,,china1 ,,japan ,,and ,,the ,u4 ,s4 ,a4 ,present-day ,conditions in the ,far ,east and ,their ,bearing on the ,washington ,conference by ,,john ,,dewey ,professor of ,philosophy at ,columbia ,university ,new ,republic ,pamphlet ,no4 #a ,published by the ,,republic ,,publishing ,,co41 ,,inc4 #dba ,west ,twenty-first ,street ,new ,york ,city #aiba ,copyright #aiba ,,republic ,,publishing ,,co4 ,,inc4 ,introductory ,note ,the articles following are reprinted as they were written in spite of the fact that any picture of contemporary events is modified by subsequent increase of knowledge and by later events4 ,in the main1 however1 the writer would still stand by what was said at the time4 ,a few foot notes have been inserted where the text is likely to give rise to misapprehensions4 ,the date of writing has been retained as a guide to the reader4 ,i ,on ,two ,sides of the ,eastern ,seas ,it is three days' easy journey from ,japan to ,china4 ,it is doubtful whether anywhere in the world another journey of the same length brings with it such a complete change of political temper and belief4 ,certainly it is greater than the alteration perceived in journeying directly from ,san ,francisco to ,shanghai4 ,the difference is not one in customs and modes of life2 that goes without saying4 ,it concerns the ideas1 beliefs and alleged information current about one and the same fact3 the status of ,japan in the international world and especially its attitude toward ,china4 ,one finds everywhere in ,japan a feeling of uncertainty1 hesitation1 even of weakness4 ,there is a subtle nervous tension in the atmosphere as of a country on the verge of change but not knowing where the change will take it4 ,liberalism is in the air1 but genuine liberals are encompassed with all sorts of difficulties especially in combining their liberalism with the devotion to theocratic robes which the imperialist militarists who rule ,japan have so skilfully thrown about the ,throne and the ,government4 ,but what one senses in ,china from the first moment is the feeling of the all-pervading power of ,japan which is working as surely as fate to its unhesitating conclusion--the domination of ,chinese politics and industry by ,japan with a view to its final absorption4 ,it is not my object to analyze the realities of the situation or to inquire whether the universal feeling in ,china is a collective hallucination or is grounded in fact4 ,the phenomenon is worthy of record on its own account4 ,even if it be merely psychological1 it is a fact which must be reckoned with in both its ,chinese and its ,japanese aspects4 ,in the first place1 as to the differences in psychological atmosphere4 ,everybody who knows anything about ,japan knows that it is the land of reserves and reticences4 ,the half-informed ,american will tell you that this is put on for the misleading of foreigners4 ,the informed know that it is an attitude shown to foreigners only because it is deeply engrained in the moral and social tradition of ,japan2 and that1 if anything1 the ,japanese are more likely to be communicative--about many things at least--to a sympathetic foreigner1 than to one another4 ,the habit of reserve is so deeply embedded in all the etiquette1 convention and daily ceremony of living1 as well as in the ideals of strength of character1 that only the ,japanese who have subjected themselves to foreign influences escape it--and many of them revert4 ,to put it mildly1 the ,japanese are not a loquacious people2 they have the gift of doing rather than of gab4 ,when accordingly a ,japanese statesman or visiting diplomatist engages in unusually prolonged and frank discourse setting forth the aims and procedures of ,japan1 the student of politics who has been long in the ,east at once becomes alert1 not to say suspicious4 ,a recent illustration is so extreme that it will doubtless seem fantastic beyond belief4 ,but the student at home will have to take these seeming fantasies seriously if he wishes to appreciate the present atmosphere of ,china4 ,cables have brought fragmentary reports of some addresses of ,baron ,goto in ,america4 ,doubtless in the ,american atmosphere these have the effect of reassuring ,america as to any improper ambitions on the part of ,japan4 ,in ,china1 they were taken as announcements that ,japan has about completed its plans for the absorption of ,china1 and that the lucubration preliminary to operations of swallowing are about to begin4 ,the reader is forgiven in advance any scepticism he feels about both the fact itself and the correctness of my report of the belief in the alleged fact4 ,his scepticism will not surpass what ,i should feel in his place4 ,but the suspicion aroused by such statements as this and the recent interview of ,foreign ,minister ,uchida and ,baron ,ishii must be noted as evidences of the universal belief in ,china that ,japan has one mode of diplomacy for the ,east and another for the ,west1 and that what is said in the ,west must be read in reverse in the ,east4 ,china1 whatever else it is1 is not the land of privacies4 ,it is a proverb that nothing long remains secret in ,china4 ,the ,chinese talk more easily than they act--especially in politics4 ,they are adepts in revealing their own shortcomings4 ,they dissect their own weaknesses and failures with the most extraordinary reasonableness4 ,one of the defects upon which they dwell is the love of finding substitutes for positive action1 of avoiding entering upon a course of action which might be irrevocable4 ,one almost wonders whether their power of self-criticism is not itself another of these substitutes4 ,at all events1 they are frank to the point of loquacity4 ,between the opposite camps there are always communications flowing4 ,among official enemies there are sworn friends4 ,in a land of perpetual compromise1 etiquette as well as necessity demands that the ways for later accommodations be kept open4 ,consequently things which are spoken of only under the breath in ,japan are shouted from the housetops in ,china4 ,it would hardly be good taste in ,japan to allude to the report that influential ,chinese ministers are in constant receipt of ,japanese funds and these corrupt officials are the agencies by which political and economic concessions were wrung from ,china while ,europe and ,america were busy with the war4 ,but in ,china nobody even takes the trouble to deny it or even to discuss it4 ,what is psychologically most impressive is the fact that it is merely taken for granted4 ,when it is spoken of1 it is as one mentions the heat on an unusually hot day4 ,in speaking of the feeling of weakness current in ,japan about ,japan itself1 one must refer to the economic situation because of its obvious connection with the international situation4 ,in the first place1 there is the strong impression that ,japan is over-extended4 ,even in normal times1 ,japan relies more upon production for foreign markets than is regarded in most countries as safe policy4 ,and there is the belief that ,japan must do so1 because only by large foreign sellings--large in comparison with the purchasing power of a people still having a low standard of life--can it purchase the raw materials--and even food--it has to have4 ,but during the war1 the dependence of manufacturing and trade at home upon the foreign market was greatly increased4 ,the domestic increase of wealth1 though very great1 is still too much in the hands of the few to affect seriously the internal demand for goods4 ,item one1 which awakens sympathy for ,japan as being in a somewhat precarious situation4 ,another item concerns the labor situation4 ,japan seems to feel itself in a dilemma4 ,if she passes even reasonably decent factory laws 7or rather attempts their enforcement7 and regulates child and women's labor1 she will lose that advantage of cheap labor which she now counts on to offset her many disadvantages4 ,on the other hand1 strikes1 labor difficulties1 agitation for unions1 etc41 are constantly increasing1 and the tension in the atmosphere is unmistakable4 ,the rice riots are not often spoken of1 but their memory persists1 and the fact that they came very near to assuming a directly political aspect4 ,is there a race between fulfillment of the aspirations of the military clans who still hold the reins1 and the growth of genuinely democratic forces which will forever terminate those aspirations8 ,certainly the defeat of ,germany gave a blow to bureaucratic militarism in ,japan which in time will go far4 ,will it have the time required to take effect on foreign policy8 ,the hope that it will is a large factor in stimulating liberal sympathy for a ,japan which is beginning to undergo the throes of transition4 ,as for the direct international situation of ,japan1 the feeling in ,japan is that of the threatening danger of isolation4 ,germany is gone2 ,russia is gone4 ,while those facts simplify matters for ,japan somewhat1 there is also the belief that in taking away potential allies1 they have weakened ,japan in the general game of balance and counter-balance of power4 ,particularly does the removal of imperialistic ,russia relieve the threat on ,india which was such a factor in the willingness of ,great ,britain to make the offensive-defensive alliance4 ,the revelation of the militaristic possibilities of ,america is another serious factor4 ,certainly the new triple entente cordiale of ,japan1 ,italy and ,france is no adequate substitute for a realignment of international forces in which a common understanding between ,great ,britain and ,america is a dominant factor4 ,this factor explains1 if it does not excuse1 some of the querulousness and studied discourtesies with which the ,japanese press for some months treated ,president ,wilson1 the ,united ,states in general and its relation to the ,league of ,nations in particular1 while it also throws light on the ardor with which the opportune question of racial discrimination was discussed4 7,the ,chinese have an unfailing refuge in a sense of humor4 ,it was interesting to note the delight with which they received the utterance of the ,japanese ,foreign ,minister1 after ,japanese success at ,paris1 that his attention had recently been called to various press attacks on ,america which he much deprecated74 ,in any case there is no mistaking the air of tension and nervous overstrain which now attends all discussion of ,japanese foreign relations4 ,in all directions1 there are characteristic signs of hesitation1 shaking of old beliefs and movement along new lines4 ,japan seems to be much in the same mood as that which it experienced in the early eighties before1 toward the close of that decade1 it crystallized its institutions through acceptance of the ,german constitution1 militarism1 educational system1 and diplomatic methods4 ,so that1 once more1 the observer gets the impression that substantially all of ,japan's energy1 abundant as that is1 must be devoted to her urgent problems of readjustment4 ,come to ,china1 and the difference is incredible4 ,it almost seems as if one were living in a dream2 or as if some new ,alice had ventured behind an international looking-glass wherein everything is reversed4 ,that we in ,america should have little idea of the state of things and the frame of mind in ,china is not astonishing--especially in view of the censorship and the distraction of attention of the last few years4 ,but that ,japan and ,china should be so geographically near1 and yet every fact that concerns them appear in precisely opposite perspective1 is an experience of a life time4 ,japanese liberalism8 ,yes1 it is heard of1 but only in connection with one form which the longing for the miraculous deus ex machina takes4 ,perhaps a revolution in ,japan may intervene to save ,china from the fate which now hangs over her4 ,but there is no suggestion that anything less than a complete revolution will alter or even retard the course which is attributed to ,japanese diplomacy working hand in hand with ,japanese business interests and militarism4 ,the collapse of ,russia and ,germany8 ,these things only mean that ,japan has in a few years fallen complete heir to ,russian hopes1 achievements and possessions in ,manchuria and ,outer ,mongolia1 and has had opportunities in ,siberia thrown into her hands which she could hardly have hoped for in her most optimistic moments4 ,and now ,japan has1 with the blessing of the great ,powers at ,paris1 become also the heir of ,german concessions1 intrigues and ambitions1 with added concessions1 wrung 7or bought7 from incompetent and corrupt officials by secret agreements when the world was busy with war4 ,if all the great ,powers are so afraid of ,japan that they give way to her every wish1 what is ,china that she can escape the doom prepared for her8 ,that is the cry of helplessness going up all over ,china4 ,and ,japanese propagandists take advantage of the situation1 pointing to the action of the ,peace ,conference as proof that the ,allies care nothing for ,china1 and that ,china must throw herself into the arms of ,japan if she is to have any protection at all4 ,in short1 ,japan stands ready as she stood ready in ,korea to guarantee the integrity and independence of ,china4 ,and the fear that the latter must1 in spite of her animosity toward ,japan1 accept this fate in order to escape something worse swims in the sinister air4 ,it is the exact counterpart of the feeling current among the liberals in ,japan that ,japan has alienated ,china permanently when a considerate and slower course might have united the two countries4 ,if the economic straits of ,japan are alluded to1 it is only as a reason why ,japan has hurried her diplomatic coercion1 her corrupt and secret bargainings with ,chinese traitors and her industrial invasion4 ,while the western world supposes that the military and the industrial party in ,japan have opposite ideas as to best methods of securing ,japanese supremacy in the ,east1 it is the universal opinion in ,china that they two are working in complete understanding with one another1 and the differences that sometimes occur between the ,foreign ,office in ,tokyo and the ,ministry of ,war 7which is extra-constitutional in its status7 are staged for effect4 ,these are some of the aspects of the most complete transformation scene that it has ever been the lot of the writer to experience4 ,may it turn out to be only an extraordinary psychological experience6 ,but in the interests of truth it must be recorded that every resident of ,china1 ,chinese or ,american1 with whom ,i have talked in the last four weeks has volunteered the belief that all the seeds of a future great war are now deeply implanted in ,china4 ,to avert such a calamity they look to the ,league of ,nations or to some other force outside the immediate scene4 ,unfortunately the press of ,japan treats every attempt to discuss the state of opinion in ,china or the state of facts as evidence that ,america1 having tasted blood in the war1 now has its eyes on ,asia with the expectation later on of getting its hands on ,asia4 ,consequently ,america is interested in trying to foster ill-will between ,china and ,japan4 ,if the pro-,american ,japanese do not enlighten their fellow-countrymen as to the facts1 then ,america ought to return some of the propaganda that visits its shores4 ,but every ,american who goes to ,japan ought also to visit ,china--if only to complete his education4 ,may1 #aiai4 ,,ii ,shantung1 ,as ,seen ,from ,within #a4 ,american apologists for that part of the ,peace ,treaty which relates to ,china have the advantage of the illusions of distance4 ,most of the arguments seem strange to anyone who lives in ,china even for a few months4 ,he finds the ,japanese on the spot using the old saying about territory consecrated by treasure spent and blood shed4 ,he reads in ,japanese papers and hears from moderately liberal ,japanese that ,japan must protect ,china1 as well as ,japan1 against herself1 against her own weak or corrupt government1 by keeping control of ,shantung to prevent ,china from again alienating that territory to some other power4 ,the history of ,european aggression in ,china gives this argument great force among the ,japanese1 who for the most part know nothing more about what actually goes on in ,china than they used to know about ,korean conditions4 ,these considerations1 together with the immense expectations raised among the ,japanese during the war concerning their coming domination of the ,far ,east and the unswerving demand of excited public opinion in ,japan during the ,versailles ,conference for the settlement that actually resulted1 give an ironic turn to the statement so often made that ,japan may be trusted to carry out her promises4 ,yes1 one is often tempted to say1 that is precisely what ,china fears1 that ,japan will carry out her promises1 for then ,china is doomed4 ,to one who knows the history of foreign aggression in ,china1 especially the technique of conquest by railway and finance1 the irony of promising to keep economic rights while returning sovereignty lies so on the surface that it is hardly irony4 ,china might as well be offered ,kant's ,critique of ,pure ,reason on a silver platter as be offered sovereignty under such conditions4 ,the latter is equally metaphysical4 ,a visit to ,shantung and a short residence in its capital city1 ,tsinan1 made the conclusions1 which so far as ,i know every foreigner in ,china has arrived at1 a living thing4 ,it gave a vivid picture of the many and intimate ways in which economic and political rights are inextricably entangled together4 ,it made one realize afresh that only a ,president who kept himself innocent of any knowledge of secret treaties during the war1 could be naive enough to believe that the promise to return complete sovereignty retaining only economic rights is a satisfactory solution4 ,it threw fresh light upon the contention that at most and at worst ,japan had only taken over ,german rights1 and that since we had acquiesced in the latter's arrogations we had no call to make a fuss about ,japan4 ,it revealed the hollowness of the claim that pro-,chinese propaganda had wilfully misled ,americans into confusing the few hundred square miles around the port of ,tsing-tao with the ,province of ,shantung with its thirty millions of ,chinese population4 ,as for the comparison of ,germany and ,japan one might suppose that the objects for which ,america nominally entered the war had made1 in any case1 a difference4 ,but aside from this consideration1 the ,germans exclusively employed ,chinese in the railway shops and for all the minor positions on the railway itself4 ,the railway guards 7the difference between police and soldiers is nominal in ,china7 were all ,chinese1 the ,germans merely training them4 ,as soon as ,japan invaded ,shantung and took over the railway1 ,chinese workmen and ,chinese military guards were at once dismissed and ,japanese imported to take their places4 ,tsinan-fu1 the inland terminus of the ex-,german railway1 is over two hundred miles from ,tsing-tao4 ,when the ,japanese took over the ,german railway business office1 they at once built barracks1 and today there are several hundred soldiers still there--where ,germany kept none4 ,since the armistice even1 ,japan has erected a powerful military wireless within the grounds of the garrison1 against of course the unavailing protest of ,chinese authorities4 ,no foreigner can be found who will state that ,germany used her ownership of port and railway to discriminate against other nations4 ,no ,chinese can be found who will claim that this ownership was used to force the ,chinese out of business1 or to extend ,german economic rights beyond those definitely assigned her by treaty4 ,common sense should also teach even the highest paid propagandist in ,america that there is1 from the standpoint of ,china1 an immense distinction between a national menace located half way around the globe1 and one within two days' sail over an inland sea absolutely controlled by a foreign navy1 especially as the remote nation has no other foothold and the nearby one already dominates additional territory of enormous strategic and economic value--namely1 ,manchuria4 ,these facts bear upon the shadowy distinction between the ,tsing-tao and the ,shantung claim1 as well as upon the solid distinction between ,german and ,japanese occupancy4 ,if there still seemed to be a thin wall between ,japanese possession of the port of ,tsing-tao and usurpation of ,shantung1 it was enough to stop off the train in ,tsinan-fu to see the wall crumble4 ,for the ,japanese wireless and the barracks of the army of occupation are the first things that greet your eyes4 ,within a few hundred feet of the railway that connects ,shanghai1 via the important center of ,tientsin1 with the capital1 ,peking1 you see ,japanese soldiers on the nominally ,chinese street1 guarding their barracks4 ,then you learn that if you travel upon the ex-,german railway towards ,tsing-tao1 you are ordered to show your passport as if you were entering a foreign country4 ,and as you travel along the road 7remembering that you are over two hundred miles from ,tsing-tao7 you find ,japanese soldiers at every station1 and several garrisons and barracks at important towns on the line4 ,then you realize that at the shortest possible notice1 ,japan could cut all communications between southern ,china 7together with the rich ,yangste region7 and the capital1 and with the aid of the ,southern ,manchurian ,railway at the north of the capital1 hold the entire coast and descend at its good pleasure upon ,peking4 ,you are then prepared to learn from eye-witnesses that when ,japan made its ,twenty-one ,demands upon ,china1 machine guns were actually in position at strategic points throughout ,shantung1 with trenches dug and sandbags placed4 ,you know that the ,japanese liberal spoke the truth1 who told you1 after a visit to ,china and his return to protest against the action of his government1 that the ,japanese already had such a military hold upon ,china that they could control the country within a week1 after a minimum of fighting1 if war should arise4 ,you also realize the efficiency of official control of information and domestic propaganda as you recall that he also told you that these things were true at the time of his visit1 under the ,terauchi cabinet1 but had been completely reversed by the present ,hara ministry4 ,for ,i have yet to find a single foreigner or ,chinese who is conscious of any difference of policy1 save as the end of the war has forced the necessity of caution1 since other nations can now look ,china-wards as they could not during the war4 ,an ,american can get an idea of the realities of the present situation if he imagines a foreign garrison and military wireless in ,wilmington1 with a railway from that point to a fortified sea-port controlled by the foreign power1 at which the foreign nation can land1 without resistance1 troops as fast as they can be transported1 and with bases of supply1 munitions1 food1 uniforms1 etc41 already located at ,wilmington1 at the sea-port and several places along the line4 ,reverse the directions from south to north1 and ,wilmington will stand for ,tsinan-fu1 ,shanghai for ,new ,york1 ,nanking for ,philadelphia with ,peking standing for the seat of government at ,washington1 and ,tientsin for ,baltimore4 ,suppose in addition that the ,pennsylvania road is the sole means of communication between ,washington and the chief commercial and industrial centers1 and you have the framework of the ,shantung picture as it presents itself daily to the inhabitants of ,china4 ,upon second thought1 however1 the parallel is not quite accurate4 ,you have to add that the same foreign nation controls also all coast communications from1 say1 ,raleigh southwards1 with railway lines both to the nearby coast and to ,new ,orleans4 ,for 7still reversing directions7 this corresponds to the position of ,imperial ,japan in ,manchuria with its railways to ,dairen and through ,korea to a port twelve hours sail from a great military center in ,japan proper4 ,these are not remote possibilities nor vague prognostications4 ,they are accomplished facts4 ,yet the facts give only the framework of the picture4 ,what is actually going on within ,shantung8 ,one of the demands of the postponed group of the ,twenty-one ,demands was that ,japan should supply military and police advisers to ,china4 ,they are not so much postponed but that ,japan enforced specific concessions from ,china during the war by diplomatic threats to reintroduce their discussion1 or so postponed that ,japanese advisers are not already installed in the police headquarters of the city of ,tsinan1 the capital city of ,shantung of three hundred thousand population where the ,provincial ,assembly meets and all the ,provincial officials reside4 ,within recent months the ,japanese consul has taken a company of armed soldiers with him when he visited the ,provincial ,governor to make certain demands upon him1 the visit being punctuated by an ostentatious surrounding of the ,governor's yamen by these troops4 ,within the past few weeks1 two hundred cavalry came to ,tsinan and remained there while ,japanese officials demanded of the ,governor drastic measures to suppress the boycott1 while it was threatened to send ,japanese troops to police the foreign settlement if the demand was not heeded4 ,a former consul was indiscreet enough to put into writing that if the ,chinese ,governor did not stop the boycott and the students' movement by force if need be1 he would take matters into his own hands4 ,the chief tangible charge he brought against the ,chinese as a basis of his demand for protection was that ,chinese store-keepers actually refused to accept ,japanese money in payment for goods1 not ordinary ,japanese money at that1 but the military notes with which1 so as to save drain upon the bullion reserves1 the army of occupation is paid4 ,and all this1 be it remembered1 is more than two hundred miles from ,tsing-tao and from eight to twelve months after the armistice4 ,today's paper reports a visit of ,japanese to the ,governor to inform him that unless he should prevent a private theatrical performance from being given in ,tsinan by the students1 they would send their own forces into the settlement to protect themselves4 ,and the utmost they might need protection from1 was that the students were to give some plays designed to foster the boycott6 ,japanese troops overran the ,province before they made any serious attempt to capture ,tsing-tao4 ,it is only a slight exaggeration to say that they took the ,chinese ,tsinan before they took the ,german ,tsing-tao4 ,propaganda in ,america has justified this act on the ground that a ,german railway to the rear of ,japanese forces would have been a menace4 ,as there were no troops but only legal and diplomatic papers with which to attack the ,japanese1 it is a fair inference that the menace was located in ,versailles rather than in ,shantung1 and concerned the danger of ,chinese control of their own territory4 ,chinese have been arrested by ,japanese gendarmes in ,tsinan and subjected to a torturing third degree of the kind that ,korea has made sickeningly familiar4 ,the ,japanese claim that the injuries were received while the men were resisting arrest4 ,considering that there was no more legal ground for arrest than there would be if ,japanese police arrested ,americans in ,new ,york1 almost anybody but the pacifist ,chinese certainly would have resisted4 ,but official hospital reports testify to bayonet wounds and the marks of flogging4 ,in the interior where the ,japanese had been disconcerted by the student propaganda they raided a ,high ,school1 seized a school boy at random1 and took him to a distant point and kept him locked up several days4 ,when the ,japanese consul at ,tsinan was visited by ,chinese officials in protest against these illegal arrests1 the consul disclaimed all jurisdiction4 ,the matter1 he said1 was wholly in the hands of the military authorities in ,tsing-tao4 ,his disclaimer was emphasized by the fact that some of the kidnapped ,chinese were taken to ,tsing-tao for trial4 ,the matter of economic rights in relation to political domination will be discussed later in this article4 ,it is no pleasure for one with many warm friends in ,japan1 who has a great admiration for the ,japanese people as distinct from the ruling military and bureaucratic class1 to report such facts as have been stated4 ,one might almost say1 one might positively say from the standpoint of ,japan itself1 that the worst thing that can be charged against the policy of ,japan in ,china for the last six years is its immeasurable stupidity4 ,no nation has ever misjudged the national psychology of another people as ,japan has that of ,china4 ,the alienation of ,china is widespread1 deep1 bitter4 ,even the most pessimistic of the ,chinese who think that ,china is to undergo a complete economic and political domination by ,japan do not think it can last1 even without outside intervention1 more than half a century4 ,today1 at the beginning of a new year1 7#aibj7 the boycott is much more complete and efficient than in the most tense days of last summer4 ,unfortunately1 the ,japanese policy seems to be under a truly ,greek fate which drives it on4 ,concessions that would have produced a revulsion of feeling in favor of ,japan a year ago will now merely salve the surface of the wound4 ,what would have been welcomed even eight months ago would now be received with contempt4 ,there is but one way in which ,japan can now restore herself4 ,it is nothing less than complete withdrawal from ,shantung1 with possibly a strictly commercial concession at ,tsing-tao and a real1 not a ,manchurian1 ,open ,door4 ,according to the ,japanese-owned newspapers published in ,tsinan1 the ,japanese military commander in ,tsing-tao recently made a speech to visiting journalists from ,tokyo in which he said3 ,the suspicions of ,china cannot now be allayed merely by repeating that we have no territorial ambitions in ,china4 ,we must attain complete economic domination of the ,far ,east4 ,but if ,chino-,japanese relations do not improve1 some third party will reap the benefit4 ,japanese residing in ,china incur the hatred of the ,chinese4 ,for they regard themselves as the proud citizens of a conquering country4 ,when the ,japanese go into partnership with the ,chinese they manage in the greater number of cases to have the profits accrue to themselves4 ,if friendship between ,china and ,japan is to depend wholly upon the government it will come to nothing4 ,diplomatists1 soldiers1 merchants1 journalists should repent the past4 ,the change must be complete4 ,but it will not be complete until the ,japanese withdraw from ,shantung leaving their nationals there upon the footing of other foreigners in ,china4 #b4 ,in discussing the return to ,china by ,japan of a metaphysical sovereignty while economic rights are retained1 ,i shall not repeat the details of ,german treaty rights as to the railway and the mines4 ,the reader is assumed to be familiar with those facts4 ,the ,german seizure was outrageous4 ,it was a flagrant case of ,might making ,right4 ,as von ,buelow cynically but frankly told the ,reichstag1 while ,germany did not intend to partition ,china1 she also did not intend to be the passenger left behind in the station when the train started4 ,germany had the excuse of prior ,european aggressions1 and in turn her usurpation was the precedent for further foreign rape4 ,if judgments are made on a comparative basis1 ,japan is entitled to all of the white-washing that can be derived from the provocations of ,european imperialistic powers1 including those countries that in domestic policy are democratic4 ,and every fairminded person will recognize that1 leaving ,china out of the reckoning1 ,japan's proximity to ,china gives her aggressions the color of self-defence in a way that cannot be urged in behalf of any ,european power4 ,it is possible to look at ,european aggressions in1 say1 ,africa as incidents of a colonization movement4 ,but no foreign policy in ,asia can shelter itself behind any colonization plea4 ,for continental ,asia is1 for practical purposes1 ,india and ,china1 representing two of the oldest civilizations of the globe and presenting two of its densest populations4 ,if there is any such thing in truth as a philosophy of history with its own inner and inevitable logic1 one may well shudder to think of what the closing acts of the drama of the intercourse of the ,west and ,east are to be4 ,in any case1 and with whatever comfort may be derived from the fact that the ,american continents have not taken part in the aggression and hence may act as a mediator to avert the final tragedy1 residence in ,china forces upon one the realization that ,asia is1 after all1 a large figure in the future reckoning of history4 ,asia is really here after all4 ,it is not simply a symbol in western algebraic balances of trade4 ,and in the future1 so to speak1 it is going to be even more here1 with its awakened national consciousness of about half the population of the whole globe4 ,let the agreements of ,france and ,great ,britain made with ,japan during the war stand for the measure of western consciousness of the reality of only a small part of ,asia1 a consciousness generated by the patriotism of ,japan backed by its powerful army and navy4 ,the same agreement measures western unconsciousness of the reality of that part of ,asia which lies within the confines of ,china4 ,an even better measure of western unconsciousness may be found perhaps in such a trifling incident as this3--,an ,english friend long resident in ,shantung told me of writing indignantly home concerning the ,british part in the ,shantung settlement4 ,the reply came1 complacently stating that ,japanese ships did so much in the war that the ,allies could not properly refuse to recognize ,japan's claims4 ,the secret agreements themselves hardly speak as eloquently for the absence of ,china from the average western consciousness4 ,in saying that ,china and ,asia are to be enormously significant figures in future reckonings1 the spectre of a military ,yellow ,peril is not meant nor even the more credible spectre of an industrial ,yellow ,peril4 ,but ,asia has come to consciousness1 and her consciousness of herself will soon be such a massive and persistent thing that it will force itself upon the reluctant consciousness of the west1 and lie heavily upon its conscience4 ,and for this fact1 ,china and the western world are indebted to ,japan4 ,these remarks are more relevant to a consideration of the relationship of economic and political rights in ,shantung than they perhaps seem4 ,for a moment's reflection will call to mind that all political foreign aggression in ,china has been carried out for commercial and financial ends1 and usually upon some economic pretext4 ,as to the immediate part played by ,japan in bringing about a consciousness which will from the present time completely change the relations of the western powers to ,china1 let one little story testify4 ,some representatives of an ,english missionary board were making a tour of inspection through ,china4 ,they went into an interior town in ,shantung4 ,they were received with extraordinary cordiality by the entire population4 ,some time afterwards some of their accompanying friends returned to the village and were received with equally surprising coldness4 ,it came out upon inquiry that the inhabitants had first been moved by the rumor that these people were sent by the ,british government to secure the removal of the ,japanese4 ,later they were moved by indignation that they had been disappointed4 ,it takes no forcing to see a symbol in this incident4 ,part of it stands for the almost incredible ignorance which has rendered ,china so impotent nationally speaking4 ,the other part of it stands for the new spirit which has been aroused even among the common people in remote districts4 ,those who fear1 or who pretend to fear1 a new ,boxer movement1 or a definite general anti-foreign movement1 are1 ,i think1 mistaken4 ,the new consciousness goes much deeper4 ,foreign policies that fail to take it into account and that think that relations with ,china can be conducted upon the old basis will find this new consciousness obtruding in the most unexpected and perplexing ways4 ,one might fairly say1 still speaking comparatively1 that it is part of the bad luck of ,japan that her proximity to ,china1 and the opportunity the war gave her to outdo the aggressions of ,european powers1 have made her the first victim of this disconcerting change4 ,whatever the motives of the ,american ,senators in completely disassociating the ,united ,states from the peace settlement as regards ,china1 their action is a permanent asset to ,china1 not only in respect to ,japan but with respect to all ,chinese foreign relations4 ,just before our visit to ,tsinan1 the ,shantung ,provincial ,assembly had passed a resolution of thanks to the ,american ,senate4 ,more significant is the fact that they passed another resolution to be cabled to the ,english ,parliament1 calling attention to the action of the ,american ,senate and inviting similar action4 ,china in general and ,shantung in particular feels the reinforcement of an external approval4 ,with this duplication1 its national consciousness has as it were solidified4 ,japan is simply the first object to be affected4 ,the concrete working out of economic rights in ,shantung will be illustrated by a single case which will have to stand as typical4 ,po-shan is an interior mining village4 ,the mines were not part of the ,german booty2 they were ,chinese owned4 ,the ,germans1 whatever their ulterior aims1 had made no attempt at dispossessing the ,chinese4 ,the mines1 however1 are at the end of a branch line of the new ,japanese owned railway--owned by the government1 not by a private corporation1 and guarded by ,japanese soldiers4 ,of the forty mines1 the ,japanese have worked their way1 in only four years1 into all but four4 ,different methods are used4 ,the simplest is1 of course1 discrimination in the use of the railway for shipping4 ,downright refusal to furnish cars while competitors who accepted ,japanese partners got them1 is one method4 ,another more elaborate method is to send but one car when a large number is asked for1 and then when it is too late to use cars1 send the whole number asked for or even more1 and then charge a large sum for demurrage in spite of the fact the mine no longer wants them or has cancelled the order4 ,redress there is none4 ,tsinan has no special foreign concessions4 ,it is1 however1 a treaty port where nationals of all friendly powers can do business4 ,but ,po-shan is not even a treaty port4 ,legally speaking no foreigners can lease land or carry on any business there4 ,yet the ,japanese have forced a settlement as large in area as the entire foreign settlement in the much larger town of ,tsinan4 ,a ,chinese refused to lease land where the ,japanese wished to relocate their railway station4 ,nothing happened to him directly4 ,but merchants could not get shipping space1 or receive goods by rail4 ,some of them were beaten up by thugs4 ,after a time1 they used their influence with their compatriot to lease his land4 ,immediately the persecutions ceased4 ,not all the land has been secured by threats or coercion2 some has been leased directly by ,chinese moved by high prices1 in spite of the absence of any legal sanction4 ,in addition1 the ,japanese have obtained control of the electric light works and some pottery factories1 etc4 ,now even admitting that this is typical of the methods by which the ,japanese plant themselves1 a natural ,american reaction would be to say that1 after all1 the country is built up industrially by these enterprises1 and that though the rights of some individuals may have been violated1 there is nothing to make a national1 much less an international fuss about4 ,more or less unconsciously we translate foreign incidents into terms of our own experience and environment1 and thus miss the entire point4 ,since ,america was largely developed by foreign capital to our own economic benefit and without political encroachments1 we lazily suppose some such separation of the economic and political to be possible in ,china4 ,but it must be remembered that ,china is not an open country4 ,foreigners can lease land1 carry on business1 and manufacture only in accord with express treaty agreements4 ,there are no such agreements in the cases typified by the ,po-shan incident4 ,we may profoundly disagree with the closed economic policy of ,china1 or we may believe that under existing circumstances it represents the part of prudence for her4 ,that makes no difference4 ,given the frequent occurrence of such economic invasions1 with the backing of soldiers of the ,imperial ,army1 with the overt aid of the ,imperial ,railway1 and with the refusal of ,imperial officials to intervene1 there is clear evidence of the attitude and intention of the ,japanese government in ,shantung4 ,because the population of ,shantung is directly confronted with an immense amount of just such evidence1 it cannot take seriously the professions of vague diplomatic utterances4 ,what foreign nation is going to intervene to enforce ,chinese rights in such a case as ,po-shan8 ,which one is going effectively to call the attention of ,japan to such evidences of its failure to carry out its promise8 ,yet the accumulation of precisely such seemingly petty incidents1 and not any single dramatic great wrong1 will secure ,japan's economic and political domination of ,shantung4 ,it is for this reason that foreigners resident in ,shantung1 no matter in what part1 say that they see no sign whatever that ,japan is going to get out2 that1 on the contrary1 everything points to a determination to consolidate her position4 ,how long ago was the ,portsmouth treaty signed1 and what were its nominal pledges about evacuation of ,manchurian territory8 ,not a month will pass without something happening which will give a pretext for delay1 and for making the surrender of ,shantung conditional upon this1 that and the other thing4 ,meantime the penetration of ,shantung by means of railway discrimination1 railway military guards1 continual nibblings here and there1 will be going on4 ,it would make the chapter too long to speak of the part played by manipulation of finance in achieving this process of attrition of sovereignty4 ,two incidents must suffice4 ,during the war1 ,japanese traders with the connivance of their government gathered up immense amounts of copper cash from ,shantung and shipped it to ,japan against the protests of the ,chinese government4 ,what does sovereignty amount to when a country cannot control even its own currency system8 ,in ,manchuria the ,japanese have forced the introduction of several hundred million dollars of paper currency1 nominally1 of course1 based on a gold reserve4 ,these notes are redeemable1 however1 only in ,japan proper4 ,and there is a law in ,japan forbidding the exportation of gold4 ,and there you are4 ,japan itself has recently afforded an object lesson in the actual connection of economic and political rights in ,china4 ,it is so beautifully complete a demonstration that it was surely unconscious4 ,within the last two weeks1 ,mr4 ,obata1 the ,japanese minister in ,peking1 has waited upon the government with a memorandum saying that the ,foochow incident was the culminating result of the boycott2 that if the boycott continues1 a series of such incidents is to be apprehended1 saying that the situation has become intolerable for ,japan1 and disavowing all responsibility for further consequences unless the government makes a serious effort to stop the boycott4 ,japan then immediately makes certain specific demands4 ,china must stop the circulation of handbills1 the holding of meetings to urge the boycott1 the destruction of ,japanese goods that have become ,chinese property--none have been destroyed that are ,japanese owned4 ,volumes could not say more as to the real conception of ,japan of the connection between the economic and the political relations of the two countries4 ,surely the pale ghost of ,sovereignty smiled ironically as he read this official note4 ,president ,wilson after having made in the case of ,shantung a sharp and complete separation of economic and political rights1 also said that a nation boycotted is within sight of surrender4 ,disassociation of words from acts has gone so far in his case that he will hardly be able to see the meaning of ,mr4 ,obata's communication4 ,the ,american sense of humor and fair-play may however be counted upon to get its point4 ,january1 #aibj4 ,,iii ,hinterlands in ,china ,one of the two ,presidents of ,china--it is unnecessary to specify which--recently stated that a renewal of the ,anglo-,japanese alliance meant a partition of ,china4 ,in this division1 ,japan would take the north and ,great ,britain the south4 ,probably the remark was not meant to be taken literally in the sense of formal conquest or annexation1 but rather symbolically with reference to the tendency of policies and events4 ,even so1 the statement will appear exaggerated or wild to persons outside of ,china1 who either believe that the ,open ,door policy is now irrevocably established or that ,japan is the only foreign ,power which ,china has to fear4 ,but a recent visit to the south revealed that in that section1 especially in ,canton1 the ,british occupy much the same position of suspicion and dread which is held by the ,japanese in the north4 ,upon the negative side1 the ,japanese menace is negligible in the province of ,kwantung1 in which ,canton is situated4 ,there are said to be more ,americans in ,canton than ,japanese1 and the ,american colony is not extensive4 ,upon the positive side the history of the ,cassell collieries contract is instructive4 ,it illustrates the cause of the popular attitude toward the ,british1 and quite possibly explains the bitterness in the remark quoted4 ,the contract is noteworthy from whatever standpoint it is viewed1 whether that of time1 of the conditions it contains or of the circumstances which accompany it4 ,premising that the contract delivers to a ,british company a monopoly of the rich coal deposits of the province for a period of ninety years and--quite incidentally of course--the right to use all means of transportation1 water or rail1 wharves and ports now in existence1 and also to construct1 manage1 superintend and work other roads1 railways waterways as may be deemed advisable--which reads like a monopoly of all further transportation facilities of the province--first take up the time of the making of the contract4 ,it was drawn in ,april1 #aibj and confirmed a few months later4 ,it was made1 of course1 with the authorities of the ,kwantung province1 subject to confirmation at ,peking4 ,during this period1 ,kwantung province was governed by military carpet-baggers from the neighboring province of ,kwangsei1 which was practically alone of the southern provinces allied with the northern government1 then under the control of the ,anfu party4 ,it was matter of common knowledge that the people of ,canton and of the province were bitterly hostile to this outside control and submitted to it only because of military coercion4 ,civil strife for the expulsion of the outsiders was already going on1 continually gaining headway1 and a few months later the ,kwangsei troops were defeated and expelled from the province by the forces of ,general ,chen1 now the civil governor of ,kwantung1 who received a triumphal ovation upon his entrance into ,canton4 ,at this time the present native government was established1 a change which made possible the return of ,sun ,yat ,sen and his followers from their exile in ,shanghai4 ,it is evident1 then1 that the collieries contract giving away the natural resources of the people of the province1 was knowingly made by a ,british company with a government which no more represented the people of the province than the military government of ,germany represented the people of ,belgium during the war4 ,as to the terms of the contract1 the statement that it gave the ,british company a monopoly of all the coal mines in the province1 was not literally accurate4 ,verbally1 twenty-two districts are enumerated4 ,but these are the districts along the lines of the only railways in the province and the only ones soon to be built1 including the as yet uncompleted ,hankow-,canton railway4 ,possibly this fact accounts for the anxiety of the ,british partners in the ,consortium that the completion of this line be the first undertaking financed by the ,consortium4 ,the document also includes what is perhaps a novelty in legal documents having such a momentous economic importance1 namely1 the words etc4 after the districts enumerated by name4 ,for this concession1 the ,british syndicate agreed to pay the provincial government the sum of #a1jjj1jjj 7silver of course74 ,this million dollars is to bear six per cent interest to the company1 and capital and interest are to be paid back to the company by the provincial government out of the dividends 7if any7 it is to receive4 ,the nature of these dividends is set forth in an article which should receive the careful attention of promoters elsewhere as a model of the possibilities of exploiting contracts4 ,the ten million capital is divided equally into ,a shares and ,b shares4 ,the ,a shares go unreservedly to the directors of the company1 and three millions of the ,b shares are to be allotted by the directors of the company at their discretion4 ,the other two million are again divided into equal portions1 one portion representing the sum advanced by the company to the province and to be paid back as just specified1 while the other million--one-tenth of the capitalization--is to be a trust fund the dividends of which are to go for the benefit of the poor people of the province and for an educational fund for the province4 ,but before any dividends are paid upon the ,b shares1 eight per cent dividends are to be paid upon the ,a shares and a dollar a ton royalty upon all coal mined4 ,those having any familiarity with the coal business with its usual royalty of about ten cents a ton can easily calculate the splendid prospects of the poor people and the schools1 prospects which represent the total return to the provinces of a concession of untold worth4 ,the contract also guarantees to the company the assistance of the provincial government in expropriating the owners of all coal mines which have been granted to other companies but not yet worked4 ,these technical details make dry reading1 but they throw light upon the spirit with which the ,british company undertook its predatory negotiations with a government renounced by the people it professed to govern4 ,in comparison with the relatively crude methods of ,japan in ,shantung1 they show the advantages of wide business experience4 ,as for the circumstances and context which give added menace to the contract1 the following facts are significant4 ,hong ,kong1 a ,british crown colony1 lies directly opposite the river upon which ,canton is situated4 ,it is the port of export and import for the vast districts served by the mines and railways of the province4 ,it is unnecessary to point out the hold upon all economic development which is given through a monopolistic control of coal4 ,it is hardly too much to say that the enforcement of the contract would enable ,british interests in ,hong ,kong to control the entire industrial development of the most flourishing of the provinces of ,china4 ,it would be a comparatively easy and inexpensive matter to provide the main land with a first class modern harbor and port near ,canton4 ,but such a port would tend to reduce the assets of ,hong ,kong to the possession of the most beautiful scenery in the world4 ,there is already fear that a new harbor will be built4 ,many persons think that the concession of building such railways etc41 as are deemed advisable for the purpose of the business of the company and to improve those now existing is the object of the contract1 even more than the coal monopoly4 ,for the ,british already own a considerable part of the mainland1 including part of the railway connecting the littoral with ,canton4 ,by building a cross-cut from the ,british owned portion of this railway to the ,hankow-,canton line1 the latter would become virtually the ,hankow-,hong ,kong line1 and ,canton would be a way-station4 ,with the advantages thus secured1 the project for building a new port could be indefinitely blocked4 ,during the period in which the contract was being secured1 a congress of ,british ,chambers of ,commerce was held in ,shanghai4 ,resolutions were passed in favor of abolishing henceforth the whole principle of special nationalistic concessions1 and of cooperating with the ,chinese for the upbuilding of ,china4 ,at the close of the meeting the ,chairman announced that a new era for ,china had finally dawned4 ,all of the ,british newspapers in ,china lauded the wise action of the ,chambers4 ,at the same time1 ,mr4 ,lamont was in ,peking1 and was setting forth that the object of the ,consortium was the abolition of further concessions1 and the uniting of the financial resources of the banks in the ,consortium for the economic development of ,china itself4 ,by an ironical coincidence1 the ,hong ,kong-,shanghai ,bank1 which is the financial power behind the contract and the new company1 is the leading ,british partner in the ,consortium4 ,it is difficult to see how the ,british can henceforth accuse the ,japanese of bad faith if any of the banking interests of that country should enter upon independent negotiations with any government in ,china4 ,by the time the scene of action was transferred to ,peking in order to secure the confirmation of the central government1 the ,anfu regime was no more1 and as yet no confirmation has been secured4 ,the new government at ,canton has declined to recognize the contract as having any validity4 ,an official of the ,hong ,kong government has told an official of the ,canton government that the ,hong ,kong government stands behind the enforcement of the contract1 and that ,kwantung province is a ,british ,hinterland4 ,within the last few weeks the ,governor of ,hong ,kong and a leading ,chinese banker of ,hong ,kong who is a ,british subject have visited ,peking4 ,rumors were rife in the south as to the object of the visit4 ,british sources published the report that one object was to return ,weihaiwei to ,china--in case ,peking agreed to turn over more of the ,kwantung mainland to ,hong ,kong as a quid pro quo4 ,chinese opinion in the south was that one main object was to secure the ,peking confirmation of the ,cassell contract1 in which case #ijj1jjj more would be forthcoming1 #ajj1jjj having been paid down when the contract was signed with the provincial government4 ,peking does not recognize the present ,canton government but regards it as an outlaw4 ,the crowd that signed the contract is still in control of the neighboring province of ,kwangsei and they are relied upon by the north to effect the military subjugation of the seceded province4 ,fighting has already1 indeed1 begun1 but the ,kwangsei militarists are badly in need of money2 if ,peking ratifies the contract1 a large part of the funds will be paid over to them--all that isn't lost by the wayside to the northern militarists4#a ,meantime ,british news agencies keep up a constant circulation of reports tending to discredit the ,kwantung government1 although all impartial observers on the spot regard it as altogether the most promising one in ,china4 #a ,since the text was written1 the newspapers have stated that the ,peking ,government has officially refused to validate the agreement4 ,these considerations not only throw light on some of the difficulties of the functioning of the ,consortium1 but they give an indispensable background for judging the actual effect of the renewal of the ,anglo-,japanese alliance4 ,by force of circumstances each government1 even against its own wish1 will be compelled to wink at the predatory policies of the other2 and the tendency will be to create a division of spheres of influence between the north and south in order to avoid more direct conflicts4 ,the ,english liberals who stand for the renewal of the alliance on the ground that it will enable ,england to exercise a check on ,japanese policies1 are more naive than was ,mr4 ,wilson with his belief in the separation of the economic and political control of ,shantung4 ,it cannot be too often repeated that the real point of friction between the ,united ,states and ,japan is not in ,california but in ,china4 ,it is silly--unless it is calculated--for ,english authorities to keep repeating that under no circumstances does the alliance mean that ,great ,britain would support ,japan in a war with the ,united ,states4 ,the day the alliance is renewed1 the hands of the militarists in ,japan will be strengthened and the hands of the liberals--already weak enough--be still further weakened4 ,in consequence1 all the sources of friction in ,china between the ,united ,states and ,japan will be intensified4 ,i do not believe in the predicted war4 ,but should it come1 the first act of ,japan--so everyone in ,china believes--will be to seize the ports of northern ,china and its railways in order to make sure of an uninterrupted supply of food and raw materials4 ,the act would be justified as necessary to national existence4 ,great ,britain in alliance with ,japan would be in no position to protest in anything but the most perfunctory way4 ,the guarantee of such abstinence would be for ,japan the next best thing to open naval and financial support4 ,without the guarantee they would not dare the seizure of ,chinese ports4 ,in recent years diplomatists have shown themselves capable of unlimited stupidity4 ,but it is not possible that the men in the ,british ,foreign ,office are not aware of these elementary facts4 ,if they renew the alliance they knowingly take the responsibility for the consequences4 ,may #bd1 #aiba4 ,,iv ,a ,political ,upheaval in ,china ,even in ,america we have heard of one ,chinese revolution1 that which thrust the ,manchu dynasty from the throne4 ,the visitor in ,china gets used to casual references to the second revolution1 that which frustrated ,yuan ,shi ,kai's aspirations to be emperor1 and the third1 the defeat in #aiag of the abortive attempt to put the ,manchu boy emperor back into power4 ,and within the last few weeks the 7,september #aibj7 fourth upheaval has taken place4 ,it may not be dignified by the name of the fourth revolution1 for the head of the state has not been changed by it4 ,but as a manifestation of the forces that shape ,chinese political events1 for evil and for good1 perhaps this last disturbance surpasses the last two revolutions in significance4 ,chinese politics in detail are highly complicated1 a mess of personalities and factions whose oscillations no one can follow who does not know a multitude of personal1 family and provincial histories4 ,but occasionally something happens which simplifies the tangle4 ,definite outlines frame themselves out of the swirling criss-cross of strife1 intrigue and ambition4 ,so1 at present1 the complete collapse of the ,anfu clique which owned the central government for two years marks the end of that union of internal militarism and ,japanese foreign influence which was1 for ,china1 the most marked fruit of the war4 ,when ,china entered the war a ,war ,participation army was formed4 ,it never participated2 probably it was never meant to4 ,but its formation threw power wholly into the hands of the military clique1 as against the civilian constitutionalists4 ,and in return for concessions1 secret agreements relating to ,manchuria1 ,shantung1 new railways1 etc41 ,japan supplied money1 munitions1 instructors for the army and a benevolent supervision of foreign and domestic politics4 ,the war came to an unexpected and untimely end1 but by this time the offspring of the marriage of the militarism of ,yuan ,shi ,kai and ,japanese money and influence was a lusty youth4 ,bolshevism was induced to take the place of ,germany as a menace requiring the keeping up of the army1 and loans and teachers4 ,mongolia was persuaded to cut her strenuous ties with ,russia1 to renounce her independence and come again under ,chinese sovereignty4 ,the army and its ,japanese support and instruction was1 accordingly1 continued4 ,in place of the ,war ,participation army appeared the ,frontier ,defense army4 ,marshal ,tuan1 the head of the military party1 remained the nominal political power behind the presidential chair1 and ,general ,hsu 7commonly known as little ,hsu1 in distinction from old ,hsu1 the president7 was the energetic manager of the ,mongolian adventure which1 by a happy coincidence1 required a bank1 land development companies and railway schemes1 as well as an army4 ,about this military centre as a nucleus gathered the vultures who fed on the carrion4 ,this flock took the name of the ,anfu ,club4 ,it did not control the entire cabinet1 but to it belonged the ,minister of ,justice1 who manipulated the police and the courts1 persecuted the students1 suppressed liberal journals and imprisoned inconvenient critics4 ,and the ,club owned the ministers of finance and communications1 the two cabinet places that dispense revenues1 give out jobs and make loans4 ,it also regulated the distribution of intelligence by mail and telegraph4 ,the reign of corruption and despotic inefficiency1 tempered only by the student revolt1 set in4 ,in two years the ,anfu ,club got away with two hundred millions of public funds directly1 to say nothing of what was wasted by incompetency and upon the army4 ,the ,allies had set out to get ,china into the war4 ,they succeeded in getting ,japan into control of ,peking and getting ,china1 politically speaking1 into a seemingly hopeless state of corruption and confusion4 ,the militaristic or ,pei-,yang party was1 however1 divided into two factions1 each called after a province4 ,the ,anwhei party gathered about little ,hsu and was almost identical with the ,anfus4 ,the ,chili faction had been obliged1 so far as ,peking was concerned1 to content itself with such leavings as the ,anfu ,club tossed to it4 ,apparently it was hopelessly weaker than its rival1 although ,tuan1 who was personally honest and above financial scandal1 was supported by both factions and was the head of both4 ,about three months ago there were a few signs that1 while the ,anfu ,club had been entrenching itself in ,peking1 the rival faction had been quietly establishing itself in the provinces4 ,a league of ,eight ,tuchuns 7military governors of the provinces7 came to the assistance of the president against some unusually strong pressure from the ,anfu ,club4 ,in spite of the fact that the military governor of the three ,manchurian provinces1 ,chang ,tso ,lin1 popularly known as the ,emperor of ,manchuria1 lined up with this league1 practically nobody expected anything except some manoeuvering to get a larger share of the spoils4 ,but late in ,june the president invited ,chang ,tso ,lin to ,peking4 ,the latter saw ,tuan1 told him that he was surrounded by evil advisers1 demanded that he cut loose from little ,hsu and the ,anfu ,club1 and declared open war upon little ,hsu--the two had long and notoriously been bitter enemies4 ,even then people had great difficulty in believing that anything would happen except another ,chinese compromise4 ,the president was known to be sympathetic upon the whole with the ,chili faction1 but the president1 if not a typical ,chinese1 is at least typical of a certain kind of ,chinese mandarin1 non-resistant1 compromising1 conciliating1 procrastinating1 covering up1 evading issues1 face-saving4 ,but finally something happened4 ,a mandate was issued dismissing little ,hsu from office1 military and civil1 dissolving the frontier defense corps as such1 and bringing it under the control of the ,ministry of ,war 7usually armies in ,china belong to some general or ,tuchun1 not to the country74 ,for almost forty-eight hours it was thought that ,tuan had consented to sacrifice little ,hsu and that the latter would submit at least temporarily4 ,then with equally sensational abruptness ,tuan brought pressure to bear on the president4 ,the latter was appointed head of a national defense army1 and rewards were issued for the heads of the chiefs of the ,chili faction1 nothing1 however1 being said about ,chang ,tso ,lin1 who had meanwhile returned to ,mukden and who still professed allegiance to ,tuan4 ,troops were mobilized2 there was a rush of officials and of the wealthy to the concessions of ,tientsin and to the hotels of the legation quarter4 ,this sketch is not meant as history1 but simply as an indication of the forces at work4 ,hence it is enough to say that two weeks after ,tuan and little ,hsu had intimidated the president and proclaimed themselves the saviors of the ,republic1 they were in hiding1 their enemies of the ,chili party were in complete control of ,peking1 and rewards from fifty thousand dollars down were offered for the arrest of little ,hsu1 the ex-ministers of justice1 finance and communications1 and other leaders of the ,anfu ,club4 ,the political turnover was as complete as it was sensational4 ,the seemingly impregnable masters of ,china were impotent fugitives4 ,the carefully built up ,anfu ,club1 with its military1 financial and foreign support1 had crumbled and fallen4 ,no country at any time has ever seen a political upheaval more sudden and more thoroughgoing4 ,it was not so much a defeat as a dissolution like that of death1 a total disappearance1 an evaporation4 ,corruption had worked inward1 as it has a way of doing4 ,japanese-bought munitions would not explode2 quartermasters vanished with the funds with which stores were to be bought2 troops went without anything to eat for two or three days2 large numbers1 including the larger part of one division1 went over to the enemy en masse2 those who did not desert had no heart for fighting and ran away or surrendered on the slightest provocation1 saying they were willing to fight for their country but saw no reason why they should fight for a faction1 especially a faction that had been selling the country to a foreign nation4 ,in the manner of the defeat of the ,anfu clique at the height of its supremacy1 rather than in the mere fact of its defeat1 lies the credit side of the ,chinese political balance sheet4 ,it is a striking exhibition of the oldest and best faith of the ,chinese--the power of moral considerations4 ,public opinion1 even that of the coolie on the street1 was wholly against the ,anfu party4 ,it went down not so much because of the strength of the other side as because of its own rottenness4 ,so far the results are to all appearances negative4 ,the most marked is the disappearance of ,japanese prestige4 ,as one of the leading men in the ,war ,office said3 ,for over a year now the people have been strongly opposed to the ,japanese government on account of ,shantung4 ,but now even the generals do not care for ,japan any more4 ,it is hardly logical to take the easy collapse of the ,japanese-supported ,anfu party as a proof of the weakness of ,japan1 but prestige is always a matter of feeling rather than of logic4 ,many who were intimidated to the point of hypnotism by the idea of the irresistible power of ,japan are now freely laughing at the inefficiency of ,japanese leadership4 ,it would not be safe to predict that ,japan will not come back as a force to be reckoned with in the internal as well as external politics of ,china1 but it is safe to say that never again will ,japan figure as superman to ,china4 ,and such a negation is after all a positive result4 ,and so in its way is the overthrow of the ,anwhei faction of the militarist party4 ,the ,chinese liberals do not feel very optimistic about the immediate outcome4 ,they have mostly given up the idea that the country can be reformed by political means4 ,they are sceptical about the possibility of reforming even politics until a new generation comes on the scene4 ,they are now putting their faith in education and in social changes which will take some years to consummate themselves visibly4 ,the self-styled southern republican constitutional party has not shown itself in much better light than the northern militarist party4 ,in fact1 its old leader ,sun ,yat ,sen now cuts one of the most ridiculous figures in ,china1 as shortly before this upheaval he had definitely aligned himself with ,tuan and little ,hsu4#b #b ,this was written of course several months before ,sun ,yat ,sen was reinstated in control of ,canton by the successful revolt of his local adherents against the southern militarists who had usurped power and driven out ,sun ,yat ,sen and his followers4 ,but up to the time when ,i left ,china1 in ,july of this year1 it was true that the liberals of northern and central ,china who were bitterly opposed to the ,peking ,government1 did not look to the ,southern ,government with much hope4 ,the common attitude was a plague upon both of your houses and a desire for a new start4 ,the conflict between ,north and ,south looms much larger in the ,united ,states than it did in ,china4 ,this does not mean1 however1 that democratic opinion thinks nothing has been gained4 ,the demonstration of the inherent weakness of corrupt militarism will itself prevent the development of any militarism as complete as that of the ,anfus4 ,as one ,chinese gentleman said to me3 ,when ,yuan ,shi ,kai was overthrown1 the tiger killed the lion4 ,now a snake has killed the tiger4 ,no matter how vicious the snake may become1 some smaller animal will be able to kill him1 and his life will be shorter than that of either lion or tiger4 ,in short1 each successive upheaval brings nearer the day when civilian supremacy will be established4 ,this result will be achieved partly because of the repeated demonstrations of the uncongeniality of military despotism to the ,chinese spirit1 and partly because with every passing year education will have done its work4 ,suppressed liberal papers are coming to life1 while over twenty ,anfu subsidized newspapers and two subsidized news agencies have gone out of being4 ,the soldiers1 including many officers in the ,anwhei army1 clearly show the effects of student propaganda4 ,and it is worth while to note down the name of one of the leaders on the victorious side1 the only one whose troops did any particular fighting1 and that against great odds in numbers4 ,the name is ,wu ,pei ,fu4 ,he at least has not fought for the ,chili faction against the ,anwhei faction4 ,he has proclaimed from the first that he was fighting to rid the country of military control of civil government1 and against traitors who would sell their country to foreigners4 ,he has come out strongly for a new popular assembly1 to form a new constitution and to unite the country4 ,and although ,chang ,tso ,lin has remarked that ,wu ,pei ,fu as a military subordinate could not be expected to intervene in politics1 he has not as yet found it convenient to oppose the demand for a popular assembly4 ,meanwhile the liberals are organizing their forces1 hardly expecting to win a victory1 but resolved1 win or lose1 to take advantage of the opportunity to carry further the education of the ,chinese people in the meaning of democracy4 ,august1 #aibj4 ,v ,divided ,china #a4 ,in ,january #aibj the ,peking government issued an edict proclaiming the unification of ,china4 ,on ,may #eth ,sun ,yat ,sen was formally inaugurated in ,canton as president of all ,china4 ,thus ,china has within six months been twice unified1 once from the northern standpoint and once from the southern4 ,each act of unification is in fact a symbol of the division of ,china1 a division expressing differences of language1 temperament1 history1 and political policy as well as of geography1 persons and factions4 ,this division has been one of the outstanding facts of ,chinese history since the overthrow of the ,manchus ten years ago and it has manifested itself in intermittent civil war4 ,yet there are two other statements which are equally true1 although they flatly contradict each other and the one just made4 ,one statement is that so far as the people of ,china are concerned there is no real division on geographical lines1 but only the common division occurring everywhere between conservatives and progressives4 ,the other is that instead of two divisions in ,china1 there are at least five1 two parties in both the north and south1 and another in the central or ,yangtse region1#c each one of the five splitting up again more or less on factional and provincial lines4 ,and so far as the future is concerned1 probably this last statement is the most significant of the three4 ,that all three statements are true is what makes ,chinese politics so difficult to understand even in their larger features4 #c ,since the writing of this and the former chapter there are some signs that ,wu ,pei ,fu wants to set up in control of the middle districts4 ,by the good fortune of circumstances we were in ,canton when the inauguration occurred4 ,peking and ,canton are a long way apart in more than distance4 ,there is little exchange of actual news between the two places2 what filters through into either city and gets published consists mostly of rumors tending to discredit the other city4 ,in ,canton1 the monarchy is constantly being restored in ,peking2 and in ,peking1 ,canton is ,bolshevized at least once a week1 while every other week open war breaks out between the adherents of ,sun ,yat ,sen1 and ,general ,chen ,kwang ,ming1 the civil governor of the province4 ,there is nothing to give the impression--even in circles which accept the ,peking government only as an evil necessity--that the pretensions of ,sun ,yat ,sen represent anything more than the desires of a small and discredited group to get some slight power for themselves at the expense of national unity4 ,even in ,fukien1 the province next north of ,kwantung1 one found little but gossip whose effect was to minimize the importance of the southern government4 ,in foreign circles in the north as well as in liberal ,chinese circles upon the whole1 the feeling is general that bad as the de facto ,peking government may be1 it represents the cause of national unity1 while the southern government represents a perpetuation of that division of ,china which makes her weak and which offers the standing invitation to foreign intrigue and aggression4 ,only occasionally during the last few months has some returned traveller timidly advanced the opinion that we had the wrong dope on the south1 and that they were really trying to do something down there4 ,consequently there was little preparation on my part for the spectacle afforded in ,canton during the week of ,may #eth4 ,this was the only demonstration ,i have seen in ,china during the last two years which gave any evidence of being a spontaneous popular movement4 ,new ,yorkers are accustomed to crowds1 processions1 street decorations and accompanying enthusiasm4 ,i doubt if ,new ,york has ever seen a demonstration which surpassed that of ,canton in size1 noise1 color or spontaneity--in spite of tropical rains4 ,the country people flocked in in such masses1 that1 being unable to find accommodation even in the river boats1 they kept up a parade all night4 ,guilds and localities which were not able to get a place in the regular procession organized minor ones on their own account on the day before and after the official demonstration4 ,making all possible allowance for the intensity of ,cantonese local loyalty and the fact that they might be celebrating a ,cantonese affair rather than a principle1 the scene was sufficiently impressive to revise one's preconceived ideas and to make one try to find out what it is that gives the southern movement its vitality4 ,a demonstration may be popular and still be superficial in significance4 ,however one found foreigners on the ground--at least ,americans--saying that in the last few months the men in power in ,canton were the only officials in ,china who were actually doing something for the people instead of filling their own pockets and magnifying their personal power4 ,even the northern newspapers had not entirely omitted reference to the suppression of licensed gambling4 ,on the spot one learned that this suppression was not only genuine and thorough1 but that it meant a renunciation of an annual revenue of nearly ten million dollars on the part of a government whose chief difficulty is financial1 and where--apart from motives of personal squeeze--it would have been easy to argue that at least temporarily the end justified the means in retaining this source of revenue4 ,english papers throughout ,china have given much praise to the government of ,hong ,kong because it has cut down its opium revenue from eight to four millions annually with the plan for ultimate extinction4 ,yet ,hong ,kong is prosperous1 it has not been touched by civil war1 and it only needs revenue for ordinary civil purposes1 not as a means of maintaining its existence in a crisis4 ,under the circumstances1 the action of the southern government was hardly less than heroic4 ,this renunciation is the most sensational act of the ,canton government1 but one soon learns that it is the accompaniment of a considerable number of constructive administrative undertakings4 ,among the most notable are attempts to reform the local magistracies throughout the province1 the establishment of municipal government in ,canton--something new in ,china where local officials are all centrally appointed and controlled--based upon the ,american ,commission plan1 and directed by graduates of schools of political science in the ,united ,states2 plans for introducing local self-government throughout the province2 a scheme for introduction of universal primary education in ,canton to be completed in three steps4 ,these reforms are provincial and local4 ,they are part of a general movement against centralization and toward local autonomy which is gaining headway all over ,china1 a protest against the appointment of officials from ,peking and the management of local affairs in the interests of factions--and pocketbooks--whose chief interest in local affairs is what can be extracted in the way of profit4 ,for the only analogue of provincial government in ,china at the present time is the carpet bag government of the south in the days following our civil war4 ,these things explain the restiveness of the country1 including central as well as southern provinces1 under ,peking domination4 ,but they do not explain the setting up of a new national1 or federal government1 with the election of ,mr4 ,sun ,yat ,sen as its president4 ,to understand this event it is necessary to go back into history4 ,in ,june1 #aiag1 the parliament in ,peking was about to adopt a constitution4 ,the parliament was controlled by leaders of the old revolutionary party who had been at loggerheads with ,yuan and with the executive generally4 ,the latter accused them of being obstructionists1 wasting time in discussing and theorizing when the country needed action4 ,japan had changed her tactics regarding the participation of ,china in the war1 and having got her position established through the ,twenty-one ,demands1 saw a way of controlling ,chinese arsenals and virtually amalgamating the ,chinese armies with her own through supervising ,china's entrance into the war4 ,the ,british and ,french were pressing desperately for the same end4 ,parliament was slow to act1 and ,tang ,shao ,yi1 ,sun ,yat ,sen and other southern leaders were averse1 since they regarded the war as none of ,china's business and were upon the whole more anti-,british than anti-,german--a fact which partly accounts for the share of ,british journals in the present press propaganda against the ,canton government4 ,but what brought matters to a head was the fact that the constitution which was about to be adopted eliminated the military governors or tuchuns of the provinces1 and restored the supremacy of civil authority which had been destroyed by ,yuan ,shi ,kai1 in addition to introducing a policy of decentralization4 ,coached by members of the so-called progressive party which claimed to be constitutionalist and which had a factionalist interest in overthrowing the revolutionaries who controlled the legislative branch if not the executive1 the military governors demanded that the president suspend parliament and dismiss the legislators4 ,this demand was more than passively supported by all the ,allied diplomats in ,peking with the honorable exception of the ,american legation4 ,the president weakly yielded and issued an edict dispelling parliament1 virtually admitting in the document the illegality of his action4 ,less than a month afterwards he was a refugee in the ,dutch legation on account of the farce of monarchical restoration staged by ,chang ,shun--who at the present time is again coming to the front in the north as adjutant to the plans of ,chang ,tso ,lin1 the present strong man of ,china4 ,later1 elections were held and a new parliament elected4 ,this parliament has been functioning as the legislature of ,china at ,peking and elected the president1 ,hsu ,shi ,chang1 the head of the government recognized by the foreign ,powers--in short it is the ,chinese government from an international standpoint1 the ,peking government from a domestic standpoint4 ,the revolutionary members of the old parliament never recognized the legality of their dispersal1 and consequently refused to admit the legal status of the new parliament1 called by them the bogus parliament1 and of the president elected by it1 especially as the new legislative body was not elected according to the rules laid down by the constitution4 ,under the lead of some of the old members1 the old parliament1 called by its opponents the defunct parliament1 has led an intermittent existence ever since4 ,claiming to be the sole authentic constitutional body of ,china1 it finally elected ,dr4 ,sun president of ,china and thus prepared the act of the fifth of ,may1 already reported4 ,such is the technical and formal background of the present southern government4 ,its attack upon the legality of the ,peking government is doubtless technically justified4 ,but for various reasons its own positive status is open to equally grave doubts4 ,the terms bogus and defunct1 so freely cast at each other1 both seem to an outsider to be justified4 ,it is less necessary to go into the reasons which appear to invalidate the position of the southern parliament because of the belated character of its final action4 ,a protest which waits four years to assert itself in positive action is confronted not with legal technicalities but with accomplished facts4 ,in my opinion1 legality for legality1 the southern government has a bare shade the better of the technical argument4 ,but in the face of a government which has foreign recognition and which has maintained itself after a fashion for four years1 a legal shadow is a precarious political basis4 ,it is wiser to regard the southern government as a revolutionary government1 which in addition to the prestige of continuing the revolutionary movement of ten years ago has also a considerable sentimental asset as a protest of constitutionalism against the military usurpations of the ,peking government4 ,it is an open secret that the southern movement has not received the undivided support of all the forces present in ,canton which are opposed to the northern government4 ,tang ,shao ,yi1 for example1 was notable for his absence at the time of the inauguration1 having found it convenient to visit the graves of his ancestors at that time4 ,the provincial governor1 ,general ,chen ,kwang ,ming1 was in favor of confining efforts to the establishment of provincial autonomy and the encouragement of similar movements in other provinces1 looking forward to an eventual federal1 or confederated1 government of at least all the provinces south of the ,yangtse4 ,many of his generals wanted to postpone action until ,kwantung province had made a military alliance with the generals in the other southwestern provinces1 so as to be able to resist the north should the latter undertake a military expedition4 ,others thought the technical legal argument for the new move was being overworked1 and while having no objections to an out and out revolutionary movement against ,peking1 thought that the time for it had not yet come4 ,they are counting on ,chang ,tso ,lin's attempting a monarchical restoration and think that the popular revulsion against that move would create the opportune time for such a movement as has now been prematurely undertaken4 ,however in spite of reports of open strife freely circulated by ,british and ,peking government newspapers1 most of the opposition elements are now loyally suppressing their opposition and supporting the government of ,sun ,yat ,sen4 ,a compromise has been arranged by which the federal government will confine its attention to foreign affairs1 leaving provincial matters wholly in the hands of ,governor ,chen and his adherents4 ,there is still room for friction however1 especially as to the control of revenues1 since at present there are hardly enough funds for one administration1 let alone two4 #b4 ,the members of the new southern government are strikingly different in type from those one meets elsewhere whether in ,peking or the provincial capitals4 ,the latter men are literally mediaeval when they are not late ,roman ,empire1 though most of them have learned a little modern patter to hand out to foreigners4 ,the former are educated men1 not only in the school sense and in the sense that they have had some special training for their jobs1 but in the sense that they think the ideas and speak the language current among progressive folk all over the world4 ,they welcome inquiry and talk freely of their plans1 hopes and fears4 ,i had the opportunity of meeting all the men who are most influential in both the local and federal governments2 these conversations did not take the form of interviews for publication1 but ,i learned that there are at least three angles from which the total situation is viewed4 ,governor ,chen has had no foreign education and speaks no ,english4 ,he is distinctively ,chinese in his training and outlook4 ,he is a man of force1 capable of drastic methods1 straightforward intellectually and physically1 of unquestioned integrity and of almost ,spartan life in a country where official position is largely prized for the luxuries it makes possible4 ,for example1 practically alone among ,chinese provincial officials of the first rank he has no concubines4 ,not only this1 but he proposed to the provincial assembly a measure to disenfranchise all persons who have concubines4 7,the measure failed because it is said its passage would have deprived the majority of the assemblymen of their votes47 ,he is by all odds the most impressive of all the officials whom ,i have met in ,china4 ,if ,i were to select a man likely to become a national figure of the first order in the future1 it would be1 unhesitatingly1 ,governor ,chen4 ,he can give and also command loyalty--a fact which in itself makes him almost unique4 ,his views in gist are as follows3 ,the problem of problems in ,china is that of real unification4 ,industry and education are held back because of lack of stability of government1 and the better elements in society seclude themselves from all public effort4 ,the question is how this unification is to be obtained4 ,in the past it has been tried by force used by strong individuals4 ,yuan ,shi ,kai tried and failed2 ,feng ,kuo ,chang tried and failed2 ,tuan ,chi ,jui tried and failed4 ,that method must be surrendered4 ,china can be unified only by the people themselves1 employing not force but the methods of normal political evolution4 ,the only way to engage the people in the task is to decentralize the government4 ,futile efforts at centralization must be abandoned4 ,peking and ,canton alike must allow the provinces the maximum of autonomy2 the provincial capitals must give as much authority as possible to the districts1 and the districts to the communities4 ,officials must be chosen by and from the local districts and everything must be done to encourage local initiative4 ,governor ,chen's chief ambition is to introduce this system into ,kwantung province4 ,he believes that other provinces will follow as soon as the method has been demonstrated1 and that national unity will then be a pyramid built out of the local blocks4 ,with extreme self-government in administrative matters1 ,governor ,chen will endeavor to enforce a policy of centralized economic control4 ,he says in effect that the west has developed economic anarchy along with political control1 with the result of capitalistic domination and class struggle4 ,he wishes to avert this consequence in ,china by having government control from the first of all basic raw materials and all basic industries1 mines1 transportation1 factories for cement1 steel1 etc4 ,in this way the provincial authorities hope to secure an equable industrial development of the province1 while at the same time procuring ample revenues without resorting to heavy taxation4 ,since almost all the other governors in ,china are using their power1 in combination with the exploiting capitalists native and foreign1 to monopolize the natural resources of their provinces for private profit1 it is not surprising that ,governor ,chen's views are felt to be a menace to privilege and that he is advertised all over ,china as a devout ,bolshevist4 ,his views have special point in view of ,british efforts to get an economic stranglehold upon the province--efforts which are dealt with in a prior chapter4 ,another type of views lays chief stress upon the internal political condition of ,china4 ,its adherents say in effect3 ,why make such a fuss about having two governments for ,china1 when1 in point of fact1 ,china is torn into dozens of governments8 ,in the north1 war is sure to break out sooner or later between ,chang ,tso ,lin and his rivals4 ,each military governor is afraid of his division generals4 ,the brigade generals intrigue against the division leaders1 and even colonels are doing all they can to further their personal power4 ,the ,peking government is a stuffed sham1 taking orders from the military governors of the provinces1 living only on account of jealousies among these generals1 and by the grace of foreign diplomatic support4 ,it is actually bankrupt1 and this actual state will soon be formally recognized4 ,the thing for us to do is to go ahead1 maintain in good faith the work of the revolution1 give this province the best possible civil administration2 then in the inevitable approaching debacle1 the southern government will be ready to serve as the nucleus of a genuine reconstruction4 ,meantime we want1 if not the formal recognition of foreign governments1 at least their benevolent neutrality4 ,dr4 ,sun still embodies in himself the spirit of the revolution of #aiaa4 ,so far as that was not anti-,manchu it was in essence nationalistic1 and only accidentally republican4 ,the day after the inauguration of ,dr4 ,sun1 a memorial was dedicated to the seventy-two patriot heroes who fell in an abortive attempt in ,canton to throw off the ,manchu yoke1 some six months before the successful revolt4 ,the monument is the most instructive single lesson which ,i have seen in the political history of the revolution4 ,it is composed of seventy-two granite blocks4 ,upon each is engraved3 ,given by the ,chinese ,national ,league of ,jersey ,city1 or ,melbourne1 or ,mexico1 or ,liverpool1 or ,singapore1 etc4 ,chinese nationalism is a product of ,chinese migration to foreign countries2 ,chinese nationalism on foreign shores financed the revolution1 and largely furnished its leaders and provided its organization4 ,sun ,yat ,sen was the incarnation of this nationalism1 which was more concerned with freeing ,china--and ,asia--from all foreign domination than with particular political problems4 ,and in spite of the movement of events since that day1 he remains essentially at that stage1 being closer in spirit to the nationalists of the ,european irredentist type than to the spirit of contemporary young ,china4 ,a convinced republican1 he nevertheless measures events and men in the concrete by what he thinks they will do to promote the independence of ,china from foreign control1 rather than by what they will do to promote a truly democratic government4 ,this is the sole explanation that can be given for his unfortunate coquetting a year ago with the leaders of the now fallen ,anfu ,club4 ,he allowed himself to be deceived into thinking that they were ready to turn against the ,japanese if he would give them his support2 and his nationalist imagination was inflamed by the grandiose schemes of little ,hsu for the ,chinese subjugation of ,mongolia4 ,more openly than others1 ,dr4 ,sun admits and justifies the new southern government as representing a division of ,china4 ,if1 he insists1 it had not been for the secession of the south in #aiag1 ,japan would now be in virtually complete control of all ,china4 ,a unified ,china would have meant a ,china ready to be swallowed whole by ,japan4 ,the secession localized ,japanese aggressions1 made it evident that the south would fight rather than be devoured1 and gave a breathing spell in which public opinion in the north rallied against the ,twenty-one ,demands and against the military pact with ,japan4 ,thus it saved the independence of ,china4 ,but1 while it checked ,japan1 it did not checkmate her4 ,she still expects with the assistance of ,chang ,tso ,lin to make northern ,china her vassal4 ,the support which foreign governments in general and the ,united ,states in particular are giving ,peking is merely playing into the hands of the ,japanese4 ,the independent south affords the only obstacle which causes ,japan to pause in her plan of making northern ,china in effect a ,japanese province4 ,a more than usually authentic rumor says that upon the occasion of the visit of the ,japanese consul general to the new president 7no other foreign official has made an official visit71 the former offered from his government the official recognition of ,dr4 ,sun as president of all ,china1 if the latter would recognize the ,twenty-one ,demands as an accomplished fact4 ,from the ,japanese standpoint the offer was a safe one1 as this acceptance of ,japanese claims is the one thing impossible to the new government4 ,but meantime the offer naturally confirms the nationalists of ,dr4 ,sun's type in their belief that the southern split is the key to maintaining the political independence of ,china2 or1 as ,dr4 ,sun puts it1 that a divided ,china is for the time being the only means to an ultimately independent ,china4 ,these views are not given as stating the whole truth of the situation4 ,they are ex parte4 ,but they are given as setting forth in good faith the conceptions of the leaders of the southern movement and as requiring serious attention if the situation of ,china1 domestic and international1 is to be understood4 ,upon my own account1 and not simply as expressing the views of others1 ,i have reached a conclusion quite foreign to my thought before ,i visited the south4 ,while it is not possible to attach too much importance to the unity of ,china as a part of the foreign policy of the ,united ,states1 it is possible to attach altogether too much importance to the ,peking government as a symbol of that unity4 ,to borrow and adapt the words of one southern leader1 while the ,united ,states can hardly be expected to do other than recognize the ,peking as the de facto government1 there is no need to coddle that government and give it face4 ,such a course maintains a nominal and formal unity while in fact encouraging the military and corrupt forces that keep ,china divided and which make for foreign aggression4 ,in my opinion as the outcome of two years' observation of the ,chinese situation1 the real interests of both ,china and the ,united ,states would be served if1 in the first place1 the ,united ,states should take the lead in securing from the diplomatic body in ,peking the serving of express notice upon the ,peking government that in no case would a restoration of the monarchy be recognized by the ,powers4 ,this may seem in ,america like an unwarranted intervention in the domestic affairs of a foreign country4 ,but in fact such intervention is already a fact4 ,the present government endures only in virtue of the support of foreign ,powers4 ,the notice would put an end to one kind of intrigue1 one kind of rumor and suspicion1 which is holding industry and education back and which is keeping ,china in a state of unrest and instability4 ,it would establish a period of comparative quiet in which whatever constructive forces exist may come to the front4 ,the second measure would be more extreme4 ,the diplomacy of the ,united ,states should take the lead in making it clear that unless the promises about the disbanding of the army1 and the introduction of general retrenchment are honestly and immediately carried out1 the ,powers will pursue a harsh rather than a benevolent policy toward the ,peking government1 insisting upon immediate payment of interest and loans as they fall due and holding up the government to the strictest meeting of all its obligations4 ,the notification to be effective might well include a virtual threat of withdrawal of recognition in case the government does not seriously try to put its profuse promises into execution4 ,it should also include a definite discouragement of any expenditures designed for military conquest of the south4 ,diplomatic recognition of the southern government is out of the question at present4 ,it is not out of the question to put on the financial screws so that the southern government will be allowed space and time to demonstrate what it can do by peaceful means to give one or more provinces a decent1 honest and progressive civil administration4 ,it is unnecessary to enumerate the obstacles in the way of carrying out such a policy4 ,but in my judgment it is the only policy by which the ,great ,powers will not become accomplices in perpetuating the weakness and division of ,china4 ,it is the most straightforward way of meeting whatever plans of aggression ,japan may entertain4 ,may1 #aiba4 ,,vi ,federalism in ,china ,the newcomer in ,china in observing and judging events usually makes the mistake of attaching too much significance to current happenings4 ,occurrences take place which in the western world would portend important changes--and nothing important results4 ,it is not easy to loosen the habit of years2 and so the visitor assumes that an event which is striking to the point of sensationalism must surely be part of a train of events having a definite trend2 some deep-laid plan must be behind it4 ,it takes a degree of intellectual patience added to time and experience to make one realize that even when there is a rhythm in events the tempo is so retarded that one must wait a long time to judge what is really going on4 ,most political events are like daily changes in the weather1 fluctuations back and forth which may seriously affect individuals but which taken one by one tell little about the movement of the seasons4 ,even the occurrences which are due to human intention are usually sporadic and casual1 and the observer errs by reading into them too much plot1 too comprehensive a scheme1 too farsighted a plan4 ,the aim behind the event is likely to be only some immediate advantage1 some direct increase of power1 the overthrow of a rival1 the grasping at greater wealth by an isolated act1 without any consecutive or systematic looking ahead4 ,foreigners are not the only ones who have erred1 however1 in judging the ,chinese political situation of the last few years4 ,beginning two years ago1 one heard experienced ,chinese with political affiliations saying that it was impossible for things to go on as they were for more than three months longer4 ,some decisive change must occur4 ,yet outwardly the situation has remained much the same not only for three months but for two years1 the exception being the overthrow of the ,anfu faction a year ago4 ,and this occurrence hardly marked a definite turn in events1 as it was1 to a considerable extent1 only a shifting of power from the hands of one set of tuchuns to another set4 ,nevertheless at the risk of becoming a victim of the fallacy which ,i have been setting forth1 ,i will hazard the remark that the last few months have revealed a definite and enduring trend--that through the diurnal fluctuations of the strife for personal power and wealth a seasonal political change in society is now showing itself4 ,certain lines of cleavage seem to show themselves1 so that through the welter of striking1 picturesque1 sensational but meaningless events1 a definite pattern is revealed4 ,this pattern is indicated by the title of this chapter--a movement toward the development of a federal form of government4 ,in calling the movement one toward federalism1 there is1 however1 more of a jump into the remote future than circumstances justify4 ,it would be more accurate1 as well as more modest1 to say that there is a well defined and seemingly permanent trend toward provincial autonomy and local self-government accompanied by a hope and a vague plan that in the future the more or less independent units will recombine into the ,united or ,federated ,states of ,china4 ,some who look far into the future anticipate three stages2 the first being the completion of the present secessionist movement2 the second the formation of northern and southern confederations respectively2 the third a reunion into a single state4 ,to go into the detailed evidence for the existence of a definite and lasting movement of this sort would presume too much on the reader's knowledge of ,chinese geography and his acquaintance with specific recent events4 ,i shall confine myself to quite general features of the situation4 ,the first feature is the new phase which has been assumed by the long historic antagonism of the north and the south4 ,roughly speaking1 the revolution which established the republic and overthrew the ,manchus represented a victory for the south4 ,but the transformation during the last five years of the nominal republic into a corrupt oligarchy of satraps or military governors or feudal lords has represented a victory for the north4 ,it is a significant fact1 symbolically at least1 that the most powerful remaining tuchun or military governor in ,china--in some respects the only powerful one who has survived the vicissitudes of the last few years--namely ,chang ,tso ,lin1 is the uncrowned king of the three ,manchurian provinces4 ,the so-called civil war of the north and south is not1 however1 to be understood as a conflict of republicanism located in the south and militarism in the north4 ,such a notion is directly contrary to facts4 ,the civil war till six or eight months ago was mainly a conflict of military governors and factions1 part of that struggle for personal power and wealth which has been going on all over ,china4 ,but recently events have taken a different course4 ,in four of the southern provinces1 tuchuns who seemed all powerful have toppled over1 and the provinces have proclaimed or tacitly assumed their independence of both the ,peking and the former military ,canton governments--the province in which ,canton situated being one of the four4 ,i happened to be in ,hunan1 the first of the southerly provinces to get comparative independence1 last fall1 not long after the overthrow of the vicious despot who had ruled the province with the aid of northern troops4 ,for a week a series of meetings were held in ,changsha1 the capital of the province4 ,the burden of every speech was ,hunan for the ,hunanese4 ,the slogan embodies the spirit of two powers each aiming at becoming the central authority2 it is a conflict of the principle of provincial autonomy1 represented by the politically more mature south1 with that of militaristic centralization1 represented by ,peking4 ,as ,i write1 in early ,september 7#aiba71 the immediate issue is obscured by the fight which ,wu ,pei ,fu is waging with the ,hunanese who with nominal independence are in aim and interest allied with the south4 ,if1 as is likely1 ,wu ,pei ,fu wins1 he may take one of two courses4 ,he may use his added power to turn against ,chang ,tso ,lin and the northern militarists which will bring him into virtual alliance with the southerners and establish him as the antagonist of the federal principle4 ,this is the course which his earlier record would call for4 ,or he may yield to the usual official lust for power and money and try once more the ,yuan ,shi ,kai policy of military centralization with himself as head1 after trying out conclusions with ,chang ,tso ,lin as his rival4 ,this is the course which the past record of military leaders indicates4 ,but even if ,wu ,pei ,fu follows precedent and goes bad1 he will only hasten his own final end4 ,this is not prophecy4 ,it is only a statement of what has uniformly happened in ,china just at the moment a military leader seemed to have complete power in his grasp4 ,in other words1 a victory for ,wu ,pei ,fu may either accelerate or may retard the development of provincial autonomy according to the course he pursues4 ,it cannot permanently prevent or deflect it4 ,the basic factor that makes one sure that this trend toward local autonomy is a reality and not merely one of those meaningless shiftings of power which confuse the observer1 is that it is in accord with ,chinese temperament1 tradition and circumstance4 ,feudalism is past and gone two thousand years ago1 and at no period since has ,china possessed a working centralized government4 ,the absolute empires which have come and gone in the last two millenniums existed by virtue of non-interference and a religious aura4 ,the latter can never be restored2 and every episode of the republic demonstrates that ,china with its vast and diversified territories1 its population of between three hundred and fifty and four hundred million1 its multitude of languages and lack of communications1 its enormous local attachments sanctified by the family system and ancestral worship1 cannot be managed from a single and remote centre4 ,china rests upon a network of local and voluntary associations cemented by custom4 ,this fact has given it its unparallelled stability and its power to progress even under the disturbed political conditions of the past ten years4 ,i sometimes think that ,americans with their own traditional contempt for politics and their spontaneous reliance upon self-help and local organization are the ones who are naturally fitted to understand ,china's course4 ,the ,japanese with their ingrained reliance upon the state have continually misjudged and misacted4 ,the ,british understand better than we do the significance of local self-government2 but they are misled by their reverence for politics so that they cannot readily find or see government when it does not take political form4 ,it is not too much to say that one great cause for the overthrow of the ,manchus was the fact that because of the pressure of international relations they attempted to force1 especially in fiscal matters1 a centralization upon the provinces wholly foreign to the spirit of the people4 ,this created hostility where before there had been indifference4 ,china may possibly not emerge from her troubles a unified nation1 any more than a much smaller and less populous ,europe emerged from the break-up of the ,holy ,roman ,empire1 a single state4 ,indeed one often wonders1 not that ,china is divided1 but that she is not much more broken up than she is4 ,but one thing is certain4 ,whatever progress ,china finally succeeds in making will come from a variety of local centres1 not from ,peking or ,canton4 ,it will be effected by means of associations and organizations which even though they assume a political form are not primarily political in nature4 ,criticisms are passed1 especially by foreigners1 upon the present trend of events4 ,the criticisms are more than plausible4 ,it is evident that the present weakness of ,china is due to her divided condition4 ,hence it is natural to argue that the present movement being one of secession and general disintegration will increase the weakness of the country4 ,it is also evident that many of ,china's troubles are due to the absence of any efficient administrative system2 it is reasonable to argue that ,china cannot get even railways and universal education without a strong and stable central government4 ,there is no doubt about the facts4 ,it is not surprising that many friends of ,china deeply deplore the present tendency while some regard it as the final accomplishment of the long predicted breakup of ,china4 ,but remedies for ,china's ills based upon ignoring history1 psychology and actual conditions are so utopian that it is not worth while to argue whether or not they are theoretically desirable4 ,the remedy of ,china's troubles by a strong1 centralized government is on a par with curing disease by the expulsion of a devil4 ,the evil of sectionalism is real1 but since it is real it cannot be dealt with by trying a method which implies its non-existence4 ,if the devil is really there1 he will not be exorcized by a formula4 ,if the trouble is internal1 not due to an external demon1 the disease can be cured only by using the factors of health and vigor which the patient already possesses4 ,and in ,china while these factors of recuperation and growth are numerous1 they all exist in connection with local organizations and voluntary associations4 ,the increasing volume of the cry that the tuchuns must go comes from the provincial and local interests which have been insulted and violated by a nominally centralized but actually chaotic situation4 ,after this negative work is completed1 the constructive rebuilding of ,china can proceed only by utilizing local interests and abilities4 ,in ,china the movement will be the opposite of that which occurred in ,japan4 ,it will be from the periphery to the centre4 ,another objection to the present tendency has force especially from the foreign standpoint4 ,as already stated1 the efforts of the ,manchu dynasty in its latter days to enhance central power were due to international pressure4 ,foreign nations treated ,peking as if it were a capital like ,london1 ,paris or ,berlin1 and in its efforts to meet foreign demands it had to try to become such a centre4 ,the result was disaster4 ,but foreign nations still want to have a single centre which may be held responsible4 ,and subconsciously1 if not consciously1 this desire is responsible for much of the objection of foreign nationals to the local autonomy movement4 ,they well know that it is going to take a long time to realize the ideal of federation1 and meantime where and what is to be the agency responsible for diplomatic relations1 the enforcing of indemnities and the securing of concessions8 ,in one respect the secessionist tendency is dangerous to ,china herself as well as inconvenient to the powers4 ,it will readily stimulate the desire and ability of foreign nations to interfere in ,china's domestic affairs4 ,there will be many centres at which to carry on intrigues and from which to get concessions instead of one or two4 ,there is also danger that one foreign nation may line up with one group of provinces1 and another foreign nation with another group1 so that international friction will increase4 ,even now some ,japanese sources and even such an independent liberal paper as ,robert ,young's ,japan ,chronicle are starting or reporting the rumor that the ,cantonese experiment is supported by subsidies supplied by ,american capitalists in the hope of economic concessions4 ,the rumor was invented for a sinister purpose4 ,but it illustrates the sort of situation that may come into existence if there are several political centres in ,china and one foreign nation backs one and another nation1 another4 ,the danger is real enough4 ,but it cannot be dealt with by attempting the impossible--namely checking the movement toward local autonomy1 even though disintegration may temporarily accompany it4 ,the danger only emphasizes the fundamental fact of the whole ,chinese situation2 that its essence is time4 ,the evils and troubles of ,china are real enough1 and there is no blinking the fact that they are largely of her own making1 due to corruption1 inefficiency and absence of popular education4 ,but no one who knows the common people doubts that they will win through if they are given time4 ,and in the concrete this means that they be left politically alone to work out their own destiny4 ,there will doubtless be proposals at the ,pacific ,conference to place ,china under some kind of international tutelage4 ,this chapter and the events connected with the tendency which it reports will be cited as showing this need4 ,some of the schemes will spring from motives that are hostile to ,china4 ,some will be benevolently conceived in a desire to save ,china from herself and shorten her period of chaos and confusion4 ,but the hope of the world's peace1 as well as of ,china's freedom1 lies in adhering to a policy of ,hands ,off4 ,give ,china a chance4 ,give her time4 ,the danger lies in being in a hurry1 in impatience1 possibly in the desire of ,america to show that we are a power in international affairs and that we too have a positive foreign policy4 ,and a benevolent policy of supporting ,china from without1 instead of promoting her aspirations from within1 may in the end do ,china about as much harm as a policy conceived in malevolence4 ,july1 #aiba4 ,,vii ,a ,parting of the ,ways for ,america #a ,the realities of ,american policy in ,china and toward ,china are going to be more seriously tested in the future than they ever have been in the past4 ,japanese papers have been full of protests against any attempt by the ,pacific ,conference to place ,japan on trial4 ,would that ,american journals were full of warnings that ,america is on trial at the ,conference as to the sincerity and intelligent goodwill behind her amiable professions4 ,the world will not stop with the ,pacific ,conference2 the latter1 however important1 will not arrest future developments1 and the ,united ,states will continue to be on trial till she has established by her acts a permanent and definite attitude4 ,for the realities of the situation cannot be exhausted in any formula or in any set of diplomatic agreements1 even if the ,conference confounds the fears of pessimists and results in a harmonious union of the powers in support of ,china's legitimate aspirations for free political and economic growth4 ,the ,conference1 however1 stands as a symbol of the larger situation2 and its decisions or lack of them will be a considerable factor in the determination of subsequent events4 ,sometimes one is obliged to fall back on a trite phrase4 ,we are genuinely at a parting of the ways4 ,even if we should follow in our old path1 there would none the less be a parting of the ways1 for we cannot consistently tread the old path unless we are animated by a much more conscious purpose and a more general and intelligent knowledge of affairs than have controlled our activities in the past4 ,the ideas expressed by an ,english correspondent about the fear that ,america is soon to be an active source of danger in the ,far ,east are not confined to persons on foreign shores4 ,the prevailing attitude in some circles of ,american opinion is that called by ,president ,hibben cynical pessimism4 ,all professed radicals and many liberals believe that if our course has been better in the past it has been due to geographical accidents combined with indifference and with our undeveloped economic status4 ,consequently they believe that since we have now become what is called a world-power and a nation which exports instead of importing capital1 our course will soon be as bad as that of any of the rest of them4 ,in some quarters this opinion is clearly an emotional reaction following the disillusionments of ,versailles4 ,in others1 it is due to adherence to a formula3 nothing in international affairs can come out of capitalism and ,america is emphatically a capitalistic country4 ,whether or not these feelings are correct1 they are not discussable2 neither an emotion nor an absolute formula is subject to analysis4 ,but there are specific elements in the situation which give grounds for apprehension as to the future4 ,these specific elements are capable of detection and analysis4 ,an adequate realization of their nature will be a large factor in preventing cynical apprehensions from becoming actual4 ,this chapter is an attempt at a preliminary listing1 inadequate1 of course1 as any preliminary examination must be4 ,while an a priori argument based on a fatalistic formula as to how a capitalistic nation must conduct itself does not appeal to me1 there are nevertheless concrete facts which are suggested by that formula4 ,part of our comparatively better course in ,china in the past is due to the fact that we have not had the continuous and close alliance between the ,state ,department and big banking interests which is found in the case of foreign powers4 ,no honest well-informed history of developments in ,china could be written in which the ,russian ,asiatic ,bank1 the ,foreign ,bank of ,belgium1 the ,french ,indo-,china ,bank and ,banque ,industrielle1 the ,yokohama ,specie ,bank1 the ,hongkong-,shanghai ,bank1 etc41 did not figure prominently4 ,these banks work in the closest harmony1 not only with railway and construction syndicates and big manufacturing interests at home1 but also with their respective foreign offices4 ,it is hardly too much to say that legations and banks have been in most important matters the right and left hands of the same body4 ,american business interests have complained an the past that the ,american government does not give to ,american traders abroad the same support that the nationals of other states receive4 ,in the past these complaints have centred largely about actual wrongs suffered or believed to have been suffered by ,american business undertakings carried on in a foreign country4 ,with the present expansion of capital and of commerce1 the same complaints and demands are going to be made not with reference to grievances suffered1 but with reference to furthering1 to pushing ,american commercial interests in connection with large banking groups4 ,it would take a credulous person to deny the influence of big business in domestic politics4 ,as we become more interested in commerce and banking enterprises what assurance have we that the alliance will not be transferred to international politics8 ,it should be noted that the policy of the open door as affirmed by the great powers--and as frequently violated by them--even if it be henceforth observed in good faith1 does not adequately protect us from this danger4 ,the open door policy is not primarily a policy about ,china herself but rather about the policies of foreign powers toward one another with respect to ,china4 ,it demands equality of economic opportunity for different nations4 ,were it enforced1 it would prevent the granting of monopolies to any one nation3 there is nothing in it to render impossible a conjoint exploitation of ,china by foreign powers1 an organized monopoly in which each nation has its due share with respect to others4 ,such an organization might conceivably reduce friction among the great powers1 and thereby reduce the danger of future wars--as long as ,china herself is impotent to go to war4 ,the agreement might conceivably for a considerable time be of benefit to ,china herself4 ,but it is clear that for the ,united ,states to become a partner in any such arrangement would involve a reversal of our historic policy in the ,far ,east4 ,it might be technically consistent with the open door policy1 but it would be a violation of the larger sense in which the ,american people has understood and praised that ideal4 ,he is blind who does not see that there are forces making for such a reversal4 ,and since we are all more or less blind1 an opening of our eyes to the danger is one of the conditions of its not being realized4 ,one of the forces which is operative is indicated by the phrase that an international agreement on an economic and financial basis might be of value to ,china herself4 ,the mere suggestion that such a thing is possible is abhorrent to many1 especially to radicals4 ,there seems to be something sinister in it4 ,so it is worth explaining how and why it might be so4 ,in the first place1 it would obviously terminate the particularistic grabbing for leased territory1 concessions and spheres of influence which has so damaged ,china4 ,at the present time1 the point of this remark lies in its implied reference to ,japan1 as at one time it might have applied to ,russia4 ,fear of ,japan's aims in ,china is not confined to ,china2 the fear is widespread4 ,an international economic arrangement may therefore be plausibly presented as the easiest and most direct method of relieving ,china of the ,japanese menace4 ,for ,japan to stay out would be to give herself away2 if she came in1 it would subject ,japanese activities to constant scrutiny and control4 ,there is no doubt that part of the fear of ,japan regarding the ,pacific ,conference is due to a belief that some such arrangement is contemplated4 ,the case is easily capable of such presentation as to make it appeal to ,americans who are really friendly to ,china and who haven't the remotest interest in her economic exploitation4 ,the arrangement would1 for example1 automatically eliminate the ,lansing-,ishii agreement with its embarrassing ambiguous recognition of ,japan's special interests in ,china4 ,the other factor is domestic4 ,the distraction and civil wars of ,china are commonplaces4 ,so is the power exercised by the military governors and generals4 ,the greater one's knowledge1 the more one perceives how intimately the former evil is dependent upon the latter4 ,the financial plight of the ,chinese government1 its continual foreign borrowings which threaten bankruptcy in the near future1 depend upon militaristic domination and wild expenditure for unproductive purposes and squeeze4 ,without this expense1 ,china would have no great difficulty henceforth in maintaining a balance in her budget4 ,the retardation of public education whose advancement--especially in elementary schools--is ,china's greatest single need is due to the same cause4 ,so is the growth in official corruption which is rapidly extending into business and private life4 ,in fact1 every one of the obstacles to the progress of ,china is connected with the rule of military factions and their struggles with one another for complete mastery4 ,an economic international agreement among the great powers can be made which would surely reduce and possibly eliminate the greatest evils of militarism4 ,many liberal ,chinese say in private that they would be willing to have a temporary international receivership for government finance1 provided they could be assured of its nature and the exact date and conditions of its termination--a proviso which they are sensible enough to recognize would be extremely difficult of attainment4 ,american leadership in forming and executing any such scheme would1 they feel1 afford the best reassurance as to its nature and terms4 ,under such circumstances a plausible case can be made out for proposals which1 under the guise of traditional ,american friendship for ,china1 would in fact commit us to a reversal of our historic policy4 ,there are radicals abroad and at home who think that our entrance into a ,consortium already proves that we have entered upon the road of reversal and who naturally see in the ,pacific ,conference the next logical step4 ,i have previously stated my own belief that our ,state ,department proposed the ,consortium primarily for political ends1 as a means of checking the policy pursued by ,japan of making unproductive loans to ,china in return for which she was getting an immediate grip on ,china's natural resources and preparing the way for direct administrative and financial control when the day of reckoning and foreclosure should finally come4 ,i also said that the ,consortium was between two stools1 the financial and the political and that up to the present its chief value had been negative and preventive1 and that jealousy or lack of interest by ,japan and ,great ,britain in any constructive policy on the part of the ,consortium was likely to maintain the same condition4 ,i have seen no reason thus far to change my mind on this point1 nor in regard to the further belief that probably the interests of ,china in the end will be best served by the continuation of this deterrent function4 ,but the question is bound to arise3 why continue the ,consortium if it isn't doing anything8 ,the pressure of foreign powers interested in the exploitation of ,china and of impatient ,american economic interests may combine to put an end to the present rather otiose existence led by the ,consortium4 ,the two stools between which the past action of the ,american government has managed to swing the ,consortium may be united to form a single solid bench4 ,at the risk of being charged with credulous gullibility1 or something worse1 ,i add that up to the present time the ,american phase of the ,consortium hasn't shown perceptible signs of becoming a club exercised by ,american finance over ,china's economic integrity and independence4 ,i believe the repeated statements of the ,american representative that he himself and the interests he represents would be glad if ,china proved her ability to finance her own public utilities without resorting to foreign loans4 ,this belief is confirmed by the first public utterance of the new ,american minister to ,china who in his reference to the ,consortium laid emphasis upon its deterrent function and upon the stimulation it has given to ,chinese bankers to finance public utilities4 ,and it is the merest justice to ,mr4 ,stevens1 the ,american representative1 to say that he represents the conservative investment type of banker1 not the promotion type1 and that thus far his great concern has been the problem of protecting the buyer of such securities as are passed on by the banks to the ultimate investor--so much so that he has aroused criticism from ,american business interests impatient for speedy action4 ,but there is a larger phase of the ,consortium concerning which ,i think apprehensions may reasonably be entertained4 ,suppose1 if merely by way of hypothesis1 that the ,american government is genuinely interested in ,china and in making the policy of the open door and ,chinese territorial and administrative integrity a reality1 not merely a name1 and suppose that it is interested in doing so from an ,american self-interest sufficiently enlightened to perceive that the political and economic advancement of the ,united ,states is best furthered by a policy which is identical with ,china's ability to develop herself freely and independently3 what then would be the wise ,american course8 ,in short1 it would be to view our existing ,european interests and issues 7due to the war7 and our ,far ,eastern interests and issues as parts of one and the same problem4 ,if we are actuated by the motive hypothetically imputed to our government and we fail in its realization1 the chief reason will be that we regard the ,european question and the ,asiatic problem as two different questions1 or because we identify them from the wrong end4 ,our present financial interest in ,europe is enormous4 ,it involves not merely foreign governmental loans but a multitude of private advances and commitments4 ,these financial entanglements affect not merely our industry and commerce but our politics4 ,they involve much more immediately pressing concerns than to our ,asiatic relations1 and they involve billions where the latter involve millions4 ,the danger under such conditions that our ,asiatic relations will be sacrificed to our ,european is hardly fanciful4 ,to make this abstract statement concrete1 the firm of bankers1 ,j4 ,p4 ,morgan ,co41 which is most heavily involved in ,european indebtedness to the ,united ,states1 is the firm which is the leading spirit in the ,consortium for ,china4 ,it seems almost inevitable that the ,asiatic problem should look like small potatoes in comparison with the ,european one1 especially as our own industrial recuperation is so closely connected with ,european relations1 while the ,far ,east cuts a negligible figure4 ,to my mind the real danger to set out upon selfish exploitation of ,china3 intelligent self-interest1 tradition and the fact that our chief asset in ,china is our past freedom from a predatory course1 dictate a course of cooperation with ,china4 ,the danger is that ,china will be subordinated and sacrificed because of primary preoccupation with the high finance and politics of ,europe1 that she will be lost in the shuffle4 ,the ,european aspect of the problem can be made more concrete by reference to ,great ,britain in particular4 ,that country suffers from the embarrassment of the ,japanese alliance4 ,she has already made it sufficiently clear that she would like to draw ,america into the alliance1 making it tripartite1 since that would be the easiest way of maintaining good relations with both ,japan and the ,united ,states4 ,there is no likelihood that any such step will be consummated4 ,but ,british diplomacy is experienced and astute4 ,and by force of circumstances our high finance has contracted a sort of economic alliance with ,great ,britain4 ,there is no wish to claim superior virtue for ,america or to appeal to the strong current of anti-,british sentiment4 ,but the ,british foreign office exists and operates apart from the tradition of liberalism which has mainly actuated ,english domestic politics4 ,it stands peculiarly for the ,empire side of the ,british ,empire1 no matter what party is in the saddle in domestic affairs4 ,every resource will be employed to bring about a settlement at the ,pacific ,conference which1 even though it includes some degree of compromise on the part of ,great ,britain1 will bend the ,asiatic policy of the ,united ,states to the ,british traditions in the ,far ,east1 instead of committing ,great ,britain to combining with the ,united ,states in making a reality of the integrity of ,china to which both countries are nominally committed4 ,it does not seem an extreme statement to say that the immediate issues of the ,conference depend upon the way in which our financial commitments in ,europe are treated1 either as reasons for our making concessions to ,european policy or on the other hand as a means of securing an adherence of the ,european powers to the traditional ,american policy4 ,a publicist in ,china who is of ,british origin and a sincere friend of ,china remarked in private conversation that if the ,united ,states could not secure the adherence of ,great ,britain to her ,asiatic policy by persuasion 7he was deploring the ,japanese alliance7 she might do so by buying it--through remission of her national debt to us4 ,it is not necessary to resort to the measure so baldly suggested4 ,but the remark at least suggests that our involvement in ,european1 especially ,british1 finance and politics may be treated in either of two ways for either of two results4 #b ,that the ,chinese people generally speaking has a less antagonistic feeling toward the ,united ,states than towards other powers seems to me an undoubted fact4 ,the feeling has been disturbed at divers times by the treatment of the ,chinese upon the ,pacific coast1 by the exclusion act1 by the turning over of our interest in the building of the ,peking-,canton 7or ,hankow7 railway to a ,european group1 by the ,lansing-,ishii agreement1 and finally by the part played by ,president ,wilson in the ,versailles decision regarding ,shantung4 ,those disturbances in the main1 however1 have made them dubious as to our skill1 energy and intelligence rather than as to our good-will4 ,americans1 taken individually and collectively1 are to the ,chinese--at least such was my impression--a rather simple folk1 taking the word in its good and its deprecatory sense4 ,in noting the ,chinese reaction to the proposed ,pacific ,conference1 it was interesting to see the combination of an almost unlimited hope that the ,united ,states was to lead in protecting them from further aggressions and in rectifying existing evils1 with a lack of confidence1 a fear that the ,united ,states would have something put over on it4 ,friendly feeling is of course mainly based upon a negative fact1 the fact that the ,united ,states has taken no part in leasing territories1 establishing spheres and setting up extra-national post-offices4 ,on the positive side stands the contribution made by ,americans to education1 especially medical1 and that of girls and women1 and to philanthropy and relief4 ,politically1 there are the early service of ,burlinghame1 the open door policy of ,john ,hay 7though failure to maintain it in fact while securing signatures to it on paper is a considerable part of the ,chinese belief in our defective energy7 and the part played by the ,united ,states in moderating the terms of the settlement of the ,boxer outbreak1 in addition to a considerable number of minor helpful acts4 ,china also remembers that we were the only nation to take exception to the treaties embodying the ,twenty-one ,demands4 ,while our exception was chiefly made on the basis of our own interests which these treaties might injuriously affect1 a sentiment exists that the protest was a pledge of assistance to ,china when the time should be opportune for raising the whole question4 ,and without doubt the reservation made on ,may #af1 #aiae1 by our ,state ,department is a strong card at the forthcoming ,conference if the ,department wishes to play it4 ,from an ,american standpoint1 the open door principle represents one of the only two established principles of ,american diplomacy1 the other being1 of course1 the ,monroe ,doctrine4 ,in connection with sentimental or idealistic associations which have clustered about it1 it constitutes us in some vague fashion in both the ,chinese and ,american public opinion a sort of guardian or at least spokesman of the interests of ,china in relation to foreign powers4 ,although1 as was pointed out in a former chapter1 the open door policy directly concerns other nations in their relation to ,china rather than ,china herself1 yet the violation of the policy by other powers has been so frequent and so much to the detriment of ,china1 that ,american interest1 prestige and moral sentiment are now implicated in such an enforcement of it as will redound to the advantage of ,china4 ,citizens of other countries are often irritated by a suggestion of such a relationship between the ,united ,states and ,china4 ,it presents itself as a proclamation of superior national virtue under cover of which the ,united ,states aims to establish its influence in ,china at the expense of other countries4 ,the irritation is exasperated by the fact that the situation as it stands is an undoubted economic and political asset of the ,united ,states in ,china4 ,we may concede without argument any contention that the situation is not due to any superior virtue but rather to contingencies of history and geography--in which respect it is not unlike many things that pass for virtues with individuals4 ,the contention may be admitted without controversy because it is not pertinent to the main issue4 ,the question is not so much how the state of affairs came about as what it now is1 how it is to be treated and what consequences are in flow from it4 ,it is a fact that up to the present an intelligent self-interest of ,america has coincided with the interests of a stable1 independent and progressive ,china4 ,it is also a fact that ,american traditions and sentiments have gathered about this consideration so that now there is widespread conviction in the ,american people of moral obligations of assistance and friendly protection owed by us to ,china4 ,at present1 no policy can be entered upon that does not bear the semblance of fairness and goodwill4 ,we have at least so much protection against the dangers discussed in the prior chapter4 ,among ,americans in ,china and presumably at home there is a strong feeling that we should adopt for the future stronger and more positive policies than we have maintained in the past4 ,this feeling seems to me fraught with dangers unless we make very clear to ourselves in just what respects we are to continue and make good in a more positive manner our traditional policy4 ,to some extent our past policy has been one of drifting4 ,radical change in this respect may go further than appears upon the surface in altering other fundamental aspects of our policy4 ,what is condemned as drifting is in effect largely the same thing that is also praised as non-interference4 ,a detailed settled policy1 no matter how constructive it may appear to be1 can hardly help involving us in the domestic policies of ,china1 an affair of factions and a game which the ,chinese understand and play much better than any foreigners4 ,such an involvement would at once lessen a present large asset in ,china1 aloofness from internal intrigues and struggles4 ,the specific protests of ,chinese in this country--mainly ,cantonese--against the ,consortium seem to me mainly based on misapprehension4 ,but their general attitude of opposition nevertheless conveys an important lesson4 ,it is based on a belief that the effect of the ,consortium will be to give the ,peking government a factitious advantage in the internal conflict which is waging in ,china1 so that to all intents and purposes it will mark a taking of sides on our part4 ,it is well remembered that the effect of the reorganization loan of the prior ,consortium--in which the ,united ,states was not a partner--was to give ,yuan ,shi ,kai the funds which seated him and the militarist faction after him1 firmly in the governmental saddle4 ,viewing the matter from a larger point of view than that of ,canton vs4 ,peking1 the most fundamental objection ,i heard brought by ,chinese against the ,consortium was in effect as follows3 ,the republican revolution in ,china has still to be wrought out2 the beginning of ten years ago has been arrested4 ,it remains to fight it out4 ,the inevitable effect of increased foreign financial and economic interest in ,china1 even admitting that its industrial effect was advantageous to ,china1 would be to create an interest in stabilizing ,china politically1 which in effect would mean to sanctify the status quo1 and prevent the development of a revolution which cannot be accomplished without internal disorders that would affect foreign investments unfavorably4 ,these considerations are not mentioned for the sake of throwing light on the ,consortium3 they are cited as an illustration of the probability that a too positive and constructive development of our tradition of goodwill to ,china would involve us in an interference with ,chinese domestic affairs injurious to ,china's welfare1 to that free and independent development in which we profess such interest4 ,but how1 it will be asked1 are we to protect ,china from foreign depredations1 particularly those of ,japan1 how are we to change our nominal goodwill into a reality1 if we do not enter much more positive and detailed policies8 ,if there was in existence at the present time any such thing as a diplomacy of peoples as distinct from a diplomacy of governments1 the question would mean something quite different from what it now means4 ,as things now stand the people should profoundly distrust the politicians' love for ,china4 ,it is too frequently the reverse side of fear and incipient hatred of ,japan1 colored perhaps by anti-,british feeling4 ,there should be no disguising of the situation4 ,the aggressive activities of other nations in ,china1 centering but not exhausted at this time in ,japan1 are not merely sources of trouble to ,china but they are potential causes of trouble in our own international relationships4 ,we are committed by our tradition and by the present actualities of the situation to attempting something positive for ,china as respects her international status1 to live up to our responsibility is a most difficult and delicate matter4 ,we have on the one side to avoid getting entangled in quasi-imperialistic ,european policies in ,asia1 whether under the guise of altruism1 of putting ourselves in a position where we can exercise a more effective supervision of their behavior1 or by means of economic expansion4 ,on the other side1 we have to avoid drifting into that kind of covert or avowed antagonism to ,european and ,japanese imperialism which will only increase friction1 encourage a combination especially of ,great ,britain and ,japan---or of ,france and ,japan--against us1 and bring war appreciably nearer4 ,we need to bear in mind that ,china will not be saved from outside herself4 ,even if by a successful war we should relieve ,china from ,japanese encroachments1 from all encroachments1 ,china would not of necessity be brought nearer her legitimate goal of orderly and prosperous internal development4 ,apart from the question of how far war can now settle any fundamental issues without begetting others as dangerous1 ,china of all countries is the one where settlement by force1 especially by outside force1 is least applicable1 and most likely to be enormously disserviceable4 ,china is used to taking time to deal with her problems3 she can neither understand not profit by impatient methods of the western world which are profoundly alien to her genius4 ,moreover a civilization which is on a continental scale1 which is so old that the rest of us are parvenus in comparison1 which is thick and closely woven1 cannot be hurried in its development without disaster4 ,transformation from within is its sole way out1 and we can best help ,china by trying to see to it that she gets the time she needs in order to effect this transformation1 whether or not we like the particular form it assumes at any particular time4 ,a successful war in behalf of ,china would leave untouched her problems of education1 of factional and sectional forces1 of political immaturity showing itself in present incapacity for organization4 ,it would affect her industrial growth undoubtedly1 but in all human probability for the worse1 increasing the likelihood that she would enter upon an industrialization which would repeat the worst evils of western industrial life1 without the immunities1 resistances and remedial measures which the ,west has evolved4 ,the imagination cannot conceive a worse crime than fastening western industrialism upon ,china before she has developed within herself the meaning of coping with the forces which it would release4 ,the danger is great enough as it is4 ,war waged in ,china's behalf by western powers and western methods would make the danger practically irresistible4 ,in addition we should gain a permanent interest in ,china which is likely to be of the most dangerous character to ourselves4 ,if we were not committed by it to future imperialism1 we should be luckier than we have any right to hope to be4 ,these things are said against a mental protest to admitting even by implication the prospect of war with ,japan1 but it seems necessary to say them4 ,these remarks are negative and vague as to our future course4 ,they imply a confession of lack of such wisdom as would enable me to make positive definite proposals4 ,but at least ,i have confidence in the wisdom and goodwill of the ,american and other peoples to deal with the problem1 if they are only called into action4 ,and the first condition of calling wisdom and goodwill into effective existence is to recognize the seriousness of the problem and the utter futility of trying to force its solution by impatient and hurried methods4 ,pro-,japanese apologetics is dangerous2 it obscures the realities of the situation4 ,an irritated anti-,japanism that would hasten the solution of the ,chinese problem merely by attacking ,japan is equally fatal to discovering and applying a proper method4 ,more specifically and also more generically1 proper publicity is the greatest need4 ,if1 as ,secretary ,hughes has intimated1 a settlement of the problems of the ,pacific is made a condition of arriving at an agreement regarding reduction and limitation of armaments1 it is likely that the ,conference might better never be held4 ,in eagerness to do something which will pass as a settlement1 either ,china's--and ,siberia's--interests will be sacrificed in some unfair compromise1 or irritation and friction will be increased--and in the end so will armaments4 ,in any literal sense1 it is ridiculous to suppose that the problems of the ,pacific can be settled in a few weeks1 or months--or years4 ,yet the discussion of the problems1 in separation from the question of armament1 may be of great use4 ,for it may further that publicity which is a pre-condition of any genuine settlement4 ,this involves the public in diplomacy4 ,but it also involves a wider publicity1 one which will enlighten the world about the facts of ,asia1 internal and international4 ,scepticism about ,foreign ,offices1 as they are at present conducted1 is justified4 ,but scepticism about the power of public opinion1 if it can be aroused and instructed1 to reshape ,foreign ,office policies means hopelessness about the future of the world4 ,let everything possible be done to reduce armament1 if only to secure a naval holiday on the part of the three great naval powers1 and if only for the sake of lessening taxation4 ,let the ,conference on ,problems devote itself to discussing and making known as fully and widely as possible the element and scope of those problems1 and the fears--or should one call them hopes8--of the cynics will be frustrated4 ,it is not so important that a decision in the ,american sense of the ,yap question be finally and forever arrived at1 as it is that the need of ,china and the ,orient in general for freer and fuller communications with the rest of the world be made clear--and so on1 down or up the list of agenda4 ,the commercial open door is needed4 ,but the need is greater that the door be opened to light1 to knowledge and understanding4 ,if these forces will not create a public opinion which will in time secure a lasting and just settlement of other problems1 there is no recourse save despair of civilization4 ,liberals can do something better than predicting failure and impugning motives4 ,they can work for the opened door of open diplomacy1 of continuous and intelligent inquiry1 of discussion free from propaganda4 ,to shirk this responsibility on the alleged ground that economic imperialism and organized greed will surely bring the ,conference to failure is supine and snobbish4 ,it is one of the factors that may lead the ,united ,states to take the wrong course in the parting of the ways4 ,october1 #aiba4