,,the ,,subjection ,,of ,,women ,,by ,,john ,,stuart ,,mill ,,london ,,longmans1 ,,green1 ,,reader1 ,,and ,,dyer #ahfi ,,london3 ,,savill1 ,,edwards ,,and ,,co41 ,,printers1 ,,chandos ,,street1 ,,covent ,,garden4 ,,chapter ,i4 ,the object of this ,essay is to explain as clearly as ,i am able1 the grounds of an opinion which ,i have held from the very earliest period when ,i had formed any opinions at all on social or political matters1 and which1 instead of being weakened or modified1 has been constantly growing stronger by the progress of reflection and the experience of life3 ,that the principle which regulates the existing social relations between the two sexes--the legal subordination of one sex to the other--is wrong in itself1 and now one of the chief hindrances to human improvement2 and that it ought to be replaced by a principle of perfect equality1 admitting no power or privilege on the one side1 nor disability on the other4 ,the very words necessary to express the task ,i have undertaken1 show how arduous it is4 ,but it would be a mistake to suppose that the difficulty of the case must lie in the insufficiency or obscurity of the grounds of reason on which my conviction rests4 ,the difficulty is that which exists in all cases in which there is a mass of feeling to be contended against4 ,so long as an opinion is strongly rooted in the feelings1 it gains rather than loses in stability by having a preponderating weight of argument against it4 ,for if it were accepted as a result of argument1 the refutation of the argument might shake the solidity of the conviction2 but when it rests solely on feeling1 the worse it fares in argumentative contest1 the more persuaded its adherents are that their feeling must have some deeper ground1 which the arguments do not reach2 and while the feeling remains1 it is always throwing up fresh intrenchments of argument to repair any breach made in the old4 ,and there are so many causes tending to make the feelings connected with this subject the most intense and most deeply-rooted of all those which gather round and protect old institutions and customs1 that we need not wonder to find them as yet less undermined and loosened than any of the rest by the progress of the great modern spiritual and social transition2 nor suppose that the barbarisms to which men cling longest must be less barbarisms than those which they earlier shake off4 ,in every respect the burthen is hard on those who attack an almost universal opinion4 ,they must be very fortunate as well as unusually capable if they obtain a hearing at all4 ,they have more difficulty in obtaining a trial1 than any other litigants have in getting a verdict4 ,if they do extort a hearing1 they are subjected to a set of logical requirements totally different from those exacted from other people4 ,in all other cases1 the burthen of proof is supposed to lie with the affirmative4 ,if a person is charged with a murder1 it rests with those who accuse him to give proof of his guilt1 not with himself to prove his innocence4 ,if there is a difference of opinion about the reality of any alleged historical event1 in which the feelings of men in general are not much interested1 as the ,siege of ,troy for example1 those who maintain that the event took place are expected to produce their proofs1 before those who take the other side can be required to say anything2 and at no time are these required to do more than show that the evidence produced by the others is of no value4 ,again1 in practical matters1 the burthen of proof is supposed to be with those who are against liberty2 who contend for any restriction or prohibition2 either any limitation of the general freedom of human action1 or any disqualification or disparity of privilege affecting one person or kind of persons1 as compared with others4 ,the a priori presumption is in favour of freedom and impartiality4 ,it is held that there should be no restraint not required by the general good1 and that the law should be no respecter of persons1 but should treat all alike1 save where dissimilarity of treatment is required by positive reasons1 either of justice or of policy4 ,but of none of these rules of evidence will the benefit be allowed to those who maintain the opinion ,i profess4 ,it is useless for me to say that those who maintain the doctrine that men have a right to command and women are under an obligation to obey1 or that men are fit for government and women unfit1 are on the affirmative side of the question1 and that they are bound to show positive evidence for the assertions1 or submit to their rejection4 ,it is equally unavailing for me to say that those who deny to women any freedom or privilege rightly allowed to men1 having the double presumption against them that they are opposing freedom and recommending partiality1 must be held to the strictest proof of their case1 and unless their success be such as to exclude all doubt1 the judgment ought to go against them4 ,these would be thought good pleas in any common case2 but they will not be thought so in this instance4 ,before ,i could hope to make any impression1 ,i should be expected not only to answer all that has ever been said by those who take the other side of the question1 but to imagine all that could be said by them--to find them in reasons1 as well as answer all ,i find3 and besides refuting all arguments for the affirmative1 ,i shall be called upon for invincible positive arguments to prove a negative4 ,and even if ,i could do all this1 and leave the opposite party with a host of unanswered arguments against them1 and not a single unrefuted one on their side1 ,i should be thought to have done little2 for a cause supported on the one hand by universal usage1 and on the other by so great a preponderance of popular sentiment1 is supposed to have a presumption in its favour1 superior to any conviction which an appeal to reason has power to produce in any intellects but those of a high class4 ,i do not mention these difficulties to complain of them2 first1 because it would be useless2 they are inseparable from having to contend through people's understandings against the hostility of their feelings and practical tendencies3 and truly the understandings of the majority of mankind would need to be much better cultivated than has ever yet been the case1 before they can be asked to place such reliance in their own power of estimating arguments1 as to give up practical principles in which they have been born and bred and which are the basis of much of the existing order of the world1 at the first argumentative attack which they are not capable of logically resisting4 ,i do not therefore quarrel with them for having too little faith in argument1 but for having too much faith in custom and the general feeling4 ,it is one of the characteristic prejudices of the reaction of the nineteenth century against the eighteenth1 to accord to the unreasoning elements in human nature the infallibility which the eighteenth century is supposed to have ascribed to the reasoning elements4 ,for the apotheosis of ,reason we have substituted that of ,instinct2 and we call everything instinct which we find in ourselves and for which we cannot trace any rational foundation4 ,this idolatry1 infinitely more degrading than the other1 and the most pernicious of the false worships of the present day1 of all of which it is now the main support1 will probably hold its ground until it gives way before a sound psychology1 laying bare the real root of much that is bowed down to as the intention of ,nature and the ordinance of ,god4 ,as regards the present question1 ,i am willing to accept the unfavourable conditions which the prejudice assigns to me4 ,i consent that established custom1 and the general feeling1 should be deemed conclusive against me1 unless that custom and feeling from age to age can be shown to have owed their existence to other causes than their soundness1 and to have derived their power from the worse rather than the better parts of human nature4 ,i am willing that judgment should go against me1 unless ,i can show that my judge has been tampered with4 ,the concession is not so great as it might appear2 for to prove this1 is by far the easiest portion of my task4 ,the generality of a practice is in some cases a strong presumption that it is1 or at all events once was1 conducive to laudable ends4 ,this is the case1 when the practice was first adopted1 or afterwards kept up1 as a means to such ends1 and was grounded on experience of the mode in which they could be most effectually attained4 ,if the authority of men over women1 when first established1 had been the result of a conscientious comparison between different modes of constituting the government of society2 if1 after trying various other modes of social organization--the government of women over men1 equality between the two1 and such mixed and divided modes of government as might be invented--it had been decided1 on the testimony of experience1 that the mode in which women are wholly under the rule of men1 having no share at all in public concerns1 and each in private being under the legal obligation of obedience to the man with whom she has associated her destiny1 was the arrangement most conducive to the happiness and well being of both2 its general adoption might then be fairly thought to be some evidence that1 at the time when it was adopted1 if was the best3 though even then the considerations which recommended it may1 like so many other primeval social facts of the greatest importance1 have subsequently1 in the course of ages1 ceased to exist4 ,but the state of the case is in every respect the reverse of this4 ,in the first place1 the opinion in favour of the present system1 which entirely subordinates the weaker sex to the stronger1 rests upon theory only2 for there never has been trial made of any other3 so that experience1 in the sense in which it is vulgarly opposed to theory1 cannot be pretended to have pronounced any verdict4 ,and in the second place1 the adoption of this system of inequality never was the result of deliberation1 or forethought1 or any social ideas1 or any notion whatever of what conduced to the benefit of humanity or the good order of society4 ,it arose simply from the fact that from the very earliest twilight of human society1 every woman 7owing to the value attached to her by men1 combined with her inferiority in muscular strength7 was found in a state of bondage to some man4 ,laws and systems of polity always begin by recognising the relations they find already existing between individuals4 ,they convert what was a mere physical fact into a legal right1 give it the sanction of society1 and principally aim at the substitution of public and organized means of asserting and protecting these rights1 instead of the irregular and lawless conflict of physical strength4 ,those who had already been compelled to obedience became in this manner legally bound to it4 ,slavery1 from being a mere affair of force between the master and the slave1 became regularized and a matter of compact among the masters1 who1 binding themselves to one another for common protection1 guaranteed by their collective strength the private possessions of each1 including his slaves4 ,in early times1 the great majority of the male sex were slaves1 as well as the whole of the female4 ,and many ages elapsed1 some of them ages of high cultivation1 before any thinker was bold enough to question the rightfulness1 and the absolute social necessity1 either of the one slavery or of the other4 ,by degrees such thinkers did arise3 and 7the general progress of society assisting7 the slavery of the male sex has1 in all the countries of ,christian ,europe at least 7though1 in one of them1 only within the last few years7 been at length abolished1 and that of the female sex has been gradually changed into a milder form of dependence4 ,but this dependence1 as it exists at present1 is not an original institution1 taking a fresh start from considerations of justice and social expediency--it is the primitive state of slavery lasting on1 through successive mitigations and modifications occasioned by the same causes which have softened the general manners1 and brought all human relations more under the control of justice and the influence of humanity4 ,it has not lost the taint of its brutal origin4 ,no presumption in its favour1 therefore1 can be drawn from the fact of its existence4 ,the only such presumption which it could be supposed to have1 must be grounded on its having lasted till now1 when so many other things which came down from the same odious source have been done away with4 ,and this1 indeed1 is what makes it strange to ordinary ears1 to hear it asserted that the inequality of rights between men and women has no other source than the law of the strongest4 ,that this statement should have the effect of a paradox1 is in some respects creditable to the progress of civilization1 and the improvement of the moral sentiments of mankind4 ,we now live--that is to say1 one or two of the most advanced nations of the world now live--in a state in which the law of the strongest seems to be entirely abandoned as the regulating principle of the world's affairs3 nobody professes it1 and1 as regards most of the relations between human beings1 nobody is permitted to practise it4 ,when any one succeeds in doing so1 it is under cover of some pretext which gives him the semblance of having some general social interest on his side4 ,this being the ostensible state of things1 people flatter themselves that the rule of mere force is ended2 that the law of the strongest cannot be the reason of existence of anything which has remained in full operation down to the present time4 ,however any of our present institutions may have begun1 it can only1 they think1 have been preserved to this period of advanced civilization by a well-grounded feeling of its adaptation to human nature1 and conduciveness to the general good4 ,they do not understand the great vitality and durability of institutions which place right on the side of might2 how intensely they are clung to2 how the good as well as the bad propensities and sentiments of those who have power in their hands1 become identified with retaining it2 how slowly these bad institutions give way1 one at a time1 the weakest first1 beginning with those which are least interwoven with the daily habits of life2 and how very rarely those who have obtained legal power because they first had physical1 have ever lost their hold of it until the physical power had passed over to the other side4 ,such shifting of the physical force not having taken place in the case of women2 this fact1 combined with all the peculiar and characteristic features of the particular case1 made it certain from the first that this branch of the system of right founded on might1 though softened in its most atrocious features at an earlier period than several of the others1 would be the very last to disappear4 ,it was inevitable that this one case of a social relation grounded on force1 would survive through generations of institutions grounded on equal justice1 an almost solitary exception to the general character of their laws and customs2 but which1 so long as it does not proclaim its own origin1 and as discussion has not brought out its true character1 is not felt to jar with modern civilization1 any more than domestic slavery among the ,greeks jarred with their notion of themselves as a free people4 ,the truth is1 that people of the present and the last two or three generations have lost all practical sense of the primitive condition of humanity2 and only the few who have studied history accurately1 or have much frequented the parts of the world occupied by the living representatives of ages long past1 are able to form any mental picture of what society then was4 ,people are not aware how entirely1 in former ages1 the law of superior strength was the rule of life2 how publicly and openly it was avowed1 ,i do not say cynically or shamelessly--for these words imply a feeling that there was something in it to be ashamed of1 and no such notion could find a place in the faculties of any person in those ages1 except a philosopher or a saint4 ,history gives a cruel experience of human nature1 in shewing how exactly the regard due to the life1 possessions1 and entire earthly happiness of any class of persons1 was measured by what they had the power of enforcing2 how all who made any resistance to authorities that had arms in their hands1 however dreadful might be the provocation1 had not only the law of force but all other laws1 and all the notions of social obligation against them2 and in the eyes of those whom they resisted1 were not only guilty of crime1 but of the worst of all crimes1 deserving the most cruel chastisement which human beings could inflict4 ,the first small vestige of a feeling of obligation in a superior to acknowledge any right in inferiors1 began when he had been induced1 for convenience1 to make some promise to them4 ,though these promises1 even when sanctioned by the most solemn oaths1 were for many ages revoked or violated on the most trifling provocation or temptation1 it is probable that this1 except by persons of still worse than the average morality1 was seldom done without some twinges of conscience4 ,the ancient republics1 being mostly grounded from the first upon some kind of mutual compact1 or at any rate formed by an union of persons not very unequal in strength1 afforded1 in consequence1 the first instance of a portion of human relations fenced round1 and placed under the dominion of another law than that of force4 ,and though the original law of force remained in full operation between them and their slaves1 and also 7except so far as limited by express compact7 between a commonwealth and its subjects1 or other independent commonwealths2 the banishment of that primitive law even from so narrow a field1 commenced the regeneration of human nature1 by giving birth to sentiments of which experience soon demonstrated the immense value even for material interests1 and which thenceforward only required to be enlarged1 not created4 ,though slaves were no part of the commonwealth1 it was in the free states that slaves were first felt to have rights as human beings4 ,the ,stoics were1 ,i believe1 the first 7except so far as the ,jewish law constitutes an exception7 who taught as a part of morality that men were bound by moral obligations to their slaves4 ,no one1 after ,christianity became ascendant1 could ever again have been a stranger to this belief1 in theory2 nor1 after the rise of the ,catholic ,church1 was it ever without persons to stand up for it4 ,yet to enforce it was the most arduous task which ,christianity ever had to perform4 ,for more than a thousand years the ,church kept up the contest1 with hardly any perceptible success4 ,it was not for want of power over men's minds4 ,its power was prodigious4 ,it could make kings and nobles resign their most valued possessions to enrich the ,church4 ,it could make thousands1 in the prime of life and the height of worldly advantages1 shut themselves up in convents to work out their salvation by poverty1 fasting1 and prayer4 ,it could send hundreds of thousands across land and sea1 ,europe and ,asia1 to give their lives for the deliverance of the ,holy ,sepulchre4 ,it could make kings relinquish wives who were the object of their passionate attachment1 because the ,church declared that they were within the seventh 7by our calculation the fourteenth7 degree of relationship4 ,all this it did2 but it could not make men fight less with one another1 nor tyrannize less cruelly over the serfs1 and when they were able1 over burgesses4 ,it could not make them renounce either of the applications of force2 force militant1 or force triumphant4 ,this they could never be induced to do until they were themselves in their turn compelled by superior force4 ,only by the growing power of kings was an end put to fighting except between kings1 or competitors for kingship2 only by the growth of a wealthy and warlike bourgeoisie in the fortified towns1 and of a plebeian infantry which proved more powerful in the field than the undisciplined chivalry1 was the insolent tyranny of the nobles over the bourgeoisie and peasantry brought within some bounds4 ,it was persisted in not only until1 but long after1 the oppressed had obtained a power enabling them often to take conspicuous vengeance2 and on the ,continent much of it continued to the time of the ,french ,revolution1 though in ,england the earlier and better organization of the democratic classes put an end to it sooner1 by establishing equal laws and free national institutions4 ,if people are mostly so little aware how completely1 during the greater part of the duration of our species1 the law of force was the avowed rule of general conduct1 any other being only a special and exceptional consequence of peculiar ties--and from how very recent a date it is that the affairs of society in general have been even pretended to be regulated according to any moral law2 as little do people remember or consider1 how institutions and customs which never had any ground but the law of force1 last on into ages and states of general opinion which never would have permitted their first establishment4 ,less than forty years ago1 ,englishmen might still by law hold human beings in bondage as saleable property3 within the present century they might kidnap them and carry them off1 and work them literally to death4 ,this absolutely extreme case of the law of force1 condemned by those who can tolerate almost every other form of arbitrary power1 and which1 of all others1 presents features the most revolting to the feelings of all who look at it from an impartial position1 was the law of civilized and ,christian ,england within the memory of persons now living3 and in one half of ,anglo-,saxon ,america three or four years ago1 not only did slavery exist1 but the slave trade1 and the breeding of slaves expressly for it1 was a general practice between slave states4 ,yet not only was there a greater strength of sentiment against it1 but1 in ,england at least1 a less amount either of feeling or of interest in favour of it1 than of any other of the customary abuses of force3 for its motive was the love of gain1 unmixed and undisguised2 and those who profited by it were a very small numerical fraction of the country1 while the natural feeling of all who were not personally interested in it1 was unmitigated abhorrence4 ,so extreme an instance makes it almost superfluous to refer to any other3 but consider the long duration of absolute monarchy4 ,in ,england at present it is the almost universal conviction that military despotism is a case of the law of force1 having no other origin or justification4 ,yet in all the great nations of ,europe except ,england it either still exists1 or has only just ceased to exist1 and has even now a strong party favourable to it in all ranks of the people1 especially among persons of station and consequence4 ,such is the power of an established system1 even when far from universal2 when not only in almost every period of history there have been great and well-known examples of the contrary system1 but these have almost invariably been afforded by the most illustrious and most prosperous communities4 ,in this case1 too1 the possessor of the undue power1 the person directly interested in it1 is only one person1 while those who are subject to it and suffer from it are literally all the rest4 ,the yoke is naturally and necessarily humiliating to all persons1 except the one who is on the throne1 together with1 at most1 the one who expects to succeed to it4 ,how different are these cases from that of the power of men over women6 ,i am not now prejudging the question of its justifiableness4 ,i am showing how vastly more permanent it could not but be1 even if not justifiable1 than these other dominations which have nevertheless lasted down to our own time4 ,whatever gratification of pride there is in the possession of power1 and whatever personal interest in its exercise1 is in this case not confined to a limited class1 but common to the whole male sex4 ,instead of being1 to most of its supporters1 a thing desirable chiefly in the abstract1 or1 like the political ends usually contended for by factious1 of little private importance to any but the leaders2 it comes home to the person and hearth of every male head of a family1 and of every one who looks forward to being so4 ,the clodhopper exercises1 or is to exercise1 his share of the power equally with the highest nobleman4 ,and the case is that in which the desire of power is the strongest3 for every one who desires power1 desires it most over those who are nearest to him1 with whom his life is passed1 with whom he has most concerns in common1 and in whom any independence of his authority is oftenest likely to interfere with his individual preferences4 ,if1 in the other cases specified1 powers manifestly grounded only on force1 and having so much less to support them1 are so slowly and with so much difficulty got rid of1 much more must it be so with this1 even if it rests on no better foundation than those4 ,we must consider1 too1 that the possessors of the power have facilities in this case1 greater than in any other1 to prevent any uprising against it4 ,every one of the subjects lives under the very eye1 and almost1 it may be said1 in the hands1 of one of the masters--in closer intimacy with him than with any of her fellow-subjects2 with no means of combining against him1 no power of even locally over-mastering him1 and1 on the other hand1 with the strongest motives for seeking his favour and avoiding to give him offence4 ,in struggles for political emancipation1 everybody knows how often its champions are bought off by bribes1 or daunted by terrors4 ,in the case of women1 each individual of the subject-class is in a chronic state of bribery and intimidation combined4 ,in setting up the standard of resistance1 a large number of the leaders1 and still more of the followers1 must make an almost complete sacrifice of the pleasures or the alleviations of their own individual lot4 ,if ever any system of privilege and enforced subjection had its yoke tightly riveted on the necks of those who are kept down by it1 this has4 ,i have not yet shown that it is a wrong system3 but every one who is capable of thinking on the subject must see that even if it is1 it was certain to outlast all other forms of unjust authority4 ,and when some of the grossest of the other forms still exist in many civilized countries1 and have only recently been got rid of in others1 it would be strange if that which is so much the deepest-rooted had yet been perceptibly shaken anywhere4 ,there is more reason to wonder that the protests and testimonies against it should have been so numerous and so weighty as they are4 ,some will object1 that a comparison cannot fairly be made between the government of the male sex and the forms of unjust power which ,i have adduced in illustration of it1 since these are arbitrary1 and the effect of mere usurpation1 while it on the contrary is natural4 ,but was there ever any domination which did not appear natural to those who possessed it8 ,there was a time when the division of mankind into two classes1 a small one of masters and a numerous one of slaves1 appeared1 even to the most cultivated minds1 to be a natural1 and the only natural1 condition of the human race4 ,no less an intellect1 and one which contributed no less to the progress of human thought1 than ,aristotle1 held this opinion without doubt or misgiving2 and rested it on the same premises on which the same assertion in regard to the dominion of men over women is usually based1 namely that there are different natures among mankind1 free natures1 and slave natures2 that the ,greeks were of a free nature1 the barbarian races of ,thracians and ,asiatics of a slave nature4 ,but why need ,i go back to ,aristotle8 ,did not the slaveowners of the ,southern ,united ,states maintain the same doctrine1 with all the fanaticism with which men cling to the theories that justify their passions and legitimate their personal interests8 ,did they not call heaven and earth to witness that the dominion of the white man over the black is natural1 that the black race is by nature incapable of freedom1 and marked out for slavery8 some even going so far as to say that the freedom of manual labourers is an unnatural order of things anywhere4 ,again1 the theorists of absolute monarchy have always affirmed it to be the only natural form of government2 issuing from the patriarchal1 which was the primitive and spontaneous form of society1 framed on the model of the paternal1 which is anterior to society itself1 and1 as they contend1 the most natural authority of all4 ,nay1 for that matter1 the law of force itself1 to those who could not plead any other1 has always seemed the most natural of all grounds for the exercise of authority4 ,conquering races hold it to be ,nature's own dictate that the conquered should obey the conquerors1 or1 as they euphoniously paraphrase it1 that the feebler and more unwarlike races should submit to the braver and manlier4 ,the smallest acquaintance with human life in the middle ages1 shows how supremely natural the dominion of the feudal nobility over men of low condition appeared to the nobility themselves1 and how unnatural the conception seemed1 of a person of the inferior class claiming equality with them1 or exercising authority over them4 ,it hardly seemed less so to the class held in subjection4 ,the emancipated serfs and burgesses1 even in their most vigorous struggles1 never made any pretension to a share of authority2 they only demanded more or less of limitation to the power of tyrannizing over them4 ,so true is it that unnatural generally means only uncustomary1 and that everything which is usual appears natural4 ,the subjection of women to men being a universal custom1 any departure from it quite naturally appears unnatural4 ,but how entirely1 even in this case1 the feeling is dependent on custom1 appears by ample experience4 ,nothing so much astonishes the people of distant parts of the world1 when they first learn anything about ,england1 as to be told that it is under a queen3 the thing seems to them so unnatural as to be almost incredible4 ,to ,englishmen this does not seem in the least degree unnatural1 because they are used to it2 but they do feel it unnatural that women should be soldiers or members of parliament4 ,in the feudal ages1 on the contrary1 war and politics were not thought unnatural to women1 because not unusual2 it seemed natural that women of the privileged classes should be of manly character1 inferior in nothing but bodily strength to their husbands and fathers4 ,the independence of women seemed rather less unnatural to the ,greeks than to other ancients1 on account of the fabulous ,amazons 7whom they believed to be historical71 and the partial example afforded by the ,spartan women2 who1 though no less subordinate by law than in other ,greek states1 were more free in fact1 and being trained to bodily exercises in the same manner with men1 gave ample proof that they were not naturally disqualified for them4 ,there can be little doubt that ,spartan experience suggested to ,plato1 among many other of his doctrines1 that of the social and political equality of the two sexes4 ,but1 it will be said1 the rule of men over women differs from all these others in not being a rule of force3 it is accepted voluntarily2 women make no complaint1 and are consenting parties to it4 ,in the first place1 a great number of women do not accept it4 ,ever since there have been women able to make their sentiments known by their writings 7the only mode of publicity which society permits to them71 an increasing number of them have recorded protests against their present social condition3 and recently many thousands of them1 headed by the most eminent women known to the public1 have petitioned ,parliament for their admission to the ,parliamentary ,suffrage4 ,the claim of women to be educated as solidly1 and in the same branches of knowledge1 as men1 is urged with growing intensity1 and with a great prospect of success2 while the demand for their admission into professions and occupations hitherto closed against them1 becomes every year more urgent4 ,though there are not in this country1 as there are in the ,united ,states1 periodical ,conventions and an organized party to agitate for the ,rights of ,women1 there is a numerous and active ,society organized and managed by women1 for the more limited object of obtaining the political franchise4 ,nor is it only in our own country and in ,america that women are beginning to protest1 more or less collectively1 against the disabilities under which they labour4 ,france1 and ,italy1 and ,switzerland1 and ,russia now afford examples of the same thing4 ,how many more women there are who silently cherish similar aspirations1 no one can possibly know2 but there are abundant tokens how many would cherish them1 were they not so strenuously taught to repress them as contrary to the proprieties of their sex4 ,it must be remembered1 also1 that no enslaved class ever asked for complete liberty at once4 ,when ,simon de ,montfort called the deputies of the commons to sit for the first time in ,parliament1 did any of them dream of demanding that an assembly1 elected by their constituents1 should make and destroy ministries1 and dictate to the king in affairs of state8 ,no such thought entered into the imagination of the most ambitious of them4 ,the nobility had already these pretensions2 the commons pretended to nothing but to be exempt from arbitrary taxation1 and from the gross individual oppression of the king's officers4 ,it is a political law of nature that those who are under any power of ancient origin1 never begin by complaining of the power itself1 but only of its oppressive exercise4 ,there is never any want of women who complain of ill usage by their husbands4 ,there would be infinitely more1 if complaint were not the greatest of all provocatives to a repetition and increase of the ill usage4 ,it is this which frustrates all attempts to maintain the power but protect the woman against its abuses4 ,in no other case 7except that of a child7 is the person who has been proved judicially to have suffered an injury1 replaced under the physical power of the culprit who inflicted it4 ,accordingly wives1 even in the most extreme and protracted cases of bodily ill usage1 hardly ever dare avail themselves of the laws made for their protection3 and if1 in a moment of irrepressible indignation1 or by the interference of neighbours1 they are induced to do so1 their whole effort afterwards is to disclose as little as they can1 and to beg off their tyrant from his merited chastisement4 ,all causes1 social and natural1 combine to make it unlikely that women should be collectively rebellious to the power of men4 ,they are so far in a position different from all other subject classes1 that their masters require something more from them than actual service4 ,men do not want solely the obedience of women1 they want their sentiments4 ,all men1 except the most brutish1 desire to have1 in the woman most nearly connected with them1 not a forced slave but a willing one1 not a slave merely1 but a favourite4 ,they have therefore put everything in practice to enslave their minds4 ,the masters of all other slaves rely1 for maintaining obedience1 on fear2 either fear of themselves1 or religious fears4 ,the masters of women wanted more than simple obedience1 and they turned the whole force of education to effect their purpose4 ,all women are brought up from the very earliest years in the belief that their ideal of character is the very opposite to that of men2 not self-will1 and government by self-control1 but submission1 and yielding to the control of others4 ,all the moralities tell them that it is the duty of women1 and all the current sentimentalities that it is their nature1 to live for others2 to make complete abnegation of themselves1 and to have no life but in their affections4 ,and by their affections are meant the only ones they are allowed to have--those to the men with whom they are connected1 or to the children who constitute an additional and indefeasible tie between them and a man4 ,when we put together three things--first1 the natural attraction between opposite sexes2 secondly1 the wife's entire dependence on the husband1 every privilege or pleasure she has being either his gift1 or depending entirely on his will2 and lastly1 that the principal object of human pursuit1 consideration1 and all objects of social ambition1 can in general be sought or obtained by her only through him1 it would be a miracle if the object of being attractive to men had not become the polar star of feminine education and formation of character4 ,and1 this great means of influence over the minds of women having been acquired1 an instinct of selfishness made men avail themselves of it to the utmost as a means of holding women in subjection1 by representing to them meekness1 submissiveness1 and resignation of all individual will into the hands of a man1 as an essential part of sexual attractiveness4 ,can it be doubted that any of the other yokes which mankind have succeeded in breaking1 would have subsisted till now if the same means had existed1 and had been as sedulously used1 to bow down their minds to it8 ,if it had been made the object of the life of every young plebeian to find personal favour in the eyes of some patrician1 of every young serf with some seigneur2 if domestication with him1 and a share of his personal affections1 had been held out as the prize which they all should look out for1 the most gifted and aspiring being able to reckon on the most desirable prizes2 and if1 when this prize had been obtained1 they had been shut out by a wall of brass from all interests not centering in him1 all feelings and desires but those which he shared or inculcated2 would not serfs and seigneurs1 plebeians and patricians1 have been as broadly distinguished at this day as men and women are8 and would not all but a thinker here and there1 have believed the distinction to be a fundamental and unalterable fact in human nature8 ,the preceding considerations are amply sufficient to show that custom1 however universal it may be1 affords in this case no presumption1 and ought not to create any prejudice1 in favour of the arrangements which place women in social and political subjection to men4 ,but ,i may go farther1 and maintain that the course of history1 and the tendencies of progressive human society1 afford not only no presumption in favour of this system of inequality of rights1 but a strong one against it2 and that1 so far as the whole course of human improvement up to this time1 the whole stream of modern tendencies1 warrants any inference on the subject1 it is1 that this relic of the past is discordant with the future1 and must necessarily disappear4 ,for1 what is the peculiar character of the modern world--the difference which chiefly distinguishes modern institutions1 modern social ideas1 modern life itself1 from those of times long past8 ,it is1 that human beings are no longer born to their place in life1 and chained down by an inexorable bond to the place they are born to1 but are free to employ their faculties1 and such favourable chances as offer1 to achieve the lot which may appear to them most desirable4 ,human society of old was constituted on a very different principle4 ,all were born to a fixed social position1 and were mostly kept in it by law1 or interdicted from any means by which they could emerge from it4 ,as some men are born white and others black1 so some were born slaves and others freemen and citizens2 some were born patricians1 others plebeians2 some were born feudal nobles1 others commoners and roturiers4 ,a slave or serf could never make himself free1 nor1 except by the will of his master1 become so4 ,in most ,european countries it was not till towards the close of the middle ages1 and as a consequence of the growth of regal power1 that commoners could be ennobled4 ,even among nobles1 the eldest son was born the exclusive heir to the paternal possessions1 and a long time elapsed before it was fully established that the father could disinherit him4 ,among the industrious classes1 only those who were born members of a guild1 or were admitted into it by its members1 could lawfully practise their calling within its local limits2 and nobody could practise any calling deemed important1 in any but the legal manner--by processes authoritatively prescribed4 ,manufacturers have stood in the pillory for presuming to carry on their business by new and improved methods4 ,in modern ,europe1 and most in those parts of it which have participated most largely in all other modern improvements1 diametrically opposite doctrines now prevail4 ,law and government do not undertake to prescribe by whom any social or industrial operation shall or shall not be conducted1 or what modes of conducting them shall be lawful4 ,these things are left to the unfettered choice of individuals4 ,even the laws which required that workmen should serve an apprenticeship1 have in this country been repealed3 there being ample assurance that in all cases in which an apprenticeship is necessary1 its necessity will suffice to enforce it4 ,the old theory was1 that the least possible should be left to the choice of the individual agent2 that all he had to do should1 as far as practicable1 be laid down for him by superior wisdom4 ,left to himself he was sure to go wrong4 ,the modern conviction1 the fruit of a thousand years of experience1 is1 that things in which the individual is the person directly interested1 never go right but as they are left to his own discretion2 and that any regulation of them by authority1 except to protect the rights of others1 is sure to be mischievous4 ,this conclusion1 slowly arrived at1 and not adopted until almost every possible application of the contrary theory had been made with disastrous result1 now 7in the industrial department7 prevails universally in the most advanced countries1 almost universally in all that have pretensions to any sort of advancement4 ,it is not that all processes are supposed to be equally good1 or all persons to be equally qualified for everything2 but that freedom of individual choice is now known to be the only thing which procures the adoption of the best processes1 and throws each operation into the hands of those who are best qualified for it4 ,nobody thinks it necessary to make a law that only a strong-armed man shall be a blacksmith4 ,freedom and competition suffice to make blacksmiths strong-armed men1 because the weak-armed can earn more by engaging in occupations for which they are more fit4 ,in consonance with this doctrine1 it is felt to be an overstepping of the proper bounds of authority to fix beforehand1 on some general presumption1 that certain persons are not fit to do certain things4 ,it is now thoroughly known and admitted that if some such presumptions exist1 no such presumption is infallible4 ,even if it be well grounded in a majority of cases1 which it is very likely not to be1 there will be a minority of exceptional cases in which it does not hold3 and in those it is both an injustice to the individuals1 and a detriment to society1 to place barriers in the way of their using their faculties for their own benefit and for that of others4 ,in the cases1 on the other hand1 in which the unfitness is real1 the ordinary motives of human conduct will on the whole suffice to prevent the incompetent person from making1 or from persisting in1 the attempt4 ,if this general principle of social and economical science is not true2 if individuals1 with such help as they can derive from the opinion of those who know them1 are not better judges than the law and the government1 of their own capacities and vocation2 the world cannot too soon abandon this principle1 and return to the old system of regulations and disabilities4 ,but if the principle is true1 we ought to act as if we believed it1 and not to ordain that to be born a girl instead of a boy1 any more than to be born black instead of white1 or a commoner instead of a nobleman1 shall decide the person's position through all life--shall interdict people from all the more elevated social positions1 and from all1 except a few1 respectable occupations4 ,even were we to admit the utmost that is ever pretended as to the superior fitness of men for all the functions now reserved to them1 the same argument applies which forbids a legal qualification for members of ,parliament4 ,if only once in a dozen years the conditions of eligibility exclude a fit person1 there is a real loss1 while the exclusion of thousands of unfit persons is no gain2 for if the constitution of the electoral body disposes them to choose unfit persons1 there are always plenty of such persons to choose from4 ,in all things of any difficulty and importance1 those who can do them well are fewer than the need1 even with the most unrestricted latitude of choice3 and any limitation of the field of selection deprives society of some chances of being served by the competent1 without ever saving it from the incompetent4 ,at present1 in the more improved countries1 the disabilities of women are the only case1 save one1 in which laws and institutions take persons at their birth1 and ordain that they shall never in all their lives be allowed to compete for certain things4 ,the one exception is that of royalty4 ,persons still are born to the throne2 no one1 not of the reigning family1 can ever occupy it1 and no one even of that family can1 by any means but the course of hereditary succession1 attain it4 ,all other dignities and social advantages are open to the whole male sex3 many indeed are only attainable by wealth1 but wealth may be striven for by any one1 and is actually obtained by many men of the very humblest origin4 ,the difficulties1 to the majority1 are indeed insuperable without the aid of fortunate accidents2 but no male human being is under any legal ban3 neither law nor opinion superadd artificial obstacles to the natural ones4 ,royalty1 as ,i have said1 is excepted3 but in this case every one feels it to be an exception--an anomaly in the modern world1 in marked opposition to its customs and principles1 and to be justified only by extraordinary special expediencies1 which1 though individuals and nations differ in estimating their weight1 unquestionably do in fact exist4 ,but in this exceptional case1 in which a high social function is1 for important reasons1 bestowed on birth instead of being put up to competition1 all free nations contrive to adhere in substance to the principle from which they nominally derogate2 for they circumscribe this high function by conditions avowedly intended to prevent the person to whom it ostensibly belongs from really performing it2 while the person by whom it is performed1 the responsible minister1 does obtain the post by a competition from which no full-grown citizen of the male sex is legally excluded4 ,the disabilities1 therefore1 to which women are subject from the mere fact of their birth1 are the solitary examples of the kind in modern legislation4 ,in no instance except this1 which comprehends half the human race1 are the higher social functions closed against any one by a fatality of birth which no exertions1 and no change of circumstances1 can overcome2 for even religious disabilities 7besides that in ,england and in ,europe they have practically almost ceased to exist7 do not close any career to the disqualified person in case of conversion4 ,the social subordination of women thus stands out an isolated fact in modern social institutions2 a solitary breach of what has become their fundamental law2 a single relic of an old world of thought and practice exploded in everything else1 but retained in the one thing of most universal interest2 as if a gigantic dolmen1 or a vast temple of ,jupiter ,olympius1 occupied the site of ,st4 ,paul's and received daily worship1 while the surrounding ,christian churches were only resorted to on fasts and festivals4 ,this entire discrepancy between one social fact and all those which accompany it1 and the radical opposition between its nature and the progressive movement which is the boast of the modern world1 and which has successively swept away everything else of an analogous character1 surely affords1 to a conscientious observer of human tendencies1 serious matter for reflection4 ,it raises a prima facie presumption on the unfavourable side1 far outweighing any which custom and usage could in such circumstances create on the favourable2 and should at least suffice to make this1 like the choice between republicanism and royalty1 a balanced question4 ,the least that can be demanded is1 that the question should not be considered as prejudged by existing fact and existing opinion1 but open to discussion on its merits1 as a question of justice and expediency3 the decision on this1 as on any of the other social arrangements of mankind1 depending on what an enlightened estimate of tendencies and consequences may show to be most advantageous to humanity in general1 without distinction of sex4 ,and the discussion must be a real discussion1 descending to foundations1 and not resting satisfied with vague and general assertions4 ,it will not do1 for instance1 to assert in general terms1 that the experience of mankind has pronounced in favour of the existing system4 ,experience cannot possibly have decided between two courses1 so long as there has only been experience of one4 ,if it be said that the doctrine of the equality of the sexes rests only on theory1 it must be remembered that the contrary doctrine also has only theory to rest upon4 ,all that is proved in its favour by direct experience1 is that mankind have been able to exist under it1 and to attain the degree of improvement and prosperity which we now see2 but whether that prosperity has been attained sooner1 or is now greater1 than it would have been under the other system1 experience does not say4 ,on the other hand1 experience does say1 that every step in improvement has been so invariably accompanied by a step made in raising the social position of women1 that historians and philosophers have been led to adopt their elevation or debasement as on the whole the surest test and most correct measure of the civilization of a people or an age4 ,through all the progressive period of human history1 the condition of women has been approaching nearer to equality with men4 ,this does not of itself prove that the assimilation must go on to complete equality2 but it assuredly affords some presumption that such is the case4 ,neither does it avail anything to say that the nature of the two sexes adapts them to their present functions and position1 and renders these appropriate to them4 ,standing on the ground of common sense and the constitution of the human mind1 ,i deny that any one knows1 or can know1 the nature of the two sexes1 as long as they have only been seen in their present relation to one another4 ,if men had ever been found in society without women1 or women without men1 or if there had been a society of men and women in which the women were not under the control of the men1 something might have been positively known about the mental and moral differences which may be inherent in the nature of each4 ,what is now called the nature of women is an eminently artificial thing--the result of forced repression in some directions1 unnatural stimulation in others4 ,it may be asserted without scruple1 that no other class of dependents have had their character so entirely distorted from its natural proportions by their relation with their masters2 for1 if conquered and slave races have been1 in some respects1 more forcibly repressed1 whatever in them has not been crushed down by an iron heel has generally been let alone1 and if left with any liberty of development1 it has developed itself according to its own laws2 but in the case of women1 a hot-house and stove cultivation has always been carried on of some of the capabilities of their nature1 for the benefit and pleasure of their masters4 ,then1 because certain products of the general vital force sprout luxuriantly and reach a great development in this heated atmosphere and under this active nurture and watering1 while other shoots from the same root1 which are left outside in the wintry air1 with ice purposely heaped all round them1 have a stunted growth1 and some are burnt off with fire and disappear2 men1 with that inability to recognise their own work which distinguishes the unanalytic mind1 indolently believe that the tree grows of itself in the way they have made it grow1 and that it would die if one half of it were not kept in a vapour bath and the other half in the snow4 ,of all difficulties which impede the progress of thought1 and the formation of well-grounded opinions on life and social arrangements1 the greatest is now the unspeakable ignorance and inattention of mankind in respect to the influences which form human character4 ,whatever any portion of the human species now are1 or seem to be1 such1 it is supposed1 they have a natural tendency to be3 even when the most elementary knowledge of the circumstances in which they have been placed1 clearly points out the causes that made them what they are4 ,because a cottier deeply in arrears to his landlord is not industrious1 there are people who think that the ,irish are naturally idle4 ,because constitutions can be overthrown when the authorities appointed to execute them turn their arms against them1 there are people who think the ,french incapable of free government4 ,because the ,greeks cheated the ,turks1 and the ,turks only plundered the ,greeks1 there are persons who think that the ,turks are naturally more sincere3 and because women1 as is often said1 care nothing about politics except their personalities1 it is supposed that the general good is naturally less interesting to women than to men4 ,history1 which is now so much better understood than formerly1 teaches another lesson3 if only by showing the extraordinary susceptibility of human nature to external influences1 and the extreme variableness of those of its manifestations which are supposed to be most universal and uniform4 ,but in history1 as in travelling1 men usually see only what they already had in their own minds2 and few learn much from history1 who do not bring much with them to its study4 ,hence1 in regard to that most difficult question1 what are the natural differences between the two sexes--a subject on which it is impossible in the present state of society to obtain complete and correct knowledge--while almost everybody dogmatizes upon it1 almost all neglect and make light of the only means by which any partial insight can be obtained into it4 ,this is1 an analytic study of the most important department of psychology1 the laws of the influence of circumstances on character4 ,for1 however great and apparently ineradicable the moral and intellectual differences between men and women might be1 the evidence of their being natural differences could only be negative4 ,those only could be inferred to be natural which could not possibly be artificial--the residuum1 after deducting every characteristic of either sex which can admit of being explained from education or external circumstances4 ,the profoundest knowledge of the laws of the formation of character is indispensable to entitle any one to affirm even that there is any difference1 much more what the difference is1 between the two sexes considered as moral and rational beings2 and since no one1 as yet1 has that knowledge1 7for there is hardly any subject which1 in proportion to its importance1 has been so little studied71 no one is thus far entitled to any positive opinion on the subject4 ,conjectures are all that can at present be made2 conjectures more or less probable1 according as more or less authorized by such knowledge as we yet have of the laws of psychology1 as applied to the formation of character4 ,even the preliminary knowledge1 what the differences between the sexes now are1 apart from all question as to how they are made what they are1 is still in the crudest and most incomplete state4 ,medical practitioners and physiologists have ascertained1 to some extent1 the differences in bodily constitution2 and this is an important element to the psychologist3 but hardly any medical practitioner is a psychologist4 ,respecting the mental characteristics of women2 their observations are of no more worth than those of common men4 ,it is a subject on which nothing final can be known1 so long as those who alone can really know it1 women themselves1 have given but little testimony1 and that little1 mostly suborned4 ,it is easy to know stupid women4 ,stupidity is much the same all the world over4 ,a stupid person's notions and feelings may confidently be inferred from those which prevail in the circle by which the person is surrounded4 ,not so with those whose opinions and feelings are an emanation from their own nature and faculties4 ,it is only a man here and there who has any tolerable knowledge of the character even of the women of his own family4 ,i do not mean1 of their capabilities2 these nobody knows1 not even themselves1 because most of them have never been called out4 ,i mean their actually existing thoughts and feelings4 ,many a man thinks he perfectly understands women1 because he has had amatory relations with several1 perhaps with many of them4 ,if he is a good observer1 and his experience extends to quality as well as quantity1 he may have learnt something of one narrow department of their nature--an important department1 no doubt4 ,but of all the rest of it1 few persons are generally more ignorant1 because there are few from whom it is so carefully hidden4 ,the most favourable case which a man can generally have for studying the character of a woman1 is that of his own wife3 for the opportunities are greater1 and the cases of complete sympathy not so unspeakably rare4 ,and in fact1 this is the source from which any knowledge worth having on the subject has1 ,i believe1 generally come4 ,but most men have not had the opportunity of studying in this way more than a single case3 accordingly one can1 to an almost laughable degree1 infer what a man's wife is like1 from his opinions about women in general4 ,to make even this one case yield any result1 the woman must be worth knowing1 and the man not only a competent judge1 but of a character so sympathetic in itself1 and so well adapted to hers1 that he can either read her mind by sympathetic intuition1 or has nothing in himself which makes her shy of disclosing it4 ,hardly anything1 ,i believe1 can be more rare than this conjunction4 ,it often happens that there is the most complete unity of feeling and community of interests as to all external things1 yet the one has as little admission into the internal life of the other as if they were common acquaintance4 ,even with true affection1 authority on the one side and subordination on the other prevent perfect confidence4 ,though nothing may be intentionally withheld1 much is not shown4 ,in the analogous relation of parent and child1 the corresponding phenomenon must have been in the observation of every one4 ,as between father and son1 how many are the cases in which the father1 in spite of real affection on both sides1 obviously to all the world does not know1 nor suspect1 parts of the son's character familiar to his companions and equals4 ,the truth is1 that the position of looking up to another is extremely unpropitious to complete sincerity and openness with him4 ,the fear of losing ground in his opinion or in his feelings is so strong1 that even in an upright character1 there is an unconscious tendency to show only the best side1 or the side which1 though not the best1 is that which he most likes to see3 and it may be confidently said that thorough knowledge of one another hardly ever exists1 but between persons who1 besides being intimates1 are equals4 ,how much more true1 then1 must all this be1 when the one is not only under the authority of the other1 but has it inculcated on her as a duty to reckon everything else subordinate to his comfort and pleasure1 and to let him neither see nor feel anything coming from her1 except what is agreeable to him4 ,all these difficulties stand in the way of a man's obtaining any thorough knowledge even of the one woman whom alone1 in general1 he has sufficient opportunity of studying4 ,when we further consider that to understand one woman is not necessarily to understand any other woman2 that even if he could study many women of one rank1 or of one country1 he would not thereby understand women of other ranks or countries2 and even if he did1 they are still only the women of a single period of history2 we may safely assert that the knowledge which men can acquire of women1 even as they have been and are1 without reference to what they might be1 is wretchedly imperfect and superficial1 and always will be so1 until women themselves have told all that they have to tell4 ,and this time has not come2 nor will it come otherwise than gradually4 ,it is but of yesterday that women have either been qualified by literary accomplishments1 or permitted by society1 to tell anything to the general public4 ,as yet very few of them dare tell anything1 which men1 on whom their literary success depends1 are unwilling to hear4 ,let us remember in what manner1 up to a very recent time1 the expression1 even by a male author1 of uncustomary opinions1 or what are deemed eccentric feelings1 usually was1 and in some degree still is1 received2 and we may form some faint conception under what impediments a woman1 who is brought up to think custom and opinion her sovereign rule1 attempts to express in books anything drawn from the depths of her own nature4 ,the greatest woman who has left writings behind her sufficient to give her an eminent rank in the literature of her country1 thought it necessary to prefix as a motto to her boldest work1 ,un homme peut braver l'opinion2 une femme doit s'y soumettre4#a ,the greater part of what women write about women is mere sycophancy to men4 ,in the case of unmarried women1 much of it seems only intended to increase their chance of a husband4 ,many1 both married and unmarried1 overstep the mark1 and inculcate a servility beyond what is desired or relished by any man1 except the very vulgarest4 ,but this is not so often the case as1 even at a quite late period1 it still was4 ,literary women are becoming more freespoken1 and more willing to express their real sentiments4 ,unfortunately1 in this country especially1 they are themselves such artificial products1 that their sentiments are compounded of a small element of individual observation and consciousness1 and a very large one of acquired associations4 ,this will be less and less the case1 but it will remain true to a great extent1 as long as social institutions do not admit the same free development of originality in women which is possible to men4 ,when that time comes1 and not before1 we shall see1 and not merely hear1 as much as it is necessary to know of the nature of women1 and the adaptation of other things to it4 ,i have dwelt so much on the difficulties which at present obstruct any real knowledge by men of the true nature of women1 because in this as in so many other things opinio copiae inter maximas causas inopiae est2 and there is little chance of reasonable thinking on the matter1 while people flatter themselves that they perfectly understand a subject of which most men know absolutely nothing1 and of which it is at present impossible that any man1 or all men taken together1 should have knowledge which can qualify them to lay down the law to women as to what is1 or is not1 their vocation4 ,happily1 no such knowledge is necessary for any practical purpose connected with the position of women in relation to society and life4 ,for1 according to all the principles involved in modern society1 the question rests with women themselves--to be decided by their own experience1 and by the use of their own faculties4 ,there are no means of finding what either one person or many can do1 but by trying--and no means by which any one else can discover for them what it is for their happiness to do or leave undone4 ,one thing we may be certain of--that what is contrary to women's nature to do1 they never will be made to do by simply giving their nature free play4 ,the anxiety of mankind to interfere in behalf of nature1 for fear lest nature should not succeed in effecting its purpose1 is an altogether unnecessary solicitude4 ,what women by nature cannot do1 it is quite superfluous to forbid them from doing4 ,what they can do1 but not so well as the men who are their competitors1 competition suffices to exclude them from2 since nobody asks for protective duties and bounties in favour of women2 it is only asked that the present bounties and protective duties in favour of men should be recalled4 ,if women have a greater natural inclination for some things than for others1 there is no need of laws or social inculcation to make the majority of them do the former in preference to the latter4 ,whatever women's services are most wanted for1 the free play of competition will hold out the strongest inducements to them to undertake4 ,and1 as the words imply1 they are most wanted for the things for which they are most fit2 by the apportionment of which to them1 the collective faculties of the two sexes can be applied on the whole with the greatest sum of valuable result4 ,the general opinion of men is supposed to be1 that the natural vocation of a woman is that of a wife and mother4 ,i say1 is supposed to be1 because1 judging from acts--from the whole of the present constitution of society--one might infer that their opinion was the direct contrary4 ,they might be supposed to think that the alleged natural vocation of women was of all things the most repugnant to their nature2 insomuch that if they are free to do anything else--if any other means of living1 or occupation of their time and faculties1 is open1 which has any chance of appearing desirable to them--there will not be enough of them who will be willing to accept the condition said to be natural to them4 ,if this is the real opinion of men in general1 it would be well that it should be spoken out4 ,i should like to hear somebody openly enunciating the doctrine 7it is already implied in much that is written on the subject7--,it is necessary to society that women should marry and produce children4 ,they will not do so unless they are compelled4 ,therefore it is necessary to compel them4 ,the merits of the case would then be clearly defined4 ,it would be exactly that of the slaveholders of ,south ,carolina and ,louisiana4 ,it is necessary that cotton and sugar should be grown4 ,white men cannot produce them4 ,negroes will not1 for any wages which we choose to give4 ,ergo they must be compelled4 ,an illustration still closer to the point is that of impressment4 ,sailors must absolutely be had to defend the country4 ,it often happens that they will not voluntarily enlist4 ,therefore there must be the power of forcing them4 ,how often has this logic been used6 and1 but for one flaw in it1 without doubt it would have been successful up to this day4 ,but it is open to the retort--,first pay the sailors the honest value of their labour4 ,when you have made it as well worth their while to serve you1 as to work for other employers1 you will have no more difficulty than others have in obtaining their services4 ,to this there is no logical answer except ,i will not3 and as people are now not only ashamed1 but are not desirous1 to rob the labourer of his hire1 impressment is no longer advocated4 ,those who attempt to force women into marriage by closing all other doors against them1 lay themselves open to a similar retort4 ,if they mean what they say1 their opinion must evidently be1 that men do not render the married condition so desirable to women1 as to induce them to accept it for its own recommendations4 ,it is not a sign of one's thinking the boon one offers very attractive1 when one allows only ,hobson's choice1 that or none4 ,and here1 ,i believe1 is the clue to the feelings of those men1 who have a real antipathy to the equal freedom of women4 ,i believe they are afraid1 not lest women should be unwilling to marry1 for ,i do not think that any one in reality has that apprehension2 but lest they should insist that marriage should be on equal conditions2 lest all women of spirit and capacity should prefer doing almost anything else1 not in their own eyes degrading1 rather than marry1 when marrying is giving themselves a master1 and a master too of all their earthly possessions4 ,and truly1 if this consequence were necessarily incident to marriage1 ,i think that the apprehension would be very well founded4 ,i agree in thinking it probable that few women1 capable of anything else1 would1 unless under an irresistible entrainement1 rendering them for the time insensible to anything but itself1 choose such a lot1 when any other means were open to them of filling a conventionally honourable place in life3 and if men are determined that the law of marriage shall be a law of despotism1 they are quite right1 in point of mere policy1 in leaving to women only ,hobson's choice4 ,but1 in that case1 all that has been done in the modern world to relax the chain on the minds of women1 has been a mistake4 ,they never should have been allowed to receive a literary education4 ,women who read1 much more women who write1 are1 in the existing constitution of things1 a contradiction and a disturbing element3 and it was wrong to bring women up with any acquirements but those of an odalisque1 or of a domestic servant4 ,footnote #a3 ,title-page of ,mme4 de ,stael's ,delphine4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,it will be well to commence the detailed discussion of the subject by the particular branch of it to which the course of our observations has led us3 the conditions which the laws of this and all other countries annex to the marriage contract4 ,marriage being the destination appointed by society for women1 the prospect they are brought up to1 and the object which it is intended should be sought by all of them1 except those who are too little attractive to be chosen by any man as his companion2 one might have supposed that everything would have been done to make this condition as eligible to them as possible1 that they might have no cause to regret being denied the option of any other4 ,society1 however1 both in this1 and1 at first1 in all other cases1 has preferred to attain its object by foul rather than fair means3 but this is the only case in which it has substantially persisted in them even to the present day4 ,originally women were taken by force1 or regularly sold by their father to the husband4 ,until a late period in ,european history1 the father had the power to dispose of his daughter in marriage at his own will and pleasure1 without any regard to hers4 ,the ,church1 indeed1 was so far faithful to a better morality as to require a formal yes from the woman at the marriage ceremony2 but there was nothing to shew that the consent was other than compulsory2 and it was practically impossible for the girl to refuse compliance if the father persevered1 except perhaps when she might obtain the protection of religion by a determined resolution to take monastic vows4 ,after marriage1 the man had anciently 7but this was anterior to ,christianity7 the power of life and death over his wife4 ,she could invoke no law against him2 he was her sole tribunal and law4 ,for a long time he could repudiate her1 but she had no corresponding power in regard to him4 ,by the old laws of ,england1 the husband was called the lord of the wife2 he was literally regarded as her sovereign1 inasmuch that the murder of a man by his wife was called treason 7petty as distinguished from high treason71 and was more cruelly avenged than was usually the case with high treason1 for the penalty was burning to death4 ,because these various enormities have fallen into disuse 7for most of them were never formally abolished1 or not until they had long ceased to be practised7 men suppose that all is now as it should be in regard to the marriage contract2 and we are continually told that civilization and ,christianity have restored to the woman her just rights4 ,meanwhile the wife is the actual bond-servant of her husband3 no less so1 as far as legal obligation goes1 than slaves commonly so called4 ,she vows a lifelong obedience to him at the altar1 and is held to it all through her life by law4 ,casuists may say that the obligation of obedience stops short of participation in crime1 but it certainly extends to everything else4 ,she can do no act whatever but by his permission1 at least tacit4 ,she can acquire no property but for him2 the instant it becomes hers1 even if by inheritance1 it becomes ipso facto his4 ,in this respect the wife's position under the common law of ,england is worse than that of slaves in the laws of many countries3 by the ,roman law1 for example1 a slave might have his peculium1 which to a certain extent the law guaranteed to him for his exclusive use4 ,the higher classes in this country have given an analogous advantage to their women1 through special contracts setting aside the law1 by conditions of pin-money1 c43 since parental feeling being stronger with fathers than the class feeling of their own sex1 a father generally prefers his own daughter to a son-in-law who is a stranger to him4 ,by means of settlements1 the rich usually contrive to withdraw the whole or part of the inherited property of the wife from the absolute control of the husband3 but they do not succeed in keeping it under her own control2 the utmost they can do only prevents the husband from squandering it1 at the same time debarring the rightful owner from its use4 ,the property itself is out of the reach of both2 and as to the income derived from it1 the form of settlement most favourable to the wife 7that called to her separate use7 only precludes the husband from receiving it instead of her3 it must pass through her hands1 but if he takes it from her by personal violence as soon as she receives it1 he can neither be punished1 nor compelled to restitution4 ,this is the amount of the protection which1 under the laws of this country1 the most powerful nobleman can give to his own daughter as respects her husband4 ,in the immense majority of cases there is no settlement3 and the absorption of all rights1 all property1 as well as all freedom of action1 is complete4 ,the two are called one person in law1 for the purpose of inferring that whatever is hers is his1 but the parallel inference is never drawn that whatever is his is hers2 the maxim is not applied against the man1 except to make him responsible to third parties for her acts1 as a master is for the acts of his slaves or of his cattle4 ,i am far from pretending that wives are in general no better treated than slaves2 but no slave is a slave to the same lengths1 and in so full a sense of the word1 as a wife is4 ,hardly any slave1 except one immediately attached to the master's person1 is a slave at all hours and all minutes2 in general he has1 like a soldier1 his fixed task1 and when it is done1 or when he is off duty1 he disposes1 within certain limits1 of his own time1 and has a family life into which the master rarely intrudes4 ,uncle ,tom under his first master had his own life in his cabin1 almost as much as any man whose work takes him away from home1 is able to have in his own family4 ,but it cannot be so with the wife4 ,above all1 a female slave has 7in ,christian countries7 an admitted right1 and is considered under a moral obligation1 to refuse to her master the last familiarity4 ,not so the wife3 however brutal a tyrant she may unfortunately be chained to--though she may know that he hates her1 though it may be his daily pleasure to torture her1 and though she may feel it impossible not to loathe him--he can claim from her and enforce the lowest degradation of a human being1 that of being made the instrument of an animal function contrary to her inclinations4 ,while she is held in this worst description of slavery as to her own person1 what is her position in regard to the children in whom she and her master have a joint interest8 ,they are by law his children4 ,he alone has any legal rights over them4 ,not one act can she do towards or in relation to them1 except by delegation from him4 ,even after he is dead she is not their legal guardian1 unless he by will has made her so4 ,he could even send them away from her1 and deprive her of the means of seeing or corresponding with them1 until this power was in some degree restricted by ,serjeant ,talfourd's ,act4 ,this is her legal state4 ,and from this state she has no means of withdrawing herself4 ,if she leaves her husband1 she can take nothing with her1 neither her children nor anything which is rightfully her own4 ,if he chooses1 he can compel her to return1 by law1 or by physical force2 or he may content himself with seizing for his own use anything which she may earn1 or which may be given to her by her relations4 ,it is only legal separation by a decree of a court of justice1 which entitles her to live apart1 without being forced back into the custody of an exasperated jailer--or which empowers her to apply any earnings to her own use1 without fear that a man whom perhaps she has not seen for twenty years will pounce upon her some day and carry all off4 ,this legal separation1 until lately1 the courts of justice would only give at an expense which made it inaccessible to any one out of the higher ranks4 ,even now it is only given in cases of desertion1 or of the extreme of cruelty2 and yet complaints are made every day that it is granted too easily4 ,surely1 if a woman is denied any lot in life but that of being the personal body-servant of a despot1 and is dependent for everything upon the chance of finding one who may be disposed to make a favourite of her instead of merely a drudge1 it is a very cruel aggravation of her fate that she should be allowed to try this chance only once4 ,the natural sequel and corollary from this state of things would be1 that since her all in life depends upon obtaining a good master1 she should be allowed to change again and again until she finds one4 ,i am not saying that she ought to be allowed this privilege4 ,that is a totally different consideration4 ,the question of divorce1 in the sense involving liberty of remarriage1 is one into which it is foreign to my purpose to enter4 ,all ,i now say is1 that to those to whom nothing but servitude is allowed1 the free choice of servitude is the only1 though a most insufficient1 alleviation4 ,its refusal completes the assimilation of the wife to the slave--and the slave under not the mildest form of slavery3 for in some slave codes the slave could1 under certain circumstances of ill usage1 legally compel the master to sell him4 ,but no amount of ill usage1 without adultery superadded1 will in ,england free a wife from her tormentor4 ,i have no desire to exaggerate1 nor does the case stand in any need of exaggeration4 ,i have described the wife's legal position1 not her actual treatment4 ,the laws of most countries are far worse than the people who execute them1 and many of them are only able to remain laws by being seldom or never carried into effect4 ,if married life were all that it might be expected to be1 looking to the laws alone1 society would be a hell upon earth4 ,happily there are both feelings and interests which in many men exclude1 and in most1 greatly temper1 the impulses and propensities which lead to tyranny3 and of those feelings1 the tie which connects a man with his wife affords1 in a normal state of things1 incomparably the strongest example4 ,the only tie which at all approaches to it1 that between him and his children1 tends1 in all save exceptional cases1 to strengthen1 instead of conflicting with1 the first4 ,because this is true2 because men in general do not inflict1 nor women suffer1 all the misery which could be inflicted and suffered if the full power of tyranny with which the man is legally invested were acted on2 the defenders of the existing form of the institution think that all its iniquity is justified1 and that any complaint is merely quarrelling with the evil which is the price paid for every great good4 ,but the mitigations in practice1 which are compatible with maintaining in full legal force this or any other kind of tyranny1 instead of being any apology for despotism1 only serve to prove what power human nature possesses of reacting against the vilest institutions1 and with what vitality the seeds of good as well as those of evil in human character diffuse and propagate themselves4 ,not a word can be said for despotism in the family which cannot be said for political despotism4 ,every absolute king does not sit at his window to enjoy the groans of his tortured subjects1 nor strips them of their last rag and turns them out to shiver in the road4 ,the despotism of ,louis ,,xvi4 was not the despotism of ,philippe le ,bel1 or of ,nadir ,shah1 or of ,caligula2 but it was bad enough to justify the ,french ,revolution1 and to palliate even its horrors4 ,if an appeal be made to the intense attachments which exist between wives and their husbands1 exactly as much may be said of domestic slavery4 ,it was quite an ordinary fact in ,greece and ,rome for slaves to submit to death by torture rather than betray their masters4 ,in the proscriptions of the ,roman civil wars it was remarked that wives and slaves were heroically faithful1 sons very commonly treacherous4 ,yet we know how cruelly many ,romans treated their slaves4 ,but in truth these intense individual feelings nowhere rise to such a luxuriant height as under the most atrocious institutions4 ,it is part of the irony of life1 that the strongest feelings of devoted gratitude of which human nature seems to be susceptible1 are called forth in human beings towards those who1 having the power entirely to crush their earthly existence1 voluntarily refrain from using that power4 ,how great a place in most men this sentiment fills1 even in religious devotion1 it would be cruel to inquire4 ,we daily see how much their gratitude to ,heaven appears to be stimulated by the contemplation of fellow-creatures to whom ,god has not been so merciful as he has to themselves4 ,whether the institution to be defended is slavery1 political absolutism1 or the absolutism of the head of a family1 we are always expected to judge of it from its best instances2 and we are presented with pictures of loving exercise of authority on one side1 loving submission to it on the other--superior wisdom ordering all things for the greatest good of the dependents1 and surrounded by their smiles and benedictions4 ,all this would be very much to the purpose if any one pretended that there are no such things as good men4 ,who doubts that there may be great goodness1 and great happiness1 and great affection1 under the absolute government of a good man8 ,meanwhile1 laws and institutions require to be adapted1 not to good men1 but to bad4 ,marriage is not an institution designed for a select few4 ,men are not required1 as a preliminary to the marriage ceremony1 to prove by testimonials that they are fit to be trusted with the exercise of absolute power4 ,the tie of affection and obligation to a wife and children is very strong with those whose general social feelings are strong1 and with many who are little sensible to any other social ties2 but there are all degrees of sensibility and insensibility to it1 as there are all grades of goodness and wickedness in men1 down to those whom no ties will bind1 and on whom society has no action but through its ultima ratio1 the penalties of the law4 ,in every grade of this descending scale are men to whom are committed all the legal powers of a husband4 ,the vilest malefactor has some wretched woman tied to him1 against whom he can commit any atrocity except killing her1 and1 if tolerably cautious1 can do that without much danger of the legal penalty4 ,and how many thousands are there among the lowest classes in every country1 who1 without being in a legal sense malefactors in any other respect1 because in every other quarter their aggressions meet with resistance1 indulge the utmost habitual excesses of bodily violence towards the unhappy wife1 who alone1 at least of grown persons1 can neither repel nor escape from their brutality2 and towards whom the excess of dependence inspires their mean and savage natures1 not with a generous forbearance1 and a point of honour to behave well to one whose lot in life is trusted entirely to their kindness1 but on the contrary with a notion that the law has delivered her to them as their thing1 to be used at their pleasure1 and that they are not expected to practise the consideration towards her which is required from them towards everybody else4 ,the law1 which till lately left even these atrocious extremes of domestic oppression practically unpunished1 has within these few years made some feeble attempts to repress them4 ,but its attempts have done little1 and cannot be expected to do much1 because it is contrary to reason and experience to suppose that there can be any real check to brutality1 consistent with leaving the victim still in the power of the executioner4 ,until a conviction for personal violence1 or at all events a repetition of it after a first conviction1 entitles the woman ipso facto to a divorce1 or at least to a judicial separation1 the attempt to repress these aggravated assaults by legal penalties will break down for want of a prosecutor1 or for want of a witness4 ,when we consider how vast is the number of men1 in any great country1 who are little higher than brutes1 and that this never prevents them from being able1 through the law of marriage1 to obtain a victim1 the breadth and depth of human misery caused in this shape alone by the abuse of the institution swells to something appalling4 ,yet these are only the extreme cases4 ,they are the lowest abysses1 but there is a sad succession of depth after depth before reaching them4 ,in domestic as in political tyranny1 the case of absolute monsters chiefly illustrates the institution by showing that there is scarcely any horror which may not occur under it if the despot pleases1 and thus setting in a strong light what must be the terrible frequency of things only a little less atrocious4 ,absolute fiends are as rare as angels1 perhaps rarer3 ferocious savages1 with occasional touches of humanity1 are however very frequent3 and in the wide interval which separates these from any worthy representatives of the human species1 how many are the forms and gradations of animalism and selfishness1 often under an outward varnish of civilization and even cultivation1 living at peace with the law1 maintaining a creditable appearance to all who are not under their power1 yet sufficient often to make the lives of all who are so1 a torment and a burthen to them6 ,it would be tiresome to repeat the commonplaces about the unfitness of men in general for power1 which1 after the political discussions of centuries1 every one knows by heart1 were it not that hardly any one thinks of applying these maxims to the case in which above all others they are applicable1 that of power1 not placed in the hands of a man here and there1 but offered to every adult male1 down to the basest and most ferocious4 ,it is not because a man is not known to have broken any of the ,ten ,commandments1 or because he maintains a respectable character in his dealings with those whom he cannot compel to have intercourse with him1 or because he does not fly out into violent bursts of ill-temper against those who are not obliged to bear with him1 that it is possible to surmise of what sort his conduct will be in the unrestraint of home4 ,even the commonest men reserve the violent1 the sulky1 the undisguisedly selfish side of their character for those who have no power to withstand it4 ,the relation of superiors to dependents is the nursery of these vices of character1 which1 wherever else they exist1 are an overflowing from that source4 ,a man who is morose or violent to his equals1 is sure to be one who has lived among inferiors1 whom he could frighten or worry into submission4 ,if the family in its best forms is1 as it is often said to be1 a school of sympathy1 tenderness1 and loving forgetfulness of self1 it is still oftener1 as respects its chief1 a school of wilfulness1 overbearingness1 unbounded self-indulgence1 and a double-dyed and idealized selfishness1 of which sacrifice itself is only a particular form3 the care for the wife and children being only care for them as parts of the man's own interests and belongings1 and their individual happiness being immolated in every shape to his smallest preferences4 ,what better is to be looked for under the existing form of the institution8 ,we know that the bad propensities of human nature are only kept within bounds when they are allowed no scope for their indulgence4 ,we know that from impulse and habit1 when not from deliberate purpose1 almost every one to whom others yield1 goes on encroaching upon them1 until a point is reached at which they are compelled to resist4 ,such being the common tendency of human nature2 the almost unlimited power which present social institutions give to the man over at least one human being--the one with whom he resides1 and whom he has always present--this power seeks out and evokes the latent germs of selfishness in the remotest corners of his nature--fans its faintest sparks and smouldering embers--offers to him a license for the indulgence of those points of his original character which in all other relations he would have found it necessary to repress and conceal1 and the repression of which would in time have become a second nature4 ,i know that there is another side to the question4 ,i grant that the wife1 if she cannot effectually resist1 can at least retaliate2 she1 too1 can make the man's life extremely uncomfortable1 and by that power is able to carry many points which she ought1 and many which she ought not1 to prevail in4 ,but this instrument of self-protection--which may be called the power of the scold1 or the shrewish sanction--has the fatal defect1 that it avails most against the least tyrannical superiors1 and in favour of the least deserving dependents4 ,it is the weapon of irritable and self-willed women2 of those who would make the worst use of power if they themselves had it1 and who generally turn this power to a bad use4 ,the amiable cannot use such an instrument1 the highminded disdain it4 ,and on the other hand1 the husbands against whom it is used most effectively are the gentler and more inoffensive2 those who cannot be induced1 even by provocation1 to resort to any very harsh exercise of authority4 ,the wife's power of being disagreeable generally only establishes a counter-tyranny1 and makes victims in their turn chiefly of those husbands who are least inclined to be tyrants4 ,what is it1 then1 which really tempers the corrupting effects of the power1 and makes it compatible with such amount of good as we actually see8 ,mere feminine blandishments1 though of great effect in individual instances1 have very little effect in modifying the general tendencies of the situation2 for their power only lasts while the woman is young and attractive1 often only while her charm is new1 and not dimmed by familiarity2 and on many men they have not much influence at any time4 ,the real mitigating causes are1 the personal affection which is the growth of time1 in so far as the man's nature is susceptible of it1 and the woman's character sufficiently congenial with his to excite it2 their common interests as regards the children1 and their general community of interest as concerns third persons 7to which however there are very great limitations72 the real importance of the wife to his daily comforts and enjoyments1 and the value he consequently attaches to her on his personal account1 which1 in a man capable of feeling for others1 lays the foundation of caring for her on her own2 and lastly1 the influence naturally acquired over almost all human beings by those near to their persons 7if not actually disagreeable to them73 who1 both by their direct entreaties1 and by the insensible contagion of their feelings and dispositions1 are often able1 unless counteracted by some equally strong personal influence1 to obtain a degree of command over the conduct of the superior1 altogether excessive and unreasonable4 ,through these various means1 the wife frequently exercises even too much power over the man2 she is able to affect his conduct in things in which she may not be qualified to influence it for good--in which her influence may be not only unenlightened1 but employed on the morally wrong side2 and in which he would act better if left to his own prompting4 ,but neither in the affairs of families nor in those of states is power a compensation for the loss of freedom4 ,her power often gives her what she has no right to1 but does not enable her to assert her own rights4 ,a ,sultan's favourite slave has slaves under her1 over whom she tyrannizes2 but the desirable thing would be that she should neither have slaves nor be a slave4 ,by entirely sinking her own existence in her husband2 by having no will 7or persuading him that she has no will7 but his1 in anything which regards their joint relation1 and by making it the business of her life to work upon his sentiments1 a wife may gratify herself by influencing1 and very probably perverting1 his conduct1 in those of his external relations which she has never qualified herself to judge of1 or in which she is herself wholly influenced by some personal or other partiality or prejudice4 ,accordingly1 as things now are1 those who act most kindly to their wives1 are quite as often made worse1 as better1 by the wife's influence1 in respect to all interests extending beyond the family4 ,she is taught that she has no business with things out of that sphere2 and accordingly she seldom has any honest and conscientious opinion on them2 and therefore hardly ever meddles with them for any legitimate purpose1 but generally for an interested one4 ,she neither knows nor cares which is the right side in politics1 but she knows what will bring in money or invitations1 give her husband a title1 her son a place1 or her daughter a good marriage4 ,but how1 it will be asked1 can any society exist without government8 ,in a family1 as in a state1 some one person must be the ultimate ruler4 ,who shall decide when married people differ in opinion8 ,both cannot have their way1 yet a decision one way or the other must be come to4 ,it is not true that in all voluntary association between two people1 one of them must be absolute master3 still less that the law must determine which of them it shall be4 ,the most frequent case of voluntary association1 next to marriage1 is partnership in business3 and it is not found or thought necessary to enact that in every partnership1 one partner shall have entire control over the concern1 and the others shall be bound to obey his orders4 ,no one would enter into partnership on terms which would subject him to the responsibilities of a principal1 with only the powers and privileges of a clerk or agent4 ,if the law dealt with other contracts as it does with marriage1 it would ordain that one partner should administer the common business as if it was his private concern2 that the others should have only delegated powers2 and that this one should be designated by some general presumption of law1 for example as being the eldest4 ,the law never does this3 nor does experience show it to be necessary that any theoretical inequality of power should exist between the partners1 or that the partnership should have any other conditions than what they may themselves appoint by their articles of agreement4 ,yet it might seem that the exclusive power might be conceded with less danger to the rights and interests of the inferior1 in the case of partnership than in that of marriage1 since he is free to cancel the power by withdrawing from the connexion4 ,the wife has no such power1 and even if she had1 it is almost always desirable that she should try all measures before resorting to it4 ,it is quite true that things which have to be decided every day1 and cannot adjust themselves gradually1 or wait for a compromise1 ought to depend on one will3 one person must have their sole control4 ,but it does not follow that this should always be the same person4 ,the natural arrangement is a division of powers between the two2 each being absolute in the executive branch of their own department1 and any change of system and principle requiring the consent of both4 ,the division neither can nor should be pre-established by the law1 since it must depend on individual capacities and suitabilities4 ,if the two persons chose1 they might pre-appoint it by the marriage contract1 as pecuniary arrangements are now often pre-appointed4 ,there would seldom be any difficulty in deciding such things by mutual consent1 unless the marriage was one of those unhappy ones in which all other things1 as well as this1 become subjects of bickering and dispute4 ,the division of rights would naturally follow the division of duties and functions2 and that is already made by consent1 or at all events not by law1 but by general custom1 modified and modifiable at the pleasure of the persons concerned4 ,the real practical decision of affairs1 to whichever may be given the legal authority1 will greatly depend1 as it even now does1 upon comparative qualifications4 ,the mere fact that he is usually the eldest1 will in most cases give the preponderance to the man2 at least until they both attain a time of life at which the difference in their years is of no importance4 ,there will naturally also be a more potential voice on the side1 whichever it is1 that brings the means of support4 ,inequality from this source does not depend on the law of marriage1 but on the general conditions of human society1 as now constituted4 ,the influence of mental superiority1 either general or special1 and of superior decision of character1 will necessarily tell for much4 ,it always does so at present4 ,and this fact shows how little foundation there is for the apprehension that the powers and responsibilities of partners in life 7as of partners in business71 cannot be satisfactorily apportioned by agreement between themselves4 ,they always are so apportioned1 except in cases in which the marriage institution is a failure4 ,things never come to an issue of downright power on one side1 and obedience on the other1 except where the connexion altogether has been a mistake1 and it would be a blessing to both parties to be relieved from it4 ,some may say that the very thing by which an amicable settlement of differences becomes possible1 is the power of legal compulsion known to be in reserve2 as people submit to an arbitration because there is a court of law in the background1 which they know that they can be forced to obey4 ,but to make the cases parallel1 we must suppose that the rule of the court of law was1 not to try the cause1 but to give judgment always for the same side1 suppose the defendant4 ,if so1 the amenability to it would be a motive with the plaintiff to agree to almost any arbitration1 but it would be just the reverse with the defendant4 ,the despotic power which the law gives to the husband may be a reason to make the wife assent to any compromise by which power is practically shared between the two1 but it cannot be the reason why the husband does4 ,that there is always among decently conducted people a practical compromise1 though one of them at least is under no physical or moral necessity of making it1 shows that the natural motives which lead to a voluntary adjustment of the united life of two persons in a manner acceptable to both1 do on the whole1 except in unfavourable cases1 prevail4 ,the matter is certainly not improved by laying down as an ordinance of law1 that the superstructure of free government shall be raised upon a legal basis of despotism on one side and subjection on the other1 and that every concession which the despot makes may1 at his mere pleasure1 and without any warning1 be recalled4 ,besides that no freedom is worth much when held on so precarious a tenure1 its conditions are not likely to be the most equitable when the law throws so prodigious a weight into one scale2 when the adjustment rests between two persons one of whom is declared to be entitled to everything1 the other not only entitled to nothing except during the good pleasure of the first1 but under the strongest moral and religious obligation not to rebel under any excess of oppression4 ,a pertinacious adversary1 pushed to extremities1 may say1 that husbands indeed are willing to be reasonable1 and to make fair concessions to their partners without being compelled to it1 but that wives are not3 that if allowed any rights of their own1 they will acknowledge no rights at all in any one else1 and never will yield in anything1 unless they can be compelled1 by the man's mere authority1 to yield in everything4 ,this would have been said by many persons some generations ago1 when satires on women were in vogue1 and men thought it a clever thing to insult women for being what men made them4 ,but it will be said by no one now who is worth replying to4 ,it is not the doctrine of the present day that women are less susceptible of good feeling1 and consideration for those with whom they are united by the strongest ties1 than men are4 ,on the contrary1 we are perpetually told that women are better than men1 by those who are totally opposed to treating them as if they were as good2 so that the saying has passed into a piece of tiresome cant1 intended to put a complimentary face upon an injury1 and resembling those celebrations of royal clemency which1 according to ,gulliver1 the king of ,lilliput always prefixed to his most sanguinary decrees4 ,if women are better than men in anything1 it surely is in individual self-sacrifice for those of their own family4 ,but ,i lay little stress on this1 so long as they are universally taught that they are born and created for self-sacrifice4 ,i believe that equality of rights would abate the exaggerated self-abnegation which is the present artificial ideal of feminine character1 and that a good woman would not be more self-sacrificing than the best man3 but on the other hand1 men would be much more unselfish and self-sacrificing than at present1 because they would no longer be taught to worship their own will as such a grand thing that it is actually the law for another rational being4 ,there is nothing which men so easily learn as this self-worship3 all privileged persons1 and all privileged classes1 have had it4 ,the more we descend in the scale of humanity1 the intenser it is2 and most of all in those who are not1 and can never expect to be1 raised above any one except an unfortunate wife and children4 ,the honourable exceptions are proportionally fewer than in the case of almost any other human infirmity4 ,philosophy and religion1 instead of keeping it in check1 are generally suborned to defend it2 and nothing controls it but that practical feeling of the equality of human beings1 which is the theory of ,christianity1 but which ,christianity will never practically teach1 while it sanctions institutions grounded on an arbitrary preference of one human being over another4 ,there are1 no doubt1 women1 as there are men1 whom equality of consideration will not satisfy2 with whom there is no peace while any will or wish is regarded but their own4 ,such persons are a proper subject for the law of divorce4 ,they are only fit to live alone1 and no human beings ought to be compelled to associate their lives with them4 ,but the legal subordination tends to make such characters among women more1 rather than less1 frequent4 ,if the man exerts his whole power1 the woman is of course crushed3 but if she is treated with indulgence1 and permitted to assume power1 there is no rule to set limits to her encroachments4 ,the law1 not determining her rights1 but theoretically allowing her none at all1 practically declares that the measure of what she has a right to1 is what she can contrive to get4 ,the equality of married persons before the law1 is not only the sole mode in which that particular relation can be made consistent with justice to both sides1 and conducive to the happiness of both1 but it is the only means of rendering the daily life of mankind1 in any high sense1 a school of moral cultivation4 ,though the truth may not be felt or generally acknowledged for generations to come1 the only school of genuine moral sentiment is society between equals4 ,the moral education of mankind has hitherto emanated chiefly from the law of force1 and is adapted almost solely to the relations which force creates4 ,in the less advanced states of society1 people hardly recognise any relation with their equals4 ,to be an equal is to be an enemy4 ,society1 from its highest place to its lowest1 is one long chain1 or rather ladder1 where every individual is either above or below his nearest neighbour1 and wherever he does not command he must obey4 ,existing moralities1 accordingly1 are mainly fitted to a relation of command and obedience4 ,yet command and obedience are but unfortunate necessities of human life3 society in equality is its normal state4 ,already in modern life1 and more and more as it progressively improves1 command and obedience become exceptional facts in life1 equal association its general rule4 ,the morality of the first ages rested on the obligation to submit to power2 that of the ages next following1 on the right of the weak to the forbearance and protection of the strong4 ,how much longer is one form of society and life to content itself with the morality made for another8 ,we have had the morality of submission1 and the morality of chivalry and generosity2 the time is now come for the morality of justice4 ,whenever1 in former ages1 any approach has been made to society in equality1 ,justice has asserted its claims as the foundation of virtue4 ,it was thus in the free republics of antiquity4 ,but even in the best of these1 the equals were limited to the free male citizens2 slaves1 women1 and the unenfranchised residents were under the law of force4 ,the joint influence of ,roman civilization and of ,christianity obliterated these distinctions1 and in theory 7if only partially in practice7 declared the claims of the human being1 as such1 to be paramount to those of sex1 class1 or social position4 ,the barriers which had begun to be levelled were raised again by the northern conquests2 and the whole of modern history consists of the slow process by which they have since been wearing away4 ,we are entering into an order of things in which justice will again be the primary virtue2 grounded as before on equal1 but now also on sympathetic association2 having its root no longer in the instinct of equals for self-protection1 but in a cultivated sympathy between them2 and no one being now left out1 but an equal measure being extended to all4 ,it is no novelty that mankind do not distinctly foresee their own changes1 and that their sentiments are adapted to past1 not to coming ages4 ,to see the futurity of the species has always been the privilege of the intellectual elite1 or of those who have learnt from them2 to have the feelings of that futurity has been the distinction1 and usually the martyrdom1 of a still rarer elite4 ,institutions1 books1 education1 society1 all go on training human beings for the old1 long after the new has come2 much more when it is only coming4 ,but the true virtue of human beings is fitness to live together as equals2 claiming nothing for themselves but what they as freely concede to every one else2 regarding command of any kind as an exceptional necessity1 and in all cases a temporary one2 and preferring1 whenever possible1 the society of those with whom leading and following can be alternate and reciprocal4 ,to these virtues1 nothing in life as at present constituted gives cultivation by exercise4 ,the family is a school of despotism1 in which the virtues of despotism1 but also its vices1 are largely nourished4 ,citizenship1 in free countries1 is partly a school of society in equality2 but citizenship fills only a small place in modern life1 and does not come near the daily habits or inmost sentiments4 ,the family1 justly constituted1 would be the real school of the virtues of freedom4 ,it is sure to be a sufficient one of everything else4 ,it will always be a school of obedience for the children1 of command for the parents4 ,what is needed is1 that it should be a school of sympathy in equality1 of living together in love1 without power on one side or obedience on the other4 ,this it ought to be between the parents4 ,it would then be an exercise of those virtues which each requires to fit them for all other association1 and a model to the children of the feelings and conduct which their temporary training by means of obedience is designed to render habitual1 and therefore natural1 to them4 ,the moral training of mankind will never be adapted to the conditions of the life for which all other human progress is a preparation1 until they practise in the family the same moral rule which is adapted to the normal constitution of human society4 ,any sentiment of freedom which can exist in a man whose nearest and dearest intimacies are with those of whom he is absolute master1 is not the genuine or ,christian love of freedom1 but1 what the love of freedom generally was in the ancients and in the middle ages--an intense feeling of the dignity and importance of his own personality2 making him disdain a yoke for himself1 of which he has no abhorrence whatever in the abstract1 but which he is abundantly ready to impose on others for his own interest or glorification4 ,i readily admit 7and it is the very foundation of my hopes7 that numbers of married people even under the present law1 7in the higher classes of ,england probably a great majority17 live in the spirit of a just law of equality4 ,laws never would be improved1 if there were not numerous persons whose moral sentiments are better than the existing laws4 ,such persons ought to support the principles here advocated2 of which the only object is to make all other married couples similar to what these are now4 ,but persons even of considerable moral worth1 unless they are also thinkers1 are very ready to believe that laws or practices1 the evils of which they have not personally experienced1 do not produce any evils1 but 7if seeming to be generally approved of7 probably do good1 and that it is wrong to object to them4 ,it would1 however1 be a great mistake in such married people to suppose1 because the legal conditions of the tie which unites them do not occur to their thoughts once in a twelvemonth1 and because they live and feel in all respects as if they were legally equals1 that the same is the case with all other married couples1 wherever the husband is not a notorious ruffian4 ,to suppose this1 would be to show equal ignorance of human nature and of fact4 ,the less fit a man is for the possession of power--the less likely to be allowed to exercise it over any person with that person's voluntary consent--the more does he hug himself in the consciousness of the power the law gives him1 exact its legal rights to the utmost point which custom 7the custom of men like himself7 will tolerate1 and take pleasure in using the power1 merely to enliven the agreeable sense of possessing it4 ,what is more2 in the most naturally brutal and morally uneducated part of the lower classes1 the legal slavery of the woman1 and something in the merely physical subjection to their will as an instrument1 causes them to feel a sort of disrespect and contempt towards their own wife which they do not feel towards any other woman1 or any other human being1 with whom they come in contact2 and which makes her seem to them an appropriate subject for any kind of indignity4 ,let an acute observer of the signs of feeling1 who has the requisite opportunities1 judge for himself whether this is not the case3 and if he finds that it is1 let him not wonder at any amount of disgust and indignation that can be felt against institutions which lead naturally to this depraved state of the human mind4 ,we shall be told1 perhaps1 that religion imposes the duty of obedience2 as every established fact which is too bad to admit of any other defence1 is always presented to us as an injunction of religion4 ,the ,church1 it is very true1 enjoins it in her formularies1 but it would be difficult to derive any such injunction from ,christianity4 ,we are told that ,st4 ,paul said1 ,wives1 obey your husbands3 but he also said1 ,slaves1 obey your masters4 ,it was not ,st4 ,paul's business1 nor was it consistent with his object1 the propagation of ,christianity1 to incite any one to rebellion against existing laws4 ,the apostle's acceptance of all social institutions as he found them1 is no more to be construed as a disapproval of attempts to improve them at the proper time1 than his declaration1 ,the powers that be are ordained of ,god1 gives his sanction to military despotism1 and to that alone1 as the ,christian form of political government1 or commands passive obedience to it4 ,to pretend that ,christianity was intended to stereotype existing forms of government and society1 and protect them against change1 is to reduce it to the level of ,islamism or of ,brahminism4 ,it is precisely because ,christianity has not done this1 that it has been the religion of the progressive portion of mankind1 and ,islamism1 ,brahminism1 c41 have been those of the stationary portions2 or rather 7for there is no such thing as a really stationary society7 of the declining portions4 ,there have been abundance of people1 in all ages of ,christianity1 who tried to make it something of the same kind2 to convert us into a sort of ,christian ,mussulmans1 with the ,bible for a ,koran1 prohibiting all improvement3 and great has been their power1 and many have had to sacrifice their lives in resisting them4 ,but they have been resisted1 and the resistance has made us what we are1 and will yet make us what we are to be4 ,after what has been said respecting the obligation of obedience1 it is almost superfluous to say anything concerning the more special point included in the general one--a woman's right to her own property2 for ,i need not hope that this treatise can make any impression upon those who need anything to convince them that a woman's inheritance or gains ought to be as much her own after marriage as before4 ,the rule is simple3 whatever would be the husband's or wife's if they were not married1 should be under their exclusive control during marriage2 which need not interfere with the power to tie up property by settlement1 in order to preserve it for children4 ,some people are sentimentally shocked at the idea of a separate interest in money matters1 as inconsistent with the ideal fusion of two lives into one4 ,for my own part1 ,i am one of the strongest supporters of community of goods1 when resulting from an entire unity of feeling in the owners1 which makes all things common between them4 ,but ,i have no relish for a community of goods resting on the doctrine1 that what is mine is yours but what is yours is not mine2 and ,i should prefer to decline entering into such a compact with any one1 though ,i were myself the person to profit by it4 ,this particular injustice and oppression to women1 which is1 to common apprehensions1 more obvious than all the rest1 admits of remedy without interfering with any other mischiefs3 and there can be little doubt that it will be one of the earliest remedied4 ,already1 in many of the new and several of the old ,states of the ,american ,confederation1 provisions have been inserted even in the written ,constitutions1 securing to women equality of rights in this respect3 and thereby improving materially the position1 in the marriage relation1 of those women at least who have property1 by leaving them one instrument of power which they have not signed away2 and preventing also the scandalous abuse of the marriage institution1 which is perpetrated when a man entraps a girl into marrying him without a settlement1 for the sole purpose of getting possession of her money4 ,when the support of the family depends1 not on property1 but on earnings1 the common arrangement1 by which the man earns the income and the wife superintends the domestic expenditure1 seems to me in general the most suitable division of labour between the two persons4 ,if1 in addition to the physical suffering of bearing children1 and the whole responsibility of their care and education in early years1 the wife undertakes the careful and economical application of the husband's earnings to the general comfort of the family2 she takes not only her fair share1 but usually the larger share1 of the bodily and mental exertion required by their joint existence4 ,if she undertakes any additional portion1 it seldom relieves her from this1 but only prevents her from performing it properly4 ,the care which she is herself disabled from taking of the children and the household1 nobody else takes2 those of the children who do not die1 grow up as they best can1 and the management of the household is likely to be so bad1 as even in point of economy to be a great drawback from the value of the wife's earnings4 ,in an otherwise just state of things1 it is not1 therefore1 ,i think1 a desirable custom1 that the wife should contribute by her labour to the income of the family4 ,in an unjust state of things1 her doing so may be useful to her1 by making her of more value in the eyes of the man who is legally her master2 but1 on the other hand1 it enables him still farther to abuse his power1 by forcing her to work1 and leaving the support of the family to her exertions1 while he spends most of his time in drinking and idleness4 ,the power of earning is essential to the dignity of a woman1 if she has not independent property4 ,but if marriage were an equal contract1 not implying the obligation of obedience2 if the connexion were no longer enforced to the oppression of those to whom it is purely a mischief1 but a separation1 on just terms 7,i do not now speak of a divorce71 could be obtained by any woman who was morally entitled to it2 and if she would then find all honourable employments as freely open to her as to men2 it would not be necessary for her protection1 that during marriage she should make this particular use of her faculties4 ,like a man when he chooses a profession1 so1 when a woman marries1 it may in general be understood that she makes choice of the management of a household1 and the bringing up of a family1 as the first call upon her exertions1 during as many years of her life as may be required for the purpose2 and that she renounces1 not all other objects and occupations1 but all which are not consistent with the requirements of this4 ,the actual exercise1 in a habitual or systematic manner1 of outdoor occupations1 or such as cannot be carried on at home1 would by this principle be practically interdicted to the greater number of married women4 ,but the utmost latitude ought to exist for the adaptation of general rules to individual suitabilities2 and there ought to be nothing to prevent faculties exceptionally adapted to any other pursuit1 from obeying their vocation notwithstanding marriage3 due provision being made for supplying otherwise any falling-short which might become inevitable1 in her full performance of the ordinary functions of mistress of a family4 ,these things1 if once opinion were rightly directed on the subject1 might with perfect safety be left to be regulated by opinion1 without any interference of law4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,on the other point which is involved in the just equality of women1 their admissibility to all the functions and occupations hitherto retained as the monopoly of the stronger sex1 ,i should anticipate no difficulty in convincing any one who has gone with me on the subject of the equality of women in the family4 ,i believe that their disabilities elsewhere are only clung to in order to maintain their subordination in domestic life2 because the generality of the male sex cannot yet tolerate the idea of living with an equal4 ,were it not for that1 ,i think that almost every one1 in the existing state of opinion in politics and political economy1 would admit the injustice of excluding half the human race from the greater number of lucrative occupations1 and from almost all high social functions2 ordaining from their birth either that they are not1 and cannot by any possibility become1 fit for employments which are legally open to the stupidest and basest of the other sex1 or else that however fit they may be1 those employments shall be interdicted to them1 in order to be preserved for the exclusive benefit of males4 ,in the last two centuries1 when 7which was seldom the case7 any reason beyond the mere existence of the fact was thought to be required to justify the disabilities of women1 people seldom assigned as a reason their inferior mental capacity2 which1 in times when there was a real trial of personal faculties 7from which all women were not excluded7 in the struggles of public life1 no one really believed in4 ,the reason given in those days was not women's unfitness1 but the interest of society1 by which was meant the interest of men3 just as the raison d'etat1 meaning the convenience of the government1 and the support of existing authority1 was deemed a sufficient explanation and excuse for the most flagitious crimes4 ,in the present day1 power holds a smoother language1 and whomsoever it oppresses1 always pretends to do so for their own good3 accordingly1 when anything is forbidden to women1 it is thought necessary to say1 and desirable to believe1 that they are incapable of doing it1 and that they depart from their real path of success and happiness when they aspire to it4 ,but to make this reason plausible 7,i do not say valid71 those by whom it is urged must be prepared to carry it to a much greater length than any one ventures to do in the face of present experience4 ,it is not sufficient to maintain that women on the average are less gifted than men on the average1 with certain of the higher mental faculties1 or that a smaller number of women than of men are fit for occupations and functions of the highest intellectual character4 ,it is necessary to maintain that no women at all are fit for them1 and that the most eminent women are inferior in mental faculties to the most mediocre of the men on whom those functions at present devolve4 ,for if the performance of the function is decided either by competition1 or by any mode of choice which secures regard to the public interest1 there needs be no apprehension that any important employments will fall into the hands of women inferior to average men1 or to the average of their male competitors4 ,the only result would be that there would be fewer women than men in such employments2 a result certain to happen in any ease1 if only from the preference always likely to be felt by the majority of women for the one vocation in which there is nobody to compete with them4 ,now1 the most determined depreciator of women will not venture to deny1 that when we add the experience of recent times to that of ages past1 women1 and not a few merely1 but many women1 have proved themselves capable of everything1 perhaps without a single exception1 which is done by men1 and of doing it successfully and creditably4 ,the utmost that can be said is1 that there are many things which none of them have succeeded in doing as well as they have been done by some men--many in which they have not reached the very highest rank4 ,but there are extremely few1 dependent only on mental faculties1 in which they have not attained the rank next to the highest4 ,is not this enough1 and much more than enough1 to make it a tyranny to them1 and a detriment to society1 that they should not be allowed to compete with men for the exercise of these functions8 ,is it not a mere truism to say1 that such functions are often filled by men far less fit for them than numbers of women1 and who would be beaten by women in any fair field of competition8 ,what difference does it make that there may be men somewhere1 fully employed about other things1 who may be still better qualified for the things in question than these women8 ,does not this take place in all competitions8 ,is there so great a superfluity of men fit for high duties1 that society can afford to reject the service of any competent person8 ,are we so certain of always finding a man made to our hands for any duty or function of social importance which falls vacant1 that we lose nothing by putting a ban upon one-half of mankind1 and refusing beforehand to make their faculties available1 however distinguished they may be8 ,and even if we could do without them1 would it be consistent with justice to refuse to them their fair share of honour and distinction1 or to deny to them the equal moral right of all human beings to choose their occupation 7short of injury to others7 according to their own preferences1 at their own risk8 ,nor is the injustice confined to them3 it is shared by those who are in a position to benefit by their services4 ,to ordain that any kind of persons shall not be physicians1 or shall not be advocates1 or shall not be members of parliament1 is to injure not them only1 but all who employ physicians or advocates1 or elect members of parliament1 and who are deprived of the stimulating effect of greater competition on the exertions of the competitors1 as well as restricted to a narrower range of individual choice4 ,it will perhaps be sufficient if ,i confine myself1 in the details of my argument1 to functions of a public nature3 since1 if ,i am successful as to those1 it probably will be readily granted that women should be admissible to all other occupations to which it is at all material whether they are admitted or not4 ,and here let me begin by marking out one function1 broadly distinguished from all others1 their right to which is entirely independent of any question which can be raised concerning their faculties4 ,i mean the suffrage1 both parliamentary and municipal4 ,the right to share in the choice of those who are to exercise a public trust1 is altogether a distinct thing from that of competing for the trust itself4 ,if no one could vote for a member of parliament who was not fit to be a candidate1 the government would be a narrow oligarchy indeed4 ,to have a voice in choosing those by whom one is to be governed1 is a means of self-protection due to every one1 though he were to remain for ever excluded from the function of governing3 and that women are considered fit to have such a choice1 may be presumed from the fact1 that the law already gives it to women in the most important of all cases to themselves3 for the choice of the man who is to govern a woman to the end of life1 is always supposed to be voluntarily made by herself4 ,in the case of election to public trusts1 it is the business of constitutional law to surround the right of suffrage with all needful securities and limitations2 but whatever securities are sufficient in the case of the male sex1 no others need be required in the case of women4 ,under whatever conditions1 and within whatever limits1 men are admitted to the suffrage1 there is not a shadow of justification for not admitting women under the same4 ,the majority of the women of any class are not likely to differ in political opinion from the majority of the men of the same class1 unless the question be one in which the interests of women1 as such1 are in some way involved2 and if they are so1 women require the suffrage1 as their guarantee of just and equal consideration4 ,this ought to be obvious even to those who coincide in no other of the doctrines for which ,i contend4 ,even if every woman were a wife1 and if every wife ought to be a slave1 all the more would these slaves stand in need of legal protection3 and we know what legal protection the slaves have1 where the laws are made by their masters4 ,with regard to the fitness of women1 not only to participate in elections1 but themselves to hold offices or practise professions involving important public responsibilities2 ,i have already observed that this consideration is not essential to the practical question in dispute3 since any woman1 who succeeds in an open profession1 proves by that very fact that she is qualified for it4 ,and in the case of public offices1 if the political system of the country is such as to exclude unfit men1 it will equally exclude unfit women3 while if it is not1 there is no additional evil in the fact that the unfit persons whom it admits may be either women or men4 ,as long therefore as it is acknowledged that even a few women may be fit for these duties1 the laws which shut the door on those exceptions cannot be justified by any opinion which can be held respecting the capacities of women in general4 ,but1 though this last consideration is not essential1 it is far from being irrelevant4 ,an unprejudiced view of it gives additional strength to the arguments against the disabilities of women1 and reinforces them by high considerations of practical utility4 ,let us at first make entire abstraction of all psychological considerations tending to show1 that any of the mental differences supposed to exist between women and men are but the natural effect of the differences in their education and circumstances1 and indicate no radical difference1 far less radical inferiority1 of nature4 ,let us consider women only as they already are1 or as they are known to have been2 and the capacities which they have already practically shown4 ,what they have done1 that at least1 if nothing else1 it is proved that they can do4 ,when we consider how sedulously they are all trained away from1 instead of being trained towards1 any of the occupations or objects reserved for men1 it is evident that ,i am taking a very humble ground for them1 when ,i rest their case on what they have actually achieved4 ,for1 in this case1 negative evidence is worth little1 while any positive evidence is conclusive4 ,it cannot be inferred to be impossible that a woman should be a ,homer1 or an ,aristotle1 or a ,michael ,angelo1 or a ,beethoven1 because no woman has yet actually produced works comparable to theirs in any of those lines of excellence4 ,this negative fact at most leaves the question uncertain1 and open to psychological discussion4 ,but it is quite certain that a woman can be a ,queen ,elizabeth1 or a ,deborah1 or a ,joan of ,arc1 since this is not inference1 but fact4 ,now it is a curious consideration1 that the only things which the existing law excludes women from doing1 are the things which they have proved that they are able to do4 ,there is no law to prevent a woman from having written all the plays of ,shakspeare1 or composed all the operas of ,mozart4 ,but ,queen ,elizabeth or ,queen ,victoria1 had they not inherited the throne1 could not have been intrusted with the smallest of the political duties1 of which the former showed herself equal to the greatest4 ,if anything conclusive could be inferred from experience1 without psychological analysis1 it would be that the things which women are not allowed to do are the very ones for which they are peculiarly qualified2 since their vocation for government has made its way1 and become conspicuous1 through the very few opportunities which have been given2 while in the lines of distinction which apparently were freely open to them1 they have by no means so eminently distinguished themselves4 ,we know how small a number of reigning queens history presents1 in comparison with that of kings4 ,of this smaller number a far larger proportion have shown talents for rule2 though many of them have occupied the throne in difficult periods4 ,it is remarkable1 too1 that they have1 in a great number of instances1 been distinguished by merits the most opposite to the imaginary and conventional character of women3 they have been as much remarked for the firmness and vigour of their rule1 as for its intelligence4 ,when1 to queens and empresses1 we add regents1 and viceroys of provinces1 the list of women who have been eminent rulers of mankind swells to a great length4#a ,this fact is so undeniable1 that some one1 long ago1 tried to retort the argument1 and turned the admitted truth into an additional insult1 by saying that queens are better than kings1 because under kings women govern1 but under queens1 men4 ,it may seem a waste of reasoning to argue against a bad joke2 but such things do affect people's minds2 and ,i have heard men quote this saying1 with an air as if they thought that there was something in it4 ,at any rate1 it will serve as well as anything else for a starting point in discussion4 ,i say1 then1 that it is not true that under kings1 women govern4 ,such cases are entirely exceptional3 and weak kings have quite as often governed ill through the influence of male favourites1 as of female4 ,when a king is governed by a woman merely through his amatory propensities1 good government is not probable1 though even then there are exceptions4 ,but ,french history counts two kings who have voluntarily given the direction of affairs during many years1 the one to his mother1 the other to his sister3 one of them1 ,charles ,,viii41 was a mere boy1 but in doing so he followed the intentions of his father ,louis ,,xi41 the ablest monarch of his age4 ,the other1 ,saint ,louis1 was the best1 and one of the most vigorous rulers1 since the time of ,charlemagne4 ,both these princesses ruled in a manner hardly equalled by any prince among their contemporaries4 ,the emperor ,charles the ,fifth1 the most politic prince of his time1 who had as great a number of able men in his service as a ruler ever had1 and was one of the least likely of all sovereigns to sacrifice his interest to personal feelings1 made two princesses of his family successively ,governors of the ,netherlands1 and kept one or other of them in that post during his whole life1 7they were afterwards succeeded by a third74 ,both ruled very successfully1 and one of them1 ,margaret of ,austria1 was one of the ablest politicians of the age4 ,so much for one side of the question4 ,now as to the other4 ,when it is said that under queens men govern1 is the same meaning to be understood as when kings are said to be governed by women8 ,is it meant that queens choose as their instruments of government1 the associates of their personal pleasures8 ,the case is rare even with those who are as unscrupulous on the latter point as ,catherine ,,ii43 and it is not in these cases that the good government1 alleged to arise from male influence1 is to be found4 ,if it be true1 then1 that the administration is in the hands of better men under a queen than under an average king1 it must be that queens have a superior capacity for choosing them2 and women must be better qualified than men both for the position of sovereign1 and for that of chief minister2 for the principal business of a prime minister is not to govern in person1 but to find the fittest persons to conduct every department of public affairs4 ,the more rapid insight into character1 which is one of the admitted points of superiority in women over men1 must certainly make them1 with anything like parity of qualifications in other respects1 more apt than men in that choice of instruments1 which is nearly the most important business of every one who has to do with governing mankind4 ,even the unprincipled ,catherine de' ,medici could feel the value of a ,chancellor de l',hopital4 ,but it is also true that most great queens have been great by their own talents for government1 and have been well served precisely for that reason4 ,they retained the supreme direction of affairs in their own hands3 and if they listened to good advisers1 they gave by that fact the strongest proof that their judgment fitted them for dealing with the great questions of government4 ,is it reasonable to think that those who are fit for the greater functions of politics1 are incapable of qualifying themselves for the less8 ,is there any reason in the nature of things1 that the wives and sisters of princes should1 whenever called on1 be found as competent as the princes themselves to their business1 but that the wives and sisters of statesmen1 and administrators1 and directors of companies1 and managers of public institutions1 should be unable to do what is done by their brothers and husbands8 ,the real reason is plain enough2 it is that princesses1 being more raised above the generality of men by their rank than placed below them by their sex1 have never been taught that it was improper for them to concern themselves with politics2 but have been allowed to feel the liberal interest natural to any cultivated human being1 in the great transactions which took place around them1 and in which they might be called on to take a part4 ,the ladies of reigning families are the only women who are allowed the same range of interests and freedom of development as men2 and it is precisely in their case that there is not found to be any inferiority4 ,exactly where and in proportion as women's capacities for government have been tried1 in that proportion have they been found adequate4 ,this fact is in accordance with the best general conclusions which the world's imperfect experience seems as yet to suggest1 concerning the peculiar tendencies and aptitudes characteristic of women1 as women have hitherto been4 ,i do not say1 as they will continue to be2 for1 as ,i have already said more than once1 ,i consider it presumption in any one to pretend to decide what women are or are not1 can or cannot be1 by natural constitution4 ,they have always hitherto been kept1 as far as regards spontaneous development1 in so unnatural a state1 that their nature cannot but have been greatly distorted and disguised2 and no one can safely pronounce that if women's nature were left to choose its direction as freely as men's1 and if no artificial bent were attempted to be given to it except that required by the conditions of human society1 and given to both sexes alike1 there would be any material difference1 or perhaps any difference at all1 in the character and capacities which would unfold themselves4 ,i shall presently show1 that even the least contestable of the differences which now exist1 are such as may very well have been produced merely by circumstances1 without any difference of natural capacity4 ,but1 looking at women as they are known in experience1 it may be said of them1 with more truth than belongs to most other generalizations on the subject1 that the general bent of their talents is towards the practical4 ,this statement is conformable to all the public history of women1 in the present and the past4 ,it is no less borne out by common and daily experience4 ,let us consider the special nature of the mental capacities most characteristic of a woman of talent4 ,they are all of a kind which fits them for practice1 and makes them tend towards it4 ,what is meant by a woman's capacity of intuitive perception8 ,it means1 a rapid and correct insight into present fact4 ,it has nothing to do with general principles4 ,nobody ever perceived a scientific law of nature by intuition1 nor arrived at a general rule of duty or prudence by it4 ,these are results of slow and careful collection and comparison of experience2 and neither the men nor the women of intuition usually shine in this department1 unless1 indeed1 the experience necessary is such as they can acquire by themselves4 ,for what is called their intuitive sagacity makes them peculiarly apt in gathering such general truths as can be collected from their individual means of observation4 ,when1 consequently1 they chance to be as well provided as men are with the results of other people's experience1 by reading and education1 7,i use the word chance advisedly1 for1 in respect to the knowledge that tends to fit them for the greater concerns of life1 the only educated women are the self-educated7 they are better furnished than men in general with the essential requisites of skilful and successful practice4 ,men who have been much taught1 are apt to be deficient in the sense of present fact2 they do not see1 in the facts which they are called upon to deal with1 what is really there1 but what they have been taught to expect4 ,this is seldom the case with women of any ability4 ,their capacity of intuition preserves them from it4 ,with equality of experience and of general faculties1 a woman usually sees much more than a man of what is immediately before her4 ,now this sensibility to the present1 is the main quality on which the capacity for practice1 as distinguished from theory1 depends4 ,to discover general principles1 belongs to the speculative faculty3 to discern and discriminate the particular cases in which they are and are not applicable1 constitutes practical talent3 and for this1 women as they now are have a peculiar aptitude4 ,i admit that there can be no good practice without principles1 and that the predominant place which quickness of observation holds among a woman's faculties1 makes her particularly apt to build over-hasty generalizations upon her own observation2 though at the same time no less ready in rectifying those generalizations1 as her observation takes a wider range4 ,but the corrective to this defect1 is access to the experience of the human race2 general knowledge--exactly the thing which education can best supply4 ,a woman's mistakes are specifically those of a clever self-educated man1 who often sees what men trained in routine do not see1 but falls into errors for want of knowing things which have long been known4 ,of course he has acquired much of the pre-existing knowledge1 or he could not have got on at all2 but what he knows of it he has picked up in fragments and at random1 as women do4 ,but this gravitation of women's minds to the present1 to the real1 to actual fact1 while in its exclusiveness it is a source of errors1 is also a most useful counteractive of the contrary error4 ,the principal and most characteristic aberration of speculative minds as such1 consists precisely in the deficiency of this lively perception and ever-present sense of objective fact4 ,for want of this1 they often not only overlook the contradiction which outward facts oppose to their theories1 but lose sight of the legitimate purpose of speculation altogether1 and let their speculative faculties go astray into regions not peopled with real beings1 animate or inanimate1 even idealized1 but with personified shadows created by the illusions of metaphysics or by the mere entanglement of words1 and think these shadows the proper objects of the highest1 the most transcendant1 philosophy4 ,hardly anything can be of greater value to a man of theory and speculation who employs himself not in collecting materials of knowledge by observation1 but in working them up by processes of thought into comprehensive truths of science and laws of conduct1 than to carry on his speculations in the companionship1 and under the criticism1 of a really superior woman4 ,there is nothing comparable to it for keeping his thoughts within the limits of real things1 and the actual facts of nature4 ,a woman seldom runs wild after an abstraction4 ,the habitual direction of her mind to dealing with things as individuals rather than in groups1 and 7what is closely connected with it7 her more lively interest in the present feelings of persons1 which makes her consider first of all1 in anything which claims to be applied to practice1 in what manner persons will be affected by it--these two things make her extremely unlikely to put faith in any speculation which loses sight of individuals1 and deals with things as if they existed for the benefit of some imaginary entity1 some mere creation of the mind1 not resolvable into the feelings of living beings4 ,women's thoughts are thus as useful in giving reality to those of thinking men1 as men's thoughts in giving width and largeness to those of women4 ,in depth1 as distinguished from breadth1 ,i greatly doubt if even now1 women1 compared with men1 are at any disadvantage4 ,if the existing mental characteristics of women are thus valuable even in aid of speculation1 they are still more important1 when speculation has done its work1 for carrying out the results of speculation into practice4 ,for the reasons already given1 women are comparatively unlikely to fall into the common error of men1 that of sticking to their rules in a case whose specialities either take it out of the class to which the rules are applicable1 or require a special adaptation of them4 ,let us now consider another of the admitted superiorities of clever women1 greater quickness of apprehension4 ,is not this pre-eminently a quality which fits a person for practice8 ,in action1 everything continually depends upon deciding promptly4 ,in speculation1 nothing does4 ,a mere thinker can wait1 can take time to consider1 can collect additional evidence2 he is not obliged to complete his philosophy at once1 lest the opportunity should go by4 ,the power of drawing the best conclusion possible from insufficient data is not indeed useless in philosophy2 the construction of a provisional hypothesis consistent with all known facts is often the needful basis for further inquiry4 ,but this faculty is rather serviceable in philosophy1 than the main qualification for it3 and1 for the auxiliary as well as for the main operation1 the philosopher can allow himself any time he pleases4 ,he is in no need of the capacity of doing rapidly what he does2 what he rather needs is patience1 to work on slowly until imperfect lights have become perfect1 and a conjecture has ripened into a theorem4 ,for those1 on the contrary1 whose business is with the fugitive and perishable--with individual facts1 not kinds of facts--rapidity of thought is a qualification next only in importance to the power of thought itself4 ,he who has not his faculties under immediate command1 in the contingencies of action1 might as well not have them at all4 ,he may be fit to criticize1 but he is not fit to act4 ,now it is in this that women1 and the men who are most like women1 confessedly excel4 ,the other sort of man1 however pre-eminent may be his faculties1 arrives slowly at complete command of them3 rapidity of judgment and promptitude of judicious action1 even in the things he knows best1 are the gradual and late result of strenuous effort grown into habit4 ,it will be said1 perhaps1 that the greater nervous susceptibility of women is a disqualification for practice1 in anything but domestic life1 by rendering them mobile1 changeable1 too vehemently under the influence of the moment1 incapable of dogged perseverance1 unequal and uncertain in the power of using their faculties4 ,i think that these phrases sum up the greater part of the objections commonly made to the fitness of women for the higher class of serious business4 ,much of all this is the mere overflow of nervous energy run to waste1 and would cease when the energy was directed to a definite end4 ,much is also the result of conscious or unconscious cultivation2 as we see by the almost total disappearance of hysterics and fainting fits1 since they have gone out of fashion4 ,moreover1 when people are brought up1 like many women of the higher classes 7though less so in our own country than in any other7 a kind of hot-house plants1 shielded from the wholesome vicissitudes of air and temperature1 and untrained in any of the occupations and exercises which give stimulus and development to the circulatory and muscular system1 while their nervous system1 especially in its emotional department1 is kept in unnaturally active play2 it is no wonder if those of them who do not die of consumption1 grow up with constitutions liable to derangement from slight causes1 both internal and external1 and without stamina to support any task1 physical or mental1 requiring continuity of effort4 ,but women brought up to work for their livelihood show none of these morbid characteristics1 unless indeed they are chained to an excess of sedentary work in confined and unhealthy rooms4 ,women who in their early years have shared in the healthful physical education and bodily freedom of their brothers1 and who obtain a sufficiency of pure air and exercise in after-life1 very rarely have any excessive susceptibility of nerves which can disqualify them for active pursuits4 ,there is indeed a certain proportion of persons1 in both sexes1 in whom an unusual degree of nervous sensibility is constitutional1 and of so marked a character as to be the feature of their organization which exercises the greatest influence over the whole character of the vital phenomena4 ,this constitution1 like other physical conformations1 is hereditary1 and is transmitted to sons as well as daughters2 but it is possible1 and probable1 that the nervous temperament 7as it is called7 is inherited by a greater number of women than of men4 ,we will assume this as a fact3 and let me then ask1 are men of nervous temperament found to be unfit for the duties and pursuits usually followed by men8 ,if not1 why should women of the same temperament be unfit for them8 ,the peculiarities of the temperament are1 no doubt1 within certain limits1 an obstacle to success in some employments1 though an aid to it in others4 ,but when the occupation is suitable to the temperament1 and sometimes even when it is unsuitable1 the most brilliant examples of success are continually given by the men of high nervous sensibility4 ,they are distinguished in their practical manifestations chiefly by this1 that being susceptible of a higher degree of excitement than those of another physical constitution1 their powers when excited differ more than in the case of other people1 from those shown in their ordinary state3 they are raised1 as it were1 above themselves1 and do things with ease which they are wholly incapable of at other times4 ,but this lofty excitement is not1 except in weak bodily constitutions1 a mere flash1 which passes away immediately1 leaving no permanent traces1 and incompatible with persistent and steady pursuit of an object4 ,it is the character of the nervous temperament to be capable of sustained excitement1 holding out through long continued efforts4 ,it is what is meant by spirit4 ,it is what makes the high-bred racehorse run without slackening speed till he drops down dead4 ,it is what has enabled so many delicate women to maintain the most sublime constancy not only at the stake1 but through a long preliminary succession of mental and bodily tortures4 ,it is evident that people of this temperament are particularly apt for what may be called the executive department of the leadership of mankind4 ,they are the material of great orators1 great preachers1 impressive diffusers of moral influences4 ,their constitution might be deemed less favourable to the qualities required from a statesman in the cabinet1 or from a judge4 ,it would be so1 if the consequence necessarily followed that because people are excitable they must always be in a state of excitement4 ,but this is wholly a question of training4 ,strong feeling is the instrument and element of strong self-control3 but it requires to be cultivated in that direction4 ,when it is1 it forms not the heroes of impulse only1 but those also of self-conquest4 ,history and experience prove that the most passionate characters are the most fanatically rigid in their feelings of duty1 when their passion has been trained to act in that direction4 ,the judge who gives a just decision in a case where his feelings are intensely interested on the other side1 derives from that same strength of feeling the determined sense of the obligation of justice1 which enables him to achieve this victory over himself4 ,the capability of that lofty enthusiasm which takes the human being out of his every-day character1 reacts upon the daily character itself4 ,his aspirations and powers when he is in this exceptional state1 become the type with which he compares1 and by which he estimates1 his sentiments and proceedings at other times3 and his habitual purposes assume a character moulded by and assimilated to the moments of lofty excitement1 although those1 from the physical nature of a human being1 can only be transient4 ,experience of races1 as well as of individuals1 does not show those of excitable temperament to be less fit1 on the average1 either for speculation or practice1 than the more unexcitable4 ,the ,french1 and the ,italians1 are undoubtedly by nature more nervously excitable than the ,teutonic races1 and1 compared at least with the ,english1 they have a much greater habitual and daily emotional life3 but have they been less great in science1 in public business1 in legal and judicial eminence1 or in war8 ,there is abundant evidence that the ,greeks were of old1 as their descendants and successors still are1 one of the most excitable of the races of mankind4 ,it is superfluous to ask1 what among the achievements of men they did not excel in4 ,the ,romans1 probably1 as an equally southern people1 had the same original temperament3 but the stern character of their national discipline1 like that of the ,spartans1 made them an example of the opposite type of national character2 the greater strength of their natural feelings being chiefly apparent in the intensity which the same original temperament made it possible to give to the artificial4 ,if these cases exemplify what a naturally excitable people may be made1 the ,irish ,celts afford one of the aptest examples of what they are when left to themselves2 7if those can be said to be left to themselves who have been for centuries under the indirect influence of bad government1 and the direct training of a ,catholic hierarchy and of a sincere belief in the ,catholic religion47 ,the ,irish character must be considered1 therefore1 as an unfavourable case3 yet1 whenever the circumstances of the individual have been at all favourable1 what people have shown greater capacity for the most varied and multifarious individual eminence8 ,like the ,french compared with the ,english1 the ,irish with the ,swiss1 the ,greeks or ,italians compared with the ,german races1 so women compared with men may be found1 on the average1 to do the same things with some variety in the particular kind of excellence4 ,but1 that they would do them fully as well on the whole1 if their education and cultivation were adapted to correcting instead of aggravating the infirmities incident to their temperament1 ,i see not the smallest reason to doubt4 ,supposing it1 however1 to be true that women's minds are by nature more mobile than those of men1 less capable of persisting long in the same continuous effort1 more fitted for dividing their faculties among many things than for travelling in any one path to the highest point which can be reached by it3 this may be true of women as they now are 7though not without great and numerous exceptions71 and may account for their having remained behind the highest order of men in precisely the things in which this absorption of the whole mind in one set of ideas and occupations may seem to be most requisite4 ,still1 this difference is one which can only affect the kind of excellence1 not the excellence itself1 or its practical worth3 and it remains to be shown whether this exclusive working of a part of the mind1 this absorption of the whole thinking faculty in a single subject1 and concentration of it on a single work1 is the normal and healthful condition of the human faculties1 even for speculative uses4 ,i believe that what is gained in special development by this concentration1 is lost in the capacity of the mind for the other purposes of life2 and even in abstract thought1 it is my decided opinion that the mind does more by frequently returning to a difficult problem1 than by sticking to it without interruption4 ,for the purposes1 at all events1 of practice1 from its highest to its humblest departments1 the capacity of passing promptly from one subject of consideration to another1 without letting the active spring of the intellect run down between the two1 is a power far more valuable2 and this power women pre-eminently possess1 by virtue of the very mobility of which they are accused4 ,they perhaps have it from nature1 but they certainly have it by training and education2 for nearly the whole of the occupations of women consist in the management of small but multitudinous details1 on each of which the mind cannot dwell even for a minute1 but must pass on to other things1 and if anything requires longer thought1 must steal time at odd moments for thinking of it4 ,the capacity indeed which women show for doing their thinking in circumstances and at times which almost any man would make an excuse to himself for not attempting it1 has often been noticed3 and a woman's mind1 though it may be occupied only with small things1 can hardly ever permit itself to be vacant1 as a man's so often is when not engaged in what he chooses to consider the business of his life4 ,the business of a woman's ordinary life is things in general1 and can as little cease to go on as the world to go round4 ,but 7it is said7 there is anatomical evidence of the superior mental capacity of men compared with women3 they have a larger brain4 ,i reply1 that in the first place the fact itself is doubtful4 ,it is by no means established that the brain of a woman is smaller than that of a man4 ,if it is inferred merely because a woman's bodily frame generally is of less dimensions than a man's1 this criterion would lead to strange consequences4 ,a tall and large-boned man must on this showing be wonderfully superior in intelligence to a small man1 and an elephant or a whale must prodigiously excel mankind4 ,the size of the brain in human beings1 anatomists say1 varies much less than the size of the body1 or even of the head1 and the one cannot be at all inferred from the other4 ,it is certain that some women have as large a brain as any man4 ,it is within my knowledge that a man who had weighed many human brains1 said that the heaviest he knew of1 heavier even than ,cuvier's 7the heaviest previously recorded17 was that of a woman4 ,next1 ,i must observe that the precise relation which exists between the brain and the intellectual powers is not yet well understood1 but is a subject of great dispute4 ,that there is a very close relation we cannot doubt4 ,the brain is certainly the material organ of thought and feeling3 and 7making abstraction of the great unsettled controversy respecting the appropriation of different parts of the brain to different mental faculties7 ,i admit that it would be an anomaly1 and an exception to all we know of the general laws of life and organization1 if the size of the organ were wholly indifferent to the function2 if no accession of power were derived from the greater magnitude of the instrument4 ,but the exception and the anomaly would be fully as great if the organ exercised influence by its magnitude only4 ,in all the more delicate operations of nature--of which those of the animated creation are the most delicate1 and those of the nervous system by far the most delicate of these--differences in the effect depend as much on differences of quality in the physical agents1 as on their quantity3 and if the quality of an instrument is to be tested by the nicety and delicacy of the work it can do1 the indications point to a greater average fineness of quality in the brain and nervous system of women than of men4 ,dismissing abstract difference of quality1 a thing difficult to verify1 the efficiency of an organ is known to depend not solely on its size but on its activity3 and of this we have an approximate measure in the energy with which the blood circulates through it1 both the stimulus and the reparative force being mainly dependent on the circulation4 ,it would not be surprising--it is indeed an hypothesis which accords well with the differences actually observed between the mental operations of the two sexes--if men on the average should have the advantage in the size of the brain1 and women in activity of cerebral circulation4 ,the results which conjecture1 founded on analogy1 would lead us to expect from this difference of organization1 would correspond to some of those which we most commonly see4 ,in the first place1 the mental operations of men might be expected to be slower4 ,they would neither be so prompt as women in thinking1 nor so quick to feel4 ,large bodies take more time to get into full action4 ,on the other hand1 when once got thoroughly into play1 men's brain would bear more work4 ,it would be more persistent in the line first taken2 it would have more difficulty in changing from one mode of action to another1 but1 in the one thing it was doing1 it could go on longer without loss of power or sense of fatigue4 ,and do we not find that the things in which men most excel women are those which require most plodding and long hammering at a single thought1 while women do best what must be done rapidly8 ,a woman's brain is sooner fatigued1 sooner exhausted2 but given the degree of exhaustion1 we should expect to find that it would recover itself sooner4 ,i repeat that this speculation is entirely hypothetical2 it pretends to no more than to suggest a line of enquiry4 ,i have before repudiated the notion of its being yet certainly known that there is any natural difference at all in the average strength or direction of the mental capacities of the two sexes1 much less what that difference is4 ,nor is it possible that this should be known1 so long as the psychological laws of the formation of character have been so little studied1 even in a general way1 and in the particular case never scientifically applied at all2 so long as the most obvious external causes of difference of character are habitually disregarded--left unnoticed by the observer1 and looked down upon with a kind of supercilious contempt by the prevalent schools both of natural history and of mental philosophy3 who1 whether they look for the source of what mainly distinguishes human beings from one another1 in the world of matter or in that of spirit1 agree in running down those who prefer to explain these differences by the different relations of human beings to society and life4 ,to so ridiculous an extent are the notions formed of the nature of women1 mere empirical generalizations1 framed1 without philosophy or analysis1 upon the first instances which present themselves1 that the popular idea of it is different in different countries1 according as the opinions and social circumstances of the country have given to the women living in it any speciality of development or non-development4 ,an ,oriental thinks that women are by nature peculiarly voluptuous2 see the violent abuse of them on this ground in ,hindoo writings4 ,an ,englishman usually thinks that they are by nature cold4 ,the sayings about women's fickleness are mostly of ,french origin2 from the famous distich of ,francis the ,first1 upward and downward4 ,in ,england it is a common remark1 how much more constant women are than men4 ,inconstancy has been longer reckoned discreditable to a woman1 in ,england than in ,france2 and ,englishwomen are besides1 in their inmost nature1 much more subdued to opinion4 ,it may be remarked by the way1 that ,englishmen are in peculiarly unfavourable circumstances for attempting to judge what is or is not natural1 not merely to women1 but to men1 or to human beings altogether1 at least if they have only ,english experience to go upon3 because there is no place where human nature shows so little of its original lineaments4 ,both in a good and a bad sense1 the ,english are farther from a state of nature than any other modern people4 ,they are1 more than any other people1 a product of civilization and discipline4 ,england is the country in which social discipline has most succeeded1 not so much in conquering1 as in suppressing1 whatever is liable to conflict with it4 ,the ,english1 more than any other people1 not only act but feel according to rule4 ,in other countries1 the taught opinion1 or the requirement of society1 may be the stronger power1 but the promptings of the individual nature are always visible under it1 and often resisting it3 rule may be stronger than nature1 but nature is still there4 ,in ,england1 rule has to a great degree substituted itself for nature4 ,the greater part of life is carried on1 not by following inclination under the control of rule1 but by having no inclination but that of following a rule4 ,now this has its good side doubtless1 though it has also a wretchedly bad one2 but it must render an ,englishman peculiarly ill-qualified to pass a judgment on the original tendencies of human nature from his own experience4 ,the errors to which observers elsewhere are liable on the subject1 are of a different character4 ,an ,englishman is ignorant respecting human nature1 a ,frenchman is prejudiced4 ,an ,englishman's errors are negative1 a ,frenchman's positive4 ,an ,englishman fancies that things do not exist1 because he never sees them2 a ,frenchman thinks they must always and necessarily exist1 because he does see them4 ,an ,englishman does not know nature1 because he has had no opportunity of observing it2 a ,frenchman generally knows a great deal of it1 but often mistakes it1 because he has only seen it sophisticated and distorted4 ,for the artificial state superinduced by society disguises the natural tendencies of the thing which is the subject of observation1 in two different ways3 by extinguishing the nature1 or by transforming it4 ,in the one case there is but a starved residuum of nature remaining to be studied2 in the other case there is much1 but it may have expanded in any direction rather than that in which it would spontaneously grow4 ,i have said that it cannot now be known how much of the existing mental differences between men and women is natural1 and how much artificial2 whether there are any natural differences at all2 or1 supposing all artificial causes of difference to be withdrawn1 what natural character would be revealed4 ,i am not about to attempt what ,i have pronounced impossible3 but doubt does not forbid conjecture1 and where certainty is unattainable1 there may yet be the means of arriving at some degree of probability4 ,the first point1 the origin of the differences actually observed1 is the one most accessible to speculation2 and ,i shall attempt to approach it1 by the only path by which it can be reached2 by tracing the mental consequences of external influences4 ,we cannot isolate a human being from the circumstances of his condition1 so as to ascertain experimentally what he would have been by nature2 but we can consider what he is1 and what his circumstances have been1 and whether the one would have been capable of producing the other4 ,let us take1 then1 the only marked case which observation affords1 of apparent inferiority of women to men1 if we except the merely physical one of bodily strength4 ,no production in philosophy1 science1 or art1 entitled to the first rank1 has been the work of a woman4 ,is there any mode of accounting for this1 without supposing that women are naturally incapable of producing them8 ,in the first place1 we may fairly question whether experience has afforded sufficient grounds for an induction4 ,it is scarcely three generations since women1 saving very rare exceptions1 have begun to try their capacity in philosophy1 science1 or art4 ,it is only in the present generation that their attempts have been at all numerous2 and they are even now extremely few1 everywhere but in ,england and ,france4 ,it is a relevant question1 whether a mind possessing the requisites of first-rate eminence in speculation or creative art could have been expected1 on the mere calculation of chances1 to turn up during that lapse of time1 among the women whose tastes and personal position admitted of their devoting themselves to these pursuits4 ,in all things which there has yet been time for--in all but the very highest grades in the scale of excellence1 especially in the department in which they have been longest engaged1 literature 7both prose and poetry7--women have done quite as much1 have obtained fully as high prizes and as many of them1 as could be expected from the length of time and the number of competitors4 ,if we go back to the earlier period when very few women made the attempt1 yet some of those few made it with distinguished success4 ,the ,greeks always accounted ,sappho among their great poets2 and we may well suppose that ,myrtis1 said to have been the teacher of ,pindar1 and ,corinna1 who five times bore away from him the prize of poetry1 must at least have had sufficient merit to admit of being compared with that great name4 ,aspasia did not leave any philosophical writings2 but it is an admitted fact that ,socrates resorted to her for instruction1 and avowed himself to have obtained it4 ,if we consider the works of women in modern times1 and contrast them with those of men1 either in the literary or the artistic department1 such inferiority as may be observed resolves itself essentially into one thing3 but that is a most material one2 deficiency of originality4 ,not total deficiency2 for every production of mind which is of any substantive value1 has an originality of its own--is a conception of the mind itself1 not a copy of something else4 ,thoughts original1 in the sense of being unborrowed--of being derived from the thinker's own observations or intellectual processes--are abundant in the writings of women4 ,but they have not yet produced any of those great and luminous new ideas which form an era in thought1 nor those fundamentally new conceptions in art1 which open a vista of possible effects not before thought of1 and found a new school4 ,their compositions are mostly grounded on the existing fund of thought1 and their creations do not deviate widely from existing types4 ,this is the sort of inferiority which their works manifest3 for in point of execution1 in the detailed application of thought1 and the perfection of style1 there is no inferiority4 ,our best novelists in point of composition1 and of the management of detail1 have mostly been women2 and there is not in all modern literature a more eloquent vehicle of thought than the style of ,madame de ,stael1 nor1 as a specimen of purely artistic excellence1 anything superior to the prose of ,madame ,sand1 whose style acts upon the nervous system like a symphony of ,haydn or ,mozart4 ,high originality of conception is1 as ,i have said1 what is chiefly wanting4 ,and now to examine if there is any manner in which this deficiency can be accounted for4 ,let us remember1 then1 so far as regards mere thought1 that during all that period in the world's existence1 and in the progress of cultivation1 in which great and fruitful new truths could be arrived at by mere force of genius1 with little previous study and accumulation of knowledge--during all that time women did not concern themselves with speculation at all4 ,from the days of ,hypatia to those of the ,reformation1 the illustrious ,heloisa is almost the only woman to whom any such achievement might have been possible2 and we know not how great a capacity of speculation in her may have been lost to mankind by the misfortunes of her life4 ,never since any considerable number of women have begun to cultivate serious thought1 has originality been possible on easy terms4 ,nearly all the thoughts which can be reached by mere strength of original faculties1 have long since been arrived at2 and originality1 in any high sense of the word1 is now scarcely ever attained but by minds which have undergone elaborate discipline1 and are deeply versed in the results of previous thinking4 ,it is ,mr4 ,maurice1 ,i think1 who has remarked on the present age1 that its most original thinkers are those who have known most thoroughly what had been thought by their predecessors3 and this will always henceforth be the case4 ,every fresh stone in the edifice has now to be placed on the top of so many others1 that a long process of climbing1 and of carrying up materials1 has to be gone through by whoever aspires to take a share in the present stage of the work4 ,how many women are there who have gone through any such process8 ,mrs4 ,somerville1 alone perhaps of women1 knows as much of mathematics as is now needful for making any considerable mathematical discovery3 is it any proof of inferiority in women1 that she has not happened to be one of the two or three persons who in her lifetime have associated their names with some striking advancement of the science8 ,two women1 since political economy has been made a science1 have known enough of it to write usefully on the subject3 of how many of the innumerable men who have written on it during the same time1 is it possible with truth to say more8 ,if no woman has hitherto been a great historian1 what woman has had the necessary erudition8 ,if no woman is a great philologist1 what woman has studied ,sanscrit and ,slavonic1 the ,gothic of ,ulphila and the ,persic of the ,zendavesta8 ,even in practical matters we all know what is the value of the originality of untaught geniuses4 ,it means1 inventing over again in its rudimentary form something already invented and improved upon by many successive inventors4 ,when women have had the preparation which all men now require to be eminently original1 it will be time enough to begin judging by experience of their capacity for originality4 ,it no doubt often happens that a person1 who has not widely and accurately studied the thoughts of others on a subject1 has by natural sagacity a happy intuition1 which he can suggest1 but cannot prove1 which yet when matured may be an important addition to knowledge3 but even then1 no justice can be done to it until some other person1 who does possess the previous acquirements1 takes it in hand1 tests it1 gives it a scientific or practical form1 and fits it into its place among the existing truths of philosophy or science4 ,is it supposed that such felicitous thoughts do not occur to women8 ,they occur by hundreds to every woman of intellect4 ,but they are mostly lost1 for want of a husband or friend who has the other knowledge which can enable him to estimate them properly and bring them before the world3 and even when they are brought before it1 they generally appear as his ideas1 not their real author's4 ,who can tell how many of the most original thoughts put forth by male writers1 belong to a woman by suggestion1 to themselves only by verifying and working out8 ,if ,i may judge by my own case1 a very large proportion indeed4 ,if we turn from pure speculation to literature in the narrow sense of the term1 and the fine arts1 there is a very obvious reason why women's literature is1 in its general conception and in its main features1 an imitation of men's4 ,why is the ,roman literature1 as critics proclaim to satiety1 not original1 but an imitation of the ,greek8 ,simply because the ,greeks came first4 ,if women lived in a different country from men1 and had never read any of their writings1 they would have had a literature of their own4 ,as it is1 they have not created one1 because they found a highly advanced literature already created4 ,if there had been no suspension of the knowledge of antiquity1 or if the ,renaissance had occurred before the ,gothic cathedrals were built1 they never would have been built4 ,we see that1 in ,france and ,italy1 imitation of the ancient literature stopped the original development even after it had commenced4 ,all women who write are pupils of the great male writers4 ,a painter's early pictures1 even if he be a ,raffaelle1 are undistinguishable in style from those of his master4 ,even a ,mozart does not display his powerful originality in his earliest pieces4 ,what years are to a gifted individual1 generations are to a mass4 ,if women's literature is destined to have a different collective character from that of men1 depending on any difference of natural tendencies1 much longer time is necessary than has yet elapsed1 before it can emancipate itself from the influence of accepted models1 and guide itself by its own impulses4 ,but if1 as ,i believe1 there will not prove to be any natural tendencies common to women1 and distinguishing their genius from that of men1 yet every individual writer among them has her individual tendencies1 which at present are still subdued by the influence of precedent and example3 and it will require generations more1 before their individuality is sufficiently developed to make head against that influence4 ,it is in the fine arts1 properly so called1 that the prima facie evidence of inferior original powers in women at first sight appears the strongest3 since opinion 7it may be said7 does not exclude them from these1 but rather encourages them1 and their education1 instead of passing over this department1 is in the affluent classes mainly composed of it4 ,yet in this line of exertion they have fallen still more short than in many others1 of the highest eminence attained by men4 ,this shortcoming1 however1 needs no other explanation than the familiar fact1 more universally true in the fine arts than in anything else2 the vast superiority of professional persons over amateurs4 ,women in the educated classes are almost universally taught more or less of some branch or other of the fine arts1 but not that they may gain their living or their social consequence by it4 ,women artists are all amateurs4 ,the exceptions are only of the kind which confirm the general truth4 ,women are taught music1 but not for the purpose of composing1 only of executing it3 and accordingly it is only as composers1 that men1 in music1 are superior to women4 ,the only one of the fine arts which women do follow1 to any extent1 as a profession1 and an occupation for life1 is the histrionic2 and in that they are confessedly equal1 if not superior1 to men4 ,to make the comparison fair1 it should be made between the productions of women in any branch of art1 and those of men not following it as a profession4 ,in musical composition1 for example1 women surely have produced fully as good things as have ever been produced by male amateurs4 ,there are now a few women1 a very few1 who practise painting as a profession1 and these are already beginning to show quite as much talent as could be expected4 ,even male painters 7pace ,mr4 ,ruskin7 have not made any very remarkable figure these last centuries1 and it will be long before they do so4 ,the reason why the old painters were so greatly superior to the modern1 is that a greatly superior class of men applied themselves to the art4 ,in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the ,italian painters were the most accomplished men of their age4 ,the greatest of them were men of encyclopaedical acquirements and powers1 like the great men of ,greece4 ,but in their times fine art was1 to men's feelings and conceptions1 among the grandest things in which a human being could excel2 and by it men were made1 what only political or military distinction now makes them1 the companions of sovereigns1 and the equals of the highest nobility4 ,in the present age1 men of anything like similar calibre find something more important to do1 for their own fame and the uses of the modern world1 than painting3 and it is only now and then that a ,reynolds or a ,turner 7of whose relative rank among eminent men ,i do not pretend to an opinion7 applies himself to that art4 ,music belongs to a different order of things2 it does not require the same general powers of mind1 but seems more dependant on a natural gift3 and it may be thought surprising that no one of the great musical composers has been a woman4 ,but even this natural gift1 to be made available for great creations1 requires study1 and professional devotion to the pursuit4 ,the only countries which have produced first-rate composers1 even of the male sex1 are ,germany and ,italy--countries in which1 both in point of special and of general cultivation1 women have remained far behind ,france and ,england1 being generally 7it may be said without exaggeration7 very little educated1 and having scarcely cultivated at all any of the higher faculties of mind4 ,and in those countries the men who are acquainted with the principles of musical composition must be counted by hundreds1 or more probably by thousands1 the women barely by scores3 so that here again1 on the doctrine of averages1 we cannot reasonably expect to see more than one eminent woman to fifty eminent men2 and the last three centuries have not produced fifty eminent male composers either in ,germany or in ,italy4 ,there are other reasons1 besides those which we have now given1 that help to explain why women remain behind men1 even in the pursuits which are open to both4 ,for one thing1 very few women have time for them4 ,this may seem a paradox2 it is an undoubted social fact4 ,the time and thoughts of every woman have to satisfy great previous demands on them for things practical4 ,there is1 first1 the superintendence of the family and the domestic expenditure1 which occupies at least one woman in every family1 generally the one of mature years and acquired experience2 unless the family is so rich as to admit of delegating that task to hired agency1 and submitting to all the waste and malversation inseparable from that mode of conducting it4 ,the superintendence of a household1 even when not in other respects laborious1 is extremely onerous to the thoughts2 it requires incessant vigilance1 an eye which no detail escapes1 and presents questions for consideration and solution1 foreseen and unforeseen1 at every hour of the day1 from which the person responsible for them can hardly ever shake herself free4 ,if a woman is of a rank and circumstances which relieve her in a measure from these cares1 she has still devolving on her the management for the whole family of its intercourse with others--of what is called society1 and the less the call made on her by the former duty1 the greater is always the development of the latter3 the dinner parties1 concerts1 evening parties1 morning visits1 letter writing1 and all that goes with them4 ,all this is over and above the engrossing duty which society imposes exclusively on women1 of making themselves charming4 ,a clever woman of the higher ranks finds nearly a sufficient employment of her talents in cultivating the graces of manner and the arts of conversation4 ,to look only at the outward side of the subject3 the great and continual exercise of thought which all women who attach any value to dressing well 7,i do not mean expensively1 but with taste1 and perception of natural and of artificial convenance7 must bestow upon their own dress1 perhaps also upon that of their daughters1 would alone go a great way towards achieving respectable results in art1 or science1 or literature1 and does actually exhaust much of the time and mental power they might have to spare for either4#b ,if it were possible that all this number of little practical interests 7which are made great to them7 should leave them either much leisure1 or much energy and freedom of mind1 to be devoted to art or speculation1 they must have a much greater original supply of active faculty than the vast majority of men4 ,but this is not all4 ,independently of the regular offices of life which devolve upon a woman1 she is expected to have her time and faculties always at the disposal of everybody4 ,if a man has not a profession to exempt him from such demands1 still1 if he has a pursuit1 he offends nobody by devoting his time to it2 occupation is received as a valid excuse for his not answering to every casual demand which may be made on him4 ,are a woman's occupations1 especially her chosen and voluntary ones1 ever regarded as excusing her from any of what are termed the calls of society8 ,scarcely are her most necessary and recognised duties allowed as an exemption4 ,it requires an illness in the family1 or something else out of the common way1 to entitle her to give her own business the precedence over other people's amusement4 ,she must always be at the beck and call of somebody1 generally of everybody4 ,if she has a study or a pursuit1 she must snatch any short interval which accidentally occurs to be employed in it4 ,a celebrated woman1 in a work which ,i hope will some day be published1 remarks truly that everything a woman does is done at odd times4 ,is it wonderful1 then1 if she does not attain the highest eminence in things which require consecutive attention1 and the concentration on them of the chief interest of life8 ,such is philosophy1 and such1 above all1 is art1 in which1 besides the devotion of the thoughts and feelings1 the hand also must be kept in constant exercise to attain high skill4 ,there is another consideration to be added to all these4 ,in the various arts and intellectual occupations1 there is a degree of proficiency sufficient for living by it1 and there is a higher degree on which depend the great productions which immortalize a name4 ,to the attainment of the former1 there are adequate motives in the case of all who follow the pursuit professionally3 the other is hardly ever attained where there is not1 or where there has not been at some period of life1 an ardent desire of celebrity4 ,nothing less is commonly a sufficient stimulus to undergo the long and patient drudgery1 which1 in the case even of the greatest natural gifts1 is absolutely required for great eminence in pursuits in which we already possess so many splendid memorials of the highest genius4 ,now1 whether the cause be natural or artificial1 women seldom have this eagerness for fame4 ,their ambition is generally confined within narrower bounds4 ,the influence they seek is over those who immediately surround them4 ,their desire is to be liked1 loved1 or admired1 by those whom they see with their eyes3 and the proficiency in knowledge1 arts1 and accomplishments1 which is sufficient for that1 almost always contents them4 ,this is a trait of character which cannot be left out of the account in judging of women as they are4 ,i do not at all believe that it is inherent in women4 ,it is only the natural result of their circumstances4 ,the love of fame in men is encouraged by education and opinion3 to scorn delights and live laborious days for its sake1 is accounted the part of noble minds1 even if spoken of as their last infirmity1 and is stimulated by the access which fame gives to all objects of ambition1 including even the favour of women2 while to women themselves all these objects are closed1 and the desire of fame itself considered daring and unfeminine4 ,besides1 how could it be that a woman's interests should not be all concentrated upon the impressions made on those who come into her daily life1 when society has ordained that all her duties should be to them1 and has contrived that all her comforts should depend on them8 ,the natural desire of consideration from our fellow creatures is as strong in a woman as in a man2 but society has so ordered things that public consideration is1 in all ordinary cases1 only attainable by her through the consideration of her husband or of her male relations1 while her private consideration is forfeited by making herself individually prominent1 or appearing in any other character than that of an appendage to men4 ,whoever is in the least capable of estimating the influence on the mind of the entire domestic and social position and the whole habit of a life1 must easily recognise in that influence a complete explanation of nearly all the apparent differences between women and men1 including the whole of those which imply any inferiority4 ,as for moral differences1 considered as distinguished from intellectual1 the distinction commonly drawn is to the advantage of women4 ,they are declared to be better than men2 an empty compliment1 which must provoke a bitter smile from every woman of spirit1 since there is no other situation in life in which it is the established order1 and considered quite natural and suitable1 that the better should obey the worse4 ,if this piece of idle talk is good for anything1 it is only as an admission by men1 of the corrupting influence of power2 for that is certainly the only truth which the fact1 if it be a fact1 either proves or illustrates4 ,and it is true that servitude1 except when it actually brutalizes1 though corrupting to both1 is less so to the slaves than to the slave-masters4 ,it is wholesomer for the moral nature to be restrained1 even by arbitrary power1 than to be allowed to exercise arbitrary power without restraint4 ,women1 it is said1 seldomer fall under the penal law--contribute a much smaller number of offenders to the criminal calendar1 than men4 ,i doubt not that the same thing may be said1 with the same truth1 of negro slaves4 ,those who are under the control of others cannot often commit crimes1 unless at the command and for the purposes of their masters4 ,i do not know a more signal instance of the blindness with which the world1 including the herd of studious men1 ignore and pass over all the influences of social circumstances1 than their silly depreciation of the intellectual1 and silly panegyrics on the moral1 nature of women4 ,the complimentary dictum about women's superior moral goodness may be allowed to pair off with the disparaging one respecting their greater liability to moral bias4 ,women1 we are told1 are not capable of resisting their personal partialities3 their judgment in grave affairs is warped by their sympathies and antipathies4 ,assuming it to be so1 it is still to be proved that women are oftener misled by their personal feelings than men by their personal interests4 ,the chief difference would seem in that case to be1 that men are led from the course of duty and the public interest by their regard for themselves1 women 7not being allowed to have private interests of their own7 by their regard for somebody else4 ,it is also to be considered1 that all the education which women receive from society inculcates on them the feeling that the individuals connected with them are the only ones to whom they owe any duty--the only ones whose interest they are called upon to care for2 while1 as far as education is concerned1 they are left strangers even to the elementary ideas which are presupposed in any intelligent regard for larger interests or higher moral objects4 ,the complaint against them resolves itself merely into this1 that they fulfil only too faithfully the sole duty which they are taught1 and almost the only one which they are permitted to practise4 ,the concessions of the privileged to the unprivileged are so seldom brought about by any better motive than the power of the unprivileged to extort them1 that any arguments against the prerogative of sex are likely to be little attended to by the generality1 as long as they are able to say to themselves that women do not complain of it4 ,that fact certainly enables men to retain the unjust privilege some time longer2 but does not render it less unjust4 ,exactly the same thing may be said of the women in the harem of an ,oriental3 they do not complain of not being allowed the freedom of ,european women4 ,they think our women insufferably bold and unfeminine4 ,how rarely it is that even men complain of the general order of society2 and how much rarer still would such complaint be1 if they did not know of any different order existing anywhere else4 ,women do not complain of the general lot of women2 or rather they do1 for plaintive elegies on it are very common in the writings of women1 and were still more so as long as the lamentations could not be suspected of having any practical object4 ,their complaints are like the complaints which men make of the general unsatisfactoriness of human life2 they are not meant to imply blame1 or to plead for any change4 ,but though women do not complain of the power of husbands1 each complains of her own husband1 or of the husbands of her friends4 ,it is the same in all other cases of servitude1 at least in the commencement of the emancipatory movement4 ,the serfs did not at first complain of the power of their lords1 but only of their tyranny4 ,the ,commons began by claiming a few municipal privileges2 they next asked an exemption for themselves from being taxed without their own consent2 but they would at that time have thought it a great presumption to claim any share in the king's sovereign authority4 ,the case of women is now the only case in which to rebel against established rules is still looked upon with the same eyes as was formerly a subject's claim to the right of rebelling against his king4 ,a woman who joins in any movement which her husband disapproves1 makes herself a martyr1 without even being able to be an apostle1 for the husband can legally put a stop to her apostleship4 ,women cannot be expected to devote themselves to the emancipation of women1 until men in considerable number are prepared to join with them in the undertaking4 ,footnote #a3 ,especially is this true if we take into consideration ,asia as well as ,europe4 ,if a ,hindoo principality is strongly1 vigilantly1 and economically governed2 if order is preserved without oppression2 if cultivation is extending1 and the people prosperous1 in three cases out of four that principality is under a woman's rule4 ,this fact1 to me an entirely unexpected one1 ,i have collected from a long official knowledge of ,hindoo governments4 ,there are many such instances3 for though1 by ,hindoo institutions1 a woman cannot reign1 she is the legal regent of a kingdom during the minority of the heir2 and minorities are frequent1 the lives of the male rulers being so often prematurely terminated through the effect of inactivity and sensual excesses4 ,when we consider that these princesses have never been seen in public1 have never conversed with any man not of their own family except from behind a curtain1 that they do not read1 and if they did1 there is no book in their languages which can give them the smallest instruction on political affairs2 the example they afford of the natural capacity of women for government is very striking4 ,footnote #b3 ,it appears to be the same right turn of mind which enables a man to acquire the truth1 or the just idea of what is right1 in the ornaments1 as in the more stable principles of art4 ,it has still the same centre of perfection1 though it is the centre of a smaller circle4--,to illustrate this by the fashion of dress1 in which there is allowed to be a good or bad taste4 ,the component parts of dress are continually changing from great to little1 from short to long2 but the general form still remains3 it is still the same general dress which is comparatively fixed1 though on a very slender foundation2 but it is on this which fashion must rest4 ,he who invents with the most success1 or dresses in the best taste1 would probably1 from the same sagacity employed to greater purposes1 have discovered equal skill1 or have formed the same correct taste1 in the highest labours of art4--,sir ,joshua ,reynolds' ,discourses1 ,disc4 vii4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,there remains a question1 not of less importance than those already discussed1 and which will be asked the most importunately by those opponents whose conviction is somewhat shaken on the main point4 ,what good are we to expect from the changes proposed in our customs and institutions8 ,would mankind be at all better off if women were free8 ,if not1 why disturb their minds1 and attempt to make a social revolution in the name of an abstract right8 ,it is hardly to be expected that this question will be asked in respect to the change proposed in the condition of women in marriage4 ,the sufferings1 immoralities1 evils of all sorts1 produced in innumerable cases by the subjection of individual women to individual men1 are far too terrible to be overlooked4 ,unthinking or uncandid persons1 counting those cases alone which are extreme1 or which attain publicity1 may say that the evils are exceptional2 but no one can be blind to their existence1 nor1 in many cases1 to their intensity4 ,and it is perfectly obvious that the abuse of the power cannot be very much checked while the power remains4 ,it is a power given1 or offered1 not to good men1 or to decently respectable men1 but to all men2 the most brutal1 and the most criminal4 ,there is no check but that of opinion1 and such men are in general within the reach of no opinion but that of men like themselves4 ,if such men did not brutally tyrannize over the one human being whom the law compels to bear everything from them1 society must already have reached a paradisiacal state4 ,there could be no need any longer of laws to curb men's vicious propensities4 ,astraea must not only have returned to earth1 but the heart of the worst man must have become her temple4 ,the law of servitude in marriage is a monstrous contradiction to all the principles of the modern world1 and to all the experience through which those principles have been slowly and painfully worked out4 ,it is the sole case1 now that negro slavery has been abolished1 in which a human being in the plenitude of every faculty is delivered up to the tender mercies of another human being1 in the hope forsooth that this other will use the power solely for the good of the person subjected to it4 ,marriage is the only actual bondage known to our law4 ,there remain no legal slaves1 except the mistress of every house4 ,it is not1 therefore1 on this part of the subject1 that the question is likely to be asked1 ,cui bono8 ,we may be told that the evil would outweigh the good1 but the reality of the good admits of no dispute4 ,in regard1 however1 to the larger question1 the removal of women's disabilities--their recognition as the equals of men in all that belongs to citizenship--the opening to them of all honourable employments1 and of the training and education which qualifies for those employments--there are many persons for whom it is not enough that the inequality has no just or legitimate defence2 they require to be told what express advantage would be obtained by abolishing it4 ,to which let me first answer1 the advantage of having the most universal and pervading of all human relations regulated by justice instead of injustice4 ,the vast amount of this gain to human nature1 it is hardly possible1 by any explanation or illustration1 to place in a stronger light than it is placed by the bare statement1 to any one who attaches a moral meaning to words4 ,all the selfish propensities1 the self-worship1 the unjust self-preference1 which exist among mankind1 have their source and root in1 and derive their principal nourishment from1 the present constitution of the relation between men and women4 ,think what it is to a boy1 to grow up to manhood in the belief that without any merit or any exertion of his own1 though he may be the most frivolous and empty or the most ignorant and stolid of mankind1 by the mere fact of being born a male he is by right the superior of all and every one of an entire half of the human race3 including probably some whose real superiority to himself he has daily or hourly occasion to feel2 but even if in his whole conduct he habitually follows a woman's guidance1 still1 if he is a fool1 she thinks that of course she is not1 and cannot be1 equal in ability and judgment to himself2 and if he is not a fool1 he does worse--he sees that she is superior to him1 and believes that1 notwithstanding her superiority1 he is entitled to command and she is bound to obey4 ,what must be the effect on his character1 of this lesson8 ,and men of the cultivated classes are often not aware how deeply it sinks into the immense majority of male minds4 ,for1 among right-feeling and well-bred people1 the inequality is kept as much as possible out of sight2 above all1 out of sight of the children4 ,as much obedience is required from boys to their mother as to their father3 they are not permitted to domineer over their sisters1 nor are they accustomed to see these postponed to them1 but the contrary2 the compensations of the chivalrous feeling being made prominent1 while the servitude which requires them is kept in the background4 ,well brought-up youths in the higher classes thus often escape the bad influences of the situation in their early years1 and only experience them when1 arrived at manhood1 they fall under the dominion of facts as they really exist4 ,such people are little aware1 when a boy is differently brought up1 how early the notion of his inherent superiority to a girl arises in his mind2 how it grows with his growth and strengthens with his strength2 how it is inoculated by one schoolboy upon another2 how early the youth thinks himself superior to his mother1 owing her perhaps forbearance1 but no real respect2 and how sublime and sultan-like a sense of superiority he feels1 above all1 over the woman whom he honours by admitting her to a partnership of his life4 ,is it imagined that all this does not pervert the whole manner of existence of the man1 both as an individual and as a social being8 ,it is an exact parallel to the feeling of a hereditary king that he is excellent above others by being born a king1 or a noble by being born a noble4 ,the relation between husband and wife is very like that between lord and vassal1 except that the wife is held to more unlimited obedience than the vassal was4 ,however the vassal's character may have been affected1 for better and for worse1 by his subordination1 who can help seeing that the lord's was affected greatly for the worse8 whether he was led to believe that his vassals were really superior to himself1 or to feel that he was placed in command over people as good as himself1 for no merits or labours of his own1 but merely for having1 as ,figaro says1 taken the trouble to be born4 ,the self-worship of the monarch1 or of the feudal superior1 is matched by the self-worship of the male4 ,human beings do not grow up from childhood in the possession of unearned distinctions1 without pluming themselves upon them4 ,those whom privileges not acquired by their merit1 and which they feel to be disproportioned to it1 inspire with additional humility1 are always the few1 and the best few4 ,the rest are only inspired with pride1 and the worst sort of pride1 that which values itself upon accidental advantages1 not of its own achieving4 ,above all1 when the feeling of being raised above the whole of the other sex is combined with personal authority over one individual among them2 the situation1 if a school of conscientious and affectionate forbearance to those whose strongest points of character are conscience and affection1 is to men of another quality a regularly constituted ,academy or ,gymnasium for training them in arrogance and overbearingness2 which vices1 if curbed by the certainty of resistance in their intercourse with other men1 their equals1 break out towards all who are in a position to be obliged to tolerate them1 and often revenge themselves upon the unfortunate wife for the involuntary restraint which they are obliged to submit to elsewhere4 ,the example afforded1 and the education given to the sentiments1 by laying the foundation of domestic existence upon a relation contradictory to the first principles of social justice1 must1 from the very nature of man1 have a perverting influence of such magnitude1 that it is hardly possible with our present experience to raise our imaginations to the conception of so great a change for the better as would be made by its removal4 ,all that education and civilization are doing to efface the influences on character of the law of force1 and replace them by those of justice1 remains merely on the surface1 as long as the citadel of the enemy is not attacked4 ,the principle of the modern movement in morals and politics1 is that conduct1 and conduct alone1 entitles to respect3 that not what men are1 but what they do1 constitutes their claim to deference2 that1 above all1 merit1 and not birth1 is the only rightful claim to power and authority4 ,if no authority1 not in its nature temporary1 were allowed to one human being over another1 society would not be employed in building up propensities with one hand which it has to curb with the other4 ,the child would really1 for the first time in man's existence on earth1 be trained in the way he should go1 and when he was old there would be a chance that he would not depart from it4 ,but so long as the right of the strong to power over the weak rules in the very heart of society1 the attempt to make the equal right of the weak the principle of its outward actions will always be an uphill struggle2 for the law of justice1 which is also that of ,christianity1 will never get possession of men's inmost sentiments2 they will be working against it1 even when bending to it4 ,the second benefit to be expected from giving to women the free use of their faculties1 by leaving them the free choice of their employments1 and opening to them the same field of occupation and the same prizes and encouragements as to other human beings1 would be that of doubling the mass of mental faculties available for the higher service of humanity4 ,where there is now one person qualified to benefit mankind and promote the general improvement1 as a public teacher1 or an administrator of some branch of public or social affairs1 there would then be a chance of two4 ,mental superiority of any kind is at present everywhere so much below the demand2 there is such a deficiency of persons competent to do excellently anything which it requires any considerable amount of ability to do2 that the loss to the world1 by refusing to make use of one-half of the whole quantity of talent it possesses1 is extremely serious4 ,it is true that this amount of mental power is not totally lost4 ,much of it is employed1 and would in any case be employed1 in domestic management1 and in the few other occupations open to women2 and from the remainder indirect benefit is in many individual cases obtained1 through the personal influence of individual women over individual men4 ,but these benefits are partial2 their range is extremely circumscribed2 and if they must be admitted1 on the one hand1 as a deduction from the amount of fresh social power that would be acquired by giving freedom to one-half of the whole sum of human intellect1 there must be added1 on the other1 the benefit of the stimulus that would be given to the intellect of men by the competition2 or 7to use a more true expression7 by the necessity that would be imposed on them of deserving precedency before they could expect to obtain it4 ,this great accession to the intellectual power of the species1 and to the amount of intellect available for the good management of its affairs1 would be obtained1 partly1 through the better and more complete intellectual education of women1 which would then improve pari passu with that of men4 ,women in general would be brought up equally capable of understanding business1 public affairs1 and the higher matters of speculation1 with men in the same class of society2 and the select few of the one as well as of the other sex1 who were qualified not only to comprehend what is done or thought by others1 but to think or do something considerable themselves1 would meet with the same facilities for improving and training their capacities in the one sex as in the other4 ,in this way1 the widening of the sphere of action for women would operate for good1 by raising their education to the level of that of men1 and making the one participate in all improvements made in the other4 ,but independently of this1 the mere breaking down of the barrier would of itself have an educational virtue of the highest worth4 ,the mere getting rid of the idea that all the wider subjects of thought and action1 all the things which are of general and not solely of private interest1 are men's business1 from which women are to be warned off--positively interdicted from most of it1 coldly tolerated in the little which is allowed them--the mere consciousness a woman would then have of being a human being like any other1 entitled to choose her pursuits1 urged or invited by the same inducements as any one else to interest herself in whatever is interesting to human beings1 entitled to exert the share of influence on all human concerns which belongs to an individual opinion1 whether she attempted actual participation in them or not--this alone would effect an immense expansion of the faculties of women1 as well as enlargement of the range of their moral sentiments4 ,besides the addition to the amount of individual talent available for the conduct of human affairs1 which certainly are not at present so abundantly provided in that respect that they can afford to dispense with one-half of what nature proffers2 the opinion of women would then possess a more beneficial1 rather than a greater1 influence upon the general mass of human belief and sentiment4 ,i say a more beneficial1 rather than a greater influence2 for the influence of women over the general tone of opinion has always1 or at least from the earliest known period1 been very considerable4 ,the influence of mothers on the early character of their sons1 and the desire of young men to recommend themselves to young women1 have in all recorded times been important agencies in the formation of character1 and have determined some of the chief steps in the progress of civilization4 ,even in the ,homeric age1 ,greek3 aidos towards the ,greek3 ,troadas ,greek3 helkesipeplous is an acknowledged and powerful motive of action in the great ,hector4 ,the moral influence of women has had two modes of operation4 ,first1 it has been a softening influence4 ,those who were most liable to be the victims of violence1 have naturally tended as much as they could towards limiting its sphere and mitigating its excesses4 ,those who were not taught to fight1 have naturally inclined in favour of any other mode of settling differences rather than that of fighting4 ,in general1 those who have been the greatest sufferers by the indulgence of selfish passion1 have been the most earnest supporters of any moral law which offered a means of bridling passion4 ,women were powerfully instrumental in inducing the northern conquerors to adopt the creed of ,christianity1 a creed so much more favourable to women than any that preceded it4 ,the conversion of the ,anglo-,saxons and of the ,franks may be said to have been begun by the wives of ,ethelbert and ,clovis4 ,the other mode in which the effect of women's opinion has been conspicuous1 is by giving a powerful stimulus to those qualities in men1 which1 not being themselves trained in1 it was necessary for them that they should find in their protectors4 ,courage1 and the military virtues generally1 have at all times been greatly indebted to the desire which men felt of being admired by women3 and the stimulus reaches far beyond this one class of eminent qualities1 since1 by a very natural effect of their position1 the best passport to the admiration and favour of women has always been to be thought highly of by men4 ,from the combination of the two kinds of moral influence thus exercised by women1 arose the spirit of chivalry3 the peculiarity of which is1 to aim at combining the highest standard of the warlike qualities with the cultivation of a totally different class of virtues--those of gentleness1 generosity1 and self-abnegation1 towards the non-military and defenceless classes generally1 and a special submission and worship directed towards women2 who were distinguished from the other defenceless classes by the high rewards which they had it in their power voluntarily to bestow on those who endeavoured to earn their favour1 instead of extorting their subjection4 ,though the practice of chivalry fell even more sadly short of its theoretic standard than practice generally falls below theory1 it remains one of the most precious monuments of the moral history of our race2 as a remarkable instance of a concerted and organized attempt by a most disorganized and distracted society1 to raise up and carry into practice a moral ideal greatly in advance of its social condition and institutions2 so much so as to have been completely frustrated in the main object1 yet never entirely inefficacious1 and which has left a most sensible1 and for the most part a highly valuable impress on the ideas and feelings of all subsequent times4 ,the chivalrous ideal is the acme of the influence of women's sentiments on the moral cultivation of mankind3 and if women are to remain in their subordinate situation1 it were greatly to be lamented that the chivalrous standard should have passed away1 for it is the only one at all capable of mitigating the demoralizing influences of that position4 ,but the changes in the general state of the species rendered inevitable the substitution of a totally different ideal of morality for the chivalrous one4 ,chivalry was the attempt to infuse moral elements into a state of society in which everything depended for good or evil on individual prowess1 under the softening influences of individual delicacy and generosity4 ,in modern societies1 all things1 even in the military department of affairs1 are decided1 not by individual effort1 but by the combined operations of numbers2 while the main occupation of society has changed from fighting to business1 from military to industrial life4 ,the exigencies of the new life are no more exclusive of the virtues of generosity than those of the old1 but it no longer entirely depends on them4 ,the main foundations of the moral life of modern times must be justice and prudence2 the respect of each for the rights of every other1 and the ability of each to take care of himself4 ,chivalry left without legal check all forms of wrong which reigned unpunished throughout society2 it only encouraged a few to do right in preference to wrong1 by the direction it gave to the instruments of praise and admiration4 ,but the real dependence of morality must always be upon its penal sanctions--its power to deter from evil4 ,the security of society cannot rest on merely rendering honour to right1 a motive so comparatively weak in all but a few1 and which on very many does not operate at all4 ,modern society is able to repress wrong through all departments of life1 by a fit exertion of the superior strength which civilization has given it1 and thus to render the existence of the weaker members of society 7no longer defenceless but protected by law7 tolerable to them1 without reliance on the chivalrous feelings of those who are in a position to tyrannize4 ,the beauties and graces of the chivalrous character are still what they were1 but the rights of the weak1 and the general comfort of human life1 now rest on a far surer and steadier support2 or rather1 they do so in every relation of life except the conjugal4 ,at present the moral influence of women is no less real1 but it is no longer of so marked and definite a character3 it has more nearly merged in the general influence of public opinion4 ,both through the contagion of sympathy1 and through the desire of men to shine in the eyes of women1 their feelings have great effect in keeping alive what remains of the chivalrous ideal--in fostering the sentiments and continuing the traditions of spirit and generosity4 ,in these points of character1 their standard is higher than that of men2 in the quality of justice1 somewhat lower4 ,as regards the relations of private life it may be said generally1 that their influence is1 on the whole1 encouraging to the softer virtues1 discouraging to the sterner3 though the statement must be taken with all the modifications dependent on individual character4 ,in the chief of the greater trials to which virtue is subject in the concerns of life--the conflict between interest and principle--the tendency of women's influence is of a very mixed character4 ,when the principle involved happens to be one of the very few which the course of their religious or moral education has strongly impressed upon themselves1 they are potent auxiliaries to virtue3 and their husbands and sons are often prompted by them to acts of abnegation which they never would have been capable of without that stimulus4 ,but1 with the present education and position of women1 the moral principles which have been impressed on them cover but a comparatively small part of the field of virtue1 and are1 moreover1 principally negative2 forbidding particular acts1 but having little to do with the general direction of the thoughts and purposes4 ,i am afraid it must be said1 that disinterestedness in the general conduct of life--the devotion of the energies to purposes which hold out no promise of private advantages to the family--is very seldom encouraged or supported by women's influence4 ,it is small blame to them that they discourage objects of which they have not learnt to see the advantage1 and which withdraw their men from them1 and from the interests of the family4 ,but the consequence is that women's influence is often anything but favourable to public virtue4 ,women have1 however1 some share of influence in giving the tone to public moralities since their sphere of action has been a little widened1 and since a considerable number of them have occupied themselves practically in the promotion of objects reaching beyond their own family and household4 ,the influence of women counts for a great deal in two of the most marked features of modern ,european life--its aversion to war1 and its addiction to philanthropy4 ,excellent characteristics both2 but unhappily1 if the influence of women is valuable in the encouragement it gives to these feelings in general1 in the particular applications the direction it gives to them is at least as often mischievous as useful4 ,in the philanthropic department more particularly1 the two provinces chiefly cultivated by women are religious proselytism and charity4 ,religious proselytism at home1 is but another word for embittering of religious animosities3 abroad1 it is usually a blind running at an object1 without either knowing or heeding the fatal mischiefs--fatal to the religious object itself as well as to all other desirable objects--which may be produced by the means employed4 ,as for charity1 it is a matter in which the immediate effect on the persons directly concerned1 and the ultimate consequence to the general good1 are apt to be at complete war with one another3 while the education given to women--an education of the sentiments rather than of the understanding--and the habit inculcated by their whole life1 of looking to immediate effects on persons1 and not to remote effects on classes of persons--make them both unable to see1 and unwilling to admit1 the ultimate evil tendency of any form of charity or philanthropy which commends itself to their sympathetic feelings4 ,the great and continually increasing mass of unenlightened and shortsighted benevolence1 which1 taking the care of people's lives out of their own hands1 and relieving them from the disagreeable consequences of their own acts1 saps the very foundations of the self-respect1 self-help1 and self-control which are the essential conditions both of individual prosperity and of social virtue--this waste of resources and of benevolent feelings in doing harm instead of good1 is immensely swelled by women's contributions1 and stimulated by their influence4 ,not that this is a mistake likely to be made by women1 where they have actually the practical management of schemes of beneficence4 ,it sometimes happens that women who administer public charities--with that insight into present fact1 and especially into the minds and feelings of those with whom they are in immediate contact1 in which women generally excel men--recognise in the clearest manner the demoralizing influence of the alms given or the help afforded1 and could give lessons on the subject to many a male political economist4 ,but women who only give their money1 and are not brought face to face with the effects it produces1 how can they be expected to foresee them8 ,a woman born to the present lot of women1 and content with it1 how should she appreciate the value of self-dependence8 ,she is not self-dependent2 she is not taught self-dependence2 her destiny is to receive everything from others1 and why should what is good enough for her be bad for the poor8 ,her familiar notions of good are of blessings descending from a superior4 ,she forgets that she is not free1 and that the poor are2 that if what they need is given to them unearned1 they cannot be compelled to earn it3 that everybody cannot be taken care of by everybody1 but there must be some motive to induce people to take care of themselves2 and that to be helped to help themselves1 if they are physically capable of it1 is the only charity which proves to be charity in the end4 ,these considerations show how usefully the part which women take in the formation of general opinion1 would be modified for the better by that more enlarged instruction1 and practical conversancy with the things which their opinions influence1 that would necessarily arise from their social and political emancipation4 ,but the improvement it would work through the influence they exercise1 each in her own family1 would be still more remarkable4 ,it is often said that in the classes most exposed to temptation1 a man's wife and children tend to keep him honest and respectable1 both by the wife's direct influence1 and by the concern he feels for their future welfare4 ,this may be so1 and no doubt often is so1 with those who are more weak than wicked2 and this beneficial influence would be preserved and strengthened under equal laws2 it does not depend on the woman's servitude1 but is1 on the contrary1 diminished by the disrespect which the inferior class of men always at heart feel towards those who are subject to their power4 ,but when we ascend higher in the scale1 we come among a totally different set of moving forces4 ,the wife's influence tends1 as far as it goes1 to prevent the husband from falling below the common standard of approbation of the country4 ,it tends quite as strongly to hinder him from rising above it4 ,the wife is the auxiliary of the common public opinion4 ,a man who is married to a woman his inferior in intelligence1 finds her a perpetual dead weight1 or1 worse than a dead weight1 a drag1 upon every aspiration of his to be better than public opinion requires him to be4 ,it is hardly possible for one who is in these bonds1 to attain exalted virtue4 ,if he differs in his opinion from the mass--if he sees truths which have not yet dawned upon them1 or if1 feeling in his heart truths which they nominally recognise1 he would like to act up to those truths more conscientiously than the generality of mankind--to all such thoughts and desires1 marriage is the heaviest of drawbacks1 unless he be so fortunate as to have a wife as much above the common level as he himself is4 ,for1 in the first place1 there is always some sacrifice of personal interest required2 either of social consequence1 or of pecuniary means2 perhaps the risk of even the means of subsistence4 ,these sacrifices and risks he may be willing to encounter for himself2 but he will pause before he imposes them on his family4 ,and his family in this case means his wife and daughters2 for he always hopes that his sons will feel as he feels himself1 and that what he can do without1 they will do without1 willingly1 in the same cause4 ,but his daughters--their marriage may depend upon it3 and his wife1 who is unable to enter into or understand the objects for which these sacrifices are made--who1 if she thought them worth any sacrifice1 would think so on trust1 and solely for his sake--who can participate in none of the enthusiasm or the self-approbation he himself may feel1 while the things which he is disposed to sacrifice are all in all to her2 will not the best and most unselfish man hesitate the longest before bringing on her this consequence8 ,if it be not the comforts of life1 but only social consideration1 that is at stake1 the burthen upon his conscience and feelings is still very severe4 ,whoever has a wife and children has given hostages to ,mrs4 ,grundy4 ,the approbation of that potentate may be a matter of indifference to him1 but it is of great importance to his wife4 ,the man himself may be above opinion1 or may find sufficient compensation in the opinion of those of his own way of thinking4 ,but to the women connected with him1 he can offer no compensation4 ,the almost invariable tendency of the wife to place her influence in the same scale with social consideration1 is sometimes made a reproach to women1 and represented as a peculiar trait of feebleness and childishness of character in them3 surely with great injustice4 ,society makes the whole life of a woman1 in the easy classes1 a continued self-sacrifice2 it exacts from her an unremitting restraint of the whole of her natural inclinations1 and the sole return it makes to her for what often deserves the name of a martyrdom1 is consideration4 ,her consideration is inseparably connected with that of her husband1 and after paying the full price for it1 she finds that she is to lose it1 for no reason of which she can feel the cogency4 ,she has sacrificed her whole life to it1 and her husband will not sacrifice to it a whim1 a freak1 an eccentricity2 something not recognised or allowed for by the world1 and which the world will agree with her in thinking a folly1 if it thinks no worse6 ,the dilemma is hardest upon that very meritorious class of men1 who1 without possessing talents which qualify them to make a figure among those with whom they agree in opinion1 hold their opinion from conviction1 and feel bound in honour and conscience to serve it1 by making profession of their belief1 and giving their time1 labour1 and means1 to anything undertaken in its behalf4 ,the worst case of all is when such men happen to be of a rank and position which of itself neither gives them1 nor excludes them from1 what is considered the best society2 when their admission to it depends mainly on what is thought of them personally--and however unexceptionable their breeding and habits1 their being identified with opinions and public conduct unacceptable to those who give the tone to society would operate as an effectual exclusion4 ,many a woman flatters herself 7nine times out of ten quite erroneously7 that nothing prevents her and her husband from moving in the highest society of her neighbourhood--society in which others well known to her1 and in the same class of life1 mix freely--except that her husband is unfortunately a ,dissenter1 or has the reputation of mingling in low radical politics4 ,that it is1 she thinks1 which hinders ,george from getting a commission or a place1 ,caroline from making an advantageous match1 and prevents her and her husband from obtaining invitations1 perhaps honours1 which1 for aught she sees1 they are as well entitled to as some folks4 ,with such an influence in every house1 either exerted actively1 or operating all the more powerfully for not being asserted1 is it any wonder that people in general are kept down in that mediocrity of respectability which is becoming a marked characteristic of modern times8 ,there is another very injurious aspect in which the effect1 not of women's disabilities directly1 but of the broad line of difference which those disabilities create between the education and character of a woman and that of a man1 requires to be considered4 ,nothing can be more unfavourable to that union of thoughts and inclinations which is the ideal of married life4 ,intimate society between people radically dissimilar to one another1 is an idle dream4 ,unlikeness may attract1 but it is likeness which retains2 and in proportion to the likeness is the suitability of the individuals to give each other a happy life4 ,while women are so unlike men1 it is not wonderful that selfish men should feel the need of arbitrary power in their own hands1 to arrest in limine the life-long conflict of inclinations1 by deciding every question on the side of their own preference4 ,when people are extremely unlike1 there can be no real identity of interest4 ,very often there is conscientious difference of opinion between married people1 on the highest points of duty4 ,is there any reality in the marriage union where this takes place8 ,yet it is not uncommon anywhere1 when the woman has any earnestness of character2 and it is a very general case indeed in ,catholic countries1 when she is supported in her dissent by the only other authority to which she is taught to bow1 the priest4 ,with the usual barefacedness of power not accustomed to find itself disputed1 the influence of priests over women is attacked by ,protestant and ,liberal writers1 less for being bad in itself1 than because it is a rival authority to the husband1 and raises up a revolt against his infallibility4 ,in ,england1 similar differences occasionally exist when an ,evangelical wife has allied herself with a husband of a different quality2 but in general this source at least of dissension is got rid of1 by reducing the minds of women to such a nullity1 that they have no opinions but those of ,mrs4 ,grundy1 or those which the husband tells them to have4 ,when there is no difference of opinion1 differences merely of taste may be sufficient to detract greatly from the happiness of married life4 ,and though it may stimulate the amatory propensities of men1 it does not conduce to married happiness1 to exaggerate by differences of education whatever may be the native differences of the sexes4 ,if the married pair are well-bred and well-behaved people1 they tolerate each other's tastes2 but is mutual toleration what people look forward to1 when they enter into marriage8 ,these differences of inclination will naturally make their wishes different1 if not restrained by affection or duty1 as to almost all domestic questions which arise4 ,what a difference there must be in the society which the two persons will wish to frequent1 or be frequented by6 ,each will desire associates who share their own tastes3 the persons agreeable to one1 will be indifferent or positively disagreeable to the other2 yet there can be none who are not common to both1 for married people do not now live in different parts of the house and have totally different visiting lists1 as in the reign of ,louis ,,xv4 ,they cannot help having different wishes as to the bringing up of the children3 each will wish to see reproduced in them their own tastes and sentiments3 and there is either a compromise1 and only a half-satisfaction to either1 or the wife has to yield--often with bitter suffering2 and1 with or without intention1 her occult influence continues to counterwork the husband's purposes4 ,it would of course be extreme folly to suppose that these differences of feeling and inclination only exist because women are brought up differently from men1 and that there would not be differences of taste under any imaginable circumstances4 ,but there is nothing beyond the mark in saying that the distinction in bringing-up immensely aggravates those differences1 and renders them wholly inevitable4 ,while women are brought up as they are1 a man and a woman will but rarely find in one another real agreement of tastes and wishes as to daily life4 ,they will generally have to give it up as hopeless1 and renounce the attempt to have1 in the intimate associate of their daily life1 that idem velle1 idem nolle1 which is the recognised bond of any society that is really such3 or if the man succeeds in obtaining it1 he does so by choosing a woman who is so complete a nullity that she has no velle or nolle at all1 and is as ready to comply with one thing as another if anybody tells her to do so4 ,even this calculation is apt to fail2 dulness and want of spirit are not always a guarantee of the submission which is so confidently expected from them4 ,but if they were1 is this the ideal of marriage8 ,what1 in this case1 does the man obtain by it1 except an upper servant1 a nurse1 or a mistress8 ,on the contrary1 when each of two persons1 instead of being a nothing1 is a something2 when they are attached to one another1 and are not too much unlike to begin with2 the constant partaking in the same things1 assisted by their sympathy1 draws out the latent capacities of each for being interested in the things which were at first interesting only to the other2 and works a gradual assimilation of the tastes and characters to one another1 partly by the insensible modification of each1 but more by a real enriching of the two natures1 each acquiring the tastes and capacities of the other in addition to its own4 ,this often happens between two friends of the same sex1 who are much associated in their daily life3 and it would be a common1 if not the commonest1 case in marriage1 did not the totally different bringing-up of the two sexes make it next to an impossibility to form a really well-assorted union4 ,were this remedied1 whatever differences there might still be in individual tastes1 there would at least be1 as a general rule1 complete unity and unanimity as to the great objects of life4 ,when the two persons both care for great objects1 and are a help and encouragement to each other in whatever regards these1 the minor matters on which their tastes may differ are not all-important to them2 and there is a foundation for solid friendship1 of an enduring character1 more likely than anything else to make it1 through the whole of life1 a greater pleasure to each to give pleasure to the other1 than to receive it4 ,i have considered1 thus far1 the effects on the pleasures and benefits of the marriage union which depend on the mere unlikeness between the wife and the husband3 but the evil tendency is prodigiously aggravated when the unlikeness is inferiority4 ,mere unlikeness1 when it only means difference of good qualities1 may be more a benefit in the way of mutual improvement1 than a drawback from comfort4 ,when each emulates1 and desires and endeavours to acquire1 the other's peculiar qualities1 the difference does not produce diversity of interest1 but increased identity of it1 and makes each still more valuable to the other4 ,but when one is much the inferior of the two in mental ability and cultivation1 and is not actively attempting by the other's aid to rise to the other's level1 the whole influence of the connexion upon the development of the superior of the two is deteriorating3 and still more so in a tolerably happy marriage than in an unhappy one4 ,it is not with impunity that the superior in intellect shuts himself up with an inferior1 and elects that inferior for his chosen1 and sole completely intimate1 associate4 ,any society which is not improving1 is deteriorating3 and the more so1 the closer and more familiar it is4 ,even a really superior man almost always begins to deteriorate when he is habitually 7as the phrase is7 king of his company3 and in his most habitual company the husband who has a wife inferior to him is always so4 ,while his self-satisfaction is incessantly ministered to on the one hand1 on the other he insensibly imbibes the modes of feeling1 and of looking at things1 which belong to a more vulgar or a more limited mind than his own4 ,this evil differs from many of those which have hitherto been dwelt on1 by being an increasing one4 ,the association of men with women in daily life is much closer and more complete than it ever was before4 ,men's life is more domestic4 ,formerly1 their pleasures and chosen occupations were among men1 and in men's company3 their wives had but a fragment of their lives4 ,at the present time1 the progress of civilization1 and the turn of opinion against the rough amusements and convivial excesses which formerly occupied most men in their hours of relaxation--together with 7it must be said7 the improved tone of modern feeling as to the reciprocity of duty which binds the husband towards the wife--have thrown the man very much more upon home and its inmates1 for his personal and social pleasures3 while the kind and degree of improvement which has been made in women's education1 has made them in some degree capable of being his companions in ideas and mental tastes1 while leaving them1 in most cases1 still hopelessly inferior to him4 ,his desire of mental communion is thus in general satisfied by a communion from which he learns nothing4 ,an unimproving and unstimulating companionship is substituted for 7what he might otherwise have been obliged to seek7 the society of his equals in powers and his fellows in the higher pursuits4 ,we see1 accordingly1 that young men of the greatest promise generally cease to improve as soon as they marry1 and1 not improving1 inevitably degenerate4 ,if the wife does not push the husband forward1 she always holds him back4 ,he ceases to care for what she does not care for2 he no longer desires1 and ends by disliking and shunning1 society congenial to his former aspirations1 and which would now shame his falling-off from them2 his higher faculties both of mind and heart cease to be called into activity4 ,and this change coinciding with the new and selfish interests which are created by the family1 after a few years he differs in no material respect from those who have never had wishes for anything but the common vanities and the common pecuniary objects4 ,what marriage may be in the case of two persons of cultivated faculties1 identical in opinions and purposes1 between whom there exists that best kind of equality1 similarity of powers and capacities with reciprocal superiority in them--so that each can enjoy the luxury of looking up to the other1 and can have alternately the pleasure of leading and of being led in the path of development--,i will not attempt to describe4 ,to those who can conceive it1 there is no need2 to those who cannot1 it would appear the dream of an enthusiast4 ,but ,i maintain1 with the profoundest conviction1 that this1 and this only1 is the ideal of marriage2 and that all opinions1 customs1 and institutions which favour any other notion of it1 or turn the conceptions and aspirations connected with it into any other direction1 by whatever pretences they may be coloured1 are relics of primitive barbarism4 ,the moral regeneration of mankind will only really commence1 when the most fundamental of the social relations is placed under the rule of equal justice1 and when human beings learn to cultivate their strongest sympathy with an equal in rights and in cultivation4 ,thus far1 the benefits which it has appeared that the world would gain by ceasing to make sex a disqualification for privileges and a badge of subjection1 are social rather than individual2 consisting in an increase of the general fund of thinking and acting power1 and an improvement in the general conditions of the association of men with women4 ,but it would be a grievous understatement of the case to omit the most direct benefit of all1 the unspeakable gain in private happiness to the liberated half of the species2 the difference to them between a life of subjection to the will of others1 and a life of rational freedom4 ,after the primary necessities of food and raiment1 freedom is the first and strongest want of human nature4 ,while mankind are lawless1 their desire is for lawless freedom4 ,when they have learnt to understand the meaning of duty and the value of reason1 they incline more and more to be guided and restrained by these in the exercise of their freedom2 but they do not therefore desire freedom less2 they do not become disposed to accept the will of other people as the representative and interpreter of those guiding principles4 ,on the contrary1 the communities in which the reason has been most cultivated1 and in which the idea of social duty has been most powerful1 are those which have most strongly asserted the freedom of action of the individual--the liberty of each to govern his conduct by his own feelings of duty1 and by such laws and social restraints as his own conscience can subscribe to4 ,he who would rightly appreciate the worth of personal independence as an element of happiness1 should consider the value he himself puts upon it as an ingredient of his own4 ,there is no subject on which there is a greater habitual difference of judgment between a man judging for himself1 and the same man judging for other people4 ,when he hears others complaining that they are not allowed freedom of action--that their own will has not sufficient influence in the regulation of their affairs--his inclination is1 to ask1 what are their grievances8 what positive damage they sustain8 and in what respect they consider their affairs to be mismanaged8 and if they fail to make out1 in answer to these questions1 what appears to him a sufficient case1 he turns a deaf ear1 and regards their complaint as the fanciful querulousness of people whom nothing reasonable will satisfy4 ,but he has a quite different standard of judgment when he is deciding for himself4 ,then1 the most unexceptionable administration of his interests by a tutor set over him1 does not satisfy his feelings3 his personal exclusion from the deciding authority appears itself the greatest grievance of all1 rendering it superfluous even to enter into the question of mismanagement4 ,it is the same with nations4 ,what citizen of a free country would listen to any offers of good and skilful administration1 in return for the abdication of freedom8 ,even if he could believe that good and skilful administration can exist among a people ruled by a will not their own1 would not the consciousness of working out their own destiny under their own moral responsibility be a compensation to his feelings for great rudeness and imperfection in the details of public affairs8 ,let him rest assured that whatever he feels on this point1 women feel in a fully equal degree4 ,whatever has been said or written1 from the time of ,herodotus to the present1 of the ennobling influence of free government--the nerve and spring which it gives to all the faculties1 the larger and higher objects which it presents to the intellect and feelings1 the more unselfish public spirit1 and calmer and broader views of duty1 that it engenders1 and the generally loftier platform on which it elevates the individual as a moral1 spiritual1 and social being--is every particle as true of women as of men4 ,are these things no important part of individual happiness8 ,let any man call to mind what he himself felt on emerging from boyhood--from the tutelage and control of even loved and affectionate elders--and entering upon the responsibilities of manhood4 ,was it not like the physical effect of taking off a heavy weight1 or releasing him from obstructive1 even if not otherwise painful1 bonds8 ,did he not feel twice as much alive1 twice as much a human being1 as before8 ,and does he imagine that women have none of these feelings8 ,but it is a striking fact1 that the satisfactions and mortifications of personal pride1 though all in all to most men when the case is their own1 have less allowance made for them in the case of other people1 and are less listened to as a ground or a justification of conduct1 than any other natural human feelings2 perhaps because men compliment them in their own case with the names of so many other qualities1 that they are seldom conscious how mighty an influence these feelings exercise in their own lives4 ,no less large and powerful is their part1 we may assure ourselves1 in the lives and feelings of women4 ,women are schooled into suppressing them in their most natural and most healthy direction1 but the internal principle remains1 in a different outward form4 ,an active and energetic mind1 if denied liberty1 will seek for power3 refused the command of itself1 it will assert its personality by attempting to control others4 ,to allow to any human beings no existence of their own but what depends on others1 is giving far too high a premium on bending others to their purposes4 ,where liberty cannot be hoped for1 and power can1 power becomes the grand object of human desire2 those to whom others will not leave the undisturbed management of their own affairs1 will compensate themselves1 if they can1 by meddling for their own purposes with the affairs of others4 ,hence also women's passion for personal beauty1 and dress and display2 and all the evils that flow from it1 in the way of mischievous luxury and social immorality4 ,the love of power and the love of liberty are in eternal antagonism4 ,where there is least liberty1 the passion for power is the most ardent and unscrupulous4 ,the desire of power over others can only cease to be a depraving agency among mankind1 when each of them individually is able to do without it3 which can only be where respect for liberty in the personal concerns of each is an established principle4 ,but it is not only through the sentiment of personal dignity1 that the free direction and disposal of their own faculties is a source of individual happiness1 and to be fettered and restricted in it1 a source of unhappiness1 to human beings1 and not least to women4 ,there is nothing1 after disease1 indigence1 and guilt1 so fatal to the pleasurable enjoyment of life as the want of a worthy outlet for the active faculties4 ,women who have the cares of a family1 and while they have the cares of a family1 have this outlet1 and it generally suffices for them3 but what of the greatly increasing number of women1 who have had no opportunity of exercising the vocation which they are mocked by telling them is their proper one8 ,what of the women whose children have been lost to them by death or distance1 or have grown up1 married1 and formed homes of their own8 ,there are abundant examples of men who1 after a life engrossed by business1 retire with a competency to the enjoyment1 as they hope1 of rest1 but to whom1 as they are unable to acquire new interests and excitements that can replace the old1 the change to a life of inactivity brings ennui1 melancholy1 and premature death4 ,yet no one thinks of the parallel case of so many worthy and devoted women1 who1 having paid what they are told is their debt to society--having brought up a family blamelessly to manhood and womanhood--having kept a house as long as they had a house needing to be kept--are deserted by the sole occupation for which they have fitted themselves2 and remain with undiminished activity but with no employment for it1 unless perhaps a daughter or daughter-in-law is willing to abdicate in their favour the discharge of the same functions in her younger household4 ,surely a hard lot for the old age of those who have worthily discharged1 as long as it was given to them to discharge1 what the world accounts their only social duty4 ,of such women1 and of those others to whom this duty has not been committed at all--many of whom pine through life with the consciousness of thwarted vocations1 and activities which are not suffered to expand--the only resources1 speaking generally1 are religion and charity4 ,but their religion1 though it may be one of feeling1 and of ceremonial observance1 cannot be a religion of action1 unless in the form of charity4 ,for charity many of them are by nature admirably fitted2 but to practise it usefully1 or even without doing mischief1 requires the education1 the manifold preparation1 the knowledge and the thinking powers1 of a skilful administrator4 ,there are few of the administrative functions of government for which a person would not be fit1 who is fit to bestow charity usefully4 ,in this as in other cases 7pre-eminently in that of the education of children71 the duties permitted to women cannot be performed properly1 without their being trained for duties which1 to the great loss of society1 are not permitted to them4 ,and here let me notice the singular way in which the question of women's disabilities is frequently presented to view1 by those who find it easier to draw a ludicrous picture of what they do not like1 than to answer the arguments for it4 ,when it is suggested that women's executive capacities and prudent counsels might sometimes be found valuable in affairs of state1 these lovers of fun hold up to the ridicule of the world1 as sitting in parliament or in the cabinet1 girls in their teens1 or young wives of two or three and twenty1 transported bodily1 exactly as they are1 from the drawing-room to the ,house of ,commons4 ,they forget that males are not usually selected at this early age for a seat in ,parliament1 or for responsible political functions4 ,common sense would tell them that if such trusts were confided to women1 it would be to such as having no special vocation for married life1 or preferring another employment of their faculties 7as many women even now prefer to marriage some of the few honourable occupations within their reach71 have spent the best years of their youth in attempting to qualify themselves for the pursuits in which they desire to engage2 or still more frequently perhaps1 widows or wives of forty or fifty1 by whom the knowledge of life and faculty of government which they have acquired in their families1 could by the aid of appropriate studies be made available on a less contracted scale4 ,there is no country of ,europe in which the ablest men have not frequently experienced1 and keenly appreciated1 the value of the advice and help of clever and experienced women of the world1 in the attainment both of private and of public objects2 and there are important matters of public administration to which few men are equally competent with such women2 among others1 the detailed control of expenditure4 ,but what we are now discussing is not the need which society has of the services of women in public business1 but the dull and hopeless life to which it so often condemns them1 by forbidding them to exercise the practical abilities which many of them are conscious of1 in any wider field than one which to some of them never was1 and to others is no longer1 open4 ,if there is anything vitally important to the happiness of human beings1 it is that they should relish their habitual pursuit4 ,this requisite of an enjoyable life is very imperfectly granted1 or altogether denied1 to a large part of mankind2 and by its absence many a life is a failure1 which is provided1 in appearance1 with every requisite of success4 ,but if circumstances which society is not yet skilful enough to overcome1 render such failures often for the present inevitable1 society need not itself inflict them4 ,the injudiciousness of parents1 a youth's own inexperience1 or the absence of external opportunities for the congenial vocation1 and their presence for an uncongenial1 condemn numbers of men to pass their lives in doing one thing reluctantly and ill1 when there are other things which they could have done well and happily4 ,but on women this sentence is imposed by actual law1 and by customs equivalent to law4 ,what1 in unenlightened societies1 colour1 race1 religion1 or in the case of a conquered country1 nationality1 are to some men1 sex is to all women2 a peremptory exclusion from almost all honourable occupations1 but either such as cannot be fulfilled by others1 or such as those others do not think worthy of their acceptance4 ,sufferings arising from causes of this nature usually meet with so little sympathy1 that few persons are aware of the great amount of unhappiness even now produced by the feeling of a wasted life4 ,the case will be even more frequent1 as increased cultivation creates a greater and greater disproportion between the ideas and faculties of women1 and the scope which society allows to their activity4 ,when we consider the positive evil caused to the disqualified half of the human race by their disqualification--first in the loss of the most inspiriting and elevating kind of personal enjoyment1 and next in the weariness1 disappointment1 and profound dissatisfaction with life1 which are so often the substitute for it2 one feels that among all the lessons which men require for carrying on the struggle against the inevitable imperfections of their lot on earth1 there is no lesson which they more need1 than not to add to the evils which nature inflicts1 by their jealous and prejudiced restrictions on one another4 ,their vain fears only substitute other and worse evils for those which they are idly apprehensive of3 while every restraint on the freedom of conduct of any of their human fellow creatures1 7otherwise than by making them responsible for any evil actually caused by it71 dries up pro tanto the principal fountain of human happiness1 and leaves the species less rich1 to an inappreciable degree1 in all that makes life valuable to the individual human being4 ,,the ,,end4