,god in our adversity and misfortunes4 ,we ought1 it is true1 to remove superstition from the persuasion we have of the gods1 as we would the gum from our eyes2 but if that be impossible1 we must not root out and extinguish with it the belief which the most have of the gods2 nor is that a dismaying and sour one either1 as these gentlemen feign1 while they libel and abuse the blessed ,providence1 representing her as a witch or as some fell and tragic fury4 ,yea1 ,i must tell you1 there are some in the world that fear ,god in an excess1 for whom yet it would not be better not so to fear him4 ,for1 while they dread him as a governor that is gentle to the good and severe to the bad1 and are by this one fear1 which makes them not to need many others1 freed from doing ill and brought to keep their wickedness with them in quiet and 7as it were7 in an enfeebled languor1 they come hereby to have less disquiet than those that indulge the practice of it and are rash and daring in it1 and then presently after fear and repent of it4 ,now that disposition of mind which the greater and ignorant part of mankind1 that are not utterly bad1 are of towards ,god1 hath1 it is very true1 conjoined with the regard and honor they pay him1 a kind of anguish and astonished dread1 which is also called superstition2 but ten thousand times more and greater is the good hope1 the true joy1 that attend it1 which both implore and receive the whole benefit of prosperity and good success from the gods only4 ,and this is manifest by the greatest tokens that can be2 for neither do the discourses of those that wait at the temples1 nor the good times of our solemn festivals1 nor any other actions or sights more recreate and delight us than what we see and do about the gods ourselves1 while we assist at the public ceremonies1 and join in the sacred balls1 and attend at the sacrifices and initiations4 ,for the mind is not then sorrowful depressed1 and heavy1 as if she were approaching certain tyrants or cruel torturers2 but on the contrary1 where she is most apprehensive and fullest persuaded the divinity is present1 there she most of all throws off sorrows1 tears1 and pensiveness1 and lets herself loose to what is pleasing and agreeable1 to the very degree of tipsiness1 frolic1 and laughter4 ,in amorous concerns1 as the poet said once1 ,when old man and old wife think of love's fires1 ,their frozen breasts will swell with new desires2 but now in the public processions and sacrifices not only the old man and the old wife1 nor yet the poor and mean man only1 but also ,the dusty thick-legged drab that turns the mill1 and household-slaves and day-laborers1 are strangely elevated and transported with mirth and joviality4 ,rich men as well as princes are used at certain times to make public entertainments and to keep open houses2 but the feasts they make at the solemnities and sacrifices1 when they now apprehend their minds to approach nearest the divinity1 have conjoined with the honor and veneration they pay him a much more transcending pleasure and satisfaction4 ,of this1 he that hath renounced ,god's providence hath not the least share2 for what recreates and cheers us at the festivals is not the store of good wine and roast meat1 but the good hope and persuasion that ,god is there present and propitious to us1 and kindly accepts of what we do4 ,from some of our festivals we exclude the flute and garland2 but if ,god be not present at the sacrifice1 as the solemnity of the banquet1 the rest is but unhallowed1 unfeast-like1 and uninspired4 ,indeed the whole is but ungrateful and irksome to such a man2 for he asks for nothing at all1 but only acts his prayers and adorations for fear of the public1 and utters expressions contradictory to his philosophy4 ,and when he sacrifices1 he stands by and looks upon the priest as he kills the offering but as he doth upon a butcher2 and when he hath done1 he goes his way1 saying with ,menander1 ,to bribe the gods ,i sacrificed my best1 ,but they ne'er minded me nor my request4 ,for so ,epicurus would have us arrange ourselves1 and neither to envy nor to incur the hatred of the common herd by doing ourselves with disgust what others do with delight4 ,for1 as ,evenus saith1 ,no man can love what he is made to do4 ,for which very reason they think the superstitious are not pleased in their minds but in fear while they attend at the sacrifices and mysteries2 though they themselves are in no better condition1 if they do the same things our of fear1 and partake not either of as great good hope as the others do1 but are only fearful and uneasy lest they should come to be discovered as cheating and abusing the public1 upon whose account it is that they compose the books they write about the gods and the divine nature1 ,involved1 with nothing truly said4 ,but all around enveloped2 hiding out of fear the real opinions they contain4 ,and now1 after the two former ranks of ill and common men1 we will in the third place consider the best sort and most beloved of the gods1 and what great satisfactions they receive from their clean and generous sentiments of the deity1 to wit1 that he is the prince of all good things and the parent of all things brave1 and can no more do an unworthy thing than he can be made to suffer it4 ,for he is good1 and he that is good can upon no account fall into envy1 fear1 anger1 or hatred2 neither is it proper to a hot thing to cool1 but to heat2 nor to a good thing to do harm4 ,now anger is by nature at the farthest distance imaginable from complacency1 and spleenishness from placidness1 and animosity and turbulence from humanity and kindness4 ,for the latter of these proceed from generosity and fortitude1 but the former from impotency and baseness4 ,the deity is not therefore constrained by either anger or kindnesses2 but that is because it is natural to it to be kind and aiding1 and unnatural to be angry and hurtful4 ,but the great ,jove1 whose mansion is in heaven1 is the first that descends downwards and orders all things and takes the care of them4 ,but of the other gods one is surnamed the ,distributor1 and another the ,mild1 and a third the ,averter of ,evil4 ,and according to ,pindar1 ,phoebus was by mighty ,jove designed ,of all the gods to be to man most kind4 ,and ,diogenes saith1 that all things are the gods'1 and friends have all things common1 and good men are the gods' friends2 and therefore it is impossible either that a man beloved of the gods should not be happy1 or that a wise and a just man should not be beloved of the gods4 ,can you think then that they that take away ,providence need any other chastisement1 or that they have not a sufficient one already1 when they root out of themselves such vast satisfaction and joy as we that stand thus affected towards the deity have8 ,metrodorus1 ,polyaenus1 and ,aristobulus were the confidence and rejoicing of ,epicurus2 the better part of whom he all his lifetime either attended upon in their sicknesses or lamented at their deaths4 ,as did ,lycurgus1 when he was saluted by the ,delphic prophetess1 ,dear friend to heavenly ,jove and all the gods4 ,and did ,socrates when he believed that a certain divinity was used out of kindness to discourse him1 and ,pindar when he heard ,pan sing one of the sonnets he had composed1 but a little rejoice1 think you8 ,or ,phormio1 when he thought he had treated ,castor and ,pollux at his house8 ,or ,sophocles1 when he entertained ,aesculapius1 as both he himself believed1 and others too1 that thought the same with him by reason of the apparition that then happened8 ,what opinion ,hermogenes had of the gods is well worth the recounting in his very own words4 ,for these gods1 saith he1 who know all things and can do all things1 are so friendly and loving to me that1 because they take care of me1 ,i never escape them either by night or by day1 wherever ,i go or whatever ,i am about4 ,and because they know beforehand what issue everything will have1 they signify it to me by sending angels1 voices1 dreams1 and presages4 ,very amiable things must those be that come to us from the gods2 but when these very things come by the gods too1 this is what occasions vast satisfaction and unspeakable assurance1 a sublimity of mind and a joy that1 like a smiling brightness1 doth as it were gild over our good things with a glory4 ,but now those that are persuaded otherwise obstruct the very sweetest part of their prosperity1 and leave themselves nothing to turn to in their adversity2 but when they are in distress1 look only to this one refuge and port1 dissolution and insensibility2 just as if in a storm or tempest at sea1 some one should1 to hearten the rest1 stand up and say to them3 ,gentlemen1 the ship hath never a pilot in it1 nor will ,castor and ,pollux come themselves to assuage the violence of the beating waves or to lay the swift careers of the winds2 yet ,i can assure you there is nothing at all to be dreaded in all this1 for the vessel will be immediately swallowed up by the sea1 or else will very quickly fall off and be dashed in pieces against the rocks4 ,for this is ,epicurus's way of discourse to persons under grievous distempers and excessive pains4 ,dost thou hope for any good from the gods for thy piety8 ,it is thy vanity2 for the blessed and incorruptible ,being is not constrained by either angers or kindnesses4 ,dost thou fancy something better after this life than what thou hast here8 ,thou dost but deceive thyself2 for what is dissolved hath no sense1 and that which hath no sense is nothing to us4 ,aye2 but how comes it then1 my good friend1 that you bid me eat and be merry8 ,why1 by ,jove1 because he that is in a great storm cannot be far off a shipwreck2 and your extreme danger will soon land you upon ,death's strand4 ,though yet a passenger at sea1 when he is got off from a shattered ship1 will still buoy himself up with some little hope that he may drive his body to some shore and get out by swimming2 but now the poor soul1 according to these men's philosophy1 ,is ne'er more seen without the hoary main4 7,odyssey1 v4 #daj47 ,yea1 she presently evaporates1 disperses1 and perishes1 even before the body itself2 so that it seems her great and excessive rejoicing must be only for having learned this one sage and divine maxim1 that all her misfortunes will at last determine in her own destruction1 dissolution1 and annihilation4 ,but 7said he1 looking upon me7 ,i should be impertinent1 should ,i say anything upon this subject1 when we have heard you but now discourse so fully against those that would persuade us that ,epicurus's doctrine about the soul renders men more disposed and better pleased to die than ,plato's doth4 ,zeuxippus therefore subjoined and said3 ,and must our present debate be left then unfinished because of that8 ,or shall we be afraid to oppose that divine oracle to ,epicurus8 ,no1 by no means1 ,i said2 and ,empedocles tells us that ,what's very good claims to be heard twice4 ,therefore we must apply ourselves again to ,theon2 for ,i think he was present at our former discourse2 and besides1 he is a young man1 and needs not fear being charged by these young gentlemen with having a bad memory4 ,then ,theon1 like one constrained1 said3 ,well then1 if you will needs have me to go on with the discourse1 ,i will not do as you did1 ,aristodemus4 ,for you were shy of repeating what this gentleman spoke1 but ,i shall not scruple to make use of what you have said2 for ,i think indeed you did very well divide mankind into three ranks2 the first of wicked and very bad men1 the second of the vulgar and common sort1 and the third of good and wise men4 ,the wicked and bad sort then1 while they dread any kind of divine vengeance and punishment at all1 and are by this deterred from doing mischief1 and thereby enjoy the greater quiet1 will live both in more pleasure and in less disturbance for it4 ,and ,epicurus is of opinion that the only proper means to keep men from doing ill is the fear of punishments4 ,so that we should cram them with more and more superstition still1 and raise up against them terrors1 chasms1 frights1 and surmises1 both from heaven and earth1 if their being amazed with such things as these will make them become the more tame and gentle4 ,for it is more for their benefit to be restrained from criminal actions by the fear of what comes after death1 than to commit them and then to live in perpetual danger and fear4 ,as to the vulgar sort1 besides their fear of what is in hell1 the hope they have conceived of an eternity from the tales and fictions of the ancients1 and their great desire of being1 which is both the first and the strongest of all1 exceed in pleasure and sweet content of mind that childish dread4 ,and therefore1 when they lose their children1 wives1 or friends1 they would rather have them be somewhere and still remain1 though in misery1 than that they should be quite destroyed1 dissolved1 and reduced to nothing4 ,and they are pleased when they hear it said of a dying person1 that he goes away or departs1 and such other words as intimate death to be the soul's remove and not destruction4 ,and they sometimes speak thus3 ,but ,i'll even there think on my dearest friend2 7,iliad1 xxii4 #cij47 and thus3-- ,what's your command to ,hector8 ,let me know2 ,and to your dear old ,priam shall ,i go8 7,euripides1 ,hecuba1 #dbb47 ,and 7there arising hereupon an erroneous deviation7 they are the better pleased when they bury with their departed friends such arms1 implements1 or clothes as were most familiar to them in their lifetime2 as ,minos did the ,cretan flutes with ,glaucus1 ,made of the shanks of a dead brindled fawn4 ,and if they do but imagine they either ask or desire anything of them1 they are glad when they give it them4 ,thus ,periander burnt his queen's attire with her1 because he thought she had asked for it and complained she was a-cold4 ,nor doth an ,aeacus1 an ,ascalaphus1 or an ,acheron much disorder them whom they have often gratified with balls1 shows1 and music of every sort4 ,but now all men shrink from that face of death which carries with it insensibility1 oblivion1 and extinction of knowledge1 as being dismal1 grim1 and dark4 ,and they are discomposed when they hear it said of any one1 he is perished1 or he is gone or he is no more2 and they show great uneasiness when they hear such words as these3-- ,go to the wood-clad earth he must1 ,and there lie shrivelled into dust1 ,and ne'er more laugh or drink1 or hear ,the charming sounds of flute or lyre2 and these3-- ,but from our lips the vital spirit fled ,returns no more to wake the silent dead4 7,iliad1 ix4 #djh47 ,wherefore they must needs cut the very throats of them that shall with ,epicurus tell them1 ,we men were born once for all1 and we cannot be born twice1 but our not being must last forever4 ,for this will bring them to slight their present good as little1 or rather indeed as nothing at all compared with everlastingness1 and therefore to let it pass unenjoyed and to become wholly negligent of virtue and action1 as men disheartened and brought to a contempt of themselves1 as being but as it were of one day's continuance and uncertain1 and born for no considerable purpose4 ,for insensibility1 dissolution1 and the conceit that what hath no sense is nothing to us1 do not at all abate the fear of death1 but rather help to confirm it2 for this very thing is it that nature most dreads1-- ,but may you all return to mould and wet1 7,ibid4 vii4 #ii47 to wit1 the dissolution of the soul into what is without knowledge or sense4 ,now1 while ,epicurus would have this to be a separation into atoms and void1 he doth but further cut off all hope of immortality2 to compass which 7,i can scarce refrain from saying7 all men and women would be well contented to be worried by ,cerberus1 and to carry water into the tub full of holes1 so they might but continue in being and not be exterminated4 ,though 7as ,i said before7 there are not very many that stand in fear of these things1 they being but the tenets of old women and the fabulous stories of mothers and nurses1--and even they that do fear them yet believe that certain rites of initiation and purgation will relieve them1 by which after they are cleansed they shall play and dance in hell forever1 in company with those that have the privilege of a bright light1 clear air1 and the use of speech1--yet to be deprived of living disturbs all both young and old4 ,we ,impatient love the light that shines on earth1 7,euripides1 ,hippolytus1 #aic7 as ,euripides saith4 ,nor are we easy or without regret when we hear this3-- ,him speaking thus th' eternal brightness leaves1 ,where night the wearied steeds of day receives4 ,and therefore it is very plain that with the belief of immortality they take away the sweetest and greatest hopes the vulgar sort have4 ,and what shall we then think they take away from the good and those that have led pious and just lives1 who expect no ill after dying1 but on the contrary most glorious and divine things8 ,for1 in the first place1 athletes are not used to receive the garland before they have performed their exercises1 but after they have contested and proved victorious2 in like manner is it with those that are persuaded that good men have the prize of their conquests after this life is ended2 it is marvellous to think to what a pitch of grandeur their virtue raises their spirits upon the contemplation of those hopes1 among the which this is one1 that they shall one day see those men that are now insolent by reason of their wealth and power1 and that foolishly flout at their betters1 undergo just punishment4 ,in the next place1 none of the lovers of truth and the contemplation of being have here their fill of them2 they having but a watery and puddled reason to speculate with1 as it were1 through the fog and mist of the body2 and yet they still look upwards like birds1 as ready to take their flight to the spacious and bright region1 and endeavor to make their souls expedite and light from things mortal1 using philosophy as a study for death4 ,thus ,i account death a truly great and accomplished good thing2 the soul being to live there a real life1 which here lives not a waking life1 but suffers things most resembling dreams4 ,if then 7as ,epicurus saith7 the remembrance of a dead friend be a thing every way complacent2 we may easily from thence imagine how great a joy they deprive themselves of who think they do but embrace and pursue the phantoms and shades of their deceased familiars1 that have in them neither knowledge nor sense1 but who never expect to be with them again1 or to see their dear father and dear mother and sweet wife1 nor have any hopes of that familiarity and dear converse they have that think of the soul with ,pythagoras1 ,plato1 and ,homer4 ,now what their sort of passion is like to was hinted at by ,homer1 when he threw into the midst of the soldiers1 as they were engaged1 the shade of ,aeneas1 as if he had been dead1 and afterwards again presented his friends with him himself1 ,coming alive and well1 as brisk as ever2 at which1 he saith1 ,they all were overjoyed4 7,iliad1 v4 #ead and #eae7 ,and should not we then1--when reason shows us that a real converse with persons departed this life may be had1 and that he that loves may both feel and be with the party that affects and loves him1--relinquish these men that cannot so much as cast off all those airy shades and outside barks for which they are all their time in lamentation and fresh afflictions8 ,moreover1 they that look upon death as the commencement of another and better life1 if they enjoy good things1 are the better pleased with them1 as expecting much greater hereafter2 but if they have not things here to their minds1 they do not much grumble at it1 but the hopes of those good and excellent things that are after death contain in them such ineffable pleasures and expectances1 that they wipe off and wholly obliterate every defect and every offence from the mind1 which1 as on a road or rather indeed in a short deviation out of the road1 bears whatever befalls it with great ease and indifference4 ,but now1 as to those to whom life ends in insensibility and dissolution1--death brings to them no removal of evils1 though it is afflicting in both conditions1 yet is it more so to those that live prosperously than to such as undergo adversity8 ,for it cuts the latter but from an uncertain hope of doing better hereafter2 but it deprives the former of a certain good1 to wit1 their pleasurable living4 ,and as those medicinal potions that are not grateful to the palate but yet necessary give sick men ease1 but rake and hurt the well2 just so1 in my opinion1 doth the philosophy of ,epicurus2 it promises to those that live miserably no happiness in death1 and to those that do well an utter extinction and dissolution of the mind1 while it quite obstructs the comfort and solace of the grave and wise and those that abound with good things1 by throwing them down from a happy living into a deprivation of both life and being4 ,from hence then it is manifest1 that the contemplation of the loss of good things will afflict us in as great a measure as either the firm hope or present enjoyment of them delights us4 ,yea1 themselves tell us1 that the thought of future dissolution leaves them one most assured and complacent good1 freedom from anxious surmises of incessant and endless evils1 and that ,epicurus's doctrine effects this by stopping the fear of death through the soul's dissolution4 ,if then deliverance from the expectation of infinite evils be a matter of greatest complacence1 how comes it not to be afflictive to be bereft of eternal good things and to miss of the highest and most consummate felicity8 ,for not to be can be good for neither condition1 but is on the contrary both against nature and ungrateful to all that have a being4 ,but those being eased of the evils of life through the evils of death have1 it is very true1 the want of sense to comfort them1 while they1 as it were1 make their escape from life4 ,but1 on the other hand1 they that change from good things to nothing seem to me to have the most dismaying end of all1 it putting a period to their happiness4 ,for ,nature doth not fear insensibility as the entrance upon some new thing1 but because it is the privation of our present good things4 ,for to declare that the destruction of all that we call ours toucheth us not is untrue for it toucheth us already by the very anticipation4 ,and insensibility afflicts not those that are not1 but those that are1 when they think what damage they shall sustain by it in the loss of their being and in being suffered never to emerge from nothingness4 ,wherefore it is neither the dog ,cerberus nor the river ,cocytus that has made our fear of death boundless2 but the threatened danger of not being1 representing it as impossible for such as are once extinct to shift back again into being4 ,for we cannot be born twice1 and our not being must last forever2 as ,epicurus speaks4 ,for if our end be in not being1 and that be infinite and unalterable1 then hath privation of good found out an eternal evil1 to wit1 a never ending insensibleness4 ,herodotus was much wiser1 when he said that ,god1 having given men a taste of the delights of life1 seems to be envious1 7,herodotus1 vii4 #df7 and especially to those that conceit themselves happy1 to whom pleasure is but a bait for sorrow1 they being but permitted to taste of what they must be deprived of4 ,for what solace or fruition or exultation would not the perpetual injected thought of the soul's being dispersed into infinity1 as into a certain huge and vast ocean1 extinguish and quell in those that found their amiable good and beatitude in pleasure8 ,but if it be true 7as ,epicurus thinks it is7 that most men die in very acute pain1 then is the fear of death in all respects inconsolable2 it bringing us through evils unto a deprivation of good4 ,and yet they are never wearied with their brawling and dunning of all persons to take the escape of evil for a good1 no longer to repute privation of good for an evil4 ,but they still confess what we have asserted1 that death hath in it nothing of either good hope or solace1 but that all that is complacent and good is then wholly extinguished2 at which time those men look for many amiable1 great1 and divine things1 that conceive the minds of men to be unperishable and immortal1 or at least to go about in certain long revolutions of times1 being one while upon earth and another while in heaven1 until they are at last dissolved with the universe and then1 together with the sun and moon1 sublimed into an intellective fire4 ,so large a field and one of so great pleasures ,epicurus wholly cuts off1 when he destroys 7as hath been said7 the hopes and graces we should derive from the gods1 and by that extinguishes both in our speculative capacity the desire of knowledge1 and in our active the love of glory1 and confines and abases our nature to a poor narrow thing1 and that not cleanly neither1 to wit1 the content the mind receives by the body1 as if it were capable of no higher good than the escape of evil4 ,,end ,,of ,,one-------- ,,that ,a ,,philosopher ,,ought ,,chiefly ,,to ,,converse ,,with ,,great ,,men4 ,the resolution which you have taken to enter into the friendship and familiarity of ,sorcanus1 that by the frequent opportunities of conversing with him you may cultivate and improve a soil which gives such early promises of a plentiful harvest1 is an undertaking which will not only oblige his relations and friends1 but rebound very much to the advantage of the public2 and 7notwithstanding the peevish censures of some morose or ignorant people7 it is so far from being an argument of an aspiring vainglorious temper1 that it shows you to be a lover of virtue and good manners1 and a zealous promoter of the common interest of mankind4 ,they themselves are rather to be accused of an indirect but more vehement sort of ambition1 who would not upon any terms be found in the company or so much as be seen to give a civil salute to a person of quality4 ,for how unreasonable would it be to enforce a well-disposed young gentleman1 and one who needs the direction of a wise governor1 to such complaints as these3 ,would that ,i might become from a ,pericles or a ,cato to a cobbler like ,simon or a grammarian like ,dionysius1 that ,i might like them talk with such a man as ,socrates1 and sit by him4 ,so far1 ,i am sure1 was ,aristo of ,chios from being of their humor1 that when he was censured for exposing and prostituting the dignity of philosophy by his freedom to all comers1 he answered1 that he could wish that ,nature had given understanding to wild beasts1 that they too might be capable of being his hearers4 ,shall we then deny that privilege to men of interest and power1 which this good man would have communicated 7if it had been possible7 to the brute beasts8 ,but these men have taken a false notion of philosophy1 they make it much like the art of statuary1 whose business it is to carve out a lifeless image in the most exact figure and proportion1 and then to raise it upon its pedestal1 where it is to continue forever4 ,the true philosophy is of a quite different nature2 it is a spring and principle of motion wherever it comes2 it makes men active and industrious1 it sets every wheel and faculty a-going1 it stores our minds with axioms and rules by which to make a sound judgment1 it determines the will to the choice of what is honorable and just2 and it wings all our faculties to the swiftest prosecution of it4 ,it is accompanied with an elevation and nobleness of mind1 joined with a coolness and sweetness of behavior1 and backed with a becoming assurance and inflexible resolution4 ,and from this diffusiveness of the nature of good it follows1 that the best and most accomplished men are inclined to converse with persons of the highest condition4 ,indeed a physician if he have any good nature and sense of honor1 would be more ready to cure an eye which is to see and to watch for a great many thousands1 than that of a private person2 how much more then ought a philosopher to form and fashion1 to rectify and cure the soul of such a one1 who is 7if ,i may so express it7 to inform the body politic1--who is to think and understand for so many others1 to be in so great measure the rule of reason1 the standard of law1 and model of behavior1 by which all the rest will square and direct their actions8 ,suppose a man to have a talent at finding out springs and contriving of aqueducts 7a piece of skill for which ,hercules and other of the ancients are much celebrated in history71 surely he could not so satisfactorily employ himself in sinking a well or deriving water to some private seat or contemptible cottage1 as in supplying conduits to some fair and populous city1 in relieving an army just perishing with thirst1 or in refreshing and adorning with fountains and cool streams the beautiful gardens of some glorious monarch4 ,there is a passage of ,homer very pertinent to this purpose1 in which he calls ,minos ,greek text1 which1 as ,plato interprets it1 signifies ,,the ,,disciple ,,and ,,companion ,,of ,,jupiter4 ,for it were beneath his dignity indeed to teach private men1 such as care only for a family or indulge their useless speculations2 but kings are scholars worthy the tuition of a god1 who1 when they are well advised1 just1 good1 and magnanimous1 never fail to procure the peace and prosperity of all their subjects4 ,the naturalists tell us that the eryngium hath such a property with it1 that if one of the flock do but taste it1 all the rest will stand stock still in the same place till the shepherd hath taken it out of its mouth4 ,such swiftness of action does it have1 pervading and inserting itself in everything near it1 as if it were fire4 ,the effects of philosophy1 however1 are different according to the difference of inclinations in men4 ,if indeed it lights on one who loves a dull and inactive sort of life1 that makes himself the centre and the little conveniences of life the circumference of all his thoughts1 such a one does contract the sphere of her activity1 so that having only made easy and comfortable the life of a single person1 it fails and dies with him2 but when it finds a man of a ruling genius1 one fitted for conversation and able to grapple with the difficulties of public business1 if it once possess him with principles of honesty1 honor1 and religion1 it takes a compendious method1 by doing good to one1 to oblige a great part of mankind4 ,such was the effect of the intercourse of ,anaxagoras with ,pericles1 of ,plato with ,dion1 and of ,pythagoras with the principal statesmen of all ,italy4 ,cato himself took a voyage1 when he had the concern of an expedition lying upon him1 to see and hear ,athenodorus2 and ,scipio sent for ,panaetius1 when he was commissioned by the senate to take a survey alike of the habits of men good and bad1 7,odyssey1 xvii4 #dhg47 as ,posidonius says4 ,now what a pretty sort of return would it have been in ,panaetius to send word back1--,if indeed you were in a private capacity1 ,john a ,nokes or ,john a ,stiles1 that had a mind to get into some obscure corner or cell1 to state cases and resolve syllogisms1 ,i should very gladly have accepted your invitation2 but now1 because you are the son of ,paulus ,a,emilius who was twice consul1 and grandson of that ,scipio who was surnamed from his conquest of ,hannibal and ,africa1 ,i cannot with honor hold any conversation with you6 ,the objections which they bring from the two kinds of discourse1 one of which is mental1 the other like the gift of ,mercury expressed in words or interpretative of the former1 are so frivolous1 that they are best answered by laughter or silence2 and we may quote the old saying1 ,i knew this before ,theognis arose4 ,however1 thus much shall be added1 that the end of them both is friendship1--in the first case with ourselves1 in the second with another4 ,for he that hath attained to virtue by the methods of philosophy hath his mind all in tune and good temper2 he is not struck with those reproaches of conscience1 which cause the acutest sense of pain and are the natural punishments of our follies2 but he enjoys 7the great prerogative of a good man7 to be always easy and in amity with himself4 ,no factious lusts reason's just power control1 ,nor kindle civil discord in his soul4 ,his passion does not stand in defiance to his reason1 nor do his reasonings cross and thwart one the other1 but he is always consistent with himself4 ,but the very joys of wicked men are tumultuary and confused1 like those who dwell in the borders of two great empires at variance1 always insecure1 and in perpetual alarms2 whilst a good man enjoys an uninterrupted peace and serenity of mind1 which excels the other not only in duration1 but in sense of pleasure too4 ,as for the other sort of converse1 that which consists in expression of itself to others1 ,pindar says very well1 that it was not mercenary in old time1 nor indeed is it so now2 but by the baseness and ambition of a few it is made use of to serve their poor secular interests4 ,for if the poets represent ,venus herself as much offended with those who make a trade and traffic of the passion of love1 how much more reasonably may we suppose that ,urania and ,clio and ,calliope have an indignation against those who set learning and philosophy to sale8 ,certainly the gifts and endowments of the ,muses should be privileged from such mean considerations4 ,if indeed some have made fame and reputation one of the ends of their studies1 they used it only as an instrument to get friends2 since we find by common observation that men only praise those whom they love4 ,if they sought its own praise1 they were as much mistaken as ,ixion when he embraced a cloud instead of ,juno2 for there is nothing so fleeting1 so changeable1 and so inconstant as popular applause2 it is but a pompous shadow1 and hath no manner of solidity and duration in it4 ,but a wise man1 if he design to engage in business and matters of state1 will so far aim at fame and popularity as that he may be better enabled to benefit others2 for it is a difficult and very unpleasant task to do good to those who are disaffected to our persons4 ,it is the good opinion men have of us which disposes men to give credit to our doctrine4 ,as light is a greater good to those who see others by it than to those who only are seen1 so is honor of a greater benefit to those who are sensible of it than to those whose glory is admired4 ,but even one who withdraws himself from the noise of the world1 who loves privacy and indulges his own thoughts1 will show that respect to the good word of the people which ,hippolytus did to ,venus1--though he abstain from her mysteries1 he will pay his devotions at a distance2 7,euripides1 ,hippolytus1 #ajb47 but he will not be so cynical and sullen as not to hear with gladness the commendations of virtuous men like himself2 he will neither engage himself in a restless pursuit of wealth1 interest1 or honor1 nor will he on the other hand be so rustic and insensible as to refuse them in a moderate degree1 when they fairly come in his way2 in like manner he will not court and follow handsome and beautiful youth1 but will rather choose such as are of a teachable disposition1 of a gentle behavior1 and lovers of learning4 ,the charms and graces of youth will not make a philosopher shy of their conversation1 when the endowments of their minds are answerable to the features of their bodies4 ,the case is the same when greatness of place and fortune concur with a well disposed person2 he will not therefore forbear loving and respecting such a one1 nor be afraid of the name of a courtier1 nor think it a curse that such attendance and dependence should be his fate4 ,they that try most ,dame ,venus to despise ,do sin as much as they who her most prize4 7,from the ,veiled ,hippolytus of ,euripides1 ,frag4 #dca47 ,the application is easy to the matter in hand4 ,a philosopher therefore1 if he is of a retired humor1 will not avoid such persons2 while one who generously designs his studies for the public advantage will cheerfully embrace their advances of friendship1 will not bore them to hear him1 will lay aside his sophistic terms and distinctions1 and will rejoice to discourse and pass his time with them when they are disposed4 ,i plough the wide ,berecynthian fields1 ,full six days' journey long1 7,from the ,niobe of ,aechylus1 ,frag4 #aec47 says one boastingly in the poet2 the same man1 if he were as much a lover of mankind as of husbandry1 would much rather bestow his pains on such a farm1 the fruits of which would serve a great number1 than to be always dressing the olive-yard of some cynical malcontent1 which1 when all was done1 would scarce yield oil enough to dress a salad or to supply his lamp in the long winter evenings4 ,epicurus himself1 who places happiness in the profoundest quiet and sluggish inactivity1 as the only secure harbor from the storms of this troublesome world1 could not but confess that it is both more noble and delightful to do than to receive a kindness2 7,almost the same words with those of our ,saviour1 ,it is more blessed to give than to receive4 ,so that a man can scarcely be a true ,epicurean without practising some of the maxims of ,christianity47 for there is nothing which produces so humane and genuine a sort of pleasure as that of doing good4 ,he who gave the names to the three ,graces was intelligent1 for they all mean delectation and joy1 7,aglaia1 ,euphrosyne1 and ,thalia47 and these feelings surely are far greater and purer in the giver4 ,this is so evidently true1 that we all receive good turns blushing and with some confusion1 but we are always gay and well pleased when we are conferring one4 ,if then it is so pleasant to do good to a few1 how are their hearts dilated with joy who are benefactors to whole cities1 provinces1 and kingdoms8 ,and such benefactors are they who instil good principles into those upon whom so many millions do depend4 ,on the other hand1 those who debauch the minds of great men--as sycophants1 false informers1 and flatterers worse than both1 manifestly do--are the centre of all the curses of a nation1 as men not only infuse deadly poison into the cistern of a private house1 but into the public springs of which so many thousands are to drink4 ,the people therefore laughed at the parasites of ,callias1 whom1 as ,eupolis says1 neither with fire nor brass nor steel could prevent from supping with him2 but as for the favorites of those execrable tyrants ,apollodorus1 ,phalaris1 and ,dionysius1 they racked them1 they flayed them alive1 they roasted them at slow fires1 looked on them as the very pests of society and disgraces of human nature2 for to debauch a simple person is indeed an ill thing1 but to corrupt a prince is an infinite mischief4 ,in like manner1 he who instructs an ordinary man makes him to pass his life decently and with comfort2 but he who instructs a prince1 by correcting his errors and clearing his understanding1 is a philosopher for the public1 by rectifying the very mould and model by which whole nations are formed and regulated4 ,it is the custom of all nations to pay a peculiar honor and deference to their priests2 and the reason of it is1 because they do not only pray for good things for themselves1 their own families and friends1 but for whole communities1 for the whole state of mankind4 ,yet we are not so fond as to think that the priests make the gods to be givers of good things1 or inspire a vein of beneficence into them2 but they only make their supplications to a being which of itself is inclinable to answer their requests4 ,but in this a good tutor hath the privilege above the priests1--he effectually renders a prince more disposed to actions of justice1 of moderation1 and mercy1 and therefore hath a greater satisfaction of mind when he reflects upon it4 ,for my own part1 ,i cannot but think that an ordinary mechanic--for instance1 a maker of musical instruments--would be much more attentive and pleased at his work1 and if his harp would be touched by the famous ,amphion1 and in his hand to serve for the builder of ,thebes1 or if that ,thales had bespoke it1 who was so great a master by the force of his music he pacified a popular tumult amongst the ,lacedaemonians4 ,a good-natured shipwright would ply his work more heartily1 if he were constructing the rudder for the admiral galley of ,themistocles when he fought for the liberty of ,greece1 or of ,pompey when he went on his expedition against the pirates3 what ecstasy of delight then must a philosopher be in1 when he reflects that his scholar is a man of authority1 a prince or great potentate1 that he is employed in so public a work1 giving laws to him who is to give laws to a whole nation1 who is to punish vice1 and to reward the virtuous with riches and honor8 ,the builder of the ,,argo certainly would have been mightily pleased1 if he had known what noble mariners were to row in his ship1 and that at last she should be translated into heaven2 and a carpenter would not be half so much pleased to make a chariot or plough1 as to cut the tablets on which ,solon's laws were to be engraved4 ,in like manner the discourses and rules of philosophy1 being once deeply stamped and imprinted on the minds of great personages1 will stick so close1 that the prince shall seem no other than justice incarnate and animated law4 ,this was the design of ,plato's voyage into ,sicily1--he hoped that the lectures of his philosophy would serve for laws to ,dionysius1 and bring his affairs again into a good posture4 ,but the soul of that unfortunate prince was like paper scribbled all over with the characters of vice2 its piercing and corroding quality had stained quite through1 and sunk into the very substance of his soul4 ,whereas1 such persons must be taken when they are on the run1 if they are to absorb useful discourses4 ,,end ,,of ,,two-------- ,,sentiments ,,concerning ,,nature ,,with ,,which ,,philosophers ,,were ,,delighted ,,book ,i4 ,it being our determination to discourse of ,natural ,philosophy1 we judge it necessary1 in the first place and chiefly1 to divide the body of philosophy into its proper members1 so that we may know what is that which is called philosophy1 and what part of it is physical1 or the explanation of natural things4 ,the ,stoics affirm that wisdom is the knowledge of things human and divine2 that philosophy is the pursuit of that art which is convenient to this knowledge2 that virtue is the sole and sovereign art which is thus convenient2 and this distributes itself into three general parts--natural1 moral1 and logical4 ,by which just reason 7they say7 philosophy is tripartite2 of which one natural1 the other moral1 the third logical4 ,the natural when our inquiries are concerning the world and all things contained in it2 the ethical is the employment of our minds in those things which concern the manners of man's life2 the logical 7which they also call dialectical7 regulates our conversation with others in speaking4 ,aristotle1 ,theophrastus1 and after them almost all the ,peripatetics give the same division of philosophy4 ,it is absolutely requisite that the complete person he contemplator of things which have a being1 and the practiser of those thing which are decent2 and this easily appears by the following instances4 ,if the question be proposed1 whether the sun1 which is so conspicuous to us1 be informed of a soul or inanimate1 he that makes this disquisition is the thinking man2 for he proceeds no farther than to consider the nature of that thing which is proposed4 ,likewise1 if the question be propounded1 whether the world be infinite1 or whether beyond the system of this world there is any real being1 all these things are the objects about which the understanding of man is conversant4 ,but if these be the questions1--what measures must be taken to compose the well-ordered life of man1 what are the best methods to govern and educate children1 or what are the exact rules whereby sovereigns may command and establish laws1--all these queries are proposed for the sole end of action1 and the man skilled therein is the moral and practical man4 ,,chapter ,i4 ,,what ,,is ,,nature8 ,since we have undertaken to make a diligent search into ,nature1 ,i cannot but conclude it necessary to declare what ,nature is4 ,it is very absurd to attempt a discourse of the essence of natural things1 and not to understand what is the power and sphere of ,nature4 ,if ,aristotle be credited1 ,nature is the principle of motion and rest1 in that thing in which it exists as a principle and not by accident4 ,for all things that are conspicuous to our eyes1 which are neither fortuitous nor necessary1 nor have a divine original1 nor acknowledge any such like cause1 are called natural and enjoy their proper nature4 ,of this sort are earth1 fire1 water1 air1 plants1 animals2 to these may be added all things produced from them1 such as showers1 hail1 thunders1 hurricanes1 and winds4 ,all these confess they had a beginning1 none of these were from eternity1 but had something as the origin of them2 and likewise animals and plants have a principle whence they are produced4 ,but ,nature1 which in all these things hath the priority1 is not only the principle of motion but of repose2 whatsoever enjoys the principle of motion1 the same has a possibility to find a dissolution4 ,therefore on this account it is that ,nature is the principle of motion and rest4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,difference ,,between ,a ,,principle ,,and ,,an ,,element8 ,the followers of ,aristotle and ,plato conclude that elements are discriminated from principles4 ,thales the ,milesian supposeth that a principle and the elements are one and the same thing1 but it is evident that they vastly differ one from another4 ,for the elements are things compounded2 but we do pronounce that principles admit not of a composition1 nor are the effects of any other being4 ,those which we call elements are earth1 water1 air1 and fire4 ,but we call those principles which have nothing prior to them out of which they are produced2 for otherwise not these themselves1 but rather those things whereof they are produced1 would be the principles4 ,now there are some things which have a pre-existence to earth and water1 from which they are begotten2 to wit1 matter1 which is without form or shape2 then form1 which we call ,greek omitted 7actuality72 and lastly1 privation4 ,thales therefore is most in error1 by affirming that water is both an element and a principle4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,what ,,are ,,principles8 ,thales the ,milesian doth affirm that water is the principle from whence all things in the universe spring4 ,this person appears to be the first of philosophers2 from him the ,ionic sect took its denomination1 for there are many families and successions amongst philosophers4 ,after he had professed philosophy in ,egypt1 when he was very old1 he returned to ,miletus4 ,he pronounced1 that all things had their original from water1 and into water all things are resolved4 ,his first ground was1 that whatsoever was the prolific seed of all animals was a principle1 and that is moist2 so that it is probable that all things receive their original from humidity4 ,his second reason was1 that all plants are nourished and fructified by that thing which is moist1 of which being deprived they wither away4 ,thirdly1 that that fire of which the sun and stars are made is nourished by watery exhalations1--yea1 and the world itself2 which moved ,homer to sing that the generation of it was from water3-- ,the ocean is ,of all things the kind genesis4 7,iliad1 xiv4 #bdf47 ,anaximander1 who himself was a ,milesian1 assigns the principle of all things to the ,infinite1 from whence all things flow1 and into the same are corrupted2 hence it is that infinite worlds are framed1 and those dissolve again into that whence they have their origin4 ,and thus he farther proceeds1 ,for what other reason is there of an ,infinite but this1 that there may be nothing deficient as to the generation or subsistence of what is in ,nature8 ,there is his error1 that he doth not acquaint us what this ,infinite is1 whether it be air1 or water1 or earth1 or any other such like body4 ,besides he is mistaken1 in that1 giving us the material cause1 he is silent as to the efficient cause of beings2 for this thing which he makes his ,infinite can be nothing but matter2 but operation cannot come about in the sphere of matter1 except an efficient cause be annexed4 ,anaximenes his fellow-citizen pronounceth1 that air is the principle of all beings2 from it all receive their original1 and into it all return4 ,he affirms that our soul is nothing but air2 it is that which constitutes and preserves2 the whole world is invested with spirit and air4 ,for spirit and air are synonymous4 ,this person is in this deficient1 in that he concludes that of pure air1 which is a simple body and is made of one only form1 all animals are composed4 ,it is not possible to think that a single principle should be the matter of all things1 from whence they receive their subsistence2 besides this there must be an operating cause4 ,silver 7for example7 is not of itself sufficient to frame a drinking cup2 an operator also is required1 which is the silversmith4 ,the like may be applied to vessels made of wood1 brass1 or any other material4 ,anaxagoras the ,clazomenian asserted ,homoeomeries 7or parts similar or homogeneous7 to be the original cause of all beings2 it seemed to him impossible that anything could arise of nothing or be dissolved into nothing4 ,let us therefore instance in nourishment1 which appears simple and uniform1 such as bread which we owe to ,ceres and water which we drink4 ,of this very nutriment1 our hair1 our veins1 our arteries1 nerves1 bones1 and all our other parts are nourished4 ,these things thus being performed1 it must be granted that the nourishment which is received by us contains all those things by which these of us are produced4 ,in it there are those particles which are producers of blood1 bones1 nerves1 and all other parts2 these particles 7he thought7 reason discovers for us4 ,for it is not necessary that we should reduce all things under the objects of sense2 for bread and water are fitted to the senses1 yet in them there are those particles latent which are discoverable only by reason4 ,it being therefore plain that there are particles in the nourishment similar to what is produced by it1 he terms these homogeneous parts1 averring that they are the principles of beings4 ,matter is according to him these similar parts1 and the efficient cause is a ,mind1 which orders all things that have an existence4 ,thus he begins his discourse3 ,all things were confused one among another2 but ,mind divided and brought them to order4 ,in this he is to be commended1 that he yokes together matter and an intellectual agent4 ,archelaus the son of ,apollodorus1 the ,athenian1 pronounceth1 that the principles of all things have their origin from an infinite air rarefied or condensed4 ,air rarefied is fire1 condensed is water4 ,these philosophers1 the followers of ,thales1 succeeding one another1 made up that sect which takes to itself the denomination of the ,ionic4 ,pythagoras the ,samian1 the son of ,mnesarchus1 from another origin deduces the principles of all things2 it was he who first called philosophy by its name4 ,he thought the first principles to be numbers1 and those symmetries in them which he styles harmonies2 and the composition of both he terms elements1 called geometrical4 ,again1 he places unity and the indefinite binary number amongst the principles4 ,one of these principles ends in an efficient and forming cause1 which is ,mind1 and that is ,god2 the other to the passive and material part1 and that is the visible world4 ,moreover1 the nature of number 7he saith7 consists in the ten2 for all people1 whether ,grecians or barbarians1 reckon from one to ten1 and thence return to one again4 ,farther he avers the virtue of ten consists in the quaternion2 the reason whereof is this1--if any person start from one1 and add numbers so as to take in the quaternary1 he shall complete the number ten2 if he passes the four1 he shall go beyond the ten2 for one1 two1 three1 and four being added up together make ten4 ,the nature of numbers1 therefore1 if we regard the units1 abideth in the ten2 but if we regard its power1 in the four4 ,therefore the ,pythagoreans say that their most sacred oath is by that god who delivered to them the quaternary4 ,by th' founder of the sacred number four1 ,eternal ,nature's font and source1 they swore4 ,of this number the soul of man is composed2 for mind1 knowledge1 opinion1 and sense are the four that complete the soul1 from which all sciences1 all arts1 all rational faculties derive themselves4 ,for what our mind perceives1 it perceives after the manner of a thing that is one1 the soul itself being a unity2 as for instance1 a multitude of persons are not the object of our sense nor are comprehended by us1 for they are infinite2 our understanding gives the general concept of ,a ,,man1 in which all individuals agree4 ,the number of individuals is infinite2 the generic or specific nature of all being is a unit1 or to be apprehended as one only thing2 from this one conception we give the genuine measures of all existence1 and therefore we affirm that a certain class of beings are rational and discoursive4 ,but when we come to give the nature of a horse1 it is that animal which neighs2 and this being common to all horses1 it is manifest that the understanding1 which hath such like conceptions1 is in its nature unity4 ,it follows that the number called the infinite binary must be science2 in every demonstration or belief belonging to science1 and in every syllogism1 we draw that conclusion which is in dispute from those propositions which are by all granted1 by which means another proposition is obtained from the premises4 ,the comprehension of these we call knowledge2 for which reason science is the binary number4 ,but opinion is the ternary2 for that rationally follows from comprehension4 ,the objects of opinion are many things1 and the ternary number denotes a multitude1 as ,thrice happy ,grecians2 for which reason ,pythagoras admits the ternary4 ,this sect of philosophers is called the ,italic1 by reason ,pythagoras started his school in ,italy2 his hatred of the tyranny of ,polycrates enforced him to abandon his native country ,samos4 ,heraclitus and ,hippasus of ,metapontum suppose that fire gives the origination to all beings1 that they all flow from fire1 and in fire they all conclude2 for of fire when first quenched the world was constituted4 ,the first part of the world1 being most condensed and contracted within itself1 made the earth2 but part of that earth being loosened and made thin by fire1 water was produced2 afterwards this water being exhaled and rarefied into vapors became air2 after all this the world itself1 and all other corporeal beings1 shall be dissolved by fire in the universal conflagration4 ,by them therefore it appears that fire is what gives beginning to all things1 and is that in which all things receive their period4 ,epicurus the son of ,neocles1 the ,athenian1 his philosophical sentiments being the same with those of ,democritus1 affirms that the principles of all being are bodies which are only perceptible by reason2 they admit not of a vacuity1 nor of any original1 but being of a self-existence are eternal and incorruptible2 they are not liable to any diminution1 they are indestructible1 nor is it possible for them to receive any transformation of parts1 or admit of any alterations2 of these reason is only the discoverer2 they are in a perpetual motion in vacuity1 and by means of the empty space2 for the vacuum itself is infinite1 and the bodies that move in it are infinite4 ,those bodies acknowledge these three accidents1 figure1 magnitude1 and gravity4 ,democritus acknowledged but two1 magnitude and figure4 ,epicurus added the third1 to wit1 gravity2 for he pronounced that it is necessary that bodies receive their motion from that impression which springs from gravity1 otherwise they could not be moved4 ,the figures of atoms cannot be incomprehensible1 but they are not infinite4 ,these figures are neither hooked nor trident-shaped nor ring-shaped1 such figures as these being exposed to collision2 but the atoms are impassible1 impenetrable2 they have indeed figures of their own1 which are conceived only by reason4 ,it is called an atom1 by reason not of its smallness but of its indivisibility2 in it no vacuity1 no passible affection is to be found4 ,and that there is an atom is perfectly clear2 for there are elements which have a perpetual duration1 and there are animals which admit of a vacuity1 and there is a unity4 ,empedocles the ,agrigentine1 the son of ,meton1 affirms that there are four elements1 fire1 air1 earth1 and water1 and two powers which bear the greatest command in nature1 concord and discord1 of which one is the union1 the other the division of beings4 ,thus he sings1 ,hear first the four roots of all created things3-- ,bright shining ,jove1 ,juno that beareth life1 ,pluto beneath the earth1 and ,nestis who ,doth with her tears water the human fount4 ,by ,jupiter he understands fire and ether1 by ,juno that gives life he means the air1 by ,pluto the earth1 by ,nestis and the spring of all mortals 7as it were7 seed and water4 ,socrates the son of ,sophroniscus1 and ,plato son of ,ariston1 both natives of ,athens1 entertain the same opinion concerning the universe2 for they suppose three principles1 ,god1 matter1 and the idea4 ,god is the universal understanding2 matter is that which is the first substratum1 accommodated for the generation and corruption of beings2 the idea is an incorporeal essence1 existing in the cogitations and apprehensions of ,god2 for ,god is the soul and mind of the world4 ,aristotle the son of ,nichomachus1 the ,stagirite1 constitutes three principles2 ,entelecheia 7which is the same with form71 matter1 and privation4 ,he acknowledges four elements1 and adds a certain fifth body1 which is ethereal and not obnoxious to mutation4 ,zeno son of ,mnaseas1 the native of ,citium1 avers these to be principles1 ,god and matter1 the first of which is the efficient cause1 the other the passible and receptive4 ,four more elements he likewise confesses4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,how ,,was ,,this ,,world ,,composed ,,in ,,that ,,order ,,and ,,after ,,that ,,manner ,,it ,,is8 ,the world being broken and confused1 after this manner it was reduced into figure and composure as now it is4 ,the insectible bodies or atoms1 by a wild and fortuitous motion1 without any governing power1 incessantly and swiftly were hurried one amongst another1 many bodies being jumbled together2 upon this account they have a diversity in the figures and magnitude4 ,these therefore being so jumbled together1 those bodies which were the greatest and heaviest sank into the lowest place2 they that were of a lesser magnitude1 being round1 smooth1 and slippery1 these meeting with those heavier bodies were easily broken into pieces1 and were carried into higher places4 ,but when that force whereby these variously particles figured particles fought with and struck one another1 and forced the lighter upwards1 did cease1 and there was no farther power left to drive them into superior regions1 yet they were wholly hindered from descending downwards1 and were compelled to reside in those places capable to receive them2 and these were the heavenly spaces1 unto which a multitude of these small bodies were hurled1 and these being thus shivered fell into coherence and mutual embraces1 and by this means the heaven was produced4 ,then a various and great multitude of atoms enjoying the same nature1 as it is before asserted1 being hurried aloft1 did form the stars4 ,the multitude of these exhaled bodies1 having struck and broke the air in shivers1 forced a passage through it2 this being turned into wind invested the stars1 as it moved1 and whirled them about1 by which means to this present time that circulary motion which these stars have in the heavens is maintained4 ,much after the same manner the earth was made2 for by those little particles whose gravity made them to reside in the lower places the earth was formed4 ,the heaven1 fire1 and air were constituted of those particles which were carried aloft4 ,but a great deal of matter remaining in the earth1 this being condensed by the driving of the winds and the air from the stars1 every little part and form of it was compressed1 which created the element of water2 but this being fluidly disposed did run into those places which were hollow1 and these places were those that were capable to receive and protect it2 or the water1 subsisting by itself1 did make the lower places hollow4 ,after this manner the principal parts of the world were constituted4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,,whether ,,the ,,universe ,,is ,,one ,,single ,,thing4 ,the ,stoics pronounce that the world is one thing1 and this they say is the universe and is corporeal4 ,but ,empedocles's opinion is1 that the world is one2 yet by no means the system of this world must be styled the universe1 but that it is a small part of it1 and the remainder is inactive matter4 ,what to ,plato seems the truest he thus declares1 that there is one world1 and that world is the universe2 and this he endeavors to evince by three arguments4 ,first1 that the world could not be complete and perfect1 if it did not within itself include all beings4 ,secondly1 nor could it give the true resemblance of its original and exemplar1 if it were not the one only begotten thing4 ,thirdly1 it could not be incorruptible1 if there were any being out of its compass to whose power it might be obnoxious4 ,but to ,plato it may be thus returned4 ,first1 that the world is not complete and perfect1 nor doth it contain all things within itself4 ,and if man is a perfect being1 yet he doth not encompass all things4 ,secondly1 that there are many exemplars and originals of statues1 houses1 and pictures4 ,thirdly1 how is the world perfect1 if anything beyond it is possible to be moved about it8 ,but the world is not incorruptible1 nor can it be so conceived1 because it had an original4 ,to ,metrodorus it seems absurd1 that in a large field one only stalk should grow1 and in an infinite space one only world exist2 and that this universe is infinite is manifest by this1 that there is an infinity of causes4 ,now if this world be finite and the causes producing it infinite1 it follows that the worlds likewise be infinite2 for where all causes concur1 there the effects also must appear1 let the causes be what they will1 either atoms or elements4 ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,whence ,,did ,,men ,,obtain ,,the ,,knowledge ,,of ,,the ,,existence ,,and ,,essence ,,of ,a ,,deity8 ,the ,stoics thus define the essence of a god4 ,it is a spirit intellectual and fiery1 which acknowledges no shape1 but is continually changed into what it pleases1 and assimilates itself to all things4 ,the knowledge of this deity they first received from the pulchritude of those things which so visibly appeared to us2 for they concluded that nothing beauteous could casually or fortuitously be formed1 but that it was framed from the art of a great understanding that produced the world4 ,that the world is very resplendent is made perspicuous from the figure1 the color1 the magnitude of it1 and likewise from the wonderful variety of those stars which adorn this world4 ,the world is spherical2 the orbicular hath the pre-eminence above all other figures1 for being round itself it hath its parts like itself4 7,on this account1 according to ,plato1 the understanding1 which is the most sacred part of man1 is in the head47 ,the color of it is most beauteous2 for it is painted with blue2 which1 though little blacker than purple1 yet hath such a shining quality1 that by reason of the vehement efficacy of its color it cuts through such a space of air2 whence it is that at so great a distance the heavens are to be contemplated4 ,and in this very greatness of the world the beauty of it appears4 ,view all things3 that which contains the rest carries a beauty with it1 as an animal or a tree4 ,also things which are visible to us accomplish the beauty of the world4 ,the oblique circle called the ,zodiac in heaven is with different images painted and distinguished3-- ,there's ,cancer1 ,leo1 ,virgo1 and the ,claws2 ,scorpio1 ,arcitenens1 and ,capricorn2 ,amphora1 ,pisces1 then the ,ram1 and ,bull2 ,the lovely pair of ,brothers next succeed4 7,from ,aratus47 ,there are a thousand others that give us the suitable reflections of the beauty of the world4 ,thus ,euripides3-- ,the starry splendor of the skies1 ,the beautiful and varied work of that wise ,creator1 ,time4 ,from this the knowledge of a god is conveyed to man2 that the sun1 the moon1 and the rest of the stars1 being carried under the earth1 rise again in their proper color1 magnitude1 place1 and times4 ,therefore they who by tradition delivered to us the knowledge and veneration of the gods did it by these three manner of ways3--first1 from ,nature2 secondly1 from fables2 thirdly1 from the testimony supplied by the laws of commonwealths4 ,philosophers taught the natural way2 poets1 the fabulous2 and the political way is to be had from the constitutions of each commonwealth4 ,all sorts of this learning are distinguished into these seven parts4 ,the first is from things that are conspicuous1 and the observation of those bodies which are in places superior to us4 ,to men the heavenly bodies that are so visible did give the knowledge of the deity2 when they contemplated that they are the causes of so great an harmony1 that they regulate day and night1 winter and summer1 by their rising and setting1 and likewise considered those things which by their influences in the earth do receive a being and do likewise fructify4 ,it was manifest to men that the ,heaven was the father of those things1 and the ,earth the mother2 that the ,heaven was the father is clear1 since from the heavens there is the pouring down of waters1 which have their spermatic faculty2 the ,earth the mother1 because she receives them and brings forth4 ,likewise men considering that the stars are running 7,greek omitted7 in a perpetual motion1 that the sun and moon give us the stimulus to view and contemplate 7,greek omitted71 they call them all gods 7,greek omitted74 ,in the second and third place1 they thus distinguished the deities into those which are beneficial and those that are injurious to mankind4 ,those which are beneficial they call ,jupiter1 ,juno1 ,mercury1 ,ceres2 those who are mischievous the ,dirae1 ,furies1 and ,mars4 ,these1 which threaten dangers and violence1 men endeavor to appease and conciliate by sacred rites4 ,the fourth and the fifth order of gods they assign to things and passions2 to passions1 ,love1 ,venus1 and ,desire2 the deities that preside over things1 ,hope1 ,justice1 and ,eunomia4 ,the sixth order of deities are the ones made by the poets2 ,hesiod1 willing to find out a father for those gods that acknowledge an original1 invented their progenitors1-- ,hyperion1 ,coeus1 and ,iapetus1 ,with ,creius3 7,hesiod1 ,theogony1 #acd47 upon which account this is called the fabulous4 ,the seventh rank of the deities added to the rest are those which1 by their beneficence to mankind1 were honored with a divine worship1 though they were born of mortal race2 of this sort were ,hercules1 ,castor and ,pollux1 and ,bacchus4 ,these are reputed to be of a human species2 for of all beings that which is divine is most excellent1 and man amongst all animals is adorned with the greatest beauty1 is also the best1 being adorned by virtue above the rest because of the gift of intellect3 therefore it was thought that those who were admirable for excellence should resemble that which is the best and most beautiful4 ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,,what ,,is ,,god8 ,some of the philosophers1 such as ,diagoras the ,melian1 ,theodorus the ,cyrenean1 and ,euemerus the ,tegeatan1 did deny unanimously that there were any gods2 and ,callimachus the ,cyrenean discovered his mind concerning ,euemerus in these ,iambic verses1 thus writing3-- ,to th' ante-mural temple flock apace1 ,where he that long ago composed of brass ,great ,jupiter1 ,thrasonic old bald pate1 ,now scribbles impious books1--a boastful ass6 meaning books which prove there are no gods4 ,euripides the tragedian durst not openly declare his sentiment2 the court of ,areopagus terrified him4 ,yet he sufficiently manifested his thoughts by this method4 ,he presented in his tragedy ,sisyphus1 the first and great patron of this opinion1 and introduced himself as one agreeing with him3-- ,disorder in those days did domineer1 ,and brutal power kept the world in fear4 ,afterwards by the sanction of laws wickedness was suppressed2 but by reason that laws could prohibit only public villanies1 yet could not hinder many persons from acting secret impieties1 some wise persons gave this advice1 that we ought to blind truth with lying disguises1 and persuade men that there is a ,god3-- ,there's an eternal ,god does hear and see ,and understand every impiety2 ,though it in dark recess or thought committed be4 ,but this poetical fable ought to be rejected1 he thought1 along with ,callimachus1 who thus saith3-- ,if you believe a ,god1 it must be meant ,that you conceive this ,god omnipotent4 ,but ,god cannot do everything2 for1 if it were so1 then a ,god could make snow black1 and the fire cold1 and him that is in a posture of sitting to be upright1 and so on the contrary4 ,the brave-speaking ,plato pronounceth that ,god formed the world after his own image2 but this smells rank of the old dotages1 old comic writers would say2 for how did ,god1 casting his eye upon himself1 frame this universe8 ,or how can ,god be spherical1 and be inferior to man8 ,anaxagoras avers that bodies did consist from all eternity1 but the divine intellect did reduce them into their proper orders1 and effected the origination of all beings4 ,but ,plato did not suppose that the primary bodies had their consistence and repose1 but that they were moved confusedly and in disorder2 but ,god1 knowing that order was better than confusion1 did digest them into the best methods4 ,both these were equally peccant2 for both suppose ,god to be the great moderator of human affairs and for that cause to have formed this present world2 when it is apparent that an immortal and blessed being1 replenished with all his glorious excellencies1 and not at all obnoxious to any sort of evil1 but being wholly occupied with his own felicity and immortality1 would not employ himself with the concerns of men2 for certainly miserable is the being which1 like a laborer or artificer1 is molested by the troubles and cares which the forming and governing of this world must give him4 ,add to this1 that the ,god whom these men profess was either not at all existing before this present world 7when bodies were either reposed or in a disordered motion71 or that at that time ,god did either sleep1 or else was in a constant watchfulness1 or that he did neither of these4 ,now neither the first nor the second can be entertained1 because they suppose ,god to be eternal2 if ,god from eternity was in a continual sleep1 he was in an eternal death1--and what is death but an eternal sleep8--but no sleep can affect a deity1 for the immortality of ,god and alliance to death are vastly different4 ,but if ,god was in a continual vigilance1 either there was something wanting to make him happy1 or else his beatitude was perfectly complete2 but according to neither of these can ,god be said to be blessed2 not according to the first1 for if there be any deficiency there is no perfect bliss2 not according to the second1 for1 if there be nothing wanting to the felicity of ,god1 it must be a needless enterprise for him to busy himself in human affairs4 ,and how can it be supposed that ,god administers by his own providence human concerns1 when to vain and trifling persons prosperous things happen1 to great and high adverse8 ,agamemnon was both ,a virtuous prince1 for warlike acts renowned1 7,iliad1 iii4 #agi47 and by an adulterer and adulteress was vanquished and perfidiously slain4 ,hercules1 after he had freed the life of man from many things that were pernicious to it1 perished by the witchcraft and poison of ,deianira4 ,thales said that the intelligence of the world was ,god4 ,anaximander concluded that the stars were heavenly deities4 ,democritus said that ,god1 being a globe of fire1 is the intelligence and the soul of the world4 ,pythagoras says that1 of his principles1 unity is ,god2 and the good1 which is indeed the nature of a unity1 is mind itself2 but the binary number1 which is infinite1 is a daemon1 and evil1--about which the multitude of material beings and this visible world are related4 ,socrates and ,plato agree that ,god is that which is one1 hath its original from its own self1 is of a singular subsistence1 is one only being perfectly good2 all these various names signifying goodness do all centre in mind2 hence ,god is to be understood as that mind and intellect1 which is a separate idea1 that is to say1 pure and unmixed of all matter1 and not mingled with anything subject to passions4 ,aristotle's sentiment is1 that ,god hath his residence in superior regions1 and hath placed his throne in the sphere of the universe1 and is a separate idea2 which sphere is an ethereal body1 which is by him styled the fifth essence or quintessence4 ,for there is a division of the universe into spheres1 which are contiguous by their nature but appear to reason to be separated2 and he concludes that each of the spheres is an animal1 composed of a body and soul2 the body of them is ethereal1 moved orbicularly1 the soul is the rational form1 which is unmoved1 and yet is the cause that the sphere is in motion4 ,the ,stoics affirm that ,god is a thing more common and obvious1 and is a mechanic fire which every way spreads itself to produce the world2 it contains in itself all seminal virtues1 and by this means all things by a fatal necessity were produced4 ,this spirit1 passing through the whole world1 received different names from the mutations in the matter through which it ran in its journey4 ,god therefore is the world1 the stars1 the earth1 and 7highest of all7 the mind in the heavens4 ,in the judgment of ,epicurus all the gods are anthropomorphites1 or have the shape of men2 but they are perceptible only by reason1 for their nature admits of no other manner of being apprehended1 their parts being so small and fine that they give no corporeal representations4 ,the same ,epicurus asserts that there are four other natural beings which are immortal3 of this sort are atoms1 the vacuum1 the infinite1 and the similar parts2 and these last are called ,homoeomeries and likewise elements4 ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,,of ,,those ,,that ,,are ,,called ,,geniuses ,,and ,,heroes ,having treated of the essence of the deities in a just order1 it follows that we discourse of daemons and heroes4 ,thales1 ,pythagoras1 ,plato1 and the ,stoics do conclude that daemons are essences endowed with souls2 that the heroes are the souls separated from their bodies1 some are good1 some are bad2 the good are those whose souls are good1 the evil those whose souls are wicked4 ,all this is rejected by ,epicurus4 ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,,of ,,matter4 ,matter is that first being which is substrate for generation1 corruption1 and all other alterations4 ,the disciples of ,thales and ,pythagoras1 with the ,stoics1 are of opinion that matter is changeable1 mutable1 convertible1 and sliding through all things4 ,the followers of ,democritus aver that the vacuum1 the atom1 and the incorporeal substance are the first beings1 and not obnoxious to passions4 ,aristotle and ,plato affirm that matter is of that species which is corporeal1 void of any form1 species1 figure1 and quality1 but apt to receive all forms1 that she may be the nurse1 the mother1 and origin of all other beings4 ,but they that do say that water1 earth1 air1 and fire are matter do likewise say that matter cannot be without form1 but conclude it is a body2 but they that say that individual particles and atoms are matter do say that matter is without form4 ,,chapter ,x4 ,,of ,,ideas4 ,an idea is a being incorporeal1 not subsisting by itself1 but gives figure unto shapeless matter1 and becomes the cause of its phenomena4 ,socrates and ,plato conjecture that these ideas are beings separate from matter1 subsisting in the understanding and imagination of the deity1 that is1 of mind4 ,aristotle accepted forms and ideas2 but he doth not believe them separated from matter1 or patterns of the things ,god has made4 ,those ,stoics1 that are of the school of ,zeno1 profess that ideas are nothing else but the conceptions of our own mind4 ,,chapter ,,xi4 ,,of ,,causes4 ,a cause is that by which anything is produced1 or by which anything is effected4 ,plato gives this triple division of causes1--the material1 the efficient1 and the final cause2 the principal cause he judges to be the efficient1 which is the mind and intellect4 ,pythagoras and ,aristotle judge the first causes are incorporeal beings1 but those that are causes by accident or participation become corporeal substances2 by this means the world is corporeal4 ,the ,stoics grant that all causes are corporeal1 inasmuch as they are physical4 ,,chapter ,,xii4 ,,of ,,bodies4 ,a body is that being which hath these three dimensions1 breadth1 depth1 and length2--or a bulk which makes a sensible resistance2--or whatsoever of its own nature possesseth a place4 ,plato saith that it is neither heavy nor light in its own nature1 when it exists in its own place2 but being in the place where another should be1 then it has an inclination by which it tends to gravity or levity4 ,aristotle saith that1 if we simply consider things in their own nature1 the earth only is to be judged heavy1 and fire light2 but air and water are on occasions heavy and at other times light4 ,the ,stoics think that of the four elements two are light1 fire and air2 two ponderous1 earth and water2 that which is naturally light doth by its own nature1 not by any inclination1 recede from its own centre2 but that which is heavy doth by its own nature tend to its centre2 for the centre is not a heavy thing in itself4 ,epicurus thinks that bodies are not limited2 but the first bodies1 which are simple bodies1 and all those composed of them1 all acknowledge gravity2 that all atoms are moved1 some perpendicularly1 some obliquely2 some are carried aloft either by immediate impulse or with vibrations4 ,,chapter ,,xiii4 ,,of ,,those ,,things ,,that ,,are ,,least ,,in ,,nature4 ,empedocles1 before the four elements1 introduceth the most minute bodies which resemble elements2 but they did exist before the elements1 having similar parts and orbicular4 ,heraclitus brings in the smallest fragments1 and those indivisible4 ,,chapter ,,xiv4 ,,of ,,figures4 ,a figure is the exterior appearance1 the circumscription1 and the boundary of a body4 ,the ,pythagoreans say that the bodies of the four elements are spherical1 fire being in the supremest place only excepted1 whose figure is conical4 ,,chapter ,,xv4 ,,of ,,colors4 ,color is the visible quality of a body4 ,the ,pythagoreans called color the external appearance of a body4 ,empedocles1 that which is consentaneous to the passages of the eye4 ,plato1 that they are fires emitted from bodies1 which have parts harmonious for the sight4 ,zeno the ,stoic1 that colors are the first figurations of matter4 ,the ,pythagoreans1 that colors are of four sorts1 white and black1 red and pale2 and they derive the variety of colors from the mixtures of the elements1 and that seen in animals also from the variety of food and the air4 ,,chapter ,,xvi4 ,,of ,,the ,,division ,,of ,,bodies4 ,the disciples of ,thales and ,pythagoras grant that all bodies are passible and divisible into infinity4 ,others hold that atoms and indivisible parts are there fixed1 and admit not of a division into infinity4 ,aristotle1 that all bodies are potentially but not actually divisible into infinity4 ,,chapter ,,xvii4 ,,how ,,bodies ,,are ,,mixed ,,and ,,contemperated ,,one ,,with ,,another4 ,the ancient philosophers held that the mixture of elements proceeded from the alteration of qualities2 but the disciples of ,anaxagoras and ,democritus say it is done by apposition4 ,empedocles composes the elements of still minuter bulks1 those which are the most minute and may be termed the element of elements4 ,plato assigns three bodies 7but he will not allow these to be elements1 nor properly so called71 air1 fire1 and water1 which are mutable into one another2 but the earth is mutable into none of these4 ,,chapter ,,xviii4 ,,of ,a ,,vacuum4 ,all the natural philosophers from ,thales to ,plato rejected a vacuum4 ,empedocles says that there is nothing of a vacuity in ,nature1 nor anything superabundant4 ,leucippus1 ,democritus1 ,demetrius1 ,metrodorus1 ,epicurus1 that the atoms are in number infinite2 and that a vacuum is infinite in magnitude4 ,the ,stoics1 that within the compass of the world there is no vacuum1 but beyond it the vacuum is infinite4 ,aristotle1 that the vacuum beyond the world is so great that the heaven has liberty to breathe into it1 for the heaven is fiery4 ,,chapter ,,xix4 ,,of ,,place4 ,plato1 to define place1 calls it that thing which in its own bosom receives forms and ideas2 by which metaphor he denotes matter1 being 7as it were7 a nurse or receptacle of beings4 ,aristotle1 that it is the ultimate superficies of the circumambient body1 contiguous to that which it doth encompass4 ,,chapter ,,xx4 ,,of ,,space4 ,the ,stoics and ,epicureans make a place1 a vacuum1 and space to differ4 ,a vacuum is that which is void of anything that may be called a body2 place is that which is possessed by a body2 a space that which is partly filled with a body1 as a cask with wine4 ,,chapter ,,xxi4 ,,of ,,time4 ,in the sense of ,pythagoras1 time is that sphere which encompasses the world4 ,plato says that it is a movable image of eternity1 or the interval of the world's motion4 ,eratosthenes1 that it is the solar motion4 ,,chapter ,,xxii4 ,,of ,,the ,,substance ,,and ,,nature ,,of ,,time4 ,plato says that the heavenly motion is time4 ,most of the ,stoics that motion is time4 ,most philosophers think that time had no commencement2 ,plato1 that time had only in intelligence a beginning4 ,,chapter ,,xxiii4 ,,of ,,motion4 ,plato and ,pythagoras say that motion is a difference and alteration in matter4 ,aristotle1 that it is the actual operation of that which may be moved4 ,democritus1 that there is but one sort of motion1 and it is that which is vibratory4 ,epicurus1 that there are two species of motion1 one perpendicular1 and the other oblique4 ,herophilus1 that one species of motion is obvious only to reason1 the other to sense4 ,heraclitus utterly denies that there is anything of quiet or repose in nature2 for that is the state of the dead2 one sort of motion is eternal1 which he assigns to beings eternal1 the other perishable1 to those things which are perishable4 ,,chapter ,,xxiv4 ,,of ,,generation ,,and ,,corruption4 ,parmenides ,melissus1 and ,zeno deny that there are any such things as generation and corruption1 for they suppose that the universe is unmovable4 ,empedocles1 ,epicurus1 and other philosophers that combine in this1 that the world is framed of small corporeal particles meeting together1 affirm that corruption and generation are not so properly to be accepted2 but there are conjunctions and separations1 which do not consist in any distinction according to their qualities1 but are made according to quantity by coalition or disjunction4 ,pythagoras1 and all those who take for granted that matter is subject to mutation1 say that generation and corruption are to be accepted in their proper sense1 and that they are accomplished by the alteration1 mutation1 and dissolution of elements4 ,,chapter ,,xxv4 ,,of ,,necessity4 ,thales says that necessity is omnipotent1 and that it exerciseth an empire over everything4 ,pythagoras1 that the world is invested by necessity4 ,parmenides and ,democritus1 that there is nothing in the world but what is necessary1 and that this same necessity is otherwise called fate1 justice1 providence1 and the architect of the world4 ,,chapter ,,xxvi4 ,,of ,,the ,,nature ,,of ,,necessity4 ,but ,plato distinguisheth and refers some things to ,providence1 others to necessity4 ,empedocles makes the nature of necessity to be that cause which employs principles and elements4 ,democritus makes it to be a resistance1 impulse1 and force of matter4 ,plato sometimes says that necessity is matter2 at other times1 that it is the habitude or respect of the efficient cause towards matter4 ,,chapter ,,xxvii4 ,,of ,,destiny ,,or ,,fate4 ,heraclitus1 who attributes all things to fate1 makes necessity to be the same thing with it4 ,plato admits of a necessity in the minds and the acts of men1 but yet he introduceth a cause which flows from ourselves4 ,the ,stoics1 in this agreeing with ,plato1 say that necessity is a cause invincible and violent2 that fate is the ordered complication of causes1 in which there is an intexture of those things which proceed from our own determination1 so that certain things are to be attributed to fate1 others not4 ,,chapter ,,xxviii4 ,,of ,,the ,,nature ,,of ,,fate4 ,according to ,heraclitus1 the essence of fate is a certain reason which penetrates the substance of all being2 and this is an ethereal body1 containing in itself that seminal faculty which gives an original to every being in the universe4 ,plato affirms that it is the eternal reason and the eternal law of the nature of the world4 ,chrysippus1 that it is a spiritual faculty1 which in due order doth manage and rule the universe4 ,again1 in his book styled the ,definitions1 that fate is the reason of the world1 or that it is that law whereby ,providence rules and administers everything that is in the world2 or it is that reason by which all things have been1 all things are1 and all things will be produced4 ,the ,stoics say that it is a chain of causes1 that is1 it is an order and connection of causes which cannot be resisted4 ,posidonius1 that it is a being the third in degree from ,jupiter2 the first of beings is ,jupiter1 the second ,nature1 and the third ,fate4 ,,chapter ,,xxix4 ,,of ,,fortune4 ,plato says1 that it is an accidental cause and a casual consequence in things which proceed from the election and counsel of men4 ,aristotle1 that it is an accidental cause in those things done by an impulse for a certain end2 and this cause is uncertain and unstable3 there is a great deal of difference betwixt that which flows from chance and that which falls out by ,fortune2 for that which is fortuitous allows also chance1 and belongs to things practical2 but what is by chance cannot be also by ,fortune1 for it belongs to things without action3 ,fortune1 moreover1 pertains to rational beings1 but chance to rational and irrational beings alike1 and even to inanimate things4 ,epicurus1 that it is a cause not always consistent1 but various as to persons1 times1 and manners4 ,anaxagoras and the ,stoics1 that it is that cause which human reason cannot comprehend2 for there are some things which proceed from necessity1 some things from ,fate1 some from choice and free-will1 some from ,fortune1 some from chance4 ,,chapter ,,xxx4 ,,of ,,nature4 ,empedocles affirms that ,nature is nothing else but the mixture and separation of the elements2 for thus he writes in the first book of his natural philosophy3-- ,nature gives neither life nor death1 ,mutation makes us die or breathe4 ,the elements first are mixed1 then each ,do part3 this ,nature is in mortal speech4 ,anaxagoras is of the same opinion1 that ,nature is coalition and separation1 that is1 generation and corruption4 ,,book ,,ii4 ,having finished my dissertation concerning principles and elements and those things which chiefly appertain to them1 ,i will turn my pen to discourse of those things which are produced by them1 and will take my beginning from the world1 which contains and encompasseth all beings4 ,,chapter ,i4 ,,of ,,the ,,world4 ,pythagoras was the first philosopher that called the world ,greek omitted1 from the order and beauty of it2 for so that word signifies4 ,thales and his followers say the world is one4 ,democritus1 ,epicurus1 and their scholar ,metrodorus affirm that there are infinite worlds in an infinite space1 for that infinite vacuum in its whole extent contains them4 ,empedocles1 that the circle which the sun makes in its motion circumscribes the world1 and that circle is the utmost bound of the world4 ,seleucus1 that the world knows no limits4 ,diogenes1 that the universe is infinite1 but this world is finite4 ,the ,stoics make a difference between that which is called the universe1 and that which is called the whole world2--the universe is the infinite space considered with the vacuum1 the vacuity being removed gives the right conception of the world2 so that the universe and the world are not the same thing4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,of ,,the ,,figure ,,of ,,the ,,world4 ,the ,stoics say that the figure of the world is spherical1 others that it is conical1 others oval4 ,epicurus1 that the figure of the world may be globular1 or that it may admit of other shapes4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,whether ,,the ,,world ,,be ,,an ,,animal4 ,democritus1 ,epicurus1 and those philosophers who introduced atoms and a vacuum1 affirm that the world is not an animal1 nor governed by any wise ,providence1 but that it is managed by a nature which is void of reason4 ,all the other philosophers affirm that the world is informed with a soul1 and governed by reason and ,providence4 ,aristotle is excepted1 who is somewhat different2 he is of opinion1 that the whole world is not acted by a soul in every part of it1 nor hath it any sensitive1 rational1 or intellectual faculties1 nor is it directed by reason and ,providence in every part of it2 of all which the heavenly bodies are made partakers1 for the circumambient spheres are animated and are living beings2 but those things which are about the earth are void of those endowments2 and though those terrestrial bodies are of an orderly disposition1 yet that is casual and not primogenial4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,whether ,,the ,,world ,,is ,,eternal ,,and ,,incorruptible4 ,pythagoras and ,plato1 agreeing with the ,stoics1 affirm that the world was framed by ,god1 and being corporeal is obvious to the senses1 and in its own nature is obnoxious to destruction2 but it shall never perish1 it being preserved by the providence of ,god4 ,epicurus1 that the world had a beginning1 and so shall have an end1 as plants and animals have4 ,xenophanes1 that the world never had a beginning1 is eternal and incorruptible4 ,aristotle1 that the part of the world which is sublunary is subject to change1 and there terrestrial beings find a decay4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,,whence ,,does ,,the ,,world ,,receive ,,its ,,nutriment8 ,aristotle says that1 if the world be nourished1 it will likewise be dissolved2 but it requires no aliment1 and will therefore be eternal4 ,plato1 that this very world prepares for itself a nutriment1 by the alteration of those things which are corruptible in it4 ,philolaus affirms that a destruction happens to the world in two ways2 either by fire failing from heaven1 or by the sublunary water being poured down through the whirling of the air2 and the exhalations proceeding from thence are aliment of the world4 ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,from ,,what ,,element ,,god ,,did ,,begin ,,to ,,raise ,,the ,,fabric ,,of ,,the ,,world4 ,the natural philosophers pronounce that the forming of this world took its original from the earth1 it being its centre1 for the centre is the principal part of the globe4 ,pythagoras1 from the fire and the fifth element4 ,empedocles determines1 that the first and principal element distinct from the rest was the aether1 then fire1 after that the earth1 which earth being strongly compacted by the force of a potent revolution1 water springs from it1 the exhalations of which water produce the air2 the heaven took its origin from the aether1 and fire gave a being to the sun2 those things nearest to the earth are condensed from the remainders4 ,plato1 that the visible world was framed after the exemplar of the intellectual world2 the soul of the visible world was first produced1 then the corporeal figure1 first that which proceeded from fire and earth1 then that which came from air and water4 ,pythagoras1 that the world was formed of five solid figures which are called mathematical2 the earth was produced by the cube1 the fire by the pyramid1 the air by the octahedron1 the water by the icosahedron1 and the globe of the universe by the dodecahedron4 ,in all these ,plato hath the same sentiments with ,pythagoras4 ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,,in ,,what ,,form ,,and ,,order ,,the ,,world ,,was ,,composed4 ,parmenides maintains that there are small coronets alternately twisted one within another1 some made up of a thin1 others of a condensed1 matter2 and there are others between mixed mutually together of light and of darkness1 and around them all there is a solid substance1 which like a firm wall surrounds these coronets4 ,leucippus and ,democritus cover the world round about1 as with a garment and membrane4 ,epicurus says that that which abounds some worlds is thin1 and that which limits others is gross and condensed2 and of these spheres some are in motion1 others are fixed4 ,plato1 that fire takes the first place in the world1 the second the aether1 after that the air1 under that the water2 the last place the earth possesseth3 sometimes he puts the aether and the fire in the same place4 ,aristotle gives the first place to the aether1 as that which is impassible1 it being a kind of a fifth body after which he placeth those that are passible1 fire1 air1 and water1 and last of all the earth4 ,to those bodies that are accounted celestial he assigns a motion that is circular1 but to those that are seated under them1 if they be light bodies1 an ascending1 if heavy1 a descending motion4 ,empedocles1 that the places of the elements are not always fixed and determined1 but they all succeed one another in their respective stations4 ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,cause ,,of ,,the ,,world',s ,,inclination4 ,diogenes and ,anaxagoras state that1 after the world was composed and had produced living creatures1 the world out of its own propensity made an inclination toward the south4 ,perhaps this may be attributed to a wise ,providence 7they affirm71 that thereby some parts of the world may be habitable1 others uninhabitable1 according as the various climates are affected with a rigorous cold1 or a scorching heat1 or a just temperament of cold and heat4 ,empedocles1 that the air yielding to the impetuous force of the solar rays1 the poles received an inclination2 whereby the northern parts were exalted and the southern depressed1 by which means the whole world received its inclination4 ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,,of ,,that ,,thing ,,which ,,is ,,beyond ,,the ,,world1 ,,and ,,whether ,,it ,,be ,a ,,vacuum ,,or ,,not4 ,pythagoras and his followers say that beyond the world there is a vacuum1 into which and out of which the world hath its respiration4 ,the ,stoics1 that there is a vacuum into which infinite space by a conflagration shall be dissolved4 ,posidonius1 not an infinite vacuum1 but as much as suffices for the dissolution of the world2 and this he asserts in his first book concerning the ,vacuum4 ,aristotle affirms1 that a vacuum does not exist4 ,plato concludes that neither within nor without the world there is any vacuum4 ,,chapter ,x4 ,,what ,,parts ,,of ,,the ,,world ,,are ,,on ,,the ,,right ,,hand1 ,,and ,,what ,,on ,,the ,,left4 ,pythagoras1 ,plato1 and ,aristotle declare that the eastern parts of the world1 from whence motion commences1 are of the right1 those of the western are of the left hand of the world4 ,empedocles1 that those that are of the right hand face the summer solstice1 those of the left the winter solstice4 ,,chapter ,,xi4 ,,of ,,heaven1 ,,what ,,is ,,its ,,nature ,,and ,,essence4 ,anaximenes affirms that the circumference of heaven makes the limit of the earth's revolution4 ,empedocles1 that the heaven is a solid substance1 and hath the form and hardness of crystal1 it being composed of the air compacted by fire1 and that in both hemispheres it invests the elements of air and fire4 ,aristotle1 that it is formed by the fifth body1 and by the mixture of extreme heat and cold4 ,,chapter ,,xii4 ,,into ,,how ,,many ,,circles ,,is ,,the ,,heaven ,,distinguished2 ,,or1 ,,of ,,the ,,division ,,of ,,heaven4 ,thales1 ,pythagoras1 and the followers of ,pythagoras do distribute the universal globe of heaven into five circles1 which they denominate zones2 one of which is called the arctic circle1 which is always conspicuous to us1 another is the summer tropic1 another is the solstice1 another is the winter tropic1 another is the antarctic circle1 which is always out of sight4 ,the circle called the zodiac is placed under the three that are in the midst1 and is oblique1 gently touching them all4 ,likewise1 they are all divided in right angles by the meridian1 which goes from pole to pole4 ,it is supposed that ,pythagoras made the first discovery of the obliquity of the zodiac1 but one ,oenopides of ,chios challenges to himself the invention of it4 ,,chapter ,,xiii4 ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,essence ,,of ,,the ,,stars1 ,,and ,,how ,,they ,,are ,,composed4 ,thales affirms that they are globes of earth set on fire4 ,empedocles1 that they are fiery bodies arising from that fire which the aether embraced within itself1 and did shatter in pieces when the elements were first separated one from another4 ,anaxagoras1 that the circumambient aether is of a fiery substance1 which1 by a vehement force in its whirling about1 did tear stones from the earth1 and by its own power set them on fire1 and establish them as stars in the heavens4 ,diogenes thinks they resemble pumice stones1 and that they are the breathings of the world2 again he supposeth that there are some invisible stones1 which fall sometimes from heaven upon the earth1 and are there quenched2 as it happened at ,aegos-potami1 where a stony star resembling fire did fall4 ,empedocles1 that the fixed stars fastened to the crystal1 but the planets are loosened4 ,plato1 that the stars for the most part are of a fiery nature1 but they are made partakers of another element1 with they are mixed after the resemblance of glue4 ,zenophanes1 that they are composed of inflamed clouds1 which in the daytime are quenched1 and in the night are kindled again4 ,the like we see in coals2 for the rising and setting of the stars is nothing else but the quenching and kindling of them4 ,heraclitus and the ,pythagoreans1 that every star is a world in an infinite aether1 and encompasseth air1 earth1 and aether2 this opinion is current among the disciples of ,orpheus1 for they suppose that each of the stars does make a world4 ,epicurus condemns none of these opinions1 for he embraces anything that is possible4 ,,chapter ,,xiv4 ,,of ,,what ,,figure ,,the ,,stars ,,are4 ,the ,stoics say that the stars are of a circular form1 like as the sun1 the moon1 and the world4 ,cleanthes1 that they are of a conical figure4 ,anaximenes1 that they are fastened as nails in the crystalline firmament2 some others1 that they are fiery plates of gold1 resembling pictures4 ,,chapter ,,xv4 ,,of ,,the ,,order ,,and ,,place ,,of ,,the ,,stars4 ,xenocrates says that the stars are moved in one and the same superficies4 ,the other ,stoics say that they are moved in various superficies1 some being superior1 others inferior4 ,democritus1 that the fixed stars are in the highest place2 after those the planets2 after these the sun1 ,venus1 and the moon1 in order4 ,plato1 that the first after the fixed stars that makes its appearance is ,phaenon1 the star of ,saturn2 the second ,phaeton1 the star of ,jupiter2 the third the fiery1 which is the star of ,mars2 the fourth the morning star1 which is the star of ,venus2 the fifth the shining star1 and that is the star of ,mercury2 in the sixth place is the sun1 in the seventh the moon4 ,plato and some of the mathematicians conspire in the same opinion2 others place the sun as the centre of the planets4 ,anaximander1 ,metrodorus of ,chios1 and ,crates assign to the sun the superior place1 after him the moon1 after them the fixed stars and planets4 ,,chapter ,,xvi4 ,,of ,,the ,,motion ,,and ,,circulation ,,of ,,the ,,stars4 ,anaxagoras1 ,democritus1 and ,cleanthes say that all the stars have their motion from east to west4 ,alcmaeon and the mathematicians1 that the planets have a contrary motion to the fixed stars1 and in opposition to them are carried from the west to the east4 ,anaximander1 that they are carried by those circles and spheres on which they are placed4 ,anaximenes1 that they are turned under and about the earth4 ,plato and the mathematicians1 that the sun1 ,venus1 and ,mercury hold equal measures in their motions4 ,,chapter ,,xvii4 ,,whence ,,do ,,the ,,stars ,,receive ,,their ,,light8 ,metrodorus says that all the fixed stars derive their light from the sun4 ,heraclitus and the ,stoics1 that earthly exhalations are those by which the stars are nourished4 ,aristotle1 that the heavenly bodies require no nutriment1 for they being eternal cannot be obnoxious to corruption4 ,plato and the ,stoics1 that the whole world and the stars are fed by the same things4 ,,chapter ,,xviii4 ,,what ,,are ,,those ,,stars ,,which ,,are ,,called ,,the ,,dioscuri1 ,,the ,,twins1 ,,or ,,castor ,,and ,,pollux8 ,xenophanes says that those which appear as stars in the tops of ships are little clouds brilliant by their peculiar motion4 ,metrodorus1 that the eyes of frighted and astonished people emit those lights which are called the ,twins4 ,,chapter ,,xix4 ,,how ,,stars ,,prognosticate1 ,,and ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,cause ,,of ,,winter ,,and ,,summer4 ,plato says that the summer and winter indications proceed from the rising and setting of the stars1 that is1 from the rising and setting of the sun1 the moon1 and the fixed stars4 ,anaximenes1 that the rest in this are not at all concerned1 but that it is wholly performed by the sun4 ,eudoxus and ,aratus assign it in common to all the stars1 for thus ,aratus says3-- ,thund'ring ,jove stars in heaven hath fixed1 ,and them in such beauteous order mixed1 ,which yearly future things predict4 ,,chapter ,,xx4 ,,of ,,the ,,essence ,,of ,,the ,,sun4 ,anaximander says1 that the sun is a circle eight and twenty times bigger than the earth1 and has a circumference very much like that of a chariot-wheel1 which is hollow and full of fire2 the fire of which appears to us through its mouth1 as by an aperture in a pipe2 and this is the sun4 ,xenophanes1 that the sun is constituted of small bodies of fire compacted together and raised from a moist exhalation1 which condensed make the body of the sun2 or that it is a cloud enfired4 ,the ,stoics1 that it is an intelligent flame proceeding from the sea4 ,plato1 that it is composed of abundance of fire4 ,anaxagoras1 ,democritus1 and ,metrodorus1 that it is an enfired stone1 or a burning body4 ,aristotle1 that it is a sphere formed out of the fifth body4 ,philolaus the ,pythagorean1 that the sun shines as crystal1 which receives its splendor from the fire of the world and so reflecteth its light upon us2 so that first1 the body of fire which is celestial is in the sun2 and secondly1 the fiery reflection that comes from it1 in the form of a mirror2 and lastly1 the rays spread upon us by way of reflection from that mirror2 and this last we call the sun1 which is 7as it were7 an image of an image4 ,empedocles1 that there are two suns2 the one the prototype1 which is a fire placed in the other hemisphere1 which it totally fills1 and is always ordered in a direct opposition to the reflection of its own light2 and the sun which is visible to us1 formed by the reflection of that splendor in the other hemisphere 7which is filled with air mixed with heat71 the light reflected from the circular sun in the opposite hemisphere falling upon the crystalline sun2 and this reflection is borne round with the motion of the fiery sun4 ,to give briefly the full sense1 the sun is nothing else but the light and brightness of that fire which encompasseth the earth4 ,epicurus1 that it is an earthy bulk well compacted1 with ores like a pumice-stone or a sponge1 kindled by fire4 ,,chapter ,,xxi4 ,,of ,,the ,,magnitude ,,of ,,the ,,sun4 ,anaximander says1 that the sun itself in greatness is equal to the earth1 but that the circle from whence it receives its respiration and in which it is moved is seven and twenty times larger than the earth4 ,anaxagoras1 that it is far greater than ,peloponnesus4 ,heraclitus1 that it is no broader than a man's foot4 ,epicurus1 that he equally embraceth all the foresaid opinions1--that the sun may be of magnitude as it appears1 or it may be somewhat greater or somewhat less4 ,,chapter ,,xxii4 ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,figure ,,or ,,shape ,,of ,,the ,,sun4 ,anaximenes affirms that in its dilatation it resembles a leaf4 ,heraclitus1 that it hath the shape of a boat1 and is somewhat crooked4 ,the ,stoics1 that it is spherical1 and it is of the same figure with the world and the stars4 ,epicurus1 that the recited dogmas may be defended4 ,,chapter ,,xxiii4 ,,of ,,the ,,turning ,,and ,,returning ,,of ,,the ,,stars1 ,,or ,,the ,,summer ,,and ,,winter ,,solstice4 ,anaximenes believes that the stars are forced by a condensed and resisting air4 ,anaxagoras1 by the repelling force of the northern air1 which is violently pushed on by the sun1 and thus rendered more condensed and powerful4 ,empedocles1 that the sun is hindered from a continual direct course by its spherical vehicle and by the two circular tropics4 ,diogenes1 that the sun1 when it comes to its utmost declination1 is extinguished1 a rigorous cold damping the heat4 ,the ,stoics1 that the sun maintains its course only through that space in which its sustenance is seated1 let it be the ocean or the earth2 by the exhalations proceeding from these it is nourished4 ,plato1 ,pythagoras1 and ,aristotle1 that the sun receives a transverse motion from the obliquity of the zodiac1 which is guarded by the tropics2 all these the globe clearly manifests4 ,,chapter ,,xxiv4 ,,of ,,the ,,eclipse ,,of ,,the ,,sun4 ,thales was the first who affirmed that the eclipse of the sun was caused by the moon's running in a perpendicular line between it and the world2 for the moon in its own nature is terrestrial4 ,and by mirrors it is made perspicuous that1 when the sun is eclipsed1 the moon is in a direct line below it4 ,anaximander1 that the sun is eclipsed when the fiery mouth of it is stopped and hindered from respiration4 ,heraclitus1 that it is after the manner of the turning of a boat1 when the concave seems uppermost to our sight1 and the convex nethermost4 ,xenophanes1 that the sun is eclipsed when it is extinguished2 and that a new sun is created and rises in the east4 ,he gives a farther account of an eclipse of the sun which remained for a whole month1 and again of an eclipse which changed the day into night4 ,some declare that the cause of an eclipse is the invisible concourse of condensed clouds which cover the orb of the sun4 ,aristarchus placeth the sun amongst the fixed stars1 and believeth that the earth the moon8 is moved about the sun1 and that by its inclination and vergency it intercepts its light and shadows its orb4 ,xenophanes1 that there are many suns and many moons1 according as the earth is distinguished by climates1 circles1 and zones4 ,at some certain times the orb of the sun1 falling upon some part of the world which is untenanted1 wanders in a vacuum and becomes eclipsed4 ,the same person affirms that the sun proceeding in its motion in the infinite space1 appears to us to move orbicularly1 taking that representation from its infinite distance from us4 ,,chapter ,,xxv4 ,,of ,,the ,,essence ,,of ,,the ,,moon4 ,anaximander affirms that the circle of the moon is nineteen times bigger than the earth1 and resembles the sun1 its orb being full of fire2 and it suffers an eclipse when the wheel makes a revolution1--which he describes by the divers turnings of a chariot-wheel1 in the midst of it there being a hollow nave replenished with fire1 which hath but one way of expiration4 ,xenophanes1 that it is a condensed cloud4 ,the ,stoics1 that it is mixed of fire and air4 ,plato1 that it is a body of the greatest part fiery4 ,anaxagoras and ,democritus1 that it is a solid1 condensed1 and fiery body1 in which there are flat countries1 mountains1 and valleys4 ,heraclitus1 that it is an earth covered with a bright cloud4 ,pythagoras1 that the body of the moon was of a nature resembling a mirror4 ,,chapter ,,xxvi4 ,,of ,,the ,,size ,,of ,,the ,,moon4 ,the ,stoics declare1 that in magnitude it exceeds the earth1 just as the sun itself doth4 ,parmenides1 that it is equal to the sun1 from whom it receives its light4 ,,chapter ,,xxvii4 ,,of ,,the ,,figure ,,of ,,the ,,moon4 ,the ,stoics believe that it is of the same figure with the sun1 spherical4 ,empedocles1 that the figure of it resembles a quoit4 ,heraclitus1 a boat4 ,others1 a cylinder4 ,,chapter ,,xxviii4 ,,from ,,whence ,,is ,,it ,,that ,,the ,,moon ,,receives ,,her ,,light8 ,anaximander thinks that she gives light to herself1 but it is very slender and faint4 ,antiphon1 that the moon shines by its own proper light2 but when it absconds itself1 the solar beams darting on it obscure it4 ,thus it naturally happens1 that a more vehement light puts out a weaker2 the same is seen in other stars4 ,thales and his followers1 that the moon borrows all her light of the sun4 ,heraclitus1 that the sun and moon are after the same manner affected2 in their configurations both are shaped like boats1 and are made conspicuous to us by receiving their light from moist exhalations4 ,the sun appears to us more refulgent1 by reason it is moved in a clearer and purer air2 the moon appears more duskish1 it being carried in an air more troubled and gross4 ,,chapter ,,xxix4 ,,of ,,the ,,eclipse ,,of ,,the ,,moon4 ,anaximenes believes that the mouth of the wheel1 about which the moon is turned1 being stopped is the cause of an eclipse4 ,berasus1 that it proceeds from the turning of the dark side of the lunar orb towards us4 ,heraclitus1 that it is performed just after the manner of a boat turned upside downwards4 ,some of the ,pythagoreans say1 that the splendor arises from the earth1 its obstruction from the ,antichthon 7or counter-earth74 ,some of the later philosophers1 that there is such a distribution of the lunar flame1 that it gradually and in a just order burns until it be full moon2 in like manner1 that this fire decays by degrees1 until its conjunction with the sun totally extinguisheth it4 ,plato1 ,aristotle1 the ,stoics1 and all the mathematicians agree1 that the obscurity with which the moon is every month affected ariseth from a conjunction with the sun1 by whose more resplendent beams she is darkened2 and the moon is then eclipsed when she falls upon the shadow of the earth1 the earth interposing between the sun and moon1 or 7to speak more properly7 the earth intercepting the light of the moon4 ,,chapter ,,xxx4 ,,of ,,the ,,phases ,,of ,,the ,,moon1 ,,or ,,the ,,lunar ,,aspects2 ,,or ,,how ,,it ,,comes ,,to ,,pass ,,that ,,the ,,moon ,,appears ,,to ,,us ,,terrestrial4 ,the ,pythagoreans say1 that the moon appears to us terraneous1 by reason it is inhabited as our earth is1 and in it there are animals of a larger size and plants of a rarer beauty than our globe affords2 that the animals in their virtue and energy are fifteen degrees superior to ours2 that they emit nothing excrementitious2 and that the days are fifteen times longer4 ,anaxagoras1 that the reason of the inequality ariseth from the commixture of things earthy and cold2 and that fiery and caliginous matter is jumbled together1 whereby the moon is said to be a star of a counterfeit aspect4 ,the ,stoics1 that on account of the diversity of her substance the composition of her body is subject to corruption4 ,,chapter ,,xxxi4 ,,how ,,far ,,the ,,moon ,,is ,,removed ,,from ,,the ,,sun4 ,empedocles declares1 that the distance of the moon from the sun is double her remoteness from the earth4 ,the mathematicians1 that her distance from the sun is eighteen times her distance from the earth4 ,eratosthenes1 that the sun is remote from the earth seven hundred and eighteen thousand furlongs4 ,,chapter ,,xxxii4 ,,of ,,the ,,year1 ,,and ,,how ,,many ,,circulations ,,make ,,up ,,the ,,great ,,year ,,of ,,every ,,planet4 ,the year of ,saturn is completed when he has had his circulation in the space of thirty solar years2 of ,jupiter in twelve2 of ,mars in two1 of the sun in twelve months2 in so many ,mercury and ,venus1 the spaces of their circulation being equal2 of the moon in thirty days1 in which time her course from her prime to her conjunction is finished4 ,as to the great year1 some make it to consist of eight years solar1 some of nineteen1 others of fifty-nine4 ,heraclitus1 of eighteen thousand4 ,diogenes1 of three hundred and sixty-five such years as ,heraclitus assigns4 ,others there are who lengthen it to seven thousand seven hundred and seventy-seven years4 ,,book ,,iii4 ,in my two precedent treatises having in due order taken a compendious view and given an account of the celestial bodies1 and of the moon which stands between them and the terrestrial1 ,i must now convert my pen to discourse in this third book of ,meteors1 which are beings above the earth and below the moon1 and are extended to the site and situation of the earth1 which is supposed to be the centre of the sphere of this world2 and from thence will ,i take my beginning4 ,,chapter ,i4 ,,of ,,the ,,galaxy1 ,,or ,,the ,,milky ,,way4 ,it is a cloudy circle1 which continually appears in the air1 and by reason of the whiteness of its colors is called the galaxy1 or the milky way4 ,some of the ,pythagoreans say that1 when ,phaeton set the world on fire1 a star falling from its own place in its circular passage through the region caused an inflammation4 ,others say that originally it was the first course of the sun2 others1 that it is an image as in a looking-glass1 occasioned by the sun's reflecting its beams towards the heavens1 and this appears in the clouds and in the rainbow4 ,metrodorus1 that it is merely the solar course1 or the motion of the sun in its own circle4 ,parmenides1 that the mixture of a thick and thin substance gives it a color which resembles milk4 ,anaxagoras1 that the sun moving under the earth and not being able to enlighten every place1 the shadow of the earth1 being cast upon the part of the heavens1 makes the galaxy4 ,democritus1 that it is the splendor which ariseth from the coalition of many small bodies1 which1 being firmly united amongst themselves1 do mutually enlighten one another4 ,aristotle1 that it is the inflammation of dry1 copious1 and coherent vapor1 by which the fiery mane1 whose seat is beneath the aether and the planets1 is produced4 ,posidonius1 that it is a combination of fire1 of finer substance than the stars1 but denser than light4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,of ,,comets ,,and ,,shooting ,,fires1 ,,and ,,those ,,which ,,resemble ,,beams4 ,some of the ,pythagoreans say1 that a comet is one of those stars which do not always appear1 but after they have run through their determined course1 they then rise and are visible to us4 ,others1 that it is the reflection of our sight upon the sun1 which gives the resemblance of comets much after the same manner as images are reflected in mirrors4 ,anaxagoras and ,democritus1 that two or more stars being in conjunction by their united light make a comet4 ,aristotle1 that it is a fiery coalition of dry exhalations4 ,strato1 that it is the light of the star darting through a thick cloud that hath invested it2 this is seen in light shining through lanterns4 ,heraclides1 native of ,pontus1 that it is a lofty cloud inflamed by a sublime fire4 ,the like causes he assigns to the bearded comet1 to those circles that are seen about the sun or stars1 or those meteors which resemble pillars or beams1 and all others which are of this kind4 ,this way unanimously go all the ,peripatetics1 holding that these meteors1 being formed by the clouds1 do differ according to their various configurations4 ,epigenes1 that a comet arises from a rising of spirit or wind1 mixed with an earthy substance and set on fire4 ,boethus1 that it is a phantasy presented to us by fiery air4 ,diogenes1 that comets are stars4 ,anaxagoras1 that those styled shooting stars descend from the aether like sparks1 and therefore are soon extinguished4 ,metrodorus1 that it is a forcible illapse of the sun upon clouds which makes them to sparkle as fire4 ,xenophanes1 that all such fiery meteors are nothing else but the conglomeration of the enfired clouds1 and the flashing motions of them4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,of ,,violent ,,eruption ,,of ,,fire ,,out ,,of ,,the ,,clouds4 ,,of ,,lightning4 ,,of ,,thunder4 ,,of ,,hurricanes4 ,,of ,,whirlwinds4 ,anaximander affirms that all these are produced by the wind after this manner3 the wind being enclosed by condensed clouds1 on account of its minuteness and lightness violently endeavors to make a passage2 and in breaking through the cloud gives noise2 and the tearing the cloud1 because of the blackness of it1 gives a resplendent flame4 ,metrodorus1 that when the wind falls upon a cloud whose densing firmly compacts it1 by breaking the cloud it causeth a great noise1 and by striking and rending the cloud it gives the flame2 and in the swiftness of its motion1 the sun imparting heat to it1 it throws out the bolt4 ,the weak declining of the thunderbolt ends in a violent tempest4 ,anaxagoras1 that when heat and cold meet and are mixed together 7that is1 ethereal parts with airy71 thereby a great noise of thunder is produced1 and the color observed against the blackness of the cloud occasions the flashing of fire2 the full and great splendor is lightning1 the more enlarged and embodied fire becomes a whirlwind1 the cloudiness of it gives the hurricane4 ,the ,stoics1 that thunder is the clashing of clouds one upon another1 the flash of lightning is their fiery inflammation2 their more rapid splendor is the thunderbolt1 the faint and weak the whirlwind4 ,aristotle1 that all these proceed from dry exhalations1 which1 if they meet with moist vapors1 forcing their passage1 the breaking of them gives the noise of thunder2 they1 being very dry1 take fire and make lightning2 tempests and hurricanes arise from the plenitude of matter which each draw to themselves1 the hotter parts attracted make the whirlwinds1 the duller the tempests4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,of ,,clouds1 ,,rain1 ,,snow1 ,,and ,,hail4 ,anaximenes thinks that the air by being very much condensed clouds are formed2 this air being more compacted1 rain is compressed through it2 when water in its falling down freezeth1 then snow is generated2 when it is encompassed with a moist air1 it is hail4 ,metrodorus1 that a cloud is composed of a watery exhalation carried into a higher place4 ,epicurus1 that they are made of vapors2 and that hail and snow are formed in a round figure1 being in their long descent pressed upon by the circumambient air4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,,of ,,the ,,rainbow4 ,those things which affect the air in the superior places of it are of two sorts4 ,some have a real subsistence1 such are rain and hail2 others not4 ,those which enjoy not a proper subsistence are only in appearance2 of this sort is the rainbow4 ,thus the continent to us that sail seems to be in motion4 ,plato says1 that men admiring it feigned that it took origination from one ,thaumas1 which word signifies admiration4 ,homer sings3-- ,jove paints the rainbow with a purple dye1 ,alluring man to cast his wandering eye4 7,iliad1 xvii4 #edg47 ,others therefore fabled that the bow hath a head like a bull1 by which it swallows up rivers4 ,but what is the cause of the rainbow8 ,it is evident that what apparent things we see come to our eyes in right or in crooked lines1 or by refraction3 these are incorporeal and to sense obscure1 but to reason they are obvious4 ,those which are seen in right lines are those which we see through the air or horn or transparent stones1 for all the parts of these things are very fine and tenuous2 but those which appear in crooked lines are in water1 the thickness of the water presenting them bended to our sight4 ,this is the reason that oars in themselves straight1 when put into the sea1 appear to us crooked4 ,the third manner of our seeing is by refraction1 and this is perspicuous in mirrors4 ,after this third sort the rainbow is affected4 ,we conceive it is a moist exhalation converted into a cloud1 and in a short space it is dissolved into small and moist drops4 ,the sun declining towards the west1 it will necessarily follow that the whole bow is seen opposite to the sun2 for the eye being directed to those drops receives a refraction1 and by this means the bow is formed4 ,the eye doth not consider the figure and form1 but the color of these drops2 the first of which colors is a shining red1 the second a purple1 the third is blue and green4 ,let us consider whether the reason of this red shining color be the splendor of the sun falling upon these small drops1 the whole body of light being refracted1 by which this bright red color is produced2 the second part being troubled and the light languishing in the drops1 the color becomes purple 7for the purple is the faint red72 but the third part1 being more and more troubled1 is changed into the green color4 ,and this is proved by other effects of ,nature2 if any one shall put water in his mouth and spit it out so opposite to the sun1 that its rays may be refracted on the drops1 he shall see the resemblance of a rainbow2 the same appears to men that are blear-eyed1 when they fix their watery eyes upon a candle4 ,anaximenes thinks the bow is thus formed2 the sun casting its splendor upon a thick1 black1 and gross cloud1 and the rays not being in a capacity to penetrate beyond the superficies4 ,anaxagoras1 that1 the solar rays being reflected from a condensed cloud1 the sun being placed directly opposite to it forms the bow after the mode of the repercussion of a mirror2 after the same manner he assigns the natural cause of the ,parhelia or mock-suns1 which are often seen in ,pontus4 ,metrodorus1 that when the sun casts its splendor through a cloud1 the cloud gives itself a blue1 and the light a red color4 ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,of ,,meteors ,,which ,,resemble ,,rods1 ,,or ,,of ,,rods4 ,these rods and the mock-suns are constituted of a double nature1 a real subsistence1 and a mere appearance2--of a real subsistence1 because the clouds are the object of our eyes2 of a mere appearance1 for their proper color is not seen1 but that which is adventitious4 ,the like affections1 natural and adventitious1 in all such things do happen4 ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,,of ,,winds4 ,anaximander believes that wind is a fluid air1 the sun putting into motion or melting the moist subtle parts of it4 ,the ,stoics1 that all winds are a flowing air1 and from the diversity of the regions whence they have their origin receive their denomination2 as1 from darkness and the west the western wind2 from the sun and its rising the eastern2 from the north the northern1 and from the south the southern winds4 ,metrodorus1 that moist vapors heated by the sun are the cause of the impetuousness of violent winds4 ,the ,etesian1 or those winds which annually commence about the rising of the ,little ,dog1 the air about the northern pole being more compacted1 blow violently following the sun when it returns from the summer solstice4 ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,,of ,,winter ,,and ,,summer4 ,empedocles and the ,stoics believe that winter is caused by the thickness of the air prevailing and mounting upwards2 and summer by fire1 it falling downwards4 ,this description being given by me of ,meteors1 or those things that are above us1 ,i must pass to those things which are terrestrial4 ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,,of ,,the ,,earth1 ,,what ,,is ,,its ,,nature ,,and ,,magnitude4 ,thales and his followers say that there is but one earth4 ,hicetes the ,pythagorean1 that there are two earths1 this and the ,antichthon1 or the earth opposite to it4 ,the ,stoics1 that this earth is one1 and that finite and limited4 ,xenophanes1 that the earth1 being compacted of fire and air1 in its lowest parts hath laid a foundation in an infinite depth4 ,metrodorus1 that the earth is mere sediment and dregs of water1 as the sun is of the air4 ,,chapter ,x4 ,,of ,,the ,,figure ,,of ,,the ,,earth4 ,thales1 the ,stoics1 and their followers say that the earth is globular4 ,anaximander1 that it resembles a smooth stony pillar4 ,anaximenes1 that it hath the shape of a table4 ,leucippus1 of a drum4 ,democritus1 that it is like a quoit externally1 and hollow in the middle4 ,,chapter ,,xi4 ,,of ,,the ,,site ,,and ,,position ,,of ,,the ,,earth4 ,the disciples of ,thales say that the earth is the centre of the universe4 ,xenophanes1 that it is first1 being rooted in the infinite space4 ,philolaus the ,pythagorean gives to fire the middle place1 and this is the source fire of the universe2 the second place to the ,antichthon2 the third to that earth which we inhabit1 which is placed in opposition unto and whirled about the opposite1--which is the reason that those which inhabit that earth cannot be seen by us4 ,parmenides was the first that confined the habitable world to the two solstitial 7or temperate7 zones4 ,,chapter ,,xii4 ,,of ,,the ,,inclination ,,of ,,the ,,earth4 ,leucippus affirms that the earth vergeth towards the southern parts1 by reason of the thinness and fineness that is in the south2 the northern parts are more compacted1 they being congealed by a rigorous cold1 but those parts of the world that are opposite are enfired4 ,democritus1 because1 the southern parts of the air being the weaker1 the earth as it enlarges bends towards the south2 the northern parts are of an unequal1 the southern of an equal temperament2 and this is the reason that the earth bends towards those parts where the earth is laden with fruits and its own increase4 ,,chapter ,,xiii4 ,,of ,,the ,,motion ,,of ,,the ,,earth4 ,most of the philosophers say that the earth remains fixed in the same place4 ,philolaus the ,pythagorean1 that it is moved about the element of fire1 in an oblique circle1 after the same manner of motion that the sun and moon have4 ,heraclides of ,pontus and ,ecphantus the ,pythagorean assign a motion to the earth1 but not progressive1 but after the manner of a wheel being carried on its own axis2 thus the earth 7they say7 turns itself upon its own centre from west to east4 ,democritus1 that when the earth was first formed it had a motion1 the parts of it being small and light2 but in process of time the parts of it were condensed1 so that by its own weight it was poised and fixed4 ,,chapter ,,xiv4 ,,into ,,how ,,many ,,zones ,,is ,,the ,,earth ,,divided8 ,pythagoras says that1 as the celestial sphere is distributed into five zones1 into the same number is the terrestrial2 which zones are the arctic and antarctic1 the summer and winter tropics 7or temperate zones71 and the equinoctial2 the middle of which zones equally divides the earth and constitutes the torrid zone2 but that portion which is in between the summer and winter tropics is habitable1 by reason the air is there temperate4 ,,chapter ,,xv4 ,,of ,,earthquakes4 ,thales and ,democritus assign the cause of earthquakes to water4 ,the ,stoics say that it is a moist vapor contained in the earth1 making an irruption into the air1 that causes the earthquake4 ,anaximenes1 that the dryness and rarity of the earth are the cause of earthquakes1 the one of which is produced by extreme drought1 the other by immoderate showers4 ,anaxagoras1 that the air endeavoring to make a passage out of the earth1 meeting with a thick superficies1 is not able to force its way1 and so shakes the circumambient earth with a trembling4 ,aristotle1 that a cold vapor encompassing every part of the earth prohibits the evacuation of vapors2 for those which are hot1 being in themselves light1 endeavor to force a passage upwards1 by which means the dry exhalations1 being left in the earth1 use their utmost endeavor to make a passage out1 and being wedged in1 they suffer various circumvolutions and shake the earth4 ,metrodorus1 that whatsoever is in its own place is incapable of motion1 except it be pressed upon or drawn by the operation of another body2 the earth being so seated cannot naturally be moved1 yet divers parts and places of the earth may move one upon another4 ,parmenides and ,democritus1 that the earth being so equally poised hath no sufficient ground why it should incline more to one side than to the other2 so that it may be shaken1 but cannot be removed4 ,anaximenes1 that the earth by reason of its latitude is borne upon by the air which presseth upon it4 ,others opine that the earth swims upon the waters1 as boards and broad planks1 and by that reason is moved4 ,plato1 that motion is by six manner of ways1 upwards1 downwards1 on the right hand and on the left1 behind and before2 therefore it is not possible that the earth should be moved in any of these modes1 for it is altogether seated in the lowest place2 it therefore cannot receive a motion1 since there is nothing about it so peculiar as to cause it to incline any way2 but some parts of it are so rare and thin that they are capable of motion4 ,epicurus1 that the possibility of the earth's motion ariseth from a thick and aqueous air under the earth1 that may1 by moving or pushing it1 be capable of quaking2 or that being so compassed1 and having many passages1 it is shaken by the wind which is dispersed through the hollow dens of it4 ,,chapter ,,xvi4 ,,of ,,the ,,sea1 ,,and ,,how ,,it ,,is ,,composed1 ,,and ,,how ,,it ,,becomes ,,to ,,the ,,taste ,,bitter4 ,anaximander affirms that the sea is the remainder of the primogenial humidity1 the greatest part of which being dried up by the fire1 the influence of the great heat altered its quality4 ,anaxagoras that in the beginning water did not flow1 but was as a standing pool2 and that it was burnt by the movement of the sun about it1 by which the oily part of the water being exhaled1 the residue became salt4 ,empedocles1 that the sea is the sweat of the earth heated by the sun4 ,antiphon1 that the sweat of that which was hot was separated from the rest which were moist2 these by seething and boiling became bitter1 as happens in all sweats4 ,metrodorus1 that the sea was strained through the earth1 and retained some part of its density2 the same is observed in all those things which are strained through ashes4 ,the schools of ,plato1 that the element of water being compacted by the rigor of the air became sweet1 but that part which was expired from the earth1 being enfired1 became of a brackish taste4 ,,chapter ,,xvii4 ,,of ,,tides1 ,,or ,,of ,,the ,,ebbing ,,and ,,flowing ,,of ,,the ,,sea4 ,aristotle and ,heraclides say1 they proceed from the sun1 which moves and whirls about the winds2 and these falling with a violence upon the ,atlantic1 it is pressed and swells by them1 by which means the sea flows2 and their impression ceasing1 the sea retracts1 hence they ebb4 ,pytheas the ,massilian1 that the fulness of the moon gives the flow1 the wane the ebb4 ,plato attributes it all to a certain balance of the sea1 which by means of a mouth or orifice causes the tide2 and by this means the seas do rise and flow alternately4 ,timaeus believes that those rivers which fall from the mountains of the ,celtic ,gaul into the ,atlantic produce a tide4 ,for upon their entering upon that sea1 they violently press upon it1 and so cause the flow2 but they disemboguing themselves1 there is a cessation of the impetuousness1 by which means the ebb is produced4 ,seleucus the mathematician attributes a motion to the earth2 and thus he pronounceth that the moon in its circumlation meets and repels the earth in its motion2 between these two1 the earth and the moon1 there is a vehement wind raised and intercepted1 which rushes upon the ,atlantic ,ocean1 and gives us a probable argument that it is the cause the sea is troubled and moved4 ,,chapter ,,xviii4 ,,of ,,the ,,aurea1 ,,or ,a ,,circle ,,about ,a ,,star4 ,the aurea or circle is thus formed4 ,a thick and dark air intervening between the moon or any other star and our eye1 by which means our sight is dilated and reflected1 when now our sight falls upon the outward circumference of the orb of that star1 there presently seems a circle to appear4 ,this circle thus appearing is called the ,greek omitted or halo2 and there is constantly such a circle seen by us1 when such a density of sight happens4 ,,book ,,iv4 ,having taken a survey of the general parts of the world1 ,i will take a view of the particular members of it4 ,,chapter ,i4 ,,of ,,the ,,overflowing ,,of ,,the ,,nile4 ,thales conjectures that the ,etesian or anniversary northern winds blowing strongly against ,egypt heighten the swelling of the ,nile1 the mouth of that river being obstructed by the force of the sea rushing into it4 ,euthymenes the ,massilian concludes that the ,nile is filled by the ocean and that sea which is outward from it1 the last being naturally sweet4 ,anaxagoras1 that the snow in ,ethiopia which is frozen in winter is melted in summer1 and this makes the inundation4 ,democritus1 that the snows which are in the northern climates when the sun enters the summer solstice are dissolved and diffused2 from those vapors clouds are compacted1 and these are forcibly driven by the ,etesian winds into the southern parts and into ,egypt1 from whence violent showers are poured2 and by this means the fens of ,egypt are filled with water1 and the river ,nile hath its inundation4 ,herodotus the historian1 that the waters of the ,nile receive from their fountain an equal portion of water in winter and in summer2 but in winter the water appears less1 because the sun1 making its approach nearer to ,egypt1 draws up the rivers of that country into exhalation4 ,ephorus the historiographer1 that in summer all ,egypt seems to be melted and sweats itself into water1 to which the thin and sandy soils of ,arabia and ,lybia contribute4 ,eudoxus relates that the ,egyptian priests affirm that1 when it is summer to us who dwell under the northern tropic1 it is winter with them that inhabit under the southern tropic2 by this means there is a various contrariety and opposition of the seasons in the year1 which cause such showers to fall as make the water to overflow the banks of the ,nile and diffuse itself throughout all ,egypt4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,of ,,the ,,soul4 ,thales first pronounced that the soul is that being which is in a perpetual motion1 or that whose motion proceeds from itself4 ,pythagoras1 that it is a number moving itself2 he takes a number to be the same thing with a mind4 ,plato1 that it is an intellectual substance moving itself1 and that motion is in a numerical harmony4 ,aristotle1 that it is the first actuality ,greek ommitted of a natural organical body which has life potentially2 and this actuality must be understood to be the same thing with energy or operation4 ,dicaearchus1 that it is the harmony of the four elements4 ,asclepiades the physician1 that it is the concurrent exercitation of the senses4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,whether ,,the ,,soul ,,be ,a ,,body1 ,,and ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,nature ,,and ,,essence ,,of ,,it4 ,all those named by me do affirm that the soul itself is incorporeal1 and by its own nature is in a motion1 and in its own self is an intelligent substance1 and the living actuality of a natural organical body4 ,the followers of ,anaxagoras1 that it is airy and a body4 ,the ,stoics1 that it is a hot exhalation4 ,democritus1 that it is a fiery composition of things which are perceptible by reason alone1 the same having their forms spherical and without an inflaming faculty2 and it is a body4 ,epicurus1 that it is constituted of four qualities1 of a fiery quality1 of an aerial quality1 a pneumatical1 and of a fourth quality which hath no name1 but it contains the virtue of the sense4 ,heraclitus1 that the soul of the world is the exhalation which proceeds from the moist parts of it2 but the soul of animals1 arising from exhalations that are exterior and from those that are within them1 is homogeneous to it4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,of ,,the ,,parts ,,of ,,the ,,soul4 ,plato and ,pythagoras1 according to their first account1 distribute the soul into two parts1 the rational and irrational4 ,by a more accurate and strict account the soul is branched into three parts2 they divide the unreasonable part into the concupiscible and the irascible4 ,the ,stoics say the soul is constituted of eight parts2 five of which are the senses1 hearing1 seeing1 tasting1 touching1 smelling1 the sixth is the faculty of speaking1 the seventh of generating1 the eighth of commanding2 this is the principal of all1 by which all the other are guided and ordered in their proper organs1 as we see the eight arms of a polypus aptly disposed4 ,democritus and ,epicurus divide the soul into two parts1 the one rational1 which bath its residence in the breast1 and the irrational1 which is diffused through the whole structure of the body4 ,democritus1 that the quality of the soul is communicated to everything1 yea1 to the dead corpses2 for they are partakers of heat and some sense1 when the most of both is expired out of them4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,principal ,,part ,,of ,,the ,,soul1 ,,and ,,in ,,what ,,part ,,of ,,the ,,body ,,it ,,resides4 ,plato and ,democritus place its residence in the whole head4 ,strato1 in that part of the forehead where the eyebrows are separated4 ,erasiatratus1 in the ,epikranis1 or membrane which involves the brain4 ,herophilus1 in that sinus of the brain which is the basis of it4 ,parmenides1 in the breast2 which opinion is embraced by ,epicurus4 ,the ,stoics are generally of this opinion1 that the seat of the soul is throughout the heart1 or in the spirit about it4 ,diogenes1 in the arterial ventricle of the heart1 which is also full of vital spirit4 ,empedocles1 in the mass of the blood4 ,there are that say it is in the neck of the heart1 others in the pericardium1 others in the midriff4 ,certain of the ,neoterics1 that the seat of the soul is extended from the head to the diaphragm4 ,pythagoras1 that the animal part of the soul resides in the heart1 the intellectual in the head4 ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,of ,,the ,,motion ,,of ,,the ,,soul4 ,plato believes that the soul is in perpetual motion1 but that it is immovable as regards motion from place to place4 ,aristotle1 that the soul is not naturally moved1 but its motion is accidental1 resembling that which is in the forms of bodies4 ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,,of ,,the ,,soul',s ,,immortality4 ,plato and ,pythagoras say that the soul is immortal2 when it departs out of the body1 it retreats to the soul of the world1 which is a being of the same nature with it4 ,the ,stoics1 when the souls leave the bodies1 they are carried to divers places2 the souls of the unlearned and ignorant descend to the coagmentation of earthly things1 but the learned and vigorous last till the general fire4 ,epicurus and ,democritus1 the soul is mortal1 and it perisheth with the body4 ,plato and ,pythagoras1 that part of the soul of man which is rational is eternal2 for though it be not ,god1 yet it is the product of an eternal deity2 but that part of the soul which is divested of reason dies4 ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,,of ,,the ,,senses1 ,,and ,,of ,,those ,,things ,,which ,,are ,,objects ,,of ,,the ,,senses1 ,the ,stoics give this definition of sense3 ,sense is the ,apprehension or comprehension of an object by means of an organ of sensation4 ,there are several ways of expressing what sense is2 it is either a habit1 a faculty1 an operation1 or an imagination which apprehends by means of an organ of sense1--and also the eighth principal thing1 from whence the senses originate4 ,the instruments of sense are intelligent exhalations1 which from the said commanding part extend unto all the organs of the body4 ,epicurus1 that sense is a faculty1 and that which is perceived by the sense is the product of it2 so that sense hath a double acceptation1--sense which is the faculty1 and the thing received by the sense1 which is the effect4 ,plato1 that sense is that commerce which the soul and body have with those things that are exterior to them2 the power of which is from the soul1 the organ by which is from the body2 but both of them apprehend external objects by means of the imagination4 ,leucippus and ,democritus1 that sense and intelligence arise from external images2 so neither of them can operate without the assistance of image falling upon us4 ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,,whether ,,what ,,appears ,,to ,,our ,,senses ,,and ,,imaginations ,,be ,,true ,,or ,,not4 ,the ,stoics say that what the senses represent is true2 what the imagination1 is partly false1 partly true4 ,epicurus that every impression of the sense or imagination is true1 but of those things that fall under the head of opinion1 some are true1 some false3 sense gives us a false presentation of those things only which are the objects of our understanding2 but the imagination gives us a double error1 both of things sensible and things intellectual4 ,empedocles and ,heraclides1 that the senses act by a just accommodation of the pores in every case2 everything that is perceived by the sense being congruously adapted to its proper organ4 ,,chapter ,x4 ,,how ,,many ,,senses ,,are ,,there8 ,the ,stoics say that there are five senses properly so called1 seeing1 hearing1 smelling1 tasting1 and touching4 ,aristotle indeed doth not add a sixth sense2 but he assigns a common sense1 which is the judge of all compounded species2 into this each sense casts its proper representation1 in which is discovered a transition of one thing into another1 like as we see in figure and motion where there is a change of one into another4 ,democritus1 that there are divers species of senses1 which appertain to beings destitute of reason1 to the gods1 and to wise men4 ,,chapter ,,xi4 ,,how ,,the ,,actions ,,of ,,the ,,senses1 ,,the ,,conceptions ,,of ,,our ,,minds1 ,,and ,,the ,,habit ,,of ,,our ,,reason ,,are ,,formed4 ,the ,stoics affirm that every man1 as soon as he is born1 has a principal and commanding part of his soul1 which is in him like a sheet of writing-paper1 to which he commits all his notions4 ,the first manner of his inscribing is by denoting those notions which flow from the senses4 ,suppose it be of a thing that is white2 when the present sense of it is vanished1 there is yet retained the remembrance2 when many memorative notions of the same similitude do concur1 then he is said to have an experience2 for experience is nothing more than the abundance of notions that are of the same form met together4 ,some of these notions are naturally begotten according to the aforesaid manner1 without the assistance of art2 the others are produced by discipline1 learning1 and industry2 these only are justly called notions1 the others are prenotions4 ,but reason1 which gives us the denomination of rational1 is completed by prenotions in the first seven years4 ,the conception of the mind is the vision that the intelligence of a rational animal hath received2 when that vision falls upon the rational soul1 then it is called the conception of the mind1 for it hath derived its name from the mind ,greek omitted from ,greek omitted4 ,therefore these visions are not to be found in any other animals2 they only are appropriated to gods and to us men4 ,if these we consider generally1 they are phantasms2 if specifically1 they are notions4 ,as pence or staters1 if you consider them according to their own value1 are simply pence and staters2 but if you give them as a price for a naval voyage1 they are called not merely pence1 etc41 but your freight4 ,,chapter ,,xii4 ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,difference ,,between ,,imagination ,,greek ,,omitted1 ,,the ,,imaginable ,,greek ,,omitted1 ,,fancy ,,greek ,,omitted1 ,,and ,,phantom ,,greek ,,omitted8 ,chrysippus affirms1 these four are different one from another4 ,imagination is that passion raised in the soul which discovers itself and that which was the efficient of it2 to use example1 after the eye hath looked upon a thing that is white1 the sight of which produceth in the mind a certain impression1 this gives us reason to conclude that the object of this impression is white1 which affecteth us4 ,so with touching and smelling ,phantasy or imagination is denominated from ,greek omitted which denotes light2 for as light discovers itself and all other things which it illuminates1 so this imagination discovers itself and that which is the cause of it4 ,the imaginable is the efficient cause of imagination2 as anything that is white1 or anything that is cold1 or everything that may make an impression upon the imagination4 ,fancy is a vain impulse upon the mind of man1 proceeding from nothing which is really conceivable2 this is experienced in those that whirl about their idle hand and fight with shadows2 for to the imagination there is always some real imaginable thing presented1 which is the efficient cause of it2 but to the fancy nothing4 ,a phantom is that to which we are brought by such a fanciful and vain attraction2 this is to be seen in melancholy and distracted persons4 ,of this sort was ,orestes in the tragedy1 pronouncing these words3 ,mother1 these maids with horror me affright2 ,oh bring them not1 ,i pray1 into my sight6 ,they're smeared with blood1 and cruel1 dragon-like1 ,skipping about with deadly fury strike4 ,these rave as frantic persons1 they see nothing1 and yet imagine they see4 ,thence ,electra thus returns to him3 ,o wretched man1 securely sleep in bed2 ,nothing thou seest1 thy fancy's vainly led4 7,euripides1 ,orestes1 #bee47 ,after the same manner ,theoclymenus in ,homer4 ,,chapter ,,xiii4 ,,of ,,our ,,sight1 ,,and ,,by ,,what ,,means ,,we ,,see4 ,democritus and ,epicurus suppose that sight is caused by the insertion of little images into the visive organ1 and by the reception of certain rays which return to the eye after meeting the object4 ,empedocles supposes that images are mixed with the rays of the eye2 these he styles the rays of images4 ,hipparchus1 that the visual rays extend from both the eyes to the superficies of bodies1 and give to the sight the apprehension of those same bodies1 after the same manner in which the hand touching the extremity of bodies gives the sense of feeling4 ,plato1 that the sight is the splendor of united rays2 there is a light which reaches some distance from the eyes into a cognate air1 and there is likewise a light shed from bodies1 which meets and joins with the fiery visual light in the intermediate air 7which is liquid and mutable72 and the union of these rays gives the sense of seeing4 ,this is ,plato's corradiancy1 or splendor of united rays4 ,,chapter ,,xiv4 ,,of ,,those ,,images ,,which ,,are ,,presented ,,to ,,our ,,eyes ,,in ,,mirrors4 ,empedocles says that these images are caused by certain effluxes which1 meeting together and resting upon the superficies of the mirror1 are perfected by that fiery element emitted by the said mirror1 which transforms withal the air that surrounds it4 ,democritus and ,epicurus1 that the specular appearances are made by the subsistence of the images which flow from our eyes2 these fall upon the mirror and remain1 while the light returns to the eye4 ,the followers of ,pythagoras explain it by the reflection of the sight2 for our sight being extended 7as it were7 to the brass1 and meeting with the smooth dense surface thereof it is forced back1 and caused to return upon itself3 the same takes place in the hand1 when it is stretched out and then brought back again to the shoulder4 ,any one may use these instances to explain the manner of seeing4 ,,chapter ,,xv4 ,,whether ,,darkness ,,can ,,be ,,visible ,,to ,,us4 ,the ,stoics say that darkness is seen by us1 for out of our eyes there issues out some light into it2 and our eyes do not impose upon us1 for they really perceive there is darkness4 ,chrysippus says that we see darkness by the striking of the intermediate air2 for the visual spirits which proceed from the principal part of the soul and reach to the ball of the eye pierce this air1 which1 after they have made those strokes upon it1 extend conically on the surrounding air1 where this is homogeneous in quality4 ,for from the eyes those rays are poured forth which are neither black nor cloudy4 ,upon this account darkness is visible to us4 ,,chapter ,,xvi4 ,,of ,,hearing4 ,empedocles says that hearing is formed by the insidency of the air upon the cochlea1 which it is said hangs within the ear as a bell1 and is beat upon by the air4 ,alcmaeon1 that the vacuity that is within the ear makes us to have the sense of hearing1 for the air forcing a vacuum gives the sound2 every inanity affords a ringing4 ,diogenes the air which exists in the head1 being struck upon by the voice gives the hearing4 ,plato and his followers1 the air which exists in the head being struck upon1 is reflected to the principal part of the soul1 and this causeth the sense of hearing4 ,,chapter ,,xvii4 ,,of ,,smelling4 ,alcmaeon believes that the principal part of the soul1 residing in the brain1 draws to itself odors by respiration4 ,empedocles1 that scents insert themselves into the breathing of the lungs2 for1 when there is a great difficulty in breathing1 odors are not perceived by reason of the sharpness2 and this we experience in those who have the defluxion of rheum4 ,,chapter ,,xviii4 ,,of ,,taste4 ,alcmaeon says that a moist warmth in the tongue1 joined with the softness of it1 gives the difference of taste4 ,diogenes1 that by the softness and sponginess of the tongue1 and because the veins of the body are joined in it1 tastes are diffused by the tongue2 for they are attracted from it to that sense and to the commanding part of the soul1 as from a sponge4 ,,chapter ,,xix4 ,,of ,,the ,,voice4 ,plato thus defines a voice1--that it is a breath drawn by the mind through the mouth1 and a blow impressed on the air and through the ear1 brain1 and blood transmitted to the soul4 ,voice is abusively attributed to irrational and inanimate beings2 thus we improperly call the neighing of horses or any other sound by the name of voice4 ,but properly a voice ,greek omitted is an articulate sound1 which illustrates ,greek omitted the understanding of man4 ,epicurus says that it is an efflux emitted from things that are vocal1 or that give sounds or great noises2 this is broken into those fragments which are after the same configuration4 ,like figures are round figures with round1 and irregular and triangular with those of the same kind4 ,these falling upon the ears produce the sense of hearing4 ,this is seen in leaking vessels1 and in fullers when they fan or blow their cloths4 ,democritus1 that the air is broken into bodies of similar configuration1 and these are rolled up and down with the fragments of the voice2 as it is proverbially said1 ,one daw lights with another1 or1 ,god always brings like to like4 ,thus we see upon the seashore1 that stones like to one another are found in the same place1 in one place the long-shaped1 in another the round are seen4 ,so in sieves1 things of the same form meet together1 but those that are different are divided2 as pulse and beans falling from the same sieve are separated one from another4 ,to this it may be objected3 ,how can some fragments of air fill a theatre in which there is an infinite company of persons4 ,the ,stoics1 that the air is not composed of small fragments1 but is a continued body and nowhere admits a vacuum2 and being struck with the air1 it is infinitely moved in waves and in right circles1 until it fill that air which surrounds it2 as we see in a fish-pool which we smite by a falling stone cast upon it2 yet the air is moved spherically1 the water orbicularly4 ,anaxagoras says a voice is then formed when upon a solid air the breath is incident1 which being repercussed is carried to the ears2 after the same manner the echo is produced4 ,,chapter ,,xx4 ,,whether ,,the ,,voice ,,is ,,incorporeal4 ,,what ,,is ,,it ,,that ,,the ,,gives ,,echo8 ,pythagoras1 ,plato1 and ,aristotle declare that the voice is incorporeal2 for it is not the air that causes the voice1 but the figure which compasseth the air and its superficies having received a stroke1 give the voice4 ,but every superficies of itself is incorporeal4 ,it is true that it move with the body but itself it hath no body2 as we observe in a staff that is bended1 the matter only admits of an inflection1 while the superficies doth not4 ,according to the ,stoics a voice is corporeal since everything that is an agent or operates is a body2 a voice acts and operates1 for we hear it and are sensible of it2 for it falls and makes an impression on the ear1 as a seal of a ring gives its similitude upon the wax4 ,besides1 everything that creates a delight or injury is a body2 harmonious music affects with delight1 but discord is tiresome4 ,and everything that moved is a body2 and the voice moves1 and having its illapse upon smooth places is reflected1 as when a ball is cast against a wall it rebounds4 ,a voice spoken in the ,egyptian pyramids is so broken1 that it gives four or five echoes4 ,,chapter ,,xxi4 ,,by ,,what ,,means ,,the ,,soul ,,is ,,sensible1 ,,and ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,principal ,,and ,,commanding ,,part ,,of ,,it4 ,the ,stoics say that the highest part of the soul is the commanding part of it3 this is the cause of sense1 fancy1 consents1 and desires2 and this we call the rational part4 ,from this principal and commander there are produced seven parts of the soul1 which are spread through the body1 as the seven arms in a polypus4 ,of these seven parts1 five are assigned to the senses1 seeing1 hearing1 smelling1 tasting1 touching4 ,sight is a spirit which is extended from the commanding part of the eyes2 hearing is that spirit which from the principle reacheth to the ears2 smelling a spirit drawn from the principal to the nostrils2 tasting a spirit extended from the principle to the tongue2 touching is a spirit which from the principal is drawn to the extremity of those bodies which are obnoxious to a sensible touch4 ,of the rest1 the one called the spermatical is a spirit which reacheth from the principal to the generating vessels2 the other1 which is the vocal and termed the voice1 is a spirit extended from the principal to the throat1 tongue1 and other proper organs of speaking4 ,and this principal part itself hath that place in our spherical head which ,god hath in the world4 ,,chapter ,,xxii4 ,,of ,,respiration ,,or ,,breathing4 ,empedocles thinks1 that the first breath the first animal drew was when the moisture in the embryo was separated1 and by that means an entrance was given to the external air into the gaping vessels1 the moisture in them being evacuated4 ,after this the natural heat1 in a violent force pressing upon the external air for a passage1 begets an expiration2 but this heat returning to the inward parts1 and the air giving way to it1 causeth a respiration4 ,the respiration that now is arises when the blood is borne to the exterior surface1 and by this movement drives the airy substance through the nostrils2 thus in its recess it causeth expiration1 but the air being again forced into those places which are emptied of blood1 it causeth an inspiration4 ,to explain which1 he proposeth the instance of a water-clock1 which gives the account of time by the running of water4 ,asclepiades supposeth the lungs to be in the manner of a funnel1 and the cause of breathing to be the fineness of the inward parts of the breast2 for thither the outward air which is more gross hastens1 but is forced backward1 the breast not being capable either to receive or want it4 ,but there being always some of the more tenuous parts of the air left1 so that all of it is not exploded1 to that which there remains the more ponderous external air with equal violence is forced2 and this he compares to cupping-glasses4 ,all spontaneous breathings are formed by the contracting of the smaller pores of the lungs1 and to the closing of the pipe in the neck2 for these are at our command4 ,herophilus attributes a moving faculty to the nerves1 arteries1 and muscles1 but thinks that the lungs are affected only with a natural desire of enlarging and contracting themselves4 ,farther1 there is the first operation of the lungs by attraction of the outward air1 which is drawn in because of the abundance of the external air4 ,next to this1 there is a second natural appetite of the lungs2 the breast1 pouring in upon itself the breath1 and being filled1 is no longer able to make an attraction1 and throws the superfluity of it upon the lungs1 whereby it is then sent forth in expiration2 the parts of the body mutually concurring to this function by the alternate participation of fulness and emptiness4 ,so that to lungs pertain four motions--first1 when the lungs receive the outward air2 secondly1 when the outward air thus entertained is transmitted to the breast2 thirdly1 when the lungs again receive that air which they imparted to the breast2 fourthly1 when this air then received from the breast is thrown outwards4 ,of these four processes two are dilatations1 one when the lungs attract the air1 another when the breast dischargeth itself of it upon the lungs2 two are contractions1 one when the breast draws into itself the air1 the second when it expels this which was insinuated into it4 ,the breast admits only of two motions--of dilatation1 when it draws from the lungs the breath1 and of contraction1 when it returns what it did receive4 ,,chapter ,,xxiii4 ,,of ,,the ,,passions ,,of ,,the ,,body1 ,,and ,,whether ,,the ,,soul ,,hath ,a ,,sympathetical ,,condolency ,,with ,,it4 ,the ,stoics say that all the passions are seated in those parts of the body which are affected1 the senses have their residence in the commanding part of the soul4 ,epicurus1 that all the passions and all the senses are in those parts which are affected1 but the commanding part is subject to no passion4 ,strato1 that all the passions and senses of the soul are in the rational or commanding part of it1 and are not fixed in those places which are affected2 for in this place patience takes its residence1 and this is apparent in terrible and dolorous things1 as also in timorous and valiant individuals4 ,,book ,v ,,chapter ,i4 ,,of ,,divination4 ,plato and the ,stoics introduce divination as a godlike enthusiasm1 the soul itself being of a divine constitution1 and this prophetic faculty being inspiration1 or an illapse of the divine knowledge into man2 and so likewise they account for interpretation by dreams4 ,and these same allow many divisions of the art of divination4 ,xenophanes and ,epicurus utterly refuse any such art of foretelling future contingencies4 ,pythagoras rejects all manner of divination which is by sacrifices4 ,aristotle and ,dicaearchus admit only these two kinds of it1 a fury by a divine inspiration1 and dreams2 they deny the immortality of the soul1 yet they affirm that the mind of man hath a participation of something that is divine4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,whence ,,dreams ,,do ,,arise4 ,democritus says that dreams are formed by the illapse of adventitious representations4 ,strato1 that the irrational part of the soul in sleep becoming more sensible is moved by the rational part of it4 ,herophilus1 that dreams which are caused by divine instinct have a necessary cause2 but dreams which have their origin from a natural cause arise from the soul's forming within itself the images of those things which are convenient for it1 and which will happen2 those dreams which are of a constitution mixed of both these have their origin from the fortuitous appulse of images1 as when we see those things which please us2 thus it happens many times to those persons who in their sleep imagine they embrace their mistresses4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,of ,,the ,,nature ,,of ,,generative ,,seed4 ,aristotle says1 that seed is that thing which contains in itself a power of moving1 whereby it is enabled to produce a being like unto that from whence it was emitted4 ,pythagoras1 that seed is the sediment of that which nourisheth us1 the froth of the purest blood1 of the same nature of the blood and marrow of our bodies4 ,alcmaeon1 that it is part of the brain4 ,plato1 that it is the deflux of the spinal marrow4 ,epicurus1 that it is a fragment torn from the body and soul4 ,democritus1 that it proceeds from all the parts of the body1 and chiefly from the principal parts1 as the tissues and muscles4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,whether ,,the ,,sperm ,,be ,a ,,body4 ,leucippus and ,zeno say1 that it is a body and a fragment of the soul4 ,pythagoras1 ,plato1 and ,aristotle1 that the spermatic faculty is incorporeal1 as the mind is which moves the body2 but the effused matter is corporeal4 ,strato and ,democritus1 that the essential power is a body2 for it is like spirit4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,,whether ,,women ,,do ,,give ,a ,,spermatic ,,emission ,,as ,,men ,,do4 ,pythagoras1 ,epicurus1 and ,democritus say1 that women have a seminal projection1 but their spermatic vessels are inverted2 and it is this that makes them have a venereal appetite4 ,aristotle and ,plato1 that they emit a material moisture1 as sweat we see produced by exercise and labor2 but that moisture has no spermatic power4 ,hippo1 that women have a seminal emission1 but not after the mode of men2 it contributes nothing to generation1 for it falls outside of the matrix2 and therefore some women without coition1 especially widows1 give the seed4 ,they also assert that from men the bones1 from women the flesh proceed4 ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,how ,,it ,,is ,,that ,,conceptions ,,are ,,made4 ,aristotle says1 that conception takes place when the womb is drawn down by the natural purgation1 and the monthly terms attract from the whole mass part of the purest blood1 and this is met by the seed of man4 ,on the contrary1 there is a failure by the impurity and inflation of the womb1 by fear and grief1 by the weakness of women1 or the decline of strength in men4 ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,,after ,,what ,,manner ,,males ,,and ,,females ,,are ,,generated4 ,empedocles affirms1 that heat and cold give the difference in the generation of males and females4 ,hence is it1 as histories acquaint us1 that the first men originated from the earth in the eastern and southern parts1 and the first females in the northern parts4 ,parmenides is of opinion perfectly contrariant4 ,he affirms that men first sprouted out of the northern earth1 for their bodies are more dense2 women out of the southern1 for theirs are more rare and fine4 ,hippo1 that the more compacted and strong sperm1 and the more fluid and weak1 discriminate the sexes4 ,anaxagoras and ,parmenides1 that the seed of the man is naturally cast from his right side into the right side of the womb1 or from the left side of the man into the left side of the womb2 there is an alteration in this course of nature when females are generated4 ,cleophanes1 whom ,aristotle makes mention of1 assigns the generation of men to the right testicle1 of women to the left4 ,leucippus gives the reason of it to the alteration or diversity of parts1 according to which the man hath a yard1 the female the matrix2 as to any other reason he is silent4 ,democritus1 that the parts common to both sexes are engendered indifferently2 but the peculiar parts by the one that is more powerful4 ,hippo1 that if the spermatic faculty be more effectual1 the male1 if the nutritive aliment1 the female is generated4 ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,,by ,,what ,,means ,,it ,,is ,,that ,,monstrous ,,births ,,are ,,effected4 ,empedocles believes that monsters receive their origination from the abundance or defect of seed1 or from its division into parts which are superabundant1 or from some disturbance in the motion1 or else that there is an error by a lapse into an unsuitable receptacle2 and thus he presumes he hath given all the causes of monstrous conceptions4 ,strato1 that it comes through addition1 subtraction1 or transposition of the seed1 or the distension or inflation of the matrix4 ,and some physicians say that the matrix suffers distortion1 being distended with wind4 ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,,how ,,it ,,comes ,,to ,,pass ,,that ,a ,,woman',s ,,too ,,frequent ,,conversation ,,with ,a ,,man ,,hinders ,,conception4 ,diocles the physician says that either no genital sperm is projected1 or1 if there be1 it is in a less quantity than nature requires1 or there is no prolific faculty in it2 or there is a deficiency of a due proportion of heat1 cold1 moisture1 and dryness2 or there is a resolution of the generative parts4 ,the ,stoics attribute sterility to the obliquity of the yard1 by which means it is not able to ejaculate in a due manner1 or to the unproportionable magnitude of the parts1 the matrix being so contracted as not to have a capacity to receive4 ,erasistratus assigns it to the womb's being more callous or more carneous1 thinner or smaller1 than nature does require4 ,,chapter ,x4 ,,whence ,,it ,,is ,,that ,,one ,,birth ,,gives ,,two ,,or ,,three ,,children4 ,empedocles affirms1 that the superabundance of sperm and the division of it causes the bringing forth of two or three infants4 ,asclepiades1 that it is performed from the excellent quality of the sperm1 after the manner that from the root of one barleycorn two or three stalks do grow2 sperm that is of this quality is the most prolific4 ,erasistratus1 that superfetation may happen to women as to irrational creatures2 for1 if the womb be well purged and very clean1 then there can be divers births4 ,the ,stoics1 that it ariseth from the various receptacles that are in the womb3 when the seed illapses into the first and second of them at once1 then there are conceptions upon conception2 and so two or three infants are born4 ,,chapter ,,xi4 ,,whence ,,it ,,is ,,that ,,children ,,represent ,,their ,,parents ,,and ,,progenitors4 ,empedocles says1 that the similitude of children to their parents proceeds from the vigorous prevalency of the generating sperm2 the dissimilitude from the evaporation of the natural heat it contains4 ,parmenides1 that when the sperm falls on the right side of the womb1 then the infant gives the resemblance of the father2 if from the left1 it is stamped with the similitude of the mother4 ,the ,stoics1 that the whole body and soul give the sperm2 and hence arise the likenesses in the characters and faces of the children1 as a painter in his copy imitates the colors in a picture before him4 ,women have a concurrent emission of seed2 if the feminine seed have the predominancy1 the child resembles the mother2 if the masculine1 the father4 ,,chapter ,,xii4 ,,how ,,it ,,comes ,,to ,,pass ,,that ,,children ,,have ,a ,,greater ,,similitude ,,with ,,strangers ,,than ,,with ,,their ,,parents4 ,the greatest part of physicians affirm1 that this happens casually and fortuitously2 for1 when the sperm of the man and woman is too much refrigerated1 then children carry a dissimilitude to their parents4 ,empedocles1 that a woman's imagination in conception impresses a shape upon the infant2 for women have been enamoured with images and statues1 and the children which were born of them gave their similitudes4 ,the ,stoics1 that the resemblances flow from the sympathy and consent of minds1 through the insertion of effluvias and rays1 not of images or pictures4 ,,chapter ,,xiii4 ,,whence ,,ariseth ,,barrenness ,,in ,,women1 ,,and ,,impotency ,,in ,,men8 ,the physicians maintain1 that sterility in women can arise from the womb2 for if it be after any ways thus affected1 there will be a barrenness1--if it be more condensed1 or more thin1 or more hardened1 or more callous1 or more carneous2 or it may be from languor1 or from an atrophy or vicious condition of body2 or1 lastly1 it may arise from a twisted or distorted position4 ,diocles holds that the sterility in men ariseth from some of these causes1--either that they cannot at all ejaculate any sperm1 or if they do1 it is less than nature doth require1 or else there is no generative faculty in the sperm1 or the genital members are flagging2 or from the obliquity of the yard4 ,the ,stoics attribute the cause of sterility to the contrariant qualities and dispositions of those who lie with one another2 but if it chance that these persons are separated1 and there happen a conjunction of those who are of a suitable temperament1 then there is a commixture according to nature1 and by this means an infant is formed4 ,,chapter ,,xiv4 ,,how ,,it ,,arises ,,that ,,mules ,,are ,,barren4 ,alcmaeon says1 that the barrenness of the male mules ariseth from the thinness of the genital sperm1 that is1 the seed is too chill2 the female mules are barren1 because the womb does not open its mouth 7as he expresses it74 ,empedocles1 the matrix of the mule is so small1 so depressed1 so narrow1 so invertedly growing to the belly1 that the sperm cannot be regularly ejaculated into it1 and if it could1 there would be no capacity to receive it4 ,diocles concurs in this opinion with him2 for1 saith he1 in our anatomical dissection of mules we have seen that their matrices are of such configurations2 and it is possible that there may be the same reason why some women are barren4 ,,chapter ,,xv4 ,,whether ,,the ,,infant ,,in ,,the ,,mother',s ,,womb ,,be ,,an ,,animal4 ,plato says1 that the embryo is an animal2 for1 being contained in the mother's womb1 motion and aliment are imparted to it4 ,the ,stoics say that it is not an animal1 but to be accounted part of the mother's belly2 like as we see the fruit of trees is esteemed part of the trees1 until it be full ripe2 then it falls and ceaseth to belong to the tree2 thus it is with the embryo4 ,empedocles1 that the embryo is not an animal1 yet whilst it remains in the belly it breathes4 ,the first breath that it draws as an animal is when the infant is newly born2 then the child having its moisture separated1 the extraneous air making an entrance into the empty places1 a respiration is caused in the infant by the empty vessels receiving of it4 ,diogenes1 that infants are nurtured in the matrix inanimate1 yet they have a natural heat2 but presently1 when the infant is cast into the open air1 its heat brings air into the lungs1 and so it becomes an animal4 ,herophilus acknowledgeth that a natural1 but not an animal motion1 and that the nerves are the cause of that motion2 that then they become animals1 when being first born they suck in something of the air4 ,,chapter ,,xvi4 ,,how ,,embryos ,,are ,,nourished1 ,,or ,,how ,,the ,,infant ,,in ,,the ,,belly ,,receives ,,its ,,aliment4 ,democritus and ,epicurus say1 that the embryos in the womb receive their aliment by the mouth1 for we perceive1 as soon as ever the infant is born1 it applies its mouth to the breast2 in the wombs of women 7our understanding concludes7 there are little dugs1 and the embryos have small mouths by which they receive their nutriment4 ,the ,stoics1 that by the secundines and navel they partake of aliment1 and therefore the midwife instantly after their birth ties the navel1 and opens the infant's mouth1 that it may receive another sort of aliment4 ,alcmaeon1 that they receive their nourishment from every part of the body2 as a sponge sucks in water4 ,,chapter ,,xvii4 ,,what ,,part ,,of ,,the ,,body ,,is ,,first ,,formed ,,in ,,the ,,womb4 ,the ,stoics believe that the whole is formed at the same time4 ,aristotle1 as the keel of a ship is first made1 so the first part that is formed is the loins4 ,alcmaeon1 the head1 for that is the commanding and the principal part of the body4 ,the physicians1 the heart1 in which are the veins and arteries4 ,some think the great toe is first formed2 others affirm the navel4 ,,chapter ,,xviii4 ,,whence ,,is ,,it ,,that ,,infants ,,born ,,in ,,the ,,seventh ,,month ,,are ,,born ,,alive4 ,empedocles says1 that when the human race took first its original from the earth1 the sun was so slow in its motion that then one day in its length was equal to ten months1 as now they are2 in process of time one day became as long as seven months are2 and there is the reason that those infants which are born at the end of seven months or ten months are born alive1 the course of nature so disposing that the infant shall be brought to maturity in one day after that night in which it is begotten4 ,timaeus says1 that we count not ten months but nine1 by reason that we reckon the first conception from the stoppage of the menstruas2 and so it may generally pass for seven months when really there are not seven2 for it sometimes occurs that even after conception a woman is purged to some extent4 ,polybus1 ,diocles1 and the ,empirics1 acknowledge that the eighth month gives a vital birth to the infant1 though the life of it is more faint and languid2 many therefore we see born in that month die out of mere weakness4 ,though we see many born in that month arrive at the state of man1 yet 7they affirm7 if children be born in that month1 none wish to rear them4 ,aristotle and ,hippocrates1 that if the womb is full in seven months1 then the child falls from the mother and is born alive1 but if it falls from her but is not nourished1 the navel being weak on account of the weight of the infant1 then it doth not thrive2 but if the infant continues nine months in the womb1 and then comes forth from the woman1 it is entire and perfect4 ,polybus1 that a hundred and eighty-two days and a half suffice for the bringing forth of a living child2 that is1 six months1 in which space of time the sun moves from one tropic to the other2 and this is called seven months1 for the days which are over plus in the sixth are accounted to give the seventh month4 ,those children which are born in the eighth month cannot live1 for1 the infant then falling from the womb1 the navel1 which is the cause of nourishment1 is thereby too much wrenched2 and is the reason that the infant languishes and hath an atrophy4 ,the astrologers1 that eight months are enemies to every birth1 seven are friends and kind to it4 ,the signs of the zodiac are then enemies1 when they fall upon those stars which are lords of houses2 whatever infant is then born will have a life short and unfortunate4 ,those signs of the zodiac which are malevolent and injurious to generation are those pairs of which the final is reckoned the eighth from the first1 as the first and the eighth1 the second and the ninth1 etc2 so is the ,ram unsociable with ,scorpio1 the ,bull with ,sagittarius1 the ,twins with the ,goat1 the ,crab with ,aquarius1 the ,lion with ,pisces1 the ,virgin with the ,ram4 ,upon this reason those infants that are born in the seventh or tenth months are like to live1 but those in the eighth month will die4 ,,chapter ,,xix4 ,,of ,,the ,,generation ,,of ,,animals1 ,,how ,,animals ,,are ,,begotten1 ,,and ,,whether ,,they ,,are ,,obnoxious ,,to ,,corruption4 ,those philosophers who entertain the opinion that the world had an original do likewise assert that all animals are generated and corruptible4 ,the followers of ,epicurus1 who gives an eternity to the world1 affirm the generation of animals ariseth from the various permutation of parts mutually among themselves1 for they are parts of this world4 ,with them ,anaxagoras and ,euripides concur3 ,nothing dies1 ,different changes give their various forms4 ,anaximander's opinion is1 that the first animals were generated in moisture1 and were enclosed in bark on which thorns grew2 but in process of time they came upon dry land1 and this thorny bark with which they were covered being broken1 they lived only for a short space of time4 ,empedocles says1 that the first generation of animals and plants was by no means completed1 for the parts were disjoined and would not admit of a union2 the second preparation and for their being generated was when their parts were united and appeared in the form of images2 the third preparation for generation was when their parts mutually amongst themselves gave a being to one another2 the fourth1 when there was no longer a mixture of like elements 7as earth and water71 but a union of animals among themselves1--in some the nourishment being made dense1 in others female beauty provoking a desire of spermatic motion4 ,all sorts of animals are discriminated by their proper temperament and constitution2 some are carried by a proper appetite and inclination to water1 some1 which partake of a more fiery quality1 to live in the air those that are heavier incline to the earth2 but those animals whose parts are of a just temperament are fitted equally for all places4 ,,chapter ,,xx4 ,,how ,,many ,,species ,,of ,,animals ,,there ,,are1 ,,and ,,whether ,,all ,,animals ,,have ,,the ,,endowments ,,of ,,sense ,,and ,,reason4 ,there is a certain treatise of ,aristotle1 in which animals are distributed into four kinds1 terrestrial1 aqueous1 fowl1 and heavenly2 and he calls the stars and the world too animals1 yea1 and ,god himself he posits to be an animal gifted with reason and immortal4 ,democritus and ,epicurus consider all animals rational which have their residence in the heavens4 ,anaxagoras says that animals have only that reason which is operative1 but not that which is passive1 which is justly styled the interpreter of the mind1 and is like the mind itself4 ,pythagoras and ,plato1 that the souls of all those who are styled brutes are rational2 but by the evil constitution of their bodies1 and because they have a want of a discoursive faculty1 they do not conduct themselves rationally4 ,this is manifested in apes and dogs1 which have inarticulate voice but not speech4 ,diogenes1 that this sort of animals are partakers of intelligence and air1 but by reason of the density in some parts of them1 and by the superfluity of moisture in others1 they neither enjoy understanding nor sense2 but they are affected as madmen are1 the commanding rational part being defectuous and injured4 ,,chapter ,,xxi4 ,,what ,,time ,,is ,,required ,,to ,,shape ,,the ,,parts ,,of ,,animals ,,in ,,the ,,womb4 ,empedocles believes1 that the joints of men begin to be formed from the thirty-sixth day1 and their shape is completed in the nine and fortieth4 ,asclepiades1 that male embryos1 by reason of a greater natural heat1 have their joints begun to be formed in the twenty-sixth day1--many even sooner1--and that they are completed in all their parts on the fiftieth day2 the parts of the females are articulated in two months1 but by the defect of heat are not consummated till the fourth2 but the members of brutes are completed at various times1 according to the commixture of the elements of which they consist4 ,,chapter ,,xxii4 ,,of ,,what ,,elements ,,each ,,of ,,the ,,members ,,of ,,us ,,men ,,is ,,composed4 ,empedocles says1 that the fleshy parts of us are constituted by the contemperation of the four elements in us2 earth and fire mixed with a double proportion of water make nerves2 but when it happens that the nerves are refrigerated where they come in contact with the air1 then the nails are made2 the bones are produced by two parts of water and the same of air1 with four parts of fire and the same of earth1 mixed together2 sweat and tears flow from liquefaction of bodies4 ,,chapter ,,xxiii4 ,,what ,,are ,,the ,,causes ,,of ,,sleep ,,and ,,death8 ,alcmaeon says1 that sleep is caused when the blood retreats to the concourse of the veins1 but when the blood diffuses itself then we awake and when there is a total retirement of the blood1 then men die4 ,empedocles1 that a moderate cooling of the blood causeth sleep1 but a total remotion of heat from blood causeth death4 ,diogenes1 that when all the blood is so diffused as that it fills all the veins1 and forces the air contained in them to the back and to the belly that is below it1 the breast being thereby more heated1 thence sleep arises1 but if everything that is airy in the breast forsakes the veins1 then death succeeds4 ,plato and the ,stoics1 that sleep ariseth from the relaxation of the sensitive spirit1 it not receiving such total relaxing as if it fell to the earth1 but so that that spirit is carried about the intestine1 parts of the eyebrows1 in which the principal part has its residence2 but when there is a total relaxing of the sensitive spirit1 death ensues4 ,,chapter ,,xxiv4 ,,when ,,and ,,from ,,whence ,,the ,,perfection ,,of ,a ,,man ,,commences4 ,heraclitus and the ,stoics say1 that men begin their completeness when the second septenary of years begins1 about which time the seminal serum is emitted4 ,trees first begin their perfection when they give their seeds2 till then they are immature1 imperfect1 and unfruitful4 ,after the same manner a man is completed in the second septenary of years1 and is capable of learning what is good and evil1 and of discipline therein4 ,,chapter ,,xxv4 ,,whether ,,sleep ,,or ,,death ,,appertains ,,to ,,the ,,soul ,,or ,,body4 ,aristotle's opinion is1 that both the soul and body sleep2 and this proceeds from the evaporation in the breast1 which doth steam and arise into the head1 and from the aliment in the stomach1 whose proper heat is cooled in the heart4 ,death is the perfect refrigeration of all heat in body2 but death is only of the body1 and not of the soul1 for the soul is immortal4 ,anaxagoras thinks1 that sleep makes the operations of the body to cease2 it is a corporeal passion and affects not the soul4 ,death is the separation of the soul from the body4 ,leucippus1 that sleep is only of the body2 but when the smaller particles cause excessive evaporation from the soul's heat1 this makes death2 but these affections of death and sleep are of the body1 not of the soul4 ,empedocles1 that death is nothing else but separation of those fiery parts by which man is composed1 and according to this sentiment both body and soul die2 but sleep is only a smaller separation of the fiery qualities4 ,,chapter ,,xxvi4 ,,how ,,plants ,,increase4 ,plato and ,empedocles believe1 that plants are animals1 and are informed with a soul2 of this there are clear arguments1 for they have tossing and shaking1 and their branches are extended2 when the woodmen bend them they yield1 but they return to their former straightness and strength again when they are let loose1 and even carry up weights that are laid upon them4 ,aristotle doth grant that they live1 but not that they are animals2 for animals are affected with appetite1 sense1 and reason4 ,the ,stoics and ,epicureans deny that they are informed with a soul2 by reason that all sorts of animals have either sense1 appetite1 or reason2 but plants act fortuitously1 and not by means of any soul4 ,empedocles1 that the first of all animals were trees1 and they sprang from the earth before the sun in its motion enriched the world1 and before day and night were distinguished2 but by the harmony which is in their constitution they partake of a masculine and feminine nature2 and they increase by that heat which is exalted out of the earth1 so that they are parts belonging to it1 as embryos in the womb are parts of the womb4 ,fruits in plants are excrescences proceeding from water and fire2 but the plants which lack water1 when this is dried up by the heat of summer1 shed their leaves2 whereas they that have plenty thereof keep their leaves on1 as the olive1 laurel1 and palm4 ,the differences of their moisture and juice arise from the difference of particles and various other causes1 and they are discriminated by the various particles that feed them4 ,and this is apparent in vines for the excellence of wine flows not from the difference in the vines1 but from the soil from whence they receive their nutriment4 ,,chapter ,,xxvii4 ,,of ,,nutrition ,,and ,,growth4 ,empedocles believes1 that animals are nourished by the remaining in them of that which is proper to their own nature2 they are augmented by the application of heat2 and the subtraction of either of these makes them to languish and decay4 ,the stature of men in this present age1 if compared with the magnitude of those men which were first produced1 is only a mere infancy4 ,,chapter ,,xxviii4 ,,whence ,,it ,,is ,,that ,,in ,,animals ,,there ,,are ,,appetites ,,and ,,pleasures4 ,empedocles says that the want of those elements which compose animals gives to them appetite1 and pleasures spring from humidity4 ,as to the motions of dangers and such like things as perturbations1 etc4444 ,,chapter ,,xxix4 ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,cause ,,of ,a ,,fever1 ,,or ,,whether ,,it ,,is ,,an ,,affection ,,of ,,the ,,body ,,annexed ,,to ,a ,,primary ,,passion ,erasistratus gives this definition of a fever3 ,a fever is a quick motion of blood1 not produced by our consent1 which enters into the vessels1 the seat of the vital spirits4 ,this we see in the sea2 it is in a serene calm when nothing disturbs it1 but is in motion when a violent preternatural wind blows upon it1 and then it rageth and is circled with waves4 ,after this manner it is in the body of man2 when the blood is in a nimble agitation1 then it falls upon those vessels in which the spirits are1 and there being in an extraordinary heat1 it fires the whole body4 ,the opinion that a fever is an appendix to a preceding affection pleaseth him4 ,diocles proceeds after this manner3 ,those things which are internal and latent are manifested by those which externally break forth and appear2 and it is clear to us that a fever is annexed to certain outward affections1 for example1 to wounds1 inflaming tumors1 inguinary abscesses4 ,,chapter ,,xxx4 ,,of ,,health1 ,,sickness1 ,,and ,,old ,,age4 ,alcmaeon says that the preserver of health is an equal proportion of the qualities of heat1 moisture1 cold1 dryness1 bitterness1 sweetness1 and the other qualities2 on the contrary1 the prevailing empire of one above the rest is the cause of diseases and author of destruction4 ,the direct cause of disease is the excess of heat or cold1 the formal cause is excess or defect1 the place is the blood or brain4 ,but health is the harmonious commixture of the elements4 ,diocles1 that sickness for the most part proceeds from the irregular disposition of the elements in the body1 for that makes an ill habit or constitution of it4 ,erasistratus1 that sickness is caused by the excess of nourishment1 indigestion1 and corruptions2 on the contrary1 health is the moderation of the diet1 and the taking that which is convenient and sufficient for us4 ,it is the unanimous opinion of the ,stoics that the want of heat brings old age1 for 7they say7 those persons in whom heat more abounds live the longer4 ,asclepiades1 that the ,ethiopians soon grow old1 and at thirty years of age are ancient men1 their bodies being excessively heated and scorched by the sun2 in ,britain persons live a hundred and twenty years1 on account of the coldness of the country1 and because the people keep the fiery element within their bodies2 the bodies of the ,ethiopians are more fine and thin1 because they are relaxed by the sun's heat1 while they who live in northern countries are condensed and robust1 and by consequence are more long lived4 ,,end ,,of ,,three--------- ,,abstract ,,of ,a ,,discourse ,,showing ,,that ,,the ,,stoics ,,speak ,,greater ,,improbabilities ,,than ,,the ,,poets4 ,pinder's ,caeneus hath been taken to task by several1 for being improbably feigned1 impenetrable by steel and impassible in his body1 and so ,descending1 into hell without a wound4 ,and with sound foot parting in two the ground4 ,but the ,stoics' ,lapithes1 as if they had carved him out of the very adamantine matter of impassibility itself1 though he is not invulnerable1 nor exempt from either sickness or pain1 yet remains fearless1 regretless1 invincible1 and unconstrainable in the midst of wounds1 dolors1 and torments1 and in the very subversions of the walls of his native city1 and other such like great calamities4 ,again1 ,pindar's ,caeneus is not wounded when struck2 but the ,stoics' wise man is not detained when shut up in a prison1 suffers no compulsion by being thrown down a precipice1 is not tortured when on the rack1 takes no hurt by being maimed1 and when he catches a fall in wrestling he is still unconquered2 when he is encompassed with a vampire1 he is not besieged2 and when sold by his enemies1 he is still not made a prisoner4 ,the wonderful man is like to those ships that have inscribed upon them ,a ,,prosperous ,,voyage1 ,,or ,,protecting ,,providence1 or ,a ,,preservative ,,against ,,dangers1 and yet for all that endure storms1 and are miserably shattered and overturned4 ,euripides's ,iolaus of a feeble1 superannuated old man1 by means of a certain prayer1 became on a sudden youthful and strong for battle2 but the ,stoics wise man was yesterday most detestable and the worst of villains1 but today is changed on a sudden into a state of virtue1 and is become of a wrinkled1 pale fellow1 and as ,aeschylus speaks1 ,of an old sickly wretch with stitch in 's back1 ,distent with rending pains as on a rack1 a gallant1 godlike1 and beauteous person4 ,the goddess ,minerva took from ,ulysses his wrinkles1 baldness1 and deformity1 to make him appear a handsome man4 ,but these men's wise man1 though old age quits not his body1 but contrariwise still lays on and heaps more upon it1 though he remains 7for instance7 humpbacked1 toothless1 one-eyed1 is yet neither deformed1 disfigured1 nor ill-favored4 ,for as beetles are said to relinquish perfumes and to pursue after ill scents2 so ,stoical love1 having used itself to the most foul and deformed persons1 if by means of philosophy they change into good form and comeliness1 becomes presently disgusted4 ,he that in the ,stoics' account was in the forenoon 7for example7 the worst man in the world is in the afternoon the best of men2 and he that falls asleep a very sot1 dunce1 miscreant1 and brute1 nay1 by ,jove1 a slave and a beggar to boot1 rises up the same day a prince1 a rich and a happy man1 and 7which is yet more7 a continent1 just1 determined1 and unprepossessed person2--not by shooting forth out of a young and tender body a downy beard or the sprouting tokens of mature youth1 but by having in a feeble1 soft1 unmanful1 and undetermined mind1 a perfect intellect1 a consummate prudence1 a godlike disposition1 an unprejudiced science1 and an unalterable habit4 ,all this time his viciousness gives not the least ground in order to it1 but he becomes in an instant1 ,i had almost said1 of the vilest brute1 a sort of hero1 genius1 or god4 ,for he that receives his virtue from the ,stoics portico may say1 ,ask what thou wilt1 it shall be granted thee4 7,from ,menander7 ,it brings wealth along with it1 it contains kingship in it1 it confers fortune2 it renders men prosperous1 and makes them to want nothing and to have a sufficiency of everything1 though they have not one drachm of silver in the house4 ,the fabular relations of the poets are so careful of decorum1 that they never leave a ,hercules destitute of necessaries2 but those still spring1 as out of some fountain1 as well for him as for his companions4 ,but he that hath received of the ,stoics ,amalthaea becomes indeed a rich man1 but he begs his victuals of other men2 he is a king1 but resolves syllogisms for hire2 he is the only man that hath all things1 but yet he pays rent for the house he lives in1 and oftentimes buys bread with borrowed money1 or else begs it of those that have nothing themselves4 ,the king of ,ithaca begs with a design that none may know who he is1 and makes himself ,as like a dirty sorry beggar 7,odyssey1 xvi4 #bgc47 as he can4 ,but he that is of the ,portico1 while he bawls and cries out1 ,it is ,i only that am a king1 ,it is ,i only that am a rich man1 is yet many times seen at other people's doors saying3-- ,on poor ,hipponax1 pray1 some pity take1 ,bestow an old cast coat for heaven's sake2 ,i'm well-nigh dead with cold1 and all o'er quake4 ,,end ,,of ,,four--------------- ,,symposiacs4 ,,book #a4 ,some1 my dear ,sossius ,senecio imagine that this sentence1 ,greek omitted was principally designed against the stewards of a feast1 who are usually troublesome and press liquor too much upon the guests4 ,for the ,dorians in ,sicily 7as ,i am informed7 called the steward1 ,greek omitted a ,,remembrancer4 ,others think that this proverb admonisheth the guests to forget everything that is spoken or done in company2 and agreeably to this1 the ancients used to consecrate forgetfulness with a ferula to ,bacchus1 thereby intimating that we should either not remember any irregularity committed in mirth and company1 or apply a gentle and childish correction to the faults4 ,but because you are of opinion 7as ,euripides says7 that to forget absurdities is indeed a piece of wisdom1 but to deliver over to oblivion all sort of discourse that merry meetings do usually produce is not only repugnant to that endearing quality that most allow to an entertainment1 but against the known practice of the greatest philosophers 7for ,plato1 ,xenophon1 ,aristotle1 ,speusippus1 ,epicurus1 ,prytanis1 ,hieronymus1 ,dion the ,academic1 have thought it a worthy and noble employment to deliver down to us those discourses they had at table71 and since it is your pleasure that ,i should gather up the chiefest of those scattered topics which both at ,rome and ,greece amidst our cups and feasting we have disputed on1 in obedience to your commands ,i have sent three books1 each containing ten problems2 and the rest shall quickly follow1 if these find good acceptance and do not seem altogether foolish and impertinent4 ,,question ,i4 ,,whether ,,at ,,table ,,it ,,is ,,allowable ,,to ,,philosophize8 ,,sossius1 ,,senecio1 ,,aristo1 ,,plutarch1 ,,crato1 ,,and ,,others4 ,the first question is1 ,whether at table it is allowable to philosophize8 ,for ,i remember at a supper at ,athens this doubt was started1 whether at a merry meeting it was fit to use philosophical discourse1 and how far it might be used8 ,and ,aristo presently cried out3 ,what then1 for heaven's sake1 are there any that banish philosophy from company and wine8 ,and ,i replied3 ,yes1 sir1 there are1 and such as with a grave scoff tell us that philosophy1 like the matron of the house1 should never be heard at a merry entertainment2 and commend the custom of the ,persians1 who never let their wives appear1 but drink1 dance1 and wanton with their whores4 ,this they propose for us to imitate2 they permit us to have mimics and music at our feasts1 but forbid philosophy2 she1 forsooth1 being very unfit to be wanton with us1 and we in a bad condition to be serious4 ,isocrates the rhetorician1 when at a drinking bout some begged him to make a speech1 only returned3 ,with those things in which ,i have skill the time doth not suit2 and in those things with which the time suits ,i have no skill4 ,and ,crato cried out3 ,by ,bacchus1 he was right to forswear talk1 if he designed to make such long-winded discourses as would have spoiled all mirth and conversation2 but ,i do not think there is the same reason to forbid philosophy as to take away rhetoric from our feasts4 ,for philosophy is quite of another nature2 it is an art of living1 and therefore must be admitted into every part of our conversation1 into all our gay humors and our pleasures1 to regulate and adjust them1 to proportion the time1 and keep them from excess2 unless1 perchance1 upon the same scoffing pretence of gravity1 they would banish temperance1 justice1 and moderation4 ,it is true1 were we to feast before a court1 as those that entertained ,orestes1 and were silence enjoined by law1 that might prove no mean cloak of our ignorance2 but if ,bacchus is really ,greek omitted 7,a ,,looser of everything71 and chiefly takes off all restraints and bridles from the tongue1 and gives the voice the greatest freedom1 ,i think it is foolish and absurd to deprive that time in which we are usually most talkative of the most useful and profitable discourse2 and in our schools to dispute of the offices of company1 in what consists the excellence of a guest1 how mirth1 feasting1 and wine are to be used and yet deny philosophy a place in these feasts1 as if not able to confirm by practice what by precepts it instructs4 ,and when you affirmed that none ought to oppose what ,crato said1 but determine what sorts of philosophical topics were to be admitted as fit companions at a feast1 and so avoid that just and pleasant taunt put upon the wrangling disputers of the age1 ,come now to supper1 that we may contend2 and when you seemed concerned and urged us to speak to that head1 ,i first replied3 ,sir1 we must consider what company we have2 for if the greater part of the guests are learned men1--as for instance1 at ,agatho's entertainment1 characters like ,socrates1 ,phaedrus1 ,pausanias1 ,euryximachus2 or at ,callias's board1 ,charmides1 ,antisthenes1 ,hermogenes1 and the like1--we will permit them to philosohize1 and to mix ,bacchus with the ,muses as well as with the ,nymphs2 for the latter make him wholesome and gentle to the body1 and the other pleasant and agreeable to the soul4 ,and if there are some few illiterate persons present1 they1 as consonants with vowels1 in the midst of the other learned1 will participate not altogether inarticulately and insignificantly4 ,but if the greater part consists of such who can better endure the noise of any bird1 fiddle-string1 or piece of wood than the voice of a philosopher1 ,pisistratus hath shown us what to do2 for being at difference with his sons1 when he heard his enemies rejoiced at it1 in a full assembly he declared that he had endeavored to persuade his sons to submit to him1 but since he found them obstinate1 he was resolved to yield and submit to their humors4 ,so a philosopher1 midst those companions that slight his excellent discourse1 will lay aside his gravity1 follow them1 and comply with their humor as far as decency will permit2 knowing very well that men cannot exercise their rhetoric unless they speak1 but may their philosophy even whilst they are silent or jest merrily1 nay1 whilst they are piqued upon or repartee4 ,for it is not only 7as ,plato says7 the highest degree of injustice not to be just and yet seem so2 but it is the top of wisdom to philosophize1 yet not appear to do it2 and in mirth to do the same with those that are serious1 and still seem in earnest4 ,for as in ,euripides1 the ,bacchae1 though unprovided of iron weapons and unarmed1 wounded their invaders with their boughs1 thus the very jests and merry talk of true philosophers move those that are not altogether insensible4 ,i think there are topics fit to be used at table1 some of which reading and study give us1 others the present occasion2 some to incite to study1 others to piety and great and noble actions1 others to make us rivals of the bountiful and kind2 which if a man cunningly and without any apparent design inserts for the instruction of the rest1 he will free these entertainments from many of those considerable evils which usually attend them4 ,some that put borage into the wine1 or sprinkle the floor with water in which verbena and maiden-hair have been steeped1 as good raise mirth and jollity in the guests 7in imitation of ,homer's ,helen1 who with some medicament diluted the pure wine she had prepared71 do not understand that that fable1 coming from round ,egypt1 after a long way ends at last in easy and fit discourse4 ,for whilst they were drinking ,helen relates the story of ,ulysses1 ,how ,fortune's spite the hero did control1 ,and bore his troubles with a manly soul4 7,odyssey1 iv4 #bdb47 ,for that1 in my opinion1 was the ,nepenthe1 the care-dissolving medicament1 viz1 that story exactly fitted to the then disasters and juncture of affairs4 ,the pleasing men1 though they designedly and apparently instruct1 draw on their maxims rather with persuasive and smooth arguments1 than the violent force of demonstrations4 ,you see that even ,plato in his ,symposium1 where he disputes of the chief end1 the chief good1 and is altogether on subjects theological1 doth not lay down strong and close demonstrations2 he doth not make himself ready for the contest 7as he is wont7 like a wrestler1 that he may take the firmer hold of his adversary and be sure of giving him the trip2 but draws men on by more soft and pliable attacks1 by pleasant fictions and pat examples4 ,besides the questions should be easy1 the problems known1 the interrogations plain1 familiar1 and not intricate and dark that they might neither vex the unlearned1 nor fright them from the disquisition4 ,for--as it is allowable to dissolve our entertainment into a dance1 but if we force our guests to toss quoits or play at cudgels1 we shall not only make our feast unpleasant1 but hurtful and unnatural--thus light and easy disquisitions do pleasantly and profitably excite us1 but we must forbear all contentions and 7to use ,democritus's word7 wrangling disputes1 which perplex the proposers with intricate and inexplicable doubts1 and trouble all the others that are present4 ,our discourse should be like our wine1 common to all1 and of which every one may equally partake2 and they that propose hard problems seem no better fitted for society than ,aesop's fox and crane4 ,for the fox vexed the crane with thin broth poured out upon a plain table1 and laughed at her when he saw her1 by reason of the narrowness of her bill and the thinness of the broth1 incapable of partaking what he had prepared2 and the crane1 in requital1 inviting the fox to supper1 brought forth her dainties in a pot with a long and narrow neck1 into which she could conveniently thrust her bill1 whilst the fox could not reach one bit4 ,just so1 when philosophers midst their cups dive into minute and logical disputes1 they are very troublesome to those that cannot follow them through the same depths2 and those that bring in idle songs1 trifling disquisitions1 common talk1 and mechanical discourse destroy the very end of conversation and merry entertainments1 and abuse ,bacchus4 ,therefore1 as when ,phrynichus and ,aeschylus brought tragedy to discourse of fictions and misfortunes1 it was asked1 ,what is this to ,bacchus8--so methinks1 when ,i hear some pedantically drawing a syllogism into table-talk1 ,i have reason to cry out1 ,sir1 what is this to ,bacchus8 ,perchance one1 the great bowl standing in the midst1 and the chaplets given round1 which the god in token of the liberty he bestows sets on every head1 sings one of those songs called ,greek omitted 7,,crooked ,,or ,,obscure72 this is not fit nor agreeable to a feast4 ,though some say these songs were not dark and intricate composures2 but that the guests sang the first song all together1 praising ,bacchus and describing the power of the god2 and the second each man sang singly in his turn1 a myrtle bough being delivered to every one in order1 which they call an ,greek omitted because he that received it was obliged ,greek omitted to sing2 and after this a harp being carried round the company1 the skilful took it1 and fitted the music to the song2 this when the unskilful could not perform1 the song was called ,greek omitted because hard to them1 and one in which they could not bear a part4 ,others say this myrtle bough was not delivered in order1 but from bed to bed2 and when the uppermost of the first table had sung1 he sent it to the uppermost of the second1 and he to the uppermost of the third2 and so the second in like manner to the second2 and from these many windings and this circuit it was called ,greek omitted ,,crooked4 ,,question ,,ii4 ,,whether ,,the ,,entertainer ,,should ,,seat ,,the ,,guests1 ,,or ,,let ,,every ,,man ,,take ,,his ,,own ,,place4 ,,timon1 ,a ,,guest1 ,,plutarch1 ,,plutarch',s ,,father1 ,,lamprias1 ,,and ,,others4 ,my brother ,timon1 making a great entertainment1 desired the guests as they came to seat themselves2 for he had invited strangers and citizens1 neighbors and acquaintance1 and all sorts of persons to the feast4 ,a great many being already come1 a certain stranger at last appeared1 dressed as fine as hands could make him1 his clothes rich1 and an unseemly train of foot-boys at his heels2 he walking up to the parlor-door1 and1 staring round upon those that were already seated1 turned his back and scornfully retired2 and when a great many stepped after him and begged him to return1 he said1 ,i see no fit place left for me4 ,at that1 the other guests 7for the glasses had gone round7 laughed abundantly1 and desired his room rather than his company4 ,but after supper1 my father addressing himself to me1 who sat at another quarter of the table1--,timon1 said he1 and ,i have a dispute1 and you are to be judge1 for ,i have been upon his skirts already about that stranger2 for if according to my directions he had seated every man in his proper place1 we had never been thought unskilful in this matter1 by one ,whose art is great in ordering horse and foot4 7,iliad1 ii #eed47 ,and story says that ,paulus ,aemilius1 after he had conquered ,perseus the king of ,macedon1 making an entertainment besides his costly furniture and extraordinary provision1 was very critical in the order of his feast2 saying1 ,it is the same man's task to order a terrible battle and a pleasing1 entertainment1 for both of them require skill in the art of disposing right1 and ,homer often calls the stoutest and the greatest princes ,greek omitted disposers of the people2 and you use to say that the great ,creator1 by this art of disposing1 turned disorder into beauty1 and neither taking away nor adding any new being1 but setting everything in its proper place1 out of the most uncomely figure and confused chaos produced this beauteous1 this surprising face of nature that appears4 ,in these great and noble doctrines indeed you instruct us2 but our own observation sufficiently assures us1 that the greatest profuseness in a feast appears neither delightful nor genteel1 unless beautified by order4 ,and therefore it is absurd that cooks and waiters should be solicitous what dish must be brought first1 what next1 what placed in the middle1 and what last2 and that the garlands1 and ointment1 and music 7if they have any7 should have a proper place and order assigned1 and yet that the guests should be seated promiscuously1 and no respect be had to age1 honor1 or the like2 no distinguishing order by which the man in dignity might be honored1 the inferior learn to give place1 and the disposer be exercised in distinguishing what is proper and convenient4 ,for it is not rational that1 when we walk or sit down to discourse1 the best man should have the best place1 and not the same order be observed at table2 or that the entertainer should in civility drink to one before another1 and yet make no difference in their seats1 at the first dash making the whole company one ,myconus 7as they say71 a hodge-podge and confusion4 ,this my father brought for his opinion4 ,and my brother said3 ,i am not so much wiser than ,bias1 that1 since he refused to be arbitrator between two only of his friends1 ,i should pretend to be a judge between so many strangers and acquaintance2 especially since it is not a money matter1 but about precedence and dignity1 as if ,i invited my friends not to treat them kindly1 but to abuse them4 ,menelaus is accounted absurd and passed into a proverb1 for pretending to advise when unasked2 and sure he would be more ridiculous that instead of an entertainer should set up for a judge1 when nobody requests him or submits to his determination which is the best and which the worst man in the company2 for the guests do not come to contend about precedency1 but to feast and be merry4 ,besides1 it is no easy task to distinguish for some claim respect by reason of their age1 others--from their familiarity and acquaintance2 and1 as those that make declamations consisting of comparisons1 he must have ,aristotle's ,greek omitted and ,thrasymachus's ,greek omitted 7books that furnish him with heads of argument7 at his fingers' ends2 and all this to no good purpose or profitable effect but to bring vanity from the bar and the theatre into our feasts and entertainments1 and1 whilst by good fellowship endeavor to remit all other passions1 especially pride and arrogance1 from which1 in my opinion we should be more careful to cleanse our souls than to wash our feet from dirt1 that our conversation be free1 simple1 and full of mirth4 ,and while by such meetings we strive to end all differences that have at any time risen amongst the invited1 we should make them flame anew1 and kindle them again by emulation1 by thus humbling some and puffing up others4 ,and if1 according as we seat them1 we should drink oftener and discourse more with some than others and set daintier dishes before them1 instead of being friendly we should be lordly in our feasts4 ,and if in other things we treat them all equally1 why should we not begin at the first part1 and bring it into fashion for all to take their seats promiscuously1 without ceremony or pride1 and to let them see1 as soon as they enter1 that they are invited to a dinner whose order is free and democratical1 and not1 as particular chosen men to the government of a city where aristocracy is the form2 since the richest and the poorest sit promiscuously together4 ,when this had been offered on both sides1 and all present required my determination1 ,i said3 ,being an arbitrator and not a judge1 ,i shall close strictly with neither side1 but go indifferently in the middle between both4 ,if a man invites young men1 citizens1 or acquaintance1 they should 7as ,timon says7 be accustomed to be content with any place1 without ceremony or concernment2 and this good nature and unconcernedness would be an excellent means to preserve and increase friendship4 ,but if we use the same method to strangers1 magistrates1 or old men1 ,i have just reason to fear that1 whilst we seem to thrust our pride at the fore-door1 we bring it in again at the back1 together with a great deal of indifferency and disrespect4 ,but in this1 custom and the established rules of decency must guide2 or else let us abolish all those modes of respect expressed by drinking to or saluting first2 which we do not use promiscuously to all the company but according to their worth we honor every one ,with better places1 meat1 and larger cups1 7,iliad1 xii4 #caa47 as ,agamemnon says1 naming the place first1 as the chiefest sign of honor4 ,and we commend ,alcinous for placing his guest next himself3-- ,he stout ,laomedon his son removed1 ,who sat next him1 for him he dearly loved2 7,iliad1 xx4 #ae47 for to place a suppliant stranger in the seat of his beloved son was wonderful kind1 and extreme courteous4 ,nay even amongst the gods themselves this distinction is observed2 for ,neptune1 though he came last into the assembly1 sat in the middle seat1 7,odyssey1 vii4 #agj47 as if that was his proper place4 ,and ,minerva seems to have that assigned her which is next ,jupiter himself2 and this the poet intimates1 when speaking of ,thetis he says1 ,she sat next ,jove1 ,minerva giving ,place4 7,ibid4 xxiv4 #ajj47 ,and ,pindar plainly says1 ,she sits just next the thunder-breathing flames4 ,indeed ,timon urges1 we ought not to rob many to honor one1 which he seems to do himself1 even more than others2 for he robs that which makes something that is individual common2 and suitable honor to his worth is each man's possession4 ,and he gives that preeminence to running fast and making haste1 which belongs to virtue1 kindred1 magistracies1 and such other qualities2 and whilst he endeavors not to affront his guests1 he necessarily falls into that very inconvenience2 for he must affront every one by defrauding them of their proper honor4 ,besides1 in my opinion it is no hard matter to make this distinction1 and seat our guests according to their quality2 for first1 it very seldom happens that many of equal honor are invited to the same banquet2 and then1 since there are many honorable places1 you have room enough to dispose them according to content1 if you can but guess that this man must be seated uppermost1 that in the middle1 another next to yourself1 friend1 acquaintance1 tutor1 or the like1 appointing every one some place of honor2 and as for the rest1 ,i would supply their want of honor with some little presents1 affability1 and kind discourse4 ,but if their qualities are not easy to be distinguished1 and the men themselves hard to be pleased1 see what device ,i have in that case2 for ,i seat in the most honorable place my father1 if invited2 if not my grandfather1 father-in-law1 uncle1 or somebody whom the entertainer hath a more particular reason to esteem4 ,and this is one of the many rules of decency that we have from ,homer2 for in his poem1 when ,achilles saw ,menelaus and ,antilochus contending about the second prize of the horse-race1 fearing that their strife and fury would increase1 he gave the prize to another1 under pretence of comforting and honoring ,eumelus1 but indeed to take away the cause of their contention4 ,when ,i had said this1 ,lamprias1 sitting 7as he always doth7 upon a low bed1 cried out3 ,sirs1 will you give me leave to correct this sottish judge8 ,and the company bidding him speak freely and tell me roundly of my faults1 and not spare1 he said3 ,and who can forbear that philosopher who disposes of places at a feast according to the birth1 wealth1 or offices of the guests1 as if they were in a theatre or the ,council ,house1 so that pride and arrogance must be admitted even into our mirth and entertainments8 ,in seating our guests we should not have any respect to honor1 but mirth and conversation2 not look after every man's quality1 but their agreement and harmony with one another1 as those do that join several different things in one composure4 ,thus a mason doth not set an ,athenian or a ,spartan stone1 because formed in a more noble country1 before an ,asian or a ,spanish2 nor a painter give the most costly color the chiefest place2 nor a shipwright the ,corinthian fir or ,cretan cypress2 but so distribute them as they will best serve to the common end1 and make the whole composure strong1 beautiful1 and fit for use4 ,nay1 you see even the deity himself 7by our ,pindar named the most skilful artificer7 doth not everywhere place the fire above and the earth below2 but1 as ,empedocles hath it1 ,the ,oysters ,coverings do directly prove1 ,that heavy ,earth is sometimes rais'd above2 not having that place that ,nature appoints1 but that which is necessary to compound bodies and serviceable to the common end1 the preservation of the whole4 ,disorder is in everything an evil2 but then its badness is principally discovered1 when it is amongst men whilst they are making merry2 for then it breeds contentions and a thousand unspeakable mischiefs1 which to foresee and hinder shows a man well skilled in good order and disposing right4 ,we all agreed that he had said well1 but asked him why he would not instruct us how to order things aright1 and communicate his skill4 ,i am content1 says he1 to instruct you1 if you will permit me to change the present order of the feast1 and will yield as ready obedience to me as the ,thebans to ,epaminondas when he altered the order of their battle4 ,we gave him full power2 and he1 having turned all the servants out1 looked round upon every one1 and said3 ,hear 7for ,i will tell you first7 how ,i design to order you together4 ,in my mind1 the ,theban ,pammenes justly taxeth ,homer as unskilful in love matters1 for setting together1 in his description of an army1 tribe and tribe1 family and family2 for he should have joined the lover and the beloved1 so that the whole body being united in their minds might perfectly agree4 ,this rule will ,i follow1 not set one rich man by another1 a youth by a youth1 a magistrate by a magistrate1 and a friend by a friend2 for such an order is of no force1 either to beget or increase friendship and good-will4 ,but fitting that which wants with something that is able to supply it1 next one that is willing to instruct ,i will place one that is as desirous to be instructed2 next a morose1 one good-natured2 next a talkative old man a youth patient and eager for a story2 next a boaster1 a jeering smooth companion2 and next an angry man1 a quiet one4 ,if ,i see a wealthy fellow bountiful and kind1 ,i will take some poor honest man from his obscure place1 and set him next1 that something may run out of that full vessel to the other empty one4 ,a sophister ,i will forbid to sit by a sophister1 and one poet by another2 ,for beggars beggars1 poets envy poets4 7,hesiod1 ,work and ,days1 #bf7 ,i separate the clamorous scoffers and the testy1 by putting some good-nature between them1 so they cannot jostle so roughly on one another2 wrestlers1 hunters1 and farmers ,i put in one company4 ,for some of the same nature1 when put together1 fight as cocks2 others are very sociable as daws4 ,drinkers and lovers ,i set together1 not only those who 7as ,sophocles says7 feel the sting of masculine love1 but those that are mad after virgins or married women2 for they being warmed with the like fire1 as two pieces of iron to be joined1 will more readily agree2 unless perhaps they both fancy the same person4 ,,question ,,iii4 ,,upon ,,what ,,account ,,is ,,the ,,place ,,at ,,the ,,table ,,called ,,consular ,,esteemed ,,honorable4 ,,the ,,same4 ,this raised a dispute about the dignity of places1 for the same seat is not accounted honorable amongst all nations2 in ,persia the midst1 for that is the place proper to the king himself2 in ,greece the uppermost2 at ,rome the lowermost of the middle bed1 and this is called the consular2 the ,greeks about ,pontus1 and those of ,heraclea1 reckon the uppermost of the middle bed to be the chief4 ,but we were most puzzled about the place called consular2 for though it is esteemed most honorable1 yet it is not because it is either the first or the midst2 and its other circumstances are either not proper to that alone1 or very frivolous4 ,though ,i confess three of the reasons alleged seemed to have something in them4 ,the first1 that the consuls1 having dissolved the monarchy and reduced everything to a more equal level and popular estate1 left the middle1 the kingly place1 and sat in a lower seat2 that by this means their power and authority might be less subject to envy1 and not so grievous to their fellow-citizens4 ,the second1 that1 two beds being appointed for the invited guests1 the third--and the first place in it--is most convenient for the master of the feast1 from whence like a pilot1 he can guide and order everything1 and readily overlook the management of the whole affair4 ,besides1 he is not so far removed that he can easily discourse1 talk to1 and compliment his guests2 for next below him his wife and children usually are placed2 next above him the most honorable of the invited1 that being the most proper place1 as near the master of the feast4 ,the third reason was1 that it is peculiar to the this place to be most convenient for the despatch of any sudden business2 for the ,roman consul will not as ,archias1 the governor of ,thebes1 say1 when letters of importance are brought to him at dinner1 serious things to-morrow and then throw aside the packet and take the great bowl2 but he will be careful1 circumspect1 and mind it at that very instant4 ,for not only 7as the common saying hath it7 ,each throw doth make the dicer fear1 but even midst his feasting and his pleasure a magistrate should be intent on intervening business2 and he hath this place appointed1 as the most convenient for him to receive any message1 answer it1 or sign a bill2 for there the second bed joining with the third1 the turning at the corner leaves a vacant space1 so that a notary1 servant1 guard1 or a messenger from the army might approach1 deliver the message1 and receive orders2 and the consul1 having room enough to speak or use his hand1 neither troubles any one1 nor is hindered by any the guests4 ,,question ,,iv4 ,,what ,,manner ,,of ,,man ,,should ,a ,,director ,,of ,a ,,feast ,,be8 ,,crato1 ,,theon1 ,,plutarch1 ,,and ,,others4 ,crato my relative1 and ,theon my acquaintance1 at a certain banquet1 where the glasses had gone round freely1 and a little stir arose but was suddenly appeased1 began to discourse of the office of the steward of a feast2 declaring that it was my duty to wear the chaplet1 assert the decaying privilege1 and restore that office which should take care for the decency and good order of the banquet4 ,this proposal pleased every one1 and they were all an end begging me to do it4 ,well then1 said ,i1 since you will have it so1 ,i make myself steward and director of you all1 command the rest to drink every one what he will but ,crato and ,theon1 the first proposers and authors of this decree1 ,i enjoin to declare in short what qualifications fit a man for this office1 what he should principally aim at and how behave himself towards those under his command4 ,this is the subject1 and let them agree amongst themselves which head each shall manage4 ,they made some slight excuse at first2 but the whole company urging them to obey1 ,crato began thus4 ,a captain of a watch 7as ,plato says7 ought to be most watchful and diligent himself1 and the director of merry companions ought to be the best4 ,and such a one he is1 that will not be easily overtaken or apt to refuse a glass2 but as ,cyrus in his epistle to the ,spartans says1 that in many other things he was more fit than his brother to be a king1 and chiefly because he could bear abundance of wine4 ,for one that is drunk must have an ill carriage and be apt to affront2 and he that is perfectly sober must be unpleasant1 and fitter to be a governor of a school than of a feast4 ,pericles as often as he was chosen general1 when he put on his cloak1 used to say to himself1 as it were to refresh his memory1 ,take heed1 ,pericles1 thou dost govern freemen1 thou dost govern ,greeks1 thou dost govern ,athenians4 ,so let our director say privately to himself1 ,thou art a governor over friends1 that he may remember to neither suffer them to be debauched nor stint their mirth4 ,besides he ought to have some skill in the serious studies of the guests and not be altogether ignorant of mirth and humor yet ,i would have him 7as pleasant wine ought to be7 a little severe and rough1 for the liquor will soften and smooth him1 and make his temper pleasant and agreeable4 ,for as ,xenophon says1 that ,clearchus's rustic and morose humor in a battle1 by reason of his bravery and heat1 seemed pleasant and surprising2 thus one that is not of a very sour nature1 but grave and severe1 being softened by a chirping cup becomes more pleasant and complaisant4 ,but chiefly he should be acquainted with every one of the guests' humors1 what alteration the liquor makes in him1 what passion he is most subject to1 and what quantity he can bear2 for it is not to be supposed different sorts of water bear various proportions to different sorts of wine 7which kings' cup-bearers understanding sometimes pour in more1 sometimes less71 and that man hath no such relation to them4 ,this our director ought to know1 and knowing1 punctually observe2 so that like a good musician1 screwing up one and letting down another1 he may make between these different natures a pleasing harmony and agreement2 so that he shall not proportion his wine by measure1 but give every one what was proper and agreeable1 according to the present circumstances of time and strength of body4 ,but if this is too difficult a task1 yet it is necessary that a steward should know the common accidents of age and nature1 such as these1--that an old man will be sooner overtaken than a youth1 one that leaps about or talks than he that is silent or sits still1 the thoughtful and melancholy than the cheerful and the brisk4 ,and he that understands these things is much more able to preserve quietness and order1 than one that is perfectly ignorant and unskilful4 ,besides1 ,i think none will doubt but that the steward ought to be a friend1 and have no pique at any of the guests2 for otherwise in his injunctions he will be intolerable1 in his distributions unequal1 in his jests apt to scoff and give offence4 ,such a figure1 ,theon1 as out of wax1 hath my discourse framed for the steward of a feast2 and now ,i deliver him to you4 ,and ,theon replied3 ,he is welcome1--a very well-shaped gentleman1 and fitted for the office2 but whether ,i shall not spoil him in my particular application1 ,i cannot tell4 ,in my opinion he seems such a one as will keep an entertainment to its primitive institution1 and not suffer it to be changed1 sometimes into a mooting hall1 sometimes a school of rhetoric1 now and then a dicing room1 a playhouse1 or a stage4 ,for do not you observe some making fine orations and putting cases at a supper1 others declaiming or reading some of their own compositions1 and others proposing prizes to dancers and mimics8 ,alcibiades and ,theodorus turned ,polition's banquet into a temple of initiation1 representing there the sacred procession and mysteries of ,ceres2 now such things as these1 in my opinion1 ought not to be suffered by a steward1 but he must permit such discourse only1 such shows1 such merriment1 as promote the particular end and design of such entertainments2 and that is1 by pleasant conversation either to beget or maintain friendship and good-will among the guests2 for an entertainment is only a pastime table with a glass of wine1 ending in friendship through mutual goodwill4 ,but now because things pure and unmixed are usually surfeiting and odious1 and the very mixture itself1 unless the simples be well proportioned and opportunely put together1 spoils the sweetness and goodness of the composition2 it is evident that there ought to be a director to take care that the mirth and jollity of the guests be exactly and opportunely tempered4 ,it is a common saying that a voyage near the land and a walk near the sea are the best recreation4 ,thus our steward should place seriousness and gravity next jollity and humor2 that when they are merry1 they should be on the very borders of gravity itself1 and when grave and serious1 they might be refreshed as sea-sick persons having an easy and short prospect to the mirth and jollity on land4 ,for mirth may be exceeding useful1 and make our grave discourses smooth and pleasant1-- ,as near the bramble oft the lily grows1 ,and neighboring rue commands the blushing rose4 ,but against vain and empty tempers1 that wantonly break in upon our feasts1 like henbane mixed with the wine1 he must advise the guests1 lest scoffing and affronts creep in under these1 lest in their questions or commands they grow scurrilous and abuse1 as for instance by enjoining stutterers to sing1 bald-pates to comb their heads1 or a cripple to rise and dance4 ,as the company abused ,agapestor the ,academic1 one of whose legs was lame and withered1 when in a ridiculing frolic they ordained that every man should stand upon his right leg and take off his glass1 or pay a fine2 and he1 when it was his turn to command1 enjoined the company to follow his example drink as he did1 and having a narrow earthen pitcher brought in1 he put his withered leg into it1 and drank his glass and every one in the company1 after a fruitless endeavor to imitate1 paid his forfeit4 ,it was a good humor of ,agapestor's and thus every little merry abuse must be as merrily revenged4 ,besides he must give such commands as will both please and profit1 putting such as are familiar and easy to the person1 and when performed will be for his credit and reputation4 ,a songster must be enjoined to sing1 an orator to speak1 a philosopher to solve a problem1 and a poet to make a song2 for every one very readily and willingly undertakes that ,in which he may outdo himself4 ,an ,assyrian king by public proclamation promised a reward to him that would find out any new sort of luxury and pleasure4 ,and let the governor1 the king of an entertainments propose some pleasant reward for any one that introduceth inoffensive merriment1 profitable delight and laughter1 not such as attends scoffs and abusive jests1 but kindness1 pleasant humor1 and goodwill2 for these matters not being well looked after and observed spoil and ruin most of our entertainments4 ,it is the office of a prudent man to hinder all sort of anger and contention2 in the exchange1 that which springs from covetousness2 in the fencing and wrestling schools1 from emulation2 in offices and state affairs1 from ambition2 and in a feast or entertainment1 from pleasantness and joke4 ,,question ,v4 ,,why ,,it ,,is ,,commonly ,,said ,,that ,,love ,,makes ,a ,,man ,a ,,poet4 ,,sossius1 ,,plutarch1 ,,and ,,others4 ,one day when ,sossius entertained us1 upon singing some ,sapphic verses1 this question was started1 how it could be true ,that love in all doth vigorous thoughts inspire1 ,and teaches ignorants to tune the lyre8 ,since ,philoxenus1 on the contrary1 asserts1 that the ,cyclops ,with sweet-tongued ,muses cured his love4 ,some said that love was bold and daring1 venturing at new contrivances1 and eager to accomplish1 upon which account ,plato calls it the enterpriser of everything2 for it makes the reserved man talkative1 the modest complimental1 the negligent and sluggish industrious and observant2 and1 what is the greatest wonder1 a close1 hard1 and covetous fellow1 if he happens to be in love1 as iron in fire1 becomes pliable and soft1 easy1 good-natured1 and very pleasant2 as if there were something in that common jest4 ,a lover's purse is tied with the blade of a leek4 ,others said that love was like drunkenness2 it makes men warm1 merry1 and dilated2 and1 when in that condition1 they naturally slide down to songs and words in measure2 and it is reported of ,aeschylus1 that he wrote tragedies after he was heated with a glass of wine2 and my grandfather ,lamprias in his cups seemed to outdo himself in starting questions and smart disputing1 and usually said that1 like frankincense1 he exhaled more freely after he was warmed4 ,and as lovers are extremely pleased with the sight of their beloved1 so they praise with as much satisfaction as they behold2 and as love is talkative in everything1 so more especially in commendation2 for lovers themselves believe1 and would have all others think1 that the object of their passion is pleasing and excellent2 and this made ,candaules the ,lydian force ,gyges into his chamber to behold the beauty of his naked wife4 ,for they delight in the testimony of others1 and therefore in all composures upon the lovely they adorn them with songs and verses1 as we dress images with gold1 that more may hear of them and that they may be remembered the more4 ,for if they present a cock1 horse1 or any other thing to the beloved1 it is neatly trimmed and set off with all the ornaments of art2 and therefore1 when they would present a compliment1 they would have it curious1 pleasing1 as verse usually appears4 ,sossius applauding these discourses added3 ,perhaps we may make a probable conjecture from ,theophrastus's discourse of ,music1 for ,i have lately read the book4 ,theophrastus lays down three causes of music1--grief1 pleasure and enthusiasm2 for each of these changes the usual tone1 and makes the voice slide into a cadence2 for deep sorrow has something tunable in its groans1 and therefore we perceive our orators in their conclusions1 and actors in their complaints1 are somewhat melodious1 and insensibly fall into a tune4 ,excess of joy provokes the more airy men to frisk and dance and keep their steps1 though unskilful in the art2 and1 as ,pindar hath it1 ,they shout1 and roar1 and wildly toss their heads4 ,but the graver sort are excited only to sing1 raise their voice1 and tune their words into a sonnet4 ,but enthusiasm quite changes the body and the voice1 and makes it far different from its usual constitution4 ,hence the very ,bacchae use measure1 and the inspired give their oracles in measure4 ,and we shall see very few madmen but are frantic in rhyme and rave in verse4 ,this being certain1 if you will but anatomize love a little1 and look narrowly into it1 it will appear that no passion in the world is attended with more violent grief1 more excessive joy1 or greater ecstasies and fury2 a lover's soul looks like ,sophocles's city3-- ,at once 'tis full of sacrifice1 ,of joyful songs1 of groans and cries4' 7,sophocles1 ,oedipus ,tyrannus1 #d47 ,and therefore it is no wonder1 that since love contains all the causes of music1--grief1 pleasure1 and enthusiasm1--and is besides industrious and talkative1 it should incline us more than any other passion to poetry and songs4 ,,question ,,vi4 ,,whether ,,alexander ,,was ,a ,,great ,,drinker4 ,,philinus1 ,,plutarch1 ,,and ,,others4 ,some said that ,alexander did not drink much1 but sat long in company1 discoursing with his friends2 but ,philinus showed this to be an error from the king's diary1 where it was very often registered that such a day1 and sometimes two days together1 the king slept after a debauch2 and this course of life made him cold in love1 but passionate and angry1 which argues a hot constitution4 ,and some report his sweat was fragrant and perfumed his clothes2 which is another argument of heat1 as we see the hottest and driest climates bear frankincense and cassia2 for a fragrant smell1 as ,theophrastus thinks1 proceeds from a due concoction of the humors1 when the noxious moisture is conquered by the heat4 ,and it is thought probable1 that he took a pique at ,calisthenes for avoiding his table because of the hard drinking1 and refusing the great bowl called ,alexander's in his turn1 adding1 ,i will not drink of ,alexander's bowl1 to stand in need of ,aesculapius's4 ,and thus much of ,alexander's drinking4 ,story tells us1 that ,mithridates1 the famous enemy of the ,romans1 among other trials of skill that he instituted1 proposed a reward to the greatest eater and the stoutest drinker in his kingdom4 ,he won both the prizes himself2 he outdrank every man living1 and for his excellency that way was called ,bacchus4 ,but this reason for his surname is a vain fancy and an idle story2 for whilst he was an infant a flash of lightning burnt his cradle1 but did his body no harm1 and only left a little mark on his forehead1 which his hair covered when he was grown a boy2 and after he came to be a man1 another flash broke into his bedchambers1 and burnt the arrows in a quiver that was hanging under him2 from whence his diviners presaged1 that archers and light-armed men should win him considerable victories in his wars2 and the vulgar gave him this name1 because in those many dangers by lightning he bore some resemblance to the ,theban ,bacchus4 ,from hence great drinkers were the subject of our discourse2 and the wrestler ,heraclides 7or1 as the ,alexandrians mince it1 ,heraclus71 who lived but in the last age1 was accounted one4 ,he1 when he could get none to hold out with him1 invited some to take their morning's draught1 others to dinner1 to supper others1 and others after1 to take a merry glass of wine2 so that as the first went off1 the second came1 and the third and fourth company and he all the while without any intermission took his glass round1 and outsat all the four companies4 ,amongst the retainers to ,drusus1 the ,emperor ,tiberus's son1 was a physician that drank down all the court2 he1 before he sat down1 would usually take five or six bitter almonds to prevent the operation of the wine2 but whenever he was forbidden that1 he knocked under presently1 and a single glass dozed him4 ,some think these almonds have a penetrating1 abstersive quality1 are able to cleanse the face1 and clear it from the common freckles2 and therefore1 when they are eaten1 by their bitterness vellicate and fret the pores1 and by that means draw down the ascending vapors from the head4 ,but1 in my opinion1 a bitter quality is a drier1 and consumes moisture2 and therefore a bitter taste is the most unpleasant4 ,for1 as ,plato says1 dryness1 being an enemy to moisture1 unnaturally contracts the spongy and tender nerves of the tongue4 ,and green ulcers are usually drained by bitter injections4 ,thus ,homer3-- ,he squeezed his herbs1 and bitter juice applied2 ,and straight the blood was stanched1 the sore was dried4 7,iliad1 xi4 #hdf47 ,and he guesses well1 that what is bitter to the taste is a drier4 ,besides1 the powders women use to dry up their sweat are bitter1 and by reason of that quality astringent4 ,this then being certain1 it is no wonder that the bitterness of the almonds hinders the operation of the wine1 since it dries the inside of the body and keeps the veins from being overcharged2 for from their distention and disturbance they say drunkenness proceeds4 ,and this conjecture is much confirmed from that which usually happens to a fox2 for if he eats bitter almonds without drinking1 his moisture suddenly fails1 and it is present death4 ,,question ,,vii4 ,,why ,,old ,,men ,,love ,,pure ,,wine4 ,,plutarch ,,and ,,others4 ,it was debated why old men loved the strongest liquors4 ,some1 fancying that their natural heat decayed and their constitution grew cold1 said such liquors were most necessary and agreeable to their age2 but this was mean and the obvious1 and besides1 neither a sufficient nor a true reason2 for the like happens to all their other senses4 ,for they are not easily moved or wrought on by any qualities1 unless they are in intense degrees and make a vigorous impression2 but the reason is the laxity of the habit of their body1 for that1 being grown lax and weak1 loves a smart stroke4 ,thus their taste is pleased most with strong sapors1 their smelling with brisk odors2 for strong and unalloyed qualities make a more pleasing impression on the sense4 ,their touch is almost senseless to a sore1 and a wound generally raises no sharp pain4 ,the like also in their hearing may be observed2 for old musicians play louder and sharper than others1 that they may move their own dull tympanum with the sound4 ,for what steel is to the edge in a knife1 that spirit is to the sense in the body2 and therefore1 when the spirits fail1 the sense grows dull and stupid1 and cannot be raised1 unless by something1 such as strong wine1 that makes a vigorous impression4 ,,question ,,viii4 ,,why ,,old ,,men ,,read ,,best ,,at ,a ,,distance4 ,,plutarch1 ,,lamprias1 ,,and ,,others4 ,to my discourse in the former problem some objection may be drawn from the sense of seeing in old men2 for1 if they hold a book at a distance1 they will read pretty well1 nearer they cannot see a letter and this ,aeschylus means by these verses3-- ,behold from far2 for near thou canst not see2 ,a good old scribe thou mayst much sooner be4 ,and ,sophocles more plainly3-- ,old men are slow in talk1 they hardly hear2 ,far off they see2 but all are blind when near4 ,and therefore1 if old men's organs are more obedient to strong and intense qualities1 why1 when they read1 do they not take the reflection near at hand1 but1 holding the book a good way off1 mix and weaken it by the intervening air1 as wine by water8 ,some answered1 that they did not remove the book to lesson the light1 but to receive more rays1 and let all the space between the letters and their eyes be filled with lightsome air4 ,others agreed with those that imagine the rays of vision mix with one another2 for since there is a cone stretched between each eye and the object1 whose point is in the eye and whose basis is the object1 it is probable that for some way each cone extends apart and by itself2 but1 when the distance increases1 they mix and make but one common light2 and therefore every object appears single and not two1 though it is seen by both eyes at once2 for the conjunction of the cones makes these two appearances but one4 ,these things supposed1 when old men hold the letters close to their eyes1 the cones not being joined1 but each apart and by itself1 their sight is weak2 but when they remove it farther1 the two lights being mingled and increased1 see better1 as a man with both hands can hold that for which either singly is too weak4 ,but my brother ,lamprias1 though unacquainted with ,hieronymus's notions1 gave us another reason4 ,we see1 said he1 some species that come from the object to the eye1 which at their first rise are thick and great2 and therefore when near disturb old men1 whose eyes are stiff and not easily penetrated2 but when they are separated and diffused into the air1 the thick obstructing parts are easily removed1 and the subtile remainders coming to the eye gently and easily slide into the pores2 and so the disturbance being less1 the sight is more vigorous and clear4 ,thus a rose smells most fragrant at a distance2 but if you bring it near the nose1 it is not so pure and delightful2 and the reason is this1--many earthy disturbing particles are carried with the smell1 and spoil the fragrancy when near1 but in a longer passage those are lost1 and the pure brisk odor1 by reason of its subtility1 reaches and acts upon the sense4 ,but we1 according to ,plato's opinion1 assert that a bright spirit darted from the eye mixes with the light about the object1 and those two are perfectly blended into one similar body2 now these must be joined in due proportion one to another2 for one part ought not wholly to prevail on the other1 but both1 being proportionally and amicably joined1 should agree in one third common power4 ,now this 7whether flux1 illuminated spirit1 or ray7 in old men being very weak1 there can be no combination1 no mixture with the light about the object2 but it must be wholly consumed1 unless1 by removing the letters from their eyes1 they lessen the brightness of the light1 so that it comes to the sight not too strong or unmixed1 but well proportioned and blended with the other4 ,and this explains that common affection of creatures seeing in the dark2 for their eyesight being weak is overcome and darkened by the splendor of the day2 because the little light that flows from their eyes cannot be proportionably mixed with the stronger and more numerous beams2 but it is proportionable and sufficient for the feeble splendor of the stars1 and so can join with it1 and cooperate to move the sense4 ,,question ,,ix4 ,,why ,,fresh ,,water ,,washes ,,clothes ,,better ,,than ,,salt4 ,,theon1 ,,themistocles1 ,,metrius1 ,,florus1 ,,plutarch2 ,,and ,,others4 ,theon the grammarian1 when ,metrius ,florus gave us an entertainment1 asked ,themistocles the ,stoic1 why ,chrysippus1 though he frequently mentioned some strange phenomena in nature 7as that salt meat soaked in salt water grows fresher than before2 fleeces of wool are more easily separated by a gentle than a quick and violent force1 and men that are fasting eat slower than those who took a breakfast71 yet never gave any reason for the appearance4 ,and ,themistocles replied1 that ,chrysippus only proposed such things by the by1 as instances to correct us1 who easily assent and without any reason to what seems likely1 and disbelieve everything that seems unlikely at the first sight4 ,but why1 sir1 are you concerned at this8 ,for if you are speculative and would inquire into the causes of things you need not want subjects in your own profession2 but pray tell me why ,homer makes ,nausicaa wash in the river rather than the sea1 though it was near1 and in all likelihood hotter1 clearer1 and fitter to wash with than that8 ,and ,theon replied3 ,aristotle hath already given an account for this from the grossness of the sea water2 for in this an abundance of rough earthy particles is mixed1 and those make it salt2 and upon this account swimmers or any other weights sink not so much in sea water as in fresh for the latter1 being thin and weak1 yields to every pressure and is easily divided1 because it is pure and unmixed and by reason of this subtility of parts it penetrates better than salt water1 and so looseneth from the clothes the sticking particles of the spot4 ,and is not this discourse of ,aristotle very probable8 ,probable indeed1 ,i replied1 but not true2 for ,i have observed that with ashes1 gravel1 or1 if these are not to be gotten1 with dust itself they usually thicken the water1 as if the earthy particles being rough would scour better than fair water1 whose thinness makes it weak and ineffectual4 ,and therefore he is mistaken when he says the thickness of the sea water hinders the effect1 since the sharpness of the mixed particles very much conduces to make it cleansing2 for that open the pores1 and draws out the stain4 ,but since all oily matter is most difficult to be washed out and spots a cloth1 and the sea is oily1 that is the reason why it doth not scour as well as fresh and that it is oily1 even ,aristotle himself asserts1 for salt in his opinion hath some oil in it1 and therefore makes candles1 when sprinkled on them1 burn the better and clearer than before4 ,and sea water sprinkled on a flame increaseth it1 and it more easily kindled than any other2 in my opinion1 makes it hotter than the fresh4 ,and besides1 ,i may urge another cause2 for the end of washing is drying1 and that seems cleanest which is driest2 and the moisture that scours 7as hellebore1 with the humors that it purges7 ought to fly away quickly together with the stain4 ,the sun quickly draws out the fresh water1 because it is so light but the salt water being rough lodges in the pores1 and therefore is not easily dried4 ,and ,theon replied3 ,you say just nothing1 sir2 for ,aristotle in the same book affirms that those that wash in the sea1 if they stand in sun1 are sooner dried than those that wash in the fresh streams4 ,if it is true1 ,i am answered1 he says so2 but ,i hope that ,homer asserting the contrary will1 by you especially1 be more easily believed2 for ,ulysses 7as he writes7 after his shipwreck meeting ,nausicaa1 ,a frightful sight1 and with the salt besmeared said to her maidens1 ,retire a while1 till ,i have washed my skin1 ,and when he had leaped into the river1 ,he from his head did scour the foaming sea4 7,see ,odyssey1 vi4 #acg1 #bah1 #bbf47 ,the poet knew very well what happens in such a case2 for when those that come wet out of the sea stand in the sun1 the subtilest and lightest parts suddenly exhale1 but the salt and rough particles stick upon the body in a crust1 till they are washed away by the fresh water of a spring4 ,,question ,x4 ,,why ,,at ,,athens ,,the ,,chorus ,,of ,,the ,,tribe ,,aeantis ,,was ,,never ,,determined ,,to ,,be ,,the ,,last4 ,,philopappus1 ,,marcus1 ,,milo1 ,,glaucias1 ,,plutarch1 ,,and ,,others4 ,when we were feasting at ,serapion's1 who gave an entertainment after the tribe ,leontis under his order and direction had won the prize 7for we were citizens and free of that tribe71 a very pertinent discourse1 and proper to the then occasion1 happened4 ,it had been a very notable trial of skill1 the king ,philopappus being very generous and magnificent in his rewards1 and defraying the expenses of all the tribes4 ,he was at the same feast with us and being a very good-humored man and eager for instruction1 he would now and then freely discourse of ancient customs1 and as freely hear4 ,marcus the grammarian began thus3 ,neanthes the ,cyzicenian1 in his book called the ,fabulous ,narrations of the ,city1 affirms that it was a privilege of the tribe ,aeantis that their chorus should never be determined to be the last4 ,it is true1 he brings some stories for confirmation of what he says2 but if he falsifies1 the matter is open1 and let us all inquire after the reason of the thing4 ,but1 says ,milo1 suppose it be a mere tale4 ,it is no strange thing replied ,philopappus1 if in our disquisitions after truth we meet now and then with such a thing as ,democritus the philosopher did2 for he one day eating a cucumber1 and finding it of a honey taste1 asked his maid where she bought it2 and she telling him in such a garden1 he rose from table and bade her direct him to the place4 ,the maid surprised asked him what he meant2 and he replied1 ,i must search after the cause of the sweetness of the fruit1 and shall find it the sooner if ,i see the place4 ,the maid with a smile replied1 ,sit still1 pray1 sir1 for ,i unwittingly put it into a honey barrel4 ,and he1 as it were discontented1 cried out1 ,shame take thee1 yet ,i will pursue my purpose1 and seek after the cause1 as if this sweetness were a taste natural and proper to the fruit4 ,therefore neither will we admit ,neanthes's credulity and inadvertency in some stories as an excuse and a good reason for avoiding this disquisition2 for we shall exercise our thoughts by it1 though no other advantage rises from that inquiry4 ,presently every one poured out something in commendation of that tribe1 mentioning every matter that made for its credit and reputation4 ,marathon was brought in as belonging to it1 and ,harmodius with his associates1 by birth ,aphidneans1 were also produced as glorious members of that tribe4 ,the orator ,glaucias proved that that tribe made up the right wing in the battle at ,marathon1 from the elegies of ,aeschylus1 who had himself fought valiantly in the same encounter2 and farther evinced that ,callimachus the field marshal was of that tribe1 who behaved himself very bravely1 and was the principal cause next to ,miltiades1 with whose opinion he concurred1 that that battle was fought4 ,to this discourse of ,glaucias ,i added1 that the edict which impowered ,miltiades to lead forth the ,athenians1 was made when the tribe ,aeantis was chief of the assembly1 and that in the battle of ,plataea the same tribe won the greatest glory2 and upon that account1 as the oracle directed1 that tribe offered a sacrifice for this victory to the nymphs ,sphragitides1 the city providing a victim and all other necessaries belonging to it4 ,but you may observe 7,i continued7 that other tribes likewise have their peculiar glories2 and you know that mine1 the tribe ,leontids1 yields to none in any point of reputation4 ,besides1 consider whether it is not more probable that this was granted out of a particular respect1 and to please ,ajax1 from whom this tribe received its name2 for we know he could not endure to be outdone1 but was easily hurried on to the greatest enormities by his contentious and passionate humor2 and therefore to comply with him and afford him some comfort in his disasters1 they secured him from the most vexing grievance that follows the misfortune of the conquered1 by ordering that his tribe should never be determined to be last4 ,,book ,,ii4 ,of the several things that are provided for an entertainment1 some1 my ,sossius ,senecio1 are absolutely necessary2 such are wine1 bread1 meat1 lounges1 and tables4 ,others are brought in1 not for necessity1 but pleasure2 such are songs1 shows1 mimics1 and buffoons2 which1 when present1 delight indeed1 but when absent1 are not eagerly desired2 nor is the entertainment looked upon as mean because such things are wanting4 ,just so of discourses2 some the sober men admit as necessary to a banquet1 and others for their pretty nice speculations1 as more profitable and agreeable than the fiddle and the pipe4 ,my former book gives you examples of both sorts4 ,of the first are these1 ,whether we should philosophize at table8--,whether the entertainer should appoint proper seats1 or leave the guests to agree upon there own8 ,of the second1 ,why lovers are inclined to poetry8 ,and the question about the tribe of ,aeantis4 ,the former ,i call properly ,greek omitted but both together ,i comprehend under the general name of ,symposiacs4 ,they are promiscuously set down1 not in the exact method1 but as each singly occurred to memory4 ,and let not my readers wonder that ,i dedicate these collections to you1 which ,i have received from others or your own mouth2 for if all learning is not bare remembrance1 yet to learn and to remember are very commonly one and the same4 ,,question ,i ,,what1 ,,as ,,xenophon ,,intimates1 ,,are ,,the ,,most ,,agreeable ,,questions ,,and ,,most ,,pleasant ,,raillery ,,at ,,an ,,entertainment8 ,,sossius1 ,,senecio1 ,,and ,,plutarch4 ,now each book being divided into ten questions1 that shall make the first in this1 which ,socratial ,xenophon hath as it were proposed2 for he tells that1 ,gobryas banqueting with ,cyrus1 amongst other things he found admirable in the ,persians1 was surprised to hear them ask one another such questions that it was more pleasant to be interrogated than to be let alone1 and pass such jests on one another that it was more pleasant to be jested on than not4 ,for if some1 even whilst they praise1 offend1 why should not their polite and neat facetiousness be admired1 whose very raillery is delightful and pleasant to him that is the subject of it8 ,once you said3 ,i wish ,i could learn what kind of questions those are2 for to be skilled in and make right use of apposite questions and pleasant raillery1 ,i think is no small part of conversation4 ,a considerable one1 ,i replied2 but pray observe whether ,xenophon himself1 in his descriptions of ,socrates's and the ,persian entertainments1 hath not sufficiently explained them4 ,but if you would have my thoughts1 first1 men are pleased to be asked those questions to which they have an answer ready2 such are those in which the persons asked have some skill and competent knowledge2 for when the inquiry is above their reach1 those that can return nothing are troubled1 as if requested to give something beyond their power2 and those that do answer1 producing some crude and insufficient demonstration1 must needs be very much concerned1 and apt to blunder on the wrong4 ,now1 if the answer not only is easy but hath something not common1 it is more pleasing to them that make it2 and this happens1 when their knowledge is greater than that of the vulgar1 as suppose they are well skilled in points of astrology or logic4 ,for not only in action and serious matters1 but also in discourse1 every one hath a natural disposition to be pleased 7as ,euripides hath it7 ,to seem far to outdo himself4 ,and all are delighted when men put such questions as they understand1 and would have others know that they are acquainted with2 and therefore travellers and merchants are most satisfied when their company is inquisitive about other countries1 the unknown ocean1 and the laws and manners of the barbarians2 they are very ready to inform them1 and describe the countries and the creeks1 imagining this to be some recompense for their toil1 some comfort for the dangers they have passed4 ,in short1 whatever though unrequested1 we are wont to discourse of1 we are desirous to be asked2 because then we seem to gratify those whom otherwise our prattle would disturb and force from our conversation4 ,and this is the common disease of travellers4 ,but more genteel and modest men love to be asked about those things which they have bravely and successfully performed1 and which modesty will not permit to be spoken by themselves before company2 and therefore ,nestor did well when1 being acquainted with ,ulysses's desire of reputation1 he said1 ,tell1 brave ,ulysses1 glory of the ,greeks1 ,how you the horses seized4 7,iliad1 x4 #edd47 ,for man cannot endure the insolence of those who praise themselves and repeat their own exploits1 unless the company desires it and they are forced to a relation2 therefore it tickles them to be asked about their embassies and administrations of the commonwealth1 if they have done anything notable in either4 ,and upon this account the envious and ill-natured start very few questions of that they sort2 that thwart and hinder all such kind of motions1 being very unwilling to give any occasion or opportunity for that discourse which shall tend to the advantage of the relater4 ,in short1 we please those to whom we put them1 when we start questions about those matters which their enemies hate to hear4 ,ulysses says to ,alcinous1 ,you bid me tell what various ills ,i bore1 ,that the sad tale might make me grieve the more4 7,sophocles1 ,oedipus at ,colonus1 #eaj47 ,and ,oedipus says to the chorus1 ',tis pain to raise again a buried grief4 7,odyssey1 ix4 #ab47 ,but ,euripides on the contrary1 ,how sweet it is1 when we are lulled in ease1 ,to think of toils6--when well1 of a disease6 7,euripides1 ,andromeda1 ,frag4 #aca47 ,true indeed1 but not to those that are still tossed1 still under a misfortune4 ,therefore be sure never ask a man about his own calamities2 it is irksome to relate his losses of children or estate1 or any unprosperous adventure by sea or land2 but ask a man how he carried the cause1 how he was caressed by the king1 how he escaped such a storm1 such an assault1 thieves1 and the like2 this pleaseth him1 he seems to enjoy it over again in his relation1 and is never weary of the topic4 ,besides1 men love to be asked about their happy friends1 or children that have made good progress in philosophy or the law1 or are great at court2 as also about the disgrace and open conviction of their enemies2 or of such matters they are most eager to discourse1 yet are cautious of beginning it themselves1 lest they should seem to insult over and rejoice at the misery of others4 ,you please a hunter if you ask him about dogs1 a wrestler about exercise1 and an amorous man about beauties2 the ceremonious and superstitious man discourses about dreams1 and what success he hath had by following the directions of omens or sacrifices1 and by the kindness of the gods2 and some questions concerning those things will extremely please him4 ,he that inquires anything of an old man1 though the story doth not at all concern him1 wins his heart1 and urges one that is very willing to discourse3-- ,nelides ,nestor1 faithfully relate ,how great ,atrides died1 what sort of fate2 ,and where was ,menelaus largely tell8 ,did ,argos hold him when the hero fell8 7,odyssey1 iii4 #bdg47 ,here is a multitude of questions and variety of subjects2 which is much better than to confine and cramp his answers1 and so deprive the old man of the most pleasant enjoyment he can have4 ,in short1 they that had rather please than distaste will still propose such questions1 the answers to which shall rather get the praise and good-will than the contempt and hatred of the hearers4 ,and so much of questions4 ,as for raillery1 those that cannot use it cautiously with art1 and time it well1 should never venture at it4 ,for as in a slippery place1 if you but just touch a man as you pass by1 you throw him down2 so when we are in drink1 we are in danger of tripping at every little word that is not spoken with due address4 ,and we are more apt to be offended with a joke than a plain and scurrilous abuse2 for we see the latter often slip from a man unwittingly in passion1 but consider the former as a thing voluntary1 proceeding from malice and ill-nature2 and therefore we are generally more offended at a sharp jeerer than a whistling snarler4 ,such a jest has indeed something designedly malicious about it1 and often seems to be an insult skilfully devised and prepared4 ,for instance1 he that calls thee salt-fish monger plainly and openly abuseth2 but he that says1 ,i remember when you wiped your nose upon your sleeve1 maliciously jeers4 ,such was ,cicero's to ,octavius1 who was thought to be descended from an ,african slave2 for when ,cicero spoke something1 and ,octavius said he did not hear him1 ,cicero rejoined1 ,remarkable1 for you have a hole through your ear4 ,and ,melanthius1 when he was ridiculed by a comedian1 said1 ,you pay me now something that you do not owe me4 ,and upon this account jeers vex more2 for like bearded arrows they stick a long while1 and gall the wounded sufferer4 ,their smartness is pleasant1 and delights the company2 and those that are pleased with the saving seem to believe the detracting speaker4 ,for according to ,theophrastus1 a jeer is a figurative reproach for some fault or misdemeanor2 and therefore he that hears it supplies the concealed part1 as if he knew and gave credit to the thing4 ,for he that laughs and is tickled at what ,theocritus said to one whom he suspected of a design upon his clothes1 and who asked him if he went to supper at such a place1--,yes1 he replied1 ,i go1 but shall likewise lodge there all night1--doth1 as it were1 confirm the accusation1 and believe the fellow was a thief4 ,and therefore an impertinent jeerer makes the whole company seem ill-natured and abusive1 as being pleased with and consenting to the scurrility of the jeer4 ,it was one of the excellent laws in ,sparta1 that none should be bitter in their jests1 and the jeered should patiently endure2 but if he took offence1 the other was to forbear1 and pursue the frolic no farther4 ,how is it possible therefore to determine such raillery as shall delight and please the person that is jested on1 when to be smart without offence is no mean piece of cunning and address8 ,first then1 such as will vex and gall the conscious must please those that are clean1 innocent1 and not suspected of the matter4 ,such a joke is ,xenophon's1 when he pleasantly brings in a very ugly ill-looking fellow1 and is smart upon him for being ,sambaulas's minion4 ,such was that of ,aufidius ,modestus1 who1 when our friend ,quinitus in an ague complained his hands were cold1 replied1 ,sir1 you brought them warm from your province2 for this made ,quintius laugh1 and extremely pleased him2 yet it had been a reproach and abuse to a covetous and oppressing governor4 ,thus ,socrates1 pretending to compare faces with the beauteous ,critobulus1 rallied only1 and not abused4 ,and ,alcibiades again was smart on ,socrates1 as his rival in ,agatho's affection4 ,kings are pleased when jests are put upon them as if they were private and poor men4 ,such was the flatterer's to ,philip1 who chided him3 ,sir1 don't ,i keep you8 ,for those that mention faults of which the persons are not really guilty intimate those virtues with which they are really adorned4 ,but then it is requisite that those virtues should be evident and certainly belong to them2 otherwise the discourse will breed disturbance and suspicion4 ,he that tells a very rich man that he will procure him a sum of money1--a temperate sober man1 and one that drinks water only1 that he is foxed1 or hath taken a cup too much1--a hospitable1 generous1 good-humored man1 that he is a niggard and pinch-penny1--or threatens an excellent lawyer to meet him at the bar1--must make the persons smile and please the company4 ,thus ,cyrus was very obliging and complaisant1 when he challenged his playfellows at those sports in which he was sure to be overcome4 ,and ,ismenias piping at a sacrifice1 when no good omens appeared1 the man that hired him snatched the pipe1 and played very ridiculously himself2 and when all found fault1 he said3 ,to play satisfactorily is the gift of ,heaven4 ,and ,ismenias with a smile replied3 ,whilst ,i played1 the gods were so well pleased that they were careless of the sacrifice2 but to be rid of thy noise they presently received it4 ,but more1 those that jocosely put scandalous names upon things commendable1 if it be opportunely done1 please more than he that plainly and openly commends2 for those that cover a reproach under fair and respectful words 7as he that calls an unjust man ,aristides1 a coward ,achilles7 gall more than those that openly abuse4 ,such is that of ,oedipus1 in ,sophocles1-- ,the faithful ,creon1 my most constant friend4 7,sophocles1 ,oedipus ,tyrannus1 #che47 ,the familiar irony in commendations answers to this on the other side4 ,such ,socrates used1 when he called the kind endeavor and industry of ,antisthenes to make men friends pimping1 bawds-craft1 and allurement2 and others that called ,crates the philosopher1 who wherever he went was caressed and honored1 the door-opener4 ,again1 a complaint that implies thankfulness for a received favor is pleasant raillery4 ,thus ,diogenes of his master ,antisthenes3-- ,that man that made me leave my precious ore1 ,clothed me with rags1 and forced me to be poor2 ,that man that made me wander1 beg my bread1 ,and scorn to have a house to hide my head4 ,for it had not been half so pleasant to have said1 that man that made me wise1 content1 and happy4 ,and a ,spartan1 making as if he would find fault with the master of the exercises for giving him wood that would not smoke1 said1 ,he will not permit us even to shed a tear4 ,and he calls a hospitable man1 and one that treats often1 a kidnapper1 and a tyrant who for a long time would not permit him to see his own table2 and he whom the king hath raised and enriched1 that says he had a design upon him and robbed him of his sleep and quiet4 ,so if he that hath an excellent vintage should complain of ,aeschlus's ,cabeiri for making him want vinegar1 as they haul jocosely threatened4 ,for such as these have a pungent pleasantness1 so that the praised are not offended nor take it ill4 ,besides1 he that would be civilly facetious must know the difference between a vice and a commendable study or recreation2 for instance1 between the love of money or contention and of music or hunting2 for men are grieved if twitted with the former1 but take it very well if they are laughed at for the latter4 ,thus ,demosthenes the ,mitylenean was pleasant enough when1 knocking at a man's door that was much given to singing and playing on the harp1 and being bid come in1 he said1 ,i will1 if you will tie up your harp4 ,but the flatterer of ,lysimachus was offensive2 for being frighted at a wooden scorpion that the king threw into his lap1 and leaping out of his seat1 he said after he knew the humor1 ,and ,i'll fright your majesty too2 give me a talent4 ,in several things about the body too the like caution is to be observed4 ,thus he that is jested on for a flat or hooked nose usually laughs at the jest4 ,thus ,cassander's friend was not at all displeased when ,theophrastus said to him1 ',tis strange1 sir1 that your eyes don't play1 since your nose is so near and so well fitted for a pipe to give them the tune2 and ,cyrus commanded a long hawk-nosed fellow to marry a flat-nosed girl1 for then they would very well agree4 ,but a jest on any for his stinking breath or filthy nose is irksome2 for baldness it may be borne1 but for blindness or infirmity in the eyes it is intolerable4 ,it is true1 ,antigonus would joke upon himself1 and once1 receiving a petition written in great letters1 he said1 ,this a man may read if he were stark blind4 ,but he killed ,theocritus the ,chian for saying1--wh ,byzantine to ,pasiades saying1 ,sir1 your eyes are weak1 replied1 ,you upbraid me with this infirmity1 not considering that thy son carries the vengeance of ,heaven on his back3 now ,pasiades's son was hunch-backed4 ,and ,archippus the popular ,athenian was much displeased with ,melanthius for being smart on his crooked back2 for ,melanthius had said that he did not stand at the head of the state but bowed down before it4 ,it is true1 some are not much concerned at such jeers4 ,thus ,antigonus's friend1 when he had begged a talent and was denied1 desired a guard1 lest somebody should rob him of that talent he was now to carry home4 ,different tempers make men differently affected1 and that which troubles one is not regarded by another4 ,epaminondas feasting with his fellow-magistrates drank vinegar2 and some asking if it was good for his health1 he replied1 ,i cannot tell that1 but ,i know it makes me remember what ,i drink at home4 ,therefore it becomes every man that would rally1 to look into the humors of his company1 and take heed to converse without offence4 ,love1 as in most things else1 so in this matter causes different effects2 for some lovers are pleased and some displeased at a merry jest4 ,therefore in this case a fit time must be accurately observed2 for as a blast of wind puffs out a fire whilst it is weak and little1 but when thoroughly kindled strengthens and increaseth it2 so love1 before it is evident and confessed1 is displeased at a discoverer1 but when it breaks forth and blazes in everybody's eyes1 then it is delighted and gathers strength by the frequent blasts of joke and raillery4 ,when their beloved is present it will gratify them most to pass a jest upon their passion1 but to fall on any other subject will be counted an abuse4 ,if they are remarkably loving to their own wives1 or entertain a generous affection for a hopeful youth1 then are they proud1 then tickled when jeered for such a love4 ,and therefore ,arcesilaus1 when an amorous man in his school laid down this proposition1 in my opinion one thing cannot touch another1 replied1 ,sir you touch this person1 pointing to a lovely boy that sat near him4 ,besides1 the company must be considered2 for what a man will only laugh at when mentioned amongst his friends and familiar acquaintance1 he will not endure to be told of before his wife1 father1 or his tutor1 unless perhaps it be something that will please those too2 as for instance1 if before a philosopher one should jeer a man for going barefoot or studying all night2 or before his father1 for carefulness and thrift2 or in the presence of his wife1 for being cold to his companions and doting upon her4 ,thus ,tigranes1 when ,cyrus asked him1 ,what will your wife say when she hears that you are put to servile offices8 replied1 ,sir1 she will not hear it1 but be present herself and see it4 ,again1 those jokes are accounted less affronting which reflect somewhat also on the man that makes them2 as when one poor man1 base-born fellow1 or lover jokes upon another4 ,for whatever comes from one in the same circumstances looks more like a piece of mirth than a designed affront2 but otherwise it must needs be irksome and distasteful4 ,upon this account1 when a slave whom the king had lately freed and enriched behaved himself very impertinently in the company of some philosophers1 asking them1 how it came to pass that the broth of beans whether white or black1 was always green1 ,aridices putting another question1 why1 let the whips be white or not1 the wales and marks they made were still red1 displeased him extremely1 and made him rise from the table in a great rage and discontent4 ,but ,amphias the ,tarsian1 who was supposed to be sprung from a gardener1 joking upon the governor's friend for his obscure and mean birth1 and presently subjoining1 ,but 'tis true1 ,i sprung from the same seed1 caused much mirth and laughter4 ,and the harper very facetiously put a cheek to ,philip's ignorance and impertinence2 for when ,philip pretended to correct him1 he cried out1 ,god forbid1 sir1 that ever you should be brought so low as to understand these things better than ,i4 ,for by this seeming joke he instructed him without giving any offence4 ,and therefore some of the comedians seem to lay aside their bitterness in every jest that may reflect upon themselves2 as ,aristophanes1 when he is merry upon a baldpate2 and ,cratinus in his play ,pytine upon drunkenness and excess4 ,besides1 you must be very careful that the jest should seem to be extempore1 taken from some present question or merry humor2 not far-fetched1 as if premeditate and designed4 ,for as men are not much concerned at the anger and disputes among themselves at table while they are drinking1 but if any stranger should come in and offer abuse1 they would hate and look upon him as an enemy2 so they will easily pardon and indulge a jest if undesignedly taken from any present circumstance2 but if it is nothing to the matter in hand but fetched from another thing1 it must look like a design and be resented as an affront4 ,such was that of ,timagenes to the husband of a woman that often vomited1--,thou beginnest thy troubles by bringing home this vomiting woman1 saying ,greek omitted 7this vomiting woman71 when the poet had written ,greek omitted 7this ,muse72 and also his question to ,athenodorus the philosopher1--,is affection to our children natural8 ,for when the raillery is not founded on some present circumstance1 it is an argument of ill-nature and a mischievous temper2 and such as these do often for a mere word1 the lightest thing in the world 7as ,plato says71 suffer the heaviest punishment4 ,but those that know how to time and apply a jest confirm ,plato's opinion1 that to rally pleasantly and facetiously is the business of a scholar and a wit4 ,,question ,,ii4 ,,why ,,in ,,autumn ,,men ,,have ,,better ,,stomachs ,,than ,,in ,,other ,,seasons ,,of ,,the ,,year4 ,,glauclas1 ,,xenocles1 ,,lamprias1 ,,plutarch1 ,,and ,,others4 ,in ,eleusis1 after the solemn celebration of the sacred mysteries1 ,glaucias the orator entertained us at a feast2 where after the rest had done1 ,xenocles of ,delphi1 as his humor is1 began to be smart upon my brother ,lamprias for his good ,boeotian stomach4 ,i in his defence opposing ,xenocles1 who was an ,epicurean1 said1 ,pray1 sir1 do not all place the very substance of pleasure in privation of pain and suffering8 ,but ,lamprias1 who prefers the ,lyceum before the ,garden1 ought by his practice to confirm ,aristotle's doctrine2 for he affirms that every man hath a better stomach in the autumn than in other seasons of the year1 and gives the reason1 which ,i cannot remember at present4 ,so much the better 7says ,glaucias71 for when supper is done1 we will endeavor to discover it ourselves4 ,that being over1 ,glaucias and ,xenocles drew the autumnal fruit4 ,one said that it scoured the body1 and by this evacuation continually raised new appetites4 ,xenocles affirmed1 that ripe fruit had usually a pleasing1 vellicating sapor1 and thereby provoked the appetite better than sauces or sweetmeats2 for sick men of a vitiated stomach usually recover it by eating fruit4 ,but ,lamprias said1 that our natural heat1 the principal instrument of nutrition1 in the midst of summer is scattered and becomes rare and weak1 but when autumn comes it unites again and gathers strength1 being shut in by the ambient cold and contraction of the pores1 and ,i for my part said3 ,in summer we are more thirsty and use more moisture than in other seasons2 and therefore ,nature1 observing the same method in all her operations1 at this change of seasons employs the contrary and makes us hungry2 and to maintain an equal temper in the body1 she gives us dry food to countervail the moisture taken in the summer4 ,yet none can deny but that the food itself is a partial cause2 for not only new fruit1 bread1 or corn1 but flesh of the same year1 is better tasted than that of the former1 more forcibly provokes the guests1 and enticeth them to eat on4 ,,question ,,iii4 ,,which ,,was ,,first ,,the ,,bird ,,or ,,the ,,egg8 ,,plutarch1 ,,alexander1 ,,sylla1 ,,firmus1 ,,sossius ,,senecio1 ,,and ,,others4 ,when upon a dream ,i had forborne eggs a long time1 on purpose that in an egg 7as in a heart7 ,i might make experiment of a notable vision that often troubled me2 some at ,sossius ,senecio's table suspected that ,i was tainted with ,orpheus's or ,pythagoras's opinions1 and refused to eat an egg 7as some do the heart and brain7 imagining it to be the principle of generation4 ,and ,alexander the ,epicurean ridiculingly repeated1 ,to feed on beans and parents' heads ,is equal sin2 ,as if the ,pythagoreans meant eggs by the word ,greek omitted 7,,beans71 deriving it from ,greek omitted7,,to ,,conceive71 and thought it as unlawful to feed on eggs as on the animals that lay them4 ,now to pretend a dream for the cause of my abstaining1 to an ,epicurean1 had been a defence more irrational than the cause itself2 and therefore ,i suffered jocose ,alexander to enjoy his opinion1 for he was a pleasant man and an excellent scholar4 ,soon after he proposed that perplexed question1 that plague of the inquisitive1 ,which was first1 the bird or the egg8 ,and my friend ,sylla1 saying that with this little question1 as with an engine1 we shook the great and weighty problem 7whether the world had a beginning71 declared his dislike of such questions4 ,but ,alexander deriding the question as slight and impertinent1 my relation ,firmus said34 ,well1 sir1 at present your atoms will do me some service2 for if we suppose that small things must be the principles of greater1 it is likely that the egg was before the bird2 for an egg amongst sensible things is very simple1 and the bird is more mixed1 and contains a greater variety of parts4 ,it is universally true that a principle is before that whose principle it is2 now the seed is a principle1 and the egg is somewhat more than the seed and less than the bird for as a disposition or a progress in goodness is something between a tractable mind and a habit of virtue1 so an egg is as it were a progress of ,nature tending from the seed to a perfect animal4 ,and as in an animal they say the veins and arteries are formed first1 upon the same account the egg should be before the bird1 as the thing containing before the thing contained4 ,thus art first makes rude and ill-shapen figures and afterwards perfects everything with its proper form2 and it was for this that the statuary ,polycletus said1 ,then our work is most difficult1 when the clay comes to be fashioned by the fingers4 ,so it is probable that matter1 not readily obeying the slow motions of contriving ,nature1 at first frames rude and indefinite masses1 as the egg1 and of these moulded anew1 and joined in better order1 the animal afterward is formed4 ,as the canker is first1 and then growing dry and cleaving lets forth a winged animal1 called psyche2 so the egg is first as it were the subject-matter of the generation4 ,for it is certain that1 in every change1 that out of which the thing changes must be before the thing changing4 ,observe how worms and caterpillars are bred in trees from the moisture corrupted or concocted2 now none can say but that the engendering moisture is naturally before all these4 ,for 7as ,plato says7 matter is as a mother or nurse in respect of the bodies that are formed1 and we call that matter out of which anything that is made4 ,and with a smile continued he1 ,i speak to those that are acquainted with the mystical and sacred discourse of ,orpheus1 who not only affirms the egg to be before the bird1 but makes it the first being in the whole world4 ,the other parts1 because deep mysteries1 we shall now pass by2 but let us look upon the various kinds of animals1 and we shall find almost every one beginning from an egg1--fowls and fishes2 land animals1 as lizards2 amphibious1 as crocodiles2 some with two legs1 as a cock2 some without any1 as a snake2 and some with many1 as a locust4 ,and therefore in the solemn feast of ,bacchus it is very well done to dedicate an egg1 as the emblem of that which begets and contains everything in itself4 ,to this discourse of ,firmus1 ,senecio replied3 ,sir1 your last similitude contradicts your first1 and you have unwittingly opened the world 7instead of the door1 as the proverb goes7 against yourself4 ,for the world was before all1 being the most perfect2 and it is rational that the perfect in ,nature should be before the imperfect1 as the sound before the maimed1 and the whole before the part4 ,for it is absurd that there should be a part when there is nothing whose part it is2 and therefore nobody says the seed's man or egg's hen1 but the man's seed and hen's egg2 because those being after these and formed in them1 pay as it were a debt to ,nature1 by bringing forth another4 ,for they are not in themselves perfect1 and therefore have a natural appetite to produce such a thing as that out of which they were first formed2 and therefore seed is defined as a thing produced that is to be perfected by another production4 ,now nothing can be perfected by or want that which as yet is not4 ,everybody sees that eggs have the nature of a concretion or consistence in some animal or other1 but want those organs1 veins1 and muscles which animals enjoy4 ,and therefore no story delivers that ever any egg was formed immediately from earth2 and the poets themselves tell us1 that the egg out of which came the ,tyndaridae fell down from heaven4 ,but even till this time the earth produceth some perfect and organized animals1 as mice in ,egypt1 and snakes1 frogs1 and grasshoppers almost everywhere1 some external and invigorating principle assisting in the production4 ,and in ,sicily1 where in the servile war much blood was shed1 and many carcasses rotted on the ground1 whole swarms of locusts were produced1 and spoiled the corn over the whole isle4 ,such spring from and are nourished by the earth2 and seed being formed in them1 pleasure and titillation provoke them to mix1 upon which some lay eggs1 and some bring forth their young alive2 and this evidently proves that animals first sprang from earth1 and afterwards by copulation1 after different ways1 propagated their several kinds4 ,in short1 it is the same thing as if you said the womb was before the woman2 for as the womb is to the egg1 the egg is to the chick that is formed in it2 so that he that inquires how birds should be when there were no eggs1 might ask as well how men and women could be before any organs of generation were formed4 ,parts generally have their subsistence together with the whole2 particular powers follow particular members1 and operations those ,powers1 and effects those operations4 ,now the effect of the generative power is the seed and egg2 so that these must be after the formation of the whole4 ,therefore consider1 as there can be no digestion of food before the animal is formed1 so there can be no seed nor egg2 for those1 it is likely1 are made by some digestion and alterations2 nor can it be that1 before the animal is1 the superfluous parts of the food of the animal should have a being4 ,besides1 though seed may perhaps pretend to be a principle1 the egg cannot2 for it doth not subsist first1 nor hath it the nature of a whole1 for it is imperfect4 ,therefore we do not affirm that the animal is produced without a principle of its being2 but we call the principle that power which changes1 mixes1 and tempers the matter1 so that a living creature is regularly produced2 but the egg is an after-production1 as the blood or milk of an animal after the taking in and digestion of the food4 ,for we never see an egg formed immediately of mud1 for it is produced in the bodies of animals alone2 but a thousand living creatures rise from the mud4 ,what need of many instances8 ,none ever found the spawn or egg of an eel2 yet if you empty a pit and take out all the mud1 as soon as other water settles in it1 eels likewise are presently produced4 ,now that must exist first which hath no need of any other thing that it may exist1 and that after1 which cannot be without the concurrence of another thing4 ,and of this priority is our present discourse4 ,besides1 birds build nests before they lay their eggs2 and women provide cradles1 swaddling cloths and the like2 yet who says that the nest is before the egg1 or the swaddling cloths before the infant4 ,for the earth 7as ,plato says doth not imitate a woman1 but a woman1 and so likewise all other females1 the earth47 ,moreover1 it is probable that the first production out of the earth1 which was then vigorous and perfect1 was self-sufficient and entire1 nor stood in need of those secundines1 membranes1 and vessels1 which now ,nature forms to help the weakness and supply the defects of breeders4 ,,question ,,iv4 ,,whether ,,or ,,no ,,wrestling ,,is ,,the ,,oldest ,,exercise4 ,,sosicles1 ,,lysimachus1 ,,plutarch1 ,,philinus4 ,sosicles of ,coronea having at the ,pythian games won the prize from all the poets1 gave us an entertainment4 ,and the time for running1 cuffing1 wrestling1 and the like drawing on1 there was a great talk of the wrestlers2 for there were many and very famous men1 who came to try their skill4 ,lysimachus1 one of the company1 a procurator of the ,amphictyons1 said he heard a grammarian lately affirm that wrestling was the most ancient exercise of all1 as even the very name witnessed2 for some modern things have the names of more ancient transferred to them2 thus to tune a pipe is called fitting it1 and playing on it is called striking2 both these names being transferred to it from the harp4 ,thus all places of exercise they call wrestling schools1 wrestling being the oldest exercise1 and therefore giving its name to the newer sorts4 ,that1 said ,i1 is no good argument1 for these palaestras or wrestling schools are called so from wrestling ,greek omitted not because it is the most ancient exercise1 but because it is the only sort in which they use clay ,greek omitted dust1 and oil2 for in these there is neither racing nor cuffing1 but wrestling only1 and that feature of the pancratium in which they struggle on the ground1--for the pancratium comprises both wrestling and cuffing4 ,besides1 it is unlikely that wrestling1 being more artificial and methodical than any other sort of exercise1 should likewise be the most ancient2 for mere want or necessity putting us upon new inventions1 produces simple and inartificial things first1 and such as have more of force in them than sleight and skill4 ,this ended1 ,sosicles said3 ,you speak right1 and ,i will confirm your discourse from the very name2 for1 in my opinion1 ,greek omitted wrestling1 is derived from ,greek omitted i4e4 to throw down by sleight and artifice4 ,and ,philinus said1 it seems to me to be derived from ,greek omitted the palm of the hand1 for wrestlers use that part most1 as cuffers do the ,greek omitted fist2 and hence both these sorts of exercises have their proper names1 the one ,greek omitted the other ,greek omitted4 ,besides1 since the poets use the word ,greek omitted for ,greek omitted and ,greek omitted1 to sprinkle1 and this action is most frequent amongst wrestlers1 this exercise ,greek omitted may receive its name from that word4 ,but more1 consider that racers strive to be distant from one another2 cuffers1 by the judges of the field1 are not permitted to take hold2 and none but wrestlers come up breast to breast1 and clasp one another round the waist1 and most of their turnings1 liftings1 lockings bring them very close4 ,it is probable that this exercise is called ,greek omitted from ,greek omitted or ,greek omitted to come up close or to be near together4 ,,question ,v4 ,,why1 ,,in ,,reckoning ,,up ,,different ,,kinds ,,of ,,exercises1 ,,homer ,,puts ,,cuffing ,,first1 ,,wrestling ,,next1 ,,and ,,racing ,,last4 ,,lysimachus1 ,,crates1 ,,timon1 ,,plutarch4 ,this discourse being ended1 and ,philinus hummed1 ,lysimachus began again1 ,what sort of exercise then shall we imagine to be first8 ,racing1 as at the ,olympian games8 ,for here in the ,pythian1 as every exercise comes on1 all the contenders are brought in1 the boy wrestlers first1 then the men1 and the same method is observed when the cuffers and fencers are to exercise2 but there the boys perform all first1 and then the men4 ,but1 says ,timon interposing1 pray consider whether ,homer hath not determined this matter2 for in his poems cuffing is always put in the first place1 wrestling next1 and racing last4 ,at this ,menecrates the ,thessalian surprised cried out1 ,good ,god1 what things we skip over6 ,but1 pray sir1 if you remember any of his verses to that purpose1 do us the favor to repeat them4 ,and ,timon replied3 ,that the funeral solemnities of ,patroclus had this order ,i think every one hath heard2 but the poet1 all along observing the same order1 brings in ,achilles speaking to ,nestor thus3 ,with this reward ,i ,nestor freely grace1 ,unfit for cuffing1 wrestling1 or the race4 ,and in his answer he makes the old man impertinently brag3-- ,i cuffing conquered ,oinop's famous son1 ,with ,anceus wrestled1 and the garland won1 ,and outran ,iphiclus4 7,iliad1 xxiii4 #fbj and #fcd47 ,and again he brings in ,ulysses challenging the ,phaeacians ,to cuff1 to wrestle1 or to run the race2 and ,alcinous answers3 ,neither in cuffing nor in wrestling strong ,but swift of foot are we4 7,odyssey viii4 #bjf and #bdf47 ,so that he doth not carelessly confound the order1 and1 according to the present occasion1 now place one sort first and now another2 but he follows the then custom and practice and is constant in the same4 ,and this was so as long as the ancient order was observed4 ,to this discourse of my brother's ,i subjoined1 that ,i liked what he said1 but could not see the reason of this order4 ,and some of the company1 thinking it unlikely that cuffing or wrestling should be a more ancient exercise than racing1 they desired me to search farther into the matter2 and thus ,i spake upon the sudden4 ,all these exercises seem to me to be representations of feats of arms and training therein2 for after all1 a man armed at all points is brought in to show that that is the end at which all these exercises and trainings end4 ,and the privilege granted to the conquerors1 viz41 as they rode into the city1 to throw down some part of the wall--hath this meaning2 that walls are but a small advantage to that city which hath men able to fight and overcome4 ,in ,sparta those that were victors in any of the crowned games had an honorable place in the army and were to fight near the king's person4 ,of all other creatures a horse only can have a part in these games and win the crown1 for that alone is designed by nature to be trained to war1 and to prove assisting in a battle4 ,if these things seem probable1 let us consider farther1 that it is the first work of a fighter to strike his enemy and ward the other's blows2 the second1 when they come up close and lay hold of one another1 to trip and overturn him2 and in this1 they say1 our countrymen being better wrestlers very much distressed the ,spartans at the battle of ,leuctra4 ,and ,aeschylus describes a warrior thus1-- ,one stout1 and skilled to wrestle in his arms2 and ,sophocles somewhere says of the ,trojans1-- ,they rid the horse1 they could the bow command ,and wrestle with a rattling shield in hand4 ,but it is the third and last1 either when conquered to fly1 when conquerors to pursue4 ,and therefore it is likely that cuffing is set first1 wrestling next1 and racing last2 for the first bears the resemblance of charging or warding the blows2 the second1 of close fighting and repelling2 the third1 of flying a victorious1 or pursuing a routed enemy4 ,,question ,,vi4 ,,why ,,fir-,,trees1 ,,pine-,,trees1 ,,and ,,the ,,like ,,will ,,not ,,be ,,grafted ,,upon4 ,,soclarus1 ,,crato1 ,,philo4 ,soclarus entertaining us in his gardens1 round which the river ,cephissus runs1 showed us several trees strangely varied by the different grafts upon their stocks4 ,we saw an olive upon a juniper1 a peach upon a myrtle1 pear grafts on an oak1 apple upon a plane1 a mulberry on a fig and a great many such like1 which were grown strong enough to bear4 ,some joked on ,soclarus as nourishing stranger kinds of things than the poets' ,sphinxes or ,chimaeras1 but ,crato set us to inquire why those stocks only that are of an oily nature will not admit such mixtures for we never see a pine1 fir1 or cypress bear a graft of another kind4 ,and ,philo subjoined3 ,there is1 ,crato1 a reason for this amongst the philosophers1 which the gardeners confirm and strengthen4 ,for they say1 oil is very hurtful to all plants1 and any plant dipped in it like a bee1 will soon die4 ,now these trees are of a fat and oily nature1 insomuch that they weep pitch and rosin2 and1 if you cut then gore 7as it were7 appears presently in the wound4 ,besides1 a torch made of them sends forth an oily smoke1 and the brightness of the flame shows it to be fat2 and upon this account these trees are as great enemies to all other kinds of grafts as oil itself4 ,to this ,crato added1 that the bark was a partial cause2 for that1 being rare and dry1 could not afford either convenient room or sufficient nourishment to the grafts2 but when the bark is moist1 it quickly joins with those grafts that are let into the body of the tree4 ,then ,soclarus added3 ,this too ought to be considered1 that that which receives a graft of another kind ought to be easy to be changed1 that the graft may prevail1 and make the sap in the stock fit and natural to itself4 ,thus we break up the ground and soften it1 that being thus broken it may more easily be wrought upon1 and applied to what we plant in it2 for things that are hard and rigid cannot be so quickly wrought upon nor so easily changed4 ,now those trees1 being of very light wood1 do not mix well with the grafts1 because they are very hard either to be changed or overcome4 ,but more1 it is manifest that the stock which receives the graft should be instead of a soil to it1 and a soil should have a breeding faculty2 and therefore we choose the most fruitful stocks to graft on1 as women that are full of milk1 when we would put out a child to nurse4 ,but everybody knows that the fir1 cypress1 and the like are no great bearers4 ,for as men very fat have few children 7for1 the whole nourishment being employed in the body1 there remains no overplus to make seed71 so these trees1 spending all their sap in their own stock1 flourish indeed and grow great2 but as for fruit1 some bear none at all1 some very little1 and that too slowly ripens2 therefore it is no wonder that they will not nourish another's fruit1 when they are so very sparing to their own4 ,,question ,,vii4 ,,about ,,the ,,fish ,,called ,,remora ,,or ,,echeneis4 ,,chaeremonianus1 ,,plutarch1 ,,and ,,others4 ,chaeremonianus the ,trallian1 when we were at a very noble fish dinner1 pointing to a little1 long1 sharp-headed fish1 said the echeneis 7ship-stopper7 was like that1 for he had often seen it as he sailed in the ,sicilian sea1 and wondered at its strange force2 for it stopped the ship when under full sail1 till one of the seamen perceived it sticking to the outside of the ship1 and took it off4 ,some laughed at ,chaeremonianus for believing such an incredible and unlikely story4 ,others on this occasion talked very much of antipathies1 and produced a thousand instances of such strange effects2 for example1 the sight of a ram quiets an enraged elephant2 a viper lies stock-still1 if touched with a beechen leaf2 a wild bull grows tame1 if bound with the twigs of a fig-tree2 and amber draws all light things to it1 except basil and such as are dipped in oil2 and a loadstone will not draw a piece of iron that is rubbed with onion4 ,now all these1 as to matter of fact1 are very evident2 but it is hard1 if not altogether impossible1 to find the cause4 ,then said ,i3 ,this is a mere shift and avoiding of the question1 rather than a declaration of the cause2 but if we please to consider1 we shall find a great many accidents that are only consequents of the effect to be unjustly esteemed the causes of it2 as for instance1 if we should fancy that by the blossoming of the chaste-tree the fruit of the vine is ripened2 because this is a common saying1-- ,the chaste-tree blossoms1 and the grapes grow ripe2 ,or that the little protuberances in the candle-snuff thicken the air and make it cloudy2 or the hookedness of the nails is the cause and not an accident consequential to an ulcer4 ,therefore as those things mentioned are but consequents to the effect1 though proceeding from one and the same cause1 so one and the same cause stops the ship1 and joins the echeneis to it2 for the ship continuing dry1 not yet made heavy by the moisture soaking into the wood1 it is probable that it lightly glides1 and as long as it is clean1 easily cuts the waves2 but when it is thoroughly soaked1 when weeds1 ooze1 and filth stick upon its sides1 the stroke of the ship is more obtuse and weak2 and the water1 coming upon this clammy matter1 doth not so easily part from it2 and this is the reason why they usually calk their ships4 ,now it is likely that the echeneis in this case1 sticking upon the clammy matter1 is not thought an accidental consequent to this cause1 but the very cause itself4 ,,question ,,viii4 ,,why ,,they ,,say ,,those ,,horses ,,called ,,greek ,,omitted ,,are ,,very ,,mettlesome4 ,,plutarch1 ,,his ,,father1 ,,and ,,others4 ,some say the horses called ,greek omitted received that name from the fashion of their bridles 7called ,greek omitted71 that had prickles like the teeth on the wolf's jaw2 for being fiery and hard-mouthed1 the riders used such to tame them4 ,but my father1 who seldom speaks but on good reason1 and breeds excellent horses1 said1 those that were set upon by wolves when colts1 if they escaped1 grew swift and mettlesome1 and were called ,greek omitted ,many agreeing to what he said1 it began to be inquired why such an accident as that should make them more mettlesome and fierce2 and many of the company thought that1 from such an assault1 fear and not courage was produced2 and that thence growing fearful and apt to start at everything1 their motions became more quick and vigorous1 as they are in wild beasts when entangled in a net4 ,but1 said ,i1 it ought to be considered whether the contrary be not more probable2 for the colts do not become more swift by escaping the assault of a wild beast1 but they had never escaped unless they had been swift and mettlesome before4 ,as ,ulysses was not made wise by escaping from the ,cyclops1 but by being wise before he escaped4 ,,question ,,ix4 ,,why ,,the ,,flesh ,,of ,,sheep ,,bitten ,,by ,,wolves ,,is ,,sweeter ,,than ,,that ,,of ,,others1 ,,and ,,the ,,wool ,,more ,,apt ,,to ,,breed ,,lice4 ,,patroclias1 ,,the ,,same4 ,after the former discourse1 mention was made of those sheep that wolves have bitten2 for it is commonly said of them1 that their flesh is very sweet1 and their wool breeds lice4 ,my relative ,patroclias seemed to be pretty happy in his reasoning upon the first part1 saying1 that the beast by biting it did mollify the flesh2 for wolves' spirits are so hot and fiery1 that they soften and digest the hardest bones and for the same reason things bitten by wolves rot sooner than others4 ,but concerning the wool we could not agree1 being not fully resolved whether it breeds those lice1 or only opens a passage for them1 separating the flesh by its fretting roughness or proper warmth2 and appeared that this power proceeded from the bite of wolf1 which alters even the very hair of the creature that it kills4 ,and this some particular instances seem to confirm2 for we know some huntsmen and cooks will kill a beast with one stroke1 so that it never breathes after1 whilst others repeat their blows1 and scarce do it with a great deal of trouble4 ,but 7what is more strange7 some1 as they kill it1 infuse such a quality that the flesh rots presently and cannot be kept sweet above a day2 yet others that despatch it as soon find no such alteration1 but the flesh will keep sweet a long while4 ,and that by the manner of killing a great alteration is made even in the skins1 nails1 and hair of a beast1 ,homer seems to witness1 when1 speaking of a good hide1 he says1-- ,an ox's hide that fell by violent blows2 7,iliad1 iii4 #cge47 for not those that fell by a disease or old age1 but by a violent death1 leave us tough and strong hides2 but after they are bitten by wild beasts1 their hoofs grow black1 their hair falls1 their skins putrefy and are good for nothing4 ,,question ,x4 ,,whether ,,the ,,ancients1 ,,by ,,providing ,,every ,,one ,,his ,,mess1 ,,did ,,best ,,or ,,we1 ,,who ,,set ,,many ,,to ,,the ,,same ,,dish4 ,,plutarch1 ,,hagias4 ,when ,i was chief magistrate1 most of the suppers consisted of distinct messes1 where every particular guest had his portion of the sacrifice allowed him4 ,some were wonderfully well pleased with this order2 others blamed it as unsociable and ungenteel1 and were of the opinion that1 as soon as ,i was out of my office1 the manner of entertainments ought to be reformed2 for1 says ,hagias1 we invite one another not barely to eat and drink1 but to eat and drink together4 ,now this division into messes takes away all society1 makes many suppers1 and many eaters1 but no one sups with another2 but every man takes his pound of beef1 as from the meat shop1 sets it before himself1 and falls on4 ,and is it not the same thing to provide a different cup and different table for every guest 7as the ,demophontidae treated ,orestes71 as now to set each man his loaf of bread and mess of meat1 and feed him1 as it were1 out of his own proper manger8 ,only1 it is true1 we are not 7as those that treated ,orestes were7 obliged to be silent and not discourse4 ,besides1 that all the guests should have a share in everything1 we may draw an argument from hence2--the same discourse is common to us all1 the same songstress sings1 and the same musician plays to all4 ,so1 when the same cup is set in the midst1 not appropriated to any1 it is a large spring of good fellowship1 and each man may take as much as his appetite requires2 not like this most unjust distribution of bread and meat1 which prides itself forsooth in being equal to all1 though unequal1 stomachs2 for the same share to a man of a small appetite is too much2 to one of a greater1 too little4 ,and1 sir1 as he that administers the very same dose of physic to all sorts of patients must be very ridiculous2 so likewise must that entertainer who1 inviting a great many guests that can neither eat nor drink alike1 sets before every one an equal mess1 and measures what is just and fit by an arithmetical not geometrical proportion4 ,when we go to a shop to buy1 we all use1 it is true1 one and the same public measure2 but to an entertainment each man brings his own belly1 which is satisfied with a portion1 not because it is equal to that which others have1 but because it is sufficient for itself4 ,those entertainments where every one had his single mess ,homer mentions amongst soldiers and in the camp1 which we ought not to bring into fashion amongst us2 but rather imitate the good friendship of the ancients1 who1 to show what reverence they had for all kinds of societies1 not only respected those that lived with them or under the same roof1 but also those that drank out of the same cup or ate out of the same dish4 ,let us never mind ,homer's entertainments2 they were good for nothing but to starve a man1 and the makers of them were kings more stingy and observant than the ,italian cooks2 insomuch that in the midst of a battle1 whilst they were at handy-blows with their enemies1 they could exactly reckon up how many glasses each man drank at his table4 ,but those that ,pindar describes are much better1-- ,where heroes mixed sat round the noble board1 because they maintained society and good fellowship2 for the latter truly mixed and joined friends1 but our modern system divides and asperses them as persons who1 though seemingly very good friends1 cannot so much as eat with one another out of the same dish4 ,to this polite discourse of ,hagias they urged me to reply4 ,and ,i said3 ,hagias1 it is true1 hath reason to be troubled at this unusual disappointment1 because having so great a belly 7for he was an excellent trencherman7 he had no larger mess than others2 for in a fish eaten together ,democritus says1 there are no bones4 ,but that very thing is likely to increase our share beyond our own proper allowance4 ,for it is equality1 as the old woman in ,euripides hath it1 ,that fastens towns to towns1 and friends to friends2 7,euripides1 ,phoenissae1 #ecf47 and entertainments chiefly stand in need of this4 ,the necessity is from nature as well as custom1 and is not lately introduced or founded only on opinion4 ,for when the same dish lies in common before all1 the man that is slow and eats little must be offended at the other that is too quick for him1 as a slow ship at the swift sailor4 ,besides1 snatching1 contention1 shoving1 and the like1 are not1 in my mind1 neighborly beginnings of mirth and jollity2 but they are absurd1 doggish1 and often end in anger or reproaches1 not only against one another1 but also against the entertainer himself or the carvers of the feast4 ,but as long as ,moera and ,lachesis 7,,division ,,and ,,distribution7 maintained equality in feasts1 nothing uncivil or disorderly was seen1 and they called the feasts ,greek omitted1 ,,distributions1 the entertained ,greek omitted1 and the carvers ,greek omitted1 ,,distributers1 from dividing and distributing to every man his proper mess4 ,the ,lacedaemonians had officers called distributers of the flesh1 no mean men1 but the chief of the city2 for ,lysander himself by king ,agesilaus was constituted one of these in ,asia4 ,but when luxury crept into our feasts1 distributing was thrown out2 for ,i suppose they had not leisure to divide these numerous tarts1 cheese-cakes1 pies1 and other delicate varieties2 but1 surprised with the pleasantness of the taste and tired with the variety1 they left off cutting it into portions1 and left all in common4 ,and this is confirmed from the present practice2 for in our religious or public feasts1 where the food is simple and inartificial1 each man hath his mess assigned him2 so that he that endeavors to retrieve the ancient custom will likewise recover thrift and almost lost frugality again4 ,but1 you object1 where only property is1 community is lost4 ,true indeed1 where equality is not2 for not the possession of what is proper and our own1 but the taking away of another's and coveting that which is common1 is the cause of all injury and contention2 and the laws1 restraining and confining these within the proper bounds1 receive their name from their office1 being a power distributing equally to every one in order to the common good4 ,thus every one is not to be honored by the entertainer with the garland or the chiefest place2 but if any one brings with him his sweetheart or a singing girl1 they must be common to him and his friends1 that all possessions may be brought together1 as ,anaxagoras would have it4 ,now if propriety in these things doth not in the least hinder but that things of greater moment1 and the only considerable1 as discourse and civility1 may be still common1 let us leave off abasing distributions or the lot1 the son of ,fortune 7as ,euripides hath it71 which hath no respect either to riches or honor1 but in its inconsiderate wheel now and then raiseth up the humble and the poor1 and makes him master of himself1 and1 by accustoming the great and rich to endure and not be offended at equality1 pleasingly instructs4 ,,book ,,iii ,simonides the poet1 my ,sossius ,senecio1 seeing one of the company sit silent and discourse nobody1 said3 ,sir1 if you are fool1 it is wisely done2 if a wise man1 very foolishly4 ,it is good to conceal a man's folly 7but as ,heraclitus says7 it is very hard to do it over a glass of wine1-- ,which doth the gravest men to mirth advance1 ,and let them loose to sing1 to laugh1 and dance1 ,and speak what had been better unsaid4 7,odyssey1 xiv4 #dfd47 ,in which lines the poet in my mind shows the difference between being a little heated and downright drunk2 for to sing1 laugh1 and dance may agree very well with those that have gone no farther than the merry cup2 but to prattle1 and speak what had been better left unsaid1 argues a man to be quite gone4 ,and therefore ,plato thinks that wine is the must ingenious discoverer of men's humors2 and ,homer1 when he says1-- ,at feasts they had not known each other's minds1 7,ibid4 xxi4 #ce47 evidently shows that he knew wine was powerful to open men's thoughts1 and was full of new discoveries4 ,it is true from the bare eating and drinking1 if they say nothing we can give no guess at the tempers of the men2 but because drinking leads them into discourse1 and discourse lays a great many things open and naked which were secret and hid before1 therefore to sport a glass of wine together lets us into one another's humors4 ,and therefore a man may reasonably fall foul on ,aesop3 ,why sir1 would you have a window in every man's breast1 through which we may look in upon his thoughts8 ,wine opens and exposes all1 it will not suffer us to be silent1 but takes off all mask and visor1 and makes us regardless of the severe precepts of decency and custom4 ,thus ,aesop or ,plato1 or any other that designs to look into a man1 may have his desires satisfied by the assistance of a bottle2 but those that are not solicitous to pump one another1 but to be sociable and pleasant1 discourse of such matters and handle such questions as make no discovery of the bad parts of the soul1 but such as comfort the good1 and1 by the help of neat and polite learning1 lead the intelligent part into an agreeable pasture and garden of delight ,this made me collect and dedicate the first to you this third dedication of table discourses1 the first of which is about chaplets made of flowers4 ,,question ,i4 ,,whether ,,it ,,is ,,fitting ,,to ,,wear ,,chaplets ,,of ,,flowers ,,at ,,table4 ,,erato1 ,,ammonius1 ,,trypho1 ,,plutarch1 ,,and ,,others4 ,at ,athens ,erato the musician keeping a solemn feast to the ,muses1 and inviting a great many to the treat1 the company was full of talk1 and the subject of the discourse garlands4 ,for after supper many of all sorts of flowers being presented to the guests1 ,ammonius began to jeer me for choosing a rose chaplet before a laurel1 saying that those made of flowers were effeminate1 and fitted toyish girls and women more than grave philosophers and men of music4 ,and ,i admire that our friend ,erato1 that abominates all flourishing in songs1 and blames good ,agatho1 who first in his tragedy of the ,mysians ventured to introduce the chromatic airs1 should himself fill his entertainment with such various and such florid colors2 yet1 while he shuts out all the soft delights that through the ears can enter to the soul1 he should introduce others through the eyes and through the nose1 and make these garlands1 instead of signs of piety1 to be instruments of pleasure4 ,for it must be confessed that this ointment gives a better smell than those trifling flowers1 which wither even in the hands of those that wreathe them4 ,besides1 all pleasure must be banished the company of philosophers1 unless it is of some use or desired by natural appetite2 for as those that are carried to a banquet by some of their invited friends 7as1 for instance1 ,socrates carried ,aristodemus to ,agatho's table7 are as civilly entertained as the bidden guests1 but he that goes on his own account is shut out of doors2 thus the pleasures of eating and drinking1 being invited by natural appetite1 should have admission2 but all the others which come on no account and have only luxury to introduce them1 ought in reason to be denied4 ,at this some young men1 not thoroughly acquainted with ,ammonius's humor1 being abashed1 privately tore their chaplets2 but ,i1 perceiving that ,ammonius proposed this only for discourse and disputation's sake1 applying myself to ,trypho the physician1 said3 ,sir1 you must put off that sparkling rosy chaplet as well as we1 or declare1 as ,i have often heard you1 what excellent preservatives these flowery garlands are against the strength of liquor4 ,but here ,erato putting in said3 ,what1 is it decreed that no pleasure must be admitted without profit8 ,and must we be angry with our delight1 unless hired to endure it8 ,perhaps we may have reason to be ashamed of ointments and purple vests1 because so costly and expensive1 and to look upon them as 7in the barbarian's phrase7 treacherous garments and deceitful odors2 but these natural smells and colors are pure and simple as fruits themselves1 and without expense or the curiosity of art4 ,and ,i appeal to any one1 whether it is not absurd to receive the pleasant savors ,nature gives us1 and enjoy and reject those smells and colors that the seasons afford us1 because forsooth they blossom with delight1 if they have no other external profit or advantage4 ,besides1 we have an axiom against you1 for if 7as you affirm7 ,nature makes nothing in vain1 those things that have no other use were designed on purpose to please and to delight4 ,besides1 observe that to thriving trees ,nature hath given leaves1 both for the preservation of the fruit and of the stock itself2 for those sometimes warming1 sometimes cooling it1 the seasons creep on by degrees1 and do not assault it with all their violence at once4 ,but now the flower1 whilst it is on the plant1 is of no profit at all1 unless we use it to delight our nose with the admirable smell1 and to please our eyes when it opens that inimitable variety of colors4 ,and therefore1 when the leaves are plucked off1 the plants as it were suffer injury and grief4 ,there is a kind of an ulcer raised1 and an unbecoming nakedness attends them2 and we must not only 7as ,empedocles says7 ,by all means spare the leaves that grace the palm1 but likewise of all other trees1 and not injuriously against ,nature robbing them of their leaves1 bring deformity on them to adorn ourselves4 ,but to pluck the flowers doth no injury at all4 ,it is like gathering of grapes at the time of vintage2 unless plucked when ripe1 they wither of themselves and fall4 ,and therefore1 like the barbarians who clothe themselves with the skins more commonly than with the wool of sheep1 those that wreathe leaves rather than flowers into garlands seem to me to use the plants neither according to the dictates of reason nor the design of ,nature4 ,and thus much ,i say in defence of those who sell chaplets of flowers2 for ,i am not grammarian enough to remember those poems which tell us that the old conquerors in the sacred games were crowned with flowers4 ,yet1 now ,i think of it1 there is a story of a rosy crown that belongs to the ,muses2 ,sappho mentions it in a copy of verses to a woman unlearned and unacquainted with the ,muses3-- ,thou shalt unregarded lie ,cause ne'er acquainted with the ,muses' ,rose4 7,from ,sappho1 ,frag4 #fh47 ,but if ,trypho can produce anything to our advantage from physic1 pray let us have it4 ,then ,trypho taking the discourse said3 ,the ancients were very curious and well acquainted with all these things1 because plants were the chief ingredients of their physic4 ,and of this some signs remain till now2 for the ,tyrians offer to ,agenor1 and the ,magnesians to ,chiron1 the first supposed practitioners of physic1 as the first fruits1 the roots of those plants which have been successful on a patient4 ,and ,bacchus was not only counted a physician for finding wine1 the most pleasing and most potent remedy1 but for bringing ivy1 the greatest opposite imaginable to wine1 into reputation1 and for teaching his drunken followers to wear garlands of it1 that by that means they might be secured against the violence of a debauch1 the heat of the liquor being remitted by the coldness of the ivy4 ,besides1 the names of several plants sufficiently evidence the ancients curiosity in this matter2 for they named the walnut-tree ,greek omitted1 because it sends forth a heavy and ,greek omitted drowsy spirit1 which affects their heads who sleep beneath it2 and the daffodil1 ,greek omitted1 because it benumbs the nerves and causes a stupid narcotic heaviness in the limbs1 and therefore ,sophocles calls it the ancient garland flower of the great 7that is1 the earthy7 gods4 ,and some say rue was called ,greek omitted from its astringent quality2 for1 by its dryness preceding from its heat1 it fixes ,greek omitted or dries the seed1 and is very hurtful to great-bellied women4 ,but those that imagine the herb amethyst ,greek omitted1 and the precious stone of the same name1 are called so because powerful against the force of wine are much mistaken2 for both receive there names from their color2 for its leaf is not of the color of strong wine1 but resembles that of weak diluted liquor4 ,and indeed ,i could mention a great many which have their names from their proper virtues4 ,but the care and the experience of the ancients sufficiently appears in those of which they made their garlands when they designed to be merry and frolic over a glass of wine2 for wine1 especially when it seizes on the head1 and weakens the body just at the very spring and origin of the sense1 disturbs the whole man4 ,now the effluvia of flowers are an admirable preservative against this1 they secure the brain1 as it were a citadel1 against the effects of drunkenness2 for those that are hot upon the pores and give the fumes free passage to exhale1 and those moderately cold repel and keep down the ascending vapors4 ,such are the violet and rose2 for the odors of both these are prevalent against any ache and heaviness in the head4 ,the flowers of the privet and crocus bring those that have drunk freely into a gentle sleep2 for they send forth a smooth and gentle effluvia1 which softly takes off all asperities that arise in the body of the drunken2 and so all things being quiet and composed1 the violence on the noxious humor is abated and thrown off4 ,the smells of some flowers being received into the brain cleanse the organs and instruments of sense1 and gently by their heat1 without any violence or force1 dissolve the humors1 and warm and cherish the brain itself1 which is naturally cold4 ,and upon this account1 they call those little posies they hang about their necks ,greek omitted1 and anointed their breasts with the oils that were squeezed from them2 and of this ,alcaeus is a witness1 when he bids his friends1 ,pour ointments o'er his laboring temples1 pressed ,with various cares1 and o'er his aged breast4 ,for the warm odors shoot upward into the very brain1 being drawn up by the nostrils4 ,for they did not call those garlands hung about the neck ,greek omitted because they thought the heart was the seat and citadel of the mind ,greek omitted1 for on that account they should rather have called them ,greek omitted1 but1 as ,i said before1 from their vapor and exhalation4 ,besides1 it is no strange thing that these smells of garlands should be of so considerable a virtue2 for some tell us that the shadow of the yew1 especially when it blossoms1 kills those that sleep under it2 and a subtle spirit ariseth from pressed poppy1 which suddenly overcomes the unwary squeezers4 ,and there is an herb called alyssus1 which to some that take it in their hands1 to others that do but look on it1 is found a present remedy against the hiccough2 and some affirm that planted near the stalls it preserves sheep and goats from the rot and mange4 ,and the rose is called ,greek omitted1 probably because it sends forth a stream ,greek omitted of odors2 and for that reason it withers presently4 ,it is a cooler1 yet fiery to look upon2 and no wonder1 for upon the surface a subtile heat1 being driven out by the inward heat1 looks vivid and appears4 ,,question ,,ii4 ,,whether ,,ivy ,,is ,,of ,a ,,hot ,,or ,,cold ,,nature4 ,,ammonius1 ,,trypho1 ,,erato4 ,upon this discourse1 when we all hummed ,trypho1 ,ammonius with a smile said3 ,it is not decent by any contradiction to pull in pieces1 like a chaplet1 this various and florid discourse of ,trypho's4 ,yet methinks the ivy is a little oddly interwoven1 and unjustly said by its cold powers to temper the heat of strong wine2 for it is rather fiery and hot1 and its berries steeped in wine make the liquor more apt to inebriate and inflame4 ,and from this cause1 as in sticks warped by the fire1 proceeds the crookedness of the boughs4 ,and snow1 that for many days will lie on other trees1 presently melts from the branches of the ivy1 and wastes all around1 as far as the warmth reaches4 ,but the greatest evidence is this4 ,theophrastus tells us1 that when ,alexander commanded ,harpalus to plant some ,grecian trees in the ,babylonian gardens1 and--because the climate is very hot and the sun violent--such as were leafy1 thick1 and fit to make a shade1 the ivy only would not grow2 though all art and diligence possible were used1 it withered and died4 ,for being hot itself1 it could not agree with the fiery nature of the soil2 for excess in similar qualities is destructive1 and therefore we see everything as it were affects its contrary2 a cold plant flourishes in a hot ground1 and a hot plant is delighted with a cold4 ,upon which account it is that bleak mountains1 exposed to cold winds and snow1 bear firs1 pines1 and the like1 full of pitch1 fiery1 and excellent to make a torch4 ,but besides1 ,trypho1 trees of a cold nature1 their little feeble heat not being able to diffuse itself but retiring to the heart1 shed their leaves2 but their natural oiliness and warmth preserve the laurel1 olive1 and cypress always green2 and the like too in the ivy may be observed4 ,and therefore it is not likely our dear friend ,bacchus1 who called wine ,greek omitted intoxicating and himself ,greek omitted1 should bring ivy into reputation for being a preservative against drunkenness and an enemy to wine4 ,but in my opinion1 as lovers of wine1 when they have not any juice of the grape ready1 drink ale1 mead1 cider1 or the like2 thus he that in winter would have a vine-garland on his head1 and finding the vine naked and without leaves1 used the ivy that is like it2 for its boughs are twisted and irregular1 its leaves moist and disorderly confused1 but chiefly the berries1 like ripening clusters1 make an exact representation of the vine4 ,but grant the ivy to be a preservative against drunkenness1--that to please you1 ,trypho1 we may name ,bachus a physician1--still ,i affirm that power to proceed from its heat1 which either opens the pores or helps to digest the wine4 ,upon this ,trypho sat silent1 studying for an answer4 ,erato addressing himself to us youths1 said3 ,trypho wants your assistance2 help him in this dispute about the garlands1 or be content to sit without any4 ,ammonius too bade us not be afraid1 for he would not reply to any of our discourses2 and ,trypho likewise urging me to propose something1 ,i said3 ,to demonstrate that the ivy is cold is not so proper a task for me as ,trypho1 for he often useth coolers and binders2 but that proposition1 that wine in which ivy berries have been is more inebriating1 is not true2 for that disturbance which it raiseth in those that drink it is not so properly called drunkenness as alienation of mind or madness1 such as hyoscyamus and a thousand other things that set men beside themselves usually produce4 ,the crookedness of the bough is no argument at all1 for such violent and unnatural effects cannot be supposed to proceed from any natural quality or power4 ,now sticks are bent by the fire1 because that draws the moisture1 and so the crookedness is a violent distortion2 but the natural heat nourishes and preserves the body4 ,consider1 therefore1 whether it is not the weakness and coldness of the body that makes it wind1 bend1 and creep upon the ground2 for those qualities check its rise1 and depress it in its ascent1 and render it like a weak traveller1 that often sits down and then goes on again4 ,and therefore the ivy requires something to twine about1 and needs a prop2 for it is not able to sustain and direct its own branches1 because it wants heat1 which naturally tends upward4 ,the snow is melted by the wetness of the leaf1 for water destroys it easily1 passing through the thin contexture1 it being nothing but a congeries of small bubbles2 and therefore in very cold but moist places the snow melts as soon as in hot4 ,that it is continually green doth not proceed from its heat1 for to shed its leaves doth not argue the coldness of a tree4 ,thus the myrtle and well fern1 though not hot1 but confessedly cold1 are green all the year4 ,some imagine this comes from the equal and duly proportioned mixture of the qualities in the leaf1 to which ,empedocles hath added a certain aptness of pores1 through which the nourishing juice is orderly transmitted1 so that there is still supply sufficient4 ,but now it is otherwise in trees whose leaves fall1 by reason of the wideness of their higher and narrowness of their lower pores2 for the latter do not send juice enough1 nor do the former keep it1 but as soon as a small stock is received pour it out4 ,this may be illustrated from the usual watering of our gardens2 for when the distribution is unequal1 the plants that are always watered have nourishment enough1 seldom wither1 and look always green4 ,but you further argue1 that being planted in ,babylon it would not grow4 ,it was well done of the plant1 methinks1 being a particular friend and familiar of the ,boeotian god1 to scorn to live amongst the barbarians1 or imitate ,alexander in following the manners of those nations2 but it was not its heat but cold that was the cause of this aversion1 for that could not agree with the contrary quality4 ,for one similar quality doth not destroy but cherish another4 ,thus dry ground bears thyme1 though it is naturally hot4 ,now at ,babylon they say the air is so suffocating1 so intolerably hot1 that many of the more prosperous sleep upon skins full of water1 that they may lie cool4 ,,question ,,iii4 ,,why ,,women ,,are ,,hardly1 ,,old ,,men ,,easily1 ,,foxed4 ,,florus1 ,,sylla4 ,florus thought it strange that ,aristotle in his discourse of ,drunkenness1 affirming that old men are easily1 women hardly1 overtaken1 did not assign the cause1 since he seldom failed on such occasions4 ,therefore he proposed it to us 7we were a great many acquaintance met at supper7 as a fit subject for our inquiry4 ,sylla began3 ,one part will conduce to the discovery of the other2 and if we rightly hit the cause in relation to the women1 the difficulty1 as it concerns the old men1 will be easily despatched2 for their two natures are quite contrary4 ,moistness1 smoothness1 and softness belong to the one2 and dryness1 roughness1 and hardness are the accidents of the other4 ,as for women1 ,i think the principal cause is the moistness of their temper2 this produceth a softness in the flesh1 a shining smoothness1 and their usual purgations4 ,now when wine is mixed with a great deal of weak liquor1 it is overpowered by that1 loses its strength1 and becomes flat and waterish4 ,some reason likewise may be drawn from ,aristotle himself2 for he affirms that those that drink fast1 and take a large draught without drawing breath1 are seldom overtaken1 because the wine doth not stay long in their bodies1 but having acquired an impetus by this greedy drinking1 suddenly runs through2 and women are generally observed to drink after that manner4 ,besides1 it is probable that their bodies1 by reason of the continual deduction of the moisture in order to their usual purgations1 are very porous1 and divided as it were into many little pipes and conduits2 into which when the wine falls1 it is quickly conveyed away1 and doth not lie and fret the principal parts1 from whose disturbance drunkenness proceeds4 ,but that old men want the natural moisture1 even the name ,greek omitted1 in my opinion1 intimates2 for that name was given them not as stooping to the earth ,greek omitted but as being in the habit of their body ,greek omitted and ,greek omitted1 earthlike and earthy4 ,besides1 the stiffness and roughness prove the dryness of their nature4 ,therefore it is probable that1 when they drink1 their body1 being grown spongy by the dryness of its nature1 soaks up the wine1 and that lying in the vessels it affects the senses and prevents the natural motions4 ,for as floods of water glide over the close grounds1 nor make them slabby1 but quickly sink into the open and chapped fields2 thus wine1 being sucked in by the dry parts1 lies and works in the bodies of old men4 ,but besides1 it is easy to observe1 that age of itself hath all the symptoms of drunkenness4 ,these symptoms everybody knows2 viz41 shaking of the joints1 faltering of the tongue1 babbling1 passion1 forgetfulness1 and distraction of the mind2 many of which being incident to old men1 even whilst they are well and in perfect health1 are heightened by any little irregularity and accidental debauch4 ,so that drunkenness doth not beget in old men any new and proper symptoms1 but only intend and increase the common ones4 ,and an evident sign of this is1 that nothing is so like an old man as a young man drunk4 ,,question ,,iv4 ,,whether ,,the ,,temper ,,of ,,women ,,is ,,colder ,,or ,,hotter ,,than ,,that ,,of ,,men4 ,,apollonides1 ,,athryilatus4 ,thus ,sylla said1 and ,apollonides the marshal subjoined3 ,sir1 what you discoursed of old men ,i willingly admit2 but in my opinion you have omitted a considerable reason in relation to the women1 viz41 the coldness of their temper1 which quencheth the heat of the strongest wine1 and makes it lose all its destructive force and fire4 ,this reflection seeming reasonable1 ,athryilatus the ,thasian1 a physician1 kept us from a hasty conclusion in this matter1 by saying that some supposed the female sex was not cold1 but hotter than the male2 and others thought wine rather cold than hot4 ,when ,florus seemed surprised at this discourse1 ,athryilatus continued3 ,sir1 what ,i mention about wine ,i shall leave to this man to make out 7pointing to me1 for a few days before we had handled the same matter74 ,but that women are of a hot constitution1 some suppose1 may be proved1 first1 from their smoothness1 for their heat wastes all the superfluous nourishment which breeds hair2 secondly from their abundance of blood1 which seems to be the fountain and source of all the heat that is in the body2--now this abounds so much in females1 that they would be all on fire1 unless relieved by frequent and sudden evacuations4 ,thirdly1 from a usual practice of the sextons in burning the bodies of the dead1 it is evident that females are hotter than males2 for the bedsmen are wont to put one female body with ten males upon the same pile1 for that contains some inflammable and oily parts1 and serves for fuel to the rest4 ,besides1 if that that is soonest fit for generation is hottest1 and a maid begins to be furious sooner than a boy1 this is a strong proof of the hotness of the female sex4 ,but a more convincing proof follows3 women endure cold better than men1 they are not so sensible of the sharpness of the weather1 and are contented with a few clothes4 ,and ,florus replied3 ,methinks1 sir1 from the same topics ,i could draw conclusions against your assertion4 ,for1 first1 they endure cold better1 because one similar quality doth not so readily act upon another2 and then again1 their seed is not active in generation1 but passive matter and nourishment to that which the male injects4 ,but more1 women grow effete sooner than men2 that they burn better than the males proceeds from their fat1 which is the coldest part of the body2 and young men1 or such as use exercise1 have but little fat4 ,their monthly purgations do not prove the abundance1 but the corruption and badness1 of their blood2 for being the superfluous and undigested part1 and having no convenient vessel in the body it flows out1 and appears languid and feculent1 by reason of the weakness of its heat4 ,and the shivering that seizes them at the time of their purgations sufficiently proves that which flows from them is cold and undigested4 ,and who will believe their smoothness to be an effect of heat rather than cold1 when everybody knows that the hottest parts of a body are the most hairy8 ,for all such excrements are thrust out by the heat1 which opens and makes passages through the skin2 but smoothness is a consequent of that closeness of the superficies which proceeds from condensing cold4 ,and that the flesh of women is closer than that of men1 you may be informed by those that lie with women that have anointed themselves with oil or other perfumes2 for though they do not touch the women1 yet they find themselves perfumed1 their bodies by reason of their heat and rarity drawing the odor to them4 ,but ,i think we have disputed plausibly and sufficiently of this matter4444 ,,question ,v4 ,,whether ,,wine ,,is ,,potentially ,,cold4 ,,athryilatus1 ,,plutarch4 ,but now ,i would fain know upon what account you can imagine that wine is cold4 ,then1 said ,i1 do you believe this to be my opinion8 ,yes1 said he1 whose else8 ,and ,i replied3 ,i remember a good while ago ,i met with a discourse of ,aristotle's upon this very question4 ,and ,epicurus1 in his ,banquet1 hath a long discourse1 the sum of which is that wine of itself is not hot1 but that it contains some atoms that cause heat1 and others that cause cold2 now1 when it is taken into the body1 it loses one sort of particles and takes the other out of the body itself1 as it agrees with one's nature and constitution2 so that some when they are drunk are very hot1 and others very cold4 ,this way of talking1 said ,florus1 leads us by ,protagoras directly to ,pyrrho2 for it is evident that1 suppose we were to discourse of oil1 milk1 honey1 or the like1 we shall avoid all inquiry into their particular natures by saying that things are so and so by their mutual mixture with one another4 ,but how do you prove that wine is cold8 ,and ,i1 being forced to speak extempore1 replied3 ,by two arguments4 ,the first ,i draw from the practice of physicians1 for when their patients' stomachs grow very weak1 they prescribe no hot things1 and yet give them wine as an excellent remedy4 ,besides1 they stop looseness and immoderate sweating by wine2 and this shows that they think it more binding and constipating than snow itself4 ,now if it were potentially hot1 ,i should think it as wise a thing to apply fire to snow as wine to the stomach4 ,again1 most teach that sleep proceeds from the coolness of the parts2 and most of the narcotic medicines1 as mandrake and opium1 are coolers4 ,those indeed work violently1 and forcibly condense1 but wine cools by degrees2 it gently stops the motion1 according as it hath more or less of such narcotic qualities4 ,besides1 heat has a generative power2 for owing to heat the fluid flows easily and the vital spirit gets vigor and a stimulating force4 ,now the great drinkers are very dull1 inactive fellows1 no women's men at all2 they eject nothing strong1 vigorous1 and fit for generation1 but are weak and unperforming1 by reason of the bad digestion and coldness of their seed4 ,and it is farther observable that the effects of cold and drunkenness upon men's bodies are the same1--trembling1 heaviness1 paleness1 shivering1 faltering of tongue1 numbness1 and cramps4 ,in many1 a debauch ends in a dead palsy1 when the wine stupefies and extinguisheth all the heat4 ,and the physicians use this method in curing the qualms and diseases gotten by debauch2 at night they cover them well and keep them warm2 and at day they annoint and bathe1 and give them such food as shall not disturb1 but by degrees recover the heat which the wine hath scattered and driven out of the body4 ,thus1 ,i added1 in these appearances we trace obscure qualities and powers2 but as for drunkenness1 it is easily known what it is4 ,for1 in my opinion1 as ,i hinted before1 those that are drunk are very much like old men2 and therefore great drinkers grow old soonest1 and they are commonly bald and gray before their time2 and all these accidents certainly proceed from want of heat4 ,but mere vinegar is of a vinous nature1 and nothing quenches fire so soon as that2 its extreme coldness overcomes and kills the flame presently4 ,and of all fruits physicians use the vinous as the greatest coolers1 as pomegranates and apples4 ,besides1 do they not make wine by mixing honey with rain-water or snow2 for the cold1 because those two qualities are near akin1 if it prevails1 changes the luscious into a poignant taste8 ,and did not the ancients of all the creeping beasts consecrate the snake to ,bacchus1 and of all the plants the ivy1 because they were of a cold and frozen nature8 ,now1 lest any one should think this is a proof of its heat1 that if a man takes juice of hemlock1 a large dose of wine cures him1 ,i shall1 on the contrary affirm that wine and hemlock juice mixed is an incurable poison1 and kills him that drinks it presently4 ,so that we can no more conclude it to be hot because it resists1 than to be cold because it assists1 the poison4 ,for cold is the only quality by which hemlock juice works and kills4 ,,question ,,vi4 ,,which ,,is ,,the ,,fittest ,,time ,,for ,a ,,man ,,to ,,know ,,his ,,wife8 ,,youths1 ,,zopyrus1 ,,olympichus1 ,,soclarus4 ,some young students1 that had not gone far in the learning of the ancients1 inveighed against ,epicurus for bringing in1 in his ,svmposium1 an impertinent and unseemly discourse1 about what time was best to lie with a woman2 for an old man at supper in the company of youths to talk of such a subject1 and dispute whether after or before supper was the most convenient time1 argued him to be a very loose and debauched man4 ,to this some said that ,xenophon1 after his entertainment was ended1 sent all his guests home on horseback1 to lie with their wives4 ,but ,zopyrus the physician1 a man very well read in ,epicurus1 said1 that they had not duly weighed that piece2 for he did not propose that question first1 and then discuss that matter on purpose2 but after supper he desired the young men to take a walk1 and he then discoursed on it1 that he might persuade them to continence1 and to abate their desires and restrain their appetites2 showing them that it was very dangerous at all times1 but especially after they had been eating or making merry4 ,but suppose he had proposed this as the chief topic for discourse1 doth it never become a philosopher to inquire which is the convenient and proper time8 ,ought we not to time it well1 and direct our embrace by reason8 ,or may such discourse be otherwise allowed1 and must they be thought unseemly problems to be proposed at table8 ,indeed ,i am of another mind4 ,it is true1 ,i should blame a philosopher that in the middle of the day1 in the schools1 before all sorts of men1 should discourse of such a subject2 but over a glass of wine between friends and acquaintance1 when it is necessary to propose something beside dull1 serious discourse1 why should it be a fault to hear or speak anything that may inform our judgments or direct our practice in such matters8 ,and ,i protest ,i had rather that ,zeno had inserted his loose topics in some merry discourses and agreeable table-talk1 than in such a grave1 serious piece as his politics4 ,the youth1 startled at this free declaration1 sat silent2 and the rest of the company desired ,zopyrus to deliver ,epicurus's sentiment4 ,he said3 ,the particulars ,i cannot remember2 but ,i believe he feared the violent agitations of such exercises1 because the bodies employed in them are so violently disturbed4 ,for it is certain that wine is a very great disturber1 and puts the body out of its usual temper2 and therefore1 when thus disquieted1 if quiet and sleep do not compose it but other agitations seize it1 it is likely that those parts which knit and join the members may be loosened1 and the whole frame be as it were unsettled from its foundation and overthrown4 ,for then likewise the seed cannot freely pass1 but is confusedly and forcibly thrown out1 because the liquor hath filled the vessels of the body1 and stopped its way4 ,therefore1 says ,epicurus1 we must use those sports when the body is at quiet1 when the meat hath been thoroughly digested1 carried about and applied to several parts of the body1 so that we begin to want a fresh supply of food4 ,to this of ,epicurus we might join an argument taken from physic4 ,at day-time1 while our digestion is performing1 we are not so lusty nor eager to embrace2 and presently after supper to endeavor it is dangerous1 for the crudity of the stomach1 the food being yet undigested1 may be disorderly motion upon this crudity1 and so the mischief be double4 ,olympicus1 continuing the discourse1 said3 ,i very much like what ,clinias the ,pythagorean delivers4 ,for the story goes that1 being asked when a man should lie with a woman1 he replied1 when he hath a mind to receive the greatest mischief that he can4 ,for ,zopyrus's discourse seems rational1 and other times as well as those he mentions have their peculiar inconveniences4 ,and therefore1--as ,thales the philosopher1 to free himself from the pressing solicitations of his mother who advised him to marry1 said at first1 'tis not yet time2 and when1 now he was growing old1 she repeated her admonition1 replied1 nor is it now time1--so it is best for every man to have the same mind in relation to those sports of ,venus2 when he goes to bed1 let him say1 'tis not yet time2 and when he rises1 'tis not now time4 ,what you say1 ,olympicus1 said ,soclarus interposing1 befits wrestlers indeed2 it smells1 methinks1 of their meals of flesh and casks of wine1 but is not suitable to the resent company1 for there are some young married men here1 ,whose duty 'tis to follow ,venus' sports4 ,nay1 we ourselves seem to have some relation to ,venus still1 when in our hymns to the gods we pray thus to her1 ,fair ,venus1 keep off feeble age4 ,but waiving this1 let us inquire 7if you think fit7 whether ,epicurus does well1 when contrary to all right and equity he separates ,venus and the ,night1 though ,menander1 a man well skilled in love matters1 says that she likes her company better than that of any of the gods4 ,for1 in my opinion1 night is a very convenient veil1 spread over those that give themselves to that kind of pleasure2 for it is not fit that day should be the time1 lest modesty should be banished from our eyes1 effeminacy grow bold1 and such vigorous impressions on our memories be left1 as might still possess us with the same fancies and raise new inclinations4 ,for the sight 7according to ,plato7 receives a more vigorous impression than any other bodily organ1 and joining with the imagination1 that lies near it1 works presently upon the soul1 and ever causes fresh desires by those images of pleasure which it brings4 ,but the night1 hiding many and the most furious of the actions1 quiets and lulls nature1 and doth not suffer it to be carried to intemperance by the eye4 ,but besides this1 how absurd is it1 that a man returning from an entertainment merry perhaps and jocund1 crowned and perfumed1 should cover himself up1 turn his back to his wife1 and go to sleep2 and then at day-time1 in the midst of his business1 send for her out of her apartment to serve his pleasure or in the morning1 as a cock treads his hens4 ,no1 sir the evening is the end of our labor1 and the morning the beginning4 ,bacchus the ,loosener and ,terpsichore and ,thalia preside over the former2 and the latter raiseth us up betimes to attend on ,minerva the ,work-mistress1 and ,mercury the merchandiser4 ,and therefore songs1 dances1 and epithalamiums1 merry-meetings1 with balls and feasts1 and sounds of pipes and flutes1 are the entertainment of the one2 but in the other1 nothing but the noise of hammers and anvils1 the scratching of saws1 the city cries1 citations to court or to attend this or that prince and magistrate are heard4 ,then all the sports of pleasure disappear1 ,then ,venus1 then gay youth removes3 ,no ,thyrsus then which ,bacchus loves2 ,but all is clouded and o'erspread with care4 ,besides1 ,homer makes not one of the heroes lie with his wife or mistress in the day-time1 but only ,paris1 who1 having shamefully fled from the battle1 sneaked into the embraces of his wife2 intimating that such lasciviousness by day did not befit the sober temper of a man1 but the mad lust of an adulterer4 ,but1 moreover1 the body will not 7as ,epicurus fancies7 be injured more after supper than at any other time1 unless a man be drunk or overcharged1--for in those cases1 no doubt1 it is very dangerous and hurtful4 ,but if a man is only raised and cheered1 not overpowered by liquor1 if his body is pliable1 his mind agreeing1 and then he sports1 he need not fear any disturbance from the load he has within him2 he need not fear catching cold1 or too great a transportation of atoms1 which ,epicurus makes the cause of all the ensuing harm4 ,for if he lies quiet he will quickly fill again1 and new spirits will supply the vessels that are emptied4 ,but this is to be especially taken care of1 that1 the body being then in a ferment and disturbed1 no cares of the soul1 no business about necessary affairs1 no labor1 should distract and seize it1 lest they should corrupt and sour its humors1 ,nature not having had time enough for settling what has been disturbed4 ,for1 sir1 all men have not the command of that happy ease and tranquillity which ,epicurus's philosophy procured him2 for many great incumbrances seize almost upon every one every day1 or at least some disquiets2 and it is not safe to trust the body with any of these1 when it is in such a condition and disturbance1 presently after the fury and heat of the embrace is over4 ,let1 according to his opinion1 the happy and immortal deity sit at ease and never mind us2 but if we regard the laws of our country1 we must not dare to enter into the temple and offer sacrifice1 if but a little before we have done any such thing4 ,it is fit therefore to let night and sleep intervene1 and after there is a sufficient space of time past between1 to rise as it were pure and new1 and 7as ,democritus was wont to say7 with new thoughts upon the new day4 ,,question ,,vii4 ,,why ,,new ,,wine ,,doth ,,not ,,inebriate ,,as ,,soon ,,as ,,other4 ,,plutarch1 ,,his ,,father1 ,,hagias1 ,,aristaenetus1 ,,and ,,other ,,youth4 ,at ,athens on the eleventh day of ,february 7thence called ,greek omitted ,,the ,,barrel-,,opening71 they began to taste their new wine2 and in old times 7as it appears71 before they drank1 they offered some to the gods1 and prayed that that cordial liquor might prove good and wholesome4 ,by us ,thebans the month is named ,greek omitted1 and it is our custom upon the sixth day to sacrifice to our good ,genius and then taste our new wine1 after the zephyr has done blowing2 for that wind makes wine ferment more than any other1 and the liquor that can bear this fermentation is of a strong body and will keep well4 ,my father offered the usual sacrifice1 and when after supper the young men1 my fellow-students1 commended the wine1 he started this question3 ,why does not new wine inebriate as soon as other8 ,this seemed a paradox and incredible to most of us2 but ,hagias said1 that luscious things were cloying and would presently satiate1 and therefore few could drink enough to make them drunk2 for when once the thirst is allayed1 the appetite would be quickly palled by that unpleasant liquor2 for that a luscious is different from a sweet taste1 even the poet intimates1 when he says1 ,with luscious wine1 and with sweet milk and cheese4 7,odyssey1 xx4 #fi47 ,wine at first is sweet2 afterward1 as it grows old1 it ferments and begins to be pricked a little2 then it gets a sweet taste4 ,aristaenetus the ,nicaean said1 that he remembered he had read somewhere that sweet things mixed with wine make it less heady1 and that some physicians prescribe to one that hath drunk freely1 before he goes to bed1 a crust of bread dipped in honey4 ,and therefore1 if sweet mixtures weaken strong wine1 it is reasonable that wine should not be heady till it hath lost its sweetness4 ,we admired the acuteness of the young philosophers1 and were well pleased to see them propose something out of the common road and give us their own sentiments on this matter4 ,now the common and obvious reason is the heaviness of new wine1--which 7as ,aristotle says7 violently presseth the stomach1--or the abundance of airy and watery parts that lie in it2 the former of which1 as soon as they are pressed1 fly out2 and the watery parts are naturally fit to weaken the spirituous liquor4 ,now1 when it grows old1 the juice is improved1 and though by the separation of the watery parts it loses in quantity1 it gets in strength4 ,,question ,,viii4 ,,why ,,do ,,those ,,that ,,are ,,stark ,,drunk ,,seem ,,not ,,so ,,much ,,debauched ,,as ,,those ,,that ,,are ,,but ,,half ,,foxed8 ,,plutarch1 ,,his ,,father4 ,well then1 said my father1 since we have fallen upon ,aristotle1 ,i will endeavor to propose something of my own concerning those that are half drunk2 for1 in my mind1 though he was a very acute man1 he is not accurate enough in such matters4 ,they usually say1 ,i think1 that a sober man's understanding apprehends things right and judges well2 the sense of one quite drunk is weak and enfeebled2 but of him that is half drunk the fancy is vigorous and the understanding weakened1 and therefore1 following their own fancies1 they judge1 but judge ill4 ,but pray1 sirs1 what is your opinion in these matters8 ,this reason1 ,i replied1 would satisfy me upon a private disquisition2 but if you will have my own sentiments1 let us first consider1 whether this difference doth not proceed from the different temper of the body4 ,for of those that are only half drunk1 the mind alone is disturbed1 but the body not being quite overwhelmed is yet able to obey its motions2 but when it is too much oppressed and the wine has overpowered it1 it betrays and frustrates the motions of the mind1 for men in such a condition never go so far as action4 ,but those that are half drunk1 having a body serviceable to the absurd motions of the mind1 are rather to be thought to have greater ability to comply with those they have1 than to have worse inclinations than the others4 ,now if1 proceeding on another principle1 we consider the strength of the wine itself1 nothing hinders but that this may be different and changeable1 according to the quantity that is drunk4 ,as fire1 when moderate1 hardens a piece of clay1 but if very strong1 makes it brittle and crumble into pieces2 and the heat of the spring fires our blood with fevers but as the summer comes on1 the disease usually abates2 what hinders then but that the mind1 being naturally raised by the power of the wine1 when it is come to a pitch1 should by pouring on more be weakened again and its force abated8 ,thus hellebore1 before it purges1 disturbs the body2 but if too small a dose be given1 disturbs only and purges not at all2 and some taking too little of an opiate are more restless than before2 and some taking too much sleep well4 ,besides1 it is probable that this disturbance into which those that are half drunk are put1 when it comes to a pitch1 leads to that decay4 ,for a great quantity being taken inflames the body and consumes the frenzy of the mind2 as a mournful song and melancholy music at a funeral raises grief at first and forces tears1 but as it continues1 by little and little it takes away all dismal apprehensions and consumes our sorrows4 ,thus wine1 after it hath heated and disturbed1 calms the mind again and quiets the frenzy2 and when men are dead drunk1 their passions are at rest4 ,,question ,,ix4 ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,meaning ,,of ,,the ,,saying3 ,,drink ,,either ,,five ,,or ,,three1 ,,but ,,not ,,four8 ,,aristo1 ,,plutarch1 ,,plutarch',s ,,father4 ,when ,i had said these things ,aristo1 as his habit was1 cried out3 ,a return has been decreed in banquets to a very popular and just standard1 which1 because it was driven away by unseasonable temperance as if by the act of a tyrant1 has long remained in exile4 ,for just as those trained in the canons of the lyre declare the sesquialter proportion produces the symphony diapente1 the double proportion the diapason1 the sesquiterte the diatessaron1 the slowest of all1 so the specialists in ,bacchic harmonies have detected three accords between wine and water--,diapente1 ,diatrion1 ,diatessaron4 ,for so they speak and sing1 drink five or three1 but not four4 ,for five have the sesquialter proportion1 three cups of water being mixed in two of wine2 three1 the double proportion1 two being mixed with one2 four1 the sesquiterce1 three cups of water to one of wine1 which is the epitrite proportion for those exercising their minds in the council-chamber or frowning over dialectics1 when changes of speeches are expected1--a sober and mild mixture4 ,but in regard to those proportions of two to one1 that mixture gives the strength by which we are confused and made half drunk1 ,exciting the chords of the soul never moved before4 ,for it does not admit of sobriety1 nor does it induce the senselessness of pure wine4 ,the most harmonious is the proportion of two to three1 provoking sleep1 generating the forgetfulness of cares1 and like that cornfield of ,hesiod1 which mildly pacifieth children and heals injuries4 ,it composes in us the harsh and irregular motions of the soul and secures deep peace for it4 ,against these sayings of ,aristo no one had anything to offer in reply1 since it was quite evident he was jesting4 ,i suggested to him to take a cup and treat it as a lyre1 tuning it to the harmony and order he praised4 ,at the same time a slave came offering him pure wine4 ,but he refused it1 saying with a laugh that he was discussing logical not organic music4 ,to what had been said before my father added that ,jove seemed to have taken1 according to the ancients1 two nurses1 ,ite and ,adrastea2 ,juno one1 ,euboea2 ,apollo also two1 ,truth and ,corythalea2 but ,bacchus several1 because he needed several measures of water to make him manageable1 trained1 milder1 and more prudent4 ,,question ,x4 ,,why ,,flesh ,,stinks ,,sooner ,,when ,,exposed ,,to ,,the ,,moon1 ,,than ,,to ,,the ,,sun4 ,,euthydemus1 ,,satyrus4 ,euthydemus of ,sunium gave us at an entertainment a very large boar4 ,the guests wondering at the bigness of the beast1 he said that he had one a great deal larger1 but in the carriage the moon had made it stink2 he could not imagine how this should happen1 for it was probable that the sun1 being much hotter than the moon1 should make it stink sooner4 ,but1 said ,satyrus1 this is not so strange as the common practice of the hunters2 for1 when they send a boar or a doe to a city some miles distant1 they drive a brazen nail into it to keep it from stinking4 ,after supper ,euthydemus bringing the question into play again1 ,moschio the physician said1 that putrefaction was a colliquation of the flesh1 and that everything that putrefied grew moister than before1 and that all heat1 if gentle1 did stir the humors1 though not force them out1 but if strong1 dry the flesh2 and that from these considerations an answer to the question might be easily deduced4 ,for the moon gently warming makes the body moist2 but the sun by his violent beams dries rather1 and draws all moisture from them4 ,thus ,archilochus spoke like a naturalist1 ,i hope hot ,sirius's beams will many drain1 ,and ,homer more plainly concerning ,hector1 over whose body ,apollo spread a thick cloud1 ,lest the hot sun should scorch his naked limbs4 7,iliad1 xxiii1 #aij47 ,now the moon's rays are weaker2 for1 as ,ion says1 ,they do not ripen well the clustered grapes4 ,when he had done1 ,i said3 ,the rest of the discourse ,i like very well1 but ,i cannot consent when you ascribe this effect to the strength and degree of heat1 and chiefly in the hot seasons2 for in winter every one knows that the sun warms little1 yet in summer it putrefies most4 ,now the contrary should happen1 if the gentleness of the heat were the cause of putrefaction4 ,and besides1 the hotter the season is1 so much the sooner meat stinks2 and therefore this effect is not to be ascribed to the want of heat in the moon1 but to some particular proper quality in her beams4 ,for heat is not different only by degrees2 but in fires there are some proper qualities very much unlike one another1 as a thousand obvious instances will prove4 ,goldsmiths heat their gold in chaff fires2 physicians use fires of vine-twigs in their distillations2 and tamarisk is the best fuel for a glass-house4 ,olive-boughs in a chimney warm very well1 but hurt other baths3 they spoil the plastering1 and weaken the foundation2 and therefore the most skilful of the public officers forbid those that rent the baths to burn olive-tree wood1 or throw darnel seed into the fire1 because the fumes of it dizzy and bring the headache to those that bathe4 ,therefore it is no wonder that the moon differs in her qualities from the sun2 and that the sun should shed some drying1 and the moon some dissolving1 influence upon flesh4 ,and upon this account it is that nurses are very cautious of exposing their infants to the beams of the moon2 for they being full of moisture1 as green plants1 are easily wrested and distorted4 ,and everybody knows that those that sleep abroad under the beams of the moon are not easily waked1 but seem stupid and senseless2 for the moisture that the moon sheds upon them oppresses their faculty and disables their bodies4 ,besides1 it is commonly said1 that women brought to bed when the moon is a fortnight old1 have easy labors2 and for this reason ,i believe that ,diana1 which was the same with the moon1 was called the goddess of childbirth4 ,and ,timotheus appositely says1 ,by the blue heaven that wheels the stars1 ,and by the moon that eases women's pains4 ,even in inanimate bodies the power of the moon is very evident4 ,for trees that are cut in the full of the moon carpenters refuse1 as being soft1 and1 by reason of their moistness1 subject to corruption2 and in its wane farmers usually thresh their wheat1 that being dry it may better endure the flail2 for the corn in the full of the moon is moist1 and commonly bruised in threshing4 ,besides1 they say dough will be leavened sooner in the full1 for then1 though the leaven is scarce proportioned to the meal1 yet it rarefies and leavens the whole lump4 ,now when flesh putrefies1 the combining spirit is only changed into a moist consistence1 and the parts of the body separate and dissolve4 ,and this is evident in the very air itself1 for when the moon is full1 most dew falls2 and this ,alcman the poet intimates1 when he somewhere calls dew the air's and moon's daughter1 saying1 ,see how the daughter of the ,moon and ,air ,does nourish all things4 ,thus a thousand instances do prove that the light of the moon is moist1 and carries with it a softening and corrupting quality4 ,now the brazen nail that is driven through the flesh1 if1 as they say1 it keeps the flesh from putrefying1 doth it by an astringent quality proper to the brass4 ,the rust of brass physicians use in astringent medicines1 and they say those that dig brass ore have been cured of a rheum in their eyes1 and that the hair upon their eyelids hath grown again2 for the particles rising from the ore1 being insensibly applied to the eyes1 stops the rheum and dries up the humor1 and upon this account1 perhaps2 ,homer calls brass ,greek omitted and ,greek omitted1 and ,aristotle says1 that wounds made by a brazen dart or a brazen sword are less painful and sooner cured than those that are made of iron weapons1 because brass hath something medicinal in itself1 which in the very instant is applied to the wound4 ,now it is manifest that astringents are contrary to putrefying1 and healing to corrupting qualities4 ,some perhaps may say1 that the nail being driven through draws all the moisture to itself1 for the humor still flows to the part that is hurt2 and therefore it is said that by the nail there always appears some speck and tumor2 and therefore it is rational that the other parts should remain sound1 when all the corruption gathers about that4 ,,book ,,iv4 ,polybius1 my ,sossius ,senecio1 advised ,scipio ,africanus never to return from the ,forum1 where he was conversant about the affairs of the city1 before he had gained one new friend4 ,where ,i suppose the word friend is not to be taken too nicely1 to signify a lasting and unchangeable acquaintance2 but1 as it vulgarly means1 a well-wisher1 and as ,dicearchus takes it1 when he says that we should endeavor to make all men well-wishers1 but only good men friends4 ,for friendship is to be acquired by time and virtue2 but good-will is produced by a familiar intercourse1 or by mirth and trifling amongst civil and genteel men1 especially if opportunity assists their natural inclinations to good-nature4 ,but consider whether this advice may not be accommodated to an entertainment as well as the ,forum2 so that we should not break up the meeting before we had gained one of the company to be a well-wisher and a friend4 ,other occasions draw men into the ,forum1 but men of sense come to an entertainment as well to get new friends as to make their old ones merry2 indeed1 to carry away anything else is sordid and uncivil1 but to depart with one friend more than we had is pleasing and commendable4 ,and so1 on the contrary1 he that doth not aim at this renders the meeting useless and unpleasant to himself1 and departs at last1 having been a partaker of an entertainment with his belly but not with his mind4 ,for he that makes one at a feast doth not come only to enjoy the meat and drink1 but likewise the discourse1 mirth1 and genteel humor which ends at last in friendship and good-will4 ,the wrestlers1 that they may hold fast and lock better1 use dust2 and so wine mixed with discourse is of extraordinary use to make us hold fast of1 and fasten upon1 a friend4 ,for wine tempered with discourse carries gentle and kind affections out of the body into the mind2 otherwise1 it is scattered through the limbs1 and serves only to swell and disturb4 ,thus as a marble1 by cooling red hot iron1 takes away its softness and makes it hard1 fit to be wrought and receive impression2 thus discourse at an entertainment doth not permit the men that are engaged to become altogether liquid by the wine1 but confines and makes their jocund and obliging tempers very fit to receive an impression from the seal of friendship if dexterously applied4 ,,question ,i4 ,,whether ,,different ,,sorts ,,of ,,food1 ,,or ,,one ,,single ,,dish ,,fed ,,upon ,,at ,,once1 ,,is ,,more ,,easily ,,digested4 ,,philo1 ,,plutarch1 ,,marcion4 ,the first question of my fourth decade of ,table ,discourses shall be concerning different sorts of food eaten at one meal4 ,when we came to ,hyampolis at the feast called ,elaphebolia1 ,philo the physician gave us a very sumptuous entertainment2 and seeing a boy who came with ,philinus feeding upon dry bread and calling for nothing else1 he cried out1 ,o ,hercules1 well ,i see the proverb is verified1 ,they fought midst stones1 but could not take up one1 and presently went out to fetch him some agreeable food4 ,he stayed some time1 and at last brought them dried figs and cheese2 upon which ,i said3 ,it is usually seen that those that provide costly and superfluous dainties neglect1 or are not well furnished with1 useful and necessary things4 ,i protest1 said ,philo1 ,i did not mind that ,philinus designs to breed us a young ,sosastrus1 who 7they say7 never all his lifetime drank or ate anything beside milk1 although it is probable that it was some change in his constitution that made him use this sort of diet2 but our ,chiron here1--quite contrary to the old one that bred ,achilles from his very birth1--feeding his son with unbloody food1 gives people reason to suspect that like a grasshopper he keeps him on dew and air4 ,indeed1 said ,philinus1 ,i did not know that we were to meet with a supper of a hundred beasts1 such as ,aristomenes made for his friends2 otherwise ,i had come with some poor and wholesome food about me1 as a specific against such costly and unwholesome entertainments4 ,for ,i have often heard that simple diet is not only more easily provided1 but likewise more easily digested1 than such variety4 ,at this ,marcion said to ,philo3 ,philinus hath spoiled your whole provision by deterring guests from eating2 but1 if you desire it1 ,i will be surety for you1 that such variety is more easily digested than simple food1 so that without fear or distrust they may feed heartily4 ,philo desired him to do so4 ,when after supper we begged ,philinus to discover what he had to urge against variety of food1 he thus began3 ,i am not the author of this opinion1 but our friend ,philo here is ever now and then telling us1 first1 that wild beasts1 feeding on one sort only and simple diet1 are much more healthy than men are2 and that those which are kept in pens are much more subject to diseases and crudities1 by reason of the prepared variety we usually give them4 ,secondly1 no physician is so daring1 so venturous at new experiments1 as to give a feverish patient different sorts of food at once4 ,no1 simple food1 and without sauce1 as more easy to be digested1 is the only diet they allow4 ,now food must be wrought on and altered by our natural powers2 in dyeing1 cloth of the most simple color takes the tincture soonest2 the most inodorous oil is soonest by perfumes changed into an essence2 and simple diet is soonest changed1 and soonest yields to the digesting power4 ,for many and different qualities1 having some contrariety1 when they meet disagree and corrupt one another2 as in a city1 a mixed rout are not easily reduced into one body1 nor brought to follow the same concerns2 for each works according to its own nature1 and is very hardly brought to side with another's quality4 ,now this is evident in wine2 mixed wine inebriates very soon1 and drunkenness is much like a crudity rising from undigested wine2 and therefore the drinkers hate mixed liquors1 and those that do mix them do it privately1 as afraid to have their design upon the company discovered4 ,every change is disturbing and injurious1 and therefore musicians are very careful how they strike many strings at once2 though the mixture and variety of the notes would be the only harm that would follow4 ,this ,i dare say1 that belief and assent can be sooner procured by disagreeing arguments1 than concoction by various and different qualities4 ,but lest ,i should seem jocose1 waiving this1 ,i will return to ,philo's observations again4 ,we have often heard him declare that it is the quality that makes meat hard to be digested2 that to mix many things together is hurtful1 and begets unnatural qualities2 and that every man should take that which by experience he finds most agreeable to his temper4 ,now if nothing is by its own nature hard to be digested1 but it is the quantity that disturbs and corrupts1 ,i think we have still greater reason to forbear that variety with which ,philo's cook1 as it were in opposition to his master's practice1 would draw us on to surfeits and diseases4 ,for by the different sorts of food and new ways of dressing1 he still keeps up the unwearied appetite1 and leads it from one dish to another1 till tasting of everything we take more than is sufficient and enough2 as ,hypsipyle's foster-son1 ,who1 in a garden placed1 plucked up the flowers1 ,one after one1 and spent delightful hours2 ,but still his greedy appetite goes on1 ,and still he plucked till all the flowers were gone4 7,from the ,hypsipyle of ,euripides1 ,frag4 #ged47 ,but more1 methinks1 ,socrates is here to be remembered1 who adviseth us to forbear those junkets which provoke those that are not hungry to eat2 as if by this he cautioned us to fly variety of meats4 ,for it is variety that in everything draws us on to use more than bare necessity requires4 ,this is manifest in all sorts of pleasures1 either of the eye1 ear1 or touch2 for it still proposeth new provocatives2 but in simple pleasures1 and such as are confined to one sort1 the temptation never carries us beyond nature's wants4 ,in short1 in my opinion1 we should more patie musician praise a disagreeing variety of notes1 or a perfumer mixed ointments1 than a physician commend the variety of dishes2 for certainly such changes and turnings as must necessarily ensue will force us out of the right way of health4 ,philinus having ended his discourse1 ,marcion said3 ,in my opinion1 not only those that separate profit from honesty are obnoxious to ,socrates's curse1 but those also that separate pleasure from health1 as if it were its enemy and opposite1 and not its great friend and promoter4 ,pain we use but seldom and unwillingly1 as the most violent instrument4 ,but from all things else1 none1 though he would willingly1 can remove pleasure4 ,it still attends when we eat1 sleep1 bathe1 or anoint1 and takes care of and nurses the diseased2 dissipating all that is hurtful and disagreeable1 by applying that which is proper1 pleasing1 and natural4 ,for what pain1 what want1 what poison so quickly and so easily cures a disease as seasonable bathing8 ,a glass of wine1 when a man wants it1 or a dish of palatable meat1 presently frees us from all disturbing particles1 and settles nature in its proper state1 there being as it were a calm and serenity spread over the troubled humors4 ,but those remedies that are painful do hardly and by little and little only promote the cure1 every difficulty pushing on and forcing ,nature4 ,and therefore let not ,philinus blame us1 if we do not make all the sail we can to fly from pleasure1 but more diligently endeavor to make pleasure and health1 than other philosophers do to make pleasure and honesty1 agree4 ,now1 in my opinion1 ,philinus1 you seem to be out in your first argument1 where you suppose the beasts use more simple food and are more healthy than men2 neither of which is true4 ,the first the goats in ,eupolis confute1 for they extol their pasture as full of variety and all sorts of herbs1 in this manner1 ,we feed almost on every kind of trees1 ,young firs1 the ilex1 and the oak we crop3 ,sweet trefoil fragrant juniper1 and yew1 ,wild olives1 thyme1--all freely yield their store4 ,these that ,i have mentioned are very different in taste1 smell1 and other qualities1 and he reckons more sorts which ,i have omitted4 ,the second ,homer skilfully refutes1 when he tells us that the plague first began amongst the beasts4 ,besides1 the shortness of their lives proves that they are very subject to diseases2 for there is scarce any irrational creature long lived1 besides the crow and the chough2 and those two every one knows do not confine themselves to simple food1 but eat anything4 ,besides1 you take no good rule to judge what is easy and what is hard of digestion from the diet of those that are sick2 for labor and exercise1 and even to chew our meat well1 contribute very much to digestion1 neither of which can agree with a man in a fever4 ,again1 that the variety of meats1 by reason of the different qualities of the particulars1 should disagree and spoil one another1 you have no reason to fear4 ,for if ,nature takes from dissimilar bodies what is fit and agreeable1 the diverse nourishment forces many and sundry qualities into the mass and bulk of the body1 applying to every part that which is meet and fit2 so that1 as ,empedocles words it1 ,the sweet runs to the sweet1 the sour combines ,with sour1 the sharp with sharp1 the salt with salt2 and after being mixed it is spread through the mass by the heat1 the proper parts are separated and applied to the proper members4 ,indeed1 it is very probable that such bodies as ours1 consisting of parts of different natures1 should be nourished and built up rather of various than of simple matter4 ,but if by concoction there is an alteration made in the food1 this will be more easily performed when there are different sorts of meat1 than when there is only one1 in the stomach2 for similars cannot work upon similars and the very contrariety in the mixture considerably promotes the alteration of the weakened qualities4 ,but if1 ,philinus1 you are against all mixture1 do not chide ,philo only for the variety of his dishes and sauces1 but also for using mixture in his sovereign antidotes1 which ,erasistratus calls the gods' hands4 ,convince him of absurdity and vanity1 when he mixes herbs1 metals1 and animals1 and things from sea and land1 in one potion2 and recommend him to neglect these1 and to confine all physic to barley-broth1 gourds1 and oil mixed with water4 ,but you urge farther1 that variety enticeth the appetite that hath no command over itself4 ,that is1 good sir1 cleanly1 wholesome1 sweet1 palatable1 pleasing diet makes us eat and drink more than ordinary4 ,why then1 instead of fine flour1 do not we thicken our broth with coarse bran8 ,and instead of asparagus1 why do we not dress nettle-tops and thistles2 and leaving this fragrant and pleasant wine1 drink sour1 harsh liquor that gnats have been buzzing about a long while8 ,because1 perhaps you may reply1 wholesome feeding doth not consist in a perfect avoiding of all that is pleasing1 but in moderating the appetite in that respect1 and making it prefer profit before pleasure4 ,but1 sir1 as a mariner has a thousand ways to avoid a stiff gale of wind1 but when it is clear down and a perfect calm1 cannot raise it again2 thus to correct and restrain our extravagant appetite is no hard matter1 but when it grows weak and faint1 when it fails as to its proper objects1 then to raise it and make it vigorous and active again is1 sir1 a very difficult and hard task4 ,and therefore variety of viands is as much better than simple food1 which is apt to satisfy by being but of one sort1 as it is easier to stop ,nature when she makes too much speed than to force her on when languishing and faint4 ,besides1 what some say1 that fullness is more to be avoided than emptiness1 is not true2 but1 on the contrary1 fullness then only hurts when it ends in a surfeit or disease2 but emptiness1 though it doth no other mischief1 is of itself unnatural4 ,and let this suffice as an answer to what you proposed4 ,but you sparing men have forgot1 that variety is sweeter and more desired by the appetite1 unless too sweet4 ,for1 the sight preparing the way1 it is soon assimilated to the eager receiving body2 but that which is not desirable ,nature either throws off again1 or keeps it in for mere want4 ,but pray observe this1 that ,i do not plead for variety in tarts1 cakes1 or custards2--those are vain1 insignificant1 and superfluous things2--but even ,plato allowed variety to those fine citizens of his1 setting before them onions1 olives1 leeks1 cheese1 and all sorts of meat and fish1 and besides these1 allowed them some comfits4 ,,question ,,ii4 ,,why ,,mushrooms ,,are ,,thought ,,to ,,be ,,produced ,,by ,,thunder1 ,,and ,,why ,,it ,,is ,,believed ,,that ,,men ,,asleep ,,are ,,never ,,thunderstruck4 ,,agemachus1 ,,plutarch1 ,,dorotheus4 ,at a supper in ,elis1 ,agemachus set before us very large mushrooms4 ,and when all admired at them1 one with a smile said1 ,these are worthy the late thunder1 as it were deriding those who imagine mushrooms are produced by thunder4 ,some said that thunder did split the earth1 using the air as a wedge for that purpose1 and that by those chinks those that sought after mushrooms were directed where to find them2 and thence it grew a common opinion1 that thunder engenders mushrooms1 and not only makes them a passage to appear2 as if one should imagine that a shower of rain breeds snails1 and not rather makes them creep forth and be seen abroad4 ,agemachus stood up stiffly for the received opinion1 and told us1 we should not disbelieve it only because it was strange1 for there are a thousand other effects of thunder and lightning and a thousand omens deduced from them1 whose causes it is very hard1 if not impossible1 to discover2 for this laughed-at1 this proverbial mushroom doth not escape the thunder because it is so little1 but because it hath some antipathetical qualities that preserve it from blasting2 as likewise a fig-tree1 the skin of a sea-calf 7as they say71 and that of the hyena1 with which sailors cover the ends of their sails4 ,and husbandmen call thunder-showers nourishing1 and think them to be so4 ,indeed1 it is absurd to wonder at these things1 when we see the most incredible things imaginable in thunder1 as flame rising out of moist vapors1 and from soft clouds such astonishing noises4 ,thus1 he continued1 ,i prattle1 exhorting you to inquire after the cause2 and ,i shall accept this as your club for these mushrooms4 ,then ,i began3 ,agemachus himself helps us exceedingly towards this discovery2 for nothing at the present seems more probable than that1 together with the thunder1 oftentimes generative waters fall1 which take that quality from the heat mixed with them4 ,for the piercing pure parts of the fire break away in lightning2 but the grosser windy part1 being wrapped up in cloud1 changes it1 taking away the coldness and heating the moisture1 altering and being altered with it1 affects it so that it is made fit to enter the pores of plants1 and is easily assimilated to them4 ,besides1 such rain gives those things which it waters a peculiar temperature and difference of juice4 ,thus dew makes the grass sweeter to the sheep1 and the clouds from which a rainbow is reflected make those trees on which they fall fragrant4 ,and our priests1 distinguishing it by this1 call the wood of those trees ,iris-struck1 fancying that ,iris1 or the rainbow1 hath rested on them4 ,now it is probable that when these thunder and lightning showers with a great deal of warmth and spirit descend forcibly into the caverns of the earth1 these are rolled around1 and knobs and tumors are formed like those produced by heat and noxious humors in our bodies1 which we call wens or kernels4 ,for a mushroom is not like a plant1 neither is it produced without rain2 it hath no root nor sprouts1 it depends on nothing1 but is a being by itself1 having its substance of the earth1 a little changed and altered4 ,if this discourse seems frivolous1 ,i assure you that such are most of the effects of thunder and lightning which we see2 and upon that account men think them to be immediately directed by ,heaven1 and not depending on natural causes4 ,dorotheus the rhetorician1 one of our company1 said3 ,you speak right1 sir1 for not only the vulgar and illiterate1 but even some of the philosophers1 have been of that opinion4 ,i remember here in this town lightning broke into a house and did a great many strange things4 ,it let the wine out of a vessel1 though the earthen vessel remained whole2 and falling upon a man asleep1 it neither hurt him nor blasted his clothes1 but melted certain pieces of silver that he had in his pocket1 defaced them quite1 and made them run into a lump4 ,upon this he went to a philosopher1 a ,pythagorean1 that sojourned in the town1 and asked the reason2 the philosopher directed him to some expiating rites1 and advised him to consider seriously with himself and go to prayers4 ,and ,i have been told1 upon a sentinel at ,rome1 as he stood to guard the temple1 burned the latchet of his shoe1 and did no other harm2 and several silver candlesticks lying in wooden boxes1 the silver was melted while the boxes lay untouched4 ,these stories you may believe or not as you please4 ,but that which is most wonderful1 and which everybody knows1 is this1--the bodies of those that are killed by thunderbolt never putrefy4 ,for many neither burn nor bury such bodies1 but let them lie above ground with a fence about them1 so that every one may see the they remain uncorrupted1 confuted by this ,euripides's ,clymene1 who says thus of ,phaeton1 ,my best beloved1 but now he lies ,and putrefies in some dark vale4 ,and ,i believe brimstone is called ,greek omitted 7,,divine71 because its smell is like that fiery offensive scent which rises from bodies that are thunderstruck4 ,and ,i suppose that1 because of this scent1 dogs and birds will not prey on such carcasses4 ,thus far have ,i gone2 let him proceed1 since he hath been applauded for his discourse of mushrooms1 lest the same jest might be put upon us that was upon ,androcydes the painter4 ,for when in his landscape of ,scylla he painted fish the best and most to the life of anything in the whole draught1 he was said to use his appetite more than his art1 for he naturally loved fish4 ,so some may say that we philosophize about mushrooms1 the cause of whose production is confessedly doubtful1 for the pleasure we take in eating them4444 ,and when ,i put in my suggestion1 saying that it was as seasonable to dispute about thunder and lightning amidst our banquets as it would be in a comedy to bring in machines to throw out lightning1 the company agreed to omit all other questions relating to the subject1 and desired me only to proceed on this head1 ,why men asleep are never struck with lightning4 ,and ,i1 though ,i knew ,i should get no great credit by proposing a cause whose reason was common to other things1 said thus3 ,lightning is wonderfully piercing and subtile1 partly because it rises from a very pure substance1 and partly because by the swiftness of its motion it purges itself and throws off all gross earthy particles that are mixed with it4 ,nothing1 says ,democritus1 is blasted with lightning1 that cannot resist and stop the motion of the pure flame4 ,thus the close bodies1 as brass1 silver1 and the like1 which stop it1 feel its force and are melted1 because they resist2 whilst rare1 thin bodies1 and such as are full of pores1 are passed through and are not hurted1 as clothes or dry wood4 ,it blasts green wood or grass1 the moisture within them being seized and kindled by the flame4 ,now if it is true that men asleep are never killed by lightning1 from what we have proposed1 and not from anything else1 we must endeavor to draw the cause4 ,now the bodies of those that are awake are stiffer and more apt to resist1 all the parts being full of spirits2 which as it were in a harp1 distending and screwing up the organs of sense1 makes the body of the animal firm1 close1 and compacted4 ,but when men are asleep1 the organs are let down1 and the body becomes rare1 lax1 and loose2 and the spirits failing1 it hath abundance of pores1 through which small sounds and smells do flow insensibly4 ,for in that case1 there is nothing that can resist and by this resistance receive any sensible impression from any objects that are presented1 much less from such as are so subtile and move so swiftly as lightning4 ,things that are weak ,nature shields from harm1 fencing them about with some hard1 thick covering2 but those things that cannot be resisted do less harm to the bodies that yield than to those that oppose their force4 ,besides1 those that are asleep are not startled at the thunder2 they have no consternation upon them1 which kills a great many that are no otherwise hurt1 and we know that thousands die with the very fear of being killed4 ,even shepherds teach their sheep to run together when it thunders1 for whilst they lie scattered they die with fear2 and we see thousands fall1 which have no marks of any stroke or fire about them1 their souls 7as it seems71 like birds1 flying out of their bodies at the fright4 ,for many1 as ,euripides says1 ,a clap hath killed1 yet ne'er drew drop of blood4 ,for certainly the hearing is a sense that is soonest and most vigorously wrought upon1 and the fear that is caused by an astonishing noise raiseth the greatest commotion and disturbance in the body2 from all which men asleep1 because insensible1 are secure4 ,but those that are awake are oftentimes killed with fear before they are touched2 the fear contracts and condenses the body1 so that the stroke must be strong1 because there is so considerable a resistance4 ,,question ,,iii4 ,,why ,,men ,,usually ,,invite ,,many ,,guests ,,to ,a ,,wedding ,,supper4 ,,sossius ,,senecio1 ,,plutarch1 ,,theo4 ,at my son ,autobulus's marriage1 ,sossius ,senecio from ,chaeronea and a great many other noble persons were present at the same feast2 which gave occasion to this question 7,senecio proposed it71 why to a marriage feast more guests are usually invited than to any other4 ,nay even those law-givers that chiefly opposed luxury and profuseness have particularly confined marriage feasts to a set number4 ,indeed1 in my opinion1 he continued1 ,hecataeus the ,abderite1 one of the old philosophers1 hath said nothing to the purpose in this matter1 when he tells us that those that marry wives invite a great many to the entertainment1 that many may see and be witnesses that they being born free take to themselves wives of the same condition4 ,for1 on the contrary1 the comedians reflect on those who revel at their marriages1 who make a great ado and are pompous in their feasts1 as such who are taking wives with not much confidence and courage4 ,thus1 in ,menander1 one replies to a bridegroom that bade him beset the house with dishes1444 ,your words are great1 but what's this to your bride8 ,but lest ,i should seem to find fault with those reasons others give1 only because ,i have none of my own to produce1 continued he1 ,i will begin by declaring that there is no such evident or public notice given of any feast as there is of one at a marriage4 ,for when we sacrifice to the gods1 when we take leave of or receive a friend1 a great many of our acquaintance need not know it4 ,but a marriage dinner is proclaimed by the loud sound of the wedding song1 by the torches and the music1 which as ,homer expresseth it1 ,the women stand before the doors to see and hear4 7,iliad1 xviii4 #die47 ,and therefore when everybody knows it1 the persons are ashamed to omit the formality of an invitation1 and therefore entertain their friends and kindred1 and every one that they are anyway acquainted with4 ,this being generally approved1 ,well1 said ,theo1 speaking next1 let it be so1 for it looks like truth2 but let this be added1 if you please1 that such entertainments are not only friendly1 but also kindredly1 the persons beginning to have a new relation to another family4 ,but there is something more considerable1 and that is this2 since by this marriage two families join in one1 the man thinks it his duty to be civil and obliging to the woman's friends1 and the woman's friends think themselves obliged to return the same to him and his2 and upon this account the company is doubled4 ,and besides1 since most of the little ceremonies belonging to the wedding are performed by women1 it is necessary that1 where they are entertained1 their husbands should be likewise present4 ,,question ,,iv4 ,,whether ,,the ,,sea ,,or ,,land ,,affords ,,better ,,food4 ,,callistratus1 ,,symmachus1 ,,polycrates4 ,aedepsus in ,euboea1 where the baths are1 is a place by nature every way fitted for free and gentle pleasures1 and withal so beautified with stately edifices and dining rooms1 that one would take it for no other than the common place of repast for all ,greece4 ,here1 though the earth and air yield plenty of creatures for the service of men1 the sea no less furnisheth the table with variety of dishes1 nourishing a store of delicious fish in its deep and clear waters4 ,this place is especially frequented in the spring2 for hither at this time of year abundance of people resort1 solacing themselves in the mutual enjoyment of all those pleasures the place affords1 and at spare hours pass away the time in many useful and edifying discourses4 ,when ,callistratus the ,sophist lived here1 it was a hard matter to dine at any place besides his house2 for he was so extremely courteous and obliging1 that no man whom he invited to dinner could have the face to say him nay4 ,one of his best humors was to pick up all the pleasant fellows he could meet with1 and put them in the same room4 ,sometimes he did1 as ,cimon one of the ancients used to do1 and satisfactorily treated men of all sorts and fashions4 ,but he always 7so to speak7 followed ,celeus1 who was the first man1 it is said1 that assembled daily a number of honorable persons of distinction1 and called the place where they met the ,prytaneum4 ,several times at these public meetings divers agreeable discourses were raised2 and it fell out that once a very splendid treat1 adorned with all variety of dainties1 gave occasion for inquiries concerning food1 whether the land or sea yielded better4 ,here when a great part of the company were highly commanding the land1 as abounding with many choice1 nay1 an infinite variety of all sorts of creatures1 ,polycrates calling to ,symmachus1 said to him3 ,but you1 sir1 being an animal bred between two seas1 and brought up among so many which surround your sacred ,nicopolis1 will not you stand up for ,neptune8 ,yes1 ,i will1 replied ,symmachus1 and therefore command you to stand by me1 who enjoy the most pleasant part of all the ,achaean ,sea4 ,well1 says ,polycrates1 the beginning of my discourse shall be grounded upon custom2 for as of a great number of poets we usually give one1 who far excels the rest1 the famous name of poet2 so though there be many sorts of dainties1 yet custom has so prevailed that the fish alone1 or above all the rest1 is called ,greek omitted1 because it is more excellent than all others4 ,for we do not call those gluttonous and great eaters who love beef as ,hercules1 who after flesh used to eat green figs2 nor those that love figs1 as ,plato2 nor lastly1 those that are for grapes1 as ,arcesilaus2 but those who frequent the fish-market1 and soonest hear the market-bell4 ,thus when ,demosthenes had told ,philocrates that the gold he got by treachery was spent upon whores and fish1 he upbraids him as a gluttonous and lascivious fellow4 ,and ,ctesiphon said pat enough1 when a certain glutton cried aloud in company that he should burst asunder3 ,no1 by no means let us be baits for your fish6 ,and what did he mean1 do you think1 who made this verse1 ,you capers gnaw1 when you may sturgeon eat8 ,and what1 for ,god's sake1 do those men mean who1 inviting one another to sumptuous collations1 usually say3 ,to-day we will dine upon the shore8 ,is it not that they suppose1 what is certainly true1 that a dinner upon the shore is of all others most delicious8 ,not by reason of the waves the sea-coast would be content to feed upon a pulse or a caper8--but because their table is furnished with plenty of fresh fish4 ,add to this1 that sea-food is dearer than any other4 ,wherefore ,cato inveighing against the luxury of the city1 did not exceed the bounds of truth1 when he said that at ,rome a fish was sold for more than an ox4 ,for they sell a small pot of fish for as much as a hecatomb of sheep and all the accessories of sacrifice4 ,besides1 as the physician is the best judge of physic1 and the musician of songs2 so he is able to give the best account of the goodness of meat who is the greatest lover of it4 ,for ,i will not make ,pythagoras and ,xenocrates arbitrators in this case2 but ,antagoras the poet1 and ,philoxenus the son of ,eryxis1 and ,androcydes the painter1 of whom it was reported that1 when he drew a landscape of ,scylla1 he drew fish in a lively manner swimming round her1 because he was a great lover of them4 ,so ,antigonus the king1 surprising ,antagoras the poet in the habit of a cook1 broiling congers in his tent1 said to him3 ,dost thou think that ,homer was dressing congers when he writ ,agamemnon's famous exploits8 ,and he as smartly replied3 ,do you think that ,agamemnon did so many famous exploits when he was inquiring who dressed congers in the camp8 ,these arguments1 says ,polycrates1 ,i have urged in behalf of fishmongers1 drawing them from testimony and custom4 ,but1 says ,symmachus1 ,i will go more seriously to work1 and more like a logician4 ,for if that may truly be said to be a relish which gives meat the best relish1 it will evidently follow1 that that is the best sort of relish which gets men the best stomach to their meat4 ,therefore1 as those philosophers who were called ,elpistics 7from the ,greek word signifying hope1 which above all others they cried up7 averred that there was nothing in the world which concurred more to the preservation of life than hope1 without whose gracious influence life would be a burden and altogether intolerable2 in the like manner that of all other things may be said to get us a stomach to our meat without which all meat would be unpalatable and nauseous4 ,and among all those things the earth yields1 we find no such things as salt1 which we can only have from the sea4 ,first of all1 without salt1 there would be nothing eatable which mixed with flour seasons bread also4 ,neptune and ,ceres had both the same temple4 ,besides1 salt is the most pleasant of all condiments4 ,for those heroes who like athletes used themselves to a spare diet1 banishing from their tables all vain and superfluous delicacies1 to such a degree that when they encamped by the ,hellespont they abstained from fish1 yet for all this could not eat flesh without salt2 which is a sufficient evidence that salt is the most desirable of all relishes4 ,for as colors need light1 so tastes require salt1 that they may affect the sense1 unless you would have them very nauseous and unpleasant4 ,for1 as ,heraclitus used to say1 a carcass is more abominable than dung4 ,now all flesh is dead and part of a lifeless carcass2 but the virtue of salt1 being added to it1 like a soul1 gives it a pleasing relish and a poignancy4 ,hence it comes to pass that before meat men use to take sharp things1 and such as have much salt in them2 for these beguile us into an appetite4 ,and whoever has his stomach sharpened with these sets cheerfully and freshly upon all other sorts of meat4 ,but if he begin with any other kind of food1 all on a sudden his stomach grows dull and languid4 ,and therefore salt doth not only make meat but drink palatable4 ,for ,homer's onion1 which1 he tells us1 they were used to eat before they drank1 was fitter for seamen and boatmen than kings4 ,things moderately salt1 by being pleasing to the mouth1 make all sorts of wine mild and palateable1 and water itself of a pleasing taste4 ,besides1 salt creates none of those troubles which an onion does1 but digests all other kinds of meat1 making them tender and fitter for concoction2 so that at the same time it is sauce to the palate and physic to the body4 ,but all other seafood1 besides this pleasantness1 is also very innocent for though it be fleshly1 yet it does not load the stomach as all other flesh does1 but is easily concocted and digested4 ,this ,zeno will avouch for me1 and ,crato too1 who confine sick persons to a fish diet1 as of all others the lightest sort of meat4 ,and it stands with reason1 that the sea should produce the most nourishing and wholesome food1 seeing it yields us the most refined1 the purest and therefore the most agreeable air4 ,you say right1 says ,lamprias1 but let us think of something else to confirm what you have spoken4 ,i remember my old grandfather was used to say in derision of the ,jews1 that they abstained from most lawful flesh2 but we will say that that is the most lawful meat which comes from the sea4 ,for we can claim no great right over land creatures1 which are nourished with the same food1 draw the same air1 wash in and drink the same water1 that we do ourselves2 and when they are slaughtered1 they make us ashamed of what we are doing1 with their hideous cries2 and then again1 by living amongst us1 they arrive at some degree of familiarity and intimacy with us4 ,but sea creatures are altogether strangers to us1 and are born and brought up as it were in another world2 neither does their voice1 look1 or any service they have done us plead for their life4 ,for this kind of creatures are of no use at all to us1 nor is there any necessity that we should love them4 ,but that place which we inhabit is hell to them1 and as soon as ever they enter upon it they die4 ,,question ,v4 ,,whether ,,the ,,jews ,,abstained ,,from ,,swine',s ,,flesh ,,because ,,they ,,worshipped ,,that ,,creature1 ,,or ,,because ,,they ,,had ,,an ,,antipathy ,,against ,,it4 ,,callistratus1 ,,polycrates1 ,,lamprias4 ,after these things were spoken1 and some in the company were minded to say something in defence of the contrary opinion1 ,callistratus interrupted their discourse and said3 ,sirs1 what do you think of that which was spoken against the ,jews1 that they abstain from the most lawful flesh8 ,very well said1 quoth ,polycrates1 for that is a thing ,i very much question1 whether it was that the ,jews abstained from swine's flesh because they conferred divine honor upon that creature1 or because they had a natural aversion to it4 ,for whatever we find in their own writings seems to be altogether fabulous1 except they have some more solid reasons which they have no mind to discover4 ,hence it is1 says ,callistratus1 that ,i am of an opinion that this nation has that creature in some veneration2 and though it be granted that the hog is an ugly and filthy creature1 yet it is not quite so vile nor naturally stupid as a beetle1 griffin1 crocodile1 or cat1 most of which are worshipped as the most sacred things by some priests amongst the ,egyptians4 ,but the reason why the hog is had in so much honor and veneration amongst them is1 because as the report goes1 that creature breaking up the earth with its snout showed the way to tillage1 and taught them how to use the ploughshare1 which instrument for that very reason1 as some say1 was called ,,hynis from ,greek omitted1 ,a ,,swine4 ,now the ,egyptians inhabiting a country situated low and whose soil is naturally soft1 have no need of the plough2 but after the river ,nile hath retired from the grounds it overflowed1 they presently let in all their hogs into the fields1 and they with their feet and snout break up the ground1 and cover the sown seed4 ,nor ought this to seem strange to anyone1 that there are in the world those that abstain from swine's flesh on such an account as this2 when it is evident that in barbarous nations there are other animals had in greater honor and veneration for lesser reasons1 if not altogether ridiculous4 ,for the field-mouse only for its blindness was worshipped as a god among the ,egyptians1 because they were of an opinion that darkness was before light and that the latter had its birth from mice about the fifth generation at the new moon2 and moreover that the liver of this creature diminishes in the wane of the moon4 ,but they consecrate the lion to the sun1 because the lioness alone1 of all clawed four-footed beasts1 brings forth her young with their eyesight2 for they sleep in a moment1 and when they are asleep their eyes sparkle4 ,besides1 they place gaping lions' heads for the spouts of their fountains1 because ,nilus overflows the ,egyptian fields when the sign is ,leo3 they give it out that their bird ibis1 as soon as hatched1 weighs two drachms1 which are of the same weight with the heart of a newborn infant2 and that its legs being spread with the bill an exact equilateral triangle4 ,and yet who can find fault with the ,egyptians for these trifles1 when it is left upon record that the ,pythagoreans worshipped a white cock1 and of sea creatures abstained especially from mullet and urtic4 ,the ,magi that descended from ,zoroaster adored the land hedgehog above other creatures but had a deadly spite against water-rats1 and thought that man was dear in the eyes of the gods who destroyed most of them4 ,but ,i should think that if the ,jews had such an antipathy against a hog1 they would kill it as the magicians do mice2 when1 on the contrary1 they are by their religion as much prohibited to kill as to eat it4 ,and perhaps there may be some reason given for this2 for as the ass is worshipped by them as the first discoverer of fountains1 so perhaps the hog may be had in like veneration1 which first taught them to sow and plough4 ,nay1 some say that the ,jews also abstain from hares1 as abominable and unclean creatures4 ,they have reason for that1 said ,lamprias1 because a hare is so like an ass which they detest2 for in its color1 ears1 and the sparkling of its eyes1 it is so like an ass1 that ,i do not know any little creature that represents a great one so much as a hare doth an ass2 except in this likewise imitating the ,egyptians1 they suppose that there is something of divinity in the swiftness of this creature1 as also in its quickness of sense2 for the eyes of hares are so unwearied that they sleep with them open4 ,besides1 they seem to excel all other creatures in quickness of hearing2 whence it was that the ,egyptians painted a hare's ear amongst their other hieroglyphics1 as an emblem of hearing4 ,but the ,jews do hate swine's flesh1 because all the barbarians are naturally fearful of a scab and leprosy1 which they presume comes by eating such kind of flesh4 ,for we may observe that all pigs under the belly are overspread with a leprosy and scab2 which may be supposed to proceed from an ill disposition of body and corruption within1 which breaks out through the skin4 ,besides1 swine's feeding is commonly so nasty and filthy1 that it must of necessity cause corruptions and vicious humors2 for1 setting aside those creatures that are bred from and live upon dung1 there is no other creature that takes so much delight to wallow in the mire and in other unclean and stinking places4 ,hogs' eyes are said to be so flattened and fixed upon the ground1 that they see nothing above them1 nor ever look up to the sky1 except when turned upon their back they turn their eyes upwards contrary to nature4 ,therefore this creature1 at other times most clamorous' when laid upon his back1 is still1 as astonished at the unusual sight of the heavens2 while the greatness of the fear he is in 7as it is supposed7 is the cause of his silence4 ,and if it be lawful to intermix our discourse with fables1 it is said that ,adonis was slain by a boar4 ,now ,adonis is supposed to be the same with ,bacchus2 and there are a great many rites in both their sacrifices which confirm this opinion4 ,others will have ,adonis to be ,bacchus's paramour2 and ,phanocles an amorous love-poet writes thus1 ,bacchus on hills the fair ,adonis saw1 ,and ravished him1 and reaped a wondrous joy4 ,,question ,,vi4 ,,what ,,god ,,is ,,worshipped ,,by ,,the ,,jews4 ,,symmachus1 ,,lamprias1 ,,moeragenes4 ,here ,symmachus1 greatly wondering at what was spoken1 says3 ,what1 ,lamprias1 will you permit our tutelar god1 called ,evius1 the inciter of women1 famous for the honors he has conferred upon him by madmen1 to be inscribed and enrolled in the mysteries of the ,jews8 ,or is there any solid reason that can be given to prove ,adonis to be the same with ,bacchus8 ,here ,moeragenes interposing1 said3 ,do not be so fierce upon him1 for ,i who am an ,athenian answer you1 and tell you1 in short1 that these two are the very same4 ,and no man is able or fit to bring the chief confirmation of this truth1 but those amongst us who are initiated and skilled in the triennial ,greek omitted or chief mysteries of the god4 ,but what no religion forbids to speak of among friends1 especially over wine1 the gift of ,bacchus1 ,i am ready at the command of these gentlemen to disclose4 ,when all the company requested and earnestly begged it of him2 first of all 7says he71 the time and manner of the greatest and most holy solemnity of the ,jews is exactly agreeable to the holy rites of ,bacchus2 for that which they call the ,fast they celebrate in the midst of the vintage1 furnishing their tables with all sorts of fruits while they sit under tabernacles made of vines and ivy2 and the day which immediately goes before this they call the day of ,tabernacles4 ,within a few days after they celebrate another feast1 not darkly but openly1 dedicated to ,bacchus1 for they have a feast amongst them called ,kradephoria1 from carrying palm-trees1 and ,thyrsophoria1 when they enter into the temple carrying thyrsi4 ,what they do within ,i know not2 but it is very probable that they perform the rites of ,bacchus4 ,first they have little trumpets1 such as the ,grecians used to have at their ,bacchanalia to call upon their gods withal4 ,others go before them playing upon harps1 which they call ,levites1 whether so named from ,lusius or ,evius1--either word agrees with ,bacchus4 ,and ,i suppose that their ,sabbaths have some relation to ,bacchus2 for even now many call the ,bacchi by the name of ,sabbi1 and they make use of that word at the celebration of ,bacchus's orgies4 ,and this may be discovered out of ,demosthenes and ,menander4 ,nor would it be out of place1 were any one to say that the name ,sabbath was given to this feast from the agitation and excitement ,greek omitted which the priests of ,bacchus display4 ,the ,jews themselves witness no less2 for when they keep the ,sabbath1 they invite one another to drink till they are drunk2 or if they chance to be hindered by some more weighty business1 it is the fashion at least to taste the wine4 ,some perhaps may surmise that these are mere conjectures4 ,but there are other arguments which will clearly evince the truth of what ,i assert4 ,the first may be drawn from their ,high-priest1 who on holidays enters their temple with his mitre on1 arrayed in a skin of a hind embroidered with gold1 wearing buskins1 and a coat hanging down to his ankles2 besides1 he has a great many little bells depending from his garment which make a noise as he walks4 ,so in the nocturnal ceremonies of ,bacchus 7as the fashion is amongst us71 they make use of music1 and call the god's nurses ,greek omitted4 ,high up on the wall of their temple is a representation of the thyrsus and timbrels1 which surely suits no other god than ,bacchus4 ,mor ancients were wont to make themselves drunk1 before the vine was known4 ,and at this day barbarous people who want wine drink metheglin1 allaying the sweetness of the honey by bitter roots1 much of the taste of our wine4 ,the ,greeks offered to their gods these temperate offerings or honey-offerings1 as they called them1 because that honey was of a nature quite contrary to wine4 ,but this is no inconsiderable argument that ,bacchus was worshipped by the ,jews1 in that1 amongst other kinds of punishment1 that was most remarkably odious by which malefactors were forbid the use of wine for so long a time as the judge thought fit to prescribe4 ,those thus punished4444 7,the remainder of the ,fourth ,book is wanting47 ,,question ,,vii4 ,,why ,,the ,,days ,,which ,,have ,,the ,,names ,,of ,,the ,,planets ,,are ,,not ,,arranged ,,according ,,to ,,the ,,order ,,of ,,the ,,planets1 ,,but ,,the ,,contrary4 ,,there ,,is ,,added ,a ,,discourse ,,on ,,the ,,position ,,of ,,the ,,sun4 ,,question ,,viii4 ,,why ,,signet-,,rings ,,are ,,worn ,,chiefly ,,on ,,the ,,fourth ,,finger4 ,,question ,,ix4 ,,whether ,,we ,,ought ,,to ,,carry ,,in ,,our ,,seal-,,rings ,,effigies ,,of ,,gods1 ,,or ,,those ,,of ,,wise ,,personages4 ,,question ,x4 ,,why ,,women ,,do ,,not ,,eat ,,the ,,middle ,,part ,,of ,,lettuce4 ,,book ,v4 ,what is your opinion at present1 ,sossius ,senecio1 of the pleasures of mind and body1 is not evident to me2 ,because us two a thousand things divide1 ,vast shady hills1 and the rough ocean's tide4 7,iliad i4 #aef7 ,but formerly1 ,i am sure1 you did not lean to nor like their opinion1 who will not allow the soul to have any proper agreeable pleasure1 which without respect to the body she desires for herself2 but define that she lives as a form assistant to the body1 is directed by the passions of it1 and1 as that is affected1 is either pleased or grieved1 or1 like a looking-glass1 only receives the images of those sensible impressions made upon the body4 ,this sordid and debasing opinion is especially confuted as follows2 for at a feast1 the genteel well-bred men after supper fall upon some topic or another as second course1 and cheer one another by their pleasant talk4 ,now the body hath very little or no share in this2 which evidently proves that this is a particular banquet for the soul1 and that those pleasures are peculiar to her1 and different from those which pass to her through the body and are vitiated thereby4 ,now1 as nurses1 when they feed children1 taste a little of their pap1 and have but little pleasure therefrom1 but when the infants are satisfied1 leave crying1 and go to sleep1 then being at their own disposal1 they take such meat and drink as is agreeable to their own bodies2 thus the soul partakes of the pleasures that arise from eating and drinking1 like a nurse1 being subservient to the appetites of the body1 kindly yielding to its necessities and wants1 and calming its desires2 but when that is satisfied and at rest1 then being free from her business and servile employment1 she seeks her own proper pleasures1 revels on discourse1 problems1 stories1 curious questions1 or subtle resolutions4 ,nay1 what shall a man say1 when he sees the dull unlearned fellows after supper minding such pleasures as have not the least relation to the body8 ,they tell tales1 propose riddles1 or set one another a-guessing at names1 comprised and hid under such and such numbers4 ,thus mimics1 drolls1 ,menander and his actors were admitted into banquets1 not because they can free the eye from any pain1 or raise any tickling motion in the flesh2 but because the soul1 being naturally philosophical and a lover of instruction1 covets its own proper pleasure and satisfaction1 when it is free from the trouble of looking after the body4 ,,question ,i4 ,,why ,,we ,,take ,,delight ,,in ,,hearing ,,those ,,that ,,represent ,,the ,,passions ,,of ,,men ,,angry ,,or ,,sorrowful1 ,,and ,,yet ,,cannot ,,without ,,concern ,,behold ,,those ,,who ,,are ,,really ,,so ,,affected8 ,,plutarch1 ,,boethus4 ,of this we discoursed in your company at ,athens1 when ,strato the comedian 7for he was a man of great credit7 flourished4 ,for being entertained at supper by ,boethus the ,epicurean1 with a great many more of the sect1 as it usually happens when learned and inquisitive men meet together1 the remembrance of the comedy led us to this inquiry1--,why we are disturbed at the real voices of men1 either angry1 pensive1 or afraid1 and yet are delighted to hear others represent them1 and imitate their gestures1 speeches1 and exclamations4 ,every one in the company gave almost the same reason4 ,for they said1 he that only represents excels him that really feels1 inasmuch as he doth not suffer the misfortunes2 which we knowing are pleased and delighted on that account4 ,but ,i1 though it was not properly my talent1 said that we1 being by nature rational and lovers of ingenuity1 are delighted with and admire everything that is artificially and ingeniously contrived4 ,for as a bee1 naturally loving sweet things1 seeks after and flies to anything that has any mixture of honey in it2 so man1 naturally loving ingenuity and elegancy1 is very much inclined to accept and highly approve every word or action that is seasoned with wit and judgement4 ,thus1 if any one offers a child a piece of bread1 and at the same time1 a little dog or ox made in paste1 we shall see the boy run eagerly to the latter2 so likewise if anyone1 offers silver in the lump1 and another a beast or a cup of the same metal1 he will rather choose that in which he sees a mixture of art and reason4 ,upon the same account it is that a child is much in love with riddles1 and such fooleries as are difficult and intricate2 for whatever is curious and subtle doth attract and allure mankind1 as antecedently to all instruction agreeable and proper to it4 ,and therefore1 because he that is really affected with grief or anger presents us with nothing but the common bare passion1 but in the imitation some dexterity and persuasiveness appears1 we are naturally inclined to be disturbed at the former1 whilst the latter delights us4 ,it is unpleasant to see a sick man1 or one at his last gasp2 yet with content we can look upon the picture of ,philoctetes1 or the statue of ,jocasta1 in whose face it is commonly said that the workmen mixed silver1 so that the brass might depict the face and color of one ready to faint and expire4 ,and this1 said ,i1 the ,cyrenaics may use as a strong argument against you ,epicureans1 that all the sense of pleasure which arises from the working of any object on the ear or eye is not in those organs1 but in the intellect itself4 ,thus the continual cackling of a hen or cawing of a crow is very ungrateful and disturbing2 yet he that imitates those noises well pleases the hearers4 ,thus to behold a consumptive man is no delightful spectacle2 yet with pleasure we can view the pictures and statues of such persons1 because the very imitating hath something in it very agreeable to the mind1 which allures and captivates its faculties4 ,for upon what other account1 for ,god's sake1 from what external impression upon our organs1 should men be moved to admire ,parmeno's sow so much as to pass it into a proverb8 ,yet it is reported1 that ,parmeno being very famous for imitating the grunting of a pig1 some endeavoured to rival and outdo him4 ,and when the hearers1 being prejudiced1 cried out1 ,very well indeed1 but nothing comparable to ,parmeno's sow2 one took a pig under his arm and came upon the stage4 ,and when1 though they heard the very pig1 they still continued1 ,this is nothing comparable to ,parmeno's sow2 he threw his pig amongst them1 to show that they judged according to opinion and not truth4 ,and hence it is very evident1 that like motions of the sense do not always raise like affections in the mind1 when there is not an opinion that the thing done was not neatly and ingeniously performed4 ,,question ,,ii4 ,,that ,,the ,,prize ,,for ,,poets ,,at ,,the ,,games ,,was ,,ancient4 ,at the solemnity of the ,pythian names1 there was a consult about taking away all such sports as had lately crept in and were not of ancient institution4 ,for after they had taken in the tragedy in addition to the three ancient1 which were as old as the solemnity itself1 the ,pythian piper1 the harper1 and the singer to the harp1 as if a large gate were opened1 they could not keep out an infinite crowd of plays and musical entertainments of all sorts that rushed in after him4 ,which indeed made no unpleasant variety1 and increased the company1 but yet impaired the gravity and neatness of the solemnity4 ,besides it must create a great deal of trouble to the umpires1 and considerable dissatisfaction to very many1 since but few could obtain the prize4 ,it was chiefly agreed upon1 that the orators and poets should be removed2 and this determination did not proceed from any hatred to learning1 but forasmuch as such contenders are the most noted and worthiest men of all1 therefore they reverence them1 and were troubled that1 when they must judge every one very deserving1 they could not bestow the prize equally upon all4 ,i1 being present at this consult1 dissuaded those who were for removing things from their present settled order1 and who thought this variety as unsuitable to the solemnity as many strings and many notes to an instrument4 ,and when at supper1 ,petraeus the president and director of the sports entertaining us1 the same subject was discoursed on1 ,i defended music1 and maintained that poetry was no upstart intruder1 but that it was time out of mind admitted into the sacred games1 and crowns were given to the best performer4 ,some straight imagined that ,i intended to produce some old musty stories1 like the funeral solemnities of ,oeolycus the ,thessalian or of ,amphidamas the ,chalcidean1 in which they say ,homer and ,hesiod contended for the prize4 ,but passing by these instances as the common theme of every grammarian1 as likewise their criticisms who1 in the description of ,patroclus's obsequies in ,homer1 read ,greek omitted ,,orators1 and not ,greek omitted1 ,,darters1 7,iliad1 xxiii1 #hhf47 as if ,achilles had proposed a prize for the best speaker1--omitting all these1 ,i said that ,acastus at his father ,pelias's funeral set a prize for contending poets1 and ,sibylla won it4 ,at this1 a great many demanding some authority for this unlikely and incredible relation1 ,i happily recollecting myself produced ,acesander1 who in his description of ,africa hath this relation2 but ,i must confess this is no common book4 ,but ,polemo the ,athenian's ,commentary of the ,treasures of the ,city ,delphi ,i suppose most of you have diligently perused1 he being a very learned man in the ,greek ,antiquities4 ,in him you shall find that in the ,sicyonian treasure there was a golden book dedicated to the god1 with this inscription3 ,aristomache1 the poetess of ,erythraea1 dedicated this after she had got the prize at the ,isthmian games4 ,nor is there any reason1 ,i continued1 why we should so admire and reverence the ,olympic games1 as if1 like ,fate1 they were unalterable1 and never admitted any change since the first institution4 ,for the ,pythian1 it is true1 hath had three or four musical prizes added2 but all the exercises of the body were for the most part the same from the beginning4 ,but in the ,olympian all beside racing are late additions4 ,they instituted some1 and abolished them again2 such were the races of mules1 either rode or in a chariot as likewise the crown appointed for boys that were victor's in the five contests4 ,and1 in short1 a thousand things in those games are mere novelties4 ,at ,pisa they had a single combat1 where he that yielded or was overcome was killed upon the place4 ,but pray for the future require no author for my story1 lest ,i may appear ridiculous if amidst my cups ,i should forget the name4 ,,question ,,iii4 ,,why ,,was ,,the ,,pine ,,counted ,,sacred ,,to ,,neptune ,,and ,,bacchus8 ,,and ,,why ,,at ,,first ,,the ,,conqueror ,,in ,,the ,,isthmian ,,games ,,was ,,crowned ,,with ,a ,,garland ,,of ,,pine1 ,,afterwards ,,with ,,parsley1 ,,and ,,now ,,again ,,with ,,pine4 ,,lucanius1 ,,praxiteles4 ,this question was started1 why the ,isthmian garland was made of pine4 ,we were then at supper in ,corinth1 in the time of the ,isthmian games1 with ,lucanius the chief priest4 ,praxiteles the commentator brought this fable for a reason2 it is said that the body of ,melicertes was found fixed to a pine-tree by the sea2 and not far from ,megara1 there is a place called the ,race of a ,fair ,lady1 through which the ,megarians say that ,ino1 with her son ,melicertes in her arms1 ran to the sea4 ,and when many put forth the common opinion1 that the pine-tree garland peculiarly belongs to ,neptune1 ,lucanius added that it is sacred to ,bacchus too1 but yet1 for all that1 it might also be appropriated to the honor of ,melicertes2 this started the question1 why the ancients dedicated the pine to ,neptune and ,bacchus4 ,as for my part1 it did not seem incongruous to me1 for both the gods seem to preside over the moist and generative principle2 and almost all the ,greeks sacrifice to ,neptune the nourisher of plants1 and to ,bacchus the preserver of trees4 ,besides1 it may be said that the pine peculiarly agrees to ,neptune1 not1 as ,apollodorus thinks1 because it grows by the seaside1 or because it loves a bleak place 7for some give this reason71 but because it is used in building ships2 for it together with the like trees1 as fir and cypress1 affords the best and the lightest timber1 and likewise pitch and rosin1 without which the compacted planks would be altogether unserviceable at sea4 ,to ,bacchus they dedicate the pine1 because it seasons wine1 for among the pines they say the sweetest and most delicious grapes grow4 ,the cause of this ,theophrastus thinks to be the heat of the soil2 for pines grow most in chalky grounds4 ,now chalk is hot1 and therefore must very much conduce to the concoction of the wine2 as a chalky spring affords the lightest and sweetest water2 and if chalk is mixed with corn1 by its heat it makes the grains swell1 and considerably increases the heap4 ,besides1 it is probable that the vine itself is bettered by the pine1 for that contains several things which are good to preserve wine4 ,all cover the insides of wine casks with rosin1 and many mix rosin with wine1 as the ,euboeans in ,greece1 and in ,italy those that live about the river ,po4 ,from the parts of ,gaul about ,vienna there is a sort of pitched wine brought1 which the ,romans value very much2 for such things mixed with it do not only give it a good flavor1 but make the wine generous1 taking away by their gentle heat all the crude1 watery1 and undigested particles4 ,when ,i had said thus much1 a rhetorician in the company1 a man well read in all sorts of polite learning1 cried out3 ,good ,gods6 was it not but the other day that the ,isthmian garland began to be made of pine8 ,and was not the crown anciently of twined parsley8 ,i am sure in a certain comedy a covetous man is brought in speaking thus3-- ,the ,isthmian garland ,i will sell as cheap ,as common wreaths of parsley may be sold4 ,and ,timaeus the historian says that1 when the ,corinthians were marching to fight the ,carthaginians in the defence of ,sicily1 some persons carrying parsley met them1 and when several looked upon this as a bad omen1--because parsley is accounted unlucky1 and those that are dangerously sick we usually say have need of parsley1--,timoleon encouraged them by putting them in mind of the ,isthmian parsley garland with which the ,corinthians used to crown the conquerors4 ,and besides1 the admiral-ship of ,antigonus's navy1 having by chance some parsley growing on its poop1 was called ,isthmia4 ,besides1 a certain obscure epigram upon an earthen vessel stopped with parsley intimates the same thing4 ,it runs thus3-- ,the ,grecian earth1 now hardened by the flame1 ,holds in its hollow belly ,bacchus blood2 ,and hath its mouth with ,isthmian branches stopped4 ,sure1 he continued1 they never read these authors1 who cry up the pine as anciently wreathed in the ,isthmian garlands1 and would not have it some upstart intruder4 ,the young men yielded presently to him1 as being a man of various reading and very learned4 ,but ,lucanius1 with a smile looking upon me1 cried out3 ,good ,god6 here's a deal of learning4 ,but others have taken advantage of our ignorance and unacquaintedness with such matters1 and1 on the contrary1 persuaded us that the pine was the first garland1 and that afterwards in honor of ,hercules the parsley was received from the ,nemean games1 which in a little time prevailing1 thrust out the pine1 as if it were its right to be the wreath2 but a little while after the pine recovered its ancient honor1 and now flourishes in its glory4 ,i was satisfied1 and upon consideration found that ,i had run across a great many authorities for it4 ,thus ,euphorion writes of ,melicertes1 ,they mourned the youth1 and him on pine boughs laid ,of which the ,isthmian victors' crowns are made4 ,fate had not yet seized beauteous ,mene's son ,by smooth ,asopus2 since whose fall the crown ,of parsley wreathed did grace the victor's brow4 ,and ,callimachus is plainer and more express1 when he makes ,hercules speak thus of parsley1 ,this at ,isthmian sports ,to ,neptune's glory now shall be the crown2 ,the pine shall be disused1 which heretofore ,in ,corinth's fields successful victors wore4 ,and besides1 if ,i am not mistaken1 in ,procles's history of the ,isthmian games ,i met with this passage2 at first a pine garland crowned the conqueror1 but when this game began to be reckoned amongst the sacred1 then from the ,nemean solemnity the parsley was received4 ,and this ,procles was one of ,xenocrates's fellow-students at the ,academy4 ,,question ,,iv4 ,,concerning ,,that ,,expression ,,in ,,homer1 ,,greek ,,omitted 7,iliad1 ix4 #bjc47 ,,niceratus1 ,,sosicles1 ,,antipater1 ,,plutarch4 ,some at the table were of opinion that ,achilles talked nonsense when he bade ,patroclus mix the wine stronger1 adding this reason1 ,for now ,i entertain my dearest friends4 ,but ,niceratus a ,macedonian1 my particular acquaintance1 maintained that ,greek omitted did not signify pure but hot wine2 as if it were derived from ,greek omitted and ,greek omitted 7,,life-,,giving ,,and ,,boiling71 and it were requisite at the coming of his friends to temper a fresh bowl1 as every one of us in his offering at the altar pours out fresh wine4 ,but ,sosicles the poet1 remembering a saying of ,empedocles1 that in the great universal change those things which before were ,greek omitted1 ,,unmixed1 should then be ,greek omitted1 affirmed that ,greek omitted there signified ,greek omitted1 ,,well-,,tempered1 and that ,achilles might with a great deal of reason bid ,patroclus provide well-tempered wine for the entertainment of his friends2 and it was absurd 7he said7 to use ,greek omitted for ,greek omitted any more than ,greek omitted for ,greek omitted1 or ,greek omitted for ,greek omitted1 for the comparatives are very properly put for the positives4 ,my friend ,antipater said that years were anciently called ,greek omitted1 and that the particle ,greek omitted in composition signified greatness2 and therefore old wine1 that had been kept for many years1 was called by ,achilles ,greek omitted4 ,i put them in mind that some imagine that ,greek omitted1 hot1 is signified by ,greek omitted1 and that hotter means really faster1 as when we command servants to move themselves more hotly or in hotter haste4 ,but ,i must confess1 your dispute is frivolous1 since it is raised upon this supposition that if ,greek omitted1 signifies more pure wine1 ,achilles's command would be absurd1 as ,zoilus of ,amphipolis imagined4 ,for first he did not consider that ,achilles saw ,phoenix and ,ulysses to be old men1 who are not pleased with diluted wine1 and upon that account forbade any mixture4 ,besides1 he having been ,chiron's scholar1 and from him having learned the rules of diet1 he considered that weaker and more diluted liquors were fittest for those bodies that lay at ease1 and were not employed in their customary exercise or labor4 ,thus with the other provender he gave his horses smallage1 and this upon very good reason2 for horses that lie still grow sore in their feet1 and smallage is the best remedy in the world against that4 ,and you will not find smallage or anything of the same nature given to any other horses in the whole ,iliad4 ,thus ,achilles1 being experienced in physic1 provided suitable provender for his horses1 and used the lightest diet himself1 as the fittest whilst he lay at ease4 ,but those that had been wearied all day in fight he did not think convenient to treat like those that had lain at ease1 but commanded more pure and stronger wine to be prepared4 ,besides1 ,achilles doth not appear to be naturally addicted to drinking1 but he was of a haughty1 inexorable temper4 ,no pleasant humor1 no1 soft mind he bore1 ,but was all fire and rage4 7,iliad1 xx4 #dfg47 ,and in another place very plainly ,homer says1 that ,many a sleepless night he knew4 7,iliad1 ix4 #cbe47 ,now little sleep cannot content those that drink strong liquors2 and in his railing at ,agamemnon1 the first ill name he gives him is drunkard1 proposing his great drinking as the chiefest of his faults4 ,and for these reasons it is likely that1 when they came1 he thought his usual mixture too weak and not convenient for them4 ,,question ,v4 ,,concerning ,,those ,,that ,,invite ,,many ,,to ,a ,,supper4 ,,plutarch1 ,,onesicrates1 ,,lamprias ,,the ,,elder4 ,at my return from ,alexandria all my friends by turns treated me1 inviting all such too as were any way acquainted1 so that our meetings were usually tumultuous and suddenly dissolved2 which disorders gave occasion to discourses concerning the inconveniences that attend such crowded entertainments4 ,but when ,onesicrates the physician in his turn invited only the most familiar acquaintance1 and men of the most agreeable temper1 ,i thought that what ,plato says concerning the increase of cities might be applied to entertainments4 ,for there is a certain number which an entertainment may receive1 and still be an entertainment2 but if it exceeds that1 so that by reason of the number there cannot be a mutual conversation amongst all1 if they cannot know one another nor partake of the same jollity1 it ceaseth to be such4 ,for we should not want messengers there1 as in a camp1 or boatswains1 as in a galley2 but we ourselves should immediately converse with one another4 ,as in a dance1 so in an entertainment1 the last man should be placed within hearing of the first4 ,as ,i was speaking1 my grandfather ,lamprias cried out3 ,then it seems there is need of temperance not only in our feasts1 but also in our invitations4 ,for methinks there is even an excess in kindness1 when we pass by none of our friends1 but draw them all in1 as to see a sight or hear a play4 ,and ,i think1 it is not so great a disgrace for the entertainer not to have bread or wine enough for his1 guests1 as not to have room enough1 with which he ought always to be provided1 not only for invited guests1 strangers and chance visitants4 ,for suppose he hath not wine and bread enough1 it may be imputed either to the carelessness or dishonesty of his servants2 but the want of room must be imputed to the imprudence of the inviter4 ,hesiod is very much admired for beginning thus1 ,a vast chaos first was made4 7,hesiod1 ,theogony1 #aaf47 ,for it was necessary that there should be first a place and room provided for the beings that were afterward to be produced2 and not as was seen yesterday at my son's entertainment1 according to ,anaxagoras's saying1 ,all lay jumbled together4 ,but suppose a man hath room and provision enough1 yet a large company itself is to be avoided for its own sake1 as hindering all familiarity and conversation2 and it is more tolerable to let the company have no wine1 than to exclude all converse from a feast4 ,and therefore ,theophrastus jocularly called the barbers' shops feasts without wine2 because those that sit there usually prattle and discourse4 ,but those that invite a crowd at once deprive all of free communication of discourse1 or rather make them divide into cabals1 so that two or three privately talk together1 and neither know nor look on those that sit1 as it were1 half a mile distant4 ,some took this way to valiant ,ajax's tent1 ,and some the other to ,achilles' went4 7,iliad1 xi4 #g47 ,and therefore some rich men are foolishly profuse1 who build rooms big enough for thirty tables or more at once2 for such a preparation certainly is for unsociable and unfriendly entertainments1 and such as are fit for a panegyriarch rather than a symposiarch to preside over4 ,but this may be pardoned in those2 for wealth would not he wealth1 it would be really blind and imprisoned1 unless it had witnesses1 as tragedies would be devoid of spectators4 ,let us entertain few and often1 and make that a remedy against having a crowd at once4 ,for those that invite but seldom are forced to have all their friends1 and all that upon any account they are acquainted with together2 but those that invite frequently1 and but three or four1 render their entertainments like little barks1 light and nimble4 ,besides1 the very reason why we ask friends teaches us to select some out of the number4 ,for as when we are in want we do not call all together1 but only those that can best afford1 help in that particular case1--when we would be advised1 the wiser part2 and when we are to have a trial1 the best pleaders2 and when we are to go a journey1 those that can live pleasantly and are at leisure1--thus to our entertainments we should only call those that are at the present agreeable4 ,agreeable1 for instance1 to a prince's entertainment will be the magistrates1 if they are his friends1 or chiefest of the city2 to marriage or birthday feasts1 all their kindred1 and such as are under the protection of the same ,jupiter the guardian of consanguinity2 and to such feasts and merry-makings as this those are to be invited whose tempers are most suitable to the occasion4 ,when we offer sacrifice to one god1 we do not worship all the others that belong to the same temple and altar at the same time2 but suppose we have three bowls1 out of the first we pour oblations to some1 out of the second to others and out of the third to the rest1 and none of the gods take distaste4 ,and in this a company of friends may be likened to the company of gods2 none takes distaste at the order of the invitation1 if it be prudently managed and every one allowed a turn4 ,,question ,,vi4 ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,reason ,,that ,,the ,,same ,,room ,,which ,,at ,,the ,,beginning ,,of ,a ,,supper ,,seems ,,too ,,narrow ,,appears ,,wide ,,enough ,,afterwards4 ,after this it was presently asked1 why the room which at the beginning of supper seems too narrow for the guest is afterwards wide enough2 when the contrary is most likely1 after they are filled with the supper4 ,some said the posture of our sitting was the cause2 for they sit when they eat1 with their full breadth to the table1 that they may command it with their right hand2 but after they have supped1 they sit more sideways1 and make an acute figure with their bodies1 and do not touch the place according to the superficies1 if ,i may so say1 but the line4 ,now as cockal bones do not take up as much room when they fall upon one end as when they fall flat1 so every one of us at the beginning sitting broadwise1 and with a full face to the table1 afterwards changes the figure1 and turns his depth1 not his breadth1 to the board4 ,some attribute it to the beds whereon we sat1 for those when pressed stretch2 as strait shoes after a little wearing have their pores widened1 and grow fit for--sometimes too big for--the foot4 ,an old man in the company merrily said1 that the same feast had two very different presidents and directors2 in the beginning1 ,hunger1 that is not in the least skilled in ordering and disposing1 but afterward ,bacchus1 whom all acknowledge to be the best orderer of an army in the world4 ,as therefore ,epaminondas1 when the unskilful captains had led their forces into narrow disadvantageous straits1 relieved the phalanx that was fallen foul on itself and all in disorder1 and brought it into good rank and file again2 thus we in the beginning1 being like greedy hounds confused and disordered by hunger1 the god 7hence named the looser and the dancesetter7 settles us in a friendly and agreeable order4 ,,question ,,vii4 ,,concerning ,,those ,,that ,,are ,,said ,,to ,,bewitch4 ,,metrius ,,florus1 ,,plutarch1 ,,soclarus1 ,,patrocles1 ,,caius4 ,a discourse happening at supper concerning those that are said to bewitch or have a bewitching eye1 most of the company looked upon it as a whim1 and laughed at it4 ,but ,metrius ,florus1 who then gave us a supper1 said that the strange events wonderfully confirmed the report2 and because we cannot give a reason for the thing1 therefore to disbelieve the relation was absurd1 since there are a thousand things which evidently are1 the reasons of which we cannot readily assign4 ,and1 in short1 he that requires everything should be probable destroys all wonder and admiration2 and where the cause is not obvious1 there we begin to doubt1 that is1 to philosophize4 ,so that they who disbelieve all wonderful relations do in some measure take away all philosophy4 ,the cause why anything is so1 reason must find out2 but that a thing is so1 testimony is a sufficient evidence2 and we have a thousand instances of this sort attested4 ,we know that some men by looking upon young children hurt them very much1 their weak and soft temperature being wrought upon and perverted1 whilst those that are strong and firm are not so liable to be wrought upon4 ,and ,phylarchus tells us that the ,thibians1 the old inhabitants about ,pontus1 were destructive not only to little children1 but to some also of riper years2 for those upon whom they looked or breathed1 or to whom they spake1 would languish and grow sick4 ,and this1 likely1 those of other countries perceived who bought slaves there4 ,but perhaps this is not so much to be wondered at1 for in touching and handling there is some apparent principle and cause of the effect4 ,and as when you mix other birds' wings with the eagles'1 the plumes waste and suddenly consume2 so there is no reason to the contrary1 but that one man's touch may be good and advantageous1 and another's hurtful and destructive4 ,but that some1 by being barely looked upon1 are extremely prejudiced is certain2 though the stories are disbelieved1 because the reason is hard to be given4 ,true1 said ,i1 but methinks there is some small track to the cause of this effect1 if you come to the effluvia of bodies4 ,for smell1 voice1 breath1 and the like1 are effluvia from animal bodies1 and material parts that move the senses1 which are wrought upon by their impulse4 ,now it is very likely that such effluvia must continually part from animals1 by reason of their heat and motion2 for by that the spirits are agitated1 and the body1 being struck by those1 must continually send forth effluvia4 ,and it is probable that these pass chiefly through the eye4 ,for the sight1 being very vigorous and active1 together with the spirit upon which it depends1 sends forth a strange fiery power2 so that by it men act and suffer very much1 and are always proportionably pleased or displeased1 according as the visible objects are agreeable or not4 ,love1 that greatest and most violent passion of the soul1 takes its beginning from the eye2 so that a lover1 when he looks upon the fair1 flows out as it were1 and seems to mix with her4 ,and therefore why should any one1 that believes men can be affected and prejudiced by the sight1 imagine that they cannot act and hurt is well8 ,for the mutual looks of mature beauties1 and that which comes from the eye1 whether light or a stream of spirits1 melt and dissolve the lovers with a pleasing pain1 which they call the bittersweet of love4 ,for neither by touching or hearing the voice of their beloved are they so much wounded and wrought upon1 as by looking and being looked upon again4 ,there is such a communication1 such a flame raised by one glance1 that those must be altogether unacquainted with love that wonder at the ,median naphtha1 that takes fire at a distance from the flame4 ,for the glances of a fair one1 though at a great distance1 quickly kindle a fire in the lover's breast4 ,besides every body knows the remedy for the jaundice2 if they look upon the bird called charadrios they are cured4 ,for that animal seems to be of that temperature and nature as to receive and draw away the disease1 that like a stream flows out through the eyes2 so that the charadrios will not look on one that hath the jaundice2 he cannot endure it1 but turns away his head and shuts his eyes1 not envying 7as some imagine7 the cure he performs1 but being really hurt by the effluvia of the patient4 ,and of all diseases1 soreness of the eyes is the most infectious2 so strong and vigorous is the sight1 and so easily does it cause infirmities in another4 ,very right1 said ,patrocles1 and you reason well as to changes wrought upon the body2 but as to the soul1 which in some measure exercises the power of witchcraft1 how can this cause any disturbance by the eye8 ,sir1 ,i replied1 do not you consider that the soul1 when affected1 works upon the body8 ,ideas of love excite lust1 and rage often blinds dogs as they fight with wild beasts4 ,sorrow1 covetousness1 or jealousy makes us change color1 and destroys the habit of the body2 and envy more than any passion1 when fixed in the soul1 fills the body full of ill humors1 and makes it pale and ugly2 which deformities good painters in their pictures of envy endeavor to represent4 ,now1 when men thus perverted by envy fix their eyes upon another1 and these1 being nearest to the soul1 easily draw the venom from it1 and send out as it were poisoned darts1 it is no wonder1 in my mind1 if he that is looked upon is hurt4 ,thus the biting of a dog when mad is most dangerous2 and then the seed of a man is most prolific1 when he embraces one that he loves2 and in general the affections of the mind strengthen and invigorate the powers of the body4 ,and therefore people imagine that those amulets that are preservative against witchcraft are likewise good and efficacious against envy2 the sight by the strangeness of the spectacle being diverted1 so that it cannot make so strong an impression upon the patient4 ,this1 ,florus1 is what ,i can say2 and pray sir1 accept it as my club for this entertainment4 ,well1 said ,soclarus1 but let us try whether the money be all good or no2 for1 in my mind some of it seems brass4 ,but if we admit the general report about these matters to be true1 you know very well that it is commonly supposed that some have friends1 acquaintance1 and even fathers1 that have such evil eyes2 so that the mothers will not show their children to them1 nor for a long time suffer them to be looked upon by such2 and how can the effects wrought by these proceed from envy8 ,but what1 for ,god's sake1 wilt thou say to those that are reported to bewitch themselves8--for ,i am sure you have heard of such1 or at least read these lines3-- ,curls once on ,eutel's head in order stood2 ,but when he viewed his figure in a flood1 ,he overlooked himself1 and now they fall444 ,for they say that this ,eutelidas1 appearing very delicate and beauteous to himself1 was affected with that sight and grew sick upon it1 and lost his beauty and his health4 ,now1 pray sir1 what reason can you find for these wonderful effects8 ,at any other time1 ,i replied1 ,i question not but ,i shall give you full satisfaction4 ,but now1 sir1 after such a large pot as you have seen me take1 ,i boldly affirm1 that all passions which have been fixed in the soul a long time raise ill humors in the body1 which by continuance growing strong enough to be1 as it were1 a new nature1 being excited by any intervening accident1 force men1 though unwilling1 to their accustomed passions4 ,consider the timorous1 they are afraid even of those things that preserve them4 ,consider the pettish1 they are angry with their best and dearest friends4 ,consider the amorous and lascivious1 in the height of their fury they dare violate a ,vestal4 ,for custom is very powerful to draw the temper of the body to anything that is suitable to it2 and he that is apt to fall will stumble at everything that lies in his way4 ,so it is no wonder that those that have raised in themselves an envious and bewitching habit1 if according to the peculiarity of their passion they are carried on to suitable effects2 for when they are once moved1 they do that which the nature of the thing1 not which their will1 leads them to4 ,for as a sphere must necessarily move spherically1 and a cylinder cylindrically1 according to the difference of their figures2 thus his disposition makes an envious man move enviously to all things2 and it is likely they should chiefly hurt their most familiar acquaintance and best beloved4 ,and that fine fellow ,eutelidas you mentioned1 and the rest that are said to overlook themselves1 may be easily and upon good rational grounds accounted for2 for1 according to ,hippocrates1 a good habit of body1 when at height1 is easily perverted1 and bodies come to their full maturity do not stand at a stay there1 but fall and waste down to the contrary extreme4 ,and therefore when they are in very good plight1 and see themselves look much better than they expected1 they gaze and wonder2 but then their body being nigh to change1 and their habit declining into a worse condition1 they overlook themselves4 ,and this is done when the effluvia are stopped and reflected by the water rather than by any other reflecting body2 for this exhales upon them whilst they look upon it1 so that the very same particles which would hurt others must hurt themselves4 ,and this perchance often happens to young children1 and the cause of their diseases is falsely attributed to those that look upon them4 ,when ,i had done1 ,caius1 ,florus's son-in-law1 said3 ,then it seems you make no more reckoning or account of ,democritus's images1 than of those of ,aegium or ,megara2 for he delivers that the envious send out images which are not altogether void of sense or force1 but full of the disturbing and poisonous qualities of those from whom they come4 ,now these being mixed with such qualities1 and remaining with and abiding in those persons that injure them both in mind and body2 for this1 ,i think1 is the meaning of that philosopher1 a man in his opinion and expressions admirable and divine4 ,very true1 said ,i1 and ,i wonder that you did not observe that ,i took nothing from those effluvia and images but life and will2 lest you should imagine that1 now it is almost midnight1 ,i brought in spectres and wise and understanding images to terrify and fright you2 but in the morning1 if you please1 we will talk of those things4 ,,question ,,viii4 ,,why ,,homer ,,calls ,,the ,,apple-,,tree ,,greek ,,omitted1 ,,and ,,empedocles ,,calls ,,apples ,,greek ,,omitted4 ,,plutarch1 ,,trypho1 ,,certain ,,grammarians1 ,,lamprias ,,the ,,elder4 ,as we were at supper in ,chaeronea1 and had all sorts of fruit at the table1 one of the company chanced to speak these verses1 ,the fig-trees sweet1 the apple-trees that bear ,fair fruit1 and olives green through all the year4 7,odyssey1 vii4 #aae47 ,upon this there arose a question1 why the poet calls apple-trees particularly ,greek omitted1 ,,bearing ,,fair ,,fruit4 ,trypho the physician said that this epithet was given comparatively in respect of the tree1 because1 it being small and no goodly tree to look upon1 bears fair and large fruit4 ,somebody else said1 that the particular excellencies scattered amongst all other fruits are united in this alone4 ,as to the touch1 it is smooth and polished1 so that it makes the hand that toucheth it odorous without defiling it2 it is sweet to the taste1 and to the smell and sight very pleasing2 and therefore there is reason that it should be duly praised1 as being that which congregates and allures all the senses together4 ,this discourse pleased us indifferently well4 ,but whereas ,empedocles has thus written1 ,why pomegranates so late do thrive1 ,and apples give a lovely show ,greek omitted2 ,i guess the epithet to be given to pomegranates1 because that at the end of autumn1 and when the heats begin to decrease1 they ripen the fruit2 for the sun will not suffer the weak and thin moisture to thicken into a consistence until the air begins to wax colder2 therefore1 says ,theophrastus1 this only tree ripens its fruit best and soonest in the shade4 ,but in what sense the philosopher gives the epithet ,greek omitted1 to apples1 ,i much question1 since it is not his custom to try to adorn his verses with varieties of epithets1 as with gay and florid colors4 ,but in every verse he gives some description of the substance and virtue of the subject which he treats2 as when he calls the body encircling the soul the mortal-surrounding earth2 as also when he calls the air cloud-gathering1 and the liver much blooded4 ,when now ,i had said these things myself1 certain grammarians affirmed1 that those apples were called ,greek omitted by reason of their vigor and florid manner of growing2 for to blossom and flourish after an extraordinary manner is by the poets expressed by the word ,greek omitted4 ,in this sense1 ,antimachus calls the city of ,cadmeans flourishing with fruit2 and ,aratus1 speaking of the dog-star ,sirius1 says that he ,to some gave strength1 but others did ruin1 ,their bloom2 calling the greenness of the trees and the blossoming of the fruit by the name of ,greek omitted4 ,nay1 there are some of the ,greeks also who sacrifice to ,bacchus surnamed ,greek omitted4 ,and therefore1 seeing the verdure and floridness chiefly recommend this fruit1 philosophers call it ,greek omitted4 ,but ,lamprias our grandfather used to say that the word ,greek omitted did not only denote excess and vehemency1 but external and supernal2 thus we call the upper frame of a door ,greek omitted1 and the upper portion of the house ,greek omitted2 and the poet calls the outward parts of the victim the upper-flesh1 as he calls the entrails the inner-flesh4 ,let us see therefore1 says he1 whether ,empedocles did not make use of this epithet in this sense1 seeing that other fruits are encompassed with an outward rind and with certain coatings and membranes1 but the only cortex rind that the apple has is a glutinous and smooth tunic 7or core7 containing the seed1 so that the part which can be eaten1 and lies without1 was properly called ,greek omitted1 that ,,is ,,over or ,,outside ,,of ,,the ,,husk4 ,,question ,,ix4 ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,reason ,,that ,,the ,,fig-,,tree1 ,,being ,,itself ,,of ,a ,,very ,,sharp ,,and ,,bitter ,,taste1 ,,bears ,,so ,,sweet ,,fruit8 ,,lamprias ,,the ,,elder1 ,,and ,,others4 ,this discourse ended1 the next question was about fig-trees1 how so luscious and sweet fruit should come from so bitter a tree4 ,for the leaf from its roughness is called ,greek omitted4 ,the wood of it is full of sap1 and as it burns sends forth a very biting smoke2 and the ashes of it thoroughly burnt are so acrimonious1 that they make a lye extremely detersive4 ,and1 which is very strange1 all other trees that bud and bear fruit put forth blossoms too2 but the fig-tree never blossoms4 ,and if 7as some say7 it is never thunderstruck1 that likewise may be attributed to the sharp juices and bad temper of the stock2 for such things are as secure from thunder as the skin of a sea calf or hyena4 ,then said the old man3 ,it is no wonder that when all the sweetness is separated and employed in making the fruit1 that which is left should be bitter and unsavory4 ,for as the liver1 all the gall being gathered in its proper place1 is itself very sweet2 so the fig-tree having parted with its oil and sweet particles to the fruit1 reserves no portion for itself4 ,for that this tree hath some good juice1 ,i gather from what they say of rue1 which growing under a fig-tree is sweeter than usual1 and hath a sweeter and more palatable juice1 as if it drew some sweet particles from the tree which mollified its offensive and corroding qualities2 unless perhaps1 on the contrary1 the fig-tree robbing it of its nourishment draws likewise some of its sharpness and bitterness away4 ,,question ,x4 ,,what ,,are ,,those ,,that ,,are ,,said ,,to ,,be ,,greek ,,omitted1 ,,and ,,why ,,homer ,,calls ,,salt ,,divine8 ,,florus1 ,,apollophanes1 ,,plutarch1 ,,philinus4 ,florus1 when we were entertained at his house1 put this question1 ,what are those in the proverb who are said to be about the salt and cummin8 ,apollophanes the grammarian presently satisfied him1 saying1 by that proverb were meant intimate acquaintance1 who could sup together on salt and cummin4 ,thence we proceeded to inquire how salt should come to be so much honored as it is2 for ,homer plainly says1 ,and after that he strewed his salt divine 7,iliad1 ix4 #bad47 and ,plato delivers that by man's laws salt is to be accounted most sacred4 ,and this difficulty was increased by the customs of the ,egyptian priests1 who professing chastity eat no salt1 no1 not so much as in their bread4 ,for if it be divine and holy1 why should they avoid it8 ,florus bade us not mind the ,egyptians1 but speak according to the ,grecian custom on the present subject4 ,but ,i replied3 ,the ,egyptians are not contrary to the ,greeks in this matter2 for the profession of purity and chastity forbids getting children1 laughter1 wine1 and many other very commendable and lawful things2 and perhaps these priests avoid salt1 as being1 according to some men's opinions1 by its heat provocative and apt to raise lust4 ,or they refuse it as the most pleasant of all sauces1 for indeed salt may be called the sauce of all sauces2 and therefore some call salt ,greek omitted2 because it makes food1 which is necessary for life1 to be relishing and pleasant4 ,what then1 said ,florus1 shall we say that salt is termed divine for that reason8 ,indeed that is very considerable1 for men for the most part deify those common things that are exceeding useful to their necessities and wants1 as water1 light1 the seasons of the year2 and the earth they do not only think to be divine1 but a very god4 ,now salt is as useful as either of these1 protecting in a way the food as it comes into the body1 and making it palatable and agreeable to the appetite4 ,but consider farther1 whether its power of preserving dead bodies from rotting a long time be not a divine property1 and opposite to death2 since it preserves part1 and will not suffer that which is mortal wholly to be destroyed4 ,but as the soul1 which is our diviner part1 connects the limbs of animals1 and keeps the composure from dissolution2 thus salt applied to dead bodies1 and imitating the work of the soul1 stops those parts that were falling to corruption1 binds and confines them1 and so makes them keep their union and agreement with one another4 ,and therefore some of the ,stoics say1 that swine's flesh then deserves the name of a body1 when the soul like salt spreads through it and keeps the parts from dissolution4 ,besides1 you know that we account lightning to be sacred and divine1 because the bodies that are thunderstruck do not rot for a long time2 what wonder is it then1 that the ancients called salt as well as lightning divine1 since it hath the same property and power8 ,i making no reply1 ,philinus subjoined3 ,do you not think that that which is generative is to be esteemed divine1 seeing ,god is the principle of all things8 ,and ,i assenting1 he continued3 ,salt1 in the opinion of some men1 for instance the ,egyptians you mentioned1 is very operative that way2 and those that breed dogs1 when they find their bitches not apt to be hot1 give them salt and seasoned flesh1 to excite and arouse their sleeping lechery and vigor4 ,besides1 the ships that carry salt breed abundance of mice2 the females1 as some imagine1 conceiving without the help of the males1 only by licking the salt4 ,but it is most probable that the salt raiseth an itching in animals1 and so makes them salacious and eager to couple4 ,and perhaps for the same reason they call a surprising and bewitching beauty1 such as is apt to move and entice1 ,greek omitted1 ,,saltish4 ,and ,i think the poets had a respect to this generative power of salt in their fable of ,venus springing from the sea4 ,and it may be farther observed1 that they make all the sea gods very fruitful1 and give them large families4 ,and besides1 there are no land animals so fruitful as the sea ones2 agreeable to which observation is that verse of ,empedocles1 ,leading the foolish race of fruitful fish4 ,,book ,,vi4 ,timotheus the son of ,conon1 ,sossius ,senecio1 after a full enjoyment of luxurious campaign diet1 being entertained by ,plato in his ,academy1 at a neat1 homely1 and 7as ,ion says7 no surfeiting feast 7such an one as is constantly attended by sound sleep1 and by reason of the calm and pleasant state the body enjoys1 rarely interrupted with dreams and apparitions71 the next day1 being sensible of the difference1 said that those that supped with ,plato were well treated1 even the day after the feast4 ,for such a temper of a body not overcharged1 but expedite and fitted for the ready execution of all its enterprises1 is without all doubt a great help for the more comfortable passing away of the day4 ,but there is another benefit not inferior to the former1 which does usually accrue to those that sup with ,plato1 namely1 the recollection of those points that were debated at the table4 ,for the remembrance of those pleasures which arise from meat and drink is ungenteel1 and short-lived withal1 and nothing but the remains of yesterday's smell4 ,but the subjects of philosophical queries and discourses1 being always fresh after they are imparted1 are equally relished by all1 as well by those that were absent as by those that were present at them2 insomuch that learned men even now are as much partakers of ,socrates's feasts as those who really supped with him4 ,but if things pertaining to the body had af discourse1 but of the great variety of dishes1 sauces1 and other costly compositions that were prepared in the houses of ,callias and ,agatho4 ,yet there is not the least mention made of any such things1 though questionless they were as sumptuous as possible2 but whatever things were treated of and learnedly discussed by their guests were left upon record and transmitted to posterity as precedents1 not only for discoursing at table1 but also for remembering the things that were handled at such meetings4 ,,question ,i4 ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,reason ,,that ,,those ,,that ,,are ,,fasting ,,are ,,more ,,thirsty ,,than ,,hungry8 ,,plutarch ,,and ,,others4 ,i present you with this ,sixth ,book of ,table ,discourses1 wherein the first thing that cometh to be discussed is an inquiry into the reason why those that are fasting are more inclinable to drink than to eat4 ,for the assertion carries in it a repugnancy to the standing rules of reason2 forasmuch as the decayed stock of dry nourishment seems more naturally to call for its proper supplies4 ,whereupon ,i told the company1 that of those things whereof our bodies are composed1 heat only--or1 however1 above all the rest--stands in continual need of such accessions2 for the truth of which this may be urged as a convincing argument3 neither air1 water1 nor earth requires any matter to feed upon1 or devours whatsoever lies next it2 but fire alone doth4 ,hence it comes to pass that young men1 by reason of their greater share of natural heat1 have commonly greater stomachs than old men2 whereas on the contrary1 old men can endure fasting much better1 for this only reason1 because their natural heat is grown weaker and decayed4 ,just so we see it fares with bloodless animals1 which by reason of the want of heat require very little nourishment4 ,besides1 every one of us finds by experience1 that bodily exercises1 clamors1 and whatever other actions by violent motion occasion heat1 commonly sharpen our stomachs and get us a better appetite4 ,now1 as ,i take it1 the most natural and principal nourishment of heat is moisture1 as it evidently appears from flames1 which increase by the pouring in of oil1 and from ashes1 which are of the driest things in nature2 for after the humidity is consumed by the fire1 the terrene and grosser parts remain without any moisture at all4 ,add to these1 that fire separates and dissolves bodies by extracting that moisture which should keep them close and compact4 ,therefore1 when we are fasting1 the heat first of all forces the moisture out of the relics of the nourishment that remain in the body1 and then1 pursuing the other humid parts1 preys upon the natural moisture of the flesh itself4 ,hence the body like clay becoming dry1 wants drink more than meat2 till the heat1 receiving strength and vigor by our drinking1 excites an appetite for more substantial food4 ,,question ,,ii4 ,,whether ,,want ,,of ,,nourishment ,,causeth ,,hunger ,,and ,,thirst ,,or ,,the ,,change ,,in ,,the ,,figures ,,of ,,the ,,pores4 ,,philo1 ,,plutarch4 ,after these things were spoke1 ,philo the physician started the first question1 asserting that thirst did not arise from the want of nourishment1 but from the different transfiguration of certain passages4 ,for1 says he1 this may be made evident1 partly from what we see happens to those that thirst in the night1 who1 if sleep chance to steal upon them1 though they did not drink before1 are yet rid of their thirst2 partly from persons in a fever1 who1 as soon as the disease abates or is removed1 thirst no more4 ,nay1 a great many men1 after they have bathed or vomited1 perceive presently that their thirst is gone2 yet none of these add anything to their former moisture1 but only the transfiguration of the pores causeth a new order and disposition4 ,and this is more evident in hunger2 for many sick persons1 at the same time when they have the greatest need of meat1 have no stomach4 ,others1 after they have filled their bellies1 have the same stomachs1 and their appetites are rather increased than abated4 ,there are a great many besides who loathe all sorts of diet1 yet by taking of a pickled olive or caper recover and confirm their lost appetites4 ,this doth clearly evince1 that hunger proceeds from some change in the pores1 and not from any want of sustenance1 forasmuch as such kind of food lessens the defect by adding food1 but increases the hunger2 and the pleasing relish and poignancy of such pickles1 by binding and straitening the mouth of the ventricle1 and again by opening and loosening of it1 beget in it a convenient disposition to receive meat1 which we call by the name of appetite4 ,i must confess this discourse seemed to carry in it some shadow of reason and probability2 but in the main it is directly repugnant to the chief end of nature1 to which appetite directs every animal4 ,for that makes it desire a supply of what they stand in need of1 and avoid a defect of their proper food4 ,for to deny what especially makes a living creature differ from an inanimate object as given to us for our preservation and conservation 7being as it were the receiver of what supplements and agrees with the nature of our body7 is the argument of one who takes no account of natural law1 especially when he would add that the characteristic proceeds from the great or small size of the pores4 ,besides1 it is absurd to think that a body through the want of natural heat should be chilled1 and should not in like manner hunger and thirst through the want of natural moisture and nourishment4 ,and yet this is more absurd1 that ,nature when overcharged should desire to disburden herself1 and yet should not require to be supplied on account of emptiness1 but on account of some condition or other1 ,i know not what4 ,moreover1 these needs and supplies in relation to animals have some resemblance to those we see in husbandry4 ,there are a great many like qualities and like provisions on both sides4 ,for in a drought we water our grounds1 and in case of excessive heat1 we frequently make use of moderate coolers2 and when our fruits are too cold1 we endeavor to preserve and cherish them1 by covering and making fences about them4 ,and for such things as are out of the reach of human power1 we implore the assistance of the gods1 that is1 to send us softening dews1 and sunshines qualified with moderate winds2 that so ,nature1 being always desirous of a due mixture1 may have her wants supplied4 ,and for this reason ,i presume it was that nourishment is called ,greek omitted 7from ,greek omitted71 because it observes and preserves ,nature4 ,now ,nature is preserved in plants1 which are destitute of sense1 by the favorable influence of the circumambient air 7as ,empedocles says71 moistening them in such a measure as is most agreeable to their nature4 ,but as for us men1 our appetites prompt us on to the chase and pursuance of whatsoever is wanting to our natural temperament4 ,but now let us pass to the examination of the truth of the arguments that seem to favor the contrary opinion4 ,and for the first1 ,i suppose that those meats that are palatable and of a quick and sharp taste do not beget in us an appetite1 but rather bite and fret those parts that receive the nourishment1 as we find that scratching the skin causes itching4 ,and supposing we should grant that this affection or disposition is the very thing which we call the appetite1 it is probable that1 by the operation of such kind of food as this1 the nourishment may be made small1 and so much of it as is convenient for ,nature severed from the rest1 so that the indigency proceeds not from the transmutation1 but from the evacuation and purgation of the passages4 ,for sharp1 tart1 and salt things grate the inward matter1 and by dispersing of it cause digestion1 so that by the concoctions of the old there may arise an appetite for new4 ,nor does the cessation of thirst after bathing spring from the different position of the passages1 but from a new supply of moisture received into the flesh1 and conveyed from thence to them also4 ,and vomiting1 by throwing off whatever is disagreeable to ,nature1 puts her in a capacity of enjoying what is most suitable for her4 ,for thirst does not call for a superfluity of moisture1 but only for so much as sufficeth ,nature2 and therefore1 though a man had plenty of disagreeable and unnatural moisture1 yet he wants still1 for that stops the course of the natural1 which ,nature is desirous of1 and hinders a due mixture and temperament1 till it be cast out and the pores receive what is most proper and convenient for them4 ,moreover1 a fever forces all the moisture downward2 and the middle parts being in combustion1 it all retires thither1 and there is shut up and forcibly detained4 ,and therefore it is usual with a great many to vomit1 by reason of the density of the inward parts squeezing out the moisture1 and likewise to thirst1 by reason of the poor and dry state the rest of the body is in4 ,but after the violence of the distemper is once abated1 and the raging heat hath left the middle parts1 the moisture begins to disperse itself again2 and according to its natural motion1 by a speedy conveyance into all the parts1 it refreshes the entrails1 softens and makes tender the dry and parched flesh4 ,very often also it causes sweat1 and then the defect which occasioned thirst ceases2 for the moisture leaving that part of the body wherein it was forcibly detained1 and out of which it hardly made an escape1 retires to the place where it is wanted4 ,for as it fares with a garden wherein there is a large well1--if nobody draw thereof and water it1 the herbs must needs wither and die1--so it fares with a body2 if all the moisture be contracted into one part1 it is no wonder if the rest be in want and dry1 till it is diffused again over the other limbs4 ,just so it happens to persons in a fever1 after the heat of the disease is over1 and likewise to those who go to sleep thirsty4 ,for in these1 sleep draws the moisture to the middle parts1 and equally distributes it amongst the rest1 satisfying them all4 ,but1 ,i pray1 what kind of transfiguration of the passages is this which causes hunger and thirst8 ,for my part1 ,i know no other distinction of the pores but in respect of their number or that some of them are shut1 others open4 ,as for those that are shut1 they can neither receive meat nor drink2 and as for those that are open1 they make an empty space1 which is nothing but a want of that which ,nature requires4 ,thus1 sir1 when men dye cloth1 the liquor in which they dip it hath very sharp and abstersive particles2 which1 consuming and scouring off all the matter that filled the pores1 make the cloth more apt to receive the dye1 because its pores are empty and want something to fill them up4 ,,question ,,iii4 ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,reason ,,that ,,hunger ,,is ,,allayed ,,by ,,drinking1 ,,but ,,thirst ,,increased ,,by ,,eating8 ,,the ,,host1 ,,plutarch1 ,,and ,,others4 ,after we had gone thus far1 the master of the feast told the company that the former points were reasonably well discussed2 and waiving at present the discourse concerning the evacuation and repletion of the pores1 he requested us to fall upon another question1 that is1 how it comes to pass that hunger is stayed by drinking1 when1 on the contrary1 thirst is more violent after eating4 ,those who assign the reason to be in the pores seem with a great deal of ease and probability1 though not with so much truth1 to explain the thing4 ,for seeing the pores in all bodies are of different sorts and sizes1 the more capacious receive both dry and humid nourishment1 the lesser take in drink1 not meat2 but the vacuity of the former causes hunger1 of the latter thirst4 ,hence it is that men that thirst are never better after they have eaten1 the pores by reason of their straitness denying admittance to grosser nourishment1 and the want of suitable supply still remaining4 ,but after hungry men have drunk1 the moisture enters the greater pores1 fills the empty spaces1 and in part assuages the violence of the hunger4 ,of this effect1 said ,i1 ,i do not in the least doubt1 but ,i do not approve of the reason they give for it4 ,for if any one should admit these pores 7which some are so unreasonably fond of7 to be in the flesh1 he must needs make it a very soft1 loose1 flabby substance2 and that the same parts do not receive the meat and drink1 but that they run through different canals and strainers in them1 seems to me to be a very strange and unaccountable opinion4 ,for the moisture mixes with the dry food1 and by the assistance of the natural heat and spirits cuts the nourishment far smaller than any cleaver or chopping-knife1 to the end that every part of it may be exactly fitted to each part of the body1 not applied1 as they would have it1 to little vessels and pores1 but united and incorporated with the whole substance4 ,and unless the thing were explained after this manner1 the hardest knot in the question would still remain unsolved4 ,for a man that has a thirst upon him1 supposing he eats and doth not drink1 is so far from quenching1 that he does highly increase it4 ,this point is yet undiscussed4 ,but mark1 said ,i1 whether the positions on my side be clear and evident or not4 ,in the first place1 we take it for granted that moisture is wasted and destroyed by heat1 that the drier parts of the nourishment qualified and softened by moisture1 are diffused and fly away in vapors4 ,secondly1 we must by no means suppose that all hunger is a total privation of dry1 and thirst of humid nutriment1 but only a moderate one1 and such as is sufficient to cause the one or the other2 for whoever are wholly deprived of either of these1 they neither hunger nor thirst1 but die instantly4 ,these things being laid down as a foundation1 it will be no hard matter to find out the cause4 ,for thirst is increased by eating for this reason1 because that meat by its natural siccity contracts and destroys all that small quantity of moisture which remained scattered here and there through the body2 just as happens in things obvious to our senses2 we see the earth1 dust1 and the like presently suck in the moisture that is mixed with them4 ,now1 on the contrary1 drink must of necessity assuage hunger2 for the moisture watering and diffusing itself through the dry and parched relics of the meat we ate last1 by turning them into thin juices1 conveys them through the whole body1 and succors the indigent parts4 ,and therefore with very good reason ,erasistratus called moisture the vehicle of the meat2 for as soon as this is mixed with things which by reason of their dryness1 or some other quality1 are slow and heavy1 it raises them up and carries them aloft4 ,moreover1 several men1 when they have drunk nothing at all1 but only washed themselves1 all on a sudden are freed from a very violent hunger1 because the extrinsic moisture entering the pores makes the meat within more succulent and of a more nourishing nature1 so that the heat and fury of the hunger declines and abates2 and therefore a great many of those who have a mind to starve themselves to death live a long time only by drinking water2 that is1 as long as the siccity does not quite consume whatever may be united to and nourish the body4 ,,question ,,iv4 ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,reason ,,that ,a ,,bucket ,,of ,,water ,,drawn ,,out ,,of ,a ,,well1 ,,if ,,it ,,stands ,,all ,,night ,,in ,,the ,,air ,,that ,,is ,,in ,,the ,,well1 ,,is1 ,,more ,,cold ,,in ,,the ,,morning ,,than ,,the ,,rest ,,of ,,the ,,water8 ,a ,,guest1 ,,plutarch1 ,,and ,,others4 ,one of the strangers at the the table1 who took wonderful great delight in drinking of cold water1 had some brought to him by the servants1 cooled after this manner2 they had hung in the well a bucket full of the same water1 so that it could not touch the sides of the well1 and there let it remain1 all night3 the next day1 when it was brought to table1 it was colder than the water that was newdrawn4 ,now this gentleman was an indifferent good scholar1 and therefore told the company that he had learned this from ,aristotle1 who gives the reason of it4 ,the reason which he assigned was this4 ,all water1 when it hath been once hot1 is afterwards more cold2 as that which is prepared for kings1 when it hath boiled a good while upon the fire1 is afterwards put into a vessel set round with snow1 and so made colder2 just as we find our bodies more cool after we have bathed1 because the body1 after a short relaxation from heat1 is rarefied and more porous1 and therefore so much the more fitted to receive a larger quantity of air1 which causes the alteration4 ,therefore the water1 when it is drawn out of the well1 being first warmed in the air1 grows presently cold4 ,whereupon we began to commend the man very highly for his happy memory2 but we called in question the pretended reason4 ,for if the air wherein the vessel hangs be cold1 how1 ,i pray1 does it heat the water8 ,if hot1 how does it afterwards make it cold8 ,for it is absurd to say1 that the same thing is affected by the same thing with contrary qualities1 no difference at all intervening4 ,while the gentleman held his peace1 as not knowing what to say2 there is no cause1 said ,i1 that we should raise any scruple concerning the nature of the air1 forasmuch as we are ascertained by sense that it is cold1 especially in the bottom of a well2 and therefore we can never imagine that it should make the water hot4 ,but ,i should rather judge this to be the reason3 the cold air1 though it cannot cool the great quantity of water which is in the well1 yet can easily cool each part of it1 separate from the whole4 ,,question ,v4 ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,reason ,,that ,,pebble ,,stones ,,and ,,leaden ,,bullets ,,thrown ,,into ,,the ,,water ,,make ,,it ,,more ,,cold8 ,a ,,guest1 ,,plutarch1 ,,and ,,others4 ,i suppose you may remember that what ,aristotle says in his problems1 of little stones and pieces of iron1 how it hath been observed by some that being thrown into the water they temper and cool it4 ,this is no more than barely asserted by him2 but we will go farther and inquire into the reason of it1 the discovery of which will be a matter of difficulty4 ,yes1 says ,i1 it will so1 and it is much if we hit upon it2 for do but consider1 first of all1 do not you suppose that the air which comes in from without cools the water8 ,but now air has a great deal more power and force1 when it beats against stones and pieces of iron4 ,for they do not1 like brazen and earthen vessels1 suffer it to pass through2 but1 by reason of their solid bulk1 beat it back and reflect it into the water1 so that upon all parts the cold works very strongly4 ,and hence it comes to pass that rivers in the winter are colder than the sea1 because the cold air has a power over them1 which by reason of its depth it has not over the sea1 where it is scattered without any reflection4 ,but it is probable that for another reason thinner waters may be made colder by the air than thicker1 because they are not so strong to resist its force4 ,now whetstones and pebbles make the water thinner by drawing to them all the mud and other grosser substances that be mixed with it1 that so by taking the strength from it may the more easily be wrought upon by the cold4 ,but besides1 lead is naturally cold1 as that which1 being dissolved in vinegar1 makes the coldest of all poisons1 called white-lead2 and stones1 by reason of their density1 raise cold in the bottom of the water4 ,for every stone is nothing else but a congealed lump of frozen earth1 though some more or less than others2 and therefore it is no absurdity to say that stones and lead1 by reflecting the air1 increase the coldness of the water4 ,,question ,,vi ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,reason ,,that ,,men ,,preserve ,,snow ,,by ,,covering ,,it ,,with ,,chaff ,,and ,,cloths8 ,a ,,guest1 ,,plutarch4 ,then the stranger1 after he had made a little pause1 said3 ,men in love are ambitious to be in company with their sweethearts2 when that is denied them1 they desire at least to talk of them4 ,this is my case in relation to snow2 and1 because ,i cannot have it at present1 ,i am desirous to learn the reason why it is commonly preserved by the hottest things4 ,for1 when covered with chaff and cloth that has never been at the fuller's1 it is preserved a long time4 ,now it is strange that the coldest things should be preserved by the hottest4 ,yes1 said ,i1 it is a very strange thing1 if true4 ,but it is not so2 and we cozen ourselves by presently concluding a thing to be hot if it have a faculty of causing heat1 when as yet we see that the same garment causes heat in winter1 and cold in summer4 ,thus the nurse in the tragedy1 ,in garments thin doth ,niobe's children fold1 ,and sometimes heats and sometimes cools the babes4 ,the ,germans indeed make use of clothes only against the cold1 the ,ethiopians only against the heat2 but they are useful to us upon both accounts4 ,why therefore should we rather say the clothes are hot1 because they cause heat1 than cold1 because they cause cold8 ,nay1 if we must be tried by sense1 it will be found that they are more cold than hot4 ,for at the first putting on of a coat it is cold1 and so is our bed when we lie down2 but afterwards they grow hot with the heat of our bodies1 because they both keep in the heat and keep out the cold4 ,indeed1 feverish persons and others that have a violent heat upon them often change their clothes1 because they perceive that fresh ones at the first putting on are much colder2 but within a very little time their bodies make them as hot as the others4 ,in like manner1 as a garment heated makes us hot1 so a covering cooled keeps snow cold4 ,now that which causes this cold is the continual emanations of a subtile spirit the snow has in it1 which spirit1 as long as it remains in the snow1 keeps it compact and close2 but1 after once it is gone1 the snow melts and dissolves into water1 and instantly loses its whiteness1 occasioned by a mixture of this spirit with a frothy moisture4 ,therefore at the same time1 by the help of these clothes1 the cold is kept in1 and the external air is shut out1 lest it should thaw the concrete body of the snow4 ,the reason why they make use of cloth that has not yet been at the fuller's is this1 because that in such cloth the hair and coarse flocks keep it off from pressing too hard upon the snow1 and bruising it4 ,so chaff lying lightly upon it does not dissolve the body of the snow1 besides the chaff lies close and shuts out the warm air1 and keeps in the natural cold of the snow4 ,now that snow melts by the evaporating of this spirit1 we are ascertained by sense2 for when snow melts it raises a vapor4 ,,question ,,vii4 ,,whether ,,wine ,,ought ,,to ,,be ,,strained ,,or ,,not4 ,,niger1 ,,aristio4 ,niger1 a citizen of ours1 was lately come from school1 after he had spent some time under the discipline of a celebrated philosopher1 but had absorbed nothing but those faults by which his master was odious to others1 especially his custom of reproving and of carping at whatever upon any occasion chanced to be discussed in company4 ,and therefore1 when we were at supper one time at ,aristio's1 not content to assume to himself a liberty to rail at all the rest of the preparations as too profuse and extravagant1 he had a pique at the wine too1 and said that it ought not to be brought to table strained1 but that1 observing ,hesiod's rule1 we ought to drink it new out of the vessel4 ,moreover1 he added that this way of purging wine takes the strength from it1 and robs it of its natural heat1 which1 when wine is poured out of one vessel into another1 evaporates and dies4 ,besides he would needs persuade us that it showed too much of a vain curiosity1 effeminacy1 and luxury1 to convert what is wholesome into that which is palatable4 ,for as the riotous1 not the temperate1 use to cut cocks and geld pigs1 to make their flesh tender and delicious1 even against ,nature2 just so 7if we may use a metaphor1 says he7 those that strain wine geld and emasculate it1 whilst their squeamish stomachs will neither suffer them to drink pure wine1 nor their intemperance to drink moderately4 ,therefore they make use of this expedient1 to the end that it may render the desire they have of drinking plentifully more excusable4 ,so they take all the strength from the wine1 leaving the palatableness still3 as we use to deal with those with whose constitution cold water does not agree1 to boil it for them4 ,for they certainly take off all the strength from the wine1 by straining of it4 ,and this is a great argument1 that the wine deads1 grows flat1 and loses its virtue1 when it is separated from the lees1 as from its root and stock2 for the ancients for very good reason called wine lees1 as we use to signify a man by his head or soul1 as the principal part of him4 ,so in ,greek1 grape-gatherers are said ,greek omitted1 the word being derived from ,greek omitted1 which signifies lees2 and ,homer in one place calls the fruit of the wine ,greek omitted1 and the wine itself high-colored and red1--not pale and yellow1 such as ,aristio gives us to supper1 after all the goodness is purged out of it4 ,then ,aristio smiling presently replied3 ,sir1 the wine ,i bring to table does not look so pale and lifeless as you would have it3 but it appears only in the cup to be mild and well qualified4 ,but for your part1 you would glut yourself with night wine1 which raises melancholy vapors2 and upon this account you cry out against purgation1 which1 by carrying off whatever might cause melancholy or load men's stomachs1 and make them drunk or sick1 makes it mild and pleasant to those that drink it1 such as heroes 7as ,homer tells us7 were formerly wont to drink4 ,and it was not dark wine which he called ,greek omitted1 but clear and transparent2 for otherwise he would never have named brass ,greek omitted1 after characterizing it as man-exalting and resplendent4 ,therefore as the wise ,anacharsis1 discommending some things that the ,grecians enjoined1 commended their coals1 because they leave the smoke without doors1 and bring the fire into the house2 so you judicious men might blame me for some other reason than this4 ,but what hurt1 ,i pray1 have ,i done to the wine1 by taking from it a turbulent and noisome quality1 and giving it a better taste1 though a paler color8 ,nor have ,i brought you wine to the table which1 like a sword1 hath lost its edge and vigorous relish1 but such as is only purged of its dregs and filth4 ,but you will say that wine not strained hath a great deal more strength4 ,why so1 my friend8 ,one that is frantic and distracted has more strength than a man in his wits2 but when1 by the help of hellebore or some other fit diet1 he is come to himself1 that rage and frenzy leave him and quite vanish1 and the true use of his reason and health of body presently comes into its place4 ,in like manner1 purging of wine takes from it all the strength that inflames and enrages the mind1 and gives it instead thereof a mild and wholesome temper2 and ,i think there is a great deal of difference between gaudiness and cleanliness4 ,for women1 while they paint1 perfume1 and adorn themselves with jewels and purple robes1 are accounted gaudy and profuse2 yet nobody will find fault with them for washing their faces1 anointing themselves1 or platting their hair4 ,homer very neatly expresses the difference of these two habits1 where he brings in ,juno dressing herself3-- ,with sweet ambrosia first she washed her skin1 ,and after did anoint herself with oil4 7,iliad1 xiv4 #agj47 ,so much was allowable1 being no more than a careful cleanliness4 ,but when she comes to call for her golden buttons1 her curiously wrought earrings1 and last of all puts on her bewitching girdle1 this appears to be an extravagant and idle curiosity1 and betrays too much of wantonness1 which by no means becomes a married woman4 ,just so they that sophisticate wine by mixing it with aloes1 cinnamon1 or saffron bring it to the table like a gorgeous-apparelled woman1 and there prostitute it4 ,but those that only take from it what is nasty and no way profitable do only purge it and improve it by their labor4 ,otherwise you may find fault with all things whatsoever as vain and extravagant1 beginning at the house you live in4 ,as first1 you may say1 why is it plastered8 ,why does it open especially on that side where it may have the best convenience for receiving the purest air1 and the benefit of the evening sun8 ,what is the reason that our cups are washed and made so clean that they shine and look bright8 ,now if a cup ought to have nothing that is nasty or loathsome in it1 ought that which is drunk out of the cup to be full of dregs and filth8 ,what need is there for mentioning anything else8 ,the making corn into bread is a continual cleansing2 and yet what a great ado there is before it is effected6 ,there is not only threshing1 winnowing1 sifting1 and separating the bran1 but there must be kneading the dough to soften all parts alike1 and a continual cleansing and working of the mass till all the parts become edible alike4 ,what absurdity is it then by straining to separate the lees1 as it were the filth of the wine1 especially since the cleansing is no chargeable or painful operation8 ,,question ,,viii4 ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,cause ,,of ,,bulimy ,,or ,,the ,,greedy ,,disease8 ,,plutarch1 ,,soclarus1 ,,cleomenes1 ,,and ,,others4 ,there is a certain sacrifice of very ancient institution1 which the chief magistrate or archon performs always in the common-hall1 and every private person in his own house4 ',tis called the driving out of bulimy2 for they whip out of doors some one of their servants with a bunch of willow rods1 repeating these words1 ,get out of doors1 bulimy2 and enter riches and health4 ,therefore in my year there was a great concourse of people present at the sacrifice2 and1 after all the rites and ceremonies of the sacrifice were over1 when we had seated ourselves again at the table1 there was an inquiry made first of all into the signification of the word bulimy1 then into the meaning of the words which are repeated when the servant is turned out of doors4 ,but the principal dispute was concerning the nature of it1 and all its circumstances4 ,first1 as for the word bulimy1 it was agreed upon by all to denote a great and public famine1 especially among us who use the ,aeolic dialect1 putting ,greek omitted for ,greek omitted4 ,for it was not called by the ancients ,greek omitted but ,greek omitted1 that is1 ,greek omitted1 much hunger4 ,we concluded that it was not the same with the disease called ,bubrostis1 by an argument fetched out of ,metrodorus's ,ionics4 ,for the said ,metrodorus informs us that the ,smyrnaeans1 who were once ,aeolians1 sacrificed to ,bubrostis a black bull cut into pieces with the skin on1 and so burnt it4 ,now1 forasmuch as every species of hunger resembles a disease1 but more particularly ,bulimy1 which is occasioned by an unnatural disposition of the body1 these two differ as riches and poverty1 health and sickness4 ,but as the word ,,nauseate ,greek omitted first took its name from men who were sea-sick in a ship1 and afterwards custom prevailed so far that the word was applied to all persons that were any way in like sort affected2 so the word ,,bulimy1 rising at first from hence1 was at last extended to a more large and comprehensive signification4 ,what has been hitherto said was a general club of the opinions of all those who were at table4 ,but after we began to inquire after the cause of this disease1 the first thing that puzzled us was to find out the reason why bulimy seizes upon those that travel in the snow4 ,as ,brutus1 one time marching from ,dyrrachium to ,apollonia in a deep snow1 was endangered of his life by bulimy1 whilst none of those that carried the provisions for the army followed him2 just when the man was ready to faint and die1 some of his soldiers were forced to run to the walls of the enemies' city1 and beg a piece of bread of the sentinels1 by the eating of which he was presently refreshed2 for which cause1 after ,brutus had made himself master of the city1 he treated all the inhabitants very mercifully4 ,asses and horses are frequently troubled with bulimy1 especially when they are laden with dry figs and apples2 and1 which is yet more strange1 of all things that are eaten1 bread chiefly refreshes not only men but beasts2 so that1 by taking a little quantity of bread1 they regain their strength and go forward on their journey4 ,after all were silent1 ,i 7who had observed that dull fellows and those of a less piercing judgment were satisfied with and did acquiesce in the reasons the ancients gave for bulimy1 but to men of ingenuity and industry they only pointed out the way to a more clear discovery of the truth of the business7 mentioned ,aristotle's opinion1 who says1 that extreme cold without causes extreme heat and consumption within2 which1 if it fall into the legs1 makes them lazy and heavy1 but if it come to the fountain of motion and respiration1 occasions faintings and weakness4 ,when ,i had said that1 some of the company opposed it1 others held with me4 ,at length says ,soclarus3 ,i like the beginning of this reason very well1 for the bodies of travellers in a great snow must of necessity be surrounded and condensed with cold2 but that from the heat within there should arise such a consumption as invades the principle of respiration1 ,i can no way imagine4 ,i rather think1 says he1 that abundance of heat penned up in the body consumes the nourishment1 and that failing1 the fire as it were goes out4 ,here it comes to pass1 that men troubled with this bulimy1 when they are ready to starve with hunger1 if they eat never so little meat1 are presently refreshed4 ,the reason is1 because meat digested is like fuel for the heat to feed upon4 ,but ,cleomenes the physician would have the word ,greek omitted 7which signifies hunger7 to be added to the making up of the word ,greek omitted without sufficient reason2 as ,greek omitted1 to drink1 is added to ,greek omitted1 to swallow2 and ,greek omitted to incline1 into ,greek omitted to raise the head4 ,nor is bulimy1 as it seems1 a kind of hunger1 but an affection in the stomach causing a faintness on account of the concourse of heat4 ,therefore as things that have a good smell recall the spirits of those that are faint1 so bread affects those that are almost overcome with a bulimy2 not that they have any need of food 7for the least piece of it restores them their strength71 but the bread calls back their vigor and languishing spirits4 ,now that bulimy is not hunger but a faintness1 is manifest from all laboring beasts1 which are seized with it very often through the smell of dry figs and apples2 for a smell does not cause any want of food1 but rather a pain and agitation in the stomach4 ,these things seemed to be reasonably well urged2 and yet it seemed that much might be said for the contrary opinion1 and that it was possible enough to maintain that bulimy ariseth not from condensation but rarefication of the stomach4 ,for the spirit which flows from the snow is nothing but the aether and finest fragment of the frozen substance1 endued with a virtue of cutting and dividing not only the flesh1 but also silver and brazen vessels2 for we see that these are not able to keep in the snow1 for it dissolves and evaporates1 and glazes over the outmost superficies of the vessels with a thin dew1 not unlike to ice1 which this spirit leaves as it secretly passes through the pores4 ,therefore this piercing spirit1 like a flame1 seizing upon those that travel in the snow1 seems to burn their outsides1 and like fire to enter and penetrate the flesh4 ,hence it is that the flesh is more rarefied1 and the heat is extinguished by the cold spirit that lies upon the superficies of the body2 therefore the body evaporates a dewy thin sweat1 which melts away and decays the strength4 ,now if a man should sit still at such a time1 there would not much heat fly out of his body4 ,but when the motion of the body doth quickly heat the nourishment1 and that heat bursts through the thin skin1 there must necessarily be a great loss of strength4 ,now we know by experience1 that cold hath a virtue not only to condense but also to loosen bodies2 for in extreme cold winters pieces of lead are found to sweat4 ,and when we see that a bulimy happens where there is no hunger1 we may conclude that at that time the body is rather in a fluid than condensed state4 ,the reason that bodies are rarefied in winter is because of the subtility of the spirit2 especially when the moving and tiring of the body stir the heat1 which1 as soon as it is subtilized and agitated1 flies apace1 and spreads itself through the whole body4 ,lastly1 it is very possible that apples and dry figs exhale some such thing as this1 which rarefies and attenuates the heat of the beasts2 for some things have a natural tendency as well to weaken as to refresh different creatures4 ,,question ,,ix4 ,,why ,,does ,,homer ,,appropriate ,a ,,certain ,,peculiar ,,epithet ,,to ,,each ,,particular ,,liquid1 ,,and ,,call ,,oil ,,only ,,liquid8 ,,plutarch1 ,,and ,,others4 ,it was the subject once of a discourse1 why1 when there are several sorts of liquids1 the poet should give every one of them a peculiar epithet1 calling milk white1 honey yellow1 wine red1 and yet for all this bestow no other upon oil but what it hath in common with all other liquids4 ,to this it was answered that1 as that is said to be most sweet which is perfectly sweet1 and to be most white which is perfectly white 7,i mean here by perfectly that which hath nothing of a contrary quality mixed with it71 so that ought to be called perfectly humid whereof never a part is dry2 and this is proper to oil4 ,for first of all1 its smoothness shows the evenness of its parts2 for touch it where you please1 it is all alike4 ,besides1 you may see your face in it as perfectly as in a mirror2 for there is nothing rough in it to hinder the reflection1 but by reason of its humidity it reflects to the eye the least particle of light from every portion4 ,as1 on the contrary1 milk1 of all other liquids1 does not return our images1 because it hath too many terrene and gross parts mixed with it2 again1 oil of all other liquids makes the least noise when moved1 for it is perfectly humid4 ,when other liquids are moved or poured out1 their hard and grosser parts fall and dash one against another1 and so make a noise by reason of their roughness4 ,moreover1 oil only is pure and unmixed2 for it is of all other liquids most compact1 nor has it any empty spaces and pores between the dry and earthy parts to receive what chances to fall upon it4 ,besides1 because of the similitude of its parts1 it is closely joined together1 and unfit to be joined to anything else4 ,when oil froths1 it does not let any wind in1 by reason of the contiguity and subtility of its parts2 and this is also the cause why fire is nourished by it4 ,for fire feeds upon nothing but what is moist1 for nothing is combustible but what is so2 for when the fire is kindled1 the air turns to smoke1 and the terrene and grosser parts remain in the ashes4 ,fire only preys upon the moisture1 which is its natural nourishment4 ,indeed1 water1 wine1 and other liquors1 having abundance of earthy and heavy parts in them1 by falling into fire part it1 and by their roughness and weight smother and extinguish it4 ,but oil1 because purely liquid1 by reason of its subtility1 is overcome by the fire1 and so changed into flame4 ,it is the greatest argument that can be of its humidity1 that the least quantity of it spreads itself a great way2 for so small a drop of honey1 water1 or any other liquid does not extend itself so far1 but very often1 by reason of the dry mixed parts1 is presently wasted4 ,because oil is ductile and soft1 men are wont to make use of it for anointing their bodies2 for it runs along and spreads itself through all the parts1 and sticks so firmly to them that it is not easily washed off4 ,we find by experience1 that a garment wet with water is presently dried again2 but it is no easy matter to wash out the spots and stain of oil1 for it enters deep1 because of its most subtile and humid nature4 ,hence it is that ,aristotle says1 that the drops of diluted wine are the hardest to be got out of clothes1 because they are most subtile1 and run farther into the pores of the cloth4 ,,question ,x4 ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,reason ,,that ,,flesh ,,of ,,sacrificed ,,beasts1 ,,after ,,being ,,hung ,a ,,while ,,upon ,a ,,fig-,,tree ,,is ,,more ,,tender ,,than ,,before8 ,,aristio1 ,,plutarch1 ,,and ,,others4 ,at supper we were commanding ,aristio's cook1 who1 amongst other dishes that he had dressed very curiously1 brought a cock to table just killed as a sacrifice to ,hercules1 as tender as though it had been killed a day or two before4 ,when ,aristio told us that this was no wonder1--seeing such a thing might very easily be done1 if the cock1 as soon as he was killed1 was hung upon a fig-tree1--we began to inquire into the reason of what he asserted4 ,indeed1 ,i must confess1 our eye assures us that a fig-tree sends out a fierce and strong spirit2 which is yet more evident1 from what we have heard said of bulls4 ,that is1 a bull1 after he is tied to a fig-tree1 though never so mad before1 grows presently tame1 and will suffer you to touch him1 and on a sudden all his rage and fury cool and die4 ,but the chiefest cause that works this change is the sharp acrimonious quality of the tree4 ,for this tree is the fullest of sap1 and so are its figs1 wood1 and bark2 and hence it comes to pass1 that the smoke of fig-wood is most offensive to the eyes2 and when it is burned1 its ashes make the best lye to scour withal4 ,but all these effects proceed from heat4 ,now there are some that say1 when the sap of this tree thrown into milk curds it1 that this effect does not arise from the irregular figures of the parts of the milk1 which the sap joins and 7as it were7 sticks together1 the smooth and globose parts being squeezed out1 but that by its heat it loosens the unstable and watery parts of the liquid body4 ,and we may use as a proof the unprofitableness of the sap of this tree1 which1 though it is very sweet1 yet makes the worst liquor in the world4 ,for it is not the inequality in the parts that affects the smooth part1 but what is cold and raw is stopped by heat4 ,and salt help to do this2 for it is hot1 and works contrary to the uniting of the parts just mentioned1 causing rather a dissolution2 for to it1 above all other things1 ,nature has given a dissolving faculty4 ,therefore the fig-tree sends forth a hot and sharp spirit1 which cuts and boils the flesh of the bird4 ,the very same thing may be effected by placing the flesh upon a heap of corn1 or near nitre2 the heat will produce the same that the fig-tree did4 ,now it may be made manifest that wheat is naturally hot1 in that wine1 put into a hogshead and placed among wheat1 is presently consumed4 ,,book ,,vii4 ,the ,romans1 ,sossius ,senecio1 remember a pretty saying of a pleasant man and good companion1 who supping alone said that he had eaten to-day1 but not supped2 as if a supper always wanted company and agreement to make it palatable and pleasing4 ,evenus said that fire was the sweetest of all sauces in the world4 ,and ,homer calls salt ,greek omitted1 divine2 and most call it ,greek omitted1 graces1 because1 mixed with most part of our food1 it makes it palatable and agreeable to the taste4 ,now indeed the best and most divine sauce that can be at an entertainment or a supper is a familiar and pleasant friend2 not because he eats and drinks with a man1 but because he participates of and communicates discourse1 especially if the talk be profitable1 pertinent1 and instructive4 ,for commonly loose talk over a glass of wine raiseth passions and spoils company1 and therefore it is fit that we should be as critical in examining what discourses as what friends are fit to be admitted to a supper2 not following either the saying or opinion of the ,spartans1 who1 when they entertained any young man or a stranger in their public halls1 showed him the door1 with these words1 ,no discourse goes out this way4 ,what we use to talk of may be freely disclosed to everybody1 because we have nothing in our discourses that tends to looseness1 debauchery1 debasing of ourselves1 or back-biting others4 ,judge by the examples1 of which this seventh book contains ten4 ,,question ,i4 ,,against ,,those ,,who ,,find ,,fault ,,with ,,plato ,,for ,,saying ,,that ,,drink ,,passeth ,,through ,,the ,,lungs4 ,,nicias1 ,,plutarch1 ,,protogenes1 ,,florus4 ,at a summer entertainment1 one of the company pronounced that common verse1 ,now drench thy lungs with wine1 the ,dog appears4 ,and ,nicias of ,nicopolis1 a physician1 presently subjoined3 ,it is no wonder that ,alcaeus1 a poet1 should be ignorant of that of which ,plato the philosopher was4 ,though ,alcaeus may be defended2 for it is probable that the lungs1 lying near the stomach1 may participate of the steam of the liquor1 and be drenched with it4 ,but the philosopher1 expressly delivering that most part of our drink passeth through the lungs1 hath precluded all ways of excuse to those that would be willing to defend him4 ,for it is a very great and complicated ignorance2 for first1 it being necessary that our liquid and dry food should be mixed1 it is very probable that the stomach is the vessel for them both1 which throws out the dry food after it is grown soft and moist into the guts4 ,besides1 the lungs being a dense and compacted body1 how is it possible that1 when we sup gruel or the like1 the thicker parts should pass through them8 ,and this was the objection which ,erasistratus rationally made against ,plato4 ,besides1 when he considered for what end every part of the body was made1 and what use ,nature designed in their contrivance1 it was easy to perceive that the epiglottis was framed on purpose that when we drink the windpipe should be shut1 and nothing be suffered to fall upon the lungs4 ,for if anything by chance gets down that way1 we are troubled with retching and coughing till it is thrown up again4 ,and this epiglottis being framed so that it may fall on either side1 whilst we speak it shuts the weasand1 but when we eat or drink it falls upon the windpipe1 and so secures the passage for our breath4 ,besides1 we know that those who drink by little and little are looser than those who drink greedily and large draughts2 for in the latter the very force drives it into their bladders1 but in the former it stays1 and by its stay is mixed with and moistens the meat thoroughly4 ,now this could not be1 if in the very drinking the liquid was separated from the dry food2 but the effect follows1 because we mix and convey them both together1 using 7as ,erasistratus phraseth it7 the liquid as a vehicle for the dry4 ,nicias having done1 ,protogenes the grammarian subjoined1 that ,homer was the first that observed the stomach was the vessel of the food1 and the windpipe 7which the ancients called ,greek omitted of the breath1 and upon the same account they called those who had loud voices ,greek omitted74 ,and when he describes how ,achilles killed ,hector1 he says1 ,he pierced his weasand1 where death enters soon2 and adds1 ,but not his windpipe1 so that he could speak1 7,iliad1 xxii4 #cbe-cbi47 taking the windpipe for the proper passage of the speech and breath4444 ,upon this1 all being silent1 ,florus began thus3 ,what1 shall we tamely suffer ,plato to be run down8 ,by no means1 said ,i1 for if we desert him1 ,homer must be in the same condition1 for he is so far from denying the windpipe to be the passage for our drink1 that the dry food1 in his opinion1 goes the same way4 ,for these are his words3-- ,from his gullet ,greek omitted flowed ,the clotted wine and undigested flesh4 7,odyssey1 ix4 #cgc47 ,unless perchance you will say that the ,cyclops1 as he had but one eye1 so had but one passage for his food and voice2 or would have ,greek omitted to signify weasand1 not windpipe1 as both all the ancients and moderns use it4 ,i produce this because it is really his meaning1 not because ,i want other testimonies1 for ,plato hath store of learned and sufficient men to join with him4 ,for not to mention ,eupolis1 who in his play called the ,flatterers says1 ,protagoras bids us drink a lusty bowl1 ,that when the ,dog appears our lungs may still be moist2 or elegant ,eratosthenes1 who says1 ,and having drenched his lungs with purest wine2 even ,euripides1 somewhere expressly saying1 ,the wine passed through the hollows of the lungs1 shows that he saw better and clearer than ,erasistratus4 ,for he saw that the lungs have cavities and pores1 through which the liquids pass4 ,for the breath in expiration hath no need of pores1 but that the liquids and those things which pass with them might go through1 it is made like a strainer and full of pores4 ,besides1 sir1 as to the example of gruel which you proposed1 the lungs can discharge themselves of the thicker parts together with the thin1 as well as the stomach4 ,for our stomach is not1 as some fancy1 smooth and slippery1 but full of asperities1 in which it is probable that the thin and small particles are lodged1 and so not taken quite down4 ,but neither this nor the other can we positively affirm2 for the curious contrivance of ,nature in her operation is too hard to be explained2 nor can we be particularly exact upon those instruments 7,i mean the spirit and the heat7 which she makes use of in her works4 ,but besides those we have mentioned to confirm ,plato's opinion1 let us produce ,philistion of ,locri1 very ancient and very famous physician1 and ,hippocrates too1 with his disciple ,dioxippus2 for they thought of no other passage but that which ,plato mentions4 ,dio says1 that when we feed1 the moist parts are about that separated from the dry1 and the first are carried down the windpipe1 the other down the weasand2 and that the windpipe receives no parts of the food1 but the stomach1 together with the dry parts1 receives some portion of the liquids4 ,and this is probable1 for the epiglottis lies over the windpipe1 as a fence and strainer1 that the drink may get in by little and little1 lest descending in a large full stream1 it stop the breath and endanger the life4 ,and therefore birds have no epiglottis1 because they do not sup or lap when they drink1 but take up a little in their beak1 and let it run gently down their windpipe4 ,these testimonies ,i think are enough2 and reason confirms ,plato's opinion by arguments drawn first from sense4 ,for when the windpipe is wounded1 no drink will go down2 but as if the pipe were broken it runs out1 though the weasand be whole and unhurt4 ,and all know that in the inflammation of the lungs the patient is troubled with extreme thirst2 the heat or dryness or some other cause1 together with the inflammation1 making the appetite intense4 ,but a stronger evidence than all these follows4 ,those creatures that have very small lungs1 or none at all1 neither want nor desire drink1 because to some parts there belongs a natural appetite to drink1 and those that want those parts have no need to drink1 nor any appetite to be supplied by it4 ,but more1 the bladder would seem unnecessary2 for1 if the weasand receives both meat and drink and conveys it to the belly1 the superfluous parts of the liquids would not want a proper passage1 one common one would suffice as a canal for both that were conveyed to the same vessel by the same passage4 ,but now the bladder is distinct from the guts1 because the drink goes from the lungs1 and the meat from the stomach2 they being separated as we take them down4 ,and this is the reason that in our water nothing can be found that either in smell or color resembles dry food4 ,but if the drink were mixed with the dry meat in the belly1 it must be impregnant with its qualities1 and not come forth so simple and untinged4 ,besides1 a stone is never found in the stomach1 though it is likely that the moisture should be coagulated there as well as in the bladder1 if all the liquor were conveyed through the weasand then into the belly4 ,but it is probable at the weasand robs the windpipe of a sufficient quantity of liquor as it is going down1 and useth it to soften and concoct the meat4 ,and therefore its excrement is never purely liquid2 and the lungs1 disposing of the moisture1 as of the breath1 to all of the parts that want it1 deposit the superfluous portion in the bladder4 ,and ,i am sure that this is a much more probable opinion than the other4 ,but which is the truth cannot perhaps be discovered1 and therefore it is not fit so peremptorily to find fault with the most acute and most famed philosopher1 especially when the matter is so obscure1 and the ,platonists can produce such considerable reasons for their position4 ,,question ,,ii4 ,,what ,,humored ,,man ,,is ,,he ,,that ,,plato ,,calls ,greek omitted8 ,,and ,,why ,,do ,,those ,,seeds ,,that ,,fall ,,on ,,the ,,oxen',s ,,horns ,,become ,greek omitted8 ,,plutarch1 ,,patrocles1 ,,euthydemus1 ,,florus4 ,we had always some difficulty started about ,greek omitted and ,greek omitted1 not what humor those words signified 7for it is certain that some1 thinking that those seeds which fall on the oxen's horns bear fruit which is very hard1 did by a metaphor call a stiff untractable fellow by these names71 but what was the cause that seeds falling on the oxen's horns should bear hard fruit4 ,i had often desired my friends to search no farther1 most of all fearing the passage of ,theophrastus1 in which he has collected many things whose causes we cannot discover4 ,such are the hen's using a straw to purify herself with after she has laid1 the seal's consuming her rennet when she is caught1 the deer's burying his horns1 and the goat's stopping the whole herd by holding a branch of sea-holly in his mouth2 and among the rest he reckoned this is a thing of which we are certain1 but whose cause it is very difficult to find4 ,but once at supper at ,delphi1 some of my companions--as if we were not only better counsellors when our bellies are full 7as one hath it71 but wine would make us brisker in our inquiries and bolder in our resolutions desired me to speak somewhat to that problem4 ,i refused1 though ,i had some excellent men on my side1 namely1 ,euthydemus my fellow-priest1 and ,patrocles my relative1 who brought several the like instances1 which they had gathered both from husbandry and hunting2 for instance1 that those officers that are appointed to watch the coming of the hail avert the storm by offering a mole's blood or a woman's cloths2 that a wild fig being bound to a garden fig-tree will keep the fruit from falling and promote their ripening2 that deer when they are taken shed salt tears1 and boars sweet4 ,but if you have a mind to such questions1 ,euthydemus will presently desire you to give an account of smallage and cummin2 one of the which1 if trodden down as it springs1 will grow the better1 and the other men curse and blaspheme whilst they sow it4 ,this last ,florus thought to be an idle foolery2 but he said1 that we should not forbear to search into the causes of the other things as if they were incomprehensible4 ,i have found1 said ,i1 your design to draw me on to this discourse1 that you yourself may afterward give us a solution of the other proposed difficulties4 ,in my opinion it is cold that causes this hardness in corn and pulse1 by contracting and constipating their parts till the substance becomes close and extremely rigid2 while heat is a dissolving and softening quality4 ,and therefore those that cite this verse against ,homer1 ,the season1 not the field1 bears fruit1 do not justly reprehend him4 ,for fields that are warm by nature1 the air being likewise temperate1 bear more mellow fruit than others4 ,and therefore those seeds that fall immediately on the earth out of the sower's hand1 and are covered presently1 and cherished by being covered1 partake more of the moisture and heat that is in the earth4 ,but those that strike against the oxen's horns do not enjoy what ,hesiod names the best position1 but seem to be scattered rather than sown2 and therefore the cold either destroys them quite1 or else1 lighting upon them as they lie naked1 condenseth their moisture1 and makes them hard and woody4 ,thus stones that lie under ground and1 plant-animals have softer parts than those that lie above2 and therefore stone-cutters bury the stones they would work1 as if they designed to have them prepared and softened by the heat2 but those that lie above ground are by the cold made hard1 rigid1 and very hurtful to the tools4 ,and if corn lies long upon the floor1 the grains become much harder than that which is presently carried away4 ,and sometimes too a cold wind blowing whilst they winnow spoils the corn1 as it hath happened at ,philippi in ,macedonia2 and the chaff secures the grains whilst on the floor4 ,for is it any wonder that as husband-men affirm1 one ridge will bear soft and fruitful1 and the very next to it hard and unfruitful corn or--which is stranger--that in the same bean-cod some beans are of this sort1 some of the other1 as more or less wind and moisture falls upon this or that8 ,,question ,,iii4 ,,why ,,the ,,middle ,,of ,,wine1 ,,the ,,top ,,of ,,oil1 ,,and ,,the ,,bottom ,,of ,,honey ,,is ,,best4 ,,alexion1 ,,plutarch1 ,,and ,,others4 ,my father-in-law ,alexion laughed at ,hesiod1 for advising us to drink freely when the barrel is newly broached or almost out1 but moderately when it is about the middle1 since there is the best wine4 ,for who1 said he1 doth not know1 that the middle of wine1 the top of oil1 and the bottom of honey is the best8 ,yet he bids us spare the middle1 and stay till worse wine runs1 when the barrel is almost out4 ,this said1 the company minded ,hesiod no more1 but began to inquire into the cause of this difference4 ,we were not at all puzzled about the honey1 everybody almost knowing that that which is lightest is so because it is rare1 and that the heaviest parts are dense and compact1 and by reason of their weight settle below the others4 ,so1 if you turn the vessel1 each in a little time will recover its proper place1 the heavier subsiding1 and the lighter rising above the rest4 ,and as for the wine1 probable solutions presently appeared2 for its strength consisting in heat1 it is reasonable that it should be contained chiefly in the middle1 and there best preserved2 for the lower parts the lees spoil1 and the upper are impaired by the neighboring air4 ,for that the air will impair wine no man doubts1 and therefore we usually bury or cover our barrels1 that as little air as can be might come near them4 ,and besides 7which is an evident sign7 a barrel when full is not spoiled so soon as when it is half empty2 because a great deal of air getting into the empty space troubles and disturbs the liquor1 whereas the wine that is in the unemptied cask is preserved and defended by itself1 not admitting much of the external air1 which is apt to injure and corrupt it4 ,but the oil gave us the most difficulty4 ,one thought that the bottom of the oil was affected1 because it was foul and troubled with the lees2 and that the top was not really better than the rest1 but only seemed so1 because it was farthest removed from those corrupting particles4 ,others thought the thickness of the liquor to be the reason1 which thickness keeps it from mixing with other humids1 unless blended together and shaken violently2 and therefore it will not mix with air1 but keeps it off by its smoothness and close contexture1 so that it hath no power to corrupt it4 ,but ,aristotle seems to be against this opinion1 who hath observed that oil grows sweeter by being kept in vessels not exactly filled1 and afterwards ascribes this melioration to the air2 for more air1 and therefore more powerful to produce the effect1 flows into a vessel not well filled4 ,well then6 said ,i1 the same quality in the air may spoil wine1 and better oil4 ,for long keeping improves wine1 but spoils oil4 ,now the air keeps oil from growing old2 for that which is cooled continues fresh and new1 but that which is kept close up1 having no way to exhale its corrupting parts1 presently decays1 and grows old4 ,therefore it is probable that the air coming upon the superficies of the oil keepeth it fresh and new4 ,and this is the reason that the top of wine is worst1 and of oil best2 because age betters the one1 and spoils the other4 ,,question ,,iv4 ,,what ,,was1 ,,the ,,reason ,,of ,,that ,,custom ,,of ,,the ,,ancient ,,romans ,,to ,,remove ,,the ,,table ,,before ,,all ,,the ,,meat ,,was ,,eaten1 ,,and ,,not ,,to ,,put ,,out ,,the ,,lamp8 ,,florus1 ,,eustrophus1 ,,caesernius1 ,,lucius4 ,florus1 who observed the ancient manners1 would not let the table be removed quite empty1 but always left some meat upon it2 declaring likewise that his father and grandfather were not only curious in this matter1 but would never suffer the lamp after supper to be put out1--a thing about which the ancient ,romans were very careful1--while those of to-day put it out immediately after supper1 that they may lose no oil4 ,eustrophus the ,athenian being present said3 ,what could they get by that1 unless they knew the cunning trick of our ,polycharmus1 who1 after long deliberation how to find out a way to prevent the servants' stealing of the oil1 at last with a great deal of difficulty happened upon this3 ,as soon as you have put out the lamp1 fill it up1 and the next morning look carefully whether it remains full4 ,then ,florus with a smile replied3 ,well1 since we are agreed about that1 let us inquire for what reason the ancients were so careful about their tables and their lamps4 ,first1 about the lamps4 ,and his son-in-law ,caesernius was of opinion that the ancients abominated all extinction of fire1 because of the relation that it had to the sacred and eternal flame4 ,fire1 like man1 may be destroyed two ways1 either when it is violently quenched1 or when it naturally decays4 ,the sacred fire was secured against both ways1 being always watched and continually supplied2 but the common fire they permitted to go out of itself1 not forcing or violently extinguishing it1 but not supplying it with nourishment1 like a useless beast1 that they might not feed it to no purpose4 ,lucius1 ,florus's son1 subjoined1 that all the rest of the discourse was very good1 but that they did not reverence and take care of this holy fire because they thought it better or more venerable than other fire2 but1 as amongst the ,egyptians some worship the whole species of dogs1 wolves1 or crocodiles1 yet keep but one wolf1 dog1 or crocodile 7for all could not be kept71 so the particular care which the ancients took of the sacred fire was only a sign of the respect they had for all fires4 ,for nothing bears such a resemblance to an animal as fire4 ,it is moved and nourished by itself1 and by its brightness1 like the soul1 discovers and makes everything apparent2 but in its quenching it principally shows some power that seems to proceed from our vital principle1 for it makes a noise and resists1 like an animal dying or violently slaughtered4 ,and can you 7looking upon me7 offer any better reason8 ,i can find fault1 replied ,i1 with no part of the discourse1 yet ,i would subjoin1 that this custom is an instruction for kindness and good-will4 ,for it is not lawful for any one that hath eaten sufficiently to destroy the remainder of the food2 nor for him that hath supplied his necessities from the fountain to stop it up2 nor for him that hath made use of any marks1 either by sea or land1 to ruin or deface them2 but every one ought to leave those things that may be useful to those persons that afterwards may have need of them4 ,therefore it is not fit1 out of a saving covetous humor1 to put out a lamp as soon as we need it not2 but we ought to preserve and let it burn for the use of those that perhaps want its light4 ,thus1 it would be very generous to lend our ears and eyes1 nay1 if possible1 our reason and understanding1 to others1 whilst we are idle or asleep4 ,besides1 consider whether to stir up men to gratitude these minute observances were practised4 ,the ancients did not act absurdly when they highly reverenced an oak4 ,the ,athenians called one fig-tree sacred1 and forbade any one to cut down an olive4 ,for such observances do not 7as some fancy7 make men prone to superstition1 but persuade us to be communicative and grateful to one another1 by being accustomed to pay this respect to these senseless and inanimate creatures4 ,upon the same reason ,hesiod1 methinks1 adviseth well1 who would not have any meat or broth set on the table out of those pots out of which there had been no portion offered1 but ordered the first-fruits to be given to the fire1 as a reward for the service it did in preparing it4 ,and the ,romans1 dealing well with the lamps1 did not take away the nourishment they had once given1 but permitted them to live and shine by it4 ,when ,i had said thus1 ,eustrophus subjoined3 ,this gives us some light into that query about the table2 for they thought that they ought to leave some portion of the supper for the servants and waiters1 for those are not so well pleased with a supper provided for them apart1 as with the relics of their master's table4 ,and upon this account1 they say1 the ,persian king did not only send portions from his own table to his friends1 captains1 and gentlemen of his bed-chamber1 but had always what was provided for his servants and his dogs served up to his own table2 that as far as possible all those creatures whose service was useful might seem to be his guests and companions4 ,for1 by such feeding in common and participation1 the wildest of beasts might be made tame and gentle4 ,then ,i with a smile said3 ,but1 sir1 that fish there1 that according to the proverb is laid up1 why do not we bring out into play together with ,pythagoras's choenix1 which he forbids any man to sit upon1 thereby teaching us that we ought to leave something of what we have before us for another time1 and on the present day be mindful of the morrow8 ,we ,boeotians use to have that saying frequently in our mouths1 ,leave something for the ,medes1 ever since the ,medes overran and spoiled ,phocis and the marches of ,boeotia2 but still1 and upon all occasions1 we ought to have that ready1 ,leave something for the guests that may come4 ,and therefore ,i must needs find fault with that always empty and starving table of ,achilles2 for1 when ,ajax and ,ulysses came ambassadors to him1 he had nothing ready1 but was forced out of hand to dress a fresh supper4 ,and when he would entertain ,priam1 he again bestirs himself1 kills a white ewe1 joints and dresses it1 and in that work spent a great part of the night4 ,but ,eumaeus 7a wise scholar of a wise master7 had no trouble upon him when ,telemachus came home1 but presently desired him to sit down1 and feasted him1 setting before him dishes of boiled meat1 ,the cleanly reliques of the last night's feast4 ,but if this seems trifling1 and a small matter1 ,i am sure it is no small matter to command and restrain appetite while there are dainties before you to satisfy and please it4 ,for those that are used to abstain from what is present are not so eager for absent things as others are4 ,lucius subjoining said1 that he had heard his grandmother say1 that the table was sacred1 and nothing that is sacred ought to be empty4 ,beside omitted4 ,therefore as we desire that the earth should always have and bear something that is useful for us1 so we think that we should not let the table be altogether empty and void of all provision4 ,,question ,v4 ,,that ,,we ,,ought ,,carefully ,,to ,,preserve ,,ourselves ,,from ,,pleasures ,,arising ,,from ,,bad ,,music ,,and ,,how ,,it ,,may ,,be ,,done4 ,,callistratus1 ,,lamprias4 ,at the ,pythian games ,callistratus1 procurator of the ,amphictyons1 forbade a piper1 his citizen and friend1 who did not give in his name in due time1 to appear in the solemnity1 according to the law4 ,but afterward very fine tune2 but afterwards1 having tickled and sounded the humor of the whole company1 and found that most were inclined to pleasure and would suffer him to play what effeminate and lascivious tunes he pleased1 throwing aside all modesty1 he showed that music was more intoxicating than wine to those that wantonly and unskilfully use it4 ,for they were not content to sit still and applaud and clap1 but many at last leaped from their seats1 danced lasciviously1 and made such gentle steps as became such effeminate and mollifying tunes4 ,but after they had done1 and the company1 as it were recovered of its madness1 began to come to itself again1 ,lamprias would have spoken to and severely chid the young men2 but as fearing he would be too harsh and give offence1 ,callistratus gave him a hint1 and drew him on by this discourse3-- ,for my part1 ,i absolve all lovers of shows and music from intemperance2 yet ,i cannot altogether agree with ,aristoxenus1 who says that those pleasures alone deserve the approbation fine4 ,for we call viands and ointments fine2 and we say we have finely dined1 when we have been splendidly entertained4 ,nor1 in my opinion1 doth ,aristotle free those complacencies we take in shows and songs upon good reason from the charge of excess1 saying1 that those belong peculiarly to man1 and of other pleasures beasts have a share4 ,for ,i am certain that a great many irrational creatures are delighted with music1 as deer with pipes2 and to mares1 whilst they are horsing1 they play a tune called ,greek omitted4 ,and ,pindar says1 that his songs make him move1 ,as brisk as ,dolphins1 whom a charming tune ,hath raised from th' bottom of the quiet flood4 ,and certain fish are taken by means of dancing2 for as the dance goes on they lift up their heads above water1 being much pleased and delighted with the sight1 and twisting their backs this way and that way1 in imitation of the dancers4 ,therefore ,i see nothing peculiar in those pleasures1 that they should be accounted proper to the mind1 and all others to belong to the body1 so far as to end there4 ,but music1 rhythm1 dancing1 song1 passing through the sense1 fix a pleasure and titilation in the sportive part of the soul and therefore none of these pleasures is enjoyed in secret1 nor wants darkness nor walls about it1 according to the women's phrase2 but circuses and theatres are built for them4 ,and to frequent shows and music-meetings with company is both more delightful and more genteel2 because we take a great many witnesses1 not of a luxurious and intemperate1 but of a pleasant and respectable1 manner of passing away our time4 ,upon this discourse of ,callistratus1 my father ,lamprias1 seeing the musicians grow bolder1 said3 ,that is not the reason1 sir1 and1 in my opinion1 the ancients were much out when they named ,bacchus the son of ,forgetfulness4 ,they ought to have called him his father2 for it seems he hath made you forget that of those faults which are committed about pleasures some proceed from a loose intemperate inclination1 and others from heedlessness or ignorance4 ,where the ill effect is very plain1 there intemperate inclination captivates reason1 and forces men to sin2 but where the just reward of intemperance is not directly and presently inflicted1 there ignorance of the danger and heedlessness make men easily wrought oil and secure4 ,therefore those that are vicious1 either in eating1 drinking1 or venery1 which diseases1 wasting of estates1 and evil reports usually attend1 we call intemperate4 ,for instance1 ,theodectes1 who having sore eyes1 when his mistress came to see him1 said1 ,all hail1 delightful light2 or ,anaxarchus the ,abderite1 ,a wretch who knew what evils wait on sin1 ,yet love of pleasure drove him back again4 ,once almost free1 he sank again to vice1 ,that terror and disturber of the wise4 ,now those that take all care possible to secure themselves from all those pleasures that assault them either at the smelling1 touch1 or taste1 are often surprised by those that make their treacherous approaches either at the eye or ear4 ,but such1 though as much led away as the others1 we do not in like manner call incontinent and intemperate1 since they are ruined through ignorance and want of experience4 ,for they imagine they are far from being slaves to pleasures1 if they can stay all day in the theatre without meat or drink2 as if a pot forsooth should be mighty proud that a man cannot take it up by the bottom or the belly and carry it away1 though he can easily do it by the ears4 ,and therefore ,agesilaus said1 it was all one whether a man were a ,,cinoedus before or behind4 ,we ought principally to dread those softening delights that please and tickle through the eyes and ears1 and not think that city not taken which hath all its other gates secured by bars1 portcullises1 and chains1 if the enemies are already entered through one and have taken possession2 or fancy ourselves invincible against the assaults of pleasure1 because stews will not provoke us1 when the music-meeting or theatre prevails4 ,for we in one case as much as the other resign up our souls to the impetuousness of pleasures1 which pouring in those potions of songs1 cadences1 and tunes1 more powerful and bewitching than the best mixtures of the most skilful cook or perfumer1 conquer and corrupt us2 and in the meantime1 by our own confession as it were1 the fault is chiefly ours4 ,now1 as ,pindar saith1 nothing that the earth and sea hath provided for our tables can be justly blamed2 but neither our meat nor broth1 nor this excellent wine which we drink1 hath raised such a noisy tumultous pleasure as those songs and tunes did1 which not only filled the house with clapping and shouting1 but perhaps the whole town4 ,therefore we ought principally to secure ourselves against such delights1 because they are more powerful than others2 as not being terminated in the body1 like those which allure the touch1 taste1 or smelling1 but affecting the very intellectual and judging faculties4 ,besides1 from most other delights1 though reason doth not free us1 yet other passions very commonly divert us4 ,sparing niggardliness will keep a glutton from dainty fish1 and covetousness will confine a lecher from a costly whore4 ,as in one of ,menander's plays1 where every one of the company was to be enticed by the bawd who brought out a surprising whore1 but each of them1 though all boon companions1 ,sat sullenly1 and fed upon his cates4 ,for to pay interest for money is a severe punishment that follows intemperance1 and to open our purses is no easy matter4 ,but these pleasures that are called genteel1 and solicit the ears or eyes of those that are frantic after shows and music1 may be had without any charge at all1 in every place almost1 and upon every occasion2 they may be enjoyed at the prizes1 in the theatre1 or at entertainments1 at others cost4 ,and therefore those that have not their reason to assist and guide them may be easily spoiled4 ,silence following upon this1 ,what application1 said ,i1 shall reason make1 or how shall it assist8 ,for ,i do not think it will apply those ear-covers of ,xenocrates1 or force us to rise from the table as soon as we hear a harp struck or a pipe blown4 ,no indeed1 replied ,lamprias1 but as soon as we meet with the foresaid intoxications1 we ought to make our application to the ,muses1 and fly to the ,helicon of the ancients4 ,to him that loves a costly strumpet1 we cannot bring a ,panthea or ,penelope for cure2 but one that delights in mimics and buffoons1 loose odes1 or debauched songs1 we can bring to ,euripides1 ,pindar1 and ,menander1 that he might wash 7as ,plato phraseth it7 his salt hearing with fresh reason4 ,as the exorcists command the possessed to read over and pronounce ,ephesian letters1 so we in those possessions1 during the madness of music and the dance1 when ,we toss our hands with noise1 and madly shout1 remembering those venerable and sacred writings1 and comparing with them those odes1 poems1 and vain empty compositions1 shall not be altogether cheated by them1 or permit ourselves to be carried away sidelong1 as by a smooth and undisturbed stream4 ,,question ,,vi4 ,,concerning ,,those ,,guests ,,that ,,are ,,called ,,shadows1 ,,and ,,whether ,,being ,,invited ,,by ,,some ,,to ,,go ,,to ,,another',s ,,house1 ,,they ,,ought ,,to ,,go2 ,,and ,,when1 ,,and ,,to ,,whom4 ,,plutarch1 ,,florus1 ,,caesernius4 ,homer makes ,menelaus come uninvited to his brother ,agamemnon's treat1 when he feasted the commanders2 ,for well he knew great cares his brother vexed4 7,iliad1 ii4 #dji47 ,he did not take notice of the plain and evident omission of his brother1 or show his resentments by not coming1 as some surly testy persons usually do upon such oversights of their best friends2 yet they had rather be overlooked than particularly invited1 that they may have some color for their pettish anger4 ,but about the introduced guests 7which we call shadows7 who are not invited by the entertainer1 but by some others of the guests1 a question was started1 from whom that custom began4 ,some thought from ,socrates1 who persuaded ,aristodemus1 who was not invited1 to go along with him to ,agatho's1 where there happened a pretty jest4 ,for ,socrates by chance staying somewhat behind1 ,aristodemus went in first2 and this seemed very appropriate1 for1 the sun shining on their backs1 the shadow ought to go before the body4 ,afterwards it was thought necessary at all entertainments1 especially of great men1 when the inviter did not know their favorites and acquaintance1 to desire the invited to bring his company1 appointing such a set number1 lest they should be put to the same shifts which he was put to who invited ,king ,philip to his country-house4 ,the king came with a numerous attendance1 but the provision was not equal to the company4 ,therefore1 seeing his entertainer much cast down1 he sent some about to tell his friends privately1 that they should keep one corner of their bellies for a large cake that was to come4 ,and they1 expecting this1 fed sparingly on the meat that was set before them1 so that the provision seemed sufficient for them all4 ,when ,i had talked thus waggishly to the company ,florus had a mind to talk gravely concerning these shadows1 and have it discussed whether it was fit for those that were so invited to go1 or no4 ,his son-in-law ,caesernius was positively against it4 ,we should1 says he1 following ,hesiod's advice1 ,invite a friend to feast1 7,works and ,days1 #cdb47 or at least we should have our acquaintance and familiars to participate of our entertainments1 mirth1 and discourse over a glass of wine2 but now1 as ferry-men permit their passengers to bring in what fardel they please1 so we permit others to fill our entertainments with any persons1 let them be good companions or not4 ,and ,i should wonder that any man of breeding being so 7that is1 not at all7 invited1 should go2 since1 for the most part1 he must be unacquainted with the entertainer1 or if he was acquainted1 was not thought worthy to be bidden4 ,nay1 he should be more ashamed to go to such a one1 if he considers that it will look like an upbraiding of his unkindness1 and yet a rude intruding into his company against his will4 ,besides1 to go before or after the guest that invites him must look unhandsomely1 nor is it creditable to go and stand in need of witnesses to assure the guests that he doth not come as a principally invited person1 but such a one's shadow4 ,besides1 to attend others bathing or anointing1 to observe his hour1 whether he goes early or late1 is servile and gnathonical 7for there never was such an excellent fellow as ,gnatho to feed at another man's table74 ,besides1 if there is no more proper time and place to say1 ,speak1 tongue1 if thou wilt utter jovial things1 than at a feast1 and freedom and raillery is mixed with everything that is either done or said over a glass of wine1 how should he behave himself1 who is not a true principally invited guest1 but as it were a bastard and supposititious intruder8 ,for whether he is free or not1 he lies open to the exception of the company4 ,besides1 the very meanness and vileness of the name is no small evil to those who do not resent it but can quietly endure to be called and answer to the name of shadows4 ,for1 by enduring such base names1 men are insensibly accustomed and drawn on to base actions4 ,therefore1 when ,i make an invitation1 for it is hard to break the custom of a place1 ,i give my guests leave to bring shadows2 but when ,i myself am invited as a shadow1 ,i assure you ,i refuse to go4 ,a short silence followed this discourse2 then ,florus began thus3 ,this last thing you mentioned1 sir1 is a greater difficulty than the other4 ,for it is necessary when we invite our friends to give them liberty to choose their own shadows1 as was before hinted2 for to entertain them without their friends is not very obliging1 nor is it very easy to know whom the person we invite would be most pleased with4 ,then said ,i to him3 ,consider therefore whether those that give their friends this license to invite do not at the same time give the invited license to accept the invitation and come to the entertainment4 ,for it is not fit either to allow or to desire another to do that which is not decent to be done1 or to urge and persuade to that which no one ought to be persuaded or to consent to do4 ,when we entertain a great man or stranger1 there we cannot invite or choose his company1 but must receive those that come along with him4 ,but when we feast a friend1 it will be more acceptable if we ourselves invite all1 as knowing his acquaintance and familiars2 for it tickles him extremely to see that others take notice that he hath chiefly a respect for such and such1 loves their company most1 and is well pleased when they are honored and invited as well as he4 ,yet sometimes we must deal with our friend as petitioners do when they make addresses to a god2 they offer vows to all that belong to the same altar and the same shrine1 though they make no particular mention of their names4 ,for no dainties1 wine1 or ointment can incline a man to merriment1 as much as a pleasant agreeable companion4 ,for as it is rude and ungenteel to inquire and ask what sort of meat1 wine1 or ointment the person whom we are to entertain loves best2 so it is neither disobliging nor absurd to desire him who hath a great many acquaintance to bring those along with him whose company he likes most1 and in whose conversation he can take the greatest pleasure4 ,for it is not so irksome and tedious to sail in the same ship1 to dwell in the same house1 or be a judge upon the same bench1 with a person whom we do not like1 as to be at the same table with him2 and the contrary is fully as pleasant4 ,an entertainment is a communion of serious or merry discourse or actions2 and therefore1 to make a merry company1 we should not pick up any person at a venture1 but take only such as are known to one another and sociable4 ,cooks1 it is true1 mix sour and sweet juices1 rough and oily1 to make their sauces2 but there never was an agreeable table or pleasant entertainment where the guests were not all of a piece1 and all of the same humor4 ,now1 as the ,peripatetics say1 the first mover in nature moves only and is not moved1 and the last moved is moved only but does not move1 and between these there is that which moves and is moved by others2 so there is the same analogy between those three sorts of persons that make up a company1--there is the simple inviter1 the simple invited and the invited that invites another4 ,we have spoken already concerning the inviter1 and it will not be improper1 in my opinion1 to deliver my sentiments about the other two4 ,he that is invited and invites others1 should1 in my opinion1 be sparing in the number that he brings4 ,he should not1 as if he were to forage in an enemy's country1 carry all he can with him2 or1 like those who go to possess a new-found land1 by the excessive number of his own friends1 incommode or exclude the friends of the inviter1 so that the inviter must be in the same case with those that set forth suppers to ,hecate and the gods who turn away evil1 of which neither they nor any of their family partake1 except of the smoke and trouble4 ,it is true they only speak in waggery that say1 ,he that at ,delphi offers sacrifice ,must after meat for his own dinner buy4 ,but the same thing really happens to him who entertains ill-bred guests or acquaintances1 who with a great many shadows1 as it were harpies1 tear and devour his provision4 ,besides1 he should not take anybody that he may come upon along with him to another's entertainment1 but chiefly the entertainer's acquaintance1 as it were contending with him and preceding him in the invitation4 ,but if that cannot be effected1 let him carry such of his own friends as the entertainer would choose himself2 to a civil modest man1 some of complaisant humor2 to a learned man1 ingenuous persons2 to a man that hath borne office1 some of the same rank2 and1 in short1 such whose acquaintance he hath formerly sought and would be now glad of4 ,for it will be extremely pleasing and obliging to bring such into company together2 but one who brings to a feast men who have no likeness at all with the feast-maker1 but who are entire aliens and strangers to him1--as hard drinkers to a sober man1--gluttons and sumptuous persons to a temperate thrifty entertainer1--or to a young1 merry1 boon companion1 grave old philosophers solemnly speaking in their beards1--will be very disobliging1 and turn all the intended mirth into an unpleasant sourness4 ,the entertained should be as obliging to the entertainer as the entertainer to the entertained2 and then he will be most obliging1 when not only he himself1 but all those that come by his means1 are pleasant and agreeable4 ,the last of the three which remains to be spoken of is he that is invited by one man to another's feast4 ,now he that disdains and is so much offended at the name of a shadow will appear to be afraid of a mere shadow4 ,but in this matter there is need of a great deal of caution1 for it is not creditable readily to go along with every one and to everybody4 ,but first you must consider who it is that invites2 for if he is not a very familiar friend1 but a rich or great man1 such who1 as if upon a stage1 wants a large or splendid retinue1 or such who thinks that he puts a great obligation upon you and does you a great deal of honor by this invitation1 you must presently deny4 ,but if he is your friend and particular acquaintance1 you must not yield upon the first motion3 but if there seems a necessity for some conversation which cannot be put off till another time1 or if he is lately come from a journey or designs to go on one1 and out of mere good-will and affection seems desirous of your company1 and doth not desire to carry a great many1 or strangers1 but only some few friends along with him2 or1 besides all this1 if he designs to bring you thus invited acquainted with the principal inviter1 who is very worthy of your acquaintance1 then consent and go4 ,for as to ill-humored persons1 the more they seize and take hold of us like thorns1 we should endeavor to free ourselves from them or leap over them the more4 ,if he that invites is a civil and well-bred person1 yet doth not design to carry you to one of the same temper1 you must refuse1 lest you should take poison in honey1 that is1 get the acquaintance of a bad man by an honest friend4 ,it is absurd to go to one you do not know1 and with whom you never had any familiarity1 unless1 as ,i said before1 the person be an extraordinary man1 and1 by a civil waiting1 upon him at another man's invitation1 you design to begin an acquaintance with him4 ,and those friends you should chiefly go to as shadows1 who would come to you again in the same quality4 ,to ,philip the jester1 indeed1 he seemed more ridiculous that came to a feast of his own accord than he that was invited2 but to well-bred and civil friends it is more obliging for men of the same temper to come at the nick of time with other friends1 when uninvited and unexpected2 at once pleasing both to those that invite and those that entertain4 ,but chiefly you must avoid going to rulers1 rich or great men1 lest you incur the deserved censure of being impudent1 saucy1 rude1 and unseasonably ambitious4 ,,question ,,vii4 ,,whether ,,flute-,,girls ,,are ,,to ,,be ,,allowed ,,at ,a ,,feast8 ,,diogenianus1 ,a ,,sophist1 ,,philip4 ,at ,chaeronea1 ,diogenianus the ,pertamenian being present1 we had a long discourse once at an entertainment about music2 and we had a great deal of trouble to hold out against a great bearded sophister of the ,stoic sect1 who quoted ,plato as blaming a company that admitted flute-girls and were not able to entertain one another with discourse4 ,and ,philip the ,prusian1 of the same sect1 said3 ,those guests of ,agatho1 whose discourse was more sweet than the sound of any pipe in the world1 were no good authority in this case2 for it was no wonder that in their company the flute-girl was not regarded2 but it is strange that1 in the midst of the entertainment1 the extreme pleasantness of the discourse had not made them forget their meat and drink4 ,yet ,xenophon thought it not indecent to bring in to ,socrates1 ,antisthenes1 and the like the jester ,philip2 as ,homer doth an onion to make the wine relish4 ,and ,plato brought in ,aristophanes's discourse of love1 as a comedy1 into his entertainment2 and at the last1 as it were drawing all the curtains1 he shows a scene of the greatest variety imaginable1--,alcibiades drunk1 frolicking1 and crowned4 ,then follows that pleasant raillery between him and ,socrates concerning ,agatho1 and the encomium of ,socrates2 and when such discourse was going on1 good gods6 ,had it not been allowable1 if ,apollo himself had come in with his harp ready to desire the god to forbear till the argument was out8 ,these men1 having such a pleasant way of discoursing1 used these arts and insinuating methods1 and graced their entertainment's by such facetious raillery4 ,but shall we1 being mixed with tradesmen and merchants1 and some 7as it now and then happens7 ignorants and rustics1 banish out of our entertainments this ravishing delight1 or fly the musicians1 as if they were ,sirens1 as soon as we see them coming8 ,clitomachus the wrestler1 rising and getting away when any one talked of love1 was much wondered at2 and should not a philosopher that banisheth music from a feast1 and is afraid of a musician1 and bids his link boy presently light his link and be gone1 be laughed at1 since he seems to abominate the most innocent pleasures1 as beetles do ointment8 ,for1 if at any time1 certainly over a glass of wine1 music should be permitted1 and then chiefly the harmonious god should have the direction of our souls2 so that ,euripides1 though ,i like him very well in other things1 shall never persuade me that music1 as he would have it1 should be applied to melancholy and grief4 ,for there sober and serious reason1 like a physician1 should take care of the diseased men2 but those pleasures should be mixed with ,bacchus1 and serve to increase our mirth and frolic4 ,therefore it was a pleasant saying of that ,spartan at ,athens1 who1 when some new tragedians were to contend for the prize1 seeing the preparations of the masters of the dances1 the hurry and busy diligence of the instructors1 said1 the city was certainly mad which sported with so much pains4 ,he that designs to sport should sport1 and not buy his case and pleasure with great expense1 or the loss of that time which might be useful to other things2 but whilst he is feasting and free from business1 those should be enjoyed4 ,and it is advisable to try amidst our mirth1 whether any profit is to be gotten from our delights4 ,,question ,,viii4 ,,what ,,sort ,,of ,,music ,,is ,,fittest ,,for ,,an ,,entertainment8 ,,diogenianus1 ,a ,,sophist1 ,,philip4 ,when ,philip had ended1 ,i hindered the sophister from returning an answer to the discourse1 and said3 ,let us rather inquire1 ,diogenianus1 since there are a great many sorts of music1 which is fittest for an entertainment4 ,and let us beg this learned man's judgment in this case2 for since he is not prejudiced or apt to be biased by any sort1 there is no danger that he should prefer that which is pleasantest before that which is best4 ,diogenianus joining with me in this request1 he presently began4 ,all other sorts ,i banish to the theatre and playhouse1 and can only allow that which hath been lately admitted into the entertainments at ,rome1 and with which everybody is not yet acquainted4 ,you know1 continued he1 that some of ,plato's dialogues are purely narrative1 and some dramatic4 ,the easiest of this latter sort they teach their children to speak by heart2 making them to imitate the actions of those persons they represent1 and to form their voice and affections to be agreeable to the words4 ,this all the grave and well-bred men exceedingly admire2 but soft and effeminate fellows1 whose ears ignorance and ill-breeding hath corrupted1 and who1 as ,aristoxenus phraseth it1 are ready to vomit when they hear excellent harmony1 reject it2 and no wonder1 when effeminacy prevails4 ,philip1 perceiving some of the company uneasy at this discourse1 said3 ,pray spare us1 sir1 and be not so severe upon us2 for we were the first that found fault with that custom when it first began to be countenanced in ,rome1 and reprehended those who thought ,plato fit to entertain us whilst we were making merry1 and who would hear his dialogues whilst they were eating cates and scattering perfumes4 ,when ,sappho's songs or ,anaereon's verses are recited1 ,i protest ,i think it decent to set aside my cup4 ,but should ,i proceed1 perhaps you would think me much in earnest1 and designing to oppose you1 and therefore1 together with this cup which ,i present my friend1 ,i leave it to him to wash your salt ear with fresh discourse4 ,then ,diogenianus1 taking the cup1 said3 ,methinks this is very sober discourse1 which makes me believe that the wine doth not please you1 since ,i see no effect of it2 so that ,i fear ,i ought to be corrected4 ,indeed1 many sorts of music are not to be rejected2 first1 tragedy1 as having nothing familiar enough for an entertainment1 and being a representation of actions attended with grief and extremity of passion4 ,i reject the sort of dancing which is called ,pyladean from ,pylades1 because it is full of pomp1 very pathetical1 and requires a great many persons2 but if we would admit any of those sorts that deserve those encomiums which ,socrates mentions in his discourse about dancing1 ,i like that sort called ,bathyllean1 which requires not so high a motion1 but hath something of the character of the ,cordax1 and resembles the motion of an ,echo1 a ,pan1 or a ,satyr frolicking with love4 ,old comedy is not fit for men that are making merry1 by reason of the excuses that appear in it2 for that vehemency which they use in the parabasis is loud and indecent1 and the liberty they take to scoff and abuse is very surfeiting1 too open1 and full of filthy words and lewd expressions4 ,besides1 as at great men's tables every man hath a servant waiting at his elbow1 so each of his guests would need a grammarian to sit by him1 and explain who is ,laespodias in ,eupolis1 ,cinesias in ,plato1 and ,lampo in ,cratinus1 and who is each person that is jeered in the play4 ,concerning new comedy there is no need of any long discourse4 ,it is so fitted1 so interwoven with entertainments1 that it is easier to have a regular feast without wine1 than without ,menander4 ,its phrase is sweet and familiar1 the ,humor innocent and easy1 so that there is nothing for men whilst sober to despise1 or when merry to be troubled at4 ,the sentiments are so natural and unstudied1 that midst wine1 as it were in fire1 they soften and bend the rigidest temper to be pliable and easy4 ,and the mixture of gravity and jests seems to be contrived for nothing so aptly as for the pleasure and profit of those that are frolicking and making merry4 ,the love-scenes in ,menander are convenient for those who have already drunk their cups1 and who in a short time must retire home to their wives2 for in all his plays there is no love of boys mentioned1 and all rapes committed on virgins and decently in marriages at last4 ,as for misses1 if they are impudent and jilting1 they are bobbed1 the young gallants turning sober1 and repenting of their lewd courses4 ,but if they are kind and constant1 either their true parents are discovered1 or a time is determined for intrigue1 which brings them at last to obliging modesty and civil kindness4 ,these things to men busied about other matters may seem scarce worth taking notice of2 but whilst they are making merry1 it is no wonder that the pleasantness and smoothness of the parts should work a neat conformity and distinction in the hearers and make their manners like the pattern they have from those genteel characters4 ,diogenianus1 either designedly or for want of breath ended thus4 ,and when the sophister attacked him again1 and contended that some of ,aristophanes's verses should be read1 ,philip speaking to me said3 ,diogenianus hath had his wish in praising his beloved ,menander1 and seems not to care for any of the rest4 ,there are a great many sorts which we have not at all considered1 concerning which ,i should be very glad to have your opinion2 and the prize for the carvers we will set up to-morrow1 when we are sober1 if ,diogenianus and this stranger think fit4 ,of representations1 said ,i1 some are allegorical1 and some are farces2 neither of these are fit for an entertainment2 the first by reason of their length and cost1 and the latter being so full of filthy discourse and lewd actions1 that they are not fit to be seen by the foot-boys that wait on civil masters4 ,yet the rabble1 even with their wives and young sons1 sit quietly to be spectators of such representations as are apt to disturb the soul more than the greatest debauch in drink4 ,the harp ever since ,homer's time was well acquainted with feasts and entertainments1 and therefore it is not fitting to dissolve such an ancient friendship and acquaintance2 but we should only desire the harpers to forbear their sad notes and melancholy tunes1 and play only those that are delighting1 and fit for such as are making merry4 ,the pipe1 if we would1 we cannot reject1 for the libation in the beginning of the entertainment requires that as well as the garland4 ,then it insinuates and passeth through the ears1 spreading even to the very soul a pleasant sound1 which produceth serenity and calmness2 so that1 if the wine hath not quite dissolved or driven away all vexing solicitous anxiety this1 by the softness and delightful agreeableness of its sound1 smooths and calms the spirits1 if so be that it keeps within due bounds1 and doth not elevate too much1 and1 by its numerous surprising divisions1 raise an ecstasy in the soul which wine hath weakened and made easy to be perverted4 ,for as brutes do not understand a rational discourse1 yet lie down or rise up at the sound of a shell or whistle1 or of a chirp or clap2 so the brutish part of the soul1 which is either incapable of understanding or obeying reason1 men conquer by songs and tunes1 and by music reduce it to tolerable order4 ,but to speak freely what ,i think1 no pipe nor harp simply played upon1 and without a song with it1 can be very fit for an entertainment4 ,for we should still accustom ourselves to take our chiefest pleasure from discourse1 and spend our leisure time in profitable talk1 and use tunes and airs as a sauce for the discourse1 and not singly by themselves1 to please the unreasonable delicacy of our palate4 ,for as nobody is against pleasure that ariseth from sauce or wine going in with our necessary food1 but ,socrates flouts and refuseth to admit that superfluous and vain pleasure which we take in perfumes and odors at a feast2 thus the sound of a pipe or harp1 when singly applied to our ears1 we utterly reject1 but if it accompanies words1 and together with an ode feasts and delights our reason1 we gladly introduce it4 ,and we believe the famed ,marsyas was punished by ,apollo for pretending1 when he had nothing but his single pipe1 and his muzzle to apply to his lips1 to contend with the harp and song of the god4 ,let us only take care that1 when we have such guests as are able to cheer one another with philosophy and good discourse we do not introduce anything that may rather prove an uneasy hindrance to the conversation than promote it4 ,for not only those are fools1 who1 as ,euripides says1 having safety at home and in their own power1 yet would hire some from abroad2 but those too who1 having pleasantness enough within1 are eager after some external pastimes to comfort and delight them4 ,that extraordinary piece of honor which the ,persian king showed ,antalcidas the ,spartan seemed rude and uncivil1 when he dipped a garland composed of crocus and roses in ointment1 and sent it him to wear1 by that dipping putting a slight upon and spoiling the natural sweetness and beauty of the flowers4 ,he doth as bad1 who having a ,muse in his own breast1 and all the pleasantness that would fit an entertainment1 will have pipes and harps play1 and by that external adventitious noise destroy all the sweetness that was proper and his own4 ,but in short1 all ear-delights are fittest then1 when the company begins to be disturbed1 to fall out1 and quarrel1 for then they may prevent raillery and reproach1 and stop the dispute that is running on to sophistical and unpleasant wrangling1 and bridle all babbling declamatory altercations1 so that the company may be freed of noise and quietly composed4 ,,question ,,ix4 ,,that ,,it ,,was ,,the ,,custom ,,of ,,the ,,greeks ,,as ,,well ,,as ,,persians ,,to ,,debate ,,of ,,state ,,affairs ,,at ,,their ,,entertainments4 ,,nicostratus1 ,,glaucias4 ,at ,nicostratus's table we discoursed of those matters which the ,athenians were to debate of in their next assembly4 ,and one of the company saying1 ,it is the ,persian fashion1 sir1 to debate midst your cups2 ,and why1 said ,glaucias rejoining1 not the ,grecian fashion8 ,for it was a ,greek that said1 ,after your belly's full1 your counsel's best4 ,and they were ,greeks who with ,agamemnon besieged ,troy1 to whom1 whilst they were eating and drinking1 ,old ,nestor first began a grave debate2 7,iliad1 vii4 #cbd47 and he himself advised the king before to call the commanders together for the same purpose3-- ,for the commanders1 sir1 a feast prepare1 ,and see who counsels best1 and follow him4 7,ibid1 ix4 #gj and #gd47 ,therefore ,greece1 having a great many excellent institutions1 and zealously following the customs of the ancients1 hath laid the foundations of her polities in wine4 ,for the assemblies in ,crete called ,andria1 those in ,sparta called ,phiditia1 were secret consultations and aristocratical assemblies2 such1 ,i suppose1 as the ,prytaneum and ,thesmothesium here at ,athens4 ,and not different from these is that night-meeting1 which ,plato mentions1 of the best and most polite men1 to which the greatest1 the most considerable and puzzling matters are assigned4 ,and those ,who1 when they do design to seek their rest1 ,to ,mercury their just libations pour1 7,odyssey1 vii4 #ach47 do they not join reason and wine together1 since1 when they are about to retire1 they make their vows to the wisest god1 as if he was present and particularly president over their actions8 ,but the ancients indeed call ,bacchus the good counsellor1 as if he had no need of ,mercury2 and for his sake they named the night ,greek omitted as it were1 ,,good ,,adviser4 ,,question ,x4 ,,whether ,,they ,,did ,,well ,,who ,,deliberated ,,midst ,,their ,,cups4 ,,glaucias1 ,,nicostratus4 ,whilst ,glaucias was discoursing thus1 the former tumultuous talk seemed to be pretty well lulled2 and that it might be quite forgotten1 ,nicostratus started another question1 saying1 he never valued the matter before1 whilst he thought it a ,persian custom1 but since it was discovered to be the ,greek fashion too1 it wanted 7he thought7 some reason to excuse or defend its seeming absurdity4 ,for our reason 7 much moisture1 is hard to be moved1 and unable to perform its operations4 ,and all sorts of troubles and discontents1 like insects to the sun1 creeping forth1 and being agitated by a glass of wine1 make the mind irresolute and inconstant4 ,therefore as a bed is more convenient for a man whilst making merry than a chair1 because it contains the whole body and keeps it from all disturbing motion1 so it is best to have the soul perfectly at quiet2 or1 if that cannot be1 we must give it1 as to children that will be doing1 not a sword or spear1 but a rattle or a ball1--in this following the example of the god himself1 who puts into the hands of those that are making merry a ferula1 the lightest and softest of all weapons1 that1 when they are most apt to strike1 they may hurt least4 ,over a glass of wine men should make only ridiculous slips1 and not such as may prove tragical1 lamentable1 or of any considerable concern4 ,besides1 in serious debates1 it is chiefly to be considered1 that persons of mean understanding and unacquainted with business should be guided by the wise and experienced2 but wine destroys this order4 ,insomuch that ,plato says1 wine is called ,greek omitted because it makes those that drink it ,greek omitted think that they have wit2 for none over a glass of wine thinks himself so noble1 beauteous1 or rich 7though he fancies himself all these71 as wise2 and therefore wine is babbling1 full of talk1 and of a dictating humor2 so that we are rather for being heard than hearing1 for leading than being led4 ,but a thousand such objections may be raised1 for they are very obvious4 ,but let us hear which of the company1 either old or young1 can allege anything for the contrary opinion4 ,then said my brother cunningly3 ,and do you imagine that any1 upon a sudden1 can produce any probable reasons8 ,and ,nicostratus replying1 ,yes1 no doubt1 there being so many learned men and good drinkers in company2 he with a smile continued3 ,do you think1 sir1 you are fit to treat of these matters1 when wine hath disabled you to discourse of politics and state affairs8 ,or is not this all the same as to think that a man in his liquor doth not see very well nor understand those that talk and discourse with him1 yet hears the music and the pipers very well8 ,for as it is likely that useful and profitable things draw and affect the sense more than fine and gaudy2 so likewise they do the mind too4 ,and ,i shall not wonder that the nice philosophical speculation should escape a man who hath drunk freely2 but yet1 ,i think1 if he were called to political debates1 his wisdom would become more strong and vigorous4 ,thus ,philip at ,chaeronea1 being well heated1 talked very foolishly1 and was the sport of the whole company2 but as soon as they began to discourse of a truce and peace1 he composed his countenance1 contracted his brows1 and dismissing all vain1 empty and dissolute thoughts1 he gave an excellent1 wise1 and sober answer to the ,athenians4 ,to drink freely is different from being drunk1 and those that drink till they grow foolish ought to retire to bed4 ,but as for those that drink freely and are otherwise men of sense1 why should we fear that they will fail in their understanding or lose their skill1 when we see that musicians play as well at a feast as in a theatre8 ,for when skill and art are found in the soul1 they make the body correct and proper in its operations1 and obedient to the motions of the spirit4 ,besides1 wine inspirits some men1 and raises a confidence and assurance in them1 but not such as is haughty and odious1 but pleasing and agreeable4 ,thus they say that ,aeschylus composed his tragedies over a bottle1 and that all his plays 7though ,gorgias thought that one of them1 the ,seven against ,thebes1 was full of ,mars7 were ,bacchus's4 ,for wine 7according to ,plato71 heating the soul together with the body1 makes the body pliable1 quick1 and active1 and opens the passages2 while the fancies draw in discourse with boldness1 and daring4 ,for some have a good natural invention1 yet whilst they are sober are too diffident and too close1 but midst their wine1 like frankincense1 exhale and open at the heat4 ,besides1 wine expels all fear1 which is the greatest hindrance to all consultations1 and quencheth many other degenerate and lazy passions2 it opens the rancor and malice1 as it were1 the two-leaved doors of the soul1 and displays the whole disposition and qualities of any person in his discourse4 ,freedom of speech1 and1 through that1 truth it principally produceth2 which it once wanting1 neither quickness of wit nor experience availeth anything2 and many proposing that which comes next rather hit the matter1 than if they warily and designedly conceal their present sentiments4 ,therefore there is no reason to fear that wine will stir up our affections2 for it never stirs up the bad1 unless in the worst men1 whose judgment is never sober4 ,but as ,theophrastus used to call the barbers' shops wineless entertainments2 so there is a kind of an uncouth wineless drunkenness always excited either by anger1 malice1 emulation1 or clownishness in the souls of the unlearned4 ,now wine1 blunting rather than sharpening many of these passions1 doth not make them sots and foolish1 but simple and ingenuous2 not negligent of what is profitable1 but desirous of what is good and honest4 ,now those that think craft to be cunning1 and vanity or closeness to be wisdom1 have reason to think those that over a glass of wine plainly and ingenuously deliver their opinions to be fools4 ,but1 on the contrary1 the ancients called the god the ,freer and ,loosener1 and thought him considerable in divination2 not1 as ,euripides says1 because he makes men raging mad1 but because he looseth and frees the soul from all base distrustful fear1 and puts them in a condition to speak truth freely to one another4 ,,book ,,viii4 ,those1 my ,sossius ,senecio1 who throw philosophy out of entertainments do worse than those who take away a light4 ,for the candle being removed1 the temperate and sober guests will not become worse than they were before1 being more concerned to reverence than to see one another4 ,but if dulness and disregard to good learning wait upon the wine1 ,minerva's golden lamp itself could not make the entertainment pleasing and agreeable4 ,for a company to sit silent and only cram themselves is1 in good truth1 swinish and almost impossible4 ,but he that permits men to talk1 yet doth not allow set and profitable discourses1 is much more ridiculous than he who thinks that his guests should eat and drink1 yet gives them foul wine1 unsavory and nastily prepared meat4 ,for no meat nor drink which is not prepared as it ought to be is so hurtful and unpleasant as discourse which is carried round in company insignificantly and out of season4 ,the philosophers1 when they would give drunkenness a vile name1 call it doting by wine4 ,now doting is to use vain and trifling discourse2 and when such babbling is accompanied by wine1 it usually ends in most disagreeable and rude contumely and reproach4 ,it is a good custom therefore of our women1 who in their feasts called ,agrionia seek after ,bacchus as if he were run away1 but in a little time give over the search1 and cry that he is fled to the ,muses and lurks with them2 and some time after1 when supper is done1 put riddles and hard questions to one another4 ,for this mystery teaches us1 that midst our entertainments we should use learned and philosophical discourse1 and such as hath a ,muse in it2 and that such discourse being applied to drunkenness1 everything that is brutish and outrageous in it is concealed1 being pleasingly restrained by the ,muses4 ,this book1 being the eighth of my ,symposiacs1 begins with that discourse in which about a year ago1 on ,plato's birthday1 ,i was concerned4 ,,question ,i4 ,,concerning ,,those ,,days ,,in ,,which ,,some ,,famous ,,men ,,were ,,born2 ,,and ,,also ,,concerning ,,the ,,generation ,,of ,,the ,,gods4 ,,diogenianus1 ,,plutarch1 ,,florus1 ,,tyndares4 ,on the sixth day of ,may we celebrated ,socrates's birthday1 and on the seventh ,plato's2 and that first prompted us to such discourse as was suitable to the meeting1 which ,diogenianus the ,pergamenian began thus3 ,ion1 said he1 was happy in his expression1 when he said that ,fortune1 though much unlike ,wisdom1 yet did many things very much like her2 and that she seemed to have some order and design1 not only in placing the nativities of these two philosophers so near together1 but in setting the birthday of the most famous of the two first1 who was also the master of the other4 ,i had a great deal to say to the company concerning some notable things that fell out on the same day1 as concerning the time of ,euripides's birth and death2 for he was born the same day that the ,greeks beat ,xerxes by sea at ,salamis1 and died the same day that ,dionysius the elder1 the ,sicilian tyrant1 was born1--,fortune 7as ,timaeus hath it7 at the same time taking out of the world a representer1 and bringing into it a real actor1 of tragedies4 ,besides1 we remembered that ,alexander the king and ,diogenes the ,cynic died upon the same day4 ,and all agreed that ,attalus the king died on his own birthday4 ,and some said1 that ,pompey the great was killed in ,egypt on his birthday1 or1 as others will have it1 a day before4 ,we remember ,pindar also1 who1 being born at the time of the ,pythian games1 made afterwards a great many excellent hymns in honor of ,apollo4 ,to this ,florus subjoined3 ,now we are celebrating ,plato's nativity1 why should we not mention ,carneades1 the most famous of the whole ,academy1 since both of them were born on ,apollo's feast2 ,plato1 whilst they were celebrating the ,thargelia at ,athens1 ,carneades1 whilst the ,cyrenians kept their ,carnea2 and both these feasts are1 upon the same day4 ,nay1 the god himself you 7he continued71 his priests and prophets1 call ,hebdomagenes1 as if he were born on the seventh day4 ,and therefore those who make ,apollo ,plato's father do not1 in my opinion1 dishonor the god2 since by ,socrates's as by another ,chiron's instructions he is become a physician for the diseases of the mind4 ,and together with this1 he mentioned that vision and voice which forbade ,aristo1 ,plato's father1 to come near or lie with his wife for ten months4 ,to this ,tyndares the ,spartan subjoined3 ,it is very fit we should apply that to ,plato1 ,he seemed not sprung from mortal man1 but ,god4 7,iliad1 xxiv4 #beh47 ,but1 for my part1 ,i am afraid to beget1 as well as to be begotten1 is repugnant to the incorruptibility of the deity4 ,for that implies a change and passion2 as ,alexander imagined1 when he said that he knew himself to be mortal as often as he lay with a woman or slept4 ,for sleep is a relaxation of the body1 occasioned by the weakness of our nature2 and all generation is a corruptive parting with some of our own substance4 ,but yet ,i take heart again1 when ,i hear ,plato call the eternal and unbegotten deity the father and maker of the world and all other begotten things2 not as if he parted with any seed1 but as if by his power he implanted a generative principle in matter1 which acts upon1 forms1 and fashions it4 ,winds passing through a hen will on occasions impregnate her2 and it seems no incredible thing1 that the deity1 though not after the fashion of a man1 but by some other certain communication1 fills a mortal creature with some divine conception4 ,nor is this my sense2 but the ,egyptians who say ,apis was conceived by the influence of the moon1 and make no question but that an immortal god may have communication with a mortal woman4 ,but on the contrary1 they think that no mortal can beget anything on a goddess1 because they believe the goddesses are made of thin air1 and subtle heat and moisture4 ,,question ,,ii4 ,,what ,,is ,,plato',s ,,meaning1 ,,when ,,he ,,says ,,that ,,god ,,always ,,plays ,,the ,,geometer8 ,,diogenianus1 ,,tyndares1 ,,florus1 ,,autobulus4 ,silence following this discourse1 ,diogenianus began again and said3 ,since our discourse is about the gods1 shall we1 especially on his own birthday1 admit ,plato to the conference1 and inquire upon what account he says 7supposing it to be his sentence7 that ,god always plays the geometer8 ,i said that this sentence was not plainly set down in any of his books2 yet there are good arguments that it is his1 and it is very much like his expression4 ,tyndares presently subjoining said3 ,perhaps1 ,diogenianus1 you imagine that this sentence intimates some curious and difficult speculation1 and not that which he hath so often mentioned1 when he praiseth geometry as a science that takes off men from sensible objects1 and makes them apply themselves to the intelligible and eternal ,nature1 the contemplation of which is the end of philosophy1 as the view of the initiatory mysteries into holy rites4 ,for the nail of pain and pleasure1 that fastens the soul to the body1 seems to do us the greatest mischief1 by making sensible things more powerful over us than intelligible1 and by forcing the understanding to determine the rather according to passion than reason4 ,for this faculty1 being accustomed by the vehemency of pain or pleasure to be intent on the mutable and uncertain body1 as if it really and truly were1 grows blind as to that which really is1 and loses that instrument and light of the soul1 which is worth a thousand bodies1 and by which alone the deity can be discovered4 ,now in all sciences1 as in plain and smooth mirrors1 some marks and images of the truth of intelligible objects appear1 but in geometry chiefly2 which1 according to ,philo1 is the chief and principal of all1 and doth bring back and turn the understanding1 as it were1 purged and gently loosened from sense4 ,and therefore ,plato himself dislikes ,eudoxus1 ,archytas1 and ,menaechmus for endeavoring to bring down the doubling the cube to mechanical operations2 for by this means all that was good in geometry would be lost and corrupted1 it falling back again to sensible things1 and not rising upward and considering immaterial and immortal images1 in which ,god being versed is always ,god4 ,after ,tyndares1 ,florus1 a companion of his1 and who always jocosely pretended to be his admirer1 said thus3 ,sir1 we are obliged to you for making your discourse not proper to yourself1 but common to us all2 for you have made it possible to disprove it by demonstrating that geometry is not necessary to the gods1 but to us4 ,now the deity doth not stand in need of science1 as an instrument to withdraw his intellect from things created and to turn it to the real things2 for these are all in him1 with him1 and about him4 ,but pray consider whether ,plato1 though you do not apprehend it1 doth not intimate something that is proper and peculiar to you1 mixing ,lycurgus with ,socrates1 as much as ,dicaearchus thought he did ,pythagoras4 ,for ,lycurgus1 ,i suppose you know1 banished out of ,sparta all arithmetical proportion1 as being democratical and favoring the crowd2 but introduced the geometrical1 as agreeable to an oligarchy and kingly government that rules by law2 for the former gives an equal share to every one according to number1 but the other gives according to the proportion of the deserts4 ,it doth not huddle all things together1 but in it there is a fair discretion of good and bad1 every one having what is fit for him1 not by lot or weight1 but according as he is virtuous or vicious4 ,the same proportion1 my dear ,tyndares1 ,god introduceth1 which is called ,greek omitted and ,greek omitted1 and which teacheth us to account that which is just equal1 and not that which is equal just4 ,for that equality which many affect1 being often the greatest injustice1 ,god1 as much as possible1 takes away2 and useth that proportion which respects every man's deserts1 geometrically defining it according to law and reason4 ,this exposition we applauded2 and ,tyndares1 saying he envied him1 desired ,autobulus to engage ,florus and confute his discourse4 ,that he refused to do1 but produced another opinion of his own4 ,geometry1 said he1 considers nothing else but the accidents and properties of the extremities of bodies2 neither did ,god make the world any other way than by terminating matter1 which was infinite before4 ,not that matter was actually without limits as to either magnitude or multitude2 but the ancients used to call that infinite which by reason of its confusion and disorder is undetermined and unconfined4 ,now the terms of everything that is formed or figured are the form and figure of that thing1 and without which the thing would be formless and unfigured4 ,now numbers and proportions being applied to matter1 it is circumscribed and as it were bound up by lines1 and through lines by surfaces and solids2 and so were settled the first types and differences of bodies1 as foundations from which to create the four elements1 fire1 air1 water1 and earth4 ,for it was impossible that1 out of an unsteady and confused matter1 the equality of the sides1 the likeness of the angles1 and the exact proportion of octahedrons1 icosahedrons1 pyramids1 and cubes should be deduced1 unless by some power that terminated and shaped every particle of matter4 ,therefore1 terms being fixed to that which was undetermined or infinite before1 the whole became and still continues agreeable in all parts1 and excellently terminated and mixed2 the matter indeed always affecting an indeterminate state1 and flying all geometrical confinement1 but proportion terminating and circumscribing it1 and dividing it into several differences and forms1 out of which all things that arise are generated and subsist4 ,when he had said this1 he desired me to contribute something to the discourse2 and ,i applauded their conceits as their own devices1 and very probable4 ,but lest you despise yourselves 7,i continued7 and altogether look for some external explication1 attend to an exposition upon this sentence1 which your masters very much approve4 ,amongst the most geometrical theorems1 or rather problems1 this is one3 ,two figures being given1 to describe a third1 which shall be equal to one and similar to the other4 ,and it is reported that ,pythagoras1 upon the discovery of this problem1 offered a sacrifice to the gods2 for this is a much more exquisite theorem than that which lays down1 that the square of the hypothenuse in a right-angled triangle is equal to the squares of the two sides4 ,right1 said ,diogenianus1 but what is this to the present question8 ,you will easily understand1 ,i replied1 if you call to mind how ,timaeus divides that which gave the world its beginning into three parts4 ,one of which is justly called ,god1 the other matter1 and the third form4 ,that which is called matter is the most confused subject1 the form the most beautiful pattern1 and ,god the best of causes4 ,now this cause1 as far as possible1 would leave nothing infinite and indeterminate1 but adorn ,nature with number1 measure1 and proportion making one thing of all the subjects together1 equal to the matter1 and similar to the form4 ,therefore proposing to himself this problem1 he made and still makes a third1 and always preserves it equal to the matter1 and like the form2 and that is the world4 ,and this world1 being in constant changes and alterations because of the natural necessity of body1 is helped and preserved by the father and maker of all things1 who by proportion terminates the substance according to the pattern4 ,,question ,,iii4 ,,why ,,noises ,,are ,,better ,,heard ,,in ,,the ,,night ,,than ,,the ,,day4 ,,ammonius1 ,,boethus1 ,,plutarch1 ,,thrasyllus1 ,,aristodemus4 ,when we supped with ,ammonius at ,athens1 who was then the third time captain of the city-bands1 there was a great noise about the house1 some without doors calling1 ,captain6 ,captain6 ,after he had sent his officers to quiet the tumult1 and had dispersed the crowd1 we began to inquire what was the reason that those that are within doors hear those that are without1 but those that are without cannot hear those that are within as well4 ,and ,ammonius said1 that ,aristotle had given a reason for that already2 for the sound of those within1 being carried without into a large tract of air1 grows weaker presently and is lost2 but that which comes in from without is not subject to the like casualty1 but is kept close1 and is therefore more easy to be heard4 ,but that seemed a more difficult question1 ,why sounds seem greater in the night than in the day1 and yet altogether as clear4 ,for my own part 7continued he7 ,i think ,providence hath very wisely contrived that our hearing should be quickest when our sight can do us very little or no service2 for the air of the blind and solitary ,night1 as ,empedocles calls it1 being dark1 supplies in the ears that defect of sense which it makes in the eyes4 ,but since of natural effects we should endeavor to find the causes1 and to discover what are the material and mechanical principles of things is the proper task of a natural philosopher1 who shall first give us a rational account hereof8 ,boethus began1 and said3 ,when ,i was a novice in letters1 ,i then made use of geometrical postulates1 and assumed as undoubted truths some undemonstrated suppositions2 and now ,i shall make use of some propositions which ,epicurus hath demonstrated already4 ,bodies move in a vacuum1 and there are a great many spaces interspersed among the atoms of the air4 ,now when the air being rarefied is more extended1 so as to fill the vacant space1 there are only a few vacuities scattered and interspersed among the particles of matter2 but when the atoms of air are condensed and laid close together1 they leave a vast empty space1 convenient and sufficient for other bodies to pass through4 ,now the coldness of the night makes such a constipation4 ,heat opens and separates parts of condensed bodies1 and therefore bodies that boil1 grow soft1 or melt1 require a greater space than before2 but1 on the contrary1 the parts of the body that are condensed or freeze are contracted closer to one another1 and leave those vessels and places from which they retired partly empty4 ,now the sound1 meeting and striking against a great many bodies in its way1 is either altogether lost or scattered1 and very much and very frequently hindered in its passage2 but when it hath a plain and smooth way through an empty space1 and comes to the ear uninterrupted1 the passage is so sudden1 that it preserves its articulate distinctness1 as well as the words it carries4 ,you may observe that empty vessels1 when knocked1 answer presently1 send out a noise to a great distance1 and oftentimes the sound whirled round in the hollow breaks out with a considerable force2 whilst a vessel that is filled either with a liquid or a solid body will not answer to a stroke1 because the sound hath no room or passage to come through4 ,and among solid bodies themselves1 gold and stone1 because they want pores1 can hardly be made to sound2 and when a noise is made by a stroke upon them1 it is very flat1 and presently lost4 ,but brass is sounding1 it being a porous1 rare1 and light metal1 not consisting of parts tightly compacted1 but being mixed with a yielding and uncompacted substance1 which gives free passage to other motions1 and kindly receiving the sound sends it forward2 till some touching the instrument do1 as it were1 seize on it in the way1 and stop the hollow2 for then1 by reason of the hindering force1 it stops and goes no further4 ,and this1 in my opinion1 is the reason why the night is more sonorous1 and the day less2 since in the day1 the heat rarefying the air makes the empty spaces between the particles to be very little4 ,but1 pray1 let none argue against the suppositions ,i assumed4 ,and ,i 7,ammonius bidding me oppose him7 said3 ,sir1 your suppositions which demand a vacuum to be granted ,i shall admit2 but you err in supposing that a vacuum is conducive either to the preservation or conveyance of sound4 ,for that which cannot be touched1 acted upon1 or struck is peculiarly favorable to silence4 ,but sound is a stroke of a sounding body2 and a sounding body is that which has homogeneousness and uniformity1 and is easy to be moved1 light1 smooth1 and1 by reason of its tenseness and continuity1 it is obedient to the stroke2 and such is the air4 ,water1 earth1 and fire are of themselves soundless2 but each of them makes a noise when air falls upon or gets into it4 ,and brass hath no vacuum2 but being mixed with a smooth and gentle air it answers to a stroke1 and is sounding4 ,if the eye may be judge1 iron must be reckoned to have a great many vacuities1 and to be porous like a honey-comb1 yet it is the dullest1 and sounds worse than any other metal4 ,therefore there is no need to trouble the night to contract and condense its air1 that in other parts we may leave vacuities and wide spaces2 as if the air would hinder and corrupt the substance of the sounds1 whose very substance1 form1 and power itself is4 ,besides1 if your reason held1 misty and extreme cold nights would be more sonorous than those which are temperate and clear1 because then the atoms in our atmosphere are constipated1 and the spaces which they left remain empty2 and1 what is more obvious1 a cold day should be more sonorous than a warm summer's night2 neither of which is true4 ,therefore1 laying aside that explication1 ,i produce ,anaxagoras1 who teacheth that the sun makes a tremulous motion in the air1 as is evident from those little motes which are seen tossed up and down and flying in the sunbeams4 ,these 7says he71 being in the day-time whisked about by the heat1 and making a humming noise1 lessen or drown other sounds2 but at night their motion1 and consequently their noise1 ceaseth4 ,when ,i had thus said1 ,ammonius began3 ,perhaps it will look like a ridiculous attempt in us1 to endeavor to confute ,democritus and correct ,anaxagoras4 ,yet we must not allow that humming noise to ,anaxagoras's little motes1 for it is neither probable nor necessary4 ,but their tremulous and whirling motion in the sunbeams is oftentimes sufficient to disturb and break a sound4 ,for the air 7as hath been already said71 being itself the body and substance of sound1 if it be quiet and undisturbed1 makes a straight1 easy1 and continuous way to the particles or the motions which make the sound4 ,thus sounds are best heard in calm still weather2 and the contrary is seen in stormy weather1 as ,simonides hath it3-- ,no tearing tempests rattled through the skies1 ,which hinder sweet discourse from mortal ears4 ,for often the disturbed air hinders the articulateness of a discourse from coming to the ears1 though it may convey something of the loudness and length of it4 ,now the night1 simply considered in itself1 hath nothing that may disturb the air2 though the day hath1--namely the sun1 according to the opinion of ,anaxagoras4 ,to this ,thrasyllus1 ,ammonius's son1 subjoining said3 ,what is the matter1 for ,god's sake1 that we endeavor to solve this difficulty by the unintelligible fancied motion of the air1 and neglect the tossing and divulsion thereof1 which are evident8 ,for ,jupiter1 the great ruler above1 doth not covertly and silently move the little particles of air2 but as soon as he appears1 he stirs up and moves everything4 ,he sends forth lucky signs1 ,and stirs up nations to their proper work1 ,and they obey2 and 7as ,democritus saith7 with fresh thoughts for each new day1 as if newly born again1 they fall to their worldly concerns with noisy and effectual contrivances4 ,and upon this account1 ,ibycus oppositely calls the dawning ,greek omitted 7from ,greek omitted1 ,,to ,,hear71 because then men first begin to hear and speak4 ,now at night1 all things being at rest1 the air being quiet and undisturbed must therefore probably transmit the voice better1 and convey it whole and unbroken to our ears4 ,aristodemus the ,cyprian1 being then in the company1 said3 ,but consider1 sir1 whether battles or the marches of great armies by night do not confute your reason2 for the noise they make seems as loud as otherwise1 though then the air is broken and very much disturbed4 ,but the reason is partly in ourselves2 for our voice at night is usually vehement1 we either commanding others to do something or asking short questions with heat and concern4 ,for that1 at the same time when ,nature requires rest1 we should stir to do or speak anything1 there must be some great and urgent necessity for it2 and thence our voices become more vehement and loud4 ,,question ,,iv4 ,,why1 ,,when ,,in ,,the ,,sacred ,,games ,,one ,,sort ,,of ,,garland ,,was ,,given ,,in ,,one1 ,,and ,,another ,,in ,,another1 ,,the ,,palm ,,was ,,common ,,to ,,all4 ,,and ,,why ,,they ,,call ,,the ,,great ,,dates ,greek omitted4 ,,sospis1 ,,herodes1 ,,protogenes1 ,,praxiteles1 ,,caphisus4 ,the ,isthmian games being celebrated1 when ,sospis was the second time director of the solemnity1 we avoided other entertainments1--he treating a great many strangers and often all his fellow-citizens1--but once1 when he entertained his nearest and most learned friends at his own house1 ,i was one of the company4 ,after the first course1 one coming to ,herodes the rhetorician brought a palm and a wreathed crown1 which one of his acquaintance1 who had won the prize for an encomiastic exercise1 sent him4 ,this ,herodes received very kindly1 and sent it back again1 but added that he could not tell the reason why1 since each of the games gave a particular garland1 yet all of them bestowed the palm4 ,for those do not satisfy me 7said he7 who say that the equality of the leaves is the reason1 which growing out one against another seem to resemble some striving for the prize1 and that victory is called ,greek omitted from ,greek omitted1 not to yield4 ,for a great many other trees1 almost by measure and weight dividing the nourishment to their leaves growing opposite to one another1 show a decent order and wonderful equality4 ,they seem to speak more probably who say the ancients were pleased with the beauty and figure of the tree4 ,thus ,homer compares ,nausicaa to a palm-branch4 ,for you all know very well1 that some threw roses at the victors1 and others pomegranates and apples1 to honor and reward them4 ,but now the palm hath nothing evidently more taking than many other things1 since here in ,greece it bears no fruit that is good to eat1 it not ripening and growing mature enough4 ,but if1 as in ,syria and ,egypt1 it bore a fruit that is the most pleasant to the eyes of anything in the world1 and the sweetest to the taste1 then ,i must confess nothing could compare with it4 ,and the ,persian monarch 7as the story goes71 being extremely taken with ,nicolaus the ,peripatetic philosopher1 who was a very sweet-humored man1 tall and slender1 and of a ruddy complexion1 called the greatest and fairest dates ,nicolai4 ,this discourse of ,herodes seemed to give occasion for a query about ,nicolaus1 which would be as pleasant as the former4 ,therefore1 said ,sospis1 let every one carefully give his sentiments of the matter before us4 ,i begin1 and think that1 as far as possible1 the honor of the victor should remain fresh and immortal4 ,now a palm-tree is the longest lived of any1 as this line of ,orpheus testifies3-- ,they lived like branches of a leafy palm4 ,and this almost alone has the privilege 7though it is said to belong to many besides7 of having always fresh and the same leaves4 ,for neither the laurel nor the olive nor the myrtle1 nor any other of those trees named evergreen1 is always to be seen with the very same leaves2 but as the old fall1 new ones grow4 ,so cities continue the same1 where new parts succeed those that decay4 ,but the palm1 never shedding a leaf1 is continually adorned with the same green4 ,and this power of the tree1 ,i believe1 men think agreeable to1 and fit to represent1 the strength of victory4 ,when ,sospis had done1 ,protogenes the grammarian1 calling ,praxiteles the commentator by his name1 said4 ,what then1 shall we suffer those rhetoricians to be thought to have hit the mark when they bring arguments only from probabilities and conjectures8 ,and can we produce nothing from history to club to this discourse8 ,lately1 ,i remember1 reading in the ,attic annals1 ,i found that ,theseus first instituted games in ,delos1 and tore off a branch from the sacred palm-tree1 which was called spadix 7from ,greek omitted ,,to ,,tear74 ,and ,praxiteles said3 ,this is not certain2 but perhaps some will demand of ,theseus himself1 upon what account when he instituted the game1 he broke off a branch of palm rather than of laurel or of olive4 ,but consider whether this be not a prize proper to the ,pythian games1 as appropriate to ,amphictyon4 ,for there they first1 in honor of the god1 crowned the victors with laurel and palm1 as consecrating to the god1 not the laurel or olive1 but the palm4 ,so ,nicias did1 who defrayed the charges of the solemnity in the name of the ,athenians at ,delos the ,athenians themselves at ,delphi2 and before these1 ,cypselus the ,corinthian4 ,for this god is a lover of games1 and delights in contending for the prize at harping1 singing1 and throwing the bar1 and1 as some say1 at cuffing2 and assists men when contending1 as ,homer witnesseth1 by making ,achilles speak thus1 ,let two come forth in cuffing stout1 and try ,to which ,apollo gives the victory4 7,iliad1 xxiii4 #fei47 ,and amongst the archers1 he that made his address to ,apollo made the best shot1 and he that forgot to pray to him missed the mark4 ,and besides1 it is not likely that the ,athenians would rashly1 and upon no grounds1 dedicate their place of exercise to ,apollo4 ,but they thought that the god which bestows health gives likewise a vigorous constitution1 and strength for the encounter4 ,and since some of the encounters are light and easy1 others laborious and difficult1 the ,delphians offered sacrifices to ,apollo the cuffer2 the ,cretans and ,spartans to ,apollo the racer2 and the dedication of spoils taken in the wars and trophies to ,apollo ,pythias show that he is of great power to give victory in war4 ,whilst he was speaking1 ,caphisus1 ,theon's son1 interrupted him1 and said3 ,this discourse smells neither of history nor comment1 but is taken out of the common topics of the ,peripatetics1 and endeavors to persuade2 besides1 you should1 like the tragedians1 raise your machine1 and fright all that contradict you with the god4 ,but the god1 as indeed it is requisite he should be1 is equally benevolent to all4 ,now let us1 following ,sospis 7for he fairly leads the way71 keep close to our subject1 the palm-tree1 which affords us sufficient scope for our discourse4 ,the ,babylonians celebrate this tree1 as being useful to them three hundred and sixty several ways4 ,but to us ,greeks it is of very little use1 but its lack of fruit makes it appropriate for contenders in the games4 ,for being the fairest1 greatest1 and best proportioned of all sorts of trees1 it bears no fruit amongst us2 but by reason of its strong nature it exhausts all its nourishment 7like an athlete7 upon its body1 and so has very little1 and that very bad1 left for seed4 ,besides all this1 it hath something peculiar1 which cannot be attributed to any other tree4 ,the branch of a palm1 if you put a weight upon it1 doth not yield and bend downwards1 but turns the contrary way as if it resisted the pressing force4 ,the like is to be observed in these exercises4 ,for those who1 through weakness or cowardice1 yield to them1 their adversaries oppress2 but those who stoutly endure the encounter have not only their bodies1 but their minds too1 strengthened and increased4 ,,question ,v4 ,,why ,,those ,,that ,,sail ,,upon ,,the ,,nile ,,take ,,up ,,the ,,water ,,they ,,are ,,to ,,use ,,before ,,day4 ,one demanded a reason why the sailors take up the water for their occasions out of the river ,nile by night1 and not by day4 ,some thought they feared the sun1 which heating the liquid would make it more liable to putrefaction4 ,for everything that is warmed becomes more easy to be changed1 having already suffered when its natural quality was remitted4 ,and cold constipating the parts seems to preserve everything in its natural state1 and water especially4 ,for that the cold of water is naturally constringent is evident from snow1 which keeps flesh from corrupting a long time4 ,and heat1 as it destroys the proper quality of other things1 so of honey1 for it being boiled is itself corrupted1 though when raw it preserves other bodies from corruption4 ,and that this is the cause1 ,i have a very considerable evidence from standing pools2 for in winter they are as wholesome as other water1 but in summer they grow bad and noxious4 ,therefore the night seeming in some measure to resemble the winter1 and the day the summer1 they think the water that is taken up at night is less subject to be vitiated and changed4 ,to these seemingly probable reasons another was added1 which confirmed the ingenuity of the sailors by a very strong proof4 ,for some said that they took up their water by night because then it was clear and undisturbed2 but at day-time1 when a great many fetched water together1 and many boats were sailing and many beasts swimming upon the ,nile1 it grew thick and muddy1 and in that condition it was more subject to corruption4 ,for mixed bodies are more easily corrupted than simple and unmixed2 for from mixture proceeds disagreement of the parts1 from that disagreement a change1 and corruption is nothing else but a certain change2 and therefore painters call the mixing of their colors ,greek omitted1 corrupting2 and ,homer expresseth dyeing by ,greek omitted 7,,to ,,stain ,,or ,,contaminate74 ,commonly we call anything that is simple and unmixed incorruptible and immortal4 ,now earth being mixed with water soonest corrupts its proper qualities1 and makes it unfit for drinking2 and therefore standing water stinks soonest1 being continually filled with particles of earth1 whilst running waters preserve themselves by either leaving behind or throwing off the earth that falls into them4 ,and ,hesiod justly commends ,the water of a pure and constant spring4 ,for that water is wholesome which is not corrupted1 and that is not corrupted which is pure and unmixed4 ,and this opinion is very much confirmed from the difference of earths2 for those springs that run through a mountainous1 rocky ground are stronger than those which are cut through plains or marshes1 because they do not take off much earth4 ,now the ,nile running through a soft country1 like the blood mingled with the flesh1 is filled with sweet juices that are strong and very nourishing2 yet it is thick and muddy1 and becomes more so if disturbed4 ,for motion mixeth the earthly particles with the liquid1 which1 because they are heavier1 fall to the bottom as soon as the water is still and undisturbed4 ,therefore the sailors take up the water they are to use at night1 by that means likewise preventing the sun1 which always exhales and consumes the subtler and lighter particles of the liquid4 ,,question ,,vi4 ,,concerning ,,those ,,who ,,come ,,late ,,to ,,an ,,entertainment2 ,,and ,,from ,,whence ,,these ,,words1 ,greek omitted ,,and1 ,greek omitted ,,are ,,derived4 ,,plutarch',s ,,sons1 ,,theon',s ,,sons1 ,,theon1 ,,plutarch1 ,,soclarus4 ,my younger sons staying too long at the plays1 and coming in too late to supper1 ,theon's sons waggishly and jocosely called them supper hinderers1 night-suppers1 and the like2 and they in reply called their runners-to-supper4 ,and one of the old men in the company said ,greek omitted signified one that was too late for supper2 because1 when he found himself tardy1 he mended his pace1 and made more than common haste4 ,and he told us a jest of ,battus1 ,caesar's jester1 who called those that came late supper-lovers1 because out of their love to entertainments1 though they had business1 they would not desire to be excused4 ,and ,i said1 that ,polycharmus1 a leading orator at ,athens1 in his apology for his way of living before the assembly1 said3 ,besides a great many things which ,i could mention1 fellow-citizens1 when ,i was invited to supper1 ,i never came the last man4 ,for this is more democratical2 and on the contrary1 those that are forced to stay for others that come late are offended at them as uncivil and of an oligarchical temper4 ,but ,soclarus1 in defence of my sons1 said3 ,alcaeus 7as the story goes7 did not call ,pittacus a night-supper for supping late1 but for delighting in base and scandalous company4 ,heretofore to eat early was accounted scandalous1 and such a meal was called ,greek omitted1 from ,greek omitted ,,intemperance4 ,then ,theon interrupting him said3 ,not at all1 if we must trust those who have delivered down to us the ancients way of living4 ,for they say that those being used to work1 and very temperate in a morning1 ate a bit of bread dipped in wine1 and nothing else1 and that they called that meal ,greek omitted from the ,greek omitted 7,,wine74 ,their supper they called ,greek omitted1 because returning from their business they took it ,greek omitted 7,,late74 ,upon this we began to inquire whence those two meals ,greek omitted and ,greek omitted took their names4 ,in ,homer ,greek omitted and ,greek omitted seem to be the same meal4 ,for he says that ,eumaeus provided ,greek omitted by the break of day2 and it is probable that ,greek omitted was so called from ,greek omitted1 because provided in the morning2 and ,greek omitted was so named from ,greek omitted1 ,,easing ,,from ,,their ,,labor4 ,for men used to take their ,greek omitted after they had finished their business1 or whilst they were about it4 ,and this may be gathered from ,homer1 when he says1 ,then when the woodman doth his supper dress4 7,iliad1 xi4 #hf47 ,but some perhaps will derive ,greek omitted from ,greek omitted1 ,,easiest ,,provided1 because that meal is usually made upon what is ready and at hand2 and ,greek omitted from ,greek omitted1 ,,labored1 because of the pains used in dressing it4 ,my brother ,lamprias1 being of a scoffing1 jeering nature1 said3 ,since we are in a trifling humor1 ,i can show that the ,latin names of these meals are a thousand times more proper than the ,greek2 ,greek omitted ,,supper1 they call coena 7,greek omitted7 from community2 because they took their ,greek omitted by themselves1 but their coena with their friends4 ,greek omitted ,,dinner1 they call prandium1 from the time of the dry2 for ,greek omitted signifies ,,noon-,,tide1 and to rest after dinner is expressed by ,greek omitted2 or else by prandium they denote a bit taken in the morning1 ,greek omitted1 ,,before ,,they ,,have ,,need ,,of ,,any4 ,and not to mention stragula1 from ,greek ,omitted1 vinum from ,greek omitted1 oleum from ,greek omitted1 mel from ,greek omitted1 gustare from ,greek omitted1 propinare from ,greek omitted1 and a great many more words which they have plainly borrowed from the ,greeks1--who can deny but that they have taken their comessatio1 ,,banqueting1 from our ,greek omitted and miscere1 ,,to ,,mingle1 from the ,greeks too8 ,thus in ,homer1 ,she in a bowl herself mixt 7,greek omitted7 generous wine4 7,odyssey1 x4 #cef47 ,they call a table mensam1 from ,greek omitted1 ,,placing ,,it ,,in ,,the ,,middle2 bread1 panem1 from satisfying ,greek omitted1 ,,hunger2 a garland1 coronam1 from ,greek omitted1 ,,the ,,head2--and ,homer somewhat likens ,greek omitted1 a ,,head-,,piece1 to a garland2--caedere1 ,,to ,,beat1 from ,greek omitted2 and dentes1 ,,teeth1 from ,greek omitted2 lips they call labra1 from ,greek omitted1 ,,taking ,,our ,,victuals ,,with ,,them4 ,therefore we must either listen to such fooleries as these without laughing1 or not give them so ready entrance by means of words4444 ,,question ,,vii4 ,,concerning ,,pythagoras',s ,,symbols1 ,,in ,,which ,,he ,,forbids ,,us ,,to ,,receive ,a ,,swallow ,,into ,,our ,,house1 ,,and ,,bids ,,us ,,as ,,soon ,,as ,,we ,,are ,,risen ,,to ,,ruffle ,,the ,,bedclothes4 ,,sylla1 ,,lucius1 ,,plutarch1 ,,philinus4 ,sylla the ,carthaginian1 upon my return to ,rome after a long absence1 gave me a welcoming supper1 as the ,romans call it1 and invited some few other friends1 and among the rest1 one ,lucius an ,etrurian1 the scholar of ,moderatus the ,pythagorean4 ,he seeing my friend ,philinus ate no flesh1 began 7as the opportunity was fair7 to talk of ,pythagoras2 and affirmed that he was a ,tuscan1 not because his father1 as others have said1 was one1 but because he himself was born1 bred1 and taught in ,tuscany4 ,to confirm this1 he brought considerable arguments from such symbols as these3--,as soon as you are risen1 ruffle the bedclothes2 leave not the print of the pot in the ashes2 receive not a swallow into your house2 never step over a besom2 nor keep in your house creatures that have hooked claws4 ,for these precepts of the ,pythagoreans the ,tuscans only1 as he said1 carefully observe4 ,lucius1 having thus said1 that precept about the swallow seemed to be most unaccountable1 it being a harmless and kind animal2 and therefore it seemed strange that that should be forbid the house1 as well as the hooked-clawed animals1 which are ravenous1 wild1 and bloody4 ,nor did ,lucius himself approve that only interpretation of the ancients1 who say1 this symbol aims directly at backbiters and tale-bearing whisperers4 ,for the swallow whispers not at all2 it chatters indeed1 and is noisy1 but not more than a pie1 a partridge1 or a hen4 ,what then1 said ,sylla1 is it upon the old fabulous account of killing her son1 that they deny the swallow entertainment1 by that means showing their dislike to those passions which 7as the story goes7 made ,tereus and ,procne and ,philomel both act and suffer such wicked and abominable things8 ,and even to this day they call the birds ,daulides4 ,and ,gorgias the sophister1 when a swallow muted upon him1 looked upon her and said1 ,philomel1 this was not well done4 ,or perhaps this is all without foundation2 for the nightingale1 though concerned in the same tragedy1 we willingly receive4 ,perhaps1 sir1 said ,i1 what you have alleged may be some reason2 but pray consider whether first they do not hate the swallow upon the same account that they abhor hook-clawed animals4 ,for the swallow feeds on flesh2 and grasshoppers1 which are sacred and musical1 they chiefly devour and prey upon4 ,and1 as ,aristotle observes1 they fly near the surface of the earth to pick up the little animals4 ,besides1 that alone of all house-animals makes no return for her entertainment4 ,the stork1 though she is neither covered1 fed1 nor defended by us1 yet pays for the place where she builds1 going about and killing the efts1 snakes1 and other venomous creatures4 ,but the swallow1 though she receives all those several kindnesses from us1 yet1 as soon as her young are fledged1 flies away faithless and ungrateful2 and 7which is the worst of all7 of all house-animals1 the fly and the swallow only never grow tame1 suffer a man to touch them1 keep company with or learn of him4 ,and the fly is so shy because often hurt and driven away2 but the swallow naturally hates man1 suspects1 and dares not trust any that would tame her4 ,and therefore1--if we must not look on the outside of these things1 but opening them view the representations of some things in others1--,pythagoras1 setting the swallow for an example of a wandering1 unthankful man1 adviseth us not to take those who come to us for their own need and upon occasion into our familiarity1 and let them partake of the most sacred things1 our house and fire4 ,this discourse of mine gave the company encouragement to proceed1 so they attempted other symbols1 and gave moral interpretations of them4 ,for ,philinus said1 that the precept of blotting out the print of the pot instructed us not to leave any plain mark of anger1 but1 as soon as ever the passion hath done boiling1 to lay aside all thoughts of malice and revenge4 ,that symbol which adviseth us to ruffle the bedclothes seemed to some to have no secret meaning1 but to be in itself very evident2 for it is not decent that the mark and 7as it were7 stamped image should remain to be seen by others1 in the place where a man hath lain with his wife4 ,but ,sylla thought the symbol was rather intended to prevent men's sleeping in the day-time1 all the conveniences for sleeping being taken away in the morning as soon as we are up4 ,for night is the time for sleep1 and in the day we should rise and follow our affairs1 and not suffer so much as the print of our body in the bed1 since a man asleep is of no more use than one dead4 ,and this interpretation seems to be confirmed by that other precept1 in which the ,pythagoreans advise their followers not to take off any man's burthen from him1 but to lay on more1 as not countenancing sloth and laziness in any4 ,,question ,,viii4 ,,why ,,the ,,pythagoreans ,,command ,,fish ,,not ,,to ,,be ,,eaten1 ,,more ,,strictly ,,than ,,other ,,animals4 ,,empedocles1 ,,sylla1 ,,lucius1 ,,tyndares1 ,,nestor4 ,our former discourse ,lucius neither reprehended nor approved1 but1 sitting silent and musing1 gave us the hearing4 ,then ,empedocles addressing his discourse to ,sylla1 said3 ,if our friend ,lucius is displeased with the discourse1 it is time for us to leave off2 but if these are some of their mysteries which ought to be concealed1 yet ,i think this may be lawfully divulged1 that they more cautiously abstain from fish than from other animals4 ,for this is said of the ancient ,pythagoreans2 and even now ,i have met with ,alexicrates's scholars1 who will eat and kill and even sacrifice some of the other animals1 but will never taste fish4 ,tyndares the ,spartan said1 they spared fish because they had so great a regard for silence1 and they called fish ,greek omitted1 because they had their voice ,,shut ,,up 7,greek omitted72 and my namesake ,empedocles advised one who had been expelled from the school of ,pythagoras to shut up his mind like a fish1 and they thought silence to be divine1 since the gods without any voice reveal their meaning to the wise by their works4 ,then ,lucius gravely and composedly saying1 that perhaps the true reason was obscure and not to be divulged1 yet they had liberty to venture upon probable conjectures1 ,theon the grammarian began thus3 ,to demonstrate that ,pythagoras was a ,tuscan is a great and no easy task4 ,but it is confessed that he conversed a long time with the wise men of ,egypt1 and imitated a great many of the rites and institutions of the priests1 for instance1 that about beans4 ,for ,herodotus delivers1 that the ,egyptians neither set nor eat beans1 nay1 cannot endure to see them2 and we all know1 that even now the priests eat no fish2 and the stricter sort eat no salt1 and refuse all meat that is seasoned with it4 ,various reasons are offered for this2 but the only true reason is hatred to the sea1 as being a disagreeable1 or rather naturally a destructive element to man4 ,for they do not imagine that the gods1 as the ,stoics did that the stars1 were nourished by it4 ,but1 on the contrary1 they think that the father and preserver of their country1 whom they call the deflux of ,osiris1 is lost in it2 and when they bewail him as born on the left hand1 and destroyed in the right-hand parts1 they intimate to us the ending and corruption of their ,nile by the sea1 and therefore they do not believe that its water is wholesome1 or that any creature produced or nourished in it can be clean or wholesome food for man1 since it breathes not the common air1 and feeds not on the same food with him4 ,and the air that nourisheth and preserves all other things is destructive to them1 as if their production and life were unnecessary and against ,nature2 nor should we wonder that they think animals bred in the sea to be disagreeable to their bodies1 and not fit to mix with their blood and spirits1 since when they meet a pilot they will not speak to him1 because he gets his living by the sea4 ,sylla commended this discourse1 and added concerning the ,pythagoreans1 that they then chiefly tasted flesh when they sacrificed to the gods4 ,now no fish is ever offered in sacrifice4 ,i1 after they had done1 said that many1 both philosophers and unlearned1 considering with how many good things it furnisheth and makes our life more comfortable1 take the sea's part against the ,egyptians4 ,but that the ,pythagoreans should abstain from fish because they are not of the same kind1 is ridiculous and absurd2 nay1 to butcher and feed on other animals1 because they bear a nearer relation to us1 would be a most inhuman and ,cyclopean return4 ,and they say that ,pythagoras bought a draught of fishes1 and presently commanded the fishers to let them all out of the net2 and this shows that1 he did not hate or not mind fishes1 as things of another kind and destructive to man1 but that they were his dearly beloved creatures1 since he paid a ransom for their freedom4 ,therefore the tenderness and humanity of those philosophers suggest a quite contrary reason1 and ,i am apt to believe that they spare fishes to instruct men1 or to accustom themselves to acts of justice2 for other creatures generally give men cause to afflict them1 but fishes neither do nor are capable of doing us any harm4 ,and it is easy to show1 both from the writings and religion of the ancients1 that they thought it a great sin not only to eat but to kill an animal that did them no harm4 ,but afterwards1 being necessitated by the spreading multitude of men1 and commanded 7as they say7 by the ,delphic oracle to prevent the total decay of corn and fruit1 they began to sacrifice1 yet they were so disturbed and concerned at the action1 that they called it ,greek omitted and ,greek omitted 7,,to ,,do71 as if they did some strange thing in killing an animal2 and they are very careful not to kill the beast before the wine has been cast upon his head and he nods in token of consent4 ,so very cautious are they of injustice4 ,and not to mention other considerations1 were no chickens 7for instance7 or hares killed1 in a short time they would so increase that there could be no living4 ,and now it would be a very hard matter to put down the eating of flesh1 which necessity first introduced1 since pleasure and luxury hath espoused it4 ,but the water-animals neither consuming any part of our air or water1 or devouring the fruit1 but as it were encompassed by another world1 and having their own proper bounds1 which it is death for them to pass1 they afford our belly no pretence at all for their destruction2 and therefore to catch or be greedy after fish is plain deliciousness and luxury1 which upon no just reason unsettle the sea and dive into the deep4 ,for we cannot call the mullet corn-destroying1 the trout grape-eating1 nor the barbel or seapike seed-gathering1 as we do some land-animals1 signifying their hurtfulness by these epithets4 ,nay1 those little mischiefs which we complain of in these house-creatures1 a weasel or fly1 none can justly lay upon the greatest fish4 ,therefore the ,pythagoreans1 confining themselves not only by the law which forbids them to injure men1 but also by ,nature1 which commands them to do violence to nothing1 fed on fish very little1 or rather not at all4 ,but suppose there were no injustice in this case1 yet to delight in fish would argue daintiness and luxury2 because they are such costly and unnecessary diet4 ,therefore ,homer doth not only make the ,greeks whilst encamped near the ,hellespont1 eat no fish1 but he mentions not any sea-provision that the dissolute ,phaeacians or luxurious wooers had1 though both islanders4 ,and ,ulysses's mates1 though they sailed over so much sea1 as long as they had any provision left1 never let down a hook or net4 ,but when the victuals of their ship was spent1 7,odyssey1 xii4 #cbi-ccb47 a little before they fell upon the oxen of the ,sun1 they caught fish1 not to please their wanton appetite1 but to satisfy their hunger1-- ,with crooked hooks1 for cruel hunger gnawed4 ,the same necessity therefore forced them to catch fish and devour the oxen of the ,sun4 ,therefore not only among the ,egyptian and ,syrians but ,greeks too1 to abstain from fish was a piece of sanctity1 they avoiding 7as ,i think71 a superfluous curiosity in diet1 as well as being just4 ,to this ,nestor subjoining said3 ,but sir1 of my citizens as of the ,megarians in the proverb1 you make no account2 although you have heard me often say that our priests of ,neptune 7whom we call ,hieromnemons7 never eat fish4 ,for ,neptune himself is called the ,breeder4 ,and the race of ,hellen sacrificed to ,neptune as the first father1 imagining1 as likewise the ,syrians did1 that man rose from a liquid substance4 ,and therefore they worship a fish as of the same production and breeding with themselves1 in this matter being more happy in their philosophy than ,anaximander2 for he says that fish and men were not produced in the same substances1 but that men were first produced in fishes1 and1 when they were grown up and able to help themselves1 were thrown out1 and so lived upon the land4 ,therefore1 as the fire devours its parents1 that is1 the matter out of which it was first kindled1 so ,anaximander1 asserting that fish were our common parents1 condemneth our feeding on them4 ,,question ,,ix4 ,,whether ,,there ,,can ,,be ,,new ,,diseases1 ,,and ,,how ,,caused4 ,,philo1 ,,diogenianus1 ,,plutarch4 ,philo the physician stoutly affirmed that the elephantiasis was a disease but lately known2 since none of the ancient physicians speak one word of it1 though they oftentimes enlarge upon little1 frivolous and obscure trifles4 ,and ,i1 to confirm it1 cited ,athenodorus the philosopher1 who in his first book of ,epidemical ,diseases says1 that not only that disease1 but also the hydrophobia or water-dread 7occasioned by the biting of a mad dog71 were first discovered in the time of ,asclepiades4 ,at this the whole company were amazed1 thinking it very strange that such diseases should begin then1 and yet as strange that they should not be taken notice of in so long a time2 yet most of them leaned to this last opinion1 as being most agreeable to man1 not in the least daring to imagine that ,nature affected novelties1 or would in the body of man1 as in a city1 create new disturbances and tumults4 ,and ,diogenianus added1 that even the passions and diseases of the mind go on in the same old road that formerly they did2 and yet the viciousness of our inclination is exceedingly prone to variety1 and our mind is mistress of itself1 and can1 if it please1 easily change and alter4 ,yet all her inordinate motions have some sort of order1 and the soul hath bounds to her passions1 as the sea to her overflowings4 ,and there is no sort of vice now among us which was not practised by the ancients4 ,there are a thousand differences of appetites and various motions of fear2 the schemes of grief and pleasure are innumerable4 ,yet are not they of late or now produced1 ,and none can tell from whence they first arose4 7,sophocles1 ,antigone1 #def47 ,how then should the body be subject to new diseases1 since it hath not1 like the soul1 the principle of its own alteration in itself1 but by common causes is joined to ,nature1 and receives a temperature whose infinite variety of alterations is confined to certain bounds1 like a ship moving and tossing in a circle about its anchor4 ,now there can be no disease without some cause1 it being against the laws of ,nature that anything should be without a cause4 ,now it will be very hard to find a new cause1 unless we fancy some strange air1 water1 or food never tasted by the ancients1 should out of other worlds or intermundane spaces descend to us4 ,for we contract diseases from those very things which preserve our life2 since there are no peculiar seeds of diseases1 but the disagreement of their juices to our bodies1 or our excess in using them1 disturbs ,nature4 ,these disturbances have still the very same differences1 though now and then called by new names4 ,for names depend on custom1 but the passions on ,nature2 and these being constant and those variable1 this error has arisen4 ,as1 in the parts of a speech and the syntax of the words1 some new sort of barbarism or solecism can suddenly arise2 so the temperature of the body hath certain deviations and corruptions into which it may fall1 those things which are against and hurtful to ,nature being in some sort existent in ,nature herself4 ,the mythographers are in this particular very ingenious1 for they say that monstrous uncouth animals were produced in the time of the ,giants war1 the moon being out of its course1 and not rising where it used to do4 ,and those who think ,nature produces new diseases like monsters1 and yet give neither likely nor unlikely reasons of the change1 err1 as ,i imagine1 my dear ,philo1 in taking a less or a greater degree of the same disease to be a different disease4 ,the intension or increase of a thing makes it more or greater1 but does not make the subject of another kind4 ,thus the elephantiasis1 being an intense scabbiness1 is not a new kind2 nor is the water-dread distinguished from other melancholic and stomachical affections but only by the degree4 ,and ,i wonder we did not observe that ,homer was acquainted with this disease1 for it is evident that he calls a dog rabid from the very same rage with which when men are possessed they are said to be mad4 ,against this discourse of ,diogenianus ,philo himself made some objections1 and desired me to be the old physicians' patron2 who must be branded with inadvertency and ignorance1 unless it appears that those diseases began since their time4 ,first then ,diogenianus1 methinks1 very precariously desires us to think that the intenseness or remissness of degrees is not a real difference1 and does not alter the kind4 ,for1 were this true1 then we should hold that downright vinegar is not different from pricked wine1 nor a bitter from a rough taste1 darnel from wheat1 nor garden-mint from wild mint4 ,for it is evident that these differences are only the several degrees of the same qualities1 in some being more intense1 in some more remiss4 ,so we should not venture to affirm that flame is different from a white spirit1 sunshine from flame1 hoarfrost from dew1 or hail from rain2 but that the former have only more intense qualities than the latter4 ,besides1 we should say that blindness is of the same kind with short-sightedness1 violent vomiting 7or cholera7 with weakness of the stomach1 and that they differ only in degree4 ,though what they say is nothing to the purpose2 for if they allow the increase in intensity and strength1 but assert that this came but now of late1--the novelty showing itself in the quantity rather than the quality1--the same difficulties which they urged against the other opinion oppress them4 ,sophocles says very well concerning those things which are not believed to be now1 because they were not heretofore1-- ,once at the first all things their being had4 ,and it is probable that not all diseases1 as in a race1 the barrier being let down1 started together2 but that one rising after another1 at some certain time1 had its beginning and showed itself4 ,it is rational but afterwards overeating1 luxury1 and surfeiting1 encouraged by ease and plenty1 raised bad and superfluous juices1 and those brought various new diseases1 and their perpetual complications and mixtures still create more new4 ,whatever is natural is determined and in order2 for ,nature is order1 or the work of order4 ,disorder1 like ,pindar's sand1 cannot be comprised by number1 and that which is beside ,nature is straight called indeterminate and infinite4 ,thus truth is simple1 and but one2 but falsities innumerable4 ,the exactness of motions and harmony are definite1 but the errors either in playing upon the harp1 singing1 or dancing1 who can comprehend8 ,indeed ,phrynichus the tragedian says of himself1 ,as many figures dancing doth propose ,as waves roll on the sea when tempests toss4 ,and ,chrysippus says that the various complications of ten single axioms amount to #a1jjj1jjj4 ,but ,hipparchus hath confuted that account1 showing that the affirmative contains #aja1jdi complicated propositions1 and the negative #caj1ieb4 ,and ,xenocrates says1 the number of syllables which the letters will make is #ajj1bjj1jjj4 ,how then is it strange that the body1 having so many different powers in itself1 and getting new qualities every day from its meat and drink1 and using those motions and alterations which are not always in the same time nor in the same order1 should upon the various complications of all these be affected with new diseases8 ,such was the plague at ,athens described by ,thucydides1 who conjectures that it was new because that birds and beasts of prey would not touch the dead carcasses4 ,those that fell sick about the ,red ,sea1 if we believe ,agatharcides1 besides other strange and unheard diseases1 had little serpents in their legs and arms1 which did eat their way out1 but when touched shrunk in again1 and raised intolerable inflammations in the muscles2 and yet this kind of plague1 as likewise many others1 never afflicted any beside1 either before or since4 ,one1 after a long stoppage of urine1 voided a knotty barley straw4 ,and we know that ,ephebus1 with whom we lodged at ,athens1 threw out1 together with a great deal of seed1 a little hairy1 many-footed1 nimble animal4 ,and ,aristotle tells us1 that ,timon's nurse in ,cilicia every year for two months lay in a cave1 without any vital operation besides breathing4 ,and in the ,menonian books it is delivered as a symptom of a diseased liver carefully to observe and hunt after mice and rats1 which we see now nowhere practised4 ,therefore let us not wonder if something happens which never was before1 or if something doth not appear among us with which the ancients were acquainted2 for the cause of those accidents is the nature of our body1 whose temperature is subject to be changed4 ,therefore1 if ,diogenianus will not introduce a new kind of water or air1 we1 having no need of it1 are very well content4 ,yet we know some of ,democritus's scholars affirm that1 other worlds being dissolved1 some strange effluvia fall into ours1 and are the principle of new plagues and uncommon diseases4 ,but let us not now take notice of the corruption of some parts of this world by earthquake1 droughts1 and floods1 by which both the vapors and fountains rising out of the earth must be necessarily corrupted4 ,yet we must not pass by that change which must be wrought in the body by our meat1 drink1 and other exercises in our course of life4 ,for many things which the ancients did not feed on are now accounted dainties2 for instance1 mead and swine's belly4 ,heretofore too1 as ,i have heard1 they hated the brain of animals so much1 that they detested the very name of it2 as when ,homer says1 ,i esteem him at a brain's worth4 ,and even now we know some old men1 not bearing to taste cucumber1 melon1 orange1 or pepper4 ,now by these meats and drinks it is probable that the juices of our bodies are much altered1 and their temperature changed1 new qualities arising from this new sort of diet4 ,and the change of order in our feeding having a great influence on the alteration of our bodies1 the cold courses1 as they were called formerly1 consisting of oysters1 polyps1 salads1 and the like1 being 7in ,plato's phrase7 transferred from tail to mouth1 now make the first course1 whereas they were formerly the last4 ,besides1 the glass which we usually take before supper is very considerable in this case2 for the ancients never drank so much as water before they ate1 but now we drink freely before we sit down1 and fall to our meat with a full and heated body1 using sharp sauces and pickles to provoke appetite1 and then we fall greedily on the other meat4 ,but nothing conduceth more to alterations and new diseases in the body than our different baths2 for here the flesh1 like iron in the fire1 grows soft and loose1 and is presently constipated and hardened by the cold4 ,for1 in my opinion1 if any of the last age had looked into our baths1 he might have justly said1 ,there burning ,phlegethon meets ,acheron4 ,for they used such mild gentle baths1 that ,alexander the ,great being feverish slept in one4 ,and the ,gauls' wives carry their pots of pulse to eat with their children whilst they are in the bath4 ,but our baths now inflame1 vellicate1 and distress2 and the air which we draw is a mixture of air and water1 disturbs the whole body1 tosses and displaces every atom1 till we quench the fiery particles and allay their heat4 ,therefore1 ,diogenianus1 you see that this account requires no new strange causes1 no intermundane spaces2 but the single alteration of our diet is enough to raise new diseases and abolish old4 ,,question ,x4 ,,why ,,we ,,give ,,least ,,credit ,,to ,,dreams ,,in ,,autumn4 ,,florus1 ,,plutarch1 ,,plutarch',s ,,sons1 ,,favorinus4 ,florus reading ,aristotle's physical problems1 which were brought to him to ,thermopylae1 was himself 7as philosophical wits used to be7 filled with a great many doubts1 and communicated them to others2 thereby confirming ,aristotle's saying1 that much learning raises many doubts4 ,other topics made our walks every day very pleasant1 but the common saying concerning dreams1--that those in autumn are the vainest1--,i know not how1 whilst ,favorinus was engaged in other matters1 was started after supper4 ,your friends and my sons thought ,aristotle had given sufficient satisfaction in this point1 and that no other cause was to be sought after or allowed but that which he mentions1 the fruit4 ,for the fruit1 being new and flatulent1 raises many disturbing vapors in the body2 for it is not likely that only wine ferments1 or new oil only makes a noise in the lamp1 the heat agitating its vapor2 but new corn and all sorts of fruit are plump and distended1 till the unconcocted flatulent vapor is broke away4 ,and that some sorts of food disturb dreams they said1 was evident from beans and the polypus's head1 from which those who would divine by their dreams are commanded to abstain4 ,but ,favorinus himself1 though in all other things he admires ,aristotle exceedingly and thinks the ,peripatetic philosophy to be most probable1 yet in this case resolved to scour up an old musty opinion of ,democritus4 ,he first laid down that known principle of his1 that images pass through the pores into the inmost parts of the body1 and being carried upward cause dreams2 and that these images fly from everything1 vessels1 garments1 plants1 but especially from animals1 because of their heat and the motion of their spirits2 and that these images not only carry the outward shape and likeness of the bodies 7as ,epicurus thinks1 following ,democritus so far and no farther71 but the very designs1 motions1 and passions of the soul2 and with those entering into the bodies1 as if they were living things1 discover to those that receive them the thoughts and inclinations of the persons from whom they come1 if so be that they preserve their frame and order entire4 ,and that is especially preserved when the air is calm and clear1 their passage then being quick and undisturbed4 ,now the autumnal air1 when trees shed their leaves1 being very uneven and disturbed1 ruffles and disorders the images1 and1 hindering them in their passage1 makes them weak and ineffectual2 when1 on the contrary1 if they rise from warm and vigorous subjects1 and are presently applied1 the notices which they give and the impressions they make are clear and evident4 ,then with a smile looking upon ,autobulus1 he continued3 ,but1 sir1 ,i perceive you design to have an airy skirmish with these images1 and try the excellence of this old opinion1 as you would a picture1 by your nail4 ,and ,autobulus replied3 ,pray1 sir1 do not endeavor to cheat us any longer2 for we know very well that you1 designing to make ,aristotle's opinion appear the better1 have used this of ,democritus only as its shade4 ,therefore ,i shall pass by that1 and impugn ,aristotle's opinion1 which unjustly lays the blame on the new fruit4 ,for both the summer and the early autumn witness in its favor1 when1 as ,antimachus says1 the fruit is most fresh and juicy2 for then1 though we eat the new fruit1 yet our dreams are not so vain as at other times4 ,and the months when the leaves fall1 being next to winter1 so concoct the corn and remaining fruit1 that they grow shrivelled and less1 and lose all their brisk agitating spirit4 ,as for new wine1 those that drink it soonest forbear till ,february1 which is after winter2 and the day on which we begin we call the day of the ,good ,genius1 and the ,athenians the day of cask-opening4 ,for whilst wine is working1 we see that even common1 laborers will not venture on it4 ,therefore no more accusing the gifts of the gods1 let us seek after another cause of vain dreams1 to which the name of the season will direct us4 ,for it is called ,,leaf-,,shedding1 because the leaves then fall off by reason of their dryness and coldness2 except the leaves of hot and oily trees1 as of the olive1 the laurel1 or the palm2 or of the moist1 as of the myrtle and the ivy4 ,but the temperature of these preserves them1 though not others2 because in others the vicious humor that holds the leaves is constipated by the cold1 or being weak and little is dried up4 ,now moisture and heat are necessary for the growth and preservation of plants1 but especially of animals2 and on the contrary1 coldness and dryness are very noxious to both4 ,and therefore ,homer elegantly calls men moist and juicy3 to rejoice he calls to be warmed2 and anything that is grievous and frightful he calls cold and icy4 ,besides1 the words ,greek omitted and ,greek omitted are applied to the dead1 those names intimating their extreme dryness4 ,but more1 our blood1 the principal thing in our whole body1 is moist and hot4 ,and old age hath neither of those two qualities4 ,now the autumn seems to be as it were the old age of the decaying year2 for the moisture doth not yet fall1 and the heat decays4 ,and its inclining the body to diseases is an evident sign of its cold and dryness4 ,now it is necessary that the souls should be indisposed with the bodies and that1 the subtile spirit being condensed1 the divining faculty of the soul1 like a glass that is breathed upon1 should be sullied2 and therefore it cannot represent anything plain1 distinct1 and clear1 as long as it remains thick1 dark1 and condensed4 ,,book ,,ix ,this ninth book1 ,sossius ,senecio1 contains the discourses we held at ,athens at the ,muses feast1 for this number nine is agreeable to the number of the ,muses4 ,nor must you wonder when you find more than ten questions 7which number ,i have observed in my other books7 in it2 for we ought to give the ,muses all that belongs to them1 and be as careful of robbing them as of a temple1 since we owe them much more and much better things than these4 ,,question ,i4 ,,concerning ,,verses ,,seasonably ,,and ,,unseasonably ,,applied4 ,,ammonius1 ,,plutarch1 ,,erato1 ,,certain ,,schoolmasters1 ,,and ,,friends ,,of ,,ammonius4 ,ammonius1 captain of the militia at ,athens1 would show ,diogenianus the proficiency of those youths that learned grammar1 geometry1 rhetoric1 and music2 and invited the chief masters of the town to supper4 ,there were a great many scholars at the feast1 and almost all his acquaintance4 ,achilles invited only the single combatants to his feast1 intending 7as the story goes7 that1 if in the heat of the encounter they had conceived any anger or ill-will against one another1 they might then lay it aside1 being made partakers of one common entertainment4 ,but the contrary happened to ,ammonius1 for the contentions of the masters increased and grew more sharp midst their cups and merriment2 and all was disorder and confused babbling4 ,therefore ,ammonius commanded ,erato to sing to his harp1 and he sang some part of ,hesiod's ,works beginning thus1 ,contention to one sort is not confined2 7,works and ,days1 #aa47 and ,i commended him for choosing so apposite a song4 ,then he began to discourse about the seasonable use of verse1 that it was not only pleasant but profitable4 ,and straight every one's mouth was full of that poet who began ,ptolemy's epithalamium 7when he married his sister1 a wicked and abominable match7 thus1 ,jove ,juno called his sister and his wife2 7,iliad1 xviii4 #cef47 and another1 who refused to sing after supper to ,demetrius the king1 but after he sent him his young son ,philip to be educated sang thus1 ,breed thou the boy as doth become ,both ,hercules's race and us2 and ,anaxarchus who1 being pelted with apples by ,alexander at supper1 rose up and said1 ,some god shall wounded be by mortal hand4 7,euripides1 ,orestes1 #bga47 ,but that ,corinthian captive boy excelled all1 who1 when the city was destroyed1 and ,mummius1 taking a survey of all the free-born children that understood letters1 commanded each to write a verse1 wrote thus3-- ,thrice1 four times blest1 the happy ,greeks that fell4 7,odyssey1 v4 #cjf47 ,for they say that ,mummius was affected with it1 wept and gave all the free-born children that were allied to the boy their liberty4 ,and some mentioned the wife of ,theodorus the tragedian1 who refused his embraces a little before he contended for the prize2 but1 when he was conqueror and came in unto her1 clasped him and said1 ,now1 ,agamemnon's son1 you freely may 7,sophocles ,electra1 #b47 ,after this a great many sayings were mentioned as unseasonably spoken1 it being fit that we should know such and avoid them2--as that to ,pompey the ,great1 to whom1 upon his return from a dangerous war1 the schoolmaster brought his little daughter1 and1 to show him what a proficient she was1 called for a book1 and bade her begin at this line1 ,returned from war2 but hadst thou there been slain1 ,my wish had been complete2 7,iliad1 iii4 #dbh47 and that to ,cassius ,longinus1 to whom a flying report of his son's dying abroad being brought1 and he no ways appearing either to know the certain truth or to clear the doubt1 an old senator came and said3 ,longinus1 will you not despise the flying uncertain rumor1 as if you did not know nor had read this line1 ,for no report is wholly false8 7,hesiod1 ,works and ,days1 #gfc47 ,and he that at ,rhodes1 to a grammarian demanding a line upon which he might show his skill in the theatre1 proposed this1 ,fly from the island1 worst of all mankind1 7,odyssey1 x4 #gb47 either slyly put a trick upon him1 or unwittingly blundered4 ,and this discourse quieted the tumult4 ,,questions ,,ii4 ,,and ,,iii4 ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,reason ,,that ,,alpha ,,is ,,placed ,,first ,,in ,,the ,,alphabet1 ,,and ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,proportion ,,between ,,the ,,number ,,of ,,vowels ,,and ,,semi-,,vowels8 ,,ammonius1 ,,hermeas1 ,,protogenes1 ,,plutarch1 ,,zopyrion4 ,it being the custom of the ,muses' feast to draw lots1 and those that were matched to propose curious questions to one another1 ,ammonius1 fearing that two of the same profession might be matched together1 ordered1 without drawing lots1 a geometrician to propose questions to a grammarian1 and a master of music to a rhetorician4 ,first1 therefore1 ,hermeas the geometrician demanded of ,protogenes the grammarian a reason why ,alpha was the first letter of the alphabet4 ,and he returned the common answer of the schools1 that it was fit the vowels should be set before the mutes and semi-vowels4 ,and of the vowels1 some being long1 some short1 some both long and short1 it is just that the latter should be most esteemed4 ,and of these that are long and short1 that is to be set first which is usually placed before the other two1 but never after either2 and that is ,alpha4 ,for that put after either ,iota or ,upsilon will not be pronounced1 will not make one syllable with them1 but as it were resenting the affront and angry at the position1 seeks the first as its proper place4 ,but if you place ,alpha before either of those1 they are obedient1 and quietly join in one syllable1 as in these words1 ,greek omitted and a thousand others4 ,in these three respects therefore1 as the conquerors in all the five exercises1 it claims the precedence1--that of most other letters by being a vowel1 that of other vowels by being dichronous1 and lastly1 that of these double-timed vowels themselves because it is its nature to go before and never after them4 ,protogenes making a pause1 ,ammonius1 speaking to me1 said3 ,what6 have you1 being a ,boeotian1 nothing to say for ,cadmus1 who 7as the story goes7 placed ,alpha the first in order1 because a cow is called ,alpha by the ,phoenicians1 and they account it not the second or third 7as ,hesiod doth7 but the first of their necessary things8 ,nothing at all1 ,i replied1 for it is just that1 to the best of my power1 ,i should rather assist my own than ,bacchus's grandfather4 ,for ,lamprias my grandfather said1 that the first articulate sound that is made is ,alpha2 for the air in the mouth is formed and fashioned by the motion of the lips2 now as soon as those are opened1 that sound breaks forth1 being very plain and simple1 not requiring or depending upon the motion of the tongue1 but gently breathed forth whilst that lies still4 ,and therefore that is the first sound that children make4 ,thus ,greek omitted1 ,,to ,,hear1 ,greek omitted1 ,,to ,,sing1 ,greek omitted1 ,,to ,,pipe1 ,greek omitted1 ,,to ,,hollow1 begin with the letter ,alpha2 and ,i think that ,greek omitted1 ,,to ,,lift ,,up1 and ,greek omitted1 ,,to ,,open1 were fitly taken from that opening and lifting up of the lips when his voice is uttered4 ,thus all the names of the mutes besides one have an ,alpha1 as it were a light to assist their blindness2 for ,pi alone wants it1 and ,phi and ,chi are only ,pi and ,kappa with an aspirate4 ,hermeas saying that he approved both reasons1 why then 7continued ,i7 do not you explain the proportion1 if there be any1 of the number of the letters2 for1 in my opinion1 there is2 and ,i think so1 because the number of mutes and semi-vowels1 compared between themselves or with the vowels1 doth not seem casual and undesigned1 but to be according to the first proportion which you call arithmetical4 ,for their number being nine1 eight1 and seven1 the middle exceeds the last as much as it wants of the first4 ,and the first number being compared with the last1 hath the same proportion that the ,muses have to ,apollo2 for nine is appropriated to them1 and seven to him4 ,and these two numbers tied together double the middle2 and not without reason1 since the semi-vowels partake the power of both4 ,and ,hermeas replied3 ,it is said that ,mercury was the first god that discovered letters in ,egypt2 and therefore the ,egyptians make the figure of an ,ibis1 a bird dedicated to ,mercury1 for the first letter4 ,but it is not fit1 in my opinion1 to place an animal that makes no noise at the head of the letters4 ,amongst all the numbers the fourth is peculiarly dedicated to ,mercury1 because1 as some say1 the god was born on the fourth day of the month4 ,and the first letters called ,phoenician from ,cadmus are four times four1 or sixteen2 and of those that were afterward added1 ,palamedes found four1 and ,simonides four more4 ,now amongst numbers1 three is the first perfect1 as consisting of a first1 a middle1 and a last2 and after that six1 as being equal the sum of its own divisors 7#abc74 ,of these1 six multiplied by four makes twenty-four2 and also the first perfect number1 three1 multiplied by the first cube1 eight1 make the same4 ,whilst he was discoursing thus1 ,zopyrion the grammarian sneered and muttered between his teeth2 and1 as soon as he had done1 cried out that he most egregiously trifled2 for it was mere chance1 and not design1 that gave such a number and order to the letters1 as it was mere chance that the first and last verses of ,homer's ,iliads have just as many syllables as the first and last of his ,odysseys4 ,,question ,,iv4 ,,which ,,of ,,venus',s ,,hands ,,diomedes ,,wounded4 ,,hermeas1 ,,zopyrion1 ,,maximus4 ,hermeas would have replied to ,zopyrion1 but we desired him to hold2 and ,maximus the rhetorician proposed to him this far-fetched question out of ,homer1 ,which of ,venus's hands ,diomedes wounded4 ,and ,zopyrion presently asking him again1 of which leg was ,philip lame8--,maximus replied1 ,it is a different case1 for ,demosthenes hath left us no foundation upon which we may build our conjecture4 ,but if you confess your ignorance in this matter1 others will show how the poet sufficiently intimates to an understanding man which hand it was4 ,zopyrion being at a stand1 we all1 since he made no reply1 desired ,maximus to tell us4 ,and he began3 ,the verses running thus ,then ,diomedes raised his mighty spear1 ,and leaping towards her just did graze her hand2 7,iliad1 v4 #cce4 ,it is evident from what follows that ,plutarch interprets ,greek omitted in this passage ,,having ,,leaped ,,to ,,one ,,side4 7,g477 it is evident that1 if he designed to wound her left hand1 there had been no need of leaping1 since her left hand was opposite to his right4 ,besides1 it is probable that he would endeavor to wound the strongest hand1 and that with which she drew away ,aeneas2 and which being wounded1 it was likely she would let him go4 ,but more1 after she returned to ,heaven1 ,minerva jeeringly said1 ,no doubt fair ,venus won a ,grecian dame1 ,to follow her beloved ,trojan youths1 ,and as she gently stroked her with her hand1 ,her golden buckler scratched this petty wound4 7,iliad1 v4 #dbb47 ,and ,i suppose1 you sir1 when you stroke any of your scholars1 you use your right hand1 and not your left2 and it is likely that ,venus1 the most skilful of all the goddesses1 soothed the heroines after the same manner4 ,,question ,v4 ,,why ,,plato ,,says ,,that ,,ajax',s ,,soul ,,came ,,to ,,draw ,,her ,,lot ,,in ,,the ,,twentieth ,,place ,,in ,,hell4 ,,hylas1 ,,sospis1 ,,ammonius1 ,,lamprias4 ,these discourses made all the other company merry2 but ,sospis the rhetorician1 seeing ,hylas the grammarian sit silent and discomposed 7for he had not been very happy in his exercises71 cried out1 ,but ,ajax's soul stood far apart2 and raising his voice repeated the rest to him1 ,but sit1 draw near1 and patiently attend1 ,hear what ,i say1 and tame1 your violent rage4 ,to this ,hylas1 unable to contain1 returned a scurvy answer saying that ,ajax's soul1 taking her lot in the twentieth place in hell1 changed her nature1 according to ,plato1 for a lion's2 but1 for his part1 he could not but often think upon the saying of the old comedian1 ',tis better far to be an ass than see ,unworthwhile men in greater honor shine ,at this ,sospis1 laughing heartily1 said3 ,but in the meantime1 before we have the pack-saddles on1 if you have any regard for ,plato1 tell us why he makes ,ajax's soul1 after the lots drawn1 to have the twentieth choice4 ,hylas1 with great indignation1 refused1 thinking that this was a jeering reflection on his former miscarriage4 ,and therefore my brother began thus3 ,what1 was not ,ajax counted the second for beauty1 strength1 and courage1 and the next to ,achilles in the ,grecian army8 ,and twenty is the second ten1 and ten is the chiefest of numbers1 as ,achilles of the ,greeks4 ,we laughing at this1 ,ammonius said3 ,well1 ,lamprias1 let this suffice for a joke upon ,hylas2 but since you have voluntarily taken upon you to give an account of this matter1 leave off jesting1 and seriously proceed4 ,this startled ,lamprias a little1 but1 after a short pause1 he continued thus3 ,plato often tells merry stories under borrowed names1 but when he puts any fable into a discourse concerning the soul1 he hath some considerable meaning in it4 ,the intelligent nature of the heavens he calls a flying chariot1 intimating the harmonious whirl of the world4 ,and here he introduceth one ,er1 the son of ,harmonius1 a ,pamphylian1 to tell what he had seen in hell2 intimating that our souls are begotten according to harmony1 and are agreeably united to our bodies1 and that1 when they are separated1 they are from all parts carried together into the air1 and from thence return to second generations4 ,and what hinders but that ,greek omitted twentieth should intimate that this was not a true story1 but only probable and fictitious ,greek omitted1 and that the lot fell casually ,greek omitted4 ,for ,plato always toucheth upon three causes1 he being the first and chiefest philosopher that knew how fate accords with fortune1 and how our free-will is mixed and complicated with both4 ,and now he hath admirably discovered what influence each hath upon our affairs4 ,the choice of our life he hath left to our free-will1 for virtue and vice are free4 ,but that those who have made a good choice should live religiously1 and those who have made an ill choice should lead a contrary life1 he leaves to the necessity of fate4 ,but the chances of lots thrown at a venture introduce fortune into the several conditions of life in which we are brought up1 and which pre-occupates and perverts our own choice4 ,now consider whether it is not irrational to inquire after a cause of those things that are done by chance4 ,for if the lot seems to be disposed of by design1 it ceaseth to be chance and fortune1 and becomes fate and providence4 ,whilst ,lamprias was speaking1 ,marcus the grammarian seemed to be counting to himself1 and when he had done1 he began thus3 ,amongst the souls which ,homer mentions in his ,greek omitted1 ,elpenor's is not to be reckoned as mixed with those in hell1 but1 his body being not buried1 as wandering about the banks of the river ,styx4 ,nor is it fit that we should reckon ,tiresias's soul amongst the rest1-- ,on whom alone1 when deep in hell beneath1 ,wisdom ,proserpina conferred1 to discourse and converse with the living even before he drank the sacrifice's blood4 ,therefore1 ,lamprias1 if you subtract these two1 you will find that ,ajax was the twentieth that ,ulysses saw1 and ,plato merrily alludes to that place in ,homer's ,greek omitted4 ,,question ,,vi4 ,,what ,,is ,,signified ,,by ,,the ,,fable ,,about ,,the ,,defeat ,,of ,,neptune8 ,,and ,,also1 ,,why ,,do ,,the ,,athenians ,,omit ,,the ,,second ,,day ,,of ,,the ,,month ,,boedromion8 ,,menephylus1 ,,hylas1 ,,lamprias4 ,while all were making a disturbance1 ,menephylus1 a ,peripatetic philosopher1 addressing ,hylas3 ,you see1 he said1 how this investigation is no foolery nor insolence4 ,but leave now1 my dear fellow1 that obstinate ,ajax1 whose name is ill-omened1 as ,sophocles says1 and side with ,poseidon1 whom you yourself are wont to tell has often been overcome1 once by ,athene here1 in ,delphi by ,apollo1 in ,argos by ,here1 in ,aegina by ,zeus1 in ,naxos by ,bacchus1 yet in his misfortunes has always been mild and amiable4 ,here at least he shares a temple in common with ,athene1 in which there is an altar dedicated to ,lethe4 ,and ,hylas1 as if he had become better tempered3 ,one thing has escaped you1 ,menephylus1 that we have given up the second day of ,september1 not on account of the moon1 but because on that day the gods seemed to have contended for the country4 ,by all means1 said ,lamprias1 by as much as ,poseidon was more civilized than ,thrasybulus1 since not like him a winner but a loser4444 7,the rest of this book to ,question ,,xiii is lost2 with the exception of the titles that follow1 and the fragment of ,question ,,xii47 ,,question ,,vii4 ,,why ,,the ,,accords ,,in ,,music ,,are ,,separated ,,into ,,three4 ,,question ,,viii4 ,,wherein ,,the ,,intervals ,,melodious ,,differ ,,from ,,those ,,that ,,are ,,harmonic4 ,,question ,,ix4 ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,cause ,,of ,,accord8 ,,and ,,also1 ,,why1 ,,when ,,two ,,accordant ,,strings ,,are ,,touched ,,together1 ,,is ,,the ,,melody ,,ascribed ,,to ,,the ,,base8 ,,question ,x4 ,,why1 ,,when ,,the ,,ecliptic ,,periods ,,of ,,the ,,sun ,,and ,,the ,,moon ,,are ,,equal ,,in ,,number1 ,,the ,,moon ,,appears ,,oftener ,,eclipsed ,,than ,,the ,,sun4 ,,question ,,xi4 ,,that ,,we ,,continue ,,not ,,always ,,the ,,same1 ,,in ,,regard ,,of ,,the ,,deflux ,,of ,,our ,,substance4 ,,question ,,xii4 ,,is ,,it ,,more ,,probable ,,that ,,the ,,number ,,of ,,the ,,stars ,,is ,,even ,,or ,,odd8 ,men must be cheated by oaths4 ,and ,glaucias said3 ,i have heard this saying used against ,polycrates the tyrant2 probably too it was said against others3 but why do you ask these questions8 ,because1 by ,zeus1 said ,sospis1 ,i see the children playing odd and even with jackstones and the ,academics with words4 ,for such tempers as these differ in no way from those who ask whether they hold clutched in their hands odd or even4 ,then ,protogenes stood up and called me by name3 ,what is the matter with us that we allow these rhetoricians to be so conceited1 and to laugh down others while they are asked nothing1 and contribute nothing in the way of argument1--unless they swear that they have no part in the wine as admirers and disciples of ,demosthenes1 a man who in his whole life never drank wine4 ,that is not the cause of this1 said ,i2 but we have never asked them anything4 ,but unless you have something more useful1 ,i think ,i can put before them from ,homer's poetry a case of antinomy in rhetorical theses4 ,,question ,,xiii4 ,a ,,moot-,,point ,,out ,,of ,,the ,,third ,,book ,,of ,,homer',s ,,iliads4 ,,plutarch1 ,,protogenes1 ,,glaucias1 ,,sospis4 ,what question will you put them1 said ,protogenes8 ,i will tell you1 continued ,i1 and let them carefully attend4 ,paris makes his challenge in these express words3-- ,let me and valiant ,menelaus fight ,for ,helen1 and for all the goods she brought2 ,and he that shall o'ercome1 let him enjoy ,the goods and woman2 let them be his own4 ,and ,hector afterwards publicly proclaiming this challenge in these plain words3-- ,he bids the ,trojans and the valiant ,greeks ,to fix their arms upon the fruitful ground2 ,let ,menelaus and stout ,paris fight ,for all the goods2 and he that beats have all4 ,menelaus accepted the challenge1 and the conditions were sworn to1 ,agamemnon dictating thus3-- ,if ,paris valiant ,menelaus kills1 ,let him have ,helen1 and the goods possess2 ,if youthful ,menelaus ,paris kills1 ,the woman and the goods shall all be his4 7,see ,iliad1 iii4 #fh1 #hh1 #bee1 and #bha47 ,now since ,menelaus only overcame but did not kill ,paris1 each party hath somewhat to say for itself1 and against the other4 ,the one may demand restitution1 because ,paris was overcome2 the other deny it1 because he was not killed4 ,now how to determine this case and clear the seeming repugnancies doth not belong to philosophers or grammarians1 but to rhetoricians1 that are well skilled both in grammar and philosophy4 ,then ,sospis said3 ,the challenger's word decides2 for the challenger proposed the conditions1 and when they were accepted1 the opposite party had no power to make additions4 ,now the condition proposed in this challenge was not killing1 but overcoming2 and there was reason that it should be so1 for ,helen ought to be the wife of the bravest4 ,now the bravest is he that overcomes2 for it often happens that an excellent soldier might be killed by a coward1 as is evident in what happened afterward1 when ,achilles was shot by ,paris4 ,for ,i do not believe that you will affirm1 that ,achilles was not so brave a man as ,paris because he was killed by him1 and that it should be called the victory1 and not rather the unjust good fortune1 of him that shot him4 ,but ,hector was overcome before he was killed by ,achilles1 because he would not stand1 but trembled and fled at his approach4 ,for he that refuseth the combat or flies cannot palliate his defeat1 and plainly grants that his adversary is the better man4 ,and therefore ,iris tells ,helen beforehand1 ,in single combat they shall fight for you1 ,and you shall be the glorious victor's wife4 7#b ,ibid4 iii4 #acg47 ,and ,jupiter afterwards adjudges the victory to ,menelaus in these words3 ,the conquest leans to ,menelaus's side4 7#c ,ibid4 iv4 #ac47 ,for it would be ridiculous to call ,menelaus a conqueror when he shot ,podes1 a man at a great distance1 before he thought of or could provide against his danger1 and yet not allow him the reward of conquest over him whom he made fly and sneak into the embraces of his wife1 and whom he spoiled of his arms whilst he was yet alive1 and who had himself offered the challenge1 by the articles of which ,menelaus now appeared to be the conqueror4 ,glaucias subjoined3 in all laws1 decrees1 contracts1 and promises1 those latest made are always accounted more valid than the former4 ,now the later contract was ,agamemnon's1 the condition of which was killing1 and not only overcoming4 ,besides the former was mere words1 the latter confirmed by oath2 and1 by the consent of all1 those were cursed that broke them2 so that this latter was properly the contract1 and the other a bare challenge4 ,and this ,priam at his going away1 after he had sworn to the conditions1 confirms by these words3-- ,but ,jove and other gods alone do know1 ,which is designed to see the shades below2 7,iliad1 iii4 #cjh47 for he understood that to be the condition of the contract4 ,and therefore a little after ,hector says1 ,but ,jove hath undetermined left our oaths1 7,ibid4 vii4 #fi47 for the combat had not its designed and indisputable determination1 since neither of them fell4 ,therefore this question doth not seem to me to contain any contrariety of law1 since the former contract is comprised and overruled by the latter2 for he that kills certainly overcomes1 but he that overcomes doth not always kill4 ,but1 in short1 ,agamemnon did not annul1 but only explain the challenge proposed by ,hector4 ,he did not change anything1 but only added the most principal part1 placing victory in killing2 for that is a complete conquest1 but all others may be evaded or disputed1 as this of ,menelaus1 who neither wounded nor pursued his adversary4 ,now as1 where there are laws really contrary1 the judges take that side which is plain and indisputable1 and mind not that which is obscure2 so in this case1 let us admit that contract to be most valid which contained killing1 as a known and undeniable evidence of victory4 ,but 7which is the greatest argument7 he that seems to have had the victory1 not being quiet1 but running up and down the army1 and searching all about1 ,to find neat ,paris in the busy throng1 7,ibid4 iii4 #dej47 sufficiently testifies that he himself did not imagine that the conquest was perfect and complete4 ,for when ,paris had escaped he did not forget his own words3-- ,and which of us black fate and death design1 ,let him be lost2 the others cease from war4 7,iliad1 iii4 #aja17 ,therefore it was necessary for him to seek after ,paris1 that he might kill him and complete the combat2 but since he neither killed nor took him1 he had no right to the prize4 ,for he did not conquer him1 if we may guess by what he said when he expostulated with ,jove and bewailed his unsuccessful attempt3-- ,jove1 ,heaven holds no more spiteful god than thou4 ,now would ,i punish ,paris for his crimes2 ,but oh6 my sword is broke1 my mighty spear1 ,stretched out in vain1 flies idly from my hand6 7,ibid4 iii1 #cfe47 ,for in these words he confessed that it was to no purpose to pierce the shield or take the head-piece of his adversary1 unless he likewise wounded or killed him4 ,,question ,,xiv4 ,,some ,,observations ,,about ,,the ,,number ,,of ,,the ,,muses1 ,,not ,,commonly ,,known4 ,,herodes1 ,,ammonius1 ,,lamprias1 ,,tryphon1 ,,dionysius1 ,,menephylus1 ,,plutarch4 ,this discourse ended1 we poured out our offerings to the ,muses1 and together with a hymn in honor of ,apollo1 the patron of the ,muses1 we sung with ,erato1 who played upon the harp1 the generation of the ,muses out of ,hesiod4 ,after the song was done1 ,herod the rhetorician said3 ,pray1 sirs1 hearken4 ,those that will not admit ,calliope to be ours say that she keeps company with kings1 not such1 ,i suppose1 as are busied in resolving syllogisms or disputing1 but such who do those things that belong to rhetoricians and statesmen4 ,but of the rest of the ,muses1 ,clio abets encomiums1 for praises are called ,greek omitted2 and ,polymnia history1 for her name signifies the remembrance of many things2 and it is said that all the ,muses were somewhere called ,remembrances4 ,and for my part1 ,i think ,euterpe hath some relation to us too1 if 7as ,chrysippus says7 her lot be agreeableness in discourse and pleasantness in conversation4 ,for it belongs to an orator to converse1 as well as plead or give advice2 since it is his part to gain the favor of his auditors1 and to defend or excuse his client4 ,to praise or dispraise is the commonest theme2 and if we manage this artfully1 it will turn to considerable account2 if unskilfully1 we are lost4 ,for that saying1 ,gods6 how he is honored and beloved by all1 7,odyssey1 x4 #ch47 chiefly1 in my opinion1 belongs to those men who have a pleasing and persuasive faculty in discourse4 ,then said ,ammonius to ,herod3 ,we have no reason to be angry with you for grasping all the ,muses1 since the goods that friends have are common1 and ,jove hath begotten a great many ,muses1 that every man may be plentifully supplied2 for we do not all need skill in hunting1 military arts1 navigation1 or any mechanical trades2 but learning and instruction is necessary for every one that ,consumes the fruits of the spacious earth4 7,from ,simonides47 ,and therefore ,jove made but one ,minerva1 one ,diana1 one ,vulcan1 but many ,muses4 ,but why there should be nine1 and no more nor less1 pray acquaint us2 for you1 so great a lover of1 and so well acquainted with1 the ,muses1 must certainly have considered this matter4 ,what difficulty is there in that8 replied ,herod4 ,the number nine is in everybody's mouth1 as being the first square of the first odd number2 and as doubly odd1 since it may be divided into three equal odd numbers4 ,ammonius with a smile subjoined3 ,boldly said2 and pray add1 that this number is composed of the two first cubes1 one and eight1 and according to another composition of two triangles1 three and six1 each of which is itself perfect4 ,but why should this belong to the ,muses more than any other of the gods8 ,for we have nine ,muses1 but not nine ,cereses1 nine ,minervas or ,dianas4 ,for ,i do not believe that you take it for a good argument1 that the ,muses must be so many1 because their mother's name 7,mnemosyne7 consists of just so many letters4 ,herod smiling1 and everybody being silent1 ,ammonius desired our opinions4 ,my brother said1 that the ancients celebrated but three ,muses1 and that to bring proofs for this assertion would be pedantic and uncivil in such a company4 ,the reason of this number was 7not as some say7 the three different sorts of music1 the diatonic1 the chromatic1 and harmonic1 nor those stops that make the intervals nete1 mese1 and hypate1 though the ,delphians gave the ,muses this name erroneously1 in my opinion1 appropriating it to one science1 or rather to a part of one single science1 the harmoniac part of music4 ,but1 as ,i think1 the ancients1 reducing all arts and sciences which are executed and performed by reason or discourse to three heads1 philosophy1 rhetoric1 and mathematics1 accounted them the gifts of three gods1 and named them the ,muses4 ,afterwards1 about ,hesiod's time1 the sciences being better and more thoroughly looked into1 and men subdividing them found that each science contained three different parts4 ,in mathematics are comprehended music1 arithmetic1 and geometry2 in philosophy are logic1 ethics1 and physics4 ,in rhetoric1 they say the first part was demonstrative or encomiastic1 the second deliberative1 the third judicial4 ,none of all which they believed to be without a god or a ,muse or some superior power for its patron1 and did not1 it is probable1 make the ,muses equal in number to these divisions1 but found them to be so4 ,now1 as you may divide nine into three threes1 and each three into as many units2 so there is but one rectitude of reason1 which is employed about the highest truth1 and which belongs to the whole in common1 while each of the three kinds of science is assigned three ,muses1 and each of these has her distinct faculty assigned to her1 which she disposes and orders4 ,and ,i do not think the poets and astrologers will find fault with us for passing over their professions in silence1 since they know1 as well as we1 that astrology is comprehended in geometry1 and poetry in music4 ,as soon as he had said this1 ,trypho the physician subjoined3 ,how hath our art offended you1 that you have shut the ,museum against us8 ,and ,dionysius of ,melite added3 ,sir1 you have a great many that will side with you in the accusation2 for we farmers think ,thalia to be ours1 assigning her the care of springing and budding seeds and plants4 ,but ,i interposing said3 ,your accusation is not just2 for you have bountiful ,ceres1 and ,bacchus who 7as ,pindar phraseth it7 increaseth the trees1 the chaste beauty of the fruits2 and we know that ,aesculapius is the patron of the ,physicians1 and they make their address to ,apollo as ,paean1 but never as the ,muses' leader4 ,all men 7as ,homer says7 stand in need of the gods1 but all stand not in need of all4 ,but ,i wonder ,lamprias did not mind what the ,delphians say in this matter2 for they affirm that the ,muses amongst them were not named so either from the strings or sounds in music2 but the universe being divided into three parts1 the first portion was of the fixed stars1 the second of the planets1 the third of those things that are under the concave of the moon2 and all these are ordered according to harmonical proportions1 and of each portion a ,muse takes care2 ,hypate of the first1 ,nete of the last1 and ,mese in the middle1 combining as much as possible1 and turning about mortal things with the gods and earthly with heavenly4 ,and ,plato intimates the same thing under the names of the ,fates1 calling one ,atropos1 the other ,lachesis1 and the other ,clotho4 ,for he hath committed the revolutions of the eight spheres to so many ,sirens1 and not ,muses4 ,then ,menephylus the ,peripatetic subjoined3 ,the ,delphians' opinion hath indeed somewhat of probability in it2 but ,plato is absurd in committing the eternal and divine revolutions not to the ,muses but to the ,sirens1 ,daemons that neither love nor are benevolent to mankind1 wholly passing by the ,muses1 or calling them by the names of the ,fates1 the daughters of ,necessity4 ,for ,necessity is averse to the ,muses2 but ,persuasion being more agreeable and better acquainted with them1 in my opinion1 than the grace of ,empedocles1 ,intolerable ,necessity abhors4 ,no doubt1 said ,ammonius1 as it is in us a violent and involuntary cause2 but in the gods ,necessity is not intolerable1 uncontrollable1 or violent1 unless it be to the wicked2 as the law in a commonwealth to the best man is its best gift1 not to be violated or transgressed1 not because they have no power1 but because they have no will1 to change it4 ,and ,homer's ,sirens give us no just reason to be afraid2 for he in that fable rightly intimates the power of their music not to be hurtful to man1 but delightfully charming1 and detaining the souls which pass from hence thither and wander after death2 working in them a love for heavenly and divine things1 and a forgetfulness of everything on earth2 and they extremely pleased follow and attend them4 ,and from thence some imperfect sound1 and as it were echo of that music1 coming to us by the means of reason and good precepts1 rouseth our souls1 and restores the notice of those things to our minds1 the greatest part of which lie encumbered with and entangled in disturbances of the flesh and distracting passions4 ,but the generous soul hears and remembers1 and her affection for those pleasures riseth up to the most ardent passion1 whilst she eagerly desires but is not able to free herself from the body4 ,it is true1 ,i do not approve what he says2 but ,plato seems to me1 as he hath strangely and unaccountably called the axes spindles and distaffs1 and the stars whirls1 so to have named the ,muses ,sirens1 as delivering divine things to the ghosts below1 as ,ulysses in ,sophocles says of the ,sirens1 ,i next to ,phorcus's daughters came1 ,who fix the sullen laws below4 ,eight of the ,muses take care of the spheres1 and one of all about the earth4 ,the eight who govern the motions of the spheres maintain the agreement of the planets with the fixed stars and one another4 ,but that one who looks after the place betwixt the earth and moon and takes care of mortal things1 by means of discourse and song introduceth persuasion1 aiding our natural consent to community and agreement1 and giveth men as much harmony1 grace1 and order as is possible for them to take2 introducing this persuasion to appease and quiet our disturbances1 and as it were to recall our wandering desires out of the wrong way1 and to set us in the right path4 ,but1 as ,pindar says1 ,whom ,jove abhors1 he starts to hear ,the ,muses sounding in his ear4 7,pindar1 ,pythian1 i4 #be47 ,to this discourse ,ammonius1 as he used to do1 subjoined that verse of ,xenophanes1 ,this fine discourse seems near allied to truth1 and desired every one to deliver his opinion4 ,and ,i after a short silence1 said3 ,as ,plato thinks by the name1 as it were by tracks1 to discover the powers of the gods1 so let us place in heaven and over heavenly things one of the ,muses1 ,urania4 ,and it is likely that those require no distracting variety of cares to govern them1 since they have the same single nature for the cause of all their motions4 ,but where are a great many irregularities and disorders1 there we must place the eight ,muses1 that we may have one to correct each particular irregularity and miscarriage4 ,there are two parts in a man's life1 the serious and the merry2 and each must be regulated and methodized4 ,the serious role1 which instructs us in the knowledge and contemplation of the gods1 ,calliope1 ,clio1 and ,thalia appear chiefly to look after and direct4 ,the other ,muses govern our weak part1 which changes presently into wantonness and folly2 they do not neglect our brutish and violent passions and let them run their own course1 but by appropriate dancing1 music1 song1 and orderly motion mixed with reason1 bring them down to a moderate temper and condition4 ,for my part1 since ,plato admits two principles of every action1 viz1 the natural desire after pleasure1 and acquired opinion which covets and wishes for the best1 and calls one reason and the other passion1 and since each of these is manifold1 ,i think that each requires a considerable and1 to speak the truth1 a divine direction4 ,for instance1 one faculty of our reason is said to be political or imperial1 over which ,hesiod says ,calliope presides2 ,clio's province is the noble and aspiring2 and ,polymnia's that faculty of the soul which inclines to attain and keep knowledge 7and therefore the ,sicyonians call one of their three ,muses ,polymathia72 to ,euterpe everybody allows the searches into nature and physical speculations1 there being no greater1 no sincerer pleasure belonging to any other sort of speculation in the world4 ,the natural desire to meat and drink ,thalia reduceth from brutish and uncivil to be sociable and friendly2 and therefore we say ,greek omitted of those that are friendly1 merry1 and sociable over their cups1 and not of those that are quarrelsome and mad4 ,erato1 together with ,persuasion1 that brings along with it reason and opportunity1 presides over marriages2 she takes away and extinguisheth all the violent fury of pleasure1 and makes it tend to friendship1 mutual confidence1 and endearment1 and not to effeminacy1 lust1 or discontent4 ,the delight which the eye or ear receives is a sort of pleasure1 either appropriate to reason or to passion1 or common to them both4 ,this the two other ,muses1 ,terpsichore and ,melpomene1 so moderate1 that the one may only tickle and not charm1 the other only please and not bewitch4 ,,question ,,xv4 ,,that ,,there ,,are ,,three ,,parts ,,in ,,dancing3 ,greek omitted1 ,,motion1 ,greek omitted1 ,,gesture1 ,,and ,greek omitted1 ,,representation4 ,,what ,,each ,,of ,,those ,,is ,,and ,,what ,,is ,,common ,,to ,,both ,,poetry ,,and ,,dancing4 ,,ammonius ,,and ,,thrasybulus4 ,after this1 a match of dancing was proposed1 and a cake was the prize4 ,the judges were ,meniscus the dancing-master1 and my brother ,lamprias2 for he danced the ,pyrrhic very well1 and in the ,palaestra none could match him for the graceful motion of his hands and arms in dancing4 ,now a great many dancing with more heat than art1 some desired two of the company who seemed to be best skilled and took most care to observe their steps1 to dance in the kind called ,greek omitted4 ,upon this ,thrasybulus1 the son of ,ammonius1 demanded what ,greek omitted signified1 and gave ,ammonius occasion to run over most of the parts of dancing4 ,he said they were three1--,greek omitted1 ,greek omitted and ,greek omitted4 ,for dancing is made up of motion and manner ,greek omitted as a song of sounds and stops2 stops are the ends of motion4 ,now the motions they call ,greek omitted1 and the gestures and likeness to which the motions tend1 and in which they end1 they call ,greek omitted3 as1 for instance1 when by their own motions they represent the figure of ,apollo1 ,pan1 or any of the raging ,bacchae4 ,the third is ,greek omitted2 which is not an imitation1 but a plain downright indication of the things represented4 ,for as the poets1 when they would speak of ,achilles1 ,ulysses1 the earth1 or heaven1 use their proper names1 and such as the vulgar usually understand4 ,but for the more lively representation1 they use such words as by their very sound express some eminent quality in the thing1 or metaphors2 as when they say that streams do babble and flash2 that arrows fly desirous the flesh to wound2 or when they describe an equal battle by saying the fight had equal heads4 ,they have likewise a great many significative compositions in their verses4 ,thus ,euripides of ,perseus1 ,he that ,medusa slew1 and flies in air2 and ,pindar of a horse1 ,when by the smooth ,alpheus's banks ,he ran the race1 and never felt the spur2 and ,homer of a race1 ,the chariots1 overlaid with tin and brass1 ,by fiery horses drawn ran swiftly on4 7,euripedes1 ,frag4 #ige2 ,pindar1 ,olympian1 i4 #ca2 ,iliad1 xxiii4 #ejc47 ,so in dancing1 the ,greek omitted represents the shape and figure1 the ,greek omitted shows some action1 passion1 or power2 but by the ,greek omitted are properly and significatively shown the things themselves1 for instance1 the heaven1 earth1 or the company4 ,which1 being done in a certain order and method1 resembles the proper names used in poetry1 decently clothed and attended with suitable epithets4 ,as in these lines1 ,themis the venerable and admired1 ,and ,venus beauteous with her bending brows1 ,fair ,dione1 and ,june crowned with gold4 7,hesiod1 ,theogony1 #af47 ,and in these1 ,from ,hellen kings renowned for giving laws1 ,great ,dorus and the mighty ,xuthus sprang1 ,and ,aeolus1 whose chief delight was horse4 ,for if poets did not take this liberty1 how mean1 how grovelling and flat1 would be their verse6 ,as suppose they wrote thus1 ,from this sprung ,hercules1 from the other ,iphitus4 ,her father1 husband1 and her son were kings1 ,her brother and forefathers were the same2 ,and she in ,greece ,olympias was called4 ,the same faults may be committed in that sort of dancing called ,greek omitted unless the representation be lively and graceful1 decent and unaffected4 ,and1 in short1 we may aptly transfer what ,simonides said of painting to dancing1 and call dancing mute poetry1 and poetry speaking dancing2 for poesy doth not properly belong to painting1 nor painting to poesy1 neither do they any way make use of one another4 ,but poesy and dancing share much in common especially in that type of song called ,hyporchema1 in which is the most lively representation imaginable1 dancing doing it by gesture1 and poesy by words4 ,so that poesy may bear some resemblance to the colors in painting1 while dancing is like the lines which mark out the features4 ,and therefore he who was the most famous writer of ,hyporchemes1 who here even surpassed himself1 sufficiently proveth that these two arts stand in need of one another he shows what tendency poetry hath to dancing2 whilst the sound excites the hands and feet1 or rather as it were by some cords distends and raiseth every member of the whole body2 so that1 whilst such songs are recited or sung1 they cannot be quiet4 ,but nowadays no sort of exercise hath such bad depraved music applied to it as dancing2 and so it suffers that which ,ibyeus as to his own concerns was fearful of1 as appears by these lines1 ,i fear lest1 losing fame amongst the gods1 ,i shall receive respect from men alone4 ,for having associated to itself a mean paltry sort of music1 and falling from that divine sort of poetry with which it was formerly acquainted1 it rules now and domineers amongst foolish and inconsiderate spectators1 like a tyrant1 it hath subjected nearly all music1 but hath lost all its honor with excellent and wise men4 ,these1 my ,sossius ,senecio1 were almost the last discourses which we had at ,ammonius's house during the festival of the ,muses4 ,,end ,,of ,,five------------ ,,common ,,conceptions ,,against ,,the ,,stoics4 ,,lamprias1 ,,diadumenus ,,lamprias4 ,you1 ,o ,diadumenus1 seem not much to care1 if any one thinks that you philosophize against the common notions2 since you confess that you contemn also the senses1 from whence the most part of these notions in a manner proceed1 having for their seat and foundation the belief of such things as appear to us4 ,but ,i beseech you1 with what speed you can1 either by reasons1 incantations1 or some other manner of discourse1 to cure me1 who come to you full1 as ,i seem to myself1 of great and strange perturbations2 so much have ,i been shaken1 and into such a perplexity of mind have ,i been brought1 by certain ,stoics1 in other things indeed very good men and my familiar friends1 but most bitterly and hostility bent against the ,academy4 ,these1 for some few words modestly spoken by me1 have 7for ,i will tell you no lie7 rudely and unkindly reprehended me2 angrily censuring and branding the ancient philosophers as ,sophists and corrupters of philosophy1 and subverters of regular doctrines2 and saying things yet more absurd than these1 they fell at last upon the conceptions1 into which 7they contend7 the ,academics had brought a certain confusion and disturbance4 ,at length one of them said1 that he thought it was not by fortune1 but by the providence of the gods1 that ,chrysippus came into the world after ,arcesilaus and before ,carneades2 of which the one was the author of the contumelies and injuries done to custom1 and the other flourished most of all the ,academics4 ,chrysippus then1 coming between them1 by his writings against ,arcesilaus1 stopped also the way against the eloquence of ,carneades1 leaving indeed many things to the senses1 as provisions against a siege1 but wholly taking away the trouble about anticipations and conceptions1 directing every one of them and putting it in its proper place2 so that they who will again embroil and disquiet matters should gain nothing1 but be convinced of being malicious and deceitful ,sophists4 ,i1 having been this morning set on fire by these discourses1 want some cooling remedies to extinguish and take away this doubting1 as an inflammation1 out of my mind4 ,,diadumenus4 ,you perhaps have suffered the same things with some of the vulgar4 ,but if you believe the poets1 who say that the ancient city ,sipylus was overthrown by the providence of the gods when they punished ,tantalus1 believe also the companions of the ,stoa saying that ,nature1 not by chance but by divine providence1 brought forth ,chrysippus1 when she had a mind to turn things upside down and alter the course of life2 for which purpose never any man was fitter than he4 ,but as ,cato said of ,caesar1 that never any but he came to the management of public affairs sober and considerately resolved on the ruin of the state2 so does this man seem to me with the greatest diligence and eloquence to overturn and demolish custom1 as those who magnify the man testify1 when they dispute against him concerning the sophism called ,pseudomenos 7or the ,liar74 ,for to say1 my best friend1 that a conclusion drawn from contrary positions is not manifestly false1 and again to say that some arguments having true premises and true inductions may yet moreover have the contrary to their conclusions true1 what conception of demonstration or what assumption of confidence does it not overthrow8 ,they say1 that the polypus in the winter gnaws his own claws2 but the logic of ,chrysippus1 taking away and cutting off its own chiefest parts and principles1--what other notion has it left unsuspected of falsehood8 ,for the superstructures cannot be steady and sure1 if the foundations remain not firm but are shaken with so many doubts and troubles4 ,but as those who have dust or dirt upon their bodies1 if they touch or rub the filth that is upon them1 seem rather to increase than remove it2 so some men blame the ,academics1 and think them guilty of the faults with which they show themselves to be burdened4 ,for who do more subvert the common conceptions than the ,stoic school8 ,but if you please1 let us leave accusing them1 and defend ourselves from the things with which they charge us4 ,,lamprias4 ,methinks1 ,diadumenus1 ,i am this day become a various and unconstant man4 ,for erewhile ,i came dejected and trembling1 as one that wanted an apology2 and now ,i am changed to an accuser1 and desire to enjoy the pleasure of revenge1 in seeing them all convicted of philosophizing against the common conceptions and presumptions1 on which they think chiefly their doctrine is founded1 whence they say that it alone agrees with ,nature4 ,,diadumenus4 ,shall we then first attack those common and celebrated doctrines of theirs which themselves1 gently admitting their absurdity1 style paradoxes2 as that only wise men are kings1 that they only are rich and fair1 they only citizens and judges8 ,or shall we send all this to the brokers1 as old decayed frippery1 and make our inquiry into such things as are most practical and with the greatest earnestness delivered by them8 ,,lamprias4 ,i indeed like this best4 ,for who is there that is not already full of the arguments brought against those paradoxes8 ,,diadumenus4 ,first1 then1 consider this1 whether1 according to the common conceptions1 they can be said to agree with ,nature1 who think all natural things indifferent1 and esteem neither health1 strength of body1 beauty1 nor strength as desirable1 commodious1 profitable1 or any way contributory to the completing of natural perfection2 nor consider that their contraries1 as maims1 pains1 disgraces1 and diseases1 are hurtful or to be shunned8 ,to the latter of these they themselves say that ,nature gives us an abhorrence1 and an inclination to the former4 ,which very thing is not a little repugnant to common understanding1 that ,nature should incline us to such things as are neither good nor available1 and avert us from such as are neither ill nor hurtful1 and which is more1 that she should render this inclination and this aversion so violent1 that they who either possess not the one or fall into the other detest their life with good reason1 and withdraw themselves out of it4 ,i think also that this is said by them against common sense1 that ,nature herself is indifferent1 and yet that it is good to agree with ,nature4 ,for it is not our duty either to follow the law or be persuaded by argument1 unless the law and argument be good and honest4 ,and this indeed is the least of their errors4 ,but if1 as ,chrysippus has written in his ,first ,book concerning ,exhortation1 a happy life consists only in living according to virtue1 other things 7as he says7 being nothing to us1 nor cooperating any ways towards it1 ,nature is not only indifferent1 but foolish also and stupid1 in inclining us to such things as belong nothing to us2 and we also are fools in thinking felicity to be an agreeing with ,nature1 which draws us after such things as contribute nothing to happiness4 ,for what can be more agreeable to common sense1 than that1 as desirable things are requisite to live commodiously1 so natural things are necessary that we may live according to ,nature8 ,now these men say not so2 but having settled the living according to ,nature for their end1 do nevertheless hold those things which are according to ,nature to be indifferent4 ,nor is this less repugnant to common sense1 that an intelligent and prudent man should not be equally affected to equal good things1 but should put no value on some1 and be ready to undergo and suffer anything for others1 though the things themselves are neither greater nor less one than another4 ,for they say1 ,it is the same thing to abstain from the enjoyment of an old woman that is about to die as to take part in the greatest actions with moderation444 since in both cases we do what duty requires4 ,and yet for this1 as a great and glorious thing1 they should be ready to die2 when as to boast of the other would be shameful and ridiculous4 ,and even ,chrysippus himself in his commentary concerning ,jupiter1 and in the ,third ,book of the ,gods1 says1 that it were a poor1 absurd1 and impertinent thing to glory in such acts1 as proceeding from virtue1 as bearing valiantly the stinging of a wasp1 or abstaining chastely from an old woman that lies a dying4 ,do not they then philosophize against the common conception1 who profess nothing to be more commendable than those things which yet themselves are ashamed to praise8 ,for how can that be desirable or to be approved1 which is worthy neither of praise nor admiration1 but the praisers and admirers of which they esteem absurd and ridiculous8 ,and yet this will 7,i suppose7 appear to you more against common sense1 that a wise man should take no care whether he enjoys or not enjoys the greatest good things1 but should carry himself after the same manner in these things1 as in those that are indifferent both in their management and administration4 ,for all of us1 whoever we are that eat the fruit of the broad earth1 judge that desirable1 good1 and profitable1 which being present we use1 and absent we want and desire4 ,but that which no man thinks worth his concern1 either for his profit or delight1 is indifferent4 ,for we by no other means distinguish a laborious man from a trifler1 who is for the most part also employed in action1 but that the one busies himself in useless matters and indifferently1 and the other in things commodious and profitable4 ,but these men act quite contrary2 for with them1 a wise and prudent man1 being conversant in many comprehensions and memories of comprehension1 esteems few of them to belong to him2 and not caring for the rest1 he thinks he has neither more or less by remembering that he lately had the comprehension of ,dion sneezing or ,theon playing at ball4 ,and yet every comprehension in a wise man1 and every memory having assurance and firmness1 is a great1 yea1 a very great good4 ,when therefore his health fails1 when some organ of his senses is disordered1 or when his wealth is lost1 is a wise man so careless as to think that none of these things concern him8 ,or does he1 when sick1 give fees to the physicians3 for the gaining of riches sail to ,leucon1 governor in the ,bosphorus1 or travel to ,idanthyrsus1 king of the ,scythians1 as ,chrysippus says8 ,and being deprived of some of his senses1 does he not become weary even of life8 ,how then do they not acknowledge that they philosophize against the common notions1 employing so much care and diligence on things indifferent1 and not minding whether they have or have not great good things8 ,but this is also yet against the common conceptions1 that he who is a man should not rejoice when coming from the greatest evils to the greatest goods4 ,now their wise men suffer this4 ,being changed from extreme viciousness to the highest virtue1 and at the same time escaping a most miserable life and attaining to a most happy one1 he shows no sign of joy1 nor does this so great change lift him up or yet move him1 being delivered from all infelicity and vice1 and coming to a certain sure and firm perfection of virtue4 ,this also is repugnant to common sense1 to hold that the being immutable in one's judgments and resolutions is the greatest of goods1 and yet that he who has attained to the height wants not this1 nor cares for it when he has it1 nay1 many times will not so much as stretch forth a finger for this security and constancy1 which nevertheless themselves esteem the sovereign and perfect good4 ,nor do the ,stoics say only these things1 but they add also this to them1--that the continuance of time increases not any good thing2 but if a man shall be wise but a minute of an hour1 he will not be any way inferior in happiness to him who has all his time practised virtue and led his life happily in it4 ,yet1 whilst they thus boldly affirm these things1 they on the contrary also say1 that a short-lived virtue is nothing worth2 ,for what advantage would the attainment of wisdom be to him who is immediately to be swallowed up by the waves or tumbled down headlong from a precipice8 ,what would it have benefited ,lichas1 if being thrown by ,hercules1 as from a sling into the sea1 he had been on a sudden changed from vice to virtue8 ,these therefore are the positions of men who not only philosophize against the common conceptions but also confound their own1 if the having been but a little while endued with virtue is no way short of the highest felicity1 and at the same time nothing worth4 ,nor is this the strangest thing you will find in their doctrine2 but their being of opinion that virtue and happiness1 when present1 are frequently not perceived by him who enjoys them1 nor does he discern that1 having but a little before been most miserable and foolish1 he is of a sudden become wise and happy4 ,for it is not only childish to say that he who is possessed of wisdom is ignorant of this thing alone1 that he is wise1 and knows not that he is delivered from folly2 but1 to speak in general1 they make goodness to have very little weight or strength1 if it does not give so much as a feeling of it when it is present4 ,for according even to them1 it is not by nature imperceptible2 nay1 even ,chrysippus in his books of the ,end expressly says that good is sensible1 and demonstrates it also1 as he maintains4 ,it remains1 then1 that by its weakness and littleness it flies the sense1 when being present it is unknown and concealed from the possessors4 ,it were moreover absurd to imagine that the sight1 perceiving those things which are but a little whitish or inclining to white1 should not discern such as are white in perfection2 or that the touch1 feeling those things which are but warm or moderately hot1 should be insensible of those that are hot in the highest degree4 ,and yet more absurd it is1 that a man who perceives what is commonly according to ,nature--as are health and good constitution of body--should yet be ignorant of virtue when it is present1 which themselves hold to be most of all and in the highest degree according to ,nature4 ,for how can it but be against sense1 to conceive the difference between health and sickness1 and yet so little to comprehend that between wisdom and folly as to think the one to be present when it is gone1 and possessing the other to be ignorant that one has it8 ,now because there is from the highest progress a change made to felicity and virtue1 one of these two things must of necessity follow2 either that this progress is not vice and infelicity1 or that virtue is not far distant from vice1 nor happiness from misery1 but that the difference between good and evil is very small and not to be perceived by sense2 for otherwise they who have the one for the other could not be ignorant of it4 ,since1 then1 they will not depart from any of these contrarieties1 but confess and hold them all1--that those who are proceeding towards virtue are fools and vicious1 that those who are become good and wise perceive not this change in themselves1 and that there is a great difference between folly and wisdom1--they must assuredly seem to you wonderfully to preserve an agreement in their doctrines1 and yet more so in their conduct1 when affirming all men who are not wise to be equally wicked1 unjust1 faithless1 and fools1 they on the other side abhor and detest some of them1--nay1 sometimes to such a degree that they refuse even to speak to them when they meet them1--while others of them they trust with their money1 choose to offices1 and take for husbands to their daughters4 ,now if they say these things in jest1 let them smooth their brows2 but if in earnest and as philosophers1 it is against the common notions to reprove and blame all men alike in words1 and yet to deal with some of them as moderate persons and with others as very wicked2 and exceedingly to admire ,chrysippus1 to deride ,alexinus1 and yet to think neither of them more or less mad than the other4 ',tis so1 say they2 but as he who is not above a cubit under the superficies of the sea is no less drowned than he who is five hundred fathom deep1 so they that are coming towards virtue are no less in vice their those that are farther off4 ,and as blind men are still blind1 though they shall perhaps a little after recover their sight2 so these that have proceeded towards virtue1 till such time as they have attained to it1 continue foolish and wicked4 ,but that they who are in the way towards virtue resemble not the blind1 but such as see less clearly1 nor are like to those who are drowned1 but--those which swim1 and that near the harbor--they themselves testify by their actions4 ,for they would not use counsellors and generals and lawgivers as blind leaders1 nor would they imitate the works and actions and words and lives of some1 if they saw them all equally drowned in folly and wickedness4 ,but leaving this1 wonder at the men in this behalf1 that they are not taught by their own examples to give up the doctrine that these men are wise being ignorant of it themselves1 and neither knowing nor being sensible that they are recovered from being drowned and see the light1 and that being gotten above vice1 they fetch breath again4 ,this also is against common sense1 that it should be convenient for a man who has all good things1 and wants nothing requisite to felicity and happiness1 to make away himself2 and much more this1 that for him who neither has nor ever shall have any good thing1 but who is and ever shall be accompanied with all adversities1 difficulties1 and mishaps1 it should not be fitting to quit this life unless some of the indifferent things befall him4 ,these laws are enacted in the ,stoa2 and by these they incite many wise men to kill themselves1 as if they would be thereby more happy2 and they prevent many foolish men1 as if it were proper for them to live on in misery4 ,although the wise man is fortunate1 blessed1 every way happy1 secure1 and free from danger2 but the vicious and foolish man is full1 as ,i may say1 of evils1 so that there is not room to put them in2 and yet they think that continuing in life is fit for the latter1 and departing out of it for the former4 ,and not without cause1 says ,chrysippus1 for we are not to measure life by good things or evil1 but by those that are according to ,nature4 ,in this manner do they maintain custom1 and philosophize according to the common conceptions4 ,what do you say8--that he who enters upon a deliberation of life and death has no right to consider ,what good or ill in his own house there is2 or to weigh1 as in a balance1 what things have the greatest sign of serving to felicity or infelicity2 but must argue whether he should live or die from those things which are neither profitable nor prejudicial1 and follow such principles and sentences as command the choosing of a life full of all things to be avoided1 and the shunning of one which wants nothing of all those things that are desirable8 ,for though it is an absurd thing1 friend ,lamprias1 to shun a life in which there is no evil1 it is yet more absurd1 if any one should leave what is good because he is not possessed of what is indifferent1 as these men do who leave present felicity and virtue for want of riches and health which they have not4 ,satumian ,jove from ,glaucus took his wits1 when he went about to change his suit of golden armor for a brazen one1 and to give what was worth a hundred oxen for that which was worth but nine4 ,and yet the brazen armor was no less useful for fight than the golden2 whereas beauty and health of body1 as the ,stoics say1 contribute not the least advantage so far as happiness is concerned4 ,and yet they seek health in exchange for wisdom4 ,for they say1 it would well enough have become ,heraclitus and ,pherecydes to have parted with their virtue and wisdom1 if the one of them could have thereby been freed from his lousy disease1 and the other from his dropsy2 and if ,circe had used two sorts of magical drinks1 one to make wise men fools1 and the other to make fools wise1 ,ulysses would rather have drunk that of folly1 than have changed his shape for the form of a beast1 though having with it wisdom1 and consequently also happiness4 ,and1 they say1 wisdom itself dictates to them these things1 exhorting them thus3 ,let me go1 and value not my being lost1 if ,i must be carried about in the shape of an ass4 ,but this1 some will say1 is an ass-like wisdom which teacheth thus2 granting that to be wise and enjoy felicity is good1 and to wear the shape of an ass is indifferent4 ,they say1 there is a nation of the ,ethiopians where a dog reigns1 is called king1 and has all regal honors and services done to him2 but men execute the offices of magistrates and governors of cities4 ,do not the ,stoics act in the very same manner8 ,they give the name and appearance of good to virtue1 saying that it alone is desirable1 profitable1 and available2 but in the meantime they act these things1 they philosophize1 they live and die1 as at the command of things indifferent4 ,and yet none of the ,ethiopians kill that dog2 but he sits in state1 and is revered by all4 ,but these men destroy and corrupt their virtue1 that they may obtain health and riches4 ,but the corollary which ,chrysippus himself has given for a conclusion to his doctrines seems to free us from the trouble of saying anything more about it4 ,for there being1 says he1 in ,nature some things good1 some things bad1 and some things between them both1 which we call indifferent2 there is no man but would rather have the good than the indifferent1 and the indifferent than the bad4 ,and of this we call the gods to witness1 begging of them by our prayers principally the possession of good things1 and if that may not be1 deliverance from evil2 not desiring that which is neither good nor bad instead of good1 but willing to have it instead of evil4 ,but this man1 changing ,nature and inverting its order1 removes the middle out of its own place into the last1 and brings back the last into the middle1--not unlike to those tyrants who give the first place to the wicked1--and he gives us a law1 first to seek the good1 and secondly the evil1 and lastly to judge that worst which is neither good nor evil2 as if any one should place infernal things next to celestial1 thrusting the earth and earthly things into ,tartarus1 ,where very far from hence1 deep under ground1 ,lies a vast gulf4 7,iliad1 viii4 #ad47 ,having therefore said in his ,third ,book concerning ,nature1 that it is more expedient for a fool to live than not1 though he should never attain to wisdom1 he adds these words3 ,for such are the good things of men1 that even evil things do in a manner precede other things that are in the middle place2 not that these things themselves really precede1 but reason1 which makes us choose rather to live1 though we were to be fools4 ,therefore also1 though we were to be unjust1 wicked1 hated of the gods1 and unhappy2 for none of these things are absent from those that live foolishly4 ,is it then convenient rather to live miserably than not to live miserably1 and better to be hurt than not hurt1 to be unjust than not unjust1 to break the laws than not to break them8 ,that is1 is it convenient to do things that are not convenient1 and a duty to live even against duty8 ,yes indeed1 for it is worse to want sense and reason than to be a fool4 ,what then ails them1 that they will not confess that to be evil which is worse than evil8 ,why do they say that folly alone is to be avoided1 if it is not less but rather more convenient to shun that disposition which is not capable of folly8 ,but who can complain of this1 that shall remember what he has written in his ,second ,book of ,nature1 declaring that vice was not unprofitably made for the universe8 ,but it is meet ,i should set down his doctrine in his own words1 that you may understand in what place those rank vice1 and what discourses they hold of it1 who accuse ,xenocrates and ,speusippus for not reckoning health indifferent and riches useless4 ,vice1 saith he1 has its limit in reference to other accidents4 ,for it is also in some sort according to the reason of ,nature1 and 7as ,i may so say7 is not wholly useless in respect of the universe2 for other wise there would not be any good4 ,is there then no good among the gods1 because there is no evil8 ,and when ,jupiter1 having resolved all matter into himself1 shall be alone1 other differences being taken away1 will there then be no good1 because there will be no evil8 ,but is there melody in a choir though none in it sings faultily1 and health in the body though no member is sick2 and yet cannot virtue have its existence without vice8 ,but as the poison of a serpent or the gall of an hyena is to be mixed with some medicines1 was it also of necessity that there must have been some conjunction of the wickedness of ,meletus with the justice of ,socrates1 and the dissolute conduct of ,cleon with the probity of ,pericles8 ,and could not ,jupiter have found a means to bring into the world ,hercules and ,lycurgus1 if he had not also made for us ,sardanapalus and ,phalaris8 ,it is now time for them to say that the consumption was made for the sound constitution of men's bodies1 and the gout for the swiftness of their feet2 and that ,achilles would not have had a good head of hair if ,thersites had not been bald4 ,for what difference is there between such triflers and ravers1 and those who say that intemperance was not brought forth unprofitably for continence1 nor injustice for justice1 so that we must pray to the gods1 there may be always wickedness1 ,lies1 fawning speeches1 and deceitful manners1 7,hesiod1 ,works and ,days1 #gh47 if1 when these are taken away1 virtue will also vanish and be lost8 ,or do you desire to understand the greatest sweetness of his eloquence and persuasion8 ,for1 says he1 as comedies have in them sometimes ridiculous epigrams1 which1 though bad in themselves1 give nevertheless a certain grace to the whole poem2 so1 though you may blame vice in itself1 yet is it not useless to other things4 ,first1 then1 to say that vice was made by the providence of ,god1 as a wanton epigram by the will of the poet1 transcends in absurdity all imagination4 ,for this being granted1 how will the gods be rather givers of good than evil8 ,how will wickedness be displeasing to them1 and hated by them8 ,and what shall we have to oppose against these ill-sounding sentences of the poets4-- ,a cause to men ,god sends1 ,when to chastise some house his wrath intends2 7,from the ,niobe of ,aeschylus1 ,frag4 #aea47 and again1 ,what ,god those seeds of strife 'twixt them did sow8 7,iliad1 i4 #h47 ,moreover1 a lewd epigram adorns the comedy and contributes to its end1 which is to delight the spectators and make them laugh4 ,but ,jupiter1 who is surnamed fatherly1 supreme1 just1 and 7as ,pindar has it7 the most perfect artist1 framing the world1 not as a great interlude1 full of variety and great learning1 but as a common city of ,gods and men1 living together in concord and happiness with justice and virtue1--what need had he1 for the attaining to this excellent end1 of thieves1 murderers1 parricides1 and tyrants8 ,for vice entered not as a morris-dance1 pleasing and delightful to the ,divinity2 nor was it brought in amongst the affairs of men1 to cause mirth and laughter by its raillery and facetiousness1 since there is not to be seen in it so much as a dream of that celebrated agreement with ,nature4 ,besides1 that foolish epigram is a very small part of the poem1 and takes up but a very little place in the comedy2 neither do such things abound in it1 nor do they corrupt any of those things which seem to have been well done1 or spoil their grace4 ,but all human affairs are replete with vice1 and the whole life1 from the very prologue and beginning to the end1 being disordered1 depraved1 and disturbed1 and having no part of it pure or irreprehensible 7as these men say71 is the most filthy and most unpleasant of all farces4 ,wherefore ,i would willingly ask1 in what vice is profitable to the universe4 ,not surely in respect of heavenly things1 and such as are divine by nature4 ,for it would be ridiculous to say1 that if there had not arisen1 or were not amongst men1 malice and covetousness and lying1 or that if we did not rob1 plunder1 slander1 and murder one another1 the sun would not run his appointed course1 the world enjoy its seasons and periods of time1 or the earth1 which is seated in the midst of the universe1 afford the principles of the wind and rain4 ,it remains1 then1 that the existence of vice must be profitable for us and our affairs2 and that perhaps these men mean4 ,are we more healthy for being vicious1 or do we more abound with necessaries8 ,or does vice contribute anything to our beauty and strength8 ,they say1 no4 ,but where on earth is virtue to be met with8 ,is it then only a base name1 and a visionary opinion of night-walking ,sophists1 and not an actual thing lying conspicuous to all1 like vice1 so that we cannot partake of anything as profitable1444 but least1 ,o ye gods6 of virtue1 for which we were created8 ,is it not then absurd1 that the utensils of the husbandman1 mariner1 and charioteer should be serviceable and aiding towards his intended end1 whilst that which was by ,god made for virtue destroys and corrupts virtue8 ,but perhaps it is time now to leave this point1 and pass to another4 ,,lamprias4 ,not for my sake1 my dear friend1 ,i beseech you2 for ,i desire to understand1 in what manner these men bring in evil things before the good1 and vice before virtue4 ,,diadumenus4 ,it is indeed1 sir1 a thing worth knowing4 ,they babble indeed much2 but in conclusion they say that prudence1 being the knowledge of good and evil1 would be wholly taken away if there were no evil4 ,for as1 if there are truths1 it is impossible but there must be some lies also near to them2 so it stands with reason1 that if there are good things1 there must also be evil things4 ,,lamprias4 ,one of these things is not said amiss2 and ,i think also that the other is not unapprehended by me4 ,for ,i see a difference here3 that which is not true must immediately be false2 but that is not of necessity evil which is not good2 because that between true and false there is no medium1 but between good and evil there is the indifferent4 ,nor is it of necessity that the one must subsist with the other4 ,for ,nature may have good without having any need of evil1 but only having that which is neither good nor evil4 ,but if there is anything to be said by you to the former reason1 let us hear it4 ,,diadumenus4 ,many things indeed are said2 but at present we shall make use only of what is most necessary4 ,in the first place1 it is a folly to imagine that good and evil have their existence for the sake of prudence4 ,for good and evil being already extant1 prudence came afterwards2 as the art of physic was invented1 there being already things wholesome and unwholesome4 ,for good and evil are not therefore extant that there may be prudence2 but the faculty by which we judge good and evil that are already in being is named prudence4 ,as sight is a sense distinguishing white from black2 which colors were not therefore made that we might have sight1 but we rather wanted sight to discern these things4 ,secondly1 when the world shall be set on fire 7as the ,stoics hold71 there will then no evil be left1 but all will then be prudent and wise4 ,there is therefore prudence1 though there is no evil2 nor is it of necessity for evil to exist that prudence may have a being4 ,but supposing that prudence must always be a knowledge of good and evil1 what inconvenience would it be if1 evil being taken away1 prudence should no longer subsist2 but instead of this we should have another virtue1 not being the knowledge of good and evil1 but of good only8 ,so1 if black should be wholly lost from among the colors1 and any one should therefore contend that sight is also lost1 for that there is no more the sense of discerning black and white1 what should hinder us from answering him3 ,it is no prejudice to us1 if we have not what you call sight1 but in lieu of that have another sense and faculty1 by which we apprehend colors that are white and not white4 ,for ,i indeed think that neither our taste would be lost1 if bitter things were wanting1 nor our feeling1 if pain were taken away1 nor prudence1 if evil had no being2 but that these senses would remain1 to apprehend things sweet and grateful and those that are not so1 and prudence to be the science of things good and not good4 ,but let those who think otherwise take the name to themselves1 leaving us the thing4 ,besides all this1 what should hinder but there may be an understanding of evil1 and an existence of good8 ,as the gods1 ,i believe1 enjoy health1 but understand the fever and pleurisy4 ,since even we1 who1 as they say1 have abundance of evils but no good1 are not yet destitute of the knowledge what prudence1 what goodness1 and what happiness is4 ,and this also would be remarkable1 that if virtue were absent1 there should be those who could teach us what it is and give us a comprehension of it1 when if vice were not extant1 it should be impossible to have any understanding of it4 ,for see what these men persuade us who philosophize against the conceptions1--that by folly indeed we comprehend prudence1 but prudence without folly cannot so much as comprehend folly itself4 ,and if ,nature had absolutely stood in need of the generation of evil1 yet might one or two examples of vice have been sufficient2 or if you will1 it might have been requisite that ten1 a thousand1 or ten thousand vicious men should be brought forth1 and not that the multitude of vices should be so great as to exceed in number the sands of the sea1 the dust of the earth1 and the feathers of all the various kinds of birds in the world1 and yet that there should not be so much all this while as a dream of virtue4 ,those who in ,sparta had the charge of the public halls or eating places called ,phiditia were wont to bring forth two or three ,helots drunken and full of wine1 that the young men1 seeing what drunkenness was1 might learn to keep sobriety4 ,but in human life there are many such examples of vice4 ,for there is not any one sober to virtue2 but we all stagger up and down1 acting shamefully and living miserably4 ,thus does reason inebriate us1 and with so much trouble and madness does it fill us1 that we fall in nothing short of those dogs of whom ,aesop says1 that seeing certain skins swimming in the water1 they endeavored to gulp down the sea1 but burst before they could get at them4 ,for reason also1 by which we hope to gain reputation and attain to virtue1 does1 ere we can reach to it1 corrupt and destroy us1 being before filled with abundance of heady and bitter vice2--if indeed1 as these men say1 they who are got even to the uppermost step have no ease1 cessation1 or breathing from folly and infelicity4 ,but let us see what manner of thing he shows vice to be who says that it was not brought forth unprofitably1 and of what use and what a thing he makes it to be to those who have it1 writing in his book of right conduct1 that a wicked man wants nothing1 has need of nothing1 nothing is useful to him1 nothing proper1 nothing fit for him4 ,how then is vice useful1 with which neither health nor abundance of riches nor advancement in virtue is profitable8 ,who then does not want these things1 of which some are preferable and acceptable and therefore highly useful1 and others are according to ,nature1 as themselves term them8 ,but 7they affirm7 no one has need of them1 unless he become wise4 ,so the vicious man does not even stand in want of being made wise4 ,nor are men hungry and thirsty before they become wise4 ,when thirsty1 therefore1 they have no need of water1 nor when hungry1 of bread4 ,be like to courteous guests1 and him ,who asks only fire and shelter3 does this man now not need entertainment8 ,nor had he need of a cloak1 who said1 ,give ,hipponax a cloak1 for ,i'm stiff with cold4 ,but will you speak a paradox indeed1 both extravagant and singular8 ,say then that a wise man has need of nothing1 that he wants nothing1 he is fortunate1 he is free from want1 he is self-sufficient1 blessed1 perfect4 ,now what madness is this1 that he to whom nothing is wanting has need of the goods he has1 but that the vicious indeed wants many things1 and stands in need of nothing4 ,for thus indeed says ,chrysippus1 that the vicious wants but stands not in need2 removing the common notions1 like chessmen1 backwards and forwards4 ,for all men think that having need precedes wanting1 esteeming him who stands in need of things that are not at hand or easy to be got1 to want them4 ,for no man wants horns or wings1 because no one has need of them4 ,but we say that those want arms and money and clothes who are destitute of them1 when they have occasion for them4 ,but these men are so desirous of seeming always to say something against the common notions1 that for the love of novelty they often depart from their own opinions1 as they do here4 ,recall yourself to the consideration of what has been said a little above4 ,this is one of their assertions against the common conception1 that no vicious man receives any utility4 ,and yet many being instructed profit1 many being slaves are made free2 many being besieged are delivered1 being lame are led by the hand1 and being sick are cured4 ,but possessing all these things1 they are never the better1 neither do receive benefits1 nor have they any benefactors1 nor do they slight them4 ,vicious men then are not ungrateful1 no more than are wise men4 ,ingratitude therefore has no being2 because the good receiving a benefit fail not to acknowledge it1 and the bad are not capable of receiving any4 ,behold1 now1 what they say to this1--that benefit is ranked among mean or middle things1 and that to give and receive utility belongs only to the wise1 but the bad also receive a benefit4 ,then they who partake of the benefit partake not also of its use2 and whither a benefit extends1 there is nothing useful or commodious4 ,now what else is there that makes a kind office a benefit1 but that the bestower of it is1 in some respect1 useful to the needy receiver8 ,,lamprias4 ,but let these things pass4 ,what1 ,i beseech you1 is this so highly venerated utility1 which preserving as some great and excellent thing for the wise1 they permit not so much as the name of it to the vicious8 ,,diadumenus4 ,if 7say they7 one wise man does but any way prudently stretch out his finger1 all the wise men all the world over receive utility by it4 ,this is the work of their amity2 in this do the virtues of the wise man terminate by their common utilities4 ,aristotle then and ,xenocrates doted1 saving that men receive utility from the gods1 from their parents1 from their masters1 being ignorant of that wonderful utility which wise men receive from one another1 being moved according to virtue1 though they neither are together nor yet know it4 ,yet all men esteem1 that laying up1 keeping1 and bestowing are then useful and profitable1 when some benefit or profit is recovered by it4 ,the thriving man buys keys1 and diligently keeps his stores1 ,with 's hand unlocking wealth's sweet treasury4 7,from the ,bellerophontes of ,euripides1 ,frag4 #bhg1 vs4 #h47 ,but to store up and to keep with diligence and labor such things as are for no use is not seemly or honorable1 but ridiculous4 ,if ,ulysses indeed had tied up with the knot which ,circe taught him1 not the gifts he had received from ,alcinous1--tripods1 caldrons1 cloths1 and gold1--but heaping up trash1 stones1 and such like trumpery1 should have thought his employment about such things1 and the possession and keeping of them1 a happy and blessed work1 would any one have imitated this foolish providence and empty care8 ,yet this is the beauty1 gravity1 and happiness of the ,stoical consent1 being nothing else but a gathering together and keeping of useless and indifferent things4 ,for such are things according to ,nature1 and more exterior things2 if indeed they compare the greatest riches to fringes and golden chamberpots1 and sometimes also1 as it happens1 to oil-cruets4 ,then1 as those who seem proudly to have affronted and railed at some gods or demigods presently changing their note1 fall prostrate and sit humbly on the ground1 praising and magnifying the ,divinity2 so these men1 having met with punishment of this arrogancy and vanity1 again exercise themselves in these indifferent things and such as pertain nothing to them1 crying out with a loud voice that there is only one thing good1 specious1 and honorable1 the storing up of these things and the communication of them1 and that it is not meet for those to live who have them not1 but to despatch out of the way and famish themselves1 bidding a long farewell to virtue4 ,they esteem indeed ,theognis to have been a man altogether of a base and abject spirit1 for saying1 as one overfearful in regard to poverty1 which is an indifferent thing3-- ,from poverty to fly1 into the deep ,throw thyself1 ,cyrnus1 or from rocks so steep4 ,yet they themselves exhort the same thing in prose1 and affirm that a man1 to free himself from some great disease or exceedingly acute pain1 if he have not at hand sword or hemlock1 ought to leap into the sea or throw himself headlong from a precipice2 neither of which is hurtful1 or evil1 or incommodious1 or makes them who fall into it miserable4 ,with what1 then1 says he1 shall ,i begin8 ,and what shall ,i take for the principle of duty and matter of virtue1 leaving ,nature and that which is according to ,nature8 ,with what1 ,o good sir1 do ,aristotle and ,theophrastus begin8 ,what beginnings do ,xenocrates and ,polemo take8 ,does not also ,zeno follow these1 who hold ,nature and that which is according to ,nature to be the elements of happiness8 ,but they indeed persisted in these things1 as desirable1 good1 and profitable2 and joining to them virtue1 which employs them and uses every one of them according to its property1 thought to complete and consummate a perfect life and one every way absolute1 producing that concord which is truly suitable and consonant to ,nature4 ,for these men did not run into confusion1 like those who leap up from the ground and presently fall down again upon it1 terming the same things acceptable and not desirable1 proper and not good1 unprofitable and yet useful1 nothing to us and yet the principles of duties4 ,but their life was such as their speech1 and they exhibited actions suitable and consonant to their sayings4 ,but they who are of the ,stoic sect--not unlike to that woman in ,archilochus1 who deceitfully carried in one hand water1 in the other fire--by some doctrines draw ,nature to them1 and by others drive her from them4 ,or rather1 by their deeds and actions they embrace those things which are according to ,nature1 as good and desirable1 but in words and speeches they reject and contemn them1 as indifferent and of no use to virtue for the acquiring felicity4 ,now1 forasmuch as all men esteem the sovereign good to be joyous1 desirable1 happy1 of the greatest dignity1 self-sufficient1 and wanting nothing2 compare their good1 and see how it agrees with this common conception4 ,does the stretching out a finger prudently produce this joy8 ,is a prudent torture a thing desirable8 ,is he happy1 who with reason breaks his neck8 ,is that of the greatest dignity1 which reason often chooses to let go for that which is not good8 ,is that perfect and self-sufficient1 by enjoying which1 if they possess not too indifferent things1 they neither can nor will endure to live8 ,there is also another tenet of the ,stoics1 by which custom is still more injured1 taking and plucking from her genuine notions1 which are as her legitimate children1 and supposing other bastardly1 wild1 and illegitimate ones in their room1 and necessitating her to nourish and cherish the one instead of the other2 and that too in those principles which concern things good and bad1 desirable and avoidable1 proper and strange1 the energy of which ought to be more clearly distinguished than that of hot and cold1 black and white4 ,for the imaginations of these things are brought in by the senses from without2 but those have their original bred from the good things which we have within us4 ,but these men entering with their logic upon the topic of felicity1 as on the sophism called ,pseudomenos1 or that named ,kyrieuon1 have removed no ambiguities1 but brought in very many4 ,indeed1 of two good things1 of which the one is the end and the other belongs to the end1 none is ignorant that the end is the greater and perfecter good4 ,chrysippus also acknowledges this difference1 as is manifest from his ,third ,book of ,good ,things4 ,for he dissents from those who make science the end1 and sets it down4444 ,in his ,treatise of ,justice1 however1 he does not think that justice can be preserved1 if any one makes pleasure to be the end2 but allows it may1 if pleasure is not said to be the end1 but simply a good4 ,nor do ,i think that you need now to hear me repeat his words1 since his ,third ,book of ,justice is everywhere to be had4 ,when1 therefore1 ,o my friend1 they elsewhere say that no one good is greater or less than another1 and that what is not the end is equal to the end1 they contradict not only the common conceptions1 but even their own words4 ,again1 if of two evils1 the one when it is present renders us worse1 and the other hurts us but renders us not worse1 it is against reason not to say that the evil which by its presence renders us worse is greater than that which hurts us but renders us not worse4 ,now ,chrysippus indeed confesses1 that there are some fears and sorrows and errors which hurt us1 but render us not worse4 ,read his ,first ,book of ,justice against ,plato2 for in respect of other things1 it is worth the while to note the babbling of the man in that place1 expounding indifferently all matters and doctrines1 as well proper to his own sect as foreign to it4 ,it is likewise against common sense when he says that there may be two ends or scopes proposed of life1 and that all the things we do are not to be referred to one2 and yet this is more against common sense1 to say that there is an end1 and yet that every action is to be referred to another4 ,nevertheless they must of necessity endure one of these4 ,for if those things which are first according to ,nature are not eligible for themselves1 but the choice and taking of them agreeably to reason is1 and if every one therefore does all his actions for the acquiring the first things according to ,nature1 then all things which are done must have their reference to this1 that the principal things according to ,nature may be obtained4 ,but they think that they who aim and aspire to get these things do not have the things themselves as the end1 but that to which they must make reference1 namely1 the choice and not the things4 ,for the end indeed is to choose and receive these things prudently4 ,but the things themselves and the enjoying of them are not the end1 but the material ground1 having its value only from the choice4 ,for it is my opinion that they both use and write this very expression1 to show the difference4 ,,lamprias4 ,you have exactly related both what they say and in what manner they deliver it4 ,,diadumenus4 ,but observe how it fares with them1 as with those that endeavor to leap over their own shadow2 for they do not leave behind1 but always carry along with them in their speech some absurdity most remote from common sense4 ,for as1 if any one should say that he who shoots does all he can1 not that he may hit the mark1 but that he may do all he can1 such a one would rightly be esteemed to speak enigmatically and prodigiously2 so these doting dreamers1 who contend that the obtaining of natural things is not the end of aiming after natural things1 but the taking and choosing them is1 and that the desire and endeavor after health is not in every one terminated in the enjoyment of health1 but on the contrary1 the enjoyment of health is referred to the desire and endeavor after it1 and that certain walkings and contentions of speech and suffering incisions and taking of medicines1 so they are done by reason1 are the end of health1 and not health of them1 they1 ,i say1 trifle like to those who say1 ,let us sup1 that we may offer sacrifice1 that we may bathe4 ,but this rather changes order and custom1 and all things which these men say carry with them the total subversion and confusion of affairs4 ,thus1 we do not desire to take a walk in fit time that we may digest our meat2 but we digest our meat that we may take a walk in fit time4 ,has ,nature also made health for the sake of hellebore1 instead of producing hellebore for the sake of health8 ,for what is wanting to bring them to the highest degree of speaking paradoxes1 but the saying of such things8 ,what difference is there between him who says that health was made for the sake of medicines and not medicines for the sake of health1 and him who makes the choice of medicines and their composition and use more desirable than health itself8--or rather who esteems health not at all desirable1 but placing the end in the negotiation about these things1 prefers desire to enjoyment1 and not enjoyment to desire8 ,for to desire1 forsooth 7they affirm71 is joined the proceeding wisely and discreetly4 ,it is true indeed1 we will say1 if respect be had to the end1 that is1 the enjoyment and possession of the things it pursues2 but otherwise1 it is wholly void of reason1 if it does all things for the obtaining of that the enjoyment of which is neither honorable nor happy4 ,now1 since we are fallen upon this discourse1 anything may rather be said to agree with common sense1 than that those who have neither received nor have any conception of good do nevertheless desire and pursue it4 ,for you see how ,chrysippus drives ,ariston into this difficulty1 that he should understand an indifference in things inclining neither to good nor to bad1 before either good or bad is itself understood2 for so indifference will appear to have subsisted even before itself1 if the understanding of it cannot be perceived unless good be first understood1 while the good is nothing else than this very indifference4 ,understand now and consider this indifference which the ,stoa refutes and calls consent1 whence and in what manner it gives us the knowledge of good4 ,for if without good the indifference to that which is not good cannot be understood1 much less does the knowing of good things give any intelligence of itself to those who had not before some notion of the good4 ,but as there can be no knowledge of the art of things wholesome and unwholesome in those who have not first some knowledge of the things themselves2 so they cannot conceive any notion of the science of good and evil who have not some fore-knowledge of good and evil4 ,,lamprias4 ,what then is good8 ,,diadumenus4 ,nothing but prudence4 ,,lamprias4 ,and what is prudence8 ,,diadumenus4 ,nothing but the science of good4 ,,lamprias4 ,there is much then of ,jupiter's ,corinth 7that is1 much begging the question7 admitted into their reasoning4 ,for ,i would have you let alone the saying about the turning of the pestle1 lest you should seem to mock them2 although an accident like to that has insinuated itself into their discourse4 ,for it seems that1 to the understanding of good1 one has need to understand prudence1 and to seek for prudence in the understanding of good1 being forced always to pursue the one by the other1 and thus failing of both2 since to the understanding of each we have need of that which cannot be known without the other be first understood4 ,,diadumenus4 ,but there is yet another way1 by which you may perceive not only the perversion but the eversion of their discourse1 and the reduction of it entirely to nothing4 ,they hold the essence of good to be the reasonable election of things according to ,nature4 ,now the election is not reasonable which is not directed to some end1 as has been said before4 ,what1 then1 is this end8 ,nothing else1 say they1 but to reason rightly in the election of things according to ,nature4 ,first1 then1 the conception of good is lost and gone4 ,for to reason rightly in election is an operation proceeding from an habit of right reasoning1 and therefore being constrained to get this from the end2 and the end not without this1 we fail of understanding either of them4 ,besides1 which is more1 this reasonable election ought strictly to be a choice of things good and useful1 and cooperating to the end2 for how can it be reasonable to choose things which are neither convenient nor honorable nor at all eligible8 ,for be it1 as they say1 a reasonable election of things having a fitness for the causing felicity2 see then to what a beautiful and solemn conclusion their discourse brings them4 ,for the end is 7it seems71 according to them1 to reason rightly in the choice of things which are useful in causing us to reason rightly4 ,,lamprias4 ,when ,i hear these words1 my friend1 what is laid down seems to me strangely extravagant2 and ,i farther want to know how this happens4 ,,diadumenus4 ,you must then be more attentive2 for it is not for every one to understand this riddle4 ,hear therefore and answer4 ,is not the end1 according to them1 to reason rightly in the election of things according to ,nature8 ,,lamprias4 ,so they say4 ,,diadumenus4 ,and are these things according to ,nature chosen as good1 or as having some fitness or preferences444 either for this end or for something else8 ,,lamprias4 ,i think not for anything else but for this end4 ,,diadumenus4 ,now1 then1 having discovered the matter1 see what befalls them4 ,they affirm that the end is to reason rightly in the selection of things which are of value in causing us to reason rightly1 for they say that we neither have nor understand any other principle either of good or of felicity but this precious rectitude of reasoning in the election of things that are of worth4 ,but there are some who think that this is spoken against ,antipater1 and not against the whole sect2 for that he1 being pressed by ,carneades1 fell into these fooleries4 ,but as for those things that are against the common conceptions taught in the ,stoa concerning love1 they are all of them concerned in the absurdity4 ,they say youths are deformed who are vicious and foolish1 and that the wise are fair2 and yet that none of these beautiful ones is either beloved or worthy of being beloved4 ,nor yet is this the worst2 but they add1 that those who love the deformed ones cease to do so when they are become fair4 ,now whoever knew such a love as is kindled and has its being at the sight of the body's deformity joined with that of the soul1 and is quenched and decays at the accession of beauty joined with prudence1 justice1 and temperance8 ,these men are not unlike to those gnats which love to settle on the dregs of wine1 or on vinegar1 but shun and fly away from potable and pleasant wine4 ,as for that which they call and term an appearance of beauty1 saying that it is the inducement of love1--first1 it has no probability1 for in those who are very foul and highly wicked there cannot be an appearance of beauty1 if indeed 7as is said7 the wickedness of the disposition fills the face with deformity4 ,and secondly1 it is absolutely against all common experience for the deformed to be worthy of love because he one day will be fair and expects to have beauty1 but that when he has got it and is become fair and good1 he is to be beloved of none4 ,,lamprias4 ,love1 they say1 is a certain hunting after a young person who is as yet indeed undeveloped1 but naturally well disposed towards virtue4 ,,diadumenus4 ,and what do we now else1 ,o my best friend1 but demonstrate that their sect perverts and destroys all our common conceptions with improbable things and unusual expressions8 ,for none would hinder the solicitude of these wise men towards young persons1 if it were free from all passionate affection1 from being named hunting or love of instruction2 but they ought to call love what all men and women understand and call by this name1 like that which ,penelope's suitors in ,homer seem to acknowledge1 ,who all desired to lie with her2 7,odyssey1 i4 #cff7 or as ,jupiter in another place says to ,juno1 ,for neither goddess yet nor mortal dame ,e'er kindled in my heart so great a flame4 7,iliad4 xiv4 #cae47 ,thus casting moral philosophy into these matters1 in which all is ,a mazy whirl1 with nothing sound1 and all perplexed1 7,euripides1 ,andromache1 #ddh47 they contemn and deride it1 as if boasting themselves to be the only men who observe nature and custom as it ought to be1 and who at the same time adapted reason to each man by means of aversions1 desires1 appetites1 pursuits1 and impulses4 ,but custom has received no good from their logic1 but1 like the ear diseased by vain sounds1 is filled with difficulty and obscurity1--of which1 if you think good1 we will elsewhere begin a new discourse4 ,but now we will run through the chief and principal heads of their natural philosophy1 which no less confounds the common conceptions than that other concerning ends4 ,first1 this is altogether absurd and against sense1 to say that is which is not1 and things which are not are4 ,but above all that is most absurd which they say of the universe4 ,for1 putting round about the circumference of the world an infinite vacuum1 they say that the universe is neither a body nor bodiless4 ,it follows then from this that the universe has no being1 since with them body only has a being4 ,since therefore it is the part of that which has a being both to do and suffer1 and the universe has no being1 it follows that the universe will neither do nor suffer4 ,neither will it be in a place2 for that which takes up place is a body1 and the universe is not a body1 therefore the universe exists nowhere4 ,and since that only rests which continues in one and the same place1 the universe rests not1 because it takes not up place4 ,neither yet is it moved1 for what is moved must have a place and space in which to move4 ,moreover1 what is moved either moves itself1 or suffers motion from another4 ,now1 that which is moved by itself has some bents and inclinations proceeding from its gravity or levity2 and gravity and levity are either certain habits or faculties or differences of bodies4 ,but the universe is not a body4 ,it follows then of necessity1 that the universe is neither1 heavy nor light1 and consequently1 that it has not in itself any principle of motion4 ,nor yet will the universe be moved by any other2 for there is nothing else besides the universe4 ,thus are they necessitated to say as they do1 that the universe neither rests nor is moved4 ,lastly since according to their opinion it must not be said that the universe is a body1 and yet the heaven1 the earth1 animals1 plants1 men1 and stones are bodies1 it follows that that which is no body will have bodies for its parts1 and things which have existence will be parts of that which has no existence1 and that which is not heavy will have parts that are heavy1 and what is not light will have parts that are light2--than which there cannot be any dreams imagined more repugnant to the common conceptions4 ,moreover1 there is nothing so evident or so agreeing to common sense as this1 that what is not animate is inanimate1 and what is not inanimate is animate4 ,and yet they overthrow also this evidence1 confessing the universe to be neither animate nor inanimate4 ,besides this1 none thinks the universe1 of which there is no part wanting to be imperfect2 but they deny the universe to be perfect1 saying that what is perfect may be defined1 but the universe because of its infiniteness cannot be defined4 ,therefore1 according to them1 there is something which is neither perfect nor imperfect4 ,moreover1 the universe is neither a part1 since there is nothing greater than it2 nor the whole1 for the whole 7they say7 is predicated only of that which is digested into order2 but the universe is1 through its infiniteness1 undetermined and unordered4 ,moreover1 there is no other thing which can be the cause of the universe1 there being nothing besides the universe2 nor is the universe the cause of other things or even of itself2 for its nature suffers it not to act1 and a cause is understood by its acting4 ,suppose1 now1 one should ask all men what they imagine ,,nothing to be1 and what notion they have of it4 ,would they not answer1 that it neither is a cause nor has a cause1 that it is neither the whole nor a part that it is neither perfect nor imperfect1 that it is neither animate nor inanimate1 that it neither is moved nor rests nor subsists1 that it is neither corporeal nor incorporeal2 and that this and no other thing is meant by ,,nothing8 ,since1 then1 they alone predicate that of the universe which all others do of ,,nothing1 it seems plain that they make the universe and ,,nothing to be the same4 ,time must then be said to be nothing2 the same also must be said of predicate1 axiom1 junction1 conjunction1 which terms they use more than any of the other philosophers1 yet they say that they have no existence4 ,but farther1 to say that what is true has no being or subsistence but is comprehended1 and that that is comprehensible and credible which no way partakes of the essence of being1--does not this exceed all absurdity8 ,but lest these things should seem to have too much of logical difficulty1 let us proceed to such as pertain more to natural philosophy4 ,since1 then1 as themselves say1 ,jove is of all beginning1 midst1 and end1 7,see ,orphic ,fragments1 vi4 #aj 7,herm4747 they ought chiefly to have applied themselves to remedy1 redress1 and reduce to the best order the conceptions concerning the gods1 if there were in them anything confused or erroneous2 or if not1 to have left every one in those sentiments which they had from the laws and custom concerning the ,divinity3-- ,for neither now nor yesterday ,but always these things lived1 ,no one knows from whence they came4 7,sophocles1 ,antigone1 #def47 ,but these men1 having begun 7as it were7 from ,vesta to disturb the opinions settled and received in every country concerning the gods1 have not 7to speak sincerely7 left anything entire and uncorrupted4 ,for what man is there or ever was1 except these1 who does not believe the ,divinity to be immortal and eternal8 ,or what in the common anticipations is more unanimously chanted forth concerning the gods than such things as these3-- ,there the blest gods eternally enjoy ,their sweet delights2 7,odyssey1 vi4 #df47 and again1 ,both gods immortal1 and earth-dwelling men2 7,iliad1 v4 #ddb47 and again1 ,exempt from sickness and old age are they1 ,and free from toil1 and have escaped the stream ,of roaring ,acheron8 7,from ,pindar47 ,one may perhaps light upon some nations so barbarous and savage as not to think there is a ,god2 but there was never found any man who1 believing a ,god1 did not at the same time believe him immortal and eternal4 ,certainly1 those who were called ,atheists1 like ,theodorus1 ,diagoras1 and ,hippo1 durst not say that the ,divinity is corruptible1 but they did not believe that there is anything incorruptible2 not indeed admitting the subsistence of an incorruptibility1 but keeping the notion of a ,god4 ,but ,chrysippus and ,cleanthes1 having filled 7as one may say7 heaven1 earth1 air1 and sea with gods1 have not yet made any one of all these gods immortal or eternal1 except ,jupiter alone1 in whom they consume all the rest2 so that it is no more suitable for him to consume others than to be consumed himself4 ,for it is alike an infirmity to perish by being resolved into another1 and to be saved by being nourished by the resolution of others into himself4 ,now these are not like other of their absurdities1 gathered by argument from their suppositions or drawn by consequence from their doctrines2 but they themselves proclaim it aloud in their writings concerning the gods1 ,providence1 ,fate1 and ,nature1 expressly saying that all the other gods were born1 and shall die by the fire1 melting away1 in their opinion1 as if they were of wax or tin4 ,it is indeed as much against common sense that ,god should be mortal as the man should be immortal2 nay1 indeed1 ,i do not see what the difference between ,god and man will be1 if ,god also is a reasonable and corruptible animal4 ,for if they oppose us with this subtle distinction1 that man is mortal1 and ,god not mortal but corruptible1 see what they get by it4 ,for they will say either that ,god is at the same time both immortal and corruptible1 or else that he neither is mortal nor immortal2 the absurdity of which even those cannot exceed who set themselves industriously to devise positions repugnant to common sense4 ,i speak of others2 for these men have left no one of the absurdest things unspoken or unattempted4 ,to these things ,cleanthes1 contending for the conflagration of the world1 says1 that the sun will make the moon and all the other stars like to himself1 and will change them into himself4 ,indeed1 if the stars1 being gods1 should contribute anything to the sun towards their own destruction by adding to its conflagration1 it would be very ridiculous for us to make prayers to them for our salvation1 and to think them the saviours of men1 whose nature it is to accelerate their own corruption and dissolution4 ,and yet these men leave nothing unsaid against ,epicurus1 crying out1 ,fie1 fie upon him1 as confounding their presumption concerning ,god by taking away ,providence2 for ,god 7they say7 is presumed and understood to be not only immortal and happy1 but also a lover of men and careful of them and beneficial to them1 and herein they say true4 ,now if they who abolish ,providence take away the preconception concerning ,god1 what do they who say that the gods indeed have care of us1 but deny them to be helpful to us1 and make them not bestowers of good things but of indifferent ones1 giving1 to wit1 not virtue1 but wealth1 health1 children1 and such like things1 none of which is helpful1 profitable1 desirable1 or available8 ,or shall we not rather think1 that ,epicurus does not take away the conceptions concerning the gods2 but that these ,stoics scoff at the gods and deride them1 saying one is a god of fruits1 another of marriage1 another a physician1 and another a diviner1 while yet health1 issue1 and plenty of fruits are not good things1 but indifferent things and unprofitable to those who have them8 ,the third point of the conception concerning the gods is1 that the gods do in nothing so much differ from men as in happiness and virtue4 ,but according to ,chrysippus1 they have not so much as this difference4 ,for he says that ,jupiter does not exceed ,dion in virtue1 but that ,jupiter and ,dion1 being both wise1 are equally aided by one another1 when one comes into the motion of the other4 ,for this and none else is the good which the gods do to men1 and likewise men to the gods when they are wise4 ,for they say1 that a man who falls not short in virtue comes not behind them in felicity1 and that he who1 tormented with diseases and being maimed in the body1 makes himself away1 is equally happy with ,jupiter the ,saviour1 provided he be but wise4 ,but this man neither is nor ever was upon the earth2 but there are infinite millions of men unhappy to the highest degree in the state and government of ,jupiter1 which is most excellently administered4 ,now what can be more against sense than that1 when ,jupiter governs exceedingly well1 we should be exceedingly miserable8 ,but if 7which it is unlawful even to say7 he would desire no longer to be a saviour1 nor a deliverer1 nor a protector1 but the contrary to all these glorious appellations1 there can no goodness be added to the things that are1 either as to their multitude or magnitude1 since1 as these men say1 all men live to the height miserably and wickedly1 neither vice receiving addition1 nor unhappiness increase4 ,nor is this the worst2 but they are angry with ,menander for saying upon the stage1 ,the chief beginning of men's miseries ,are things exceeding good2 for that this is against sense4 ,and yet they make ,god1 who is good1 the beginning of evils4 ,for matter1 they contend1 produced not any evil of itself2 for it is without quality1 and whatever differences it has1 it has received them all from that which moves and forms it4 ,but that which moves and forms it is the reason dwelling in it1 since matter is not made to move and form itself4 ,so that of necessity evil1 if it come by nothing1 must have been produced from that which has no being2 but if by some moving principle1 from ,god4 ,but if they think that ,jupiter has not the command of his parts nor uses every one of them according to his reason1 they speak against common sense1 and imagine an animal1 many of whose parts are not subservient to his will but use their own operations and actions1 to which the whole gives no incitation nor begins their motion4 ,for there is nothing which has life so ill compacted as that1 against its will1 its feet shall go1 its tongue speak1 its horns push1 or its teeth bite4 ,the most of which things ,god must of necessity suffer1 if the wicked1 being parts of him1 do against his will lie1 cheat1 rob1 and murder one another4 ,but if1 as ,chrysippus says1 the very least part cannot possibly behave itself otherwise than according to ,jupiter's pleasure1 and if every living thing is so framed by ,nature as to rest and move according as he inclines it and as he turns1 stays1 and disposes it1 ,this saying is more impious than the first4 7,see ,nauck's ,tragic ,fragments1 p4 #gjd 7,no4 #cde747 ,for it were more tolerable to say that many parts of ,jupiter are1 through his weakness and want of power1 hurried on to do many absurd things against his nature and will1 than that there is not any intemperance or wickedness of which ,jupiter is not the cause4 ,moreover1 since they affirm the world to be a city and the stars citizens1 if this be so1 there must be also tribes-men and magistrates1 the sun must be some consul1 and the evening star a praetor or mayor of a city4 ,now ,i know not whether any one that shall go about to disprove such things will not show himself more ridiculous than those who assert and affirm them4 ,is it not therefore against sense to say that the seed is more and greater than that which is produced of it8 ,for we see that ,nature in all animals and plants1 even those that are wild1 has taken small1 slender1 and scarce visible things for principles of generation to the greatest4 ,for it does not only from a grain of wheat produce an ear-bearing stalk1 or a vine from the stone of a grape2 but from a small berry or acorn which has escaped being eaten by the bird1 kindling and setting generation on fire 7as it were7 from a little spark1 it sends forth the stock of a bush1 or the tall body of an oak1 palm1 or pine tree4 ,whence also they say that seed is in ,greek called ,greek omitted1 as it were1 the ,greek omitted or the ,,winding ,,up of a great mass in a little compass2 and that ,nature has the name of ,greek omitted1 as if it were the ,,inflation ,greek omitted and diffusion of reason and numbers opened and loosened by it4 ,but now1 in opposition to this1 they hold that fire is the seed of the world1 which shall after the conflagration change into seed the world1 which will then have a copious nature from a smaller body and bulk1 and possess an infinite space of vacuum filled by its increase2 and the world being made1 the form again recedes and settles1 the matter being after the generation gathered and contracted into itself4 ,you may hear them and read many of their writings1 in which they jangle with the ,academics1 and cry out against them as confounding all things with their paradox of indistinguishable identity1 and as vehemently contending that there is but one quality in two substances4 ,and yet there is no man who understands not this1 and would not on the contrary think it wonderful and extremely strange if there should not in all time be found one kind of dove exactly and in all respects like to another dove1 a bee to a bee1 a grain of wheat to a grain of wheat1 or 7as the proverb has it7 one fig to another4 ,but these things are plainly against common sense which the ,stoics say and feign1--that there are in one substance two individual qualities1 and that the same substance1 which has particularly one quality1 when another quality is added1 receives and equally conserves them both4 ,for if there may be two1 there may be also three1 four1 and five1 and even more than you can name1 in one and the same substance2 ,i say not in its different parts1 but all equally in the whole1 though even infinite in number4 ,for ,chrysippus says1 that ,jupiter and the world are like to man1 as is also ,providence to the soul2 when therefore the conflagration shall be1 ,jupiter1 who alone of all the gods is incorruptible1 will retire into ,providence1 and they being together1 will both perpetually remain in the one substance of the ether4 ,but leaving now the gods1 and beseeching them to give these ,stoics common sense and a common understanding1 let us look into their doctrines concerning the elements4 ,it is against the common conceptions that one body should be the place of another1 or that a body should penetrate through a body1 neither of them containing any vacuity1 but the full passing into the full1 and in which there is no vacuity--but is full and has no place by reason of its continuity--receiving the mixture4 ,but these men1 not thrusting one thing into one1 nor yet two or three or ten together1 but jumbling all the parts of the world1 being cut piecemeal1 into any one thing which they shall first light on1 and saying that the very least which is perceived by sense will contain the greatest that shall come unto it1 boldly frame a new doctrine1 proving themselves here1 as in many other things1 to be holding for their suppositions things repugnant to common sense4 ,and presently upon this they are forced to admit into their discourse many monstrous and strange positions1 mixing whole bodies with whole2 of which this also is one1 that three are four4 ,for this others put as an example of those things which cannot be conceived even in thought4 ,but to the ,stoics it is a matter of truth1 that when one cup of wine is mixed with two of water1 if it is not to disappear and if the mixture is to be equalized1 it must be spread through the whole and be confounded therewith1 so as to make that which was one two by the equalization of the mixture4 ,for the one remains1 but is extended as much as two1 and thus is equal to the double of itself4 ,now if it happens in the mixture with two to take the measure of two in the diffusion1 this is together the measure both of three and four1--of three because one is mixed with two1 and of four because1 being mixed with two1 it has an equal quantity with those with which it is mixed4 ,now this fine subtilty is a consequence of their putting bodies into a body1 and so likewise is the unintelligibleness of the manner how one is contained in the other4 ,for it is of necessity that1 of bodies passing one into another by mixture1 the one should not contain and the other be contained1 nor the one receive and the other be received within2 for this would not be a mixture1 but a contiguity and touching of the superficies1 the one entering in1 and the other enclosing it without1 and the rest of the parts remaining unmixed and pure1 and so it would be merely many different things4 ,but there being a necessity1 according to their axiom of mixture1 that the things which are mixed should be mingled one within the other1 and that the same things should together be contained by being within1 and by receiving contain the other1 and that neither of them could possibly exist again as it was before1 it comes to pass that both the subjects of the mixture mutually penetrate each other1 and that there is not any part of either remaining separate1 but that they are necessarily all filled with each other4 ,here now that famed leg of ,arcesilaus comes in1 with much laughter insulting over their absurdities2 for if these mixtures are through the whole1 what should hinder but that1 a leg being cut off and putrefied and cast into the sea and diffused1 not only ,antigonus's fleet 7as ,arcesilaus said7 might sail through it1 but also ,xerxes's twelve hundred ships1 together with the ,grecians' three hundred galleys1 might fight in it8 ,for the progress will not henceforth fail1 nor the lesser cease to be in the greater2 or else the mixture will be at an end1 and the extremity of it1 touching where it shall end1 will not pass through the whole1 but will give over being mingled4 ,but if the mixture is through the whole1 the leg will not indeed of itself give the ,greeks room for the sea-fight1 for to this there is need of putrefaction and change2 but if one glass or but one drop of wine shall fall from hence into the ,aegean or ,cretan ,sea1 it will pass into the ,ocean or main ,atlantic ,sea1 not lightly touching its superficies1 but being spread quite through it in depth1 breadth1 and length4 ,and this ,chrysippus admits1 saying immediately in his ,first ,book of ,natural ,questions1 that there is nothing to hinder one drop of wine from being mixed with the whole sea4 ,and that we may not wonder at this1 he says that this one drop will by mixtion extend through the whole world2 than which ,i know not anything that can appear more absurd4 ,and this also is against sense1 that there is not in the nature of bodies anything either supreme or first or last1 in which the magnitude of the body may terminate2 but that there is always some phenomenon beyond the body1 still going on which carries the subject to infinity and undeterminateness4 ,for one body cannot be imagined greater or less than another1 if both of them may by their parts proceed ,,in ,,infinitum2 but the nature of inequality is taken away4 ,for of things that are esteemed unequal1 the one falls short in its last parts1 and the other goes on and exceeds4 ,now if there is no inequality1 it follows that there is no unevenness nor roughness of bodies2 for unevenness is the inequality of the same superficies with itself1 and roughness is an unevenness joined with hardness2 neither of which is left us by those who terminate no body in its last part1 but extend them all by the multitude of their parts unto an infinity4 ,and yet is it not evident that a man consists of more parts than a finger1 and the world of more than a man8 ,this indeed all men know and understand1 unless they become ,stoics2 but if they are once ,stoics1 they on the contrary say and think that a man has no more parts than a finger1 nor the world than a man4 ,for division reduces bodies to an infinity2 and of infinites neither is more or less or exceeds in multitude1 or the parts of the remainder will cease to be divided and to afford a multitude of themselves4 ,,lamprias4 ,how then do they extricate themselves out of these difficulties8 ,,diadumenus4 ,surely with very great cunning and courage4 ,for ,chrysippus says3 ,if we are asked1 if we have any parts1 and how many1 and of what and how many parts they consist1 we are to use a distinction1 making it a position that the whole body is compacted of the head1 trunk1 and legs1 as if that were all which is inquired and doubted of4 ,but if they extend their interrogation to the last parts1 no such thing is to be undertaken1 but we are to say that they consist not of any certain parts1 nor yet of so many1 nor of infinite1 nor of finite4 ,and ,i seem to myself to have used his very words1 that you may perceive how he maintains the common notions1 forbidding us to think of what or how many parts every body is compacted1 and whether of infinite or finite4 ,for if there were any medium between finite and infinite1 as the indifferent is between good and evil1 he should1 by telling us what that is1 have solved the difficulty4 ,but if--as that which is not equal is presently understood to be unequal1 and that which is not mortal to be immortal--we also understand that which is not finite to be immediately infinite1 to say that a body consists of parts neither finite nor infinite is1 in my opinion1 the same thing as to affirm that an argument is compacted of positions neither true nor false4444 ,to this he with a certain youthful rashness adds1 that in a pyramid consisting of triangles1 the sides inclining to the juncture are unequal1 and yet do not exceed one another in that they are greater4 ,thus does he keep the common notions4 ,for if there is anything greater and not exceeding1 there will be also something less and not deficient1 and so also something unequal which neither exceeds nor is deficient2 that is1 there will be an unequal thing equal1 a greater not greater1 and a less not less4 ,see it yet farther1 in what manner he answered ,democritus1 inquiring philosophically and to the point1 if a cone is divided by a plane parallel with its base1 what is to be thought of the superficies of its segments1 whether they are equal or unequal2 for if they are unequal1 they will render the cone uneven1 receiving many steplike incisions and roughnesses2 but if they are equal1 the sections will be equal1 and the cone will seem to have the same qualities as the cylinder1 to wit1 to be composed not of unequal but of equal circles2 which is most absurd4 ,here1 that he may convince ,democritus of ignorance1 he says1 that the superficies are neither equal or unequal1 but that the bodies are unequal1 because the superficies are neither equal nor unequal4 ,indeed to assert this for a law1 that bodies are unequal while the superficies are not unequal1 is the part of a man who takes to himself a wonderful liberty of writing whatever comes into his head4 ,for reason and manifest evidence1 on the contrary1 give us to understand1 that the superficies of unequal bodies are unequal1 and that the bigger the body is1 the greater also is the superficies1 unless the excess1 by which it is the greater1 is void of a superficies4 ,for if the superficies of the greater bodies do not exceed those of the less1 but sooner fail1 a part of that body which has an end will be without an end and infinite4 ,for if he says that he is compelled to this4 ,for those rabbeted incisions1 which he suspects in a cone1 are made by the inequality of the body1 and not of the superficies4 ,it is ridiculous therefore not to reckon the superficies1 and to leave the inequality in the bodies themselves4 ,but to persist still in this matter1 what is more repugnant to sense than the imagining of such things8 ,for if we admit that one superficies is neither equal nor unequal to another1 we may say also of magnitude and of number1 that one is neither equal nor unequal to another2 and this1 not having anything that we can call or think to be a neuter or medium between equal and unequal4 ,besides1 if there are superficies neither equal nor unequal1 what hinders but there may be also circles neither equal nor unequal8 ,for indeed these superficies of conic sections are circles4 ,and if circles1 why may not also their diameters be neither equal nor unequal8 ,and if so1 why not also angles1 triangles1 parallelograms1 parallelopipeds1 and bodies8 ,for if the longitudes are neither equal nor unequal to one another1 so will the weight1 percussion1 and bodies be neither equal nor unequal4 ,how then dare these men inveigh against those who introduce vacuums1 and suppose that there are indivisible atoms1 and who say that motion and rest are not incompatible with each other1 when they themselves affirm such axioms as these to be false3 ,if any things are not equal to one another1 they are unequal to one another2 and the same things are not equal and unequal to one another8 ,but when he says that there is something greater and yet not exceeding1 it were worth the while to ask1 whether these things quadrate with one another4 ,for if they quadrate1 how is either the greater8 ,and if they do not quadrate1 how can it be but the one must exceed and the other fall short8 ,for if neither of these are true1 the other both will and will not quadrate with the greater4 ,for those who keep not the common conceptions must of necessity fall into such perplexities4 ,it is moreover against sense to say that nothing touches another2 nor is this less absurd1 that bodies touch one another1 but touch by nothing4 ,for they are necessitated to admit these things1 who allow not the least parts of a body1 but assume something before that which appears to touch1 and never ceases to proceed still farther4 ,what1 therefore1 these men principally object to the patrons of those indivisible bodies called atoms is this1 that there is neither a touching of the whole by the whole1 nor of the parts by the parts2 for that the one makes not a touching but a mixture1 and that the other is not possible1 these individuals having no parts4 ,how then do not they themselves fall into the same inconvenience1 leaving no first or last part1 whilst they say1 that whole bodies mutually touch one another by a term or extremity and not by a part8 ,but this term is not a body2 therefore one body shall touch one another by that which is incorporeal1 and again shall not touch1 that which is incorporeal coming between them4 ,and if it shall touch1 the body shall both do and suffer something by that which is incorporeal4 ,for it is the nature of bodies mutually to do and suffer1 and to touch4 ,but if the body has a touching by that which is incorporeal1 it will have also a contact1 and a mixture1 and a coalition4 ,again1 in these contacts and mixtures the extremities of the bodies must either remain1 or not remain but be corrupted4 ,now both of these are against sense4 ,for neither do they themselves admit corruptions and generations of incorporeal things2 nor can there be a mixture and coalition of bodies retaining their own extremities4 ,for the extremity determines and constitutes the nature of the body2 and mixtions1 unless the mutual laying of parts by parts are thereby understood1 wholly confound all those that are mixed4 ,and1 as these men say1 we must admit the corruption of extremities in mixtures1 and their generation again in the separation of them4 ,but this none can easily understand4 ,now by what bodies mutually touch each other1 by the same they press1 thrust1 and crush each other4 ,now that this should be done or take place in things that are incorporeal1 is impossible and not so much as to be imagined4 ,but yet this they would constrain us to conceive4 ,for if a sphere touch a plane by a point1 it is manifest that it may be also drawn over the plane upon a point2 and if the superficies of it is painted with vermilion1 it will imprint a red line on the plane2 and if it is fiery hot1 it will burn the plane4 ,now for an incorporeal thing to color1 or a body to be burned by that which is incorporeal1 is against sense4 ,but if we should imagine an earthen or glassy sphere to fall from on high upon a plane of stone1 it were against reason to think it would not be broken1 being struck against that which is hard and solid2 but it would be more absurd that it should be broken1 falling upon an extremity or point that is incorporeal4 ,so that the presumptions concerning things incorporeal and corporeal are wholly disturbed1 or rather taken away1 by their joining to them many impossibilities4 ,it is also against common sense1 that there should be a time future and past1 but no time present2 and that ,,erewhile and ,,lately subsist1 but ,,now is nothing at all4 ,yet this often befalls the ,stoics1 who admit not the least time between1 nor will allow the present to be indivisible2 but whatsoever any one thinks to take and understand as present1 one part of that they say to be future1 and the other part past2 so that there is no part remaining or left of the present time3 but of that which is said to be present1 one part is distributed to the future1 the other to the past4 ,therefore one of these two things follows3 either that1 holding there was a time and there will be a time1 we must deny there is a time2 or we must hold that there is a time present1 part of which has already been and part will be1 and say that of that which now is1 one part is future and the other past2 and that of ,,now1 one part is before and the other behind2 and that now is that which is neither yet now nor any longer ,,now2 for that which is past is no longer now1 and that which is to come is not yet ,,now4 ,and dividing thus the present1 they must needs say of the year and of the day1 that part of it was of the year or day past1 and part will be of the year or day to come2 and that of what is together1 there is a part before and a part after4 ,for no less are they perplexed1 confounding together these terms1 ,,not ,,yet and ,,already and ,,no ,,longer and ,,now and ,,not ,,now4 ,but all other men suppose1 esteem1 and think ,,erewhile and ,,awhile ,,hence to be different parts of time from ,,now1 which is followed by the one and preceded by the other4 ,but ,archedemus1 saying that now is the beginning and juncture of that which is past and that which is near at hand1 has 7as it seems7 without perceiving it thereby destroyeth all time4 ,for if ,,now is no time1 but only a term or extremity of time1 and if every part of time is such as now1 all time seems to have no parts1 but to be wholly dissolved into terms1 joints1 and beginnings4 ,but ,chrysippus1 desiring to show more artifice in his division1 in his book of ,vacuity and some others1 says1 that the past and future time are not1 but have subsisted 7or will subsist71 and that the present only is2 but in his third1 fourth1 and fifth books concerning ,parts1 he asserts1 that of the present time one part is past1 the other to come4 ,thus it comes to pass1 that he divides subsisting time into non-subsisting parts of a subsisting total1 or rather leaves nothing at all of time subsisting1 if the present has no part but what is either future or past4 ,these men's conception therefore of time is not unlike the grasping of water1 which1 the harder it is held1 all the more slides and runs away4 ,as to actions and motions1 all evidence is utterly confounded4 ,for if ,,now is divided into past and future1 it is of necessity that what is now moved partly has been moved and partly shall be moved1 that the end and beginning of motion have been taken away1 that nothing of any work has been done first1 nor shall anything be last1 the actions being distributed with time4 ,for as they say that of present time1 part is past and part to come2 so of that which is doing1 it will be said that part is done and part shall be done4 ,when therefore had ,,to ,,dine1 ,,to ,,write1 ,,to ,,walk1 a beginning1 and when shall they have an end1 if every one who is dining has dined and shall dine1 and every one who is walking has walked and shall walk8 ,but this is1 as it is said1 of all absurdities the most absurd1 that if he who now lives has already lived and shall live1 then to live neither had beginning nor shall have end2 but every one of us1 as it seems1 was born without commencing to live1 and shall die without ceasing to live4 ,for if there is no last part1 but he who lives has something of the present still remaining for the future1 to say ,socrates shall live will never be false so long as it shall be true to say ,socrates lives2 and so long also will it be false to say ,socrates is dead4 ,so that1 if ,socrates shall live is true in infinite parts of time1 it will in no part of time be true to say ,socrates is dead4 ,and verily what end will there be of a work1 and where will you terminate an action1 if1 as often as it is true to say ,this is doing1 it is likewise true to say ,this shall be doing8 ,for he will lie who shall say1 there will be an end of ,plato's writing and disputing2 since ,plato will never give over writing and disputing1 if it is never false to say of him who disputes that he shall dispute1 and of him who writes that he shall write4 ,moreover1 there will be no part of that which now is1 but either has been or is to be1 and is either past or future2 but of what has been and is to be1 of past and future1 there is no sense2 wherefore there is absolutely no sense of anything4 ,for we neither see what is past and future1 nor do we hear or have any other sense of what has been or is to be4 ,nothing1 then1 even what is present1 is to be perceived by sense1 if of the present1 part is always future and part past1--if part has been and part is to be4 ,now they indeed say1 that ,epicurus does intolerable things and violates the conceptions1 in moving all bodies with equal celerity1 and admitting none of them to be swifter than another4 ,and yet it is much more intolerable and farther remote from sense1 that nothing can be overtaken by another3-- ,not though ,adrastus's swift-footed steed ,should chase the tortoise slow1 as the proverb has it4 ,now this must of necessity fall out1 if things move according to ,,prius and ,,posterius1 and the intervals through which they pass are 7as these men's tenet is7 divisible ,,in ,,infinitum2 for if the tortoise is but a furlong before the horse1 they who divide this furlong in infinitum1 and move them both according to ,,prius and ,,posterius1 will never bring the swiftest to the slowest2 the slower always adding some interval divisible into infinite spaces4 ,now to affirm that1 water being poured from a bowl or cup1 it will never be all poured out1 is it not both against common sense1 and a consequence of what these men say8 ,for no man can understand the motion according to ,,prius of things infinitely divisible to be consummated2 but leaving always somewhat divisible1 it will make all the effusion1 all the running and flux of a liquid1 motion of a solid1 and fall of an heavy thing imperfect4 ,i pass by many absurdities of theirs1 touching only such as are against sense4 ,the dispute concerning increase is indeed ancient2 for the question1 as ,chrysippus says1 was put by ,epicharmus4 ,now1 whereas those of the ,academy think that the doubt is not very easy and ready all of a sudden to be cleared1 these men have mightily exclaimed against them1 and accused them of taking away the fixed ideas1 and yet themselves are so far from preserving the common notions1 that they pervert even sense itself4 ,for the discourse is simple1 and these men grant the suppositions1--that all particular substances flow and are carried1 some of them emitting forth somewhat from themselves1 and others receiving things coming from elsewhere2 and that the things to which there is made an accession or from which there is a decession by numbers and multitudes1 do not remain the same1 but become others by the said accessions1 the substance receiving a change2 and that these changes are not rightly called by custom increasings or diminutions1 but it is fitter they should be styled generations and corruptions1 because they drive by force from one state to another1 whereas to increase and be diminished are passions of a body that is subject and permanent4 ,these things being thus in a manner said and delivered1 what would these defenders of evidence and canonical masters of common conceptions have8 ,every one of us 7they say7 is double1 twin-like1 and composed of a double nature2 not as the poets feigned of the ,molionidae1 that they in some parts grow together and in some parts are separated1--but every one of us has two bodies1 having the same color1 the same figure1 the same weight and place4444 ,these things were never before seen by any man2 but these men alone have discerned this composition1 doubleness1 and ambiguity1 how every one of us is two subjects1 the one substance1 the other quality2 and the one is in perpetual flux and motion1 neither increasing nor being diminished nor remaining altogether2 the other remains and increases and is diminished1 and suffers all things contrary to the former1 with which it is so concorporated1 conjoined1 and confounded1 that it exhibits not any difference to be perceived by sense4 ,indeed1 ,lynceus is said to have penetrated stones and oaks with his sight2 and a certain man sitting on a watch-tower in ,sicily beheld the ships of the ,carthaginians setting forth from their harbor1 which was a day and a night's sail from thence4 ,callicrates and ,myrmecides are said to have made chariots that might be covered with the wings of a fly1 and to have engraved verses of ,homer on a sesame seed4 ,but none ever discerned or discovered this diversity in us2 nor have we perceived ourselves to be double1 in one part always flowing1 and in the other remaining the same from our birth even to our death4 ,but ,i make the discourse more simple1 since they make four subjects in every one1 or rather every one of us to be four4 ,but two are sufficient to show their absurdity4 ,for if1 when we hear ,pentheus in the tragedy affirm that he sees two suns and two cities of ,thebes1 7,euripides1 ,bacchae1 #iah47 we say that he does not see1 but that his sight is dazzled1 he being transported and troubled in his head2 why do we not bid those farewell1 who assert not one city alone1 but all men and animals1 and all trees1 vessels1 instruments1 and clothes1 to be double and composed of two1 as men who constrain us to dote rather than to understand8 ,but this feigning other natures of subjects must perhaps be pardoned them2 for there appears no other invention by which they can maintain and uphold the augmentations of which they are so fond4 ,but by what cause moved1 or for the adorning of what other suppositions1 they frame in a manner innumerable differences and forms of bodies in the soul1 there is none can say1 unless it be that they remove1 or rather wholly abdicate and destroy1 the common and usual notions1 to introduce other foreign and strange ones4 ,for it is very absurd that1 making all virtues and vices--and with them all arts1 memories1 fancies1 passions1 impulses1 and assents--to be bodies1 they should affirm that they neither lie nor subsist in any subject1 leaving them for a place one only hole1 like a prick in the heart1 where they crowd the principal part of the soul1 enclosed with so many bodies1 that a very great number of them lie hid even from those who think they can spare and distinguish them one from another4 ,nay that they should not only make them bodies1 but also intelligent beings1 and even a swarm of such creatures1 not friendly or mild1 but a multitude rebellious and having a hostile mind1 and should so make of each one of us a park or menagerie or ,trojan horse1 or whatever else we may call their inventions1--this is the very height of contempt and contradiction to evidence and custom4 ,but they say1 that not only the virtues and vices1 not only the passions1 as anger1 envy1 grief1 and maliciousness1 not only comprehensions1 fancies1 and ignorances1 not only arts1 as shoemaking and working in brass1 are animals2 but besides these1 also they make even the operations bodies and animals1 saying that walking is an animal1 as also dancing1 supposing1 saluting1 and railing4 ,the consequence of this is that laughing and weeping are also animals2 and if so1 then also are coughing1 sneezing1 groaning1 spitting1 blowing the nose1 and other such like things sufficiently known4 ,neither have they any cause to take it ill that they are by reason1 proceeding leisurely1 reduced to this1 if they shall call to mind how ,chrysippus1 in his ,first ,book of ,natural ,questions1 argues thus3 ,is not night a body8 ,and are not then the evening1 dawning1 and midnight bodies8 ,or is not a day a body8 ,is not then the first day of the month a body8 ,and the tenth1 the fifteenth1 and the thirtieth1 are they not bodies8 ,is not a month a body8 ,summer1 autumn1 and the year1 are they not bodies8 ,these things they maintain against the common conceptions2 but those which follow they hold also against their own1 engendering that which is most hot by refrigeration1 and that which is most subtile by condensation4 ,for the soul1 to wit1 is a substance most hot and most subtile4 ,but this they make by the refrigeration and condensation of the body1 changing1 as it were1 by induration the spirit1 which of vegetative is made animal4 ,moreover1 they say that the sun became animated1 his moisture changing into intellectual fire4 ,behold how the sun is imagined to be engendered by refrigeration6 ,xenophanes indeed1 when one told him that he had seen eels living in hot water1 answered1 ,we will boil them then in cold4 ,but if these men engender heat by refrigeration and lightness by condensation1 it follows1 they must also generate cold things by heat1 thick things by dissolution1 and heavy things by rarefaction1 that so they may keep some proportion in their absurdity4 ,and do they not also determine the substance and generation of conception itself1 even against the common conceptions8 ,for conception is a certain imagination1 and imagination an impression in the soul4 ,now the nature of the soul is an exhalation1 in which it is difficult for an impression to be made because of its tenuity1 and for which it is impossible to keep an impression it may have received4 ,for its nutriment and generation1 consisting of moist things1 have continual accession and consumption4 ,and the mixture of respiration with the air always makes some new exhalation which is altered and changed by the flux of the air coming from abroad and again going out4 ,for one may more easily imagine that a stream of running water can retain figures1 impressions1 and images1 than that a spirit can be carried in vapors and humors1 and continually mingled with another idle and strange breath from without4 ,but these men so far forget themselves1 that1 having defined the conceptions to be certain stored-up intelligences1 and memoirs to be constant and habitual impressions1 and having wholly fixed the sciences1 as having stability and firmness1 they presently place under them a basis and seat of a slippery substance1 easy to be dissipated and in perpetual flux and motion4 ,now the common conception of an element and principle1 naturally imprinted in almost all men1 is this1 that it is simple1 unmixed1 and uncompounded4 ,for that is not an element or principle which is mixed2 but those things are so of which it is mixed4 ,but these men1 making ,god1 who is the principle of all things1 to be an intellectual body and a mind seated in matter1 pronounce him to be neither simple nor uncompounded1 but to be composed of and by another2 matter being of itself indeed without reason and void of quality1 and yet having simplicity and the propertv of a principle4 ,if1 then1 ,god is not incorporeal and immaterial1 he participates of matter as a principle4 ,for if matter and reason are one and the same thing1 they have not rightly defined matter to be reasonless2 but if they are different things1 then is ,god constituted of them both1 and is not a simple but compound thing1 having to the intellectual taken the corporeal from matter4 ,moreover1 calling these four bodies1 earth1 water1 air1 and fire1 the first elements1 they do 7,i know not how7 make some of them simple and pure1 and others compound and mixed4 ,for they maintain that earth and water hold together neither themselves nor other things1 but preserve their unity by the participation of air and force of fire2 but that air and fire do both fortify themselves by their own strength1 or being mixed with the other two1 give them force1 permanence1 and subsistence4 ,how1 then1 is either earth or water an element1 if neither of them is either simple1 or first or self-sufficient1 but if each one wants somewhat from without to contain and keep it in its being8 ,for they have not left so much as a thought of their substance2 but this discourse concerning the earth has much confusion and uncertainty1 when they say that it subsists of itself2 for if the earth is of itself1 how has it need of the air to fix and contain it8 ,but neither the earth nor water can any more be said to be of itself2 but the air1 drawing together and thickening the matter1 has made the earth1 and again dissolving and mollifying it1 has produced the water4 ,neither of these then is an element1 since something else has contributed being and generation to them both4 ,moreover1 they say that subsistence and matter are subject to qualities1 and do so in a manner define them2 and again1 they make the qualities to be also bodies4 ,but these things have much perplexity4 ,for if qualities have a peculiar substance1 for which they both are and are called bodies1 they need no other substance2 for they have one of their own4 ,but if they have under them in common only that which the ,stoic school calls essence and matter1 it is manifest they do but participate of the body2 for they are not bodies4 ,but the subject and recipient must of necessity differ from those things which it receives and to which it is subject4 ,but these men see by halves2 for they say indeed that matter is void of quality1 but they will not call qualities immaterial4 ,now how can they make a body without quality1 who understand no quality without a body8 ,for the reason which joins a body to all quality suffers not the understanding to comprehend any body without some quality4 ,either1 therefore1 he who oppugns incorporeal quality seems also to oppugn unqualified matter2 or separating the one from the other1 he mutually parts them both4 ,as for the reason which some pretend1 that matter is called unqualified not because it is void of all quality1 but because it has all qualities1 it is most of all against sense4 ,for no man calls that unqualified which is capable of every quality1 nor that impassible which is by nature always apt to suffer all things1 nor that immovable which is moved every way4 ,and this doubt is not solved1 that1 however matter is always understood with quality1 yet it is understood to be another thing and differing from quality4 ,,end ,,of ,,six------------- ,,contradictions ,,of ,,the ,,stoics4 ,i first lay this down for an axiom1 that there ought to be seen in men's lives an agreement with their doctrines4 ,for it is not so necessary that the pleader 7as ,aeschines has it7 and the law speak one and the same thing1 as that the life of a philosopher be consonant to his speech4 ,for the speech of a philosopher is a law of his own and voluntarily imposed on himself1 unless they esteem philosophy to be a game1 or an acuteness in disputing invented for the gaining of applause1 and not--what it really is--a thing deserving our greatest study4 ,since1 then1 there are in their discourses many things written by ,zeno himself1 many by ,cleanthes1 and most of all by ,chrysippus1 concerning policy1 governing1 and being governed1 concerning judging and pleading1 and yet there is not to be found in any of their lives either leading of armies1 making of laws1 going to parliament1 pleading before the judges1 fighting for their country1 travelling on embassies1 or making of public gifts1 but they have all1 feeding 7if ,i may so say7 on rest as on the lotus1 led their whole lives1 and those not short but very long ones1 in foreign countries1 amongst disputations1 books1 and walkings2 it is manifest that they have lived rather according to the writings and sayings of others than their own professions1 having spent all their days in that repose which ,epicurus and ,hieronymus so much commend4 ,chrysippus indeed himself1 in his ,fourth ,book of ,lives1 thinks there is no difference between a scholastic life and a voluptuous one4 ,i will set down here his very words3 ,they who are of opinion that a scholastic life is from the very beginning most suitable to philosophers seem to me to be in an error1 thinking that men ought to follow this for the sake of some recreation or some other thing like to it1 and in that manner to spin out the whole course of their life2 that is1 if it may be explained1 to live at ease4 ,for this opinion of theirs is not to be concealed1 many of them delivering it clearly1 and not a few more obscurely4 ,who therefore did more grow old in this scholastic life than ,chrysippus1 ,cleanthes1 ,diogenes1 ,zeno1 and ,antipater1 who left their countries not out of any discontent but that they might quietly enjoy their delight1 studying1 and disputing at their leisure4 ,to verify which1 ,aristocreon1 the disciple and intimate friend of ,chrysippus1 having erected his statue of brass upon a pillar1 engraved on it these verses3-- ,this brazen statue ,aristocreon ,to's friend ,chrysippus newly here has put1 ,whose sharp-edged wit1 like sword of champion1 ,did ,academic knots in sunder cut4 ,such a one then was ,chrysippus1 an old man1 a philosopher1 one who praised the regal and civil life1 and thought there was no difference between a scholastic and voluptuous one4 ,but those others of them who intermeddle in state affairs act yet more contradictorily to their own doctrines4 ,for they govern1 judge1 consult1 make laws1 punish1 and honor1 as if those were indeed cities in the government of which they concern themselves1 those truly counsellors and judges who are at any time allotted to such offices1 those generals who are chosen by suffrages1 and those laws which were made by ,clisthenes1 ,lycurgus1 and ,solon1 whom they affirm to have been vicious men and fools4 ,thus even over the management of state affairs are they at variance with themselves4 ,indeed ,antipater1 in his writings concerning the difference between ,cleanthes and ,chrysippus1 has related that ,zeno and ,cleanthes would not be made citizens of ,athens1 lest they might seem to injure their own countries4 ,i shall not much insist upon it1 that1 if they did well1 ,chrysippus acted amiss in suffering himself to be enrolled as a member of that city4 ,but this is very contradictory and absurd1 that1 removing their persons and their lives so far off amongst strangers1 they reserved their names for their countries2 which is the same thing as if a man1 leaving his wife1 and cohabiting and bedding with another1 and getting children on her1 should yet refuse to contract marriage with the second1 lest he might seem to wrong the former4 ,again1 ,chrysippus1 writing in his treatise of ,rhetoric1 that a wise man will so plead and so act in the management of a commonwealth1 as if riches1 glory1 and health were really good1 confesses that his speeches are inextricable and impolitic1 and his doctrines unsuitable for the uses and actions of human life4 ,it is moreover a doctrine of ,zeno's1 that temples are not to be built to the gods2 for that a temple is neither a thing of much value nor holy2 since no work of carpenters and handicrafts-men can be of much value4 ,and yet they who praise these things as well and wisely said are initiated in the sacred mysteries1 go up to the ,citadel 7where ,minerva's temple stands71 adore the shrines1 and adorn with garlands the sacraries1 being the works of carpenters and mechanical persons4 ,again1 they think that the ,epicureans1 who sacrifice to the gods and yet deny them to meddle with the government of the world1 do thereby refute themselves2 whereas they themselves are more contrary to themselves1 sacrificing on altars and in temples1 which they affirm ought not to stand nor to have been built4 ,moreover1 ,zeno admits 7as ,plato does7 several virtues having various distinctions--to wit1 prudence1 fortitude1 temperance1 and justice--as being indeed inseparable1 but yet divers and different from one another4 ,but again1 defining every one of them1 he says that fortitude is prudence in executing1 justice prudence in distributing1 as being one and the same virtue1 but seeming to differ in its relation to different affairs when it comes to action4 ,nor does ,zeno alone seem to contradict himself in these matters2 but ,chrysippus also1 who blames ,ariston for saying that the other virtues are different habits of one and the same virtue1 and yet defends ,zeno1 who in this manner defines every one of the virtues4 ,and ,cleanthes1 having in his ,commentaries concerning ,nature said1 that vigor is the striking of fire1 which1 if it is sufficient in the soul to perform the duties presented to it1 is called force and strength2 subjoins these very words3 ,now this force and strength1 when it is in things apparent and to be persisted in1 is continence2 when in things to be endured1 it is fortitude2 when about worthiness1 it is justice2 and when about choosing or refusing1 it is temperance4 ,against him1 who said1 ,give not thy judgment till both sides are heard1 7,in the ,pseudo-,phocylidea1 vs4 #hg 7,bergk747 ,zeno on the contrary made use of such an argument as this3 ,if he who spake first has plainly proved his cause1 the second is not to be heard1 for the question is at an end2 and if he has not proved it1 it is the same case as if being cited he did not appear1 or appearing did nothing but wrangle2 so that1 whether he has proved or not proved his cause1 the second is not to be heard4 ,and yet he who made this dilemma has written against ,plato's ,commonweal1 dissolved sophisms1 and exhorted his scholars to learn logic1 as enabling them to do the same4 ,now ,plato has either proved or not proved those things which he writ in his ,commonweal2 but in neither case was it necessary to write against him1 but wholly superfluous and vain4 ,the same may be said concerning sophisms4 ,chrysippus is of opinion1 that young students should first learn logic1 secondly1 ethics1 and after these1 physics1 and likewise in this to meddle last of all with the disputes concerning the gods4 ,now these things having been often said by him1 it will suffice to set down what is found in his ,fourth ,book of ,lives1 being thus word for word3 ,first1 then1 it seems to me1 according as it has been rightly said by the ancients1 that there are three kinds of philosophical speculations1 logical1 ethical1 and physical1 and that of these1 the logical ought to be placed first1 the ethical second1 and the physical third1 and that of the physical1 the discourse concerning the gods ought to be the last2 wherefore also the traditions concerning this have been styled ,greek omitted1 or the ,,endings4 ,but that very discourse concerning the gods1 which he says ought to be placed the last1 he usually places first and sets before every moral question4 ,for he is seen not to say anything concerning the ends1 or concerning justice1 or concerning good and evil1 or concerning marriage and the education of children1 or concerning the law and the commonwealth2 but1 as those who propose decrees to states set before them the words ,to ,good ,fortune1 so he also premises something of ,jupiter1 ,fate1 ,providence1 and of the world's being one and finite and maintained by one power4 ,none of which any one can be persuaded to believe1 who has not penetrated deeply into the discourses of natural philosophy4 ,hear what he says of this in his ,third ,book of the ,gods3 ,for there is not to be found any other beginning or any other generation of ,justice1 but what is from ,jupiter and common ,nature4 ,from thence must every such thing have its beginning1 if we will say anything concerning good and evil4 ,and again1 in his ,natural ,positions he says3 ,for one cannot otherwise or more properly come to the discourse of good and evil1 to the virtues1 or to felicity1 than from common ,nature and the administration of the world4 ,and going farther on1 he adds3 ,for to these we must annex the discourse concerning good and evil1 there being no other better beginning or relation thereof1 and the speculation of ,nature being learned for nothing else1 but to understand the difference between good and evil4 ,according to ,chrysippus1 therefore1 the natural science is both before and after the moral2 or rather1 it is an inversion of order altogether absurd1 if this must be put after those things none of which can be comprehended without this2 and his contradicting himself is manifest1 when he asserts the discourse of ,nature to be the beginning of that concerning good and evil1 and yet commands it to be delivered1 not before1 but after it4 ,now1 if any one shall say that ,chrysippus in his book concerning the ,use of ,speech has written1 that he who applies himself to logic first needs not absolutely to abstain from the rest1 but should take as much of them as shall fall in his way1 he will indeed say the truth1 but will withal confirm the fault4 ,for he oppugns himself1 one while commanding that the science concerning ,god should be taken last and for a conclusion1 as being therefore also called ,greek omitted1 and again1 another while saying that this is to be learned together with the very first4 ,for order is at an end1 if all things must be used at all times4 ,but this is more1 that having made the science concerning the gods the beginning of that concerning good and evil1 he bids not those who apply themselves to the ethics to begin with that2 but learning these1 to take of that also as it shall come in their way1 and then to go from these to that1 without which1 he says1 there is no beginning or entrance upon these4 ,as for disputing on both sides1 he says1 that he does not universally reject it1 but exhorts us to use it with caution1 as is done in pleadings1 not with the aim really to disprove1 but to dissolve their probability4 ,for to those1 says he1 who endeavor a suspension of assent concerning all things1 it is convenient to do this1 and it co-operates to what they desire2 but as for those who would work and constitute in us a certain science according to which we shall professedly live1 they ought1 on the contrary1 to state the first principles1 and to direct their novices who are entered from the beginning to the end2 and where there is occasion to make mention of contrary discourses1 to dissolve their probability1 as is done in pleadings4 ,for this he hath said in express words4 ,now that it is absurd for philosophers to think that they ought to set down the contrary opinion1 not with all its reasons1 but like pleaders1 disabling it1 as if they contended not for truth but victory1 we have elsewhere spoken against him4 ,but that he himself has1 not in one or two places in his disputations1 but frequently1 confirmed the discourses which are contrary to his own opinions1 and that stoutly1 and with so much earnestness and contention that it was not for every one to understand what he liked1--the ,stoics themselves affirm1 who admire the man's acuteness1 and think that ,carneades said nothing of his own1 but that catching hold of those arguments which ,chrysippus alleged for the contrary opinion1 he assaulted with them his positions1 and often cried out1 ,wretch1 thy own strength will thee undo1 7,iliad1 vi4 #djg47 as if ,chrysippus had given great advantages against himself to those who would disturb and calumniate his doctrines4 ,but of those things which he has written against ,custom they are so proud and boastful1 that they fear not to affirm1 that all the sayings of all the ,academics together1 if they were collected into one body1 are not comparable to what ,chrysippus has writ in disparagement of the senses4 ,which is an evident sign of the ignorance or self-love of the speakers2 but this indeed is true1 that being afterwards desirous to defend custom and the senses1 he was inferior to himself1 and the latter treatise was much weaker than the former4 ,so that he contradicts himself2 for having always directed the proposing of an adversary's opinions not with approbation1 but with a demonstration of their falsity1 he has showed himself more acute in opposing than defending his own doctrines2 and having admonished others to take heed of contrary arguments1 as withdrawing comprehension1 he has been more sedulous in framing such proofs as take away comprehension1 than such as confirm it4 ,and yet he plainly shows that he himself feared this1 writing thus in his ,fourth ,book of ,lives3 ,repugnant arguments and probabilities on the contrary side are not rashly to be proposed1 but with caution1 lest the hearers distracted by them should let go their conceptions1 not being able sufficiently to apprehend the solutions1 but so weakly that their comprehensions may easily be shaken4 ,for even those who have1 according to custom1 preconceived both sensible phenomena and other things depending on the senses quickly forego them1 being distracted by ,megarian interrogatories and by others more numerous and forcible4 ,i would willingly therefore ask the ,stoics1 whether they think these ,megarian interrogatories to be more forcible than those which ,chrysippus has written in six books against custom2 or rather this should be asked of ,chrysippus himself4 ,for observe what he has written about the ,megarian reason1 in his book concerning the ,use of ,speech1 thus3 ,some such things fell out in the discourse of ,stilpo and ,menedemus2 for1 whereas they were renowned for wisdom1 their disputing has turned to their reproach1 their arguments being part clumsy1 and the rest plainly sophistical4 ,and yet1 good sir1 you fear lest those arguments which you deride and term the disgrace of their proposers1 as having a manifest faultiness1 should divert some from comprehension4 ,and did not you yourself1 writing so many books against custom1 in which you have added whatever you could invent1 ambitiously striving to exceed ,arcesilaus1 expect that you should perplex some of your readers8 ,for neither does he use slender arguments against custom2 but as if he were pleading1 he with some passion in himself stirs up the affections of others1 telling his opponent that he talks foolishly and labors in vain4 ,and that he may leave no room to deny his speaking of contradictions1 he has in his ,natural ,positions written thus3 ,it may be lawful for those who comprehend a thing to argue on the contrary side1 applying to it that kind of defence which the subject itself affords2 and sometimes1 when they comprehend neither1 to discourse what is alleged for either4 ,and having said in his book concerning the ,use of ,speech1 that we ought no more to use the force of reason than of arms for such things as are not fitting1 he subjoins this3 ,for they are to be employed for the finding out of truths and for the alliance of them1 and not for the contrary1 though many men do it4 ,by many perhaps he means those who withhold their assent4 ,but these teachers1 understanding neither1 dispute on both sides1 believing that1 if anything is comprehensible1 thus only or chiefly does truth afford a comprehension of itself4 ,but you1 who accuse them1 and do yourself write contrary to those things which you understood concerning custom1 and exhort others under your authority to do the same1 confess that you wantonly use the faculty of disputing1 out of vain ambition1 even on useless and hurtful things4 ,they say1 that a good deed is the command1 and sin the prohibition of the law2 and therefore that the law forbids the wicked many things1 but commands them nothing1 because they cannot do a good deed4 ,but who is ignorant that he who cannot do a good deed cannot also sin8 ,therefore they make the law to contradict itself1 commanding men those things which they cannot perform1 and forbidding them those things from which they cannot abstain4 ,for a man who cannot be temperate cannot but act intemperately2 and he who cannot be wise cannot but act foolishly4 ,and they themselves affirm1 that those who forbid say one thing1 forbid another and command another4 ,for he who says ,thou shalt not steal at the same time that he says these words1 ,thou shalt not steal1 forbids also to steal and directs not to steal4 ,the law therefor bids the wicked nothing1 unless it also commands them something4 ,and they say1 that the physician bids his disciple to cut and cauterize1 omitting to add these words1 'seasonably and moderately'2 and the musician commands his scholar to play on the harp and sing1 omitting 'tunably' and 'keeping time'4 ,wherefore also they punish those who do these things unskilfully and faultily2 for that they were commanded to do them well1 and they have done them ill4 ,if therefore a wise man commands his servant to say or do something1 and punishes him for doing it unseasonably or not as he ought1 is it not manifest that he commanded him to do a good action and not an indifferent one8 ,but if wise men command wicked ones indifferent things1 what hinders but the commands of the law may be also such8 ,moreover1 the impulse 7called ,greek omitted7 is1 according to him1 the reason of a man commanding him to do something1 as he has written in his book of the law4 ,is not therefore also the aversion 7called ,greek omitted7 a prohibiting reason1 and a disinclination1 a disinclination agreeable to reason8 ,caution therefore is also reason prohibiting a w cautious is proper only to the wise1 and not to the wicked4 ,if1 then1 the reason of a wise man is one thing and the law another1 wise men have caution contrary to the law2 but if the law is nothing else but the reason of a wise man1 the law is found to forbid wise men the doing of those things of which they are cautious4 ,chrysippus says1 that nothing is profitable to the wicked1 that the wicked have neither use nor need of anything4 ,having said this in his ,first ,book of ,good ,deeds1 he says again1 that both commodiousness and grace pertain to mean or indifferent things1 none of which according to them1 is profitable4 ,in the same place he affirms1 that there is nothing proper1 nothing convenient for a vicious man1 in these words3 ,on the same principle we declare that there is nothing foreign or strange to the good man1 and nothing proper or rightfully belonging to the bad man1 since the one is good and the other bad4 ,why1 then1 does he break our heads1 writing particularly in every one of his books1 as well natural as moral1 that as soon as we are born we are appropriated to ourselves1 our parts1 and our offspring8 ,and why in his ,first ,book of ,justice does he say that the very brutes1 proportionably to the necessity of their young1 are appropriated to them1 except fishes1 whose young are nourished by themselves8 ,for neither have they sense who have nothing sensible1 nor they appropriation who have nothing proper2 for appropriation seems to be the sense and perception of what is proper4 ,and this opinion is consequent to their principal ones4 ,it is moreover manifest that ,chrysippus1 though he has also written many things to the contrary1 lays this for a position1 that there is not any vice greater or any sin more grievous than another1 nor any virtue more excellent or any good deed better than another2 so that he says in his ,third ,book of ,nature3 ,as it well beseems ,jupiter to glory in himself and his life1 to magnify himself1 and 7if we may so say7 to bear up his head1 have an high conceit of himself1 and speak big1 for that he leads a life worthy of lofty speech2 so the same things do not misbeseem all good men1 since they are in nothing exceeded by ,jupiter4 ,and yet himself1 in his ,third ,book of ,justice1 says1 that they who make pleasure the end destroy justice1 but they who say it is only a good do not destroy it4 ,these are his very words3 ,for perhaps1 if we leave this to pleasure1 that it is a good but not the end1 and that honesty is one of those things which are eligible for themselves1 we may preserve justice1 making the honest and the just a greater good than pleasure4 ,but if that only is good which is honest1 he who affirms pleasure to be a good is in an error1 but he errs less than he who makes it also the end2 for the one destroys justice1 the other preserves it2 and by the one human society is overthrown1 but the other leaves a place to goodness and humanity4 ,now ,i let pass his saying farther in his book concerning ,jupiter1 that the virtues increase and go on1 lest ,i may seem to catch at words2 though ,chrysippus is indeed in this kind very sharp upon ,plato and others4 ,but when he forbids the praising of everything that is done according to virtue1 he shows that there is some difference between good deeds4 ,now he says thus in his book concerning ,jupiter3 ,for since each virtue has its own proper effects1 there are some of these that are to be praised more highly than others2 for he would show himself to be very frigid1 that should undertake to praise and extol any man for holding out the finger stoutly1 for abstaining continently from an old woman ready to drop into the grave1 and patiently hearing it said that three are not exactly four4 ,what he says in his ,third ,book of the ,gods is not unlike to this3 ,for ,i moreover think that the praises of such things as to abstain from an old woman who has one foot in the grave1 and to endure the sting of a fly1 though proceeding from virtue1 would be very impertinent4 ,what other reprehender of his doctrines does this man then expect8 ,for if he who praises such things is frigid1 he who asserts every one of them to be a great--nay1 a very great good deed--is much more frigid4 ,for if to endure a fly is equal to being valiant1 and to abstain from an old woman now at the edge of the grave is equal to being temperate1 there is1 ,i think1 no difference whether a virtuous man is prized for these or for those4 ,moreover1 in his ,second ,book of ,friendship1 teaching that friendships are not for every fault to be dissolved1 he has these very expressions3 ,for it is meet that some faults should be wholly passed by1 others lightly reprehended1 others more severely1 and others deemed worthy a total dissolution of friendship4 ,and which is more1 he says in the same book1 that we will converse with some more and some less1 so that some shall be more and some less friends2 and this diversity extending very far1 some are worthy of such an amity1 others of a greater2 and these will deserve to be so far trusted1 those not so far1 and the like4 ,for what else has he done in these places1 but shown the great diversity there is between these things8 ,moreover1 in his book concerning ,honesty1 to demonstrate that only to be good which is honest1 he uses these words3 ,what is good is eligible2 what is eligible is acceptable2 what is acceptable is laudable2 and what is laudable is honest4 ,and again3 ,what is good is joyous2 what is joyous is venerable2 what is venerable is honest4 ,but these speeches are repugnant to himself2 for either all good is commendable1 and then the abstaining chastely from an old woman is also commendable2 or all good is neither venerable nor joyous1 and his reasoning falls to the ground4 ,for how can it possibly be frigid in others to praise any for such things1 and not ridiculous for him to rejoice and glory in them8 ,such indeed he frequently is2 but in his disputations against others he takes not the least care of speaking things contrary and dissonant to himself4 ,for in his books of ,exhorting1 reprehending ,plato1 who said1 that to him who has neither learned nor knows how to live it is profitable not to live1 he speaks in this manner3 ,for this speech is both repugnant to itself1 and not at all conclusive4 ,for first insinuating that it is best for us not to live1 and in a sort counselling us to die1 he will excite us rather to anything else than to be philosophers2 for neither can he who does not live philosophize1 nor he who shall live long wickedly and ignorantly become wise4 ,and going on1 he says that it is convenient for the wicked also to continue in life4 ,and afterwards thus1 word for word3 ,first1 as virtue1 barely taken1 has nothing towards our living1 so neither has vice anything to oblige us to depart4 ,nor is it necessary to turn over other books1 that we may show ,chrysippus's contradictoriness to himself2 but in these same1 he sometimes with commendation brings forth this saying of ,antisthenes1 that either understanding or a halter is to be provided1 as also that of ,tyrtaeus1 ,come nigh the bounds of virtue or of death4 ,now what else will this show1 but that to wicked men and fools not to live is more profitable than to live8 ,and sometimes correcting ,theognis1 he says1 that the poet should not have written1 ,from poverty to fly2-- but rather thus1 ,from wickedness to fly1 into the deep ,throw thyself1 ,cyrnus1 or from rocks so steep4 7,see ,theognis1 vs4 #age47 ,what therefore else does he seem to do1 but to set down himself those things and doctrines which1 when others write them1 he expunges2 condemning1 indeed1 ,plato for showing that not to live is better than to live viciously and ignorantly2 and yet advising ,theognis to let a man break his neck or throw himself into the sea1 that he may avoid vice8 ,for having praised ,antisthenes for directing fools to an halter1 he again blames him1 saying that vice has nothing that should oblige us to depart out of life4 ,moreover1 in his books against the same ,plato1 concerning ,justice1 he immediately at the very beginning leaps into a discourse touching the gods1 and says1 that ,cephalus did not rightly avert men from injustice by the fear of the gods1 and that his teaching is easily refuted1 and that it affords to the contrary many arguments and probabilities impugning the discourse concerning divine punishments1 as nothing differing from the tales of ,acco and ,alphito 7or ,raw-,head and ,bloody-,bones71 with which women are wont to frighten little children from their unlucky pranks4 ,having thus traduced ,plato1 he in other places again praises him1 and often alleges this saying of ,euripides3-- ,howe'er you may deride it1 there's a ,jove1 ,with other gods1 who sees men's ills above4 ,and likewise1 in his ,first ,book of ,justice citing these verses of ,hesiod1 ,then ,jove from heaven punishments did send1 ,and plague and famine brought them to their end1 7,works and ,days1 #bdb47 he says1 the gods do these things1 that the wicked being punished1 others admonished by these examples may less dare to attempt the doing of such things4 ,again1 in his book of ,justice1 subjoining1 that it is possible for those who make pleasure a good but not the end to preserve also justice1 he said in express terms3 ,for perhaps if we leave this to pleasure1 that it is a good but not the end1 and that honesty is one of those things which are eligible for themselves1 we may preserve justice1 making the honest and the just a greater good than pleasure4 ,so much he says in this place concerning pleasure4 ,but in his book against ,plato1 accus temperance1 and all the other virtues will be taken away1 if we make pleasure1 health1 or anything else which is not honest1 to be a good4 ,what therefore is to be said for ,plato1 we have elsewhere written against him4 ,but here his contradicting himself is manifest1 when he says in one place1 that if a man supposes that with honesty pleasure also is a good1 justice is preserved1 and in another1 accuses those who make anything besides honesty to be a good of taking away all the virtues4 ,but that he may not leave any means of making an apology for his contradictions1 writing against ,aristotle concerning justice1 he affirms him not to have spoken rightly when he said1 that pleasure being made the end1 justice is taken away1 and together with justice1 every one also of the other virtues4 ,for justice 7he says7 will indeed be taken away2 but there is nothing to hinder the other virtues from remaining and being1 though not eligible for themselves1 yet good and virtues4 ,then he reckons up every one of them by name4 ,but it will be better to set down his own words4 ,for pleasure1 says he1 appearing according to this discourse to be made the end1 yet all this seems not to me to be contained in it4 ,wherefore we must say1 that neither any of the virtues is eligible nor any of the vices to be avoided for itself1 but that all these things are to be referred to the proposed scope4 ,yet nothing1 according to their opinion1 will hinder but that fortitude1 prudence1 continence1 and patience may be good1 and their contraries to be avoided4 ,has there ever then been any man more peevish in his disputes than he1 who has blamed two of the principal philosophers1 the one for taking away all virtue1 by not making that only to be good which is honest1 and the other for not thinking all the virtues except justice to be preserved1 though pleasure is made the end8 ,for it is a wonderful licentiousness that1 discoursing of the same matters1 he should when accusing ,plato take away again those very things which himself sets down when reprehending ,aristotle4 ,moreover1 in his demonstrations concerning justice1 he says expressly1 that every good deed is both a lawful action and a just operation2 but that everything which is done according to continence1 patience1 prudence1 or fortitude is a good deed1 and therefore also a just operation4 ,why1 then1 does he not also leave justice to them to whom he leaves prudence1 fortitude1 and continence2 since whatever they do well according to the said virtue1 they do also justly8 ,moreover1 ,plato having said1 that injustice1 as being the corruption and sedition of the soul1 loses not its power even in those who have it within them1 but sets the wicked man against himself1 and molests and disturbs him2 ,chrysippus1 blaming this1 affirms that it is absurdly said1 ,a man injures himself2 for that injustice is to another1 and not to one's self4 ,but forgetting this1 he again says1 in his demonstrations concerning justice1 that the unjust man is injured by himself and injures himself when he injures another1 becoming to himself the cause of transgressing1 and undeservedly hurting himself4 ,in his books indeed against ,plato1 contending that we cannot talk of injustice against one's self1 but as concerns another1 he has these words3 ,for men cannot be unjust by themselves2 injustice requires several on different sides1 speaking contrary one unto another and the injustice must be taken in different ways4 ,but no such thing extends to one alone1 except inasmuch as he is affected towards his neighbor4 ,but in his demonstrations he has such discourses as these1 concerning the unjust man's being injurious also to himself3 ,the law forbids the being any way the author of transgression1 and to act unjustly will be transgression4 ,he therefore who is to himself the author of acting unjustly transgresses against himself4 ,now he that transgresses against any one also injures him2 therefore he who is injurious to any one whomsoever is injurious also to himself4 ,again3 ,sin is a hurt1 and every one who sins sins against himself2 every one therefore who sins hurts himself undeservedly1 and if so1 is also unjust to himself4 ,and farther thus3 ,he who is hurt by another hurts himself1 and that undeservedly4 ,now that is to be unjust4 ,every one therefore that is injured1 by whomsoever it is1 is unjust also to himself4 ,he says1 that the doctrine concerning good and evil which himself introduces and approves is most agreeable to life1 and does most of all reach the inbred prenotions2 for this he has affirmed in his ,third ,book of ,exhortations4 ,but in his ,first ,book he says1 that this doctrine takes a man off from all other things1 as being nothing to us1 nor co-operating anything towards felicity4 ,see1 now1 how consonant he is to himself1 when he asserts a doctrine which takes us off from life1 health1 indolence1 and integrity of the senses1 and says that those things we beg of the gods are nothing to us1 though most agreeable to life and to the common presumptions4 ,but that there may be no denial of his speaking contradictions1 in his ,third ,book of ,justice he has said thus3 ,wherefore also1 from the excellence of their greatness and beauty1 we seem to speak things like to fictions1 and not according to man or human nature4 ,is it then possible that any one can more plainly confess his speaking things contrary to himself than this man does1 who affirms those things which 7he says7 for their excellency seem to be fictions and to be spoken above man and human nature1 to be agreeable to life1 and most of all to reach the inbred prenotions8 ,in every one of his natural and ethical books1 he asserts vice to be the very essence of unhappiness2 writing and contending that to live viciously is the same thing as to live unhappily4 ,but in his ,third ,book of ,nature1 having said that it is profitable for a fool to live rather than to die1 though he is never to become wise1 he subjoins3 ,for such is the nature of good things among mortals1 that evil things are in some sort chosen before indifferent ones4 ,i let pass therefore1 that having elsewhere said that nothing is profitable to fools1 he here says that to live foolishly is profitable to them4 ,now those things being by them called indifferent which are neither bad nor good1 when he says that bad things precede them1 he says nothing else but that evil things precede those that are not evil1 and that to be unhappy is more profitable than not to be unhappy2 and if so1 he esteems not to be unhappy to be more unprofitable--and if more unprofitable1 more hurtful--than to be unhappy4 ,desiring therefore to mitigate this absurdity1 he adds concerning evils3 ,but it is not these evils that have precedence1 but reason2 with which it is more convenient to live1 though we shall be fools4 ,first therefore he says that vice and things participating of vice are evil1 and that nothing else is so4 ,now vice is something reasonable1 or rather depraved reason4 ,for those therefore who are fools to live with reason1 is nothing else but to live with vice4 ,thence to live being fools is to live being unhappy4 ,in what then is this to be preferred to indifferent things8 ,for he surely will not say that with regard to happiness unhappiness is to be preferred4 ,but neither1 say they1 does ,chrysippus altogether think that the remaining in life is to be reckoned amongst good things1 or the going out of it amongst bad2 but both of them amongst indifferent ones1 according to ,nature4 ,wherefore also it sometimes becomes meet for the happy to make themselves away1 and again for the unhappy to continue in life4 ,now what greater repugnance can there be than this in the choice and avoiding of things1 if it is convenient for those who are in the highest degree happy to forsake those good things that are present1 for the want of some one indifferent thing8 ,and yet they esteem none of the indifferent things either desirable or to be avoided2 but only good desirable1 and only evil to be avoided4 ,so that it comes to pass1 according to them1 that the reasoning about actions regards neither things desirable nor things refusable2 but that aiming at other things1 which they neither shun nor choose1 they make life and death to depend on these4 ,chrysippus confesses that good things are totally different from bad2 and it must of necessity be so1 if these make them with whom they are present miserable to the very utmost point1 and those render their possessors in the highest degree happy4 ,now he says1 that good and evil things are sensible1 writing thus in his ,first ,book of the ,end3 ,that good and evil things are perceptible by sense1 we are by these reasons forced to say2 for not only the passions1 with their species1 as sorrow1 fear1 and such others1 are sensible2 but we may also have a sense of theft1 adultery1 and the like1 and generally1 of folly1 cowardice1 and other vices not a few2 and again1 not only of joy1 beneficence1 and many other dependences on good deeds1 but also of prudence1 fortitude1 and the other virtues4 ,let us pass by the other absurdities of these things2 but that they are repugnant to those things which are delivered by him concerning the wise man that knows nothing of his being so1 who does not confess8 ,for good1 when present1 being sensible and having a great difference from evil1 is it not most absurd1 that he who is of bad become good should be ignorant of it1 and not perceive virtue when present1 but think that vice is still within him8 ,for either none who has all virtues can be ignorant and doubt of his having them2 or the difference of virtue from vice1 of happiness from misery1 and of a most honest life from a most shameful one1 is little and altogether difficult to be discerned1 if he who has taken the one in exchange for the other does not perceive it4 ,he has written one volume of lives divided into four books2 in the fourth of these he says1 that a wise man meddles with no business but his own1 and is employed about his own affairs4 ,his words are these3 ,for ,i am of opinion1 that a prudent man shuns affairs1 meddles little1 and at the same time minds his own occasions2 civil persons being both minders of their own affairs and meddlers with little else4 ,he has said almost the same in his book of ,things eligible for ,themselves1 in these very words3 ,for indeed a quiet life seems to have in it a certain security and freedom from danger1 though there are not very many who can comprehend it4 ,it is manifest that he does not much dissent from ,epicurus1 who takes away ,providence that he may leave ,god in repose4 ,but the same ,chrysippus in his ,first ,book of ,lives says1 that a wise man willingly takes upon him a kingdom1 making his profit by it2 and if he cannot reign himself1 will dwell with a king1 and go to the wars with a king like ,hydanthyrsus the ,scythian or ,leucon the ,pontic4 ,but ,i will here also set down his very discourse1 that we may see whether1 as from the treble and the base strings there arises a symphony in music1 so the life of a man who chooses quietness and meddling with little accords with him who1 upon any necessity1 rides along with the ,scythians and manages the affairs of the tyrants in the ,bosphorus3 ,for that a wise man will both go to the wars and live with potentates1 we will again consider this hereafter2 some indeed upon the like arguments not so much as suspecting this1 and we for semblable reasons admitting it4 ,and a little after3 ,not only with those who have proceeded well1 and are become proficients in discipline and good manners1 as with ,leucon and ,hydanthyrsus4 ,some there are who blame ,callisthenes for sailing to ,alexander in hopes to obtain the rebuilding of ,olynthus1 as ,aristotle had procured that of ,stagira2 and commend ,ephorus1 ,xenocrates1 and ,menedemus1 who rejected ,alexander's solicitation4 ,but ,chrysippus thrusts his wise man headforwards for the sake of gain1 as far as ,panticapaeum and the desert of the ,scythians4 ,and that he does this for the sake of profit and gain1 he has showed before1 supposing three ways of gaining most suitable for a wise man1--the first by a kingdom1 the second by his friends1 and the third1 besides these1 by teaching philosophy4 ,and yet he frequently even tires us with his praises of this saying3-- ,what need have men of more than these two things8 ,and in his books of ,nature he says1 that a wise man1 if he has lost the greatest wealth imaginable1 seems to have lost but a single groat4 ,but having there thus elevated and puffed him up1 he again here throws him down to mercenariness and sophistry2 nay1 to asking money and even to receiving it beforehand1 sometimes at the very entrance of his scholar1 and otherwhiles after some time past4 ,the last1 he says indeed1 is the more polite1 but to receive beforehand the more sure2 delay allowing of injuries4 ,now he says thus3 ,all who are well advised do not require their salary in the same manner1 but differently2 a multitude of them1 as opportunity offers1 not promising to make their scholars good men1 and that within a year1 but to do this1 as far as in them lies1 within a time agreed on4 ,and again going on1 he says3 ,but he will know his opportunity1 whether he ought to receive his recompense presently at the very entrance 7as many have done71 or to give them time1 this manner being more liable to injuries1 but withal1 seeming the more courteous4 ,and how is the wise man a contemner of wealth1 who upon a contract delivers virtue for money1 and if he has not delivered it1 yet requires his reward1 as having done what is in him8 ,or how is he above being endamaged1 when he is so cautious lest he be wronged of his recompense8 ,for no man is wronged who is not endamaged4 ,therefore1 though he has elsewhere asserted that a wise man cannot be injured1 he here says1 that this manner of dealing is liable to injury4 ,in his book of a ,commonweal he says1 that his citizens will neither act nor prepare anything for the sake of pleasure1 and praises ,euripides for having uttered this sentence3-- ,what need have men of more than these two things1 ,the fruits of ,ceres1 and thirst-quenching springs8 ,and yet a little after this1 going on1 he commends ,diogenes1 who forced his nature to pass from himself in public1 and said to those that were present3 ,i wish ,i could in the same manner drive hunger also out of my belly4 ,what reason then is there to praise in the same books him who rejects all pleasure1 and withal1 him who for the sake of pleasure does such things1 and proceeds to such a degree of filthiness8 ,moreover1 having in his book of ,nature written1 that ,nature has produced many creatures for the sake of beauty1 delighting in pulchritude and pleasing herself with variety1 and having added a most absurd expression1 that the peacock was made for the sake of his tail and for the beauty of it2 he has1 in his treatise of a ,commonweal1 sharply reprehended those who bred peacocks and nightingales1 as if he were making laws contrary to the lawgiver of the world1 and deriding ,nature for pleasing herself in the beauty of animals to which a wise man would not give a place in his city4 ,for how can it but be absurd to blame those who nourish these creatures1 if he commends ,providence which created them8 ,in his ,fifth ,book of ,nature1 having said1 that bugs profitably awaken us out of our sleep1 that mice make us cautious not to lay up everything negligently1 and that it is probable that ,nature1 rejoicing in variety1 takes delight in the production of fair creatures1 he adds these words3 ,the evidence of this is chiefly shown in the peacock's tail2 for here she manifests that this animal was made for the sake of his tail1 and not the contrary2 so1 the male being made1 the female follows4 ,in his book of a ,commonweal1 having said that we are ready to paint even dunghills1 a little after he adds1 that some beautify their cornfields with vines climbing up trees1 and myrtles set in rows1 and keep peacocks1 doves1 and partridges1 that they may hear them cry and coo1 and nightingales4 ,now ,i would gladly ask him1 what he thinks of bees and honey8 ,for it was of consequence1 that he who said bugs were created profitably should also say that bees were created unprofitably4 ,but if he allows these a place in his city1 why does he drive away his citizens from things that are pleasing and delight the ear8 ,to be brief1--as he would be very absurd who should blame the guests for eating sweetmeats and other delicacies and drinking of wine1 and at the same time commend him who invited them and prepared such things for them2 so he that praises ,providence1 which has afforded fishes1 birds1 honey1 and wine1 and at the same time finds fault with those who reject not these things1 nor content themselves with ,the fruits of ,ceres and thirst-quenching springs1 which are present and sufficient to nourish us1 seems to make no scruple of speaking things contradictory to himself4 ,moreover1 having said in his book of ,exhortations1 that the having carnal commerce with our mothers1 daughters1 or sisters1 the eating forbidden food1 and the going from a woman's bed or a dead carcass to the temple1 have been without reason blamed1 he affirms1 that we ought for these things to have a regard to the brute beasts1 and from what is done by them conclude that none of these is absurd or contrary to ,nature2 for that the comparisons of other animals are fitly made for this purpose1 to show that neither their coupling1 bringing-forth1 nor dying in the temples pollutes the ,divinity4 ,yet he again in his ,fifth ,book of ,nature says1 that ,hesiod rightly forbids urinating into rivers and fountains1 and that we should rather abstain from doing this against any altar1 or statue of the gods2 and that it is not to be admitted for an argument1 that dogs1 asses1 and young children do it1 who have no discretion or consideration of such things4 ,it is therefore absurd to say in one place1 that the savage example of irrational animals is fit to be considered1 and in another1 that it is unreasonable to allege it4 ,to give a solution to the inclinations1 when a man seems to be necessitated by exterior causes1 some philosophers place in the principal faculty of the soul a certain adventitious motion1 which is chiefly manifested in things differing in no way from one another4 ,for when1 with two things altogether alike and of equal importance1 there is a necessity to choose the one1 there being no cause inclining to either1 for that neither of them differs from the other1 this adventitious power of the soul1 seizing on its inclination1 determines the doubt4 ,chrysippus1 discoursing against these men1 as offering violence to ,nature by imagining an effect without a cause1 in many places alleges the die and the balance1 and several other things1 which cannot fall or incline either one way or the other without some cause or difference1 either wholly within them or coming to them from without2 for that what is causeless 7he says7 is wholly insubsistent1 as also what is fortuitous2 and in those motions devised by some and called adventitious1 there occur certain obscure causes1 which1 being concealed from us1 move our inclinations to one side or other4 ,these are some of those things which are most evidently known to have been frequently said by him2 but what he has said contrary to this1 not lying so exposed to every one's sight1 ,i will set down in his own words4 ,for in his book of ,judging1 having supposed two running for a wager to have exactly finished their race together1 he examines what is fit for the judge in this case to do4 ,whether1 says he1 may the judge give the palm to which of them he will1 since they both happen to be so familiar to him1 that he would in some sort appear to bestow on them somewhat of his own8 ,or rather1 since the palm is common to both1 may it be1 as if lots had been cast1 given to either1 according to the inclination he chances to have8 ,i say the inclination he chances to have1 as when two groats1 every way else alike1 being presented to us1 we incline to one of them and take it4 ,and in his ,sixth ,book of ,duties1 having said that there are some things not worthy of much study or attention1 he thinks we ought1 as if we had cast lots1 to commit the choice of those things to the casual inclination of the mind3 ,as if1 says he1 of those who try the same two drams in a certain time1 some should approve this and others that1 and there being no more cause for the taking of one than the other1 we should leave off making any farther investigation and take that which chances to come first2 thus casting the lot 7as it were7 according to some uncertain principle1 and being in danger of choosing the worse of them4 ,for in these passages1 the casting of lots and the casual inclining of the mind1 which is without any cause1 introduce the choice of indifferent things4 ,in his ,third ,book of ,dialectics1 having said that ,plato1 ,aristotle1 and those who came after them1 even to ,polemon and ,straton1 but especially ,socrates1 diligently studied dialectics1 and having cried out that one would even choose to err with such and so great men as these1 he brings in these words3 ,for if they had spoken of these things cursorily1 one might perhaps have cavilled at this place2 but having treated of dialectic skill as one of the greatest and most necessary faculties1 it is not probable they should have been so much mistaken1 having been such in all the parts of philosophy as we esteem them4 ,why1 then 7might some one say to him71 do you never cease to oppose and argue against such and so great men1 as if you thought them to err in the principal and greatest matters8 ,for it is not probable that they writ seriously of dialectics1 and only transitorily and in sport of the beginning1 end1 gods1 and justice1 in which you affirm their discourse to be blind and contradictory to itself1 and to have a thousand other faults4 ,in one place he says1 that the vice called ,greek omitted1 or the rejoicing at other men's harms1 has no being2 since no good man ever rejoiced at another's evils4 ,but in his ,second ,book of ,good1 having declared envy to be a sorrow at other men's good1--to wit1 in such as desire the depression of their neighbors that themselves may excel1 he joins to it this rejoicing at other men's harms1 saying thus3 ,to this is contiguous the rejoicing at other men's harms1 in such as for like causes desire to have their neighbors low2 but in those that are turned according to other natural motions1 is engendered mercy4 ,for he manifestly admits the joy at other men's harms to be subsistent1 as well as envy and mercy2 though in other places he affirms it to have no subsistence2 as he does also the hatred of wickedness1 and the desire of dishonest gain4 ,having in many places said1 that those who have a long time been happy are nothing more so1 but equally and in like manner with those who have but a moment been partakers of felicity1 he has again in many other places affirmed1 that it is not fit to stretch out so much as a finger for the obtaining momentary prudence1 which flies away like a flash of lightning4 ,it will be sufficient to set down what is to this purpose written by him in his ,sixth ,book of ,moral ,questions4 ,for having said1 that neither does every good thing equally cause joy1 nor every good deed the like glorying1 he subjoins these words3 ,for if a man should have wisdom only for a moment of time or the final minute of life1 he ought not so much as to stretch out his finger for such a shortlived prudence4 ,and yet men are neither more happy for being longer so1 nor is eternal felicity more eligible than that which lasts but a moment4 ,if he had indeed held prudence to be a good1 producing felicity1 as ,epicurus thought1 one should have blamed only the absurdity and the paradoxicalness of this opinion2 but since prudence of itself is not another thing differing from felicity1 but felicity itself1 how is it not a contradiction to say1 that momentary happiness is equally desirable with eternal1 and yet that momentary happiness is nothing worth8 ,chrysippus also says1 that the virtues follow one another1 and that not only he who has one has all1 but also that he who acts according to any one of them acts according to them all2 and he affirms1 that there is not any man perfect who is not possessed of all the virtues1 nor any action perfect to the doing of which all the virtues do not concur4 ,but yet in his ,sixth ,book of ,moral ,questions he says1 that a good man does not always act valiantly1 nor a vicious man always fearfully2 for certain objects being presented to the fancies1 the one must persist in his judgments1 and the other depart from them2 and he says that it is not probable a wicked man should be always indulging his lust4 ,if then to act valiantly is the same thing as to use fortitude2 and to act timorously as to yield to fear1 they cannot but speak contradictions who say1 that he who is possessed of either virtue or vice acts at she same time according to all the virtues or all the vices1 and yet that a valiant man does not always act valiantly nor a vicious man timorously4 ,he defines ,rhetoric to be an art concerning the ornament and the ordering of a discourse that is pronounced4 ,and farther in his ,first ,book he has written thus3 ,and ,i am of opinion not only that a regard ought to be had to a liberal and simple adorning of words1 but also that care is to be taken for proper delivery1 as regards the right elevation of the voice and the compositions of the countenance and hands4 ,yet he1 who is in this place so curious and exact1 again in the same book1 speaking of the collision of the vowels1 says3 ,we ought not only to let these things pass1 minding somewhat that is better1 but also to neglect certain obscurities and defects1 nay1 solecisms also1 of which others1 and those not a few1 would be ashamed4 ,certainly1 in one place to allow those who would speak eloquently so carefully to dispose their speech as even to observe a decorum in the very composition of their mouth and hands1 and in another place to forbid the taking care of defects and inelegancies1 and the being ashamed even of committing solecisms1 is the property of a man who little cares what he says1 but rashly utters whatever comes first into his mouth4 ,moreover1 in his ,natural ,positions having warned us not to trouble ourselves but to be at quiet about such things as require experience and scientific investigation1 he says3 ,let us not think after the same manner with ,plato1 that liquid nourishment is conveyed to the lungs1 and dry to the stomach2 nor let us embrace other errors like to these4 ,now it is my opinion1 that to reprehend others1 and then not to keep one's self from falling into those things which one has reprehended1 is the greatest of contradictions and shamefullest of errors4 ,but he says1 that the connections made by ten axioms amount to above a million in number1 having neither searched diligently into it by himself nor attained to the truth by men experienced in it4 ,yet ,plato had to testify for him the most renowned of the physicians1 ,hippocrates1 ,philistion1 and ,dioxippus the disciple of ,hippocrates2 and of the poets1 ,euripides1 ,aleaeus1 ,eupolis1 and ,eratosthenes1 who all say that the drink passes through the lungs4 ,but all the arithmeticians refute ,chrysippus1 amongst whom also is ,hipparchus1 demonstrating that the error of his computation is very great2 since the affirmative makes of the ten axioms one hundred and three thousand forty and nine connections1 and the negative three hundred and ten thousand nine hundred fifty and two4 ,some of the ancients have said1 that the same befell ,zeno which befalls him who has sour wine which he can sell neither for vinegar nor wine2 for his things preferable1 as he called them1 cannot be disposed of1 either as good or as indifferent4 ,but ,chrysippus has made the matter yet far more intricate2 for he sometimes says1 that they are mad who make no account of riches1 health1 freedom from pain1 and integrity of the body1 nor take any care to attain them2 and having cited that sentence of ,hesiod1 ,work hard1 ,o ,god-born ,perses1 7,works and ,days1 #bii47 he cries out1 that it would be a madness to advise the contrary and say1 ,work not1 ,o ,god-born ,perses4 ,and in his book of ,lives he affirms1 that a wise man will for the sake of gain live with kings1 and teach for money1 receiving from some of his scholars his reward beforehand1 and making contract with others of them2 and in his ,seventh ,book of ,duties he says1 that he will not scruple to turn his heels thrice over his head1 if for so doing he may have a talent4 ,in his ,first ,book of ,good ,things1 he yields and grants to those that desire it to call these preferable things good and their contraries evil1 in these very words3 ,any one who likes1 according to these permutations1 may call one thing good and another evil1 if he has a regard to the things themselves1 not wandering elsewhere1 not failing in the understanding of the thing signified1 and in the rest accommodating himself to custom in the denomination4 ,having thus in this place set his things preferable so near to good1 and mixed them therewith1 he again says1 that none of these things belongs at all to us1 but that reason withdraws and averts us from all such things2 for he has written thus in his ,first ,book of ,exhortations4 ,and in his ,third ,book of ,nature he says1 that some esteem those happy who reign and are rich1 which is all one as if those should be reputed happy who make water in golden chamber-pots and wear golden fringes2 but to a good man the losing of his whole estate is but as the losing of one groat1 and the being sick no more than if he had stumbled4 ,wherefore he has not filled virtue only1 but ,providence also1 with these contradictions4 ,for virtue would seem to the utmost degree sordid and foolish1 if it should busy itself about such matters1 and enjoin a wise man for their sake to sail to ,bosphorus or tumble with his heels over his head4 ,and ,jupiter would be very ridiculous to be styled ,ctesius1 ,epicarpius1 and ,charitodotes1 because forsooth he gives the wicked golden chamber-pots and golden fringes1 and the good such things as are hardly worth a groat1 when through ,jupiter's providence they become rich4 ,and yet much more ridiculous is ,apollo1 if he sits to give oracles concerning golden fringes and chamber-pots and the recovering of a stumble4 ,but they make this repugnancy yet more evident by their demonstration4 ,for they say1 that what may be used both well and ill1 the same is neither good nor bad2 but fools make an ill use of riches1 health1 and strength of body2 therefore none of these is good4 ,if therefore ,god gives not virtue to men1--but honesty is eligible of itself1--and yet bestows on them riches and health without virtue1 he confers them on those who can use them not well but ill1 that is hurtfully1 shamefully1 and perniciously4 ,now1 if the gods can bestow virtue and do not1 they are not good2 but if they cannot make men good1 neither can they help them1 for outside of virtue nothing is good and advantageous4 ,now to judge those who are otherwise made good according to virtue and strength444 is nothing to the purpose1 for good men also judge the gods according to virtue and strength2 so that they do no more aid men than they are aided by them4 ,now ,chrysippus neither professes himself nor any one of his disciples and teachers to be virtuous4 ,what then do they think of others1 but those things which they say1--that they are all mad fools1 impious1 transgressors of laws1 and in the most degree of misery and unhappiness8 ,and yet they say that our affairs1 though we act thus miserably1 are governed by the providence of the gods4 ,now if the gods1 changing their minds1 should desire to hurt1 afflict1 overthrow1 and quite crush us1 they could not put us in a worse condition than we already are2 as ,chrysippus demonstrates that life can admit only one degree either of misery or of unhappiness2 so that if it had a voice1 it would pronounce these words of ,hercules3 ,i am so full of miseries1 there is ,no place to stow them in4 7,euripides1 ,hercules ,furens1 #abde47 ,now who can imagine any assertions more repugnant to one another than chat of ,chrysippus concerning the gods and that concerning men2 when he says1 that the gods do in the best manner possible provide for men1 and yet men are in the worst condition imaginable8 ,some of the ,pythagoreans blame him for having in his book of ,justice written concerning cocks1 that they are usefully procreated1 because they awaken us from our sleep1 hunt out scorpions1 and animate us to battle1 breeding in us a certain emulation to show courage2 and yet that we must eat them1 lest the number of chickens should be greater than were expedient4 ,but he so derides those who blame him for this1 that he has written thus concerning ,jupiter the ,saviour and ,creator1 the father of justice1 equity1 and peace1 in his ,third ,book of the ,gods3 ,as cities overcharged with too great a number of citizens send forth colonies into other places and make war upon some1 so does ,god give the beginnings of corruption4 ,and he brings in ,euripides for a witness1 with others who say that the ,trojan war was caused by the gods1 to exhaust the multitude of men4 ,but letting pass their other absurdities 7for our design is not to inquire what they have said amiss1 but only what they have said dissonantly to themselves71 consider how he always attributes to the gods specious and kind appellations1 but at the same time cruel1 barbarous1 and ,galatian deeds4 ,for those so great slaughters and earnages1 as were the productions of the ,trojan war and again of the ,persian and ,peloponnesian1 were no way like to colonies unless these men know of some cities built in hell and under the earth4 ,but ,chrysippus makes ,god like to ,deiotarus1 the ,galatian king1 who having many sons1 and being desirous to leave his kingdom and house to one of them1 killed all the rest2 as he that cuts and prunes away all the other branches from the vine1 that one which he leaves remaining may grow strong and great4 ,and yet the vine-dresser does this1 the sprigs being slender and weak2 and we1 to favor a bitch1 take from her many of her new-born puppies1 whilst they are yet blind4 ,but ,jupiter1 having not only suffered and seen men to grow up1 but having also both created and increased them1 plagues them afterwards1 devising occasions of their destruction and corruption2 whereas he should rather not have given them any causes and beginnings of generation4 ,however1 this is but a small matter2 but that which follows is greater4 ,for there is no war amongst men without vice4 ,but sometimes the love of pleasure1 sometimes the love of money1 and sometimes the love of glory and rule is the cause of it4 ,if therefore ,god is the author of wars1 he must be also of sins1 provoking and perverting men4 ,and yet himself says in his treatise of ,judgment and his ,second ,book of the ,gods1 that it is no way rational to say that the ,divinity is in any respect the cause of dishonesty4 ,for as the law can in no way be the cause of transgression1 so neither can the gods of being impious2 therefore neither is it rational that they should be the causes of anything that is filthy4 ,what therefore can be more filthy to men than the mutual killing of one another8--to which ,chrysippus says that ,god gives beginnings4 ,but some one perhaps will say1 that he elsewhere praises ,euripides for saying1 ,if gods do aught dishonest1 they're no gods2 and again1 ',tis a most easy thing t' accuse the gods2 7,from the ,bellerophontes of ,euripides1 ,frag4 #bid2 and the ,archelaus1 ,frag4 #bef47 as if we were now doing anything else than setting down such words and sentences of his as are repugnant to one another4 ,yet that very thing which is now praised may be objected1 not once or twice or thrice1 but even ten thousand times1 against ,chrysippus3-- ',tis a most easy thing t' accuse the gods4 ,for first having in his book of ,nature compared the eternity of motion to a drink made of divers species confusedly mixed together1 turning and jumbling the things that are made1 some this way1 others that way1 he goes on thus3 ,now the administration of the universe proceeding in this manner1 it is of necessity we should be in the condition we are1 whether contrary to our own nature we are sick or maimed1 or whether we are grammarians or musicians4 ,and again a little after1 ,according to this reason we shall say the like of our virtue and vice1 and generally of arts or the ignorance of arts1 as ,i have said4 ,and a little after1 taking away all ambiguity1 he says3 ,for no particular thing1 not even the least1 can be otherwise than according to common ,nature and its reason4 ,but that common ,nature and the common reason of ,nature are with him ,fate and ,providence and ,jupiter1 is not unknown even to the antipodes4 ,for these things are everywhere inculcated in the ,stoic system2 and ,chrysippus affirms that ,homer said very well1 ,jove's purposes were ripening1 7,iliad1 i4 #e47 having respect to ,fate and the ,nature of the universe1 according to which everything is governed4 ,how then do these agree1 both that ,god is no way the cause of any dishonest thing1 and again1 that not even the least thing imaginable can be otherwise done than according to common ,nature and its reason8 ,for amongst all things that are done1 there must of necessity be also evil things attributed to the gods4 ,and though ,epicurus indeed turns himself every way1 and studies artifices1 devising how to deliver and set loose our voluntary free will from this eternal motion1 that he may not leave vice irreprehensible2 yet ,chrysippus gives vice a most absolute liberty1 as being done not only of necessity or according to ,fate1 but also according to the reason of ,god and best ,nature4 ,and these things are yet farther seen in what he says afterwards1 being thus word for word3 ,for common ,nature extending to all things1 it will be of necessity that everything1 howsoever done in the whole or in any one soever of its parts1 must be done according to this common ,nature and its reason1 proceeding on regularly without any impediment4 ,for there is nothing without that can hinder the administration1 nor is there any of the parts that can be moved or habituated otherwise than according to common ,nature4 ,what1 then1 are these habits and motions of the parts8 ,it is manifest1 that the habits are vices and diseases1 covetousness1 luxury1 ambition1 cowardice1 injustice2 and that the motions are adulteries1 thefts1 treasons1 murders1 parricides4 ,of these ,chrysippus thinks1 that no one1 either little or great1 is contrary to the reason of ,jupiter1 or to his law1 justice1 and providence2 so neither is the transgressing of the law done against the law1 nor the acting unjustly against justice1 nor the committing of sin against ,providence4 ,and yet he says1 that ,god punishes vice1 and does many things for the chastising of the wicked4 ,and in his ,second ,book of the ,gods he says1 that many adversities sometimes befall the good1 not as they do the wicked1 for punishment1 but according to another dispensation1 as it is in cities4 ,and again in these words3 ,first we are to understand of evils in like manner as has been said before3 then that these things are distributed according to the reason of ,jupiter1 whether for punishment1 or according to some other dispensation1 having in some sort respect to the universe4 ,this therefore is indeed severe1 that wickedness is both done and punished according to the reason of ,jupiter4 ,but he aggravates this contradiction in his ,second ,book of ,nature1 writing thus3 ,vice in reference to grievous accidents1 has a certain reason of its own4 ,for it is also in some sort according to the reason of ,nature1 and1 as ,i may so say1 is not wholly useless in respect of the universe4 ,for otherwise also there would not be any good4 ,thus does he reprehend those that dispute indifferently on both sides1 who1 out of a desire to say something wholly singular and more exquisite concerning everything1 affirms1 that men do not unprofitably cut purses1 calumniate1 and play madmen1 and that it is not unprofitable there should be unprofitable1 hurtful1 and unhappy persons4 ,what manner of god then is ,jupiter1--,i mean ,chrysippus's ,jupiter1--who punishes an act done neither willingly nor unprofitably8 ,for vice is indeed1 according to ,chrysippus's discourse1 wholly reprehensible2 but ,jupiter is to be blamed1 whether he has made vice which is an unprofitable thing1 or1 having made it not unprofitable1 punishes it4 ,again1 in his ,first ,book of ,justice1 having spoken of the gods as resisting the injustices of some1 he says3 ,but wholly to take away vice is neither possible nor expedient4 ,whether it were not better that law-breaking1 injustice1 and folly should be taken away1 is not the design of this present discourse to inquire4 ,but he himself1 as much as in him lies1 by his philosophy taking away vice1 which it is not expedient to take away1 does something repugnant both to reason and ,god4 ,besides this1 saying that ,god resists some injustices1 he again makes plain the impiety of sins4 ,having often written that there is nothing reprehensible1 nothing to be complained of in the world1 all things being finished according to a most excellent nature1 he again elsewhere leaves certain negligences to be reprehended1 and those not concerning small or base matters4 ,for having in his ,third ,book of ,substance related that some such things befall honest and good men1 he says3 ,may it not be that some things are not regarded1 as in great families some bran--yea1 and some grains of corn also--are scattered1 the generality being nevertheless well ordered2 or maybe there are evil ,genii set over those things in which there are real and faulty negligence8 ,and he also affirms that there is much necessity intermixed4 ,i let pass1 how inconsiderate it is to compare such accidents befalling honest and good men1 as were the condemnation of ,socrates1 the burning of ,pythagoras1 whilst he was yet living1 by the ,cyloneans1 the putting to death--and that with torture--of ,zeno by the tyrant ,demylus1 and of ,antiphon by ,dionysius1 with the letting of bran fall4 ,but that there should be evil ,genii placed by ,providence over such charges1--how can it but be a reproach to ,god1 as it would be to a king1 to commit the administration of his provinces to evil and rash governors and captains1 and suffer the best of his subjects to be despised and ill-treated by them8 ,and furthermore1 if there is much necessity mixed amongst affairs1 then ,god has not power over them all1 nor are they all administered according to his reason4 ,he contends much against ,epicurus and those that take away providence from the conceptions we have of the gods1 whom we esteem beneficial and gracious to men4 ,and these things being frequently said by them1 there is no necessity of setting down the words4 ,yet all do not conceive the gods to be good and favorable to us4 ,for see what the ,jews and ,syrians think of the gods2 consider also with how much superstition the poets are filled4 ,but there is not any one1 in a manner to speak of1 that imagines ,god to be corruptible or to have been born4 ,and to omit all others1 ,antipater the ,tarsian1 in his book of the gods writes thus1 word for word3 ,at the opening of our discourse we will briefly repeat the opinion we have concerning ,god4 ,we understand therefore ,god to be an animal1 blessed and incorruptible1 and beneficial to men4 ,and then expounding every one of these terms he says3 ,and indeed all men esteem the gods to be incorruptible4 ,chrysippus therefore is1 according to ,antipater1 not one of all men2 for he thinks none of the gods1 except ,fire1 to be incorruptible1 but that they all equally were born and will die4 ,these things are1 in a manner1 everywhere said by him4 ,but ,i will set down his words out of his ,third ,book of the ,gods3 ,it is otherwise with the gods4 ,for some of them are born and corruptible1 but others not born4 ,and to demonstrate these things from the beginning will be more fit for a treatise of ,nature4 ,for the ,sun1 the ,moon1 and other gods who are of a like nature1 were begotten2 but ,jupiter is eternal4 ,and again going on3 ,but the like will be said concerning dying and being born1 both concerning the other gods and ,jupiter4 ,for they indeed are corruptible1 but his past incorruptible4 ,with these ,i compare a few of the things said by ,antipater3 ,whosoever they are that take away from the gods beneficence1 they affect in some part our conception of them2 and according to the same reason they also do this1 who think they participate of generation and corruption4 ,if1 then1 he who esteems the gods corruptible is equally absurd with him who thinks them not to be provident and gracious to men1 ,chrysippus is no less in an error than ,epicurus4 ,for one of them deprives the gods of beneficence1 the other of incorruptibility4 ,and moreover1 ,chrysippus1 in his ,third ,book of the ,gods treating of the other gods being nourished1 says thus3 ,the other gods indeed use nourishment1 being equally sustained by it2 but ,jupiter and the ,world are maintained after another manner from those who are consumed and were engendered by fire4 ,here indeed he declares1 that all the other gods are nourished except the ,world and ,jupiter2 but in his ,first ,book of ,providence he says3 ,jupiter increases till he has consumed all things into himself4 ,for since death is the separation of the soul from the body1 and the soul of the ,world is not indeed separated1 but increases continually till it has consumed all matter into itself1 it is not to be said that the ,world dies4 ,who can therefore appear to speak things more contradictory to himself than he who says that the same god is now nourished and again not nourished8 ,nor is there any need of gathering this by argument3 for himself has plainly written in the same place3 ,but the ,world alone is said to be self-sufficient1 because it alone has in itself all things it stands in need of1 and is nourished and augmented of itself1 the other parts being mutually changed into one another4 ,he is then repugnant to himself1 not only by declaring in one place that all the gods are nourished except the ,world and ,jupiter1 and saying in another1 that the ,world also is nourished2 but much more1 when he affirms that the ,world increases by nourishing itself4 ,now the contrary had been much more probable1 to wit1 that the ,world alone does not increase1 having its own destruction for its food2 but that addition and increase are incident to the other gods1 who are nourished from without1 and the ,world is rather consumed into them1 if so it is that the ,world feeds on itself1 and they always receive something and are nourished from that4 ,secondly1 the conception of the gods contains in it felicity1 blessedness1 and self-perfection4 ,wherefore also ,euripides is commanded for saying3-- ,for ,god1 if truly ,god1 does nothing want1 ,so all these speeches are the poets' cant4 7,hercules ,furens1 #acde47 ,but ,chrysippus in the places ,i have alleged says1 that the ,world only is self-sufficient1 because this alone has in itself all things it needs4 ,what then follows from this1 that the ,world alone is self-sufficient8 ,that neither the ,sun1 ,moon1 nor any other of the gods is self-sufficient1 and not being self-sufficient1 they cannot be happy or blessed4 ,he says1 that the infant in the womb is nourished by ,nature1 like a plant2 but when it is brought forth1 being cooled and hardened by the air1 it changes its spirit and becomes an animal2 whence the soul is not unfitly named ,psyche because of this refrigeration ,greek omitted4 ,but again he esteems the soul the more subtile and fine spirit of ,nature1 therein contradicting himself2 for how can a subtile thing be made of a gross one1 and be rarefied by refrigeration and condensation8 ,and what is more1 how does he1 declaring an animal to be made by refrigeration1 think the sun to be animated1 which is of fire and made of an exhalation changed into fire8 ,for he says in his ,third ,book of ,nature3 ,now the change of fire is such1 that it is turned by the air into water2 and the earth subsiding from this1 the air exhales2 the air being subtilized1 the ether is produced round about it2 and the stars are1 with the sun1 kindled from the sea4 ,now what is more contrary to kindling than refrigeration1 or to rarefaction than condensation8 ,for the one makes water and earth of fire and air1 and the other changes that which is moist and earthy into fire and air4 ,but yet in one place he makes kindling1 in another cooling1 to be the beginning of animation4 ,and he moreover says1 that when the inflammation is throughout1 it lives and is an animal1 but being again extinct and thickened1 it is turned into water and earth and corporeity4 ,now in his ,first ,book of ,providence he says3 ,for the world1 indeed1 being wholly set on fire1 is presently also the soul and guide of itself2 but when it is changed into moisture1 and has altered the soul remaining within it by some method into a body and soul1 so as to consist of these two it exists then after another manner4 ,here1 forsooth1 he plainly says1 that the inanimate parts of the world are by inflammation turned into an animated thing1 and that again by extinction the soul is relaxed and moistened1 being changed into corporeity4 ,he seems therefore very absurd1 one while by refrigeration making animals of senseless things1 and again1 by the same changing the greatest part of the world's soul into senseless and inanimate things4 ,but besides this1 his discourse concerning the generation of the soul has a demonstration contrary to his own opinion2 or he says1 that the soul is generated when the infant is already brought forth1 the spirit being changed by refrigeration1 as by hardening4 ,now for the soul's being engendered1 and that after the birth1 he chiefly uses this demonstration1 that the children are for the most part in manners and inclinations like to their parents4 ,now the repugnancy of these things is evident4 ,for it is not possible that the soul1 which is not generated till after the birth1 should have its inclination before the birth2 or it will fall out that the soul is like before it is generated2 that is1 it will be in likeness1 and yet not be1 because it is not yet generated4 ,but if any one says that1 the likeness being bred in the tempers of the bodies1 the souls are changed when they are generated1 he destroys the argument of the soul's being generated4 ,for thus it may come to pass1 that the soul1 though not generated1 may at its entrance into the body be changed by the mixture of likeness4 ,he says sometimes1 that the air is light and mounts upwards1 and sometimes1 that it is neither heavy nor light4 ,for in his ,second ,book of ,motion he says1 that the fire1 being without gravity1 ascends upwards1 and the air like to that2 the water approaching more to the earth1 and the air to the fire4 ,but in his ,physical ,arts he inclines to the other opinion1 that the air of itself has neither gravity nor levity4 ,he says that the air is by nature dark1 and uses this as an argument of its being also the first cold2 for that its darkness is opposite to the brightness1 and its coldness to the heat of fire4 ,moving this in his ,first ,book of ,natural ,questions1 he again in his treatise of ,habits says1 that habits are nothing else but airs2 for bodies are contained by these1 and the cause that every one of the bodies contained in any habit is such as it is1 is the containing air1 which they call in iron hardness1 in stone solidness1 in silver whiteness4 ,these words have in them much absurdity and contradiction4 ,for if the air remains such as it is of its own nature1 how comes black1 in that which is not white1 to be made whiteness2 and soft1 in that which is not hard1 to be made hardness2 and rare1 in that which is not thick1 to be made thickness8 ,but if1 being mixed with these1 it is altered and made like to them1 how is it a habit or power or cause of these things by which it is subdued8 ,for such a change1 by which it loses its own qualities1 is the property of a patient1 not of an agent1 and not of a thing containing1 but of a thing languishing4 ,yet they everywhere affirm1 that matter1 being of its own nature idle and motionless1 is subjected to qualities1 and that the qualities are spirits1 which1 being also aerial tensions1 give a form and figure to every part of matter to which they adhere4 ,these things they cannot rationally say1 supposing the air to be such as they affirm it4 ,for if it is a habit and tension1 it will assimilate every body to itself1 so that it shall be black and soft4 ,but if by the mixture with these things it receives forms contrary to those it has1 it will be in some sort the matter1 and not the cause or power of matter4 ,it is often said by ,chrysippus1 that there is without the world an infinite vacuum1 and that this infinity has neither beginning1 middle1 nor end4 ,and by this the ,stoics chiefly refute that spontaneous motion of the atoms downward1 which is taught by ,epicurus2 there not being in infinity any difference according to which one thing is thought to be above1 another below4 ,but in his ,fourth ,book of ,things ,possible1 having supposed a certain middle place and middle region1 he says that the world is situated there4 ,the words are these3 ,wherefore1 if it is to be said of the world that it is corruptible1 this seems to want proof2 yet nevertheless it rather appears to me to be so4 ,however1 its occupation of the place wherein it stands cooperates very much towards its immunity from corruption1 because it is in the midst2 since if it were conceived to be anywhere else1 corruption would absolutely happen to it4 ,and again1 a little after3 ,for so also in a manner has essence happened eternally to possess the middle place1 being immediately from the beginning such as it is2 so that both by another manner and through this chance it admits not any corruption1 and is therefore eternal4 ,these words have one apparent and visible contradiction1 to wit1 his admitting a certain middle place and middle region infinity4 ,they have also a second1 more obscure indeed1 but withal more absurd than this4 ,for thinking that the world would not have remained incorruptible if its situation had happened to have been in any other part of the vacuum1 he manifestly appears to have feared lest1 the parts of essence moving towards the middle1 there should be a dissolution and corruption of the world4 ,now this he would not have feared1 had he not thought that bodies do by nature tend from every place towards the middle1 not of essence1 but of the region containing essence2 of which also he has frequently spoken1 as of a thing impossible and contrary to ,nature2 for that 7as he says7 there is not in the vacuum any difference by which bodies are drawn rather this way than that way1 but the construction of the world is the cause of motion1 bodies inclining and being carried from every side to the centre and middle of it4 ,it is sufficient to this purpose1 to set down the text out of his ,second ,book of ,motion2 for having discoursed1 that the world indeed is a perfect body1 but that the parts of the world are not perfect1 because they have in some sort respect to the whole and are not of themselves2 and going forward concerning its motion1 as having been framed by ,nature to be moved by all its parts towards compaction and cohesion1 and not towards dissolution and breaking1 he says thus3 ,but the universe thus tending and being moved to the same point1 and the arts having the same motion from the nature of the body1 it is probable that all bodies have this first motion according to ,nature towards the centre of the world1--the world being thus moved as concerns itself1 and the parts being moved as being its parts4 ,what1 then1 ailed you1 good sir 7might some one say to him71 that you have so far forgotten those words1 as to affirm that the world1 if it had not casually possessed the middle place1 would have been dissoluble and corruptible8 ,for if it is by nature so framed as always to incline towards the middle1 and its parts from every side tend to the same1 into what place soever of the vacuum it should have been transposed1--thus containing and 7as it were7 embracing itself1--it would have remained incorruptible and without danger of breaking4 ,for things that are broken and dissipated suffer this by the separation and dissolution of their parts1 every one of them hasting to its own place from that which it had contrary to ,nature4 ,but you1 being of opinion that1 if the world should have been seated in any other place of the vacuum1 it would have been wholly liable to corruption1 and affirming the same1 and therefore asserting a middle in that which naturally can have no middle1--to wit1 in that which is infinite1--have indeed dismissed these tensions1 coherences1 and inclinations1 as having nothing available to its preservation1 and attributed all the cause of its permanency to the possession of place4 ,and1 as if you were ambitious to confute yourself1 to the things you have said before you join this also3 ,in whatsoever manner every one of the parts moves1 being coherent to the rest1 it is agreeable to reason that in the same also the whole should move by itself2 yea1 though we should1 for argument's sake1 imagine and suppose it to be in some vacuity of this world2 for as1 being kept in on every side1 it would move towards the middle1 so it would continue in the same motion1 though by way of disputation we should admit that there were on a sudden a vacuum round about it4 ,no part then whatsoever1 though encompassed by a vacuum1 loses its inclination moving it towards the middle of the world2 but the world itself1 if chance had not prepared it a place in the middle1 would have lost its containing vigor1 the parts of its essence being carried some one way1 some another4 ,and these things indeed contain great contradictions to natural reason2 but this is also repugnant to the doctrine concerning ,god and ,providence1 that assigning to them the least causes1 he takes from them the most principal and greatest4 ,for what is more principal than the permanency of the world1 or that its essence1 united in its parts1 is contained in itself8 ,but this1 as ,chrysippus says1 fell out casually4 ,for if the possession of place is the cause of incorruptibility1 and this was the production of chance1 it is manifest that the preservation of the universe is a work of chance1 and not of ,fate and ,providence4 ,now1 as for his doctrine of possibles1 how can it but be repugnant to his doctrine of ,fate8 ,for if that is not possible which either is true or shall be true1 as ,diodorus has it1 but everything which is capable of being1 though it never shall be1 is possible1 there will be many things possible which will never be according to invincible1 inviolable1 and all-conquering ,fate4 ,and thus either ,fate will lose its power2 or if that1 as ,chrysippus thinks1 has existence1 that which is susceptible of being will often fall out to be impossible4 ,and everything indeed which is true will be necessary1 being comprehended by the principal of all necessities2 and everything that is false will be impossible1 having the greatest cause to oppose its ever being true4 ,for how is it possible that he should be susceptible of dying on the land1 who is destined to die at sea8 ,and how is it possible for him who is at ,megara to come to ,athens1 if he is prohibited by ,fate8 ,but moreover1 the things that are boldly asserted by him concerning fantasies or imaginations are very opposite to ,fate4 ,for desiring to show that fantasy is not of itself a perfect cause of consent1 he says1 that the ,sages will prejudice us by imprinting false imaginations in our minds1 if fantasies do of themselves absolutely cause consent2 for wise men often make use of falsity against the wicked1 representing a probable imagination1--which is yet not the cause of consent1 for then it would be also a cause of false apprehension and error4 ,any one therefore1 transferring these things from the wise man to ,fate1 may say1 that consents are not caused by ,fate2 for if they were1 false consents and opinions and deceptions would also be by ,fate4 ,thus the reason which exempts the wise man from doing hurt also demonstrates at the same time that ,fate is not the cause of all things4 ,for if men neither opine nor are prejudiced by ,fate1 it is manifest also that they neither act rightly nor are wise nor remain firm in their sentiments nor have utility by ,fate1 but that there is an end of ,fate's being the cause of all things4 ,now if any one shall say that ,chrysippus makes not ,fate the absolute cause of all things1 but only a ,,procatarclical 7or antecedent7 one1 he will again show that he is contradictory to himself1 since he excessively praises ,homer for saying of ,jupiter1 ,receive whatever good or ill ,he sends to each of you2 as also ,euripides for these words1 ,o ,jove1 how can ,i say that wretched we1 ,poor mortals1 aught do understand8 ,on thee ,we all depend1 and nothing can transact1 ,but as thy sacred wisdom shall enact4 7,euripides1 ,suppliants1 #gcd47 ,and himself writes many things agreeable to these4 ,in fine1 he says that nothing1 be it never so little1 either rests or is moved otherwise than according to the reason of ,jupiter1 which is the same thing with ,fate4 ,moreover1 the antecedent cause is weaker than the absolute one1 and attains not to its effect when it is subdued by others that rise up against it4 ,but he himself declaring ,fate to be an invincible1 unimpeachable1 and inflexible cause1 calls it ,atropos1 7,that is1 ,unchangeable47 ,adrasteia1 7,that is1 ,unavoidable47 ,necessity1 and ,pepromene 7as putting a limit to all things74 ,whether then shall we say1 that neither consents nor virtues nor vices nor doing well nor doing ill is in our power8 ,or shall we affirm1 that ,fate is deficient1 that terminating destiny is unable to determine1 and that the motions and habits of ,jupiter cannot be effective8 ,for the one of these two consequences will follow from ,fate's being an absolute1 the other from its being only an antecedent cause4 ,for if it is an absolute cause1 it takes away our free will and leaves nothing in our control2 and if it is only antecedent1 it loses its being unimpeachable and effectual4 ,for not once or ten times1 but everywhere1 especially in his ,physics1 he has written1 that there are many obstacles and impediments to particular natures and motions1 but none to that of the universe4 ,and how can the motion of the universe1 extending as it does to particular ones1 be undisturbed and unimpeached1 if these are stopped and hindered8 ,for neither can the nature of man be free from impediment1 if that of the foot or hand is not so2 nor can the motion of a ship but be hindered1 if there are any obstacles about the sails or the operation of the oars4 ,besides all this1 if the fantasies are not according to ,fate1 neither are they causes of consents2 but if1 because it imprints fantasies leading to consent1 the consents are said to be according to ,fate1 how is it not contrary to itself1 imprinting in the greatest matters different imaginations and such as draw the understanding contrary ways8 ,for 7they say7 those who adhere to one of them1 and withhold not their consent1 do amiss3 if they yield to obscure things1 they stumble2 if to false1 they are deceived2 if to such as are not commonly comprehended1 they opine4 ,and yet one of these three is of necessity1--either that every fantasy is not the work of ,fate1 or that every receipt and consent of fantasy is faultless1 or that ,fate itself is not irreprehensible4 ,for ,i do not know how it can be blameless1 proposing to us such fantasies that not the resisting or going against them1 but the following and yielding to them1 is blamable4 ,moreover1 both ,chrysippus and ,antipater1 in their disputes against the ,academics1 take not a little pains to prove that we neither act nor are incited without consent1 saying1 that they build on fictions and false suppositions who think that1 a proper fantasy being presented1 we are presently incited1 without having either yielded or consented4 ,again1 ,chrysippus says1 that ,god imprints in us false imaginations1 as does also the wise man2 not that they would have us consent or yield to them1 but only that we should act and be incited with regard to that which appears2 but we1 being evil1 do through infirmity consent to such fantasies4 ,now1 the perplexity and discrepancy of these discourses among themselves are not very difficult to be discerned4 ,for he that would not have men consent but only act according to the fantasies which he offers unto them--whether he be ,god or a wise man--knows that the fantasies are sufficient for acting1 and that consents are superfluous4 ,for if1 knowing that the imagination gives us not an instinct to work without consent1 he ministers to us false and probable fantasies1 he is the voluntary cause of our falling and erring by assenting to incomprehensible things4 ,,end ,,of ,,seven----------- ,,the ,,eating ,,of ,,flesh4 ,,tract ,i4 ,you ask of me then for what reason it was that ,pythagoras abstained from eating of flesh4 ,i for my part do much wonder in what humor1 with what soul or reason1 the first man with his mouth touched slaughter1 and reached to his lips the flesh of a dead animal1 and having set before people courses of ghastly corpses and ghosts1 could give those parts the names of meat and victuals1 that but a little before lowed1 cried1 moved1 and saw2 how his sight could endure the blood of slaughtered1 flayed1 and mangled bodies2 how his smell could bear their scent2 and how the very nastiness happened not to offend the taste1 while it chewed the sores of others1 and participated of the saps and juices of deadly wounds4 ,crept the raw hides1 and with a bellowing sound ,roared the dead limbs2 the burning entrails groaned4 7,odyssey1 xii4 #cie47 ,this indeed is but a fiction and fancy2 but the fare itself is truly monstrous and prodigious1--that a man should have a stomach to creatures while they yet bellow1 and that he should be giving directions which of things yet alive and speaking is fittest to make food of1 and ordering the several kinds of the seasoning and dressing them and serving them up to tables4 ,you ought rather1 in my opinion1 to have inquired who first began this practice1 than who of late times left it off4 ,and truly1 as for those people who first ventured upon eating of flesh1 it is very probable that the whole reason of their so doing was scarcity and want of other food2 for it is not likely that their living together in lawless and extravagant lusts1 or their growing wanton and capricious through the excessive variety of provisions then among them1 brought them to such unsociable pleasures as these1 against ,nature4 ,yea1 had they at this instant but their sense and voice restored to them1 ,i am persuaded they would express themselves to this purpose3 ,oh6 happy you1 and highly favored of the gods1 who now live6 ,into what an age of the world are you fallen1 who share and enjoy among you a plentiful portion of good things6 ,what abundance of things spring up for your use6 ,what fruitful vineyards you enjoy6 ,what wealth you gather from the fields6 ,what delicacies from trees and plants1 which you may gather6 ,you may glut and fill yourselves without being polluted4 ,as for us1 we fell upon the most dismal and affrighting part of time1 in which we were exposed by our production to manifold and inextricable wants and necessities4 ,as yet the thickened air concealed the heaven from our view1 and the stars were as yet confused with a disorderly huddle of fire and moisture and violent fluxions of winds4 ,as yet the sun was not fixed to a regular and certain course1 so as to separate morning and evening1 nor did the seasons return in order crowned with wreaths from the fruitful harvest4 ,the land was also spoiled by the inundations of disorderly rivers2 and a great part of it was deformed with marshes1 and utterly wild by reason of deep quagmires1 unfertile forests1 and woods4 ,there was then no production of tame fruits1 nor any instruments of art or invention of wit4 ,and hunger gave no time1 nor did seed-time then stay for the yearly season4 ,what wonder is it if we made use of the flesh of beasts contrary to ,nature1 when mud was eaten and the bark of wood1 and when it was thought a happy thing to find either a sprouting grass or a root of any plant6 ,but when they had by chance tasted of or eaten an acorn1 they danced for very joy about some oak or esculus1 calling it by the names of life-giver1 mother1 and nourisher4 ,and this was the only festival that those times were acquainted with2 upon all other occasions1 all things were full of anguish and dismal sadness4 ,but whence is it that a certain ravenousness and frenzy drives you in these happy days to pollute yourselves with blood1 since you have such an abundance of things necessary for your subsistence8 ,why do you belie the earth as unable to maintain you8 ,why do you profane the lawgiver ,ceres1 and shame the mild and gentle ,bacchus1 as not furnishing you with sufficiency8 ,are you not ashamed to mix tame fruits with blood and slaughter8 ,you are indeed wont to call serpents1 leopards1 and lions savage creatures2 but yet yourselves are defiled with blood1 and come nothing behind them in cruelty4 ,what they kill is their ordinary nourishment1 but what you kill is your better fare4 ,for we eat not lions and wolves by way of revenge2 but we let those go1 and catch the harmless and tame sort1 and such as have neither stings nor teeth to bite with1 and slay them2 which1 so may ,jove help us1 ,nature seems to us to have produced for their beauty and comeliness only4 ,just as if one seeing the river ,nilus overflowing its banks1 and thereby filling the whole country with genial and fertile moisture1 should not at all admire that secret power in it that produces plants and plenteousness of most sweet and useful fruits1 but beholding somewhere a crocodile swimming in it1 or an asp crawling along1 or mice 7savage and filthy creatures71 should presently affirm these to be the occasion of all that is amiss1 or of any want or defect that may happen4 ,or as if indeed one contemplating this land or ground1 how full it is of tame fruits1 and how heavy with ears of corn1 should afterwards espy somewhere in these same cornfields an ear of darnel or a wild vetch1 and thereupon neglect to reap and gather in the corn1 and fall a complaining of these4 ,such another thing it would be1 if one--listening to the harangue of some advocate at some bar or pleading1 swelling and enlarging and hastening towards the relief of some impending danger1 or else1 by ,jupiter1 in the impeaching and charging of certain audacious villanies or indictments1 flowing and rolling along1 and that not in a simple and poor strain1 but with many sorts of passions all at once1 or rather indeed with all sorts1 in one and the same manner1 into the many and various and differing minds of either hearers or judges that he is either to turn and change1 or else1 by ,jupiter1 to soften1 appease1 and quiet--should overlook all this business1 and never consider or reckon upon the labor or struggle he had undergone1 but pick up certain loose expressions1 which the rapid motion of the discourse had carried along with it1 as by the current of its course1 and so had slipped and escaped the rest of the oration1 and1 hereupon undervalue the orator4 ,but we are nothing put out of countenance1 either by the beauteous gayety of the colors1 or by the charmingness of the musical voices1 or by the rare sagacity of the intellects1 or by the cleanliness and neatness of diet1 or by the rare discretion and prudence of these poor unfortunate animals2 but for the sake of some little mouthful of flesh1 we deprive a soul of the sun and light1 and of that proportion of life and time it had been born into the world to enjoy4 ,and then we fancy that the voices it utters and screams forth to us are nothing else but certain inarticulate sounds and noises1 and not the several deprecations1 entreaties1 and pleadings of each of them1 as it were saying thus to us3 ,i deprecate not thy necessity 7if such there be71 but thy wantonness4 ,kill me for thy feeding1 but do not take me off for thy better feeding4 ,o horrible cruelty6 ,it is truly an affecting sight to see the very table of rich people laid before them1 who keep them cooks and caterers to furnish them with dead corpses for their daily fare2 but it is yet more affecting to see it taken away1 for the mammocks remaining are more than that which was eaten4 ,these therefore were slain to no purpose4 ,others there are1 who are so offended by what is set before them that they will not suffer it to be cut or sliced2 thus abstaining from them when dead1 while they would not spare them when alive4 ,well1 then1 we understand that that sort of men are used to say1 that in eating of flesh they follow the conduct and direction of ,nature4 ,but that it is not natural to mankind to feed on flesh1 we first of all demonstrate from the very shape and figure of the body4 ,for a human body no ways resembles those that were born for ravenousness2 it hath no hawk's bill1 no sharp talon1 no roughness of teeth1 no such strength of stomach or heat of digestion1 as can be sufficient to convert or alter such heavy and fleshy fare4 ,but even from hence1 that is1 from the smoothness of the tongue1 and the slowness of the stomach to digest1 ,nature seems to disclaim all pretence to fleshy victuals4 ,but if you will contend that yourself was born to an inclination to such food as you have now a mind to eat1 do you then yourself kill what you would eat4 ,but do it yourself1 without the help of a chopping-knife1 mallet1 or axe1--as wolves1 bears1 and lions do1 who kill and eat at once4 ,rend an ox with thy teeth1 worry a hog with thy mouth1 tear a lamb or a hare in pieces1 and fall on and eat it alive as they do4 ,but if thou hadst rather stay until what thou greatest is become dead1 and if thou art loath to force a soul out of its body1 why then dost thou against ,nature eat an animate thing8 ,nay1 there is nobody that is willing to eat even a lifeless and a dead thing as it is2 but they boil it1 and roast it1 and alter it by fire and medicines1 as it were1 changing and quenching the slaughtered gore with thousands of sweet sauces1 that the palate being thereby deceived may admit of such uncouth fare4 ,it was indeed a witty expression of a ,lacedaemonian1 who1 having purchased a small fish in a certain inn1 delivered it to his landlord to be dressed2 and as he demanded cheese1 and vinegar1 and oil to make sauce1 he replied1 if ,i had had those1 ,i would not have bought the fish4 ,but we are grown so wanton in our bloody luxury1 that we have bestowed upon flesh the name of meat ,greek omitted1 and then require another seasoning ,greek omitted1 to this same flesh1 mixing oil1 wine1 honey1 pickle1 and vinegar1 with ,syrian and ,arabian spices1 as though we really meant to embalm it after its disease4 ,indeed when things are dissolved and made thus tender and soft1 and are as it were turned into a sort of a carrionly corruption1 it must needs be a great difficulty for concoction to master them1 and when it hath mastered them1 they must needs cause grievous oppressions and qualmy indigestions4 ,diogenes ventured once to eat a raw pourcontrel1 that he might disuse himself from meat dressed by fire2 and as several priests and other people stood round him1 he wrapped his head in his cassock1 and so putting the fish to his mouth1 he thus said unto them3 ,it is for your sake1 sirs1 that ,i undergo this danger1 and run this risk4 ,a noble and gallant risk1 by ,jupiter6 ,for far otherwise than as ,pelopidas ventured his life for the liberty of the ,thebans1 and ,harmodius and ,aristogiton for that of the ,athenians1 did this philosopher encounter with a raw pourcontrel1 to the end he might make human life more brutish4 ,moreover1 these same flesh-eatings not only are preternatural to men's bodies1 but also by clogging and cloying them1 they render their very minds and intellects gross4 ,for it is well known to most1 that wine and much flesh-eating make the body indeed strong and lusty1 but the mind weak and feeble4 ,and that ,i may not offend the wrestlers1 ,i will make use of examples out of my own country4 ,the ,athenians are wont to call us ,boeotians gross1 senseless1 and stupid fellows1 for no other reason but our over-much eating2 by ,pindar we are called hogs1 for the same reason4 ,menander the comedian calls us fellows with long jaws4 ,it is observed also that1 according to the saying of ,heraclitus1 the wisest soul is like a dry light4 ,earthen jars1 if you strike them1 will sound2 but if they be full1 they perceive not the strokes that are given them4 ,copper vessels also that are thin communicate the sound round about them1 unless some one stop and dull the ambient stroke with his fingers4 ,moreover1 the eye1 when seized with an over-great plenitude of humors1 grows dim and feeble for its ordinary work4 ,when we behold the sun through a humid air and a great quantity of gross and indigested vapors1 we see it not clear and bright1 but obscure and cloudy1 and with glimmering beams4 ,just so in a muddy and clogged body1 that is swagged down with heavy and unnatural nourishments2 it must needs happen that the gayety and splendor of the mind be confused and dulled1 and that it ramble and roll after little and scarce discernible objects1 since it wants clearness and vigor for higher things4 ,but to pass by these considerations1 is not accustoming one's self to mildness and a human temper of mind an admirable thing8 ,for who would wrong or injure a man that is so sweetly and humanly disposed with respect to the ills of strangers that are not of his kind8 ,i remember that three days ago1 as ,i was discoursing1 ,i made mention of a saying of ,xenocrates1 and how the ,athenians gave judgment upon a certain person who had flayed a living ram4 ,for my part ,i cannot think him a worse criminal that torments a poor creature while living1 than a man that shall take away its life and murder it4 ,but 7as it seems7 we are more sensible of what is done against custom than against ,nature4 ,there1 however1 ,i discussed these matters in a more popular style4 ,but as for that grand and mysterious principle which 7as ,plato speaks7 is incredible to base minds and to such as affect only mortal things1 ,i as little care to move it in this discourse as a pilot doth a ship in a storm1 or a comedian his machine while the scenes are moving2 but perhaps it would not be amiss1 by way of introduction and preface1 to repeat certain verses of ,empedocles4444 ,for in these1 by way of allegory1 he hints at men's souls1 as that they are tied to mortal bodies1 to be punished for murders1 eating of flesh and of one another1 although this doctrine seems much1 ancienter than his time4 ,for the fables that are storied and related about the discerption of ,bacchus1 and the attempts of the ,titans upon him1 and of their tasting of his slain body1 and of their several punishments and fulminations afterwards1 are but a representation of the regeneration4 ,for what in us is unreasonable1 disorderly1 and boisterous1 being not divine but demoniac1 the ancients termed ,titans1 that is1 ,,tormented and ,,punished 7from ,greek omitted74444 ,,tract ,,ii4 ,reason persuades us now to return with fresh cogitations and dispositions to what we left cold yesterday of our discourse about flesh-eating4 ,it is indeed a hard and a difficult task to undertake 7as ,cato once said7 to dispute with men's bellies1 that have no ears2 since most have already drunk that draught of custom1 which is like that of ,ciree1 ,of groans and frauds and sorcery replete4 7,odyssey1 x4 #bcd47 ,and it is no easy task to pull out the hook of flesh-eating from the jaws of such as have gorged themselves with luxury and are 7as it were7 nailed down with it4 ,it would indeed be a good action1 if as the ,egyptians draw out the stomach of a dead body1 and cut it open and expose it to the sun1 as the only cause of all its evil actions1 so we could1 by cutting out our gluttony and blood-shedding1 purify and cleanse the remainder of our lives4 ,for the stomach itself is not guilty of bloodshed1 but is involuntarily polluted by our intemperance4 ,but if this may not be1 and we are ashamed by reason of custom to live unblamably1 let us at least sin with discretion4 ,let us eat flesh2 but let it be for hunger and not for wantonness4 ,let us kill an animal2 but let us do it with sorrow and pity1 and not abusing and tormenting it1 as many nowadays are used to do1 while some run red-hot spits through the bodies of swine1 that by the tincture of the quenched iron the blood may be to that degree mortified1 that it may sweeten and soften the flesh in its circulation2 others jump and stamp upon the udders of sows that are ready to pig1 that so they may crush into one mass 7,o ,piacular ,jupiter67 in the very pangs of delivery1 blood1 milk1 and the corruption of the mashed and mangled young ones1 and so eat the most inflamed part of the animal2 others sew up the eyes of cranes and swans1 and so shut them up in darkness to be fattened1 and then souse up their flesh with certain monstrous mixtures and pickles4 ,by all which it is most manifest1 that it is not for nourishment1 or want1 or any necessity1 but for mere gluttony1 wantonness1 and expensiveness1 that they make a pleasure of villany4 ,just as it happens in persons who cannot satiate their passion upon women1 and having made trial of everything else and falling into vagaries1 at last attempt things not to be mentioned2 even so inordinateness in feeding1 when it hath once passed the bounds of nature and necessity1 studies at last to diversify the lusts of its intemperate appetite by cruelty and villany4 ,for the senses1 when they once quit their natural measures1 sympathize with each other in their distempers1 and are enticed by each other to the same consent and intemperance4 ,thus a distempered ear first debauched music1 the soft and effeminate notes of which provoke immodest touches and lascivious tickling4 ,these things first taught the eye not to delight in ,pyrrhic dances1 gesticulations of hands1 or elegant pantomimes1 nor in statues and fine paintings2 but to reckon the slaughtering and death of mankind and wounds and duels the most sumptuous of shows and spectacles4 ,thus unlawful tables are accompanied with intemperate copulations1 with unmusicianlike balls1 and theatres become monstrous through shameful songs and rehearsals2 and barbarous and brutish shows are again accompanied with an unrelenting temper and savage cruelty towards mankind4 ,hence it was that the divine ,lycurgus in his ,three ,books of ,laws gave orders that the doors and ridges of men's houses should be made with a saw and an axe1 and that no other instrument should so much as be brought to any house4 ,not that he did hereby intend to declare war against augers and planes and other instruments of finer work2 but because he very well knew that with such tools as these you will never bring into your house a gilded couch1 and that you will never attempt to bring into a slender cottage either silver tables1 purple carpets1 or costly stones2 but that a plain supper and a homely dinner must accompany such a house1 couch table1 and cup4 ,the beginning of a vicious diet is presently followed by all sorts of luxury and expensiveness1 ,ev'n as a mare is by her thirsty colt4 ,and what meal is not expensive8 ,one for which no animal is put to death4 ,shall we reckon a soul to be a small expense8 ,i will not say perhaps of a mother1 or a father1 or of some friend1 or child1 as ,empedocles did2 but one participating of feeling1 of seeing1 of hearing1 of imagination1 and of intellection2 which each animal hath received from ,nature for the acquiring of what is agreeable to it1 and the avoiding what is disagreeable4 ,do but consider this with yourself now1 which sort of philosophers render us most tame and civil1 they who bid people to feed on their children1 friends1 fathers1 and wives1 when they are dead2 or ,pythagoras and ,empedocles1 that accustom men to be just towards even the other members of the creation4 ,you laugh at a man that will not eat a sheep3 but we 7they will say again7--when we see you cutting off the parts of your dead father or mother1 and sending it to your absent friends1 and calling upon and inviting your present friends to eat the rest freely and heartily--shall we not smile8 ,nay1 peradventure we offend at this instant time while we touch these books1 without having first cleansed our hands1 eyes1 feet1 and ears2 if it be not 7by ,jupiter7 a sufficient purgation of them to have discoursed of these matters in potable and fresh language 7as ,plato speaketh71 thereby washing off the brackishness of hearing4 ,now if a man should set these books and discourses in opposition to each other1 he will find that the philosophy of the one sort suits with the ,seythians1 ,sogdians1 and ,melanchlaenians1 of whom ,herodotus's relation is scarce believed2 but the sentiments of ,pythagoras and ,empedocles were the laws and customs of the ancients ,grecians4 ,who1 then1 were the first authors of this opinion1 that we owe no justice to dumb animals8 ,who first beat out accursed steel1 ,and made the lab'ring ox a knife to feel4 ,in the very same manner oppressors and tyrants begin first to shed blood4 ,for example1 the first man that the ,athenians ever put to death was one of the basest of all knaves1 who had the reputation of deserving it2 after him they put to death a second and a third4 ,after this1 being now accustomed to blood1 they patiently saw ,niceratus the son of ,nicias1 and their own general ,theramenes1 and ,polemarchus the philosopher suffer death4 ,even so1 in the beginning1 some wild and mischievous beast was killed and eaten1 and then some little bird or fish was entrapped4 ,and the desire of slaughter1 being first experimented and exercised in these1 at last passed even to the laboring ox1 and the sheep that clothes us1 and to the poor cock that keeps the house2 until by little and little1 unsatiableness1 being strengthened by use1 men came to the slaughter of men1 to bloodshed and wars4 ,now even if one cannot demonstrate and make out1 that souls in their regenerations make a promiscuous use of all bodies1 and that that which is now rational will at another time be irrational1 and that again tame which is now wild1--for that ,nature changes and transmutes everything1 ,with different fleshy coats new clothing all1-- this thing should be sufficient to change and show men1 that it is a savage and intemperate habit1 that it brings sickness and heaviness upon the body1 and that it inclines the mind the more brutishly to bloodshed and destruction1 when we have once accustomed ourselves neither to entertain a guest nor keep a wedding nor to treat our friends without blood and slaughter4 ,and if what is argued about the return of souls into bodies is not of force enough to beget faith1 yet methinks the very uncertainty of the thing should fill us with apprehension and fear4 ,suppose1 for instance1 one should in some night-engagement run on with his drawn sword upon one that had fallen down and covered his body with his arms1 and should in the meantime hear one say1 that he was not very sure1 but that he fancied and believed1 that the party lying there was his own son1 brother1 father1 or tent-companion2 which were more advisable1 think you1--to hearken to a false suggestion1 and so to let go an enemy under the notion of a friend1 or to slight an authority not sufficient to beget faith1 and to slay a friend instead of a foe8 ,this you will all say would be insupportable4 ,do but consider the famous ,merope in the tragedy1 who taking up a hatchet1 and lifting it at her son's head1 whom she took for her son's murderer1 speaks thus as she was ready to give the fatal blow1 ,villain1 this holy blow shall cleave thy head2 7,euripides1 ,cresphontes1 ,frag4 #deg47 what a bustle she raises in the whole theatre while she raises herself to give the blow1 and what a fear they are all in1 lest she should prevent the old man that comes to stop her hand1 and should wound the youth4 ,now if another old man should stand by her and say1 ,strike1 it is thy enemy1 and this1 ,hold1 it is thy son2 which1 think you1 would be the greater injustice1 to omit the punishing of an enemy for the sake of one's child1 or to suffer one's self to be so carried away with anger at an enemy as to slay one's child8 ,since then neither hatred nor wrath nor any revenge nor fear for ourselves carries us to the slaughter of a beast1 but the poor sacrifice stands with an inclined neck1 only to satisfy thy lust and pleasure1 and then one philosopher stands by and tells thee1 ,cut him down1 it is but an unreasonable animal1 and another cries1 ,hold1 what if there should be the soul of some kinsman or god enclosed in him8--good gods6 is there the like danger if ,i refuse to eat flesh1 as if ,i for want of faith murder my child or some other friend8 ,the ,stoics' way of reasoning upon this subject of flesh-eating is no way equal nor consonant with themselves4 ,who is this that hath so many mouths for his belly and the kitchen8 ,whence comes it to pass1 that they so very much womanize and reproach pleasure1 as a thing that they will not allow to be either good or preferable1 or so much as agreeable1 and yet all on a sudden become so zealous advocates for pleasures8 ,it were indeed but a reasonable consequence of their doctrine1 that1 since they banish perfumes and cakes from their banquets1 they should be much more averse to blood and to flesh4 ,but now1 just as if they would reduce their philosophy to their account-books1 they lessen the expenses of their suppers in certain unnecessary and needless matters1 but the untamed and murderous part of their expense they nothing boggle at4 ,well6 ,what then8 say they4 ,we have nothing to do with brute beasts4 ,nor have you any with perfumes1 nor with foreign sauces1 may some one answer2 therefore leave these out of your banquets1 if you are driving out everything that is both useless and needless4 ,let us therefore in the next place consider1 whether we owe any justice to the brute beasts4 ,neither shall we handle this point artificially1 or like subtle sophisters1 but by casting our eye into our own breasts1 and conversing with ourselves as men1 we will weigh and examine the whole matter4444 ,,end ,,of ,,eight----------- ,,concerning ,,fate4 7,this little ,treatise is so pitiously torne1 maimed1 and dismembred thorowout1 that a man may sooner divine and guess thereat 7as ,i have done7 than translate it4--,,holland47 ,i will endeavor1 my dearest ,piso1 to send you my opinion concerning ,fate1 written with all the clearness and compendiousness ,i am capable of2 since you1 who are not ignorant how cautious ,i am of writing1 have thought fit to make it the subject of your request4 ,you are first1 then1 to know that this word ,fate is spoken and understood two manner of ways2 the one as it is an energy1 the other as it is a substance4 ,first1 therefore1 as it is an action1 ,plato 7,see ,plato1 ,phaedrus1 p4 #bdh ,c2 ,timaeus1 p4#da ,e2 ,republic1 x4 p4#fag ,d47 has under a type described it1 saying thus in his dialogue entitled ,phaedrus3 ,and this is a sanction of ,adrastea 7or an inevitable ordinance71 that whatever soul being an attendant on ,god1 c4 ,and in his treatise called ,timaeus3 ,the laws which ,god in the nature of the universe has established for immortal souls4 ,and in his book of a ,commonweal he entitles ,fate the speech of the virgin ,lachesis1 who is the daughter of ,necessity4 ,by which sentences he not tragically but theologically shows us what his sentiments are in this matter4 ,now if any one1 paraphrasing the fore-cited passages1 would have them expressed in more familiar terms1 the description in ,phaedrus may be thus explained3 ,that ,fate is a divine sentence1 intransgressible since its cause cannot be divested or hindered4 ,and according to what he has said in his ,timaeus1 it is a law ensuing on the nature of the universe1 according to which all things that are done are transacted4 ,for this does ,lachesis effect1 who is indeed the daughter of ,necessity1--as we have both already related1 and shall yet better understand by that which will be said in the progress of our discourse4 ,thus you see what ,fate is1 when it is taken for an action4 ,but as it is a substance1 it seems to be the universal soul of the world1 and admits of a threefold distribution2 the first destiny being that which errs not2 the second1 that which is thought to err2 and the third that which1 being under the heaven1 is conversant about the earth4 ,of these1 the highest is called ,clotho1 the next ,atropos1 and the lowest1 ,lachesis2 who1 receiving the celestial influences and efficacies of her sisters1 transmits and fastens them to the terrestrial things which are under her government4 ,thus have we declared briefly what is to be said of ,fate1 taken as a substance2 what it is1 what are its parts1 after what manner it is1 how it is ordained1 and how it stands1 both in respect to itself and to us4 ,but as to the particularities of these things1 there is another fable in his ,commonweal1 by which they are in some measure covertly insinuated1 and we ourselves have1 in the best manner we can1 endeavored to explain them to you4 ,but we now once again turn our discourse to ,fate1 as it is an energy4 ,for concerning this it is that there are so many natural1 moral1 and logical questions4 ,having therefore already in some sort sufficiently defined what it is1 we are now in the next place to say something of its quality1 although it may to many seem absurd4 ,i say then that ,fate1 though comprehending as it were in a circle the infinity of all those things which are and have been from infinite times and shall be to infinite ages1 is not in itself infinite1 but determinate and finite2 for neither law1 reason1 nor any other divine thing can be infinite4 ,and this you will the better understand1 if you consider the total revolution and the total time in which the revolutions of the eight circles 7that is1 of the eight spheres of the fixed stars1 sun1 moon1 and five planets71 having 7as ,timaeus 7,plato1 ,timaeus1 p4#ci ,d47 says7 finished their course1 return to one and the same point1 being measured by the circle of the ,same1 which goes always after one manner4 ,for in this order1 which is finite and determinate1 shall all things 7which1 as well in heaven as in earth1 consist by necessity from above7 be reduced to the same situation1 and restored again to their first beginning4 ,wherefore the habitude of heaven alone1 being thus ordained in all things1 as well in regard of itself as of the earth and all terrestrial matters1 shall again 7after long revolutions7 one day return2 and those things that in order follow after1 and being linked together in a continuity are maintained in their course1 shall follow1 every one of them by necessity bringing what is its own4 ,but for the better clearing of this matter1 let us understand that whatever is in us or about us is not wrought by the course of the heavens and heavenly influences1 as being entirely the efficient cause both of my writing what ,i now write1 and of your doing also what you at present do1 and in the same manner as you do it4 ,hereafter1 then1 when the same cause shall return1 we shall do the same things we now do and in the same manner1 and shall again become the same men2 and so it will be with all others4 ,and that which follows after shall also happen by the following cause2 and in brief1 all things that shall happen in the whole and in every one of these universal revolutions shall again become the same4 ,by this it appears 7as we have said before7 that ,fate1 being in some sort infinite1 is nevertheless determinate and finite2 and it may be also in some sort seen and comprehended1 as we have farther said1 that it is as it were a circle4 ,for as a motion of a circle is a circle1 and the time that measures it is also a circle2 so the order of things which are done and happen in a circle may be justly esteemed and called a circle4 ,this1 therefore1 though there should be nothing else1 almost shows us what sort of thing ,fate is2 but not particularly or in every respect4 ,what kind of thing then is it in its own form8 ,it is1 as far as one can compare it1 like to the civil or politic law4 ,for first it orders the most part of things at least1 if not all1 conditionally2 and then it comprises 7as far as is possible for it7 all things that belong to the public in general2 and the better to make you understand both the one and the other1 we must specify them by an example4 ,the civil law speaks and ordains in general of a valiant man1 and also of a deserter and a coward2 and in the same manner of others4 ,now this is not to make the law speak of this or that man in particular1 but principally to propose such things as are universal or general1 and consequently such as fall under them4 ,for we may very well say1 that it is legal to reward this from his colors2 because the law has virtually--though not in express terms and particularly yet in such general ones as they are comprehended under1--so determined of them4 ,as the law 7if ,i may so speak7 of physicians and masters of corporal exercises potentially comprehends particular and special things within the general2 so the law of ,nature1 determining first and principally general matters1 secondarily and subordinately determines such as are particular4 ,thus1 general things being decreed by ,fate1 particular and individual things may also in some sort be said to be so1 because they are so by consequence with the general4 ,but perhaps some one of those who more accurately examine and more subtly search into these things may say1 on the contrary1 that particular and individual things precede the composition of general things1 and that the general exist only for the particular1 since that for which another thing is always goes before that which is for it4 ,nevertheless1 this is not the proper place to treat of this difficulty1 but it is to be remitted to another4 ,however1 that ,fate comprehends not all things clearly and expressly1 but only such as are universal and general1 let it pass for resolved on at present1 as well for what we have already said a little before1 as for what we shall say hereafter4 ,for that which is finite and determinate1 agreeing properly with divine ,providence1 is seen more in universal and general things than in particular2 such therefore is the divine law1 and also the civil2 but infinity consists in particulars and individuals4 ,after this we are to declare what this term conditionally means2 for it is to be thought that ,fate is also some such thing4 ,that1 then1 is said to be conditionally1 which is supposed to exist not of itself or absolutely1 but as really dependent upon and joined to another2 which signifies a suit and consequence4 ,and this is the sanction of ,adrastea 7or an inevitable ordinance71 that whatever soul1 being an attendant on ,god1 shall see anything of truth1 shall till another revolution be exempt from punishment2 and if it is ever able to do the same1 it shall never suffer any damage4 ,this is said both conditionally and also universally4 ,now that ,fate is some such thing is clearly manifest1 as well from its substance as from its name4 ,for it is called ,greek omitted as being ,greek omitted1 that is1 dependent and linked2 and it is a sanction or law1 because things are therein ordained and disposed consequentially1 as is usual in civil government4 ,we ought in the next place to consider and treat of mutual relation and affection2 that is1 what reference and respect ,fate has to divine ,providence1 what to ,fortune1 what also to that which is in our power1 what to contingent and other such like things2 and furthermore we are to determine1 how far and in what it is true or false that all things happen and are done by and according to ,fate4 ,for if the meaning is1 that all things are comprehended and contained in ,fate1 it must be granted that this proposition is true2 and if any would farther have it so understood1 that all things which are done amongst men1 on earth1 and in heaven are placed in ,fate1 let this also pass as granted for the present4 ,but if 7as the expression seems rather to imply7 the being done according to ,fate signifies not all things1 but only that which is a direct consequent of ,fate1 then it must not be said that all things happen and are done by and according to ,fate1 though all things are so according to ,fate as to be comprised in it4 ,for all things that the law comprehends and of which it speaks are not legal or according to law2 for it comprehends treason1 it treats of the cowardly running away from one's colors in time of battle1 of adultery1 and many other such like things1 of which it cannot be said that any one of them is lawful4 ,neither indeed can ,i affirm of the performing a valorous act in war1 the killing of a tyrant1 or the doing any other virtuous deed1 that it is legal2 because that only is proper to be called legal1 which is commanded by the law4 ,now if the law commands these things1 how can they avoid being rebels against the law and transgressors of it1 who neither perform valiant feats of arms1 kill tyrants1 nor do any other such remarkable acts of virtue8 ,and if they are transgressors of the law1 why is it not just they should be punished8 ,but if this is not reasonable1 it must then be also confessed that these things are not legal or according to law2 but that legal and according to law is only that which is particularly prescribed and expressly commanded by the law1 in any action whatsoever4 ,in like manner1 those things only are fatal and according to ,fate1 which are the consequences of causes preceding in the divine disposition4 ,so that ,fate indeed comprehends all things which are done2 yet many of those things that are comprehended in it1 and almost all that precede1 should not 7to speak properly7 be pronounced to be fatal or according to ,fate4 ,these things being so1 we are next in order to show1 how that which is in our power 7or free will71 ,fortune1 possible1 contingent1 and other like things which are placed among the antecedent causes1 can consist with ,fate1 and ,fate with them2 for ,fate1 as it seems1 comprehends all things1 and yet all these things will not happen by necessity1 but every one of them according to the principle of its nature4 ,now the nature of the possible is to presubsist1 as the genus1 and to go before the contingent2 and the contingent1 as the matter and subject1 is to be in the sphere of free will2 and our free will ought as a master to make use of the contingent2 and ,fortune comes in by the side of free will1 through the property of the contingent of inclining to either part4 ,now you will more easily apprehend what has been said1 if you shall consider that everything which is generated1 and the generation itself1 is not done without a generative faculty or power1 and the power is not without a substance4 ,as for example1 neither the generation of man1 nor that which is generated1 is without a power2 but this power is about man1 and man himself is the substance4 ,now the power or faculty is between the substance1 which is the powerful1 and the generation and the thing generated1 which are both possibles4 ,there being then these three things1 the power1 the powerful1 and the possible2 before the power can exist1 the powerful must of necessity be presupposed as its subject1 and the power must also necessarily subsist before the possible4 ,by this deduction then may in some measure be understood what is meant by possible2 which may be grossly defined as that which power is able to produce2 or yet more exactly1 if to this same there be added1 provided there be nothing from without to hinder or obstruct it4 ,now of possible things there are some which can never be hindered1 as are those in heaven1 to wit1 the rising and setting of the stars1 and the like to these2 but others may indeed be hindered1 as are the most part of human things1 and many also of those which are done in the air4 ,the first1 as being done by necessity1 are called necessary2 the others1 which may fall one way or other1 are called contingent2 and they may both thus be described4 ,the necessary possible is that whose contrary is impossible2 and the contingent possible is that whose contrary is also possible4 ,for that the sun should set is a thing both necessary and possible1 forasmuch as it is contrary to this that the sun should not set1 which is impossible2 but that1 when the sun is set1 there should be rain or not rain1 both the one and the other is possible and contingent4 ,and then again of things contingent1 some happen oftener1 others rarely and not so often1 others fall out equally or indifferently1 as well the one way as the other1 even as it happens4 ,now it is manifest that those are contrary to one another1--to wit1 those which fall out oftener and those which happen but seldom1--and they both for the most part are dependent on ,nature2 but that which happens equally1 as much one way as another1 depends on ourselves4 ,for that under the ,dog it should be either hot or cold1 the one oftener1 the other seldomer1 are both things subject to ,nature2 but to walk and not to walk1 and all such things of which both the one and the other are submitted to the free will of man1 are said to be in us and our election2 but rather more generally to be in us4 ,for there are two sorts of this being in our power2 the one of which proceeds from some sudden passion and motion of the mind1 as from anger or pleasure2 the other from the discourse and judgment of reason1 which may properly be said to be in our election4 ,and some reason there is to hold that this possible and contingent is the same thing with that which is said to be in our power and according to our free will1 although named differently4 ,for in respect to the future1 it is called possible and contingent2 and in respect of the present1 it is named in our power and in our free choice4 ,these things may thus be defined3 ,the contingent is that which is itself--as well as its contrary--possible2 and that which is in our power is one part of the contingent1 to wit1 that which now takes place according to our choice4 ,thus have we in a manner declared1 that the possible in the order of ,nature precedes the contingent1 and that the contingent exists before free will2 as also what each of them is1 whence they are so named1 and what are the qualities adjoined or appertaining to them4 ,it now remains1 that we treat of ,fortune and casual adventure1 and whatever else is to be considered with them4 ,it is therefore certain that ,fortune is a cause4 ,now of causes1 some are causes by themselves1 and others by accident4 ,thus for example1 the proper cause by itself of an house or a ship is the art of the mason1 the carpenter1 or the shipwright2 but accidental causes are music1 geometry1 and whatever else may happen to be joined with the art of building houses or ships1 in respect either of the body1 the soul1 or any exterior thing4 ,whence it appears1 that the cause by itself must needs be determinate and one2 but the causes by accident are never one and the same1 but infinite and undetermined4 ,for many--nay1 infinite--accidents1 wholly different one from the other1 may be in one and the same subject4 ,now the cause by accident1 when it is found in a thing which not only is done for some end but has in it free will and election1 is then called ,fortune2 as is the finding a treasure while one is digging a hole to plant a tree1 or the doing or suffering some extraordinary thing whilst one is flying1 following1 or otherwise walking1 or only turning about1 provided it be not for the sake of that which happens1 but for some other intention4 ,hence it is1 that some of the ancients have declared ,fortune to be a cause unknown that cannot be foreseen by the human reason4 ,but according to the ,platonics1 who have approached yet nearer to the true reason of it1 it is thus defined3 ,fortune is a cause by accident1 in those things which are done for some end1 and which are of our election4 ,and afterwards they add1 that it is unforeseen and unknown to the human reason2 although that which is rare and strange appears also by the same means to be in this kind of cause by accident4 ,but what this is1 if it is not sufficiently evidenced by the oppositions and disputations made against it1 will at least most clearly be seen by what is written in ,plato's ,phaedo1 where you will find these words3-- ,,phaed4 ,have you not heard how and in what manner the judgment passed8 ,,ech4 ,yes indeed2 for there came one and told us of it4 ,at which we wondered very much that1 the judgment having been given long before1 it seems that he died a great while after4 ,and what1 ,phaedo1 might be the cause of it8 ,,phaed4 ,it was a fortune which happened to him1 ,echecrates4 ,for it chanced that1 the day before the judgment1 the prow of the galley which the ,athenians send every year to the isle of ,delos was crowned4 7,plato1 ,phaedo1 p4#eh ,a47 ,in which discourse it is to be observed1 that the expression ,,happened ,,to ,,him is not simply to be understood by ,,was ,,done or ,,came ,,to ,,pass1 but it much rather regards what befell him through the concurrence of many causes together1 one being done in connection with another4 ,for the priest crowned the ship and adorned it with garlands for another end and intention1 and not for the sake of ,socrates2 and the judges also had for some other cause condemned him4 ,but the event was contrary to experience1 and of such a nature that it might seem to have been effected by the foresight of some human creature1 or rather of the superior powers4 ,and so much may suffice to show with what ,fortune must of necessity subsist1 and that there must subsist first such things as are in our free will3 what it effects is1 like itself called ,fortune4 ,but chance or casual adventure is of a larger extent than ,fortune2 which it comprehends1 and also several other things which may of their own nature happen sometimes one way1 sometimes another4 ,and this1 as it appears by the derivation of the word1 which is in ,greek ,greek omitted ,,chance1 is that which happens of itself1 when that which is ordinary happens not1 but another thing in its place2 such as cold in the dog-days seems to be2 for it is sometimes then cold4444 ,once for all1 as that which is in our power is a part of the contingent1 so ,fortune is a part of chance or casual adventure2 and both the two events are conjoined and dependent on the one and the other1 to wit1 chance on contingent1 and ,fortune on that which is in our choice1--and yet not on all1 but on what is in our election1 as we have already said4 ,wherefore chance is common to things inanimate1 as well as to those which are animated2 whereas ,fortune is proper to man only1 who has his actions voluntary4 ,and an argument of this is1 that to be fortunate and to be happy are thought to be one and the same thing4 ,now happiness is a certain well-doing1 and well-doing is proper only to man1 and to him perfect4 ,these1 then1 are the things which are comprised in ,fate1 to wit1 contingent1 possible1 election1 that which is in our power1 ,fortune1 chance1 and their adjuncts1 as are the things signified by the words perhaps and peradventure2 all which indeed are contained in ,fate4 ,yet none ,of them is fatal4 ,it now remains1 that we discourse of divine ,providence1 and show how it comprehends even ,fate itself4 ,the supreme therefore and first ,providence is the understanding or 7if you had rather7 the will of the first and sovereign ,god1 doing good to everything that is in the world1 by which all divine things have universally and throughout been most excellently and most wisely ordained and disposed4 ,the second ,providence is that of the second gods1 who go through the heaven1 by which temporal and mortal things are orderly and regularly generated1 and which pertains to the continuation and preservation of every kind4 ,the third may probably be called the ,providence and procuration of the ,daemons1 which1 being placed on the earth1 are the guardians and overseers of human actions4 ,this threefold ,providence therefore being seen1 of which the first and supreme is chiefly and principally so named1 we shall not be afraid to say1 although we may in this seem to contradict the sentiments of some philosophers1 that all things are done by ,fate and by ,providence1 but not also by ,nature4 ,but some are done according to ,providence1 these according to one1 those according to another1--and some according to ,fate2 and ,fate is altogether according to ,providence1 while ,providence is in no wise according to ,fate4 ,but let this discourse be understood of the first and supreme ,providence4 ,now that which is done according to another1 whatever it is1 is always posterior to that according to which it is done2 as that which is according to the law is after the law1 and that which is according to ,nature is after ,nature1 so that which is according to ,fate is after ,fate1 and must consequently be more new and modern4 ,wherefore supreme ,providence is the most ancient of all things1 except him whose will or understanding it is1 to wit1 the sovereign author1 maker1 and father of all things4 ,let us therefore1 says ,timaeus1 discourse for what cause the ,creator made and framed this machine of the universe4 ,he was good1 and in him that is good there can never be imprinted or engendered any envy against anything4 ,being therefore wholly free from this1 he desired that all things should1 as far as it is possible1 resemble himself4 ,he1 therefore1 who admits this to have been chiefly the principal original of the generation and creation of the world1 as it has been delivered to us by wise men1 receives that which is most right4 ,for ,god1 who desired that all things should be good1 and nothing1 as far as possibly might be1 evil1 taking thus all that was visible1--restless as it was1 and moving rashly and confusedly1--reduced it from disorder to order1 esteeming the one to be altogether better than the other4 ,for it neither was nor is convenient for him who is in all perfection good1 to make anything that should not be very excellent and beautiful4 7,plato1 ,timaeus1 p4#bi ,d47 ,this1 therefore1 and all that follows1 even to his disputation concerning human souls1 is to be understood of the first ,providence1 which in the beginning constituted all things4 ,afterwards he speaks thus3 ,having framed the universe1 he ordained souls equal in number to the stars1 and distributed to each of them one2 and having set them1 as it were1 in a chariot1 showed the nature of the universe1 and appointed them the laws of ,fate4 7,ibid4 p4#da ,d47 ,who1 then1 will not believe1 that by these words he expressly and manifestly declares ,fate to be1 as it were1 a foundation and political constitution of laws1 fitted for the souls of men8 ,of which he afterwards renders the cause4 ,as for the second ,providence1 he thus in a manner explains it1 saying3 ,having prescribed them all these laws1 to the end that1 if there should afterwards happen any fault1 he might be exempt from being the cause of any of their evil1 he dispersed some of them upon the earth1 some into the moon1 and some into the other instruments of time4 ,and after this dispersion1 he gave in charge to the young gods the making of human bodies1 and the making up and adding whatever was wanting and deficient in human souls2 and after they had perfected whatever is adherent and consequent to this1 they should rule and govern1 in the best manner they possibly could1 this mortal creature1 so far as it might not be the cause of its own evils4 7,ibid4 p4#db ,d47 ,for by these words1 that he might be exempt from being the cause of any of their evil1 he most clearly signifies the cause of ,fate2 and the order and office of the young gods manifests the second ,providence2 and it seems also in some sort to have touched a little upon the third1 if he therefore established laws and ordinances that he might be exempt from being the cause of any of their evil4 ,for ,god1 who is free from all evil1 has no need of laws or ,fate2 but every one of these petty gods1 drawn on by the providence of him who has engendered them1 performs what belongs to his office4 ,now that this is true and agreeable to the opinion of ,plato1 these words of the lawgiver1 spoken by him in his ,book of ,laws1 seems to me to give sufficient testimony3 ,if there were any man so sufficient by ,nature1 being by divine ,fortune happily engendered and born1 that he could comprehend this1 he would have no need of laws to command him4 ,for there is not any law or ordinance more worthy and powerful than knowledge2 nor is it suitable that ,mind1 provided it be truly and really free by ,nature1 should be a subject or slave to any one1 but it ought to command all4 7,plato1 ,laws1 ix4 p4#hge ,c47 ,i therefore do for mine own part thus understand and interpret this sentence of ,plato4 ,there being a threefold ,providence1 the first1 as having engendered ,fate1 does in some sort comprehend it2 the second1 having been engendered with ,fate1 is with it totally comprehended and embraced by the first2 the third1 as having been engendered after ,fate1 is comprehended by it in the same manner as are free choice and ,fortune1 as we have already said4 ,for they whom the assistance of a ,daemon's power does help in their intercourse says ,socrates1 declaring to ,theages what is the almost settled ordinance of ,adrastea are those whom you also mean2 for they advance quickly4 7,plato1 ,theages1 p4#abi ,e47 ,in which words1 what he says of a ,daemon's aiding some is to be ascribed to the third ,providence1 and the growing and coming forward with speed to ,fate4 ,in brief1 it is not obscure or doubtful but that this also is a kind of ,fate4 ,and perhaps it may be found much more probable that the second ,providence is also comprehended under ,fate1 and indeed all things that are done2 since ,fate1 as a substance1 has been rightly divided by us into three parts1 and the simile of the chain comprehends the revolutions of the heavens in the number and rank of those things which happen conditionally4 ,but concerning these things ,i will not much contend1 to wit1 whether they should be called conditional1 or rather conjoined with ,fate1 the precedent cause and commander of ,fate being also fatal4 ,our opinion1 then1 to speak briefly1 is such4 ,but the contrary sentiment not only places all things in ,fate1 but affirms them all to be done by ,fate4 ,it agrees indeed in all things to the other 7the ,stoic7 doctrine2 and that which accords to another thing1 'tis clear1 is the same with it4 ,in this discourse therefore we have first spoken of the contingent2 secondly1 of that which is in our power2 thirdly1 of ,fortune and chance1 and whatever depends on them2 fourthly1 of praise1 blame1 and whatever depends on them2 the fifth and last of all may be said to be prayers to the gods1 with their services and ceremonies4 ,for the rest1 as to those which are called idle and cropping arguments1 and that which is named the argument against destiny1 they are indeed but vain subtleties and captious sophisms1 according to this discourse4 ,but according to the contrary opinion1 the first and principal conclusion seems to be1 that there is nothing done without a cause1 but that all things depend upon antecedent causes2 the second1 that the world is governed by ,nature1 and that it conspires1 consents1 and is compatible with itself2 the third seems rather to be testimonies1--of which the first is divination1 approved by all sorts of people1 as being truly in ,god2 the second is the equanimity and patience of wise men1 who take mildly and bear patiently whatever befalls1 as happening by divine ordinance and as it ought2 the third is the speech so common and usual in every one's mouth1 to wit1 that every proposition is true or false4 ,thus have we contracted this discourse into a small number of short articles1 that we might in few words comprehend the whole matter of ,fate2 into which a scrutiny ought to be made1 and the reasons of both opinions to be weighed with a most exact balance4 ,but we shall come to discuss particulars later4 ,,end ,,of ,,nine----------- ,,against ,,colotes1 ,,the ,,disciple ,,and ,,favorite ,,of ,,epicurus4 ,,colotes1 whom ,epicurus was wont diminutively and by way of familiarity or fondness to call ,colotaras and ,colotarion1 composed1 ,o ,saturninus1 and published a little book which he entitled1 ,that according to the opinions of the other philosophers one cannot so much as live4 ,this was dedicated to ,king ,ptolemy4 ,now ,i suppose that it will not be unpleasant for you to read1 when set down in writing1 what came into my mind to speak against this ,colotes1 since ,i know you to be a lover of all elegant and honest treatises1 and particularly of such as regard the science of antiquity1 and to esteem the bearing in memory and having 7as much as possible may be7 in hand the discourses of the ancient sages to be the most royal of all studies and exercises4 ,not long since1 therefore1 as this book was being read1 ,aristodemus of ,aegium1 a familiar friend of ours 7whom you well know to be one of the ,academy1 and not a mere thyrsus-bearer1 but one of the most frantic celebrators of ,plato's name71 did1 ,i know not how1 keep himself contrary to his custom very still all the while1 and patiently gave ear to it even to the end4 ,but the reading was scarce well over when he said3 ,well1 then1 whom shall we cause to rise up and fight against this man1 in defence of the philosophers8 ,for ,i am not of ,nestor's opinion1 who1 when the most valiant of those nine warriors that presented themselves to enter into combat was to be chosen1 committed the election to the fortune of a lot4 ,yet1 answered ,i1 you see he so disposed himself in reference to the lot1 that the choice might pass according to the arbitrament of the wisest man2 ,and th' lot drawn from the helmet1 as they wished1 ,on ,ajax fell4 ,but yet since you command me to make the election1 ,how can ,i think a better choice to make ,than the divine ,ulysses8 7,iliad1 vii4 #ahb2 x4 #bdc47 ,consider therefore1 and be well advised1 in what manner you will chastise this man4 ,but you know1 replied ,aristodemus1 that ,plato1 when highly offended with his boy that waited on him1 would not himself beat him1 but requested ,speusippus to do it for him1 saying that he himself was angry4 ,as much therefore may ,i say to you2 ,take this fellow to you1 and treat him as you please2 for ,i am in a fit of choler4 ,when therefore all the rest of the company desired me to undertake this office2 ,i must then1 said ,i1 speak1 since it is your pleasure4 ,but ,i am afraid that ,i also shall seem more vehemently transported than is fitting against this book1 in the defending and maintaining ,socrates against the rudeness1 scurrility1 and insolence of this man2 who1 because ,socrates affirmed himself to know nothing certainly1 instead of bread 7as one would say7 present him hay1 as if he were a beast1 and asks him why he puts meat into his mouth and not into his ear4 ,and yet perhaps some would make but a laughing matter of this1 considering the mildness and gentleness of ,socrates2 but for the whole host of the ,greeks1 that is1 of the other philosophers1 amongst which are ,democritus1 ,plato1 ,stilpo1 ,empedocles1 ,parmenides1 and ,melissus1 who have been basely traduced and reviled by him1 it were not only a shame to be silent1 but even a sacrilege in the least point to forbear or recede from freedom of speech in their behalf1 who have advanced philosophy to that honor and reputation it has gotten4 ,and our parents indeed have1 with the assistance of the gods1 given us our life2 but to live well comes to us from reason1 which we have learned from the philosophers1 which favors law and justice1 and restrains our concupiscence4 ,now to live well is to live sociably1 friendly1 temperately1 and justly2 of all which conditions they leave us not one1 who cry out that man's sovereign good lies in his belly1 and that they would not purchase all the virtues together at the expense of a cracked farthing1 if pleasure were totally and on every side removed from them4 ,and in their discourses concerning the soul and the gods1 they hold that the soul perishes when it is separated from the body1 and that the gods concern not themselves in our affairs4 ,thus the ,epicureans reproach the other philosophers1 that by their wisdom they bereave man of his life2 whilst the others on the contrary accuse them of teaching men to live degenerately and like beasts4 ,now these things are scattered here and there in the writings of ,epicurus1 and dispersed through all his philosophy4 ,but this ,colotes1 by having extracted from them certain pieces and fragments of discourses1 destitute of any arguments whatever to render them credible and intelligible1 has composed his book1 being like a shop or cabinet of monsters and prodigies2 as you better know than any one else1 because you have always in your hands the works of the ancients4 ,but he seems to me1 like the ,lydian1 to open not only one gate against himself1 but to involve ,epicurus also in many and those the greatest doubts and difficulties4 ,for he begins with ,democritus1 who receives of him an excellent and worthy reward for his instruction2 it being certain that ,epicurus for a long time called himself a ,democritean1 which as well others affirm1 as ,leonteus1 a principal disciple of ,epicurus1 who in a letter which he writ to ,lycophron says1 that ,epicurus honored ,democritus1 because he first attained1 though a little at a distance1 the right and sound understanding of the truth1 and that in general all the treatise concerning natural things was called ,democritean1 because ,democritus was the first who happened upon the principles and met with the primitive foundations of ,nature4 ,and ,metrodorus says openly of philosophy1 ,if ,democritus had not gone before and taught the way1 ,epicurus had never attained to wisdom4 ,now if it be true1 as ,colotes holds1 that to live according to the opinions of ,democritus is not to live1 ,epicurus was then a fool in following ,democritus1 who led him to a doctrine which taught him not to live4 ,now the first thing he lays to his charge is1 that1 by supposing everything to be no more individual than another1 he wholly confounds human life4 ,but ,democritus was so far from having been of this opinion1 that he opposed ,protagoras the philosopher who asserted it1 and writ many excellent arguments concluding against him1 which this fine fellow ,colotes never saw nor read1 nor yet so much as dreamed of2 but deceived himself by misunderstanding a passage which is in his works1 where he determines that ,greek omitted is no more than ,greek omitted1 naming in that place the body by ,greek omitted1 and the void by ,greek omitted1 and meaning that the void has its own proper nature and subsistence1 as well as the body4 ,but he who is of opinion that nothing has more of one nature than another makes use of a sentence of ,epicurus1 in which he says that all the apprehensions and imaginations given us by the senses are true4 ,for if of two saying1 the one1 that the wine is sour1 and the other1 that it is sweet1 neither of them shall be deceived by his sensation1 how shall the wine be more sour than sweet8 ,and we may often see that some men using one and the same bath find it to be hot1 and others find it to be cold2 because those order cold water to be put into it1 as these do hot4 ,it is said that1 a certain lady going to visit ,berenice1 wife to ,king ,deiotarus1 as soon as ever they approached each other1 they both immediately turned their backs1 the one1 as it seemed1 not being able to bear the smell of perfume1 nor the other of butter4 ,if1 then1 the sense of one is no truer than the sense of another1 it is also probable1 that water is no more cold than hot1 nor sweet ointment or butter better or worse scented one than the other4 ,for if any one shall say that it seems the one to one1 and the other to another1 he will1 before he is aware1 affirm that they are both the one and the other4 ,and as for these symmetries and proportions of the pores1 or little passages in the organs of the senses1 about which they talk so much1 and those different mixtures of seeds1 which1 they say1 being dispersed through all savors1 odors1 and colors1 move the senses of different persons to perceive different qualities1 do they not manifestly drive them to this1 that things are no more of one nature than another8 ,for to pacify those who think the sense is deceived and lies because they see contrary events and passions in such as use the same objects1 and to solve this objection1 they teach1--that when almost everything was confused and mixed up together1 since it has been arranged by ,nature that one thing shall fit another thing1 it was not the contact or the apprehension of the same quality nor were all parts affected in the same way by what was influencing them4 ,but those only coalesced with anything to which they had a characteristic1 symmetrical in a corresponding proportion2 so that they are in error so obstinately to insist that a thing is either good or bad1 white or not white1 thinking to establish their own senses by destroying those of others2 whereas they ought neither to combat the senses1--because they all touch some quality1 each one drawing from this confused mixture1 as from a living and large fountain1 what is suitable and convenient1--nor to pronounce of the whole1 by touching only the parts1 nor to think that all ought to be affected after one and the same manner by the same thing1 seeing that one is affected by one quality and faculty of it1 and another by another4 ,let us investigate who those men are which bring in this opinion that things are not more of one quality than another1 if they are not those who affirm that every sensible object is a mixture1 compounded of all sorts of qualities1 like a mixture of new wine fermenting1 and who confess that all their rules are lost and their faculty of judging quite gone1 if they admit any sensible object that is pure and simple1 and do not make each one thing to be many8 ,see now to this purpose1 what discourse and debate ,epicurus makes ,polyaenus to have with him in his ,banquet concerning the heat of wine4 ,for when he asked1 ,do you1 ,epicurus1 say1 that wine does not heat8 some one answered1 ,it is not universally to be affirmed that wine heats4 ,and a little after3 ,for wine seems not to be universally a heater2 but such a quantity may be said to heat such a person4 ,and again subjoining the cause1 to wit1 the compressions and disseminations of the atoms1 and having alleged their commixtures and conjunctions with others when the wine comes to be mingled in the body1 he adds this conclusion3 ,it is not universally to be said that wine is endued with a faculty of heating2 but that such a quantity may heat such a nature and one so disposed1 while such a quantity to such a nature is cooling4 ,for in such a mass there are such natures and complexions of which cold might be composed1 and which1 united with others in proper measure1 would yield a refrigerative virtue4 ,wherefore some are deceived1 who say that wine is universally a heater2 and others1 who say that it is universally a cooler4 ,he then who says that most men are deceived and err1 in holding that which is hot to be heating and that which is cold to be cooling1 is himself in an error1 unless he should allow that his assertion ends in the doctrine that one thing is not more of one nature than another4 ,he farther adds afterwards that oftentimes wine entering into a body brings with it thither neither a calefying nor refrigerating virtue1 but1 the mass of the body being agitated and disturbed1 and a transposition made of the parts1 the heat-effecting atoms being assembled together do by their multitude cause a heat and inflammation in the body1 and sometimes on the contrary disassembling themselves cause a refrigeration4 ,but it is moreover wholly evident1 that we may employ this argument to all those things which are called and esteemed bitter1 sweet1 purging1 dormitive1 and luminous1 not any one of them having an entire and perfect quality to produce such effects1 nor to act rather than to be acted on when they are in the bodies1 but being there susceptible1 of various temperatures and differences4 ,for ,epicurus himself1 in his ,second ,book against ,theophrastus1 affirming that colors are not connatural to bodies1 but are engendered there according to certain situations and positions with respect to the sight of man1 says3 ,for this reason a body is no more colored than destitute of color4 ,and a little above he writes thus1 word for word3 ,but apart from this1 ,i know not how a man may say that those bodies which are in the dark have color2 although very often1 an air equally dark being spread about them1 some distinguish diversities of colors1 others perceive them not through the weakness of their sight4 ,and moreover1 going into a dark house or room1 we at our first entrance see no color1 but after we have stayed there awhile1 we do4 ,wherefore we are to say that every body is not more colored than not colored4 ,now1 if color is relative and has its being in regard to something else1 so also then is white1 and so likewise blue2 and if colors are so1 so also are sweet and bitter4 ,so that it may truly be affirmed of every quality1 that it cannot more properly be said to exist than not to exist4 ,for to those who are in a certain manner disposed1 they will be2 but to those who are not so disposed1 they will not be4 ,colotes therefore has bedashed and bespattered himself and his master with that dirt1 in which he says those lie who maintain that things are not more of one quality than another4 ,but is it in this alone1 that this excellent man shows himself-- ,to others a physician1 whilst himself ,is full of ulcers8 7,euripides1 ,frag4 #ajga47 ,no indeed2 but yet much farther in his second reprehension1 without any way minding it1 he drives ,epicurus and ,democritus out of this life4 ,for he affirms that the statement of ,democritus--that the atoms are to the senses color by a certain human law or ordinance1 that they are by the same law sweetness1 and by the same law concretion--is at war with our senses1 and that he who uses this reason and persists in this opinion cannot himself imagine whether he is living or dead4 ,i know not how to contradict this discourse2 but this ,i can boldly affirm1 that this is as inseparable from the sentences and doctrines of ,epicurus as they say figure and weight are from atoms4 ,for what is it that ,democritus says8 ,there are substances1 in number infinite1 called atoms 7because they cannot be divided71 without difference1 without quality1 and passibility1 which move1 being dispersed here and there1 in the infinite voidness2 and that when they approach one another1 or meet and are conjoined1 of such masses thus heaped together1 one appears water1 another fire1 another a plant1 another a man2 and that all things are thus properly atoms 7as he called them71 and nothing else2 for there is no generation from what does not exist2 and of those things which are nothing can be generated1 because these atoms are so firm1 that they can neither change1 alter1 nor suffer2 wherefore there cannot be made color of those things which are without color1 nor nature or soul of those things which are without quality and impassible4 ,democritus then is to be blamed1 not for confessing those things that happen upon his principles1 but for supposing principles upon which such things happen4 ,for he should not have supposed immutable principles2 or having supposed them1 he should have seen that the generation of all quality is taken away2 but having seen the absurdity1 to deny it is most impudent4 ,but ,epicurus says1 that he supposes the same principles with ,democritus1 but that he says not that color1 sweet1 white1 and other qualities1 are by law and ordinance4 ,if therefore ,,not ,,to ,,say is the same as ,,not ,,to ,,confess1 he does merely what he is wont to do4 ,for it is as when1 taking away divine ,providence1 he nevertheless says that he leaves piety and devotion towards the gods2 and when1 choosing friendship for the sake of pleasure1 that he suffers most grievous pains for his friends2 and supposing the universe to be infinite1 that he nevertheless takes not away high and low4444 ,indeed having taken the cup1 one may drink what he pleases1 and return the rest4 ,but in reasoning one ought chiefly to remember this wise apothegm1 that where the principles are not necessary1 the ends and consequences are necessary4 ,it was not then necessary for him to suppose or 7to say better7 to steal from ,democritus1 that atoms are the principles of the universe2 but having supposed this doctrine1 and having pleased and glorified himself in the first probable and specious appearances of it1 he must afterwards also swallow that which is troublesome in it1 or must show how bodies which have not any quality can bring all sorts of qualities to others only by their meetings and joining together4 ,as--to take that which comes next neither had heat when they came1 nor are become hot after their being joined together8 ,for the one presupposes that they had some quality1 and the other that they were fit to receive it4 ,and you affirm1 that neither the one nor the other must be said to be congruous to atoms1 because they are incorruptible4 ,how then8 ,do not ,plato1 ,aristotle1 and ,xenocrates produce gold from that which is not gold1 and stone from that which is not stone1 and many other things from the four simple first bodies8 ,yes indeed2 but with those bodies immediately concur also the principles for the generation of everything1 bringing with them great contributions1 that is1 the first qualities which are in them2 then1 when they come to assemble and join in one the dry with the moist1 the cold with the hot1 and the solid with the soft1--that is1 active bodies with such as are fit to suffer and receive every alteration and change1--then is generation wrought by passing from one temperature to another4 ,whereas the atom1 being alone1 is alone1 is deprived and destitute of all quality and generative faculty1 and when it comes to meet with the others1 it can make only a noise and sound because of its hardness and firmness1 but nothing more4 ,for they always strike and are stricken1 not being able by this means to compose or make an animal1 a soul1 or a nature1 nay1 not so much as a mass or heap of themselves2 for that as they beat upon one another1 so they fly back again asunder4 ,but ,colotes1 as if he were speaking to some ignorant and unlettered king1 again attacks ,empedocles for expressing the same thought3-- ,i've one thing more to say4 ',mongst mortals there ,no ,nature is2 nor that grim thing men fear ,so much1 called death4 ,there only happens first ,a mixture1 and mixt things asunder burst ,again1 when them disunion does befall4 ,and this is that which men do ,nature call4 ,for my part1 ,i do not see how this is repugnant and contrary to life or living1 especially amongst those who hold that there is no generation of that which is not1 nor corruption of that which is1 but that the assembling and union of the things which are is called generation1 and their dissolution and disunion named corruption and death4 ,for that he took ,nature for generation1 and that this is his meaning1 he has himself declared1 when he opposed ,nature to death4 ,and if they neither live nor can live who place generation in union and death in disunion1 what else do these ,epicureans8 ,yet ,empedocles1 gluing1 7as it were7 and conjoining the elements together by heats1 softnesses1 and humidifies1 gives them in some sort a mixtion and unitive composition2 but these men who hunt and drive together the atoms1 which they affirm to be immutable and impassible1 compose nothing proceeding from them1 but indeed make many and continual percussions of them4 ,for the interlacement1 hindering the dissolution1 more and more augments the collision and concussion2 so that there is neither mixtion nor adhesion and conglutination1 but only a discord and combat1 which according to them is called generation4 ,and if the atoms do now recoil for a moment by reason of the shock they have given1 and then return again after the blow is past1 they are above double the time absent from one another1 without either touching or approaching1 so as nothing can be made of them1 not even so much as a body without a soul4 ,but as for sense1 soul1 understanding1 and prudence1 there is not any man who can in the least conceive or imagine how it is possible they should be made in a voidness1 and atoms which neither when separate and apart have any quality1 nor any passion or alteration when they are assembled and joined together1 especially seeing this their meeting together is not an incorporation or congress1 making a mixture or coalition1 but rather percussions and repercussions4 ,so that1 according to the doctrine of these people1 life is taken away1 and the existence of an animal denied1 since they posit principles void1 impassible1 godless1 and soulless1 and such as cannot allow or receive any mixture or commingling whatever4 ,how then is it1 that they admit and allow ,nature1 soul1 and living creature8 ,even in the same manner as they do an oath1 prayer1 and sacrifice1 and the adoration of the gods4 ,thus they adore by word and mouth1 only naming and feigning that which by their principles they totally take away and abolish4 ,if now they call that which is born ,nature1 and that which is engendered generation1--as those who are accustomed to call wood wood-work and the voices that accord and sound together symphony1--whence came it into his mind to object these words against ,empedocles8 ,why1 says he1 do we tire ourselves in taking such care of ourselves1 in desiring and longing after certain things1 and shunning and avoiding others8 ,for we neither are ourselves1 nor do we live by making use of others4 ,but be of good cheer1 my dear little ,colotes1 may one perhaps say to him3 there is none who hinders you from taking care of yourself by teaching that the nature of ,colotes is nothing else but ,colotes himself1 or who forbids you to make use of things 7now things with you are pleasures7 by showing that there is no nature of tarts and marchpanes1 of sweet odors1 or of venereal delights1 but that there are tarts1 marchpanes1 perfumes1 and women4 ,for neither does the grammarian who says that the strength of ,hercules is ,hercules himself deny the being of ,hercules2 nor do those who say that symphonies and roofings are but absolute derivations affirm that there are neither sounds nor timbers2 since also there are some who1 taking away the soul and intelligence1 do not yet seem to take away either living or being intelligent4 ,and when ,epicurus says that the nature of things is to be found in bodies and their place1 do we so comprehend him as if he meant that ,nature were something else than the things which are1 or as if he insinuated that it is merely the things which are1 and nothing else8--as1 to wit1 he is wont to call voidness itself the nature of voidness1 and the universe1 by ,jupiter1 the nature of the universe4 ,and if any one should thus question him2 ,what sayst thou1 ,epicurus1 that this is voidness1 and that the nature of voidness8 ,no1 by ,jupiter1 would he answer2 but this transference of names is in use by law and custom4 ,i grant it is4 ,now what has ,empedocles done else1 but taught that ,nature is nothing else save that which is born1 and death no other thing but that which dies8 ,but as the poets very often1 forming as it were an image1 say thus in figurative language1 ,strife1 tumult1 noise1 placed by some angry god1 ,mischief1 and malice there had their abode2 7,iliad1 xvii4 #ebe47 so do some authors attribute generation and corruption to things that are contracted together and dissolved4 ,but so far has he been from stirring and taking away that which is1 or contradicting that which evidently appears1 that he casts not so much as one single word out of the accustomed use2 but taking away all figurative fraud that might hurt or endamage things1 he again restored the ordinary and useful signification to words in these verses3-- ,when from mixed elements we sometimes see ,a man produced1 sometimes a beast1 a tree1 ,or bird1 this birth and geniture we name2 ,but death1 when this so well compacted frame ,and juncture is dissolved4 ,and yet ,i myself say that ,colotes1 though he alleged these verses1 did not understand that ,empedocles took not away men1 beasts1 trees1 or birds1 which he affirmed to be composed of the elements mixed together2 and that1 by teaching how much they are deceived who call this composition ,nature and life1 and this dissolution unhappy destruction and miserable death1 he did not abrogate the using of the customary expressions in this respect4 ,and it seems to me1 indeed1 that ,empedocles did not aim in this place at the disturbing the common manner of expression1 but that he really1 as it has been said1 had a controversy about generation from things that have no being1 which some call ,nature4 ,which he manifestly shows by these verses3-- ,fools1 and of little thought1 we well may deem ,those1 who so silly are as to esteem ,that what ne'er was may now engendered be1 ,and that what is may perish utterly4 ,for these are the words of one who cries loud enough to those which have ears1 that he takes not away generation1 but procreation from nothing2 nor corruption1 but total destruction that is1 reduction to nothing4 ,for to him who would not so savagely and foolishly but more gently calumniate1 the following verses might give a colorable occasion of charging ,empedocles with the contrary1 when he says3-- ,no prudent man can e'er into his mind ,admit that1 whilst men living here on earth 7,which only life they call7 both fortunes find1 ,they being have1 but that before the birth ,they nothing were1 nor shall be when once dead4 ,for these are not the expressions of a man who denies those that are born to be1 but rather of him who holds those to be that are not yet born or that are already dead4 ,and ,colotes also does not altogether accuse him of this1 but says that according to his opinion we shall never be sick1 never wounded4 ,but how is it possible1 that he who affirms men to have being both before their life and after their death1 and during their life to find both fortunes 7or to be accompanied both by good and evil71 should not leave them the power to suffer8 ,who then are they1 ,o ,colotes1 that are endued with this privilege never to be wounded1 never to be sick8 ,even you yourselves1 who are composed of atoms and voidness1 neither of which1 you say1 has any sense4 ,now there is no great hurt in this2 but the worst is1 you have nothing left that can cause you pleasure1 seeing an atom is not capable to receive those things which are to effect it1 and voidness cannot be affected by them4 ,but because ,colotes would1 immediately after ,democritus1 seem to inter and bury ,parmenides1 and ,i have passed over and a little postponed his defence1 to bring in between them that of ,empedocles1 as seeming to be more coherent and consequent to the first reprehensions1 let us now return to ,parmenides4 ,him1 then1 does ,colotes accuse of having broached and set abroad certain shameful and villanous sophistries2 and yet by these his sophisms he has neither rendered friendship less honorable1 nor voluptuousness or the desire of pleasures more audacious and unbridled4 ,he has not taken from honesty its attractive property or its being venerable or recommendable of itself1 nor has he disturbed the opinions we ought to have of the gods4 ,and ,i do not see how1 by saying that the ,all 7or the universe7 is one1 he hinders or obstructs our living4 ,for when ,epicurus himself says that the ,all is infinite1 that it is neither engendered nor perishable1 that it can neither increase nor be diminished1 he speaks of the universe as of one only thing4 ,and having in the beginning of his treatise concerning this matter said1 that the nature of those things which have being consists of bodies and of vacuum1 he makes a division 7as it were7 of one thing into two parts1 one of which has in reality no subsistence1 being1 as you yourselves term it1 impalpable1 void1 and incorporeal2 so that by this means1 even with you also1 all comes to be one2 unless you desire1 in speaking of voidness1 to use words void of sense1 and to combat the ancients1 as if you were fighting against a shadow4 ,but these atomical bodies1 you will say1 are1 according to the opinion of ,epicurus1 infinite in number1 and everything which appears to us is composed of them4 ,see now1 therefore1 what principles of generation you suppose1 infinity and voidness2 one of which1 to wit1 voidness1 is inactive1 impassible1 and incorporeal2 the other1 to wit1 infinity1 is disorderly1 unreasonable1 and unintelligible1 dissolving and confounding itself1 because it cannot for its multitude be contained1 circumscribed1 or limited4 ,but ,parmenides has neither taken away fire1 nor water1 nor precipices1 nor yet cities 7as ,colotes says7 which are inhabited as well in ,europe as in ,asia2 since he has both constructed an order of the world1 and mixing the elements1 to wit1 light and dark1 does of them and by them arrange and finish all things that appear in the world4 ,for he has written very largely of the earth1 heaven1 sun1 moon1 and stars1 and has spoken of the generation of man2 and being1 as he was1 an ancient author in physiology1 and one who in writing sought to save his own and not to destroy another's doctrine1 he has overlooked none of the essential things in ,nature4 ,moreover1 ,plato1 and before him ,socrates himself1 understood that in ,nature there is one part subject to opinion1 and another subject to intelligence4 ,as for that which is subject to opinion1 it is always unconstant1 wandering1 and carried away with several passions and changes1 liable to diminution and increase1 and to be variously disposed to various men1 and not always appearing after one manner even to the same individual4 ,but as to the intelligible part1 it is quite of another kind1 ,constant1 entire1 and still engenerable1 as himself says1 always like to itself1 and perdurable in its being4 ,here ,colotes1 sycophant-like1 catching at his expressions and drawing the discourse from things to words1 flatly affirms that ,parmenides in one word destroys the existence of all things by supposing ,,ens 7or that which is7 to be one4 ,but1 on the contrary1 he takes away neither the one nor the other part of ,nature2 but rendering to each of them what belongs to it and is convenient for it1 he places the intelligible in the idea of one and of that which is1 calling it ,,ens because it is eternal and incorruptible1 and one because it is always like itself and admits no diversity4 ,and as for that part which is sensible1 he places it in the rank of uncertain1 disorderly1 and always moving4 ,of which two parts1 we may see the distinct judgment3-- ,one certain truth and sincere knowledge is1 as regarding that which is intelligible1 and always alike and of the same sort2 ,the other does on men's opinions rest1 ,which breed no true belief within our breast1 because it is conversant in things which receive all sorts of changes1 passions1 and inequalities4 ,now how he could have left sense and opinion1 if he had not also left any sensible and opinable object1 it is impossible for any man to say4 ,but because to that which truly ,,is it appertains to continue in its being1 and because sensible things sometimes are1 sometimes are not1 continually passing from one being to another and perpetually changing their state1 he thought they required some other name than that of ,,entia1 or things which always are4 ,this speech therefore concerning ,,ens 7or that which is71 that it should be but one1 is not to take away the plurality of sensible things1 but to show how they differ from that which is intelligible4 ,which difference ,plato in his discussion of ,ideas more fully declaring1 has thereby afforded ,colotes an opportunity of cavilling4 ,therefore it seems not unfitting to me to take next into our consideration1 as it were all in a train1 what he has also said against him4 ,but first let us contemplate a little the diligence--together with the manifold and profound knowledge--of this our philosopher1 who says1 that ,aristotle1 ,xenocrates1 ,theophrastus1 and all the ,peripateties have followed these doctrines of ,plato4 ,for in what corner of the uninhabitable world have you1 ,o ,colotes1 written your book1 that1 composing all these accusations against such personages1 you never have lighted upon their works1 nor have taken into your hands the books of ,aristotle concerning ,heaven and the ,soul1 nor those of ,theophrastus against the ,naturalists1 nor the ,zoroaster of ,heraclides1 nor his books of ,hell1 nor that of ,natural ,doubts and ,difficulties1 nor the book of ,dicaearchus concerning the ,soul2 in all which books they are in the highest degree contradictory and repugnant to ,plato about the principal and greatest points of natural philosophy8 ,nay1 ,strato himself1 the very head and prince of the other ,peripatetics1 agrees not in many things with ,aristotle1 and holds opinions altogether contrary to ,plato1 concerning motion1 the understanding1 the soul1 and generation4 ,in fine1 he says that the world is not an animal1 and that what is according to ,nature follows what is according to ,fortune2 for that ,chance gave the beginning1 and so every one of the natural effects was afterwards finished4 ,now as to the ideas1--for which he quarrels with ,plato1--,aristotle1 by moving this matter at every turn1 and alleging all manner of doubts concerning them1 in his ,ethics1 in his ,physics1 and in his ,exoterical ,dialogues seems to some rather obstinately than philosophically to have disputed against these doctrines1 as having proposed to himself the debasing and undervaluing of ,plato's philosophy2 so far he was from following it4 ,what an impudent rashness then is this1 that having neither seen nor understood what these persons have written and what were their opinions1 he should go and devise such things as they never imagined2 and persuading himself that he reprehends and refutes others1 he should produce a proof1 written with his own hand1 arguing and convincing himself of ignorance1 licentiousness1 and shameful impudence1 in saying that those who contradict ,plato agree with him1 and that those who oppose him follow him4 ,plato1 says he1 writes that horses are in vain by us considered horses1 and men men4 ,and in which of ,plato's commentaries has he found this hidden8 ,for as to us1 we read in all his books1 that horses are horses1 that men are men1 and that fire is by him esteemed fire1 because he holds that every one of these things is sensible and subject to opinion4 ,but this ,colotes1 as if he were not a hair's breadth distance from wisdom1 takes it to be one and the same thing to say1 ,man is not and ,man is a ,,non ,,ens4 ,now to ,plato there seems to be a wonderful great difference between not being at all and being a ,,non ,,ens2 because the first imports an annihilation and abolishment of all substance1 and the other shows the diversity there is between that which is participated and that which participates4 ,which diversity those who came after distinguished only into the difference of genus and species1 and certain common and proper qualities or accidents1 as they are called1 but ascended no higher1 falling into more logical doubts and difficulties4 ,now there is the same proportion between that which is participated and that which participates1 as there is between the cause and the matter1 the original and the image1 the faculty and the result4 ,wherein that which is by itself and always the same principally differs from that which is by another and never remains in one and the same manner2 because the one never was nor ever shall be non-existent1 and is therefore totally and essentially an ,,ens2 but to the other that very being1 which it has not of itself but happens to take by participation from another1 does not remain firm and constant1 but it goes out of it by its imbecility1--the matter always gliding and sliding about the form1 and receiving several functions and changes in the image of the substance1 so that it is continually moving and shaking4 ,as therefore he who says that the image of ,plato is not ,plato takes not away the sense and substance of the image1 but shows the difference of that which is of itself from that which is only in regard to some other1 so neither do they take away the nature1 use1 or sense of men1 who affirm that every one of us1 by participating in a certain common substratum1 that is1 in the idea1 is become the image of that which afforded the likeness for our generation4 ,for neither does he who says that a red-hot iron is not fire1 or that the moon is not the sun1 but1 as ,parmenides has it1 ,a torch which round the earth by night ,does bear about a borrowed light1 take away therefore the use of iron1 or the nature of the moon4 ,but if he should deny it to be a body1 or affirm that it is not illuminated1 he would then contradict the senses1 as one who admitted neither body1 animal1 generation1 nor sense4 ,but he who by his opinion imagines that these things subsist only by participation1 and reflects how far remote and distant they are from that which always is and which communicates to them their being1 does not reject the sensible1 but affirms that the intelligible is2 nor does he take away and abolish the results which are wrought and appear in us2 but he shows to those who follow him that there are other things1 firmer and more stable than these in respect of their essence1 because they are neither engendered1 nor perish1 nor suffer anything2 and he teaches them1 more purely touching the difference1 to express it by names1 calling these ,greek omitted or ,greek omitted 7,,things ,,that ,,have ,,being71 and those ,greek omitted or ,,fientia 7,,things ,,engendered74 ,and the same also usually befalls the moderns2 for they deprive many--and those great things--of the appellation of ,,ens or ,,being2 such as are voidness1 time1 place1 and simply the entire genus of things spoken1 in which are comprised all things true4 ,for these things1 they say1 are not ,,entia but ,,some ,,things2 and they perpetually treat of them in their lives and in their philosophy1 as of things having subsistence and existence4 ,but ,i would willingly ask this our fault-finder1 whether themselves do not in their affairs perceive this difference1 by which some things are permanent and immutable in their substances1--as they say of their atoms1 that they are at all times and continually after one and the same manner1 because of their impassibility and hardness1--but that all compound things are fluxible1 changeable1 generated1 and perishing2 forasmuch as infinite images are always departing and going from them1 and infinite others as it is probable1 repair to them from the ambient air1 filling up what was diminished from the mass1 which is much diversified and transvasated1 as it were1 by this change1 since those atoms which are in the very bottom of the said mass can never cease stirring and reciprocally beating upon one another2 as they themselves affirm4 ,there is then in things such a diversity of substance4 ,but ,epicurus is in this wiser and more learned than ,plato1 that he calls them all equally ,,entia1--to wit1 the impalable voidness1 the solid and resisting body1 the principles1 and the things composed of them1--and thinks that the eternal participates of the common substance with that which is generated1 the immortal with the corruptible1 and the natures that are impassible1 perdurable1 unchangeable1 and that can never fall from their being1 with those which have their essence in suffering and changing1 and can never continue in one and the same state4 ,but though ,plato had with all the justness imaginable deserved to be condemned for having offended in this1 yet should he have been sentenced by these gentlemen1 who use ,greek more elegantly and discourse more correctly than he1 only as having confounded the terms1 and not as having taken away the things and driven life from us1 because he named them ,,fientia 7or things engendered71 and not ,,entia 7things that have being71 as these men do4 ,but because we have passed over ,socrates1 who should have come next after ,parmenides1 we must now turn back our discourse to him4 ,him therefore has ,colotes begun at the very first to remove1 as the common proverb has it1 from the sacred line2 and having mentioned how ,chaerephon brought from ,delphi an oracle1 well known to us all1 concerning ,socrates1 he says thus3 ,now as to this narration of ,chaerephon's1 because it is odious and entirely sophistical1 we will overpass it4 ,plato1 then1 that we may say nothing of others1 is also odious1 who has committed it to writing2 and the ,lacedaemonians are yet more odious1 who keep the oracle of ,lycurgus amongst their most ancient and most authentic inscriptions4 ,the oracle also of ,themistocles1 by which he persuaded the ,athenians to quit their town1 and in a naval fight defeated the barbarous ,xerxes1 was a sophistical fiction4 ,odious also were all the ancient legislators and founders of ,greece who established the most part of their temples1 sacrifices1 and solemn festivals by the answer of the ,pythian ,oracle4 ,but if the oracle brought from ,delphi concerning ,socrates1 a man ravished with a divine zeal to virtue1 by which he is styled and declared wise1 is odious1 fictitious1 and sophistical1 by what name shall we call your cries1 noises1 and shouts1 your applauses1 adorations and canonizations1 with which you extol and celebrate him who incites and exhorts you to frequent and continual pleasures8 ,for thus has he written in his epistle to ,anaxarchus3 ,i for my part incite and call you to continual pleasures1 and not to vain and empty virtues1 which have nothing but turbulent hopes of uncertain fruits4 ,and yet ,metrodorus1 writing to ,timarchus1 says3 ,let us do some extraordinarily excellent thing1 not suffering ourselves to be plunged in reciprocal affections1 but retiring from this low and terrestrial life1 and elevating ourselves to the truly holy and divinely revealed ceremonies and mysteries of ,epicurus4 ,and even ,colotes himself1 hearing one day ,epicurus discoursing of natural things1 fell suddenly at his feet and embraced his knees1 as ,epicurus himself1 glorying in it1 thus writes3 ,for as if you had adored what we were then saying1 you were suddenly taken with a desire1 proceeding not from any natural cause1 to come to us1 prostrate yourself on the ground1 embrace our knees1 and use all those gestures to us which are ordinarily practised by those who adore and pray to the gods4 ,so that you made us also1 says he1 reciprocally sanctify and adore you4 ,those1 by ,jupiter1 well deserve to be pardoned1 who say1 they would willingly give any money for a picture in which should be presented to the life this fine story of one lying prostrate at the knees and embracing the legs of another1 who mutually again adores him and makes his devout prayers to him4 ,nevertheless this devout service1 how well soever it was ordered and composed by ,colotes1 received not the condign fruit he expected2 for he was not declared wise2 but it was only said to him3 ,go they ways1 and walk immortal2 and understand that we also are in like manner immortal4 ,these men1 knowing well in their consciences that they have used such foolish speeches1 have had such motions1 and such passions1 dare nevertheless call others odious4 ,and ,colotes1 having shown us these fine first-fruits and wise positions touching the natural senses1--that we eat meat1 and not hay or forage2 and that when rivers are deep and great1 we pass them in boats1 but when shallow and easily fordable1 on foot1--cries out1 ,you use vain and arrogant speeches1 ,o ,socrates2 you say one thing to those who come to discourse with you1 and practise another4 ,now ,i would fain know what these vain and arrogant speeches of ,socrates were1 since he ordinarily said that he knew nothing1 that he was always learning1 and that he went inquiring and searching after the truth4 ,but if1 ,o ,colotes1 you had happened on such expressions of ,socrates as are those which ,epicurus writ to ,idomeneus1 ,send me then the first-fruits for the entertainment of our sacred body1 for ourself and for our children3 for so it comes upon me to speak2 what more arrogant and insolent words could you have used8 ,and yet that ,socrates spake otherwise than he lived1 you have wonderful proofs in his gests at ,delium1 at ,potidaea1 in his behavior during the time of the ,thirty ,tyrants1 towards ,archelaus1 towards the people of ,athens1 in his poverty1 and in his death4 ,for are not these things beseeming and answerable to the doctrine of ,socrates8 ,they would indeed1 good sir1 have been indubitable testimonies to show that he acted otherwise than he taught1 if1 having proposed pleasure for the end of life1 he had led such a life as this4 ,thus much for the calumnies he has uttered against ,socrates4 ,colotes besides perceives not that he is himself found guilty of the same offences in regard to theory and practice which he objects against ,socrates4 ,for this is one of the sentences and propositions of ,epicurus1 that none but the wise man ought irrevocably and unchangeably to be persuaded of anything4 ,since then ,colotes1 even after those adorations he performed to ,epicurus1 became not one of the sages1 let him first make these questions and interrogatories his own3 ,how is it that being hungry he eats meat and not hay1 and that he puts a robe about his body and not about a pillar1 since he is not indubitably persuaded either that a robe is a robe or that meat is meat8 ,but if he not only does these things1 but also passes not over rivers1 when they are great and high1 on foot1 and flies from wolves and serpents1 not being irrevocably persuaded that any of these things is such as it seems1 but yet doing everything according to what appears to him2 so likewise the opinion of ,socrates concerning the senses was no obstacle to him1 but that he might in like manner make use of things as they appeared to him4 ,for it is not likely that bread appeared bread and hay hay to ,colotes1 because he had read those holy rules of ,epicurus which came down from heaven1 while ,socrates on account of his vanity imagined that hay was bread and bread hay4 ,for these wise men use better opinions and reasons than we2 but to have sense1 and to receive an impression from objects as they appear1 is common as well to the ignorant as to the wise1 as proceeding from causes where there needs not the discourse of reason4 ,and the proposition which affirms that the natural senses are not perfect1 nor certain enough to cause an entire belief1 hinders not that everything may appear to us2 but leaving us to make use of our senses in our actions according to that which appears1 it permits us not so to give credit to them as if they were exactly true and without error4 ,for it is sufficient that in what is necessary and commodious for use there is nothing better4 ,but as for the science and knowledge which the soul of a philosopher desires to have concerning everything1 the senses have it not4 ,but as to this1 ,colotes will farther give us occasion to speak of it hereafter1 for he brings this objection against several others4 ,furthermore1 whereas he profusely derides and despises ,socrates for asking what man is1 and in a youthful bravery 7as he terms it7 affirming that he was ignorant of it1 it is manifest that he himself1 who scoffs at it1 never so much as thought of this matter2 but ,heraclitus on the contrary1 as having done some great and worthy thing1 said1 ,i have been seeking myself4 ,and of the sentences that were written in ,apollo's temple at ,delphi1 the most excellent and most divine seems to have been this1 ,know thyself4 ,and this it was which gave ,socrates an occasion and beginning of doubting and inquiring into it1 as ,aristotle says in his ,platonics4 ,and yet this appears to ,colotes ridiculous and fit to be scoffed at4 ,and ,i wonder that he derides not also his master himself1 who does as much whenever he writes concerning the substance of the soul and the creation of man4 ,for if that which is compounded of both1 as they themselves hold1--of the body1 to wit1 and the soul1--is man1 he who searches into the nature of the soul consequently also searches into the nature of man1 beginning from his chiefest principle4 ,now that the soul is very difficult to be comprehended by reason1 and altogether incomprehensible by the exterior senses1 let us not learn from ,socrates1 who is a vainglorious and sophistical disputer1 but let us take it from these wise men1 who1 having forged and framed the substance of the soul of somewhat hot1 spiritual1 and aerial1 as far as to the faculties of the flesh1 by which she gives heat1 softness and strength to the body1 proceed not to that which is the principal1 but give over faint and tired by the way4 ,for that by which she judges1 remembers1 loves1 hates1--in a word1 that which is prudent and rational1 is1--say they1 made afterwards of ,i know not what nameless quality4 ,now we well know1 that this nameless thing is a confession of their shameful ignorance1 whilst they pretend they cannot name what they are not able to understand or comprehend4 ,but let this1 as they say1 be pardoned them4 ,for it seems not to be a light and easy matter1 which every one can at the first attempt find out and attain to1 but has retired itself to the bottom of some very remote place1 and there lies obscurely concealed4 ,so that there is not1 amongst so many words and terms as are in use1 any one that can explain or show it4 ,socrates therefore was not a fool or blockhead for seeking and searching what himself was2 but they are rather to be thought shallow coxcombs1 who inquire after any other thing before this1 the knowledge of which is so necessary and so hard to find4 ,for how could he expect to gain the knowledge of other things1 who has not been able to comprehend the principal element even of himself8 ,but granting a little to ,colotes1 that there is nothing so vain1 useless1 and odious as the seeking into one's self1 let us ask him1 what confession of human life is in this1 and how it is that a man cannot continue to live1 when he comes once thus to reason and discourse in himself3 ,go to now1 what am ,i8 ,am ,i a composition1 made up of soul and body2 or rather a soul1 serving itself and making use of the body1 as an horseman using his horse is not a subject composed of horse and man8 ,or is every one of us the principal part of the soul1 by which we understand1 infer1 and act2 and are all the other parts1 both of soul and body1 only organs and utensils of this power8 ,or1 to conclude1 is there no proper substance of the soul at all apart1 but is only the temperature and complexion of the body so disposed1 that it has force and power to understand and live8 ,but ,socrates does not by these questions overthrow human life1 since all natural philosophers treat of the same matter4 ,but those perhaps are the monstrous questions and inquiries that turn everything upside down1 which are in ,phaedrus1 7,plato1 ,phaedrus1 p4 #bcj ,a47 where he says1 that every one ought to examine and consider himself1 whether he is a savage beast1 more cautelous1 outrageous1 and furious than ever was the monster ,typhon2 or on the contrary1 an animal more mild and gentle1 partaking by ,nature of a certain divine portion1 and such as is free from pride4 ,now by these discourses and reasonings he overturns not the life of man1 but drives from it presumption and arrogance1 and those haughty and extravagant opinions and conceits he has of himself4 ,for this is that monster ,typhon1 which your teacher and master has made to be so great in you by his warring against the gods and divine men4 ,having done with ,socrates and ,plato1 he next attacks ,stilpo4 ,now as for those his true doctrines and good discourses1 by which he managed and governed himself1 his country1 his friends1 and such kings and princes as loved him and esteemed him1 he has not written a word2 nor yet what prudence and magnanimity was in his heart1 accompanied with meekness1 moderation1 and modesty4 ,but having made mention of one of those little sentences he was wont in mirth and raillery to object against the sophisters1 he does1 without alleging any reason against it or solving the subtlety of the objection1 stir up a terrible tragedy against ,stilpo1 saying that the life of man is subverted by him1 inasmuch as he affirms that one thing cannot be predicated of another4 ,for how1 says he1 shall we live1 if we cannot style a man good1 nor a man a captain1 but must separately name a man a man1 good good1 and a captain a captain2 nor can say ten thousand horsemen1 or a fortified town1 but only call horsemen horsemen1 and ten thousand ten thousand1 and so of the rest8 ,now what man ever was there that lived the worse for this8 ,or who is there that1 hearing this discourse1 does not immediately perceive and understand it to be the speech of a man who rallies gallantly1 and proposes to others this logical question for the exercise of their wits8 ,it is not1 ,o ,colotes1 a great and dangerous scandal not to call any man good1 or not to say ten thousand horsemen2 but not to call ,god ,god1 and not to believe him to be ,god1--as you and the rest do1 who will not confess that there is a ,jupiter presiding over generation1 or a ,ceres giving laws1 or a ,neptune nourishing the plants1--it is this separation of names that is pernicious1 and fills our life with audaciousness and an atheistical contempt of the gods4 ,when you pluck from the gods the names and appellations that are tied to them1 you abolish also the sacrifices1 mysteries1 processions1 and feasts4 ,for to whom shall we offer the sacrifices preceding the tilling of the ground8 ,to whom those for the obtaining of preservation8 ,how shall we celebrate the ,phosphoria or torch-festivals1 the ,bacchanals1 and the ceremonies that go before marriage1 if we admit neither ,bacchantes1 gods of light1 gods who protect the sown field1 nor preservers of the state8 ,for this it is that touches the principal and greatest points1 being an error in things1--not in words1 in the structure of propositions1 or use of terms4 ,now if these are the things that disturb and subvert human life1 who are there that more offend in speech than you8 ,for you take utterly away the whole category of namable things1 which constitute the substance of language2 and leave only words and their accidental objects1 while you take away in the meantime the things particularly signfied by them1 by which are wrought disciplines1 doctrines1 preconceptions1 intelligences1 inclination1 and assent1 which you hold to be nothing at all4 ,but as for ,stilpo1 thus his reasoning proceeds4 ,if of a man we predicate good1 and of an horse running1 the predicate or thing predicated is not the same with the subject or that of which it is predicated1 but the essential definition of man is one1 and of good another4 ,and again1 to be a horse differs from to be running4 ,for being asked the definition of the one and of the other1 we do not give the same for them both2 and therefore those err who predicate the one of the other4 ,for if good is the same with man1 and to run the same with a horse1 how is good affirmed also of food and medicine1 and again 7by ,jupiter7 to run of a lion and a dog8 ,but if the predicate is different1 then we do not rightly say that a man is good1 and a horse runs4 ,now if ,stilpo is in this exorbitant and grossly mistaken1 not admitting any copulation of such things as are in the subject1 or affirmed of the subject1 with the subject itself2 but holding that every one of them1 if it is not absolutely one and the same thing with that to which it happens or of which it is spoken1 ought not to be spoken or affirmed of it1--no1 not even as an accident2 it is nevertheless manifest1 that he was only offended with some words1 and opposed the usual and accustomed manner of speaking1 and not that he overthrew man's life1 and turned his affairs upside down4 ,colotes1 then1 having got rid of the old philosophers1 turns to those of his own time1 but without naming any of them2 though he would have done better either to have reproved by name these moderns1 as he did the ancients1 or else to have named neither of them4 ,but he who has so often employed his pen against ,socrates1 ,plato1 and ,parmenides1 evidently demonstrates that it is through cowardice he dares not attack the living1 and not for any modesty or reverence1 of which he showed not the least sign to those who were far more excellent than these4 ,but his meaning is1 as ,i suspect1 to assault the ,cyrenaics first1 and afterwards the ,academics1 who are followers of ,arcesilaus4 ,for it was these who doubted of all things2 but those1 placing the passions and imaginations in themselves1 were of opinion that the belief proceeding from them is not sufficient for the assuring and affirming of things but1 as if it were in the siege of a town1 abandoning what is without1 they have shut themselves up in the passions1 using only it seems1 and not asserting it is1 of things without4 ,and therefore they cannot1 as ,colotes says of them1 live or have the use of things4 ,and then speaking comically of them1 he adds3 ,these deny that there is a man1 a horse1 a wall2 but say that they themselves 7as it were7 become walls1 horses1 men1 or take on the images of walls1 horses1 or men4 ,in which he first maliciously abuses the terms1 as caluminators are usually wont to do4 ,for though these things follow from the sayings of the ,cyrenaics1 yet he ought to have declared the fact as they themselves teach it4 ,for they affirm that things then become sweet1 bitter1 lightsome1 or dark1 when each thing has in itself the natural unobstructed operation of one of these impressions4 ,but if honey is said to be sweet1 an olive-branch bitter1 hail cold1 wine hot1 and the nocturnal air dark1 there are many beasts1 things1 and men that testify the contrary4 ,for some have an aversion for honey1 others feed on the branches of the olive-tree2 some are scorched by hail1 others cooled with wine2 and there are some whose sight is dim in the sun but who see well by night4 ,wherefore opinion1 containing itself within these sensations1 remains safe and free from error2 but when it goes forth and attempts to be curious in judging and pronouncing concerning exterior things1 it often deceives itself1 and opposes others1 who from the same objects receive contrary sensations and different imaginations4 ,and ,colotes seems properly to resemble those young children who are but beginning to learn their letters4 ,for1 being accustomed to learn them where they see them in their own horn-books and primers1 when they see them written anywhere else1 they doubt and are troubled2 so those very discourses1 which he praises and approves in the writings of ,epicurus1 he neither understands nor knows again1 when they are spoken by others4 ,for those who say that the sense is truly informed and moulded when there is presented one image round and another broken1 but nevertheless permit us not to pronounce that the tower is round and the oar broken1 confirm their own sensations and imaginations1 but they will not acknowledge and confess that the things without are so affected4 ,but as the ,cyrenaics must say that they are imprinted with the figure of a horse or of a wall1 but refuse to speak of the horse or the wall2 so also it is necessary to say that the sight is imprinted with a figure round or with three unequal sides1 and not that the tower is in that manner triangular or round4 ,for the image by which the sight is affected is broken2 but the oar whence that image proceeds is not broken4 ,since1 then1 there is a difference between the sensation and the external subject1 the belief must either remain in the sensation1 or else--if it maintains the being in addition to the appearing--be reproved and convinced of untruth4 ,and whereas they cry out and are offended in behalf of the sense1 because the ,cyrenaics say not that the thing without is hot1 but that the effect made on the sense is such2 is it not the same with what is said touching the taste1 when they say that the thing without is not sweet1 but that some function and motion about the sense is such8 ,and for him who says that he has received the apprehension of an human form1 but perceives not whether it is a man1 whence has he taken occasion so to say8 ,is it not from those who affirm that they receive an apprehension of a bowed figure and form1 but that the sight pronounces not that the thing which was seen is bowed or round1 but that a certain image of it is such8 ,yes1 by ,jupiter1 will some one say2 but ,i1 going near the tower or touching the oar1 will pronounce and affirm that the one is straight and the other has many angles and faces2 but he1 when he comes near it1 will confess that it seems and appears so to him1 and no more4 ,yes1 certainly1 good sir1 and more than this1 when he sees and observes the consequence1 that every imagination is equally worthy of belief for itself1 and none for another2 but that they are all in like condition4 ,but this your opinion is quite lost1 that all the imaginations are true and none false or to be disbelieved1 if you think that these ought to pronounce positively of that which is without1 but those you credit no farther than that they are so affected4 ,for if they are in equal condition as to their being believed1 when they are near or when they are far off1 it is just that either upon all of them1 or else not upon these1 should follow the judgment pronouncing that a thing is4 ,but if there is a difference in the being affected between those that are near and those that are far off1 it is then false that one sense and imagination is not more express and evident than another4 ,therefore those they call attestations and counter-attestations are nothing to the sense1 but are concerned only with opinion4 ,so1 if they would have us following these to pronounce concerning exterior things1 making being a judgment of opinion1 and what appears an affection of sense1 they transfer the judicature from which is totally true to that which often fails4 ,but how full of trouble and contradictions in respect of one another these things are1 what need is there to say at present8 ,but the reputation of ,arcesilaus1 who was the best beloved and most esteemed of all the philosophers in his time1 seems to have been no small eyesore to ,epicurus2 who says of him that delivering nothing peculiar to himself or of his own invention1 he imprinted in illiterate men the opinion and esteem of his being very knowing and learned4 ,now ,arcesilaus was so far from desiring any glory by being a bringer-in of new opinions1 and from arrogating to himself those of the ancients1 that the sophisters of that time blamed him for attributing to ,socrates1 ,plato1 ,parmenides1 and ,heraclitus the doctrines concerning the retention of assent1 and the incomprehensibility of things2 having no need so to do1 but only that he might strengthen them and render them recommendable by ascribing them such illustrious personages4 ,for this1 therefore1 thanks to ,colotes1 and to every one who declares that the academic doctrine was from a higher times derived to ,arcesilaus4 ,now as for retention of assent and the doubting of all things1 not even those who have much labored in the manner1 and strained themselves to compose great books and large treatises concerning it1 were ever able to stir it2 but bringing at last out of the ,stoa itself the cessation from all actions1 as the ,gorgon to frighten away the objections that came against them1 they were at last quite tired and gave over4 ,for they could not1 what attempts and stirs soever they made1 obtain so much from the instinct by which the appetite is moved to act1 as to suffer itself to be called an assent1 or to acknowledge sense for the origin and principle of its propension1 but it appeared of its own accord to present itself to act1 as having no need to be joined with anything else4 ,for against such adversaries the combat and dispute is lawful and just4 ,and ,such words as you have spoke1 the like you may ,expect to hear4 7,iliad1 xx4 #bej47 ,for to speak to ,colotes of instinct and consent is1 ,i suppose1 all one as to play on the harp before an ass4 ,but to those who can give ear and conceive1 it is said that there are in the soul three sorts of motions1--the imaginative1 the appetitive1 and the consenting4 ,as to the imaginative or the apprehension1 it cannot be taken away1 though one would4 ,for one cannot1 when things approach1 avoid being informed and 7as it were7 moulded by them1 and receiving an impression from them4 ,the appetite1 being stirred up by the imaginative1 effectually moves man to that which is proper and agreeable to his nature1 just as when there is made a propension and inclination in the principal and reasonable part4 ,now those who withhold their assent and doubt of all things take not away this1 but make use of the appetition or instinct naturally conducting every man to that which seems convenient for him4 ,what1 then1 is the only thing that they shun8 ,that in which is bred falsehood and deceit1--that is1 opining1 and haste in giving consent1--which is a yielding through weakness to that which appears1 and has not any true utility4 ,for action stands in need of two things1 to wit1 the apprehension or imagination of what is agreeable to ,nature1 and the instinct or appetition driving to that which is so imagined2 of which1 neither the one nor the other is repugnant to the retention of assent4 ,for reason withdraws us from opinion1 and not from appetition or imagination4 ,when1 therefore1 that which is delectable seems to us to be proper for us1 there is no need of opinion to move and carry us to it1 but appetition immediately exerts itself1 which is nothing else but the motion and inclination of the soul4 ,it is their own axiom1 that a man must only have sense and be flesh and blood and pleasure will appear to be good4 ,wherefore also it will seem good to him who withholds his assent4 ,for he also participates of sense1 and is made of flesh and blood1 and as soon as he has conceived an imagination of good1 desires it and does all things that it may not escape from him2 but as much as possibly he can1 he will keep himself with that which is agreeable to his nature1 being drawn by natural and not by geometrical constraints4 ,for these goodly1 gentle1 and tickling motions of the flesh are1 without any teacher1 attractive enough of themselves--even as these men forget not to say--to draw even him who will not in the least acknowledge and confess that he is softened and rendered pliable by them4 ,but how comes it to pass1 perhaps you will say1 that he who is thus doubtful and withholds his assent hastens not away to the mountain1 instead of going to the bath8 ,or that1 rising up to go forth into the market-place1 he runs not his head against the wall1 but takes his way directly to the door8 ,do you ask this1 who hold all the senses to be infallible1 and the apprehensions of the imagination certain and true8 ,it is because the bath appears to him not a mountain1 but a bath2 and the door seems not a wall1 but a door2 and the same is to be said of every other thing4 ,for the doctrine of retention does not pervert the sense1 nor by absurd passions and motions work in it an alteration disturbing the imaginative faculty2 but it only takes away opinions1 and for the rest1 makes use of other things according to their nature4 ,but it is impossible1 you will say1 not to consent to things that are evident2 for to deny such things as are believed is more absurd than neither to deny nor affirm4 ,who then are they that call in question things believed1 and contend against things that are evident8 ,they who overthrow and take away divination1 who say that there is not any government of ,divine ,providence1 who deny the sun and the moon--to whom all men offer sacrifices and whom they honor and adore--to be animated4 ,and do not you take away that which is apparent to all the world1 that the young are contained in the nature of their parents8 ,do you not1 contrary to the sense of all men1 affirm that there is no medium between pleasure and pain1 saying that not to be in pain is to be in the fruition of pleasure1 that not to do is to suffer1 and that not to rejoice is to be grieved8 ,but to let pass all the rest1 what is more evident and more generally believed by all men1 than that those who are seized with melancholy distempers1 and whose brain is troubled and whose wits are distracted1 do1 when the fit is on them and their understanding altered and transported1 imagine that they see and hear things which they neither see nor hear8 ,whence they frequently cry out3-- ,women in black arrayed bear in their hands1 ,to burn mine eyes1 torches and fiery brands4 ,and again3-- ,see1 in her arms she holds my mother dear4 7,euripides1 ,iphigenia in ,tauris1 #bhi47 ,these1 and many other illusions more strange and tragical than these1--resembling those mormos and bugbears which they themselves laugh at and deride1 as they are described by ,empedocles to be1 with sinuous feet and undeveloped hands1 bodied like ox and faced like man1--with certain other prodigious and unnatural phantoms1 these men have gathered together out of dreams and the alienations of distracted minds1 and affirm that none of them is a deception of the sight1 a falsity1 or inconsistence2 but that all these imaginations are true1 being bodies and figures that come from the ambient air4 ,what thing then is there so impossible in ,nature as to be doubted of1 if it is possible to believe such reveries as these8 ,for these men1 supposing that such things as never any mask-maker1 potter1 designer of wonderful images1 or skilful and all-daring painter durst join together1 to deceive or make sport for the beholders1 are seriously and in good earnest existent1--nay1 which is more1 affirming that1 if they are not really so1 all firmness of belief1 all certainty of judgment and truth1 is forever gone1--do by these their suppositions and affirmations cast all things into obscurity1 and bring fears into our judgments1 and suspicions into our actions1--if the things which we apprehend1 do1 are familiarly acquainted with1 and have at hand are grounded on the same imagination and belief with these furious1 absurd1 and extravagant fancies4 ,for the equality which they suppose to be in all apprehensions rather derogates from the credit of such as are usual and rational1 than adds any belief to those that are unusual and repugnant to reason4 ,wherefore we know many philosophers who would rather and more willingly grant that no imagination is true than that all are so1 and that would rather simply disbelieve all the men they never had conversed with1 all the things they had not experimented1 and all the speeches they had not heard with their own ears1 than persuade themselves that any one of these imaginations1 conceived by these frantic1 fanatical1 and dreaming persons1 is true4 ,since then there are some imaginations which may1 and others which may not be rejected1 it is lawful for us to retain our assent concerning them1 though there were no other cause but this discordance1 which is sufficient to work in us a suspicion of things1 as having nothing certain and assured1 but being altogether full of obscurity and perturbation4 ,for in the disputes about the infinity of worlds and the nature of atoms and individuums and their inclinations1 although they trouble and disturb very many1 there is yet this comfort1 that none of all these things that are in question is near us1 but rather every one of them is far remote from sense4 ,but as to this diffidence1 perplexity1 and ignorance concerning sensible things and imaginations1 found even in our eyes1 our ears1 and our hands1 what opinion does it not shock8 ,what consent does it not turn upside down8 ,for if men neither drunk1 intoxicated1 nor otherwise disturbed in their senses1 but sober1 sound in mind1 and professedly writing of the truth and of the canons and rules by which to judge it1 do in the most evident passions and motions of the senses set down either that which has no existence for true1 or that which is existent for false1 it is not strange that a man should be silent about all things1 but rather that he assent to anything2 nor is it incredible that he should have no judgment about things which appear1 but rather that he should have contrary judgments4 ,for it is less to be wondered1 that a man should neither affirm the one nor the other but keep himself in a mean between two opposite things1 than that he should set down things repugnant and contrary to one another4 ,for he that neither affirms nor denies1 but keeps himself quiet1 is less repugnant to him who affirms an opinion than he who denies it1 and to him who denies an opinion than he who affirms it4 ,now if it is possible to withhold one's assent concerning these things1 it is not impossible also concerning others1 at least according to your opinion1 who say that one sense does not exceed another1 nor one imagination another4 ,the doctrine then of retaining the assent is not1 as ,colotes thinks1 a fable or an invention of rash and light-headed young men who please themselves in babbling and prating2 but a certain habit and disposition of men who desire to keep themselves from falling into error1 not leaving the judgment at a venture to such suspected and inconstant senses1 nor suffering themselves to be deceived by those who hold that in doubtful matters things which do not appear to the senses are credible and ought to be believed1 when they see so great obscurity and uncertainty in things which do appear4 ,but the infinity you assert is a fable1 and so indeed are the images you dream of3 and he breeds in young men rashness and self-conceitedness who writ of ,pythocles1 not yet eighteen years of age1 that there was not in all ,greece a better or more excellent nature1 that he admirably well expressed his convictions1 and that he was in other respects behaved like a women1--praying that all these extraordinary endowments of the young man might not work him hatred and envy4 ,but these are sophists and arrogant1 who write so impudently and proudly against great and excellent personages4 ,i confess indeed1 that ,plato1 ,aristotle1 ,theophrastus and ,democritus contradicted those who went before them2 but never durst any man besides ,colotes set forth with such an insolent title as this against all at once4 ,whence it comes to pass that1 like to such as have offended some ,divinity1 confessing his fault1 he says thus towards the end of ,his book3 ,those who have established laws and ordinances and instituted monarchies and other governments in towns and cities1 have placed human life in great repose and security and delivered it from many troubles2 and if any one should go about to take this away1 we should lead the life of savage beasts1 and should be every one ready to eat up one another as we meet4 ,for these are the very words of ,colotes1 though neither justly nor truly spoken4 ,for if any one1 taking away the laws1 should leave us nevertheless the doctrines of ,parmenides1 ,socrates1 ,plato1 and ,heraclitus1 we should be far from mutually devouring one another and leading the life of beasts4 ,for we should fear dishonest things1 and should for honesty alone venerate justice1 the gods our superiors1 and magistrates1 believing that we have spirits and daemons who are the guardians and superintendents of human life1 esteeming all the gold that is upon and within the earth not to be equivalent to virtue2 and doing that willingly by reason1 as ,xenocrates says1 which we now do by force and through fear of the law4 ,when then will our life become savage1 uncivilized1 and bestial8 ,when1 the laws being taken away1 there shall be left doctrines inciting men to pleasure2 when the world shall bethought not to be ruled and governed by ,divine ,providence2 when those men shall be esteemed wise who spit at honesty if it is not joined with pleasure2 and when such discourses and sentences as these shall be scoffed at and derided3-- ,for ,justice has an eye which all things sees2 and again3-- ,god near us stands1 and views whate'er we do2 and once more3 ,god1 as antiquity has delivered to holding the beginning1 middle1 and end of the universe1 makes a direct line1 walking according to ,nature4 ,after him follows ,justice1 a punisher of those who have been deficient in their duties by transgressing the divine law4 ,for they who contemn these things as if they were fables1 and think that the sovereign good of man consists about the belly1 and in those other passages by which pleasure is admitted1 are such as stand in need of the law1 and fear1 and stripes1 and some king1 prince1 or magistrate1 having in his hand the sword of justice2 to the end that they may not devour their neighbors through their gluttony1 rendered confident by their atheistical impiety4 ,for this is the life of brutes1 because brute beasts know nothing better nor more honest than pleasure1 understand not the justice of the gods1 nor revere the beauty of virtue2 but if ,nature has bestowed on them any point of courage1 subtlety1 or activity1 they make use of it for the satisfaction of their fleshly pleasure and the accomplishment of their lusts4 ,and the sapient ,metrodorus believes that this should be so1 for he says3 ,all the fine1 subtle1 and ingenious inventions of the soul have been found out for the pleasure and delight of the flesh1 or for the hopes of attaining to it and enjoying it1 and every act which tends not to this end is vain and unprofitable4 ,the laws being by such discourses and philosophical reasons as these taken away1 there wants nothing to a beast-like life but lions' paws1 wolves' teeth1 oxen's paunches1 and camels' necks2 and these passions and doctrines do the beasts themselves1 for want of speech and letters1 express by their bellowings1 neighings1 and brayings1 all their voice being for their belly and the pleasure of their flesh1 which they embrace and rejoice in either present or future2 unless it be perhaps some animal which naturally takes delight in chattering and garrulity4 ,no sufficient praise therefore or equivalent to their deserts can be given those who1 for the restraining of such bestial passions1 have set down laws1 established policy and government of state1 instituted magistrates and ordained good and wholesome laws4 ,but who are they that utterly confound and abolish this8 ,are they not those who withdraw themselves and their followers from all part in the government8 ,are they not those who say that the garland of tranquillity and a reposed life are far more valuable than all the kingdoms and principalities in the world8 ,are they not those who declare that reigning and being a king is a mistaking the path and straying from the right way of felicity8 ,and they write in express terms3 ,we are to treat how a man may best keep and preserve the end of ,nature1 and how he may from the very beginning avoid entering of his own free will and voluntarily upon offices of magistracy1 and government over the people4 ,and yet again1 these other words are theirs3 ,there is no need at all that a man should tire out his mind and body to preserve the ,greeks1 and to obtain from them a crown of wisdom2 but to eat and drink well1 ,o ,timocrates1 without prejudicing1 but rather pleasing the flesh4 ,and yet in the constitution of laws and policy1 which ,colotes so much praises1 the first and most important article is the belief and persuasion of the gods4 ,wherefore also ,lycurgus heretofore consecrated the ,lacedaemonians1 ,numa the ,romans1 the ancient ,ion the ,athenians1 and ,deucalion universally all the ,greeks1 through prayers1 oaths1 oracles1 and omens1 making them devout and affectionate to the gods by means of hopes and fears at once4 ,and if you will take the pains to travel through the world1 you may find towns and cities without walls1 without letters1 without kings1 without houses1 without wealth1 without money1 without theatres and places of exercise2 but there was never seen nor shall be seen by man any city without temples and gods1 or without making use of prayers1 oaths1 auguries1 and sacrifices for the obtaining of blessings and benefits1 and the averting of curses and calamities4 ,nay1 ,i am of opinion1 that a city might sooner be built without any ground to fix it on1 than a commonweal be constituted altogether void of any religion and opinion of the gods1--or being constituted1 be preserved4 ,but this1 which is the foundation and ground of all laws1 do these men1 not going circularly about1 nor secretly and by enigmatical speeches1 but attacking it with the first of their most principal opinions directly subvert and overthrow2 and then afterwards1 as if they were haunted by the ,furies1 they come and confess that they have grievously offended in thus taking away the laws1 and confounding the ordinances of justice and policy1 that they may not be capable of pardon4 ,for to err in opinion1 though it be not the part of wise men1 is at least human2 but to impute to others the errors and offences they commit themselves1 how can any one declare what it is1 if he forbears to give it the name it deserves8 ,for if1 in writing against ,antidorus or ,bion the sophister1 he had made mention of laws1 policy1 order1 and justice1 might not either of them have said to him1 as ,electra did to her mad brother ,orestes3-- ,lie still at ease1 poor wretch2 keep in thy bed1 7,euripides1 ,orestes1 #beh47 and there cherish thy bit of body1 leaving those to expostulate and find fault with me who have themselves lived the life of a citizen and householder8 ,now such are all those whom ,colotes has reviled and railed at in his book4 ,amongst whom1 ,democritus in his writings advises and exhorts to the learning of the science of politics1 as being the greatest of all1 and to the accustoming one's self to bear fatigues1 by which men attain to great wealth and honor4 ,and as for ,parmenides1 he beautified and adorned his native country with most excellent laws which he there established1 so that even to this day the officers every year1 when they enter first on the exercise of their charges1 are obliged to swear that they will observe the laws and ordinances of ,parmenides4 ,empedocles brought to justice some of the principal of his city1 and caused them to be condemned for their insolent behavior and embezzling of the public treasure1 and also delivered his country from sterility and the plague--to which calamities it was before subject--by immuring and stopping up the holes of certain mountains1 whence there issued an hot south wind1 which overspread all the plain country and blasted it4 ,and ,socrates1 after he was condemned1 when his friends offered him1 if he pleased1 an opportunity of making his escape1 absolutely refused to make use of it1 that he might maintain the authority of the laws1 choosing rather to die unjustly than to save himself by disobeying the laws of his country4 ,melissus1 being captain general of his country1 vanquished the ,athenians in a battle at sea4 ,plato left in his writings excellent discourses concerning the laws1 government1 and policy of a commonweal2 and yet he imprinted much better in the hearts and minds of his disciples and familiars1 which caused ,sicily to be freed by ,dion1 and ,thrace to be set at liberty by ,pytho and ,heraclides1 who slew ,cotys4 ,chabrias also and ,phocion1 those two great generals of the ,athenians1 came out of the ,academy4 ,as for ,epicurus1 he indeed sent certain persons into ,asia to chide ,timocrates1 and caused him to be removed out of the king's palace1 because he had offended his brother ,metrodorus2 and this is written in their own books4 ,but ,plato sent of his disciples and friends1 ,aristonymus to the ,arcadians1 to set in order their commonweal1 ,phormio to the ,eleans1 and ,menedemus to the ,pyrrhaeans4 ,eudoxus gave laws to the ,cnidians1 and ,aristotle to the ,stagirites1 who were both of them the intimates of ,plato4 ,and ,alexander the ,great demanded of ,xenocrates rules and precepts for reigning well4 ,and he who was sent to the same ,alexander by the ,grecians dwelling in ,asia1 and who most of all inflamed and stimulated him to embrace and undertake the war against the barbarian king of ,persia1 was ,delius the ,ephesian1 one of ,plato's familiars4 ,zeno1 the disciple of ,parmenides1 having attempted to kill the tyrant ,demylus1 and failing in his design1 maintained the doctrine of ,parmenides1 like pure and fine gold tried in the fire1 that there is nothing which a magnanimous man ought to dread but dishonor1 and that there are none but children and women1 or effeminate and women-hearted men1 who fear pain4 ,for1 having with his own teeth bitten off his tongue1 he spit it in the tyrant's face4 ,but out of the school of ,epicurus1 and from among those who follow his doctrine1 ,i will not ask what tyrant-killer has proceeded1 nor yet what man valiant and victorious in feats of arms1 what lawgiver1 what prince1 what counsellor1 or what governor of the people2 neither will ,i demand1 who of them has been tormented or has died for supporting right and justice4 ,but which of all these sages has for the benefit and service of his country undertaken so much as one voyage at sea1 gone of an embassy1 or expended a sum of money8 ,what record is there extant of one civil action in matter of government1 performed by any of you8 ,and yet1 because ,metrodorus went down one day from the city as far as the haven of ,piraeus1 taking a journey of forty stadia to assist ,mithres a ,syrian1 one of the king of ,persia's court who had been arrested and taken prisoner1 he writ of it to every one and in all his letters1 ,epicurus also highly magnifying and extolling this wonderful voyage4 ,what value then1 think you1 would they have put upon it1 if they had done such an act as ,aristotle did1 who procured the restoration and rebuilding of ,stagira1 the town of his nativity1 after it had been destroyed by ,king ,philip8 ,or as ,theophrastus1 who twice delivered his city1 when possessed and held by tyrants8 ,would not the river ,nile sooner have given over to bear the paper-reed1 than they have been weary of writing their brave exploits8 ,and it is not the greatest dishonor1 that1 of so many sects of philosophers as have existed1 they alone should enjoy the benefits that are in cities1 without having ever contributed to them anything of their own2 but far more serious is it that1 while there are not even any tragical or comical poets who do not always endeavor to do or say some good thing or other in defence of the laws and policy these men1 if peradventure they write1 write of policy1 that we may not concern ourselves in the government of the commonweal1--of rhetoric1 that we may not perform an act of eloquence1--and of royalty1 that we may shun the living and conversing with kings4 ,nor do they ever name any of those great personages who have intermeddled in civil affairs1 but only to scoff at them and abolish their glory4 ,thus they say that ,epaminondas had something of good1 but that infinitesimal1 or ,greek omitted1 for that is the very word they use4 ,they moreover call him iron-hearted1 and ask what ailed him that he went marching his army through all ,peloponnesus1 and why he did not rather keep himself quiet at home with a garland on his head1 employed only in cherishing and making much of his body4 ,but methinks ,i ought not in this place to omit what ,metrodorus writ in his book of ,philosophy1 when1 utterly abjuring all meddling in the management of the state1 he said thus3 ,some1 through an excess of vanity and arrogance1 have so deep a comprehension into the business of it1 that in discussing the precepts of good life and virtue1 they allow themselves to be carried away with the very same desires as were ,lycurgus and ,solon4 ,what is this8 ,was it then vanity and abundance of vanity1 to set free the city of ,athens1 to render ,sparta well-policied and governed by wholesome laws1 that young men might do nothing licentiously1 nor get children upon common courtesans and whores1 and that riches1 delights1 intemperance1 and dissolution might no longer bear sway and have command in cities1 but law and justice8 ,for these were the desires of ,solon4 ,to this ,metrodorus1 by way of scorn and contumely1 adds this conclusion3 ,it is then very well beseeming a native born gentleman to laugh heartily1 as at other men1 so especially at these ,solons and ,lycurguses4 ,but such a one1 ,o ,metrodorus1 is not a gentleman1 but a servile and dissolute person1 and deserves to be scourged1 not with that whip which is for free-born persons1 but with that scourge made with ankle-bones1 with which those eunuch sacrificers called ,galli were wont to be chastised1 when they failed of performing their duty in the ceremonies and sacrifices of the ,goddess ,cybele1 the great ,mother of the ,gods4 ,but that they made war not against the lawgivers but against the laws themselves1 one may hear and understand from ,epicurus4 ,for in his questions1 he asks himself1 whether a wise man1 being assured that it will not be known1 will do anything that the laws forbid4 ,to which he answers3 ,that is not so easy to settle simply1--that is ,i will do it indeed1 but ,i am not willing to confess it4 ,and again1 ,i suppose writing to ,idomeneus1 he exorts him not to make his life a slave to the laws or to the options of men1 unless it be to avoid the trouble they prepare1 by the scourge and chastisement1 so near at hand4 ,if those who abolish laws1 governments1 and polices of men subvert and destroy human life1 and if ,metrodorus and ,epicurus do this1 by dehorting and withdrawing their friends from concerning themselves in public affairs1 by hating those who intermeddle in them1 by reviling the first most wise lawgivers1 and by advising contempt of the laws provided there is no fear and danger of the whip punishment4 ,i do not see that ,colotes has brought so many false accusations against the other philosophers as he has alleged and advanced true ones against the writings and doctrines of ,epicurus4 ,,end ,,of ,,ten------------ ,,platonic ,,questions4 ,,question ,i4 ,,why ,,did ,,god ,,command ,,socrates ,,to ,,act ,,the ,,midwife',s ,,part ,,to ,,others1 ,,but ,,charged ,,himself ,,not ,,to ,,generate2 ,,as ,,he ,,affirms ,,in ,,theaetetus8 7,see ,plato1 ,theaetetus1 p4 #adi ,b47 ,for he would never have used the name of ,god in such a merry1 jesting manner1 though ,plato in that book makes ,socrates several times to talk with great boasting and arrogance1 as he does now4 ,there are many1 dear friend1 so affected towards me1 that they are ready even to snap at me1 when ,i offer to cure them of the least madness4 ,for they will not be persuaded that ,i do it out of goodwill1 because they are ignorant that no god bears ill-will to man1 and that therefore ,i wish ill to no man2 but ,i cannot allow myself either to stand in a lie or to stifle the truth4 7,ibid4 p4 #aea ,c47 ,whether therefore did he style his own nature1 which was of a very strong and pregnant wit1 by the name of ,god1--as ,menander says1 ,for our mind is ,god1 and as ,heraclitus1 ,man's genius is a ,deity8 ,or did some divine cause or some daemon or other impart this way of philosophizing to ,socrates1 whereby constantly interrogating others1 he cleared them of pride1 error1 and ignorance1 and of being troublesome both to themselves and to others8 ,for about that time there happened to be in ,greece several sophists2 to these some young men paid great sums of money1 for which they purchased a strong opinion of learning and wisdom1 and of being stout disputants2 but this sort of disputation spent much time in trifling squabblings1 which were of no credit or profit4 ,now ,socrates1 using an argumentative discourse by way of a purgative remedy procured belief and authority to what he said1 because in refuting others he himself affirmed nothing2 and he the sooner gained upon people1 because he seemed rather to be inquisitive after the truth as well as they1 than to maintain his own opinion4 ,now1 however useful a thing judgment is1 it is mightily infected ,by the begetting of a man's own fancies4 ,for the lover is blinded with the thing loved2 and nothing of a man's own is so beloved as is the opinion and discourse he has begotten4 ,and the distribution of children said to be the justest1 in respect of discourses is the unjustest2 for there a man must take his own1 but here a man must choose the best1 though it be another man's4 ,therefore he that has children of his own1 is a worse judge of other men's2 it being true1 as the sophister said well1 ,the ,eleans would be the most proper judges of the ,olympic games1 were no ,eleans gamesters4 ,so he that would judge of disputations cannot be just1 if he either seeks the bays for himself1 or is himself antagonist to either of the antagonists4 ,for as the ,grecian captains1 when they were to settle by their suffrages who had behaved himself the best1 every man of them voted for himself2 so there is not a philosopher of them all but would do the like1 besides those that acknowledge1 like ,socrates1 that they can say nothing that is their own2 and these only are the pure uncorrupt judges of the truth4 ,for as the air in the ears1 unless it be still and void of noise in itself1 without any sound or humming1 does not exactly take sounds so the philosophical judgment in disputations1 if it be disturbed and obstreperous within1 is hardly comprehensive of what is said without4 ,for our familiar and inbred opinion will not allow that which disagrees with itself1 as the number of sects and parties shows1 of which philosophy--if she deals with them in the best manner--must maintain one to be right1 and all the others to be contrary to the truth in their positions4 ,furthermore1 if men can comprehend and know nothing1 ,god did justly interdict ,socrates the procreation of false and unstable discourses1 which are like wind-eggs1 and did him convince others who were of any other opinion4 ,and reasoning1 which rids us of the greatest of evils1 error and vanity of mind1 is none of the least benefit to us2 ,for ,god has not granted this to the ,esculapians4 7,theognis1 vs4 #dcb17 ,nor did ,socrates give physic to the body2 indeed he purged the mind of secret corruption4 ,but if there be any knowledge of the truth1 and if the truth be one1 he has as much that learns it of him that invented it1 as the inventor himself4 ,now he the most easily attains the truth1 that is persuaded he has it not2 and he chooses best1 just as he that has no children of his own adopts the best4 ,mark this well1 that poetry1 mathematics1 oratory1 and sophistry1 which are the things the ,deity forbade ,socrates to generate1 are of no value2 and that of the sole wisdom about what is divine and intelligible 7which ,socrates called amiable and eligible for itself71 there is neither generation nor invention by man1 but reminiscence4 ,wherefore ,socrates taught nothing1 but suggesting principles of doubt1 as birth-pains1 to young men1 he excited and at the same time confirmed the innate notions4 ,this he called his ,art of ,midwifery1 which did not 7as others professed7 extrinsically confer intelligence upon his auditors2 but demonstrated it to be innate1 yet imperfect and confused1 and in want of a nurse to feed and fortify it4 ,,question ,,ii4 ,,why ,,does ,,he ,,call ,,the ,,supreme ,,god ,,father ,,and ,,maker ,,of ,,all ,,things8 7,plato1 ,timaeus1 p4 #bh ,c47 ,is it because he is 7as ,homer calls him7 of created gods and men the ,father1 and of brutes and things that have no soul the maker8 ,if ,chrysippus may be believed1 he is not properly styled the father of the afterbirth who supplied the seed1 although it arose from the seed4 ,or has ,plato figuratively called the maker of the world the father of it8 ,in his ,convivium he calls ,phaedrus the father of the amatorious discourse which he had commenced2 and so in his ,phaedrus 7,phaedrus1 p4 #bfa ,a47 he calls him father of noble children1 when he had been the occasion of many pre-eminent discourses about philosophical questions4 ,or is there any difference between a father and a maker8 ,or between procreation and making8 ,for as what is procreated is also made1 but not the contrary recreated did also make1 for the procreation of an animal is the making of it4 ,now the work of a maker--as of a builder1 a weaver1 a musical-instrument maker1 or a statuary--is altogether apart and separate from its author2 but the principle and power of the procreator is implanted in the progeny1 and contains his nature1 the progeny being a piece pulled off the procreator4 ,since therefore the world is neither like a piece of potter's work nor joiner's work1 but there is a great share of life and divinity in it1 which ,god from himself communicated to and mixed with matter1 ,god may properly be called ,father of the world--since it has life in it--and also the maker of it4 ,and since these things come very near to ,plato's opinion1 consider1 ,i pray1 whether there may not be some probability in them4 ,whereas the world consists of two parts1 body and soul1 ,god indeed made not the body2 but matter being at hand1 he formed and fitted it1 binding up and confirming what was infinite within proper limits and figures4 ,but the soul1 partaking of mind1 reason1 and harmony1 was not only the work of ,god1 but part of him not only made by him1 but begot by him4 ,,question ,,iii4 ,in the ,republic1 7,republic1 vi4 pp4 #eji ,d-#eaa ,e47 he assumes the universe1 as one line to be cut into two unequal parts2 again he cuts each of these parts in two after the same manner1 and supposes the two sections first made to form the two genera of things sensible and things intelligible4 ,the first stands for the genus of intelligibles1 comprehending in the first subdivision the primitive forms1 in the second the mathematics4 ,of sensibles1 the first subdivision comprehends solid bodies1 the second comprehends the images and representations of them4 ,moreover1 to every one of these four he has assigned its proper criterion2--to the first reason2 to the mathematics1 the understanding2 to sensibles1 belief2 to images and likenesses1 conjecture4 ,,but ,,what ,,does ,,he ,,mean ,,by ,,dividing ,,the ,,universe ,,into ,,unequal ,,parts8 ,,and ,,which ,,of ,,the ,,sections1 ,,the ,,intelligible ,,or ,,the ,,sensible1 ,,is ,,the ,,greater8 ,,for ,,in ,,this ,,he ,,has ,,not ,,explained ,,himself4 ,at first glance it will appear that the sensible is the greater portion4 ,for the essence of intelligibles being indivisible1 and in the same respect ever the same1 is contracted into a little1 and pure2 but an essence divisible and running through bodies constitutes the sensible part4 ,now what is immaterial is limited2 but body in respect of matter is infinite and unlimited1 and it becomes sensible only when it is limited by partaking of the intelligible4 ,besides1 as every sensible has many images1 shadows1 and representations1 and from one and the same original several copies may be taken both by nature and art2 so the latter must surpass the former in number1 according to ,plato1 who makes things of the intellect to be patterns or ideas of things sensible1 as if the last were images and reflections4 ,further1 ,plato derives the knowledge of ideas by abstraction and cutting away of body1 leading us by mathematical discipline from arithmetic to geometry1 thence to astronomy1 and placing harmony above them all4 ,for things become geometrical by the accession of magnitude to quantity2 solid1 by the accession of profundity to magnitude2 astronomical1 by the accession of motion to solidity2 harmonical1 by the accession of sound to motion4 ,take then sound from moving bodies1 motion from solids1 profundity from superficies1 magnitude from quantity1 we then reach pure intelligible ideas1 which have no difference among themselves as regards the one single intelligible essence4 ,for unity makes no number unless joined by the infinite binary2 then it makes a number4 ,and thence we proceed to points1 thence to lines1 from them to superficies1 and solids1 and bodies1 and to the qualities of the bodies so and so affected4 ,now the reason is the only criterion of intelligibles2 and the understanding is the reason in the mathematics1 where intelligibles appear as if in mirrors4 ,but as to the knowledge of bodies1 because of their multitude1 ,nature has given us five powers or distinctions of senses2 nor are all bodies discerned by them1 many escaping sense by reason of their smallness4 ,and though every one of us consists of a body and soul1 yet the hegemonic and intellectual faculty is small1 being hid in the huge mass of flesh4 ,and the case is the same in the universe1 as to sensible and intelligible4 ,for intelligibles are the principles of bodily things1 but everything is greater than the principle whence it came4 ,yet1 on the contrary1 some will say that1 by comparing sensibles with intelligibles1 we match things mortal with divine1 in some measure2 for ,god is in intelligibles4 ,besides1 the thing contained is ever less than the containing1 and the nature of the universe contains the sensible in the intelligible4 ,for ,god1 having placed the soul in the middle1 hath extended it through all1 and hath covered it all round with bodies4 ,the soul is invisible1 and cannot be perceived by any of the senses1 as ,plato says in his ,book of ,laws2 therefore every man must die1 but the world shall never die4 ,for mortality and dissolution surround every one of our vital faculties4 ,the case is quite otherwise in the world2 for the corporeal part1 contained in the middle by the more noble and unalterable principle1 is ever preserved4 ,and a body is said to be without parts and indivisible for its minuteness2 but what is incorporeal and intelligible is so1 as being simple and sincere1 and void of all firmness and difference4 ,besides1 it were folly to think to judge of incorporeal things by corporeal4 ,the present1 or now1 is said to be without parts and indivisible1 since it is everywhere and no part of the world is void of it4 ,but all affections and actions1 and all corruptions and generations in the world1 are contained by this same now4 ,but the mind is judge only of what is intelligible1 as the sight is of light1 by reason of its simplicity and similitude4 ,but bodies1 having several differences and diversities1 are comprehended1 some by one judicatory function1 others by another1 as by several organs4 ,yet they do not well who despise the discriminative faculty in us2 for being great1 it comprehends all sensibles1 and attains to things divine4 ,the chief thing he himself teaches in his ,banquet1 where he shows us how we should use amatorious matters1 turning our minds from sensible goods to things discernible only by the mind1 that we ought not to be enslaved by the beauty of any body1 study1 or learning1 but laying aside such weakness1 should turn to the vast ocean of beauty4 7,see ,plato's ,symposium1 p4 #baj ,d47 ,,question ,,iv4 ,,what ,,is ,,the ,,reason ,,that1 ,,though ,,plato ,,always ,,says ,,that ,,the ,,soul ,,is ,,ancienter ,,than ,,the ,,body1 ,,and ,,that ,,it ,,is ,,the ,,cause ,,and ,,principle ,,of ,,its ,,rise1 ,,yet ,,he ,,likewise ,,says1 ,,that ,,neither ,,could ,,the ,,soul ,,exist ,,without ,,the ,,body1 ,,nor ,,the ,,reason ,,without ,,the ,,soul1 ,,but ,,the ,,soul ,,in ,,the ,,body ,,and ,,the ,,reason ,,in ,,the ,,soul8 ,,for #hj ,,the ,,body ,,will ,,seem ,,to ,,be ,,and ,,not ,,to ,,be1 ,,because ,,it ,,both ,,exists ,,with ,,the ,,soul1 ,,and ,,is ,,begot ,,by ,,the ,,soul4 ,perhaps what we have often said is true2 viz41 that the soul without reason and the body without form did mutually ever coexist1 and neither of them had generation or beginning4 ,but after the soul did partake of reason and harmony1 and being through consent made wise1 it wrought a change in matter1 and being stronger than the other's motions1 it drew and converted these motions to itself4 ,so the body of the world drew its original from the soul1 and became conformable and like to it4 ,for the soul did not make the nature of the body out of itself1 or out of nothing2 but it wrought an orderly and pliable body out of one disorderly and formless4 ,just as if a man should say that the virtue of the seed is with the body1 and yet that the body of the fig-tree or olive-tree was made of the seed1 he would not be much out2 for the body1 its innate motion and mutation proceeding from the seed1 grew up and became what it is4 ,so1 when formless and indefinite matter was once formed by the inbeing soul1 it received such a form and disposition4 ,,question ,v4 ,,why1 ,,since ,,bodies ,,and ,,figures ,,are ,,contained ,,partly ,,by ,,rectilinears ,,and ,,partly ,,by ,,circles1 ,,does ,,he ,,make ,,isosceles ,,triangles ,,and ,,triangles ,,of ,,unequal ,,sides ,,the ,,principles ,,of ,,rectilinears2 ,,of ,,which ,,the ,,isosceles ,,triangle ,,constitutes ,,the ,,cube1 ,,the ,,element ,,of ,,the ,,earth2 ,,and ,a ,,scalene ,,triangle ,,forms ,,the ,,pyramid1 ,,the ,,octahedron ,,the ,,seed ,,of ,,fire1 ,,air ,,and ,,water ,,respectively1 ,,and ,,the ,,icosahedron2--,,while ,,he ,,passes ,,over ,,circulars1 ,,though ,,he ,,does ,,mention ,,the ,,globe1 ,,where ,,he ,,says ,,that ,,each ,,of ,,the ,,afore-,,reckoned ,,figures ,,divides ,a ,,round ,,body ,,that ,,circumscribes ,,it ,,into ,,equal ,,parts4 7,see ,timaeus1 pp4 #ec-ef47 ,is their opinion true who think that he ascribed a dodecahedron to the globe1 when he says that ,god made use of it in delineating the universe8 ,for upon account of the multitude of its bases and the obtuseness of its angles1 avoiding all rectitude1 it is flexible1 and by circumtension1 like globes made of twelve skins1 it becomes circular and comprehensive4 ,for it has twenty solid angles1 each of which is contained by three obtuse planes1 and each of these contains one and the fifth part of a right angle4 ,now it is made up of twelve equilateral and equangular quinquangles 7or pentagons71 each of which consists of thirty of the first scalene triangles4 ,therefore it seems to resemble both the ,zodiac and the year1 it being divided into the same number of parts as these4 ,or is a right line in ,nature prior to circumference2 or is circumference but an accident of rectilinear8 ,for a right line is said to bend2 and a circle is described by a centre and distance1 which is the place of a right line from which a circumference is measured1 this being everywhere equally distant from the middle4 ,and a cone and a cylinder are made by rectilinears2 a cone by keeping one side of a triangle fixed and carrying another round with the base1--a cylinder1 by doing the like with a parallelogram4 ,further1 that is nearest to principle which is less2 but a right is the least of all lines1 as it is simple2 whereas in a circumference one part is convex without1 another concave within4 ,besides1 numbers are before figures1 as unity is before a point1 which is unity in position4 ,but indeed unity is triangular2 for every triangular number 7,triangular numbers are those of which equilateral triangles can be formed in this way3 4 4 44 4 44 444 4 44 444 4444 44444444444444 ,such are3 #c1 #f1 #aj1 #ae1 #ba1 #bh1 #cf1 #de1 etc42 that is1 numbers formed by adding the digits in regular order4 7,g477 taken eight times1 by adding unity1 becomes quadrate2 and this happens to unity4 ,therefore a triangle is before a circle1 whence a right line is before a circumference4 ,besides1 no element is divided into things compounded of itself2 indeed there is a dissolution of all other things into the elements4 ,now a triangle is divided into no circumference1 but two diameters cut a circle into four triangles2 therefore a rectilinear figure is before a circular1 and has more of the nature of an element4 ,and ,plato himself shows that a rectilinear is in the first place1 and a circular is only consequential and accidental4 ,for when he says the earth consists of cubes1 each of which is contained with rectilinear superficies1 he says the earth is spherical and round4 ,therefore there was no need of making a peculiar element for round things1 since rectilinears1 fitted after a certain manner among themselves1 do make up this figure4 ,besides1 a right line1 whether great or little1 preserves the same rectitude2 but as to the circumference of a circle1 the less it is1 the crookeder it is2 the larger1 the straighter4 ,therefore if a convex surface stands on a plane1 it sometimes touches the under plane in a point1 sometimes in a line4 ,so that a man may imagine that a circumference is made up of little right lines4 ,but observe whether this be not true1 that no circle or sphere in this world is exactly drawn2 but since by the tension and circumtension of the straight lines1 or by the minuteness of the parts1 the difference is hidden1 the figure seems circular and round4 ,therefore no corruptible body moves circularly1 but altogether in a right line4 ,to be truly spherical is not in a sensible body1 but is the element of the soul and mind1 to which he has given circular motion1 as being agreeable to their nature4 ,,question ,,vi4 ,,how ,,comes ,,it ,,to ,,pass ,,that ,,in ,,phaedrus ,,it ,,is ,,said1 ,,that ,,the ,,nature ,,of ,a ,,wing1 ,,by ,,which ,,anything ,,that ,,is ,,heavy ,,is ,,carried ,,upwards1 ,,participates ,,most ,,of ,,the ,,body ,,of ,,god8 7,see ,phaedrus1 p4 #bdf ,d47 ,is it because the discourse is of love1 and love is of beauty inherent in a body8 ,now beauty1 by similitude to things divine1 moves and reminds the soul4 ,or it may be 7without too much curiosity7 he may be understood in plain meaning1 to wit1 that the several faculties of the soul being employed about bodies1 the power of reasoning and understanding partakes most about divine and heavenly things2 which he did not improperly call a wing1 it raising the soul from mean and mortal things to things above4 ,,question ,,vii4 ,,in ,,what ,,sense ,,does ,,plato ,,say1 ,,that ,,the ,,antiperistasis 7,,or ,,reaction7 ,,of ,,motion--,,by ,,reason ,,there ,,is ,,no ,,vacuum--,,is ,,the ,,cause ,,of ,,the ,,phenomena ,,in ,,physicians' ,,cupping-,,glasses1 ,,in ,,swallowing1 ,,in ,,casting ,,weights1 ,,in ,,the ,,running ,,of ,,water1 ,,in ,,thunder1 ,,in ,,the ,,attraction ,,of ,,the ,,loadstone1 ,,and ,,in ,,the ,,harmony ,,of ,,sounds8 7,see ,timaeus1 pp4 #gi-ha47 ,for it seems unreasonable to ascribe the reason of such different effects to the selfsame cause4 ,how respiration is made by the reaction of the air1 he has sufficiently shown4 ,but the others1 he says1 seem to be effected miraculously1 but really the bodies force each other aside and change places with one another2 while he has left for us to discover how each is particularly done4 ,as to cupping-glasses1 the case is thus3 the air next to the flesh being comprehended and inflamed by the heat1 and being made more rare than the pores of the brass1 does not go into a vacuum 7for there is no such thing71 but into the air that is without the cupping-glass1 and has an impulse upon it4 ,this air drives that before it2 and each1 as it gives way1 strives to succeed into the place which was vacuated by the cession of the first4 ,and so the air approaching the flesh comprehended by the cupping-glass1 and attracting it1 draws the humors into the cupping-glass4 ,swallowing takes place in the same way4 ,for the cavities about the mouth and stomach are full of air2 when therefore the meat is squeezed down by the tongue and tonsils1 the elided air follows what gives way1 and also forces down the meat4 ,weights also thrown cleave the air and dissipate it1 as they fall with force2 the air recoiling back1 according to its proper tendency to rush in and fill the vacuum1 follows the impulse1 and accelerates the motion4 ,the fall also of thunderbolts is like to darting anything4 ,for by the blow in the cloud1 the fiery matter exploded breaks into the air2 and it being broken gives way1 and again being contracted above1 by main force it presses the thunderbolt downwards contrary to ,nature4 ,and neither amber nor the loadstone draws anything to it which is near1 nor does anything spontaneously approach them4 ,but this stone emits strong exhalations1 by which the surrounding air being impelled forceth that which is before it2 and this being drawn round in the circle1 and returning into the vacuated place1 forcibly draws the iron in the same movement4 ,in amber there is a flammeous and spirituous nature1 and this by rubbing on the surface is emitted by recluse passages1 and does the same that the loadstone does4 ,it also draws the lightest and driest of adjacent bodies1 by reason of their tenuity and weakness2 for it is not so strong nor so endued with weight and strength as to force much air and to act with violence and to have power over great bodies1 as the magnet has4 ,but what is the reason the air never draws a stone1 nor wood1 but iron only1 to the loadstone8 ,this is a common question both by those who think the coition of these bodies is made by the attraction of the loadstone1 and by such as think it done by the incitement of the iron4 ,iron is neither so rare as wood1 nor altogether so solid as gold or a stone2 but has certain pores and asperities1 which as far as inequality is concerned are proportionable to the air2 and the air being received in certain positions1 and having 7as it were7 certain stays to hang to1 does not slip off2 but when it is carried up to the stone and is forced against it1 it draws the iron by force along with it to the stone4 ,such then may be the reason of this4 ,but the manner of the waters running over the earth is not so evident4 ,but it is observable that the waters of lakes and ponds stand immovable1 because the air about them stagnates immovable and admits of no vacuity4 ,for the water on the surface of lakes and seas is troubled and fluctuates as the air is moved1 it following the motion of the air1 and moving as it is moved4 ,for the force from below causes the hollowness of the wave1 and from above the swelling thereof2 until the air ambient and containing the water is still4 ,therefore the flux of such waters as follow the motion of the receding air1 and are impelled by that which presses behind1 is continued without end4 ,and this is the reason that the stream increases with the waters1 and is slow where the water is weak1 the air not giving way1 and therefore enduring less reaction4 ,so the water of fountains must needs go upwards1 the extrinsic air succeeding into the vacuity and throwing the water out4 ,in a close house1 that keeps in the air and wind1 the floor sprinkled with water causes an air or wind1 because1 as the sprinkled water falls1 the air gives way4 ,for it is so provided by ,nature that air and water force one another and give way to one another2 because there is no vacuity in which one can be fixed without experiencing the change and alteration in the other4 ,concerning symphony1 he shows how sounds harmonize4 ,a quick sound is acute1 a slow is grave4 ,therefore acute sounds move the senses the quicker2 and these dying and grave sounds supervening1 what arises from the contemperation of one with the other causes pleasure to the ear1 which we call harmony4 ,and by what has been said1 it may easily be understood that air is the instrument of these things4 ,for sound is the stroke upon the sense of the hearer1 caused by the air2 and the air strikes as it is struck by the thing moving1--if violent1 acutely1--if languid1 softly4 ,the violent stroke comes quick to the ear2 then the circumambient air receiving a slower1 it affects and carries the sense along with it4 ,,question ,,viii4 ,,what ,,means ,,timaeus 7,see ,timaeus1 p4 #db ,d47 ,,when ,,he ,,says ,,that ,,souls ,,are ,,dispersed ,,into ,,the ,,earth1 ,,the ,,moon1 ,,and ,,into ,,other ,,instruments ,,of ,,time8 ,does the earth move like the sun1 moon1 and five planets1 which for their motions he calls organs or instruments of time8 ,or is the earth fixed to the axis of the universe2 yet not so built as to remain immovable1 but to turn and wheel about1 as ,aristarchus and ,seleucus have shown since2 ,aristarchus only supposing it1 ,seleucus positively asserting it8 ,theophrastus writes how that ,plato1 when he grew old1 repented him that he had placed the earth in the middle of the universe1 which was not its place4 ,or is this contradictory to ,plato's opinion elsewhere1 and in the ,greek instead of ,greek omitted should it be written ,greek omitted1 taking the dative case instead of the genitive1 so that the stars will not be said to be instruments1 but the bodies of animals8 ,so ,aristotle has defined the soul to be the actualization of a natural organic body1 having the power of life4 ,the sense then must be this1 that souls are dispersed into meet organical bodies in time4 ,but this is far besides his opinion4 ,for it is not once1 but several times1 that he calls the stars instruments of time2 as when he says1 the sun was made1 as well as other planets1 for the distinction and conservation of the numbers of time4 ,it is therefore most proper to understand the earth to be here an instrument of time2 not that the earth is moved1 as the stars are2 but that1 they being carried about it1 it standing still makes sunset and sunrising1 by which the first measures of time1 nights and days1 are circumscribed4 ,wherefore he called it the infallible guard and artificer of night and day4 ,for the gnomons of dials are instruments and measures of time1 not in being moved with the shadows1 but in standing still2 they being like the earth in closing out the light of the sun when it is down1--as ,empedocles says that the earth makes night by intercepting light4 ,this therefore may be ,plato's meaning4 ,and so much the rather might we consider whether the sun is not absurdly and without probability said to be made for the distinction of time1 with the moon and the rest of the planets4 ,for as in other respects the dignity of the sun is great2 so by ,plato in his ,republic 7,plato1 ,republic4 vi4 pp4 #ejh1 #eji47 the sun is called the king and lord of the whole sensible nature1 as the ,chief ,good is of the intelligible4 ,for it is said to be the offspring of ,good1 it supplying both generation and appearance to things visible2 as it is from ,good that things intelligible both are and are understood4 ,but that this ,god1 having such a nature and so great power1 should be only an instrument of time1 and a sure measure of the difference that happens among the eight orbs1 as they are slow or swift in motion1 seems neither decent nor highly rational4 ,it must therefore be said to such as are startled at these things1 that it is their ignorance to think that time is the measure of motion in respect of sooner or later1 as ,aristotle calls it2 or quantity in motion1 as ,speusippus2 or an interval of motion and nothing else1 as some of the ,stoics define it1 by an accident1 not comprehending its essence and power1 which ,pindar has not ineptly expressed in these words3 ,time1 who surpasses all in the seats of the blest4 ,pythagoras also1 when he was asked what time was1 answered1 it was the soul of the universe4 ,for time is no affection or accident of motion1 but the cause1 power1 and principle of that symmetry and order that confines all created beings1 by which the animated nature of the universe is moved4 ,or rather1 this order and symmetry itself--so far as it is motion--is called time4 ,for this1 ,walking by still and silent ways1 ,mortal things with justice leads4 7,euripides1 ,troades1 #hhg47 ,according to the ancients1 the principle of the soul is a number moving itself4 ,therefore ,plato says that time and heaven were coexistent1 but that motion was before heaven had being4 ,but time was not4 ,for then there neither was order1 nor measure1 nor determination2 but indefinite motion1 as it were1 the formless and rude matter of time4444 ,but when matter was informed with figures1 and motion with circuitions1 from that came the world1 from this time4 ,both are representations of ,god2 the world1 of his essence2 time1 of his eternity in the sphere of motion1 as the world is ,god in creation4 ,therefore they say heaven and motion1 being bred together1 will perish together1 if ever they do perish4 ,for nothing is generated without time1 nor is anything intelligible without eternity2 if this is to endure forever1 and that never to die when once bred4 ,time1 therefore1 having a necessary connection and affinity with heaven1 cannot be called simple motion1 but 7as it were7 motion in order having terms and periods2 whereof since the sun is prefect and overseer1 to determine1 moderate1 produce1 and observe changes and seasons1 which 7according to ,heraclitus7 produce all things1 he is coadjutor to the governing and chief ,god1 not in trivial things1 but in the greatest and most momentous affairs4 ,,question ,,ix4 ,since ,plato in his ,commonwealth1 discoursing of the faculties of the soul1 has very well compared the symphony of reason and of the irascible and the concupiscent faculties to the harmony of the middle1 lowest1 and highest chord1 7,see ,republic1 iv4 p4 #ddc47 some men may properly inquire3-- ,,did ,,plato ,,place ,,the ,,rational ,,or ,,the ,,irascible ,,faculty ,,in ,,the ,,middle8 ,,for ,,he ,,is ,,not ,,clear ,,in ,,the ,,point4 ,indeed1 according to the natural system of the parts1 the place of the irascible faculty must be in the middle1 and of the rational in the highest1 which the ,greeks call hypate4 ,for they of old called the chief and supreme ,greek omitted4 ,so ,xenocrates calls ,jove1 in respect of immutable things1 ,greek omitted 7or ,,highest71 in respect of sublunary things ,greek omitted 7or ,,lowest74 ,and long before him1 ,homer calls the chief ,god ,greek omitted1 ,,highest ,,of ,,rulers4 ,and ,nature has of due given the highest place to what is most excellent1 having placed reason as a steersman in the head1 and the appetitive faculty at a distance1 last of all and lowest4 ,and the lowest place they call ,greek omitted1 as the names of the dead1 ,greek omitted and ,greek omitted1 do show4 ,and some say1 that the south wind1 inasmuch as it blows from a low and obscure place1 is called ,greek omitted4 ,now since the appetitive faculty stands in the same opposition to reason in which the lowest stands to the highest and the last to the first1 it is not possible for the reason to be uppermost and first1 and yet for any other part to be the one called ,greek omitted 7or ,,highest74 ,for they that ascribe the power of the middle to it1 as the ruling power1 are ignorant how they deprive it of a higher power1 namely1 of the highest1 which is compatible neither to the irascible nor to the concupiscent faculty2 since it is the nature of them both to be governed by and obsequious to reason1 and the nature of neither of them to govern and lead it4 ,and the most natural place of the irascible faculty seems to be in the middle of the other two4 ,for it is the nature of reason to govern1 and of the irascible faculty both to govern and be governed1 since it is obsequious to reason1 and commands the appetitive faculty when this is disobedient to reason4 ,and as in letters the semi-vowels are middling between mutes and vowels1 having something more than those and less than these2 so in the soul of man1 the irascible faculty is not purely passive1 but hath often an imagination of good mixed with the irrational appetite of revenge4 ,plato himself1 after he had compared the soul to a pair of horses and a charioteer1 likened 7as every one knows7 the rational faculty to the charioteer1 and the concupiscent to one of the horses1 which was resty and unmanageable altogether1 bristly about the ears1 deaf and disobedient both to whip and spur2 and the irascible he makes for the most part very obsequious to the bridle of reason1 and assistant to it4 ,as therefore in a chariot1 the middling one in virtue and power is not the charioteer1 but that one of the horses which is worse than his guider and yet better than his fellow2 so in the soul1 ,plato gives the middle place not to the principal part1 but to that faculty which has less of reason than the principal part and more than the third4 ,this order also keeps the analogy of the symphonies1 i4e4 the proportion of the irascible to the rational 7which is placed as hypate7 making the diatessaron 7or fourth71 that of the irascible to the concupiscent 7or nete7 making the diapente 7or fifth71 and that of the rational to the concupiscent 7as hypate to nete7 making an octave or diapason4 ,but should you place the rational in the middle1 you would make the irascible farther from the concupiscent2 though some of the philosophers have taken the irascible and the concupiscent faculty for the selfsame1 by reason of their likeness4 ,but it may be ridiculous to describe the first1 middle1 and last by their place2 since we see hypate highest in the harp1 lowest in the pipe2 and wheresoever you place the mese in the harp1 provided it is tunable1 it sounds more acute than hypate1 and more grave than nete4 ,nor does the eye possess the same place in all animals2 but whereever it is placed1 it is natural for it to see4 ,so a pedagogue1 though he goes not foremost but follows behind1 is said to lead 7,greek omitted71 as the general of the ,trojan army1 ,now in the front1 now in the rear was seen1 ,and kept command2 7,iliad1 xi4 #fd47 but wherever he was1 he was first and chief in power4 ,so the faculties of the soul are not to be ranged by mere force in order of place or name1 but according to their power and analogy4 ,for that in the body of man reason is in the highest place1 is accidental4 ,but it holds the chief and highest power1 as mese to hypate1 in respect of the concupiscent2 as mese to nete1 in respect of the irascible2 insomuch as it depresses and heightens1--and in fine makes a harmony1--by abating what is too much and by not suffering them to flatten and grow dull4 ,for what is moderate and symmetrous is defined by mediocrity4 ,still more is it the end of the rational faculty to bring the passions to moderation1 which is called sacred1 as making a harmony of the extremes with reason1 and through reason with each other4 ,for in chariots the best of the team is not in the middle2 nor is the skill of driving to be placed as an extreme1 but it is a mean between the inequality of the swiftness and the slowness of the horses4 ,so the force of reason takes up the passions irrationally moved1 and reducing them to measure1 constitutes a mean betwixt too much and too little4 ,,question ,x4 ,,why ,,said ,,plato1 ,,that ,,speech ,,was ,,composed ,,of ,,nouns ,,and ,,verbs8 7,plato's ,sophist1 p4 #bfb ,a47 ,for he seems to make no other parts of speech but them4 ,but ,homer in a playful humor has comprehended them all in one verse3-- ,greek omitted 7,iliad1 i4 #ahe47 ,for in it there is pronoun1 participle1 noun1 preposition1 article1 conjunction1 adverb1 and verb1 the particle--,greek omitted being put instead of the preposition ,greek omitted2 for ,greek omitted1 ,,to ,,the ,,tent1 is said in the same sense as ,greek omitted1 ,,to ,,athens4 ,what then shall we say for ,plato8 ,is it that at first the ancients called that ,greek omitted1 or speech1 which once was called protasis and now is called axiom or proposition1--which as soon as a man speaks1 he speaks either true or false8 ,this consists of a noun and verb1 which logicians call the subject and predicate4 ,for when we hear this said1 ,socrates philosphizeth or ,socrates is changed1 requiring nothing more1 we say the one is true1 the other false4 ,for very likely in the beginning men wanted speech and articulate voice1 to enable them to express clearly at once the passions and the patients1 the actions and the agents4 ,now1 since actions and affections are adequately expressed by verbs1 and they that act and are affected by nouns1 as he says1 these seem to signify4 ,and one may say1 the rest signify not4 ,for instance1 the groans and shrieks of stage players1 and even their smiles and silence1 make their discourse more emphatic4 ,but they have no absolute power to signify anything1 as a noun and verb have1 but only an ascititious power to vary speech2 just as they vary letters who mark spirits and quantities upon letters1 these being the accidents and differences of letters4 ,this the ancients have made manifest1 whom sixteen letters sufficed to speak and write anything4 ,besides1 we must not fail to observe1 that ,plato says that speech is composed ,,of these1 not ,,by these2 nor must we find fault with ,plato for omitting conjunctions1 prepositions1 and the rest1 any more than we should criticise a man who should say such a medicine is composed of wax and galbanum1 because fire and utensils are omitted1 without which it cannot be produced4 ,for speech is not composed of these2 yet by their means1 and not without them1 speech must be composed4 ,as1 if a man says ,,beats or ,,is ,,beaten1 and adds ,socrates and ,pythagoras to the same1 he gives us something to conceive and understand4 ,but if a man pronounce ,,indeed or ,,for or ,,about and no more1 none can conceive any notion of a body or matter2 and unless such words as these be uttered with verbs and nouns1 they are but empty noise and chattering4 ,for neither alone nor joined one with another do they signify anything4 ,and join and confound together conjunctions1 articles1 and prepositions1 supposing you would make something of them2 yet you will be taken to babble1 and not to speak sense4 ,but when there is a verb in construction with a noun1 the result is speech and sense4 ,therefore some do with justice make only these two parts of speech2 and perhaps ,homer is willing to declare himself of this mind1 when he says so often1 ,greek omitted ,for by ,greek omitted he usually means a verb1 as in these verses4 ,greek omitted1 and1 ,greek omitted 7,odyssey1 xxiii4 #ahc2 viii4 #djh47 ,for neither conjunction1 article1 nor preposition could be said to be ,greek omitted 7,,terrible7 or ,greek omitted 7,,soul ,,grieving71 but only a verb signifying a base action or a foolish passion of the mind4 ,therefore1 when we would praise or dispraise poets or writers1 we are wont to say1 such a man uses ,attic nouns and good verbs1 or else common nouns and verbs2 but none can say that ,thucydides or ,euripides used ,attic or common articles4 ,what then8 ,may some say1 do the rest of the parts conduce nothing to speech8 ,i answer1 ,they conduce1 as salt does to victuals2 or water to barley cakes4 ,and ,euenus calls fire the best sauce4 ,though sometimes there is neither occasion for fire to boil1 nor for salt to season our food1 which we have always occasion for4 ,nor has speech always occasion for articles4 ,i think ,i may say this of the ,latin tongue1 which is now the universal language2 for it has taken away all prepositions1 saving a few1 nor does it use any articles1 but its nouns are 7as it were7 without skirts and borders4 ,nor is it any wonder1 since ,homer1 who in fineness of epic surpasses all men1 has put articles only to a few nouns1 like handles to cans1 or crests to helmets4 ,therefore these verses are remarkable wherein the articles are suppressed4-- ,greek omitted 7,iliad1 xiv4 #dei47 and1 ,greek omitted 7,ibid4 xx4 #adg47 and some few besides4 ,but in a thousand others1 the omission of the articles hinders neither perspicuity nor elegance of phrase4 ,now neither an animal nor an instrument nor arms nor anything else is more fine1 efficacious1 or pleasanter1 for the loss of a part4 ,yet speech1 by taking away conjunctions1 often becomes more persuasive1 as here3-- ,one rear'd a dagger at a captive's breast2 ,one held a living foe1 that freshly bled ,with new-made wounds1 another dragg'd a dead4 7,ibid4 xviii4 #ecf47 ,and this of ,demosthenes3-- ,a bully in an assault may do much which his victim cannot even report to another person1--by his attitude1 his look1 his voice1--when he insults1 when he attacks as an enemy1 when he smites with his fist1 when he strikes a blow on the face4 ,these rouse a man2 these make a man beside himself who is unused to such foul abuse4 ,and again3-- ,not so with ,midias2 but from the very day1 he talks1 he abuses1 he shouts4 ,is there an election of magistrates8 ,midias the ,anagyrrasian is nominated4 ,he is the advocate of ,plutarchus2 he knows state secrets2 the city cannot contain him4 7,demosthenes against ,midias1 p4 #ecg1be1 and p4 #egh1 #bi47 ,therefore the figure asyndeton1 whereby conjunctions are omitted1 is highly commended by writers of rhetoric4 ,but such as keep overstrict to the law1 and 7according to custom7 omit not a conjunction1 rhetoricians blame for using a dull1 flat1 tedious style1 without any variety in it4 ,and inasmuch as logicians mightily want conjunctions for the joining together their axioms1 as much as charioteers want yokes1 and ,ulysses wanted withs to tie ,cyclop's sheep2 this shows they are not parts of speech1 but a conjunctive instrument thereof1 as the word conjunction imports4 ,nor do conjunctions join all1 but only such as are not spoken simply2 unless you will make a cord part of the burthen1 glue a part of a book1 or distribution of money part of the government4 ,for ,demades says1 that money which is given to the people out of the exchequer for public shows is the glue of a democracy4 ,now what conjunction does so of several propositions make one1 by fitting and joining them together1 as marble joins iron that is incited with it in the fire8 ,yet the marble neither is nor is said to be part of the iron2 although in this case the substances compose the mixture and are melted together1 so as to make a common substance from several and to be mutually affected4 ,but there be some who think that conjunctions do not make anything one1 but that this kind of speech is merely an enumeration1 as when magistrates or days are reckoned in order4 ,moreover1 as to the other parts of speech1 a pronoun is manifestly a sort of noun2 not only because it has cases1 but because some pronouns1 when they are used of objects already defined1 by their mere utterance give the most distinct designation of them4 ,nor do ,i know whether he that says ,,socrates or he that says ,,this ,,one does more by name declare the person4 ,the thing we call a participle1 being a mixture of a verb and noun is nothing of itself1 as are not the common names of male and female qualities 7i4e1 adjectives71 but in construction it is put with others1 in regard of tenses belonging to verbs1 in regard of cases to nouns4 ,logicians call them ,greek omitted1 7i4e41 ,,reflected71--as ,greek omitted1 comes from ,greek omitted1 and from ,greek omitted1--having the force both of nouns and appellatives4 ,and prepositions are like to the crests of a helmet1 or footstools and pedestals1 which 7one may rather say7 do belong to words than are words themselves4 ,see whether they rather be not pieces and scraps of words1 as they that are in haste write but dashes and points for letters4 ,for it is plain that ,greek omitted and ,greek omitted are abbreviations of the whole words ,greek omitted and ,greek omitted4 ,as undoubtedly for haste and brevity's sake1 instead of ,greek omitted and ,greek omitted men first said ,greek omitted and ,greek omitted4 ,therefore every one of these is of some use in speech2 but nothing is a part or element of speech 7as has been said7 except a noun and a verb1 which make the first juncture allowing of truth or falsehood1 which some call a proposition or protasis1 others an axiom1 and which ,plato called speech4 ,,end ,,of ,,eleven----------- ,,literary ,,essays4 ,,the ,,life ,,and ,,poetry ,,of ,,homer 7,homeric quotations are almost all taken from ,lord ,derby's ,iliad and ,butcher and ,long's ,odyssey4 ,the first is indicated by the letter ,i1 the second by ,o47 ,homer1 who was in time first among most poets and by his power first of all poets1 we justly read first1 thereby gaining the greatest advantages for our language1 for our intellect1 and for practical knowledge4 ,let us speak of his poetry1 first having shortly recalled his origin4 ,homer1 ,pindar says1 was a ,chian and of ,smyrnae2 ,simonides says a ,chian2 ,antimachus and ,nicander1 a ,colophonion2 but the philosopher ,aristotle says he was of ,iete2 the historian ,ephorus says he was from ,kyme4 ,some do not hesitate to say he was from ,salamis in ,cyprus2 some1 an ,argive4 ,aristarchus and ,dionysius the ,thracian say that he was an ,athenian4 ,by some he is spoken of as the son of ,maeon and ,kritheus2 by others1 7a son7 of the river-god ,meles4 ,just as there is a difficulty about his origin1 so there is about the time in which he flourished4 ,aristarchus says he lived about the period of the ,ionian emigration2 this happened sixty years after the return of the ,heraclidae4 ,but the affair of the ,heraclidae took place eighty years after the destruction of ,troy4 ,crates reports that he lived before the return of the ,heraclidae1 so he was not altogether eighty years distant from the ,trojan ,war4 ,but by very many it is believed that he was born one hundred years after the ,trojan ,war1 not much before the foundation of the ,olympic games1 from which the time according to the ,olympics is reckoned4 ,there are two poems of his1 the ,iliad and the ,odyssey1 both1 of which are arranged according to the number of letters in the alphabet1 not by the poet himself1 but by ,aristarchus1 the grammarian4 ,of these1 the ,iliad records the deeds of the ,greeks and ,barbarians in ,ilium on account of the rape of ,helen1 and particularly the valor displayed in the war by ,achilles4 ,in the ,odyssey are described the return of ,ulysses home after the ,trojan ,war1 and his experiences in his wanderings1 and how he took vengeance on those who plotted against his house4 ,from this it is evident that ,homer sets before us1 through the ,iliad1 bodily courage2 in the ,odyssey1 nobility of soul4 ,but the poet is not to be blamed because in his poetry he sets forth not only the virtues but the evils of the soul1 its sadness and its joys1 its fears and desires2 for being a poet1 it is necessary for him to imitate not only good but evil characters4 ,for without these the deeds would not get the admiration of the hearer1 who must pick out the better characters4 ,and he has made the gods associating with men not only for the sake of interest and entertainment1 but that he might declare by this that the gods care for and do not neglect men4 ,to sum up1 an extraordinary and mythical narration of events is employed in order to stir his readers with wonder and to make his hearers strongly impressed4 ,whence he seems to have said some things contrary to what is likely4 ,for the persuasive always follows where the remarkable and elevated are previously conjoined4 ,therefore he not only elevates actions1 and turns them from their customary course1 but words as well4 ,that he always handles novel things and things out of the common sphere1 and leads on his hearers1 is evident to every one4 ,and indeed in these fabulous narratives1 if one reads not unattentively but carefully each element of what is said1 ,homer appears to have been at home in the whole sphere and art of logic1 and to have supplied many incentives1 and as it were seeds of all kinds of thought and action to his posterity1 not to poets alone1 but to the authors of historical and scientific works4 ,let us first look at his varied form of speech1 and afterward at his sound knowledge on matters of fact4 ,all poetry grips the hearer by definite order of coordinated expressions1 by rhythm and metre1 since the smooth and flowing1 by becoming at the same time grave and sweet1 forces the attention by its action on the senses4 ,whence it comes to pass also that it delights not only by the striking and attractive parts1 but easily persuades by the parts tending to virtue4 ,the poems of ,homer have the most perfect metre1 the hexameter1 which is also called heroic4 ,it is called hexameter because each line has six feet3 one of these is of two long syllables1 called spondee2 the other1 of three syllables1 one long and two short1 which is called dactyl4 ,both are isochronic4 ,these in interchangeable order fill out the hexameter verse4 ,it is called heroic because in it the deeds of the heroes are recounted4 ,he makes use of a sound diction1 combining the characteristics of every ,greek dialect1 from which it is plain that he travelled over the whole of ,greece and among every people in it4 ,he uses the ellipse of the ,dorians1 due to their practice of shortening their speech1 saying for ,greek omitted1 as 7,o4 i4 #cib73 ,immediately a beautiful horse 7,greek omitted7 was his1 and for ,greek omitted he uses ,greek omitted1 as 7,o4 xix4 #edc73 ,because 7,greek omitted7 an eagle killed my geese2 and for ,greek omitted1 back1 ,greek omitted1 changing the o into a1 the ,greek letter omitted and the ,greek letter omitted into its related letter4 ,and ,greek omitted he changes to ,greek omitted7,i4 xiv4 #bdi73 ,for before at another time 7,greek omitted7 your precepts made me modest1 and similar cases4 ,likewise1 dropping the middle syllable1 he says for ,greek omitted1 of like hair1 and ,greek omitted1 of the same years1 ,greek omitted2 and for ,greek omitted1 that is1 of the same father1 ,greek omitted2 for ,greek omitted2 to tremble1 ,greek omitted for ,greek omitted1 ,i honour1 ,greek omitted4 ,it is a characteristic of the ,dorians also to transpose letters1 as when they say for ,greek omitted1 ,greek omitted4 ,in composite words he makes use of the syncope of the ,aeolians1 saying ,greek omitted instead of ,greek omitted1 they went to sleep1 and ,greek omitted1 for ,greek omitted1 to subject4 ,then when the third person of the imperfect among other ,greek peoples ends in the diphthong ,greek letter1 the ,eolians end in ,greek letter1 as when they say for ,greek omitted1 he was loving1 ,greek omitted1 and for ,greek omitted1 he was thinking1 ,greek omitted4 ,this custom ,homer followed1 saying 7,i4 xi4 #aje73 ,he bound 7,greek omitted7 in tender twigs1 instead of ,greek omitted1 and 7,o4 v4 #dgh73 ,which neither any humid power of the wind penetrates ,greek omitted4 ,besides this they change ,greek letter into ,greek letter1 as they say ,greek omitted for ,greek omitted1 odor1 and ,greek ,omitted for ,greek omitted1 we knew4 ,besides1 they use pleonasm in some expressions1 as when they put for ,greek omitted1 calm1 ,greek omitted1 ,greek omitted for ,greek omitted1 but1 ,greek omitted got ,greek omitted1 having cried4 ,and when to the second person of verbs they add ,greek omitted1 for ,greek omitted thou speakest1 ,greek omitted1 and for ,greek omitted1 thou hast spoken1 ,greek omitted4 ,some attribute the doubling of the consonant to the ,dorians1 some to the ,aeolians4 ,such as we find in ,i4 v4 #hc3 ,black death laid hold on ,greek omitted him1 ,greek omitted2 for ,greek omitted as ,i4 iii4 #cba3 ,each did these deeds4 ,he preserves the peculiarity of the ,ionians for the preterite tenses of verbs the aphaeresis1 as where he says ,greek omitted for ,greek omitted4 ,so in past tenses they are want to begin with the same letter as in present tenses and to leave off the ,greek letter in the word ,greek omitted1 priest and ,greek omitted1 hawk4 ,besides1 they add ,greek letter to the third persons of the subjunctive mood1 as when they say for ,greek omitted may have come1 ,greek omitted1 and for ,greek omitted1 may have taken1 ,greek omitted4 ,this participle they add to the dative1 ,greek omitted1 to the gates1 to the woods4 ,besides1 they say ,greek omitted for name1 and ,greek omitted for ,greek omitted1 disease and ,greek omitted for ,greek omitted1 empty1 and ,greek omitted for ,greek omitted1 black4 ,and then they change long ,greek letter into ,greek letter1 as,greek omitted for ,greek omitted1 ,juno1 and for ,greek omitted1 ,minerva4 ,and sometimes they change ,greek letter into ,greek letter1 saying for ,greek omitted1 having forgotten4 ,moreover1 they write in full by diaeresis words which are circumflexed1 for ,greek omitted1 intelligent1 ,greek omitted4 ,in the same way they lengthen genitive singulars in ,greek omitted1 as ,greek omitted1 and genitive feminines in ,greek omitted1 as ,greek omitted1 of gates1 ,greek omitted1 of nymphs1 and finally regular plurals of nouns in the neuter gender ending in ,greek letter as ,greek omitted1 ,greek omitted1 breasts1 darts1 and their genitives likewise4 ,they say in their way ,greek omitted for ,greek omitted4 ,but he most largely used the ,attic dialect for it was combined with others4 ,for just as in ,attic they say ,greek omitted for ,greek omitted1 people1 so he did1 as ,greek omitted and ,greek omitted1 debt4 ,it is a custom with them sometimes to use contractions and to put one syllable for two1 as for ,greek omitted1 word1 ,greek omitted1 and for ,greek omitted1 clothes1 ,greek omitted4 ,related to these is that ,homeric expression1 the ,trojans in crowds bent over ,greek omitted1 and another case1 fields bearing the lotos ,greek omitted1 instead of ,greek omitted4 ,besides they take ,greek letter from that type of optative1 saying for ,greek omitted1 it might seem good to thee1 ,greek omitted1 for ,greek omitted1 mightiest thou be honored1 ,greek omitted4 ,there is also an ,atticism ,greek omitted for ,greek omitted in his verse 7,i4 iii4 #ajb73-- ,but you others discerned most quickly4 ,likewise this1 too1 is ,attic1 the more were worse ,greek omitted1 the few better ,greek omitted1 than their fathers2 we say ,greek omitted or ,greek omitted4 ,and they do not prolong these by diaeresis1 ,greek omitted1 as oxen ,greek omitted falling down1 and1 fishes ,greek omitted and birds4 ,and that1 too1 is said in the ,attic fashion 7,o4 xii4 #cca73-- ,nor flowing do they break 7,greek omitted for ,greek omitted7 by their violence4 ,in the same way as ,greek omitted1 ,greek omitted4 ,and the taking away short vowels is ,attic3 ,greek omitted1 he is washed1 ,greek omitted1 ,i think1 ,greek omitted2 in the same way for ,greek omitted1 he is loosed1 he says ,greek omitted4 ,the ,attics say ,greek omitted1 adding an unnecessary ,greek letter1 whence also comes ,greek omitted1 he was pouring out wine4 ,they contract the iota in words of this sort1 as for ,greek omitted1 shores1 ,greek omitted1 shores1 and for ,greek omitted1 ,greek omitted4 ,so also 7,i4 xi4 #ghb73-- ,you two ,greek omitted wished it very much4 ,finally in datives ending in pure iota with a penultimate of alpha the same is done1 as ,greek omitted1 horn1 ,greek omitted1 old age1 ,greek omitted1 ray4 ,and this1 too1 is ,attic1 where it is said ,greek omitted1 let them be1 and ,greek omitted1 let them follow1 for ,greek omitted and ,greek omitted4 ,the use of the dual which ,homer repeatedly employs is of the same type4 ,also with feminine substantives he joins masculine articles1 participles1 and adjectives1 as ,greek omitted4 ,this is a practice with ,plato1 as when he uses ,greek omitted pillaging1 and ,greek omitted1 the wise just woman4 ,so1 too1 ,homer 7,i4 viii4 #dee71 speaking of ,here and ,athene1 says3-- ,in vain smitten ,greek omitted with a thunderbolt on our chariots1-- and 7,i4 iv4 #bb73-- ,athene was indeed unwilling ,greek omitted1-- and 7,i4 ii4 #gdb73-- ,famous ,greek omitted ,hippodamea4 ,moreover the dialects have many peculiarities of construction4 ,when the poet says 7,i4 iv4 #ajj73-- ,but seek with your javelins of divine ,menelaos1-- instead of the accusative1 he presents an ,attic usage4 ,but when he says 7,i4 ii4 #ahf73-- ,he took for him the sceptre and he took the cup for fair-cheeked ,themis-- instead of from him and from ,themis1 he is employing a ,dorian usage4 ,accordingly it appears how he makes his diction varied by throwing together words of all the ,greek dialects1 and sometimes he makes use of foreign words as are the aforesaid1 sometimes archaic words1 as when he says ,greek omitted1 falchion1 and ,greek omitted1 sword1 sometimes common and ordinary words1 as when he says ,greek omitted1 sword and shield2 one might wonder how well common words in his poetry preserve dignity of speech4 ,but an artificially wrought style cultivates variation from the customary1 by which it becomes clever1 more dignified1 and altogether more attractive4 ,the turn of expression is called a ,trope1 and change of construction is called a ,schema4 ,the forms of these are described in technical treatises4 ,let us examine if any of these is omitted by ,homer or whether anything else was discovered by his successors which he himself did not use first4 ,among ,tropes1 ,onomatopoeia is very common4 ,for he knew the early origin of words4 ,the first who gave names to things called many of them from what had taken place1 and therefore introduced inarticulate sounds into writing4 ,as when they said ,greek omitted1 to blow1 ,greek omitted1 to cut1 ,greek omitted1 to woo1 ,greek omitted1 to thunder1 and others like these4 ,whence he himself created certain words not previously existing1 copying the things they signified1 as ,greek omitted1 sound1 and other things also indicating sounds1 ,greek omitted1 and others of the same kind4 ,none could be found more significant4 ,and again where some words pertaining to certain things he attributes to others1 as when he says 7,i4 xxi4 #ccg73-- ,bearing an evil fire1-- which signifies its power in burning1 and fever he uses for fire4 ,like these is the expression 7,i4 xix4 #be73-- ,brass striking wounds1-- he writes to express wounds inflicted by brass4 ,and to sum up he uses much novelty of speech1 with great freedom1 changing some from their customary use1 giving distinction to others for the sake of infusing in his language beauty and grandeur4 ,he has also much fertility in epithets2 these being fitted to their objects properly and naturally have the force of proper names1 as when he gives to the several gods each some proper designation1 so he calls ,zeus the all-wise and high thundering1 and the ,sun1 ,hyperion1 advancing aloft1 and ,apollo1 ,phoebus1 that is1 shining4 ,but after the ,onomatopoeia let us examine other ,tropes4 ,catechresis1 which changes a word from a customary signification to another not recognized4 ,this is to be found in the poet when he says golden chain ,greek omitted1 but ,greek omitted properly means a rope1 and when he says a goat helmet ,greek omitted2 now a helmet is ,greek omitted in ,homer1 because it used to be made of dog's skin1 not of goat's skin4 ,metaphor1 so-called because it transfers a thing from its proper significance to another with an analogous likeness to both1 occurs in many and varied forms in verse1 as is the line 7,o4 ix4 #dha73-- ,he comes1 having broken off the crown of a great mountain1-- and 7,o4 x4 #aie73 ,an island which the sea laves and crowns4 ,for the relation a crown has to him whom it encircles1 the same the sea has to an island4 ,by making use of related but not usual words he makes his speech not only more beautiful but more picturesque4 ,there are in ,homer various kinds of metaphors2 some applied from animate things to animate1 as1 the driver of the caerulean ship spoke instead of the sailor1 and he went to ,agamemnon the son of ,atreus1 the shepherd of the people instead of king4 ,some are applied from animate to inanimate1 as 7,i4 ii4 #hbd73-- ,under the extreme foot of ,ida1-- that is1 the rising ground4 ,also 7,i4 ix4 #ada73-- ,the breast of the field1-- that is1 the fertility4 ,others1 on the contrary1 from inanimate to animate1 as 7,i4 xxiv4 #bje73-- ,the iron breast4 ,from inanimate to animate1 as 7,o4 v4 #dij73-- ,preserving the seed of fire1-- instead of the generating origin4 ,then he has metaphors of verbs as well as substantives 7,i4 xvii4 #bfe73-- ,as the shores bellow with the smiting salt and gale1-- instead of resound4 ,another ,trope which is called ,metalepsis1 signifying a different thing by a synonym 7,o4 xv4 #bii73-- ,i beached the ship in the sharp islands1-- for he wishes to signify islands properly called jagged4 ,both words in ,greek are synonyms4 ,for in ,greek sharp not only signifies swiftness of motion1 but also in a figure that which rises into a slender shape4 ,such is the quotation 7,o4 ix4 #cbg73-- accompanied him and sharpened my pace4 ,another ,trope is named ,synecdoche1 called from this reason2 that from what is properly meant1 another of the like kind is understood4 ,this ,trope has also many varieties4 ,for either we perceive the part from the whole1 as 7,i4 xii4 #acg73-- ,they advanced straight to the walls the burning bulls1-- for he wishes to indicate by the appellation bulls the leather out of which shields are wont to be made4 ,or from a part the whole 7,o4 i4 #cdc73-- ,i long for such a head1-- for from the head he signifies the man4 ,and when for beautiful he says endowed with beautiful cheeks1 and for well armed he says well greaved4 ,or from one the many1 as when he speaks of ,odysseus 7,o4 i4 #b73-- ,when he wasted the sacred citadel of ,troy4 ,not he by himself took ,troy1 but along with the rest of the ,greeks4 ,from the many one1 as 7,i4 iii4 #cig71 happy breasts1 i4e4 breast4 ,from the species the genus1 as 7,i4 xii4 #chj73-- ,casting on the hard marble1-- for marble is a species of rock4 ,from the genus the species 7,o4 ii4 #aei74-- ,to know the birds and to say many fitting things4 ,he wishes to say not all birds1 but only the birds of auspices4 ,from the instruments the action1 as 7,i4 ii4 #hbg73-- ,pandorus to whom he gave the bow of ,apollo4 ,by the bow he indicates the skill in using it4 ,and 7,o4 xii4 #agb73-- ,sitting they made the water white1-- and 7,o4 iii4 #dhf73-- ,now others moved the whole day the thong of their sandal4 ,this comes from an accidental feature2 in the first case they were rowing1 in the next they were running1 is to be implied4 ,besides there is the consequent to the precedent1 as 7,o4 xi4 #bde73-- ,she loosed the virgin zone4 ,it follows that she defiled it4 ,from the consequent the precedent1 as when instead of saying to kill he says to disarm1 that is1 to spoil4 ,there is another ,trope called ,metonymy1 i4e4 when an expression applied properly to one thing indicates another related to it1 such as 7,i4 ii4 #dbf73-- ,but the young men proceed to grind ,demeter1-- for he means the crop of grain named from its inventor1 ,demeter4 ,and when he says 7,o4 xix4 #bh73-- ,they held the transfixed entrails over ,hephaestus4 ,by the name ,hephaestus he signifies fire4 ,like what has previously been mentioned is this 7,i4 i4 #bbc74-- ,whoever shall touch my choenix1-- for what is contained in the choenix is intended4 ,there is besides another ,trope1 ,autonomasia1 when an epithet or co-title is used for a proper name1 as in this example 7,i4 viii4 #ci73-- ,the son of ,peleus again attacked the son of ,atreus with petulant words4 ,by this he indicates ,achilles and ,agamemnon respectively4 ,and again 7,i4 xxii4 #ahc73-- ,be of good cheer1 ,tritonia1 dear daughter1-- and in other places 7,i4 xx4 #ci73-- ,shorn ,phoebus4 ,in the one case he means ,athene and in the other ,apollo4 ,there is1 too1 ,antiphrasis1 or an expression signifying the opposite from what it appears to do 7,i4 i4 #ccj73-- ,seeing these ,achilles did not rejoice4 ,he wishes to say the contrary1 that seeing them he was disgusted4 ,there is also ,emphasis1 which through reflection adds vigor to what is said 7,o4 xi4 #ebc73-- ,but descending into the home which ,epeus constructed4 ,in the word descending he reveals the great size of the house4 ,of the same kind is the line 7,i4 xvi4 #ccc73-- ,the whole sand was hot with blood1-- for in this he furnishes a more intense description1 as if the sand was so bathed with blood that it was hot4 ,these kind of ,tropes were invented by ,homer first of all4 ,let us look at the changes of construction which are called figures to see if ,homer also first invented these4 ,figure is a method of expression divergent from ordinary custom for the sake of ornament or utility1 altered by a kind of fiction4 ,for beauty is added to narrative by variety and change of expression1 and these make the style more impressive4 ,they are also useful because they exalt and intensify innate qualities and powers4 ,among the figures ,pleonasm is sometimes used for the sake of the metre2 as in 7,i4 xix4 #bdg73-- ,odysseus adding all ten talents of gold1-- for the word all is added without contributing to the sense4 ,it is done for the sake of ornament1 cf4 7,i4 xviii4 #ab74-- ,certainly the strenuous son of ,menoetius is quite dead1-- for the word quite is pleonastic after the ,attic fashion4 ,sometimes by several forms of speech he unfolds his meaning4 ,this is called ,periphrasis4 ,as when he says ,sons of the ,achaeans for ,achaeans1 and the ,herculean might for ,hercules4 ,things are said figuratively by ,mutation when the ordinary order is inverted4 ,but he puts in an expression in the midst which is called ,hyperbaton1 as in this 7,i4 xvii4 #edb73-- ,just as a lion feeds on an eaten bull1-- instead of saying the lion eats up the bull4 ,and so he passes the limits of the sentence 7,i4 ii4 #ccc73-- ,he said1 and loudly cheered the ,greeks--and loud ,from all the hollow ships came back the cheers-- ,in admiration of ,ulysses' speech4 ,the order is the ,argives applauded with a great shout the speech of divine ,odysseus4 ,of the same kind is the figure called ,parembole1 or interposition1 when something outside having nothing to do with the subject is introduced4 ,if it is removed1 the construction is not affected 7,i4 i4 #bcd73-- ,by this ,i say and with an oath confirm ,by this my royal staff1 which never more ,shall put forth leaf nor spray1 since first it left ,upon the mountain side its parent stem ,nor blossom more2 since all around the axe ,hath lopped both leaf and bark--444 and the rest as much as he has said about the sceptre1 then joining what follows with the beginning 7,i4 i4 #cdj73-- ,the time shall come when all the sons of ,greece ,shall mourn ,achilles' loss4 ,he uses also ,palillogia--that is the repetition of some part of a sentence1 or several parts are repeated4 ,this figure is called ,reduplication1 such as 7,i4 xx4 #cga73-- ,encounter him well6 ,though his hands were hands of fire1 ,of fire1 his hands1 his strength as burnished steel4 ,sometimes certain insertions are made and they are repeated1 as in 7,o4 i4 #bb73-- ,howbeit ,poseidon had now departed for the distant ,ethiopians1 the ,ethiopians that are sundered in twain1 the uttermost of men4 ,this is a figure revealing the feeling of the speaker and at the same time affecting the hearer4 ,of the same kind is ,relation2 when at the commencement of several members of a sentence the same part is repeated4 ,an example of this from the poet is 7,i4 ii4 #fga73-- ,nireus three well-trimmed ships from ,syme brought4 ,nireus to ,charops whom ,aglaia bore4 ,nireus the goodliest man of all the ,greeks4 ,this figure is likewise adapted to excite the emotions and give sweetness to the expression4 ,he has also ,regression4 ,this is when one puts forward two names of objects4 ,when the sense is not yet complete1 the poet returns to both of the names1 completing what is lacking in the sense1 as 7,i4 v4 #eah74-- ,followed the thronging bands of ,troy1 by ,mars and fierce ,bellona led3 she by the hand wild uproar held2 while ,mars a giant spear brandished aloft4 ,the characteristic of this figure is variety and perspicuity4 ,he has also the figure called ,homoioteleuton in which the parts of the sentence have endings similar in sound and have the same syllables at the end 7,o4 xv4 #gd73-- ,men should love a guest while he is with them1 and send him on his way when he would depart1-- and in the following 7,o4 vi4 #db73-- ,and she departed to ,olympus1 where they say is the seat of the gods that standeth fast forever4 ,not by the wind is it shaken nor ever wet with rain nor doth the snow come nigh thereto1 but most clear air is spread about it cloudless and the white light floats over it4 ,when periods or their members end in nouns which are of the same declension this is properly called ,homoioptolon1 as the following 7,i4 ii4 #hg73-- ,greek omitted ,as swarms of bees1 that pour in ceaseless stream ,from out the crevice of some hollow rock4 ,the above and others like them add grace and attractiveness to the narrative4 ,as a proof of his care in composition we often see he employs two figures in the same verses1 as ,epanaphora and ,homoioteleuton 7,i4 ii4 #chb73-- ,each sharpen well his spear1 his shield prepare ,each to his fiery steeds their forage give4 ,belonging to these is the figure called ,parison1 which is formed out of two or more numbers having an equal number of words 7,i4 vii4 #ic73-- ,shamed to refuse1 but fearful to accept4-- and again 7,i4 xvi4 #bhb73-- ,had cast away difference1 had resumed friendship1-- ,that this figure gives much ornament of style is very clear4 ,the like grace comes from ,paranomasia1 when besides the name in question another similar one is added at a slight interval 7,i4 vi4 #acj73-- ,not long did ,dryas' son1 ,lycurgus brave1-- and in another 7,i4 ii4 #geh73-- ,swift-footed ,protheus led4 ,but the above examples are arranged either by ,pleonasm or by some such like artifice4 ,but there is another due to absence of a word4 ,of thes omitted the sense is plain from what has gone before1 as in the following 7,i4 ix4 #cbh73-- ,twelve cities have ,i taken with my ships1 ,eleven more by land on ,trojan soil1-- where the words have ,i taken are wanting in last line1 but are supplied from the preceding one4 ,this is said to be by ,ellipse 7,i4 xii4 #bdc73-- ,one bird best to defend the fatherland1-- where the word is is lacking4 ,and 7,i4 xx4 #bic73-- ,alas ,i the grief to me of great-hearted ,aeneas1-- when the words is present1 comes1 or something of the kind1 are understood4 ,there are many kinds of ,ellipses in ,homer2 the effect of the figure is quickness4 ,of this sort is ,asyndeton when the conjunctions uniting sentences are removed4 ,this is done not only for the sake of celerity1 but also of the sake of emotional emphasis4 ,such as is the following 7,o4 x4 #bea73-- ,we went on our way1 noble ,odysseus1 up through the coppice even as thou didst command2 we found within the forest glades the fair halls builded of polished stone of ,circe4 ,in these the conjunction is dropped since the speaker seeks the quickest method of expressing his message4 ,there is among the figures what is called the ,incongruous or the ,variation4 ,it is used when the ordinary arrangement is made different4 ,and the variety is due either to impressing grace and elegance to the words2 the ordinary movements not seeming to be followed1 but the alteration has an arrangement of its own4 ,it often takes place when the genders of nouns are changed as ,greek omitted instead of ,greek omitted and ,greek omitted4 ,it was not unusual for the ancients1 and especially among the people of ,attica1 to use masculine for feminine as superior and more vigorous4 ,nor did they do this without rhyme and reason1 but when they made use of a word1 as an epithet apart from the body which was spoken of4 ,for the words concerned with the body are great1 beautiful1 those not connected with it1 glorious1 fortunate4 ,besides1 they are ambiguous on account of their composition4 ,for in general all compound things are common to either gender4 ,and wherever a verb or participle is used with a masculine and feminine noun1 the masculine prevails 7,i4 vi4 #efg73-- ,the virgins and the youths minding childish things1-- where the participle is masculine4 ,certain things1 owing to the peculiarity of the dialect or the custom of that time1 are said differently1 ,greek omitted feminine instead of ,greek omitted 7,o4 i4 #ec73-- ,and himself upholds the tall pillars which keep earth and sky asunder4 ,often as the narrative proceeds he changes the genders1 as in 7,o1 xv4 #abe73-- ,i give to you the gift1 my dear son4 ,son is a neuter substantive to which the adjective agrees2 the poet refers it to the person4 ,of the same kind is that which is said by ,dione to ,venus 7,i4 v4 #chb73-- ,have patience1 dearest child2 though much enforced4 ,analogous to it is that 7,o4 xi4 #ij73-- ,anon came the soul of ,theban ,teiresias1 with a golden sceptre in his hand1-- for he made the participle ,greek omitted agree not with the gender of soul ,greek omitted1 but the gender of the body1 that is1 ,teiresias4 ,for often he looks not to the word but to the sense1 as in this passage 7,i4 xvi4 #bhj73-- ,in all their spirit stirred1 and the phalanxes moved hoping for the idle son of ,peleus from the ships1-- for the participle ,greek omitted does not agree with the word phalanxes1 but with the men composing them4 ,in another way he changes genders1 as when he says 7,o4 xii4 #ge73-- ,and a dark cloud encompasses it2 this never streams away1-- since ,greek omitted and ,greek omitted1 cloud1 are synonyms1 using first ,greek omitted he afterward makes his adjectives agree with ,greek omitted understood4 ,like this are these verses 7,i4 ii4 #dei73-- ,as various tribes of winged fowl or geese ,or cranes or long necked swans ,besides ,coysters stream1 now here1 now there1 ,disporting1 ply their wings4 ,for having first set down generically the kinds of birds1 which are neuter1 then after speaking of the species in the masculine he comes back again to the neuter--settling down with a noise giving the proper agreement to the general word of the species4 ,the poet often changes the number as well as the gender 7,i4 xv4 #cje73-- ,the crowd approach the ships of the ,achaeans4 ,first comes a singular then a plural verb1 plainly looking to the sense1 for although the word crowd is called singular1 yet it embraces many individuals4 ,like it in the opposite way is when the plural precedes the singular follows 7,i4 xvi4 #bfd73-- ,they having a martial heart each one rushes on4 ,the word ,greek omitted is singular1 being applied to a multitude has the same effect as all 7,greek omitted74 ,the same kind of figure is the following 7,o4 iii4 #d73-- ,and they reached ,pylas1 the stablished castle of ,neleus1 and the people were doing sacrifice on the seashore4 ,the people of ,pylas are meant4 ,he has changes of cases1 the nominative and the vocative being interchanged in the following verse 7,i4 ii4 #ajg73-- ,to ,agamemnon last ,thyestis left it1-- and 7,i4 i4 #daa73-- ,cloud-compelling ,zeus1-- and 7#j4 xvii4 #dae73-- ,friend ,greek omitted give me for thou dost not seem to me to be the worst of the ,greeks4 ,the genitive and dative are changed in the next example 7,i4 iii4 #af73-- ,godlike ,paris fights in front for the ,trojans1-- instead of in front of4 ,and the contrary in the next 7,o4 v4 #fh73-- ,there about the hollow cave trailed a gadding vine4 ,where in the original the ,greek word cave is in the genitive case1 not as it should be1 dative4 ,and the cause of the mutation is that the nominative accusative and vocative seem to have a certain relation to one another4 ,on which account nouns of the neuter gender and many masculine and feminine ones have these three cases alike4 ,likewise the genitive has a certain affinity with the dative4 ,this is found in the dual number of all words4 ,hence the cases are changed contrary to what is usual4 ,sometimes it is possible to discover the reason for the change1 as in the expression 7,i4 v4 #bbb73-- ,understanding of the field1-- and 7,i4 ii4 #ghe73-- ,they crossed the field1-- just as if he had used the preposition through4 ,a fine example of change of case is found in the beginning of both his poems3-- ,sing1 ,o ,muse1 the vengeance1 etc41 whence to ,greece unnumbered ills arose4 ,tell me1 ,muse1 of that man1 of many a shift and many the woes he suffered4 ,sometimes after the genitive he brings in the nominative1 as in this 7,i4 i4 #bgb73-- ,of others who are now mortal4 ,he arranges many things in figures in various ways1 as the following passage 7,i4 ii4 #cej73-- ,for well ,i ween1 that on the day when first ,we ,grecians hitherward our course address'd ,to ,troy the messengers of blood and death ,th' o'erruling son of ,saturn1 on our right ,his lightning flashing1 with auspicious sign ,assur'd us of his favor4 ,and the following is not unlike it 7,i4 vi4 #eaj73-- ,his bright arms flashing like the gorgeous sun ,hasten'd with boastful mien and rapid step4 ,and these things1 according to the ancient fashion1 he exalts not unreasonably4 ,if any one changes the participles into verbs1 he will discover the sequence1 for the word lightning has the same value as when it was lightning1 and relying since he relied4 ,like these cases are the following 7,o4 xii4 #gc73-- ,there are two crags1 one reaches the broad sky1 and 7,i4 vii4 #cjf73-- ,they parted3 ,ajax to the ,grecian camp ,and ,hector to the ranks of ,troy returned4 ,and others of the same kind4 ,for it is reasonable when one is about to speak of two individuals to put first what is common to the two1 keeping the nominative in both cases4 ,it is plain that this common use displays much grace4 ,sometimes employing a common case he signifies only one1 as in the following 7,i4 iii4 #baa73-- ,both sat down1 ,ulysses was the higher in honor4 ,the form of words he often changes1 sometimes putting the comparative instead of the absolute 7,i4 i4 #cb73-- ,that you may return a more sane being4 ,sometimes the superlative for the positive1 as 7,i4 xi4 #hcb72-- ,most just of ,centaurs4 ,such is the change in nouns4 ,but in verbs there is a change in moods1 as when the infinitive is used for the imperative1 as 7,i4 v4 #abd73-- ,go fearless onward1 ,diomed1 to meet the ,trojan darts1-- where the imperative meet might be expected4 ,or the indicative in place of the optative1 as 7,i4 ii4 #dhh73-- ,the crowd ,i shall not relate nor name1-- where one would expect ,i could not relate nor name4 ,and1 on the contrary1 the optative for the indicative1 as 7,i4 v4 #chh73-- ,mars would then be lost1--for was lost4 ,there is a variation of tenses when the present is used for the future 7,i4 l4 #bi7-- ,her ,i release not till her youth be fled1-- instead of shall flee4 ,or for the imperfect 7,o4 vi4 #hf73-- ,where truly were the unfailing cisterns1 and bright water wells up free from beneath1-- instead of welled up4 ,and the future for the present 7,o4 i4 #bd73-- ,abiding some1 where ,hyperion will sink2 and some1 where he rises4 ,or in place of the past 7,o4 v4 #cjj73-- ,i fear that indeed the goddess may spake all things truly4 ,and the voices are often changed4 ,instead of the active1 the passive and middle are often used1 as 7,i4 i4 #aid73-- ,a great sword is drawn from its sheath1-- instead of he drew4 ,and 7,i4 xiii4 #d73-- ,his keen glance turning to view1--instead of seeing4 ,and1 on the other hand1 the active instead of the passive3-- ,i shall give a tripod with a golden handle1--instead of shall be given4 ,it can be seen how he changes numbers1 putting the plural for the singular as often happens in common speech when one speaks of himself as if of several1 as in the following 7,o4 i4 #aj73-- ,of these things1 goddess daughter of ,zeus1 from whatsoever source thou wilt declare even to us1-- instead of to me4 ,we find with him a change of persons of one sort1 as 7,i4 v4 #hgg73-- ,the other gods1 who in ,olympus dwell1 ,are to thee obedient and we are submissive4 ,for since there are many gods1 among whom is the person speaking1 both classes are well indicated by saying1 they are obedient and we are submissive4 ,in another way leaving the person who is spoken of1 he changes from one to another4 ,this is called specifically ,apostrophe1 and affects us by its emotional character and stimulates the hearer1 as in the following stanza 7,i4 xv4 #cdf73-- ,while loudly ,hector to the ,trojans called ,to assail the ships and leave the bloody spoils ,whom ,i elsewhere and from the ships aloof ,shall find1-- changing from the narrative to direct discourse4 ,in the narration itself he often uses ,apostrophe 7,i4 xx4 #b473 ,round thee eager for the fray stood the sons of ,greece4 ,but he makes use of direct narrative and change of persons1 as in the following passage 7,i4 ii4 #ccg73-- ,like children1 ,grecian warriors1 ye debate ,like babes to whom unknown are feats of arms4 ,atrides thou1 as is thy wont1 maintain ,unchang'd thy counsel2 for the stubborn fight ,array the ,greeks4 ,there is another kind of this ,apostrophe 7,i4 ii4 #cdd73-- ,thou wouldst not know to whom ,tydides may join himself1-- instead of no one can know4 ,and again 7,o4 ix4 #baj73-- ,and a marvellous sweet smell went up from the mixing bowl3 then truly it was no pleasure to refrain4 #eh4 ,he uses participles in the place of verbs1 as in these words 7,i4 viii4 #cjf73-- ,weighed down in a garden by this fruit1-- instead of it is weighed1 and 7,o4 xiii4 #aac73-- ,thither they as having knowledge of that place drive their ships1-- instead of before they knew4 ,and articles he often changes1 setting demonstrative instead of relatives 7,i4 xvi4 #aej73-- ,whom ,podarge1 swift of foot1 to ,zephyr bore1--and the contrary 7,i4 xvii4 #dfj73-- ,and breastplate3 for his own his faithful friend hath lost4 ,so he was wont to change prepositions 7,i4 i4 #dbd73-- ,yesterday he went through the banquet1--instead of to the banquet4 ,and 7,i4 i4 #aj73-- ,and he stirred up an evil plague through the army4 ,likewise he joins with a preposition a noun improperly1 as in the verse 7,i4 x4 #aja73-- ,lest perchance they wish to decide the contest in the night1-- where the preposition is followed by1 the accusative1 not the genitive4 ,and as to other prepositions1 some he changes1 some he omits 7,i4 ii4 #fif73-- ,of whom he lies lamenting1--instead of concerning whom4 ,and 7,o4 xxiii4 #ia73-- ,expecting whether he would bespeak him1--instead of speak to him4 ,and other prepositions he in the same fashion changes or leaves out4 ,and adverbs he changes1 using indifferently motion towards1 rest in1 and motion from a place 7,i4 xx4 #aea73-- ,his grandchildren were setting down from elsewhere1--instead of elsewhere 7,i4 vii4 #bai73-- ,and ,ajax came from near1--instead of near4 ,finally he has changes of conjunctions1 as 7,o4 i4 #dcc73-- ,he never lay with her and he shunned the wrath of his lady1-- instead of for he shunned1 etc4 ,and these are the figures of speech which not only all poets but the writers of prose have employed4 ,but significance is given by him in many ways4 ,one of which is ,proanaphonesis1 which is used when any one in the midst of a narration uses an order proper to other things1 as in the following line 7,o4 xxi1 #ih73-- ,he was to be the first that should taste the arrow1-- and ,epiphonesis 7,i4 xvii4 #cb73-- ,after the event may e'en a fool be wise4 ,the use of ,prosopopoiia is frequent and varied with him4 ,for he introduces many different people speaking together1 to whom he attributes various characteristics4 ,sometimes he re-creates characters no longer living1 as when he says 7,i4 vii4 #abe73-- ,what grief would fill the aged ,pellus's soul4 ,there is1 too1 ,diatyposis1 which is the working out of things coming into being or actually existent or that have come to pass1 brought in to make what is said clearer1 as in the following 7,i4 ix4 #eic73-- ,the slaughtered men1 the city burnt with fire1 ,the helpless children and deep-bosomed dames4 ,or1 to produce pity 7,i4 xxii4 #fj73-- ,look1 too1 on me with pity3 me on whom ,e'en on the threshold of mine age1 hath ,jove ,a bitter burthen cast1 condemned to see ,my sons struck down1 my daughters dragged away ,in servile bonds3 our chamber's sanctity ,invaded2 and our babes by hostile hands ,dashed to the ground4 ,there is also to be found in him ,irony1 i4e4 an expression revealing the opposite of what is said with a certain ethical artifice2 as in the speech of ,achilles 7,i4 ix4 #cia73-- ,let him choose among the ,greeks a fitter ,king4 ,for he hints that he would not find one of more royal temper4 ,and this is the same ,trope used when one speaks about himself in extenuation and gives a judgment contrary to one's own4 ,there is another form when any one pretends to praise another and really censures him4 ,as the verse in ,homer1 put in the mouth of ,telemachus 7,o4 xvii4 #cig73-- ,antinous--verily thou hast good care of me1 as it were a father for his son4 ,for he says to an enemy that he cares as a father for his son1 and1 again1 when any one by way of jest extolls his neighbor1 as the suitors 7,o4 ii4 #cbe73-- ,in my truth ,telemachus planneth our destruction4 ,he will bring a rescue either from sandy ,pylos1 or it may be from ,sparta1 so terribly is he set on slaying us4 ,sarcasm is a species of ,irony used when any one jibes at another with a pretence of smiling4 ,as ,achilles1 in the following passage 7,i4 ix4 #cce73-- ,he meted out ,their several portions1 and they hold them still4 ,from me1 from me alone of all the ,greeks1 ,he bore away and keeps my cherished wife4 ,well6 let him keep her1 solace of his bed4 ,like this in kind is ,allegory1 which exhibits one thing by another1 as in the following 7,o4 xxii4 #aie73-- ,now in good truth ,melanthiusi shalt thou watch all night1 lying on1 a soft bed as beseems thee4 ,for being in chains and hanging1 he says he can rest on a soft bed4 ,often1 too1 he makes use of ,hyperbole1 which1 by exaggerating the truth1 indicates emphasis1 as 7,i4 x4 #dcg73-- ,these surpass in brilliancy the snow1 in speed the eagle4 ,homer used ,tropes and figures of this sort and handed them down to posterity1 and justly obtains glory beyond all others4 ,since there are also ,characters of speech called ,forms1 of which one is ,copiousness1 the other ,gracefulness1 and the third ,restraint1 let us see if ,homer has all these separate classes1 on which poets and orators have worked after him4 ,there are examples of these--copiousness in ,thucydides1 gracefulness in ,lysias1 restraint in ,demosthenes4 ,that is copious which by combination of words and sentences has great emphasis4 ,an example of this is 7,o4 v4 #bia73-- ,with that he gathered the clouds and troubled the waters of the deep1 rasping his trident in his hands3 and he roused all storms of all manner of winds and shrouded in clouds the land and sea3 and down sped night from heaven4 ,the graceful is delicate by the character of the matter4 ,it is drawn out by the way it is expressed 7,i4 vi4 #dff74-- ,thus he spake1 great ,hector stretch'd his arms ,to take the child3 but back the infant shrank1 ,crying1 and sought his nurse's sheltering breast1 ,scar'd by the brazen helm and horse-hair plume4 ,the restrained is between the two1 the copious and the graceful1 as 7,o4 xxii4 #bia73-- ,then ,odysseus1 rich in counsel1 stripped him of his rags and leaped on the great threshold with his bow and quiver full of arrows1 and poured forth all the swift shafts there before his feet1 and spake among the wooers4 ,but the florid style of speech1 which has beauty and capacity for creating delight and pleasure1 like a flower1 is frequent in our poet2 his poetry is full of such examples4 ,the kinds of phrasing have much novelty in ,homer1 as we shall go on to show1 by giving a few examples from which the rest may be gathered4 ,every type of style practised among men is either historical1 theoretic1 or political4 ,let us examine whether the beginnings of these are to be found in him4 ,historical style contains a narration of facts4 ,the elements of such a narration are character1 cause1 place1 time1 instrument1 action1 feeling1 manner4 ,there is no historical narration without some of these4 ,so it is with our poet1 who relates many things in their development and happening4 ,sometimes in single passages can be found relations of this kind4 ,of character1 as the following 7,i4 v4 #i73-- ,there was one ,dores 'mid the ,trojan host1 ,the priest of ,vulcan1 rich1 of blameless life2 ,two gallant sons he had1 ,idaeus named ,and ,phegeus1 skilled in all the points of war4 ,he describes features1 also1 as in the case of ,thersites 7,i4 ii4 #bag73-- ,with squinting eyes1 and one distorted foot1 ,his shoulders round1 and buried in his breast ,his narrow head1 with scanty growth of hair4 ,and many other things1 in which he often pictures the type or appearance or character1 or action or fortune of a person1 as in this verse 7,i4 xx4 #bae73-- ,dardanus first1 cloud-compelling ,zeus begot1--and the rest4 ,there is in his poetry description of locality2 where he speaks about the island near that of the ,cyclops1 in which he describes the look of the place1 its size1 its quality1 and the things in it1 and what is near it4 ,also1 when he describes the things adjacent to the island of ,calypso 7,o4 v4 #fc73-- ,and round about the cave there was a wood-blossoming alder and poplar1 and sweet-smelling cypress4 ,and what follows4 ,and innumerable other things of the same kind4 ,time narratives are found as follows 7,i4 ii4 #acd73-- ,already now nine weary years have passed4 ,and 7,i4 ii4 #cjc73-- ,not long ago1 when ships of ,greece were met at ,aulis charged with evil freight for ,troy4 ,then there are the causes1 in which he shows why something is coming to pass or has come to pass4 ,such are the things said at the beginning of the ,iliad 7,i4 i4 #h73-- ,say then1 what god the fatal strife provoked ,jove's and ,latona's son2 he filled with wrath ,against the ,king1 with deadly pestilence ,the ,camp afflicted--and the people died ,for ,chryses' sake1 his priest1 whom ,atreus' son ,with scorn dismissed1 --and the rest4 ,in this passage he says the cause of the difference between ,achilles and ,agamemnon was the plague2 but the plague was caused by ,apollo1 and his wrath was due to the insult put upon his priest4 ,description of the instrument he gives1 as when he tells of the shield made by ,vulcan for ,achilles4 ,and there is a briefer one on the spear of ,hector 7,i4 viii4 #dic73-- ,in his hand ,his massive spear he held twelve cubits long1 ,whose glittering point flash'd bright with hoop of gold ,encircled round4 ,narrations of fact are of several kinds1 some like the following 7,i4 vii4 #fj73-- ,when in the midst they met1 together rush'd ,bucklers and lances1 and the furious might ,of mail-clad warriors2 bossy shield on shield ,clattered in conflict2 loud the clamor rose4 ,the emotional narrative is where the incident is connected with some personal cause or energy1 as when he speaks about things arising from anger or fear or sorrow1 or when people are wounded1 killed1 or any other such thing happens to them4 ,as a specimen of cause1 take the following 7,i4 i4 #ajc73-- ,his dark soul filled with fury1 and his eyes ,flashed like flames of fire4 ,of an action 7,i4 xvii4 #ea73-- ,those locks1 that with the ,graces hair might vie1 ,those tresses bright1 with gold and silver bound1 ,were dabbled all with blood4 ,a ,trope is constructive of action1 or experience1 or form1 according as one acts in a special way or is acted upon4 ,he follows the whole scene in this sort of narrative4 ,an example of it would be as follows 7,o4 xxii4 #ae73-- ,but ,odysseus aimed and smote him with the arrow in his throat1 and the point passed clean out through his delicate neck and he fell back1 and the cup dropped from his hand as he was smitten1 and at once through his nostrils there came up a thick jet of slain man's blood4 ,there is also in ,homer narration which has for the most part copious expression1 a method of working in full1 fitting the subject4 ,sometimes1 however1 it is concise1 as in the following 7,i4 xviii4 #bj73-- ,patroclus lies in death1 ,and o'er his body now the war is waged1 ,his naked body1 for his arms are now ,the prize of ,hector of the glancing helmet4 ,this type is often useful1 for the quickness of the words make the reader and speaker more intent1 and he immediately takes in the subject4 ,sometimes he tells his story lightly2 sometimes by an image or likeness or simile4 ,an image1 as when he says 7,o4 xix4 #ec73-- ,now forth from her chamber came the wise ,penelope like ,artemis or golden ,aphrodite4 ,a likeness as 7,i4 iii4 #aif73-- ,he like a goat crossed the serried lines first4 ,a simile1 when he makes a comparison of closely related things that has a connection with subject narrated4 ,there are in ,homer various kinds of similes4 ,constantly and in many ways he compares the behavior and nature of animals to the arts and habits of men4 ,sometimes he takes a similitude from very small things1 not considering the size of the body1 but the nature of each2 whence he likens boldness to a fly 7,i4 xvii4 #egj73-- ,and she breathed in his breast the courage of the fly4 ,and he compares assiduity to the same creature 7,i4 ii4 #dfi73-- ,as the many generations of numberless flies4 ,the packing together and orderly moving crowd to bees 7,i4 ii4 #hg73-- ,as are the crowds of countless bees4 ,so he shows anger and irritation 7,i4 xvi4 #bei73-- ,like skilful wasps4 ,and he adds in the same place when boys are wont to tease1 in order that he might heighten their passionate temper by being stirred up by children4 ,of a continuous sound1 he says 7,i4 iii4 #aea73-- ,abundant as the cricket4 ,for it is a most chattering creature and incessant in it4 ,but those that produce with no order all kinds of sounds1 he likens to 7,i4 iii4 #c73-- ,just as the clamor of geese strikes to heaven4 ,but the multitudes resting in order1 he likens to birds settling down 7,i4 ii4 #dic73-- ,sitting down with clamor4 ,sharpness of sight and act he sometimes likens to the falcon 7,i4 xv4 #bch73-- ,like to a falcon1 swooping on a dove1 swiftest of birds4 ,but sometimes to an eagle 7,i4 xvii4 #fgf73-- ,like to an eagle1 famed of sharpest sight ,of all that fly beneath the vault of ,heav'n ,whom1 soaring in the clouds1 the crouching dove ,eludes not4 ,he declares its sharpness by its seeing from afar off2 its swiftness1 by its seizing a very active animal4 ,a man1 overcome by the sight of an enemy he compares to one who sees a snake1 for he does not hesitate to take examples from reptiles 7,i4 iii4 #cc73-- ,as when some traveller spies1 could in his path upon the mountain side1 a deadly snake4 ,from the other animals he takes examples2 of timidity from the hare and also from the stag 7,i4 iv4 #bdc73-- ,why stand ye thus like timid fawns8 ,from dogs sometimes he takes daring 7,i4 x4 #cfj73-- ,and as the hounds1 well practis'd in the chase4 ,sometimes love for their offspring 7,i4 x4 #ad73-- ,as a dog loves and defends its pups4 ,but sometimes their readiness in watching 7,i4 x4 #ahc73-- ,as round a sheepfold keep their anxious watch ,the dogs4 ,a capture done with passion and boldness he is wont to compare to wolves 7,i4 xvi4 #ceb73-- ,as rav'ning wolves that lambs or kids assail4 ,bravery and constancy he shows by wild boars1 panthers1 and lions1 dividing to each one what belongs to its nature4 ,from boars1 the onslaught they have1 in fighting1 making it irresistible 7,i4 iv4 #bec73-- ,idomeneus of courage stubborn as the forest boar4 ,from panthers1 inexhaustible daring 7,i4 xxi4 #egg73-- ,as when a panther by the spear transfixed does not remit her rage4 ,from lions1 hesitation1 finally bravery1 as 7,i4 xx4 #aga73-- ,and with his tail he lashes both his flanks and limbs4 ,again the rush of a valiant man he likens to a horse which has had a full meal 7,i4 vi4 #ejf73-- ,as some proud steed1 at well-fill'd manger fed4 ,and1 on the contrary1 one slow to move2 but in endurance not easily overcome1 he shows in this way 7,i4 xi4 #eeh73-- ,as near a field of corn1 a stubborn ass o'powers his boyish guides4 ,the kingly temper and dignity he expresses in the following 7,i4 ii4 #dhj73-- ,as 'mid the thronging heifers in a herd ,stands1 proudly eminent1 the lordly bull4 ,he does not omit similes taken from marine creatures1 the perseverance of a polypus and the difficulty of removing it from a rock 7,o4 v4 #dcb73-- ,as when the cuttlefish is dragged forth from his chamber4 ,the leadership and prominence of the dolphin over the rest 7,i4 xxi4 #bb73-- ,as fishes flying from a dolphin4 ,oftentimes things made by men he compares to others similarly made1 as in this 7,i4 xi4 #fg73-- ,the rival bands of reapers mow the swathe4 ,showing the resistance and bravery of men4 ,but one lamenting ignobly1 he blames in a clear comparison 7,i4 xvi4 #g73-- ,why weeps ,patroelus like an infant girl8 ,he dared to compare human actions to the elements of nature1 as in the following passage 7,i4 ii4 #cid73-- ,from th' applauding ranks of ,greece ,rose a loud sound1 as when the ocean wave1 ,driv'n by the south wind on some lofty beach1 ,dashes against a prominent crag expos'd ,to blasts from every storm that wars around4 ,in these it is plain he used ,hyperbola and ,amplification1 for he was not satisfied with comparing the clamor to the sound of the wind1 but to the waves beating on a craggy shore1 where the high sea makes the noise greater4 ,nor is the tempest an ordinary one1 but it comes from the south1 which especially stirs up the billows1 and it is driven against a projecting crag stretching out into the sea1 and surrounded by it1 and it has the sea over it constantly1 and from every side the winds blow and fall upon it4 ,such things as these are worked out by him in his descriptions4 ,from a few examples we can become acquainted with many4 ,let us see if the other forms of narrative are to be found in our author and how he took cognizance of them and clearly prepared them4 ,we will give a few examples and so facilitate acquaintance with the rest4 ,there is the theoretic style1 which embraces what is called speculative matter1 which is a knowledge of the truth conceived in art4 ,by these it is possible to know the nature of reality1 both divine and human things1 and to discriminate virtues and vices in morals and to learn how to attain truth by logical skill4 ,these things are the province of those who are occupied in philosophy1 which is divided into natural1 ethical1 and dialectical4 ,if we find out ,homer supplying the beginnings and the seeds of all these1 is he not1 beyond all others1 worthy of admiration8 ,because he shows matters of intelligence by dark sayings and mythical expressions1 it ought not to be considered strange4 ,the reason is to be found in poetic art and ancient custom4 ,so those who desired to learn1 being led by a certain intellectual pleasure1 might the easier seek and find the truth1 and that the unlearned might not despise what they are not able to understand4 ,for what is indicated indirectly is stimulating1 while what is said clearly is valued more moderately4 ,let us begin with the beginning and creation of the whole universe1 which ,thales the ,milesian refers to the substance water1 and let us see whether ,homer first discovered this when he said 7,i4 xiv4 #bdf73-- ,even to the stream of old ,oceanus ,prime origin of all4 ,after him ,xenophanes of ,colophon1 laying down that the first elements were water and land1 seems to have taken this conception from the ,homeric poems 7,i4 vii4 #ii73-- ,to dust and water turn all ye who here inglorious sit4 ,for he indicates their dissolution into the original elements of the universe4 ,but the most likely opinion makes four elements1--fire1 air1 water1 earth4 ,these ,homer shows he knows1 as in many places he makes mention of them4 ,he knew1 too1 the order of their arrangement4 ,we shall see that the land is the lowest of them all1 for as the world is spherical1 the sky1 which contains all things1 can reasonably be said to have the highest position4 ,the earth being in the midst everywhere is below what surrounds it4 ,this the poet declares chiefly in the lines where he says if ,zeus let a chain down from ,olympus1 he could turn over the land and sea so that everything would be in the air 7,i4 viii4 #bc73-- ,but if ,i choose to make my pow'r be known1 ,the earth itself and ocean ,i could raise1 ,and binding round ,olympus' ridge the cord ,leave them suspended so in middle air4 ,although the air is around the earth1 he says the ether is higher in the following lines 7,i4 xiv4 #bhg73-- ,and going up on a lofty pine1 which then grew on the summit of ,ida and through the air reached into the ether4 ,but higher than the ether is heaven 7,i4 xvii4 #dbd73-- ,and thus they fought3 the iron clangor pierc'd ,the airless ether and brazen vault of ,heaven4 ,and1 besides1 in the following 7,i4 i4 #dig73-- ,the vapor ascended to the great heaven and to ,olympus4 ,the top part of the air is finer and more distant from the earth and its exhalations4 ,therefore it is said ,olympus is called wholly shining4 ,where the poet says ,hera is the wife of ,zeus1 although she is his sister1 he seems to speak in an allegory1 since ,hera stands for the air1 which is a humid substance4 ,therefore he says 7,i4 xxi4 #f73-- ,hera spread before their path clouds of thick darkness4 ,by ,zeus is signified the ether1 that is the fiery and heated substance 7,i4 xv4 #aib73-- ,broad ,heav'n amid the sky and clouds1 to ,jove4 ,they seem brother and sister on account of a certain likeness and relationship1 because both are light and mobile2 they dwell together and are intimate1 because from their intercourse all things are generated4 ,therefore they meet in ,ida1 and the land produces for them plants and flowers4 ,the same explanation have those words in which ,zeus says he will1 hang ,hera and fasten two weights to her feet1 namely1 the land and the sea4 ,he works out especially the principles of the elements in what ,poseidon says to him 7,i4 xv4 #ahg73-- ,we were brethren1 all of ,rhaea born ,to ,saturn3 ,jove and ,i and ,pluto third1 ,who o'er the nether regions holds his sway1 and 7,i4 xv4 #ahi73-- ,threefold was our partition3 each obtain'd ,his meed of honor due4 ,and in the division of the whole1 ,zeus obtained the element fire1 ,poseidon water1 and ,hades that of air4 ,him he also calls aerial darkness1 because the air has no proper light1 but is lightened by the sun1 moon1 and other planets4 ,the fourth part was left common to all1 for the primal essence of the three elements is always in motion4 ,the earth alone remains unmoved1 to which he added also ,olympus2 it may have been because it is a mountain1 being a part of the earth4 ,if it belongs to heaven1 as being the most brilliant and purest part of it1 this may be the fifth essence in the elements1 as certain distinguished philosophers think4 ,so he1 with reason1 has conjectured it was common1 the lowest part belonging to the earth by its weight1 and the top parts to ,olympus by their lightness4 ,the natures between the two are borne upward to the one and downward to the other4 ,since the nature of the elements is a combination of contraries1 of dryness and moisture1 hot and cold1 and since by their relation and combination all things are constructed and undergo partial changes1--the whole not admitting of dissolution1--,empedocles says all things exist in this manner3 ,sometimes in love all things meeting together in one4 ,sometimes1 again1 each being carried away by animosity of hate4 ,the concord and unity of the elements he calls love1 their opposition1 hate4 ,before his time ,homer foreshadowed love and hate in what he says in his poetry 7,i4 xiv4 #bjj73-- ,i go to visit old ,oceanus ,the sire of gods1 and ,tethys1 ,i go to visit them and reconcile a lengthen'd feud4 ,a similar meaning has the myth about1 ,aphrodite and ,ares1 the one having the same force as ,empedocles's love1 the other his hate4 ,when they sometimes come together1 and again separate1 the sun reveals them1 ,hephaestus binds them1 and ,poseidon releases them4 ,whence it is evident that the warm and dry essence1 and the contrary of these1 the cold and wet1 sometimes combine all things and again dissolve them4 ,related to these is what is said by other poets that by the intercourse of ,ares and ,aphrodite arises ,harmony2 a combination of contraries grave and acute analogously accommodating themselves to one another4 ,by which arrangement things which are endowed with a contrary nature are all mutually opposed4 ,the poet seems to have signified this enigmatically in the conflict of the gods1 in which he makes some help the ,greeks and some the ,trojans1 showing allegorically the character of each4 ,and he set over against ,poseidon ,phoebus1 the cold and wet against the hot and dry3 ,athene to ,ares1 the rational to the irrational1 that is1 the good to the bad4 ,hera to ,artemis1 that is1 the air to the moon1 because the one is stable and the other unstable4 ,hermes to ,latona1 because speech investigates and remembers1 but oblivion is contrary to these4 ,hephaestus to the ,river ,god1 for the same reason that the sun is opposed to the sea4 ,the spectator of the fight was the primary god1 and he is made taking joy in it4 ,from the afore-mentioned matter ,homer seems to show this3 that the world is one and finite4 ,for if it had been infinite1 it would never have been divided in a number having a limit4 ,by the name all he signifies the collective whole4 ,for in many other cases he uses the plural for the singular4 ,he signifies the same thing more clearly in saying 7,i4 xiv4 #bjj73-- ,the ends of the earth1--and again where he says 7,i4 vii4 #dgh73-- ,nor should ,i care ,though thou wert thrust beneath the lowest deep ,of earth and ocean1--and in ,on the very top of many-peaked ,olympus where there is a top1 there1 too1 is a limit4 ,his opinions about the sun are plain4 ,that it has an orbicular energy sometimes appearing over the earth1 sometimes going under it1 this he makes evident by saying 7,o4 x4 #aij73-- ,my friends1 lo we know not where is the place of darkness or of dawning1 nor where the sun that gives light to men goes beneath the earth1 nor where he rises4 ,and that he is always preceding over us and on this account is called ,hyperion by our poet2 that he makes the sun rising from the water which surrounds the earth the ocean1 that the sun descends into it1 is clearly expressed4 ,first1 as to the rising 7,o4 iii4 l73-- ,now the sun arose and left the lovely mere speeding to the brazen heaven1 to give light to the immortals and to mortal men on the earth4 ,its setting 7,i4 vii4 #dhf73-- ,the sun1 now sunk beneath the ocean wave1 ,drew o'er the teeming earth the veil of night4 ,and he declares its form 7,o4 xix4 #bcd73-- ,he was brilliant as the sun1 and its size 7,i4 xi4 #gce73-- ,we as sunlight overspread the earth4 and more in the following 7,o4 iv4 #djj73-- ,so often as the sun in his course has reached the mid-heaven1--and its power 7,o4 ii4 log73-- ,of ,helios1 who overseeth all and ordereth all things4 ,finally that it has a soul1 and in its movement is guided by choice in certain menaces it makes 7,o4 xii4 #chc73-- ,i will go down to ,hades and shine among the dead4 ,and on this thus ,zeus exhorts him3-- ,helios1 see that thou shine on amidst the deathless gods amid mortal men upon the earth1 the grain giver4 ,from which it is plain that the sun is not a fire1 but some more potent being1 as ,aristotle conjectured4 ,assuredly1 fire is borne aloft1 is without a soul1 is easily quenchable and corruptible2 but the sun is orbicular and animate1 eternal and imperishable4 ,and as to the other planets scattered through the heavens1 that ,homer is not ignorant is evident in his poems 7,i4 xviii4 #dhj73-- ,pleiads and ,hyads and ,orions might4 ,the ,bear which always encircles the ,north ,pole is visible to us4 ,by reason of its height it never touches the horizon1 because in an equal time1 the smallest circle in which the ,bear is1 and the largest in which ,orion is1 revolves in the periphery of the world4 ,and ,bootes1 slowly sinking because it makes a frequent setting1 has that kind of position1 that is carried along in a straight line4 ,it sinks with the four signs of ,zodiac1 there being six zodiacal signs divided in the whole night4 ,that he has not gone through all observations of the stars1 as ,aratus or some of the others1 need be surprising to no one4 ,for this was not his purpose4 ,he is not ignorant of the causes of disturbances to the elements as earthquakes and eclipses1 since the whole earth shares in itself air1 fire1 and water1 by which it is surrounded4 ,reasonably1 in its depths are found vapors full of spirit1 which they say being borne outward move the air2 when they are restrained1 they swell up and break violently forth4 ,that the spirit is held within the earth they consider is caused by the sea1 which sometimes obstructs the channels going outward1 and sometimes by withdrawing1 overturns parts of the earth4 ,this ,homer knew1 laying the cause of earthquakes on ,poseidon1 calling him ,earth ,container and ,earth ,shaker4 ,now1 then1 when these volatile movements are kept within the earth1 the winds cease to blow1 then arises the darkness and obscurity of the sun4 ,let us see whether he was aware also of this4 ,he made ,poseidon moving the earth after ,achilles issued forth to fight4 ,for he had previously mentioned on the day before what the state of the air was4 ,in the incident of ,sarpedon 7,i4 xvi4 #efg73-- ,zeus extended opaque shadows over the fight1-- and again in the case of ,patroclus 7,i4 xvii4 #cff73-- ,now might ye deem the glorious sun himself nor moon was safe1 for darkest clouds of night overspread the warriors4 ,and a little while afterward ,ajax prays 7,i4 xvii4 #fde73-- ,o ,father ,jove1 from o'er the sons of ,greece1 ,remove this cloudy darkness2 clear the sky ,that we may see our fate4 ,but after the earthquake1 the vapor issuing forth1 there are violent winds1 whence ,hera says 7,i4 xxi4 #ccd73-- ,while from the sea ,i call the strong blast ,of ,zephyr and brisk ,notus who shall drive ,the raging flames ahead4 ,on the following day ,iris calls the winds to the pyre of ,patroclus 7,i4 xxiii4 #bab73-- ,they with rushing sound rose and before them drove the hurrying clouds4 ,so the eclipse of the sun takes place in a natural manner1 when the moon on its passage by it goes under it perpendicularly and is darkened4 ,this he seems to have known4 ,for he said before that ,odysseus was about to come 7,o4 xiv4 #afb73-- ,as the old moon wanes1 and the new is born2-- that is1 when the month ends and begins1 the sun being conjoined with the moon at the time of his coming4 ,the seer says to the suitors 7,o4 xiv4 #cec73-- ,ah1 wretched men1 what woe is this ye suffer1 shrouded in night are your heads and your faces and knees1 and kindled is the voice of wailing and the path is full of phantoms and full is the court1 the shadows of men hasting hellwards beneath the gloom1 and the sun is perished out of heaven1 and an evil mist has overspread the world4 ,he closely observed the nature of the winds1 how they arise from the moist element4 ,for the water transformed goes into air4 ,the wind is air in motion4 ,this he shows in very many places1 and where he says 7,o4 v4 #dgh73-- ,the force of the wet winds blew1-- he arranged the order of their series 7,o4 v4 #bie73-- ,the ,east wind and the ,south wind clashed and the stormy ,west and the ,north that is born in the bright air1 welling onwards a great wave4 ,of these one comes from the rising1 one from the midday quarter1 one from the setting1 one from the north4 ,and ,subsolanus1 being humid1 changes into the ,south1 which is warm4 ,and the ,south1 rarefying1 is changed into the ,east2 but the ,east1 becoming further rarefied1 is purified into the ,north wind1 therefore 7,o4 v4 #che73-- ,she roused the swift ,north and brake the waves before him4 ,their contention he explains naturally 7,o4 v4 #cca73-- ,now the ,south would toss it to the ,north to carry1 and now again the ,east would yield it to the ,west4 ,he knew besides that the ,north ,pole is suspended over the earth1 and how it weighs on the men who dwell in that climate4 ,but the ,south ,pole1 on the contrary1 is profound2 as when he says of the ,north ,pole 7,o4 v4 #bif73-- ,and the ,north that is born in the bright air rolling on a great wave on the ,southwest wind4 7,o4 iii4 #bie73-- ,where the ,southwest wind drives a great wave against the left headland4 ,for by saying rolling he notes the force of the wave rushing on from above1 but the wind driving signifies a force applied to what is higher1 coming from what is lower4 ,that the generation of rains comes from the evaporation of the humid1 he demonstrates1 saying 7,i4 xi4 #ed73-- ,who sent from ,heav'n a show'r of blood-stained rain1-- and 7,i4 xvi4 #dei73-- ,but to the ground some drops of blood let fall1-- for he had previously said 7,i4 vii4 #cbi73-- ,whose blood1 beside ,scamander's flowing stream1 ,fierce ,mars has shed1 while to the viewless shade ,their spirits are gone1-- where it is evident that humors of this sort exhaled from the waters about the earth1 mixed with blood1 are borne upward4 ,the same argument is found in the following 7,i4 xvi4 #che73-- ,as in the autumnal season when the earth with weight of rain is saturate1--for then the sun on account of the dryness of the ground draws out humors from below and brings from above terrestrial disturbances4 ,the humid exhalations produce rains1 the dry ones1 winds4 ,when the wind is in impact with a cloud and by its force rends the cloud1 it generates thunder and lightning4 ,if the lightning falls1 it sends a thunderbolt4 ,knowing this our poet speaks as follows 7,i4 xvii4 #eie73-- ,his lightnings flash1 his rolling thunders roar4 ,and in another place 7,o4 xii4 #dae73-- ,in that same hour ,zeus thundered and cast his bolt upon the ship4 ,justly thinking men consider that gods exist1 and first of all ,homer4 ,for he is always recalling the gods 7,i4 i4 #djf73-- ,the blessed gods living a happy life4 ,for being immortal they have an easy existence and an inexhaustible abundance of life4 ,and they do not need food of which the bodies of mortal men have need 7,i4 v4 #cda73-- ,they eat no bread1 they drink no ruddy wine1 ,and bloodless and deathless they become4 ,but poetry requires gods who are active2 that he may bring the notion of them to the intelligence of his readers he gives bodies to the gods4 ,but there is no other form of bodies than man's capable of understanding and reason4 ,therefore he gives the likeness of each one of the gods the greatest beauty and adornment4 ,he has shown also that images and statues of the gods must be fashioned accurately after the pattern of a man to furnish the suggestion to those less intelligent1 that the gods exist4 ,but the leader and head of all these1 the chief god the best philosophers think1 is without a body1 and is rather comprehensible by the intelligence4 ,homer seems to assume this2 by him ,zeus is called 7,i4 iv4 #fh73-- ,the ,sire of gods and men4 ,o father ours1 son of ,kronos1 chief of the greater beings4 ,and ,zeus himself says 7,i4 viii4 #bg73-- ,as much as ,i am better than gods and men4 ,and ,athene says of him 7,i4 viii4 #cb73-- ,well do we know thy power invincible4 ,if it is necessary to ask how he knew that ,god was an object of the intelligence1 it was not directly shown1 as he was using poetic form combined with myth4 ,yet we can gather it from the things he says 7,i4 i4 #dih73-- ,the all-seeing son of ,saturn there she found sitting apart4 ,and where he himself says 7,i4 xx4 #bb73-- ,yet he will upon ,olympus' lofty ridge remain and view serene the combat4 ,that solitude and the not mingling with the other gods1 but being gladly by himself and using leisure for one directing and ordering all things1 these constitute the character of an intelligible ,god4 ,he knew besides that ,god is mind and understands all things1 and governs all4 ,for censuring ,poseidon1 he says 7,i4 xiii4 #ced73-- ,equal the rank of both1 their birth the same1 ,but ,jupiter in wisdom as in years the first4 ,and this expression frequently is used when he again thought over other things4 ,this shows that he was ever in thought4 ,but to the mind of ,god pertain ,providence and ,fate1 concerning which the philosophers have spoken much4 ,the stimulus to this came from ,homer1--why should any one insist on the providence of the gods8 ,since in all his poetry not only do they speak to one another on behalf of men1 but descending on the earth they associate with men4 ,a few things we shall look at for the sake of illustrations2 among these is ,zeus speaking to his brother 7,i4 xx4 #bj73-- ,the purpose1 ,neptune1 well thou know'st thyself ,for which ,i called thee2 true1 they needs must die1 ,but still they claim my care4 ,and in other places 7,i4 xxii4 #afh73-- ,a woful sight mine eyes behold3 a man ,i love in plight around the walls6 my heart ,for ,hector grieves4 ,he refers to the royal dignity of the gods and their loving care of men1 saying 7,o4 i4 #fe73-- ,how should ,i forget divine ,odysseus1 who in understanding is beyond mortals1 and beyond all men hath done sacrifice to the deathless gods who keep the wide heaven8 ,how he makes the gods mingling with and working with men themselves it is possible to learn completely in many passages for just as he represents ,athene once helping ,achilles and always aiding ,odysseus1 so he represents ,hermes helping ,priam1 and again ,odysseus1 for he says 7,o4 xvii4 #dhe73-- ,yea even the gods1 in the likeness of strangers from far countries1 put on all manner of shapes1 and wander through cities to watch the violence and the righteousness of men4 ,it is the characteristic of divine providence to wish men to live justly4 ,this the poet indicates very clearly 7,o4 xiv4 #hc73-- ,verily it is not forward deeds the gods love1 but they reverence justice and the righteous acts of men4 ,and 7,o4 xvi4 #chf73-- ,when ,jove ,pours down his fiercest storms in wrath to men1 ,who in their courts unrighteous judgments pass4 ,then just as he introduces the gods caring for men1 so he represents men as mindful of them in every crisis4 ,as the leader1 succeeding in an action1 says 7,i4 viii4 #ebf73-- ,hopeful to ,jove ,i pray1 and all the gods ,to chase from hence these fate-inflicted hounds4 ,and in danger 7,i4 xvii4 #fdf73-- ,father ,jove1 from o'er the sons of ,greece1 ,remove this cloudy darkness4 ,and again when one has slayed another 7,i4 xxii4 #cgi73-- ,since heaven has granted us this man to slay4 ,and dying 7,i4 xxii4 #ceh73-- ,but see ,i bring not down upon thy head the wrath of heaven4 ,from what other place than here did originate that doctrine of the ,stoics8 ,i mean this1 that the world is one and in it both gods and men minister1 sharing in justice by their nature4 ,for when he says 7,i4 xx4 #d73-- ,then ,jove to ,themis gave command to call ,the gods to council from the lofty height ,of many ridg'd ,olympus4 ,why1 ,lord of lightning1 hast thou summoned here ,the gods of council1 dost thou aught desire ,touching the ,greeks and ,trojans8 ,what does this mean except that the world is conducted by civilized laws and the gods consult under the presidency of the father of gods and men8 ,his opinion on fate he shows clearly in his poems 7,i4 vi4 #dhh73-- ,dearest1 wring not thus my heart1 ,for till my day of destiny is come ,no man may take my life1 and when it comes ,nor brave1 nor coward can escape that day4 ,but among the other things in which he confirms the power of fate1 he thinks as the most-approved philosophers have thought after him1--,plato1 ,aristotle1 and ,theophrastus1--that not all things happen by fate1 but some things are in the power of men1 the choice of whom is free4 ,the same man in a way acts as he desires and falls into what he does not desire4 ,and this point of view he has clearly expounded in many places1 as in the beginning of each of his poems3 in the ,iliad saying the wrath of ,achilles was the cause of the destruction of the ,greeks and that the will of ,zeus was fulfilled2 in the ,odyssey that the comrades of ,odysseus went to their destruction by their own folly4 ,for they had offended by touching the sacred oxen of the ,sun1 although they could have abstained from doing so4 ,yet it was foreordained 7,o4 xi4 #aaj73-- ,but if thou hurtest them1 ,i signify ruin for thy ships1 and for thy men1 and even though thou shalt thyself escape4 ,if thou doest them no hurt and art careful to return1 so may ye yet reach ,ithaca1 albeit in evil case4 ,so not to violate them depended on themselves1 but that those who had done the evil should perish follows from fate4 ,it is possible to avoid what happens accidentally by foresight as he shows in the following 7,o4 v4 #dcf73-- ,then of a truth would luckless ,odysseus have perished beyond what was ordained had not gray-eyed ,athene given him some counsel4 ,he rushed in and with both his hands clutched the rock whereto he clung till the great wave went by4 ,then on the other hand running a great danger as he was1 he had perished by fortune2 yet by prudence he was saved4 ,just as about divine things there are many divine reasonings in the philosophers taking their origin from ,homer1 so also with human affairs it is the same4 ,first we will take up the subject of the soul4 ,the most noble of the doctrines of ,pythagoras and ,plato is that the soul is immortal4 ,to it in his argument ,plato affixed wings4 ,who first determined this8 ,homer says this among other things 7,i4 xvi4 #hef73-- ,but the soul flying on its members came to ,hades1--i4e4 into a formless and invisible place1 whether you think it in the air or under the earth4 ,but in the ,iliad he makes the soul of ,patroclus stand by the side of ,achilles 7,i4 xxiii4 #fe73-- ,the soul of wretched ,patroclus came4 ,he makes a small speech for him in which he says this 7,i4 xxiii4 #gb73-- ,the spirits and spectres of departed men ,drove me from them1 nor allow to ,cross the abhorred river4 ,in the ,odyssey through the whole account of the descent to ,hades what else does he show but that souls survive after death1 and when they drink blood can speak4 ,for he knows that blood is the food and drink of the spirit1 but spirit is the same thing as soul or the vehicle of the soul4 #abc4 ,most clearly he reveals that he considers man is nothing else but soul1 where he says 7,o4 xi4 #ij73-- ,there came up the soul of the ,theban ,tiresias having a golden sceptre4 ,purposely he changes the word for soul to the masculine1 to show that it was ,tiresias4 ,and afterward 7,o4 xi4 #fja73-- ,and after him ,i described the mighty ,heracles1 his phantom ,i say2 but as for himself he hath joy at the banquet among the deathless gods4 ,for here again he showed that the semblance thrown off from the body appeared1 but no longer connected with its matter4 ,the purest part of the soul had gone away2 this was ,heracles himself4 #abd4 ,whence that seems to philosophers a probable theory that the body is in a way the prison house of the soul4 ,and this ,homer first revealed2 that which belongs to the living he calls ,greek omitted 7from binding7 as in this line 7,i4 i4 #aae73-- ,not the body nor the nature4 ,o4 iv4 #aif3-- ,a body came to the woman4 ,o4 xvi4 #bea3-- ,by my form1 my virtue1 my body4 ,but that which has put off the soul he calls nothing else but body as in these lines 7,i4 vii4 #gi73-- ,to bring home my body again4 ,and 7,o4 xxiv4 #ahg73-- ,the bodies lie uncared for in the hall of ,odysseus4 ,o4 xi4 #ec3-- ,and we left the body in the house of ,circe4 ,for the same thing1 while a man lives1 was the bond of the soul2 when he dies it is left1 as it were1 his monument4 ,to this is related also another doctrine of ,pythagoras1 namely1 that the souls of the dead pass into other forms of bodies4 ,this did not escape ,homer's notice1 for he made ,hector talking with horses1 and ,antilochus and ,achilles himself not only talking with them but listening to them1 and a dog recognizing ,odysseus before men1 even before his intimates4 ,what other thing is he establishing but a community of speech and a relation of soul between men and beasts8 ,besides1 there are those who ate up the oxen of the ,sun and after this fell into destruction4 ,does he not show that not only oxen but all other living creatures1 as sharers of the same common nature1 are beloved by the gods8 ,the change of the comrades of ,odysseus into swine and that type of animal signifies this1 that the souls of undeserving men are changed into the likeness of brute beasts2 they fall into the circular periphery of the whole1 which he calls ,circe2 whereas she is justly represented as the child of the ,sun1 dwelling in the island of ,aeaea1 for this word ,greek omitted is so called because men lament and wail by reason of death4 ,but the prudent man ,odysseus did not suffer the change1 because from ,hermes1 i4e4 reason1 he had received immortality4 ,he went down into ,hades1 as it were1 dissolving and separating the soul from the body1 and became a spectator of souls both good and bad4 ,the ,stoics define the soul as a cognate spirit1 sensible to exhalations4 ,it has its origin from the humid portions of the body4 ,in this they follow ,homer1 who says 7,i4 ix4 #fji74-- ,while the breath abides in the breast4 ,and again 7,i4 xxiii4 #ajj73-- ,vanish'd like smoke1 the spirit beneath the earth4 ,here he makes the vital spirit1 being humid1 a breath2 when it is extinguished he likens it to smoke4 ,and the word spirit itself he uses for soul 7,i4 xv4 #bfb73-- ,his words fresh vigor in the chief infus'd4 ,and 7,i4 iv4 #ebd73-- ,breathing away his spirit4 ,and 7,i4 xxii4 #dge73-- ,but when her breath and spirit returned again4 ,that is1 she collected her distracted spirit 7,i4 v4 #fig73-- ,but soon revived1 as on his forehead blew1 ,while yet he gasped for breath1 the cooling breeze4 ,while his spirit was failing him in a faint1 the outside breeze having a natural affinity to it brought him back to life4 ,this argument is strengthened because for the external spirit he uses the word soul1 saying 7,i4 xxiii4 #ddj73-- ,he turned aside with lightest breath4 ,he wishes to say3 ,having got back his breath4 ,plato and ,aristotle considered the soul incorporeal1 but always associating with the body and needing it as a vehicle4 ,on this account1 then1 it drew along the spiritual matter with it1 oftentimes as an image1 which had the shape of the body impressed upon it4 ,so therefore ,homer is never in his poetry found calling the soul body1 but to what is deprived of soul he always gives the name1 as we have mentioned in what has gone before4 ,the soul has1 according to the views of the philosophers1 a rational part1 seated in the head1 and an irrational part of which one element1 the passionate1 dwells in the heart and another1 the appetitive1 in the intestines4 ,did not ,homer see this distinction when he made in the case of ,achilles1 the rational struggling with the passionate1 deliberating in the same moment whether he should drive off the one who had filled him with grief or should stay his anger 7,i4 i4 #aic73-- ,up to this time he revolved these things in his mind and heart1 that is1 the intelligent part and what is opposed to it8 ,the emotional anger is represented by him as overcome by prudence4 ,for the appearance of ,athene signifies this4 ,and in these places he makes reason admonish the emotions1 as a ruler giving orders to a subject 7,o4 xx4 #ah73-- ,endure my heart2 yea1 a baser thing thou once didst bear4 ,and often the passionate element gives way to reason 7,i4 xx4 #bb73-- ,pallas indeed sat silent and though inly wroth with ,jove1 yet answered not a word4 ,likewise injury 7,i4 xviii4 #aab73-- ,though still my heart be sore1 ,yet will ,i school my angry spirit down4 ,sometimes he shows the passionate element getting the better of reason4 ,this he does not praise1 but openly blames2 as when ,nestor speaks upbraiding the insult offered by ,agamemnon to ,achilles 7,i4 ix4 #ajh73-- ,not by my advice ,i fain would have dissuaded thee2 but thou1 ,swayed by the promptings of a lofty soul1 ,didst to our bravest wrong dishonoring him ,whom ev'n the ,immortals honor'd4 ,achilles speaks like things to ,ajax 7,i4 ix4 #fde73-- ,all thou hast said hath semblance just and fair1 ,but swells my heart with fury at the thought of him1 ,of ,agamemnon1 who1 amid the ,greeks ,assembled1 held me forth to scorn4 ,so1 too1 reason is paralysed by fear1 where ,hector deliberates whether he will abide the conflict with ,achilles 7,i4 xxii4 #abi73-- ,better to dare the fight and know at once ,to whom ,olympian ,jove the triumph wills1 ,then he withdraws when he gets near ,achilles 7,i4 xxii4 #acf73-- ,nor dared he there await th' attack1 but left ,the gates behind1 and terror-stricken fled4 ,it is also plain that he places the emotions about the heart4 ,anger as 7,o4 xx4 #ac73-- ,the heart within barked for him4 ,grief 7,i4 xiv4 #abh73-- ,how long1 my son1 wilt thou thy soul consume with grief an mourning8 ,then fear 7,i4 x4 #ie73-- ,and leaps my troubled heart as tho' it would burst ,my bosom's bounds2 my limbs beneath me shake4 ,in the same way just as fear1 so he declares daring to be about the heart 7,i4 xvi4 #aa73-- ,and fix'd in every breast ,the fierce resolve to wage unwearied war4 ,from these passages the ,stoics took the opinion that the leading element is about the heart4 ,that the appetitive element is placed in the intestines in many places he declares2 in these verses1 for example 7,o4 xviii4 #ed73-- ,but my belly's call is urgent on me1 that evil worker1-- and 7,o4 xvii4 #bhf73-- ,but now may conceal a ravening belly1 a thing accursed4 ,and the causes which belong to the passionate element of the soul he says happen by nature4 ,for wrath created by grief he shows is a kind of effervescence of the blood and the spirit in it as in the following 7,i4 i4 #ajc73-- ,his dark soul filled with fury1 and his eyes flashing like flames of fire4 ,for he seemed to call spirit ,greek omitted1 i4e4 wrath1 and this in the case of those who are angry he thinks is extended and inflamed4 ,again the spirit1 if there is fear1 is perturbed and made cold1 generates tremors and terrors and pallors in the body4 ,pallor1 by the heat coursing into the interior ruddiness leaves the surface4 ,tremor1 because being1 confined within the spirit it shakes the body4 ,terror1 because when the moisture is congealed the hairs are contracted and stand on end4 ,all of these ,homer clearly indicates when he says 7,i4 xv4 #d73-- ,pallid from fear4 ,and 7,i4 vii4 #dgi73-- ,pallid fear lay hold on him4 7,i4 x4 #ie73-- ,my valiant members tremble4 ,and 7,i4 xxiv4 #ceh73-- ,the old man heard1 his mind confus'd with dread1 ,so grievously he fear'd that every hair ,upon his bended head did stand on end4 ,according to these passages for feared he says frozen and fear he calls freezing4 ,on the other hand1 for daring and courage he uses ,greek omitted1 heat4 ,evil effects1 he distinguishes in these ways4 ,again when ,aristotle considers indignation a mercy among the generous emotions 7for when good men are stirred because their neighors seem to succeed beyond their worth1 it is called indignation4 ,when they1 beyond their desert1 have misfortunes1 it is called pity47 ,these two ,homer considers to belong1 to the good1 for he reckons them as belonging to ,zeus4 ,other passages he has as well as the following 7,i4 xi4 #edb73-- ,but ,jove1 high-throned1 the soul of ,ajax filled with fear4 ,and in other places he pities him being chased about the wall4 ,what opinion the poet had about virtue and vice he shows in many places4 ,for since one part of the soul is intelligent and rational1 and the other devoid of reason and open to emotions1 and on this account man has a middle position between ,god and brute1 he thinks the highest1 virtue1 is divine1 and the other extremity1 evil1 is brutelike4 ,just as later on ,aristotle thought1 he adopts these principles in his companions4 ,for he always considers good men to be like gods1 and as he says 7,i4 ii4 #afg73-- ,by a counsel not1 unworthy of ,zeus4 ,among the evil ones he names cowards 7,i4 xiii4 #ajb73-- ,like to timid stags1-- and to sheep without a shepherd and to hares in flight4 ,about those borne headlong and heedlessly to anger 7,i4 xvii4 #bj73-- ,nor pard1 nor lion1 nor the forest boar1 ,fiercest of beasts1 and provident of his strength ,in their own esteem ,with ,panthous' sons for courage nor may vie4 ,the laments of those grieving to no purpose he compares to the sounds of birds 7,o4 xvi4 #bah73-- ,where ,younglings the country folk have taken from the nest ere yet they are fledged4 ,the ,stoics who place virtue in apathy follow the passages in which he takes up every feeling1 saying about grief 7,i4 xix4 #bah73-- ,behoves us bury out of sight our dead1 ,steeling our heart and weeping but a day4 ,and 7,i4 xvi4 #g73-- ,why weep over ,patroclus as a girl8 ,about anger 7,i4 xviii4 #ajg73-- ,may strife perish from gods and men4 ,about fear 7,i4 v4 #beb73-- ,do not speak of fear1 if thou thinkest to persuade me4 ,and 7,o4 xv4 #did73-- ,struck and smitten seeing fate and death1 he fell heroicly from the sword4 ,so those challenged to single combat obey fearlessly1 and several arise to take the place of one4 ,and the wounded man has none the less abiding courage4 7,i4 xi4 #chh73-- ,and now because thy shaft has grazed my foot1 thou mak'st thy empty boast4 ,and every valiant person is likened to a lion1 boar1 to a torrent and whirlwind4 ,now the ,peripatetics think that freedom from emotion is unattainable by men4 ,they bring in a certain mean2 by taking away excess of feeling1 they define virtue by moderation4 ,and ,homer brings in the best men neither feeble nor altogether fearless nor devoid of pain1 but yet differing from the worst in not being overcome extravagantly by their feelings4 ,for he says 7,i4 xiii4 #bgi73-- ,the cowards color changes1 nor his soul ,within his heart its even balance keeps ,but changing still1 from foot to foot he shifts1 ,and in his bosom loudly beats his heart ,expecting death2 and chatter all his teeth4 ,the brave man's color changes not with fear1 ,he knows the ambush ent'ring4 ,for it is evident that by taking away excessive fear from the good man he leaves the mean between the two4 ,the same must be thought about the like emotions1 pain and anger4 ,to this effect is that verse of his 7,i4 vii4 #bae73-- ,the ,trojans' limbs beneath them shrank with fear1 ,e'en ,hector's heart beat quicker in his breast1 ,the others1 even at the sight1 trembled4 ,but he1 in the midst of dangers being brave1 was only troubled4 ,so he makes ,dolon and ,lycaon feeling fear2 ,ajax and ,menelaus1 turning gradually and going away step by step1 as lions driven from their quarry4 ,in the same way he shows the differences of those who grieve and also of those who rejoice4 ,as ,odysseus1 relating the way he deceived the ,cyclops1 says 7,o4 ix4 #dac73-- ,my heart within me laughed4 ,the suitors seeing the beggar laying on the ground 7,o4 xviii4 #ajj73-- ,but the proud wooers threw up their hands1 and cried outright for laughter4 ,but in more trivial matters the difference of moderation appears4 ,odysseus though loving his wife1 and seeing her lamenting on his account1 contains himself 7,o4 xix4 #baa73-- ,his eyes kept steadfast between his eyelids as it were horn or iron4 ,but the suitors who were in love with her when they saw her 7,o4 xviii4 #bab73-- ,and straightways the knees of the wooers were loosened1 and their hearts were enchanted with love1 and each one uttered a prayer that he might be her bedfellow4 ,such is the poet's treatment of the powers and passions of the soul4 ,although there are various things said by the philosophers about the chief end of virtue and happiness1 it is agreed by all that virtue of the soul is the greatest of goods4 ,but the ,stoics consider that virtue by itself is sufficient for happiness1 taking the cue from the ,homeric poems in which he has made the wisest and most prudent man on account of virtue despising trouble and disregarding pleasure4 ,as to the first point in this way 7,o4 iv4 #bdb73-- ,now all of them ,i could not tell or number1 so many as were the adventures of the patient ,odysseus4 ,he bruised himself with unseemly stripes and cast a sorry covering over his shoulders1 and in the fashion of a servant he went into the wide-wayed city of the foemen4 ,and as to the second1 i4e4 7,o4 ix4 #bi73-- ,vainly ,calypso1 the fair goddess1 would fain have kept me with her in her hollow caves longing to have me for her lord4 ,circe of ,aia would have stayed me in her halls1 longing to have me for her lord4 ,but never did they prevail upon my heart within my breast4 ,especially does he expound his opinion of virtue in the passages in which he makes ,achilles not only brave but most beautiful in form1 and swiftest of foot1 and most illustrious in birth and distinguished in race and aided by the chiefest of the gods2 and ,odysseus understanding and firm in soul--in other respects not enjoying an equal fortune4 ,his stature and aspect not conspicuous1 his parentage not altogether noteworthy1 his country obscure1 hated by a god who was all but first4 ,none of these things prevented him from being famous1 from gaining the chief good of the soul4 ,but the ,peripatetic ,school think the goods of the soul have the pre-eminence1 such as prudence1 fortitude1 temperance1 justice4 ,afterward are those of the body1 such as health1 strength1 beauty1 swiftness2 and there are besides external goods such as reputation1 nobility1 wealth4 ,for they think any one worthy of praise and admiration if he1 fortified by the protective virtues of the soul1 holds out against evils in the midst of sufferings1 disease1 want1 unforeseen accidents1 but that this situation is not a desirable nor a happy one4 ,for not only the possession of virtue do they think good1 but its use and its activity4 ,and these distinctions ,homer directly showed1 for he always makes the gods 7,o4 viii4 #cbe73-- ,the givers of good things1-- these things also men pray the gods to furnish them1 as being plainly neither useless to them nor indifferent1 but advantageous to happiness4 ,what the goods are men aim at1 and through which they are called happy1 he declares in many places4 ,but all of them together were centred in ,hermes 7,i4 xxiv4 #cgf73-- ,blessed are thy parents in a son so grac'd1 ,in face and presence1 and of mind so wise4 ,he bears witness to his beauty of body1 his intelligence1 and his lineage4 ,separately he takes them up 7,i4 vi4 #aef73-- ,on whom the gods bestowed ,the gifts of beauty and of manly grace1 ,and ,zeus poured out lordly wealth1-- for this1 too1 is a gift of ,god 7,o4 vi4 #ahh73-- ,for ,zeus himself gives prosperity to mortals4 ,sometimes he esteems honor a good 7,i4 viii4 #edj73-- ,would that ,i might be adored as ,athene and ,apollo4 ,sometimes good fortune in children 7,o4 iii4 #aif73-- ,so good a thing it is that a son of the dead should be left4 ,sometimes1 too1 the benefit of one's family 7,o4 xiii4 #ci73-- ,pour ye the drink offering1 and send me safe on my way1 and as for you1 fare ye well4 ,for now ,i have all my heart's desire1--an escort and loving gifts4 ,may the gods of heaven give me good fortune with them and may ,i find my noble wife in my home1 and my friends unharmed while ye1 for your part1 abide here1 and make glad your gentle wives and children1 and may the gods vouchsafe all manner of good and may no evil come1 nigh the people4 ,that in a comparison of goods valor is better than wealth1 he shows in the following 7,i4 ii4 #hgb73-- ,with childish folly to the war he came1 ,laden with stress of gold2 yet naught availed ,his gold to save him from the doom of death4 ,and 7,o4 iv4 #ic73-- ,i have no joy of my lordship among these my possessions4 ,and that intelligence is better than beauty of form 7,o4 viii4 #afi73-- ,for one man is feebler than another in presence1 yet the gods crown his words with beauty4 ,it is evident that bodily excellence and external things he considers as good1 and that without these virtue alone is not sufficient for happiness he declares in the following way4 ,he created two men who attained to the height of virtue1 ,nestor and ,odysseus1 different indeed from one another1 but like one another in prudence and valor and power of eloquence4 ,he has made them not at all equal in fortune1 but on the side of ,nestor he has placed the gods 7,o4 iv4 #bjh73-- ,right easily is known that man's seed for whom ,cronion weaves the skein of luck at bridal and at birth1 even as now hath he granted prosperity to ,nestor forever1 for all his days1 that he himself should grow into smooth old age in his halls1 and his sons moreover should be wise and the best of spearsmen4 ,but ,odysseus1 though shrewd and clever and prudent1 he often calls unfortunate4 ,for ,nestor goes back home quickly and safely1 but ,odysseus wanders about for a long time and endures constantly innumerable sufferings and dangers4 ,so it is a desirable and blessed thing if fortune is at hand helping and not opposing virtue4 ,how the possession of virtue is of no use unless it accomplishes something1 is evident from the passages where ,patroclus complains to ,achilles and says 7,i4 xvi4 #ca73-- ,whoe'er may hope in future days by thee ,to profit1 if thou now forbear to save ,the ,greeks from shame and loss4 ,so he speaks to him because he makes his virtue useless by inactivity4 ,achilles himself deplores his inactivity 7,i4 xviii4 #ajd373-- ,but idly here ,i sit cumb'ring the ground1 ,i1 who amid the ,greeks no equal own ,in fight1-- for he laments because though possessing virtue he does not make use of it2 but being indignant with the ,greeks 7,i4 i4 #dij73-- ,no more he sought ,the learned council1 nor the battlefield2 ,but wore his soul away1 and only pined ,for the fierce joy and tumult of the fight4 ,and so ,phoenix admonished him 7,i1 ix4 #dcc73-- ,to teach thee how to frame ,befitting speech1 and mighty deeds achieve4 ,after his death he is indignant at that inertia1 saying 7,o4 xi4 #dhi73-- ,rather would ,i live upon the soil as the hireling of another with a lordless man who had no great livelihood1 than bear sway among the dead that are no more4 ,and he adds the cause 7,o4 xi4 #dih73-- ,for ,i am no longer his champion under the sun1 so mighty a man as once ,i was1 when in wide ,troy ,i slew the best of the host1 succoring the ,argives4 ,that saying of the ,stoics1 that good men are friends of the gods1 is taken from ,homer1 who says about ,amphiaerus 7,o4 xv4 #bde73-- ,whom ,zeus1 lord of the ages1 and ,apollo loved with all manner of love4 ,and of ,odysseus 7,o4 iii4 #eb73-- ,and ,athene rejoiced in the wisdom and judgment of the man4 ,there is1 too1 an opinion of the same philosophic school that virtue is teachable1 and has for its beginning good birth4 ,for ,homer says 7,o4 iv4 #bjf73-- ,and from such a sire thou too art sprung1 wherefore thou dost even speak wisely4 ,and by training it is brought to perfection4 ,for virtue is the knowledge of living rightly1 i4e4 of doing the things which it is necessary for those who live well to do4 ,these principles can also be found in ,homer1 for he says 7,i4 ix4 #ddj73-- ,inexperienced yet in war1 that sorrow brings alike on all ,and sage debate in which attends renown4 ,and in other places 7,i4 vi4 #ddf73-- ,nor did my heart compel me1 since ,i had learnt to be good1 ,and ,phoenix says of ,achilles 7,i4 ix4 #ddb73-- ,me then he sent1 to teach thee how to frame ,befitting speech1 and mighty deeds achieve4 ,for since life is made up of acts and speech1 therefore he says he was the young man's teacher in these things4 ,from what has been said it is plain that he declares the whole of virtue to be teachable4 ,so1 then1 ,homer is the first philosopher in ethics and in philosophy4 ,now to the same science belongs arithmetic and music1 which ,pythagoras especially honored4 ,let us see whether these are mentioned by our poet4 ,very often4 ,a few examples from very many will suffice4 ,for ,pythagoras thought number had the greatest power and reduced everything to numbers--both the motions of the stars and the creation of living beings4 ,and he established two supreme principles1--one finite unity1 the other infinite duality4 ,the one the principle of good1 the other of evil4 ,for the nature of unity being innate in what surrounds the whole creation gives order to it1 to souls virtue1 to bodies health1 to cities and dwellings peace and harmony1 for every good thing is conversant with concord4 ,the nature of duality is just the contrary1--to the air disturbance1 to souls evil1 to bodies disease1 to cities and dwellings factions and hostilities4 ,for every evil comes from discord and disagreement4 ,so he demonstrates of all the successive numbers that the even are imperfect and barren2 but the odd are full and complete1 because joined to the even they preserve their own character4 ,nor in this way alone is the odd number superior1 but also added to itself it generates an even number4 ,for it is creative1 it keeps its original force and does not allow of division1 since ,,per ,,se the mind is superior4 ,but the even added to itself neither produces the odd nor is indivisible4 ,and ,homer seems to place the nature of the one in the sphere of the good1 and the nature of the dual in the opposite many times4 ,often he declares a good man to be ,greek omitted kind and the adjective from it is benignity2 as follows 7,i4 ii4 #bjd73-- ,it is not good for many to reign1 let there be but one ruler4 ,and 7,o4 iii4 #abg73-- ,we never spake diversely either in the assembly or in the council1 but always were of one mind4 ,he always makes use of the uneven number as the better4 ,for making the whole world to have five parts1 three of these being the mean1 he divides it 7,i4 xv4 #ahi73-- ,threefold was our portion each obtained1 ,his need of honor due4 ,therefore1 too1 ,aristotle thought there were five elements1 since the uneven and perfect number had everywhere the predominance4 ,and to the heavenly gods he gives the uneven shares4 ,for ,nestor nine times to ,poseidon sacrificed nine bulls2 and ,tiresias bids ,odysseus sacrifice 7,o4 xi4 #aca73-- ,a ram and a bull and a boar1 the mate of swine4 ,but ,achilles immolated for ,patroclus1 all in even numbers1 four horses and 7,i4 xxiii4 #age73-- ,twelve noble sons he slew1 the sons of ,troy1-- and of nine dogs he casts two on the pyre1 in order to leave for himself seven4 ,and in many places he uses the ternary1 quinary1 and septenary number1 especially the number nine 7,i4 vii4 #afa73-- ,the old man spoke reproachfully2 at his words ,uprose nine warriors4 ,and 7,o4 xi4 #caa73-- ,at nine seasons old they were of breadth nine cubits1 and nine fathoms in height4 7,i4 i4 #ec73-- ,nine days the heavenly ,archer on the troops hurl'd his dread shafts4 ,and 7,i4 vi #agd73-- ,nine days he feasted him1 nine oxen slew4 ,why pray1 is the number nine the most perfect8 ,because it is the square of the first odd number1 and unevenly odd since it is divided into three triads1 of which again each is divided into three units4 ,but not only the virtue of numbers but a natural way of counting he showed1 as in the catalogue of ships he made 7,i4 ii4 #eji73-- ,with these came fifty ships2 and in each ,were sixscore youths1 ,boeotia's noblest flow'r4 ,and again 7,i4 xvi4 #agj73-- ,they were fifty men4 ,whence it is possible to compute that as all the ships were near #abjj1 and each had #ajj men1 the whole number is #ab myriads--#abj1jjj4 ,again speaking4 of the ,trojans 7,i4 viii4 #efc73-- ,a thousand fires burnt brightly2 and round each ,sat fifty warriors in the ruddy glare4 ,he enables one to compute that without counting allies they were #ej1jjj men4 ,now music being closest to the soul1 since it is a harmony produced by different elements1 by melodies1 and by rhythms1 intensifies what is relaxed and relaxes the intense4 ,the ,pythagoreans have clearly proved this1 and before them ,homer4 ,for he gives praise to music1 in the case of the ,sirens1 to which he adds the following 7,o4 xii4 #ahh7 ,and had joy thereof and gone on his way the wiser4 ,in another place he introduces in banquets the lyre1 as among the suitors 7,o4 xvii4 #bga73-- ,and the voice of the lyre is heard there which the gods made to be mate of the feast4 ,and at the house of ,alcinous the player on the lyre 7,o4 vii4 #bff73-- ,was composing a beautiful song4 ,and at marriages 7,i4 xviii4 #die73-- ,the pipes and lyres were sounding4 ,and in the works of the vintage 7,i4 xvii4 #efi73-- ,a boy amid them1 from a clear-ton'd pipe ,drew lovely music2 well his liquid voice ,the strings accompanied4 ,besides in war 7,i4 x4 #ac73-- ,of pipes and flutes he heard the sound4 ,also he uses music to express grief 7,i4 xxiv4 #gba73-- ,poured forth the music of the mournful dirge1 by the sweetness of melodies softening the bitterness of the soul4 ,it is clear that melody is twofold1--one of the voice1 the other of instruments1 partly wind1 partly string4 ,of sound some are bass1 some treble4 ,these differences ,homer knew1 since he represents women and boys with treble voices1 by reason of the tenuity of their breath2 men1 he makes with bass voices4 ,as in the following 7,i4 xviii4 #gj73-- ,she with bitter cry ,clasped in her hands his head1 and ,sorrowing spoke4 ,and again 7,i4 ix4 #af73-- ,so with deep groans he thus addressed the ,greeks4 ,but old men like the locusts 7,i4 iii4 #aea7 he compares to shrill-voiced creatures4 ,instruments whose strings are thin and vibrate quickly1 easily cut the air1 and give an acute sound4 ,those with thick ones1 through the slow movement1 have a deep sound4 ,homer calls the pipe acute--acute because being thin it gives an acute sound4 ,homer has this information about music4 ,since we are speaking here about ,pythagoras1 to whom taciturnity and not expressing those things which it is wrong to speak were especially pleasing1 let us see whether ,homer had also this opinion4 ,for about those drunken with wine he says 7,o4 xiv4 #dff73-- ,and makes him speak out a word which were better unsaid4 ,and ,odysseus upbraids ,thersites 7,i4 ii4 #bdf73-- ,thou babbling fool ,therites1 prompt of speech1 ,restrain thy tongue4 ,and ,ajax speaks1 blaming ,idomeneus 7,i4 xxiii4 #dgh73-- ,but thou art ever hasty in thy speech4 ,and ill becomes thee this precipitance ,and while the armies are entering the fight 7,i4 iii4 #b-h73-- ,with noise and clarmor1 as a flight of birds1 ,the men of ,troy advanced1 ,on th'other side the ,greeks in silence mov'd4 ,clamor is barbaric1 silence is ,greek4 ,therefore he has represented the most prudent man as restrained1 in speech4 ,and ,odysseus exhorts his son 7,o4 xvi4 #cjj73-- ,if in very truth thou art my son and of our blood1 then let no man hear that ,odysseus is come home2 neither let ,laertes know it nor the swineherd nor any of the household nor ,penelope herself4 ,and again he exhorts him 7,o4 xix4 #db73-- ,hold thy peace and keep all this in thine heart and ask not thereof4 ,so the opinions of famous philosophers have their origin in ,homer4 ,if it is necessary to mention those who elected for themselves certain individual views1 we could find them taking their source in ,homer4 ,democritus in constructing his idola1 or representative forms1 takes the thought from the following passage 7,i4 v4 #ddi73-- ,meanwhile ,apollo of the silver bow ,a phantom form prepar'd1 the counterpart ,of great ,aeneas and alike in arms4 ,others deviated into error in ways he would not approve of1 but he represented them as fitting to the special time4 ,for when ,odysseus was detained with ,alcinous1 who lived in pleasure and luxury1 he speaks to him in a complimentary way 7,o4 ix4 #e73-- ,nay1 as for me ,i say that there is no more gracious or perfect delight than when a whole people make merry1 and the men sit orderly at feasts in the halls and listen to the singer1 and the tables by them laden with food and flesh1 and a winebearer drawing the wine serves it into the cups4 ,the fashion seems to me the fairest thing in the world4 ,led by these words1 ,epicurus took up the opinion that pleasure was the ,,summum ,,bonum4 ,and ,odysseus himself is at one time covered with a precious and thin woven garment1 sometimes represented in rags with a wallet4 ,now he is resting with ,calypso1 now insulted by ,iros and ,melantheus4 ,aristippus taking the model of this life not only struggled valiantly with poverty and toil1 but also intemperately made use of pleasure4 ,but it is possible to take these as specimens of ,homer's wisdom1 because he first enunciated the many excellent sayings of the ,wise ,men1 as follow ,god 7,i4 i4 #bah73-- ,who hears the gods1 of them his prayers are heard1 ,and nothing too much 7,o4 xv4 #gj73-- ,i think it shame even in another heart1 who loves overmuch or hates overmuch2 measure is in all things best4 ,and the expression 7,o4 viii4 #cea73-- ,a pledge is near to evil1 ,evil are evil folks' pledges to hold4 ,and that saying of ,pythagoras to one who asked who is a friend said an ,,alter ,,ego4 ,homer's parallel saying is 7,o4 xviii4 #hb73-- ,the equal to my head4 ,belonging to the same species of ,apothegm is what is called the ,gnome1 a universal expression about life stated briefly4 ,all poets and philosophers and orators have used it and have attempted to explain things gnomically4 ,homer was the first to introduce in his poetry many excellent ,gnomes stating a principle he wishes to lay down2 as when he says 7,i4 i4 #hj73-- ,and terrible to men of low estate the anger of a king4 ,and again what must needs be done or not done 7,i4 ii #bd73-- ,to sleep all night but ill becomes a chief4 ,of ,homer's many good sayings and admonitions not a few afterward have been paraphrased4 ,some examples of these should find a place here2 as the following passage of ,homer 7,i4 xv4 #ajd73-- ,fools are we all1 who madly strive with ,jove1 ,or hope1 by access to his throne1 to sway ,by word or deed his course6 ,from all apart1 ,he all our counsels heeds not1 but derides6 ,and boasts o'er all the immortal gods to reign4 ,prepare1 then1 each his several woes to bear4 ,like this is a saying of ,pythagoras3-- ,whatever pains mortals have from the gods1 whatever fate thou hast1 bear it nor murmur4 ,and also these words of ,euripides3-- ,nor is it fitting to be indignant at events1 no good comes of it2 but when things go wrong1 if one bears them right1 they do go well4 ,again ,homer says 7,i4 xxiv4 #abh73-- ,how long1 my son1 wilt thou thy soul consume with grief and mourning8 ,so ,pythagoras3-- ,spare thy life1 do not wear out thy soul4 ,then ,homer says 7,o4 xviii4 #acf73-- ,for the spirit of men upon the earth is even as their day1 that comes upon them from the father of gods and men4 ,archilochus1 who imitates other things of ,homer1 has paraphrased this too1 saying3-- ,such for mortal men1 ,o ,glaucus1 son of ,leptineus1 is their mind1 as ,zeus directs for a day4 ,and in other words1 ,homer says 7,i4 xiii4 #gcj73-- ,to one the gods have granted warlike might1 ,while in another's breast all-seeing ,jove ,hath plac'd the spirit of wisdom and mind ,discerning for the common good of all4 ,by him are states preserved6 and he himself ,best knows the value of the precious gift4 ,euripides has followed this original3-- ,cities are well ordered by the instructions of one man4 ,so1 too1 a house4 ,one again is mighty in war4 ,for one wise judgment conquers many hands1 but ignorance with a crowd brings the most evil4 ,where he makes ,idomeneus exhorting his comrade1 he says 7,i4 xii4 #cbb73-- ,o friend1 if we survivors of this war ,could live from age and death forever free1 ,thou shouldst not see me foremost in the fight1 ,nor would ,i urge thee to the glorious field2 ,but since in man ten thousand forms of death ,attend1 which none may 'scape1 then on that we ,may glory in others' gain1 or they on us6 ,aeschylus saying after him3-- ,nor receiving many wounds in his heart does any one die1 unless the goal of life is run4 ,nor does any one sitting by the hearth flee any better the decreed fate4 ,in prose1 ,demosthenes speaks as follows 7,o4 xviii4 #i73-- ,for all mortals1 death is the end of life even if one keeps himself shut up in a cell2 it is necessary ever for good men to attempt noble things and bravely to bear whatever ,god may give4 ,again take ,homer 7,i4 iii4 #fe73-- ,the gifts of ,heav'n are not to be despis'd4 ,sophocles paraphrases this1 saying3-- ,this is ,god's gift2 whatever the gods may give1 one must never avoid anything1 my son4 ,in ,homer there are the words 7,i4 i4 #bdi73-- ,from whose persuasive lips4 ,sweeter than ,honey flowed the stream of speech4 ,theocritus said 7,i4 vii4 #hb73-- ,therefore the ,muse poured in his mouth ,sweet nectar4 ,how1 also1 ,aratus paraphrased this 7,i4 xviii4 #dhi73-- ,sole star that never bathes in th' ocean wave1-- saying3-- ,the ,bears protected from cerulean ocean4 7,i4 xv4 #fbh73-- ,they win their soul from death1 is paraphrased3-- ,he escaped ,hades by a small peg4 ,let this be enough on this subject4 ,but civil discourse belongs to the rhetorical art1 with which it seems ,homer was first to be familiar4 ,if ,rhetoric is the power of persuasive speaking1 who more than ,homer depended on this power8 ,he excels all in eloquence2 also in the grasp of his subject he reveals an equal literary power4 ,and the first part of this art is ,arrangement1 which he exhibits in all his poetry1 and especially at the beginning of his narratives4 ,for he did not make the beginning of the ,iliad at a distant period1 but at the time when affairs were developing with energy and had come to a head4 ,the more inactive periods1 which came into past time1 he goes over in other places succinctly4 ,the same he did in the ,odyssey1 beginning from the close of the times of ,odysseus's wanderings1 in which it was clearly time to bring in ,telemachus and to show the haughty conduct of the suitors4 ,whatever happened to ,odysseus in his wanderings before this he introduces into ,odysseus's narrative4 ,these things he prefers to show as more probable and more effective1 when said by the one who experienced them4 ,as therefore all orators make use of introductory remarks to get the benevolent attention of their audience1 so our poet makes use of exordiums fitted to move and reach the hearer4 ,in the ,iliad he first declares that he is about to say how many evils happened to the ,achaeans through the wrath of ,achilles and the high-handed conduct of ,agamemnon2 and in the ,odyssey how many labors and dangers ,odysseus encountered and surmounted all of them by the judgment and perseverance of his soul4 ,and in each one of the exordiums he invokes the ,muse that she may make the value of what is said greater and more divine4 ,while the characters introduced by him are made to say many things either to their relatives or friends or enemies or the people1 yet to each he assigns a fitting type of speech1 as in the beginning he makes ,chryseis in his words to the ,greeks use a most appropriate exordium4 ,first he desires for them that they may be superior to their enemies and may return home1 in order that he might gain their kindly feeling4 ,then he demands his daughter4 ,but ,achilles being angered by the threat of ,agamemnon combines a speech for the ,greeks and for himself1 in order to make them more friendly disposed4 ,for1 he says1 all had proceeded to the war1 not on account ,of some private enmity1 but to please ,agamemnon himself and his brother1 and he went on to say he had done many things himself and had received a present not from ,agamemnon and ,menelaus1 but from the whole body of the ,greeks4 ,agamemnon replying to him has no difficulty in winning the crowd4 ,for when ,achilles says he means to sail back home1 on account of the insult he has received1 he does not say go but flee1 changing what is said abruptly into an attack on ,achilles reputation4 ,and his words are3-- ,i do not exhort you to remain2 there are here who value me4 ,and this was agreeable to his hearers4 ,and afterward he introduces ,nestor1 whom he had previously called sweet in speech and a shrewd orator 7,i4 i4 #bdi73-- ,whose voice flowed from his tongue sweeter than honey4 ,there could be no greater praise for an orator4 ,he starts off with an exordium by which he tries to change the minds of the contesting chiefs1 bidding them consider by opposing one another they give occasion of joy to their enemies4 ,he goes on to admonish both and to exhort them to give heed to him as their elder4 ,and by telling one to be prudent1 he says what gratifies the other4 ,he advises ,agamemnon not to take away what has been given to a man who has labored much2 ,achilles1 not to strive with the king who is his superior4 ,and he gives suitable praise to both3 to the one as ruling over more people2 to the other1 as having more prowess4 ,in this way he seeks to moderate them4 ,again1 in what follows1 when ,agamemnon saw the dream bearing good hopes to him from ,zeus1 and exhorting him to arm the ,greeks1 did he not use rhetorical art speaking to the multitude1 saying the contrary of what he wishes1 to try their feeling and to see if they will be disgusted by being compelled to do battle for him4 ,but he speaks to please them4 ,another of the men able to influence them bids them stay in their tents1 as if the king really wished this4 ,for to those he speaks to he indicates that he desires the contrary4 ,odysseus taking up these words1 and making use of a convenient freedom1 persuades the leaders by his mild language2 the common people he compels by threats to heed their superiors4 ,stopping the mutiny and agitation of the crowd1 he persuades all by his shrewd words1 moderately blaming them for not carrying out what they promised1 and at the same time excusing them on the ground that they have been idle for some time and have been deprived of what is dearest to them4 ,he persuades them to remain by the hope of the seer's prophecy4 ,likewise ,nestor1 using arguments unchanged indeed but tending to the same end1 and also using greater freedom to those who have been spoilt by inaction1 brings over the crowd4 ,he places the blame of their negligence on a few unworthy people and advises the rest4 ,he threatens the disobedient and immediately takes counsel with the king as to how the forces are to be drawn up4 ,again1 when in the deeds of war the ,greeks have partly succeeded and partly failed and been reduced to terror1 ,diomed1 since he has the audacity of youth and freedom of speech by reason of his success1 before he had shown his valor1 took the king's reproof in silence1 but afterward he turns on ,agamemnon as if he had counselled flight through cowardice4 ,for he says 7,i4 ix4 #cb73-- ,atrides ,i thy folly must confront1 ,as is my right in council6 thou1 ,o ,king1 ,be not offended4 ,in his speech he tries to advise him and at the same time deprecate his anger4 ,he then recites the things just performed by him1 without envy1 saying 7,i4 ix4 #cf73-- ,how justly so ,is known to all the ,greeks both young and old4 ,afterward he exhorts the ,greeks1 giving them indirect praise 7,i4 ix4 #dj73-- ,how canst thou hope the sons of ,greece shall prove ,such heartless cowards as thy words suppose8 ,and he shames ,agamemnon1 excusing him if he wishes to depart1 saying the others will be sufficient1 or if all flee1 he will remain alone with his comrade and fight 7,i4 ix4 #dh73-- ,yet ,i and ,sthenelaus1 we two1 will fight4 ,nestor commends the excellence of his judgment and his actions4 ,as to the aim of the council he considers that1 as the eldest1 he has the right to offer advice4 ,and he continues endeavoring to arrange for sending ambassadors to ,achilles4 ,and in the embassy itself he makes the speakers employ different devices of arguments4 ,for ,odysseus1 at the opening of his speech1 did not say immediately that ,agamemnon repented the taking away of ,briseis1 and would give the girl back1 and that he was giving some gifts immediately and promised the rest later4 ,for it was not useful1 while his feelings were excited1 to remember these things4 ,but first he wished to provoke ,achilles to sympathize with the misfortunes of the ,greeks4 ,then he suggests that later on he will want to remedy these disasters and will not be able to4 ,after this he recalls to him the advice of ,peleus2 removing any resentment toward himself1 he attributes it to the character of his father as being more able to move him4 ,and when he seemed mollified1 then he mentioned the gifts of ,agamemnon and again goes back to entreaties on behalf of the ,greeks1 saying that if ,agamemnon is justly blamed1 at least it was a good thing to save those who had never injured him4 ,it was necessary to have a peroration of this kind containing nothing to irritate the hearer4 ,he specifically recalls the purpose of the speech4 ,the final exhortation has something to stir him against the enemy1 for they are represented as despising him4 ,for now you can take ,hector if he stands opposed to you6 ,since he says none of the ,greeks is his equal4 ,but ,phoenix1 fearing that he has used less entreaties than were befitting1 sheds tears4 ,and first he agrees with his impulse1 saying he will not leave him if he sails away4 ,this was pleasant for him to hear4 ,and he tells ,achilles how ,peleus intrusted ,phoenix to bring ,achilles up1 taking him as a child1 and how he was thought worthy to be his teacher in words and deeds4 ,in passing he relates ,achilles' youthful errors1 showing how this period of life is inconsiderate4 ,and proceeding he omits no exhortation1 using briefly all rhetorical forms1 saying that it is a good thing to be reconciled with a suppliant1 a man who has sent gifts1 and has despatched the best and most honored ambassadors2 that he himself was worthy to be heard1 being his tutor and teacher2 that if he let the present occasion go1 he would repent4 ,he makes use of the example of ,meleager who1 when called upon to help his fatherland1 did not heed until by the necessity of the calamities that overtook the city he turned to defend1 it4 ,but ,ajax used neither entreaty nor pity1 but freedom of speech4 ,he determined to remove ,achilles' haughtiness partly by blaming him seasonably1 partly by exhorting him genially not to be completely embittered4 ,for it befitted his excellency in virtue4 ,replying to each of these ,achilles shows nobility and simplicity4 ,the others he refutes cleverly and generously by bringing out worthy causes of his anger2 to ,ajax he excuses himself4 ,and to ,odysseus he says that he will sail away on the following day2 then being stirred by the entreaties of ,phoenix1 he says he will take counsel about leaving4 ,moved by the free speech of ,ajax1 he confesses all that he intends to do3 that he will not go forth to fight until ,hector gets as far as his tents and the ships1 after killing many of the ,greeks4 ,then he says1 ,i think ,i shall stop ,hector no matter how earnestly he fights4 ,and this argument he offers in rebuttal to ,odysseus about resisting the onslaught of ,hector4 ,in the words of ,phoenix he shows that there is such a thing as the art of ,rhetoric4 ,for he says to ,achilles that he had taken him over 7,i4 ix4 #ddj73-- ,inexperienced yet in war that sorrow brings alike on all ,and sage debate1 on which attends renown ,me then he sent1 to teach thee how to frame ,befitting speech and mighty deeds achieve4 ,these words show that the power of speech especially makes men renowned4 ,it is besides possible to find in many other parts of his poems passages pertaining to the art of ,rhetoric4 ,for he shows the method of accusation and purgation elsewhere and in the place where ,hector taxes his brother1 accusing him of cowardice and dissoluteness4 ,because he had this character1 he had injured those who were far different from him2 so he had become the cause of evil to his family4 ,and ,alexander softens his brothers' temper by confessing he was rightly blamed2 he wipes off the charge of cowardice by promising to meet ,menelaus in combat4 ,and that ,homer was a skilful speaker1 no one in his right mind would deny1 for it is all clear from reading his poems4 ,he did not overlook to give certain types to his speakers4 ,he introduces ,nestor as agreeable and attractive to his hearers2 ,menelaus1 fond of brevity1 attractive1 and sticking to his subject2 ,odysseus1 abundant subtility of speech4 ,these things ,antenor testifies about the two heroes2 he had heard them when they came to ,ilium as ambassadors4 ,and these characteristics of speech ,homer himself introduces1 displaying them in all his poetry4 ,he was acquainted with ,antithesis in eloquence4 ,this in every subject introduces the contrary1 and proves and disproves the same thing by clever handling of the art of logic4 ,for he says 7,i4 xx4 #bdh73-- ,for glibly runs the tongue1 and can at will ,give utt'rance to discourse in every vein2 ,wide is the range of language1 and such words ,as one may speak1 another may return4 ,he knew how to say the same things at length1 and to repeat them briefly1 which is called ,recapitulation1 and is used by orators whenever it is necessary to recall briefly the numerous things which have been said4 ,for what ,odysseus related in four books in the ,phaeacians1 these he goes over again shortly in the passage beginning 7,o4 xxiii4 #caj73-- ,he began by setting forth how he overcame the ,cicones1 etc4 ,but civil discourse embraces also knowledge of laws4 ,no one can really say whether the word law was used in his time4 ,some say that he certainly knew it1 for he said 7,o4 xvii4 #dhg73-- ,to watch the violence and righteousness of men4 ,aristachus says the word righteousness 7,greek omitted7 comes from the words to distribute well4 ,hence law 7,greek omitted7 seems to be called1 because it distributes 7,greek omitted7 equal parts to all or to each according to his worth4 ,but that he knew the force of law was conserved1 if not in writing at least in the opinion of men1 he shows in many ways4 ,for he makes ,achilles talking about the sceptre say 7,i4 i4 #bcg73-- ,and now 'tis borne1 ,emblem of justice1 by the sons of ,greece1 ,who guard the sacred ministry of law ,before the face of ,jove4 ,for usages and customs1 the laws of which ,zeus is reported as the lawgiver1 with whom ,minos the king of the ,cretans had converse men say2 which converse is1 as ,plato bears witness1 the learning of the laws4 ,clearly in his poems he reveals that it is necessary to follow the laws and not to do wrong 7,o4 xviii4 #ada73-- ,wherefore let no man forever be lawless any more1 but keep quietly the gifts of the gods1 whatsoever they may give4 ,homer first of all divided into different parts civil polity4 ,for in the shield which was made in imitation of the whole world by ,hephaestus 7that is1 spiritual power7 he imagined two cities to be contained3 one enjoying peace and happiness2 the other at war1 and exposing the advantages of each he shows that the one life is civil and the other military4 ,neither did he pass over even the agricultural4 ,but he showed this1 too1 making it clear and beautiful in his language4 ,in every city it is sanctioned by the law that there is to be a meeting of a council to consider before the popular assembly is called together4 ,this is evident from the words of ,homer 7,i4 ii4 #ec73-- ,but first of all the ,elders ,a secret conclave ,agamemnon called4 ,agamemnon collects the ,elders1 and examines with them how to arm the people for the fight4 ,and that it is necessary for the leader before all things to care for the salvation of the whole1 he teaches in his characters by the advice he gives 7,i4 ii4 #bd73-- ,to sleep all night but ill becomes a chief4 ,and how it is necessary for subjects to obey their leader1 and how the commander should bear himself toward each class2 ,odysseus shows this1 persuading the superior class by soft words1 but using toward the crowd bitter words of rebuke4 ,to rise up for one's superiors is sanctioned in all laws4 ,this the gods themselves do in the case of ,zeus 7,i4 i4 #ece73-- ,at his entrance all ,rose from their seats at once2 not one presumed ,to wait his coming4 ,there is a rule among most that the eldest shall speak4 ,diomed by necessity of the war having dared to speak first1 requests to be pardoned 7,i4 xiv4 #aaa73-- ,nor take offence that ,i1 ,the youngest of all1 presume to speak4 ,and it is an universal rule that voluntary offences are punished and involuntary ones are excused4 ,this1 too1 the poet shows1 in what the minstrel says 7,o4 xxii4 #cej73-- ,and ,telemachus will testify of this1 thine own dear son1 that not by mine own will or desire did ,i resort to thy house to sing to the wooers after their feasts2 but being so many and stronger than ,i1 they led me by constraint4 ,there are three forms of polity intended to attain justice and good laws1--,royalty1 ,aristocracy1 and ,democracy4 ,to these are opposed three which end in injustice and lawlessness1--,tyranny1 ,oligarchy1 and ,mob ,rule4 ,homer does not seem ignorant of these4 ,throughout his whole poem he names kingly rule and praises it2 for example 7,i4 ii4 #aif73-- ,for fierce his anger1 and the ,lord of counsel1 ,jove1 ,from whom proceeds all honor1 loves him well4 ,and what sort of a man a king must be1 he plainly reveals 7,o4 ii4 #bcf73-- ,be kind and gentle with all his heart4 ,and 7,o4 iv4 #fij73-- ,one that wrought no iniquity toward any man1 nor spake aught unrighteous in the township1 as is the wont of divine kings4 ,and severally where he enumerates five kings of the ,boeotians1 and among the ,phaeacians 7,o4 viii4 #cij73-- ,behold there are twelve glorious princes who rule among this people and bear sway1 and ,i myself am the thirteenth4 ,the image of democracy he shows clearly on the shield1 in which he makes two cities4 ,the one he says is ruled democratically1 since they have no leader1 yet all by their own will conduct themselves according to the laws2 then1 too1 he introduces a trial proceeding4 ,and he exhibits a democracy when he says 7,o4 xvi4 #dbe73-- ,in fear of the people1 for they were exceedingly wroth against him1 because he had followed with ,topheon sea-robbers and harried the ,thesprotians1 who were at peace with us4 ,a man ruling with violence and contrary to the laws he does not call a tyrant1 for the name is of more recent date4 ,but his nature he exhibits in his deeds 7,o4 vxiii4 #he73-- ,and send thee to the mainland to ,echetus the king1 the maimer of all mankind1 who will cut off thy nose and ears with the pitiless steel4 ,and he shows ,aegisthus tyrannical1 who killed ,agamemnon and lorded over ,mycenae4 ,and when he was killed he says he would have had no sepulchre if ,menelaus had been there4 ,for this was the custom with tyrants 7,o4 iii4 #beh73-- ,then even in his death would they not have heaped the piled earth over him1 but dogs and fowls of the air would have devoured him as he lay on the plain far from the town3 so dread was the deed he contrived4 ,oligarchy he seems to show in the ambition of the suitors1 about whom he says 7,o4 i4 #bdg73-- ,as many as lord it in rocky ,ithaca4 ,he describes the mob rule in the ,trojan government in which all are accomplices of ,alexander and all are involved in misfortunes4 ,priam accuses his sons of being the cause 7,i4 xxiv4 #bec73-- ,haste1 worthless sons1 my scandal and my shame6 ,and also another ,trojan1 ,antimachus 7,i4 xi4 #abd73-- ',twas he who chief ,seduc'd by ,paris' gold and splendid gifts ,advis'd the restitution to refuse ,of ,helen to her lord4 ,it is esteemed just among men to distribute to each according to his worth4 ,this principle concerns especially reverencing the gods1 and honoring parents and relations4 ,piety toward the gods he teaches in many passages1 introducing the heroes sacrificing1 praying1 offering gifts to the gods1 and celebrating them in hymns1 and as a reward for their piety they receive from the gods4 ,honor to parents he shows especially1 in the character of ,telemachus1 and in his praise of ,orestes 7,o4 i4 #bih73--- ,or hast thou not heard what renown the goodly ,orestes got among all men in that he slew the slayer of his father8 ,for parents to be cared for in their old age by their children is just by nature and a debt of retribution2 this he showed in one passage where he says 7,i4 xvii4 #cjb73-- ,not destin'd he his parents to repay their early care4 ,the good will and good faith of brothers to one another he shows in ,agamemnon and ,menelaus1 of friends in ,achilles and ,patroclus1 prudence and wifely love in ,penelope1 the longing of a man for his wife in ,odysseus4 ,how we should act toward our country he showed especially in these words 7,i4 xii4 #bdc73-- ,the best of omens is our country's cause4 ,and how citizens should share a common friendship 7,i4 ix4 #fc73-- ,outcast from kindred1 law1 and hearth is he ,whose soul delights in fierce1 internal strife4 ,that truthfulness is honorable and the contrary to be avoided 7,i4 ix4 #cab73-- ,him as the gates of hell my soul abhors ,where outward speech his secret thought belies4 ,and 7,o4 xviii4 #afh73-- ,who speak friendly with their lips1 but imagine evil in the latter end4 ,households are chiefly well ordered when the wife does not make a fuss over the undeclared plans of her husband nor without his counsel undertakes to do any thing4 ,both he shows in the person of ,hera2 the former he attributes to ,zeus as speaker 7,i4 i4 #ede73-- ,expect not ,juno1 all my mind to know4 ,and the latter ,hera herself speaks 7,i4 xiv4 #caj73-- ,lest it displease thee1 if1 to thee unknown1 ,i sought the ,ocean's deeply flowing stream1 ,there is a custom among all people for those who go to a war or who are in danger to send some message to their families4 ,our poet was familiar with this custom4 ,for ,andromache1 bewailing ,hector1 says 7,i4 xxiv4 #gdc73-- ,for not to me was giv'n to clasp the hand extended from thy dying bed1 ,nor words of wisdom catch1 which night and day1 ,with tears1 ,i might have treasur'd in my heart4 ,penelope recalls the commands of ,odysseus when he set forth 7,o4 xviii4 #bfe73-- ,wherefore ,i know not if the gods will suffer me to return1 or whether ,i shall be cut off there in ,troy2 so do thou have a care for all these things4 ,be mindful of my father and my mother in the halls1 even as thou art or yet more than now1 while ,i am far away4 ,but when thou see'st thy son a bearded man1 marry whom thou wilt and leave thine own house4 ,he knew also the custom of having stewards 7,o4 ii4 #bbf73-- ,he it was to whom ,odysseus1 as he departed in the fleet1 had given the charge over all his house that it should obey the old man1 and that he should keep all things safe4 ,grief at the death in one's household he thinks should not be unmeasured2 for this is unworthy1 nor does he allow it altogether to be repressed2 for apathy is impossible for mankind1 whence he says the following 7,i4 xxiv4 #dh73-- ,he mourns and weeps1 but time his grief allays1 ,for fate to man a patient mind hath given4 ,other places he says 7,i4 xix4 #bbh73-- ,behooves us bury out of sight our dead ,steeling our hearts and weeping but a day4 ,he also knew the customs used now at funerals1 in other passages and in the following 7,i4 xvi4 #def73-- ,there shall his brethren and his friends perform ,his fun'ral rites1 and mound and column raise ,the fitting tribute to the mighty dead ,and as ,andromache says 7before7 the naked and prostrate body of ,hector 7,i4 xxii4 #eji73-- ,but now on thee1 beside the beaked ships ,far from thy parents1 when the rav'ning dogs ,have had their fill1 the wriggling worms shall feed ,in thee all naked2 while within thy house ,lies store of raiment1 rich and rare1 the work ,of women's hands3 these ,i will burn with fire ,not for thy need--thou ne'er shalt wear them more ,but for thine honor in the sight of ,troy4 ,so1 too1 ,penelope prepares the shroud 7,o4 ii4 #ii73-- ,even this shroud for the hero ,laertes4 ,but these are examples of moderation4 ,but exceeding these are the living creatures and men ,achilles burns on the pyre of ,patroclus4 ,he tells us of them1 but does not do so in words of praise4 ,therefore he exclaims 7,i4 xxi4 #ai73-- ,on savage deeds intent4 ,and he first of all mentions monuments to the slain 7,i4 vii4 #ccf73-- ,and on the plains erect ,around the pyre one common pyre for all4 ,and he gave the first example of funeral games4 ,these are common to times of peace and war4 ,experience in warlike affairs1 which some authorities call ,tactics1 his poetry being varied by infantry1 siege1 and naval engagements1 and also by individual contests1 covers many types of strategy4 ,some of these are worth mentioning4 ,in drawing up armies it is necessary always to put the cavalry in front1 and after it the infantry4 ,this he indicates in the following verses 7,i4 ii4 #big73-- ,in the front rank1 with chariot and with horse1 ,he plac'd the car-borne warriors2 in the rear1 ,num'rous and brave1 a cloud of infantry6 ,and as to placing leaders among the soldiers as they are arranged in files 7,i4 ix4 #hf73-- ,seven were the leaders2 and with each went forth1 ,a hundred gallant youths1 with lances armed4 ,some of the leaders fight in the front rank2 some in the rear exhort the rest to fight 7,i4 iv4 #beb73-- ,and come where round their chief ,idomeneus1 the warlike bards of ,crete ,were coming for the fight2 ,idomeneus ,of courage stubborn as the forest boar ,the foremost ranks array'd2 ,meriones ,the rearmost squadrons had in charge4 ,it is necessary for those who are valiant to camp in the extreme limits1 making as it were a wall for the rest2 but for the king is pitched his tent in the safest place1 that is1 in the midst4 ,he shows this by making the most valorous men1 ,achilles and ,ajax1 encamp in the most exposed spaces of the fleet1 but ,agamemnon and the rest in the middle4 ,the custom of surrounding the camp with earth-works1 and digging around it a deep and wide ditch and planting it in a circle with stakes so that no one can jump over it by reason of its breadth1 nor go down into it because of its depth1 is found in the warlike operations of ,homer 7,i4 xii4 #eb73-- ,in vain we seek to drive ,our horses o'er the ditch3 it is hard to cross1 ',tis crowned with pointed stakes1 and then behind ,is built the ,grecian wall2 these to descend1 ,and from our cars in narrow space to fight1 ,were certain ruin4 ,and in battle those who follow the example of ,homer's heroes die bravely 7,i4 xxii4 #cjd73-- ,yet not without a struggle let me die1 ,nor all inglorious2 but let some great act1 ,which future days may hear of1 mark my fall4 ,and another time 7,o4 xv4 #did73-- ,and if there be among you who this day shall meet his doom by sword or arrow slain1 e'en let him die6 a glorious death is his who for his country falls4 ,to those who distinguish themselves he distributes gifts 7,i4 ix4 #ccd73-- ,to other chiefs and kings he meted out their several portions4 ,and he threatens deserters 7,i4 xv4 #cdh73-- ,whom ,i elsewhere1 and from the ships aloof ,shall find1 my hand shall down him on the spot4 ,why is it necessary to speak of the heroes in battle8 ,how differently and variously he makes them give and receive wounds4 ,one he thinks worthy of mention1 because he thinks those wounded in front are the more honorable because they prove steadfastness and a desire to abide the shock4 ,those who are struck in the back or neck were less honorable1 since these blows they received in flight4 ,both of these are mentioned in ,homer 7,i4 xii4 #bhh73-- ,not in the neck behind1 nor in thy back ,should fall the blow1 but in thy breast in front1 ,thy courage none might call in doubt ,shouldst thou from spear or sword receive a wound4 ,and again 7,i4 xxii4 #bac73-- ,not in my back will ,i receive thy spear1 ,but through my heart4 ,in putting enemies to flight he gives useful advice1 not to be busied with the spoil1 nor give time for flight1 but to press on and pursue 7,i4 vi4 #fh73-- ,loiter not now behind1 to throw yourselves ,upon the prey1 and bear it to the ships2 ,let all your aim be now to kill1 then ,ye may at leisure spoil your slaughtered foe4 ,there are in his poetry successful deeds achieved by every age1 by which every one1 no matter who he may be1 can be encouraged3 the man in the flower of his strength by ,achilles1 ,ajax1 and ,diomed2 by younger ones ,antilochus and ,meriones2 the mature by ,idomeneus and ,odysseus2 the old men by ,nestor2 and every king by all of these named and by ,agamemnon4 ,such are in ,homer the examples of the discourse and action of civilized life4 ,let us see now whether ,homer had any familiarity with medicine4 ,that he held the art in high regard is clear from the following 7,i4 xi4 #ead73-- ,worth many a life is his1 the skilful leech4 ,medical science appears to be the science of disease and health4 ,that it is a science any one can learn from this 7,o4 iv4 #bc73-- ,there each one is a leech skilled beyond all men4 ,that it deals with disease and health 7,o4 iv4 #bcj73-- ,many that are healing in the cup1 and many baneful1-- he indicates with these things4 ,medicine has1 too1 a theoretical side which reaches the knowledge of particulars by universal reasoning and by inductive method4 ,the parts of this are the study of symptoms and the knowledge of the courses of disease4 ,the active part treating of action and effect2 the parts of it diatetic1 surgical1 medicinal4 ,how did ,homer appraise each of these8 ,that he knew the theoretical side is evident from this 7,o4 iv4 #bbg73-- ,medicines of such virtue and so helpful had the daughters of ,zeus4 ,he calls them of such virtue because they were prepared by theoretic art4 ,but the study of symptoms he goes over in the case of ,achilles4 ,for he was a disciple of ,charon4 ,he first observed1 then1 the causes of the pestilence which was attacking the ,greeks4 ,for he knew that the causes of common diseases were from ,apollo1 who seems to be the same as the ,sun4 ,for he notices the seasons of the year4 ,if these are intemperate1 they become the causes of disease4 ,for1 in general1 the safety and destruction of men are to be ascribed to ,apollo1 of women to ,artemis1 i4e4 to the ,sun and ,moon1 making them the casters of arrows by reason of the rays they throw out4 ,so dividing the male and female he makes the male of the warmer temperament4 ,on this account1 at any rate1 he says ,telemachus is of this type1 by the guidance of ,apollo2 but the daughters of ,tyndarus grew up1 he says1 under the protection of ,artemis4 ,moreover1 to these gods he attributes death in many places1 and among others in the following 7,i4 xxiv4 #fje73-- ,the youths1 ,apollo with his silver bow2 ,the maids1 the ,archer ,queen ,diana slew4 ,where he relates the rising of the ,dog ,star1 the same is a sign and cause of fever and disease 7,i4 xxii4 #cj73-- ,the highest he but sign to mortal man ,of evil augury and fiery heat4 ,he gives the causes of disease where he speaks about the gods 7,i4 v4 #cda73-- ,they eat no bread1 they drink no ruddy wine1 ,thence are they bloodless and exempt from death4 ,for food1 whether dry or humid1 is generative of blood4 ,and this nourishes the body2 if it is excessive or corrupt1 it becomes the cause of disease4 ,the practical part of medicine he carefully distinguishes4 ,in this is the dietetic4 ,first1 he knew the periods and cures of diseases1 as when he says 7,o4 xi4 #aga73-- ,what doom overcame thee of death that lays men at their length8 ,was it a slow disease1 or did ,artemis the archer slay them with the visitation of her gentle shafts8 ,it is evident that he thinks a light diet is healthful4 ,for he pictures his heroes making use of cooked food and so removes extravagant attention about things to eat4 ,and since the stomach needs constant repletion1 when cooked food1 which has the closest relation to the body1 is digested in the heart and veins1 and the surfeit is cast forth1 he says words like the following 7,o4 vii4 #bae73-- ,but as for me suffer me to sup afflicted as ,i am2 for naught is there more shameless than a ravening belly1 which biddeth a man perforce be mindful of him4 ,and again 7,o4 vii4 #bai73-- ,yet ever more he biddeth me eat and drink1 and maketh utterly to forget all my sufferings and commandeth me to take my fill4 ,he knew1 too1 the difference in the use of wine3 that immoderate drinking is harmful but moderate profitable2 as follows 7,o4 xxi4 #bid73-- ,honey sweet wine1 that is the bane of others too1 even of all who take great draughts and drink out of measure4 ,the other so 7,i4 vi4 #bfa73-- ,but great the strength1 ,which gen'rous wine imparts to men who toil ,and that gives additional force4 and 7,i4 xix4 #afg73-- ,but he who first with food and wine refreshed ,all day maintains the combat with the foe4 ,his spirit retains unbroken1 and his limbs ,unwearied till both armies quit the field4 ,and he thinks the agreeable taste contributes to good fellowship 7,o4 vii4 #ahb73-- ,so spake he1 and ,pontonous mixed the gladdening wine4 ,the strong and heady kind ,odysseus gives to the ,cyclops1 the sharp kind for a medicine1 for such is the ,promneon brand1 which he gives to wounded ,machaon4 ,that he advises the use of gymnastics is evident in many places1 for he makes his characters always at work1 some in appropriate occupations1 some for the sake of exercise4 ,although the ,phaeacians are externally given to softness1 and the suitors are dissolute1 he introduces them doing gymnastic feats4 ,and moderate exercise he thinks is the cause of health4 ,for a tired body sleep is a remedy4 ,for he says sleep came upon ,odysseus after he had been tired out by the sea 7,o4 v4 #dic73-- ,that so it might soon release him from his weary travail1 overshadowing his eyelids4 ,nature requires a tired body to take rest4 ,and where there is too little heat1 as it is not able to penetrate everywhere1 it remains at the lowest level4 ,why does the body rest8 ,because the tension of the soul is remitted and the members are dissolved and this he clearly says 7,o4 iv4 #gid73-- ,and she sank back in sleep1 and all her joints were loosened4 ,as in other things1 immoderation is not advantageous2 so he declares the same with regard to sleep1 at one time saying 7,o1 xiv4 #cid73-- ,weariness and much sleep4 ,and another 7,o4 xx4 #eb73-- ,to wake and watch all night1 this1 too1 is vexation of spirit4 ,he knew1 too1 that clearness of air contributes to health1 where he says 7,o4 iv4 #efc73-- ,but the deathless gods will convey thee to the ,elysian plain and the ,world's end1 where is ,rhadamanthus of the fair hair1 where life is easiest for men4 ,no snow is there1 nor yet great storm1 nor any rain2 but always ocean sendeth forth the breeze of the shrill west to blow cool on men4 ,he knew remedies for sufferings2 for cold revives those who are fainting1 as in the case of ,sarpedon 7,i4 v4 #fig73-- ,he swooned1 and giddy mists o'erspread his eyes1 ,but soon revived as on his forehead blew ,while yet he gasped for breath the cooling breeze4 ,heat is a remedy for cold1 as in the case of storm-tossed ,odysseus1 who bends down in the thicket1 where there is a protection against winds and rains1 and he covers himself with the wood about him4 ,and other places he mentions baths and anointing1 as in the case of ,diomed and ,odysseus returning from their night expedition4 ,the special usefulness of baths he shows especially in the following 7,o4 x4 #cfb73-- ,she bathed me with water from out a great caldron1 pouring it over head and shoulders1 where she had mixed it to a pleasant warmth till from my limbs she took away consuming weariness4 ,it is plain that the nerves have their origin in the head and shoulders4 ,so probably from this he makes the healing of fatigue to be taken4 ,this takes place by the wetting and warming2 for labors are parching4 ,we have now to consider how he treated the function of surgery4 ,machaon heals ,menelaus by first removing the javelin2 then he examines the wound and presses out the blood1 and scatters over it dry medicaments4 ,and it is evident that this is done by him in a technical fashion4 ,eurypalus1 who is wounded in the thigh1 first treats it with a sharp knife1 then he washes it with clear water2 afterward to diminish the pain1 he employs an herb4 ,for there are many in existence that heal wounds4 ,he knew this1 too1 that bitter things are suitable2 for to dry up wounds requires exsiccation4 ,after ,patroclus has applied the healing art1 he did not go away immediately1 but 7,i4 xv4 #cic73-- ,remaining1 with his converse soothed the chief4 ,for a sufferer needs sympathy4 ,machaon wounded not with a great or fatal wound on the shoulder1 he makes using intentionally a somewhat careless diet4 ,perhaps here he shows his art4 ,for he who takes care of himself at ordinary times is able to heal himself4 ,this is noted1 too1 in ,homer1 that he knows the distinction of drugs4 ,some are to be used as plasters1 others as powders1 as when he says 7,i4 iv4 #bah73-- ,and applied with skilful hand the herbs of healing power4 ,but some are to be drunk1 as where ,helen mixes a medicine in a bowl 7,o4 iv4 #bba73-- ,a drug to lull all pain and anger1 and bring forgetfulness of every sorrow4 ,he knows1 too1 that some poisonous drugs are to be applied as ointments 7,o4 i4 #bfa73-- ,to seek a deadly drug1 that he might have wherewithal to smear his bronze-shod arrows4 ,others are to be drunk1 as in these words 7,o4 ii4 #ccj73-- ,to fetch a poisonous drug that he may cast it into the bowl and make an end of all of us4 ,so much for medicines in the ,homeric poems4 ,divination is useful to man like medicine4 ,a part of this the ,stoics call artificial1 as the inspection of entrails and birds' oracles1 lots1 and signs4 ,all of these they call in general artificial4 ,but what is not artificial1 and is not acquired by learning1 are trances and ecstasy1 ,homer knew1 too1 of these phenomena4 ,but he also knew of seers1 priests1 interpreters of dreams1 and augurs4 ,a certain wise man in ,ithaca he tells of 7,o4 ii #aei73-- ,he excelled his peers in knowledge of birds and in uttering words of fate4 ,and ,odysseus1 praying1 says 7,o4 xx4 #ajj73-- ,let some one ,i pray of the folk that are waking show me a word of good omen within and without2 let soon other sign be revealed to me from ,zeus4 ,snoring with him is a good sign4 ,a divinely inspired seer is with the suitors1 telling the future by divine inspiration4 ,once1 too1 ,helenus says 7,i4 vii4 #ec73-- ,he was the recipient of a divine voice4 ,by revelation from th' eternal gods4 ,he gives cause of believing that ,socrates had actually communications from the voice of the daemon4 ,what natural or scientific art is left untouched8 ,tragedy took its start from ,homer1 and afterward was raised to supremacy in words and things4 ,he shows that there is every form of tragedy2 great and extraordinary deeds1 appearances of the gods1 speech full of wisdom1 revealing all sorts of natures4 ,in a word1 his poems are all dramas1 serious and sublime in expression1 also in feeling and in subject4 ,but they contain no exhibition of unholy deeds1 lawless marriages1 or the murder of parents and children1 or the other marvels of more recent tragedy4 ,but when he mentions a thing of this kind1 he seems to conceal rather than to condemn the crime4 ,as he does in the case of of ,clytemnestra4 ,for he says 7,o4 iii4 #bff73-- ,that she was endowed with an excellent mind as she had with her a teacher appointed by ,agamemnon1 to give her the best advice4 ,aegisthus got this tutor out of the way and persuaded her to sin4 ,he allows that ,orestes justly avenged his father's death by killing ,aegisthus2 but he passes over in silence the murder of his mother4 ,many of the like examples are to be seen in the poet1 as a writer of majestic1 but not inhuman1 tragedy4 ,none the less1 however1 ,comedy took from him its origin2 for he contains1 although he relates the gravest and most serious things1 episodes which move to laughter1 as in the ,iliad ,hephaestus is introduced limping and pouring out wine for the gods 7,i4 i4 #eii73-- ,rose laughter irrepressible1 at sight ,of ,vulcan hobbling round the spacious hall4 ,thersites is most contemptible in body and most evil in disposition1 from his raising a disturbance1 and his slanderous speech and boastfulness4 ,odysseus attacks him on this account and gives occasion to all to laugh 7,i4 ii4 #bgj73-- ,the ,greeks1 despite their anger1 laugh'd aloud4 ,in the ,odyssey among the pleasure-loving ,phaeacians their bard sings the adultery of ,ares and ,aphrodite4 ,he tells how they fell into the snares of ,hepheastus1 and were taken in the act1 and caused all the gods to laugh1 and how they joked frequently with one another4 ,and among the dissolute suitors ,irus the beggar is brought in1 contesting for a prize with the most noble ,odysseus1 and how he appeared ridiculous in the action4 ,altogether it is the character of human nature1 not only to be intense1 but to take a moral holiday so that the men may be equal to the troubles of life4 ,such relaxation for the mind is to be found in our poet4 ,those who in later days introduced ,comedy to produce laughter made use of bare and naked language1 but they cannot claim to have invented anything better4 ,of erotic feelings and expression1 ,homer makes but a moderate use2 as ,zeus says 7,i4 iii4 #ddb73-- ,for never did thy beauty so inflame my sense4 ,and what follows1 and about ,helen 7,i4 iii4 #aef73-- ,and 'tis no marvel1 one to other said1 ,the valiant ,trojans and the well-greaved ,greeks ,for beauty such as this should long endure ,the toils of war4 ,and other things of the same kind4 ,other poets have represented men taken by this passion uncontrollably and immoderately4 ,this is sufficient for this subject4 ,epigrams are a pleasing variety of speech2 they are found on statues and on monuments indicating succinctly to whom they are dedicated4 ,and this1 too1 is a mark of ,homer where he says 7,i4 vii4 #hi73-- ,lo6 there a warrior's tomb of days gone by1 ,a mighty chief whom glorious ,hector slew4 ,and again 7,i4 vi4 #dfj73-- ,lo6 this was ,hector's wife1 who1 when they fought ,on plains of ,troy1 was ,ilion's bravest chief4 ,but if any one should say that ,homer was a master of painting1 he would make no mistake4 ,for some of the wise men said that poetry was speaking painting1 and painting silent poetry4 ,who before or who more than ,homer1 by the imagination of his thoughts or by the harmony of his verse1 showed and exalted gods1 men1 places1 and different kinds of deeds8 ,for he showed by abundance of language all sorts of creatures and the most notable things--lions1 swine1 leopards4 ,describing their forms and characters and comparing them to human deeds1 he showed the properties of each4 ,he dared to liken the forms of gods to those of men4 ,hephaestus prepared ,achilles' shield2 he sculptured in gold1 land1 sky1 sea1 the greatness of the ,sun and the beauty of the ,moon and the host of the stars crowning all4 ,he placed on it cities in different states and fortunes1 and animals moving and speaking4 ,who has more skill than the artificer of such an art8 ,let us see in another example out of many how poems resemble more those things that are seen than those that are heard4 ,as for example1 in the passage where he tells of the wound of ,odysseus1 he introduces what ,eurychleias did 7,o4 xix4 #dfh73-- ,now the old woman took the scarred limb and passed her hand down it1 and knew it by the touch and let the foot drop suddenly1 so that the knees fell into the bath1 and the vessel broke1 being turned over on the other side1 and that water was spilled on the ground4 ,then grief and joy came on her in one moment1 and her eyes filled with tears1 and the voice of her utterance was stayed1 and touching the chin of ,odysseus1 she spake to him saying1 ,yea1 verily1 thou art ,odysseus1 my dear child1 and ,i knew thee not before till ,i had handled all the body of my lord4 ,therewithal she looked toward ,penelope1 as minded to make a sign and the rest4 ,for here more things are shown than can be in a picture and those can be weighed by the eyes4 ,they are not to be taken in by the eyes1 but by the intelligence alone3 such as the letting go of the foot through emotion1 the sound of the tears1 the spilt water and the grief1 and at the same time the joy of the old women1 her words to ,odysseus1 and what she is about to say as she looks toward ,penelope4 ,many other things are graphically revealed in the poet which come out when he is read4 ,it is time to close a work which we have woven1 like a crown from a beflowered and variegated field1 and which we offer to ,muses4 ,and we1 we shall not lay it to the heart if any one censures us1 because the ,homeric poems contain the basis of evil things1 if we ascribe to him various political1 ethical1 and scientific discussions4 ,since good things are by themselves simple1 straightforward1 and unprepared2 but what is mixed with evil has many different modes and all kinds of combinations1 from which the substance of the matter is derived4 ,if evil is added to the others1 the knowledge and choice of the good is made easier4 ,and on the whole a subject of this sort gives occasion to the poet for originating discourse of all kinds1 some belonging to himself1 some proper to the characters he introduces4 ,from this circumstance be gives much profit to his readers4 ,why should we not ascribe to ,homer every excellence8 ,those things that he did not work up1 they who came after him have noticed4 ,and some make use of his verses for divination1 like the oracles of ,god4 ,others setting forward other projects fit to them for our use what he has said by changing or transposing it4 ,,end ,,of ,,twelve-------------- ,,the ,,banquet ,,of ,,the ,,seven ,,wise ,,men4 ,,the ,,seven1--,,solon1 ,,dias1 ,,thales1 ,,anacharsis1 ,,cleobulus1 ,,pittacus1 ,,chilo4 ,,niloxenus1 ,,eumetis1 ,,alexidemus ,,periander1 ,,ardalus1 ,,aesop1 ,,cleodemus1 ,,mnesiphilus1 ,,chersias1 ,,gorgias1 ,,diocles4 ,,diocles ,,to ,,nicarchus ,no wonder1 my friend ,nicarchus1 to find old truths so disguised1 and the words and actions of men so grossly and misrepresented and lamely delivered1 seeing people are so disposed to give ear and credit to fictions of yesterday's standing4 ,for there were not merely seven present at that feast1 as you were informed2 there were more than double the number4 ,i was there myself in person familiarly acquainted with ,periander 7my art had gained me his acquaintance72 and ,thales boarded at my house1 at the request and upon the recommendation of ,periander4 ,whoever then gave you that account of our feast did it very inadequately2 it is plain he did it upon hearsay and that he was not there among us4 ,now1 that we are together and at leisure1 and possibly we may not live to find an opportunity so convenient another time1 ,i will 7as you wish it7 give you a faithful account of the whole proceedings at that meeting4 ,periander had prepared a dinner for us1 not in the town1 but in a dining-hall which stands close to the temple of ,venus1 to whom there was a sacrifice that day4 ,for having neglected the duty ever since his mother died for love1 he was resolved now to atone for the omission1 being warned so to do by the dreams of ,melissa4 ,in order thereunto1 there was provided a rich chariot for every one of the guests4 ,it was summer-time1 and every part of the way quite to the seaside was hardly passable1 by reason of throngs of people and whole clouds of dust4 ,as soon as ,thales espied the chariot waiting at the door1 he smilingly discharged it1 and we walked through the fields to avoid the press and noise4 ,there was in our company a third person1 ,niloxenus a ,naucratian1 an eminent man1 who was very intimately acquainted with ,solon and ,thales in ,egypt2 he had a message to deliver to ,bias1 and a letter sealed1 the contents whereof he knew not2 only he guessed it contained a second question to be resolved by ,bias1 and in case ,bias undertook not to answer it1 he had in commission to impart it to the wisest men in ,greece4 ,what a fortune is this 7quoth ,niloxenus7 to find you all together6 ,this paper 7showing it us7 ,i am bringing to the banquet4 ,thales replied1 after his wonted smiling way1 ,if it contains any hard question1 away with it to ,priene4 ,bias will resolve it with the same readiness he did your former problem4 ,what problem was that8 quoth he4 ,why1 saith ,thales1 a certain person sent him a beast for sacrifice with this command1 that he should return him that part of his flesh which was best and worst2 our philosopher very gravely and wisely pulled out the tongue of the beast1 and sent it to the donor2--which single act procured him the name and reputation of a very wise man4 ,it was not this act alone that advanced him in the estimation of the world1 quoth ,niloxenus2 but he joyfully embraces what you so carefully shun1 the acquaintance and friendship of kings and great men2 and whereas he honors you for divers great accomplishments1 he particularly admires you for this invention1 that with little labor and no help of any mathematical instrument you took so truly the height of one of the pyramids2 for fixing your staff erect at the point of the shadow which the pyramid cast1 two triangles being thus made by the tangent rays of the sun1 you demonstrated that what proportion one shadow had to the other1 such the pyramid bore to the stick4 ,but1 as ,i said1 you are accused of being a hater of kings1 and certain false friends of yours have presented ,amasis with a paper of yours stuffed with sentences reproachful to majesty2 as for instance1 being at a certain time asked by ,molpagoras the ,ionian1 what the most absurd thing was you had observed in your notice1 you replied1 ,an old king4 ,another time1 in a dispute that happened in your company about the nature of beasts1 you affirmed that of wild beasts1 a king1 of tame1 a flatterer1 was the worst4 ,such apothegms must needs be unacceptable to kings1 who pretend there is vast difference between them and tyrants4 ,this was ,pittacus's reply to ,myrsilus1 and it was spoken in jest1 quoth ,thales2 nor was it an old king ,i said ,i should marvel at1 but an old pilot4 ,in this mistake however1 ,i am much of the youth's mind who1 throwing a stone at a dog1 hit his stepmother1 adding1 ,not so bad4 ,i therefore esteemed ,solon a very wise and good man1 when ,i understood he refused empire2 and if ,pittacus had not taken upon himself a monarchy1 he had never exclaimed1 ,o ye gods6 how hard a matter it is to be good6 ,and ,periander1 however he seems to be sick of his father's disease1 is yet to be commended that he gives ear to wholesome discourses and converses only with wise and good men1 rejecting the advice of ,thrasybulus my countryman who would have persuaded him to chop off the heads of the leading men4 ,for a prince that chooses rather to govern slaves than freemen is like a foolish farmer1 who throws his wheat and barley in the streets1 to fill his barns with swarms of locusts and whole cages of birds4 ,for government has one good thing to make amends for its many evils1 namely1 honor and glory1 provided one rules good men as being better than they and great men because greater than they4 ,but he that having ascended the throne minds only his own interest and ease1 is fitter to tend sheep or to drive horses or to feed cattle than to govern men4 ,but this stranger 7continues he7 has engaged us in a deal of impertinent chat1 for we have omitted to speak or offer any discourse suitable to the occasion and end of our meeting2 for doubtless it becomes the guest as well as the host1 to make preparation beforehand4 ,it is reported that the ,sybarites used to invite their neighbors' wives a whole twelve-month before to their entertainments1 that they might have convenient time to trim and adorn themselves2 for my part1 ,i am of opinion1 that he who would feast as he should ought to allow himself more time for preparation than they1 it being a more difficult matter to compose the mind into an agreeable temper than to fit one's clothes for the outward ornament of the body4 ,for a prudent man comes not hither only to fill his belly1 as if he were to fill a bottle1 but to be sometimes grave and serious1 sometimes pleasant1 sometimes to listen to others1 and sometimes to speak himself what may benefit or divert the company1 if the meeting is intended for any good use or purpose4 ,for if the victuals be not good1 men may let them alone1 or if the wine be bad1 men may use water2 but for a weak-brained1 impertinent1 unmannerly1 shallow fellow-commoner there is no cure2 he mars all the mirth and music1 and spoils the best entertainment in the world4 ,and it will be no easy business to lay aside a sullen temper2 since we find divers men1 angered in their debauches1 have yet remembered the provocation to their dying day1 the spite remaining like a surfeit arising from wrong done or an insult received in drinking4 ,wherefore ,chilo did very well and wisely2 for when he invited yesterday1 he would not promise to come till he had a particular given him of all their names who were to meet him4 ,for1 quoth he1 if my business calls me to sea or ,i am pressed to serve my prince in his wars1 there is a necessity upon me to rest contented with whatever company ,i fall into1 though never so unsuitable to my quality or disagreeable to my nature and humor2 but voluntarily and needlessly to associate myself with any riffraff rabble would ill become any man pretending to but common discretion4 ,the ,egyptian skeleton which they brought into their feasts and exposed to the view of their guests1 with this advice1 that they should not in their merriment forget they would shortly be themselves such as that was1--though it was a sight not so acceptable 7as may be supposed71--had yet this conveniency and use1 to incite the spectators not to luxury and drunkenness but to mutual love and friendship1 persuading them not to protract a life in itself short and uncertain by a tedious course of wickedness4 ,in discourses of this kind we spent our time by the way1 and were now come to the house4 ,here ,thales would not be washed1 for he had but a while before anointed himself2 wherefore he took a round to view the horse-race and the wrestling-place1 and the grove upon the water-side1 which was neatly trimmed and beautified by ,periander2 this he did1 not so much to satisfy his own curiosity 7for he seldom or never admired anything he saw71 but that he might not disoblige ,periander or seem to overlook or despise the glory and magnificence of our host4 ,of the rest every one1 after he had anointed and washed himself1 the servants introduced into a particular room1 purposely fitted and prepared for the men2 they were guided thither through a porch1 in which ,anacharsis sat1 and there was a certain young lady with him combing his hair4 ,this lady stepping forward to welcome ,thales1 he kissed her most courteously1 and smiling said3 ,madam1 make our host fair and pleasant1 so that1 being 7as he is7 the mildest man in the world1 he may not be fearful and terrible for us to look on4 ,when ,i was curious to inquire who this lady was1 he said1 ,do you not yet know the wise and famous ,eumetis8 for so her father calls her1 though others call her after her father's name ,cleobulina4 ,doubtless1 saith ,niloxenus1 they call her by this name to commend her judgment and wit1 and her reach into the more abstruse and recondite part of learning2 for ,i have myself in ,egypt seen and read some problems first started and discussed by her4 ,not so1 saith ,thales1 for she plays with these as with cockal-bones1 and deals boldly with all she meets2 she is a person of an admirable understanding1 of a shrewd capacious mind1 of a very obliging conversation1 and one that prevails upon her father to govern his subjects with the greatest mildness4 ,how democratic she is appears1 saith ,niloxenus1 plainly to any that observes her simple innocent garb4 ,but pray1 continues he1 wherefore is it that she shows such affection to ,anacharsis8 ,because1 replied ,thales1 he is a temperate and learned man1 who fully and freely makes known to her those mysterious ways of dieting and physicing the sick which are now in use among the ,scythians2 and ,i doubt not she now coaxes and courts the old gentleman at the rate you see1 taking this opportunity to discourse with him and learn something of him4 ,as we were come near the dining-room1 ,alexidemus the ,milesian1 a bastard son of ,thrasybulus the ,tyrant1 met us4 ,he seemed to be disturbed1 and in an angry tone muttered to himself some words which we could not distinctly hear2 but espying ,thales1 and recovering himself out of his disorder1 he complained how ,periander had put an insufferable affront upon him4 ,he would not permit me1 saith he1 to go to sea1 though ,i earnestly importuned him1 but he would press me to dine with him4 ,and when ,i came as invited1 he assigned me a seat unbecoming my person and character1 ,aeolians and islanders and others of inferior rank being placed above me2 whence it is easy to infer how meanly he thinks of my father1 and it is undeniable how this affront put upon me rebounds disgracefully in my parent's face4 ,say you so8 quoth ,thales1 are you afraid lest the place lessen or diminish your honor and worth1 as the ,egyptians commonly hold the stars are magnified or lessened according to their higher or lower place and position8 ,and are you more foolish than that ,spartan who1 when the prefect of the music had appointed him to sit in the lowest seat in the choir1 replied1 ,this is prudently done1 for this is the ready way to bring this seat into repute and esteem8 ,it is a frivolous consideration1 where or below whom we sit2 and it is a wiser part to adapt ourselves to the judgment and humor of our right and left hand man and the rest of the company1 that we may approve ourselves worthy of their friendship1 when they find we take no pet at our host1 but are rather pleased to be placed near such good company4 ,and whosoever is disturbed upon the account of his place seems to be more angry with his neighbor than with his host1 but certainly is very troublesome and nauseous to both4 ,these are fine words1 and no more1 quoth ,alexidemus1 for ,i observe you1 the wisest of men1 as ambitious as other men2 and having said thus1 he passed by us doggedly and trooped off4 ,thales1 seeing us admiring the insolence of the man1 declared he was a fellow naturally of a blockish1 stupid disposition2 for when he was a boy1 he took a parcel of rich perfume that was presented to ,thrasybulus and poured it into a large bowl and mixing it with a quantity of wine1 drank it off and was ever hated for it4 ,as ,thales was talking after this fashion1 in comes a servant and tells us it was ,periander's pleasure we would come in and inform him what we thought of a certain creature brought into his presence that instant1 whether it were so born by chance or were a monster and omen2--himself seeming mightily affected and concerned1 for he judged his sacrifice polluted by it4 ,at the same time he walked before us into a certain house adjoining to his garden-wall1 where we found a young beardless shepherd1 tolerably handsome1 who having opened a leathern bag produced and showed us a child born 7as he averred7 of a mare4 ,his upper parts as far as his neck and his hands1 was of human shape1 and the rest of his body resembled a perfect horse2 his cry was like that of a child newly born4 ,as soon as ,niloxenus saw it1 he cried out4 ,the gods deliver us2 and away he fled as one sadly affrighted4 ,but ,thales eyed the shepherd a considerable while1 and then smiling 7for it was his way to jeer me perpetually about my art7 says he1 ,i doubt not1 ,diocles1 but you have been all this time seeking for some expiatory sacrifice1 and meaning to call to your aid those gods whose province and work it is to avert evils from men1 as if some greet and grievous thing had happened4 ,why not8 quoth ,i1 for undoubtedly this prodigy portends sedition and war1 and ,i fear the dire portents thereof may extend to myself1 my wife1 and my children1 and prove all our ruin2 since1 before ,i have atoned for my former fault1 the goddess gives us this second evidence and proof of her displeasure4 ,thales replied never a word1 but laughing went out of the house4 ,periander1 meeting him at the door1 inquired what we thought of that creature2 he dismissed me1 and taking ,periander by the hand1 said1 ,whatsoever ,diocles shall persuade you to do1 do it at your best leisure2 but ,i advise you either not to have such youthful men to keep your mares1 or to give them leave to marry4 ,when ,periander heard him out1 he seemed infinitely pleased1 for he laughed outright1 and hugging ,thales in his arms he kissed him2 then saith he1 ,o ,diocles1 ,i am apt to think the worst is over1 and what this prodigy portended is now at an end2 for do you not apprehend what a loss we have sustained in the want of ,alexidemus's good company at supper8 ,when we entered into the house1 ,thales raising his voice inquired where it was his worship refused to be placed2 which being shown him1 he sat himself in that very place1 and prayed us to sit down by him1 and said1 ,i would gladly give any money to have an opportunity to sit and eat with ,ardalus4 ,this ,ardalus was a ,troezenian by birth1 by profession a minstrel1 and a priest of the ,ardalian ,muses1 whose temple old ,ardalus had founded and dedicated4 ,here ,aesop1 who was sent from ,croesus to visit ,periander1 and withal to consult the oracle at ,delphi1 sitting by and beneath ,solon upon a low stool1 told the company this fable3 ,a ,lydian mule1 viewing his own picture in a river1 and admiring the bigness and beauty of his body1 raises his crest2 he waxes proud1 resolving to imitate the horse in his gait and running2 but presently1 recollecting his extraction1 how that his father was but an ass at best1 he stops his career and cheeks his own haughtiness and bravery4 ,chilo replied1 after his short concise way1 ,you are slow and yet try to run1 in imitation of your mule4 ,amidst these discourses in comes ,melissa and sits her down by ,periander2 ,eumetis followed and came in as we were at supper2 then ,thales calls to me 7,i sat me down above ,bias71 ,why do you not make ,bias acquainted with the problems sent him from the ,king by ,niloxenus this second time1 that he may soberly and warily weigh them8 ,bias answered1 ,i have been already scared with that news4 ,i have known that ,bacchus is otherwise a powerful deity1 and for his wisdom is termed ,greek omitted that is1 ,,the ,,interpreter2 therefore ,i shall undertake it when my belly is full of wine4 ,thus they jested and reparteed and played one upon another all the while they sat at table4 ,observing the unwonted frugality of ,periander at this time1 ,i considered with myself that the entertainment of wise and good men is a piece of good husbandry1 and that so far from enhancing a man's expenses in truth it serves to save charge1 the charge 7to wit7 of costly foreign unguents and junkets1 and the waste of the richest wines1 which ,periander's state and greatness required him every day in his ordinary treats to expend4 ,such costly provisions were useless here1 and ,periander's wisdom appeared in his frugality4 ,moreover1 his lady had laid aside her richer habit1 and appeared in an ordinary1 but a very becoming dress4 ,supper now ended1 and ,melissa having distributed the garlands1 we offered sacrifice2 and when the minstrel had played us a tune or two1 she withdrew4 ,then ,ardalus inquired of ,anacharsis1 if there were women fiddlers at ,scythia4 ,he suddenly and smartly replied1 ,there are no vines there4 ,ardalus asked a second question1 whether the ,scythians had any gods among them4 ,yes1 quoth ,anacharsis1 and they understand what men say to them2 nor are the ,scythians of the ,grecian opinion 7however these last may be the better orators71 that the gods are better pleased with the sounds of flutes and pipes than with the voice of men4 ,my friend1 saith ,aesop1 what would you say if you saw our present pipe-makers throw away the bones of fawns and hind-calves1 to use those of asses1 affirming they yield the sweeter and more melodious sound8 ,whereupon ,cleobulina made one of her riddles about the ,phrygian flute1444 in regard to the sound1 and wondered that an ass1 a gross animal and so alien from music should yet supply bones so fit for harmony4 ,therefore it is doubtless1 quoth ,niloxenus1 that the people of ,busiris blame us ,naucratians for using pipes made of asses' bones it being an insufferable crime in an of them to listen to the flute or cornet1 the sound thereof being 7as they esteem it7 so like the braying of an ass2 and you know an ass is hateful to the ,egyptians on account of ,typhon4 ,there happening here a short silence1 ,periander1 observing ,niloxenus willing but not daring to speak1 said3 ,i cannot but commend the civility of those magistrates who give audience first to strangers and afterwards to their own citizens2 wherefore ,i judge it convenient that we inhabitants and neighbors should proceed no farther at present in our discourse1 and that now attention be given to those royal propositions sent us from ,egypt1 which the worthy ,niloxenus is commissioned to deliver to ,bias1 who wishes that he and we may scan and examine them together4 ,and ,bias said3 ,for where or in what company would a man more joyfully adventure to give his opinion than here in this8 ,and since it is his ,majesty's pleasure that ,i should give my judgment first1 in obedience to his commands ,i will do so1 and afterwards they shall come to every one of you in order4 ,then ,niloxenus delivered the paper to ,bias1 who broke up the seal and commanded it to be read in all their hearing4 ,the contents were these3 ,amasis the king of ,egypt1 to ,bias1 the wisest of the ,grecians1 greeting4 ,there is a contest between my brother of ,ethiopia and myself about wisdom2 and being baffled in divers other particulars1 he now demands of me a thing absurd and impracticable2 for he requires me to drink up the ocean dry4 ,if ,i be able to read this his riddle1 divers cities and towns now in his possession are to be annexed to my kingdom2 but if ,i cannot resolve this hard sentence1 and give him the right meaning thereof1 he requires of me my right to all the towns bordering upon ,elephantina4 ,consider with speed the premises1 and let me receive your thoughts by ,niloxenus4 ,pray lose no time4 ,if in anything ,i can be serviceable to your city or friends1 you may command me4 ,farewell4 ,bias1 having perused and for a little time meditated upon the letter1 and whispering ,cleobulus in the ear 7he sat by him71 exclaimed3 ,what a narration is here1 ,o ,niloxenus6 ,will ,amasis1 who governs so many men and is seized of so many flourishing territories1 drink up the ocean for the gain of a few paltry1 beggarly villages8 ,niloxenus replied with a smile3 ,consider1 good sir1 what is to be done1 if he will obey4 ,why then1 said ,bias1 let ,amasis require the ,ethopian king to stop the stream which from all parts flow and empty themselves in the ocean1 until he have drunk out the whole remainder2 for ,i conceive he means the present waters1 not those which shall flow into it hereafter4 ,niloxenus was so overjoyed at this answer1 that he could not contain himself4 ,he hugged and kissed the author1 and the whole company liked his opinion admirably well2 and ,chilo laughing desired ,niloxenus to get aboard immediately before the sea was consumed1 and tell his master he should mind more how to render his government sweet and potable to his people1 than how to swallow such a quantity of salt water4 ,for ,bias1 he told him1 understands these things very well1 and knows how to oblige your lord with very useful instructions1 which if he vouchsafe to attend1 he shall no more need a golden basin to wash his feet1 to gain respect from his subjects2 all will love and honor him for his virtue1 though he were ten thousand times more hateful to them than he is4 ,it were well and worthily done1 quoth ,periander1 if all of us did pay him our first-fruits in this kind by the poll 7as ,homer said74 ,such a course would bring him an accession of profit greater than the whole proceeds of the voyage1 besides being of great use to ourselves4 ,to this point it is fit that ,solon should first speak1 quoth ,chilo1 not only because he is the eldest in the company and therefore sits uppermost at table1 but because he governs and gives laws to the amplest and most complete and flourishing republic in the world1 that of ,athens4 ,here ,niloxenus whispered me in the ear3 ,o ,diocles1 saith he1 how many reports fly about and are believed1 and how some men delight in lies which they either feign of their own heads or most greedily swallow from the mouths of others4 ,in ,egypt ,i heard it reported how ,chilo had renounced all friendship and correspondence with ,solon1 because he maintained the mutability of laws4 ,a ridiculous fiction1 quoth ,i1 for then he and we must have renounced ,lycurgus1 who changed the laws and indeed the whole government of ,sparta4 ,solon1 pausing awhile1 gave his opinion in these words4 ,i conceive that monarch1 whether king or tyrant1 were infinitely to be commanded1 who would exchange his monarchy for a commonwealth4 ,bias subjoined1 ,and who would be first and foremost in conforming to the laws of his country4 ,thales added1 ,i reckon that prince happy1 who1 being old1 dies in his bed a natural death4 ,fourthly1 ,anacharsis1 ,if he alone be a wise man4 ,fifthly1 ,cleobulus said1 ,if he trust none of his courtiers4 ,sixthly1 ,pittacus spake thus1 ,if he could so treat his subjects that they feared not him but for him4 ,lastly1 ,chilo concluded thus1 ,a magistrate ought to meditate no mortal thing but everything immortal4 ,when all had given in their judgments upon this point1 we requested ,periander to let us know his thoughts4 ,disorder and discontent appearing in his countenance1 he said1 ,these opinions are enough to scare any wise man from affecting1 empire4 ,these things1 saith ,aesop after his reproving way1 ought rather to have been discussed privately among ourselves1 lest we be accounted antimonarchical while we desire to be esteemed friends and loyal counsellors4 ,solon1 gently touching him on the head and smiling1 answered3 ,do you not perceive that any one would make a king more moderate and a tyrant more favorable1 who should persuade him that it is better not to reign than to reign8 ,who would believe you before the oracle delivered unto you1 quoth ,aesop which pronounced that city happy that heard but one crier4 ,yes1 quoth ,solon1 and ,athens1 now a commonwealth1 hath but one crier and one magistrate1 the law1 though the government be democratical2 but you1 my friend1 have been so accustomed to the croaking of ravens and the prating of jays1 that you do not hear clearly your own voice4 ,for you maintain it to be the happiness of a city to be under the command of one man1 and yet account it the merit of a feast if liberty is allowed every man to speak his mind freely upon what subject he pleases4 ,but you have not prohibited your servants' drunkenness at ,athens1 ,aesop said1 as you have forbidden them to love or to use dry ointments4 ,solon laughed at this2 but ,cleodorus the physician said3 ,to use dry ointment is like talking when a man is soaked with wine2 both are very pleasant4 ,therefore1 saith ,chilo1 men ought the more carefully to avoid it4 ,aesop proceeds1 ,thales seemed to imply that he should soon grow old4 ,periander said laughing3 ,we suffer deservedly1 for1 before we have perfected any remarks upon the letter1 we are fallen upon disputes foreign to the matter under consideration2 and therefore ,i pray1 ,niloxenus1 read out the remainder of your lord's letter1 and slip not this opportunity to receive what satisfaction all that are present shall be able to give you4 ,the command of the king of ,ethiopia1 says ,niloxenus1 is no more and no less than 7to use ,archilochus's phrase7 a broken scytale2 that is1 the meaning is inscrutable and cannot be found out4 ,but your master ,amasis was more mild and polite in his queries2 for he commanded him only to resolve him what was most ancient1 most beautiful1 greatest1 wisest1 most common1 and withal1 what was most profitable1 most pernicious1 most strong1 and most easy4 ,did he resolve and answer every one of these questions8 ,he did1 quoth ,niloxenus1 and do you judge of his answers and the soundness thereof3 and it is my ,prince's purpose not to misrepresent his responses and condemn unjustly what he saith well1 so1 where he finds him under a mistake1 not to suffer that to pass without correction4 ,his answers to the foresaid questions ,i will read to you4--,what is most ancient8 ,time4 ,what is greatest8 ,the ,world4 ,what is wisest8 ,truth4 ,what is most beautiful8 ,the light4 ,what is most common8 ,death4 ,what is most profitable8 ,god4 ,what is most ,pernicious8 ,an evil genius4 ,what is strongest8 ,fortune4 ,what is most easy8 ,that which is pleasant4 ,when ,niloxenus had read out these answers1 there was a short silence among them2 by and by ,thales desires ,niloxenus to inform him if ,amasis approved of these answers4 ,niloxenus said1 he liked some and disliked others4 ,there is not one of them right and sound1 quoth ,thales1 but all are full of wretched folly and ignorance4 ,as for instance1 how can that be most ancient whereof part is past1 part is now present1 and part is yet to come2 every man knows it is younger than ourselves and our actions4 ,as to his answer that truth is the most wise thing1 it is as incongruous as if he had affirmed the light to be an eye if he judged the light to be the most beautiful how could he omit the sun2 as to his solutions concerning the gods and evil genuises1 they are full of presumption and peril4 ,what he saith of ,fortune is void of sense1 for her inconstancy and fickleness proceed from want of strength and power4 ,nor is death the most common thing2 the living are still at liberty1 it hath not arrested them4 ,but lest we be blamed as having a faculty to find fault only1 we will lay down our opinions of these things1 and compare them with those of the ,ethiopian2 ,i offer my self first1 if ,niloxenus pleases1 to deliver my opinion on every one singly and ,i will relate both questions and answers in that method and order in which they were sent to ,ethiopia and read to us4 ,what is most ancient ,thales answered1 ,god1 for he had no beginning4 ,what is greatest8 ,place2 the ,world contains all other things1 this surrounds and contains the world4 ,what is most beautiful8 ,the world2 for whatever is framed artificially and methodically is a part of it4 ,what is most wise8 ,time2 for it has found out some things already1 it will find out the rest in due time4 ,what is most common ,hope2 for they that want other things are masters of this4 ,what is most profitable8 ,virtue2 for by a right managery of other things she makes them all beneficial and advantageous4 ,what is most pernicious8 ,vice2 for it depraves the best things we enjoy4 ,what is most strong8 ,necessity2 for this alone is insuperable4 ,what is most easy8 ,that which is most agreeable to nature2 for pleasures themselves are sometimes tedious and nauseating4 ,all the consult approved of ,thale's solutions4 ,cleodemus said3 ,my friend ,niloxenus1 it becomes kings to propound and resolve such questions2 but the insolence of that barbarian who would have ,amasis drink the sea would have been better fitted by such a smart reprimand as ,pittacus gave ,alyattes1 who sent an imperious letter to the ,lesbians4 ,he made him no other answer1 but to bid him spend his time in eating his hot bread and onions4 ,periander1 here assumed the discourse1 and said3 ,it was the manner of the ancient ,grecians heretofore1 ,o ,cleodemus1 to propound doubts to one another2 and it hath been told us1 that the most famous and eminent poets used to meet at the grave of ,amphidamas in ,chalcis4 ,this ,amphidamas was a leading commander1 one that had perpetual wars with the ,eretrians1 and at last lost his life in one of the battles fought for the possession of the ,lelantine plain4 ,now1 because the writings of those poets were set to verse and so made the argument more knotty and the decision more arduous1 and the great names of the antagonists1 ,homer and ,hesiod1 whose excellence was so well known1 made the umpires timorous and shy to determine2 they therefore betook themselves to these sorts of questions1 and ,homer1 says ,lesches1 propounded this riddle3-- ,tell me1 ,o ,muse1 what never was ,and never yet shall be4 ,hesiod answered readily and extempore in this wise3-- ,when steeds with echoing hoof1 to win ,the prize1 shall run amain2 ,and on the tomb of lofty ,jove ,their chariots break in twain4 ,for this reply he was infinitely commended and got the tripod4 ,pray tell me1 quoth ,cleodemus1 what difference there is between these riddles and those of ,eumetis1 which she frames and invents to recreate herself with as much pleasure as other virgins make nets and girdles8 ,they may be fit to offer and puzzle women withal2 but for men to beat their brains to find out their mystery would be mighty ridiculous4 ,eumetis looked like one that had a great mind to reply2 but her modesty would not permit her1 for her face was filled with blushes4 ,but ,aesop in her vindication asked3 ,is it not much more ridiculous that all present cannot resolve the riddle she propounded to us before supper8 ,this was as follows3-- ,a man ,i saw1 who by his fire ,did set a piece of brass ,fast to a man1 so that it seemed ,to him it welded was4 ,can you tell me1 said he1 how to construe this1 and what the sense of it may be8 ,no1 said ,cleodemus1 it is no profit to know what it means4 ,and yet1 quoth ,aesop1 no man understands this thing better and practises it more judiciously and successfully than yourself4 ,if you deny it1 ,i have my witnesses ready2 for there are your cupping-glasses4 ,cleodemus laughed outright2 for of all the physicians in his time1 none used cupping-glasses like him1 he being a person that by his frequent and fortunate application thereof brought them first into request in the world4 ,mnesiphilus the ,athenian1 a friend and favorite of ,solon's1 said3 ,o ,periander1 our discourse1 as our wine1 ought to be distributed not according to our power or priority1 but freely and equally1 as in a popular state2 for what hath been already discoursed concerning kingdoms and empires signifies little to us who live in a democracy4 ,wherefore ,i judge it convenient that every one of you1 commencing with ,solon1 should freely and impartially declare his sense of a popular state4 ,the motion pleased all the company2 then saith ,solon3 ,my friend ,mnesiphilus1 you heard1 together with the rest of this good company1 my opinion concerning republics2 but since you are willing to hear it again1 ,i hold that city or state happy and most likely to remain free1 in which those that are not personally injured are yet as forward to try and punish wrongdoers as that person who is wronged4 ,bias added1 ,where all fear the law as they fear a tyrant4 ,thirdly1 ,thales said1 ,where the citizens are neither too rich nor too poor4 ,fourthly1 ,anacharsis said1 ,where1 though in all other respects they are equal1 yet virtuous men are advanced and vicious persons degraded4 ,fifthly1 ,cleobulus said1 ,where the rulers fear reproof and shame more than the law4 ,sixthly1 ,pittacus said1 ,where evil men are kept from ruling1 and good men from not ruling4 ,chilo1 pausing a little while1 determined that the best and most enduring state was where the subject minded the law most and the lawyers least4 ,periander concluded with his opinion1 that all of them would best approve that democracy which came next and was likest to an aristocracy4 ,after they had ended this discourse1 ,i begged they would condescend to direct me how to govern a house2 for they were few who had cities and kingdoms to govern1 compared with those who had houses and families to manage4 ,aesop laughed and said3 ,i hope you except ,anacharsis out of your number2 for having no house he glories because he can be contented with a chariot only1 as they say the sun is whirled about from one end of the heavens to the other in his chariot4 ,therefore1 saith ,anacharsis1 he alone1 or he principally1 is most free among the gods1 and ever at his own liberty and dispose4 ,he governs all1 and is governed and subject to none1 but he rides and reigns2 and you know not how magnificent and broad his chariot is2 if you did1 you would not thus floutingly depreciate our ,scythian chariots4 ,for you seem in my apprehension to call these coverings made of wood and mud houses1 as if you should call the shell and not the living creature a snail4 ,therefore you laughed when ,solon told you how1 when he viewed ,croesus's palace and found it richly and gloriously furnished1 he yet could not yield he lived happily until he had tried the inward and invisible state of his mind2 for a man's felicity consists not in the outward and visible favors and blessings of fortune1 but in the inward and unseen perfections and riches of the mind4 ,and you seem to have forgot your own fable of the fox1 who1 contending with the leopard as to which possessed more colors and spots1 and having referred the matter in controversy to the arbitration of an umpire1 desired him to consider not so much the outside as the inside2 for1 saith he1 ,i have more various and different fetches and tricks in my mind than he has marks or spots in his body4 ,you regard only the handiwork of carpenters and masons and stone-cutters1 and call this a house2 not what one hath within1 his children1 his wife1 his friends and attendants1 with whom if a man lived in an emmet's bed or a bird's nest1 enjoying in common the ordinary comforts of life1 this man may be affirmed to live a happy and a fortunate life4 ,this is the answer ,i purpose to return ,aesop1 quoth ,anacharsis1 and ,i tender it to ,diocles as my share in this discourse2 only let the rest give in their opinions1 if they please4 ,solon thought that house most happy where the estate was got without injustice1 kept without distrust1 and spent without repentance4 ,bias said1 ,that house is happy where the master does freely and voluntarily what the law would else compel him to do4 ,thales held that house most happy where the master had most leisure and respite from business4 ,cleobulus said1 ,that in which the master is more beloved than feared4 ,pittacus said1 most that is happy where superfluities are not required and necessaries are not wanting4 ,chilo added1 that house is most happy where one rules as a monarch in his kingdom4 ,and he proceeded1 when a certain ,lacedaemonian desired ,lycurgus to establish a democracy in the city4 ,go you1 friend1 replied he1 and try the experiment first in your own house4 ,when they had all given in their opinions upon this point1 ,eumetis and ,melissa withdrew4 ,then ,periander called for a large bowl full of wine1 and drank to ,chilo2 and ,chilo too drank to ,bias4 ,ardalus then standing up called to ,aesop1 and said3 ,will you not hand the cup to your friends at this end of the table1 when you behold those persons there swilling up all that good liquor1 and imparting none to us here as if the cup were that of ,bathycles4 ,but this cup1 quoth ,aesop1 is no public cup1 it hath stood so long by ,solon's trenchard4 ,then ,pittacus called to ,mnesiphilus3 ,why1 saith he1 does not ,solon drink1 but act in contradiction to his own verses8-- ,i love that ruby god1 whose blessings flow ,in tides1 to recreate my thirsty maw2 ,venus ,i court1 the ,muses ,i adore1 ,who give us wine and pleasures evermore4 ,anacharsis subjoined3 ,he fears your severe law1 my friend ,pittacus1 wherein you decreed the drunkard a double punishment4 ,you seem1 said ,pittacus1 a little to fear the penalty1 who have adventured heretofore1 and now again before my face1 to break that law and to demand a crown for the reward of your debauch4 ,why not1 quoth ,anacharsis1 when there is a reward promised to the hardest drinker8 ,why should ,i not demand my reward1 having drunk down all my fellows8--or inform me of any other end men drive at in drinking much wine1 but to be drunk4 ,pittacus laughed at this reply1 and ,aesop told them this fable3 ,the wolf seeing a parcel of shepherds in their booth feeding upon a lamb1 approaching near them1--,what a bustle and noise and uproar would there have been1 saith he1 if ,i had but done what you do6 ,chilo said3 ,aesop hath very justly revenged himself upon us1 who awhile ago stopped his mouth2 now he observes how we prevented ,mnesiphilus's discourse1 when the question was put why ,solon did not drink up his wine4 ,mnesiphilus then spake to this effect3 ,i know this to be the opinion of ,solon1 that in every art and faculty1 divine and human1 the work which is done is more desired than the instrument wherewith it is done1 and the end than the means conducing to that end2 as1 for instance1 a weaver thinks a cloak or coat more properly his work than the ordering of his shuttles or the divers motions of his beams4 ,a smith minds the soldering of his irons and the sharpening of the axe more than those little things accessory to these main matters1 as the kindling of the coals and preparing the stone-dust4 ,yet farther1 a carpenter would justly blame us1 if we should affirm it is not his work to build houses or ships but to bore holes or to make mortar2 and the ,muses would be implacably incensed with him that should say their business is only to make harps1 pipes and such musical instruments1 not the institution and correcting of manners and the government of those men's passions who are lovers of singing and masters of music4 ,and agreeably copulation is not the work of ,venus1 nor is drunkenness that of ,bacchus2 but love and friendship1 affection and familiarity1 which are begot and improved by and the means of these4 ,solon terms these works divine1 and he professes he loves and now prosecutes them in his declining years as vigorously as ever in his youthful days4 ,that mutual love between man and wife is the work of ,venus1 the greatness of the pleasure affecting their bodies mixes and melts their very souls2 divers others1 having little or no acquaintance before1 have yet contracted a firm and lasting friendship over a glass of wine1 which like fire softened and melted their tempers1 and disposed them for a happy union4 ,but in such a company1 and of such men as ,periander hath invited1 there is no need of can and chalice1 but the ,muses themselves throwing a subject of discourse among you1 as it were a sober cup1 wherein is contained much of delight and drollery and seriousness too1 do hereby provoke1 nourish1 and increase friendship among you1 allowing the cup to rest quietly upon the bowl1 contrary to the rule which ,hesiod 7,hesiod1 ,works and ,days1 #gdd47 gives for those who have more skill for carousing than for discoursing4 ,though all the rest with stated rules we bound ,unmix'd1 unmeasured are thy goblets crown'd 7,iliad iv4 #bfa47 for it was the old ,greek way1 as ,homer here tells us1 to drink one to another in course and order4 ,so ,ajax gave a share of his meat to his next neighbor4 ,when ,mnesiphilus had discoursed after this manner1 in comes ,chersias the poet1 whom ,periander had lately pardoned and received into favor upon ,chilo's mediation4 ,saith ,cherias3 ,does not ,jupiter distribute to the gods their proportion and share sparingly and severally1 as ,agamemnon did to his commanders when his guests pledged one another8 ,if1 ,o ,chersias1 quoth ,cleodemus1 as you narrate1 certain pigeons bring him ambrosia every meal1 winging with a world of hardship through the rocks called ,,planctae 7or ,,wandering71 can you blame him for his sparingness and frugality and dealing out to his guests by measure8 ,i am satisfied1 quoth ,chersias1 and since we are fallen upon our old discourse of housekeeping1 which of the company can remember what remains to be said thereof8 ,there remains1 if ,i mistake not1 to show what that measure is which may content any man4 ,cleobulus answered3 ,the law has prescribed a measure for wise men2 but as touching foolish ones ,i will tell you a story ,i once heard my father relate to my brother4 ,on a certain time the moon begged of her mother a coat that would fit her4 ,how can that be done1 quoth the mother1 for sometime you are full1 sometimes the one half of you seems lost and perished1 sometimes only a pair of horns appear4 ,so1 my ,chersias1 to the desires of a foolish immoderate man no certain measure can be fitted2 for according to the ebbing and flowing of his lust and appetite1 and the frequent or seldom casualties that befall him1 accordingly his necessities ebb and flow1 not unlike ,aesop's dog1 who1 being pinched and ready to starve with the cold winter1 was a mind to build himself a house2 but when summer came on1 he lay all along upon the ground1 and stretching himself in the sun thought himself monstrous big1 and thought it unnecessary and besides no small labor to build him a house portionable to that bulk and bigness4 ,and do you not observe1 ,o ,chersias1 continues he1 many poor men1--how one while they pinch their bellies1 upon what short commons they live1 how sparing and niggardly and miserable they are2 and another while you may observe the same men as distrustful and covetous withal1 as if the plenty of the city and county1 the riches of king and kingdom were not sufficient to preserve them from want and beggary4 ,when ,chersias had concluded this discourse1 ,cleodemus began thus3 ,we see you that are wise men possessing these outward goods after an unequal manner4 ,good sweet sir1 answered ,cleobulus1 the law weaver-like hath distributed to every man a fitting1 decent1 adequate portion1 and in your profession your reason does what the law does here1--when you feed1 or diet1 or physic your patient1 you give not the quantity he desires1 but what you judge to be convenient for each in his circumstances4 ,ardalus inquires3 ,epimenides1 to abstain from all other victuals1 and to content himself with a little composition of his own1 which the ,greeks call ,greek omitted 7,,hunger-,,relieving78 ,this he takes into his mouth and chews1 and eats neither dinner nor supper4 ,this instance obliged the whole company to be a little while silent1 until ,thales in a jesting way replied1 that ,epimenides did very wisely1 for hereby he saved the trouble and charge of grinding and boiling his meat1 as ,pittacus did4 ,i myself sojourning as ,lesbos overheard my landlady1 as she was very busy at her hand-mill1 singing as she used to do her work1 ,grind mill2 grind mill2 for even ,pittacus the prince of great ,mitylene1 grinds ,greek footnote ommitted4 ,quoth ,solon3 ,ardalus1 ,i wonder you have not read the law of ,epimenides's frugality in ,hesiod's writings1 who prescribes him and others this spare diet2 for he was the person that gratified ,epimenides with the seeds of this nutriment1 when he directed him to inquire how great benefit a man might receive by mallows and asphodel 7,hesiod1 ,works and ,days1 #da47 ,do you believe1 said ,periander1 that ,hesiod meant this literally2 or rather that1 being himself a great admirer of parsimony1 he hereby intended to exhort men to use mean and spare diet1 as most healthful and pleasant8 ,for the chewing of mallows is very wholesome1 and the stalk of asphodel is very luscious2 but this expeller of hunger and thirst ,i take to be rather physic than natural food1 consisting of honey and ,i know not what barbarian cheese1 and of many and costly drugs fetched from foreign parts4 ,if to make up this composition so many ingredients were requisite1 and so difficult to come by and so expensive1 ,hesiod might have kept his breath to cool his pottage1 and never blessed the world with the discovery4 ,and yet ,i admire how your landlord1 when he went to perform the great purification for the ,delians not long since1 could overlook the monuments and patterns of the first aliment which the people brought into the temple1--and1 among other cheap fruits such as grow of themselves1 the mallows and the asphodel2 the usefulness and innocency whereof ,hesiod seemed in his work to magnify4 ,moreover1 quoth ,anacharsis1 he affirms both plants to be great restoratives4 ,you are in the right1 quoth ,cleodemus2 for it is evident ,hesiod was no ordinary physician1 who could discourse so learnedly and judiciously of diet1 of the nature of wines1 and of the virtue of waters and baths1 and of women1 the proper times for procreation1 and the site and position of infants in the womb2 insomuch1 that 7as ,i take it7 ,aesop deserves much more the name of ,hesiod's scholar and disciple than ,epimenides1 whose great and excellent wisdom the fable of the nightingale and hawk demonstrates4 ,but ,i would gladly hear ,solon's opinion in this matter2 for having sojourned long at ,athens and being familiarly acquainted with ,epimenides1 it is more than probable he might learn of him the grounds upon which he accustomed himself to so spare a diet4 ,to what purpose1 said ,solon1 should ,i trouble him or myself to make inquiry in a matter so plain8 ,for if it be a blessing next to the greatest to need little victuals1 then it is the greatest felicity to need none at all4 ,if ,i may have leave to deliver my opinion1 quoth ,cleodemus1 ,i must profess myself of a different judgment1 especially now we sit at table2 for as soon as the meat is taken away1 what belongs to those gods that are the patrons of friendship and hospitality has been removed4 ,as upon the removal of the earth1 quoth ,thales1 there must needs follow an universal confusion of all things1 so in forbidding men meat1 there must needs follow the dispersion and dissolution of the family1 the sacred fire1 the cups1 the feasts and entertainment's1 which are the principal and most innocent diversions of mankind2 and so all the comforts of society are at end4 ,for to men of business some recreation is necessary1 and the preparation and use of victuals conduces much thereunto4 ,again1 to be without victuals would tend to the destruction of husbandry1 for want whereof the earth would soon be overgrown with weeds1 and through the sloth of men overflowed with waters4 ,and together with this1 all arts would fail which are supported and encouraged hereby2 nay1 more1 take away hospitality and the use of victuals and the worship and honor of the gods will sink and perish2 the sun will have but small and the moon yet smaller reverence if thy afford men only light and heat4 ,and who will build an altar or offer sacrifices to ,jupiter ,pluvius1 or to ,ceres the patroness of husbandmen1 or to ,neptune the preserver of plants and trees8 ,or how can ,bacchus be any longer termed the donor of all good things1 if men make no further use of the good things he gives8 ,what shall men sacrifice8 ,what first-fruits shall they offer8 ,in short1 the subversion and confusion of the greatest blessings attend this opinion4 ,promiscuously and indefatigable to pursue all sorts of pleasures ,i own to be brutish1 and to avoid all with a suitable aversion equally blockish1 let the mind then freely enjoy such pleasures as are agreeable to its nature and temper4 ,but for the body1 there is certainly no pleasure more harmless and commendable and fitting than that which springs from a plentiful table1--which is granted by all men1 for1 placing this in the middle1 men converse with one another and share in the provision4 ,as to the pleasures of the bed1 men use these in the dark1 reputing the use thereof shameful and beastly as well as the total disuse of the pleasures of the table4 ,cleodemus having finished this long harangue1 ,i began to this effect4 ,you omit one thing1 my friend1 how they that decry food decry sleep too1 and they that declaim against sleep declaim against dreams in the same breath1 and so destroy the primitive and ancient way of divination4 ,add to this1 that our whole life will be of one form and fashion1 and our soul enclosed in a body to no purpose2 many and those the principal parts thereof are naturally so formed and fashioned as to be organs of nutriment2 so the tongue1 the teeth1 the stomach1 and the liver1 whereof none are idle1 none framed for other use1 so that whosoever hath no need of nutriment has no need of his body2 that is1 in other words1 no man hath any need of himself1 for every man hath a body of his own4 ,this ,i have thought fit to offer in vindication of our bellies2 if ,solon or any other has anything to object to what ,i have said1 ,i am willing to hear him4 ,yea1 doubtless1 replies ,solon1 or we may be reputed more injudicious than the ,egyptians4 ,for when any person dies among them1 they open him and show him so dissected to the sun2 his guts they throw into the river1 to the remaining parts they allow a decent burial1 for they think the body now pure and clean2 and to speak truly they are the foulest parts of the body1 and like that lower hell crammed with dead carcasses and at the same time flowing with offensive rivers1 such as flame with fire and are disturbed with tempests4 ,no live creature feeds upon another living creature1 but we first take away their lives1 and in that action we do them great wrong4 ,now the very plants have life in them1--that is clear and manifest1 for we perceive they grow and spread4 ,but to abstain from eating flesh 7as they say ,orpheus of old did7 is more a pretence than a real avoiding of an injury proceeding from the just use of meat4 ,one way there is1 and but one way1 whereby a man may avoid offence1 namely by being contented with his own1 not coveting what belongs to his neighbor4 ,but if a man's circumstances be such and so hard that he cannot subsist without wronging another man1 the fault is ,god's1 not his4 ,the case being such with some persons1 ,i would fain learn if it be not advisable to destroy1 at the same time with injustice1 these instruments of injustice1 the belly1 stomach1 and liver1 which have no sense of justice or appetite to honesty1 and therefore may be fitly compared to your cook's implements1 his knives and his caldrons1 or to a baker's chimney and bins and kneading-tubs4 ,verily one may observe the souls of some men confined to their bodies1 as to a house of correction1 barely to do the drudgery and to serve the necessities thereof4 ,it was our own case but even now4 ,while we minded our meat and our bellies1 we had neither eyes to see nor ears to hear2 but now the table is taken away1 we are free to discourse among ourselves and to enjoy one another2 and now our bellies are full1 we have nothing else to do or care for4 ,and if this condition and state wherein we at present are would last our whole life1 we having no wants to fear nor riches to covet 7for a desire of superfluities attends a desire of necessaries71 would not our lives be much more comfortable and life itself much more desirable8 ,yea1 but ,cleodemus stiffly maintains the necessity of eating and drinking1 else we shall need tables and cups1 and shall not be able to offer sacrifice to ,ceres and ,proserpina4 ,by a parity of reason there is a necessity there should be contentions and wars1 that men may have bulwarks and citadels and fortifications by land1 fleets and navies abroad at sea1 and that having slain hundreds1 we may offer ,hecatombs after the ,messenian manner4 ,by this reason we shall find men grudging their own health1 for 7they will say7 there will be no need of down or feather beds unless they are sick2 and so those healing gods1 and particularly ,esculapius1 will be vast sufferers1 for they will infallibly lose so many fat and rich sacrifices yearly4 ,nay1 the art of chirurgery will perish1 and all those ingenious instruments that have been invented for the cure of man will lie by useless and insignificant4 ,and what great difference is there between this and that8 ,for meat is a medicine against hunger1 and such as use a constant diet are said to cure themselves1--,i mean such as use meat not for wantonness but of necessity4 ,for it is plain1 the prejudices we receive by feeding far surmount the pleasures4 ,and the enjoyment of eating fills a very small place in our bodies and very little time4 ,but why should ,i trouble you or myself with a catalogue of the many vexations which attend that man who is necessitated to provide for a family1 and the many difficulties which distract him in his undertaking8 ,for my part1 ,i verily believe ,homer had an eye to this very thing1 when1 to prove the immortality of the gods1 he made use of this very argument1 that they were such because they used no victuals2 ,for not the bread of man their life sustains1 ,nor wine's inflaming juice supplies their veins2 7,iliad1 v4 #cda47 intimating meat to be the cause of death as well as the means of sustaining and supporting life4 ,from hence proceed divers fatal distempers caused much more by fulness than by fasting2 and to digest what we have eaten proves frequently a harder matter than to provide and procure what we eat4 ,and when we solicitously inquire beforehand what we should do or how we should employ ourselves if we had not such care and business to take up our time1 this is as if ,danaus's daughters should trouble their heads to know what they should do if they had no sieves to fill with water4 ,we drudge and toil for necessaries1 for want of better and nobler occupation4 ,as slaves then who have gained their freedom do now and then those drudgeries and discharge those servile employments and offices for their own benefit which they undertook heretofore for their masters' advantage1 so the mind of man1 which at present is enslaved to the body and the service thereof1 when once it becomes free from this slavery1 will take care of itself1 and spend its time in contemplation of truth without distraction or disturbance4 ,such were our discourses upon this head1 ,o ,nicarchus4 ,and before ,solon had fully finished1 in came ,gorgias1 ,periander's brother1 who was just returned from ,taenarum1 whither he had been sent by the advice of the oracle to sacrifice to ,neptune and to conduct a deputation4 ,upon his entrance we welcomed him home2 and ,periander having among the rest saluted him1 ,gorgias sat by him upon a bed1 and privately whispered something to his brother which we could not hear4 ,periander by his various gestures and motions discovered different affections2 sometimes he seemed sad and melancholic1 by and by disturbed and angry2 frequently he looked as doubtful and distrustful men use to do2 awhile after he lifts up his eyes1 as is usual with men in a maze4 ,at last recovering himself1 saith he1 ,i have a mind to impart to you the contents of this embassy2 but ,i scarce dare do it1 remembering ,thales's aphorism1 how things impossible or incredible are to be concealed and only things credible and probable are to be related4 ,bias answered1 ,i crave leave to explain ,thales's saying1 ,we may distrust enemies1 even though they speak things credible1 and trust friends1 even though they relate things incredible2 and ,i suppose by enemies he meant vicious men and foolish1 and by friends1 wise and good men4 ,then1 brother ,gorgias1 quoth ,periander1 ,i pray relate the whole story particularly4 ,gorgias in obedience to his brother's command began his story thus3-- ,when we had fasted now for three days and offered sacrifice upon each of those days1 we were all resolved to sit up the third night and spend it in pastime and dancing4 ,the moon shone very bright upon the water1 and the sea was exceeding calm and still2 this we saw1 for we sported ourselves upon the shore4 ,being thus taken up1 all of a sudden we espied a wonderful spectacle off at sea1 making with incredible expedition to the adjoining promontory4 ,the violence of the motion made the sea foam again1 and the noise was so loud1 that the whole company forsook their sport and ran together toward the place1 admiring what the matter should be4 ,before we could make a full discovery of the whole1 the motion was so rapid1 we perceived divers dolphins1 some swimming in a ring or circle1 others hastening amain to that part of the shore which was most shallow1 and others following after and 7as it were7 bringing up the rear4 ,in the middle there was a certain heap which we could perceive above the water2 but we could not distinctly apprehend what it was1 till drawing near the shore we saw all the dolphins flocking together1 and having made near the land they safely surrendered their charge1 and left out of danger a man breathing and shaking himself4 ,they returned to the promontory1 and there seemed to rejoice more than before for this their fortunate undertaking4 ,divers in the company were affrighted and ran away2 myself and a few more took courage1 and went on to see and satisfy ourselves what this unusual matter might be2 there we found and instantly knew our old acquaintance ,arion the musician1 who told us his name4 ,he wore that very garment he used when he strove for mastery4 ,we brought him into our tent and found he had received no damage in his passage1 save only a little lassitude by the violence of the motion4 ,he told us the whole story of his adventure1--a story incredible to all but such as saw it with their eyes4 ,he told us how1 when he had determined to leave ,italy1 being hastened away by ,periander's letters1 he went aboard a ,corinthian merchantman then in port and ready to sail2 being off at sea with the winds favorable1 he observed the seamen bent to ruin him1 and the master of the vessel told him as much1 and that they purposed to execute their design upon him that very night4 ,in this distress1 the poor man 7as if inspired by his good ,genius7 girds about him his heretofore victorious1 now his mourning cloak1 with a brave resolution to compose and sing his own epitaph1 as the swans when they apprehend the approaches of death are reported to do4 ,being thus habited1 he told the seamen he was minded to commit the protection of himself and his fellow-passengers to the providence of the gods in a ,pythian song2 then standing upon the poop near the side of the vessel1 and having invoked the help and assistance of all the sea gods1 he strikes up briskly and sings to his harp4 ,before he had half finished his carol1 the sun set1 and he could discern ,peloponnesus before him4 ,the seamen thought it tedious to tarry for the night1 wherefore they resolved to murder him immediately1 to which purpose they unsheathed their swords4 ,seeing this1 and observing the steersman covering his face1 he leaped into the sea as far as he could2 but before his body sunk he found himself supported by dolphins4 ,at first he was surprised with care and trouble2 but by and by1 finding himself marching forward with much ease and security1 and observing a whole shoal of dolphins flocking about him and joyfully contending which should appear most forward and serviceable in his preservation1 and discerning the vessel at a considerable distance behind1 he apprehended the nimbleness of his porters2 then1 and not till then1 his fears forsook him1 and he professed he was neither so fearful of death nor desirous of life as he was full of ambitious desire1 that he might show to all men that he stood in the grace and favor of the gods1 and that he might himself have a firm belief in them4 ,in his passage1 as he lifted up his eyes toward heaven1 and beheld the stars glittering and twinkling and the moon full and glorious1 and the sea calm all about her as she seemed to rise out of it1 and yielding him 7as it were7 a beaten track2 he declared1 he thought ,god's justice had more eyes than one1 and that with these innumerable eyes the gods beheld what was acted here below both by sea and land4 ,with such contemplations he performed his voyage less anxiously1 which much abated the tediousness thereof and was a comfort and refreshment to him in his solitude and danger4 ,at last1 arriving near the promontory which was both steep and high1 and fearing danger in a straight course and direct line1 they unanimously veered about1 and making to shore with a little compass for security they delivered ,arion to us in safety1 so that he plainly perceived and with thanks acknowledged a ,providence4 ,when ,arion had finished this narrative of his escape1 ,i asked him 7quoth ,gorgias7 whither the ship was bound2 he told me for ,corinth1 but it would not be there very suddenly1 for when he leaped out of the ship and was carried 7as he conceived7 about five hundred furlongs1 he perceived a calm1 which must needs much retard their arrival who were aboard4 ,gorgias added that1 having learned the names of the pilot and master and the colors of the ship1 he immediately despatched out ships and soldier to examine all the ports1 all this while keeping ,arion concealed1 lest the criminals should upon notice of ,his deliverance escape the pursuit of justice4 ,this action happened very luckily2 for as soon as he arrived at ,corinth1 news was brought him that the same ship was in port1 and that his party had seized it and secured all the men1 merchants and others4 ,whereupon ,periander commanded ,gorgias's discretion and zeal1 desiring him to proceed and lose no time1 but immediately to clap them in close prison1 and to suffer none to come at them to give the least notice of ,arion's miraculous escape4 ,gentlemen1 quoth ,aesop1 ,i remember you derided my dialogue of the daws and rooks2 and now you can admire and believe as improbable a story of dolphins4 ,you are mightily out1 said ,i1 for this is no novel story which we believe1 but it is recorded in the annals of ,ino and ,athamas above a thousand years ago4 ,these passages are supernatural1 quoth ,solon and much above our reason2 what befell ,hesiod is of a lower kind1 and more proper for our discourse1 and if you have not heard of it before1 it is worth your hearing4 ,hesiod once sojourned at the same house in ,locris with a certain ,milesian4 ,in this his sojourning time it happened the gentleman's daughter was got with child by the ,milesian which being discovered1 the whole family concluded ,hesiod1 if not guilty1 must be privy to the fact4 ,his innocence was but a weak fence against their jealousy and aspersions2 and therefore1 rashly censuring him guilty1 the brothers of the woman waylaid him in his return home1 and slew him and his companion ,troilus near the shrine of ,nemean ,jove in ,locris4 ,their carcasses they threw into the sea2 that of ,troilus was carried into the river ,daphnus1 and rested upon a certain rock compassed with waters1 just above the surface of the sea1 which rock bears his name to this day4 ,the body of ,hesiod was no sooner fallen upon the surface of the water1 but a company of dolphins received it1 and conveyed it to ,rhium and ,molyeria4 ,it happened the ,locrians were assembled at ,rhium that day to feast and make merry according to the custom which continues still among them4 ,as soon as they perceived a carcass floating or rather swimming towards them1 they hastened1 not without admiration1 to see what it was2 and knowing the body to be ,hesiod's1 they instantly resolved to find out the murderers4 ,it proved an easy discovery4 ,after conviction they threw them headlong alive into the sea1 and ordered their houses to be demolished to the very foundations4 ,the body they buried in the grove of the temple of ,jove1 that no foreigner might find it out2 the reason of this act was that the ,orchomenians had searched far and near for it at the instigation of the oracle1 who promised them the greatest felicity if they could get the bones of ,hesiod and bury them in their city4 ,now if dolphins are so favorable to dead men1 it is very probable they have a strong affection for the living1 especially for such as delight in music1 whether vocal or instrumental4 ,and this we know undoubtedly1 that these creatures delight infinitely in music2 they love it1 and if any man sings or plays1 they will quietly come by the side of the ship1 and listen till the music is ended4 ,when children bathe in the water and sport themselves1 you shall have a parcel of them flock together and sport and swim by them2 and they may do it the more securely1 since it is a breach of the law of ,nature to hurt them4 ,you never heard of any man that fishes for them purposely or hurts them wilfully1 unless falling into the nets they spoil the sport1 and so1 like bad children1 are corrected for their misdemeanors4 ,i very well remember the ,lesbians told me how a maid of their town was preserved from drowning by them4 ,it was a very true story1 quoth ,pittacus1 and there are divers still alive who will attest it1 if need be4 ,the builders or founders of ,lesbos were commanded by the oracle to sail till they came to a haven called ,mesogaeum1 there they should sacrifice a bull to ,neptune1 and for the honor of ,amphitrite and the sea-nymphs they should offer a virgin4 ,the principal persons in this colony were seven in number2 the eighth was one ,echelaus by name1 and appointed head of the rest by the oracle himself2 and he was a bachelor4 ,a daughter of one of these seven was to be sacrificed1 but who it should be was to be decided by lot1 and the lot fell upon ,smintheus's sister4 ,her they dressed most richly1 and so apparelled they conveyed her in abundance of state to the water-side1 and having composed a prayer for her1 they were now ready to throw her overboard4 ,there was in the company a certain ingenuous young gentleman whose name was ,enalus2 he was desperately in love with this young lady1 and his love prompted him to endeavor all he could for her preservation1 or at least to perish in the attempt4 ,in the very moment she was to be cast away1 he clasps her in his arms and throws himself and her together into the sea4 ,shortly after there was a flying report they were both conveyed safe to land4 ,a while after ,enalus was seen at ,lesbos1 who gave out they were preserved by dolphins4 ,i could tell you stories more incredible than these1 such as would amuse some and please others2 but it is impossible to command men's faith4 ,the sea was so tempestuous and rough1 the people were afraid to come too near the waters1 when ,enalus arrived4 ,a number of polypuses followed him even to ,neptune's temple1 the biggest and strongest of which carried a great stone4 ,this ,enalus dedicated1 and this stone is therefore called ,enalus to this day4 ,to be short and to speak all in a few words1--he that knows how to distinguish between the impossible and the unusual1 to make a difference between the unlikely and the absurd1 to be neither too credulous nor too distrustful1--he hath learned your lesson1 ,do not overdo4 7,greek omitted1 ,,ne ,,quid ,,nimis47 ,anacharsis after all this discourse spake to this purpose3 ,since ,thales has asserted the being of a soul in all the principal and most noble parts of the universe1 it is no wonder that the most commendable acts are governed by an overruling ,power2 for1 as the body is the organ of the soul1 so the soul is an instrument in the hand of ,god4 ,now as the body has many motions of its own proceeding from itself1 but the best and most from the soul1 so the soul acts some things by its own power1 but in most things it is subordinate to the will and power of ,god1 whose glorious instrument it is4 ,to me it seems highly unreasonable--and ,i should be but too apt to censure the wisdom of the gods1 if ,i were convinced--that they use fire1 and water1 and wind1 and clouds1 and rain for the preservation and welfare of some and for the detriment and destruction of others1 while at the same time they make no use of living creatures that are doubtless more serviceable to their ends than bows are to the ,scythians or harps or pipes to the ,greeks4 ,chersias the poet broke off this discourse1 and told the company of divers that were miraculously preserved to his certain knowledge1 and more particularly of ,cypselus1 ,periander's father1 who being newly born1 his adversary sent a party of bloody fellows to murder him4 ,they found the child in his nurse's arms1 and seeing him smile innocently upon them1 they had not the heart to hurt him1 and so departed2 but presently recalling themselves and considering the peremptoriness of their orders1 they returned and searched for him1 but could not find him1 for his mother had hid him very carefully in a chest4 7,called ,greek omitted in ,greek1 whence the child was named ,cypelus47,g477 ,when he came to years of discretion1 and understood the greatness of his former danger and deliverance1 he consecrated a temple at ,delphi to ,apollo1 by whose care he conceived himself preserved from crying in that critical time1 and by his cries from betraying his own life4 ,pittacus1 addressing his discourse to ,periander1 said3 ,it is well done of ,chersias to make mention of that shrine1 for this brings to my mind a question ,i several times purposed to ask you but still forgot1 namely1--,to what intent all those frogs were carved upon the palm-tree before the door1 and how they affect either the deity or the dedicator8 ,periander remitted him to ,chersias for answer1 as a person better versed in these matters for he was present when ,cypselus consecrated the shrine4 ,but ,chersias smiling would not satisfy them1 until they resolved him the meaning of these aphorisms2 ,do not overdo1 ,know thyself1 but particularly and principally this1--which had scared divers from wedlock and others from suretyship and others for speaking at all1--promise1 and you are ruined4 ,what need we to explain to you these1 when you yourself have so mightily magnified ,aesop's comment upon each of them4 ,aesop replied3 ,when ,chersias is disposed to jest with me upon these subjects1 and to jest seriously1 he is pleased to father such sayings and sentences upon ,homer1 who1 bringing in ,hector furiously flying upon others1 yet at another time represents him as flying from ,ajax son of ,telamon1 7,iliad1 xi4 #edb47--;an argument that ,hector knew himself4 ,and ,homer made ,ulysses use the saying ,do not overdo1 when he besought his friend ,diomedes not to commend him1 too much nor yet to censure him too much4 ,and for suretyship he exposes it as a matter unsafe1 nay highly dangerous1 declaring that to be bound for idle and wicked men is full of hazard4 7,iliad1 x4 #bdi2 ,odyssey1 viii4 #cea47 ,to confirm this1 ,chersias reported how ,jupiter had thrown ,ate headlong out of heaven1 because she was by when he made the promise about the birth of ,hercules whereby he was circumvented4 ,here ,solon broke in3 ,i advise1 that we now give ear to ,homer1-- ,but now the night extends her awful shade3 ,the ,goddess parts you3 be the night obeyed4 7,iliad1 vii4 #bhb47 ,if it please the company then1 let us sacrifice to the ,muses1 to ,neptune1 and to ,amphitrite1 and so bid each adieu for this night4 ,this was the conclusion of that meeting1 my dear ,nicarchus4 ,,end ,,of ,,thirteen---------- ,,how ,a ,,young ,,man ,,ought ,,to ,,hear ,,poems4 ,though it may be allowed to be a question fit for the determination of those concerning whom ,cato said1 ,their palates are more sensitive than their minds1 whether that saying of ,philoxenus the poet be true or no1 ,the most savory flesh is that which is no flesh1 and fish that is no fish4 ,yet this to me1 ,marcus ,sedatus1 is out of question1 that those precepts of philosophy which seem not to be delivered with a designed gravity1 such as becomes philosophers1 take most with persons that are very young1 and meet with a more ready acceptance and compliance from them4 ,whence it is that they do not only read through ,aesop's fables and the fictions of poets and the ,abaris of ,heraclides and ,ariston's ,lyco2 but also such doctrines as relate to the souls of men1 if something fabulous be mixed with them1 with an excess of pleasure that borders on enthusiasm4 ,wherefore we are not only to govern their appetites in the delights of eating and drinking1 but also 7and much more7 to inure them to a like temperance in reading and hearing1 that1 while they make use of enjoyment as a sauce1 they may pursue that which is wholesome and profitable in those things which they read4 ,for neither can a city be secure if but one gate be left open to receive the enemy1 though all the rest be shut2 nor a young man safe1 though he be sufficiently fortified against the assaults of all other pleasures1 whilst he is without any guard against those of the ear4 ,yea1 the nearer the commerce is betwixt the delights of that sense and those of the mind and reason1 by so much the more1 when he lies open on that side1 is he apt to be debauched and corrupted thereby4 ,seeing therefore we cannot 7and perhaps would not if we could7 debar young men of the size of my ,soclarus and thy ,cleander altogether from the reading of poets1 yet let us keep the stricter guard upon them1 as those who need a guide to direct them in their reading more than on their journeys4 ,upon which consideration1 ,i find myself disposed to send thee at present in writing that discourse concerning ,poetry which ,i had lately an occasion to deliver by word of mouth2 that1 when thou hast read it over thyself1 thou mayst also make such use of it1 if thou judgest it may be serviceable to that purpose1 as those which are engaged to drink hard do of amulets 7or preservatives against drunkenness71--that is1 that thou mayst communicate it to ,cleander1 to prepossess him therewith2 seeing he is naturally endowed with a brisk1 piercing1 and daring wit1 and therefore more prone to be inveigled by that sort of study4 ,they say of the fish called polypus that ,his head in one respect is very good1 ,but in another very naughty food2 because1 though it be very luscious to eat1 yet it is thought to disturb the fancy with frightful and confused dreams4 ,and the like observation may be made concerning poetry1 that it affords sweet and withal wholesome nourishment to the minds of young men1 but yet it contains likewise no less matter of disturbance and emotion to them that want a right conduct in the study thereof4 ,for of it also1 as well as of ,egypt1 may it be said that 7to those who will use it7 ,its over-fertile and luxuriant field ,medicines and poisons intermixt doth yield2 for therein ,love with soft passions and rich language drest ,oft steals the heart out of th' ingenuous breast4 7,odyssey1 iv4 #bcj2 ,iliad1 xiv4 #baf47 ,and indeed such only are endangered thereby1 for the charms of that art ordinarily affect not those that are downright sots and naturally incapable of learning4 ,wherefore1 when ,simonides was asked why of all men he could not deceive the ,thessalians1 his answer was1 ,because they are not so well bred as to be capable of being cajoled by me4 ,and ,gorgias used to call tragical poems cheats1 wherein he that did cheat was juster than he that did not cheat1 and he that was cheated was wiser than he that was not cheated4 ,it deserves therefore our consideration1 whether we shall put young men into ,epicurus's boat1--wherein1 having their ears stopped with wax1 as those of the men of ,ithaca were1 they shall be obliged to sail by and not so much as touch at poetry1--or rather keep a guard on them1 so as to oblige their judgments by principles of right reason to use it aright1 and preserve them from being seduced to their hurt by that which affords them so much delight4 ,for neither did ,lycurgus1 the valiant son of ,dryas 7as ,homer calls him7 7,iliad1 vi4 #acj47 act like a man of sound reason in the course which he took to reform his people that were much inclined to drunkenness1 by travelling up and down to destroy all the vines in the country2 whereas he should have ordered that every vine should have a well of water near it1 that 7as ,plato saith7 the drunken deity might be reduced to temperance by a sober one4 ,for water mixed with wine takes away the hurtful spirits1 while it leaves the useful ones in it4 ,neither should we cut down or destroy the ,muses' vine1 poetry2 but where we perceive it luxuriates and grows wild through an ungoverned appetite of applause1 there ought we to prune away or keep under the fabulous and theatrical branches thereof2 and where we find any of the ,graces linked to any of the ,muses1--that is1 where the lusciousness and tempting charms of language are not altogether barren and unprofitable1--there let us make use of philosophy to incorporate with it4 ,for as1 where the mandrake grows near the vine and so communicates something of its force thereto1 the wine that is made of its grapes makes the sleep of those that drink it more refreshing2 so doth the tempering poetry with the principles of philosophy and allaying their roughness with its fictions render the study of them more easy and the relish of them more grateful to young learners4 ,wherefore those that would give their minds to philosophical studies are not obliged to avoid poetry altogether1 but rather to introduce themselves to philosophy by poems1 accustoming themselves to search for and embrace that which may profit in that which pleaseth them1 and rejecting and discarding that wherein they find nothing of this nature4 ,for this discrimination is the first step to learning2 and when this is attained1 then1 according to what ,sophocles saith1-- ,to have begun well what we do intend ,gives hope and prospect of as good an end4 ,let us therefore in the first place possess those whom we initiate in the study of poetry with this notion 7as one which they ought always to have at hand71 that ',tis frequently the poet's guise ,to intermingle truth with lies2-- which they do sometimes with and sometimes against their wills4 ,they do it with their wills1 because they find strict truth too rigid to comply with that sweetness and gracefulness of expression1 which most are taken with1 so readily as fiction doth4 ,for real truth1 though it disgust never so much1 must be told as it is1 without alteration2 but that which is feigned in a discourse can easily yield and shift its garb from the distasteful to that which is more pleasing4 ,and indeed1 neither the measures nor the tropes nor the grandeur of words nor the aptness of metaphors nor the harmony of the composition gives such a degree of elegance and gracefulness to a poem as a well-ordered and artificial fiction doth4 ,but as in pictures the colors are more delightful to the eye than the lines because those give them a nearer resemblance to the persons they were made for1 and render them the more apt to deceive the beholder2 so in poems we are more apt to be smitten and fall in love with a probable fiction than with the greatest accuracy that can be observed in measures and phrases1 where there is nothing fabulous or fictitious joined with it4 ,wherefore ,socrates1 being induced by some dreams to attempt something in poetry1 and finding himself unapt1 by reason that he had all his lifetime been the champion of severe truth1 to hammer out of his own invention a likely fiction1 made choice of ,aesop's fables to turn into verse2 as judging nothing to be true poetry that had in it nothing of falsehood4 ,for though we have known some sacrifices performed without pipes and dances1 yet we own no poetry which is utterly destitute of fable and fiction4 ,whence the verses of ,empedocles and ,parmenides1 the ,theriaca of ,nicander1 and the sentences of ,theognis1 are rather to be accounted speeches than poems1 which1 that they might not walk contemptibly on foot1 have borrowed from poetry the chariot of verse1 to convey them the more creditably through the world4 ,whensoever therefore anything is spoken in poems by any noted and eminently famous man1 concerning gods or daemons or virtue1 that is absurd or harsh1 he that takes such sayings for truths is thereby misled in his apprehension and corrupted with an erroneous opinion4 ,but he that constantly keeps in his mind and maintains as his principle that the witchcraft of poetry consists in fiction1 he that can at all turns accost it in this language1-- ,riddle of art6 like which no sphinx beguiles2 ,whose face on one side frowns while th' other smiles6 ,why cheat'st thou1 with pretence to make us wise1 ,and bid'st sage precepts in a fool's disguise8-- such a one1 ,i say1 will take no harm by it1 nor admit from it any absurd thing into his belief4 ,but when he meets in poetry with expressions of ,neptune's rending the earth to pieces and dicovering infernal regions1 7,see ,iliad1 xx4 #eg47 he will be able to check his fears of the reality of any such accident2 and he will blame himself for his anger against ,apollo for the chief commander of the ,greeks1-- ,whom at a banquet1 whiles he sings his praise ,and speaks him fair1 yet treacherously he slays4 7,from ,aeschylus ,the whole passage is quoted in ,plato's ,republic1 end of book ,,ii4 7,g4747 ,yea1 he will repress his tears for ,achilles and ,agamemnon1 while they are resented as mourning after their death1 and stretching forth their limber and feeble hands to express their desire to live again4 ,and if at any time the charms of poetry transport him into any disquieting passions1 he will quickly say to himself1 as ,homer very elegantly 7considering the propension of that sex to listen after fables7 says in his ,necyia1 or relation of the state of the dead1-- ,but from the dark dominions speed thy way1 ,and climb the steep ascent to upper day2 ,to thy chaste bride the wondrous story tell1 ,the woes1 the horrors1 and the laws of hell4 7,odyssey1 xi4 #bbc47 ,such things as ,i have touched upon are those which the poets willingly feign4 ,but more there are which they do not feign1 but believing themselves as their own proper judgments1 they put fictitious colors upon them to ingratiate them to us4 ,as when ,homer says of ,jupiter1-- ,jove lifts the golden balances1 that show ,the faces of mortal men1 and things below4 ,here each contending hero's lot he tries1 ,and weighs with equal hand their destinies ,low sinks the scale surcharged with ,hector's fate2 ,heavy with death it sinks1 and hell receives the weight4 7,iliad1 xxii4 #baj47 ,to this fable ,aeschylus hath accommodated a whole tragedy which he calls ,psychostasia1 wherein he introduceth ,thetis and ,aurora standing by ,jupiter's balances1 and deprecating each of them the death of her son engaged in a duel4 ,now there is no man but sees that this fable is a creature of the poet's fancy1 designed to delight or scare the reader4 ,but this other passage1-- ,great ,jove is made the treasurer of wars2 7,ibid4 iv4 #hd47 and this other also1-- ,when a god means a noble house to raze1 ,he frames one rather than he'll want a cause3 7,from the ,niobe of ,aeschylus1 ,frag4 #aea47 these passages1 ,i say1 express their judgment and belief who thereby discover and suggest to us the ignorant or mistaken apprehensions they had of the ,deities4 ,moreover1 almost every one knows nowadays1 that the portentous fancies and contrivances of stories concerning the state of the dead are accommodated to popular apprehensions1--that the spectres and phantasms of burning rivers and horrid regions and terrible tortures expressed by frightful names are all mixed with fable and fiction1 as poison with food2 and that neither ,homer nor ,pindar nor ,sophocles ever believed themselves when they wrote at this rate3-- ,there endless floods of shady darkness stream ,from the vast caves1 where mother ,night doth teem2 and1 ,there ghosts o'er the vast ocean's waves did glide1 ,by the ,leucadian promontory's side2 7,odyssey1 xxiv4 #aa47 and1 ,there from th' unfathomed gulf th' infernal lake ,through narrow straits recurring tides doth make4 ,and yet1 as many of them as deplore death as a lamentable thing1 or the want of burial after death as a calamitous condition1 are wont to break out into expressions of this nature3-- ,o pass not by1 my friend2 nor leave me here ,without a grave1 and on that grave a tear2 7,odyssey1 xi4 #gb47 and1 ,then to the ghosts the mournful soul did fly1 ,sore grieved in midst of youth and strength to die2 7,iliad1 xvi4 #hef47 and again1 ',tis sweet to see the light4 ,o spare me then1 ,till ,i arrive at th' usual age of men3 ,nor force my unfledged soul from hence1 to know ,the doleful state of dismal shades below4 7,euripides1 ,iphigenia at ,aulus1 #abah47 ,these1 ,i say1 are the speeches of men persuaded of these things1 as being possessed by erroneous opinions2 and therefore they touch us the more nearly and torment us inwardly1 because we ourselves are full of the same impotent passion from which they were uttered4 ,to fortify us therefore against expressions of this nature1 let this principle continually ring in our ears1 that poetry is not at all solicitous to keep to the strict measure of truth4 ,and indeed1 as to what that truth in these matters is1 even those men themselves who make it their only study to learn and search it out confess that they can hardly discover any certain footsteps to guide them in that inquiry4 ,let us therefore have these verses of ,empedocles1 in this case1 at hand3-- ,no sight of man's so clear1 no ear so quick1 ,no mind so piercing1 that's not here to seek2 as also those of ,xenophanes3-- ,the truth about the gods and ghosts1 no man ,e'er was or shall be that determine can2 and lastly1 that passage concerning ,socrates1 in ,plato1 where he by the solemnity of an oath disclaims all knowledge of those things4 ,for those who perceive that the searching into such matters makes the heads of philosophers themselves giddy cannot but be the less inclined to regard what poets say concerning them4 ,and we shall fix our young men more if1 when we enter him in the poets1 we first describe poetry to him and tell him that it is an imitating art and is in many respects like unto painting2 not only acquainting him with that common saying1 that poetry is vocal painting and painting silent poetry1 but showing him1 moreover1 that when we see a lizard or an ape or the face of a ,thersites in a picture1 we are surprised with pleasure and wonder at it1 not because of any beauty in the things1 but for the likeness of the draught4 ,for it is repugnant to the nature of that which is itself foul to be at the same time fair2 and therefore it is the imitation--be the thing imitated beautiful or ugly--that1 in case it do express it to the life1 is commanded2 and on the contrary1 if the imitation make a foul thing to appear fair1 it is dispraised because it observes not decency and likeness4 ,now some painters there are that paint uncomely actions2 as ,timotheus drew ,medea killing her children2 ,theon1 ,orestes murdering his mother2 and ,parrhasius1 ,ulysses counterfeiting madness2 yea1 ,chaerephanes expressed in picture the unchaste converse of women with men4 ,now in such cases a young man is to be familiarly acquainted with this notion1 that1 when men praise such pictures1 they praise not the actions represented but only the painter's art which doth so lively express what was designed in them4 ,wherefore1 in like manner1 seeing poetry many times describes by imitation foul actions and unseemly passions and manners1 the young student must not in such descriptions 7although performed never so cleverly and commendably7 believe all that is said as true or embrace it as good1 but give its due commendation so far only as it suits the subject treated of4 ,for as1 when we hear the grunting of hogs and the shrieking of pulleys and the rustling of wind and the roaring of seas1 we are1 it may be1 disturbed and displeased1 and yet when we hear any one imitating these or the like noises handsomely 7as ,parmenio did that of an hog1 and ,theodorus that of a pulley71 we are well pleased2 and as we avoid 7as an unpleasing spectacle7 the sight of sick persons and of a man full of ulcers1 and yet are delighted to be spectators of the ,philoctetes of ,aristophon and the ,jocasta of ,silanion1 wherein such wasting and dying persons are well acted2 so must the young scholar1 when he reads in a poem of ,thersites the buffoon or ,sisyphus the whoremaster or ,batrachus the bawd speaking or doing anything1 so praise the artificial managery of the poet1 adapting the expressions to the persons1 as withal to look on the discourses and actions so expressed as odious and abominable4 ,for the goodness of things themselves differs much from the goodness of the imitation of them2 the goodness of the latter consisting only in propriety and aptness to represent the former4 ,whence to foul acts foul expressions are most suitable and proper4 ,as the shoes of ,demonides the cripple 7which1 when he had lost them1 he wished might suit the feet of him that stole them7 were but poor shoes1 but yet fit for him2 so we may say of such expressions as these3-- ,if t'is necessary an unjust act to do1 ,it is best to do it for a throne2 7,euripides1 ,phoenissae1 #ebd47 ,get the repute of ,just1 ,and in it do all things whence gain may come2 ,a talent dowry6 ,could ,i ,sleep1 or live1 if thee ,i should neglect8 ,and should ,i not in hell tormented be1 ,could ,i be guilty of such sacrilege8 7,from ,menander47 ,these1 it is true1 are wicked as well as false speeches1 but yet are decent enough in the mouth of an ,eteocles1 an ,ixion1 and a griping usurer4 ,if therefore we mind our children that the poets write not such things as praising and approving them1 but do really account them base and vicious and therefore accommodate such speeches to base and vicious persons1 they will never be damnified by them from the esteem they have of the poets in whom they meet with them4 ,but1 on the contrary1 the suspicions insinuated into them of the persons will render the words and actions ascribed to them suspected for evil1 because proceeding from such evil men4 ,and of this nature is ,homer's representation of ,paris1 when he describes him running out of the battle into ,helen's bed4 ,for in that he attributes no such indecent act to any other1 but only to that incontinent and adulterous person1 he evidently declares that he intends that relation to import a disgrace and reproach to such intemperance4 ,in such passages therefore we are carefully to observe whether or not the poet himself do anywhere give any intimation that he dislikes the things he makes such persons say2 which1 in the prologue to his ,thais ,menander does1 in these words3-- ,therefore1 my ,muse1 describe me now a whore1 ,fair1 bold1 and furnished with a nimble tongue2 ,one that ne'er scruples to do lovers wrong2 ,that always craves1 and denied shuts her door2 ,that truly loves no man1 yet1 for her ends1 ,affection true to every man pretends4 ,but ,homer of all the poets does it best4 ,for he doth beforehand1 as it were1 bespeak dislike of the evil things and approbation of the good things he utters4 ,of the latter take these instances3-- ,he readily did the occasion take1 ,and sweet and comfortable words he spake2 7,odyssey1 vi4 #adh47 ,by him he stood1 and with soft speeches quelled ,the wrath which in his heated bosom swelled4 7,iliad1 ii4 #ahj47 ,and for the former1 he so performs it as in a manner solemnly to forbid us to use or heed such speeches as those he mentions1 as being foolish and wicked4 ,for example1 being to tell us how uncivilly ,agamemnon treated the priest1 he premises these words of his own1-- ,not so ,atrides3 he with kingly pride ,repulsed the sacred sire1 and thus replied2 7,ibid4 i4 #bd47 intimating the insolency and unbecomingness of his answer4 ,and when he attributes this passionate speech to ,achilles1-- ,o monster1 mix'd of insolence and fear1 ,thou dog in forehead1 and in heart a deer6 7,ibid4 i4 #bbe47 he accompanies it with this censure1-- ,nor yet the rage his boiling breast forsook1 ,which thus redoubling on ,atrides broke2 7,ibid4 i4 #bbc47 for it was unlikely that speaking in such anger he should observe any rules of decency4 ,and he passeth like censures on actions4 ,as on ,achilles's foul usage of ,hector's carcass1-- ,gloomy he said1 and 7horrible to view7 ,before the bier the bleeding ,hector threw4 7,iliad1 xxiii4 #bd47 ,and in like manner he doth very decently shut up relations of things said or done1 by adding some sentence wherein he declares his judgment of them4 ,as when he personates some of the gods saying1 on the occasion of the adultery of ,mars and ,venus discovered by ,vulcan's artifice1-- ,see the swift god o'ertaken by the lame6 ,thus ill acts prosper not1 but end in shame4 7,odyssey1 viii4 #cbi47 ,and thus concerning ,hector's insolent boasting he says1-- ,with such big words his mind proud ,hector eased1 ,but venerable ,juno he displeased4 7,iliad1 viii4 #aih47 ,and when he speaks of ,pandarus's shooting1 he adds1-- ,he heard1 and madly at the motion pleased1 ,his polish'd bow with hasty rashness seized4 7,ibid4 iv4 #ajd47 ,now these verbal intimations of the minds and judgments of poets are not difficult to be understood by any one that will heedfully observe them4 ,but besides these1 they give us other hints from actions4 ,as ,euripides is reported1 when some blamed him for bringing such an impious and flagitious villain as ,ixion upon the stage1 to have given this answer3 ,but yet ,i brought him not off till ,i had fastened him to a torturing wheel4 ,this same way of teaching by mute actions is to be found in ,homer also1 affording us useful contemplations upon those very fables which are usually most disliked in him4 ,these some men offer force to1 that they may reduce them to allegories 7which the ancients called ,greek omitted71 and tell us that ,venus committing adultery with ,mars1 discovered by the ,sun1 is to be understood thus3 that when the star called ,venus is in conjunction with that which hath the name of ,mars1 bastardly births are produced1 and by the ,sun's rising and discovering them they are not concealed4 ,so will they have ,juno's dressing herself so accurately to tempt ,jupiter1 and her making use of the girdle of ,venus to inflame his love1 to be nothing else but the purification of that part of the air which draweth nearest to the nature of fire4 ,as if we were not told the meaning of those fables far better by the poet himself4 ,for he teacheth us in that of ,venus1 if we heed it1 that light music and wanton songs and discourses which suggest to men obscene fancies debauch their manners1 and incline them to an unmanly way of living in luxury and wantonness1 of continually haunting the company of women1 and of being ,given to fashions1 that their garb may please1 ,hot baths1 and couches where they loll at case4 ,and therefore also he brings in ,ulysses directing the musician thus1-- ,leave this1 and sing the horse1 out of whose womb ,the gallant knights that conquered ,troy did come2 7,odyssey1 viii4 #bdi and #dib47 evidently teaching us that poets and musicians ought to receive the arguments of their songs from sober and understanding men4 ,and in the other fable of ,juno he excellently shows that the conversation of women with men1 and the favors they receive from them procured by sorcery1 witchcraft1 or other unlawful arts1 are not only short1 unstable1 and soon cloying1 but also in the issue easily turned to loathing and displeasure1 when once the pleasure is over4 ,for so ,jupiter there threatens ,juno1 when he tells her1-- ,hear this1 remember1 and our fury dread1 ,nor pull the unwilling vengeance on thy head2 ,lest arts and blandishments successless prove ,thy soft deceits and well dissembled love4 7,iliad1 xv4 #cb47 ,for the fiction and representation of evil acts1 when it withal acquaints us with the shame and damage befalling the doers1 hurts not but rather profits him that reads them4 ,for which end philosophers make use of examples for our instruction and correction out of historical collections2 and poets do the very same thing1 but with this difference1 that they invent fabulous examples themselves4 ,there was one ,melanthius1 who 7whether in jest or earnest he said it1 it matters not much7 affirmed that the city of ,athens owed its preservation to the dissensions and factions that were among the orators1 giving withal this reason for his assertion1 that thereby they were kept from inclining all of them to one side1 so that by means of the differences among those statesmen there were always some that drew the saw the right way for the defeating of destructive counsels4 ,and thus it is too in the contradictions among poets1 which1 by lessening the credit of what they say1 render them the less powerful to do mischief2 and therefore1 when comparing one saying with another we discover their contrariety1 we ought to adhere to the better side4 ,as in these instances3-- ,the gods1 my son1 deceive poor men oft-times4 ,,ans4 ',tis easy1 sir1 on ,god to lay our crimes4 ',tis comfort to thee to be rich1 is't not6 ,,ans4 ,no1 sir1 'tis bad to be a wealthy sot4 ,die rather than such toilsome pains to take4 ,,ans4 ,to call ,god's service toil's a foul mistake4 ,such contrarieties as these are easily solved1 if 7as ,i said7 we teach youth to judge aright and to give the better saying preference4 ,but if we chance to meet with any absurd passages without any others at their heels to confute them1 we are then to overthrow them with such others as elsewhere are to be found in the same author4 ,nor must we be offended with the poet or grieved at him1 but only at the speeches themselves1 which he utters either according to the vulgar manner of speaking or1 it may be1 but in drollery4 ,so1 when thou readest in ,homer of gods thrown out of heaven headlong one by another1 or gods wounded by men and quarrelling and brawling with each other1 thou mayest readily1 if thou wilt1 say to him1-- ,sure thy invention here was sorely out1 ,or thou hadst said far better things1 no doubt2 7,iliad1 viii4 #ceh47 yea1 and thou dost so elsewhere1 and according as thou thinkest1 to wit1 in these passages of thine3-- ,the gods1 removed from all that men doth grieve1 ,a quiet and contented life do live4 ,herein the immortal gods forever blest ,feel endless joys and undisturbed rest4 ,the gods1 who have themselves no cause to grieve1 ,for wretched man a web of sorrow weave4 7,ibid4 vi4 #ach2 ,odyssey1 vi4 #df2 ,iliad1 xxiv1 #ebf47 ,for these argue sound and true opinions of the gods2 but those other were only feigned to raise passions in men4 ,again1 when ,euripides speaks at this rate1-- ,the gods are better than we men by far1 ,and yet by them we oft deceived are1-- may do well to quote him elsewhere against himself where he says better1-- ,if gods do wrong1 surely no gods there are4 ,so also1 when ,pindar1 saith bitterly and keenly1 ,no law forbids us anything to do1 ,whereby a mischief may befall a foe1 tell him3 ,but1 ,pindar1 thou thyself sayest elsewhere1 ,the pleasure which injurious acts attends ,always in bitter consequences ends4 ,and when ,sophocles speaks thus1 ,sweet is the gain1 wherein to lie and cheat ,adds the repute of wit to what we get1 tell him3 ,but we have heard thee say far otherwise1 ,when the account's cast up1 the gain's but poor ,which by a lying tongue augments the store4 ,and as to what he saith of riches1 to wit3-- ,wealth1 where it minds to go1 meets with no stay2 ,for where it finds not1 it can make a way2 ,many fair offers doth the poor let go1 ,and lose his talent because his purse is low2 ,the fair tongue makes1 where wealth can purchase it1 ,the foul face beautiful1 the fool a wit3-- against this the reader may set in opposition divers other sayings of the same author4 ,for example1 ,from honor poverty doth not debar1 ,where poor men virtuous and deserving are4 ,whate'er fools think1 a man is ne'er the worse ,if he be wise1 though with an empty purse4 ,the comfort which he gets who wealth enjoys1 ,the vexing care by which 'tis kept destroys4 ,and ,menander also somewhere magnifies a voluptuous life1 and inflames the minds of vain persons with these amorous strains1 ,the glorious sun no living thing doth see1 ,but what's a slave to love as well as we4 ,but yet elsewhere1 on the other side1 he fastens on us and pulls us back to the love of virtue1 and checks the rage of lust1 when he says thus1 ,the life that is dishonorably spent1 ,be it ne'er so pleasant1 yields no true content4 ,for these lines are contrary to the former1 as they are also better and more profitable2 so that by comparing them considerately one cannot but either be inclined to the better side1 or at least flag in the belief of the worse4 ,but now1 supposing that any of the poets themselves afford no such correcting passages to solve what they have said amiss1 it will then be advisable to confront them with the contrary sayings of other famous men1 and therewith to sway the scales of our judgment to the better side4 ,as1 when ,alexis tempts to debauchery in these verses1 ,the wise man knows what of all things is best1 ,whilst choosing pleasure he slights all the rest4 ,he thinks life's joys complete in these three sorts1 ,to drink and eat1 and follow wanton sports2 ,and what besides seems to pretend to pleasure1 ,if it betide him1 counts it over measure1 we must remember that ,socrates said the contrary1 to wit3 that they are bad men who live that they may eat and drink1 whereas good men eat and drink that they may live4 ,and against the man that wrote in this manner1 ,he that designs to encounter with a knave1 ,an equal stock of knavery must have1 seeing he herein advises us to follow other vicious examples1 that of ,diogenes may well be returned1 who being asked by what means a man might revenge himself upon his enemy1 answered1 ,by becoming himself a good and honest man4 ,and the same ,diogenes may be quoted also against ,sophocles1 who1 writing of the sacred mysteries1 caused great grief and despair to multitudes of men3-- ,most happy they whose eyes are blest to see ,the mysteries which here contained be1 ,before they die6 ,for only they have joy4 ,in th' other world2 the rest all ills annoy4 ,this passage being read to ,diogenes1 ,what then6 says he1 shall the condition of ,pataecion1 the notorious robber1 after death be better than that of ,epaminondas1 merely for his being initiated in these mysteries8 ,in like manner1 when one ,timotheus on the theatre1 singing of the ,goddess ,diana1 called her furious1 raging1 possessed1 mad1 ,cinesias suddenly interrupted him1 ,may thy daughter1 ,timotheus1 be such a goddess6 ,and witty also was that of ,bion to ,theognis1 who said1-- ,one cannot say nor do1 if poor he be2 ,his tongue is bound to th' peace1 as well as he4 7,theognis1 vss4 #agg1 #agh47 ,how comes it to pass then1 said he1 ,theognis that thou thyself being so poor pratest and gratest our ears in this manner8 ,nor are we to omit1 in our reading those hints which1 from some other words or phrases bordering on those that offend us1 may help to rectify our apprehensions4 ,but as physicians use cantharides1 believing that1 though their bodies be deadly poison1 yet their feet and wings are medicinal and are antidotes to the poison itself1 so must we deal with poems4 ,if any noun or verb near at hand may assist to the correction of any such saying1 and preserve us from putting a bad construction upon it1 we should take hold of it and employ it to assist a more favorable interpretation4 ,as some do in reference to those verses of ,homer1-- ,sorrows and tears most commonly are seen ,to be the gods' rewards to wretched men3-- ,the gods1 who have no cause themselves to grieve1 ,for wretched man a web of sorrow weave4 7,odyssey1 iv4 #aig2 ,iliad1 xxiv4 #ebf47 ,for1 they say1 he says not of men simply1 or of all men1 that the gods weave for them the fatal web of a sorrowful life1 but he affirms it only of foolish and imprudent men1 whom1 because their vices make them such1 he therefore calls wretched and miserable4 ,another way whereby those passages which are suspicious in poets maybe transferred to a better sense may be taken from the ordinary use of words1 which a young man ought indeed to be more exercised in than in the use of strange and obscure terms4 ,for it will be a point of philology which it will not be unprofitable to him to understand1 that when he meets with ,greek omitted in a poet1 that word means an ,,evil ,,death2 for the ,macedonians use the word ,greek omitted to signify ,,death4 ,so the ,aeolians call victory gotten by patient endurance of hardships ,greek omitted and the ,dryopians call daemons ,greek omitted4 ,but of all things it is most necessary1 and no less profitable if we design to receive profit and not hurt from the poets1 that we understand how they make use of the names of gods1 as also of the terms of ,evil and ,good2 and what they mean by ,soul and ,fate2 and whether these words be always taken by them in one and the same sense or rather in various senses1 as also many other words are4 ,for so the word ,greek omitted sometimes signifies a ,,material ,,house1 as1 ,into the high-roofed house2 and sometimes ,,estate1 as1 ,my house is devoured4 ,so the word ,greek omitted sometimes signifies life1 and sometimes wealth4 ,and ,greek omitted is sometimes taken for being uneasy and disquieted in mind1 as in ,greek omitted 7,iliad1 v4 #ceb47 and elsewhere for boasting and rejoicing1 as in ,greek omitted 7,odyssey1 xviii4 #ccc47 ,in like manner ,greek omitted signifies either to ,,move1 as in ,euripides when he saith1 ,greek omitted-- or ,,to ,,sit1 as in ,sophocles when he writes thus1 ,greek omitted 7,sophocles1 ,oedipus ,tyranus1 #b47 ,it is elegant also when they fit to the present matter1 as grammarians teach1 the use of words which have another signification4 ,as here3-- ,greek omitted ,for here ,greek omitted signifies ,,to ,,praise 7instead of ,greek omitted71 and ,,to ,,praise is used for ,,to ,,refuse4 ,so in conversation it is common with us to say1 ,greek omitted1 ,,it ,,is ,,well 7i4e41 ,,no1 ,i ,,thank ,,you71 and to bid anything ,,farewell ,greek omitted2 by which forms of speech we refuse a thing which we do not want1 or receive it not1 but still with a civil compliment4 ,so also some say that ,proserpina is called ,greek omitted in the notion of ,greek omitted1 ,,to ,,be ,,deprecated1 because death is by all men shunned4 ,and the like distinction of words we ought to observe also in things more weighty and serious4 ,to begin with the gods1 we should teach our youth that poets1 when they use the names of gods1 sometimes mean properly the ,divine ,beings so called1 but otherwhiles understand by those names certain powers of which the gods are the donors and authors1 they having first led us into the use of them by their own practice4 ,as when ,archilochus prays1 ,king ,vulcan1 hear thy suppliant1 and grant ,that what thou'rt wont to give and ,i to want1 it is plain that he means the god himself whom he invokes4 ,but when elsewhere he bewails the drowning of his sister's husband1 who had not obtained lawful burial1 and says1 ,had ,vulcan his fair limbs to ashes turned1 ,i for his loss had with less passion mourned1 he gives the name of ,vulcan to the fire and not to the ,deity4 ,again1 ,euripides1 when he says1 ,no2 by the glorious stars ,i swear1 ,and bloody ,mars and ,jupiter1 7,euripides1 ,phoenissae1 #ajjf47 means the gods themselves who bare those names4 ,but when ,sophocles saith1 ,blind ,mars doth mortal men's affairs confound1 ,as the swine's snout doth quite deface the ground1 we are to understand the word ,mars to denote not the god so called1 but war4 ,and by the same word we are to understand also weapons made of hardened brass1 in those verses of ,homer1 ,these1 are the gallant men whose noble blood ,keen ,mars did shed near swift ,scamander's flood4 7,iliad1 vii4 #cbi47 ,wherefore1 in conformity to the instances given1 we must conceive and bear in mind that by the names of ,jupiter also sometimes they mean the god himself1 sometimes ,fortune1 and oftentimes also ,fate4 ,for when they say1-- ,great ,jupiter1 who from the lofty hill ,of ,ida govern'st all the world at will2 7,iliad1 iii4 #bgf47 ,that wrath which hurled to ,pluto's gloomy realm ,the souls of mighty chiefs3-- ,such was the sovereign doom1 and such the will of ,jove2 7,ibid4 i4 #c and #e47 ,for who 7but who himself too fondly loves7 ,dares lay his wisdom in the scale with ,jove's8-- they understand ,jupiter himself4 ,but when they ascribe the event of all things done to ,jupiter as the cause1 saying of him1-- ,many brave souls to hell ,achilles sent1 ,and ,jove's design accomplished in th' event1-- they mean by ,jove no more but ,fate4 ,for the poet doth not conceive that ,god contrives mischief against mankind1 but he soundly declares the mere necessity of the things themselves1 to wit1 that prosperity and victory are destined by ,fate to cities and armies and commanders who govern themselves with sobriety1 but if they give way to passions and commit errors1 thereby dividing and crumbling themselves into factions1 as those of whom the poet speaks did1 they do unhandsome actions1 and thereby create great disturbances1 such as are attended with sad consequences4 ,for to all unadvised acts1 in fine1 ,the ,fates unhappy issues do assign4 7,from ,euripides47 ,but when ,hesiod brings in ,prometheus thus counselling his brother ,epimetheus1 ,brother1 if ,jove to thee a present make1 ,take heed that from his hands thou nothing take1 7,hesiod1 ,works and ,days1 #hf47 he useth the name of ,jove to express ,fortune2 for he calls the good things which come by her 7such as riches1 and marriages1 and empires1 and indeed all external things the enjoyment whereof is profitable to only them who know how to use them well7 the gifts of ,jove4 ,and therefore he adviseth ,epimetheus 7an ill man1 and a fool withal7 to stand in fear of and to guard himself from prosperity1 as that which would be hurtful and destructive to him4 ,again1 where he saith1 ,reproach thou not a man for being poor2 ,his poverty's ,god's gift1 as is thy store1 7,hesiod ,works and ,days1 #gag47 he calls that which befalls men by ,fortune ,god's gift1 and intimates that it is an unworthy thing to reproach any man for that poverty which he falls into by ,fortune1 whereas poverty is then only a matter of disgrace and reproach when it is attendant on sloth and idleness1 or wantonness and prodigality4 ,for1 before the name of ,fortune was used1 they knew there was a powerful cause1 which moved irregularly and unlimitedly and with such a force that no human reason could avoid it2 and this cause they called by the names of gods4 ,so we are wont to call divers things and qualities and discourses1 and even men themselves1 divine4 ,and thus may we rectify many such sayings concerning ,jupiter as would otherwise seem very absurd4 ,as these1 for instance3-- ,before ,jove's door two fatal hogsheads1 filled ,with human fortunes1 good and bad luck yield4-- ,of violated oaths ,jove took no care1 ,but spitefully both parties crushed by war3-- ,to ,greeks and ,trojans both this was the rise ,of ,mischief1 suitable to ,jove's device4 7,iliad1 xxiv4 #ebg2 vii4 #fi2 ,odyssey1 viii4 #ha47 ,these passages we are to interpret as spoken concerning ,fortune or ,fate1 of the casuality of both which no account can be given by us1 nor do their effects fall under our power4 ,but where anything is said of ,jupiter that is suitable1 rational1 and probable1 there we are to conceive that the names of that god is used properly4 ,as in these instances3-- ,through others' ranks he conquering did range1 ,but shunned with ,ajax any blows t' exchange2 ,but ,jove's displeasure on him he had brought1 ,had he with one so much his better fought4 7,iliad1 xi4 #edj47 ,for though great matters are ,jove's special care1 ,small things t' inferior daemons trusted are4 ,and other words there are which the poets remove and translate from their proper sense by accommodation to various things1 which deserve also our serious notice4 ,such a one1 for instance1 is ,greek omitted1 ,,virtue4 ,for because virtue does not only render men prudent1 just1 and good1 both in their words and deeds1 but also oftentimes purchaseth to them honor and power1 therefore they call likewise these by that name4 ,so we are wont to call both the olive-tree and the fruit ,greek omitted1 and the oak-tree and its acorn ,greek omitted communicating the name of the one to the other4 ,therefore1 when our young man reads in the poets such passages as these1-- ,this law th' immortal gods to us have set1 ,that none arrive at virtue but by sweat2 7,hesiod1 ,works and ,days1 #bhi47 ,the adverse troops then did the ,grecians stout ,by their mere virtue profligate and rout2 7,iliad1 xi4 #ij47 ,if now the ,fates determined have our death1 ,to virtue we'll consign our parting breath2-- let him presently conceive that these things are spoken of that most excellent and divine habit in us which we understand to be no other than right reason1 or the highest attainment of the reasonable nature1 and most agreeable to the constitution thereof4 ,and again1 when he reads this1 ,of virtue ,jupiter to one gives more1 ,and lessens1 when he lifts1 another's store2 and this1 ,virtue and honor upon wealth attend2 7,ibid4 xx4 #bdb2 ,hesiod ,works and ,days1 #cac47 let him not sit down in an astonishing admiration of rich men1 as if they were enabled by their wealth to purchase virtue1 nor let him imagine that it is in the power of ,fortune to increase or lessen his own wisdom2 but let him conceive that the poet by virtue meant either glory or power or prosperity or something of like import4 ,for poets use the same ambiguity also in the word ,greek omitted1 ,,evil1 which sometimes in them properly signifies a wicked and malicious disposition of mind1 as in that of ,hesiod1 ,evil is soon acquired2 for everywhere ,there's plenty on't and t'all men's dwellings near2 7,hesiod1 ,works and ,days1 #bhg47 and sometimes some evil accident or misfortune1 as when ,homer says1 ,sore evils1 when they haunt us in our prime1 ,hasten old age on us before our time4 7,odyessy1 xix4 #cfj47 ,so also in the word ,greek omitted1 he would be sorely deceived who should imagine that1 wheresoever he meets with it in poets1 it means 7as it does in philosophy7 a perfect habitual enjoyment of all good things or the leading a life every way agreeable to ,nature1 and that they do not withal by the abuse of such words call rich men happy or blessed1 and power or glory felicity4 ,for1 though ,homer rightly useth terms of that nature in this passage1-- ,though of such great estates ,i am possest1 ,yet with true inward joy ,i am not blest2 7,ibid4 iv4 #ic47 and ,menander in this1-- ,so great's th' estate ,i am endowed withal3 ,all say ,i'm rich1 but none me happy call2-- yet ,euripides discourseth more confusedly and perplexedly when he writes after this manner1-- ,i do not want a happy life that is tedious2 ,and1 man1 why praisest thou ,th' unjust beatitude of tyranny8 7,euripides1 ,medea1 #eih2 ,phoenissae1 #edi47 except1 as ,i said1 we allow him the use of these words in a metaphorical and abusive meaning4 ,but enough hath been spoken of these matters4 ,nevertheless1 this principle is not once only but often to be inculcated and pressed on young men1 that poetry when it undertakes a fictitious argument by way of imitation1 though it make use of such ornament and illustration as suit the actions and manners treated of1 yet disclaims not all likelihood of truth1 seeing the force of imitation1 in order to the persuading of men1 lies in probability4 ,wherefore such imitation as does not altogether shake hands with truth carries along with it certain signs of virtue and vice mixed together in the actions which it doth represent4 ,and of this nature is ,homer's poetry1 which totally bids adieu to ,stoicism1 the principles whereof will not admit any vice to come near where virtue is1 nor virtue to have anything to do where any vice lodgeth1 but affirms that he that is not a wise man can do nothing well1 and he that is so can do nothing amiss4 ,thus they determine in the schools4 ,but in human actions and the affairs of common life the judgment of ,euripides is verified1 that ,virtue and vice ne'er separately exist1 ,but in the same acts with each other twist4 7,from the ,aeolus of ,euripides47 ,next1 it is to be observed that poetry1 waiving the truth of things1 does most labor to beautify its fictions with variety and multiplicity of contrivance4 ,for variety bestows upon fable all that is pathetical1 unusual1 and surprising1 and thereby makes it more taking and graceful2 whereas what is void of variety is unsuitable to the nature of fable1 and so raiseth no passions at all4 ,upon which design of variety it is1 that the poets never represent the same persons always victorious or prosperous or acting with the same constant tenor of virtue2--yea1 even the gods themselves1 when they engage in human actions1 are not represented as free from passions and errors2--lest1 for the want of some difficulties and cross passages1 their poems should be destitute of that briskness which is requisite to move and astonish the minds of men4 ,these things therefore so standing1 we should1 when we enter a young man into the study of the poets1 endeavor to free his mind from that degree of esteem of the good and great personages in them described as may incline him to think them to be mirrors of wisdom and justice1 the chief of princes1 and the exemplary measures of all virtue and goodness4 ,for he will receive much prejudice1 if he shall approve and admire all that comes from such persons as great1 if he dislike nothing in them himself1 nor will endure to hear others blame them1 though for such words and actions as the following passages import3-- ,oh6 would to all the immortal powers above1 ,apollo1 ,pallas1 and almighty ,jove6 ,that not one ,trojan might be left alive1 ,and not a ,greek of all the race survive4 ,might only we the vast destruction shun1 ,and only we destroy the accursed town6 ,her breast all gore1 with lamentable cries1 ,the bleeding innocent ,cassandra dies1 ,murdered by ,clytemnestra's faithless hand3 ,lie with thy father's whore1 my mother said1 ,that she th' old man may loathe2 and ,i obeyed3 ,of all the gods1 ,o father ,jove1 there's none ,thus given to mischief but thyself alone4 7,iliad1 xvi4 #ig2 ,odyssey1 xi4 #dba2 ,iliad1 ix1 #deb2 ,ibid4 iii1 #cfe47 ,our young man is to be taught not to commend such things as these1 no1 nor to show the nimbleness of his wit or subtlety in maintaining argument by finding out plausible colors and pretences to varnish over a bad matter4 ,but we should teach him rather to judge that poetry is an imitation of the manners and lives of such men as are not perfectly pure and unblameable1 but such as are tinctured with passions1 misled by false opinions1 and muffled with ignorance2 though oftentimes they may1 by the help of a good natural temper1 change them for better qualities4 ,for the young man's mind1 being thus prepared and disposed1 will receive no damage by such passages when he meets with them in poems1 but will on the one side be elevated with rapture at those things which are well said or done1 and on the other1 will not entertain but dislike those which are of a contrary character4 ,but he that admires and is transported with everything1 as having his judgment enslaved by the esteem he hath for the names of heroes1 will be unawares wheedled into many evil things1 and be guilty of the same folly with those who imitate the crookedness of ,plato or the stammering of ,aristotle4 ,neither must he carry himself timorously herein1 nor1 like a superstitious person in a temple1 tremblingly adore all he meets with2 but use himself to such confidence as may enable him openly to pronounce1 ,this was ill or incongruously said1 and1 ,that was bravely and gallantly spoken4 ,for example1 ,achilles in ,homer1 being offended at the spinning out that war by delays1 wherein he was desirous by feats of arms to purchase to himself glory1 calls the soldiers together when there was an epidemical disease among them4 ,but having himself some smattering skill in physic1 and perceiving after the ninth day1 which useth to be decretory in such cases1 that the disease was no usual one nor proceeding from ordinary causes1 when he stands up to speak1 he waives applying himself to the soldiers1 and addresseth himself as a councillor to the general1 thus3-- ,why leave we not the fatal ,trojan shore1 ,and measure back the seas we cross'd before8 7,for this and the four following quotations1 see ,iliad1 i4 #ei1 #ij1 #bbj1 #cdi2 ix1 #deh47 ,and he spake well1 and with due moderation and decorum4 ,but when the soothsayer ,chalcas had told him that he feared the wrath of the most potent among the ,grecians1 after an oath that while he lived no man should lay violent hands on him1 he adds1 but not with like wisdom and moderation1 ,not e'en the chief by whom our hosts are led1 ,the king of kings1 shall touch that sacred head2 in which speech he declares his low opinion or rather his contempt of his chief commander4 ,and then1 being farther provoked1 he drew his weapon with a design to kill him1 which attempt was neither good nor expedient4 ,and therefore by and by he repented his rashness1-- ,he said1 observant of the blue-eyed maid2 ,then in the sheath returned the shining blade2 wherein again he did rightly and worthily1 in that1 though he could not altogether quell his passion1 yet he restrained and reduced it under the command of reason1 before it brake forth into such an irreparable act of mischief4 ,again1 even ,agamemnon himself talks in that assembly ridiculously1 but carries himself more gravely and more like a prince in the matter of ,chryseis4 ,for whereas ,achilles1 when his ,briseis was taken away from him1 ,in sullenness withdraws from all his friends1 ,and in his tent his time lamenting spends2 ,agamemnon himself hands into the ship1 delivers to her friends1 and so sends from him1 the woman concerning whom a little before he declared that he loved her better than his wife2 and in that action did nothing unbecoming or savoring of fond affection4 ,also ,phoenix1 when his father bitterly cursed him for having to do with one that was his own harlot1 says1 ,him in my rage ,i purposed to have killed1 ,but that my hand some god in kindness held2 ,and minded me that1 ,greeks would taunting say1 ,lo1 here's the man that did his father slay4 ,it is true that ,aristarchus was afraid to permit these verses to stand in the poet1 and therefore censured them to be expunged4 ,but they were inserted by ,homer very aptly to the occasion of ,phoenix's instructing ,achilles what a pernicious thing anger is1 and what foul acts men do by its instigation1 while they are capable neither of making use of their own reason nor of hearing the counsel of others4 ,to which end he also introduceth ,meleager at first highly offended with his citizens1 and afterwards pacified2 justly therein reprehending disordered passions1 and praising it as a good and profitable thing not to yield to them1 but to resist and overcome them1 and to repent when one hath been overcome by them4 ,now in these instances the difference is manifest4 ,but where a like clear judgment cannot be passed1 there we are to settle the young man's mind thus1 by way of distinction4 ,if ,nausicaa1 having cast her eyes upon ,ulysses1 a stranger1 and feeling the same passion for him as ,calypso had before1 did 7as one that was ripe for a husband7 out of wantonness talk with her maidens at this foolish rate1-- ,o ,heaven6 in my connubial hour decree ,this man my spouse1 or such a spouse as he6 7,odyssey1 vi4 #bed47 she is blameworthy for her impudence and incontinence4 ,but if1 perceiving the man's breeding by his discourse1 and admiring the prudence of his addresses1 she rather wisheth to have such a one for a husband than a merchant or a dancing gallant of her fellow-citizens1 she is to be commended4 ,and when ,ulysses is represented as pleased with ,penelope's jocular conversation with her wooers1 and at their presenting her with rich garments and other ornaments1 ,because she cunningly the fools cajoled1 ,and bartered light words for their heavy gold2 7,odyssey1 xvii1 #bhb47 if that joy were occasioned by greediness and covetousness1 he discovers himself to be a more sordid prostituter of his own life than ,poliager is wont to be represented on the stage to have been1 of whom it is said1-- ,happy man he1 whose wife1 like ,capricorn1 ,stores him with riches from a golden horn6 ,but if through foresight he thought thereby to get them the more within his power1 as being lulled asleep in security for the future by the hopes she gave them at present1 this rejoicing1 joined with confidence in his wife1 was rational4 ,again1 when he is brought in numbering the goods which the ,phaeacians had set on shore together with himself and departed2 if indeed1 being himself left in such a solitude1 so ignorant where he was1 and having no security there for his own person1 he is yet solicitous for his goods1 lest ,the sly ,phaeacians1 when they stole to sea1 ,had stolen some part of what they brought away2 7,ibid4 xiii4 #baf47 the covetousness of the man deserved in truth to be pitied1 or rather abhorred4 ,but if1 as some say in his defence1 being doubtful whether or no the place where he was landed were ,ithaca1 he made use of the just tale of his goods to infer thence the honesty of the ,phaeacians1--because it was not likely they would expose him in a strange place and leave him there with his goods by him untouched1 so as to get nothing by their dishonesty1--then he makes use of a very fit test for this purpose1 and deserves commendation for his wisdom in that action4 ,some also there are who condemn that passage of the putting him on shore when he was asleep1 if it really so happened1 and they tell us that the people of ,tuscany have still a traditional story among them concerning ,ulysses1 that he was naturally sleepy1 and therefore a man whom many people could not freely converse with4 ,but if his sleep was but shammed1 and he made use of this pretence only of a natural infirmity1 by counterfeiting a nap1 to hide the strait he was in at the time in his thoughts1 betwixt the shame of sending away the ,phaeacians without giving them a friendly collation and hospitable gifts1 and the fear he had of being discovered to his enemies by the treating such a company of men together1 they then approve it4 ,now1 by showing young men these things1 we shall preserve them from being carried away to any corruption in their manners1 and dispose them to the election and imitation of those that are good1 as being before instructed readily to disapprove those and commend these4 ,but this ought with the most care to be done in the reading of tragedies wherein probable and subtle speeches are made use of in the most foul and wicked actions4 ,for that is not always true which ,sophocles saith1 that ,from evil acts good words can never come4 ,for even he himself is wont to apply pleasant reasonings and plausible arguments to those manners and actions which are wicked or unbecoming4 ,and in another of his fellow-tragedians1 we may see even ,phaedra herself represented as justifying her unlawful affection for ,hippolytus by accusing ,theseus of ill-carriage towards her4 ,and in his ,troades1 he allows ,helen the same liberty of speech against ,hecuba1 whom she judgeth to be more worthy of punishment than herself for her adultery1 because she was the mother of ,paris that tempted her thereto4 ,a young man therefore must not be accustomed to think anything of that nature handsomely or wittily spoken1 nor to be pleased with such colorable inventions2 but rather more to abhor such words as tend to the defence of wanton acts than the very acts themselves4 ,and lastly1 it will be useful likewise to inquire into the cause why each thing is said4 ,for so ,cato1 when he was a boy1 though he was wont to be very observant of all his master's commands1 yet withal used to ask the cause or reason why he so commanded4 ,but poets are not to be obeyed as pedagogues and promulgators of laws are1 except they have reason to back what they say4 ,and that they will not want1 when they speak well2 and if they speak ill1 what they say will appear vain and frivolous4 ,but nowadays most young men very briskly demand the reason of such trivial speeches as these1 and inquire in what sense they are spoken3-- ,it bodes ill1 when vessels you set up1 ,to put the ladle on the mixing-cup4 ,who from his chariot to another's leaps1 ,seldom his seat without a combat keeps4 7,hesiod ,works and ,days1 #gdd2 ,iliad1 iv4 #cjf47 ,but to those of greater moment they give credence without examination1 as to those that follow3-- ,the boldest men are daunted oftentimes1 ,when they're reproached with their parents' crimes3 7,euripides1 ,hippolytus1 #dbd47 ,when any man is crushed by adverse fate1 ,his spirit should be low as his estate4 ,and yet such speeches relate to manners1 and disquiet men's lives by begetting in them evil opinions and unworthy sentiments1 except they have learned to return answer to each of them thus3 ,wherefore is it necessary that a man who is crushed by adverse fate should have a dejected spirit8 ,yea1 why rather should he not struggle against ,fortune1 and raise himself above the pressures of his low circumstances8 ,why1 if ,i myself be a good and wise son of an evil and foolish father1 does it not rather become me to bear myself confidently upon the account of my own virtue1 than to be dejected and dispirited because of my father's defects8 ,for he that can encounter such speeches and oppose them after this manner1 not yielding himself up to be overset with the blast of every saying1 but approving that speech of ,heraclitus1 that ,whate'er is said1 though void of sense and wit1 ,the size of a fool's intellect doth fit1 will reject many such things as falsely and idly spoken4 ,these things therefore may be of use to preserve us from the hurt we might get by the study of poems4 ,now1 as on a vine the fruit oftentimes lies concealed and hidden under its large leaves and luxuriant branches1 so in the poet's phrases and fictions that encompass them there are also many profitable and useful things concealed from the view of young men4 ,this1 however1 ought not to be suffered2 nor should we be led away from things themselves thus1 but rather adhere to such of them as tend to the promoting of virtue and the well forming of our manners4 ,it will not be altogether useless1 therefore1 to treat briefly in the next place of passages of that nature4 ,wherein ,i intend to touch only at some particulars1 leaving all longer discussion1 and the trimming up and furnishing them with a multitude of instances1 to those who write more for display and ostentation4 ,first1 therefore1 let our young man be taught to understand good and bad manners and persons1 and from thence apply his mind to the words and deeds which the poet decently assigns to either of them4 ,for example1 ,achilles1 though in some wrath1 speaks to ,agamemnon thus decently3-- ,nor1 when we take a ,trojan town1 can ,i ,with thee in spoils and splendid prizes vie2 7,for this and the five following quotations1 see ,iliad1 i4 #afc2 ii4 #bbf2 i4 #abh2 ii4 #bca2 iv4 #djb and #djd47 whereas ,thersites to the same person speaks reproachfully in this manner3-- ',tis thine whate'er the warrior's breast inflames1 ,the golden spoil1 thine the lovely dames4 ,with all the wealth our wars and blood bestow1 ,thy tents are crowded and thy chests o'erflow4 ,again1 ,achilles thus3-- ,whene'er1 by ,jove's decree1 our conquering powers ,shall humble to the dust ,troy's lofty towers2 but ,thersites thus3-- ,whom ,i or some ,greek else as captive bring4 ,again1 ,diomedes1 when ,agamemnon taking a view of the army spoke reproachfully to him1 ,to his hard words forbore to make reply1 ,for the respect he bare to majesty2 whereas ,sthenelus1 a man of small note1 replies on him thus3-- ,sir1 when you know the truth1 what need to lie8 ,for with our fathers we for valor vie4 ,now the observation of such difference will teach the young man the decency of a modest and moderate temper1 and the unbecoming nauseousness of the contrary vices of boasting and cracking of a man's own worth4 ,and it is worth while also to take notice of the demeanor of ,agamemnon in the same place4 ,for he passeth by ,sthenelus unspoken to2 but perceiving ,ulysses to be offended1 he neglects not him1 but applies himself to answer him3-- ,struck with his generous wrath1 the king replies4 7,iliad1 iv4 #ceg4 ,for the four following1 see ,iliad1 ix4 #cd and #gj2 iv4 #dca2 x4 #cbe47 ,for to have apologized to every one had been too servile and misbecoming the dignity of his person2 whereas equally to have neglected every one had been an act of insolence and imprudence4 ,and very handsome it is that ,diomedes1 though in the heat of the battle he answers the king only with silence1 yet after the battle was over useth more liberty towards him1 speaking thus3-- ,you called me coward1 sir1 before the ,greeks4 ,it is expedient also to take notice of the different carriage of a wise man and of a soothsayer popularly courting the multitude4 ,for ,chalcas very unseasonably makes no scruple to traduce the king before the people1 as having been the cause of the pestilence that was befallen them4 ,but ,nestor1 intending to bring in a discourse concerning the reconciling ,achilles to him1 that he might not seem to charge ,agamemnon before the multitude with the miscarriage his passion had occasioned1 only adviseth him thus3-- ,but thou1 ,o king1 to council call the old4444 ,wise weighty counsels aid a state distressed1 ,and such a monarch as can choose the best2 which done1 accordingly after supper he sends his ambassadors4 ,now this speech of ,nestor tended to the rectifying of what he had before done amiss2 but that of ,chalcas1 only to accuse and disparage him4 ,there is likewise consideration to be had of the different manners of nations1 such as these4 ,the ,trojans enter into battle with loud outcries and great fierceness2 but in the army of the ,greeks1 ,sedate and silent move the numerous bands2 ,no sound1 no whisper1 but the chief's commands2 ,those only heard1 with awe the rest obey4 ,for when soldiers are about to engage an enemy1 the awe they stand in of their officers is an argument both of courage and obedience4 ,for which purpose ,plato teacheth us that we ought to inure ourselves to fear1 blame and disgrace more than labor and danger4 ,and ,cato was wont to say that he liked men that were apt to blush better than those that looked pale4 ,moreover1 there is a particular character to be noted of the men who undertake for any action4 ,for ,dolon thus promiseth3-- ,i'll pass through all their host in a disguise ,to their flag-ship1 where she at anchor lies4 ,but ,diomedes promiseth nothing1 but only tells them he shall fear the less if they send a companion with him2 whereby is intimated1 that discreet foresight is ,grecian and civil1 but rash confidence is barbarous and evil2 and the former is therefore to be imitated1 and the latter to be avoided4 ,it is a matter too of no unprofitable consideration1 how the minds of the ,trojans and of ,hector too were affected when he and ,ajax were about to engage in a single combat4 ,for ,aeschylus1 when1 upon one of the fighters at fisticuffs in the ,isthmian games receiving a blow on the face1 there was made a great outcry among the people1 said3 ,what a thing is practice6 ,see how the lookers-on only cry out1 but the man that received the stroke is silent4 ,but when the poet tells us1 that the ,greeks rejoiced when they saw ,ajax in his glistering armor1 but ,the ,trojans' knees for very fear did quake1 ,and even ,hector's heart began to ache2 7,iliad1 vii4 #bae4 ,for the three following1 see ,iliad1 ii4 #bbj2 v4 #bf and #bca47 who is there that wonders not at this difference1--when the heart of him that was to run the risk of the combat only beats inwardly1 as if he were to undertake a mere wrestling or running match1 but the very bodies of the spectators tremble and shake1 out of the kindness and fear which they had for their king8 ,in the same poet also we may observe the difference betwixt the humor of a coward and a valiant man4 ,for ,thersites ,against ,achilles a great malice had1 ,and wise ,ulysses he did hate as bad2 but ,ajax is always represented as friendly to ,achilles2 and particularly he speaks thus to ,hector concerning him3-- ,hector ,i approach my arm1 and singly know ,what strength thou hast1 and what the ,grecian foe4 ,achilles shuns the fight2 yet some there are ,not void of soul1 and not unskill'd in war3 wherein he insinuates the high commendation of that valiant man4 ,and in what follows1 he speaks like handsome things of his fellow-soldiers in general1 thus3-- ,whole troops of heroes ,greece has yet to boast1 ,and sends thee one1 a sample of her host2 wherein he doth not boast himself to be the only or the best champion1 but one of those1 among many others1 who were fit to undertake that combat4 ,what hath been said is sufficient upon the point of dissimilitudes2 except we think fit to add this1 that many of the ,trojans came into the enemy's power alive1 but none of the ,grecians2 and that many ,trojans supplicated to their enemies1--as 7for instance7 ,adrastus1 the sons of ,antimachus1 ,lycaon1--and even ,hector himself entreats ,achilles for a sepulture2 but not one of these doth so1 as judging it barbarous to supplicate to a foe in the field1 and more ,greek-like either to conquer or die4 ,but as1 in the same plant1 the bee feeds on the flower1 the goat on the bud1 the hog on the root1 and other living creatures on the seed and the fruit2 so in reading of poems1 one man singleth out the historical part1 another dwells upon the elegancy and fit disposal of words1 as ,aristophanes says of ,euripides1-- ,his gallant language runs so smooth and round1 ,that ,i am ravisht with th' harmonious sound2 7,see ,aristophanes1 ,frag4 #cig47 but others1 to whom this part of my discourse is directed1 mind only such things as are useful to the bettering of manners4 ,and such we are to put in mind that it is an absurd thing1 that those who delight in fables should not let anything slip them of the vain and extravagant stories they find in poets1 and that those who affect language should pass over nothing that is elegantly and floridly expressed2 and that only the lovers of honor and virtue1 who apply themselves to the study of poems not for delight but for instruction's sake1 should slightly and negligently observe what is spoken in them relating to valor1 temperance1 or justice4 ,of this nature is the following3-- ,and stand we deedless1 ,o eternal shame6 ,till ,hector's arm involve the ships in flame8 ,haste1 let us join1 and combat side by side4 7,iliad1 xi4 #cac4 ,for the four following see ,odyssey1 iii4 #eb2 ,iliad1 xxiv4 #efj and #ehd2 ,odyssey1 xvi4 #bgd47 ,for to see a man of the greatest wisdom in danger of being totally cut off with all those that take part with him1 and yet affected less with fear of death than of shame and dishonor1 must needs excite in a young man a passionate affection for virtue4 ,and this1 ,joyed was the ,goddess1 for she much did prize ,a man that was alike both just and wise1 teacheth us to infer that the ,deity delights not in a rich or a proper or a strong man1 but in one that is furnished with wisdom and justice4 ,again1 when the same goddess 7,minerva7 saith that the reason why she did not desert or neglect ,ulysses was that he was ,gentle1 of ready wit1 of prudent mind1 she therein tells us that1 of all things pertaining to us1 nothing is dear to the gods and godlike but our virtue1 seeing like naturally delights in like4 ,and seeing1 moreover1 that it both seemeth and really is a great thing to be able to moderate a man's anger1 but a greater by far to guard a man's self beforehand by prudence1 that he fall not into it nor be surprised by it1 therefore also such passages as tend that way are not slightly to be represented to the readers2 for example1 that ,achilles himself--who was a man of no great forbearance1 nor inclined to such meekness--yet admonishes ,priam to be calm and not to provoke him1 thus1 ,move me no more 7,achilles thus replies1 ,while kindling anger sparkled in his eyes71 ,nor seek by tears my steady soul to bend3 ,to yield thy ,hector ,i myself intend3 ,cease2 lest1 neglectful of high ,jove's command1 ,i show thee1 king1 thou tread'st on hostile land2 and that he himself first washeth and decently covereth the body of ,hector and then puts it into a chariot1 to prevent his father's seeing it so unworthily mangled as it was1-- ,lest the unhappy sire1 ,provoked to passion1 once more rouse to ire ,the stern ,pelides2 and nor sacred age1 ,nor ,jove's command1 should check the rising rage4 ,for it is a piece of admirable prudence for a man so prone to anger1 as being by nature hasty and furious1 to understand himself so well as to set a guard upon his own inclinations1 and by avoiding provocations to keep his passion at due distance by the use of reason1 lest he should be unawares surprised by it4 ,and after the same manner must the man that is apt to be drunken forearm himself against that vice2 and he that is given to wantonness1 against lust1 as ,agesilaus refused to receive a kiss from a beautiful person addressing to him1 and ,cyrus would not so much as endure to see ,panthea4 ,whereas1 on the contrary1 those that are not virtuously bred are wont to gather fuel to inflame their passions1 and voluntarily to abandon themselves to those temptations to which of themselves they are endangered4 ,but ,ulysses does not only restrain his own anger1 but 7perceiving by the discourse of his son ,telemachus1 that through indignation conceived against such evil men he was greatly provoked7 he blunts his passion too beforehand1 and composeth him to calmness and patience1 thus3-- ,there1 if base scorn insult my reverend age1 ,bear it1 my son6 repress thy rising rage4 ,if outraged1 cease that outrage to repel2 ,bear it1 my son6 howe'er thy heart rebel4 ,for as men are not wont to put bridles on their horses when they are running in full speed1 but bring them bridled beforehand to the race2 so do they use to preoccupy and predispose the minds of those persons with rational considerations to enable them to encounter passion1 whom they perceive to be too mettlesome and unmanageable upon the sight of provoking objects4 ,furthermore1 the young man is not altogether to neglect names themselves when he meets with them2 though he is not obliged to give much heed to such idle descants as those of ,cleanthes1 who1 while he professeth himself an interpreter1 plays the trifler1 as in these passages of ,homer3 ,greek omitted1 7,iliad1 iii4 #cbj2 xvi4 #bcc47 ,for he will needs read the two of these words joined into one1 and make them ,greek omitted for that the air evaporated from the earth by exhalation ,greek omitted is so called4 ,yea1 and ,chrysippus too1 though he does not so trifle1 yet is very jejune1 while he hunts after improbable etymologies4 ,as when he will need force the words ,greek omitted to import ,jupiter's excellent faculty in speaking and powerfulness to persuade thereby4 ,but such things as these are fitter to be left to the examination of grammarians and we are rather to insist upon such passages as are both profitable and persuasive4 ,such1 for instance1 as these2-- ,my early youth was bred to martial pains1 ,my soul impels me to the embattled plains6 ,how skill'd he was in each obliging art2 ,the mildest manners1 and the gentlest heart4 7,ibid4 vi4 #ddd2 xvii4 #fga47 ,for while the author tells us that fortitude may be taught1 and that an obliging and graceful way of conversing with others is to be gotten by art and the use of reason1 he exhorts us not to neglect the improvement of ourselves1 but by observing our teachers' instructions to learn a becoming carriage1 as knowing that clownishness and cowardice argue ill-breeding and ignorance4 ,and very suitable to what hath been said is that which is said of ,jupiter and ,neptune3-- ,gods of one source1 of one ethereal race1 ,alike divine1 and heaven their native place2 ,but ,jove the greater2 first born of the skies1 ,and more than men or ,gods supremely wise4 7,iliad1 xiii4 #ced47 ,for the poet therein pronounceth wisdom to be the most divine and royal quality of all2 as placing therein the greatest excellency of ,jupiter himself1 and judging all virtues else to be necessarily consequent thereunto4 ,we are also to accustom a young man attentively to hear such things as these3-- ,urge him with truth to frame his fair replies3 ,and sure he will1 for wisdom never lies3 ,the praise of wisdom1 in thy youth obtain'd1 ,an act so rash1 ,antilochus1 has stain'd3 ,say1 is it just1 my friend1 that ,hector's ear ,from such a warrior such a speech should hear8 ,i deemed thee once the wisest of thy kind1 ,but ill this insult suits a prudent mind4 7,odyssey1 iii4 #bj2 ,iliad1 xxiii4 #egj2 xvii4 #agj47 ,these speeches teach us that it is beneath wise men to lie or to deal otherwise than fairly1 even in games1 or to blame other men without just cause4 ,and when the poet attributes ,pindarus's violation of the truce to his folly1 he withal declares his judgment that a wise man will not be guilty of an unjust action4 ,the like may we also infer concerning continence1 taking our ground for it from these passages3-- ,for him ,antaea burn'd with lawless flame1 ,and strove to tempt him from the paths of fame3 ,in vain she tempted the relentless youth1 ,endued with wisdom1 sacred fear1 and truth3 ,at first1 with worthy shame and decent pride1 ,the royal dame1 his lawless suit denied6 ,for virtue's image yet possessed her mind3 7,iliad1 vi4 #afj2 ,odyssey1 iii4 #bfe47 in which speeches the poet assigns wisdom to be the cause of continence4 ,and when in exhortations made to encourage soldiers to fight1 he speaks in this manner3-- ,what mean you1 ,lycians8 ,stand6 ,o stand1 for shame6 ,yet each reflect who prizes fame or breath1 ,on endless infamy1 on instant death2 ,for1 lo6 the fated time1 the appointed shore2 ,hark6 the gates burst1 the brazen barriers roar6 7,iliad1 xvi4 #dbb2 xiii4 #aba47 he seems to intimate that prudent men are valiant men2 because they fear the shame of base actions1 and can trample on pleasures and stand their ground in the greatest hazards4 ,whence ,timotheus1 in the play called ,persae1 takes occasion handsomely to exhort the ,grecians thus3-- ,brave soldiers of just shame in awe should stand2 ,for the blushing face oft helps the fighting hand4 ,and ,aeschylus also makes it a point of wisdom not to be blown up with pride when a man is honored1 nor to be moved or elevated with the acclamations of a multitude1 writing thus of ,amphiaraus3-- ,his shield no emblem bears2 his generous soul ,wishes to be1 not to appear1 the best2 ,while the deep furrows of his noble mind ,harvests of wise and prudent counsel bear4 7,see note in the same passage of ,aeschylus 7,sept4 #eia71 i4 #baj4 7,g747 ,for it is the part of a wise man to value himself upon the consciousness of his own true worth and excellency4 ,whereas1 therefore1 all inward perfections are reducible to wisdom1 it appears that all sorts of virtue and learning are included in it ,again1 boys may be instructed1 by reading the poets as they ought1 to draw even from those passages that are most suspected as wicked and absurd something that is useful and profitable2 as the bee is taught by ,nature to gather the sweetest and most pleasant honey from the harshest flowers and sharpest thorns4 ,it does indeed at the first blush cast a shrewd suspicion on ,agmemnon of taking a bribe1 when ,homer tells us that he discharged that rich man from the wars who presented him with his fleet mare ,aethe3-- ,whom rich ,echepolus1 more rich than brave1 ,to 'scape the wars1 to ,agamemnon gave 7,aethe her name71 at home to end his days2 ,base wealth preferring to eternal praise4 7,iliad1 xxiii4 #big47 ,yet1 as saith ,aristotle1 it was well done of him to prefer a good beast before such a man4 ,for1 the truth is1 a dog or ass is of more value than a timorous and cowardly man that wallows in wealth and luxury4 ,again1 ,thetis seems to do indecently1 when she exhorts her son to follow his pleasures and minds him of companying with women4 ,but even here1 on the other side1 the continency of ,achilles is worthy to be considered2 who1 though he dearly loved ,briseis1--newly returned to him too1--yet1 when he knew his life to be near its end1 does not hasten to the fruition of pleasures1 nor1 when he mourns for his friend ,patroclus1 does he 7as most men are wont7 shut himself up from all business and neglect his duty1 but only bars himself from recreations for his sorrow's sake1 while yet he gives himself up to action and military employments4 ,and ,archilochus is not praiseworthy either1 who1 in the midst of his mourning for his sister's husband drowned in the sea1 contrives to dispel his grief by drinking and merriment4 ,and yet he gives this plausible reason to justify that practice of his1 ,to drink and dance1 rather than mourn1 ,i choose2 ,nor wrong ,i him1 whom mourning can't reduce4 ,for1 if he judged himself to do nothing amiss when he followed sports and banquets1 sure1 we shall not do worse1 if in whatever circumstances we follow the study of philosophy1 or manage public affairs1 or go to the market or to the ,academy1 or follow our husbandry4 ,wherefore those corrections also are not to be rejected which ,cleanthes and ,antisthenes have made use of4 ,for ,antisthenes1 seeing the ,athenians all in a tumult in the theatre1 and justly1 upon the pronunciation of this verse1-- ,except what men think wrong1 there's nothing ill1 7,from the ,aeolus of ,euripides1 ,frag4 #ai47 presently subjoined this corrective1 ,what's wrong is so1--believe men what they will4 ,and ,cleanthes1 hearing this passage concerning wealth3-- ,great is th' advantage that great wealth attends1 ,for oft with it we purchase health and friends1 7,euripides1 ,electra1 #dbh47 presently altered it thus3 ,great disadvantage oft attends on wealth2 ,we purchase whores with't and destroy our health4 ,and ,zeno corrected that of ,sophocles1 ,the man that in a tyrant's palace dwells ,his liberty for's entertainment sells1 after this manner3-- ,no3 if he came in free1 he cannot lose ,his liberty1 though in a tyrant's house2 meaning by a free man one that is undaunted and magnanimous1 and one of a spirit too great to stoop beneath itself4 ,and why may not we also1 by some such acclamations as those1 call off young men to the better side1 by using some things spoken by poets after the same manner8 ,for example1 it is said1 ',tis all that in this life one can require1 ,to hit the mark he aims at in desire4 ,to which we may reply thus3-- ',tis false2 except one level his desire ,at what's expedient1 and no more require4 ,for it is an unhappy thing and not to be wished1 for a man to obtain and be master of what he desires if it be inexpedient4 ,again this saying1 ,thou1 ,agamemnon1 must thyself prepare ,of joy and grief by turns to take thy share1 ,thy father1 ,atreus1 sure1 ne'er thee begat1 ,to be an unchanged favorite of ,fate3 7,euripides1 ,iphigenia at ,aulus1 #bi47 we may thus invert3-- ,thy father1 ,atreus1 never thee begat1 ,to be an unchanged favorite of ,fate3 ,therefore1 if moderate thy fortunes are1 ,thou shouldst rejoice always1 and grief forbear4 ,again it is said1 ,alas6 this ill comes from the powers divine ,that oft we see what's good1 yet it decline4 7,from the ,chrysippus of ,euripides1 ,frag4 #hch47 ,yea1 rather1 say we1 it is a brutish and irrational and wretched fault of ours1 that when we understand better things1 we are carried away to the pursuit of those which are worse1 through our intemperance and effeminacy4 ,again1 one says1 ,for not the teacher's speech but practice moves4 7,from ,menander47 ,yea1 rather1 say we1 both the speech and practice1--or the practice by the means of speech1--as the horse is managed with the bridle1 and the ship with the helm4 ,for virtue hath no instrument so suitable and agreeable to human nature to work on men withal1 as that of rational discourse4 ,again1 we meet with this character of some person3-- ,a4 ,is he more inclined to male or female love8 ,b4 ,he bends both ways1 where beauty moves4 ,but it had been better said thus3-- ,he's flexible to both1 where virtue moves4 ,for it is no commendation of a man's dexterity to be tossed up and down as pleasure and beauty move him1 but an argument rather of a weak and unstable disposition4 ,once more1 this speech1 ,religion damps the courage of our minds1 ,and ev'n wise men to cowardice inclines1 is by no means to be allowed2 but rather the contrary1 ,religion truly fortifies men's minds1 ,and a wise man to valiant acts inclines1 and gives not occasion of fear to any but weak and foolish persons and such as are ungrateful to the ,deity1 who are apt to look on that divine power and principle which is the cause of all good with suspicion and jealousy1 as being hurtful unto them4 ,and so much for that which ,i call correction of poets' sayings4 ,there is yet another way of improving poems1 taught us well by ,chrysippus2 which is1 by accommodation of any saying1 to transfer that which is useful and serviceable in it to divers things of the same kind4 ,for whereas ,hesiod saith1 ,if but a cow miscarry1 the common fame ,upon the next ill neighbor lays the blame2 7,hesiod1 ,work and ,days1 #cdh47 the same may be applied to a man's dog or ass or any other beast of his which is liable to the like mischance4 ,again1 ,euripides saith1 ,how can that man be called a slave1 who slights ,ev'n death itself1 which servile spirits frights8 the like whereof may be said of hard labor or painful sickness4 ,for as physicians1 finding by experience the force of any medicine in the cure of some one disease1 make use of it by accommodation1 proportionably to every other disease of affinity thereto1 so are we to deal with such speeches as are of a common import and apt to communicate their value to other things2 we must not confine them to that one thing only to which they were at first adapted1 but transfer them to all other of like nature1 and accustom young men by many parallel instances to see the communicableness of them1 and exercise the promptness of their wits in such applications so that when ,menander says1 ,happy is he who wealth and wisdom hath1 they may be able to judge that the same is fitly applicable to glory and authority and eloquence also4 ,and the reproof which ,ulysses gives ,achilles1 when he found him sitting in ,scyrus in the apartment of the young ladies1 ,thou1 who from noblest ,greeks deriv'st thy race1 ,dost thou with spinning wool thy birth disgrace8 may be as well given to the prodigal1 to him that undertakes any dishonest way of living1 yea1 to the slothful and unlearned person1 thus3-- ,thou1 who from noblest ,greeks deriv'st thy race1 ,dost thou with fuddling thy great birth disgrace8 or dost thou spend thy time in dicing1 or quail-striking1 7,the word here used ,greek omitted denotes a game among the ,grecians1 which ,suidas describes to be the setting of quails in a round compass or ring and striking at the heads of them2 and he that in the ring struck one had liberty to strike at the rest in order1 but he that missed was obliged to set up quails for others2 and this they did by turns47 or deal in adulterate wares or griping usury1 not minding anything that is great and worthy thy noble extraction8 ,so when they read1 ,for wealth1 the ,god most served1 ,i little care1 ,since the worst men his favors often wear1 7,from the ,aeolus1 of ,euripides1 ,frag4 #bj47 they may be able to infer1 therefore1 as little regard is to be had to glory and bodily beauty and princely robes and priestly garlands1 all which also we see to be the enjoyments of very bad men4 ,again1 when they read this passage1 ,a coward father propagates his vice1 ,and gets a son heir to his cowardice1 they may in truth apply the same to intemperance1 to superstition1 to envy1 and all other diseases of men's minds4 ,again1 whereas it is handsomely said of ,homer1 ,unhappy ,paris1 fairest to behold6 and ,hector1 of noble form4 7,iliad1 iii4 #ci2 xvii4 #adb47 for herein he shows that a man who hath no greater excellency than that of beauty to commend him deserves to have it mentioned with contempt and ignominy1--such expressions we should make use of in like cases to repress the insolence of such as bear themselves high upon the account of such things as are of no real value1 and to teach young men to look upon such compellations as ,o thou richest of men1 and ,o thou that excellest in feasting1 in multitudes of attendants1 in herds of cattle1 yea1 and in eloquent speaking itself1 to be 7as they are indeed7 expressions that import reproach and infamy4 ,for1 in truth1 a man that designs to excel ought to endeavor it in those things that are in themselves most excellent1 and to become chief in the chiefest1 and great in the greatest things4 ,whereas glory that ariseth from things in themselves small and inconsiderable is inglorious and contemptible4 ,to mind us whereof we shall never be at a loss for instances1 if1 in reading ,homer especially1 we observe how he applieth the expressions that import praise or disgrace2 wherein we have clear proof that he makes small account of the good things either of the body or ,fortune4 ,and first of all1 in meetings and salutations1 men do not call others fair or rich or strong1 but use such terms of commendation as these3-- ,son of ,laertes1 from great ,jove deriving ,thy pedigree1 and skilled in wise contriving2 ,hector1 thou son of ,priam1 whose advice ,with wisest ,jove's men count of equal price2 ,achilles1 son of ,peleus1 whom all story ,shall mention as the ,grecians greatest glory2 ,divine ,patroclus1 for thy worth thou art1 ,of all the friends ,i have1 lodged next my heart4 7,iliad1 ii4 #agc2 vii4 #dg2 xix4 #baf2 xi4 #fjh47 ,and moreover1 when they speak disgracefully of any person1 they touch not at bodily defects1 but direct all their reproaches to vicious actions2 as for instance3-- ,a dogged-looking1 drunken beast thou art1 ,and in thy bosom hast a deer's faint heart2 ,ajax at brawling valiant still1 ,whose tongue is used to speaking ill2 ,a tongue so loose hung1 and so vain withal1 ,idomeneus1 becomes thee not at all2 ,ajax thy tongue doth oft offend2 ,for of thy boasting there's no end4 7,ibid4 i4 #bbe2 xxiii4 #dhc and #dgd-dgi2 xiii4 #hbd47 ,lastly1 when ,ulysses reproacheth ,thersites1 he objecteth not to him his lameness nor his baldness nor his hunched back1 but the vicious quality of indiscreet babbling4 ,on the other side1 when ,juno means to express a dalliance or motherly fondness to her son ,vulcan1 she courts him with an epithet taken from his halting1 thus1 ,rouse thee1 my limping son6 7,ibid1 xxi4 #cca47 ,in this instance1 ,homer does 7as it were7 deride those who are ashamed of their lameness or blindness1 as not thinking anything a disgrace that is not in itself disgraceful1 nor any person liable to a reproach for that which is not imputable to himself but to ,fortune4 ,these two great advantages may be made by those who frequently study poets2--the learning moderation1 to keep them from unseasonable and foolish reproaching others with their misfortunes1 when they themselves enjoy a constant current of prosperity2 and magnanimity1 that under variety of accidents they be not dejected nor disturbed1 but meekly bear the being scoffed at1 reproached1 and drolled upon4 ,especially1 let them have that saying of ,philemon ready at hand in such cases3-- ,that spirit's well in tune1 whose sweet repose ,no railer's tongue can ever discompose4 ,and yet1 if one that so rails do himself merit reprehension1 thou mayst take occasion to retort upon him his own vices and inordinate passions2 as when ,adrastus in the tragedy is assaulted thus by ,alcmaeon1 ,thy sister's one that did her husband kill1 he returns him this answer1 ,but thou thyself thy mother's blood did spill4 ,for as they who scourge a man's garments do not touch the body1 so those that turn other men's evil fortunes or mean births to matter of reproach do only with vanity and folly enough lash their external circumstances1 but touch not their internal part1 the soul1 nor those things which truly need correction and reproof4 ,moreover1 as we have above taught you to abate and lessen the credit of evil and hurtful poems by setting in opposition to them the famous speeches and sentences of such worthy men as have managed public affairs1 so will it be useful to us1 where we find any things in them of civil and profitable import1 to improve and strengthen them by testimonies and proofs taken from philosophers1 withal giving these the credit of being the first inventors of them4 ,for this is both just and profitable to be done1 seeing by this means such sayings receive an additional strength and esteem1 when it appears that what is spoken on the stage or sung to the harp or occurs in a scholar's lesson is agreeable to the doctrines of ,pythagoras and ,plato1 and that the sentences of ,chile and ,bias tend to the same issue with those that are found in the authors which children read4 ,therefore must we industriously show them that these poetical sentences1 ,not these1 ,o daughter1 are thy proper cares1 ,thee milder arts befit1 and softer wars2 ,sweet smiles are thine1 and kind endearing charms2 ,to ,mars and ,pallas leave the deeds of arms2 ,jove's angry with thee1 when thy unmanaged rage ,with those that overmatch thee doth engage2 7,iliad1 v4 #bdh2 xi4 #edc47 differ not in substance but bear plainly the same sense with that philosophical sentence1 ,know thyself1 ,and these ,fools1 who by wrong seek to augment their store1 ,and know not how much half than all is more2 ,of counsel giv'n to mischievous intents1 ,the man that gives it most of all repents2 7,hesiod1 ,works and ,days1 #dj and #bff47 are of near kin to what we find in the determination of ,plato1 in his books entitled ,gorgias and ,concerning the ,commonwealth1 to wit1 that it is worse to do than to suffer injury1 and that a man more endamageth himself when he hurts another1 than he would be damnified if he were the sufferer4 ,and that of ,aeschylus1 ,cheer up1 friend2 sorrows1 when they highest climb1 ,what they exceed in measure want in time1 we must inform them1 is but the same famous sentence which is so much admired in ,epicurus1 that great griefs are but short1 and those that are of long continuance are but small4 ,the former clause whereof is that which ,aeschylus here saith expressly1 and the latter but the consequent of that4 ,for if a great and intense sorrow do not last1 then that which doth last is not great nor hard to be borne4 ,and those words of ,thespis1 ,seest not how ,jove1--because he cannot lie ,nor vaunt nor laugh at impious drollery1 ,and pleasure's charms are things to him unknown1-- ,among the gods wears the imperial crown8 wherein differ they from what ,plato says1 that the divine nature is remote from both joy and grief8 ,and that saying of ,bacchylides1 ,virtue alone doth lasting honor gain1 ,but men of basest souls oft wealth attain2 and those of ,euripides much of the same import1 ,hence temperance in my esteem excels1 ,because it constantly with good men dwells2 ,however you may strive for honor ,and you may seem to have secured by wealth virtue1 ,good men will place you among the miserable2 do they not evidently confirm to us what the philosophers say of riches and other external good things1 that without virtue they are fruitless and unprofitable enjoyments8 ,now thus to accommodate and reconcile poetry to the doctrines of philosophy strips it of its fabulous and personated parts1 and makes those things which it delivers usefully to acquire also the reputation of gravity2 and over and above1 it inclines the soul of a young man to receive the impressions of philosophical precepts4 ,for he will hereby be enabled to come to them not altogether destitute of some sort of relish of them1 not as to things that he has heard nothing of before1 nor with an head confusedly full of the false notions which he hath sucked in from the daily tattle of his mother and nurse1--yea1 sometimes too of his father and pedant1--who have been wont to speak of rich men as the happy men and mention them always with honor1 and to express themselves concerning death and pain with horror1 and to look on virtue without riches and glory as a thing of nought and not to be desired4 ,whence it comes to pass1 that when such youths first do hear things of a quite contrary nature from philosophers1 they are surprised with a kind of amazement1 trouble1 and stupid astonishment1 which makes them afraid to entertain or endure them1 except they be dealt with as those who come out of very great darkness into the light of the bright sun1 that is1 be first accustomed for a while to behold those doctrines in fabulous authors1 as in a kind of false light1 which hath but a moderate brightness and is easy to be looked on and borne without disturbance to the weak sight4 ,for having before heard or read from poets such things as these are1-- ,mourn one's birth1 as the entrance of all ills2 ,but joy at death1 as that which finishes misery2 ,of worldly things a mortal needs but two2 ,a drink of water and the gift of ,ceres3 ,o tyranny1 to barbarous nations dear6 ,this in all human happiness is chief1 ,to know as little as we can of grief2 they are the less disturbed and offended when they hear from philosophers that no man ought to be overconcerned about death2 that riches are limited to the necessities of nature2 that the happiness of man's life doth not consist in the abundance of wealth or vastness of employments or height of authority and power1 but in freedom from sorrow1 in moderation of passions1 and in such a temper of mind as measures all things by the use of ,nature4 ,wherefore1 upon all these accounts1 as well as for all the reasons before mentioned1 youth stands in need of good government to manage it in the reading of poetry1 that being free from all prejudicate opinions1 and rather instructed beforehand in conformity thereunto1 it may with more calmness1 friendliness1 and familiarity pass from thence to the study of philosophy4 ,,end ,,of ,,fourteen------------ ,,abstract ,,of ,a ,,comparison ,,between ,,aristophane ,,and ,,menander ,to speak in sum and in general1 he prefers ,menander by far2 and as to particulars1 he adds what here ensues4 ,aristophanes1 he saith1 is importune1 theatric1 and sordid in his expression2 but ,menander not so at all4 ,for the rude and vulgar person is taken with the things the former speaketh2 but the well-bred man will be quite out of humor with them4 ,i mean1 his opposed terms1 his words of one cadence1 and his derivatives4 ,for the one makes use of these with due observance and but seldom1 and bestows care upon them2 but the other frequently1 unseasonably1 and frigidly4 ,for he is much commended1 said he1 for ducking the chamberlains1 they being indeed not chamberlains ,greek omitted but witches4,greek omitted4 ,and again1--,this rascal breathes out nothing but roguery and sycophanty2 and ,smite him well in his belly with the entrails and the guts2 and1 ,by laughing ,i shall get to ,laughington ,greek omitted2 and1 ,thou poor sharded ostracized pot1 what shall ,i do with thee8 and1 ,to you women surely he is a mad plague1 for he was brought up among these mad worts2--and1 ,look here1 how the moths have eaten away my crest2 and1 ,bring me hither the gorgon-backed circle of my shield2 ,give me the round-backed circle of a cheese-cake2--and much more of the same kind4 7,see ,aristophanes1 ,knights1 #dcg1 #dee2 ,thesmophoriazusae1 #dee2 ,acharnians1 #aaji1 #aabd47 ,there is then in the structure of his words something tragic and something comic1 something blustering and something low1 an obscurity1 a vulgarness1 a turgidness1 and a strutting1 with a nauseous prattling and fooling4 ,and as his style has so great varieties and dissonances in it1 so neither doth he give to his persons what is fitting and proper to each1--as state 7for instance7 to a prince1 force to an orator1 innocence to a woman1 meanness of language to a poor man1 and sauciness to a tradesman1--but he deals out to every person1 as it were by lot1 such words as come next to his hand1 and you would scarce discern whether he be a son a father1 a peasant1 a god1 an old woman1 or a hero that is talking4 ,but now ,menander's phrase is so well turned and contempered with itself1 and so everywhere conspiring1 that1 while it traverses many passions and humors and is accommodated to all sorts of persons1 it still shows the same1 and retains its semblance even in trite1 familiar1 and everyday expressions4 ,and if his master do now and then require something of rant and noise1 he doth but 7like a skilful flutist7 set open all the holes of his pipe1 and their presently stop them again with good decorum and restore the tune to its natural state4 ,and though there be a great number of excellent artists of all professions1 yet never did any shoemaker make the same sort of shoe1 or tireman the same sort of visor1 or tailor the same sort of garment1 to fit a man1 a woman1 a child1 an old man1 and a slave4 ,but ,menander hath so addressed his style1 as to proportion it to every sex1 condition1 and age2 and this1 though he took the business in hand when he was very young1 and died in the vigor of his composition and action1 when1 as ,aristotle tells us1 authors receive most and greatest improvement in their styles4 ,if a man shall then compare the middle and last with the first of ,menander's plays1 he will by them easily conceive what others he would have added to them1 had he had but longer life4 ,he adds further1 that of dramatic exhibitors1 some address themselves to the crowd and populace1 and others again to a few2 but it is a hard matter to say which of them all knew what was befitting in both the kinds4 ,but ,aristophanes is neither grateful to the vulgar1 nor tolerable to the wise2 but it fares with his poesy as it doth with a courtesan who1 when she finds she is now stricken and past her prime1 counterfeits a sober matron1 and then the vulgar cannot endure her affectation1 and the better sort abominate her lewdness and wicked nature4 ,but ,menander hath with his charms shown himself every way sufficient for satisfaction1 being the sole lecture1 argument1 and dispute at theatres1 schools1 and at tables2 hereby rendering his poesy the most universal ornament that was ever produced by ,greece1 and showing what and how extraordinary his ability in language was1 while he passes every way with an irresistible persuasion1 and gains every man's ear and understanding who has any knowledge of the ,greek tongue4 ,and for what other reason in truth should a man of parts and erudition be at the pains to frequent the theatre1 but for the sake of ,menander only8 ,and when are the playhouses better filled with men of letters1 than when his comic mask is exhibited8 ,and at private entertainments among friends1 for whom doth the table more justly make room or ,bacchus give place than for ,menander8 ,to philosophers also and hard students 7as painters are wont1 when they have tired out their eyes at their work1 to divert them to certain florid and green colors7 ,menander is a repose from their auditors and intense thinkings1 and entertains their minds with gay shady meadows refreshed with cool and gentle breezes4 ,he adds1 moreover1 that though this city breeds at this time very many and excellent representers of comedy1 ,menander's plays participate of a plenteous and divine salt1 as though they were made of the very sea out of which ,venus herself sprang4 ,but that of ,aristophanes is harsh and coarse1 and hath in it an angry and biting sharpness4 ,and for my part ,i cannot tell where his so much boasted ability lies1 whether in his style or persons4 ,the parts he acts ,i am sure are quite overacted and depraved4 ,his knave 7for instance7 is not fine1 but dirty2 his peasant is not assured1 but stupid2 his droll is not jocose1 but ridiculous2 and his lover is not gay1 but lewd4 ,so that to me the man seems not to have written his poesy for any temperate person1 but to have intended his smut and obscenity for the debauched and lewd1 his invective and satire for the malicious and ill-humored4 ,,end ,,of ,,fifteen------ ,,the ,,malice ,,of ,,herodotus4 ,the style1 ,o ,alexander1 of ,herodotus1 as being simple1 free1 and easily suiting itself to its subject1 has deceived many2 but more1 a persuasion of his dispositions being equally sincere4 ,for it is not only 7as ,plato says7 an extreme injustice1 to make a show of being just when one is not so2 but it is also the highest malignity1 to pretend to simplicity and mildness and be in the meantime really most malicious4 ,now since he principally exerts his malice against the ,boeotians and ,corinthians1 though without sparing any other1 ,i think myself obliged to defend our ancestors and the truth against this part of his writings1 since those who would detect all his other lies and fictions would have need of many books4 ,but1 as ,sophocles has it1 the face of persuasion1 is prevalent1 especially when delivered in the good language1 and such as has power to conceal both the other absurdities and the ill-nature of the writer4 ,king ,philip told the ,greeks who revolted from him to ,titus ,quinctius that they had got a more polished1 but a longer lasting yoke4 ,so the malice of ,herodotus is indeed more polite and delicate than that of ,theopompus1 yet it pinches closer1 and makes a more severe impression1--not unlike to those winds which1 blowing secretly through narrow chinks1 are sharper than those that are more diffused4 ,now it seems to me very convenient to delineate1 as it were1 in the rough draught1 those signs and marks that distinguish a malicious narration from a candid and unbiassed one1 applying afterwards every point we shall examine to such as appertain to them4 ,first then1 whoever in relating a story shall use the odious terms when gentler expressions might do as well1 is it not to be esteemed impartial1 but an enjoyer of his own fancy1 in putting the worst construction on things2 as if any one1 instead of saying ,nicias is too superstitious1 should call him fanatic1 or should accuse ,cleon of presumption and madness rather than of inconsiderateness in speech4----------,secondly1 when a writer1 catching hold of a fault which has no reference to his story1 shall draw it into the relation of such affairs as need it not1 extending his narrative with cicumlocutions1 only that he may insert a man's misfortune1 offence1 or discommendable action1 it is manifest that he delights in speaking evil4 ,therefore ,thucydides would not clearly relate the faults of ,cleon1 which were very numerous2 and as for ,hyperbolus the orator1 having touched at him in a word and called him an ill man1 he let him go4 ,philistus also passed over all those outrages committed by ,dionysius on the barbarians which had no connection with the ,grecian affairs4 ,for the excursions and digressions of history are principally allowed for fables and antiquities1 and sometimes also for encomiums4 ,but he who makes reproaches and detractions an addition to his discourse seems to incur the tragedian's curse on the collector of men's calamities4 ,now the opposite to this is known to every one1 as the omitting to relate some good and laudable action1 which1 though it may seem not to be reprehensible1 yet is then done maliciously when the omission happens in a place that is pertinent to the history4 ,for to praise unwillingly is so far from being more civil than to dispraise willingly1 that it is perhaps rather more uncivil4 ,the fourth sign of a partial disposition in writing of history ,i take to be this3 ,when a matter is related in two or more several manners1 and the historian shall embrace the worst4 ,sophisters indeed are permitted1 for the obtaining either of profit or reputation1 to undertake the defence of the worst cause2 for they neither create any firm belief of the matter1 nor yet do they deny that they are often pleased in maintaining paradoxes and making incredible things appear probable4 ,but an historian is then just1 when he asserts such things as he knows to be true1 and of those that are uncertain reports rather the better than the worse4 ,nay1 there are many writers who wholly omit the worse4 ,thus ,ephorus writes of ,themistocles1 that he was acquainted with the treason of ,pausanias and his negotiations with the ,king's lieutenants1 but that he neither consented to it1 nor hearkened to ,pausanias's proffers of making him partaker of his hopes2 and ,thucydides left the whole matter out of his story1 as judging it to be false4 ,moreover1 in things confessed to have been done1 but for doing which the cause and intention is unknown1 he who casts his conjectures on the worst side is partial and malicious4 ,thus do the comedians1 who affirm the ,peloponnesian war to have been kindled by ,pericles for the love of ,aspasia or the sake of ,phidias1 and not through any desire of honor1 or ambition of pulling down the ,peloponnesian pride and giving place in nothing to the ,lacedaemonians4 ,for those who suppose a bad cause for laudable works and commendable actions1 endeavoring by calumnies to insinuate sinister suspicions of the actor when they cannot openly discommend the act1--as they that impute the killing of ,alexander the tyrant by ,theba not to any magnanimity or hatred of vice1 but to a certain feminine jealousy and passion1 and those that say ,cato slew himself for fear ,caesar should put him to a more shameful death1--such as these are manifestly in the highest degree envious and malicious4 ,an historical narration is also more or less guilty of malice1 according as it relates the manner of the action2 as if one should be said to have performed an exploit rather by money than bravery1 as some affirm of ,philip2 or else easily and without any labor1 as it is said of ,alexander2 or else not by prudence1 but by ,fortune1 as the enemies of ,timotheus painted cities falling into his nets as he lay sleeping4 ,for they undoubtedly diminish the greatness and beauty of the actions1 who deny the performer of them to have done them generously1 industriously1 virtuously1 and by themselves4 ,moreover1 those who will directly speak ill of any one incur the reproach of moroseness1 rashness1 and madness1 unless they keep within measure4 ,but they who send forth calumnies obliquely1 as if they were shooting arrows out of corners1 and then stepping back think to conceal themselves by saying they do not believe what they most earnestly desire to have believed1 whilst they disclaim all malice1 condemn themselves also of farther disingenuity4 ,next to these are they who with their reproaches intermix some praises1 as did ,aristoxenus1 who1 having termed ,socrates unlearned1 ignorant1 and libidinous1 added1 ,yet was he free from injustice4 ,for1 as they who flatter artificially and craftily sometimes mingle light reprehensions with their many and great praises1 joining this liberty of speech as a sauce to their flattery2 so malice1 that it may gain belief to its accusations1 adds also praise4 ,we might here also reckon up more notes2 but these are sufficient to let us understand the nature and manners of ,herodotus4 ,first therefore1--beginning1 as the proverb is1 with ,vesta1--whereas all the ,grecians affirm ,io1 daughter to ,inachus1 to have been worshipped with divine honor by the barbarians1 and by her glory to have left her name to many seas and principal ports1 and to have given a source and original to most noble and royal families2 this famous author says of her1 that she gave herself to certain ,phoenician merchants1 having been not unwillingly deflowered by a mariner1 and fearing lest she should be found by her friends to be with child 7,herodotus1 i4 #e47 ,and he belies the ,phoenicians as having delivered these things of her1 and says that the ,persian stories testify of her being carried away by the ,phoenicians with other women4 7,ibid4 i4 #a47 ,presently after1 he gives sentence on the bravest and greatest exploits of ,greece1 saying that the ,trojan war was foolishly undertaken for an ill woman4 ,for it is manifest1 says he1 that had they not been willing they had never been ravished4 7,ibid4 i4 #d47 ,let us then say1 that the gods also acted foolishly1 in inflicting their indignation on the ,spartans for abusing the daughters of ,scedasus the ,leuctrian1 and in punishing ,ajax for the violation of ,cassandra4 ,for it is manifest1 if we believe ,herodotus1 that if they had not been willing they had never been defiled4 ,and yet he himself said that ,aristomenes was taken alive by the ,spartans2 and the same afterwards happened to ,philopoemen1 general of the ,achaeans2 and the ,carthaginians took ,regulus1 the consul of the ,romans2 than whom there are not easily to be found more valiant and warlike men4 ,nor is it to be wondered1 since even leopards and tigers are taken alive by men4 ,but ,herodotus blames the poor women that have been abused by violence1 and patronizes their ravishers4 ,nay1 he is so favorable to the barbarians1 that1 acquitting ,busiris of those human sacrifices and that slaughter of his guests for which he is accused1 and attributing by his testimony to the ,egyptians much religion and justice1 he endeavors to cast that abominable wickedness and those impious murders on the ,grecians4 ,for in his ,second ,book he says1 that ,menelaus1 having received ,helen from ,proteus and having been honored by him with many presents1 showed himself a most unjust and wicked man2 for wanting a favorable wind to set sail1 he found out an impious device1 and having taken two of the inhabitants' boys1 consulted their entrails2 for which villany being hated and persecuted1 he fled with his ships directly into ,libya4 7,see ,herodotus1 ii4 #de47 ,from what ,egyptian this story proceeds1 ,i know not4 ,for1 on the contrary1 many honors are even at this day given by the ,egyptians to ,helen and ,menelaus4 ,the same ,herodotus1 that he may still be like himself1 says that the ,persians learned the defiling of the male sex from the ,greeks4 7,ibid1 i4 #ace47 ,and yet how could the ,greeks have taught this impurity to the ,persians1 amongst whom1 as is confessed by many1 boys had been castrated before ever they arrived in the ,grecian seas8 ,he writes also1 that the ,greeks were instructed by the ,egyptians in their pomps1 solemn festivals1 and worship of the twelve gods2 that ,melampus also learned of the ,egyptians the name of ,dionysus 7or ,bacchus7 and taught it the other ,greeks2 that the mysteries likewise and rites of ,ceres were brought out of ,egypt by the daughters of ,danaus2 and that the ,egyptians were wont to beat themselves and make great lamentation1 but yet he himself refused to tell the names of their deities1 but concealed them in silence4 ,as to ,hercules and ,bacchus1 whom the ,egyptians named gods1 and the ,greeks very aged men1 he nowhere has such scruples and hesitation2 although he places also the ,egyptian ,hercules amongst the gods of the second rank1 and ,bacchus amongst those of the third1 as having had some beginning of their being and not being eternal1 and yet he pronounces those to be gods2 but to the gods ,bacchus and ,hercules1 as having been mortal and being now demi-gods1 he thinks we ought to perform anniversary solemnities1 but not to sacrifice to them as to gods4 ,the same also he said of ,pan1 overthrowing the most venerable and purest sacrifices of the ,greeks by the proud vanities and mythologies of the ,egyptians4 7,for the passages referred to in this chapter1 see ,herodotus1 ii4 #dh1 #ea1 #ade1 #adf1 #aga47 ,nor is this impious enough2 but moreover1 deriving the pedigree of ,hercules from ,perseus1 he says that ,perseus was an ,assyrian1 as the ,persians affirm4 ,but the leaders1 says he1 of the ,dorians may appear to be descended in a right line from the ,egyptians1 reckoning their ancestors from before ,danae and ,acrisius4 7,herodotus1 vi4 #ec1 #ed47 ,here he has wholly passed by ,epaphus1 ,io1 ,iasus1 and ,argus1 being ambitious not only to make the other ,herculeses ,egyptians and ,phoenicians but to carry this also1 whom himself declares to have been the third1 out of ,greece to the barbarians4 ,but of the ancient learned writers1 neither ,homer1 nor ,hesiod1 nor ,archilochus1 nor ,pisander1 nor ,stesichorus1 nor ,alcman1 nor ,pindar1 makes any mention of the ,egyptian or the ,phoenician ,hercules1 but all acknowledge this our own ,boeotian and ,argive ,hercules4 ,now of the seven sages1 whom he calls ,sophisters1 he affirms ,thales to have been a barbarian1 descended of the ,phoenicians4 7,ibid1 i4 #agj47 ,speaking ill also of the gods under the person of ,solon1 he has these words3 ,thou1 ,o ,croesus1 askest me concerning human affairs1 who know that every one of the deities envious and tumultuous4 7,ibid1 i4 #cb47 ,thus attributing to ,solon what himself thinks of the gods1 he joins malice to blasphemy4 ,having made use also of ,pittacus in some trivial matters1 not worth the mentioning1 he has passed over the greatest and gallantest action that was ever done by him4 ,for when the ,athenians and ,mitylenaeans were at war about ,sigaeum1 ,phrynon1 the ,athenian general1 challenging whoever would come forth to a single combat1 ,pittacus advanced to meet him1 and catching him in a net1 slew that stout and giant-like man2 for which when the ,mitylaenans offered him great presents1 darting his javelin as far as he could out of his hand1 he desired only so much ground as he should reach with that throw2 and the place is to this day called ,pittacium4 ,now what does ,herodotus1 when he comes to this8 ,instead of ,pittacus's valiant act1 he tells us the fight of ,alcaeus the poet1 who throwing away his arms ran out of the battle2 by thus not writing of honorable deeds and not passing over such as are dishonorable1 he offers his testimony to those who say1 that from one and the same malice proceed both envy and a rejoicing at other men's harms4 7,herodotus v4 #ie47 ,after this1 he accuses of treason the ,alcmaeonidae who showed themselves generous men1 and delivered their country from tyranny4 7,ibid4 i4 #fa47 ,he says1 that they received ,pisistratus after his banishment and got him called home1 on condition he should marry the daughter of ,megacles2 but the damsel saying to her mother1 ,do you see1 mother1 how ,i am known by ,pisistratus contrary to nature8 ,the ,alcmaeonidae were so offended at this villany1 that they expelled the tyrant4 ,now that the ,lacedaemonians might have no less share of his malice than the ,athenians1 behold how he bespatters ,othryadas1 the man most admired and honored by them4 ,he only1 says ,herodotus1 remaining alive of the three hundred1 and ashamed to return to ,sparta1 his companions being lost1 slew himself on the spot at ,thyreae4 7,ibid4 i4 #hb47 ,for having before said the victory was doubtful on both sides1 he here1 by making ,othryadas ashamed1 witnesses that the ,lacedaemonians were vanquished4 ,for it was shameful for him to survive1 if conquered2 but glorious1 if conqueror4 ,i pass by now1 that having1 represented ,croesus as foolish1 vainglorious1 and ridiculous in all things1 he makes him1 when a prisoner1 to have taught and instructed ,cyrus1 who seems to have excelled all other kings in prudence1 virtue1 and magnanimity4 7,ibid4 i4 #aee1 #aef1 #bjg1 #bjh47 ,having testified of the same ,croesus nothing else that was commendable but his honoring the gods with many and great oblations1 he shows that very act of his to have been the most impious of all4 ,for he says1 that he and his brother ,pantoleon contended for the kingdom while their father was yet alive2 and that ,croesus1 having obtained the crown1 caused a companion and familiar friend of ,pantoleon's to be torn in pieces in a fulling-mill1 and sent presents to the gods from his property4 7,ibid4 i4 #ib47 ,of ,deioces also1 the ,median1 who by virtue and justice obtained the government1 he says that he got it not by real but pretended justice4 7,ibid4 i4 #if47 ,but ,i let pass the barbarian examples1 since he has offered us plenty enough in the ,grecian affairs4 ,he says1 that the ,athenians and many other ,ionians were so ashamed of that name that they wholly refused to be called ,ionians2 and that those who esteemed themselves the noblest among them1 and who had come forth from the very ,prytaneum of ,athens1 begat children on barbarian wives whose parents1 husbands1 and former children they had slain2 that the women had therefore made a law among themselves1 confirmed it by oath1 and delivered it to be kept by their daughters1 never to eat with their husbands1 nor to call any of them by his name2 and that the present ,milesians are descended from these women4 ,having afterwards added that those are true ,ionians who celebrate the feast called ,apaturia2 they all1 says he1 keep it except the ,ephesians and ,colophonians4 7,herodotus1 i4 #adc-adh47 ,in this manner does he deprive these two states of their nobility4 ,he says moreover1 that the ,cumaeans and ,mitylenaeans agreed with ,cyrus to deliver up to him for a price ,pactyas1 who had revolted from him4 ,i know not indeed1 says he1 for how much2 since it is not certain what it was4 ,bravo6--not to know what it was1 and yet to cast such an infamy on a ,grecian city1 without an assured knowledge6 ,he says farther1 that the ,chians took ,pactyas1 who was brought to them out of the temple of ,minerva ,poliuchus 7or ,guardianess of the city71 and delivered him up1 having received the city ,atarneus for their recompense4 ,and yet ,charon the ,lampsacenian1 a more ancient writer1 relating this matter concerning ,pactyas1 charges neither the ,mitylenaeans nor the ,chians with any such action4 ,these are his very words3 ,pactyas1 hearing that the ,persian army drew near1 fled first to ,mitylene1 then to ,chios1 and there fell into the hands of ,cyrus4 7,see ,herodotus1 i4 #aeg4 etc47 ,our author in his ,third ,book1 relating the expedition of the ,lacedaemonians against the tyrant ,polycrates1 affirms1 that the ,samians think and say that the ,spartans1 to recompense them for their former assistance against the ,messenians1 both brought back the ,samians that were banished1 and made war on the tyrant2 but that the ,lacedaemonians deny this1 and say1 they undertook this design not to help or deliver the ,samians1 but to punish them for having taken away a cup sent by them to ,croesus1 and besides1 a breastplate sent them by ,amasis4 7,ibid4 iii4 #dg1 #dh47 ,and yet we know that there was not at that time any city so desirous of honor1 or such an enemy to tyrants1 as ,sparta4 ,for what breastplate or cup was the cause of their driving the ,cypselidae out of ,corinth and ,ambracia1 ,lygdamis out of ,naxos1 the children of ,pisistratus out of ,athens1 ,aeschines out of ,sicyon1 ,symmachus out of ,thasus1 ,aulis out of ,phocis1 and ,aristogenes out of ,miletus2 and of their overturning the domineering powers of ,thessaly1 pulling down ,aristomedes and ,angelus by the help of ,king ,leotychides8--which facts are elsewhere more largely described4 ,now1 if ,herodotus says true1 they were in the highest degree guilty both of malice and folly1 when1 denying a most honorable and most just cause of their expedition1 they confessed that in remembrance of a former injury1 and too highly valuing an inconsiderable matter1 they invaded a miserable and afflicted people4 ,now perhaps he gave the ,lacedaemonians this stroke1 as directly falling under his pen2 but the city of ,corinth1 which was wholly out of the course of his story1 he has brought in--going out of his way 7as they say7 to fasten upon it--and has bespattered it with a most filthy crime and most shameful calumny4 ,the ,corinthians1 says he1 studiously helped this expedition of the ,lacedaemonians to ,samos1 as having themselves also been formerly affronted by the ,samians4 ,the matter was this4 ,periander tyrant of ,corinth sent three hundred boys1 sons to the principal men of ,corcyra1 to ,king ,alyattes1 to be gelt4 ,these1 going ashore in the island of ,samos1 were by the ,samians taught to sit as suppliants in the temple of ,diana1 where they preserved them1 setting before them for their food sesame mingled with honey4 ,this our author calls an affront put by the ,samians on the ,corinthians1 who therefore instigated the ,lacedaemonians against them1 to wit1 because the ,samians had saved three hundred children of the ,greeks from being unmanned4 ,by attributing this villany to the ,corinthians1 he makes the city more wicked than the tyrant4 ,he indeed was revenging himself on those of ,corcyra who had slain his son2 but what had the ,corinthians suffered1 that they should punish the ,samians for putting an obstacle to so great a cruelty and wickedness8--and this1 after three generations1 reviving the memory of an old quarrel for the sake of that tyranny1 which they found so grievous and intolerable that they are still endlessly abolishing all the monuments and marks of it1 though long since extinct4 ,such then was the injury done by the ,samians to the ,corinthians4 ,now what a kind of punishment was it the ,corinthians would have inflicted on them8 ,had they been indeed angry with the ,samians1 they should not have incited the ,lacedaemonians1 but rather diverted them from their war against ,polycrates1 that the ,samians might not by the tyrant's overthrow recover liberty1 and be freed from their slavery4 ,but 7what is most to be observed7 why were the ,corinthians so offended with the ,samians1 that desired indeed but were not able to save the ,corcyraeans children1 and yet were not displeased with the ,cnidians1 who both preserved them and restored them to their friends8 ,nor indeed have the ,corcyraeans any great esteem for the ,samians on this account2 but of the ,cnidians they preserve a grateful recollection1 having granted them several honors and privileges1 and made decrees in their favor4 ,for these1 sailing to ,samos1 drove away ,periander's guards from the temple1 and taking the children aboard their ships1 carried them safe to ,corcyra2 as it is recorded by ,antenor the ,cretan1 and by ,dionysius the ,chalcidian in his foundations4 ,now that the ,spartans undertook not this war on any design of punishing the ,samians1 but to save them by delivering them from the tyrant1 we have the testimony of the ,samians themselves4 ,for they affirm that there is in ,samos a monument erected at the public charge1 and honors there done to ,archias a ,spartan1 who fell fighting valiantly in that quarrel2 for which cause also his posterity still keep a familiar and friendly correspondence with the ,samians1 as ,herodotus himself witnesses4 ,in his ,fifth ,book1 he says1 that ,clisthenes1 one of the best and noblest men in ,athens1 persuaded the priestess ,pythia to be a false prophetess1 and always to exhort the ,lacedaemonians to free ,athens from the tyrants2 calumniating this most excellent and just action by the imputation of so great a wickedness and imposture1 and taking from ,apollo the credit of that true and good prophecy1 beseeming even ,themis herself1 who is also said to have joined with him4 ,he says farther1 that ,isagoras prostituted his wife to ,cleomenes1 who came to her4 7,herodotus1 v4 #fc1 #gj47 ,then1 as his manner is1 to gain credit by mixing some praises with his reproaches1 he says3 ,isagoras the son of ,tisander was of a noble family1 but ,i cannot tell the original of it2 his kinsmen1 however1 sacrifice to the ,carian ,jupiter4 7,herodotus1 v4 #ff47 ,o this pleasant and cunning scoffer of a writer1 who thus disgracefully sends ,isagoras to the ,carians1 as it were to the ravens4 ,as for ,aristogiton1 he puts him not forth at the back door1 but thrusts him directly out of the gate into ,phoenicia1 saying that he had his original from the ,gephyraeans1 and that the ,gephyraeans were not1 as some think1 ,euboeans or ,eretrians1 but ,phoenicians1 as himself has heard by report4 7,ibid1 v4 #eh47 ,and since he cannot altogether take from the ,lacedaemonians the glory of having delivered the ,athenians from the tyrants1 he endeavors to cloud and disgrace that most honorable act by as foul a passion4 ,for he says1 they presently repented of it1 as not having done well1 in that they had been persuaded by spurious and deceitful oracles to drive the tyrants1 who were their allies and had promised to put ,athens into their hands1 out of their country1 and had restored the city to an ungrateful people4 ,he adds1 that they were about to send for ,hippias from ,sigeum1 and bring him back to ,athens2 but that they were opposed by the ,corinthians1 ,sosicles telling them how much the city of ,corinth had suffered under the tyranny of ,cypselus and ,periander4 7,ibid1 v4 #ij1 #ia47 ,and yet there was no outrage of ,periander's more abominable and cruel than his sending the three hundred children to be emasculated1 for the delivering and saying of whom from that contumely the ,corinthians1 he says1 were angry and bore a grudge against the ,samians1 as having put an affront upon them4 ,with so much repugnance and contradiction is that malice of his discourse filled1 which on every occasion insinuates itself into his narrations4 ,after this1 relating the action of ,sardis1 he1 as much as in him lies1 diminishes and discredits the matter2 being so audacious as to call the ships which the ,athenians sent to the assistance of the ,ionians1 who had revolted from the ,king the beginning of evils1 because they endeavored to deliver so many and so great ,grecian cities from the barbarians4 7,ibid1 v4 #ig47 ,as to the ,eretrians1 making mention of them only by the way1 he passes over in silence a great1 gallant1 and memorable action of theirs4 ,for when all ,ionia was in a confusion and uproar1 and the ,king's fleet drew nigh1 they1 going forth to meet him1 overcame in a sea-fight the ,cyprians in the ,pamphylian ,sea4 ,then turning back and leaving their ships at ,ephesus1 they invaded ,sardis and besieged ,artaphernes1 who was fled into the castle1 that so they might raise the siege of ,miletus4 ,and this indeed they effected1 causing the enemies to break up their camp and remove thence in a wonderful fright1 and then seeing themselves in danger to be oppressed by a multitude1 retired4 ,this not only others1 but ,lysanias of ,mallus also in his history of ,eretria relates1 thinking it convenient1 if for no other reason1 yet after the taking and destruction of the city1 to add this valiant and heroic act4 ,but this writer of ours says1 they were defeated1 and pursued even to their ships by the barbarians2 though ,charon the ,lampsacenian has no such thing1 but writes thus1 word for word3 ,the ,athenians set forth with twenty galleys to the assistance of the ,ionians1 and going to ,sardis1 took all thereabouts1 except the ,king's wall2 which having done1 they returned to ,miletus4 ,in his ,sixth ,book1 our author1 discoursing of the ,plataeans1--how they gave themselves to the ,lacedaemonians1 who exhorted them rather to have recourse to the ,athenians1 who were nearer to them and no bad defenders1--adds1 not as a matter of suspicion or opinion1 but as a thing certainly known by him1 that the ,lacedaemonians gave the ,plataeans this advice1 not so much for any goodwill1 as through a desire to find work for the ,athenians by engaging them with the ,boeotians4 7,herodotus1 vi4 #ajh47 ,if then ,herodotus is not malicious1 the ,lacedaemonians must have been both fraudulent and spiteful2 and the ,athenians fools1 in suffering themselves to be thus imposed on2 and the ,plataeans were brought into play1 not for any good-will or respect1 but as an occasion of war4 ,he is farther manifestly convinced of belying the ,lacedaemonians1 when he says that1 whilst they expected the full moon1 they failed of giving their assistance to the ,athenians at ,marathon4 ,for they not only made a thousand other excursions and fights at the beginning of the month1 without staying for the full moon2 but wanted so little of being present at this very battle1 which was fought the sixth day of the month ,boedromion1 that at their coming they found the dead still lying in the field4 ,and yet he has written thus of the full moon3 ,it was impossible for them to do these things at that present1 being unwilling to break the law2 for it was the ninth of the month1 and they said1 they could not go forth on the ninth day1 the orb of the moon being not yet full4 ,and therefore they stayed for the full moon4 7,herodotus1 vi4 #ajf47 ,but thou1 ,o ,herodotus1 transferest the full moon from the middle to the beginning of the month1 and at the same time confoundest the heavens1 days1 and all things2 and yet thou dost claim to be the historian of ,greece6 ,and professing to write more particularly and carefully of the affairs of ,athens1 thou dost not so much as say a word of that solemn procession which the ,athenians even at this day send to ,agrae1 celebrating a feast of thanksgiving to ,hecate for their victory4 ,but this helps ,herodotus to refel the crime with which he is charged1 of having flattered the ,athenians for a great sum of money he received of them4 ,for if he had rehearsed these things to them1 they would not have omitted or neglected to remark that ,philippides1 when on the ninth he summoned the ,lacedaemonians to the fight1 must have come from it himself1 since 7as ,herodotus says7 he went in two days from ,athens to ,sparta2 unless the ,athenians sent for their allies to the fight after their enemies were overcome4 ,indeed ,diyllus the ,athenian1 none of the most contemptible as an historian1 says1 that he received from ,athens a present of ten talents1 ,anytus proposing the decree4 ,moreover ,herodotus1 as many say1 has in relating the fight at ,marathon derogated from the credit of it1 by the number he sets down of the slain4 ,for it is said that the ,athenians made a vow to sacrifice so many kids to ,diana ,agrotera1 as they should kill barbarians2 but that after the fight1 the number of the dead appearing infinite1 they appeased the goddess by making a decree to immolate five hundred to her every year4 ,but letting this pass1 let us see what was done after the fight4 ,the barbarians1 say he1 retiring back with the rest of their ships1 and taking the ,eretrian slaves out of the island1 where they had left them1 doubled the point of ,sunium1 desiring to prevent the ,athenians before they could gain the city4 ,the ,athenians suspected this to have been done by a plot of the ,alcmaeonidae1 who by agreement showed a shield to the ,persians when they were got into their ships4 ,they therefore doubled the cape of ,sunium4 7,herodotus1 vi4 #aae1 #aba-abd47 ,let us in this place take no notice of his calling the ,eretrians slaves1 who showed as much courage and gallantry in this war as any other of the ,grecians1 and suffered things unworthy their virtue4 ,nor let us insist much on the calumny with which he defames the ,alcmaeonidae1 some of whom were both the greatest families and noblest men of the city4 ,but the greatness of the victory itself is overthrown1 and the end of that so celebrated action comes to nothing1 nor does it seem to have been a fight or any great exploit1 but only a light skirmish with the barbarians1 as the envious and ill-willers affirm1 if they did not after the battle fly away1 cutting their cables and giving themselves to the wind1 to carry them as far as might be from the ,attic coast1 but having a shield lifted up to them as a signal of treason1 made straight with their fleet for ,athens1 in hope to surprise it1 and having at leisure doubled the point of ,sunium1 were discovered above the port ,phalerum1 so that the chief and most illustrious men1 despairing to save the city would have betrayed it4 ,for a little after1 acquitting the ,alcmaeonidae1 he charges others with the treason4 ,for the shield indeed was shown1 nor can it be denied1 says he1 as if he had seen it himself4 ,but this could no way be1 since the ,athenians obtained a solid victory2 and if it had been done1 it could not have been seen by the barbarians1 flying in a hurry amidst wounds and arrows into their ships1 and leaving every one the place with all possible speed4 ,but when he again pretends to excuse the ,alcmaeonidae of those crimes which he first of all men objected against them1 and speaks thus3 ,i cannot credit the report that the ,alcmaeonidae by agreement would ever have lifted up a shield to the ,persians1 and have brought the ,athenians under the power of the barbarians and ,hippias2 it reminds me of a certain proverbial saving1--,stay and be caught1 crab1 and ,i'll let you go4 ,for why art thou so eager to catch him1 if thou wilt let him go when he is caught8 ,thus you first accuse1 then apologize2 and you write calumnies against illustrious men1 which again you refute4 ,and you discredit yourself2 for you heard no one else but yourself say that the ,alcmaeonidae lifted up a shield to the vanquished and flying barbarians4 ,and in those very things which you allege for the ,alcmaeonidae1 you show yourself a sycophant4 ,for if1 as here you write1 the ,alcmaeonidae were more or no less enemies to tyrants than ,callias1 the son of ,phaenippus and father of ,hipponicus1 where will you place their conspiracy1 of which you write in your ,first ,book1 that assisting ,pisistratus they brought him back from exile to the tyranny and did not drive him away till he was accused of unnaturally abusing his wife8 ,such then are the repugnances of these things2 and by his intermixing the praises of ,callias1 the son of ,phaenippus1 amidst the crimes and suspicions of the ,alcmaeonidae1 and joining to him his son ,hipponicus1 who was 7as ,herodotus himself says7 one of the richest men in ,athens1 he confesses that he brought in ,callias not for any necessity of the story1 but to ingratiate himself and gain favor with ,hipponicus4 ,now1 whereas all know that the ,argives denied not to enter into the common league of the ,grecians1 though they thought not fit to follow and be under the command of the ,lacedaemonians1 who were their mortal enemies1 and that this was no otherways1 our author subjoins a most malicious cause for it1 writing thus3 ,when they saw they were comprised by the ,greeks1 knowing that the ,lacedaemonians would not admit them into a share of the command1 they requested it1 that they might have a pretence to lie still4 ,and of this1 he says1 the ,argive ambassadors afterwards put ,artaxerxes in mind1 when they attended him at ,susa1 and the ,king said1 he esteemed no city more his friend than ,argos4 ,then adding1 as his manner is1 to cover the matter1 he says3 ,of these things ,i know nothing certainly2 but this ,i know1 that all men have faults1 and that the worst things were not done by the ,argives2 but ,i must tell such things as are reported1 though ,i am not bound to believe them all2 and let this be understood of all my narrations4 ,for it is farther said that the ,argives1 when they were not able to sustain the war against the ,lacedaemonians1 called the ,persians into ,greece1 willing to suffer anything rather than the present trouble4 7,herodotus1 vii4 #adh-aeb47 ,therefore1 as himself reports the ,ethiopian to have said of the ointment and purple1 ,deceitful are the beauties1 deceitful the garments of the ,persians1 7,herodotus1 iii4 #bb47 may not any one say also of him1 ,deceitful are the phrases1 deceitful the figures of ,herodotus's speeches2 as being perplexed1 unsound1 and full of ambiguities8 ,for as painters set off and render more eminent the luminous part of their pictures by adding shadows1 so he by his denials extends his calumnies1 and by his dubious speeches makes his suspicions take deeper impression4 ,if the ,argives joined not with the other ,greeks1 but stood out through an emulation of the ,lacedaemonians command and valor1 it cannot be denied but that they acted in a manner not beseeming their nobility and descent from ,hercules4 ,for it had been more honorable for the ,argives under the leadership of ,siphnians and ,cythnians to have defended the ,grecian liberty1 than contending with the ,spartans for superiority to have avoided so many and such signal combats4 ,and if it was they who brought the ,persians into ,greece1 because their war against the ,lacedaemonians succeeded ill1 how came it to pass1 that they did not at the coming of ,xerxes openly join themselves to the ,medes8 ,or if they would not fight under the ,king1 why did they not1 being left at home1 make incursions into ,laconia or again attempt ,thyreae or by some other way disturb and infest the ,lacedaemonians8 ,for they might have greatly damaged the ,grecians1 by hindering the ,spartans from going with so great an army to ,plataea4 ,but in this place indeed he has highly magnified the ,athenians and pronounced them the saviours of ,greece1 doing herein rightly and justly1 if he had not intermixed many reproaches with their praises4 ,but now1 when he says 7,ibid4 vii4 #aci47 that 7but for the ,athenians7 the ,lacedaemonians would have been betrayed by the other ,greeks1 and then1 being left alone and having performed great exploits1 they would have died generously2 or else1 having before seen that the ,greeks were favoring the ,medes1 they would have made terms with ,xerxes2 it is manifest1 he speaks not these things to the commendation of the ,athenians1 but he praises the ,athenians that he may speak ill of all the rest4 ,for how can any one now be angry with him for so bitterly and intemperately upbraiding the ,thebans and ,phocians at every turn1 when he charges even those who exposed themselves to all perils for ,greece with a treason which was never acted1 but which 7as he thinks7 might have been4 ,nay1 of the ,lacedaemonians themselves1 he makes it doubtful whether they might have fallen in the battle or have yielded to the enemy1 minimizing the proofs of their valor which were shown at ,thermopylae2--and these indeed were small6 ,after this1 when he declares the shipwreck that befell the ,king's fleet1 and how1 an infinite mass of wealth being cast away1 ,aminocles the ,magnesian1 son of ,cresines1 was greatly enriched by it1 having gotten an immense quantity of gold and silver2 he could not so much as let this pass without snarling at it4 ,for this man1 say she1 who had till then been none of the most fortunate1 by wrecks became exceeding rich2 for the misfortune he had in killing his son much afflicted his mind4 7,herodotus1 vii4 #aij47 ,this indeed is manifest to every one1 that he brought this golden treasure and this wealth cast up by the sea into his history1 that he might make way for the inserting ,aminocles's killing his son4 ,now ,aristophanes the ,boeotian wrote1 that ,herodotus demanded money of the ,thebans but received none and that going about to discourse and reason with the young men1 he was prohibited by the magistrates through their clownishness and hatred of learning2 of which there is no other argument4 ,but ,herodotus bears witness to ,aristophanes1 whilst he charges the ,thebans with some things falsely1 with others ignorantly1 and with others as hating them and having a quarrel with them4 ,for he affirms that the ,thessalians at first upon necessity inclined to the ,persians1 7,ibid1 vii4 #agb47 in which he says the truth2 and prophesying of the other ,grecians that they would betray the ,lacedaemonians1 he added1 that they would not do it willingly1 but upon necessity1 one city being taken after another4 ,but he does not allow the ,thebans the same plea of necessity1 although they sent to ,tempe five hundred men under the command of ,mnamias1 and to ,thermopylae as many as ,leonidas desired1 who also alone with the ,thespians stood by him1 the rest leaving him after he was surrounded4 ,but when the barbarian1 having possessed himself of the avenues1 was got into their confines1 and ,demaratus the ,spartan1 favoring in right of hospitality ,attaginus1 the chief of the oligarchy1 had so wrought that he became the ,king's friend and familiar1 whilst the other ,greeks were in their ships1 and none came on by land2 then at last being forsaken did they accept conditions of peace1 to which they were compelled by great necessity4 ,for they had neither the sea and ships at hand1 as had the ,athenians2 nor did they dwell far off1 as the ,spartans1 who inhabited the most remote parts of ,greece2 but were not above a day and half's journey from the ,persian army1 whom they had already with the ,spartans and ,thespians alone resisted at the entrance of the straits1 and were defeated4 ,but this writer is so equitable1 that having said1 ,the ,lacedaemonians1 being alone and deserted by their allies1 would perhaps have made a composition with ,xerxes1 he yet blames the ,thebans1 who were forced to the same act by the same necessity4 ,but when he could not wholly obliterate this most great and glorious act of the ,thebans1 yet went he about to deface it with a most vile imputation and suspicion1 writing thus3 ,the confederates who had been sent returned back1 obeying the commands of ,leonidas2 there remained only with the ,lacedaemonians the ,thespians and the ,thebans3 of these1 the ,thebans stayed against their wills1 for ,leonidas retained them as hostages2 but the ,thespians most willingly1 as they said they would never depart from ,leonidas and those that were with him4 7,herodotus1 vii4 #bbb47 ,does he not here manifestly discover himself to have a peculiar pique and hatred against the ,thebans1 by the impulse of which he not only falsely and unjustly calumniated the city1 but did not so much as take care to render his contradiction probable1 or to conceal1 at least from a few men1 his being conscious of having knowingly contradicted himself8 ,for having before said that ,leonidas1 perceiving his confederates not to be in good heart nor prepared to undergo danger1 wished them to depart1 he a little after adds that the ,thebans were against their wills detained by him2 whereas1 if he had believed them inclined to the ,persians1 he should have driven them away though they had been willing to tarry4 ,for if he thought that those who were not brisk would be useless1 to what purpose was it to mix among his soldiers those that were suspected8 ,nor was the king of the ,spartans and general of all ,greece so senseless as to think that four hundred armed ,thebans could be detained as hostages by his three hundred1 especially the enemy being both in his front and rear4 ,for though at first he might have taken them along with him as hostages2 it is certainly probable that at last1 having no regard for him1 they would have gone away from him1 and that ,leonidas would have more feared his being encompassed by them than by the enemy4 ,furthermore1 would not ,leonidas have been ridiculous1 to have sent away the other ,greeks1 as if by staying they should soon after have died1 and to have detained the ,thebans1 that being himself about to die1 he might keep them for the ,greeks8 ,for if he had indeed carried them along with him for hostages1 or rather for slaves1 he should not have kept them with those that were at the point of perishing1 but have delivered them to the ,greeks that went away4 ,there remained but one cause that might be alleged for ,leonidas's unwillingness to let them go1 to wit1 that they might die with him2 and this our historian himself has taken away1 writing thus of ,leonidas's ambition3 ,leonidas1 considering these things1 and desirous that this glory might redound to the ,spartans alone1 sent away his confederates rather for this than because they differed in their opinions4 7,herodotus1 vii4 #bbj47 ,for it had certainly been the height of folly to keep his enemies against their wills1 to be partakers of that glory from which he drove away his confederates4 ,but it is manifest from the effects1 that ,leonidas suspected not the ,thebans of insincerity1 but esteemed them to be his steadfast friends4 ,for he marched with his army into ,thebes1 and at his request obtained that which was never granted to any other1 to sleep within the temple of ,hercules2 and the next morning he related to the ,thebans the vision that had appeared to him4 ,for he imagined that he saw the most illustrious and greatest cities of ,greece irregularly tossed and floating up and down on a very stormy and tempestuous sea2 that ,thebes1 being carried above all the rest1 was lifted up on high to heaven1 and suddenly after disappeared4 ,and this indeed had a resemblance of those things which long after befell that city4 ,now ,herodotus1 in his narration of that fight1 hath obscured also the bravest act of ,leonidas1 saying that they all fell in the straits near the hill4 7,herodotus1 vii4 #bbe47 ,but the affair was otherwise managed4 ,for when they perceived by night that they were encompassed by the barbarians1 they marched straight to the enemies' camp1 and got very near the ,king's pavilion1 with a resolution to kill him and leave their lives about him4 ,they came then to his tent1 killing or putting to flight all they met2 but when ,xerxes was not found there1 seeking him in that vast camp and wandering about1 they were at last with much difficulty slain by the barbarians1 who surrounded them on every side4 ,what other acts and sayings of the ,spartans ,herodotus has omitted1 we will write in the ,life of ,leonidas2 yet that hinders not but we may here set down also some few4 ,before ,leonidas went forth to that war1 the ,spartans exhibited to him funeral spectacles1 at which the fathers and mothers of those that went along with him were spectators4 ,leonidas himself1 when one said to him1 ,you lead very few with you to the battle1 answered1 ,there are many to die there4 ,when his wife1 at his departure1 asked him what commands he had for her2 he1 turning to her1 said1 ,i command you to marry a good man1 and bring him good children4 ,after he was enclosed by the enemy at ,thermopylae1 desiring to save two that were related to him1 he gave one of them a letter and sent him away2 but he rejected it1 saying angrily1 ,i followed you as a soldier1 not as a postman4 ,the other he commanded to go on a message to the magistrates of ,sparta2 but he1 answering1 that is a messenger's business1 took his shield1 and stood up in his rank4 ,who would not have blamed another that should have omitted these things8 ,but he who has collected and recorded the fart of ,amasis1 the coming of the thief's asses1 and the giving of bottles1 and many such like things1 cannot seem to have omitted these gallant acts and these remarkable sayings by negligence and oversight1 but as bearing ill-will and being unjust to some4 ,he says that the ,thebans1 being at the first with the ,greeks1 fought compelled by necessity4 7,ibid1 vii4 #bcc47 ,for belike not only ,xerxes1 but ,leonidas also1 had whipsters following his camp1 by whom the ,thebans were scourged and forced against their wills to fight4 ,and what more ruthless libeller could there be than ,herodotus1 when he says that they fought upon necessity1 who might have gone away and fled1 and that they inclined to the ,persians1 whereas not one came in to help them4 ,after this1 he writes that1 the rest making to the hill1 the ,thebans separated themselves from them1 lifted up their hands to the barbarian1 and coming near1 cried with a most true voice1 that they had favored the ,persians1 had given earth and water to the ,king1 that now being forced by necessity they were come to ,thermopylae1 and that they were innocent of the ,king's wound4 ,having said these things1 they obtained quarter2 for they had the ,thessalians for witnesses of all they said4 ,behold1 how amidst the barbarians1 exclamations1 tumults of all sorts1 flights and pursuits1 their apology was heard1 the witnesses examined2 and the ,thessalians1 in the midst of those that were slain and trodden under foot1 all being done in a very narrow passage1 patronized the ,thebans1 to wit1 because the ,thebans had but a little before driven away them1 who were possessed of all ,greece as far as1 ,thespiae1 having conquered them in a battle1 and slain their leader ,lattamyas6 ,for thus at that time stood matters between the ,boeotians and the ,thessalians1 without any friendship or good-will4 ,but yet how did the ,thebans escape1 the ,thessalians helping them with their testimonies8 ,some of them1 says he1 were slain by the barbarians2 many of them were by command of ,xerxes marked with the royal mark1 beginning with their leader ,leontiades4 ,now the captain of the ,thebans at ,thermopylae was not ,leontiades1 but ,anaxander1 as both ,aristophanes1 out of the ,commentaries of the ,magistrates1 and ,nicander the ,colophonian have taught us4 ,nor did any man before ,herodotus know that the ,thebans were stigmatized by ,xerxes2 for otherwise this would have been an excellent plea for them against his calumny1 and this city might well have gloried in these marks1 that ,xerxes had punished ,leonidas and ,leontiades as his greatest enemies1 having outraged the body of the one when he was dead1 and caused the other to be tormented whilst living4 ,but as to a writer who makes the barbarian's cruelty against ,leonidas when dead a sign that he hated him most of all men when living1 7,herodotus1 vii4 #bch47 and yet says that the ,thebans1 though favoring the ,persians1 were stigmatized by them at ,thermopylae1 and having been thus stigmatized1 again cheerfully took their parts at ,plataea1 it seems to me that such a man--like that ,hippoclides 7,see ,herodotus1 vi4 #abf-acj47 who gesticulating with his limbs by standing on his head on a table--would dance away the truth and say1 ,it makes no difference to ,herodotus4 ,in the ,eighth ,book our author says1 that the ,greeks being frighted designed to fly from ,artemisium into ,greece1 and that1 being requested by the ,euboeans to stay a little till they could dispose of their wives and families1 they regarded them not1 till such time as ,themistocles1 having taken money of them1 divided it between ,eurybiades and ,adimantus1 the captain of the ,corinthians1 and that then they stayed and had a sea-fight with the barbarians 7,ibid4 viii4 #d47 ,yet ,pindar1 who was not a citizen of any of the confederate cities1 but of one that was suspected to take part with the ,medians1 having made mention of ,artemisium1 brake forth into this exclamation3 ,this is the place where the sons of the ,athenians laid the glorious foundation of liberty4 ,but ,herodotus1 by whom1 as some will have it1 ,greece is honored1 makes that victory a work of bribery and theft1 saying that the ,greeks1 deceived by their captains1 who had to that end taken money1 fought against their wills4 ,nor does he here put an end to his malice4 ,all men in a manner confess that1 although the ,greeks got the better at sea1 they nevertheless abandoned ,artemisium to the barbarians after they had received the news of the overthrow at ,thermopylae4 ,for it was to no purpose for them to stay there and keep the sea1 the war being already within ,thermopylae1 and ,xerxes having possessed himself of the avenues4 ,but ,herodotus makes the ,greeks contriving to fly before they heard anything of ,leonidas's death4 ,for thus he says3 ,but they having been ill-treated1 and especially the ,athenians1 half of whose ships were sorely shattered1 consulted to take their flight into ,greece4 7,ibid4 viii4 #ah47 ,but let him be permitted so to name 7or rather reproach7 this retreat of theirs before the fight2 but having before called it a flight1 he both now styles it a flight1 and will again a little after term it a flight2 so bitterly does he adhere to this word flight4 ,presently after this1 says he1 there came to the barbarians in the pinnace a man of ,hestiaea1 who acquainted them with the flight of the ,grecians from ,artemisium4 ,they1 because the thing seemed incredible1 kept the messenger in custody1 and sent forth some light galleys to discover the truth4 7,herodotus1 viii4 #bc47 ,but what is this you say8 ,that they fled as conquered1 whom the enemies after the fight could not believe to have fled1 as having got much the better8 ,is then this a fellow fit to be believed when he writes of any man or city1 who in one word deprives ,greece of the victory1 throws down the trophy1 and pronounces the inscriptions they had set up to ,diana ,proseoa 7,,eastward-,,facing7 to be nothing but pride and vain boasting8 ,the tenor of the inscription was as follows3-- ,when ,athens youth had in a naval fight ,all ,asia's forces on this sea o'verthrown1 ,and all the ,persian army put to flight1 ,than which a greater scare was ever known1 ,to show how much ,diana they respected1 ,this trophy to her honor they erected4 ,moreover1 not having described any order of the ,greeks1 nor told us what place every city of theirs held during the sea-fight1 he says that in this retreat1 which he calls their flight1 the ,corinthians sailed first and the ,athenians last4 7,ibid4 viii1 #ba47 ,he indeed ought not to have too much insulted over the ,greeks that took part with the ,persians1 who1 being by others thought a ,thurian1 reckons himself among the ,halicarnassians1 who1 being ,dorians by descent1 went with their wives and children to the war against the ,greeks4 ,but he is so far from giving first an account of the straits they were in who revolted to the ,persians1 that1 having related how the ,thessalians sent to the ,phocians1 who were their mortal enemies1 and promised to preserve their country free from all damage if they might receive from them a reward of fifty talents1 he writ thus of the ,phocians3 ,for the ,phocians were the only people in these quarters who inclined not to the ,persians1 and that1 as far as ,i upon due consideration can find1 for no other reason but because they hated the ,thessalians2 for if the ,thessalians had been affected to the ,grecian affairs1 ,i suppose the ,phocians would have joined themselves to the ,persians4 ,and yet1 a little after he would say that thirteen cities of the ,phocians were burned by the barbarians1 their country laid waste1 and the temple which was in ,abae set on fire1 and all of both sexes put to the sword1 except those that by flight escaped to ,parnassus4 7,herodotus1 viii4 #cj-cc4 ,compare ix4 #ag47 ,nevertheless1 he puts those who suffered all extremities rather than lose their honesty in the same rank with those who most affectionately sided with the ,persians4 ,and when he could not blame the ,phocians actions1 writing at his desk invented false causes and got up suspicions against them1 and bids us judge them not by what they did1 but by what they would have done if the ,thessalians had not taken the same side1 as if they had been prevented from treason because they found the place already occupied by others6 ,now if any one1 going about to excuse the revolt of the ,thessalians to the ,persians1 should say that they would not have done it but for the hatred they bare the ,phocians1--whom when they saw joined to the ,greeks1 they against their inclinations followed the party of the ,persians1--would not such a one be thought most shamefully to flatter1 and for the sake of others to pervert the truth1 by reigning good causes for evil actions8 ,indeed1 ,i think1 he would4 ,why then would not he be thought openly to calumniate1 who says that the ,phocians chose the best1 not for the love of virtue1 but because they saw the ,thessalians on the contrary side8 ,for neither does he refer this device to other authors1 as he is elsewhere wont to do1 but says that himself found it out by conjecture4 ,he should therefore have produced certain arguments1 by which he was persuaded that they1 who did things like the best1 followed the same counsels with the worst4 ,for what he alleges of their hatreds is ridiculous4 ,for neither did the difference between the ,aeginetans and the ,athenians1 nor that between the ,chalcidians and the ,eretrians1 nor yet that between the ,corinthians and the ,megarians1 hinder them from fighting together for ,greece4 ,nor did the ,macedonians1 their most bitter enemies1 turn the ,thessalians from their friendship with the barbarians1 by joining the ,persian party themselves4 ,for the common danger did so bury their private grudges1 that banishing their other passions1 they applied their minds either to honesty for the sake of virtue1 or to profit through the impulse of necessity4 ,and indeed1 after that necessity which compelled them to obey the ,persians was over1 they returned again to the ,greeks1 as ,lacrates the ,spartan has openly testified of them4 ,and ,herodotus1 as constrained to it1 in his relation of the affairs at ,plataea1 confessed that the ,phocians took part with the ,greeks4 7,herodotus1 ix4 #ca47 ,neither ought it to seem strange to any1 if he thus bitterly inveighs against the unfortunate2 since he reckons amongst enemies and traitors those who were present at the engagement1 and together with the other ,greeks hazarded their safety4 ,for the ,naxians1 says he1 sent three ships to the assistance of the barbarians2 but ,democritus1 one of their captains1 persuaded the others to take the party of the ,greeks4 7,ibid4 viii4 #df47 ,so unable he is to praise without dispraising1 that if he commends one man he must condemn a whole city or people4 ,but in this there give testimony against him1 of the more ancient writers ,hellanicus1 and of the later ,ephorus1 one of which says that the ,naxians came with six ships to aid the ,greeks1 and the other with five4 ,and ,herodotus convinces himself of having feigned these things4 ,for the writers of the ,naxian annals say1 that they had before beaten back ,megabates1 who came to their island with two hundred ships1 and after that had put to flight the general ,datis who had set their city on fire4 ,now if1 as ,herodotus has elsewhere said1 the barbarians burned their city so that the men were glad to save themselves by flying into the mountains1 had they not just cause rather to send aid to the destroyers of their country than to help the protectors of the common liberty8 ,but that he framed this lie not so much to honor ,democritus1 as to cast infamy on the ,naxians1 is manifest from his omitting and wholly passing over in silence the valiant acts then performed by ,democritus1 of which ,simonides gives us an account in this epigram3-- ,when as the ,greeks at sea the ,medes did meet1 ,and had near ,salamis a naval fight1 ,democritus as third led up the fleet1 ,charging the enemy with all his might2 ,he took five of their ships1 and did another1 ,which they had taken from the ,greeks1 recover4 ,but why should any one be angry with him about the ,naxians8 ,if we have1 as some say1 antipodes inhabiting the other hemisphere1 ,i believe that they also have heard of ,themistocles and his counsel1 which he gave to the ,greeks1 to fight a naval battle before ,salamis1 on which1 the barbarian being overcome1 he built in ,melite a temple to ,diana the ,counsellor4 ,this gentle writer1 endeavoring1 as much as in him lies1 to deprive ,themistocles of the glory of this1 and transfer it to another1 writes thus word for word3 ,whilst things were thus1 ,mnesiphilus1 an ,athenian1 asked ,themistocles1 as he was going aboard his ship1 what had been resolved on in council4 ,and being answered1 that it was decreed the ships should be brought back to ,isthmus1 and a battle fought at sea before ,peloponnesus2 he said1 ,if then they remove the navy from ,salamis1 you will no longer be fighting for one country for they will return every one to his own city4 ,wherefore1 if there be any way left1 go and endeavor to break this resolution2 and1 if it be possible1 persuade ,eurybiades to change his mind and stay here4 ,then adding that this advice pleased ,themistocles1 who1 without making any reply1 went straight to ,eurybiades1 he has these very expressions3 ,and sitting by him he related what he had heard from ,mnesiphilus1 feigning as if it came from himself1 and adding other things4 7,herodotus1 viii4 #eg1 #eh47 ,you see how he accuses ,themistocles of disingenuity in arrogating to himself the counsel of ,mnesiphilus4 ,and deriding the ,greeks still further1 he says1 that ,themistocles1 who was called another ,ulysses for his wisdom1 was so blind that he could not foresee what was fit to be done2 but that ,artemisia1 who was of the same city with ,herodotus1 without being taught by any one1 but by her own consideration1 said thus to ,xerxes3 ,the ,greeks will not long be able to hold out against you1 but you will put them to flight1 and they will retire to their own cities2 nor is it probable1 if you march your army by land to ,peloponnesus1 that they will sit still1 or take care to fight at sea for the ,athenians4 ,but if you make haste to give them a naval battle1 ,i fear lest your fleets receiving damage may prove also very prejudicial to your land-forces4 7,ibid4 viii4 #fh47 ,certainly ,herodotus wanted nothing but verses to make ,artemisia another ,sibyl1 so exactly prophesying of things to come4 ,therefore ,xerxes also delivered his sons to her to be carried to ,ephesus for he had 7it seems7 forgot to bring women with him from ,susa1 if indeed the children wanted a train of female attendants4 ,but it is not our design to search into the lies of ,herodotus2 we only make inquiry into those which he invented to detract from the glory of others4 ,he says3 ,it is reported by the ,athenians that ,adimantus1 captain of the ,corinthians1 when the enemies were now ready to join battle1 was struck with such fear and astonishment that he fled2 not thrusting his ship backward by the stern1 or leisurely retreating through those that were engaged1 but openly hoisting up his sails1 and turning the heads of all his vessels4 ,and about the farther part of the ,salaminian coast1 he was met by a pinnace1 out of which one spake thus to him3 ,thou indeed1 ,adimantus1 fliest1 having betrayed the ,grecians2 yet they overcome1 and according to their desires have the better of their enemies4 7,herodotus1 viii4 #id47 ,this pinnace was certainly let down from heaven4 ,for what should hinder him from erecting a tragical machine1 who by his boasting excelled the tragedians in all other things8 ,adimantus then crediting him 7he adds7 returned to the fleet1 when the business was already done4 ,this report1 says he1 is believed by the ,athenians2 but the ,corinthians deny it1 and say1 they were the first at the sea-fight1 for which they have the testimony of all the other ,greeks4 ,such is this man in many other places4 ,he spreads different calumnies and accusations of different men1 that he may not fail of making some one appear altogether wicked4 ,and it has succeeded well with him in this place2 for if the calumny is believed1 the ,corinthians--if it is not1 the ,athenians--are rendered infamous4 ,but in reality the ,athenians did not belie the ,corinthians1 but he hath belied them both4 ,certainly ,thucydides1 bringing in an ,athenian ambassador contesting with a ,corinthian at ,sparta1 and gloriously boasting of many things about the ,persian war and the sea-fight at ,salamis1 charges not the ,corinthians with any crime of treachery or leaving their station4 ,nor was it likely the ,athenians should object any such thing against ,corinth1 when they saw her engraven in the third place after the ,lacedaemonians and themselves on those spoils which1 being taken from the barbarians1 were consecrated to the gods4 ,and in ,salamis they had permitted them to bury the dead near the city1 as being men who had behaved themselves gallantly1 and to write over them this elegy3-- ,well-watered ,corinth1 stranger1 was our home2 ,salamis1 ,ajax's isle1 is now our grave2 ,here ,medes and ,persians and ,phoenician ships ,we fought and routed1 sacred ,greece to save4 ,and their honorary sepulchre at the ,isthmus has on it this epitaph3-- ,when ,greece upon the point of danger stood1 ,we fell1 defending her with our life-blood4 ,moreover1 on the offerings of ,diodorus1 one of the ,corinthian sea-captains1 reserved in the temple of ,latona1 there is this inscription3-- ,diodorus's seamen to ,latona sent ,these arms1 of hostile ,medes the monument ,and as for ,adimantus himself1 against whom ,herodotus frequently inveighs1--saying1 that he was the only captain who went about to fly from ,artemisium1 and would not stay the fight1--behold in how great honor he is3-- ,here ,adimantus rests3 the same was he1 ,whose counsels won for ,greece the crown of liberty4 ,for neither is it probable1 that such honor would have been shown to a coward and a traitor after his decease2 nor would he have dared to give his daughters the names of ,nausinica1 ,acrothinius1 and ,alexibia1 and his son that of ,aristeas1 if he had not performed some illustrious and memorable action in that fight4 ,nor is it credible that ,herodotus was ignorant of that which could not be unknown even to the meanest ,carian1 that the ,corinthian women alone made that glorious and divine prayer1 by which they besought the ,goddess ,venus to inspire their husbands with a love of fighting against the barbarians4 ,for it was a thing divulged abroad1 concerning which ,simonides made an epigram to be inscribed on the brazen image set up in that temple of ,venus which is said to have been founded by ,medea1 when she desired the goddess1 as some affirm1 to deliver her from loving her husband ,jason1 or1 as others say1 to free him from loving ,thetis4 ,the tenor of the epigram follows3-- ,for those who1 fighting on their country's side1 ,opposed th' imperial ,mede's advancing tide1 ,we1 votaresses1 to ,cythera pray'd2 ,th' indulgent power vouchsafed her timely aid1 ,and kept the citadel of ,hellas free ,from rude assaults of ,persia's archery4 ,these things he should rather have written and recorded1 than have inserted ,aminocles's killing of his son4 ,after he had abundantly satisfied himself with the accusations brought against ,themistocles1--of whom he says that1 unknown to the other captains1 he incessantly robbed and spoiled the islands1--7,herodotus1 viii4 #aab47 he at length openly takes away the crown of victory from the ,athenians1 and sets it on the head of the ,aeginetans1 writing thus3 ,the ,greeks having sent the first-fruits of their spoils to ,delphi1 asked in general of the god1 whether he had a sufficient part of the booty and were contented with it4 ,he answered1 that he had enough of all the other ,greeks1 but not of the ,aeginetans for he expected a donary of them1 as having won the greatest honor in the battle at ,salamis4 7,ibid4 viii4 #abb47 ,see here how he attributes not his fictions to the ,scythians1 to the ,persians1 or to the ,egyptians1 as ,aesop did his to the ravens and apes2 but using the very person of the ,pythian ,apollo1 he takes from ,athens the chief honor of the battle at ,salamis4 ,and the second place in honor being given to ,themistocles at the ,isthmus by all the other captains1--every one of which attributed to himself the first degree of valor1 but give the next to ,themistocles1--and the judgment not coming to a determination1 when he should have reprehended the ambition of the captains1 he said1 that all the ,greeks weighed anchor from thence through envy1 not being willing to give the chief honor of the victory to ,themistocles4 7,ibid4 viii4 #abc1 #abd47 ,in his ninth and last book1 having nothing left to vent his malice on but the ,lacedaemonians and their glorious action against the barbarians at ,plataea1 he writes1 that the ,spartans at first feared lest the ,athenians should suffer themselves to be persuaded by ,mardonius to forsake the other ,greeks2 but that now1 the ,isthmus being fortified1 they1 supposing all to be safe at ,peloponnesus1 slighted the rest1 feasting and making merry at home1 and deluding and delaying the ,athenian ambassadors4 7,herodotus1 ix4 #h4 ,see also viii4 #ada47 ,how then did there go forth from ,sparta to ,plataea a thousand and five men1 having every one of them with him seven ,helots8 ,or how came it that1 exposing themselves to so many dangers1 they vanquished and overthrew so many thousand barbarians8 ,hear now his probable cause of it4 ,it happened1 says he1 that there was then at ,sparta a certain stranger of ,tegea1 named ,chileus1 who had some friends amongst the ,ephori1 between whom and him there was mutual hospitality4 ,he then persuaded them to send forth the army1 telling them that the fortification on the ,isthmus1 by which they had fenced in ,peloponnesus1 would be of no avail if the ,athenians joined themselves with ,mardonius4 7,ibid4 ix4 #i47 ,this counsel then drew ,pausanias with his army to ,plataea2 but if any private business had kept that ,chileus at ,tegea1 ,greece had never been victorious4 ,again1 not knowing what to do with the ,athenians1 he tosses to and fro that city1 sometimes extolling it1 and sometimes debasing it4 ,he says that1 contending for the second place with the ,tegeatans they made mention of the ,heraclidae1 alleged their acts against the ,amazons1 and the sepulchres of the ,peloponnesians that died under the walls of ,cadmea1 and at last brought down their discourse to the battle of ,marathon1 saying1 however1 that they would be satisfied with the command of the left wing4 7,ibid4 ix4 #bf1 #bg47 ,a little after1 he says1 ,pausanias and the ,spartans yielded them the first place1 desiring them to fight in the right wing against the ,persians and give them the left1 who excused themselves as not skilled in fighting against the barbarians4 7,ibid4 ix4 #df47 ,now it is a ridiculous thing1 to be unwilling to fight against an enemy unless one has been used to him4 ,but he says farther1 that the other ,greeks being led by their captains to encamp in another place1 as soon as they were moved1 the horse fled with joy towards ,plataea1 and in their flight came as far as ,juno's temple4 7,ibid4 ix4 #eb47 ,in which place indeed he charges them all in general with disobedience1 cowardice1 and treason4 ,at last he says1 that only the ,lacedaemonians and the ,tegeates fought with the barbarians1 and the ,athenians with the ,thebans2 equally defrauding all the other cities of their part in the honor of the victory1 whilst he affirms that none of them joined in the fight1 but that all of them1 sitting still hard by in their arms1 betrayed and forsook those who fought for them2 that the ,phliasians and ,megarians indeed1 when they heard ,pausanias had got the better1 came in later1 and falling on the ,theban horse1 were all cut off2 that the ,corinthians were not at the battle1 and that after the victory1 by hastening on over the hills1 they escaped the ,theban cavalry4 7,see the account of the battle of ,plataea1 ,herodotus1 ix1 #ei-gj47 ,for the ,thebans1 after the barbarians were overthrown1 going before with their horse1 affectionately assisted them in their flight2 to return them thanks 7forsooth7 for the marks they had stigmatized them with at ,thermopylae6 ,now what rank the ,corinthians had in the fight at ,plataea against the barbarians1 and how they performed their duty1 you may hear from ,simonides in these verses3 ,i' th' midst were men1 in warlike feats excelling1 ,who ,ephyre full of springs1 inhabited1 ,and who in ,corinth1 ,glaucus' city1 dwelling1 ,great praise by their great valor merited2 ,of which they to perpetuate the fame1 ,to th' gods of well-wrought gold did offerings frame4 ,for he wrote not these things1 as one that taught at ,corinth or that made verses in honor of the city1 but only as recording these actions in elegiac verses4 ,but ,herodotus1 whilst he desires to prevent that objection by which those might convince him of lying who should ask1 ,whence then are so many mounts1 tombs1 and monuments of the dead1 at which the ,plataeans1 even to this day1 celebrate funeral solemnities in the presence of the ,greeks8--has charged1 unless ,i am mistaken1 a fouler crime than that of treason on their posterity4 ,for these are his words3 ,as for the other sepulchres that are seen in ,plataea1 ,i have heard that their successors1 being ashamed of their progenitors' absence from this battle1 erected every man a monument for posterity's sake4 7,herodotus1 ix4 #he47 ,of this treacherous deserting the battle ,herodotus was the only man that ever heard4 ,for if any ,greeks withdrew themselves from the battle1 they must have deceived ,pausanias1 ,aristides1 the ,lacedaemonians1 and the ,athenians4 ,neither yet did the ,athenians exclude the ,aeginetans who were their adversaries from the inscription1 nor convince the ,corinthians of having fled from ,salamis before the victory1 ,greece bearing witness to the contrary4 ,indeed ,cleadas1 a ,plataean1 ten years after the ,persian war1 to gratify1 as ,herodotus says1 the ,aeginetans1 erected a mount bearing their name4 ,now came it then to pass that the ,athenians and ,lacedaemonians1 who were so jealous of each other that they were presently after the war ready to go together by the ears about the setting up a trophy1 did not yet repel those ,greeks who fled in a fear from the battle from having a share in the honor of those that behaved themselves valiantly1 but inscribed their names on the trophies and colossuses1 and granted them part of the spoils8 ,lastly they set up an altar1 on which was engraven this epigram3 ,the ,greeks1 by valor having put to flight ,the ,persians and preserved their country's right1 ,erected here this altar which you see1 ,to ,jove1 preserver of their liberty4 ,did ,cleadas1 ,o ,herodotus1 or some other1 write this also1 to oblige the cities by flattery8 ,what need had they then to employ fruitless labor in digging up the earth1 to make tombs and erect monuments for posterity's sake1 when they saw their glory consecrated in the most illustrious and greatest donaries8 ,pausanias1 indeed1 when he was aspiring to the tyranny1 set up this inscription in ,delphi3-- ,pausanias1 of ,greeks the general ,when he the ,medes in fight had overthrown1 ,offered to ,phoebus a memorial ,of victory1 this monumental stone4 ,in which he gave the glory to the ,greeks1 whose general he professed himself to be4 ,yet the ,greeks not enduring but utterly misliking it1 the ,lacedaemonians1 sending to ,delphi1 caused this to be cut out1 and the names of the cities1 as it was fit1 to be engraven instead of it4 ,now how is it possible that the ,greeks should have been offended that there was no mention made of them in the inscription1 if they had been conscious to themselves of deserting the fight8 or that the ,lacedaemonians would have erased the name of their leader and general1 to insert deserters and such as withdrew themselves from the common danger8 ,for it would have been a great indignity1 that ,sophanes1 ,aeimnestus1 and all the rest who showed their valor in that fight1 should calmly suffer even the ,cythnians and ,melians to be inscribed on the trophies2 and that ,herodotus1 attributing that fight only to three cities1 should raze all the rest out of those and other sacred monuments and donaries4 ,there having been then four fights with the barbarians2 he says1 that the ,greeks fled from ,artemisium2 that1 whilst their king and general exposed himself to danger at ,thermopylae1 the ,lacedaemonians sat negligent at home1 celebrating the ,olympian and ,carnean feasts2 and discoursing of the action at ,salamis1 he uses more words about ,artemisia than he does in his whole narrative of the naval battle4 ,lastly1 he says1 that the ,greeks sat still at ,plataea1 knowing no more of the fight1 till it was over1 than if it had been a skirmish between mice and frogs 7like that which ,pigres1 ,artemisia's fellow countryman1 merrily and scoffingly related in a poem71 and it had been agreed to fight silently1 lest they should be heard by others2 and that the ,lacedaemonians excelled not the barbarians in valor1 but only got the better1 as fighting against naked and unarmed men4 ,to wit1 when ,xerxes himself was present1 the barbarians were with much difficulty compelled by scourges to fight with the ,greeks2 but at ,plataea1 having taken other resolutions1 as ,herodotus says1 they were no way inferior in courage and strength2 but their garments being without armor was prejudicial to them1 since being naked they fought against a completely armed enemy4 ,what then is there left great and memorable to the ,grecians of those fights1 if the ,lacedaemonians fought with unarmed men1 and the other ,greeks1 though present1 were ignorant of the battle2 if empty monuments are set up everywhere1 and tripods and altars full of lying inscriptions are placed before the gods2 if1 lastly1 ,herodotus only knows the truth1 and all others that give any account of the ,greeks have been deceived by the fame of those glorious actions1 as the effect of an admirable prowess8 ,but he is an acute writer1 his style is pleasant1 there is a certain grace1 force1 and elegancy in his narrations2 and he has1 like a musician1 elaborated his discourse1 though not knowingly1 still clearly and elegantly4 ,these things delight1 please1 and affect all men4 ,but as in roses we must beware of the venomous flies called cantharides2 so must we take heed of the calumnies and envy lying hid under smooth and well-couched phrases and expressions1 lest we imprudently entertain absurd and false opinions of the most excellent and greatest cities and men of ,greece4 ,,end ,,of ,,sixteen----------- ,,index4 ,abuse of and by one's enemies4 ,achelous1 myths of the4 ,achilles1 ,homer's lessons from4 ,achilles's ,grove4 ,acrotatus1 saying of4 ,actaeon1 tragic history of4 ,actors1 tragic vs4 comic4 ,administration1 caution about4 ,admonitions1 on hearing4 ,adrastea1 root of madness4 ,adultery and curiosity compared4 ,advantage from enemies4 ,aeantis1 chorus of tribe4 ,aegyptus1 ,nile formerly called4 ,greek1 ,aemilii1 tyrants called4 ,aemilius1 ,paulus4 ,aenianes1 the4 ,aeschines the ,academic1 ,life of2 quoted4 ,aeschylus1 verses of2 quoted2 paraphrase of ,homer by4 ,aesculapius1 temple of4 ,aesop1 at ,delphi2 at banquet of seven ,wise ,men4 ,agasicles1 ,spartan king4 ,agathocles1 king of ,sicily4 ,age1 cause of old4 ,aged1 the part of the1 in state affairs2 love of pure wine by2 intoxication among the4 ,agenor1 grove of4 ,agesilaus1 sayings of4 ,agesipolis1 son of ,cleombrotus4 ,agesipolis1 son of ,pausanias4 ,agis1 ,king2 example of2 story of4 ,agis the ,younger4 ,air1 an element4 ,ajax1 parents of2 place of soul of4 ,alalcomenae1 city called4 ,greek ,alcamenes1 son of ,teleclus4 ,alcibiades1 stories about4 ,alcippus1 wife and daughters of4 ,alexander the ,great1 sayings and stories of2 and ,timoclea2 orations on2 remark of ,theocritus about2 ,diogenes and2 in ,india2 as a great drinker4 ,alexander1 tyrant of ,pheraeans4 ,alexandridas1 son of ,laid to4 ,allegory in ,homer4 ,almonds for drinkers4 ,alpha1 position of1 in alphabet4 ,alpheus1 history of4 ,altar of ashes at ,olympia4 ,alter ego of ,pythagoras1 parallel saying in ,homer4 ,amasis1 ,herodotus relates a detail concerning4 ,amazonian river4 ,ambassadors1 recording names of4 ,ambition1 accompaniments of4 ,america1 a hint of4 ,ammon1 ,egyptian name for ,jupiter2 temple of4 ,ammonius the philosopher4 ,greek ,amoebus1 musician4 ,amphilochus1 oracle of4 ,amplification in ,homer4 ,anatole1 mountain4 ,anaxagoras1 story of4 ,anaxander1 son of ,eurycrates4 ,anaxarchus4 ,anaxilas1 saying of4 ,anchus compared with ,curtius4 ,ancients1 council of4 ,andocides1 ,greek orator4 ,androclidas1 saying of4 ,anger1 nature of2 the restraint of2 ,homer on4 ,animals1 human beings born of2 self-cures by wild2 craftiness of water and of land2 amours of1 with human beings2 reason in2 generation of2 embryos of2 method of nutrition and growth of2 appetites and pleasures in2 vision of1 in the dark4 ,answers to questions4 ,antalcidas1 sayings of4 ,anthedon1 explanation of4 ,anticyra1 cure of madness from4 ,antigonus the ,first4 ,antigonus the ,second4 ,antiochus2 surnamed the ,falcon4 ,antiochus ,hierax4 ,antiochus the third4 ,antipater1 nickname of4 ,antiphon1 ,greek orator4 ,antiphrasis in ,homer4 ,antithesis1 ,homer's use of4 ,ants1 intelligence of4 ,apelles and ,megabyzus4 ,apesantus1 mountain4 ,greek1 defined4 ,greek ,aphrodite1 epithets of2 statue of1 at ,elis2 called fruitful ,cytherea42 charmed girdle of4 ,aphrodite the ,murderess1 temple of4 ,apis4 ,apollo1 place of birth2 temple of1 at ,delphi2 derivation from ,greek and ,greek2 titles of2 an oracle delivered by2 a flatterer the enemy of2 motto in temple of2 inventor of music2 causes of common diseases are from4 ,apollodorus1 painter4 ,apollonius1 consolation to1 on death of son4 ,apoplexy produced by fumes of lamp-wick4 ,greek ,apostrophe1 figure of speech called4 ,apothegms1 of kings and great commanders2 ,roman2 ,laconic or ,spartan2 in ,homer4 ,appetites in animals4 ,apples and apple-trees4 ,araenus1 sea shore of4 ,arar1 river1 derivation of name4 ,aratus1 paraphrase of sayings of ,homer by4 ,archimedes1 story of4 ,aregeus1 sayings of4 ,ares1 varying opinions of4 ,aretaphila1 ,cyrenaean woman4 ,argive women1 the4 ,argives1 images called2 customs of4 ,argyllus1 mountain in ,egypt4 ,aristarchus1 arrangement of ,iliad and ,odyssey by4 ,aristides the ,just4 ,aristippus1 rebuke of a father by4 ,aristo1 punishment of4 ,aristoclia of ,haliartus4 ,aristodemus1 tyrant of ,cumae4 ,ariston1 sayings of4 ,aristophanes1 and ,socrates2 comparison between ,menander and4 ,aristotimus1 tyrant of ,elis2 daughters of4 ,aristotle2 on talkativeness2 on use and abuse of wealth2 on music2 conception of ,god2 views on indignation and mercy held in common with ,homer4 ,arithmetic of ,pythagoras and in ,homer4 ,arrangement1 ,homer's skill in4 ,arrhippe1 virgin ravished by ,tmolus4 ,artaxerxes ,longimanus1 sayings of4 ,artaxerxes ,mnemon1 sayings of4 ,artemis1 temple of1 at ,ehpesus4 ,asbestos produced by ancients4 ,asparagus for brides4 ,ass1 connection of ,typhon with2 musical instruments made from bones of4 ,aster1 stone called4 ,astronomy1 observations concerning2 goats show knowledge of2 ancient2 ,homer's knowledge of4 ,astycratidas1 quoted4 ,asyndeton in ,homer4 ,ateas1 sayings of4 ,atheism and superstition4 ,atheists1 beliefs of4 ,athenaeum1 mountain4 ,athene ,chalcioecus1 temple of4 ,athenians1 decrees proposed to2 question of renown of4 ,athenodorus and ,xeno4 ,atoms the final cause4 ,attalus4 attention1 directions concerning4 ,augurs1 tenure of office of4 ,augustus ,caesar1 in his later years4 ,aurea1 cause of the4 ,auspices1 prohibition of use of1 after ,august4 ,autoglyphus1 stone called4 ,autonamasia in ,homer4 ,autumn1 men's stomachs in2 least credit to dreams in4 ,axioms1 complications of ten4 ,bacchus1 called ,liber ,pater2 called ,bull-begot2 ,greek and ,roman punished by2 identity of ,osiris and2 feast of2 ,mithridates called1 on account of great drinking2 ,adonis identified with2 called the good counsellor2 ,herodotus' estimate of4 ,ballenaeus1 mountain4 ,banishment1 essay on4 ,banquets1 philosophising at2 arranging guests at2 consular place at2 position of director of2 suitability of chaplets of flowers at2 inviting many guests to2 flute-girls at4 ,barbers1 talkativeness of4 ,barley1 soil for growing4 ,barrenness1 in women2 of mules4 ,bashfulness4 ,bathing after exercise4 ,baths1 hot vs4 cold2 former compared with present2 ,homer on4 ,bears1 paws of1 as food4 ,bees1 ,simonides' allusion to2 illustrations drawn from2 effect of smoke on2 tendency of1 to sting the impure2 craftiness of ,cretan4 ,beggars' flesh among ,aenianes4 ,bellerophon1 continence of4 ,berecyntus1 mountain and priest named4 ,bessus1 punishment of4 ,bias1 ,spartan leader4 ,bird or egg1 which was first8 ,birds1 in soothsaying2 wisdom shown by2 tree which is a natural snare for4 ,birth1 value of good4 ,birthdays of famous men4 ,births1 premature4 ,biton and ,cleobis4 ,boar1 characteristics of the4 ,boars1 trees1 sweet4 ,bodies1 division and mixture of4 ,body1 definition of a4 ,boeotians1 sullenness of4 ,boeotus1 son of ,neptune4 ,bona1 temple of4 ,borrowers1 treatment of4 ,borrowing money4 ,bottiaean maids4 ,boys1 ,sepulchre of the2 love of2 ,herodotus on defiling of4 ,boys' necklaces4 ,brasidas1 sayings of2 stories of4 ,breathing1 theory about4 ,bridal customs1 ,roman4 ,brides1 food for4 ,britain1 fountain-head of religion2 longevity of inhabitants of4 ,brixaba1 mountain4 ,bronze1 weapons of4 ,broth1 ,lacedaemonian4 ,brotherly love4 ,brothers and sisters1 ,greek and ,roman parallels concerning4 ,bucephalus1 intelligence of4 ,bulimy1 greedy disease4 ,bullae1 boys' necklaces4 ,bundle of sticks story4 burial1 among ,lacedaemonians4 ,bysius1 the month4 ,caesar1 ,augustus1 sayings of4 ,caesar1 ,julius1 stories and sayings of4 ,caicus1 river of ,mysia4 ,callicratidas1 ,spartan admiral4 ,callipides1 ,greek actor4 ,calydon1 mountain4 ,camillus1 dictator4 ,camma1 story of4 ,candles1 matter of extinguishing4 ,carbonate of soda1 ancient use of4 ,carmenta1 temple of4 ,carmina1 verses called4 ,cases1 changes of1 in ,homer4 ,caspian ,sea4 ,castor and ,pollux1 statues of2 stars called4 ,catechresis in ,homer4 ,cato the ,elder1 at ,utica4 ,cats1 ,egyptian views on2 the young of2 madness of2 caused by perfumes4 ,cattle1 salt used for4 ,catulus1 ,lutatius4 ,caucasus1 mountain1 story of4 ,caudine ,forks1 ,roman hero at4 ,causes1 definition and division of4 ,celtic women1 the4 ,censors1 inauguration ceremonies of4 ,ceres1 feast in honour of4 ,chabrias1 sayings of4 ,chalcedonian women1 custom of4 ,chaldeans1 belief of4 ,changes of gender1 number1 etc41 in ,homer4 ,charila1 sacrificial rites of4 ,charillus1 ,king4 ,charon1 ,homer a disciple of4 ,chastity1 of animals2 herb for protection of4 ,child-birth1 effect of moon on4 ,children1 time of naming ,roman2 training of2 love of only2 conception and birth of4 ,chiomara1 story of4 ,chios1 women of4 ,greek ,christianity1 allusions to4 ,chrysermus1 ,history of ,india by4 ,chrysippus1 on various virtues2 works of4 ,cicero1 sayings of4 ,cios1 women of4 ,circe and ,odysseus4 ,cithaeron1 mountain4 ,civil polity1 division of1 by ,homer4 ,claudia1 virtues of4 ,cleanthes1 ,athenian philosopher4 ,clearchus1 tyrant of ,heraclea4 ,cleomachus the ,pharsalian4 ,cleombrotus1 son of ,pausanias4 ,cleombrotus the ,lacedaemonian4 ,cleomenes1 quoted4 ,cleomenes1 son of ,anaxandridas4 ,cleomenes1 son of ,cleombrotus4 ,clitoris1 stone called4 ,cloelia1 ,roman maiden4 ,clothing of ,lacedaemonians4 ,clouds1 causes of4 ,cnidians1 ,crown of the4 ,coccygium1 mountain4 ,cocks1 use of1 according to ,chrysippus4 ,coeranus1 story of4 ,coins1 images on4 ,cold1 first principle of2 a preserver of health2 use of1 in ,homer4 ,coliads1 the4 ,colour1 defined4 ,colours of early painters4 ,colotes the ,epicurean4 ,comedy1 origin of1 with ,homer4 ,comets1 beliefs about4 ,commendation1 consideration in4 ,comminius1 story of4 ,congelation4 ,conjugal precepts4 ,constancy1 crowns of4 ,consualia1 feasts called4 ,consular place at table4 ,copiousness1 a character of speech4 ,corinthians1 ,hall of the4 corruption1 are animals obnoxious to8 ,cotys1 sayings of4 ,counting1 by fives2 animals' power of2 in ,homer4 ,cranes1 intelligence of2 fish compared with4 ,crassus1 hay bound about horns of4 ,crater history1 vase called4 ,creation of the world4 ,crocodiles1 intelligence of2 the bird trochilus the friend of2 customs of1 in breeding4 ,croesus1 ,herodotus on4 ,cronium1 mountain4 ,cronos1 festivals of4 ,crystallus1 river called4 ,cuffing1 exercise of4 ,cupping-glasses1 phenomenon in4 ,curiosity1 essay on4 ,curius1 ,m'41 story of4 ,curtius1 ,roman knight4 ,cuttle-fish1 sign of storm2 cunning of4 ,cybele1 worship of4 ,cynic and king anecdote4 ,cyrenaics1 temperance of4 ,cyrus1 sayings of4 ,cyrus the ,younger1 sayings of4 ,daemon of ,socrates4 ,daemons1 remarks on4 ,damindas1 story of4 ,damis1 quoted4 ,damonidas1 sayings of4 ,dancing1 three parts in4 ,darius1 sayings of2 ,alexander the ,great and the corpse of2 ,alexander and the wife of4 ,darkness1 visibility of2 reason of animals' seeing in4 ,daughters sacrificed by fathers4 ,day1 time of beginning4 ,dead1 rites of the honoured4 ,death1 opinions of2 remarks on2 sleep before2 a good thing2 cause of2 question of appertaining to soul or body4 deaths of sons1 cases of4 debtors1 unfortunate lot of4 ,decrees proposed to ,athenians4 ,defamation of character1 curiosity results in4 ,deity1 knowledge of a4 ,demaratus1 sayings of4 ,demeter1 wanderings of4 ,demetrius1 sayings of4 ,demetrius ,phalereus4 ,demetrius the grammarian4 ,democracy depicted by ,homer4 ,democritus1 attacked by ,colotes the ,epicurean2 defence of4 ,demosthenes1 ,life of2 speech ,,on ,,the ,,crown2 parallel passages in ,homer and4 ,dercyllidas1 ,spartan ambassador4 ,destiny1 necessity considered the same as4 ,dexicrcon1 ,venus of4 ,diana1 temples of1 in ,rome2 priestesses of4 ,diana ,dictynna4 ,diana ,orthia1 rites of4 ,diatyposis in ,homer4 ,didymus the ,cynic1 surnamed ,planetiades4 ,diet of ,lacedaemonians2 in sickness2 in health2 effect of1 on health2 variety in2 ,homer's views about4 ,digestion of food4 ,dinarchus1 ,greek orator4 ,diogenes1 ,alexander and2 advice of1 to boys2 soliloquy of2 sayings and stories of2 ,melanthius on a tragedy of2 eats a raw fish4 ,dion1 sayings of4 ,dionysius1 tyrant of ,sicily4 ,dionysius the ,hydragogue4 ,dionysius the ,younger2 ,diogenes and4 ,diorphus1 mountain4 ,director of a feast4 ,discourse1 separating the useful part of a4 ,diseases1 causes of new4 ,divination1 art of2 ,homer's knowledge of4 ,dog1 ,locrians' wooden2 ,worship of1 by ,egyptians2 power of mimicry in a4 ,dogs1 set before ,lares2 sacrifice of1 to ,mana ,geneta2 sacrifice of1 in ,lupercal games2 stone-chasing of2 intelligence shown by4 ,dolphin1 tribute to the4 ,domitius1 ,cneus4 ,do not overdo1 saying4 ,greek defined4 ,dreams1 origin of4 ,drimylus1 mountain4 ,drinkers1 certain great4 ,drink five or three1 but not four1 saying4 ,drinking1 references to1 in the ,iliad4 ,drugs in ,homer4 ,druidical students4 ,drunkenness1 talkativeness and2 of old men as compared with old women2 partial compared with total4 ,earth1 an element2 nature and magnitude of the2 figure1 site and position1 motion1 and zones of4 ,see ,world4 ,earthquakes1 cause of4 ,ease of mind2 in exile4 ,echo1 production of an4 ,eclipse1 cause of2 shadow in an1 in proportion to moon's diameter2 of sun2 of moon4 ,eclipses in ,homer4 ,education of children4 ,greek ,egypt1 kings of4 ,egyptian gods and myths2 legend about ,love4 ,,ei the word1 on ,apollo's temple at ,delphi4 ,elaeus1 founding of4 ,elaphebolia1 festival of4 ,elasii4 ,element1 difference between principle and4 ,elements1 ,nature viewed as the mixture and separation of the2 of members of human body2 and principles4 ,elephant1 amour of an1 with ,alexandrian maid4 ,elephantiasis4 ,elephants1 intelligence of2 excelled by fishes4 ,elephas1 mountain4 ,eleutheria1 origin of festival of4 ,ellipse1 a figure of speech4 ,embryo1 nature of human2 of animals4 ,emetics1 use of4 ,emmets1 intelligence of4 ,empedocles1 quoted2 strictures of ,colotes against2 defence of4 ,emphasis1 trope called4 ,emprepes1 story of4 ,enmities accompany friendship4 ,enmity1 advantage and profit from4 ,envy1 follows ability2 an enemy to peace of mind2 and hatred2 praising one's self without exciting2 in hearers2 the aged most free from attacks proceeding from2 of statesmen4 ,epaenetus1 on liars4 ,epaminoxidas1 stories of4 ,epicaste4 ,epicureans1 theories of4 ,epicurus1 the doctrine of2 admits it is pleasanter to do than receive a kindness2 views on the deity2 ,colotes1 disciple of1 confuted2 followers of1 distinguished by inactivity in public matters4 ,epidamnians1 ,,poletes among4 ,epigrams in ,homer4 ,epilepsy1 sacred disease14 ,epiphonesis in ,homer4 ,epitaphs1 uselessness of4 ,epithets in ,homer4 ,eretria1 women of4 ,eryxo4 ,greek ,euboidas1 saying of4 ,eudaemonidas1 quoted4 ,eudamidas1 son of ,archidamus4 ,eumenes2 and ,attalus4 ,eunostus1 hero of ,tanagra4 ,euphranor1 painter4 ,euphrates1 myths of the4 ,euripides1 quoted2 on banishment2 on ,god2 paraphrase of ,homer by4 ,eurotas1 river4 ,eurycratidas1 son of ,anaxandridas4 ,euthynous the ,italian4 ,evenus1 quotation from4 ,exercise1 importance of2 ,homer's acquaintance with value of4 ,exercises1 ,homer's order of4 ,exordiums1 ,homer's4 ,fabius1 friend of ,augustus ,caesar4 ,fabius ,maximus1 heroic act of4 ,fabricius1 ,c41 and ,pyrrhus4 ,face in the moon4 ,failing sickness4 ,false modesty4 ,fancy1 defined4 ,fast from evil1 saying4 ,fasting1 practice of2 thirst from4 ,fate1 necessity considered the same as2 the nature of2 essay concerning2 pertains to mind of ,god2 ,homer's views of4 ,fates1 province of the4 ,fathers1 and daughters1 certain ,greek and ,roman cases of2 advice to2 love of1 for daughters4 ,fear1 and superstition2 ,homer on4 ,feast of ,fools4 ,feasts4 ,see ,banquets4 ,february1 derivation of4 ,fever1 cause and nature of4 ,fig-leaf as an omen4 ,fig-trees1 fruit of4 ,figures1 definition of4 ,figures of speech1 ,homer's4 ,fire1 compared with water as to usefulness2 an element4 ,fish1 abstention from eating2 cunning of2 kind of1 called remora or echeneis2 eating of1 forbidden by ,pythagoreans4 ,fish-lines1 horses' hair for4 ,fish-nets1 rotting of4 ,five1 significance of number2 the number dedicated by the ,wise ,men4 ,five elements in the world4 ,five gods of ,rhea4 ,fives1 counting by4 ,five senses1 the4 ,five ,wise ,men4 ,flamen ,dialis1 question concerning2 rules for4 ,flaminian ,way4 ,flattery vs4 friendship4 ,flesh1 of sacrificed beasts2 the eating of4 ,flowers1 chaplets of1 worn at table4 ,flute1 mentioned by ,homer4 ,flute-girls at feasts4 ,flute-music4 ,flutes from asses' bones4 ,follow ,god1 saying4 ,food1 superstitions about2 choice of2 digestion of2 from the sea vs4 food from land4 ,see ,diet4 ,fortuna ,primigenia1 ,worship of4 ,fortune1 temples of2 of the ,romans2 essay on2 various opinions of4 ,four1 the number1 venerated by ,pythagoreans4 ,four species of animals4 ,fox1 cunning of the4 ,freedom of speech1 ill-advised4 ,friends1 folly of seeking many2 discerning flatterers from4 ,friendship1 a dual relation2 enmities an accompaniment of2 constancy a requisite in4 ,frogs1 breeding of4 ,frost1 hunting impeded by4 ,frozen speech4 ,fruit1 salt lacking in4 ,funeral customs in ,homer4 ,funeral rites1 ,roman4 ,furciferi4 ,g1 the letter1 introduction of4 ,galatia1 heroines of4 ,galaxy1 or ,milky ,way4 ,galba and ,maecenas4 ,ganges1 river1 story of4 ,gardens of ,adonis4 ,garlands1 of oaken leaves2 in games4 ,garlic1 scruples concerning4 ,garrulity4 ,gauran1 mountain4 ,geese1 sacred4 ,gelo1 sayings of4 ,genders1 change of1 in ,homer4 ,generation1 extent of a4 ,generation1 and corruption2 of human beings2 ancient theories of2 of animals2 of gods4 ,generative seed4 ,geneta1 dogs sacrificed to4 ,geniuses and heroes4 ,geometer1 ,god as a4 ,gifts1 bridal4 ,gnome1 defined2 ,homer's use of4 ,gnossians1 customs among4 ,god1 the tutelary1 of ,rome2 existence and essence of a2 what is82 immortality and eternity of2 ,platonic conception of2 ,homer's conception4 ,gods1 ancients' conception of2 generation of2 ,homer's belief in2 piety toward1 taught by ,homer4 ,gold1 scarcity of1 in ancient times4 ,gracefulness1 a character of speech4 ,grafting of trees4 ,great ,trench1 battle of the4 ,greedy disease4 ,greek ,questions4 ,grief1 advice concerning2 exhibitions of2 ,homer on4 ,grief-easing stone4 ,guests1 at wedding suppers2 entertainment of many1 at a supper2 that are called shadows2 who come late4 ,see also ,banquets4 ,gymnastics in ,homer4 ,haemus1 mountain4 ,hail1 why round4 ,halcyon1 virtues of the4 ,halinda1 plant called4 ,halo1 cause of the4 ,hamaxocylists1 race of4 ,hannibal1 ,fabius ,maximus and2 and the women of ,salmantica4 ,happiness1 true seat of4 ,harmony1 in music4 ,harp-music4 ,harps1 at entertainments4 ,hart1 tears of1 salt4 ,hatred1 envy and4 ,hay-making1 prayers for4 ,head1 covering and uncovering the4 ,health1 estimates of2 rules for preservation of2 preservers of4 ,hearing1 essay concerning2 cause of sense of4 ,heart1 seat of the emotions according to ,stoics1 following ,homer4 ,heat1 a first principle2 causes premature old age2 of women2 ,homer's appreciation of4 ,heaven1 nature end essence of2 circles or division of4 ,hebrus river4 ,hedge-hogs1 cunning of2 sea hedge-hogs4 ,hegesippus1 quoted4 ,helicon1 story of4 ,hens1 impregnation of1 by the wind4 ,hera as goddess of marriage4 ,heraclides1 wrestler1 a great drinker4 ,herbs growing in certain rivers and mountains4 ,hercules1 payment of tithes to2 swearing by2 and the ,muses1 altar common to2 sacrifices to2 ,greek and ,roman stories of2 ,herodotus' estimate of4 ,herodotus1 on modesty of women2 criticism of4 ,heroes1 beliefs concerning2 of ,homer4 ,heroic metre in ,homer4 ,herondas1 saying of4 ,hesiod1 on gods1 daemons1 heroes1 and men2 quoted2 on begetting children2 on receiving gifts of fortune4 ,hiero1 sayings of4 ,hippocratidas4 ,hippodamus1 ,spartan commander4 ,hippolytus1 story of4 ,hippothorus1 tune called4 ,histriones1 players called4 ,hogs1 ,jews' antipathy toward4 ,homer1 on prophets2 gives name of friendship to sexual love2 quoted2 on bravery2 unmetrical line of2 on man's wretched lot2 on modesty2 on advantages of music2 order of different kinds of exercises according to2 on intercourse between men and their wives2 calls salt divine2 epithets applied to liquids by2 a moot point in third book of ,iliad2 essay on life and poetry of2 biographical sketch of2 the two works of2 metre and dialects used by2 epithets used by2 tropes found in2 figures of speech in2 various styles used by2 on constitution of the universe2 natural philosophy of2 on ,god and the gods2 on the human soul2 places emotions about the heart2 on virtue and vice2 mention of arithmetic and music in2 philosophies which found their origin with2 sayings of1 paraphrased by later writers2 rhetorical art of2 types represented in his speakers2 knowledge of laws2 civil polity in2 experience of1 in warlike affairs2 heroes described by2 knowledge of medicine1 diet1 wine1 surgery1 etc42 of divination and omens2 of tragedy and comedy2 mastery of word-painting4 ,homoioptelon in ,homer4 ,homoioteleuton1 ,homer's use of4 ,honor1 the god so called4 ,honor to parents1 in ,homer4 ,horatius and ,horatia1 and ,greek parallel4 ,horse1 cure of a stumbling4 ,horse-races1 rites of4 ,horses called ,greek4 ,horta1 temple of4 ,hostages1 ,roman virgins as4 ,hunger1 causes of2 allayed by drinking4 ,hurricanes1 causes of4 ,hybristica1 rites of4 ,hydaspes1 river4 ,hyperbole in ,homer4 ,hyperides1 ,greek orator4 ,hysteropotmi4 ,ibis1 worship of the2 use of physic by2 figure of1 first letter in ,egyptian alphabet4 ,ibycus1 story of murderers of4 ,icarius1 story of4 ,icebergs1 tradition of4 ,ichneumon1 armor of the2 outmatched by the trochilus4 ,ida1 ,mount4 ,idathyrsus1 sayings of4 ,ideas1 defined4 ,idleness1 a gentlemanly crime2 and health4 ,idola of ,democritus originate with ,homer4 ,imagination1 defined4 ,immortality of the soul4 ,impotency in men4 ,inachus1 river4 ,incense used by ,egyptians4 ,inclination of the world4 ,incongruous1 a figure of speech4 ,india1 river and mountain of2 ,alexaiider the ,great in4 ,indus1 story of the4 ,ino4 ,inquisitiveness4 ,intemperance in eating4 ,intercourse between men and their wives4 ,interpreters of oracles4 ,intoxication1 signs of4 ,see ,drunkenness4 ,introductions1 ,homer's4 ,ion the poet1 cited4 ,iphicrates1 sayings of4 ,ireland1 mention of4 ,iris-struck trees4 ,irony1 use of1 in ,homer4 ,isaeus1 ,greek orator4 ,isis and ,osiris1 essay on4 ,imnenus1 river4 ,isocrates1 ,greek orator4 ,isosceles triangles4 ,isthmian games1 crowns at4 ,ivy1 beliefs concerning2 consecrated to ,bacchus and to ,osirls2 the nature of4 ,january as the first month4 ,janus1 double-faced god2 image of1 on coins4 ,jealousy4 ,see ,envy4 ,jesting at an entertainment4 ,jews1 allusion to2 ,spartans of same stock as the2 effect of superstition on2 abstention of1 from swine's flesh2 customs of2 ,god worshipped by4 ,jocasta1 death of4 ,journeys1 days for beginning4 ,juno1 ,roman beliefs about2 nuptial ceremonies connected with4 ,jupiter1 priests of2 conception of year belonging to2 rules or priests of2 statue of1 in ,caria4 ,see ,zeus4 ,justice1 ancients' conception of4 ,,jus ,,trium ,,liberorum4 ,greek1 ,cretans called4 ,kingly rule1 ,homer's praise of4 ,kissing1 custom of4 ,know thyself1 ,delphic motto2 to be observed by censorious persons4 ,greek and ,greek4 ,greek4 ,greek4 ,l1 the letter1 pronounced ,r4 ,labotus1 saying of4 ,labradean ,jupiter1 statue of4 ,lacedaemonians1 laws and customs of4 ,lais1 famous courtesan4 ,lamachus1 story of4 ,lamp1 the unextinguishable4 ,lamps1 putting out of4 ,lampsace4 ,language1 care of the4 ,sea ,speech4 ,lanthorns of priests4 ,lares1 customs concerning4 ,larks must have their crests1 ,greek proverb4 ,laurentia1 worship of4 ,law1 power of1 over kings2 ,homer's knowledge of the word4 ,leaena1 ,greek heroine4 ,leisure1 healthful use of4 ,lemnos1 women of4 ,leo1 son of ,eucratidas4 ,leonidas1 hero of ,therinopylae4 ,leotychidas1 son of ,aristo4 ,leotychidas the ,first4 ,leprosy1 from drinking swine's milk2 from dewy trees2 stone which cures4 ,letters1 avoidance of haste in opening2 of alphabet4 ,let this be ratified1 saying4 ,leucophyllus1 reed with white leaf4 ,leucothea1 festivals of4 ,liars1 a saying about4 ,libertinism and liberty4 ,libitina4 ,licinius1 ,publius4 ,lictors1 derivation of name4 ,lightning1 theories concerning4 ,lilaeus1 mountain4 ,lion1 tracks of the4 ,lions1 cunning of4 ,liquids1 in one's diet2 epithets of2 passage of1 through the lungs4 ,live unknown1 precept4 ,loadstone1 the4 ,lochagus1 quoted4 ,locrians1 information about the4 ,love1 tragical histories of2 festival to ,god of2 essay on2 brotherly2 men made poets by4 ,lovers of boys4 ,,lucar1 derivation of4 ,lucullus4 ,lugdunum1 mountain and city4 ,lungs1 passage of drink through4 ,lupercal plays4 ,lutatius ,catulus4 ,lute1 invention of4 ,lycia1 women of4 ,lycormas1 river4 ,lycurgus1 ,life of2 teaches brevity and terseness4 ,lydian mood in music4 ,lyre1 playing on the2 mention of1 by ,homer4 ,lysander1 ,lacedaemonian general2 stories and sayings of4 ,lysias1 ,greek orator4 ,macellum1 market called4 ,madness1 anger and2 root and plant for causing and curing4 ,maeander1 river4 ,magpie1 story of a4 ,manlius1 ,m4 ,mare1 child horn of a4 ,marius1 ,c42 and ,sylla4 ,marriage customs1 ,roman4 ,marriage of kindred4 ,mars1 ,greek and ,roman parallels concerning4 ,marsyas1 ,phrygian river4 ,matter1 defined2 motion and4 ,matters of concern to-morrow14 ,matuta1 temple of2 festivals of4 ,maximus1 ,fabius1 stories of4 ,may1 ,roman marriages forbidden during4 ,meals1 ,latin and ,greek names of4 ,meat1 the eating of2 putrefaction of1 by moon4 ,medicine1 ,homer's familiarity with4 ,medietics1 harmonical and arithmetical4 ,megisto1 and ,aristotimus4 ,melian women1 the4 ,memnon1 sayings of4 ,memory1 cultivating the4 ,men1 impotency in4 ,menander1 quoted2 comparison between ,aristophanes and4 ,mercury1 statue of1 among the ,graces2 statues of4 ,metageitnia1 festival4 ,metaphor in ,homer4 ,metellus1 ,caecillus4 ,metellus ,nepos4 ,meteors resembling rods4 ,metonymy in ,homer4 ,micca1 story of4 ,midas fountain of4 ,milesian women4 ,milky ,way4 ,mills grinding1 listeners to4 ,minerals1 ancient production of4 ,minerva1 priestess of4 ,minerva of the ,brazen ,house4 ,minerva the ,artisan and ,minerva the ,protectress of ,cities4 ,minstrels1 women's dress worn by4 ,mirror1 comparison of wife and4 ,mirrors1 rusting of2 of the ancients2 the working of4 ,miscarriage1 herb for causing4 ,mithridates1 and the woman of ,pergamus2 a great drinker4 ,mixarchagetas4 ,mnemosyne1 mother of ,muses4 ,mob rule in ,homer4 ,modesty1 the vice of false2 of women4 ,monarchy1 democracy1 and oligarchy compared4 ,monophagi1 the1 in ,aegina4 ,monstrosities1 birth of4 ,month1 relation between ,juno and the4 ,months1 order of2 beginnings and periods of4 ,moon1 relation of ,juno to2 the face in the2 influence of1 on tides2 and ,styx2 essence1 size1 figure1 light of1 etc42 putrefaction of flesh exposed to4 ,moons on shoes4 ,moon-worship4 ,moral virtue4 ,mothers1 love of1 for sons4 ,motion1 defined2 of the soul4 ,mountains1 names of1 and details concerning4 ,mourning1 white1 for women4 ,mucius ,scaevola4 ,mule1 an intelligent2 fable of1 laden with salt2 barrenness of the4 ,mullets1 beliefs regarding4 ,muses1 derivation of name2 observation about the number of4 ,mushrooms1 produced by thunder4 ,music1 ,lacedaemonian2 essay concerning2 effect of1 on various animals2 pleasures arising from bad2 kind of1 fittest for entertainments2 as mentioned in ,homer4 ,musicians1 ancient4 ,must1 effect of cold on4 ,mutation1 a figure of speech4 ,mutilations of mourners4 ,mycenae1 mountain4 ,myenus1 mountain of ,aetolia4 ,myops1 magic herb4 ,myronides4 ,myrrh used for incense4 ,namertes1 remark of4 ,naming ,roman children4 ,narrative style found in ,homer4 ,natural philosophy2 of ,homer4 ,natural ,questions4 ,nature1 sentiments concerning2 what is8 ,necessity1 philosophers on4 ,necklaces called bullae4 ,nestor and ,odysseus in ,homer4 ,nicander1 sayings of4 ,xicostratus1 saying of4 ,niger and the fish-bone4 ,night1 the time for thought2 called the good adviser2 noises better heard in1 than in day4 ,nile1 river2 the over-flowing of the2 use of water of1 for drinking4 ,nine1 most perfect number4 ,no1 courage to say4 ,noisy-with-the-pen1 nickname bestowed on ,antipater4 ,nome1 derivation of4 ,north ,pole1 ,homer's and ,plutarch's knowledge of4 ,nothing too much1 inscribed in temple of ,apollo2 in homer4 ,not so had philosophy4 ,nouns and verbs1 speech composed of4 ,numa1 reign of4 ,number1 the perfect2 change of1 in ,homer4 ,numbers1 superstitions concerning2 in procreation of the soul2 ,pythagorean view of nature of2 triangular2 science of1 in ,pythagoras and in ,homer4 ,nursing of children4 ,nutrition and growth of animals4 ,nymphs1 life of4 ,oak1 garlands of leaves of2 darkness at the oak14 ,oaths1 by ,hercules2 forbidden to priests4 ,ochimus4 ,ocresia1 ,roman virgin4 ,ocridion1 temple of4 ,octaves in music4 ,odd and even numbers in ,homer4 ,odysseus1 ,circe and2 self-control of2 ,homer's meaning in4 ,offspring1 affection for one's4 ,ogyian isle 7,ireland74 ,oil1 poured on the sea2 cause of transparency of2 considered as purely liquid4 ,old men1 council of4 ,see ,aged4 ,oligarchy depicted by ,homer4 ,olympus1 inventor of ,grecian and nomic music4 ,onesicratus4 ,onions for lung disease4 ,onobatis1 woman called4 ,onomatopoeia in ,homer4 ,oracles1 essay on the cessation of4 ,oracular responses4 ,orations1 political4 ,orators1 ,lives of the ,ten4 ,oratory1 extempore and studied4 ,orestes1 story of1 and ,roman parallel4 ,orontes1 sayings of4 ,orpheus1 thrown into the ,hebrus4 ,oryx1 fables of the4 ,greek ,osiris1 ,isis and2 birth of2 death of2 derivation of name4 ,otus1 method of capturing the4 ,outspokenness1 false and true4 ,overeating4 ,overturners of wagons4 ,ox1 sacrifice of1 by ,pyrrhias2 in ,egyptian sacrifices2 and the camel4 ,oxen1 hay bound about horns of2 counting by4 ,oxyrhyncus1 worship of the4 ,pactolus1 river of ,lydia4 ,paedaretus1 anecdote of2 sayings of4 ,painting1 defined as silent poetry2 ,homer a master in painting by words4 ,palaestinus1 river1 and son of ,neptune4 ,palillogia1 ,homer's use of4 ,greek1 defined4 ,palladium1 ,greek and ,roman parallels relating to4 ,palm1 garlands of1 given in games4 ,palms1 growth of1 increased by weights laid on them4 ,pan1 ,spania derived from4 ,panaema1 derivation of4 ,pangaeus1 mountain4 ,panthoidas1 sayings of4 ,parallels drawn between ,greek and ,roman history4 ,paranomasia in ,homer4 ,paraphrases of ,homer by later writers4 ,parembole1 a figure of speech4 ,parents1 advice to2 honor to1 shown in ,homer4 ,parison1 a figure of speech4 ,parmenides1 on love2 an ,epicurean's attack on2 defence of4 ,parsley1 crowns of4 ,partridges1 cunning of4 ,parysatis1 sayings of4 ,passions of the body4 ,pater ,patratus4 ,patres ,conscripti distinguished from ,patres4 ,patricians prohibited to dwell about ,capitol4 ,pausanias1 son of ,cleombrotus4 ,pausanias1 son of ,plistonanax4 ,pausanias and ,cleonice4 ,peace of mind2 in exile4 ,pedagogues1 choice of4 ,see ,tutors4 ,pedetes1 ,andron in ,samos called4 ,peeping ,girl1 the4 ,pergamus1 the woman of4 ,pericles1 sayings of4 ,peripatetics and ,homer4 ,periphrasis in ,homer4 ,persian women1 the4 ,greek1 defined4 ,phallus1 festival of the4 ,phantom1 defined4 ,phasis1 river4 ,philadelphi1 stones called4 ,philip of ,macedon and ,arcadio the ,achaean4 ,philosophers1 conversation of2 reasonings of1 originate with ,homer4 ,philosophizing at table4 ,philosophy1 defined2 difficulties in1 may be overcome4 ,phocion the ,athenian4 ,phocis1 women of4 ,phocus1 daughter of4 ,phoebidas1 quoted4 ,phryne the courtesan4 ,phryxa1 herb called4 ,phylacteries of the ,jews4 ,physics1 use of2 animals' use of4 ,phyxemelum1 defined4 ,pieria4 ,piety toward the gods taught by ,homer4 ,pinarii1 the4 ,pindar1 elegy of4 ,pine1 garlands of4 ,pipe1 mentioned by ,homer2 made from asses' bones4 ,pipe-music at entertainments4 ,pisistratus1 tyrant of ,athens4 ,pittacus1 philosophy of4 ,place1 definition of4 ,planets1 musical proportions in distances between4 ,see ,astronomy4 ,plants1 with special properties2 method of increase of4 ,plato1 on music2 on procreation of the soul2 on music of the spheres2 on an oracle delivered by ,apollo2 on fatigue as the enemy of learning2 quoted2 reproof of ,socrates by2 praise of concise speaking by2 on the immortality of the soul2 knowledge of music shown by2 on ,god2 statement of1 that drink passes through the lungs2 birthday of2 ,chrysippus' works against2 ,colotes' criticisms of2 defence of4 ,platonic ,questions4 ,platychaetas4 ,pleonasm in ,homer4 ,plistarchus1 son of ,leonidas4 ,plistoanax1 son of ,pausanias4 ,ploiades1 clouds called4 ,poetry1 ,lacedaemonian2 rank of music and2 and love2 parts common to dancing and2 of ,homer2 how a young man ought to hear4 ,poets1 greater improbabilities spoken by ,stoics than by2 prize for1 at games4 ,poletes1 among ,epidamnians4 ,political precepts4 ,polity1 civil1 in ,homer4 ,poltys1 sayings of4 ,polycratidas4 ,polycrita4 ,polydorus4 ,polypus1 the2 change of color of4 ,pompeius1 ,cn4 ,pontius1 ,c41 ,roman hero4 ,polpilius4 ,porsena and the ,roman maidens4 ,porus4 ,posidonius1 school of4 ,postumia1 ,vestal ,virgin4 ,poverty and wealth4 ,praise of one's self4 ,praising1 directions concerning2 care to be observed in4 ,priest of ,hercules at ,cos4 ,priests1 customs of ,roman4 ,prince1 ,discourse to an unlearned4 ,principle1 difference between element and4 ,principles1 four first2 defined4 ,prinistum1 founding of4 ,proanaphonesis in ,homer4 ,procreation1 of the soul2 of children4 ,prometheus1 fate of1 and herb named for4 ,prosopopoiia1 ,homer's use of4 ,providence1 and fate2 pertains to mind of ,god2 ,homer's views of4 ,ptolemies1 the1 and flatterers2 titles of the4 ,ptolemy1 son of ,lagus4 ,publius ,decius1 case of1 and ,greek parallel4 ,pulse1 abstention from2 use of1 by the ,trallians4 ,punishing1 ,god's delay in4 ,putrefaction of flesh4 ,pyrrhus the ,epirot1 surnamed the ,eagle2 ,c4 ,fabricius and4 ,pythagoras1 discourages cruelty to animals2 judgment of music by2 on principles and elements2 conception of ,god2 symbols and superstitions of2 doctrines of1 which originated with ,homer2 parallel sayings of ,homer and4 ,pythagoreans1 beliefs about eating4 ,pytheas1 story of4 ,pythes1 the wife of4 ,pythia1 death of4 ,pythian responses4 ,quarry of asbestos4 ,quaternary of ,pythagoreans4 ,questions1 answers to2 the asking of2 for discussion at table4 ,quickness effected by ellipsis in ,homer4 ,quince1 to be eaten by brides4 ,quinctius1 ,t41 stories of4 ,quintessence1 the1 of the ,aristote#a;ians4 ,quirinalia1 the ,feast of ,fools4 ,quiritis and ,quirinus4 ,raillery at an entertainment4 ,rainbow1 cause of4 ,rains1 generation of1 known to ,homer4 ,razor1 mentioned by ,homer4 ,reading by old men4 ,reason1 paralyzed by fear4 ,recapitulation1 ,homer's use of4 ,red ,sea1 woods and plants in4 ,regression1 a figure of speech4 ,relation1 a figure of speech4 ,reproofs1 on bearing4 ,resin used for incense4 ,respiration1 voice and2 cause of4 ,restraint1 a character of speech4 ,rex ,sacrorum1 king of priests4 ,rhea1 myth relating to2 five gods of4 ,rhetoric1 ,homer a master of4 ,rhodope1 the courtesan2 mountain4 ,riches1 remarks on4 ,rivers and their characteristics4 ,rods and axes carried before officers4 ,rogue ,town1 ,philip's4 ,roman ,apothegms4 ,roman ,questions4 ,romans1 the fortune of the4 ,romulus and ,remus2 ,greek parallel4 ,roundelay1 ,terpander invents4 ,roxana4 ,rules of health4 ,rumina1 sacrifices to4 ,runners-to-supper4 ,rusticus1 anecdote of4 ,sacred geese1 the4 ,sacrifices1 of human beings by ,romans2 the result of superstition2 flesh of4 ,sagaris1 river of ,phrygia4 ,sailing1 rate of1 in winter4 ,st4 ,elmo's ,fire4 ,salmantica1 women of4 ,salt1 ,egyptian beliefs concerning2 use of1 for cattle2 reasons for lack of1 in fruit2 held in honor4 ,sambicus1 sufferings of4 ,same and ,other1 ,plato's4 ,samian customs4 ,sarcasm1 use of1 in ,homer4 ,sardians1 sale of4 ,saturn1 the father of truth2 temple of1 as treasury and office of record2 star of the ,jews4 ,saturnalia4 ,savings1 remarkable2 in ,homer4 ,scamander1 river in ,boeotia4 ,scape-goat1 ceremony of1 among ,egyptians4 ,scedasus1 daughters of4 ,scilurus1 sayings of4 ,scipio the ,elder4 ,scipio ,junior1 sayings of4 ,scolding1 fault of4 ,sea1 less salt in winter2 water of1 poured upon wine2 waves of1 heated by motion2 calming the1 by pouring on oil2 composition and other qualities of3 food from the1 vs4 food from land4 ,sea-sickness1 degrees of4 ,sea-water and trees4 ,secret1 keeping a4 ,seed1 generative4 ,self-control4 ,self-praise4 ,semiramis1 monument of4 ,senses1 definition1 objects1 number1 action of1 etc4 ,septimontium1 festival called4 ,serapis1 ,egyptian name for ,pluto4 ,serpent1 amour of a4 ,servants' ,holiday1 origin of4 ,servius1 ,roman king4 ,seventeen1 superstition concerning the number4 ,seven ,wise ,men1 banquet of the4 ,sexes1 generation of the different4 ,shadows1 guests called4 ,sheep1 qualities of flesh of1 when bitten by wolves4 ,shetland ,islands4 ,ships1 sterns and stems on coins4 ,shyness1 an excess of modesty4 ,sickness1 causes of4 ,sight1 herb for curing weak2 cause of2 of old men2 process of4 ,silence1 advantages of1 contrasted with talkativeness2 an answer to wise men4 ,simonides1 quotation from4 ,sinister1 birds called1 in soothsaying4 ,sipylus1 mountain of ,asia4 ,sirens1 music of the4 ,skeleton at the feast4 ,slave1 an obedient but stupid4 ,slaves1 feast-day of ,roman2 blinding of4 ,sleep1 and death2 eating ore2 cause of2 question of1 appertaining to soul or body2 ,homer's valuation of4 ,small ,fortune1 temple of4 ,smelling1 means of4 ,sneezing1 the ,daemon of ,socrates4 ,snoring as a good omen in ,homer4 ,snow1 generation of2 preservation of4 ,soap1 natron the ancient substitute for4 ,sober-stone1 the4 ,socrates1 the ,daemon of2 on training of children2 on the seat of true happiness2 quoted2 conception of ,god2 birthday of2 ,colotes' criticisms of2 defence of2 a midwife to others1 himself not generating14 ,solon1 precept of2 and ,croesus2 on virtue and wealth4 ,solstice1 winter and summer4 ,sons1 conspicuous examples of deaths of4 ,soos1 story of4 ,soothsaying1 birds for2 in ,homer4 ,sophocles1 quotation from2 paraphrase of ,homer by4 ,sorrow1 advice on2 exhibitions of4 ,soul1 essay on procreation of2 passions of1 vs4 disorders of body2 nature1 essence1 parts1 motion of1 etc42 means by which sensible1 and principal part of2 sympathy of1 with passions of the body2 ,plato's reasoning concerning2 immortality of1 according to ,pythagoras1 ,plato1 and ,homer2 transmigration of the2 ,homer's treatment of powers and passions of4 ,sounds1 heard better in the night than in the day2 harmonizing of4 ,sows1 farrowing of4 ,space1 theories of4 ,sparta1 customs in4 ,spartans1 sayings of the2 remarkable speeches of some obscure4 ,speech1 ill-advised freedom of2 control of one's2 of statesmen2 value of1 to the health2 composed of nouns and verbs1 according to ,plato4 ,sperm1 constitution of4 ,spermatic emission of women4 ,spiders1 as an omen2 skill of4 ,spies1 unpopularity resulting from4 ,spoils of war1 fate of4 ,spurius1 significance of name1 and reason4 ,stars1 ,egyptian beliefs concerning the2 essence and composition2 form of2 order and place2 motion and circulation1 whence their light1 and other qualities2 circles about4 ,statesmen1 may praise themselves4 ,stealing1 among ,lacedaemonians4 ,stepmother1 flower which dies at name of2 the herb phryxa a protection against4 ,steward at banquets4 ,stilpo1 and ,poseidon2 references to2 attacked by ,colotes4 ,stoics1 views of ,god2 improbabilities spoken by2 common conceptions against2 contradictions of the2 origin of doctrines of1 with ,homer4 ,stones with special properties4 ,stories of rivers and mountains4 ,stratonica1 ,galatian woman4 ,strymon1 river of ,thrace4 ,style1 types of1 in ,homer4 ,summer1 cause of2 ,stoics' view of4 ,sun1 titles of the2 beliefs concerning the2 ,homer's opinions about2 identification of ,apollo with4 ,sun and ,wind1 fable of4 ,sun-worship4 ,superstition1 essay on4 ,surgery in ,homer4 ,swallows1 nests of2 superstitions about4 ,swine as an unholy animal4 ,sword-blades1 cold-hammered4 ,sycophant1 derivation of4 ,sylia the ,fortunate2 ,marius's treatment of4 ,syllables1 number of1 possible to make4 ,symposiacs4 ,synecdoche in ,homer4 ,table customs1 ,roman2 ,greek1 see ,banquets4 ,table-talk 7,symposiacs74 ,tactics1 ,homer's knowledge of4 ,tagyrae1 oracle at4 ,talkativeness1 essay on4 ,tanais1 river of ,scythia4 ,tarpeia1 ,roman traitress1 and ,greek parallel4 ,taste1 cause of4 ,taygetus1 mountain4 ,taylor1 ,jeremy1 a borrower from ,plutarch4 ,tears of boar and hart4 ,teleclus1 ,king4 ,telecrus1 sayings of4 ,telesilla1 poetess4 ,temper1 governing the4 ,see ,anger4 ,temperance1 wisdom of4 ,temples1 in ,rome2 traitors walled up in4 ,tenes1 temple of4 ,tenses in ,homer4 ,teres1 saying of4 ,terminus1 the god4 ,terpander1 ,lacedaemonian musician4 ,teuthras1 mountain4 ,thalassius1 name sung at nuptials4 ,thales the ,milesian2 conception of ,god4 ,theagenes1 ,theban hero4 ,theano1 wife of ,pythagoras4 ,thearidas1 saying of4 ,thectamenes4 ,themisteas the prophet4 ,themistocles4 ,theocritus1 unlucky remarks of2 paraphrase of ,homer by4 ,theodorus of ,soli1 quoted4 ,theogony1 the ancient4 ,theopompus2 quoted4 ,theoretic style in ,homer4 ,theoxenia1 festival called4 ,thermodon river of ,scythia4 ,theseus and ,pirithous4 ,thespesius1 story of4 ,thessaly1 enchantments of4 ,thiasi1 sacrifice called4 ,thirst1 causes of2 increased by eating4 ,thorycion4 ,thou art and ,know thyself14 ,three accords between wine and water4 ,three elements necessary for moral excellence4 ,three parts in dancing4 ,thunder1 theories about4 ,thunder-showers1 water of4 ,tiberius and flatterer4 ,tides1 cause of4 ,tigris1 myths of the4 ,timaeus1 on the procreation of the soul2 ,atlantic by1 cited4 ,time1 defined2 substance and nature of4 ,timoelea4 ,timotheus2 sayings of4 ,timoxena1 daughter of ,plutarch1 death of4 ,tmolus1 mountain1 story of4 ,tobacco1 use of1 hinted4 ,togas without tunics for candidates for office4 ,torches at nuptials4 ,torture1 inventors of engines of1 rewarded4 ,tracking wild beasts4 ,tragedy1 origin of1 with ,homer4 ,training of children4 ,traitors1 parallel cases of ,greek and ,roman4 ,tranquillity of mind4 ,transmigration of the soul4 ,trees1 sea-water and2 thrive better with rain than with watering2 grafting of fir1 pine1 etc42 so-called ,iris-struck4 ,triangle1 revered by ,egyptians4 ,triangles1 ,plato's theories about4 ,tribune of the people4 ,tropes in ,homer4 ,troy1 women of4 ,truce from words1 ,pythagoras'4 ,truthfulness1 honorableness of1 shown in ,homer4 ,tutors1 qualifications of2 responsibilities of4 ,twins and triplets1 causes of4 ,typhon1 legends of4 ,tyranny depicted by ,homer4 ,tyrrhene women1 the4 ,ulysses1 and the ,coliads2 temple of1 in ,lacedaemon2 and ,circe4 ,see ,odysseus4 ,unhappiness caused by vice4 ,union results in strength4 ,universe1 theories of the government of the2 conceptions of the2 principles and elements of2 question as to whether it is one ,,last ,,page ,,of ,,index ,,missing