----------------------------------------
---------------------     ,transcriber's
 ,note3                                 
,the adjective ',christian' is sometimes
 spelled 'christian'        and its use 
is inconsistent throughout the book4    
,the original     punctuation1 language 
and spelling have been retained1 except 
where noted at the end of the text4     
----------------------------------------
---------------------                   
,,an ,,essay                            
,,on                           ,,slavery
 ,,and ,,abolitionism1                  
,,with ,,reference ,,to ,,the           
,,duty ,,of ,,american ,,females4       
,,by                                    
,,catharine ,e4 ,,beecher4              
,philadelphia3                          
,,henry ,,perkins1 #acd ,,chestnut      
,,street4                               
,,perkins  ,,marvin1 ,,boston4          
#ahcg4   ,entered according to the ,act 
of ,congress1 in the year #ahcg1 by     
,henry ,perkins1 in the ,clerk's ,office

 of the ,district ,court of the ,eastern
 ,district of ,pennsylvania4            
,l4 ,,ashmead ,,and ,,co4 ,,printers4   
,,preface4   ,,the following are the    
circumstances which occasioned the      
succeeding pages4 ,a gentleman and a    
friend1 requested the writer to assign  
reasons why he should not join the      
,abolition ,society4 ,while preparing a 
reply to this request1 ,,miss ,,grimke's
 ,address was presented1 and the        
information communicated1 of her        
intention to visit the ,north1 for the  
purpose of using her influence among    
northern ladies to induce them to unite 
with ,abolition ,societies4 ,the writer 
then began a private letter to ,miss    
,grimke as a personal friend4 ,but by   
the wishes and advice of others1 these  
two efforts were finally combined in the
 following ,essay1 to be presented to   
the public4  ,the honoured and beloved  
name which that lady bears1 so          
associated as it is at the ,south1      
,north1 and ,west1 with all that is     

elegant in a scholar1 refined in a      
gentleman1 and elevated in a            
,christian1--the respectable sect with  
which she is connected1--the interesting
 effusions of her pen1--and her own     
intellectual and moral worth1 must      
secure respect for her opinions and much
 personal influence4 ,this seems to be a
 sufficient apology for presenting to   
the public some considerations in       
connexion with her name2 considerations 
which may exhibit in another aspect the 
cause she advocates1 and which it may be
 appropriate to consider4 ,as such1 they
 are respectfully commended to the      
public1 and especially to that portion  
of it for which they are particularly   
designed4     ,,essay  ,,on  ,,slavery  
,,and ,,abolitionism4  ,,addressed ,,to 
,,miss ,a4 ,d4 ,,grimke4   ,,my ,,dear  
,,friend1  ,your public address to      
,christian females at the ,south has    
reached me1 and ,i have been urged to   
aid in circulating it at the ,north4 ,i 
have also been informed1 that you       

contemplate a tour1 during the ensuing  
year1 for the purpose of exerting your  
influence to form ,abolition ,societies 
among ladies of the non-slave-holding   
,states4  ,our acquaintance and         
friendship give me a claim to your      
private ear2 but there are reasons why  
it seems more desirable to address you1 
who now stand before the public as an   
advocate of ,abolition measures1 in a   
more public manner4  ,the object ,i have
 in view1 is to present some reasons why
 it seems unwise and inexpedient for    
ladies of the non-slave-holding ,states 
to unite themselves in ,abolition       
,societies2 and thus1 at the same time1 
to exhibit the inexpediency of the      
course you propose to adopt4  ,i would  
first remark1 that your public address  
leads me to infer1 that you are not     
sufficiently informed in regard to the  
feelings and opinions of ,christian     
females at the ,north4 ,your remarks    
seem to assume1 that the principles held
 by ,abolitionists on the subject of    

slavery1 are peculiar to them1 and are  
not generally adopted by those at the   
,north who oppose their measures4 ,in   
this you are not correctly informed4 ,in
 the sense in which ,abolitionists      
explain the terms they employ1 there is 
little1 if any1 difference between them 
and most northern persons4 ,especially  
is this true of northern persons of     
religious principles4 ,i know not where 
to look for northern ,christians1 who   
would deny that every slave-holder is   
bound to treat his slaves exactly as he 
would claim that his own children ought 
to be treated in similar circumstances2 
that the holding of our fellow men as   
property1 or the withholding any of the 
rights of freedom1 for mere purposes of 
gain1 is a sin1 and ought to be         
immediately abandoned2 and that where   
the laws are such1 that a slave-holder  
cannot legally emancipate his slaves1   
without throwing them into worse        
bondage1 he is bound to use all his     
influence to alter those laws1 and1 in  

the meantime1 to treat his slaves1 as   
nearly as he can1 as if they were free4 
,i do not suppose there is one person in
 a thousand1 at the ,north1 who would   
dissent from these principles4 ,they    
would only differ in the use of terms1  
and call this the doctrine of gradual   
emancipation1 while ,abolitionists would
 call it the doctrine of immediate      
emancipation4  ,as this is the state of 
public opinion at the ,north1 there is  
no necessity for using any influence    
with northern ladies1 in order that they
 may adopt your principles on the       
subject of slavery2 for they hold them  
in common with yourself1 and it would   
seem unwise1 and might prove irritating1
 to approach them as if they held       
opposite sentiments4  ,in regard to the 
duty of making efforts to bring the     
people of the ,southern ,states to adopt
 these principles1 and act on them1 it  
is entirely another matter4 ,on this    
point you would find a large majority   
opposed to your views4 ,most persons in 

the non-slave-holding ,states have      
considered the matter of ,southern      
slavery1 as one in which they were no   
more called to interfere1 than in the   
abolition of the press-gang system in   
,england1 or the tythe system of        
,ireland4 ,public opinion may have been 
wrong on this point1 and yet have been  
right on all those great principles of  
rectitude and justice relating to       
slavery1 which ,abolitionists claim as  
their distinctive peculiarities4  ,the  
distinctive peculiarity of the          
,abolition ,society is this3 it is a    
voluntary association in one section of 
the country1 designed to awaken public  
sentiment against a moral evil existing 
in another section of the country1 and  
the principal point of effort seems to  
be1 to enlarge the numbers of this      
association as a means of influencing   
public sentiment4 ,the principal object 
of your proposed tour1 ,i suppose1 is to
 present facts1 arguments1 and          
persuasions to influence northern ladies

 to enrol themselves as members of this 
association4  ,i will therefore proceed 
to present some of the reasons which may
 be brought against such a measure as   
the one you would urge4  ,in the first  
place1 the main principle of action in  
that society rests wholly on a false    
deduction from past experience4         
,experience has shown1 that when certain
 moral evils exist in a community1      
efforts to awaken public sentiment      
against such practices1 and combinations
 for the exercise of personal influence 
and example1 have in various cases      
tended to rectify these evils4 ,thus in 
respect to intemperance2--the collecting
 of facts1 the labours of public        
lecturers and the distribution of       
publications1 have had much effect in   
diminishing the evil4 ,so in reference  
to the slave-trade and slavery in       
,england4 ,the ,english nation possessed
 the power of regulating their own      
trade1 and of giving liberty to every   
slave in their dominions2 and yet they  

were entirely unmindful of their duty on
 this subject4 ,clarkson1 ,wilberforce1 
and their coadjutors1 commenced a system
 of operations to arouse and influence  
public sentiment1 and they succeeded in 
securing the suppression of the slave   
trade1 and the gradual abolition of     
slavery in the ,english colonies4 ,in   
both these cases1 the effort was to     
enlighten and direct public sentiment in
 a community1 of which the actors were a
 portion1 in order to lead them to      
rectify an evil existing among          
,,themselves1 which was entirely under  
their control4  ,from the success of    
such efforts1 the ,abolitionists of this
 country have drawn inferences1 which   
appear to be not only illogical1 but    
false4 ,because individuals in their own
 community have aroused their fellow    
citizens to correct their own evils1    
therefore they infer that attempts to   
convince their fellow-citizens of the   
faults of another community will lead   
that community to forsake their evil    

practices4 ,an example will more clearly
 illustrate the case4 ,suppose two rival
 cities1 which have always been in      
competition1 and always jealous of each 
other's reputation and prosperity4      
,certain individuals in one of these    
cities become convinced1 that the sin of
 intemperance is destroying their       
prosperity and domestic happiness4 ,they
 proceed to collect facts1 they arrange 
statistics1 they call public meetings1  
they form voluntary associations1 they  
use arguments1 entreaties and personal  
example1 and by these means they arrest 
the evil4  ,suppose another set of men1 
in this same community1 become convinced
 that certain practices in trade and    
business in the rival city1 are         
dishonest1 and have an oppressive       
bearing on certain classes in that city1
 and are injurious to the interests of  
general commerce4 ,suppose also1 that   
these are practices1 which1 by those who
 allow them1 are considered as          
honourable and right4 ,those who are    

convinced of their immorality1 wish to  
alter the opinions and the practices of 
the citizens of their rival city1 and to
 do this1 they commence the collection  
of facts1 that exhibit the tendencies of
 these practices and the evils they have
 engendered4 ,but instead of going among
 the community in which the evils exist1
 and endeavouring to convince and       
persuade them1 they proceed to form     
voluntary associations among their      
neighbours at home1 and spend their     
time1 money and efforts to convince     
their fellow citizens that the          
inhabitants of their rival city are     
guilty of a great sin4 ,they also       
publish papers and tracts and send out  
agents1 not to the guilty city1 but to  
all the neighbouring towns and villages1
 to convince them of the sins of the    
city in their vicinity4 ,and they claim 
that they shall succeed in making that  
city break off its sins1 by these       
measures1 because other men succeeded in
 banishing intemperance by labouring    

among their own friends and fellow      
citizens4 ,is not this example exactly  
parallel with the exertions of the      
,abolitionists8 ,are not the northern   
and southern sections of our country    
distinct communities1 with different    
feelings and interests8 ,are they not   
rival1 and jealous in feeling8 ,have the
 northern ,states the power to rectify  
evils at the ,south1 as they have to    
remove their own moral deformities2 or  
have they any such power over the       
southern ,states as the ,british people 
had over their own trade and their      
dependent colonies in the ,west ,indies8
 ,have not ,abolitionists been sending  
out papers1 tracts1 and agents to       
convince the people of the ,north of the
 sins of the ,south8 ,have they not     
refrained from going to the ,south with 
their facts1 arguments1 and appeals1    
because they feared personal evils to   
themselves8 ,and do not ,abolitionists  
found their hopes of success in their   
project1 on the success which crowned   

the efforts of ,british philanthropists 
in the case of slavery1 and on the      
success that has attended efforts to    
banish intemperance8 ,and do not these  
two cases differ entirely from the      
,abolition movement in this main point1 
that one is an effort to convince men of
 their own sins1 and the other is an    
effort to convince men of the sins of   
other persons8  ,the second reason ,i   
would urge against joining the          
,abolition ,society is1 that its        
character and measures are not either   
peaceful or ,christian in tendency1 but 
they rather are those which tend to     
generate party spirit1 denunciation1    
recrimination1 and angry passions4  ,but
 before bringing evidence to sustain    
this position1 ,i wish to make a        
distinction between the men who         
constitute an association1 and the      
measures which are advocated and        
adopted4  ,i believe1 that as a body1   
,abolitionists are men of pure morals1  
of great honesty of purpose1 of real    

benevolence and piety1 and of great     
activity in efforts to promote what they
 consider the best interests of their   
fellow men4 ,i believe1 that1 in making 
efforts to abolish slavery1 they have   
taken measures1 which they supposed were
 best calculated to bring this evil to  
an end1 with the greatest speed1 and    
with the least danger and suffering to  
the ,south4 ,i do not believe they ever 
designed to promote disunion1 or        
insurrection1 or to stir up strife1 or  
that they suppose that their measures   
can be justly characterized by the      
peculiarities ,i have specified4 ,i     
believe they have been urged forward by 
a strong feeling of patriotism1 as well 
as of religious duty1 and that they have
 made great sacrifices of feeling1      
character1 time1 and money to promote   
what they believed to be the cause of   
humanity and the service of ,god4 ,i    
regard individuals among them1 as having
 taken a bold and courageous stand1 in  
maintaining the liberty of free         

discussion1 the liberty of speech and of
 the press2 though this however is      
somewhat abated by the needless         
provocations by which they caused those 
difficulties and hazards they so        
courageously sustained4 ,in speaking    
thus of ,abolitionists as a body1 it is 
not assumed that there are not bad men  
found in this party as well as in every 
other2 nor that among those who are good
 men1 there are not those who may have  
allowed party spirit to take the place  
of ,christian principle2 men who have   
exhibited a mournful destitution of     
,christian charity2 who have indulged in
 an overbearing1 denouncing1 and        
self-willed pertinacity as to measures4 
,yet with these reservations1 ,i believe
 that the above is no more than a fair  
and just exhibition of that class of men
 who are embraced in the party of       
,abolitionists4 ,and all this can be    
admitted1 and yet the objection ,i am to
 urge against joining their ranks may   
stand in its full force4  ,to make the  

position clearer1 an illustration may be
 allowed4 ,suppose a body of good men   
become convinced that the inspired      
direction1 them that sin1 rebuke before 
all1 that others may fear1 imposes upon 
them the duty of openly rebuking every  
body whom they discover in the practice 
of any sin4 ,suppose these men are daily
 in the habit of going into the streets1
 and calling all by-standers around     
them1 pointing out certain men1 some as 
liars1 some as dishonest1 some as       
licentious1 and then bringing proofs of 
their guilt and rebuking them before    
all2 at the same time exhorting all     
around to point at them the finger of   
scorn4  ,they persevere in this course  
till the whole community is thrown into 
an uproar2 and assaults1 and even       
bloodshed ensue4 ,they then call on all 
good citizens to protect their persons  
from abuse1 and to maintain the liberty 
of speech and of free opinion4  ,now the
 men may be as pure in morals1 as       
conscientious and upright in intention1 

as any ,abolitionist1 and yet every one 
would say1 that their measures were     
unwise and unchristian4  ,in like       
manner1 although ,abolitionists may be  
lauded for many virtues1 still much     
evidence can be presented1 that the     
character and measures of the ,abolition
 ,society are not either peaceful or    
christian in tendency1 but that they are
 in their nature calculated to generate 
party spirit1 denunciation1             
recrimination1 and angry passions4  ,the
 first thing ,i would present to        
establish this1 is the character of the 
leaders of this association4 ,every     
combined effort is necessarily directed 
by leaders2 and the spirit of the       
leaders will inevitably be communicated 
to their coadjutors1 and appear in the  
measures of the whole body4  ,in        
attempting to characterize these        
leaders1 ,i would first present another 
leader of a similar enterprise1 the     
beloved and venerated ,,wilberforce4 ,it
 is thus that his prominent traits are  

delineated by an intimate friend4  ,his 
extreme benevolence contributed largely 
to his success4 ,i have heard him say1  
that it was one of his constant rules1  
and on the question of slavery          
especially1 never to provoke an         
adversary--to allow him credit fully for
 sincerity and purity of motive--to     
abstain from all irritating             
expressions--to avoid even such         
political attacks as would indispose his
 opponents for his great cause4 ,in     
fact1 the benignity1 the gentleness1 the
 kind-heartedness of the man1 disarmed  
the bitterest foes4 ,not only on this   
question did he restrain himself1 but   
generally4 ,once he had been called     
during a whole debate 'the religious    
member1' in a kind of scorn4 ,he        
remarked afterwards1 that he was much   
inclined to have retorted1 by calling   
his opponent the irreligious member1 but
 that he refrained1 as it would have    
been a returning of evil for evil4 ,next
 to his general consistency1 and love of

 the ,scriptures1 the humility of his   
character always appeared remarkable4   
,the modest1 shrinking1 simple          
,christian statesman and friend always  
appeared in him4 ,and the nearer you    
approached him1 the more his habit of   
mind obviously appeared to be modest and
 lowly4 ,his charity in judging of      
others1 is a farther trait of his       
,christian character4 ,of his           
benevolence ,i need not speak1 but his  
kind construction of doubtful actions1  
his charitable language toward those    
with whom he most widely differed1 his  
thorough forgetfulness of little        
affronts1 were fruits of that general   
benevolence which continually appeared4 
,this was the leader1 both in and out of
 ,parliament1 of that body of men who   
combined to bring to an end slavery and 
the slave trade1 in the dominions of    
,great ,britain4 ,with him1 as principal
 leaders1 were associated ,,clarkson1   
,,sharpe1 ,,macaulay1 and others of a   
similar spirit4 ,these men were all of  

them characterized by that mild1        
benevolent1 peaceful1 gentlemanly and   
forbearing spirit1 which has been       
described as so conspicuous in          
,wilberforce4 ,and when their measures  
are examined1 it will be found that they
 were eminently mild1 peaceful1 and     
forbearing4 ,though no effort that is to
 encounter the selfish interests of men1
 can escape without odium and           
opposition1 from those who are thwarted1
 and from all whom they can influence1  
these men carefully took those measures 
that were calculated to bring about     
their end with the least opposition and 
evil possible4 ,they avoided prejudices1
 strove to conciliate opposers1 shunned 
every thing that would give needless    
offence and exasperation1 began slowly  
and cautiously1 with points which could 
be the most easily carried1 and advanced
 toward others only as public sentiment 
became more and more enlightened4 ,they 
did not beard the lion in full face1 by 
coming out as the first thing with the  

maxim1 that all slavery ought and must  
be abandoned immediately4 ,they began   
with inquiries as to the impolicy of the
 slave trade1 and it was years before   
they came to the point of the abolition 
of slavery4 ,and they carried their     
measures through1 without producing     
warring parties among good men1 who held
 common principles with themselves4 ,as 
a general fact1 the pious men of ,great 
,britain acted harmoniously in this     
great effort4  ,let us now look at the  
leaders of the ,abolition movement in   
,america4 ,the man who first took the   
lead was ,william ,l4 ,garrison1 who1   
though he professes a belief in the     
,christian religion1 is an avowed       
opponent of most of its institutions4   
,the character and spirit of this man   
have for years been exhibited in the    
,liberator1 of which he is the editor4  
,that there is to be found in that      
paper1 or in any thing else1 any        
evidence of his possessing the peculiar 
traits of ,wilberforce1 not even his    

warmest admirers will maintain4 ,how    
many of the opposite traits can be      
found1 those can best judge who have    
read his paper4 ,gradually others joined
 themselves in the effort commenced by  
,garrison2 but for a long time they     
consisted chiefly of men who would fall 
into one of these three classes2 either 
good men who were so excited by a       
knowledge of the enormous evils of      
slavery1 that any thing was considered  
better than entire inactivity1 or else  
men accustomed to a contracted field of 
observation1 and more qualified to judge
 of immediate results than of general   
tendencies1 or else men of ardent and   
impulsive temperament1 whose feelings   
are likely to take the lead1 rather than
 their judgment4  ,there are no men who 
act more efficiently as the leaders of  
an enterprise than the editors of the   
periodicals that advocate and defend it4
 ,the editors of the ,emancipator1 the  
,friend of ,man1 the ,new ,york         
,evangelist1 and the other abolition    

periodicals1 may therefore be considered
 as among the chief leaders of the      
enterprise1 and their papers are the    
mirror from which their spirit and      
character are reflected4  ,i wish the   
friends of these editors would cull from
 their papers all the indications they  
can find of the peculiarities that      
distinguished ,wilberforce and his      
associates2 all the evidence of a modest
 and lowly spirit1--all the exhibitions 
of charity in judging of the motives of 
those who oppose their measures1--all   
the indications of benignity1           
gentleness1 and kind-heartedness1--all  
the kind constructions of doubtful      
actions1--all the charitable language   
used toward those who differ in opinion 
or measures1--all the thorough          
forgetfulness of little affronts1--all  
the cases where opponents are allowed   
full credit for purity and sincerity of 
motive1--all cases where they have been 
careful never to provoke an             
adversary1--all cases where they have   

refrained from all irritating           
expressions1--all cases where they have 
avoided every thing that would indispose
 their opponents for their great cause1 
and then compare the result with what   
may be found of an opposite character1  
and ,i think it would not be unsafe to  
infer that an association whose         
measures1 on an exciting subject1 were  
guided by such men1 would be more likely
 to be aggressive than peaceful4 ,the   
position ,i would establish will appear 
more clearly1 by examining in detail    
some of the prominent measures which    
have been adopted by this association4  
,one of the first measures of           
,abolitionists was an attack on a       
benevolent society1 originated and      
sustained by some of the most pious and 
devoted men of the age4 ,it was imagined
 by ,abolitionists1 that the influence  
and measures of the ,colonization       
,society tended to retard the abolition 
of slavery1 and to perpetuate injurious 
prejudices against the coloured race4   

,the peaceful and christian method of   
meeting this difficulty would have been1
 to collect all the evidence of this    
supposed hurtful tendency1 and          
privately1 and in a respectful and      
conciliating way1 to have presented it  
to the attention of the wise and        
benevolent men1 who were most interested
 in sustaining this institution4 ,if    
this measure did not avail to convince  
them1 then it would have been safe and  
justifiable to present to the public a  
temperate statement of facts1 and of the
 deductions based on them1 drawn up in a
 respectful and candid manner1 with     
every charitable allowance which truth  
could warrant4 ,instead of this1 when   
the attempt was first made to turn      
public opinion against the ,colonization
 ,society1 ,i met one of the most       
influential supporters of that          
institution1 just after he had had an   
interview with a leading ,abolitionist4 
,this gentleman was most remarkable for 
his urbanity1 meekness1 and benevolence1

 and his remark to me in reference to   
this interview1 shows what was its      
nature4 ,i love truth and sound         
argument1 said he1 but when a man comes 
at me with a sledge hammer1 ,i cannot   
help dodging4 ,this is a specimen of    
their private manner of dealing4 ,in    
public1 the enterprise was attacked as a
 plan for promoting the selfish         
interests and prejudices of the whites1 
at the expense of the coloured          
population2 and in many cases1 it was   
assumed that the conductors of this     
association were aware of this1 and     
accessory to it4 ,and the style in which
 the thing was done was at once         
offensive1 inflammatory1 and            
exasperating4 ,denunciation1 sneers1 and
 public rebuke1 were bestowed           
indiscriminately upon the conductors of 
the enterprise1 and of course they fell 
upon many sincere1 upright1 and         
conscientious men1 whose feelings were  
harrowed by a sense of the injustice1   
the indecorum1 and the unchristian      

treatment1 they received4 ,and when a   
temporary impression was made on the    
public mind1 and its opponents supposed 
they had succeeded in crushing this     
society1 the most public and triumphant 
exultation was not repressed4 ,compare  
this method of carrying a point1 with   
that adopted by ,wilberforce and his    
compeers1 and ,i think you will allow   
that there was a way that was peaceful  
and christian1 and that this was not the
 way which was chosen4  ,the next       
measure of ,abolitionism was an attempt 
to remove the prejudices of the whites  
against the blacks1 on account of       
natural peculiarities4 ,now1 prejudice  
is an unreasonable and groundless       
dislike of persons or things4 ,of       
course1 as it is unreasonable1 it is the
 most difficult of all things to        
conquer1 and the worst and most         
irritating method that could be         
attempted would be1 to attack a man as  
guilty of sin1 as unreasonable1 as      
ungenerous1 or as proud1 for allowing a 

certain prejudice4  ,this is the sure   
way to produce anger1                   
self-justification1 and an increase of  
the strength of prejudice1 against that 
which has caused him this rebuke and    
irritation4  ,the best way to make a    
person like a thing which is            
disagreeable1 is to try in some way to  
make it agreeable2 and if a certain     
class of persons is the subject of      
unreasonable prejudice1 the peaceful and
 christian way of removing it would be  
to endeavour to render the unfortunate  
persons who compose this class1 so      
useful1 so humble and unassuming1 so    
kind in their feelings1 and so full of  
love and good works1 that prejudice     
would be supplanted by complacency in   
their goodness1 and pity and sympathy   
for their disabilities4 ,if the friends 
of the blacks had quietly set themselves
 to work to increase their intelligence1
 their usefulness1 their respectability1
 their meekness1 gentleness1 and        
benevolence1 and then had appealed to   

the pity1 generosity1 and christian     
feelings of their fellow citizens1 a    
very different result would have        
appeared4 ,instead of this1 reproaches1 
rebukes1 and sneers1 were employed to   
convince the whites that their          
prejudices were sinful1 and without any 
just cause4 ,they were accused of pride1
 of selfish indifference1 of unchristian
 neglect4 ,this tended to irritate the  
whites1 and to increase their prejudice 
against the blacks1 who thus were made  
the causes of rebuke and exasperation4  
,then1 on the other hand1 the blacks    
extensively received the ,liberator1 and
 learned to imbibe the spirit of its    
conductor4  ,they were taught to feel   
that they were injured and abused1 the  
objects of a guilty and unreasonable    
prejudice--that they occupied a lower   
place in society than was right--that   
they ought to be treated as if they were
 whites2 and in repeated instances1     
attempts were made by their friends to  
mingle them with whites1 so as to break 

down the existing distinctions of       
society4 ,now1 the question is not1     
whether these things1 that were urged by
 ,abolitionists1 were true4 ,the thing  
maintained is1 that the method taken by 
them to remove this prejudice was       
neither peaceful nor christian in its   
tendency1 but1 on the contrary1 was     
calculated to increase the evil1 and to 
generate anger1 pride1 and              
recrimination1 on one side1 and envy1   
discontent1 and revengeful feelings1 on 
the other4  ,these are some of the      
general measures which have been        
exhibited in the ,abolition movement4   
,the same peculiarities may be as       
distinctly seen in specific cases1 where
 the peaceful and quiet way of          
accomplishing the good was neglected1   
and the one most calculated to excite   
wrath and strife was chosen4 ,take1 for 
example1 the effort to establish a      
college for coloured persons4 ,the      
quiet1 peaceful1 and christian way of   
doing such a thing1 would have been1 for

 those who were interested in the plan1 
to furnish the money necessary1 and then
 to have selected a retired place1 where
 there would be the least prejudice and 
opposition to be met1 and there1 in an  
unostentatious way1 commenced the       
education of the youth to be thus       
sustained4 ,instead of this1 at a time  
when the public mind was excited on the 
subject1 it was noised abroad that a    
college for blacks was to be founded4   
,then a city was selected for its       
location1 where was another college1 so 
large as to demand constant effort and  
vigilance to preserve quiet             
subordination2 where contests with      
sailors and town boys were barely kept  
at bay2 a college embracing a large     
proportion of southern students1 who    
were highly excited on the subject of   
slavery and emancipation2 a college     
where half the shoe-blacks and waiters  
were coloured men4 ,beside the very     
walls of this college1 it was proposed  
to found a college for coloured young   

men4 ,could it be otherwise than that   
opposition1 and that for the best of    
reasons1 would arise against such an    
attempt1 both from the faculty of the   
college and the citizens of the place8  
,could it be reasonably expected that   
they would not oppose a measure so      
calculated to increase their own        
difficulties and liabilities1 and at the
 same time so certain to place the      
proposed institution in the most        
unfavourable of all circumstances8 ,but 
when the measure was opposed1 instead of
 yielding meekly and peaceably to such  
reasonable objections1 and soothing the 
feelings and apprehensions that had been
 excited1 by putting the best           
construction on the matter1 and seeking 
another place1 it was claimed as an     
evidence of opposition to the interests 
of the blacks1 and as a mark of the     
force of sinful prejudice4 ,the worst1  
rather than the best1 motives were      
ascribed to some of the most            
respectable1 and venerated1 and pious   

men1 who opposed the measure2 and a     
great deal was said and done that was   
calculated to throw the community into  
an angry ferment4  ,take another        
example4 ,if a prudent and benevolent   
female had selected almost any village  
in ,new ,england1 and commenced a school
 for coloured females1 in a quiet1      
appropriate1 and unostentatious way1 the
 world would never have heard of the    
case1 except to applaud her benevolence1
 and the kindness of the villagers1 who 
aided her in the effort4 ,but instead of
 this1 there appeared public            
advertisements1 7which ,i saw at the    
time17 stating that a seminary for the  
education of young ladies of colour was 
to be opened in ,canterbury1 in the     
state of ,connecticut1 where would be   
taught music on the piano forte1        
drawing1 c41 together with a course of  
,english education4 ,now1 there are not 
a dozen coloured families in ,new       
,england1 in such pecuniary             
circumstances1 that if they were whites 

it would not be thought ridiculous to   
attempt to give their daughters such a  
course of education1 and ,canterbury was
 a place where but few of the wealthiest
 families ever thought of furnishing    
such accomplishments for their children4
 ,several other particulars might be    
added that were exceedingly irritating1 
but this may serve as a specimen of the 
method in which the whole affair was    
conducted4 ,it was an entire disregard  
of the prejudices and the proprieties of
 society1 and calculated to stimulate   
pride1 anger1 ill-will1 contention1 and 
all the bitter feelings that spring from
 such collisions4 ,then1 instead of     
adopting measures to soothe and         
conciliate1 rebukes1 sneers and         
denunciations1 were employed1 and       
,canterbury and ,connecticut were held  
up to public scorn and rebuke for doing 
what most other communities would       
probably have done1 if similarly tempted
 and provoked4  ,take another case4 ,it 
was deemed expedient by ,abolitionists  

to establish an ,abolition paper1 first 
in ,kentucky1 a slave ,state4 ,it was   
driven from that ,state1 either by      
violence or by threats4 ,it retreated to
 ,ohio1 one of the free ,states4 ,in    
selecting a place for its location1 it  
might have been established in a small  
place1 where the people were of similar 
views1 or were not exposed to dangerous 
popular excitements4 ,but ,cincinnati   
was selected2 and when the most         
intelligent1 the most reasonable1 and   
the most patriotic of the citizens      
remonstrated1--when they represented    
that there were peculiar and unusual    
liabilities to popular excitement on    
this subject1--that the organization and
 power of the police made it extremely  
dangerous to excite a mob1 and almost   
impossible to control it1--that all the 
good aimed at could be accomplished by  
locating the press in another place1    
where there were not such dangerous     
liabilities1--when they kindly and      
respectfully urged these considerations1

 they were disregarded4 ,i myself was   
present when a sincere friend urged upon
 the one who controlled that paper1 the 
obligations of good men1 not merely to  
avoid breaking wholesome laws           
themselves1 but the duty of regarding   
the liabilities of others to temptation2
 and that where ,christians could       
foresee that by placing certain         
temptations in the way of their         
fellow-men1 all the probabilities were1 
that they would yield1 and yet persisted
 in doing it1 the tempters became       
partakers in the guilt of those who     
yielded to the temptation4 ,but these   
remonstrances were ineffectual4 ,the    
paper must not only be printed and      
circulated1 but it must be stationed    
where were the greatest probabilities   
that measures of illegal violence would 
ensue4 ,and when the evil was           
perpetrated1 and a mob destroyed the    
press1 then those who had urged on these
 measures of temptation1 turned upon    
those who had advised and remonstrated1 

as the guilty authors of the violence1  
because1 in a season of excitement1 the 
measures adopted to restrain and control
 the mob1 were not such as were deemed  
suitable and right4  ,now1 in all the   
above cases1 ,i would by no means       
justify the wrong or the injudicious    
measures that may have been pursued1    
under this course of provocation4 ,the  
greatness of temptation does by no means
 release men from obligation2 but       
,christians are bound to remember that  
it is a certain consequence of throwing 
men into strong excitement1 that they   
will act unwisely and wrong1 and that   
the tempter as well as the tempted are  
held responsible1 both by ,god and man4 
,in all these cases1 it cannot but      
appear that the good aimed at might have
 been accomplished in a quiet1          
peaceable1 and christian way1 and that  
this was not the way which was chosen4  
,the whole system of ,abolition measures
 seems to leave entirely out of view1   
the obligation of ,christians to save   

their fellow men from all needless      
temptations4 ,if the thing to be done is
 only lawful and right1 it does not     
appear to have been a matter of effort  
to do it in such a way as would not     
provoke and irritate2 but often1 if the 
chief aim had been to do the good in the
 most injurious and offensive way1 no   
more certain and appropriate methods    
could have been devised4  ,so much has  
this been the character of ,abolition   
movements1 that many have supposed it to
 be a deliberate and systematized plan  
of the leaders to do nothing but what   
was strictly a right guaranteed by law1 
and yet1 in such a manner1 as to provoke
 men to anger1 so that unjust and       
illegal acts might ensue1 knowing1 that 
as a consequence1 the opposers of       
,abolition would be thrown into the     
wrong1 and sympathy be aroused for      
,abolitionists as injured and persecuted
 men4 ,it is a fact1 that ,abolitionists
 have taken the course most calculated  
to awaken illegal acts of violence1 and 

that when they have ensued1 they have   
seemed to rejoice in them1 as calculated
 to advance and strengthen their cause4 
,the violence of mobs1 the denunciations
 and unreasonable requirements of the   
,south1 the denial of the right of      
petition1 the restrictions attempted to 
be laid upon freedom of speech1 and     
freedom of the press1 are generally     
spoken of with exultation by            
,abolitionists1 as what are among the   
chief means of promoting their cause4   
,it is not so much by exciting feelings 
of pity and humanity1 and ,christian    
love1 towards the oppressed1 as it is by
 awakening indignation at the treatment 
of ,abolitionists themselves1 that their
 cause has prospered4 ,how many men have
 declared or implied1 that in joining   
the ranks of ,abolition1 they were      
influenced1 not by their arguments1 or  
by the wisdom of their course1 but      
because the violence of opposers had    
identified that cause with the question 
of freedom of speech1 freedom of the    

press1 and civil liberty4  ,but when ,i 
say that many have supposed that it was 
the deliberate intention of the         
,abolitionists to foment illegal acts   
and violence1 ,i would by no means      
justify a supposition1 which is contrary
 to the dictates of justice and charity4
 ,the leaders of the ,abolition ,society
 disclaim all such wishes or intentions2
 they only act apparently on the        
assumption that they are exercising just
 rights1 which they are not bound to    
give up1 because other men will act     
unreasonably and wickedly4  ,another    
measure of ,abolitionists1 calculated to
 awaken evil feelings1 has been the     
treatment of those who objected to their
 proceedings4  ,a large majority of the 
philanthropic and pious1 who hold common
 views with the ,abolitionists1 as to   
the sin and evils of slavery1 and the   
duty of using all appropriate means to  
bring it to an end1 have opposed their  
measures1 because they have believed    
them not calculated to promote1 but     

rather to retard the end proposed to be 
accomplished by them4 ,the peaceful and 
,christian method of encountering such  
opposition1 would have been to allow the
 opponents full credit for purity and   
integrity of motive1 to have avoided all
 harsh and censorious language1 and to  
have employed facts1 arguments and      
persuasions1 in a kind and respectful   
way with the hope of modifying their    
views and allaying their fears4 ,instead
 of this1 the wise and good who opposed 
,abolition measures1 have been treated  
as though they were the friends and     
defenders of slavery1 or as those who1  
from a guilty1 timid1 time-serving      
policy1 refused to take the course which
 duty demanded4 ,they have been         
addressed either as if it were necessary
 to convince them that slavery is wrong 
and ought to be abandoned1 or else1 as  
if they needed to be exhorted to give up
 their timidity and selfish interest1   
and to perform a manifest duty1 which   
they were knowingly neglecting4  ,now   

there is nothing more irritating1 when a
 man is conscientious and acting        
according to his own views of right1    
than to be dealt with in this manner4   
,the more men are treated as if they    
were honest and sincere--the more they  
are treated with respect1 fairness1 and 
benevolence1 the more likely they are to
 be moved by evidence and arguments4 ,on
 the contrary1 harshness1               
uncharitableness1 and rebuke1 for       
opinions and conduct that are in        
agreement with a man's own views of duty
 and rectitude1 tend to awaken evil     
feelings1 and indispose the mind        
properly to regard evidence4            
,abolitionists have not only taken this 
course1 but in many cases1 have seemed  
to act on the principle1 that the       
abolition of ,slavery1 in the particular
 mode in which they were aiming to      
accomplish it1 was of such paramount    
importance1 that every thing must be    
overthrown that stood in the way4  ,no  
matter what respect a man had gained for

 talents1 virtue1 and piety1 if he stood
 in the way of ,abolitionism1 he must be
 attacked as to character and motives4  
,no matter how important an institution 
might be1 if its influence was against  
the measures of ,abolitionism1 it must  
be attacked openly1 or sapped privately1
 till its influence was destroyed4 ,by  
such measures1 the most direct means    
have been taken to awaken anger at      
injury1 and resentment at injustice1 and
 to provoke retaliation on those who    
inflict the wrong4 ,all the partialities
 of personal friendship2 all the        
feelings of respect accorded to good and
 useful men2 all the interests that     
cluster around public institutions1     
entrenched in the hearts of the         
multitudes who sustain them1 were       
outraged by such a course4  ,another    
measure of ,abolitionists1 which has    
greatly tended to promote wrath and     
strife1 is their indiscreet and         
incorrect use of terms4  ,to make this  
apparent1 it must be premised1 that     

words have no inherent meaning1 but     
always signify that which they are      
commonly understood to mean4 ,the       
question never should be asked1 what    
ought a word to mean8 but simply1 what  
is the meaning generally attached to    
this word by those who use it8          
,vocabularies and standard writers are  
the proper umpires to decide this       
question4 ,now if men take words and    
give them a new and peculiar use1 and   
are consequently misunderstood1 they are
 guilty of a species of deception1 and  
are accountable for all the evils that  
may ensue as a consequence4  ,for       
example2 if physicians should come out  
and declare1 that it was their opinion  
that they ought to poison all their     
patients1 and they had determined to do 
it1 and then all the community should be
 thrown into terror and excitement1 it  
would be no justification for them to   
say1 that all they intended by that     
language was1 that they should          
administer as medicines1 articles which 

are usually called poisons4  ,now       
,abolitionists are before the community1
 and declare that all slavery is sin1   
which ought to be immediately forsaken2 
and that it is their object and         
intention to promote the immediate      
emancipation of all the slaves in this  
nation4  ,now what is it that makes a   
man cease to be a slave and become free8
 ,it is not kind treatment from a       
master2 it is not paying wages to the   
slave2 it is not the intention to bestow
 freedom at a future time2 it is not    
treating a slave as if he were free2 it 
is not feeling toward a slave as if he  
were free4 ,no instance can be found of 
any dictionary1 or any standard writer1 
nor any case in common discourse1 where 
any of these significations are attached
 to the word as constituting its        
peculiar and appropriate meaning4 ,it   
always signifies that legal act1 which1 
by the laws of the land1 changes a slave
 to a freeman4  ,what then is the proper
 meaning of the language used by        

,abolitionists1 when they say that all  
slavery is a sin which ought to be      
immediately abandoned1 and that it is   
their object to secure the immediate    
emancipation of all slaves8  ,the true  
and only proper meaning of such language
 is1 that it is the duty of every       
slave-holder in this nation1 to go      
immediately and make out the legal      
instruments1 that1 by the laws of the   
land1 change all his slaves to freemen4 
,if their maxim is true1 no exception   
can be made for those who live in       
,states where the act of emancipation1  
by a master1 makes a slave the property 
of the ,state1 to be sold for the       
benefit of the ,state2 and no exception 
can be made for those1 who1 by the will 
of testators1 and by the law of the     
land1 have no power to perform the legal
 act1 which alone can emancipate their  
slaves4  ,to meet this difficulty1      
,abolitionists affirm1 that1 in such    
cases1 men are physically unable to     
emancipate their slaves1 and of course  

are not bound to do it2 and to save     
their great maxim1 maintain that1 in    
such cases1 the slaves are not slaves1  
and the slave-holders are not           
slave-holders1 although all their legal 
relations remain unchanged4  ,the       
meaning which the ,abolitionist attaches
 to his language is this1 that every man
 is bound to treat his slaves1 as nearly
 as he can1 like freemen2 and to use all
 his influence to bring the system of   
slavery to an end as soon as possible4  
,and they allow that when men do this   
they are free from guilt1 in the matter 
of slavery1 and undeserving of censure4 
,but men at the ,north1 and men at the  
,south1 understand the language used in 
its true and proper sense2 and          
,abolitionists have been using these    
terms in a new and peculiar sense1 which
 is inevitably and universally          
misunderstood1 and this is an occasion  
of much of the strife and alarm which   
has prevailed both at the ,south and at 
the ,north4 ,there are none but these   

defenders of slavery who maintain that  
it is a relation justifiable by the laws
 of the ,gospel1 who differ from        
,abolitionists in regard to the real    
thing which is meant4 ,the great mistake
 of ,abolitionists is in using terms    
which inculcate the immediate           
annihilation of the relation1 when they 
only intend to urge the ,christian duty 
of treating slaves according to the     
gospel rules of justice and benevolence1
 and using all lawful and appropriate   
means for bringing a most pernicious    
system to a speedy end4  ,if            
,abolitionists will only cease to teach 
that all slave-holding is a sin which   
ought to be immediately abolished2 if   
they will cease to urge their plan as   
one of immediate emancipation1 and teach
 simply and exactly that which they do  
mean1 much strife and misunderstanding  
will cease4 ,but so long as they        
persevere in using these terms in a new 
and peculiar sense1 which will always be
 misunderstood1 they are guilty of a    

species of deception and accountable for
 the evils that follow4  ,one other     
instance of a similar misuse of terms   
may be mentioned4 ,the word man-stealer 
has one peculiar signification1 and it  
is no more synonymous with slave-holder 
than it is with sheep-stealer4 ,but     
,abolitionists show that a slave-holder1
 in fact1 does very many of the evils   
that are perpetrated by a man-stealer1  
and that the crime is quite as evil in  
its nature1 and very similar in         
character1 and1 therefore1 he calls a   
slave-holder a man-stealer4  ,on this   
principle there is no abusive language  
that may not be employed to render any  
man odious--for every man commits sin of
 some kind1 and every sin is like some  
other sin1 in many respects1 and in     
certain aggravated cases1 may be bad1 or
 even worse1 than another sin with a    
much more odious name4 ,it is easy to   
show that a man who neglects all        
religious duty is very much like an     
atheist1 and if he has had great        

advantages1 and the atheist very few1 he
 may be much more guilty than an        
atheist4 ,and so1 half the respectable  
men in our religious communities1 may be
 called atheists1 with as much propriety
 as a slave-holder can be called a      
man-stealer4 ,abolitionists have        
proceeded on this principle1 in their   
various publications1 until the terms of
 odium that have been showered upon     
slave-holders1 would form a large page  
in the vocabulary of ,billingsgate4     
,this method of dealing with those whom 
we wish to convince and persuade1 is as 
contrary to the dictates of common      
sense1 as it is to the rules of good    
breeding and the laws of the gospel4    
,the preceding particulars are selected1
 as the evidence to be presented1 that  
the character and measures of the       
,abolition ,society are neither peaceful
 nor ,christian in their tendency2 but  
that in their nature they are calculated
 to generate party-spirit1 denunciation1
 recrimination1 and angry passions4 ,if 

such be the tendency of this            
institution1 it follows1 that it is     
wrong for a ,christian1 or any lover of 
peace1 to be connected with it4  ,the   
assertion that ,christianity itself has 
led to strife and contention1 is not a  
safe method of evading this argument4   
,christianity is a system of persuasion1
 tending1 by kind and gentle influences1
 to make men willing to leave off their 
sins--and it comes1 not to convince     
those who are not sinners1 but to       
sinners themselves4  ,abolitionism1 on  
the contrary1 is a system of coercion by
 public opinion2 and in its present     
operation1 its influence is not to      
convince the erring1 but to convince    
those who are not guilty1 of the sins of
 those who are4  ,another prominent     
peculiarity of the ,abolitionists1      
7which is an objection to joining this  
association17 is their advocacy of a    
principle1 which is wrong and very      
pernicious in its tendency4 ,i refer to 
their views in regard to what is called 

the doctrine of expediency4 ,their      
difficulty on this subject seems to have
 arisen from want of a clear distinction
 between the duty of those who are      
guilty of sin1 and the duty of those who
 are aiming to turn men from their sins4
 ,the principle is assumed1 that because
 certain men ought to abandon every sin 
immediately1 therefore1 certain other   
men are bound immediately to try and    
make them do it4 ,now the question of   
expediency does not relate to what men  
are bound to do1 who are in the practice
 of sin themselves--for the immediate   
relinquishment of sin is the duty of    
all2 but it relates to the duty of those
 who are to make efforts to induce      
others to break off their wickedness4   
,here1 the wisdom and rectitude of a    
given course1 depend entirely on the    
probabilities of success4 ,if a father  
has a son of a very peculiar            
temperament1 and he knows by            
observation1 that the use of the rod    
will make him more irritable and more   

liable to a certain fault1 and that kind
 arguments1 and tender measures will    
more probably accomplish the desired    
object1 it is a rule of expediency to   
try the most probable course4 ,if a     
companion sees a friend committing a    
sin1 and has1 from past experience1     
learned that remonstrances excite anger 
and obstinacy1 while a look of silent   
sorrow and disapprobation tends far more
 to prevent the evil1 expediency and    
duty demand silence rather than         
remonstrance4  ,there are cases also1   
where differences in age1 and station1  
and character1 forbid all interference  
to modify the conduct and character of  
others4  ,a nursery maid may see that a 
father misgoverns his children1 and     
ill-treats his wife4 ,but her station   
makes it inexpedient for her to turn    
reprover4 ,it is a case where reproof   
would do no good1 but only evil4  ,so in
 communities1 the propriety and         
rectitude of measures can be decided1   
not by the rules of duty that should    

govern those who are to renounce sin1   
but by the probabilities of good or evil
 consequence4  ,the ,abolitionists seem 
to lose sight of this distinction4 ,they
 form voluntary associations in free    
,states1 to convince their fellow       
citizens of the sins of other men in    
other communities4 ,they are blamed and 
opposed1 because their measures are     
deemed inexpedient1 and calculated to   
increase1 rather than diminish the evils
 to be cured4  ,in return1 they show    
that slavery is a sin which ought to be 
abandoned immediately1 and seem to      
suppose that it follows as a correct    
inference1 that they themselves ought to
 engage in a system of agitation against
 it1 and that it is needless for them to
 inquire whether preaching the truth in 
the manner they propose1 will increase  
or diminish the evil4 ,they assume that 
whenever sin is committed1 not only     
ought the sinner immediately to cease1  
but all his fellow-sinners are bound to 
take measures to make him cease1 and to 

take measures1 without any reference to 
the probabilities of success4  ,that    
this is a correct representation of the 
views of ,abolitionists generally1 is   
evident from their periodicals and      
conversation4 ,all their remarks about  
preaching the truth and leaving         
consequences to ,god--all their         
depreciation of the doctrine of         
expediency1 are rendered relevant only  
by this supposition4  ,the impression   
made by their writings is1 that ,god has
 made rules of duty2 that all men are in
 all cases to remonstrate against the   
violation of those rules2 and that ,god 
will take the responsibility of bringing
 good out of this course2 so that we    
ourselves are relieved from any         
necessity of inquiring as to probable   
results4  ,if this be not the theory of 
duty adopted by this association1 then  
they stand on common ground with those  
who oppose their measures1 viz3 that the
 propriety and duty of a given course is
 to be decided by probabilities as to   

its results2 and these probabilities are
 to be determined by the known laws of  
mind1 and the records of past           
experience4  ,for only one of two       
positions can be held4 ,either that it  
is the duty of all men to remonstrate at
 all times against all violations of    
duty1 and leave the consequences with   
,god2 or else that men are to use their 
judgment1 and take the part of          
remonstrance only at such a time and    
place1 and in such a manner1 as promise 
the best results4  ,that the            
,abolitionists have not held the second 
of these positions1 must be obvious to  
all who have read their documents4 ,it  
would therefore be unwise and wrong to  
join an association which sustains a    
principle false in itself1 and one      
which1 if acted out1 would tend to wrath
 and strife and every evil word and     
work4  ,another reason1 and the most    
important of all1 against promoting the 
plans of the ,abolitionists1 is involved
 in the main question--what are the     

probabilities as to the results of their
 movements8 ,the only way to judge of   
the future results of certain measures  
is1 by the known laws of mind1 and the  
recorded experience of the past4  ,now  
what is the evil to be cured8  ,,slavery
 ,,in ,,this ,,nation4  ,that this evil 
is at no distant period to come to an   
end1 is the unanimous opinion of all who
 either notice the tendencies of the    
age1 or believe in the prophecies of the
 ,bible4 ,all who act on ,christian     
principles in regard to slavery1 believe
 that in a given period 7variously      
estimated7 it will end4 ,the only       
question then1 in regard to the benefits
 to be gained1 or the evils to be       
dreaded in the present agitation of the 
subject1 relates to the time and the    
manner of its extinction4 ,the          
,abolitionists claim that their method  
will bring it to an end in the shortest 
time1 and in the safest and best way4   
,their opponents believe1 that it will  
tend to bring it to an end1 if at all1  

at the most distant period1 and in the  
most dangerous way4  ,as neither party  
are gifted with prescience1 and as the  
,deity has made no revelations as to the
 future results of any given measures1  
all the means of judging that remain to 
us1 as before stated1 are the laws of   
mind1 and the records of the past4  ,the
 position then ,i would aim to establish
 is1 that the method taken by the       
,abolitionists is the one that1         
according to the laws of mind and past  
experience1 is least likely to bring    
about the results they aim to           
accomplish4 ,the general statement is   
this4  ,the object to be accomplished   
is3  ,first4 ,to convince a certain     
community1 that they are in the practice
 of a great sin1 and  ,secondly4 ,to    
make them willing to relinquish it4     
,the method taken to accomplish this is1
 by voluntary associations in a foreign 
community1 seeking to excite public     
sentiment against the perpetrators of   
the evil2 exhibiting the enormity of the

 crime in full measure1 without         
palliation1 excuse or sympathy1 by means
 of periodicals and agents circulating1 
not in the community committing the sin1
 but in that which does not practise it4
  ,now that this method may1 in         
conjunction with other causes1 have an  
influence to bring slavery to an end1 is
 not denied4 ,but it is believed1 and   
from the following considerations1 that 
it is the least calculated to do the    
good1 and that it involves the greatest 
evils4  ,it is a known law of mind first
 seen in the nursery and school1        
afterwards developed in society1 that a 
person is least likely to judge         
correctly of truth1 and least likely to 
yield to duty1 when excited by passion4 
,it is a law of experience1 that when   
wrong is done1 if repentance and        
reformation are sought1 then love and   
kindness1 mingled with remonstrance1    
coming from one who has a right to      
speak1 are more successful than rebuke  
and scorn from others who are not       

beloved1 and who are regarded as        
impertinent intruders4  ,in the nursery1
 if the child does wrong1 the finger of 
scorn1 the taunting rebuke1 or even the 
fair and deserved reproof of equals1    
will make the young culprit only frown  
with rage1 and perhaps repeat and       
increase the injury4 ,but the voice of  
maternal love1 or even the gentle       
remonstrances of an elder sister1 may   
bring tears of sorrow and contrition4   
,so in society4 ,let a man's enemies1 or
 those who have no interest in his      
welfare1 join to rebuke and rail at his 
offences1 and no signs of penitence will
 be seen4 ,but let the clergyman whom he
 respects and loves1 or his bosom friend
 approach him1 with kindness1           
forbearance and true sincerity1 and all 
that is possible to human agency will be
 effected4  ,it is the maxim then of    
experience1 that when men are to be     
turned from evils1 and brought to repent
 and reform1 those only should interfere
 who are most loved and respected1 and  

who have the best right to approach the 
offender4 ,while on the other hand1     
rebuke from those who are deemed        
obtrusive and inimical1 or even         
indifferent1 will do more harm than     
good4  ,it is another maxim of          
experience1 that such dealings with the 
erring should be in private1 not in     
public4 ,the moment a man is publicly   
rebuked1 shame1 anger1 and pride of     
opinion1 all combine to make him defend 
his practice1 and refuse either to own  
himself wrong1 or to cease from his evil
 ways4  ,the ,abolitionists have        
violated all these laws of mind and of  
experience1 in dealing with their       
southern brethren4  ,their course has   
been most calculated to awaken anger1   
fear1 pride1 hatred1 and all the        
passions most likely to blind the mind  
to truth1 and make it averse to duty4   
,they have not approached them with the 
spirit of love1 courtesy1 and           
forbearance4  ,they are not the persons 
who would be regarded by the ,south1 as 

having any right to interfere2 and      
therefore1 whether they have such right 
or not1 the probabilities of good are   
removed4 ,for it is not only demanded   
for the benefit of the offender1 that   
there should really be a right1 but it  
is necessary that he should feel that   
there is such a right4  ,in dealing with
 their brethren1 too1 they have not     
tried silent1 retired1 private measures4
 ,it has been public denunciation of    
crime and shame in newspapers1 addressed
 as it were to by-standers1 in order to 
arouse the guilty4  ,in reply to this1  
it has been urged1 that men could not go
 to the ,south--that they would be      
murdered there--that the only way was1  
to convince the ,north1 and excite      
public odium against the sins of the    
,south1 and thus gradually conviction1  
repentance1 and reformation would ensue4
  ,here is another case where men are to
 judge of their duty1 by estimating     
probabilities of future results2 and it 
may first be observed1 that it involves 

the principle of expediency1 in just    
that form to which ,abolitionists       
object4  ,it is allowed that the        
immediate abolition of slavery is to be 
produced by means of light and love1 and
 yet it is maintained as right to       
withdraw personally from the field of   
operation1 because of consequences2     
because of the probable danger of       
approaching4 ,if we go to the ,south1   
and present truth1 argument1 and        
entreaty1 we shall be slain1 and        
therefore we are not under obligation to
 go4 ,if this justifies ,abolitionists  
in their neglect of their offending     
brethren1 because they fear evil results
 to themselves1 it also justifies those 
who refuse to act with ,abolitionists in
 their measures1 because they fear other
 evil results4  ,but what proof is      
there1 that if the ,abolitionists had   
taken another method1 the one more in   
accordance with the laws of mind and the
 dictates of experience1 that there     
would have been at the ,south all this  

violence8 ,before the abolition movement
 commenced1 both northern and southern  
men1 expressed their views freely at the
 ,south4 ,the dangers1 evils1 and       
mischiefs of slavery were exhibited and 
discussed even in the legislative halls 
of more than one of the ,southern       
,states1 and many minds were anxiously  
devising measures1 to bring this evil to
 an end4  ,now let us look at some of   
the records of past experience4         
,clarkson was the first person who      
devoted himself to the cause of         
,abolition in ,england4 ,his object was 
to convince the people of ,england that 
they were guilty of a great impolicy1   
and great sin1 in permitting the        
slave-trade4 ,he was to meet the force  
of public sentiment1 and power1 and     
selfishness1 and wealth1 which sustained
 this traffic1 in that nation4 ,what    
were his measures8 ,he did not go to    
,sweden1 or ,russia1 or ,france1 to     
awaken public sentiment against the sins
 of the ,english4--,he began by first   

publishing an inquiry in ,england       
whether it was right to seize men1 and  
make them slaves4 ,he went              
unostentatiously to some of the best and
 most pious men there1 and endeavoured  
to interest them in the inquiry4  ,then 
he published an article on the impolicy 
of the slave-trade1 showing its         
disadvantages4 ,then he collected       
information of the evils and enormities 
involved in the traffic1 and went       
quietly around among those most likely  
to be moved by motives of humanity and  
,christianity4 ,in this manner he toiled
 for more than fourteen years1 slowly   
implanting the leaven among the good    
men1 until he gained a noble band of    
patriots and ,christians1 with          
,wilberforce at their head4  ,the       
following extract from a memoir of      
,clarkson discloses the manner and      
spirit in which he commenced his        
enterprise1 and toiled through to its   
accomplishment4  ,in #aghe ,dr4         
,peckhard1 ,vice-,chancellor of the     

,university1 deeply impressed with the  
iniquity of the slave-trade1 announced  
as a subject for a ,latin ,dissertation 
to the ,senior ,bachelors of ,arts3     
',anne liceat invitos in servitutem     
dare8' ',is it right to make slaves of  
others against their will8' ,however    
benevolent the feelings of the          
,vice-,chancellor1 and however strong   
and clear the opinions he held on the   
inhuman traffic1 it is probable that he 
little thought that this discussion     
would secure for the object so dear to  
his own heart1 efforts and advocacy     
equally enlightened and efficient1 that 
should be continued1 until his country  
had declared1 not that the slave-trade  
only1 but that slavery itself should    
cease4  ,mr4 ,clarkson1 having in the   
preceding year gained the first prize   
for the ,latin ,dissertation1 was       
naturally anxious to maintain his       
honourable position2 and no efforts were
 spared1 during the few intervening     
weeks1 in collecting information and    

evidence4 ,important facts were gained  
from ,anthony ,benezet's ,historical    
,account of ,guinea1 which ,mr4         
,clarkson hastened to ,london to        
purchase4 ,furnished with these and     
other valuable information1 he commenced
 his difficult task4 ,how it was        
accomplished1 he thus informs us4  ',no 
person1' he states1#a 'can tell the     
severe trial which the writing of it    
proved to me4 ,i had expected pleasure  
from the invention of the arguments1    
from the arrangement of them1 from the  
putting of them together1 and from the  
thought1 in the interim1 that ,i was    
engaged in an innocent contest for      
literary honour4 ,but all my pleasure   
was damped by the facts which were now  
continually before me4 ,it was but one  
gloomy subject from morning to night4   
,in the day-time ,i was uneasy2 in the  
night ,i had little rest4 ,i sometimes  
never closed my eyelids for grief4 ,it  
became now not so much a trial for      
academical reputation1 as for the       

production of a work which might be     
useful to injured ,africa4 ,and keeping 
this idea in my mind ever after the     
perusal of ,benezet1 ,i always slept    
with a candle in my room1 that ,i might 
rise out of bed1 and put down such      
thoughts as might occur to me in the    
night1 if ,i judged them valuable1      
conceiving that no arguments of any     
moment should be lost in so great a     
cause4 ,having at length finished this  
painful task1 ,i sent my ,essay to the  
,vice-,chancellor1 and soon afterwards  
found myself honoured1 as before1 with  
the first prize4      #a ,history of the
 ,abolition of the ,slave ,trade4  ',as 
it is usual to read these essays        
publicly in the senate-house soon after 
the prize is adjudged1 ,i was called to 
,cambridge for this purpose4 ,i went1   
and performed my office4 ,on returning1 
however1 to ,london1 the subject of it  
almost wholly engrossed my thoughts4 ,i 
became at times very seriously affected 
while upon the road4 ,i stopped my horse

 occasionally1 and dismounted1 and      
walked4 ,i frequently tried to persuade 
myself in these intervals that the      
contents of my ,essay could not be true4
 ,the more1 however1 ,i reflected upon  
them1 or rather upon the authorities on 
which they were founded1 the more ,i    
gave them credit4 ,coming in sight of   
,wade's ,mill1 in ,hertfordshire1 ,i sat
 down disconsolate on the turf by the   
road-side1 and held my horse4 ,here a   
thought came into my mind1 that if the  
contents of the ,essay were true1 it was
 time some person should see these      
calamities to their end4 ,agitated in   
this manner1 ,i reached home4 ,this was 
in the summer of #aghe4  ',in the course
 of the autumn of the same year ,i      
experienced similar impressions4 ,i     
walked frequently into the woods1 that  
,i might think on the subject in        
solitude1 and find relief to my mind    
there4 ,but there the question still    
recurred1 ',are these things true8'     
,still the answer followed as           

instantaneously1--',they are4' ,still   
the result accompanied it2 ',then1      
surely1 some person should interfere4'  
,i then began to envy those who had     
seats in parliament1 and who had great  
riches1 and widely extended connexions1 
which would enable them to take up this 
cause4 ,finding scarcely any one at that
 time who thought of it1 ,i was turned  
frequently to myself4 ,but here many    
difficulties arose4 ,it struck me1 among
 others1 that a young man of only       
twenty-four years of age could not have 
that solid judgment1 or knowledge of    
men1 manners1 and things1 which were    
requisite to qualify him to undertake a 
task of such magnitude and importance3  
and with whom was ,i to unite8 ,i       
believed also1 that it looked so much   
like one of the feigned labours of      
,hercules1 that my understanding would  
be suspected if ,i proposed it4 ,on     
ruminating1 however1 on the subject1 ,i 
found one thing at least practicable1   
and that this was also in my power4 ,i  

could translate my ,latin ,dissertation4
 ,i could enlarge it usefully4 ,i could 
see how the public received it1 or how  
far they were likely to favour any      
serious measures1 which should have a   
tendency to produce the abolition of the
 slave-trade4 ,upon this1 then1 ,i      
determined2 and in the middle of the    
month of ,november1 #aghe1 ,i began my  
work4'  ,such is the characteristic and 
ingenuous account given by ,clarkson of 
his introduction to that work to which  
the energies of his life were devoted1  
and in reference to which1 and to the   
account whence the foregoing extract has
 been made1 one of the most benevolent  
and gifted writers of our country#b has 
justly observed1--      #b ,coleridge4  
',this interesting tale is related1 not 
by a descendant1 but a cotemporary2 not 
by a distant spectator1 but by a        
participator of the contest2 and of all 
the many participators1 by the man      
confessedly the most efficient2 the man 
whose unparalleled labours in this work 

of love and peril1 leave on the mind of 
a reflecting reader the sublime doubt1  
which of the two will have been the     
greater final gain to the moral         
world1--the removal of the evil1 or the 
proof1 thereby given1 what mighty       
effects single good men may realize by  
self-devotion and perseverance4'  ,when 
,mr4 ,clarkson went to ,london to       
publish his book1 he was introduced to  
many friends of the cause of ,abolition1
 who aided in giving it extensive       
circulation4 ,whilst thus employed1 he  
received an invitation1 which he        
accepted1 to visit the ,rev4 ,james     
,ramsay1 vicar of ,teston1 in ,kent1 who
 had resided nineteen years in the      
island of ,st4 ,christopher4  ,shortly  
afterwards1 dining one day at ,sir      
,charles ,middleton's1 7afterwards ,lord
 ,barham17 the conversation turned upon 
the subject1 and ,mr4 ,clarkson declared
 that he was ready to devote himself to 
the cause4 ,this avowal met with great  
encouragement from the company1 and ,sir

 ,c4 ,middleton1 then ,comptroller to   
the ,navy1 offered every possible       
assistance4 ,the friends of ,mr4        
,clarkson increased1 and this encouraged
 him to proceed4 ,dr4 ,porteus1 then    
,bishop of ,chester1 and ,lord          
,scarsdale1 were secured in the ,house  
of ,lords4 ,mr4 ,bennet ,langton1 and   
,dr4 ,baker1 who were acquainted with   
many members of both houses of          
parliament2 the honoured ,granville     
,sharpe1 ,james and ,richard ,phillips1 
could be depended upon1 as well as the  
entire body of the ,society of ,friends1
 to many of whom he had been introduced 
by ,mr4 ,joseph ,hancock1 his           
fellow-townsman4 ,seeking information in
 every direction1 ,mr4 ,clarkson boarded
 a number of vessels engaged in the     
,african trade1 and obtained specimens  
of the natural productions of the       
country4 ,the beauty of the cloth made  
from ,african cotton1 c4 enhanced his   
estimate of the skill and ingenuity of  
the people1 and gave a fresh stimulus to

 his exertions on their behalf4 ,he next
 visited a slave-ship2 the rooms below1 
the gratings above1 and the barricade   
across the deck1 with the explanation of
 their uses1 though the sight of them   
filled him with sadness and horror1 gave
 new energy to all his movements4 ,in   
his indefatigable endeavours to collect 
evidence and facts1 he visited most of  
the sea-ports in the kingdom1 pursuing  
his great object with invincible ardour1
 although sometimes at the peril of his 
life4 ,the following circumstance1 among
 others1 evinces the eminent degree in  
which he possessed that untiring        
perseverance1 on which the success of a 
great enterprise often depends4         
,clarkson and his friends had reason to 
fear that slaves brought from the       
interior of ,africa by certain rivers1  
had been kidnapped2 and it was deemed of
 great importance to ascertain the fact4
 ,a friend one day mentioned to ,mr4    
,clarkson1 that he had1 above twelve    
months before1 seen a sailor who had    

been up these rivers4 ,the name of the  
sailor was unknown1 and all the friend  
could say was1 that he was going to1 or 
belonged to1 some man-of-war in         
ordinary4 ,the evidence of this         
individual was important1 and1 aided by 
his friend ,sir ,charles ,middleton1 who
 gave him permission to board all the   
ships of war in ordinary1 ,mr4 ,clarkson
 commenced his search3--beginning at    
,deptford1 he visited successfully      
,woolwich1 ,chatham1 ,sheerness1 and    
,portsmouth2 examining in his progress  
the different persons on board upwards  
of two hundred and sixty vessels1       
without discovering the object of his   
search4 ,the feelings under which the   
search was continued1 and the success   
with which it was crowned1 he has       
himself thus described3--  ',matters now
 began to look rather disheartening1--,i
 mean as far as my grand object was     
concerned4 ,there was but one other port
 left1 and this was between two and     
three hundred miles distant4 ,i         

determined1 however1 to go to ,plymouth4
 ,i had already been more successful in 
this tour1 with respect to obtaining    
general evidence1 than in any other of  
the same length2 and the probability    
was1 that as ,i should continue to move 
among the same kind of people1 my       
success would be in a similar           
proportion1 according to the number     
visited4 ,these were great              
encouragements to me to proceed4 ,at    
length ,i arrived at the place of my    
last hope4 ,on my first day's expedition
 ,i boarded forty vessels1 but found no 
one in these who had been on the coast  
of ,africa in the slave-trade4 ,one or  
two had been there in king's ships2 but 
they never had been on shore4 ,things   
were now drawing near to a close2 and   
notwithstanding my success1 as to       
general evidence1 in this journey1 my   
heart began to beat4 ,i was restless and
 uneasy during the night4 ,the next     
morning ,i felt agitated again between  
the alternate pressure of hope and fear2

 and in this state ,i entered my boat4  
,the fifty-seventh vessel ,i boarded was
 the ,melampus frigate4--,one person    
belonging to it1 on examining him in the
 captain's cabin1 said he had been two  
voyages to ,africa2 and ,i had not long 
discoursed with him1 before ,i found1 to
 my inexpressible joy1 that he was the  
man4 ,i found1 too1 that he unravelled  
the question in dispute precisely as our
 inferences had determined it4 ,he had  
been two expeditions up the river       
,calabar1 in the canoes of the natives4 
,in the first of these they came within 
a certain distance of a village3 they   
then concealed themselves under the     
bushes1 which hung over the water from  
the banks4 ,in this position they       
remained during the day-light2 but at   
night they went up to it armed1 and     
seized all the inhabitants who had not  
time to make their escape4 ,they        
obtained forty-five persons in this     
manner4 ,in the second1 they were out   
eight or nine days1 when they made a    

similar attempt1 and with nearly similar
 success4 ,they seized men1 women1 and  
children1 as they could find them in the
 huts4 ,they then bound their arms1 and 
drove them before them to the canoes4   
,the name of the person thus discovered 
on board of the ,melampus was ,isaac    
,parker4 ,on inquiring into his         
character1 from the master of the       
division1 ,i found it highly            
respectable4 ,i found also afterward    
that he had sailed with ,captain ,cook1 
with great credit to himself1 round the 
world4 ,it was also remarkable1 that my 
brother1 on seeing him in ,london1 when 
he went to deliver his evidence1        
recognized him as having served on board
 the ,monarch1 man-of-war1 and as one of
 the most exemplary men in that ship4'  
,mr4 ,clarkson became1 early in his     
career1 acquainted with ,mr4            
,wilberforce4 ,at their first interview1
 the latter frankly stated1 'that the   
subject had often employed his thoughts1
 and was near his heart1' and learning  

his visitor's intention to devote       
himself to this benevolent object1      
congratulated him on his decision2      
desired to be made acquainted with his  
progress1 expressing his willingness1 in
 return1 to afford every assistance in  
his power4 ,in his intercourse with     
members of parliament1 ,mr4 ,clarkson   
was now frequently associated with ,mr4 
,wilberforce1 who daily became more     
interested in the fate of ,africa4 ,the 
intercourse of the two philanthropists  
was mutually cordial and encouraging2   
,mr4 ,clarkson imparting his discoveries
 in the custom-houses of ,london1       
,liverpool1 and other places2 and ,mr4  
,wilberforce communicating the          
information he had gained from those    
with whom he associated4  ,in #aghh1    
,mr4 ,clarkson published his important  
work on the ,impolicy of the            
,slave-,trade4  ,in #aghi1 this         
indefatigable man went to ,france1 by   
the advice of the ,committee which he   
had been instrumental in forming two    

years before2 ,mr4 ,wilberforce1 always 
solicitous for the good of the oppressed
 ,africans1 being of opinion that       
advantage might be taken of the         
commotions in that country1 to induce   
the leading persons there to take the   
slave-trade into their consideration1   
and incorporate it among the abuses to  
be removed4 ,several of ,mr4 ,clarkson's
 friends advised him to travel by       
another name1 as accounts had arrived in
 ,england of the excesses which had     
taken place in ,paris2 but to this he   
could not consent4 ,on his arrival in   
that city he was speedily introduced to 
those who were favourable to the great  
object of his life2 and at the house of 
,m4 ,necker dined with the six deputies 
of colour from ,st4 ,domingo1--who had  
been sent to ,france at this juncture1  
to demand that the free people of colour
 in their country might be placed upon  
an equality with the whites4 ,their     
communications to the ,english          
philanthropist were important and       

interesting2 they hailed him as their   
friend1 and were abundant in their      
commendations of his conduct4  ,copies  
of the ,essay on the ,impolicy of the   
,slave-,trade1 translated into ,french1 
with engravings of the plan and section 
of a slave ship1 were distributed with  
apparent good effect4 ,the virtuous     
,abbe ,gregoire1 and several members of 
the ,national ,assembly1 called upon    
,mr4 ,clarkson4 ,the ,archbishop of ,aix
 was so struck with horror1 when the    
plan of the slave ship was shown to him1
 that he could scarcely speak2 and      
,mirabeau ordered a model of it in wood 
to be placed in his dining-room4  ,the  
circulation of intelligence1 although   
contributing to make many friends1      
called forth the extraordinary exertions
 of enemies4 ,merchants1 and others     
interested in the continuance of the    
slave-trade1 wrote letters to the       
,archbishop of ,aix1 beseeching him not 
to ruin ,france2 which they said he     
would inevitably do1 if1 as the         

president1 he were to grant a day for   
hearing the question of the abolition4  
,offers of money were made to ,mirabeau1
 if he would totally abandon his        
intended motion4 ,books were circulated 
in opposition to ,mr4 ,clarkson's2      
resort was had to the public papers1 and
 he was denounced as a spy4 ,the clamour
 raised by these efforts pervaded all   
,paris1 and reached the ears of the     
king4 ,m4 ,necker had a long            
conversation with his royal master upon 
it1 who requested to see the ,essay1 and
 the specimens of ,african manufactures1
 and bestowed considerable time upon    
them1 being surprised at the state of   
the arts there4 ,m4 ,necker did not     
exhibit the section of the slave ship1  
thinking that as the king was           
indisposed1 he might be too much        
affected by it4 ,louis returned the     
specimens1 commissioning ,m4 ,necker to 
convey his thanks to ,mr4 ,clarkson1 and
 express his gratification at what he   
had seen4  ,no decided benefit appears  

at this time to have followed the visit3
 but though much depressed by his ill   
success in ,france1 ,mr4 ,clarkson      
continued his labours1 till excess of   
exertion1 joined to repeated and bitter 
disappointments1 impaired his health1   
and1 after a hard struggle1 subdued a   
constitution1 naturally strong and      
vigorous beyond the lot of men in       
general1 but shattered by anxiety and   
fatigue1 and the sad probability1 often 
forced upon his understanding1 that all 
might at last have been in vain4 ,under 
these feelings1 he retired in #agid to  
the beautiful banks of ,ulleswater2     
there to seek that rest which1 without  
peril to his life1 could no longer be   
delayed4  ,for seven years he had       
maintained a correspondence with four   
hundred persons2 he annually wrote a    
book upon the subject of the abolition1 
and travelled more than thirty-five     
thousand miles in search of evidence1   
making a great part of these journeys in
 the night4 ',all this time1' ,mr4      

,clarkson writes1 'my mind had been on  
the stretch2 it had been bent too to    
this one subject2 for ,i had not even   
leisure to attend to my own concerns4   
,the various instances of barbarity1    
which had come successively to my       
knowledge within this period1 had vexed1
 harassed1 and afflicted it4 ,the wound 
which these had produced was rendered   
still deeper by the reiterated refusal  
of persons to give their testimony1     
after ,i had travelled hundreds of miles
 in quest of them4 ,but the severest    
stroke was that inflicted by the        
persecution begun and pursued by persons
 interested in the continuance of the   
trade1 of such witnesses as had been    
examined against them2 and whom1 on     
account of their dependent situation in 
life1 it was most easy to oppress4 ,as  
,i had been the means of bringing them  
forward on these occasions1 they        
naturally came to me1 as the author of  
their miseries and their ruin4#c ,these 
different circumstances1 by acting      

together1 had at length brought me into 
the situation just mentioned2 and ,i    
was1 therefore1 obliged1 though very    
reluctantly1 to be borne out of the     
field where ,i had placed the great     
honour and glory of my life4'      #c   
,the father of the late ,samuel         
,whitbread1 ,esq41 generously           
undertook1 in order to make ,mr4        
,clarkson's mind easy upon the          
subject1 to make good all injuries which
 any individuals might     suffer from  
such persecution2 and he honourably and 
nobly     fulfilled his engagement4  ,it
 was while thus recruiting the energies 
exhausted in the conflict1 that         
,clarkson1 and the compatriot band with 
which he had been associated in the long
 and arduous struggle1 were crowned with
 victory1 and received the grateful     
reward of their honourable toil in the  
final abolition of the slave-trade by   
the ,british nation1 in #ahjg1 the last 
but most glorious act of the ,grenville 
administration4  ,the preceding shows   

something of the career of ,clarkson    
while labouring to convince the people  
of ,great ,britain of the iniquity of   
their own trade1 a trade which they had 
the power to abolish4 ,during all this  
time1 ,clarkson1 ,wilberforce1 and their
 associates avoided touching the matter 
of slavery4 ,they knew that one thing   
must be gained at a time1 and they as a 
matter of expediency1 avoided discussing
 the duty of the ,british nation in     
regard to the system of slavery in their
 ,colonies which was entirely under     
their own control4 ,during all the time 
that was employed in efforts to end the 
slave-trade1 slavery was existing in the
 control of the ,british people1 and yet
 ,clarkson and ,wilberforce decided that
 it was right to let that matter        
entirely alone4  ,the following shows   
,clarkson's proceedings after the       
,british nation had abolished the       
slave-trade4  ,by the publication of his
 ,thoughts on the ,abolition of         
,slavery1 ,mr4 ,clarkson showed that    

neither he nor those connected with him1
 considered their work as accomplished1 
when the laws of his country clasped    
with its felons those engaged in the    
nefarious traffic of slaves4 ,but the   
efforts of ,mr4 ,clarkson were not      
confined to his pen4 ,in #ahah1 he      
proceeded to ,aix la ,chapelle1 at the  
time when the sovereigns of ,europe met 
in congress4 ,he was received with      
marked attention by the ,emperor of     
,russia1 who listened to his statements 
7respecting the slave-trade17 and       
promised to use his influence with the  
assembled monarchs1 to secure the entire
 suppression of the trade in human      
beings1 as speedily as possible4        
,describing his interview with this     
amiable monarch1 in which the subject of
 peace societies1 as well as the        
abolition of the slave-trade was        
discussed1 ,mr4 ,clarkson1 in a letter  
to a friend1 thus writes3  ',it was     
about nine at night1 when ,i was shown  
into the emperor's apartment4 ,i found  

him alone4 ,he met me at the door1 and  
shaking me by the hand1 said1 ',i had   
the pleasure of making your acquaintance
 at ,paris4' ,he then led me some little
 way into the room1 and leaving me      
there1 went forward and brought me a    
chair with his own hand1 and desired me 
to sit down4 ,this being done1 he went  
for another chair1 and bringing it very 
near to mine1 placed himself close to   
me1 so that we sat opposite to each     
other4  ',i began the conversation by   
informing the emperor that as ,i        
supposed the congress of ,aix la        
,chapelle might possibly be the last    
congress of sovereigns for settling the 
affairs of ,europe1 its connexions and  
dependencies1 ,i had availed myself of  
the kind permission he gave me at       
,paris1 of applying to him in behalf of 
the oppressed ,africans1 being unwilling
 to lose the last opportunity of        
rendering him serviceable to the cause4 
',the emperor replied1 that he had read 
both my letter and my address to the    

sovereigns1 and that what ,i asked him  
and the other sovereigns to do1 was only
 reasonable4  ',here ,i repeated the two
 great propositions in the address--the 
necessity of bringing the ,portuguese   
time for continuing the trade 7which did
 not expire till #ahbe1 and then only   
with a condition17 down to the ,spanish 
time1 which expired in #ahbj2 and       
secondly1 when the two times should     
legally have expired1 7that is1 both of 
them in #ahbj17 then to make any farther
 continuance piracy4 ,i entreated him   
not to be deceived by any other         
propositions2 for that ,mr4             
,wilberforce1 myself1 and others1 who   
had devoted our time to this subject1   
were sure that no other measure would be
 effectual4  ',he then said very        
feelingly in these words1 ',by the      
providence of ,god1 ,i and my kingdom   
have been saved from a merciless        
tyranny1 7alluding to the invasion of   
,napoleon17 and ,i should but ill repay 
the blessing1 if ,i were not to do every

 thing in my power to protect the poor  
,africans against their oppression      
also4'  ',the emperor then asked if he  
could do any thing else for our cause4  
,i told him he could2 and that ,i should
 be greatly obliged to him if he would  
present one of the addresses to the     
,emperor of ,austria1 and another to the
 ,king of ,prussia1 with his own hand4  
,i had brought two of them in my pocket 
for the purpose4 ,he asked me why ,i had
 not presented them before4 ,i replied  
that ,i had not the honour of knowing   
either of those sovereigns as ,i knew   
him2 nor any of their ministers2 and    
that ,i was not only fearful lest these 
addresses would not be presented to     
them1 but even if they were1 that coming
 into their hands without any           
recommendation1 they would be laid aside
 and not read2 on the other hand1 if he 
7the emperor17 would condescend to      
present them1 ,i was sure they would be 
read1 and that coming from him1 they    
would come with a weight of influence1  

which would secure an attention to their
 contents4 ,upon this1 the emperor      
promised1 in the most kind and affable  
manner1 that he would perform the task  
,i had assigned to him4  ',we then rose 
from our seats to inspect some articles 
of manufacture1 which ,i had brought    
with me as a present to him1 and which  
had been laid upon the table4 ,we       
examined the articles in leather first1 
one by one1 with which he was uncommonly
 gratified4 ,he said they exhibited not 
only genius but taste4 ,he inquired if  
they tanned their own leather1 and how3 
,i replied to his question4 ,he said he 
had never seen neater work1 either in   
,petersburg or in ,london4 ,he then     
looked at a dagger and its scabbard or  
sheath4 ,i said the sheath was intended 
as a further1 but more beautiful        
specimen of the work of the poor        
,africans in leather2 and the blade of  
their dagger as a specimen of their work
 in iron4 ,their works in cotton next   
came under our notice4 ,there was one   

piece which attracted his particular    
notice1 and which was undoubtedly very  
beautiful4 ,it called from him this     
observation1 ',manchester1' said he1 ',i
 think is your great place for          
manufactures of this sort--do you think 
they could make a better piece of cotton
 there8' ,i told him ,i had never seen a
 better piece of workmanship of the kind
 any where4 ,having gone over all the   
articles1 the emperor desired me to     
inform him whether he was to understand 
that these articles were made by the    
,africans in their own country1 that is1
 in their native villages1 or after they
 had arrived in ,america1 where they    
would have an opportunity of seeing     
,european manufactures1 and experienced 
workmen in the arts8 ,i replied that    
such articles might be found in every   
,african village1 both on the coast and 
in the interior1 and that they were     
samples of their own ingenuity1 without 
any connexion with ,europeans4 ',then1' 
said the emperor1 'you astonish me--you 

have given me a new idea of the state of
 these poor people4 ,i was not aware    
that they were so advanced in society4  
,the works you have shown me are not the
 works of brutes--but of men1 endued    
with rational and intellectual powers1  
and capable of being brought to as high 
a degree of proficiency as any other    
men4 ,africa ought to have a fair chance
 of raising her character in the scale  
of the civilized world4' ,i replied that
 it was this cruel traffic alone1 which 
had prevented ,africa from rising to a  
level with other nations2 and that it   
was only astonishing to me that the     
natives there had1 under its impeding   
influence1 arrived at the perfection    
which had displayed itself in the       
specimens of workmanship he had just    
seen4'  ,animated by a growing          
conviction of the righteousness of the  
cause in which he was engaged1 and      
encouraged by the success with which    
past endeavours had been crowned1 ,mr4  
,clarkson continued his efficient       

co-operation with the friends of        
,abolition1 advocating its claims on all
 suitable occasions4  ,it would be      
superfluous to recount the steps by     
which1 even before the venerated        
,wilberforce was called to his rest1    
this glorious event was realized1 and   
,clarkson beheld the great object of his
 own life1 and those with whom he had   
acted1 triumphantly achieved4 ,the      
gratitude cherished towards the ,supreme
 ,ruler for the boon thus secured to the
 oppressed--the satisfaction which a    
review of past exertions afforded1 were 
heightened by the joyous sympathy of a  
large portion of his countrymen4#d      
#d ,this account of ,clarkson1 and the  
preceding one of ,wilberforce1     are  
taken from the ,christian ,keepsake of  
#ahcf and #ahcg4  ,the ,history of the  
,abolition of the ,slave-trade1 by      
,clarkson himself1 presents a more      
detailed account of his own labours and 
of the labours of others1 and whoever   
will read it1 will observe the following

 particulars in which this effort       
differed from the ,abolition movement in
 ,america4  ,in the first place1 it was 
conducted by some of the wisest and most
 talented statesmen1 as well as the most
 pious men1 in the ,british nation4     
,pitt1 ,fox1 and some of the highest of 
the nobility and bishops in ,england1   
were the firmest friends of the         
enterprise from the first4 ,it was      
conducted by men who had the intellect1 
knowledge1 discretion1 and wisdom       
demanded for so great an enterprise4    
,secondly4 ,it was conducted slowly1    
peaceably1 and by eminently judicious   
influences4  ,thirdly4 ,it included1 to 
the full extent1 the doctrine of        
expediency denounced by ,abolitionists4 
,one of the first decisions of the      
,committee for the ,abolition of the    
,slave-trade1 which conducted all       
,abolition movements1 was that slavery  
should not be attacked1 but only the    
slave-trade2 and ,clarkson expressly    
says1 that it was owing to this1 more   

than to any other measure1 that success 
was gained4  ,fourthly4 ,good men were  
not divided1 and thrown into contending 
parties4--,the opponents to the measure1
 were only those who were personally    
interested in the perpetuation of       
slavery or the slave-trade4  ,fifthly4  
,this effort was one to convince men of 
their own obligations1 and not an effort
 to arouse public sentiment against the 
sinful practices of another community   
over which they had no control4  ,i     
would now ask1 why could not some       
southern gentleman1 such for example as 
,mr4 ,birney1 whose manners1 education1 
character1 and habits give him abundant 
facilities1 have acted the part of      
,clarkson1 and quietly have gone to work
 at the ,south1 collecting facts1       
exhibiting the impolicy and the evils1  
to good men at the ,south1 by the       
fire-side of the planter1 the known home
 of hospitality and chivalry4 ,why could
 he not have commenced with the most    
vulnerable point1 the domestic          

slave-trade1 leaving emancipation for a 
future and more favourable period8 ,what
 right has any one to say that there was
 no southern ,wilberforce that would    
have arisen1 no southern ,grant1        
,macaulay or ,sharpe1 who1 like the     
,english philanthropists1 would have    
stood the fierce beating of angry       
billows1 and by patience1 kindness1     
arguments1 facts1 eloquence1 and        
,christian love1 convinced the          
skeptical1 enlightened the ignorant1    
excited the benevolent1 and finally have
 carried the day at the ,south1 by the  
same means and measures1 as secured the 
event in ,england8 ,all experience is in
 favour of the method which the         
,abolitionists have rejected1 because it
 involves danger to themselves4 ,the    
cause they have selected is one that    
stands alone4--,no case parallel on     
earth can be brought to sustain it1 with
 probabilities of good results4 ,no     
instance can be found1 where exciting   
the public sentiment of one community   

against evil practices in another1 was  
ever made the means of eradicating those
 evils4 ,all the laws of mind1 all the  
records of experience1 go against the   
measures that ,abolitionists have taken1
 and in favour of the one they have     
rejected4 ,and when we look still       
farther ahead1 at results which time is 
to develope1 how stand the              
probabilities1 when we1 in judging1     
again take1 as data1 the laws of mind   
and the records of experience8  ,what   
are the plans1 hopes1 and expectations  
of ,abolitionists1 in reference to their
 measures8 ,they are now labouring to   
make the ,north a great ,abolition      
,society1--to convince every northern   
man that slavery at the ,south is a     
great sin1 and that it ought immediately
 to cease4 ,suppose they accomplish this
 to the extent they hope1--so far as we 
have seen1 the more the ,north is       
convinced1 the more firmly the ,south   
rejects the light1 and turns from the   
truth4  ,while ,abolition ,societies did

 not exist1 men could talk and write1 at
 the ,south1 against the evils of       
slavery1 and northern men had free      
access and liberty of speech1 both at   
the ,south and at the ,north4 ,but now  
all is changed4 ,every avenue of        
approach to the ,south is shut4 ,no     
paper1 pamphlet1 or preacher1 that      
touches on that topic1 is admitted in   
their bounds4 ,their own citizens1 that 
once laboured and remonstrated1 are     
silenced2 their own clergy1 under the   
influence of the exasperated feelings of
 their people1 and their own sympathy   
and sense of wrong1 either entirely hold
 their peace1 or become the defenders of
 a system they once lamented1 and       
attempted to bring to an end4 ,this is  
the record of experience as to the      
tendencies of ,abolitionism1 as thus far
 developed4 ,the ,south are now in just 
that state of high exasperation1 at the 
sense of wanton injury and impertinent  
interference1 which makes the influence 
of truth and reason most useless and    

powerless4  ,but suppose the            
,abolitionists succeed1 not only in     
making northern men ,abolitionists1 but 
also in sending a portion of light into 
the ,south1 such as to form a body of   
,abolitionists there also4 ,what is the 
thing that is to be done to end slavery 
at the ,south8 ,it is to alter the laws1
 and to do this1 a small minority must  
begin a long1 bitter1 terrible conflict 
with a powerful and exasperated         
majority4 ,now if1 as the ,abolitionists
 hope1 there will arise at the ,south   
such a minority1 it will doubtless      
consist of men of religious and         
benevolent feelings1--men of that       
humane1 and generous1 and upright       
spirit1 that most keenly feel the       
injuries inflicted on their fellow men4 
,suppose such a band of men begin their 
efforts1 sustained by the northern      
,abolitionists1 already so odious4 ,how 
will the exasperated majority act1      
according to the known laws of mind and 
of experience8 ,instead of lessening the

 evils of slavery1 they will increase   
them4 ,the more they are goaded by a    
sense of aggressive wrong without1 or by
 fears of dangers within1 the more they 
will restrain their slaves1 and diminish
 their liberty1 and increase their      
disabilities4 ,they will make laws so   
unjust and oppressive1 not only to      
slaves1 but to their ,abolitionist      
advocates1 that by degrees such men will
 withdraw from their bounds4 ,laws will 
be made expressly to harass them1 and to
 render them so uncomfortable that they 
must withdraw4 ,then gradually the      
righteous will flee from the devoted    
city4 ,then the numerical proportion of 
whites will decrease1 and the cruelty   
and unrestrained wickedness of the      
system will increase1 till a period will
 come when the physical power will be so
 much with the blacks1 their sense of   
suffering so increased1 that the volcano
 will burst1--insurrection and servile  
wars will begin4 ,oh1 the countless     
horrors of such a day6 ,and will the    

,south stand alone in that burning hour8
 ,when she sends forth the wailing of   
her agonies1 shall not the ,north and   
the ,west hear1 and lift up together the
 voice of wo8 ,will not fathers hear the
 cries of children1 and brothers the    
cries of sisters8 ,will the terrors of  
insurrection sweep over the ,south1 and 
no ,northern and ,western blood be shed8
 ,will the slaves be cut down1 in such a
 strife1 when they raise the same paean 
song of liberty and human rights1 that  
was the watchword of our redemption from
 far less dreadful tyranny1 and which is
 now thrilling the nations and shaking  
monarchs on their thrones--will this be 
heard1 and none of the sons of liberty  
be found to appear on their side8 ,this 
is no picture of fancied dangers1 which 
are not near4 ,the day has come1 when   
already the feelings are so excited on  
both sides1 that ,i have heard          
intelligent men1 good men1 benevolent   
and pious men1 in moments of excitement1
 declare themselves ready to take up the

 sword--some for the defence of the     
master1 some for the protection and     
right of the slave4 ,it is my full      
conviction1 that if insurrection does   
burst forth1 and there be the least     
prospect of success to the cause of the 
slave1 there will be men from the ,north
 and ,west1 standing breast to breast1  
with murderous weapons1 in opposing     
ranks4  ,such apprehensions many would  
regard as needless1 and exclaim against 
such melancholy predictions4 ,but in a  
case where the whole point of duty and  
expediency turns upon the probabilities 
as to results1 those probabilities ought
 to be the chief subjects of inquiry4   
,true1 no one has a right to say with   
confidence what will or what will not   
be2 and it has often amazed and         
disturbed my mind to perceive how men1  
with so small a field of vision1--with  
so little data for judging1--with so few
 years1 and so little experience1 can   
pronounce concerning the results of     
measures bearing upon the complicated   

relations and duties of millions1 and in
 a case where the wisest and best are   
dismayed and baffled4 ,it sometimes has 
seemed to me that the prescience of     
,deity alone should dare to take such   
positions as are both carelessly        
assumed1 and pertinaciously defended1 by
 the advocates of ,abolitionism4  ,but  
if we are to judge of the wisdom or     
folly of any measures on this subject1  
it must be with reference to future     
results4 ,one course of measures1 it is 
claimed1 tends to perpetuate slavery1 or
 to end it by scenes of terror and      
bloodshed4 ,another course tends to     
bring it to an end sooner1 and by safe  
and peaceful influences4 ,and the whole 
discussion of duty rests on these       
probabilities4 ,but where do the laws of
 mind and experience oppose the terrific
 tendencies of ,abolitionism that have  
been portrayed8 ,are not the minds of   
men thrown into a ferment1 and excited  
by those passions which blind the       
reason1 and warp the moral sense8 ,is   

not the ,south in a state of high       
exasperation against ,abolitionists8    
,does she not regard them as enemies1 as
 reckless madmen1 as impertinent        
intermeddlers8 ,will the increase of    
their numbers tend to allay this        
exasperation8 ,will the appearance of a 
similar body in their own boundaries    
have any tendency to soothe8 ,will it   
not still more alarm and exasperate8 ,if
 a movement of a minority of such men   
attempt to alter the laws1 are not the  
probabilities strong that still more    
unjust and oppressive measures will be  
adopted8--measures that will tend to    
increase the hardships of the slave1 and
 to drive out of the community all      
humane1 conscientious and pious men8 ,as
 the evils and dangers increase1 will   
not the alarm constantly diminish the   
proportion of whites1 and make it more  
and more needful to increase such       
disabilities and restraints as will     
chafe and inflame the blacks8 ,when this
 point is reached1 will the blacks1     

knowing1 as they will know1 the         
sympathies of their ,abolition friends1 
refrain from exerting their physical    
power8 ,the ,southampton insurrection   
occurred with far less chance of        
sympathy and success4  ,if that most    
horrible of all scourges1 a servile war1
 breaks forth1 will the slaughter of    
fathers1 sons1 infants1 and of          
aged1--will the cries of wives1         
daughters1 sisters1 and kindred1        
suffering barbarities worse than death1 
bring no fathers1 brothers1 and friends 
to their aid1 from the ,north and ,west8
  ,and if the sympathies and indignation
 of freemen can already look such an    
event in the face1 and feel that it     
would be the slave1 rather than the     
master1 whom they would defend1 what    
will be the probability1 after a few    
years' chafing shall have driven away   
the most christian and humane from      
scenes of cruelty and inhumanity1 which 
they could neither alleviate nor        
redress8 ,i should like to see any data 

of past experience1 that will show that 
these results are not more probable than
 that the ,south will1 by the system of 
means now urged upon her1 finally be    
convinced of her sins1 and voluntarily  
bring the system of slavery to an end4  
,i claim not that the predictions ,i    
present will be fulfilled4 ,i only say1 
that if ,abolitionists go on as they    
propose1 such results are more probable 
than those they hope to attain4  ,i have
 not here alluded to the probabilities  
of the severing of the ,union by the    
present mode of agitating the question4 
,this may be one of the results1 and1 if
 so1 what are the probabilities for a   
,southern republic1 that has torn itself
 off for the purpose of excluding       
foreign interference1 and for the       
purpose of perpetuating slavery8 ,can   
any ,abolitionist suppose that1 in such 
a state of things1 the great cause of   
emancipation is as likely to progress   
favourably1 as it was when we were one  
nation1 and mingling on those fraternal 

terms that existed before the ,abolition
 movement began8  ,the preceding are    
some of the reasons which1 on the       
general view1 ,i would present as       
opposed to the proposal of forming      
,abolition ,societies2 and they apply   
equally to either sex4 ,there are some  
others which seem to oppose peculiar    
objections to the action of females in  
the way you would urge4  ,to appreciate 
more fully these objections1 it will be 
necessary to recur to some general views
 in relation to the place woman is      
appointed to fill by the dispensations  
of heaven4  ,it has of late become quite
 fashionable in all benevolent efforts1 
to shower upon our sex an abundance of  
compliments1 not only for what they have
 done1 but also for what they can do2   
and so injudicious and so frequent1 are 
these oblations1 that while ,i feel an  
increasing respect for my countrywomen1 
that their good sense has not been      
decoyed by these appeals to their vanity
 and ambition1 ,i cannot but apprehend  

that there is some need of inquiry as to
 the just bounds of female influence1   
and the times1 places1 and manner in    
which it can be appropriately exerted4  
,it is the grand feature of the ,divine 
economy1 that there should be different 
stations of superiority and             
subordination1 and it is impossible to  
annihilate this beneficent and immutable
 law4 ,on its first entrance into life1 
the child is a dependent on parental    
love1 and of necessity takes a place of 
subordination and obedience4 ,as he     
advances in life these new relations of 
superiority and subordination multiply4 
,the teacher must be the superior in    
station1 the pupil a subordinate4 ,the  
master of a family the superior1 the    
domestic a subordinate--the ruler a     
superior1 the subject a subordinate4    
,nor do these relations at all depend   
upon superiority either in intellectual 
or moral worth4 ,however weak the       
parents1 or intelligent the child1 there
 is no reference to this1 in the        

immutable law4 ,however incompetent the 
teacher1 or superior the pupil1 no      
alteration of station can be allowed4   
,however unworthy the master or worthy  
the servant1 while their mutual         
relations continue1 no change in station
 as to subordination can be allowed4 ,in
 fulfilling the duties of these         
relations1 true dignity consists in     
conforming to all those relations that  
demand subordination1 with propriety and
 cheerfulness4 ,when does a man1 however
 high his character or station1 appear  
more interesting or dignified than when 
yielding reverence and deferential      
attentions to an aged parent1 however   
weak and infirm8 ,and the pupil1 the    
servant1 or the subject1 all equally    
sustain their own claims to             
self-respect1 and to the esteem of      
others1 by equally sustaining the       
appropriate relations and duties of     
subordination4 ,in this arrangement of  
the duties of life1 ,heaven has         
appointed to one sex the superior1 and  

to the other the subordinate station1   
and this without any reference to the   
character or conduct of either4 ,it is  
therefore as much for the dignity as it 
is for the interest of females1 in all  
respects to conform to the duties of    
this relation4 ,and it is as much a duty
 as it is for the child to fulfil       
similar relations to parents1 or        
subjects to rulers4 ,but while woman    
holds a subordinate relation in society 
to the other sex1 it is not because it  
was designed that her duties or her     
influence should be any the less        
important1 or all-pervading4 ,but it was
 designed that the mode of gaining      
influence and of exercising power should
 be altogether different and peculiar4  
,it is ,christianity that has given to  
woman her true place in society4 ,and it
 is the peculiar trait of ,christianity 
alone that can sustain her therein4     
,peace on earth and good will to men is 
the character of all the rights and     
privileges1 the influence1 and the power

 of woman4 ,a man may act on society by 
the collision of intellect1 in public   
debate2 he may urge his measures by a   
sense of shame1 by fear and by personal 
interest2 he may coerce by the          
combination of public sentiment2 he may 
drive by physical force1 and he does not
 outstep the boundaries of his sphere4  
,but all the power1 and all the         
conquests that are lawful to woman1 are 
those only which appeal to the kindly1  
generous1 peaceful and benevolent       
principles4  ,woman is to win every     
thing by peace and love2 by making      
herself so much respected1 esteemed and 
loved1 that to yield to her opinions and
 to gratify her wishes1 will be the     
free-will offering of the heart4 ,but   
this is to be all accomplished in the   
domestic and social circle4 ,there let  
every woman become so cultivated and    
refined in intellect1 that her taste and
 judgment will be respected2 so         
benevolent in feeling and action1 that  
her motives will be reverenced2--so     

unassuming and unambitious1 that        
collision and competition will be       
banished2--so gentle and easy to be     
entreated1 as that every heart will     
repose in her presence2 then1 the       
fathers1 the husbands1 and the sons1    
will find an influence thrown around    
them1 to which they will yield not only 
willingly but proudly4 ,a man is never  
ashamed to own such influences1 but     
feels dignified and ennobled in         
acknowledging them4 ,but the moment     
woman begins to feel the promptings of  
ambition1 or the thirst for power1 her  
aegis of defence is gone4 ,all the      
sacred protection of religion1 all the  
generous promptings of chivalry1 all the
 poetry of romantic gallantry1 depend   
upon woman's retaining her place as     
dependent and defenceless1 and making no
 claims1 and maintaining no right but   
what are the gifts of honour1 rectitude 
and love4  ,a woman may seek the aid of 
co-operation and combination among her  
own sex1 to assist her in her           

appropriate offices of piety1 charity1  
maternal and domestic duty2 but         
whatever1 in any measure1 throws a woman
 into the attitude of a combatant1      
either for herself or others--whatever  
binds her in a party conflict--whatever 
obliges her in any way to exert coercive
 influences1 throws her out of her      
appropriate sphere4 ,if these general   
principles are correct1 they are        
entirely opposed to the plan of arraying
 females in any ,abolition movement2    
because it enlists them in an effort to 
coerce the ,south by the public         
sentiment of the ,north2 because it     
brings them forward as partisans in a   
conflict that has been begun and carried
 forward by measures that are any thing 
rather than peaceful in their           
tendencies2 because it draws them forth 
from their appropriate retirement1 to   
expose themselves to the ungoverned     
violence of mobs1 and to sneers and     
ridicule in public places2 because it   
leads them into the arena of political  

collision1 not as peaceful mediators to 
hush the opposing elements1 but as      
combatants to cheer up and carry forward
 the measures of strife4  ,if it is     
asked1 ,may not woman appropriately come
 forward as a suppliant for a portion of
 her sex who are bound in cruel bondage8
 ,it is replied1 that1 the rectitude and
 propriety of any such measure1 depend  
entirely on its probable results4 ,if   
petitions from females will operate to  
exasperate2 if they will be deemed      
obtrusive1 indecorous1 and unwise1 by   
those to whom they are addressed2 if    
they will increase1 rather than diminish
 the evil which it is wished to remove2 
if they will be the opening wedge1 that 
will tend eventually to bring females as
 petitioners and partisans into every   
political measure that may tend to      
injure and oppress their sex1 in various
 parts of the nation1 and under the     
various public measures that may        
hereafter be enforced1 then it is       
neither appropriate nor wise1 nor right1

 for a woman to petition for the relief 
of oppressed females4  ,the case of     
,queen ,esther is one often appealed to 
as a precedent4 ,when a woman is placed 
in similar circumstances1 where death to
 herself and all her nation is one      
alternative1 and there is nothing worse 
to fear1 but something to hope as the   
other alternative1 then she may safely  
follow such an example4 ,but when a     
woman is asked to join an ,abolition    
,society1 or to put her name to a       
petition to congress1 for the purpose of
 contributing her measure of influence  
to keep up agitation in congress1 to    
promote the excitement of the ,north    
against the iniquities of the ,south1 to
 coerce the ,south by fear1 shame1      
anger1 and a sense of odium to do what  
she has determined not to do1 the case  
of ,queen ,esther is not at all to be   
regarded as a suitable example for      
imitation4  ,in this country1 petitions 
to congress1 in reference to the        
official duties of legislators1 seem1   

,,in ,,all ,,cases1 to fall entirely    
without the sphere of female duty4 ,men 
are the proper persons to make appeals  
to the rulers whom they appoint1 and if 
their female friends1 by arguments and  
persuasions1 can induce them to         
petition1 all the good that can be done 
by such measures will be secured4 ,but  
if females cannot influence their       
nearest friends1 to urge forward a      
public measure in this way1 they surely 
are out of their place1 in attempting to
 do it themselves4  ,there are some     
other considerations1 which should make 
the ,american females peculiarly        
sensitive in reference to any measure1  
which should even seem to draw them from
 their appropriate relations in society4
  ,it is allowed by all reflecting      
minds1 that the safety and happiness of 
this nation depends upon having the     
children educated1 and not only         
intellectually1 but morally and         
religiously4 ,there are now nearly two  
millions of children and adults in this 

country who cannot read1 and who have no
 schools of any kind4 ,to give only a   
small supply of teachers to these       
destitute children1 who are generally   
where the population is sparse1 will    
demand thirty thousand teachers2 and six
 thousand more will be needed every     
year1 barely to meet the increase of    
juvenile population4 ,but if we allow   
that we need not reach this point1 in   
order to save ourselves from that       
destruction which awaits a people1 when 
governed by an ignorant and unprincipled
 democracy2 if we can weather the storms
 of democratic liberty with only        
one-third of our ignorant children      
properly educated1 still we need ten    
thousand teachers at this moment1 and an
 addition of two thousand every year4   
,where is this army of teachers to be   
found8 ,is it at all probable that the  
other sex will afford even a moderate   
portion of this supply8 ,the field for  
enterprise and excitement in the        
political arena1 in the arts1 the       

sciences1 the liberal professions1 in   
agriculture1 manufactures1 and commerce1
 is opening with such temptations1 as   
never yet bore upon the mind of any     
nation4 ,will men turn aside from these 
high and exciting objects to become the 
patient labourers in the school-room1   
and for only the small pittance that    
rewards such toil8 ,no1 they will not do
 it4 ,men will be educators in the      
college1 in the high school1 in some of 
the most honourable and lucrative common
 schools1 but the children1 the little  
children of this nation must1 to a wide 
extent1 be taught by females1 or remain 
untaught4 ,the drudgery of education1 as
 it is now too generally regarded1 in   
this country1 will be given to the      
female hand4 ,and as the value of       
education rises in the public mind1 and 
the importance of a teacher's office is 
more highly estimated1 women will more  
and more be furnished with those        
intellectual advantages which they need 
to fit them for such duties4  ,the      

result will be1 that ,america will be   
distinguished above all other nations1  
for well-educated females1 and for the  
influence they will exert on the general
 interests of society4 ,but if females1 
as they approach the other sex1 in      
intellectual elevation1 begin to claim1 
or to exercise in any manner1 the       
peculiar prerogatives of that sex1      
education will prove a doubtful and     
dangerous blessing4 ,but this will never
 be the result4 ,for the more           
intelligent a woman becomes1 the more   
she can appreciate the wisdom of that   
ordinance that appointed her subordinate
 station1 and the more her taste will   
conform to the graceful and dignified   
retirement and submission it involves4  
,an ignorant1 a narrow-minded1 or a     
stupid woman1 cannot feel nor understand
 the rationality1 the propriety1 or the 
beauty of this relation2 and she it is1 
that will be most likely to carry her   
measures by tormenting1 when she cannot 
please1 or by petulant complaints or    

obtrusive interference1 in matters which
 are out of her sphere1 and which she   
cannot comprehend4  ,and experience     
testifies to this result4 ,by the       
concession of all travellers1 ,american 
females are distinguished above all     
others for their general intelligence1  
and yet they are complimented for their 
retiring modesty1 virtue1 and domestic  
faithfulness1 while the other sex is as 
much distinguished for their respectful 
kindness and attentive gallantry4 ,there
 is no other country where females have 
so much public respect and kindness     
accorded to them as in ,america1 by the 
concession of all travellers4 ,and it   
will ever be so1 while intellectual     
culture in the female mind1 is combined 
with the spirit of that religion which  
so strongly enforces the appropriate    
duties of a woman's sphere4  ,but it may
 be asked1 is there nothing to be done  
to bring this national sin of slavery to
 an end8 ,must the internal slave-trade1
 a trade now ranked as piracy among all 

civilized nations1 still prosper in our 
bounds8 ,must the very seat of our      
government stand as one of the chief    
slave-markets of the land2 and must not 
,christian females open their lips1 nor 
lift a finger1 to bring such a shame and
 sin to an end8  ,to this it may be     
replied1 that ,christian females may1   
and can say and do much to bring these  
evils to an end2 and the present is a   
time and an occasion when it seems most 
desirable that they should know1 and    
appreciate1 and exercise the power which
 they do possess for so desirable an    
end4  ,and in pointing out the methods  
of exerting female influence for this   
object1 ,i am inspired with great       
confidence1 from the conviction that    
what will be suggested1 is that which   
none will oppose1 but all will allow to 
be not only practicable1 but safe1      
suitable1 and ,christian4  ,to          
appreciate these suggestions1 however1  
it is needful previously to consider    
some particulars that exhibit the spirit

 of the age and the tendencies of our   
peculiar form of government4  ,the      
prominent principle1 now in development1
 as indicating the spirit of the age1 is
 the perfect right of all men to entire 
freedom of opinion4 ,by this ,i do not  
mean that men are coming to think that  
it is no matter what a man believes1 if 
he is only honest and sincere1 or that  
they are growing any more lenient       
towards their fellow-men1 for the evil  
consequences they bring on themselves or
 on others for believing wrong4  ,but   
they are coming to adopt the maxim1 that
 no man shall be forced by pains and    
penalties to adopt the opinions of other
 minds1 but that every man shall be free
 to form his own opinions1 and to       
propagate them by all lawful means4  ,at
 the same time another right is claimed1
 which is of necessity involved in the  
preceding1--the right to oppose1 by all 
lawful means1 the opinions and the      
practices of others1 when they are      
deemed pernicious either to individuals 

or to the community4 ,facts1 arguments  
and persuasions are1 by all1 conceded to
 be lawful means to employ in           
propagating our own views1 and in       
opposing the opinions and practices of  
others4  ,these fundamental principles  
of liberty have in all past ages been   
restrained by coercive influences1      
either of civil or of ecclesiastical    
power4 ,but in this nation1 all such    
coercive influences1 both of church and 
state1 have ceased4 ,every man may think
 what he pleases about government1 or   
religion1 or any thing else2 he may     
propagate his opinions1 he may          
controvert opposite opinions1 and no    
magistrate or ecclesiastic can in any   
legal way restrain or punish4  ,but the 
form of our government is such1 that    
every measure that bears upon the public
 or private interest of every citizen1  
is decided by public sentiment4 ,all    
laws and regulations in civil1 or       
religious1 or social concerns1 are      
decided by the majority of votes4 ,and  

the present is a time when every        
doctrine1 every principle1 and every    
practice which influences the happiness 
of man1 either in this1 or in a future  
life1 is under discussion4 ,the whole   
nation is thrown into parties about     
almost every possible question1 and     
every man is stimulated in his efforts  
to promote his own plans by the         
conviction that success depends entirely
 upon bringing his fellow citizens to   
think as he does4 ,hence every man is   
fierce in maintaining his own right of  
free discussion1 his own right to       
propagate his opinions1 and his own     
right to oppose1 by all lawful means1   
the opinions that conflict with his own4
  ,but the difficulty is1 that a right  
which all men claim for themselves1 with
 the most sensitive and pertinacious    
inflexibility1 they have not yet learned
 to accord to their fellow men1 in cases
 where their own interests are involved4
 ,every man is saying1 ,let me have full
 liberty to propagate my opinions1 and  

to oppose all that ,i deem wrong and    
injurious1 but let no man take this     
liberty with my opinions and practices4 
,every man may believe what he pleases1 
and propagate what he pleases1 provided 
he takes care not to attack any thing   
which belongs to me4  ,and how do men   
exert themselves to restrain this       
corresponding right of their fellow men8
 ,not by going to the magistrate to     
inform1 or to the spiritual despot to   
obtain ecclesiastical penalties1 but he 
resorts to methods1 which1 if           
successful1 are in effect the most      
severe pains and penalties that can     
restrain freedom of opinion4  ,what is  
dearer to a man than his character1     
involving as it does1 the esteem1       
respect and affection of friends1       
neighbours and society1 with all the    
confidence1 honour1 trust and emolument 
that flow from general esteem8 ,how     
sensitive is every man to any thing that
 depreciates his intellectual character6
 ,what torture1 to be ridiculed or      

pitied for such deficiencies6 ,how cruel
 the suffering1 when his moral          
delinquencies are held up to public     
scorn and reprehension6 ,confiscation1  
stripes1 chains1 and even death itself1 
are often less dreaded4  ,it is this    
method of punishment to which men       
resort1 to deter their fellow-men from  
exercising those rights of liberty which
 they so tenaciously claim for          
themselves4 ,examine now the methods    
adopted by almost all who are engaged in
 the various conflicts of opinion in    
this nation1 and you will find that     
there are certain measures which        
combatants almost invariably employ4    
,they either attack the intellectual    
character of opponents1 or they labour  
to make them appear narrow-minded1      
illiberal and bigoted1 or they impeach  
their honesty and veracity1 or they     
stigmatize their motives as mean1       
selfish1 ambitious1 or in some other    
respect unworthy and degrading4 ,instead
 of truth1 and evidence1 and argument1  

personal depreciation1 sneers1          
insinuations1 or open abuse1 are the    
weapons employed4 ,this method of       
resisting freedom of opinions1 by pains 
and penalties1 arises in part from the  
natural selfishness of man1 and in part 
from want of clear distinctions as to   
the rights and duties involved in       
freedom of opinion and freedom of       
speech4  ,the great fundamental         
principle that makes this matter clear1 
is this1 that a broad and invariable    
distinction should ever be preserved    
between the opinions and practices that 
are discussed1 and the advocates of     
these opinions and practices4  ,it is a 
sacred and imperious duty1 that rests on
 every human being1 to exert all his    
influence in opposing every thing that  
he believes is dangerous and wrong1 and 
in sustaining all that he believes is   
safe and right4 ,and in doing this1 no  
compromise is to be made1 in order to   
shield country1 party1 friends1 or even 
self1 from any just censure4 ,every man 

is bound by duty to ,god and to his     
country1 to lay his finger on every     
false principle1 or injurious practice1 
and boldly say1 this is wrong--this is  
dangerous--this ,i will oppose with all 
my influence1 whoever it may be that    
advocates or practises it4 ,and every   
man is bound to use his efforts to turn 
public sentiment against all that he    
believes to be wrong and injurious1     
either in regard to this life1 or to the
 future world4 ,and every man deserves  
to be respected and applauded1 just in  
proportion as he fearlessly and         
impartially1 and in a proper spirit1    
time and manner1 fulfils this duty4     
,the doctrine1 just now alluded to1 that
 it is no matter what a man believes1 if
 he is only honest and sincere1 is as   
pernicious1 as it is contrary to        
religion and to common sense4 ,it is as 
absurd1 and as impracticable1 as it     
would be to urge on the mariner the     
maxim1 no matter which way you believe  
to be north1 if you only steer aright4  

,a man's character1 feelings1 and       
conduct1 all depend upon his opinions4  
,if a man can reason himself into the   
belief that it is right to take the     
property of others and to deceive by    
false statements1 he will probably prove
 a thief and a liar4 ,it is of the      
greatest concern1 therefore1 to every   
man1 that his fellow-men should believe 
right1 and one of his most sacred duties
 is to use all his influence to promote 
correct opinions4  ,but the performance 
of this duty1 does by no means involve  
the necessity of attacking the character
 or motives of the advocates of false   
opinions1 or of holding them up1        
individually1 to public odium4          
,erroneous opinions are sometimes the   
consequence of unavoidable ignorance1 or
 of mental imbecility1 or of a weak and 
erring judgment1 or of false testimony  
from others1 which cannot be rectified4 
,in such cases1 the advocates of false  
opinions are to be pitied rather than   
blamed2 and while the opinions and their

 tendencies may be publicly exposed1 the
 men may be objects of affection and    
kindness4  ,in other cases1 erroneous   
opinions spring from criminal           
indifference1 from prejudice1 from      
indolence1 from pride1 from evil        
passions1 or from selfish interest4 ,in 
all such cases1 men deserve blame for   
their pernicious opinions1 and the evils
 which flow from them4  ,but1 it maybe  
asked1 how are men to decide1 when their
 fellow-men are guilty for holding wrong
 opinions2 when they deserve blame1 and 
when they are to be regarded only with  
pity and commiseration by those who     
believe them to be in the wrong8 ,here1 
surely1 is a place where some correct   
principle is greatly needed4  ,is every 
man to sit in judgment upon his         
fellow-man1 and decide what are his     
intellectual capacities1 and what the   
measure of his judgment8 ,is every man  
to take the office of the ,searcher of  
,hearts1 to try the feelings and motives
 of his fellow-man8 ,is that most       

difficult of all analysis1 the          
estimating of the feelings1 purposes1   
and motives1 which every man1 who       
examines his own secret thoughts1 finds 
to be so complex1 so recondite1 so      
intricate2 is this to be the basis1 not 
only of individual opinion1 but of      
public reward and censure8 ,is every man
 to constitute himself a judge of the   
amount of time and interest given to the
 proper investigation of truth by his   
fellow-man8 ,surely1 this cannot be a   
correct principle4  ,though there may be
 single cases in which we can know that 
our fellow-men are weak in intellect1 or
 erring in judgment1 or perverse in     
feeling1 or misled by passion1 or biased
 by selfish interest1 as a general fact 
we are not competent to decide these    
matters1 in regard to those who differ  
from us in opinion4  ,for this reason it
 is manifestly wrong and irrelevant1    
when discussing questions of duty or    
expediency1 to bring before the public  
the character or the motives of the     

individual advocates of opinions4  ,but1
 it may be urged1 how can the evil      
tendencies of opinions or of practices  
be investigated1 without involving a    
consideration of the character and      
conduct of those who advocate them8 ,to 
this it may be replied1 that the        
tendencies of opinions and practices can
 never be ascertained by discussing     
individual character4 ,it is classes of 
persons1 or large communities1 embracing
 persons of all varieties of character  
and circumstances1 that are the only    
proper subjects of investigation for    
this object4 ,for example1 a community  
of ,catholics1 and a community of       
,protestants1 may be compared1 for the  
purpose of learning the moral tendencies
 of their different opinions4 ,scotland 
and ,new ,england1 where the principles 
opposite to ,catholicism have most      
prevailed1 may properly be compared with
 ,spain and ,italy1 where the ,catholic 
system has been most fairly tried4 ,but 
to select certain individuals who are   

defenders of these two different        
systems1 as examples to illustrate their
 tendencies1 would be as improper as it 
would be to select a kernel of grain to 
prove the good or bad character of a    
whole crop4  ,to illustrate by a more   
particular example4 ,the doctrines of   
the ,atheist school are now under       
discussion1 and ,robert ,owen and ,fanny
 ,wright have been their prominent      
advocates4  ,in agreement with the above
 principles1 it is a right1 and the duty
 of every man who has any influence and 
opportunity1 to show the absurdity of   
their doctrines1 the weakness of their  
arguments1 and the fatal tendencies of  
their opinions4 ,it is right to show    
that the practical adoption of their    
principles indicates a want of common   
sense1 just as sowing the ocean with    
grain and expecting a crop would        
indicate the same deficiency4 ,if the   
advocates of these doctrines carry out  
their principles into practice1 in any  
such way as to offend the taste1 or     

infringe on the rights of others1 it is 
proper to express disgust and           
disapprobation4 ,if the female advocate 
chooses to come upon a stage1 and expose
 her person1 dress1 and elocution to    
public criticism1 it is right to express
 disgust at whatever is offensive and   
indecorous1 as it is to criticize the   
book of an author1 or the dancing of an 
actress1 or any thing else that is      
presented to public observation4 ,and it
 is right to make all these things      
appear as odious and reprehensible to   
others as they do to ourselves4  ,but   
what is the private character of ,robert
 ,owen or ,fanny ,wright8 ,whether they 
are ignorant or weak in intellect2      
whether they have properly examined the 
sources of truth2 how much they have    
been biased by pride1 passion1 or vice1 
in adopting their opinions2 whether they
 are honest and sincere in their belief2
 whether they are selfish or benevolent 
in their aims1 are not matters which in 
any way pertain to the discussion4 ,they

 are questions about which none are     
qualified to judge1 except those in     
close and intimate communion with them4 
,we may inquire with propriety as to the
 character of a community of ,atheists1 
or of a community where such sentiments 
extensively prevail1 as compared with a 
community of opposite sentiments4 ,but  
the private character1 feelings1 and    
motives of the individual advocates of  
these doctrines1 are not proper subjects
 of investigation in any public         
discussion4  ,if1 then1 it be true1 that
 attacks on the character and motives of
 the advocates of opinions are entirely 
irrelevant and not at all necessary for 
the discovery of truth2 if injury       
inflicted on character is the most      
severe penalty that can be employed to  
restrain freedom of opinions and freedom
 of speech1 what are we to say of the   
state of things in this nation8  ,where 
is there a party which does not in      
effect say to every man1 if you dare to 
oppose the principles or practices we   

sustain1 you shall be punished with     
personal odium8 which does not say to   
every member of the party1 uphold your  
party1 right or wrong2 oppose all that  
is adverse to your party1 right or      
wrong1 or else suffer the penalty of    
having your motives1 character1 and     
conduct1 impeached8  ,look first at the 
political arena4 ,where is the advocate 
of any measure that does not suffer     
sneers1 ridicule1 contempt1 and all that
 tends to depreciate character in public
 estimation8 ,where is the partisan that
 is not attacked1 as either weak in     
intellect1 or dishonest in principle1 or
 selfish in motives8 ,and where is the  
man who is linked with any political    
party1 that dares to stand up fearlessly
 and defend what is good in opposers1   
and reprove what is wrong in his own    
party8  ,look into the religious world4 
,there1 even those who take their party 
name from their professed liberality1   
are saying1 whoever shall adopt         
principles that exclude us from the     

,christian church1 and our clergy from  
the pulpit1 shall be held up either as  
intellectually degraded1 or as          
narrow-minded and bigoted1 or as        
ambitious1 partisan and persecuting in  
spirit4 ,no man shall believe a creed   
that excludes us from the pale of       
,christianity1 under penalty of all the 
odium we can inflict4  ,so in the       
,catholic controversy4 ,catholics and   
their friends practically declare war   
against all free discussion on this     
point4 ,the decree has gone forth1 that 
no man shall appear for the purpose of  
proving that ,catholicism is contrary to
 ,scripture1 or immoral and             
anti-republican in tendency1 under      
penalty of being denounced as a dupe1 or
 a hypocrite1 or a persecutor1 or a     
narrow-minded and prejudiced bigot4  ,on
 the contrary1 those who attack what is 
called liberal ,christianity1 or who aim
 to oppose the progress of ,catholicism1
 how often do they exhibit a severe and 
uncharitable spirit towards the         

individuals whose opinions they         
controvert4 ,instead of loving the men1 
and rendering to them all the offices of
 ,christian kindness1 and according to  
them all due credit for whatever is     
desirable in character and conduct1 how 
often do opposers seem to feel1 that it 
will not answer to allow that there is  
any thing good1 either in the system or 
in those who have adopted it4 ,every    
thing about my party is right1 and every
 thing in the opposing party is wrong1  
seems to be the universal maxim of the  
times4 ,and it is the remark of some of 
the most intelligent foreign travellers 
among us1 and of our own citizens who go
 abroad1 that there is no country to be 
found1 where freedom of opinion1 and    
freedom of speech is more really        
influenced and controlled by the fear of
 pains and penalties1 than in this land 
of boasted freedom4 ,in other nations1  
the control is exercised by government1 
in respect to a very few matters2 in    
this country it is party-spirit that    

rules with an iron rod1 and shakes its  
scorpion whips over every interest and  
every employment of man4  ,from this    
mighty source spring constant           
detraction1 gossiping1 tale-bearing1    
falsehood1 anger1 pride1 malice1        
revenge1 and every evil word and work4  
,every man sets himself up as the judge 
of the intellectual character1 the      
honesty1 the sincerity1 the feelings1   
opportunities1 motives1 and intentions1 
of his fellow-man4 ,and so they fall    
upon each other1 not with swords and    
spears1 but with the tongue1 that unruly
 member1 that setteth on fire the course
 of nature1 and is set on fire of hell4 
,can any person who seeks to maintain   
the peaceful1 loving1 and gentle spirit 
of ,christianity1 go out into the world 
at this day1 without being bewildered at
 the endless conflicts1 and grieved and 
dismayed at the bitter and unhallowed   
passions they engender8 ,can an honest1 
upright and ,christian man1 go into     
these conflicts1 and with unflinching   

firmness stand up for all that is good1 
and oppose all that is evil1 in whatever
 party it may be found1 without a       
measure of moral courage such as few can
 command8 ,and if he carries himself    
through with an unyielding integrity1   
and maintains his consistency1 is he not
 exposed to storms of bitter revilings1 
and to peltings from both parties       
between which he may stand8  ,what is   
the end of these things to be8 ,must we 
give up free discussion1 and again chain
 up the human mind under the despotism  
of past ages8 ,no1 this will never be4  
,god designs that every intelligent mind
 shall be governed1 not by coercion1 but
 by reason1 and conscience1 and truth4  
,man must reason1 and experiment1 and   
compare past and present results1 and   
hear and know all that can be said on   
both sides of every question which      
influences either private or public     
happiness1 either for this life or for  
the life to come4  ,but while this      
process is going on1 must we be         

distracted and tortured by the baleful  
passions and wicked works that          
unrestrained party-spirit and ungoverned
 factions will bring upon us1 under such
 a government as ours8 ,must we rush on 
to disunion1 and civil wars1 and servile
 wars1 till all their train of horrors  
pass over us like devouring fire8       
,there is an influence that can avert   
these dangers--a spirit that can allay  
the storm--that can say to the troubled 
winds and waters1 peace1 be still4  ,it 
is that spirit which is gentle and easy 
to be entreated1 which thinketh no evil1
 which rejoiceth not in iniquity1 but   
rejoiceth in the truth1 which is not    
easily provoked1 which hopeth all       
things1 which beareth all things4 ,let  
this spirit be infused into the mass of 
the nation1 and then truth may be       
sought1 defended1 and propagated1 and   
error detected1 and its evils exposed2  
and yet we may escape the evils that now
 rage through this nation1 and threaten 
us with such fiery plagues4  ,and is    

there not a peculiar propriety in such  
an emergency1 in looking for the        
especial agency and assistance of       
females1 who are shut out from the many 
temptations that assail the other       
sex1--who are the appointed ministers of
 all the gentler charities of life1--who
 are mingled throughout the whole mass  
of the community1--who dwell in those   
retirements where only peace and love   
ought ever to enter1--whose comfort1    
influence1 and dearest blessings1 all   
depend on preserving peace and good will
 among men8  ,in the present aspect of  
affairs among us1 when everything seems 
to be tending to disunion and           
distraction1 it surely has become the   
duty of every female instantly to       
relinquish the attitude of a partisan1  
in every matter of clashing interests1  
and to assume the office of a mediator1 
and an advocate of peace4 ,and to do    
this1 it is not necessary that a woman  
should in any manner relinquish her     
opinion as to the evils or the benefits1

 the right or the wrong1 of any         
principle or practice4 ,but1 while      
quietly holding her own opinions1 and   
calmly avowing them1 when conscience and
 integrity make the duty imperative1    
every female can employ her influence1  
not for the purpose of exciting or      
regulating public sentiment1 but rather 
for the purpose of promoting a spirit of
 candour1 forbearance1 charity1 and     
peace4  ,and there are certain prominent
 maxims which every woman can adopt as  
peculiarly belonging to her1 as the     
advocate of charity and peace1 and which
 it should be her especial office to    
illustrate1 enforce1 and sustain1 by    
every method in her power4  ,the first  
is1 that every person ought to be       
sustained1 not only in the right of     
propagating his own opinions and        
practices1 but in opposing all those    
principles and practices which he deems 
erroneous4 ,for there is no opinion     
which a man can propagate1 that does not
 oppose some adverse interest2 and if a 

man must cease to advocate his own views
 of truth and rectitude1 because he     
opposes the interest or prejudices of   
some other man or party1 all freedom of 
opinion1 of speech1 and of action1 is   
gone4 ,all that can be demanded is1 that
 a man shall not resort to falsehood1   
false reasoning1 or to attacks on       
character1 in maintaining his own       
rights4 ,if he states things which are  
false1 it is right to show the          
falsehood1--if he reasons falsely1 it is
 right to point out his sophistry1--if  
he impeaches the character or motives of
 opponents1 it is right to express      
disapprobation and disgust2 but if he   
uses only facts1 arguments1 and         
persuasions1 he is to be honoured and   
sustained for all the efforts he makes  
to uphold what he deems to be right1 and
 to put down what he believes to be     
wrong4  ,another maxim1 which is        
partially involved in the first1 is1    
that every man ought to allow his own   
principles and practices to be freely   

discussed1 with patience and            
magnanimity1 and not to complain of     
persecution1 or to attack the character 
or motives of those who claim that he is
 in the wrong4 ,if he is belied1 if his 
character is impeached1 if his motives  
are assailed1 if his intellectual       
capabilities are made the objects of    
sneers or commiseration1 he has a right 
to complain1 and to seek sympathy as an 
injured man2 but no man is a consistent 
friend and defender of liberty of       
speech1 who cannot bear to have his own 
principles and practices subjected to   
the same ordeal as he demands should be 
imposed on others4  ,another maxim of   
peace and charity is1 that every man's  
own testimony is to be taken in regard  
to his motives1 feelings1 and           
intentions4 ,though we may fear that a  
fellow-man is mistaken in his views of  
his own feelings1 or that he does not   
speak the truth1 it is as contrary to   
the rules of good breeding as it is to  
the laws of ,christianity1 to assume or 

even insinuate that this is the case4   
,if a man's word cannot be taken in     
regard to his own motives1 feelings1 and
 intentions1 he can find no redress for 
the wrong that may be done to him4 ,it  
is unjust and unreasonable in the       
extreme to take any other course than   
the one here urged4  ,another most      
important maxim of candour and charity  
is1 that when we are to assign motives  
for the conduct of our fellow-men1      
especially of those who oppose our      
interests1 we are obligated to put the  
best1 rather than the worst             
construction1 on all they say and do4   
,instead of assigning the worst as the  
probable motive1 it is always a duty to 
hope that it is the best1 until evidence
 is so unequivocal that there is no     
place for such a hope4  ,another maxim  
of peace and charity respects the       
subject of retaliation4 ,whatever may be
 said respecting the literal            
construction of some of the rules of the
 gospel1 no one can deny that they do1  

whether figurative or not1 forbid       
retaliation and revenge2 that they do   
assume that men are not to be judges and
 executioners of their own wrongs2 but  
that injuries are to be borne with      
meekness1 and that retributive justice  
must be left to ,god1 and to the laws4  
,if a man strikes1 we are not to return 
the blow1 but appeal to the laws4 ,if a 
man uses abusive or invidious language1 
we are not to return railing for        
railing4 ,if a man impeaches our motives
 and attacks our character1 we are not  
to return the evil4 ,if a man sneers and
 ridicules1 we are not to retaliate with
 ridicule and sneers4 ,if a man reports 
our weaknesses and failings1 we are not 
to revenge ourselves by reporting his4  
,no man has a right to report evil of   
others1 except when the justification of
 the innocent1 or a regard for public or
 individual safety1 demands it4 ,this is
 the strict law of the gospel1 inscribed
 in all its pages1 and meeting in the   
face all those unchristian and indecent 

violations that now are so common1 in   
almost every conflict of intellect or of
 interest4  ,another most important     
maxim of peace and charity imposes the  
obligation to guard our fellow-men from 
all unnecessary temptation4 ,we are     
taught daily to pray1 lead us not into  
temptation2 and thus are admonished not 
only to avoid all unnecessary temptation
 ourselves1 but to save our fellow-men  
from the danger4 ,can we ask our        
,heavenly ,parent to protect us from    
temptation1 while we recklessly spread  
baits and snares for our fellow-men8    
,no1 we are bound in every measure to   
have a tender regard for the weaknesses 
and liabilities of all around1 and ever 
to be ready to yield even our just      
rights1 when we can lawfully do it1     
rather than to tempt others to sin4 ,the
 generous and high-minded ,apostle      
declares1 if meat make my brother to    
offend1 ,i will eat no flesh while the  
world standeth2 and it is the spirit of 
this maxim that every ,christian ought  

to cultivate4 ,there are no occasions   
when this maxim is more needed1 than    
when we wish to modify the opinions1 or 
alter the practices of our fellow-men4  
,if1 in such cases1 we find that the    
probabilities are1 that any interference
 of ours will increase the power of     
temptation1 and lead to greater evils   
than those we wish to remedy1 we are    
bound to forbear4 ,if we find that one  
mode of attempting a measure will       
increase the power of temptation1 and   
another will not involve this danger1 we
 are bound to take the safest course4   
,in all cases we are obligated to be as 
careful to protect our fellow-men from  
temptation1 as we are to watch and pray 
against it in regard to ourselves4      
,another maxim of peace and charity     
requires a most scrupulous regard to the
 reputation1 character1 and feelings of 
our fellow-men1 and especially of those 
who are opposed in any way to our wishes
 and interests4 ,every man and every    
woman feels that it is wrong for others 

to propagate their faults and weakness  
through the community4 ,every one feels 
wounded and injured to find that others 
are making his defects and infirmities  
the subject of sneers and ridicule4 ,and
 what1 then1 is the rule of duty8 ,as ye
 would that men should do to you1 do ye 
even so to them4 ,with this rule before 
his eyes and in his mind1 can a man     
retail his neighbour's faults1 or sneer 
at his deficiencies1 or ridicule his    
infirmities1 with a clear conscience8   
,there are cases when the safety of     
individuals1 or public justice1 demands 
that a man's defects of character1 or   
crimes1 be made public2 but no man is   
justified in communicating to others any
 evil respecting any of his fellow-men1 
when he cannot appeal to ,god as his    
witness that he does it from benevolent 
interest in the welfare of his          
fellow-men--from a desire to save       
individuals or the public from some     
evil--and not from a malevolent or      
gossiping propensity4 ,oh1 that this law

 of love and charity could find an      
illustration and an advocate in every   
female of this nation6 ,oh1 that every  
current slander1 and every injurious    
report1 might stand abashed1 whenever it
 meets the notice of a woman6  ,these   
are the maxims of peace and charity1    
which it is in the power of the females 
of our country to advocate1 both by     
example and by entreaties4 ,these are   
the principles which alone can protect  
and preserve the right of free          
discussion1 the freedom of speech1 and  
liberty of the press4 ,and with our form
 of government1 and our liabilities to  
faction and party-spirit1 the country   
will be safe and happy only in          
proportion to the prevalence of these   
maxims among the mass of the community4 
,there probably will never arrive a     
period in the history of this nation1   
when the influence of these principles  
will be more needed1 than the present4  
,the question of slavery involves more  
pecuniary interests1 touches more       

private relations1 involves more        
prejudices1 is entwined with more       
sectional1 party1 and political         
interests1 than any other which can ever
 again arise4 ,it is a matter which1 if 
discussed and controlled without the    
influence of these principles of charity
 and peace1 will shake this nation like 
an earthquake1 and pour over us the     
volcanic waves of every terrific        
passion4 ,the trembling earth1 the low  
murmuring thunders1 already admonish us 
of our danger2 and if females can exert 
any saving influence in this emergency1 
it is time for them to awake4  ,and     
there are topics that they may urge upon
 the attention of their friends1 at     
least as matters worthy of serious      
consideration and inquiry4  ,is a woman 
surrounded by those who favour the      
,abolition measures8 ,can she not with  
propriety urge such inquiries as these8 
,is not slavery to be brought to an end 
by free discussion1 and is it not a war 
upon the right of free discussion to    

impeach the motives and depreciate the  
character of the opposers of ,abolition 
measures8 ,when the opposers of         
,abolition movements claim that they    
honestly and sincerely believe that     
these measures tend to perpetuate       
slavery1 or to bring it to an end by    
servile wars1 and civil disunion1 and   
the most terrific miseries--when they   
object to the use of their pulpits1 to  
the embodying of literary students1 to  
the agitation of the community1 by      
,abolition agents--when they object to  
the circulation of such papers and      
tracts as ,abolitionists prepare1       
because they believe them most          
pernicious in their influence and       
tendencies1 is it not as much           
persecution to use invidious            
insinuations1 depreciating accusation   
and impeachment of motive1 in order to  
intimidate1 as it is for the opposers of
 ,abolitionism to use physical force8   
,is not the only method by which the    
,south can be brought to relinquish     

slavery1 a conviction that not only her 
duty1 but her highest interest1 requires
 her to do it8 ,and is not calm1        
rational ,christian discussion the only 
proper method of securing this end8 ,can
 a community that are thrown into such a
 state of high exasperation as now      
exists at the ,south1 ever engage in    
such discussions1 till the storm of     
excitement and passion is allayed8      
,ought not every friend of liberty and  
of free discussion1 to take every       
possible means to soothe exasperated    
feelings1 and to avoid all those        
offensive peculiarities that in their   
nature tend to inflame and offend8  ,is 
a woman among those who oppose          
,abolition movements8 ,she can urge such
 inquiries as these3 ,ought not         
,abolitionists to be treated as if they 
were actuated by the motives of         
benevolence which they profess8 ,ought  
not every patriot and every ,christian  
to throw all his influence against the  
impeachment of motives1 the personal    

detraction1 and the violent measures    
that are turned upon this body of men1  
who1 however they may err in judgment or
 in spirit1 are among the most exemplary
 and benevolent in the land8 ,if        
,abolitionists are censurable for taking
 measures that exasperate rather than   
convince and persuade1 are not their    
opponents1 who take exactly the same    
measures to exasperate ,abolitionists   
and their friends1 as much to blame8 ,if
 ,abolitionism prospers by the abuse of 
its advocates1 are not the authors of   
this abuse accountable for the increase 
of the very evils they deprecate8  ,it  
is the opinion of intelligent and well  
informed men1 that a very large         
proportion of the best members of the   
,abolition party were placed there1 not 
by the arguments of ,abolitionists1 but 
by the abuse of their opposers4 ,and ,i 
know some of the noblest minds that     
stand there1 chiefly from the influence 
of those generous impulses that defend  
the injured and sustain the persecuted1 

while many others have joined these     
ranks from the impression that          
,abolitionism and the right of free     
discussion have become identical        
interests4 ,although ,i cannot perceive 
why the right of free discussion1 the   
right of petition1 and other rights that
 have become involved in this matter1   
cannot be sustained without joining an  
association that has sustained such     
injurious action and such erroneous     
principles1 yet other minds1 and those  
which are worthy of esteem1 have been   
led to an opposite conclusion4  ,the    
,south1 in the moments of angry         
excitement1 have made unreasonable      
demands upon the non-slave-holding      
,states1 and have employed overbearing  
and provoking language4 ,this has       
provoked re-action again at the ,north1 
and men1 who heretofore were unexcited1 
are beginning to feel indignant1 and to 
say1 ,let the ,union be sundered4 ,thus 
anger begets anger1 and unreasonable    
measures provoke equally unreasonable   

returns4  ,but when men1 in moments of  
excitement rush on to such results1     
little do they think of the momentous   
consequences that may follow4 ,suppose  
the ,south in her anger unites with     
,texas1 and forms a ,southern           
slave-holding republic1 under all the   
exasperating influences that such an    
avulsion will excite8 ,what will be the 
prospects of the slave then1 compared   
with what they are while we dwell       
together1 united by all the ties of     
brotherhood1 and having free access to  
those whom we wish to convince and      
persuade8  ,but who can estimate the    
mischiefs that we must encounter while  
this dismemberment1 this tearing asunder
 of the joints and members of the body  
politic1 is going on8 ,what will be the 
commotion and dismay1 when all our      
sources of wealth1 prosperity1 and      
comfort1 are turned to occasions for    
angry and selfish strife8  ,what        
agitation will ensue in individual      
,states1 when it is to be decided by    

majorities which ,state shall go to the 
,north and which to the ,south1 and when
 the discontented minority must either  
give up or fight6 ,who shall divide our 
public lands between contending         
factions8 ,what shall be done with our  
navy and all the various items of the   
nation's property8 ,what shall be done  
when the post-office stops its steady   
movement to divide its efforts among    
contending parties8 ,what shall be done 
when public credit staggers1 when       
commerce furls her slackened sail1 when 
property all over the nation changes its
 owners and relations8 ,what shall be   
done with our canals and railways1 now  
the bands of love to bind us1 then the  
causes of contention and jealousy8 ,what
 umpire will appear to settle all these 
questions of interest and strife1       
between communities thrown asunder by   
passion1 pride1 and mutual injury8  ,it 
is said that the ,american people1      
though heedless and sometimes reckless  
at the approach of danger1 are endowed  

with a strong and latent principle of   
common sense1 which1 when they fairly   
approach the precipice1 always brings   
them to a stand1 and makes them as wise 
to devise a remedy as they were rash in 
hastening to the danger4 ,are we not    
approaching the very verge of the       
precipice8 ,can we not already hear the 
roar of the waters below8 ,is not now   
the time1 if ever1 when our stern       
principles and sound common sense must  
wake to the rescue8  ,cannot the ,south 
be a little more patient under the      
injurious action that she feels she has 
suffered1 and cease demanding those     
concessions from the ,north1 that never 
will be made8 ,for the ,north1 though   
slower to manifest feeling1 is as       
sensitive to her right of freedom of    
speech1 as the ,south can be to her     
rights of property4  ,cannot the ,north 
bear with some unreasonable action from 
the ,south1 when it is remembered that1 
as the provocation came from the ,north1
 it is wise and ,christian that the     

aggressive party should not so strictly 
hold their tempted brethren to the rules
 of right and reason8  ,cannot the      
,south bear in mind that at the ,north  
the colour of the skin does not take    
away the feeling of brotherhood1 and    
though it is a badge of degradation in  
station and intellect1 yet it is oftener
 regarded with pity and sympathy than   
with contempt8 ,cannot the ,south       
remember their generous feelings for the
 ,greeks and ,poles1 and imagine that   
some such feelings may be awakened for  
the ,african race1 among a people who do
 not believe either in the policy or the
 right of slavery8  ,cannot the ,north  
remember how jealous every man feels of 
his domestic relations and rights1 and  
how sorely their ,southern brethren are 
tried in these respects8 ,how would the 
husbands and fathers at the ,north      
endure it1 if ,southern associations    
should be formed to bring forth to the  
world the sins of ,northern men1 as     
husbands and fathers8 ,what if the      

,south should send to the ,north to     
collect all the sins and neglects of    
,northern husbands and fathers1 to      
retail them at the ,south in tracts and 
periodicals8 ,what if the ,english      
nation should join in the outcry1 and   
,english females should send forth an   
agent1 not indeed to visit the offending
 ,north1 but to circulate at the ,south1
 denouncing all who did not join in this
 crusade1 as the defenders of bad       
husbands and bad fathers8 ,how would    
,northern men conduct under such        
provocations8 ,there is indeed a        
difference in the two cases1 but it is  
not in the nature and amount of         
irritating influence1 for the           
,southerner feels the interference of   
strangers to regulate his domestic duty 
to his servants1 as much as the         
,northern man would feel the same       
interference in regard to his wife and  
children4 ,do not ,northern men owe a   
debt of forbearance and sympathy toward 
their ,southern brethren1 who have been 

so sorely tried8  ,it is by urging these
 considerations1 and by exhibiting and  
advocating the principles of charity and
 peace1 that females may exert a wise   
and appropriate influence1 and one which
 will most certainly tend to bring to an
 end1 not only slavery1 but unnumbered  
other evils and wrongs4 ,no one can     
object to such an influence1 but all    
parties will bid ,god speed to every    
woman who modestly1 wisely and          
benevolently attempts it4  ,i do not    
suppose that any ,abolitionists are to  
be deterred by any thing ,i can offer1  
from prosecuting the course of measures 
they have adopted4 ,they doubtless will 
continue to agitate the subject1 and to 
form voluntary associations all over the
 land1 in order to excite public        
sentiment at the ,north against the     
moral evils existing at the ,south4 ,yet
 ,i cannot but hope that some           
considerations may have influence to    
modify in a degree the spirit and       
measures of some who are included in    

that party4  ,abolitionists are men who 
come before the public in the character 
of reprovers4 ,that the gospel requires 
,christians sometimes to assume this    
office1 cannot be denied2 but it does as
 unequivocally point out those          
qualifications which alone can entitle a
 man to do it4 ,and no man acts wisely  
or consistently1 unless he can satisfy  
himself that he possesses the           
qualifications for this duty1 before he 
assumes it4  ,the first of these        
qualifications is more than common      
exemption from the faults that are      
reproved4 ,the inspired interrogatory1  
thou therefore which teachest another1  
teachest thou not thyself8 enforces this
 principle2 and the maxim of common     
sense1 that reprovers must have clean   
hands1 is no less unequivocal4          
,abolitionists are reprovers for the    
violation of duties in the domestic     
relations4 ,of course they are men who  
are especially bound to be exemplary in 
the discharge of all their domestic     

duties4 ,if a man cannot govern his     
temper and his tongue2 if he inflicts   
that moral castigation on those who     
cross his will1 which is more severe    
than physical stripes2 if he is         
overbearing or exacting with those under
 his control2 if he cannot secure       
respect for a kind and faithful         
discharge of all his social and relative
 duties1 it is as unwise and improper   
for him to join an ,abolition ,society1 
as it would be for a drunkard to preach 
temperance1 or a slave-holder           
,abolitionism4  ,another indispensable  
requisite for the office of reprover is 
a character distinguished for humility  
and meekness4 ,there is nothing more    
difficult than to approach men for the  
purpose of convincing them of their own 
deficiencies and faults2 and whoever    
attempts it in a self-complacent and    
dictatorial spirit1 always does more    
evil than good4 ,however exemplary a man
 may be in the sight of men1 there is   
abundant cause for the exercise of      

humility4 ,for a man is to judge of     
himself1 not by a comparison with other 
men1 but as he stands before ,god1 when 
compared with a perfect law1 and in     
reference to all his peculiar           
opportunities and restraints4 ,who is   
there that in this comparison1 cannot   
find cause for the deepest humiliation8 
,who can go from the presence of        
,infinite ,purity after such an         
investigation1 to take his brother by   
the throat8 ,who rather1 should not go  
to a brother1 who may have sinned1 with 
the deepest sympathy and love1 as one   
who1 amid greater temptations and with  
fewer advantages1 may be the least      
offender of the two8 ,a man who goes    
with this spirit1 has the best hope of  
doing good to those who may offend4 ,and
 yet even this spirit will not always   
save a man from angry retort1 vexatious 
insinuation1 jealous suspicion1 and the 
misconstruction of his motives4 ,a      
reprover1 therefore1 if he would avoid a
 quarrel and do the good he aims to     

secure1 must be possessed of that       
meekness which can receive evil for     
good1 with patient benevolence4 ,and a  
man is not fitted for the duties of a   
reprover1 until he can bring his        
feelings under this control4  ,the last1
 and not the least important requisite  
for a reprover1 is discretion4 ,this is 
no where so much needed as in cases     
where the domestic relations are        
concerned1 for here is the place above  
all others1 where men are most sensitive
 and unreasonable4 ,there are none who  
have more opportunities for learning    
this1 than those who act as teachers1   
especially if they feel the             
responsibility of a ,christian and a    
friend1 in regard to the moral interests
 of pupils4 ,a teacher who shares with  
parents the responsibilities of         
educating their children1 whose efforts 
may all be rendered useless by parental 
influences at home2 who feels an        
affectionate interest in both parent and
 child1 is surely the one who might seem

 to have a right to seek1 and a chance  
of success in seeking1 some             
modifications of domestic influences4   
,and yet teachers will probably testify1
 that it is a most discouraging task1   
and often as likely to result in jealous
 alienation and the loss of influence   
over both parent and child1 as in any   
good4 ,it is one of the greatest        
compliments that can be paid to the good
 sense and the good feeling of a parent 
to dare to attempt any such measure4    
,this may show how much discretion1 and 
tact1 and delicacy1 are needed by those 
who aim to rectify evils in the domestic
 relations of mankind4  ,the peculiar   
qualifications1 then1 which make it     
suitable for a man to be an             
,abolitionist are1 an exemplary         
discharge of all the domestic duties2   
humility1 meekness1 delicacy1 tact1 and 
discretion1 and these should especially 
be the distinctive traits of those who  
take the place of leaders in devising   
measures4  ,and in performing these     

difficult and self-denying duties1 there
 are no men who need more carefully to  
study the character and imitate the     
example of the ,redeemer of mankind4    
,he1 indeed1 was the searcher of hearts1
 and those reproofs which were based on 
the perfect knowledge of all that is in 
man1 we may not imitate4 ,but we may    
imitate him1 where he with so much      
gentleness1 patience1 and pitying love1 
encountered the weakness1 the rashness1 
the selfishness1 the worldliness of men4
 ,when the young man came with such     
self-complacency to ask what more he    
could do1 how kindly he was received1   
how gently convinced of his great       
deficiency6 ,when fire would have been  
called from heaven by his angry         
followers1 how forbearing the rebuke6   
,when denied and forsaken with oaths and
 curses by one of his nearest friends1  
what was it but a look of pitying love  
that sent the disciple out so bitterly  
to weep8 ,when1 in his last extremity of
 sorrow1 his friends all fell asleep1   

how gently he drew over them the mantle 
of love6 ,oh blessed ,saviour1 impart   
more of thy own spirit to those who     
profess to follow thee6                 
,,the ,,end4                            
----------------------------------------
--------------------------              
,transcriber's ,notes4                  
,the following changes were made to the 
original text 7correction       in      
brackets73                              
,page   #c3 to this request1 ,,miss     
,,grimke's7,grimke7 ,address was        
,page  #ai3 associated ,,clarkson1      
,,sharpe1 ,,macauley7,macaulay71 and    
,page  #dd3 7than7 it is with           
sheep-stealer4 ,but ,abolitionists      
,page  #ec3 ,secondly1747 ,to make them 
willing to relinquish                   
,page  #ei3 sustained this              
trafic7traffic71 in that nation4 ,what  
,page  #ga3 visiter's7visitor's7        
intention to devote himself to this     
,page  #gg3 ,footnote #c3 suffer from   
such persecution277 and he              

honourably and nobly                    
,page  #hd3 ,mr4 ,clarkson continued his
 efficient                              
co-opetion7co-operation7                
,page #aja3 so benevolent in feeling and
 action2717 that her                    
,page #ajh3 when she cannot please1 or  
by petulent7petulant7                   
complaints                              
,page #aab3 ,every man is saying1       
let7,let7 me have                       
,page #abd3 and prejudiced bigot477     
,page #acd3 tempation7temptation71 and  
lead to greater evils than              
----------------------------------------
--------------------------