,illustration3 ,plato ,,the ,,world',s ,,greatest ,,books ,,joint ,,editors ,,arthur ,,mee ,editor and ,founder of the ,book of ,knowledge ,j4 ,a4 ,,hammerton ,editor of ,harmsworth's ,universal ,encyclopaedia ,,vol4 ,,xiv ,,philosophy 7,,continued7 ,,economics ,,wm4 ,h4 ,,wise ,,co4 ,table of ,contents ,,portrait ,,of ,,plato ,frontispiece ,,philosophy 7continued7 ,,hegel1 ,g4,w4,f4 ,,page ,the ,philosophy of ,history #a ,,hume1 ,,david ,essays1 ,moral and ,political #ac ,,kant1 ,,immanuel ,the ,critique of ,pure ,reason #bd ,the ,critique of ,practical ,reason #cd ,,lewes1 ,,george ,,henry ,a ,history of ,philosophy #de ,,locke1 ,,john ,concerning the ,human ,understanding #ef ,,montaigne ,essays #fd ,,plato ,the ,apology1 or ,defence of ,socrates #ge ,the ,republic #hd ,,schopenhauer ,the ,world as ,will and ,idea #ii ,,seneca1 ,l4 ,,annaeus ,on ,benefits #aji ,,spencer1 ,,herbert ,education #abj ,principles of ,biology #acc ,principles of ,sociology #ade ,,spinoza1 ,,benedict ,,de ,ethics #afj ,,economics ,,bellamy1 ,,edward ,looking ,backward #agc ,,bentham1 ,,jeremy ,principles of ,morals and ,legislation #ahf ,,bloch1 ,,jean ,the ,future of ,war #aii ,,burke1 ,,edmund ,reflections on the ,revolution in ,france #bab ,,comte1 ,,auguste ,a ,course of ,positive ,philosophy #bbd ,,george1 ,,henry ,progress and ,poverty #bch ,,hobbes1 ,,thomas ,the ,leviathan #bdi ,,machiavelli1 ,,niccolo ,the ,prince #bfa ,,malthus1 ,t4,r4 ,on the ,principle of ,population #bgj ,,marx1 ,,karl ,capital3 ,a ,critical ,analysis #bhb ,,mill1 ,,john ,,stuart ,principles of ,political ,economy #bid ,,montesquieu ,the ,spirit of ,laws #cjf ,,more1 ,,sir ,,thomas ,utopia ,nowhere ,land #cae ,,paine1 ,,thomas ,the ,rights of ,man #cbd ,,rousseau1 ,,jean ,,jacques ,the ,social ,contract #ccg ,,smith1 ,,adam ,wealth of ,nations #cej 99 99 99 99 99 ,a ,complete ,index of ,,the ,,world',s ,,greatest ,,books will be found at the end of ,volume ,,xx4 ,acknowledgment ,acknowledgment and thanks for permission to use the following selections are herewith tendered to ,houghton1 ,mifflin ,company1 ,boston1 for ,looking ,backward1 by ,edward ,bellamy2 to ,ginn ,company1 ,boston1 for the ,international ,school of ,peace1 for ,the ,future of ,war1 by ,jean ,bloch2 and to ,doubleday1 ,page ,company1 ,new ,york1 for ,progress and ,poverty1 by ,henry ,george4 ,philosophy ,,hegel ,the ,philosophy of ,history ,georg ,wilhelm ,friedrich ,hegel was born on ,august #bg1 #aggj1 at ,stuttgart1 the capital of ,wuertemburg1 in which state his father occupied a humble position in government service4 ,he was educated at ,tuebingen for the ministry1 and while there was1 in private1 a diligent student of ,kant and ,rousseau4 ,in #ahje he was ,professor ,extraordinarius at the ,university of ,jena1 and in #ahjg he gave the world the first of his great works1 the ,phenomenology4 ,it was not until #ahaf that ,hegel's growing fame as a writer secured for him a professorship at ,heidelberg1 but1 after two years1 he exchanged it for one at ,berlin1 where he remained until his death on ,november #ad1 #ahca4 ,on ,october #bb1 #ahah1 he began his famous lectures4 ,our business and vocation1 he remarked to his listeners1 is to cherish the philosophical development of the substantial foundation which has renewed its youth and increased its strength4 ,although the lectures on the ,philosophy of ,history and on the ,philosophy of ,religion 7,vol4 ,,xiii7 were delivered during this period1 they were not published until a year after his death1 when his collected works were issued4 ,i4--,in the ,east ,began ,history ,universal or world-history travels from east to west1 for ,europe is absolutely the end of history1 ,asia the beginning4 ,the history of the world has an east in an absolute sense1 for1 although the earth forms a sphere1 history describes no orbit round it1 but has1 on the contrary1 a determinate orient--viz41 ,asia4 ,here rises the outward visible sun1 and in the west it sinks down2 here also rises the sun of self-consciousness4 ,the history of the world is a discipline of the uncontrolled natural will1 bringing it into obedience to a universal principle and conferring a subjective freedom4 ,the ,east knew1 and to this day knows1 freedom only for one2 the ,greek and ,roman world knew that some are free2 the ,german world knows that all are free4 ,the first political form1 therefore1 that we see in history is despotism2 the second democracy and aristocracy2 and the third monarchy4 ,the first phase--that with which we have to begin--is the ,east4 ,unreflected consciousness--substantial1 objective1 spiritual existence--forms the basis2 to which the subjective will first sustains a relation in the form of faith1 confidence1 obedience4 ,in the political life of the ,east we find realised national freedom1 developing itself without advancing to subjective freedom4 ,it is the childhood of history4 ,in the gorgeous edifices of the ,oriental empires we find all national ordinances and arrangements1 but in such a way that individuals remain as mere accidents4 ,these revolve round a centre1 round the sovereign1 who as patriarch stands 7not as despot1 in the sense of the ,roman imperial constitution7 at the head4 ,for he has to enforce the moral and substantial2 he has to uphold those essential ordinances which are already established2 so that what among us belongs entirely to subjective freedom1 here proceeds from the entire and general body of the state4 ,the glory of the ,oriental conception is the one individual as the substantial being to which all belongs1 so that no other individual has a separate existence1 or mirrors himself in his subjective freedom4 ,all the riches of imagination and nature are appropriated to that dominant existence in which subjective freedom is essentially merged2 the latter looks for its dignity not in itself but in the absolute object4 ,all the elements of a complete state--even subjectivity--may be found there1 but not yet harmonised with the grand substantial being4 ,for outside the one power--before which nothing can maintain an independent existence--there is only revolting caprice1 which1 beyond the limits of the central power1 moves at will without purpose or result4 ,accordingly we find the wild herds breaking out from the upland1 falling upon the countries in question and laying them waste1 or settling down in them and giving up their wild life2 but in all cases lost resultlessly in the central substance4 ,this phase of substantiality1 since it has not taken up its antithesis into itself and overcome it1 directly divides itself into two elements4 ,on the one side we see duration1 stability--empires belonging1 as it were1 to mere ,space 7as distinguished from ,time72 unhistorical history1 as1 for example1 in ,china1 the state based on the family relation4 ,yet the states in question1 without undergoing any change in themselves1 or in the principle of their existence1 are constantly changing their opinion towards each other4 ,they are in ceaseless conflict1 which brings on rapid destruction4 ,the opposing principle of individuality enters into these conflicting relations2 but it is itself as yet only unconscious1 merely natural universality--light which is not yet the light of the personal soul4 ,this history1 too1 is for the most part really unhistorical1 for it is only the repetition of the same majestic ruin4 ,the new element which1 in the shape of bravery1 prowess1 magnanimity1 occupies the place of the previous despotic pomp goes through the same cycle of decline and subsidence4 ,and this subsidence1 therefore1 is not really such2 for through all this restless change no advance has been made4 ,history passes at this point--and only outwardly1 that is1 without connection with the previous phase--to ,central ,asia4 ,to carry on the comparison with the individual man1 this would be the boyhood of history1 no longer manifesting the repose and trustfulness of the child1 but boisterous and turbulent4 ,,ii4--,greece1 ,rome and ,christianity ,the ,greek world may1 then1 be compared to the season of adolescence1 for here we have individualities shaping themselves4 ,this is the second main principle in human history4 ,morality is1 as in ,asia1 a principle1 but it is morality impressed on individuality1 and consequently denoting the free volition of individuals4 ,here1 then1 is the union of the moral with the subjective will1 or the kingdom of beautiful freedom1 for the idea is united with a plastic form4 ,it is not yet regarded abstractly1 but intimately bound up with the real1 as in a beautiful work of art2 the sensible bears the stamp and expression of the spiritual4 ,the kingdom is consequently true harmony2 it is a world of the most charming but perishable1 or quickly passing1 bloom2 it is the natural1 unreflecting observance of what is becoming--not yet true morality4 ,the individual will of the subject adopts without reflection the conduct and habit prescribed by justice and the laws4 ,the individual is1 therefore1 in unconscious unity with the idea--the social weal4 ,the third phase is the realm of abstract universality 7in which the social aim absorbs all individual aims72 it is the ,roman state1 the severe labours of the manhood of history4 ,for true manhood acts neither in accordance with the caprice of a despot nor in obedience to a graceful caprice of its own4 ,it works for a general aim1 one in which the individual perishes and realises his own private object only in that general aim4 ,the state begins to have an abstract existence and to develop itself for a definite object1 in accomplishing which its members have indeed a share1 but not a complete and concrete one 7calling their whole being into play74 ,free individuals are sacrificed to the severe demands of the national ends1 to which they must surrender themselves in this service of abstract generalisation4 ,the ,roman state is not a repetition of such a state of individuals as was the ,athenian polis4 ,the geniality and joy of soul that existed there have given place to harsh and rigorous toil4 ,the interest of history is detached from individuals4 ,but when1 subsequently1 in the historical development1 individuality gains the ascendant1 and the breaking up of the community into its component atoms can be restrained only by external compulsion1 then the subjective might of individual despotism comes forward to play its part4 ,the individual is led to seek consolation for the loss of his freedom in exercising and developing his private rights4 ,in the next place1 the pain inflicted by despotism begins to be felt1 and spirit1 driven back into its utmost depths1 leaves the godless world1 seeks for a harmony in itself1 and begins now an inner life--a complete concrete subjectivity1 which at the same time possesses a substantiality that is not grounded in mere external existence4 ,within the soul1 therefore1 arises the spiritual solution of the struggle1 in the fact that the individual personality1 instead of following its own capricious choice1 is purified and elevated into universality--a subjectivity that of its own free will adopts principles tending to the good of all1 reaches1 in fact1 a divine personality4 ,to the worldly empire this spiritual one wears a predominant aspect of opposition1 as the empire of subjectivity that has attained to the knowledge of itself--itself in its essential nature--the empire of spirit in its full sense4 ,the ,christian community found itself in the ,roman world1 but as it was secluded from this state1 and did not hold the emperor for its absolute sovereign1 it was the object of persecution4 ,then was manifested its inward liberty in the steadfastness with which sufferings were borne4 ,as regards its relation to the truth1 the fathers of the ,church built up the dogma1 but a chief element was furnished by the previous development of philosophy4 ,just as ,philo found a deeper import shadowed forth in the ,mosaic record and idealised what he considered the bare shell of the narrative1 so also did the ,christians treat their records4 ,it was through the ,christian religion that the absolute idea of ,god1 in if true conception1 attained consciousness4 ,here man1 too1 finds himself comprehended in his true nature1 given in the specific conception of the ,son4 ,man1 finite when regarded for himself1 is yet at the same time the image of ,god and a fountain of infinity in himself4 ,consequently he has his true home in a super-sensuous world--an infinite subjectivity1 gained only by a rupture with mere natural existence and volition4 ,this is religious self-consciousness4 ,the first abstract principles are won by the instrumentality of the ,christian religion for the secular state4 ,first1 under ,christianity slavery is impossible2 for man as man--in the abstract essence of his nature--is contemplated in ,god2 each unit of mankind is an object of the grace of ,god and of the divine purpose4 ,utterly excluding all speciality1 therefore1 man1 in and for himself--in his simple quality of man--has infinite value2 and this infinite value abolishes1 ipso facto1 all particularity attaching to birth or country4 ,the other1 the second principle1 regards the subjectivity of man in its bearing on chance4 ,humanity has this sphere of free spirituality in and for itself1 and everything else must proceed from it4 ,the place appropriated to the abode and presence of the ,divine ,spirit--the sphere in question--is spiritual subjectivity1 and is constituted the place in which all contingency is amenable4 ,it follows1 thence1 that what we observe among the ,greeks as a form of customary morality cannot maintain its position in the ,christian world4 ,for that morality is spontaneous1 unreflected wont2 while the ,christian principle is independent subjectivity--the soil on which grows the ,true4 ,now1 an unreflected morality cannot continue to hold its ground against the principle of subjective freedom4 ,now the principle of absolute freedom in ,god makes its appearance4 ,man no longer sustains the relation of dependence1 but of love--in the consciousness that he is a partaker in the ,divine existence4 ,,iii4--,the ,germanic ,world ,the ,german world appears at this point of development--the fourth phase of world history4 ,the old age of nature is weakness2 but this of spirit is its perfect maturity and strength1 in which it returns to unity with itself1 but in its fully developed character as spirit4 ,the ,greeks and ,romans had reached maturity within ere they directed their energies outwards4 ,the ,germans1 on the contrary1 began with self-diffusion1 deluging the world1 and breaking down in their course the hollow political fabrics of the civilised nations4 ,only then did their development begin1 kindled by a foreign culture1 a foreign religion1 polity1 and legislation4 ,the process of culture they underwent consisted in taking up foreign elements into their own national life4 ,the ,german world took up the ,roman culture and religion in their completed form4 ,the ,christian religion which it adopted had received from councils and fathers of the ,church--who possessed the whole culture1 and in particular the philosophy of the ,greek and ,roman world--a perfected dogmatic system4 ,the ,church1 too1 had a completely developed hierarchy4 ,to the native tongue of the ,germans the ,church likewise opposed one perfectly developed--the ,latin4 ,in art and philosophy a similar alien influence predominated4 ,the same principle holds good in regard to the form of the secular sovereignty4 ,gothic and other chiefs gave themselves the name of ,roman patricians4 ,thus1 superficially1 the ,german world appears to be a continuation of the ,roman4 ,but there dwelt in it an entirely new spirit--the free spirit which reposes on itself4 ,the three periods of this world will have to be treated accordingly4 ,the first period begins with the appearance of the ,german nations in the ,roman ,empire4 ,the ,christian world presents itself as ,christendom--one mass of which1 the spiritual and the secular1 form only different aspects4 ,this epoch extends to ,charlemagne4 ,in the second period the ,church develops for itself a theocracy and the state a feudal monarchy4 ,charlemagne had formed an alliance with the ,holy ,see against the ,lombards and the factions of the nobles in ,rome4 ,a union thus arose between the spiritual and the secular power1 and a kingdom of heaven on earth promised to follow in the wake of this conciliation4 ,but just at this time1 instead of a spiritual kingdom of heaven1 the inwardness of the ,christian principle wears the appearance of being altogether directed outwards1 and leaving its proper sphere4 ,christian freedom is perverted to its very opposite1 both in a religious and secular respect2 on the one hand to the severest bondage1 on the other to the most immoral excess--a barbarous intensity of every passion4 ,the first half of the sixteenth century marks the beginning of the third period4 ,secularity appears now as gaining a consciousness of its intrinsic worth2 it becomes aware that it possesses a value of its own in the morality1 rectitude1 probity1 and activity of man4 ,the consciousness of independent validity is aroused through the restoration of ,christian freedom4 ,the ,christian principle has now passed through the terrible discipline of culture1 and it first attains truth and reality through the ,reformation4 ,this third period extends to our own times4 ,the principle of free spirit is here made the banner of the world1 and from this principle are evolved the universal axioms of reason4 ,formal thought--the understanding--had been already developed1 but thought received its true material first with the ,reformation4 ,from that ,epoch thought began to gain a culture properly its' own2 principles were derived from it which were to be the norm for the constitution of the state4 ,political life was now to be consciously regulated by reason4 ,customary morality1 traditional usage1 lost their validity2 the various claims insisted upon must prove their legitimacy as based on rational principles4 ,these epochs may be compared with the earlier empires4 ,in the ,german aeon1 as the realm of totality1 we see the earlier epochs resumed4 ,charlemagne's time may be compared with the ,persian ,empire2 it is the period of substantive unity1 this unity having its foundation in the inner man1 the heart1 and both in the spiritual and the secular still abiding in its simplicity4 ,to the ,greek world and its merely ideal unity the time preceding ,charles ,v4 answers2 where real unity no longer exists1 because all phases of particularity have become fixed in privileges and peculiar rights ,as1 in the interior of the realms themselves1 the different estates of the realm1 with their several claims1 are isolated1 so do the various states in their foreign aspects occupy a merely external relation one to another4 ,a diplomatic policy arises which1 in the interest of a ,european balance of power1 unites them with and against each other4 ,it is the time in which the world becomes clear and manifest to all 7discovery of ,america74 ,so1 too1 does consciousness gain clearness in the super-sensuous world1 and respecting it4 ,substantial objective religion brings itself to sensuous clearness in the sensuous element 7,christian art71 and also becomes clear to itself in the element of inmost truth4 ,we may compare this time with that of ,pericles4 ,the introversion of spirit begins 7,socrates--,luther71 though ,pericles is wanting in this epoch4 ,charles ,v4 possesses enormous possibilities in point of outward appliances1 and appears absolute in his power2 but the inner spirit of ,pericles1 and therefore the absolute means of establishing a free sovereignty1 is not in him4 ,this is the epoch when spirit becomes clear to itself in separations occurring in the realm of reality2 now the distinct elements of the ,german world manifest their essential nature4 ,the third epoch may be compared to the ,roman world4 ,the authority of national aim is acknowledged1 and privileges melt away before the common object of the state4 ,,iv4--,modern ,times ,spirit at last perceives that nature--the world--must be an embodiment of reason4 ,an interest in the contemplation and comprehension of the present world became universal4 ,thus experimental science became the science of the world2 for experimental science involves1 on the one hand1 the observation of phenomena2 on the other hand1 also the discovery of the law1 the essential being1 the hidden force1 that causes those phenomena--thus reducing the data supplied by observation to their simple principles4 ,intellectual consciousness was first extricated by ,descartes from that sophistry of thought which unsettles everything4 ,as it was the purely ,german nations among whom the principle of spirit first manifested itself1 so it was by the ,romanic nations that the abstract idea was first comprehended4 ,experimental science1 therefore1 very soon made its way among them1 in common with the ,protestant ,english1 but especially among the ,italians4 ,it seemed to men as if ,god had but just created the moon and stars1 plants and animals2 as if the laws of the universe were now established for the first time2 for only then did they feel a real interest in the universe when they recognised their own reason in the reason that pervades it4 ,the human eye became clear1 perception quick1 thought active and interpretative4 ,the discovery of the laws of nature enabled men to contend against the monstrous superstition of the time1 as also against all notions of mighty alien powers which magic alone could conquer4 ,the independent authority of subjectivity was maintained against belief founded on authority1 and the laws of nature were recognised as the only bond connecting phenomena with phenomena4 ,man is at home in nature1 and that alone passes for truth in which he finds himself at home2 he is free through the acquaintance he has gained with nature4 ,nor was thought less vigorously directed to the spiritual side4 ,right and social morality came to be looked upon as having their foundation in the actual present will of man1 whereas formerly it was referred only to the command of ,god enjoined ab extra1 written in the ,old or ,new ,testament1 or appearing in the form of particular right1 as opposed to that based on general principles1 in old parchments as privilegia1 or in international compacts4 ,luther had secured to mankind spiritual freedom1 and the reconciliation of the objective and the subjective in the concrete4 ,he had triumphantly established the position that man's eternal destiny must be wrought out in himself4 ,but the import of that which is to take place in him--what truth is to become vital to him--was taken for granted by ,luther1 as something already given1 something revealed by religion4 ,now the principle was set up that this import must be capable of actual investigation1 and that to this basis of inward demonstration every dogma must be referred4 ,this is the point which consciousness has attained1 and these are the principal phases of that form in which the principle of freedom has realised itself1 for the history of the world is nothing but the development of the idea of freedom4 ,but objective freedom--the laws of real freedom--demands the subjugation of the mere contingent will1 for this is in its nature formal4 ,if the objective is in itself rational1 human insight and conviction must correspond with the reason which it embodies1 and then we have the other essential element--subjective freedom--also realised4 ,we have confined ourselves to the consideration of that progress of the idea which has led to this consummation4 ,philosophy concerns itself only with the glory of the idea mirroring itself in the history of the world1 and with the development which the idea has passed through in realising itself--i4e41 the idea of freedom1 whose reality is the consciousness of freedom and nothing short of it4 ,that the history of the world1 with all the changing scenes which its annals present1 is this true process of development and the realisation of spirit--this is the true ,theodikaia1 the justification of ,god in history4 ,the spirit of man may be reconciled with the course of universal history only by perception of this truth--that all which has happened1 all that happens daily1 is not only not without ,god1 but is essentially ,his work4 ,,david ,,hume ,essays1 ,moral and ,political ,david ,hume1 the ,scottish philosopher and historian1 was born at ,edinburgh1 ,april #bf1 #agaa1 and was educated at the college there4 ,he tried law and business without liking either1 and at the age of #bc went to ,france1 where he wandered about for a while occupied with dreams of philosophy4 ,in #agci he published the first part of his ,treatise on ,human ,nature4 ,the book set an army of philosophers at work trying either to refute what he had said or continue lines that he had suggested1 and out of them were created both the ,scotch and ,german schools of metaphysicians4 ,hume's ,essays1 ,moral and ,political1 appeared in #agda-db1 and followed closely upon what he described as the dead-born ,treatise on ,human ,nature1 the success of the former going a long way towards compensating him for the failure of the latter4 ,in the advertisement to a posthumous edition ,hume complains that controversialists had confined their attacks to the crude1 earlier treatise1 and expressed the desire that for the future the ,essays might alone be regarded as containing his philosophical sentiments and principles4 ,in the ,essays ,hume brings to bear the results of his criticism upon the problems of current speculative discussion4 ,the argument against miracles is still often discussed2 and the work is well worthy of the author whom many regard as the greatest thinker of his time4 ,in #agea he published his ,inquiry ,into the ,principles of ,morals1 which is one of the clearest expositions of the leading principles of what is termed the utilitarian system4 ,hume died on ,august #be1 #aggf4 ,i4--,doubts ,concerning the ,understanding ,all the objects of human reason or inquiry may naturally be divided into two kinds--to wit1 relations of ideas and matters of fact4 ,of the first kind are the sciences of geometry1 algebra1 and arithmetic1 and1 in short1 every affirmation which is either intuitively or demonstratively certain4 ,that the square of the hypotenuse is equal to the squares of the two sides is a proposition which expresses a relation between these figures4 ,that three times five is equal to the half of thirty expresses a relation between these numbers4 ,propositions of this kind are discoverable by the mere operation of thought1 without dependence on what is anywhere existent in the universe4 ,though there never were a circle or triangle in nature1 the truths demonstrated by ,euclid would for ever retain their certainty and evidence4 ,matters of fact1 which are the second objects of human reason1 are not ascertained in the same manner2 nor is our evidence of their truth1 however great1 of a like nature with the foregoing4 ,the contrary of every matter of fact is still possible1 because it can never imply a contradiction1 and is conceived by the mind with the same facility and distinctness as if ever so conformable to reality4 ,that the sun will not rise to-morrow is no less intelligible a proposition1 and implies no more contradiction1 than the affirmative that it will rise4 ,we should in vain1 therefore1 attempt to demonstrate its falsehood4 ,were it demonstratively false1 it would imply a contradiction1 and could never be distinctly conceived by the mind4 ,it may1 therefore1 be a subject worthy of curiosity to inquire what is the nature of that evidence which assures us of any real existence of matters of fact beyond the present testimony of our senses1 or the records of our memory4 ,all reasonings concerning matter of fact seem to be founded on the relation of cause and effect4 ,if we would satisfy ourselves1 therefore1 concerning the nature of that evidence which assures us of matters of fact1 we must inquire how we arrive at the knowledge of cause and effect4 ,i shall venture to affirm1 as a general proposition which admits of no exception1 that the knowledge of this relation is not1 in any instance1 attained by reasonings a priori1 but arises entirely from experience4 ,to convince us that all the laws of nature1 and all the operations of bodies without exception1 are known only by experience1 the following reflections may perhaps suffice4 ,were any object presented to us1 and were we required to pronounce concerning the effect which will result from it1 without consulting past observation1 after what manner1 ,i beseech you1 must the mind proceed in this operation8 ,it must invent or imagine some event1 which it ascribes to the object as its effect2 and it is plain that this invention must be entirely arbitrary4 ,the mind can never possibly find the effect in the supposed cause by the most accurate scrutiny and examination4 ,for the effect is totally different from the cause1 and1 consequently1 can never be discovered in it4 ,a stone or piece of metal raised into the air and left without any support immediately falls4 ,but1 to consider the matter a priori1 is there anything we discover in this situation which can beget the idea of a downward rather than an upward1 or any other motion1 in the stone or metal8 ,in a word1 then1 every effect is a distinct event from its cause4 ,it could not1 therefore1 be discovered in the cause1 and the first invention or conception of it1 a priori1 must be entirely arbitrary4 ,and1 even after it is suggested1 the conjunction of it with the cause must appear equally arbitrary1 since there are always many other effects which to reason must seem fully as consistent and natural4 ,in vain1 therefore1 should we pretend to determine any single event1 or infer any cause or effect1 without the assistance of observation and experience4 ,hence1 we may discover the reason why no philosopher who is rational and modest has ever pretended to assign the ultimate cause of any natural operation1 or to show distinctly the action of that power which produces any single effect in the universe4 ,i say1 then1 that even after we have experience of the operations of cause and effect1 our conclusions from that experience are not founded on reasoning1 or any process of the understanding4 ,the bread which ,i formerly ate nourished me2 that is1 a body of such sensible qualities was at that time endued with such secret powers2 but does it follow that other bread must also nourish me at another time1 and that like sensible qualities must always be attended with like secret powers8 ,the consequence seems nowise necessary4 ,at least1 it must be acknowledged that there is here a consequence drawn by the mind1 that there is a certain step taken2 a process of thought1 and an inference which wants to be explained4 ,these two propositions are far from being the same3 ,i have found that such an object has always been attended with such an effect1 and3 ,i foresee that other objects1 which are in appearance similar1 will be attended with similar effects4 ,i shall allow1 if you please1 that the one proposition may justly be inferred from the other2 ,i know1 in fact1 that it always is inferred4 ,but you must confess that the inference is not intuitive2 neither is it demonstrative4 ,of what nature is it1 then8 ,to say it is experimental is begging the question4 ,for all inferences from experience suppose1 as their foundation1 that the future will resemble the past1 and that similar powers will be conjoined with similar sensible qualities4 ,if there be any suspicion that the course of nature may change1 and that the past may be no rule for the future1 all experience becomes useless1 and can give rise to no inference or conclusion4 ,it is impossible1 therefore1 that any arguments from experience can prove this resemblance of the past to the future1 since all these arguments are founded on the supposition of that resemblance4 ,let the course of things be allowed hitherto ever so regular1 that alone1 without some new argument or inference1 proves not that for the future it will continue so4 ,in vain do you pretend to have learned the nature of bodies from your past experience4 ,their secret nature1 and consequently all their effects and influence1 may change without any change in their sensible qualities4 ,this happens sometimes1 and with regard to some objects4 ,why may it not happen always1 and with regard to all objects8 ,what logic1 what process of argument1 secures you against this supposition8 ,my practice1 you say1 refutes my doubts4 ,but you mistake the purport of my question4 ,as an agent1 ,i am quite satisfied on the point2 but as a philosopher1 who has some share of curiosity1 ,i will not say scepticism1 ,i want to learn the foundation of this inference4 ,all inferences from experience are effects of custom1 not of reasoning4 ,we have already observed that nature has established connections among particular ideas1 and that no sooner one idea occurs to our thoughts than it introduces its correlative1 and carries our attention towards it by a gentle and insensible movement4 ,these principles of connection or association we have reduced to three--namely1 resemblance1 contiguity1 and causation1 which are the only bonds that unite our thoughts together and beget that regular train of reflection or discourse which1 in a greater or less degree1 takes place among mankind4 ,now1 here arises a question on which the solution of the present difficulty will depend4 ,does it happen in all these relations that when one of the objects is presented to the senses or memory the mind is not only carried to the conception of the correlative1 but reaches a steadier and stronger conception of it than otherwise it would have been able to attain8 ,this seems to be the case with that belief which arises from the relation of cause and effect4 ,and ,i shall add that it is conformable to the ordinary wisdom of nature to secure so necessary an act of the mind by some instinct or mechanical tendency1 which may be infallible in its operations1 may discover itself at the first appearance of life and thought1 and may be independent of all the laboured deductions of the understanding4 ,,ii4--,on ,miracles ,a wise man proportions his belief to the evidence4 ,in such conclusions as are founded on an infallible experience he expects the event with the last degree of assurance1 and regards his past experience as a full proof of the future existence of that event4 ,in other cases he proceeds with more caution4 ,he weighs the opposite experiments4 ,he considers which side is supported by the greatest number of experiments2 to that side he inclines with doubt and hesitation1 and when at last he fixes his judgment1 the evidence exceeds not what we properly call probability4 ,all probability1 then1 supposes an opposition of experiments and observations1 where the one side is found to overbalance the other1 and to produce a degree of evidence proportioned to the superiority4 ,when the fact attested is such a one as has seldom fallen under our observation1 here is a contest of two possible experiences1 of which the one destroys the other as far as its force goes1 and the superior can only operate on the mind by the force which remains4 ,the very same principle of experience which gives us a certain degree of assurance in the testimony of witnesses gives us also1 in this case1 another degree of assurance against the fact which they endeavour to establish1 from which consideration there necessarily arises a counterpoise1 and mutual destruction of belief and authority4 ,but in order to increase the probability against the testimony of witnesses1 let us suppose that the fact which they affirm1 instead of being only marvellous1 is really miraculous2 and suppose also that the testimony1 considered apart and in itself1 amounts to an entire proof1 of which the strongest must prevail1 but still with a diminution of its force in proportion to that of its antagonist4 ,a miracle is a violation of the laws of nature2 and as a firm and unalterable experience has established these laws1 the proof against a miracle1 from the very nature of the fact1 is as entire as any argument from experience can possibly be imagined4 ,why is it more than probable that all men must die2 that lead cannot of itself remain suspended in the air2 that fire consumes wood1 and is extinguished by water2 unless it be that these events are found agreeable to the laws of nature1 and there is required a violation of these laws1 or1 in other words1 a miracle1 to prevent them8 ,nothing is esteemed a miracle if it ever happen in the common course of nature4 ,it is no miracle that a man seemingly in good health should die on a sudden1 because such a kind of death1 though more unusual than any other1 has yet been frequently observed to happen4 ,but it is a miracle that a dead man should come to life1 because that has never been observed in any age or country4 ,there must1 therefore1 be a uniform experience against every miraculous event1 otherwise the event would not merit that appellation4 ,and as a uniform experience amounts to a proof1 there is here a direct and full proof1 from the nature of the fact1 against the existence of any miracle2 nor can such a proof be destroyed1 or the miracle rendered credible1 but by an opposite proof which is superior4 ,the plain consequence is 7and it is a general maxim worthy of our attention7 that no testimony is sufficient to establish a miracle unless the testimony be of such a kind that its falsehood would be more miraculous than the fact which it endeavours to establish2 and even in that case there is a mutual destruction of arguments1 and the superior only gives us an assurance suitable to that degree of force which remains after deducting the inferior4 ,there surely never was a greater number of miracles ascribed to one person than those which were lately said to have been wrought in ,france upon the tomb of ,abbe ,paris1 the famous ,jansenist1 with whose sanctity the people were so long deluded4 ,the curing of the sick1 giving hearing to the deaf and sight to the blind1 were everywhere talked of as the usual effects of that holy sepulchre4 ,but1 what is more extraordinary1 many of the miracles were immediately proved upon the spot before judges of unquestioned integrity1 attested by witnesses of credit and distinction1 in a learned age1 and in the most eminent theatre that is now in the world4 ,nor is this all2 a relation of them was published and dispersed everywhere2 nor were the ,jesuits--though a learned body1 supported by the civil magistrate and determined enemies to those opinions in whose favour the miracles were said to have been wrought--ever able distinctly to refute or detect them4 ,where shall we find such a number of circumstances agreeing to the corroboration of one fact8 ,and what have we to oppose to such a cloud of witnesses but the absolute impossibility or miraculous nature of the events which they relate8 ,and this surely1 in the eyes of all reasonable people1 will alone be regarded as a sufficient refutation4 ,suppose that all the historians who treat of ,england should agree that on ,january #a1 #afjj1 ,queen ,elizabeth died2 that both before and after her death she was seen by her physicians and the whole court1 as is usual with persons of her rank2 that her successor was acknowledged and proclaimed by the ,parliament2 and that1 after being interred a month1 she again appeared1 resumed the throne1 and governed ,england for three years2 ,i must confess that ,i should be surprised at the concurrence of so many odd circumstances1 but should not have the least inclination to believe so miraculous an event4 ,i should not doubt of her pretended death1 and of those other public circumstances that followed it2 ,i should only assert it to have been pretended1 and that it neither was1 nor possibly could be1 real4 ,you would in vain object to me the difficulty and almost impossibility of deceiving the world in an affair of such consequence2 the wisdom and solid judgment of that renowned queen2 with the little or no advantage which she could reap from so poor an artifice4 ,all this might astonish me2 but ,i would still reply that the knavery and folly of men are such common phenomena that ,i should rather believe the most extraordinary events to arise from their concurrence than admit of so signal a violation of the laws of nature4 ,our most holy religion is founded on faith1 not on reason2 and it is a sure method of exposing it to put it to such a trial as it is by no means fitted to endure4 ,to make this more evident1 let us examine those miracles related in the ,pentateuch1 which we shall examine as the production of a mere human writer and historian4 ,here1 then1 we are first to consider a book1 presented to us by a barbarous and ignorant people1 written in an age when they were still more barbarous1 and in all probability long after the facts which it relates1 corroborated by no concurring testimony1 and resembling those fabulous accounts which every nation gives of its origin4 ,upon reading this book we find it full of prodigies and miracles4 ,it gives an account of a state of the world and of human nature entirely different from the present2 of our fall from that state2 of the age of man extended to near a thousand years2 of the destruction of the world by a deluge2 of the arbitrary choice of one people as the favourites of ,heaven1 and that people the countrymen of the author2 of their deliverance from bondage by prodigies the most astonishing imaginable4 ,i desire anyone to lay his hand upon his heart1 and1 after a serious consideration1 declare whether he thinks that the falsehood of such a book1 supported by such a testimony1 would be more extraordinary and miraculous than the miracles it relates1 which is1 however1 necessary to make it be received according to the measures of probability above established4 ,,iii4--,of a ,particular ,providence and of a ,future ,state ,i was lately engaged in conversation with a friend who loves sceptical paradoxes4 ,to my expression of the opinion that a wise magistrate can justly be jealous of certain tenets of philosophy such as those of ,epicurus1 which1 denying a divine existence1 and consequently a ,providence and a future state1 seem to loosen the ties of morality1 he replied as follows4 ,if ,epicurus had been accused before the people he could easily have defended his cause and proved his principles of philosophy to be as salutary as those of his adversaries4 ,and1 if you please1 ,i shall suppose myself ,epicurus for a moment1 and make you stand for the ,athenian people4 ,,epicurus3 ,i come hither1 ,o ye ,athenians1 to justify in your assembly what ,i maintained in my school1 and ,i find myself impeached by furious antagonists instead of reasoning with calm and dispassionate inquirers4 ,by my accusers it is acknowledged that the chief or sole argument for a divine existence 7which ,i never questioned7 is derived from the order of nature2 where there appear such marks of intelligence and design that you think it extravagant to assign for its cause either chance or the blind and unguided force of matter4 ,you allow that this is an argument drawn from effects to causes4 ,from the order of the work you infer that there must have been project and forethought in the workman4 ,if you cannot make out this point1 you allow that your conclusion fails1 and you pretend not to establish the conclusion in a greater latitude than the phenomena of nature will justify4 ,these are your concessions4 ,i desire you to mark the consequences4 ,when we infer any particular cause from an effect we must proportion the one to the other1 and can never be allowed to ascribe to the cause any qualities but what are sufficient to produce the effect4 ,a body of ten ounces raised in a scale may serve as a proof that the counterbalancing weight exceeds ten ounces1 but never that it exceeds a hundred4 ,the same rule holds whether the cause assigned be brute1 unconscious matter or a rational1 intelligent being4 ,if the cause be known only by the effect1 we never ought to ascribe to it any qualities beyond what are precisely requisite to produce the effect4 ,nor can we return back from the cause and infer other effects from it beyond those by which alone it is known to us4 ,allowing1 therefore1 the gods to be the authors of the existence1 or order1 of the universe1 it follows that they possess that precise degree of power1 intelligence1 and benevolence which appears in their workmanship2 but we can never be allowed to mount up from the universe1 the effect1 to ,jupiter1 the cause1 and then descend downwards to infer any new effect from that cause4 ,the knowledge of the cause being derived solely from the effect1 they must be exactly adjusted to each other2 and the one can never refer to anything farther4 ,i deny a ,providence1 you say1 and ,supreme ,governor of the world1 who guides the course of events and punishes the vicious with infamy and disappointment1 and rewards the virtuous with honour and success in all their undertakings4 ,but surely ,i deny not the course of events itself1 which lies open to everyone's inquiry and examination4 ,i acknowledge that1 in the present order of things1 virtue is attended with more peace of mind than vice1 and meets with a more favourable reception from the world4 ,i am sensible that1 according to the past experience of mankind1 friendship is the chief joy of human life1 and moderation the only source of tranquillity and happiness4 ,i never balance between the virtuous and the vicious life1 but am sensible that1 to a well-disposed mind1 every advantage is on the side of the former4 ,and what can you say more1 allowing all your suppositions and reasonings8 ,,immanuel ,,kant ,the ,critique of ,pure ,reason ,immanuel ,kant1 the most celebrated of ,german metaphysicians1 was born at ,koenigsberg on ,april #bb1 #agbd1 and died on ,february #ab1 #ahjd4 ,taking his degree at ,koenigsberg1 he speedily entered on a professional career1 which he quietly and strenuously pursued for over thirty years4 ,though his lectures were limited to the topics with which he was concerned as professor of logic and philosophy1 his versatility is evidenced by the fact that he was offered the chair of poetry1 which he declined4 ,his lasting reputation began with the publication1 in #agha1 of his wonderful ,critique of ,pure ,reason 7,kritik der reinen ,vernunft74 ,within twelve years of its appearance it was expounded in all the leading universities1 and even penetrated into the schools of the ,church of ,rome4 ,kant was the first ,european thinker who definitely grasped the conception of a critical philosophy1 though he was doubtless aided by the tendency of ,locke's psychology4 ,he did much to counteract the sceptical influence of ,hume4 ,the main object of his ,critique of ,pure ,reason is to separate the necessary and universal in the realm of knowledge from the merely experimental or empirical4 ,this little version of ,kant's celebrated work has been prepared from the ,german text4 ,i4--,knowledge ,transcendental3 ,a,esthetic ,experience is something of which we are conscious4 ,it is the first result of our comprehension1 but it is not the limit of our understanding1 since it stimulates our faculty of reason1 but does not satisfy its desire for knowledge4 ,while all our knowledge may begin with sensible impressions or experience1 there is an element in it which does not rise from this source1 but transcends it4 ,that knowledge is transcendental which is occupied not so much with mere outward objects as with our manner of knowing those objects1 that is to say1 with our a priori concepts of them4 ,all our knowledge is either a priori or a posteriori4 ,that is a posteriori knowledge which is derived from sensible experience as including sensible impressions or states2 while a priori knowledge is that which is not thus gained1 but consists of whatever is universal or necessary4 ,a complete ,transcendental ,philosophy would be a systematic exposition of all that is a priori in human knowledge1 or of all the principles of pure reason4 ,but a ,critique of ,pure ,reason cannot include all this4 ,it can do little more than deal with the synthetic element or quality in a priori knowledge1 as distinguished from the analytic element4 ,we perceive objects through our sensibility which furnishes us1 as our faculty of receptivity1 with those intuitions that become translated into thought by means of the understanding4 ,this is the origin of our conceptions1 or ideas4 ,i denominate as matter that which in a phenomenon corresponds to sensation2 while ,i call form that quality of matter which presents it in a perceived order4 ,only matter is presented to our minds a posteriori2 as to form1 this must inevitably exist in the mind a priori1 and therefore it can be considered apart from all sensation4 ,pure representation1 entirely apart from sensation1 in a transcendental signification1 forms the pure intuition of the mind1 existing in it as a mere form of sensibility4 ,transcendental aesthetic is the science of all the principles of sensibility4 ,but transcendental logic is the science of the principles of pure thought4 ,in studying the former we shall find that there are two pure forms of sensuous intuition1 namely1 space and time4 ,are space and time actual entities8 ,or are they only relations of things8 ,space is simply the form of all the phenomena of external senses2 that is1 it is the subjective condition of the sensibility under which alone external intuition is possible4 ,thus1 the form of all phenomena may exist a priori in the soul as a pure intuition previous to all experience4 ,so we can only speak of space and of extended objects from the standpoint of human reason4 ,but when we have abstracted all the forms perceived by our sensibility1 there remains a pure intuition which we call space4 ,therefore our discussion teaches us the objective validity of space with regard to all that can appear before us externally as an object2 but equally the subjective ideality of space1 with regard to things if they are considered in themselves by our reason1 that is1 without taking into account the nature of our sensibility4 ,time is not empirically conceived of2 that is1 it is not experimentally apprehended4 ,time is a necessary representation on which all intuitions are dependent1 and the representation of time to the mind is thus given a priori4 ,in it alone can phenomena be apprehended4 ,these may vanish1 but time cannot be put aside4 ,time is not something existing by itself independently1 but is the formal condition a priori of all phenomena4 ,if we deduct our own peculiar sensibility1 then the idea of time disappears indeed1 because it is not inherent in any object1 but only in the subject which perceives that object4 ,space and time are essential a priori ideas1 and they are the necessary conditions of all particular perceptions4 ,from the latter and their objects we can1 in imagination1 without exception1 abstract2 from the former we cannot4 ,space and time are therefore to be regarded as the necessary a priori pre-conditions of the possibility and reality of all phenomena4 ,it is clear that transcendental aesthetic can obtain only these two elements1 space and time1 because all other concepts belong to the senses and pre-suppose experience1 and so imply something empirical4 ,for example1 the concept of motion pre-supposes something moving1 but in space regarded alone there is nothing that moves2 therefore1 whatever moves must be recognised by experience1 and is a purely empirical datum4 ,,ii4--,transcendental ,logic ,our knowledge is derived from two fundamental sources of the consciousness4 ,the first is the faculty of receptivity of impressions2 the second1 the faculty of cognition of an object by means of these impressions or representations1 this second power being sometimes styled spontaneity of concepts4 ,by the first1 an object is given to us2 by the second it is thought of in the mind4 ,thus intuition and concepts constitute the elements of our entire knowledge1 for neither intuition without concepts1 nor concepts without intuition1 can yield any knowledge whatever4 ,hence arise two branches of science1 aesthetic and logic1 the former being the science of the rules of sensibility2 the latter1 the science of the rules of the understanding4 ,logic can be treated in two directions3 either as logic of the general use of the understanding1 or of some particular use of it4 ,the former includes the rules of thought1 without which there can be no use of the understanding2 but it has no regard to the objects to which the understanding is applied4 ,this is elementary logic4 ,but logic of the understanding in some particular use includes rules of correct thought in relation to special classes of objects2 and this latter logic is generally taught in schools as preliminary to the study of sciences4 ,thus1 general logic takes no account of any of the contents of knowledge1 but is limited simply to the consideration of the forms of thought4 ,but we are constrained by anticipation to form an idea of a logical science which has to deal not only with pure thought1 but also has to determine the origin1 validity1 and extent of the knowledge to which intuitions relate1 and this science might be styled transcendental logic4 ,in transcendental aesthetic we isolated the faculty of sensibility4 ,so in transcendental logic we isolate the understanding1 concentrating our consideration on that element of thought which has its source simply in the understanding4 ,but transcendental logic must be divided into transcendental analytic and transcendental dialectic4 ,the former is a logic of truth1 and is intended to furnish a canon of criticism4 ,when logic is used to judge not analytically1 but to judge synthetically of objects in general1 it is called transcendental dialectic1 which serves as a protection against sophistical fallacy4 ,,analytic ,,of ,,pure ,,concepts ,the understanding may be defined as the faculty of judging4 ,the function of thought in a judgment can be brought under four heads1 each with three subdivisions4 #a4 ,quantity of judgments3 ,universal1 particular1 singular4 #b4 ,quality3 ,affirmative1 negative1 infinite4 #c4 ,relation3 ,categorical1 hypothetical1 disjunctive4 #d4 ,modality3 ,problematical1 assertory1 apodictic above contradiction4 ,if we examine each of these forms of judgment we discover that in every one is involved some peculiar idea which is its essential characteristic4 ,thus1 a singular judgment1 in which the subject of discourse is a single object1 involves obviously the special idea of oneness1 or unity4 ,a particular judgment1 relating to several objects1 implies the idea of plurality1 and discriminates between the several objects4 ,now1 the whole list of these ideas will constitute the complete classification of the fundamental conceptions of the understanding1 regarded as the faculty which judges1 and these may be called categories4 #a4 ,of ,quantity3 ,unity1 plurality1 totality4 #b4 ,of ,quality3 ,reality1 negation1 limitation4 #c4 ,of ,relation3 ,substance and accident1 cause and effect1 action and reaction4 #d4 ,of ,modality3 ,possibility--impossibility1 existence--non-existence1 necessity--contingence4 ,these1 then1 are the fundamental1 primary1 or native conceptions of the understanding1 which flow from1 or constitute the mechanism of1 its nature2 are inseparable from its activity2 and are hence1 for human thought1 universal and necessary1 or a priori4 ,these categories are pure conceptions of the understanding1 inasmuch as they are independent of all that is contingent in sense4 ,,transcendental ,,dialectic ,a distinction is usually made between what is immediately known and what is only inferred4 ,it is immediately known that in a figure bounded by three straight lines there are three angles1 but that these angles together are equal to two right angles is only inferred4 ,in every syllogism is first a fundamental proposition2 secondly1 another deduced from it2 and1 thirdly1 the consequence4 ,in the use of pure reason its concepts1 or transcendental ideas1 aim at unity of all conditions of thought4 ,so all transcendental ideas may be arranged in three classes2 the first containing the unity of the thinking subject2 the second1 the unity of the conditions of phenomena observed2 the third1 the unity of the objective conditions of thought4 ,this classification becomes clear if we note that the thinking subject is the object-matter of psychology2 while the system of all phenomena 7the world7 is the object-matter of cosmology2 and the ,being of all ,beings 7,god7 is the object-matter of theology4 ,hence we perceive that pure reason supplies three transcendental ideas1 namely1 the idea of a transcendental science of the soul 7psychologia rationalis72 of a transcendental science of the world 7cosmologia rationalis72 and1 lastly1 of a transcendental science of ,god 7theologia transcendentalis74 ,it is the glory of transcendental idealism that by it the mind ascends in the series of conditions till it reaches the unconditioned1 that is1 the principles4 ,we thus progress from our knowledge of self to a knowledge of the world1 and through it to a knowledge of the ,supreme ,being4 ,,iii4--,the ,antinomies of ,pure ,reason ,transcendental reason attempts to reconcile conflicting assertions4 ,there are four of these antinomies1 or conflicts4 ,,first ,,antinomy4 ,thesis4 ,the world has a beginning in time1 and is also limited in regard to space4 ,proof4 ,were the world without a time-beginning we should have to ascribe a present limit to that which can have no limit1 which is absurd4 ,again1 were the world not limited in regard to space1 it must be conceived as an infinite whole1 yet it is impossible thus to conceive it4 ,antithesis4 ,the world has neither beginning in time1 nor limit in space1 but in both regards is infinite4 ,proof4 ,the world must have existed from eternity1 or it could never exist at all4 ,if we imagine it had a beginning1 we must imagine an anterior time when nothing was4 ,but in such time the origin of anything is impossible4 ,at no moment could any cause for such a beginning exist4 ,,second ,,antinomy4 ,thesis4 ,every composite substance in the world is composed of simple parts4 ,this thesis seems scarcely to require proof4 ,no one can deny that a composite substance consists of parts1 and that these parts1 if themselves composite1 must consist of others less composite1 till at length we come1 by compulsion of thought1 to the conception of the absolutely simple as that wherein the substantial consists4 ,antithesis4 ,no composite thing in the world consists of simple parts1 and nothing simple exists anywhere in the world4 ,proof4 ,each simple part implied in the thesis must be in space4 ,but this condition is a positive disproof of their possibility4 ,a simple substance would have to occupy a simple portion of space2 but space has no simple parts4 ,the supposition of such a part is the supposition1 not of space1 but of the negation of space4 ,a simple substance1 in existing and occupying any portion of space1 must contain a real multiplicity of parts external to each other1 i4e41 it must contradict its own nature1 which is absurd4 ,,third ,,antinomy4 ,thesis4 ,the causality of natural law is insufficient for the explanation of all the phenomena of the universe4 ,for this end another kind of causality must be assumed1 whose attribute is freedom4 ,proof4 ,all so-called natural causes are effects of preceding causes1 forming a regressive series of indefinite extent1 with no first beginning4 ,so we never arrive at an adequate cause of any phenomenon4 ,yet natural law has for its central demand that nothing shall happen without such a cause4 ,antithesis4 ,all events in the universe occur under the exclusive operation of natural laws1 and there is no such thing as freedom4 ,proof4 ,the idea of a free cause is an absurdity4 ,for it contradicts the very law of causation itself1 which demands that every event shall be in orderly sequence with some preceding event4 ,now1 free causation is such an event1 being the active beginning of a series of phenomena4 ,yet the action of the supposed free cause must be imagined as independent of all connection with any previous event4 ,it is without law or reason1 and would be the blind realisation of confusion and lawlessness4 ,therefore transcendental freedom is a violation of the law of causation1 and is in conflict with all experience4 ,we must of necessity acquiesce in the explanation of all phenomena by the operation of natural law1 and thus transcendental freedom must be pronounced a fallacy4 ,,fourth ,,antinomy4 ,thesis4 ,some form of absolutely necessary existence belongs to the world1 whether as its part or as its cause4 ,proof4 ,phenomenal existence is serial1 mutable1 consistent4 ,every event is contingent upon a preceding condition4 ,the conditioned pre-supposes1 for its complete explanation1 the unconditioned4 ,the whole of past time1 since it contains the whole of all past conditions1 must of necessity contain the unconditioned or also absolutely necessary4 ,antithesis4 ,there is no absolutely necessary existence1 whether in the world as its part1 or outside of it as its cause4 ,proof4 ,of unconditionally necessary existence within the world there can be none4 ,the assumption of a first unconditioned link in the chain of cosmical conditions is self-contradictory4 ,for such link or cause1 being in time1 must be subject to the law of all temporal existence1 and so be determined--contrary to the original assumption--by another link or cause before it4 ,the supposition of an absolutely necessary cause of the world1 existing without the world1 also destroys itself4 ,for1 being outside the world1 it is not in time4 ,and yet1 to act as a cause1 it must be in time4 ,this supposition is therefore absurd4 ,the theses in these four antinomies constitute the teaching of philosophical dogmatism4 ,the antitheses constitute doctrines of philosophical empiricism4 ,,iv4--,criticism of the ,chief ,arguments for the ,existence of ,god ,the ontological argument aims at asserting the possibility of conceiving the idea of an ens realissimum1 of being possessed of all reality4 ,but the idea of existence and the fact of existence are two very different things4 ,whatever ,i conceive1 or sensibly imagine1 ,i necessarily conceive as though it were existing4 ,though my pocket be empty1 ,i may conceive it to contain a hundred thalers4 ,if ,i conceive them there1 ,i can only conceive them as actually existing there4 ,but1 alas1 the fact that ,i am under this necessity of so conceiving by no means carries with it a necessity that the coins should really be in my pocket4 ,that can only be determined by experience4 ,the cosmological argument contends that if anything exists1 there must also exist an absolutely necessary being4 ,now1 at least ,i myself exist4 ,hence there exists an absolutely necessary being4 ,the argument coincides with that by which the thesis of the fourth antinomy is supposed4 ,the objections to it are summed up in the proof of the antithesis of the fourth antimony4 ,as soon as we have recognised the true conception of causality1 we have already transcended the sensible world4 ,the physico-theological or teleological argument is what is often styled the argument from design4 ,it proceeds not from general1 but particular experience4 ,nature discloses manifold signs of wise intention and harmonious order1 and these are held to betoken a divine designer4 ,this argument deserves always to be treated with respect4 ,it is the oldest and clearest of all proofs1 and best adapted to convince the reason of the mass of mankind4 ,it animates us in our study of nature4 ,and it were not only a cheerless1 but an altogether vain task to attempt to detract from the persuasive authority of this proof4 ,there is nought to urge against its rationality and its utility4 ,all arguments1 however1 to prove the existence of ,god must1 in order to be theoretically valid1 start from specifically and exclusively sensible or phenomenal data1 must employ only the conceptions of pure physical science1 and must end with demonstrating in sensible experience an object congruous with1 or corresponding to1 the idea of ,god4 ,but this requirement cannot be met1 for1 scientifically speaking1 the existence of an absolutely necessary ,god cannot be either proved or disproved4 ,hence room is left for faith in any moral proofs that may present themselves to us1 apart from science4 ,with this subject ethics1 the science of practice or of practical reason1 will have to deal4 ,the ,critique of ,practical ,reason ,kant's ,critique of ,practical ,reason 7,kritik der praktischen ,vernunft71 published in #aghh1 is one of the most striking disquisitions in the whole range of ,german metaphysical literature4 ,one of its paragraphs has alone sufficed to render it famous4 ,the passage concerning the starry heavens and the moral law as the two transcendently overwhelming phenomena of the universe is1 perhaps1 more frequently quoted than any other written by a ,german author4 ,this is the treatise which forms the central focus of ,kant's thinking4 ,it stands midway between the ,critique of ,pure ,reason and the ,critique of ,judgment4 ,herein ,kant takes up the position of a vindicator of the truth of ,christianity1 approaching his proof of its validity and authority by first establishing positive affirmations of the immortality of the soul and the existence of ,god4 ,it also includes a theory of happiness1 and an argument concerning the summum bonum of life1 the special aim being to demonstrate that man should not simply seek to be happy1 but should1 by absolute obedience to the moral law1 seek to become worthy of that happiness which ,god can bestow4 ,i4--,analytic of ,practical ,reason ,practical principles are propositions containing a general determination of the will4 ,they are maxims1 or subjective propositions1 when expressing the will of an individual2 objective1 when they are valid expressions of the will of rational beings generally4 ,practical principles which pre-suppose an object of desire are empirical1 or experimental1 and supply no practical laws4 ,reason1 in the scope of a practical law1 influences the will not by the medium of pleasure or pain4 ,all rational beings necessarily wish for happiness1 but they are not all agreed either as to the means to attain it1 or as to the objects of their enjoyment of it4 ,thus1 subjective practical principles can only be reckoned as maxims1 never as law4 ,a rational being ought not to conceive that his individual maxims are calculated to constitute universal laws1 and to become the basis of universal legislation4 ,to discover any law which would bring all men into harmony is absolutely impossible4 ,one of the problems of practical reason is to find the law which can necessarily determine the will1 assuming that the will is free4 ,the solution of this problem is to be found in action according to the moral law4 ,we should so act that the maxim of our will can always be valid as a principle of universal legislation4 ,experience shows how the moral consciousness determines freedom of the will4 ,suppose that someone affirms of his inclination for sensual pleasure that he cannot possibly resist temptation to indulgence4 ,if a gallows were erected at the place where he is tempted1 on which he should be hanged immediately after satiating his passions1 would he not be able to control his inclination8 ,we need not long doubt what would be his answer4 ,but ask him1 if his sovereign commanded him to bear false witness against an honourable man1 under penalty of death1 whether he would hold it possible to conquer his love of life4 ,he might not venture to say what he would choose1 but he would certainly admit that it is possible to make choice4 ,thus1 he judges that he can choose to do a thing because he is conscious of moral obligation1 and he thus recognises for himself a freedom of will of which1 but for the moral law1 he would never have been conscious4 ,we obtain the exact opposite of the principle of morality if we adopt the principle of personal private happiness as the determining motive of the will4 ,this contradiction is not only logical1 but also practical4 ,for morality would be totally destroyed were not the voice of reason as clear and penetrating in relation to the will1 even to the most ordinary men4 ,if one of your friends1 after bearing false witness against you1 attempted to justify his base conduct by enumerating the advantages which he had thus secured for himself and the happiness he had gained1 and by declaring that thus he performed a true human duty1 you would either laugh him to scorn or turn from him in horror4 ,and yet1 if a man acts for his own selfish ends1 you have not the slightest objection to such behaviour4 ,,morality ,,and ,,happiness ,the maxim of self-love simply advises2 the law of morality commands4 ,there is a vast difference between what we are advised and what we are obliged to do4 ,no practical laws can be based on the principle of happiness1 even on that of universal happiness1 for the knowledge of this happiness rests on merely empirical or experimental data1 every man's ideas of it being conditioned only on his individual opinion4 ,therefore1 this principle of happiness cannot prescribe rules for all rational beings4 ,but the moral law demands prompt obedience from everyone1 and thus even the most ordinary intelligence can discern what should be done4 ,everyone has power to comply with the dictates of morality1 but even with regard to any single aim it is not easy to satisfy the vague precept of happiness4 ,nothing could be more absurd than a command that everyone should make himself happy1 for one never commands anyone to do what he inevitably wishes to do4 ,finally1 in the idea of our practical reason1 there is something which accompanies the violation of a moral law--namely1 its demerit1 with the consciousness that punishment is a natural consequence4 ,therefore1 punishment should be connected in the idea of practical reason with crime1 as a consequence of the crime1 by the principles of moral legislation4 ,,analysis ,,of ,,principles ,the practical material principles of determination constituting the basis of morality may be thus classified4 #a4 ,subjective ,external3 ,education2 the civil constitution4 ,internal3 ,physical feeling2 moral feeling4 #b4 ,objective ,internal3 ,perfection4 ,external3 ,will of ,god4 ,the subjective elements are all experimental1 or empirical1 and cannot supply the universal principle of morality1 though they are expounded in that sense by such writers as ,montaigne1 ,mandeville1 ,epicurus1 and ,hutcheson4 ,but the objective elements1 as enunciated and expounded by ,wolf and the ,stoics1 and by ,crusius and other theological moralists1 are founded on reason1 for absolute perfection as a quality of things 7that is1 ,god ,himself7 can only be thought of by rational concepts4 ,the conception of perfection in a practical sense is the adequacy of a thing for various ends4 ,as a human quality 7and so internal7 this is simply talent1 and what completes it is skill4 ,but supreme perfection in substance1 that is1 ,god ,himself1 and therefore external 7considered practically71 is the adequacy of this being for all purposes4 ,all these principles above classified are material1 and so can never furnish the supreme moral law4 ,for even the ,divine will can supply a motive in the human mind because of the expectation of happiness from it4 ,therefore1 the formal practical principle of the pure reason insists that the mere form of a universal legislation must constitute the ultimate determining principle of the will4 ,here is the only possible practical principle which is sufficient to furnish categorical imperatives1 that is1 practical laws which make action a duty4 ,it follows from this analytic that pure reason can be practical4 ,it can determine the will independently of all merely experimental elements4 ,there is a remarkable contrast between the working of the pure speculative reason and that of the pure practical reason4 ,in the former--as was shown in the treatise on that subject--a pure1 sensible intuition of time and space made knowledge possible1 though only of objects of the senses4 ,on the contrary1 the moral law brings before us a fact absolutely inexplicable from any of the data of the world of sense4 ,and the entire range of our theoretical use of reason indicates a pure world of understanding1 which even positively determines it1 and enables us to know something of it--namely1 a law4 ,we must observe the distinction between the laws of a system of nature to which the will is subject1 and of a system of nature which is subject to the will4 ,in the former1 the objects cause the ideas which determine the will2 in the latter1 the objects are caused by the will4 ,hence1 causality of the will has its determining principle exclusively in the faculty of pure reason1 which may1 therefore1 also be called a pure practical reason4 ,the moral law is a law of the causality through freedom1 and therefore of the possibility of a super-sensible system of nature4 ,it determines the will by imposing on its maxim the condition of a universal legislative form1 and thus it is able for the first time to impart practical reality to reason1 which otherwise would continue to be transcendent when seeking to proceed speculatively with its ideas4 ,thus the moral law induces a stupendous change4 ,it changes the transcendent use of reason into the immanent use4 ,and in result reason itself becomes1 by its ideas1 an efficient cause in the field of experience4 ,,hume ,,and ,,scepticism ,it may be said of ,david ,hume that he initiated the attack on pure reason4 ,my own labours in the investigation of this subject were occasioned by his sceptical teaching1 for his assault made them necessary4 ,he argued that without experience it is impossible to know the difference between one thing and another2 that is1 we can know a priori1 and1 therefore1 the notion of a cause is fictitious and illusory1 arising only from the habit of observing certain things associated with each in succession of connections4 ,on such principles we can never come to any conclusion as to causes and effects4 ,we can never predict a consequence from any of the known attributes of things4 ,we can never say of any event that it must necessarily have followed from another2 that is1 that it must have had an antecedent cause4 ,and we could never lay down a rule derived even from the greatest number of observations4 ,hence we must trust entirely to blind chance1 abolishing all reason1 and such a surrender establishes scepticism in an impregnable citadel4 ,mathematics escaped ,hume1 because he considered that its propositions were analytical1 proceeding from one determination to another1 by reason of identity contained in each4 ,but this is not really so1 for1 on the contrary1 they are synthetical1 the results depending ultimately on the assent of observers as witnesses to the universality of propositions4 ,so ,hume's empiricism leads inevitably to scepticism even in this realm4 ,my investigations led me to the conclusion that the objects with which we are familiar are by no means things in themselves1 but are simply phenomena1 connected in a certain way with experience4 ,so that without contradiction they cannot be separated from that connection4 ,only by that experience can they be recognised4 ,i was able to prove the objective reality of the concept of cause in regard to objects of experience1 and to demonstrate its origin from pure understanding1 without experimental or empirical sources4 ,thus1 ,i first destroyed the source of scepticism1 and then the resulting scepticism itself4 ,and thus was subverted the thorough doubt as to whatever theoretic reason claims to perceive1 as well as the claim of ,hume that the concept of causality involved something absolutely unthinkable4 ,,good ,,and ,,evil ,by a concept of practical reason1 ,i understand the representation to the mind of an object as an effect possible to be produced through freedom4 ,the only objects of practical reason are good and evil4 ,for by good we understand an object necessarily abhorred1 the principle of reason actuating the mind in each case4 ,in the common use of language we uniformly distinguish between the good and the pleasant1 the evil and the unpleasant1 good and evil being judged by reason alone4 ,the judgment on the relation1 of means to ends certainly belongs to reason4 ,but good or evil always implies only a reference to the will1 as resolved by the law of reason1 to make something its object4 ,thus good and evil properly relate to actions1 not to personal sensations4 ,so1 if anything is to be reckoned simply good or evil1 it can only be so estimated by the way of acting4 ,hence1 only the maxim of the will1 and consequently the person himself1 can be called good or evil1 not the thing itself4 ,the ,stoic was right1 even though he might be laughed at1 who during violent attacks of gout exclaimed1 ,pain1 ,i will never admit that thou art an evil6 ,what he felt was indeed what we call a bad thing2 but he had no reason to admit that any evil attached thereby to himself1 for the pain did not in the least detract from his personal worth1 but only from that of his condition4 ,if a single lie had been on his conscience it would have humiliated his soul2 but pain seemed only to elevate it1 when he was not conscious of having deserved it as a punishment for any unjust deed4 ,the rule of judgment subject to the laws of pure practical reason is this3 ,ask yourself whether if the action you propose were to happen by a natural system of law1 of which you were yourself a part1 you could regard it as possible by your own will8 ,in fact1 everyone does decide by this rule whether actions are morally good or evil4 ,,ii4--,dialectic of ,practical ,reason ,,the ,,immortality ,,of ,,the ,,soul ,pure practical reason postulates the immortality of the soul1 for reason in the pure and practical sense aims at the perfect good 7summum bonum71 and this perfect good is only possible on the supposition of the soul's immortality4 ,it is the moral law which determines the will1 and1 in this will1 the perfect harmony of the mind with the moral law1 is the supreme condition of the summum bonum4 ,the principle of the moral destination of our nature--that only by endless progress can we come into full harmony with the moral law--is of the greatest use1 not only for fortifying the speculative reason1 but also with respect to religion4 ,in default of this1 either the moral law is degraded from its holiness1 being represented as indulging our convenience1 or else men strain after an unattainable aim1 hoping to gain absolute holiness of will1 thus losing themselves in fanatical theosophic dreams utterly contradicting self-knowledge4 ,for a rational1 but finite1 being the only possibility is an endless progression from the lower to the higher degrees of perfection4 ,the ,infinite ,being1 to whom the time-condition is nothing1 sees in this endless succession the perfect harmony with the moral law4 ,,the ,,existence ,,of ,,god ,the pure practical reason must also postulate the existence of ,god as the necessary condition of the attainment of the summum bonum4 ,as the perfect good can only be promoted by accordance of the will with the moral law1 so also this summum bonum is possible only through the supremacy of an ,infinite ,being possessed of causality harmonising with morality4 ,but the postulate of the highest derived good 7sometimes denominated the best world7 coincides with the postulate of a highest original good1 or of the existence of ,god4 ,we now perceive why the ,greeks could never solve their problem of the possibility of the summum bonum1 because they made the freedom of the human will the only and all-sufficient ground of happiness1 imagining there was no need for the existence of ,god for that end4 ,christianity alone affords an idea of the summum bonum which answers fully to the requirement of practical reason4 ,that idea is the ,kingdom of ,god4 ,the holiness which the ,christian law requires makes essential an infinite progress4 ,but just for that very reason it justifies in man the hope of endless existence4 ,and it is only from an ,infinite ,supreme ,being1 morally perfect1 holy1 good1 and with an omnipotent will1 that we can hope1 by accord with ,his will1 to attain the summum bonum1 which the moral law enjoins on us as our duty to seek ever to attain4 ,the moral law does not enjoin on us to render ourselves happy1 but instructs us how to become worthy of happiness4 ,morality must never be regarded as a doctrine of happiness1 or direction how to become happy1 its province being to inculcate the rational condition of happiness1 not the means of attaining it4 ,god's design in creating the world is not primarily the happiness of the rational beings in it1 but the summum bonum1 which super-adds another condition to that desire of human beings1 namely1 the condition of deserving such happiness4 ,that is to say1 the morality of rational beings is a condition which alone includes the rule by observing which they can hope to participate in happiness at the hand of an all-wise ,creator4 ,the highest happiness can only be conceived as possible under conditions harmonising with the divine holiness4 ,thus they are right who make the glory of ,god the chief end of creation4 ,for beyond all else that can be conceived1 that glorifies ,god which is the most estimable thing in the whole world1 honour for ,his command and obedience to ,his law1 when to this is added ,his glorious design to crown so beauteous an order of things with happiness corresponding4 ,,conclusion ,two things fill the mind with ever new and increasing wonder and awe--the starry heavens above me1 and the moral law within me4 ,i need not search for them1 and vaguely guess concerning them1 as if they were veiled in darkness or hidden in the infinite altitude4 ,i see them before me1 and link them immediately with the consciousness of my existence4 ,the former begins from the spot ,i occupy in the outer world of sense1 and enlarges my connection with it to a boundless extent with worlds upon worlds and systems of systems4 ,the second begins from my invisible self1 my personality1 and places me in a truly infinite world traceable only by the understanding1 with which ,i perceive ,i am in a universal and necessary connection1 as ,i am also thereby with all those visible worlds4 ,this view infinitely elevates my value as an intelligence by my personality1 in which the moral law reveals to me a life independent of the animal and even the whole material world1 and reaching by destiny into the infinite4 ,but though admiration may stimulate inquiry1 it cannot compensate for the want of it4 ,the contemplation of the world1 beginning with the most magnificent spectacle possible1 ended in astrology2 and morality1 beginning with the noblest attribute of human nature1 ended in superstition4 ,but after reason was applied to careful examination of the phenomena of nature a clear and unchangeable insight was secured into the system of the world4 ,we may entertain the hope of a like good result in treating of the moral capacities of our nature by the help of the moral judgment of reason4 ,,george ,,henry ,,lewes ,a ,history of ,philosophy ,george ,henry ,lewes1 born in ,london on ,april #ah1 #ahag1 was the grandson of a famous ,covent ,garden comedian4 ,as an actor1 philosopher1 novelist1 critic1 dramatist1 journalist1 man of science1 ,lewes played many parts in the life of his time1 and some of them he played very well4 ,george ,eliot owed him a great deal2 he turned her genius away from pure speculation1 and directed it to its true province--fiction4 ,lewes was1 in fact1 an excellent critic1 and it is by his splendid critical work1 the ,biographical ,history of ,philosophy1 that he is now best remembered4 ,in this remarkable book1 which appeared in #ahde-df1 ,lewes the novelist and the journalist collaborates with ,lewes the philosopher and man of science4 ,he has the rare art of making an abstruse subject clear and attractive2 he does not give a dry summary of the ideas of the great thinkers1 but depicts the living man and relates his way of life to his way of thinking4 ,the result is that in his hands metaphysic becomes as interesting as history did in the hands of ,macaulay4 ,i4--,the ,early ,thinkers ,it is the object of the present work to show how philosophy became a positive science2 to indicate by what methods the human mind was enabled to conquer its present modicum of certain knowledge4 ,the boldest and the grandest speculations came first4 ,man needed the stimulus of some higher reward than that of merely tracing the laws of phenomena4 ,nothing but a solution of the mystery of the universe could content him4 ,astronomy was derived from astrology3 chemistry from alchemy1 and physiology from auguries4 ,the position occupied by philosophy in the history of mankind is that of the great initiative to positive science4 ,it was the forlorn hope of mankind1 and though it perished in its efforts1 it did not perish without having led the way to victory4 ,thales1 who was born at ,miletus1 in ,asia ,minor1 and flourished in #ehe ,b4,c41 is justly considered the father of ,greek speculation4 ,the step he took was small but decisive4 ,he opened the physiological inquiry into the constitution of the universe4 ,seeing around him constant transformations--birth and death1 change of shape1 of size1 and of mode of being1 he could not regard any one of these variable states of existence as existence itself4 ,he therefore asked1 ,what is the beginning of things8 ,finding that all things were nourished by moisture1 he declared that moisture was the principle of everything4 ,he was mistaken1 of course1 but he was the first man to furnish a formula from which to reason deductively4 ,anaximenes 7#eej ,b4,c47 pursued the method of ,thales1 but he was not convinced of the truth of his master's doctrine4 ,he thought that the air was the prime1 universal element1 from which all things were produced and into which all things were resolved4 ,diogenes of ,apollonia adopted the idea of ,anaximenes1 but gave a deeper significance to it4 ,the older thinker conceived the vital air as a kind of soul2 the younger man conceived the soul as a kind of air--an invisible force1 permeating and actuating everything4 ,this attribution of intelligence to the primal power or matter was certainly a progress in speculation2 but another line of thought was struck out by ,anaximander of ,miletus1 who had been a friend of ,thales4 ,he was passionately addicted to mathematics1 and a great many inventions are ascribed to him2 among others1 the sun-dial and the geographical map4 ,in his view1 any one single thing could not be all things1 and in his famous saying1 ,the infinite is the origin of all things1 he introduced into metaphysics an abstract conception in place of the inadequate concrete principles of ,thales and his disciples4 ,pythagoras was a contemporary of ,anaximander1 and1 like him1 one of the great founders of mathematics4 ,he held that the only permanent reality in the cosmos was the principle of order and harmony1 which prevented the universe from becoming a blank1 unintelligible chaos2 and he expressed this idea in his mystic doctrine3 ,numbers are the cause of the material existence of things4 ,the movement which he spread by means of a vast1 secret confraternity ended1 however1 in a barren symbolism1 and it is impossible to trace what relation his strange theories of the transmigration of souls and the music of the spheres have to his general system of thought4 ,far more influence on the progress of speculation was exercised by ,xenophanes of ,colophon4 ,driven by the ,persian invasion of #edf ,b4,c4 to earn his living as a wandering minstrel1 he developed the ideas of ,anaximander1 and founded the school of great philosophic poets1 to which ,parmenides1 ,empedocles and ,lucretius belong4 ,he is the grand monotheist1 and he has published his doctrines in his verses3 ,there is one ,god alone1 the greatest of spirits and mortals1 ,neither in body to mankind resembling1 neither in ideas4 ,shelley's line3 ,the ,one remains1 the ,many change and pass1 sums up the teaching of the line of thinkers which culminated in ,plato4 ,in their view1 knowledge derived from the senses was fallacious because it touched only the diverse and changing appearances of things2 absolute knowledge of the one abiding spiritual reality could1 they held1 only be obtained by the exercise of spiritual faculty of reason1 which1 unlike the animal power of sense1 is the same in all men4 ,one of the philosophers of this school1 ,zeno of ,elea1 was the inventor of the dialectic method of logic1 which ,socrates and ,plato used with so tremendous an effect4 ,anaxagoras1 however1 attempted to reconcile the evidence of the sense with the dictates of the reason4 ,he was the first philosopher to settle in ,athens1 and ,pericles1 ,euripides1 and ,socrates were among his pupils4 ,he was extraordinarily modern in many of his ideas4 ,he held that the matter of knowledge was derived through the senses1 but that reason regulated and verified it1 and he carried this dualism into his conception of the universe1 which he represented as a manifestation of a ,divine intelligence1 acting through invariable laws1 but in no way confused with the matter acted on4 ,his successor1 ,democritus1 adopted his theory of the origin of knowledge1 and by applying it to the problem of the ,one and the ,many1 produced the most striking of ancient anticipations of modern science4 ,he regarded the world as something made up of invisible particles1 each absolutely similar to the other2 these formed the essential unity which could be grasped only by the reason1 but by their various combinations and arrangements they brought about the apparent multiplicity of objects which the senses perceived4 ,such was the foundation of the atomic theory of ,democritus4 ,he conceived the atom as a centre of force1 and not as a particle having weight and material qualities4 ,as1 however1 his hypothesis was purely a metaphysical one1 it did not lead to any of the discoveries which have followed on the establishment of the modern scientific theory1 which was arrived at in a different way1 and has a different signification4 ,democritus also threw out in vague outline the idea of gravitation4 ,but this was not science3 it was guess-work2 it afforded no ground on which the fabric of verified knowledge could be erected1 and no sure method of obtaining this knowledge4 ,,ii4--,the ,school of ,socrates ,it was against the vain and premature hypotheses of the physiologists of his day that the greatest and noblest intellect in ,greece revolted4 ,socrates was the knight-errant of philosophy4 ,it was his confessed aim and purpose to withdraw the mind from the contemplation of the phenomena of nature1 and fix it on its own phenomena4 ,i have not leisure for physical speculations1 he said1 with characteristic irony1 and ,i will tell you why3 ,i am not yet able1 according to the ,delphic inscription1 to know myself1 and it seems to me very ridiculous1 while ignorant of myself1 to inquire into what ,i am not concerned in4 ,weary of disputes about the origin of the universe1 he turned to the one field in which the current method of abstract reasoning could be fruitfully applied--the field of ethics4 ,living in an age of wild sophistry1 he endeavoured to steady and enlighten the conscience of men by establishing right principles of conduct4 ,his method of proceeding by definitions and analogy has been misapplied1 but in his hands it was a powerful instrument in discovering and marking out a new field of inquiry4 ,his religious genius1 the ideal character of his ethics1 and the heroic character of his life1 have been his great titles to fame1 but it is his method which gives him his high position in the history of philosophy4 ,the method of ,socrates was adopted and enlarged by the most famous of all ancient writers4 ,aristocles1 surnamed ,plato 7the broad-browed71 was a brilliant young ,athenian aristocrat who turned from poetry to philosophy on meeting1 in his twentieth year1 with ,socrates4 ,after travelling abroad in search of knowledge1 he returned to ,athens and founded his world-renowned ,academy there in #chg ,b4,c4 ,with vast learning and puissant method1 he created an influence which is not yet extinct ,plato was the culminating point of ,greek philosophy4 ,in his works all the various and conflicting tendencies of preceding eras were collected under one method4 ,this method was doubtless the method of ,socrates1 but much extended and improved4 ,socrates relied on definitions and analogical reasoning as the principles of investigation4 ,plato used these arts1 but he added to them the more scientific processes of analysis1 generalisation1 and classification4 ,in regard to his system of thought1 ,plato was a realist4 ,he believed that ideas have a real existence1 and that material things are only copies of the realities existing in the ideal world4 ,he held that beauty1 goodness1 and wisdom are spiritual realities1 from which all things beautiful1 good1 and wise derive their existence4 ,in his philosophy the universe is divided into the celestial region of ideas and the mundane region of material phenomena1 answering to the modern conception of heaven and earth4 ,as the phenomena of matter are but copies of ideas 7not1 as some suppose1 the bodily realisation of them71 there arises a question3 ,how do ideas become matter8 ,plato gives two different explanations4 ,in the ,republic he says that ,god1 instead of perpetually creating individual things1 created a distinct type 7idea7 for each thing1 and from this type all objects of the class are made4 ,but in a later work1 the ,timaeus1 ,plato takes another view of the origin of the world4 ,types are conceived as having existed from all eternity1 and ,god1 in fashioning cosmos out of chaos1 fashioned it after the model of these eternal types4 ,plato's conception of heaven and earth as two distinct regions is completed by his conception of the double nature of the soul2 or1 rather1 of two souls1 one rational and the other sensitive4 ,the sensitive soul awakens the divine reminiscences of the rational soul2 and the rational soul1 by detecting the ,one in the ,many1 preserves man from the scepticism inevitably resulting from mere sense-knowledge4 ,aristotle1 who was born in #chd ,b4,c41 was ,plato's pupil4 ,he1 however1 completely broke away from his master's theory4 ,he maintained that individual objects alone exist4 ,but if only individual objects exist1 only by the senses can they be known2 and if we have only sense-knowledge1 how can we arrive at the general truths on which both philosophy and science are founded8 ,this was the problem which had led ,plato to claim for ideas1 or types of general truths1 a higher origin than the intermittent and varying data of the senses4 ,aristotle held that it could be solved in a natural way without the conception of an ideal world4 ,in his view1 ideas were obtained by induction4 ,sensation is the basis of all knowledge4 ,but we have another faculty besides that of sensation2 we have memory4 ,having perceived many objects1 we remember our perceptions1 and this enables us to discern wherein things differ and wherein they agree4 ,then1 by means of the art of induction1 we arrive at ideas4 ,aristotle's theory of induction is clearly explained by him3 ,experience furnishes the principles of every science4 ,thus astronomy is grounded on observation4 ,for if we were to observe properly the phenomena of the heavens1 we might demonstrate the laws which regulate them4 ,the same applies to other sciences4 ,had he always held before his eyes this conception of science1 he would have anticipated ,bacon--he would have been the ,father of ,positive ,science4 ,but he could not confine himself to experience1 as there was not sufficient experience accumulated in his age from which to generalise with any effect4 ,so he turned to logic as an instrument for investigating the mystery of existence1 and by bringing physics and metaphysics together again1 he paved the way for a new era--the era of scepticism4 ,all the wisdom of the ancient world was powerless against the sceptics4 ,faith in truth was extinct2 faith in human nature was gone2 philosophy was impossible4 ,and1 though the influence of ,socrates continued to be felt in the field of ethics1 the ethics of the ,greeks were at best narrow and egotistical4 ,what a light was poured upon all questions of morality by that one divine axiom1 ,love your enemy4 ,no ,greek ever attained the sublimity of such a point of view4 ,still1 the progress made by the ,greeks was immense1 and they must ever occupy in the history of humanity an honourable place4 ,,iii4--,philosophy and ,science ,francis ,bacon is the father of experimental philosophy4 ,he owes his title to his method4 ,many philosophers1 ancient and modern1 had cursorily referred to observation and experiment as furnishing the materials of physical knowledge2 but no one before him had attempted to systematise the true method of discovery4 ,he begins his great work by examining into the permanent causes of error1 as these were likely to be operative even after the reformation of science4 ,for this reason he calls them idols1 or false appearances 7from the ,greek1 eidolon71 and he divides them into four classes3 the idols of the tribe1 or the causes of error due to the general defects of the human mind2 the idols of the den1 which spring from weaknesses peculiar to the character of the individual student2 the idols of the forum1 which arise out of the intercourse of society and the power that words sometimes have of governing thought2 and1 finally1 the idols of the theatre1 which men of great learning pursue when they follow the systems of famous but mistaken thinkers4 ,after this preliminary discussion1 ,bacon goes on to describe the methods of inductive science4 ,the first step consists in preparing a history of the phenomena to be explained in all their modifications and varieties4 ,this history must include not merely such facts as spontaneously offer themselves1 but all experiments instituted for the sake of discovery4 ,it must be composed with great care2 the facts should be accurately related and distinctly arranged1 and their authenticity diligently examined2 those that rest on doubtful evidence should not be rejected1 but noted as uncertain1 with the grounds of the judgment so formed4 ,this last part of the method1 says ,bacon1 is very necessary1 for facts often appear incredible only because we are ill-informed1 and they cease to seem marvellous when our knowledge is further extended4 ,when this record of facts1 this natural history1 is completed1 an attempt may then be made to discover1 by a comparison of the various facts1 the cause of the phenomena4 ,here it is of the utmost importance to bear in mind that all facts have not the same value4 ,there are1 as ,bacon points out1 twenty-seven species of facts1 and he concludes that in any science where facts cannot be tested by experiment there can be no conclusive evidence4 ,thus it will be seen that ,bacon's method was a system of specific rules4 ,he did not merely tell men to make observations and experiments2 he taught them how observations and experiments ought to be made4 ,as ,bacon was the father of modern science1 so ,rene ,descartes was the father of modern philosophy4 ,born in #aeif1 and perplexed by the movement of scepticism produced by the ,renaissance1 the ,french thinker endeavoured to find some ground of certainty in the fact that he at least knew of his own existence4 ,hence his famous saying3 ,cogito1 ergo sum--,i think1 therefore ,i exist4 ,consciousness1 said he1 is the basis of all knowledge4 ,the process then is simple3 examine your consciousness1 and its clear replies will be science4 ,hence the vital portion of his system lies in this axiom3 ,all clear ideas are true4 ,the fallacy in his system can be briefly exposed4 ,consciousness is1 no doubt1 the ultimate ground of certainty of existence for me4 ,but though ,i am conscious of all that passes within myself1 ,i am not conscious of what passes in anything not myself4 ,all that ,i can possibly know of anything not myself lies in its effects upon me4 ,any other ideas ,i may have in regard to the outside world are founded only on inferences1 and directly ,i leave the ground of consciousness for the region of inference my knowledge becomes questionable4 ,it was this defect in ,cartesianism which ,baruch ,spinoza1 the great ,jewish thinker of ,amsterdam1 set out to rectify4 ,spinoza asked himself3 ,what was the reality which lies beneath all appearance8 ,we see everywhere transformations perishable and perishing1 yet there must be something beneath which is imperishable and immutable4 ,what is it8 ,in ,spinoza's view1 the absolute existence is ,god4 ,all that exists1 exists in and by ,god4 ,taking the words of ,st4 ,paul1 ,in ,him we live and move and have our being1 as his motto1 he undertook to trace the relations of the world to ,god and to man1 and those of man to society4 ,to ,john ,locke1 born at ,wrington1 in ,somerset1 in #afcb1 the problem presented itself in another way4 ,instead of accepting the validity of clear ideas1 as ,descartes and ,spinoza did1 he adopted the ,baconian method1 and opened the inquiry into the origin and formation of ideas4 ,separating himself from the philosophers who held that the mind was capable of arriving at knowledge independent of experience1 and from the sceptics who maintained that the senses were the only channels of information1 he showed that ideas were derived from two sources--sensation and reflection4 ,he was succeeded by ,george ,berkeley1 ,bishop of ,cloyne1 born at ,kilcrin in ,kilkenny1 in #afhd4 ,he defeated the sceptics on their own ground4 ,there is nothing in the world1 he says1 except our own sensations and ideas4 ,in order to exist for us1 things have to be perceived by the mind2 therefore1 everything1 in order to exist1 must exist in the mind of ,god4 ,but when ,berkeley had proved that matter was figment1 ,david ,hume1 born in #agaa1 came forward and showed that mind was also an illusion4 ,you know nothing of matter1 said ,berkeley2 you have only perceptions and the ideas based thereon4 ,you know nothing of mind1 replied ,hume2 you have only a succession of sensations and ideas4 ,against ,hume rose up in ,germany a famous school of philosophers beginning with ,immanuel ,kant1 who was born in ,prussia in #agbd4 ,kant attempted to prove that the human reason was not untrustworthy1 as ,hume assumed1 but limited1 and that1 within certain bounds1 it was capable of arriving at practical truths4 ,kant's disciples1 however1 were not content with this modest restatement4 ,taking it too readily for granted that ,hume's objections had been overcome1 they proceeded to revive that unbounded faith in mere speculation which had been the distemper of the ,greek mind4 ,fichte and ,schelling were the first thinkers of note to attempt again to solve by logic the mystery of the universe4 ,but their works are now obscured by the achievement of ,hegel1 who began to teach at ,berlin in #ahah4 ,hegel holds that the real universe is a universe of ideas to which his philosophy is the key1 but1 as ideas realise themselves in space and time1 they come within the scope of the man of science4 ,it is said that all bad ,german systems of philosophy when they die come to ,england4 ,hegelianism has certainly been very fashionable in this country1 and its influence is still observable in academic circles4 ,auguste ,comte is the ,bacon of the nineteenth century4 ,it has been his object to construct a positive philosophy2 that is to say1 a doctrine capable of embracing all the sciences1 and1 with them1 all the problems of social life4 ,he holds that every branch of knowledge passes through three stages3 the supernatural1 or fictitious2 the metaphysical or abstract2 the positive or scientific4 ,when the positive method is adopted1 then shall we again have one general doctrine1 powerful because general4 ,the metaphysicians have failed to penetrate to the causes of things1 but the men of science are succeeding in the humbler but far more useful work of tracing some of the laws that govern the phenomena of nature1 and foreseeing their operations4 ,it is only where the philosophers started matters capable of positive treatment that any advance has been made in metaphysics4 ,for the rest1 philosophy leaves us in the nineteenth century at precisely the same point at which we were in the fifth4 ,thus is the circle completed4 ,,john ,,locke ,concerning the ,human ,understanding ,john ,locke was born at ,wrington1 ,somersetshire1 ,england1 ,aug4 #bi1 #afcb4 ,he was educated at ,westminster and at ,christ ,church1 ,oxford2 but his temperament rebelled against the system of education still in vogue and the public disputations of the schools1 which he thought invented for wrangling and ostentation rather than to discover truth4 ,it was his study of ,descartes that first gave him a relish of philosophical things4 ,from #afhc to #afhi he found it prudent to sojourn in ,holland4 ,in the latter year he returned to ,england1 bringing with him the manuscript of the ,essay ,concerning ,human ,understanding1 which appeared in the spring of #afij4 ,few works of philosophy have made their way more rapidly than the ,essay4 ,twenty editions appeared before #agjj4 ,the design of the book1 ,locke explains in the introduction1 is to inquire into the origin1 certainty1 and extent of human knowledge1 together with the grounds and degrees of belief1 opinion1 and assent4 ,locke died on ,october #bh1 #agjd4 ,i4--,the ,nature of ,simple ,ideas ,idea being that term which1 ,i think1 serves best to stand for whatsoever is the object of the understanding4 ,i have used it to express whatever is meant by phantasm1 notion1 species1 or whatever it is the mind can be employed about in thinking4 ,let us1 then1 suppose the mind to be1 as we say1 white paper void of all characters--without any ideas4 ,whence comes it by that vast store which the busy and boundless fancy of man has painted on it with an almost endless variety8 ,to this1 ,i answer in one word--,experience2 in that all our knowledge is founded1 and from that it ultimately derives itself4 ,let anyone examine his own thoughts and thoroughly search his understanding1 and then let him tell me whether of all the original ideas he has there are any other than of the objects of his senses1 or of the observations of his mind considered as objects of his reflection4 ,though the qualities that affect our senses are1 in the things themselves1 so united and blended that there is no separation1 no distance between them1 yet it is plain the ideas they produce in the mind enter by the senses simple and unmixed4 ,for1 though the sight and touch often take in from the same object at the same time different ideas1 yet the simple ideas thus united in the same subject are as perfectly distinct as those that come in by different senses2 the coldness and hardness which a man feels in a piece of ice being as distinct ideas in the mind as the smell and whiteness of a lily1 and each of them being in itself uncompounded1 contains nothing but one uniform appearance1 or conception1 in the mind1 and is not distinguishable into different ideas4 ,when the understanding is once stored with these simple ideas1 it has the power to repeat1 compare1 and unite them even to an almost infinite variety1 and so can make at will new complex ideas4 ,but it is not in the power of any most exalted wit or enlarged understanding1 by any quickness or variety of thought1 to invent or frame one new simple idea in the mind1 nor to destroy those that are there4 ,i would have anyone try to fancy any taste which had never affected his palate1 or frame the idea of a scent he had never smelt2 and when he can do this1 ,i will also conclude that a blind man hath ideas of colours and a deaf man true1 distinct notions of sound4 ,there are some ideas which have admittance only through one sense which is peculiarly adapted to receive them4 ,thus1 light and colours come in only by the eye1 all kinds of noises by the ear1 the tastes and smells by the nose and palate4 ,the most considerable of those belonging to the touch are heat1 cold1 and solidity--which is the idea that belongs to the body1 whereby we conceive it to fill space4 ,simple ideas of divers senses are the ideas of space or extension1 figure1 rest1 and motion1 for these make perceivable impressions both on the eyes and touch1 and we can receive and convey into our minds the ideas of the extension1 figure1 motion1 and rest of bodies both by seeing and feeling4 ,the mind1 receiving the ideas mentioned in the foregoing from without1 when it turns its view inward upon itself and observes its own actions about those ideas it has1 takes from thence other ideas which are as capable to be the objects of its contemplation as any of those it received from foreign things4 ,the two great and principal actions of the mind which are most frequently considered1 and which are so frequent that everyone that pleases may take notice of them in himself1 are these two--,perception or ,thinking1 and ,volition or ,will4 ,the power of thinking is called the ,understanding1 and the power of volition is called the ,will4 ,and these two powers1 or abilities1 in the mind are denominated ,faculties4 ,some of the modes of these simple ideas of reflection are remembrance1 discerning1 reasoning1 judging1 knowledge1 faith4 ,it has1 further1 pleased our wise ,creator to annex to several objects and to the ideas which we receive from them1 as also to several of our thoughts1 a concomitant pleasure1 and that in several objects to several degrees1 that those faculties which ,he has endowed us with might not remain wholly idle and unemployed by us4 ,pain has the same efficacy and use to set us on work that pleasure has1 we being as ready to employ our faculties to avoid that as to pursue this4 ,existence and unity are two other ideas that are suggested to the understanding by every object without and every idea within4 ,power1 also1 is another of those simple ideas which we receive from sensation and reflection2 and1 besides these1 there is succession4 ,nor let anyone think these too narrow bounds for the capacious mind of man to expatiate in1 which takes its flight farther than the stars and cannot be confined by the limits of the world1 that extends its thoughts often even beyond the utmost expansion of matter and makes excursions into that incomprehensible inane4 ,nor will it be so strange to think these few simple ideas sufficient to employ the quickest thought or largest capacity if we consider how many words may be made out of the various composition of twenty-four letters2 or if1 going one step farther1 we will but reflect on the variety of combinations that may be made with barely one of the above-mentioned ideas1 viz41 number1 whose stock is inexhaustible4 ,and what a large and immense field doth extension alone afford the mathematicians6 ,,ii4--,of ,idea-,producing ,qualities ,the power to produce any idea in our mind ,i call ,quality of the subject wherein that power is4 ,qualities are1 first1 such as are utterly inseparable from the body in what state soever it be4 ,these ,i call original or primary qualities1 which ,i think we may observe to produce simple ideas in us1 viz41 solidity1 extension1 figure1 motion or rest1 and number4 ,secondly1 such qualities which in truth are nothing in the objects themselves1 but powers to produce various sensations in us by their primary qualities1 i4e41 by the bulk1 figure1 texture1 and motion of their insensible parts4 ,these secondary qualities are colours1 sounds1 tastes1 etc4 ,from whence ,i think it is easy to draw this observation3 that the ideas of primary qualities of bodies are resemblances of them1 but the ideas produced in us by the secondary qualities have no resemblance in them at all4 ,if anyone will consider that the same fire that at one distance produces in us the sensation of warmth does1 at a nearer approach1 produce in us the far different sensation of pain1 let him bethink himself what reason he has to say that his idea of warmth1 which was produced in him by fire1 is actually in the fire2 and his idea of pain which the same fire produced in him in the same way1 is not in the fire4 ,the particular bulk1 number1 figure1 and motion of the parts of fire or snow are really in them1 whether anyone's senses perceive them or not2 and1 therefore1 they may be called real qualities1 because they really exist in those bodies4 ,but light1 heat1 whiteness1 or coldness are no more really in them than sickness or pain is in manna4 ,take away the sensation of them2 let not the eyes see light or colours1 nor the ears hear sounds2 let the palate not taste1 nor the nose smell2 and all colours1 tastes1 odours1 and sounds1 as they are such particular ideas1 vanish and cease1 and are reduced to their causes1 i4e41 bulk1 figure1 and motion of parts4 ,,iii4--,various ,faculties of the ,mind ,what perception is everyone will know better by reflecting on what he does himself when he sees1 hears1 feels1 etc41 or thinks1 than by any discourse of mine4 ,this is certain1 that whatever alterations are made in the body1 if they reach not the mind1 whatever impressions are made on the outward parts1 if they are not taken notice of within1 there is no perception4 ,we ought further to consider concerning perception1 that the ideas we receive by sensation are often in grown people altered by the judgment without our taking any notice of it4 ,when we set before our eyes a round globe of any uniform colour--e4g41 gold1 alabaster1 or jet--it is certain that the idea thereby imprinted in our mind is of a flat circle variously shadowed with several degrees of light and brightness coming to our eyes4 ,but we having by use been accustomed to perceive what kind of appearances convex bodies are wont to make in us1 what alterations are made in the reflections of light by the difference of the sensible figures of bodies1 the judgment presently1 by an habitual custom1 alters the appearances into their causes2 so that from that which is truly a variety of shadow or colour collecting the figure1 it makes it pass for a mark of figure1 and frames to itself the perception of a convex figure and a uniform colour1 when the idea we receive from thence is only a plane variously coloured1 as is evident in painting4 ,perception1 then1 is the first operation of our intellectual faculties1 and the inlet of all knowledge into our minds4 ,the next faculty of the mind whereby it makes a further progress towards knowledge is that which ,i call ,retention1 or the keeping of those simple ideas which from sensation or reflection it hath received4 ,this is done1 first1 by keeping the idea which is brought into it for some time actually in view1 which is called ,contemplation4 ,the other way of retention is the power to revive again in our minds those ideas which after imprinting have disappeared1 or have been1 as it were1 laid aside out of sight2 and thus we do when we conceive heat or light1 yellow or sweet1 the object being removed4 ,this is memory1 which is1 as it were1 the storehouse of our ideas4 ,another faculty we may take notice of in our minds is that of ,discerning1 and distinguishing between the several ideas it has4 ,it is not enough to have a confused perception of something in general4 ,unless the mind had a distinct perception of different objects and their qualities1 it would be capable of very little knowledge1 though the bodies that affect us were as busy about us as they are now1 and the mind were continually employed in thinking4 ,on this faculty of distinguishing one thing from another depends the evidence and certainty of several even very general propositions which have passed for innate truths1 because men1 overlooking the true cause why those propositions find universal assent1 impute it wholly to native uniform impressions2 whereas it1 in truth1 depends upon this clear discerning faculty of the mind1 whereby it perceives two ideas to be the same or different4 ,the comparing of ideas one with another is the operation of the mind upon which depends all that large tribe of ideas comprehended under relations4 ,the next operation is composition1 whereby the mind puts together several simple ideas and combines them into complex ones4 ,the use of words being to stand as outward marks of our internal ideas1 and those ideas being taken from particular things1 if every particular idea that we take in should have a distinct name1 names must be endless4 ,to prevent this1 the mind makes the particular ideas received from particular objects to become general1 which is done by considering them as they are in the mind1 and such appearances separate from all other existences1 and from the circumstances of real existence1 as time1 place1 or any other concomitant ideas4 ,this is called ,abstraction1 whereby ideas taken from particular being become general representatives of all of the same kind4 ,thus1 the same colour being observed to-day in chalk or snow which the mind yesterday received from milk1 it considers that that appearance alone makes it a representative of all of that kind2 and having given it the name whiteness1 it by that sound signifies the same quality wheresoever imagined or met with2 and thus universals1 whether ideas or terms1 are made4 ,as the mind is wholly passive in the reception of all its simple ideas1 so it exerts several acts of its own1 whereby1 out of its simple ideas1 as the materials and foundations of the rest the others are framed4 ,and ,i believe we shall find1 if we observe the originals of our notions1 that even the most abstruse ideas1 how remote soever they may seem from sense1 or from any operation of our minds1 are yet only such as the understanding frames to itself1 by repeating and joining together ideas that it had either from objects of sense or from its own operations about them2 so that even those large and abstract ideas are derived from sensation or reflection1 being no other than what the mind may and does attain by the ordinary use of its own faculties4 ,,iv4--,knowledge of the ,existence of ,other ,things ,it is the actual receiving of ideas from without that gives us notice of the existence of other things1 and makes us know that something does exist at that time without us which causes that idea in us1 though perhaps we neither know nor consider how it does it4 ,and this1 though not so certain as our own intuitive knowledge1 or as the deductions of our reason employed about the clear abstract ideas of our own minds1 yet deserves the name of knowledge4 ,it is plain that those perceptions are produced by exterior causes affecting our senses for the following reasons4 ,because those that want the organs of any sense never can have the ideas belonging to that sense produced in their minds4 ,because sometimes ,i find ,i cannot avoid having those ideas produced in my mind2 for as when my eyes are shut1 or the windows fast1 ,i can at pleasure recall to my mind the ideas of light or the sun which former sensations have lodged in my memory2 so ,i can at pleasure lay by that idea and take into my view that of a rose or taste of sugar4 ,but if ,i turn my eyes at noon towards the sun1 ,i cannot avoid the ideas which the light or sun produces in me4 ,there is nobody who does not perceive the difference in himself contemplating the sun as he has an idea of it in his memory and actually looking upon it2 and1 therefore1 he has certain knowledge that they are not both memory or the actions of his mind and fancies only within him1 but that actual seeing has a cause without4 ,add to this that many of those ideas are produced with pain1 which afterwards we remember without the least offence4 ,lastly1 our senses bear witness to the truth of each other's report concerning the existence of sensible things without us4 ,,montaigne ,essays ,michel ,eyquem1 ,seigneur de ,montaigne1 one of the greatest masters of the essay in all literature1 was born at his family's ancestral chateau near ,bordeaux1 in ,france1 ,feb4 #bh1 #aecc1 and died on ,september #ac1 #aeib4 ,his life was one of much suffering from hereditary disease1 which1 however1 he endured so philosophically that little trace of his trials is apparent in his writings4 ,his father1 who is said to have been of ,english descent1 took special pains with his early education1 having had him taught ,latin by a ,german tutor before he learnt ,french1 so that before he left his nurse's arms he was a master of the ancient tongue and knew not a word of his own4 ,the first two of the three books of his celebrated ,essays were published in #aeha and the third in #aehh4 ,in #aehb he visited ,italy and was made a ,roman citizen1 and the next year he was chosen ,mayor of ,bordeaux4 ,always a lover of books and a student of men1 his writings are a rich mine of scholarly wit and worldly wisdom1 consummate in the naturalness that conceals literary art4 ,like most works of the time1 they contain passages which modern taste does not approve1 but1 taken as a whole1 they are among the most interesting of books of the kind4 ,i4--,of ,death1 and ,how ,it ,findeth a ,man ,i was born between eleven of the clock and noon1 the last of ,february1 #aecc1 according to our computation1 the year beginning on ,january #a4 ,it is but a fortnight since ,i was thirty-nine years old4 ,i want at least as much more of life4 ,if in the meantime ,i should trouble my thoughts with a matter so far from me as death1 it were but folly4 ,of those renowned in life ,i will lay a wager ,i will find more that have died before they came to five-and-thirty years than after4 ,how many means and ways has death to surprise us6 ,who would ever have imagined that a ,duke of ,brittany should have become stifled to death in a throng of people1 as whilom was a neighbour of mine at ,lyons when ,pope ,clement made his entrance there8 ,hast thou not seen one of our late kings slain in the midst of his sports8 and one of his ancestors die miserably by the throw of a hog8 ,a,eschylus1 fore-threatened by the fall of a house1 when he was most on his guard1 was struck dead by the fall of a tortoise-shell from the talons of a flying eagle4 ,another was choked by a grape-pip4 ,an emperor died from the scratch of a comb1 ,a,emilius ,lepidus from hitting his foot against a door-sill1 ,anfidius from stumbling against the door as he was entering the council chamber4 ,caius ,julius1 a physician1 while anointing a patient's eyes had his own closed by death4 ,and if among these examples ,i may add one of a brother of mine1 ,captain ,st4 ,martin1 playing at tennis1 received a blow with a ball a little above the right ear1 and without any appearance of bruise or hurt1 never sitting or resting1 died within six hours afterwards of an apoplexy4 ,these so frequent and ordinary examples being ever before our eyes1 why should it not continually seem to us that death is ever at hand ready to take us by the throat8 ,what matter is it1 will you say unto me1 how and in what manner it is1 so long as a man do not trouble and vex himself therewith8 ,it sufficeth me to live at my ease1 and the best recreation ,i can have that do ,i ever take4 ,it is uncertain where death looks for us3 let us look for her everywhere4 ,the premeditation of death is a fore-thinking of liberty4 ,he who has learned to die has unlearned to serve4 ,there is no evil in life for him who has well conceived that the privation of life is no evil4 ,i am now1 by the mercy of ,god1 in such a taking that1 without regret or grieving at any worldly matter1 ,i am prepared to dislodge whensoever ,he shall please to call me4 ,no man did ever prepare himself to quit the world more simply and fully4 ,the deadest deaths are the best4 99 99 99 99 99 ,were ,i a composer of books ,i would keep a register of divers deaths1 which1 in teaching me to die1 should afterwards teach them to live4 ,my father in his household order had this1 which ,i can commend1 though ,i in no way follow4 ,besides the day-book of household affairs1 wherein are registered at least expenses1 payments1 gifts1 bargains1 and sales that require not a notary's hand to them--of which book a receiver had the keeping--he appointed another journal-book to one of his servants1 who was his clerk1 wherein he should orderly set down all occurences worthy of the noting1 and day by day register the memories of the history of his house--a thing very pleasant to read when time began to wear out the remembrance of them1 and fit for us to pass the time withal1 and to resolve some doubts3 when such and such a work was begun1 when ended2 what way or course was taken1 what accidents happened1 how long it continued2 all our voyages and journeys1 where1 and how long we were away from home2 our marriages2 who died1 and when2 the receiving of good or bad tidings2 who came1 who went2 changing or removing of household officers1 taking of new or discharging of old servants1 and such matters4 ,an ancient custom1 and a sound one1 which ,i would have all men use and bring into fashion again4 ,,ii4--,in ,my ,library ,intercourse with books comforts me in age and solaces me in solitariness1 eases me of weariness and rids me of tedious company4 ,to divert importunate thoughts there is no better way than recourse to books4 ,and though they perceive ,i on occasion forsake them1 they never mutiny or murmur1 but welcome me always with the self-same visage4 ,i never travel1 whether in peace or in war1 without books4 ,it is wonderful what repose ,i find in the knowledge that they are at my elbow to delight me when time shall serve4 ,in this human peregrination this is the best munition ,i have found4 ,at home ,i betake me somewhat oftener to my library4 ,it is in the chief approach to my house1 so that under my eyes are my garden1 my base-court1 my yard1 and even the best rooms of my house4 ,there1 without order or method1 ,i can turn over and ransack now one book and now another4 ,sometimes ,i muse1 sometimes save2 and walking up and down ,i indite and register these my humours1 these my conceits4 ,it is placed in a third storey of a tower4 ,the lowermost is my chapel1 the second a chamber1 where ,i often lie when ,i would be alone4 ,above is a clothes-room4 ,in this library1 formerly the least useful room in all my house1 ,i pass the greatest part of my life's days1 and most hours of the day--,i am never there of nights4 ,next it is a handsome1 neat study1 large enough to have a fire in winter1 and very pleasantly windowed4 ,if ,i feared not trouble more than cost ,i might easily join a convenient gallery of a hundred paces long and twelve broad on each side of this room1 and upon the same floor1 the walls being already of a convenient height4 ,each retired place requireth a walk4 ,if ,i sit long my thoughts are prone to sleep4 ,my mind goes not alone as if legs moved it4 ,those who study without books are all in the same case4 ,my library is circular in shape1 with no flat side save that in which stand my table and chair4 ,thus around me at one look it offers the full sight of all my books1 set round about upon shelves1 five ranks1 one above another4 ,it has three bay windows1 of a far-extending1 rich1 and unobstructed prospect4 ,the room is sixteen paces across4 ,in winter ,i am less constantly there1 for my house being on a hill1 no part is more subject to all weathers than this4 ,but this pleases me only the more1 both for the benefit of the exercise--which is a matter to be taken into account--and because1 being remote and of troublesome access1 it enables me the better to seclude myself from company that would encroach upon my time4 ,there is my seat1 that is my throne4 ,my rule therein ,i endeavour to make absolute1 that ,i may sequester that only corner from all1 whether wife1 children1 or acquaintances4 ,for elsewhere ,i have but a verbal and qualified authority1 and miserable to my mind is he who in his own home has nowhere to be to himself4 ,,iii4--,of ,inequality ,plutarch somewhere says that he finds no such great difference between beast and beast as between man and man4 ,he speaks of the mind and internal qualities4 ,i could find in my heart to say there is more difference between one man and another than between such a man and such a beast2 and that there are as many degrees of spirits as steps between earth and heaven4 ,but concerning the estimation of men1 it is marvellous that we ourselves are the only things not esteemed for their proper qualities4 ,we commend a horse for his strength and speed1 not for his trappings2 a greyhound for his swiftness1 not his collar2 a hawk for her wing1 not for her bells4 ,why do we not likewise esteem a man for that which is his own8 ,he has a goodly train of followers1 a stately palace1 so much rent coming in1 so much credit among men4 ,alas1 all that is about him1 not in him4 ,if you buy a horse you see him bare of saddle and cloths4 ,when you judge of a man1 why consider his wrappings only8 ,in a sword it is the quality of the blade1 not the value of the scabbard1 to which you give heed4 ,a man should be judged by what he is himself1 not by his appurtenances4 ,let him lay aside his riches and external honours and show himself in his shirt4 ,has he a sound body8 ,what mind has he8 ,is it fair1 capable1 and unpolluted1 and happily equipped in all its parts8 ,is it a mind to be settled1 equable1 contented1 and courageous in any circumstances8 ,is he-- ,a wise man1 of himself commander high1 ,whom want1 nor death1 nor bands can terrify1 ,resolved t'affront desires1 honours to scorn1 ,all in himself1 close1 round1 and neatly borne1 ,against whose front externals idly play1 ,and even fortune makes a lame essay8 ,such a man is five hundred degrees beyond kingdoms and principalities2 himself is a kingdom unto himself4 ,compare with him the vulgar troop--stupid1 base1 servile1 warring1 floating on the sea of passions1 depending wholly on others4 ,there is more difference than between heaven and earth1 yet in a blindness of custom we take little or no account of it4 ,whereas1 if we consider a cottage and a king1 a noble and a workman1 a rich man and a poor1 we at once recognise disparity1 although1 as one might say1 they differ in nothing but their clothes4 ,an emperor1 whose pomp so dazzles us in public1 view him behind the curtain is but an ordinary man1 and peradventure viler and sillier than the least of his subjects6 ,cowardice1 irresolution1 ambition1 spite1 anger1 envy1 move and work in him as in another man4 ,fear1 care1 and suspicion haunt him even in the midst of his armed troops4 ,does the ague1 the headache1 or the gout spare him more than us8 ,when age seizes on his shoulders1 can the tall yeoman of his guard rid him of it8 ,his bedstead encased with gold and pearls cannot allay the pinching pangs of colic6 ,the flatterers of ,alexander the ,great assured him he was the son of ,jupiter1 but being hurt one day1 and the blood gushing from the wound1 ,what think you of this8 said he to them4 ,is not this blood of a lively red hue1 and merely human8 ,if a king have the ague or the gout what avail his titles of majesty8 ,but if he be a man of worth1 royalty and glorious titles will add but little to good fortune4 ,truly1 to see our princes all alone1 sitting at their meat1 though beleaguered with talkers1 whisperers1 and gazing beholders1 ,i have often rather pitied than envied them4 ,the honour we receive from those who fear and stand in awe of us is no true honour4 ,service holds few1 though many hold service4 ,every man's manners and his mind ,his fortune for him frame and find4 ,,iv4--,of the ,use of ,apparel ,i was devising in this chill-cold season whether the fashion of these late-discovered nations to go naked be a custom forced by the hot temperature of the air1 as we say of the ,indians and ,moors1 or whether it be an original manner of mankind4 ,my opinion is1 that even as all plants1 trees1 living creatures1 are naturally furnished with protection against all weathers1 even so were we4 ,but like those who by artificial light quench the brightness of day1 so we have spoilt our proper covering by what we have borrowed4 ,nations under the same heaven and climate as our own1 or even colder1 have no knowledge of clothes4 ,moreover1 the tenderest parts of us are ever bare and naked--our eyes1 face1 mouth1 nose1 ears2 and our country swains1 like their forefathers1 go bare-breasted to their middles4 ,had we been born needing petticoats and breeches nature would have armed that which she has left to the battery of the seasons with some thicker skin or hide1 as she has our finger ends and the soles of our feet4 ,how many men in ,turkey go naked for devotion's sake8 a certain man demanded of one of our loitering rogues whom in the depth of winter he saw wandering up and down with nothing but his shirt about him1 yet as blithe and lusty as another that keeps himself muffled up to the ears in furs4 ,and have not you1 good sir1 answered he1 your fate all bare8 ,imagine ,i am all face4 ,the ,italians say that when the ,duke of ,florence asked his fool how1 being so ill-clad1 he could endure the cold1 he replied1 ,master1 use but my receipt1 and put all the clothes you have on you1 as ,i do all mine1 and you shall feel no more cold than ,i do4 ,king ,massinissa1 were it never so sharp weather1 always went bareheaded4 ,so did the ,emperor ,severus4 ,in the battle of the ,egyptians and ,persians1 ,herodotus noticed that of those slain the ,egyptians had skulls much harder than the ,persians1 by reason that these go ever with their heads covered with coifs and turbans1 while those are from infancy shaven and bareheaded4 ,king ,agesilaus wore his clothes alike winter and summer4 ,suetonius says ,caesar always marched at the head of his troops1 and most commonly bareheaded and on foot1 whether the sun shone or whether it rained4 ,the like is reported of ,hannibal4 ,plato1 for the better health and comfort of the body1 earnestly persuades that no man should ever give feet or head other cover than nature had allotted them4 ,we ,frenchmen are accustomed to array ourselves strangely in parti-coloured suits 7not ,i1 for ,i seldom wear any but black and white1 like my father7 to protect ourselves against the cold1 but what should we do in cold like that ,captain ,martyn du ,bellay describes--frosts so hard that the wine had to be chopped up with axes and shared to the soldiers by weight8 ,v4--,of ,solitariness ,let us leave apart the outworn comparison between a solitary and an active life1 and ask those who engage themselves for the public good whether what they seek in these public charges is not1 after all1 private commodity8 ,public or private1 as ,i suppose1 the end is the same1 to live better at ease4 ,but a man does not always seek the best way to come at it1 and often supposes himself to have quit cares when he has but changed them4 ,there is not much less vexation in the government of a private family than in managing a state4 ,wheresoever the mind is buried1 there lies all4 ,and though domestic occupations may be less important1 they are not less importunate4 ,moreover1 though we have freed ourselves from court or from market1 we have still the torments of ambition1 avarice1 irresolution1 fear1 and unsatisfied desires4 ,these follow us even into cloisters and schools of philosophy4 ,when ,socrates was told that a certain man was none the better for his travels1 ,i believe it well1 said he1 for he took himself with him4 ,if a man do not first get rid of what burthens his mind1 moving from place to place will not help him4 ,it is not enough for a man to sequester himself from people2 he must seclude himself from himself4 ,we carry our fetters with us4 ,our evil is rooted in our mind1 and the mind cannot escape from itself4 ,therefore must it be reduced and brought into itself1 and that is the true solitariness1 which may be enjoyed even in the throng of peopled cities or kings' courts4 ,a man may1 if he can1 have wife1 children1 goods1 health1 but not so tie himself to them that his felicity depends on them4 ,we should reserve for ourselves some place where we may1 as it were1 hoard up our true liberty4 ,virtue is contented with itself1 without discipline1 words1 or deeds4 ,shake we off these violent holdfasts which engage us and estrange us from ourselves4 ,the greatest thing is for a man to know how to be his own4 ,i esteem not ,arcesilaus1 the philosopher1 less reformed because ,i know him to have used household utensils of gold and silver1 as the condition of his fortune permitted4 ,and knowing what slender hold accessory comforts have1 ,i omit not1 in enjoying them1 humbly to beseech ,god of ,his mercy to make me content with myself and the goods ,i have in myself4 ,the wiser sort of men1 having a strong and vigorous mind1 may frame for themselves an altogether spiritual life4 ,but mine being common1 ,i must help to uphold myself by corporal comforts4 ,and age having despoiled me of some of these1 ,i sharpen my appetite for those remaining4 ,glory1 which ,pliny and ,cicero propose to us1 is far from my thoughts4 ,glory and rest are things that cannot squat on the same bench4 ,stay your mind in assured and limited cogitations1 wherein it best may please itself1 and having gained knowledge of true felicities1 enjoy them1 and rest satisfied without wishing a further continuance either of life or of name4 ,,vi4--,opinion in ,good and ,evil ,men1 saith an ancient ,greek1 are tormented by the opinion they have of things1 and not by things themselves4 ,it were a great conquest of our miserable human condition if any man could establish everywhere this true proposition4 ,for if evils lie only in our judgment1 it is in our power to condemn them or to turn them to good4 ,in death1 what we principally fear is pain2 as also poverty has nothing to be feared for but what she casts upon us through hunger1 thirst1 cold1 and other miseries4 ,i will willingly grant that pain is the worst accident of our being2 ,i hate and shun it as much as possible4 ,but it is in our power1 if not to annul1 at least to diminish it1 with patience1 and though the body should be moved1 yet to keep mind and reason in good temper4 ,if it were not so1 what has brought virtue1 valour1 magnanimity1 fortitude1 into credit8 ,if a man is not to lie on the hard ground1 to endure the heat of the scorching sun1 to feed hungrily on a horse or an ass1 to see himself mangled and cut in pieces1 to have a bullet plucked out of his bones1 to suffer incisions1 his flesh to be stitched up1 cauterised1 and searched--all incident to a martial man--how shall we purchase the advantage and pre-eminence we so greedily seek over the vulgar sort8 ,moreover1 this ought to comfort us1 that naturally1 if pain be violent it is also short2 if long1 it is easier4 ,thou shall not feel it over-long2 if thou feel it over-much1 it will either end itself or end thee4 ,even as an enemy becomes more furious when we fly from him1 so does pain grow prouder if we tremble under it4 ,it will stoop and yield on better terms to him who makes head against it4 ,in recoiling we draw on the enemy4 ,as the body is steadier and stronger to a charge if it stand stiffly1 so is the soul4 ,weak-backed men1 such as ,i am1 feel a dash of a barber's razor more than ten blows with a sword in the heat of fight4 ,the painful throes of childbearing1 deemed by physicians and the word of ,god to be very great1 some nations make no account of4 ,i omit to speak of the ,lacedaemonian women2 come we to the ,switzers of our infantry4 ,trudging and trotting after their husbands1 to-day you see them carry the child around their neck which but yesterday they brought into the world4 ,how many examples have we not of contempt of pain and smart by that sex6 ,what can they not do1 what will they not do1 what fear they to do1 so they may but hope for some amendment of their beauty8 ,to become slender in waist1 and to have a straight spagnolised body1 what pinching1 what girding1 what cingling will they not endure6 ,yea1 sometimes with iron plates1 with whalebones1 and other such trashy implements1 that their very skin and quick flesh is eaten in and consumed to the bones1 whereby they sometimes work their own death4 ,there is a certain effeminate and light opinion1 and that no more in sorrow than it is in pleasure1 whereby we are so dainty tender that we cannot abide to be stung of a bee1 but must roar and cry out4 ,this is the total sum of all1 that you be master of yourself4 ,,plato ,the ,apology1 or ,defence of ,socrates ,aristocles1 the son of ,ariston1 whose birth name is almost forgotten because the whole world knows him as ,plato1 was born at ,athens about the year #dbg ,b4,c4 ,as he grew up he became a devoted disciple of ,socrates1 and when the ,athenian people had put the master to death1 the disciple gave up his life to expounding the wisdom of his teacher4 ,how much of that teaching was really implicitly contained in the doctrines of ,socrates1 it is difficult to say1 since very definite developments evidently took place in ,plato's own views4 ,plato himself lived to the age of eighty1 and died1 as he had for the most part lived1 at ,athens1 in #cdg4 ,when ,socrates was indicted for corrupting the youth of ,athens and on other corresponding charges1 ,plato was himself present at the trial4 ,we may believe that the ,apology is substantially a reproduction of the actual defence made by ,socrates4 ,the judges in the ,athenian court were practically the assembled body of free ,athenian citizens4 ,when an adverse verdict was given1 the accused could propose a penalty as an alternative to that which had been named by the accuser1 and the court could choose between the two penalties4 ,socrates was found guilty by a small majority of votes1 and sentence of death was passed1 as set forth in the last section of the ,apology4 ,i4--,the ,official ,indictment1 and the ,real ,charges ,what my accusers have said1 ,athenians1 has been most specious1 but none of it is true4 ,the falsehood which most astonished me was that you must beware of being beguiled by my consummate eloquence2 for ,i am not eloquent at all1 unless speaking pure truth be eloquence4 ,you will hear me speak with adornments and without premeditation in my everyday language1 which many of you have heard4 ,i am seventy years old1 yet this is my first appearance in the courts1 and ,i have no experience of forensic arts4 ,all ,i ask is that you will take heed whether what ,i say be just4 ,it is just that ,i should begin by defending myself against my accusers from of old1 in priority to ,anytus and these other latter-day accusers4 ,for1 skilful as these are1 ,i fear those more--those who from your youth have been untruthfully warning you against one ,socrates1 a wise man1 who speculates about everything in heaven and under the earth1 and tries to make the worse cause the better4 ,their charge is the craftier1 because you think that a man who does as they say has no thought for the gods4 ,i cannot name these gentlemen precisely1 beyond indicating that one is a writer of comedies2 ,i cannot meet and refute them individually4 ,however1 ,i must try to enter a brief defence4 ,i think ,i know where my difficulty will lie2 but the issue will be as the gods choose4 ,now1 what is the basis of this charge1 on which ,meletus also relies8 ,socrates is an evil doer1 a busybody1 who pries into things in heaven and under the earth1 and teaches these same things to others4 ,you all saw the ,socrates in the comedy of ,aristophanes engaged in these pursuits4 ,i have nothing to say against such inquiries2 but do not let ,meletus charge me with them1 for ,i have no part nor lot in them4 ,many of you have heard me talk1 but never one on these subjects4 ,witness you yourselves4 ,from this you should be able to gauge the other things that are said against me4 ,equally untrue is the charge that ,i make a paid business of teaching my neighbours4 ,it is a fine thing to be able to impart knowledge1 like ,gorgias1 and ,prodicus1 and ,hippias1 who can go from city to city and draw to converse with them young men who pay for the privilege instead of enjoying their companions' society for nothing4 ,i am told there is one ,evenus1 a ,parian1 practising now1 whose fee is five minas4 ,it must be delightful to possess such valuable knowledge and to impart it--if they do possess it4 ,i should like to do it myself1 but ,i do not possess the knowledge4 ,whence1 then1 comes the trouble1 ,socrates8 you will say2 if you have been doing nothing unusual1 how have these rumours and slanders arisen8 ,i will tell you what ,i take to be the explanation4 ,it is due to a certain wisdom with which ,i seem to be endowed--not superhuman at all like that of these gentlemen4 ,i speak not arrogantly1 but on the evidence of the ,oracle of ,delphi1 who told ,chaerephon1 a man known to you1 that there was no wiser man than ,socrates4 ,now1 ,i am not conscious of possessing wisdom2 but the ,god cannot lie4 ,what did he mean8 ,well1 ,i tried to find out1 by going to a man reputed wise1 thinking to prove that there were wiser men4 ,but ,i found him not wise at all1 though he fancied himself so4 ,i sought to show him this1 but he was only very much annoyed4 ,i concluded that1 after all1 ,i was wiser than he in one particular1 because ,i was under no delusion that ,i possessed knowledge1 as he was4 ,i tried all the men reputed wise1 one after the other1 and made myself very unpopular1 for the result was always the same4 ,it was the same with the poets as with the politicians1 and with the craftsmen as with the poets4 ,the last did know something about their own particular art1 and therefore imagined that they knew all about everything4 ,i went on1 taking every opportunity of finding out whether people reputed wise1 and thinking themselves so1 were wise in reality1 and pointing out that they were not4 ,and because of my exposing the ignorance of others1 ,i have got this groundless reputation of having knowledge myself1 and have been made the object of many other calumnies4 ,and young gentlemen of position who have heard me follow my example1 and annoy people by exposing their ignorance2 and this is all visited on me2 and ,i am called an ill-conditioned person who corrupts youth4 ,to prove which my calumniators have to fall back on charging me with prying into all things in heaven and under the earth1 and the rest of it4 ,,ii4--,the ,cross-,examining of ,meletus ,such is my answer to the charges which have been poured into your ears for a long time4 ,now let me defend myself against these later accusations of ,meletus and the rest--the virtuous patriot ,meletus4 ,i am an evil-doer1 a corrupter of youth1 who pays no reverence to the gods who the city reveres1 but to strange daemons4 ,not ,i1 but ,meletus is the evil-doer1 who rashly makes accusations so frivolous1 pretending much concern for matters about which he has never troubled himself4 ,answer me1 ,meletus4 ,you think it of the utmost importance that our youth should be made as excellent as possible4 ,,meletus3 ,certainly4 ,,socrates3 ,tell us1 then1 who is it that makes them better2 for of course1 you know4 ,you are silent4 ,the laws1 you say8 ,the question was1 ,who8 ,,meletus3 ,the judges2 all the judges4 ,,socrates3 ,in other words1 all the ,athenian people--everyone but me8 ,and ,i alone corrupt them8 ,truly1 ,i am in an ill plight6 ,but in the case of all other animals1 horses1 for instance1 there are only a few people who are able to improve them4 ,your answer shows that you have never bestowed attention on the care of young people4 ,next1 tell me is it better for a man to dwell among good citizens or bad8 ,the good1 since the bad will injure him4 ,i cannot1 then1 set about making bad citizens designedly4 ,my friend1 no man designedly brings injury upon himself4 ,if ,i corrupt them1 it must be undesignedly--reason good for admonishing and instructing me1 which you have not done2 but not for bringing me into court1 which you have done6 ,however1 ,i corrupt them by teaching them not to believe in the gods in whom the city believes1 but in strange deities8 ,do ,i teach that there are some gods1 or that there are no gods at all8 ,,meletus3 ,i say that you believe in no gods4 ,you say the sun is a stone1 and the moon earth4 ,,socrates3 ,most excellent ,meletus1 everyone knows that ,anaxagoras says so2 you can buy that information for a drachma6 ,do ,i really appear to you to revere no gods8 ,,meletus3 ,no1 no gods at all4 ,,socrates3 ,now1 that is incredible6 ,you must have manufactured this riddle out of sheer wantonness1 for in the indictment you charge me with reverencing gods6 ,can anyone believe that there are human affairs1 or equine affairs1 or instrumental affairs without believing that there are men1 or horses1 or instruments8 ,you say expressly that ,i believe in daemonic affairs1 therefore in daemons2 but daemons are a sort of gods or the offspring of gods4 ,therefore1 you cannot possibly believe that ,i do not believe in gods4 ,really1 ,i have sufficiently answered the indictment4 ,if ,i am condemned1 it will not be on the indictment of ,meletus1 but on popular calumnies2 which have condemned good men before me1 and assuredly ,i shall not be the last4 ,,iii4--,the ,defence ,it may be suggested that ,i ought to be ashamed of practices which have brought you in danger of death4 ,risk of death is not to be taken into account in any action which really matters at all4 ,if it ought to be1 the heroes before ,troy were bad characters6 ,every man should stand to his post1 come life1 come death4 ,should ,i have stood to my post and faced death when on service at ,potidaca1 but have failed through fear of death when the deity imposed on me a certain course of action8 ,whether to die be evil or good1 ,i know not1 though many think they know it to be evil4 ,but to disobey authority1 human or divine1 ,i know to be evil2 and ,i will not do what ,i know to be evil to avoid what may in fact be a good4 ,insomuch that if you now offer to set me free on condition that ,i should cease from these pursuits on pain of death1 ,i should reply3 ,men of ,athens1 ,i love and honour you1 but ,i will obey the god rather than you2 and while ,i breathe and have the power ,i will not cease from the pursuit of philosophy1 or from exhorting and warning you as ,i have done hitherto1 against caring much for riches and nothing for the perfecting of your souls4 ,this is the bidding of the god4 ,if to speak thus be to corrupt youth1 then ,i corrupt youth4 ,but he who says ,i speak other things than this talks vanity2 and this ,i will do1 though the penalty were many deaths4 ,do not murmur1 but listen1 for you will profit4 ,if you put me to death1 you will harm yourselves more than me1 for it is worse to do wrong than to suffer it4 ,you will not easily find another to serve as the gadfly which rouses a noble horse--as ,i have done1 being commissioned thereto by the god4 ,for that ,i have made no profit for myself from this course1 my poverty proves4 ,if it seems absurd that ,i should meddle thus with each man privately1 but take no part in public affairs1 that is because of the divine or daemonic influence of which ,i have spoken1 named also in mockery by ,meletus in the indictment4 ,this is a voice which checks but never urges me on4 ,indeed1 had ,i meddled with politics1 ,i should have been dead long ago4 ,that ,i will prove by facts4 ,when you chose to condemn the ten generals1 my phyle supplied the ,prytanes1 and ,i alone stood out against you4 ,and in the time of the thirty1 ,i was ordered with four others to bring ,leon from ,salamis to be executed1 and ,i alone would not2 and it may be that my own life was saved only because that government was broken up4 ,judge1 then1 if my life would not have been shorter1 had ,i taken part in public life4 ,but ,i have never posed as an instructor or taken money for giving instruction4 ,anyone who chooses can question me and hear what ,i have to say4 ,people take pleasure in my society1 because they like to hear those exposed who deem themselves wise but are not4 ,this duty the god has laid on me by oracles and dreams and every mode of divine authority4 ,if ,i am corrupting or have corrupted youth1 why do none of them bear witness against me1 or their fathers or brothers or other kinsmen8 ,many ,i see around me who should do so if this charge were true2 yet all are ready to assist me4 ,this1 and the like1 is what ,i have to say in my defence4 ,perhaps some of you1 thinking how1 in a like case with mine but less exigent1 he has sought the compassion of the court with tears and pleadings of his children and kinsfolk1 will be indignant that ,i do none of these things1 though ,i have three boys of my own4 ,that is not out of disrespect to you1 but because ,i think it would be unbeseeming to me4 ,such displays1 as though death were something altogether terrifying1 are to me astonishing and degrading to our city in the sight of strangers1 for persons reputed to excel in anything1 as in some respects ,i am held to excel the generality4 ,but apart from credit1 ,i count that we ought to inform and convince our judges1 not seek to sway them by entreaties2 that they may judge rightly according to the laws1 and not by favor4 ,for you are sworn4 ,and how should ,i persuade you to break your oath1 who am charged by ,meletus with impiety4 ,for by so doing1 ,i should be persuading you to disbelief in the gods1 and making that very charge against myself4 ,to you and to the god ,i leave it1 that ,i may be judged as shall be best for you and for me4 ,,iv4--,after the ,verdict ,your condemnation does not grieve me for various reasons1 one of which is that ,i fully expected it4 ,what surprises me is the small majority by which it was carried4 ,evidently ,meletus1 if left to himself1 would have failed to win the few votes needed to save him from the fine4 ,well1 the sentence he fixes is death1 and ,i have to propose an alternative--presumably1 the sentence ,i deserve4 ,i have neglected all the ordinary pursuits and ambitions of men--which would have been no good either to me or to you--that ,i might benefit each man privately1 by persuading him to give attention to himself first--how to attain his own best and wisest--and his mere affairs afterwards1 and the city in like manner4 ,the proper reward is that ,i should be maintained in the ,prytaneum as a public benefactor4 ,you may think this merely a piece of insolence1 but it is not so4 ,i am not conscious of having wronged any man4 ,time does not permit me to prove my case1 and ,i will not admit guilt by owning that ,i deserve punishment by a fine4 ,what have ,i to fear8 ,the penalty fixed by ,meletus1 as to which ,i do not know whether it is good or bad8 ,shall ,i1 to escape this1 choose something which is certainly bad8 ,imprisonment1 to be the slave of the ,eleven8 ,a fine1 to be a prisoner till ,i pay it8--which comes to the same thing1 as ,i cannot pay4 ,exile8 ,if my fellow-citizens cannot put up with me1 how can ,i expect strangers to do so8 ,the young men will come to listen to me4 ,if ,i repulse them1 they will drive me out2 and if ,i do not their elders will drive me out1 and ,i shall live wandering from city to city4 ,why cannot ,i go and hold my tongue1 you may ask4 ,that is the one thing which ,i cannot do4 ,that would be to disobey the god1 and the life would not be worth living1 though you do not believe me4 ,i might undertake to pay a mina4 ,however1 as ,plato and ,crito and ,apollodorus urge me to name thirty minae1 for which they will be security1 ,i propose thirty minae4 99 99 99 99 99 ,your enemies will reproach you1 ,athenians1 for having put to death that wise man ,socrates4 ,yet you would have had but a short time to wait1 for ,i am old4 ,i speak to those of you who have condemned me4 ,i am condemned1 not for lack of argument1 but because ,i have not chosen to plead after the methods that would have been pleasant and flattering to you1 but degrading to me4 ,there are things we may not do to escape death1 for baseness is worse than death1 and swifter4 ,death has overtaken me1 who am old1 but baseness my accusers1 who are strong4 ,truth condemns them1 as you have condemned me1 and each of us abides sentence1 ,and for you who have condemned me there will be a penalty swift and sure1 and so ,i take my leave of you4 ,but to you1 my true judges1 who voted for my acquittal1 ,i would speak while yet we may4 ,i have to tell you that my warning daemon has in no way withstood the course ,i have taken1 and the reason1 assuredly1 is that ,i have done what is best1 gaining blessing1 death being no evil at all4 ,for death is either only to cease from sensations altogether as in a dreamless sleep1 and that is no loss2 or else it is a passing to another place where all the dead are--the heroes1 the poets1 the wise men of old4 ,how priceless were it to hold converse with them and question them6 ,and surely the judges there pass no death-sentences6 ,but be you hopeful with regard to death1 for to the good man1 neither in life nor in death is there anything that can harm him4 ,and for me1 ,i am confident that it is better to die than to live4 ,therefore the daemon did not check me1 and ,i have no resentment against those who have caused my death4 ,and now we go1 ,i to death and you to life2 but which of us to the better state1 ,god knoweth alone4 ,the ,republic ,the wonderful series of dialogues in which ,socrates takes the leading part are at once the foundation and the crown of all idealistic philosophy1 and as literary masterpieces remain unmatched4 ,certain of ,plato's disciples would claim that his highest achievement is ,the ,timaeus2 there are some who set their affections on ,the ,phaedo2 but a general vote of all ,platonists would probably give the first position to ,the ,republic1 and this is undoubtedly the work which has had the widest general influence4 ,in ,the ,republic itself ,socrates is1 professedly engaged in a disputation1 of which the object is to discover what ,justice means2 and this leads to the description of the building up of that ideal state or commonwealth from which the dialogue derives its title of ,the ,republic4 ,i4--,how the ,argument ,arose ,i had gone with ,glaucon to attend the celebration of the festival of ,bendis--the ,thracian ,artemis--a picturesque affair1 and we were just leaving1 when ,polemarchus insisted on carrying us off by main force to the house of his father1 ,cephalus4 ,there we found a small company assembled4 ,the old gentleman received us with hearty geniality2 he is ageing1 but would not see any hardship in that1 if you take age good-humouredly4 ,of course1 he owned that being wealthy makes a difference1 but not all the difference4 ,the best of wealth is that you need not do things which anger the gods and entail punishment in the hereafter2 you need not lie1 or be in debt to gods or men4 ,and this consciousness of your own justice is a great consolation4 ,but1 said ,i1 what is justice8 ,is it always to speak the truth1 and always to let a man have his property8 ,there are circumstances---- ,i must go1 said he4 ,polemarchus shall do the arguing4 ,this set us discussing the nature of justice4 ,glaucon took up the cudgels1 after a preliminary skirmish with ,thrasymachus4 ,assuming justice to be desirable--is it so for itself and by itself1 or only for its results2 or both8 ,the world at large puts it in the second category as an inconvenient necessity4 ,to suffer injustice is an evil1 and to protect themselves from that the weak combine to prevent injustice from being done4 ,but if anyone had the ring of ,gyges1 which made him invisible1 so that he could go his own way without let or hindrance1 he would get all the pleasures he could out of life without troubling about the justice of it4 ,again1 imagine on the one hand your really consummate rogue who gets credit for all the virtues and is surrounded by all the material factors of happiness2 and1 on the other hand1 a man of utter rectitude1 on whom circumstances combine to fix the stigma of iniquity4 ,he will be rejected1 scourged1 crucified2 while the other is enjoying wealth1 honour1 everything1 and can afford to make his peace with the gods into the bargain4 ,then ,adeimantus took the field in support of his brother4 ,the poets1 he said1 hold forth about the rewards of virtue here and hereafter4 ,but we see the unrighteous prospering mightily2 and the religious mendicants come to rich folks and offer to sell them indulgences on easy terms4 ,a keen-witted lad is bound to argue that it is only the appearance of justice that is needed for prosperity2 while the gods can be reconciled cheaply4 ,this dwelling on the temporal rewards of justice is fatal4 ,what we expect of you is to show us the inherent value of justice--justice itself1 not the appearance of it4 ,well argued1 said ,i1 especially as you reject your own conclusion4 ,i can but try1 though the task be hard4 ,but my weak sight may enable me to read large characters better than small4 ,justice is the virtue of the state as well as of the individual2 finding it in the state1 the greater1 may help us to find it in the individual1 the less4 ,,ii4--,the ,socratic ,utopia ,society arises because different people are the better skilled to supply different wants1 and the wants of each are supplied by mutual arrangement and division of labour4 ,wants multiply2 the community grows2 it exchanges its own foreign products2 merchants and markets are added to the producers2 and when folk begin to hire servants you have a complete city or state living a life of simplicity4 ,a city of pigs1 said ,glaucon1 with no refinements4 ,we will go on and develop every luxury of civilisation4 ,but then our city and its neighbours will be wanting each other's lands4 ,we must have soldiers4 ,our best guardians will be a select band1 those who are of the right temper and thoroughly trained2 fierce to foes but gentle to friends1 like that true philosopher1 the dog1 to whom knowledge is the test4 ,the known are friends1 the unknown foes--knowledge begets gentleness4 ,so our guardians must be trained to knowledge2 we must educate them4 ,music and gymnastic1 our national intellectual and physical training1 must be taught4 ,literature comes first1 and really we teach things that are not true before we teach things that are true--fables before facts4 ,but over these we must exercise a rigid censorship1 excluding what is essentially false4 ,we must have no stories which attribute harmful doings to the gods4 ,god must be represented as ,he is--the author of good always1 of evil never2 also as having in him no variableness1 neither shadow of turning4 ,god has no need of disguises4 ,the lie in the soul--essential falsehood--is to ,him abhorrent1 and ,he has no need of such deceptions as may be innocent or even laudable for men4 ,god must be shown always as utterly true4 ,similarly1 we must not have stories which inspire dread of death2 no ,achilles saying in the under-world that it were better to be a slave in the flesh than ,lord of the ,shades4 ,and again1 no heroes--and gods still less--giving way to frantic lamentations and uncontrolled emotions1 even uncontrolled laughter4 ,truth must be inculcated2 medicinal untruths1 so to speak1 are the prerogative of our rulers alone1 and must be permitted to no one else4 ,temperance1 which means self-control and obedience to authority1 is essential1 and is not always characteristic of ,homer's gods and heroes6 ,we must exclude a long list of most unedifying passages on this score4 ,as for pictures of the afflictions of the righteous and the prosperity of the unjust1 we must wait1 as we have not yet defined justice4 ,we turn to the poetical forms in which the stories should be embodied4 ,the possible forms are the simply descriptive1 the imitative1 and the mixture of the two3 narrative drama1 and narrative mixed with dialogue4 ,our guardians ought to eschew imitation altogether1 or at least to imitate only the good and noble4 ,the act of imitating an evil character is demoralising1 just as no self-respecting person will imitate the lower animals1 and so on4 ,imitation must be restricted within the narrowest practicable limits4 ,but who are to be our actual rulers8 ,the best of the elders1 whose firmness and consistency have stood the test of temptation4 ,to them we transfer the title of guardians1 calling the younger men auxiliaries4 ,and we must try to induce everyone--guardians1 soldiers1 citizens--to believe in one quite magnificent lie3 that they were like the men in the ,cadmus myth1 fashioned in the ground1 their common mother4 ,i don't wonder at your blushing1 said ,glaucon4 ,that they are brothers and sisters1 but of different metals--gold1 silver1 brass1 iron2 not necessarily of the same metal as their parents in the flesh2 and must take rank according to the metal whereof they are made4 ,no doubt it will take a generation or two to get them to believe it4 ,and now our soldiers must pitch their camp for the defence of the city4 ,soldiering is their business1 not money-making4 ,they must live in common1 supported efficiently by the state1 having no private property4 ,the gold and silver in their souls is of ,god4 ,for them1 though not for the other citizens1 the earthly dross called gold is the accursed thing4 ,once let them possess it1 and they will cease to be guardians1 and become oppressors and tyrants4 ,,iii4--,of ,justice and ,communism ,but now we have to look for justice4 ,find the other three cardinal virtues first1 and then justice will be distinguishable4 ,wisdom is in the guardians2 if they be wise1 the whole state will be wise4 ,courage we find in the soldiers2 courage is the true estimate of danger1 and that has been ingrained in them by their education4 ,temperance1 called mastery of self1 is really the mastery of the better over the baser qualities2 as in our state the better class controls the inferior4 ,temperance would seem to lie in the harmonious inter-relation of the different classes4 ,obviously1 the remaining virtue of the state is the constant performance of his own particular function in the state1 and not his neighbour's1 by each member of the state4 ,let us see how that works out in the individual4 ,shall we not find that there are three several qualities in the individual1 each of which must in like manner do its own business1 the intellectual1 the passionate or spirited1 and the lustful8 ,they must be separate1 because one part of a thing cannot be doing contradictory things at the same time2 your lusts bid you do what your intelligence forbids2 and the emotional quality is distinct from both desire and reason1 though in alliance with reason4 ,well1 here you have wisdom and courage in the intellectual and spiritual parts1 temperance in their mastery over desire2 and justice is the virtue of the soul as a whole2 of each part never failing to perform its own function and that alone4 ,to ask1 now1 whether justice or injustice is the more profitable becomes ridiculous4 ,now we shall find that virtue is one1 but that vice has several forms2 as there is but one form of perfect state--ours--whether it happens to be called a monarchy if there be but one guardian1 or an aristocracy if there be more2 and1 as it has four principal imperfect forms1 so there are four main vices4 ,here ,glaucon and ,adeimantus refused to let me go on2 ,i had shirked a serious difficulty4 ,what about women and children8 ,my saying that the soldiers were to live in common might mean anything4 ,what kind of communism was ,i demanding8 ,well1 there are two different questions3 ,what is desirable8 ,and1 ,what is possible8 ,first1 then1 our defenders are our watch-dogs4 ,glaucon knows all about dogs2 we don't differentiate in the case of males and females2 the latter hunt with the pack4 ,if women are similarly to have the same employments as men1 they must have the same education in music and gymnastic4 ,we must not mind ribald comments4 ,but should they share masculine employments8 ,do they differ from men in such a way that they should not8 ,women bear children1 and men beget them2 but apart from that the differences are really only in degrees of capacity1 not essential distinctions of quality2 even as men differ among themselves4 ,the natures being the same1 the education must be the same1 and the same careers must be open4 ,but a second and more alarming wave threatens us3 ,community of wives and children4 ,you must prove both the possibility and desirability of that4 ,men and women must be trained together and live together1 but not in licentiousness4 ,they must be mated with the utmost care for procreation1 the best being paired at due seasons1 nominally by lot1 and for the occasion4 ,the offspring of the selected will have a common nursery2 the mothers will not know which were their own children4 ,parentage will be permissible only between twenty-five and fifty-five1 and between twenty and forty4 ,the children begotten in the same batch of espousals will be brothers and sisters4 ,the absence of mine and thine will ensure unity1 because it abolishes the primary cause of discord2 common maintenance by the state removes all temptation either to meanness or cringing4 ,our guardians will be uncommonly happy4 ,as to practicability3 communism is suitable for war4 ,the youngsters will be taken to watch any fighting2 cowards will be degraded2 valour will be honoured1 and death on the field1 with other supreme services to the state1 will rank the hero among demigods4 ,against ,greeks war must be conducted as against our own kith and kin4 ,but as to the possibility of all this--this third threatening wave is the most terrific of all4 ,,iv4--,of ,philosophy in ,rulers ,it will be possible then1 and only then1 when kings are philosophers or philosophers kings4 ,you will be mobbed and pelted for such a proposition4 ,still1 it is the fact4 ,the philosopher desires all knowledge4 ,you know that justice1 beauty1 good1 and so on1 are single1 though their presentation is multiplex and variable4 ,curiosity about the multiplex particulars is not desire of knowledge1 which is of the one constant idea--of that which is1 as ignorance is of that which is not4 ,what neither is nor is not1 that which fluctuates and changes1 is the subject matter of opinion1 a state between knowledge and ignorance4 ,beauty is beauty always and everywhere2 the things that look beautiful may be ugly from another point of view4 ,experience of beautiful things1 curiosity about them1 must be distinguished from knowledge of beauty2 the philosopher is not to be confounded with the connoisseur1 not knowledge with opinion4 ,the philosopher is he who has in his mind the perfect pattern of justice1 beauty1 truth2 his is the knowledge of the eternal2 he contemplates all time and all existence2 no praises are too high for his character4 ,no doubt2 still1 if that is so1 why do professed philosophers always show themselves either fools or knaves in ordinary affairs8 ,a ship's crew which does not understand that the art of navigation demands a knowledge of the stars1 will stigmatise a properly qualified pilot as a star-gazing idiot1 and will prevent him from navigating4 ,the world assumes that the philosopher's abstractions are folly1 and rejects his guidance4 ,the philosopher is the best kind of man2 the corrupted philosopher is the worst2 and the corrupted influences brought to bear are irresistible to all but the very strongest natures4 ,the professional teachers of philosophy live not by leading popular opinion1 but by pandering to it2 a bastard brood trick themselves out as philosophers1 while the true philosopher withdraws himself from so gross a world4 ,small wonder that philosophy gets discredited6 ,not in the soil of any existing state can philosophy grow naturally2 planted in a suitable state1 her divinity will be apparent4 ,i need no longer hesitate to say that we must make our guardians philosophers4 ,the necessary combination of qualities is extremely rare4 ,our test must be thorough1 for the soul must be trained up by the pursuit of all kinds of knowledge to the capacity for the pursuit of the highest--higher than justice and wisdom--the idea of the good4 ,but what is the good--pleasure1 knowledge8 ,no4 ,to see and distinguish material things1 the faculty of sight requires the medium of light1 whose source is the sun4 ,the good is to the intellectual faculty what the sun is to that of vision3 it is the source and cause of truth1 which is the light whereby we perceive ideas2 it is not truth nor the ideas1 but above them2 their cause1 as the sun is the source of light and the cause of growth4 ,again1 as the material things with which the eye is concerned are in two categories--the copies1 reflections or shadows of things1 and actual things--correspondingly the things perceived by the intellect are in a secondary region--as the mathematical--where everything is derived from hypotheses which are assumed to be first principles2 or in a supreme region1 in which hypotheses are orly the steps by which we ascend to the real ultimate first principles themselves4 ,and it will follow further that the mind has four faculties appropriate to these four divisions1 which we call respectively pure reason 7the highest71 understanding1 conviction1 and perception of shadows2 the first pair being concerned with being1 the field of the intellect2 the second pair with becoming1 the field of opinion4 ,v4--,of ,shadows and ,realities ,let me speak a parable4 ,humanity--ourselves--are as people dwelling ever bound and fettered in a twilit cave1 with our backs to the light4 ,behind us is a parapet1 and beyond the parapet a fire2 all that we see is the shadows thrown on the wall that faces us by figures passing along the parapet behind us2 all we hear is the echo of their voices4 ,now1 if some of us are turned round to face the light and look on the real figures1 they will be dazzled at first1 and much more if they are taken out into the light1 and up to face the sun himself2 but presently they will see perfectly1 and have all the joy thereof4 ,now send them back into the cave1 and they will be apparently much blinder than the folk who have been there all the time1 and their talk of what they have seen will be taken for the babbling of fools1 or worse4 ,small wonder that those who have beheld the light have but little mind to return to the twilight cave which is the common world4 ,but remember--everyone in the cave possesses the faculty of sight if only his eyes be turned to the light4 ,loose the fetters of carnal desires which hold him with his back to the light1 and every man may be converted and live4 ,so we must select those who are most capable of facing the light1 and see to it that they return to the cave1 to give the cave-dwellers the benefit of their knowledge4 ,and if this be for them a hardship1 we must bear in mind as before1 that the good of the whole is what matters1 not whether one or another may suffer hardship for the sake of the whole4 ,how1 then1 shall we train them to the passage from darkness to light8 ,for this1 our education in music and gymnastic is wholly inadequate4 ,we must proceed first to the science of numbers1 then of geometry1 then of astronomy4 ,and after astronomy1 there is the sister science of abstract harmonics--not of audible sounds4 ,all of which are but the prelude to the ultimate supreme science of dialectic1 which carries the intelligence to the contemplation of the idea of the good1 the ultimate goal4 ,and here to attempt further explanation would be vanity4 ,this is the science of the pure reason1 the coping-stone of knowledge4 ,we saw long ago that our rulers must possess every endowment of mind and body1 all cultivated to the highest degree4 ,from the select we must again select1 at twenty1 those who are most fit for the next ten years' course of education2 and from them1 at thirty1 we shall choose those who can1 with confidence1 be taken to face the light2 who have been tested and found absolutely steadfast1 not shaken by having got beyond the conventional view of things4 ,we will give them five or six years of philosophy2 then fifteen years of responsible office in the state2 and at fifty they shall return to philosophy1 subject to the call upon them to take up the duties of rulership and of educating their successors4 ,,vi4--,of ,state ,types and ,individual ,types ,before this digression we were on the point of discussing the four vitiated forms of the state1 and the corresponding individual types4 ,the four types of state as we know them in ,hellas1 are3 the ,spartan1 where personal ambition and honour rule1 which we call timocracy2 the oligarchical1 where wealth rules2 the democratic2 and the arbitrary rule of the individual1 which we call tyranny4 ,the comparison of this last--the supremely unjust--with our own--the supremely just--will show whether justice or injustice be the more desirable4 ,the perfect state degenerates to timocracy when the state's numerical law of generation an unsolved riddle has not been properly observed1 and inferior offspring have entered in consequence into the ruling body4 ,the introduction of private property will cause them to assume towards the commonalty the attitude1 not of guardians1 but of masters1 and to be at odds among themselves2 also1 in their education gymnastic will acquire predominance over music4 ,ambition and party spirit become the characteristic features4 ,when1 in an ill-ordered state a great man withdraws from the corruption of politics into private life1 we see the corresponding individual type in the son of such a one1 egged on by his mother and flattering companions1 to win back for himself at all costs the prestige which his father had resigned2 personal ambition becomes his dominant characteristic4 ,oligarchy is the next outcome of the introduction of private property2 riches outweigh virtue1 love of money the love of honour1 and the rich procure for themselves the legal monopoly of political power4 ,here the state becomes divided against itself--there is one state of the rich and another of the poor--and the poor will be divided into the merely incompetent and the actively dangerous or predatory4 ,and your corresponding individual is he whose father had won honours which had not saved him from ultimate ruin2 so that the son rejects ambition and makes money his goal1 till1 for the sake of money1 he will compass any baseness1 though still only under a cloak of respectability4 ,in the oligarchy the avaricious encourage and foster extravagance in their neighbours4 ,men1 ruined by money-lenders1 turn on their moneyed rulers1 overthrow them1 and give everyone a share in the government4 ,the result is that the state is not one1 nor two1 but diverse4 ,folk say what they like and do what they like1 and anyone is a statesman who will wave the national flag4 ,that is democracy4 ,such is the son of your miserly oligarch2 deprived of unnecessary pleasures1 he is tempted to wild dissipation4 ,he has no education to help him to distinguish1 and the vices of dissipation assume the aspect and titles of virtue4 ,he fluctuates from one point of view to another--is one thing to-day and another to-morrow4 ,and last we come to tyranny and the tyrannical man4 ,democratic license develops into sheer anarchy4 ,jack is as good as his master4 ,the predatory population becomes demagogues2 they squeeze the decent citizens1 and drive them to adopt oligarchical methods2 then the friend of the people appears2 the protector1 champion1 and hero1 by a familiar process becomes a military autocrat1 who himself battens1 as must also his mercenary soldiery1 on the citizens2 and our unhappy ,demos finds that it has jumped out of the reek into the fire4 ,now our democratical man was swayed by the devices and moods of the moment2 his son will be swayed by the most irrational and most bestial of his appetites2 be bully and tyrant1 while slave of his own lusts4 ,your thorough blackguard of every species comes of this type1 and the worst of all is he who achieves the tyranny of a state4 ,see1 then1 how1 even as the tyrannic state is the most utterly enslaved1 so the tyrannic man is of all men the least free2 and1 beyond all others1 the tyrant of a state4 ,he is like a slave-owner1 who is at the mercy of his slaves--the passions which he must pamper1 or die1 yet cannot satisfy4 ,surely such an one is the veriest slave--yea1 the most wretched of men4 ,it follows that he who is the most complete opposite of the tyrant is the happiest--the individual who corresponds to our state4 ,proclaim it1 then1 son of ,ariston1 that the most just of men is he who is master of himself1 and is of all men the most miserable1 whether gods and men recognise him or no4 ,,vii4--,of the ,happiness of the ,just ,now for a second proof4 ,three kinds of pleasure correspond to the three elements of the soul--reason1 spirit1 desire4 ,in each man one of the three is in the ascendant4 ,one counts knowledge vain in comparison with the advantages of riches1 another with those of honour2 to the philosopher only truth counts4 ,but he is the only one of them who makes his choice from experience of all three kinds4 ,and he1 the only qualified judge1 places the satisfaction of the spirit second1 and of desire lowest4 ,and yet a third proof3 ,i fancy the only quite real pleasures are those of the philosopher4 ,there is an intermediate state between pleasure and pain4 ,to pass into this from pleasure is painful1 and from pain is pleasurable4 ,now1 the pleasures of the body are really nothing more than reliefs from pains of one kind or another4 ,and1 next1 the pleasures of the soul1 being of the eternal order1 are necessarily more real than those of the body1 which are fleeting--in fact1 mere shadows of pleasure4 ,much as ,i love and admire ,homer1 ,i think our regulations as to poetry were particularly sound2 but we must inquire further into the meaning of imitation4 ,we saw before that all particular things are the presentations of some universal idea4 ,there is one ultimate idea of bed1 or chair1 or table4 ,what the joiner makes is a copy of that4 ,all ideas are the creation of the master artificer1 the demiurge2 of his creations all material things are copies4 ,we can all create things in a way by catching reflections of them in a mirror4 ,but these are only copies of particular things from one point of view1 partial copies of copies of the idea4 ,such precisely are the creations of the painter1 and in like manner of the poet4 ,what they know and depict is not the realities1 but mere appearances4 ,if the poets knew the realities they would have left us something other than imitations of copies4 ,moreover1 what they imitate is not the highest but the lower2 not the truth of reason1 but emotions of all sorts1 which it should be our business not to excite but to control and allay4 ,so we continue to prohibit the poetry which is imitation1 however supreme1 and allow only hymns to the gods1 and praises of great men4 ,we must no more admit the allurements of poesy than the attractions of ambition or of riches4 ,greater far are the rewards of virtue than all we have yet shown2 for an immortal soul should heed nothing that is less than eternal4 ,what1 is the soul then immortal8 ,can you prove that8 ,yes1 of a surety4 ,in all things there is good and evil2 a thing perishes of its own corruption1 not of the corruption of aught external to it4 ,if disease or injury of the body cannot corrupt the soul1 a fortiori they cannot slay it2 but injustice1 the corruption of the soul1 is not induced by injury to the body4 ,if1 then1 the soul be not destroyed by sin1 nothing else can destroy it1 and it is immortal4 ,the number of existing souls must then be constant2 none perish1 none are added1 for additional immortal souls would have to come out of what is mortal1 which is absurd4 ,now1 hitherto we have shown only that justice is in itself best for the soul1 but now we see that its rewards1 too1 are unspeakably great4 ,the gods1 to whom the just are known1 will reward them hereafter1 if not here2 and even in this world they have the better lot in the long run4 ,but of this nothing is comparable to their rewards in the hereafter1 revealed to us in the mythos of ,er1 called the ,armenian1 whose body being slain in battle1 his soul was said to have returned to it from the under-world--renewing its life--a messenger to men of what he had there beheld4 ,for a thousand years the souls1 being judged1 enjoyed or suffered a tenfold retribution for all they had done of good or evil in this life1 and some for a second term1 or it might be for terms without end4 ,then for the most part they were given again1 after the thousand years1 a choice of another lot on the earth1 being guided therein by their experience in their last life2 and so1 having drunk of the waters of forgetfulness1 came back to earth once more1 unconscious of their past4 ,let us1 then1 believing that the soul is indeed immortal1 hold fast to knowledge and justice1 that it may be well with us both here and hereafter4 ,,arthur ,,schopenhauer ,the ,world as ,will and ,idea ,arthur ,schopenhauer1 who was born at ,dantzig1 in ,germany1 ,feb4 #bb1 #aghh1 and died ,september #ba1 #ahfj1 came of highly intellectual antecedents1 his mother1 ,johanna ,schopenhauer1 being a noted ,german authoress4 ,as an indefatigable student he migrated1 according to the fashion of his ,fatherland1 from one university to another1 in order to sit at the feet of various professors1 and thus he attended courses at ,gottingen1 ,berlin1 and ,jena successively1 finally graduating at ,jena in #ahac4 ,the winter of that year he spent at ,weimar1 revelling in the society of ,goethe1 and also enjoying intercourse with ,maier1 the profound ,orientalist1 who indoctrinated him with those views of ,indian mysticism which greatly influenced his future philosophic disquisitions4 ,after writing and publishing a few slight treatises ,schopenhauer sent forth his great work1 ,the ,world as ,will and ,idea1 which has immortalized him4 ,it appeared in #ahai4 ,during subsequent years1 when he resided in ,frankfort1 he wrote his volumes on ,will in ,nature1 ,the ,freedom of the ,will1 ,the ,basis of ,morals1 and ,parerga and ,paralipomena4 ,the keynote of ,schopenhauer's philosophy is that the sole essential reality in the universe is the will1 and that all visible and tangible phenomena are merely subjective representations1 or formal manifestations of that will which is the only thing-in-itself that actually subsists4 ,thus he stands among philosophers as the uncompromising antagonist of ,hegel1 ,fichte1 ,schelling and all the champions of the theory of consciousness and absolute reason as the essential foundation of the faculty of thought4 ,the defect of his system is its tendency to a sombre pessimism1 but his literary style is magnificent and his power of reasoning is exceptional4 ,the epitome here given has been prepared from the original ,german4 ,i4--,the ,world as ,idea ,the world is my idea1 is a truth valid for every living creature1 though only man can consciously contemplate it4 ,in doing so he attains philosophical wisdom4 ,no truth is more absolutely certain than that all that exists for knowledge1 and therefore this whole world1 is only object in relation to subject1 perception of a perceiver1 in a word1 idea4 ,the world is idea4 ,this truth is by no means new2 it lay by implication in the reflections of ,descartes2 but ,berkeley first distinctly enunciated it2 while ,kant erred by ignoring it4 ,so ancient is it that it was the fundamental principle of the ,indian ,vedanta1 as ,sir ,william ,jones points out4 ,in one aspect the world is idea2 in the other aspect1 the world is will4 ,that which knows all things and is known by none is the subject2 and for this subject all exists4 ,but the world as idea consists of two essential and inseparable halves4 ,one half is the object1 whose form consists of time and space1 and through these of multiplicity2 but the other half is the subject1 lying not in space and time1 for it subsists whole and undivided in every reflecting being4 ,thus any single individual endowed with the faculty of perception of the object1 constitutes the whole world of idea as completely as the millions in existence2 but let this single individual vanish1 and the whole world as idea would disappear4 ,each of these halves possesses meaning and existence only in and through the other1 appearing with and vanishing with it4 ,where the object begins the subject ends4 ,one of ,kant's great merits is that he discovered that the essential and universal forms of all objects--space1 time1 causality--lie a priori in our consciousness1 for they may be discovered and fully known from a consideration of the subject1 without any knowledge of the object4 ,ideas of perception are distinct from abstract ideas4 ,the former comprehend the whole world of experience2 the latter are concepts1 and are possessed by man alone amongst all creatures on earth2 and the capacity for these1 distinguishing him from the lower animals1 is called reason4 ,time and space can each be mentally presented separately from matter1 but matter cannot be thought of apart from time and space4 ,the combination of time and space in connection with matter constitutes action1 that is1 causation4 ,the law of causation arises from change1 that is from the fact that at the same part of space there is now one thing and then another1 and this succession must be the result of some law of causality1 seeing that there must be a determined part of space and a determined part of space for the change4 ,causality thus combines space with time4 ,much vain controversy has arisen concerning the reality of the external universe1 owing to the fallacious notion that because perception arises through the knowledge of causality1 the relation of subject and object is that of cause and effect4 ,for this relation only subsists between objects1 that is between the immediate object and objects known indirectly4 ,the object always pre-supposes the subject1 and so there can be between those two no relation of reason and consequent4 ,therefore the controversy between realistic dogmatism and doctrinal scepticism is foolish4 ,the former seeks to separate object and idea as cause and effect1 whereas these two are really one2 the latter supposes that in the idea we have only the effect1 never the cause1 and never know the real being1 but merely its action4 ,the correction of both these fallacies is the same1 that object and idea are identical4 ,one of the most pressing of questions is1 how certainty is to be reached1 how judgments are to be established1 and wherein knowledge and science consist4 ,reason is feminine in nature2 it can only give after it has received4 ,of ,itself it possesses only the empty forms of its operation4 ,knowledge is the result of reason1 so that we cannot accurately say that the lower animals know anything1 but only that they apprehend through the faculty of perception4 ,the greatest value of knowledge is that it can be communicated and retained4 ,this makes it inestimably important for practice4 ,rational or abstract knowledge is that knowledge which is peculiar to the reason as distinguished from the understanding4 ,the use of reason is that it substitutes abstract concepts for ideas of perception1 and adopts them as the guide of action4 ,the many-sided view of life which man1 as distinguished from the lower animals1 possesses through reason1 makes him stand to them as the captain1 equipped with chart1 compass and quadrant1 and with a knowledge of navigation of the ocean1 stands to the ignorant sailors under his command4 ,man lives two lives4 ,besides his life in the concrete is his life in the abstract4 ,in the former he struggles1 suffers1 and dies as do the mere animal creatures4 ,but in the abstract he quietly reflects on the plan of the universe as does a captain of a ship on the chart4 ,he becomes in this abstract life of calm reasoning a deliberate observer of those elements which previously moved and agitated his emotions4 ,withdrawing into this serene contemplation he is like an actor who has played a part on the stage and then withdraws and as one of the audience quietly looks on at other actors energetically performing4 ,the result of this double life is that human serenity which furnishes so vivid a contrast to the lack of reason in the brutes4 ,reason has won to a wonderful extent the mastery over the animal nature4 ,the climacteric stage of the mere exercise of reason is displayed in ,stoicism1 an ethical system which aims primarily not at virtue but at happiness1 although this theory inculcates that happiness can be attained only through ataraxia 7inward quietness or peace of mind71 while this can only be gained by virtue4 ,in other words1 ,zeno1 the founder of the ,stoic theory1 sought to lift man up above the reach of pain and misery4 ,but this use of pure reason involves a painful paradox1 seeing that for an ultimate way of escape ,stoicism is constrained to prescribe suicide4 ,when compared with the ,stoic1 how different appear the holy conquerors of the world in ,christianity1 that sublime form of life which presents to us a picture wherein we see blended perfect virtue and supreme suffering4 ,,ii4--,the ,world as ,will ,we are compelled to further inquiry1 because we cannot be satisfied with knowing that we have ideas1 and that these are associated with certain laws1 the general expression of which is the principle of sufficient reason4 ,we wish to know the significance of our ideas4 ,we ask whether this world is nothing more than a mere idea1 not worthy of our notice if it is to pass by us like an empty dream or an airy vision1 or whether it is something more substantial4 ,we can surely never arrive at the nature of things from without4 ,no matter how assiduous our researches may be1 we can never reach anything beyond images and names4 ,we resemble a man going round a castle seeking vainly for an entrance and sometimes sketching the facades4 ,and yet this is the method followed by all philosophers before me4 ,the truth about man is that he is not a pure knowing subject1 not a winged cherub without a material body1 contemplating the world from without4 ,for he is himself rooted in that world4 ,that is to say1 he finds himself in the world as an individual whose knowledge1 which is the essential basis of the whole world as idea1 is yet ever communicated through the medium of the body1 whose sensations are the starting point of the understanding of that world4 ,his body is for him an idea like every other idea1 an object among objects4 ,he only knows its actions as he knows the changes in all other objects1 and but for one aid to his understanding of himself he would find this idea and object as strange and incomprehensible as all others4 ,that aid is will1 which alone furnishes the key to the riddle of himself1 solves the problem of his own existence1 reveals to him the inner structure and significance of his being1 his action1 and his movements4 ,the body is the immediate object of will2 it may be called the objectivity of will4 ,every true act of will is also instantly a visible act of the body1 and every impression on the body is also at once an impression on the will4 ,when it is opposed to the will it is called pain1 and when consonant with the will it is called pleasure4 ,the essential identity of body and will is shown by the fact that every violent movement of the will1 that is to say1 every emotion1 directly agitates the body and interferes with its vital functions4 ,so we may legitimately say1 ,my body is the objectivity of my will4 ,it is simply owing to this special relation to one body that the knowing subject is an individual4 ,our knowing1 being bound to individuality1 necessitates that each of us can only be one1 and yet each of us can know all4 ,hence arises the need for philosophy4 ,the double knowledge which each of us possesses of his own body is the key to the nature of every phenomenon in the world4 ,nothing is either known to us or thinkable by us except will and idea4 ,if we examine the reality of the body and its actions1 we discover nothing beyond the fact that it is an idea1 except the will4 ,with this double discovery reality is exhausted4 ,we can ascribe no other kind of reality to the material world4 ,if we maintain that it is something more than merely our idea1 we must say that in its inmost nature it is that which we discover in ourselves as will4 ,but the acts of will have always a ground or reason outside themselves in motives1 which1 however1 never determine more than how we shall act at any given time or place under any given conditions or circumstances4 ,the will must have some manifestation1 and the body is that manifestation4 ,by the movements of the body the will becomes visible1 and thus the body may be said to be the objectification of the will4 ,the perfect adaptation of the human and animal body to the human and animal will resembles1 though it far exceeds1 the correspondence between an instrument and its maker4 ,,iii4--,the ,world as ,idea4 ,second ,aspect ,we have looked at the world as idea1 object for a subject1 and next at the world as will4 ,all students of ,plato know that the different grades of objectification of will which are manifested in countless individuals1 and exist as their unrealized types or as the eternal forms of things1 are the ,platonic ,ideas4 ,thus these various grades are related to individual things as their eternal forms or prototypes4 ,thus the world in which we live is in its whole nature through and through will1 and at the same time through and through idea4 ,this idea always pre-supposes a form1 object and subject4 ,if we take away this form and ask what then remains1 the answer must be that this can be nothing but will1 which1 properly speaking1 is the thing in itself4 ,every human being discovers that he himself is this will1 and that the world exists only for him does so in relation to his consciousness4 ,thus each human being is himself in a double aspect the whole world1 the microcosm4 ,and that which he realizes as his own real being exhausts the being of the whole world1 the macrocosm4 ,so1 like man1 the world is through and through will1 and through and through idea4 ,plato would say that an animal has no true being1 but merely an apparent being1 a constant becoming4 ,the only true being is the ,idea which embodies itself in that animal4 ,that is to say1 the ,idea of the animal alone has true being1 and is the object of real knowledge4 ,kant1 with his theory of the thing-in-itself as the only reality1 would say that the animal is only a phenomenon in time1 space1 and causality1 which are conditions of our perception1 not the thing-in-itself4 ,so the individual as we see it at this particular moment will pass away1 without any possibility of our knowing the thing-in-itself1 for the knowledge of that is beyond our faculties1 and would require another kind of knowledge than that which is possible for us through our understanding4 ,thus do these two greatest philosophers of the ,west differ4 ,the thing-in-itself must1 according to ,kant1 be free from all forms associated with knowing4 ,on the contrary1 the ,platonic idea is necessarily object1 something known and thus different from the thing-in-itself1 which cannot be apprehended4 ,yet ,kant and ,plato tend to agree1 because the thing-in-itself is1 after all1 that which lays aside all the subordinate forms of phenomena1 and has retained the first and most universal form1 that of the idea in general1 the form of being object for a subject4 ,plato attributes actual being only to the ,ideas1 and concedes only an illusive1 dream-like existence to things in space and time1 the real world for the individual4 ,,iv4--,the ,world as ,will4 ,second ,aspect ,the last and most serious part of our consideration relates to human action and is of universal importance4 ,human nature tends to relate everything else to action4 ,the world as idea is the perfect mirror of the will1 in which it recognizes itself in graduating scales of distinctness and completeness4 ,the highest degree of this consciousness is man1 whose nature only completely expresses itself in the whole connected series of his actions4 ,will is the thing-in-itself1 the essence of the world4 ,life is only the mirror of the will4 ,life accompanies the will as the shadow the body4 ,if will exists1 so will life4 ,so long as we are actuated by the will to live1 we need have no fear of ceasing to live1 even in the presence of death4 ,true1 we see the individual born and passing away2 but the individual is merely phenomenal4 ,neither the will1 nor the subject of cognition1 is at all affected by birth or death4 ,it is not the individual1 but only the species1 that ,nature cares for4 ,she provides for the species with boundless prodigality through the incalculable profusion of seed and the great strength of fructification4 ,she is ever ready to let the individual fall when it had served its end of perpetuating the species4 ,thus does ,nature artlessly express the great truth that only the ,ideas1 not the individuals1 have actual reality and are complete objectivity of the will4 ,man is ,nature himself1 but ,nature is only the objectified will to live4 ,so the man who has comprehended this point of view may well console himself when contemplating death for himself or his friends1 by turning his eyes to the immortal life of ,nature1 which he himself is4 ,and thus we see that birth and death both really belong to life and that they take part in that constant mutation of matter which is consistent with the permanence of the species1 notwithstanding the transitoriness of the individual4 ,v4--,the ,will as ,related to ,time ,above all1 we must not forget that the form of the phenomenon of the will1 the form of life in reality1 is really only the present1 not the future nor the past4 ,no man ever lived in the past1 no man will live in the future4 ,the present is the sole form of life in sure possession4 ,the present exists always1 together with its content1 and both are fixed like the rainbow on the waterfall4 ,now all object is the will so far as it has become idea1 and the subject is the necessary correlative of the object4 ,but real objects are in the present only4 ,so nothing but conceptions and fancies are included in the past1 while the present is the essential form of the phenomenon of the will1 and inseparable from it4 ,the present alone is perpetual and immovable4 ,the fountain and support of it is the will to live1 or the thing-in-itself1 which we are4 ,life is certain to the will1 and the present is certain to life4 ,time is like a perpetually revolving globe4 ,the hemisphere which is sinking is like the past1 that which is rising is like the future1 while the indivisible point at the top is like the actionless present4 ,or1 time is like a running river and the present is a rock on which it breaks but which it cannot remove with itself4 ,therefore we are not concerned to investigate the past antecedent to life1 nor to speculate on the future subsequent to death4 ,we should simply seek to know the present1 that being the sole form in which the will manifests itself4 ,therefore1 if we are satisfied with life as it is1 we may confidently regard it as endless and banish the fear of death as illusive4 ,our spirit is of a totally indestructible nature1 and its energy endures from eternity to eternity4 ,it is like the sun1 which seems to set only to our earthly eyes1 but which1 in reality1 never sets1 but shines on unceasingly4 ,the problem of the freedom of the will is solved by the considerations which have been thus outlined4 ,since the will is not phenomenon1 is not idea or object1 but thing-in-itself1 is not determined as a consequent through any reason1 and knows no necessity1 therefore it is free4 ,but the person is never free1 although he is the phenomenon of a free will1 for this indisputable reason1 that he is already the determined phenomenon of the free volition of this will1 and is constrained to embody the direction of that volition in a multiplicity of actions4 ,repentance never results from a change of will1 for this is impossible1 but from a change of knowledge4 ,the essential in what ,i have willed ,i must continue to will1 for ,i am identical with this will which lies outside time and change4 ,therefore ,i cannot repent of what ,i have willed1 though ,i can repent of what ,i have done2 because1 constrained by false notions1 ,i was led to do what did not accord with my will4 ,repentance is simply the discovery of this fuller and more correct knowledge4 ,,seneca ,on ,benefits ,the more famous son of a famous rhetorician1 the ,roman philosopher ,l4 ,annaeus ,seneca was born at ,corduba 7,cordova71 in ,spain1 about the beginning of the ,christian era4 ,while the date of his birth is a matter for conjecture1 the circumstances of his death are notorious4 ,he was a victim of ,nero's jealousy and ingratitude in #fe ,a4,d41 when the emperor seized upon a plot against himself as the pretext for sentencing ,seneca to enforced suicide4 ,in the vivid pages of the historian ,tacitus1 there are few more pathetic descriptions than that recounting the slow ebbing of the old philosopher's life after his veins had been opened4 ,seneca had known many vicissitudes of fortune4 ,he was banished from ,rome in #da ,a4,d41 but1 after his recall1 rose to great power and affluence as tutor and adviser to ,nero4 ,his works1 many of which are lost1 include tragedies1 letters1 and treatises on philosophy4 ,the high ethical standard maintained by ,seneca favoured the legend that he was influenced by the ,apostle ,paul1 and a spurious correspondence between them was long accepted as genuine4 ,of the moral works there is1 for insight into human nature and for generosity of impulse1 no better representative than that ,on ,benefits4 ,i4--,benefits are to be ,bestowed1 ,not ,lent ,among the many different mistakes made by those who take life as it comes1 and do not pause to consider1 ,i should say that scarcely anything is so detrimental as this1 that we do not know either how to confer or how to receive a benefit4 ,the consequence is that benefits are bad investments1 and turn out bad debts2 and in the cases where there is no return1 it is too late to complain1 for they were lost when we conferred them4 ,i should find it hard to say whether it is meaner for a receiver to repudiate a benefit1 or for a giver to press for its repayment1 inasmuch as a benefit is a sort of loan1 whose return absolutely depends on the spontaneous action of the debtor4 ,we find many men ungrateful2 yet we make more men so1 because at one time we are insistent and harsh in our claims for return2 at another time we are fickle enough to regret our generosity4 ,by such conduct we spoil the whole favour1 not merely after giving1 but at the very moment of giving4 ,no one is glad to owe what he has not so much received as wrung out of his benefactor4 ,can anyone be grateful to a man who has contemptuously tossed him a favour1 or flung it at him in vexation1 or out of sheer weariness given simply to rid himself of trouble8 ,a benefit is felt to be a debt in the same spirit in which it is bestowed1 and it ought not1 therefore1 to be bestowed recklessly1 for a man thanks himself for what he obtains from an undiscerning giver4 ,let us bestow benefits1 not lend them on interest4 ,he who1 in the act of giving1 has thoughts about repayment1 deserves to be deceived4 ,well1 then1 what if the benefit has turned out ill8 ,why1 children or wives often disappoint our expectations1 but we bring children up1 we marry all the same2 and so determined are we in the teeth of experience1 that when baffled we fight better1 when shipwrecked we take to sea again4 ,how much more seemly it is to be persistent in bestowing benefits6 ,if a man does not give because he does not receive1 he must have given in order to receive1 and that justifies ingratitude4 ,how many are there who are unworthy of the light of day1 and nevertheless the sun rises4 ,this is the property of a great and good mind1 to seek not the fruit of good deeds but good deeds themselves1 and to search for a good man even after having met with bad men4 ,if there were no cheats1 what nobility would there be in showing bounty to many8 ,as it is1 goodness lies in giving benefits for which we are not sure of recompense1 but of which the fruit is at once enjoyed by a noble mind4 ,the book-keeping of benefits is simple3 so much is expenditure2 if there is any return1 that is clear gain2 if there is no return1 that is not a loss4 ,i gave it for the sake of giving4 ,no one registers his benefits in a ledger1 or1 like an exacting usurer1 presses to the day and hour for repayment4 ,an honourable man never thinks of such matters1 unless reminded by someone returning a favour2 otherwise they assume the form of a debt4 ,do not hesitate1 then2 persevere in your generous work4 ,assist one with your means1 another with credit1 another with your favour1 or your advice1 or a word in season4 ,is he ungrateful for one benefit8 ,after receiving a second1 perhaps he will not be so4 ,has he forgotten two8 ,perhaps the third kindness will bring back the recollection of those that slipped his mind4 ,the subject we have to treat is that of benefits4 ,we have to lay down an ordered account of what is the chief bond of human society3 we have to prescribe a rule of life1 such that inconsiderate open-handedness may not commend itself under the guise of kindness1 but also that our caution1 while it controls1 may not strangle generosity1 which ought to be neither defective nor excessive4 ,people must be instructed to receive cheerfully and to repay cheerfully1 setting before themselves the high aim of not merely equalling but surpassing those to whom they are obliged1 and this both in act and in feeling4 ,it is necessary to point out that the first point which we have to learn is what we owe for a kindness received4 ,one says he owes the money which he got1 another a consulship1 another a province4 ,these1 however1 are but the outward tokens of good services1 not the services themselves4 ,a benefit is to the hand something intangible2 it is a process in the mind4 ,there is a world of difference between the material of a benefit and the benefit itself4 ,hence the reality of a benefit lies not in gold1 nor silver1 but in the good will of the giver4 ,the things which we hold in our hands1 which we look at1 and on which our desire is set1 are perishable2 misfortune or injustice may rob us of them2 but a kindness lasts even after the loss of what was given4 ,what1 then1 is a benefit8 ,it is the doing of a kindness which gives pleasure and in the giving gets pleasure1 being inclined and spontaneously ready for that which it does4 ,consequently1 it is not the thing done or the thing given that matters1 it is the intention4 ,the spirit animating the act is what exalts trivial things1 throws lustre on mean things1 while it can discredit great and highly valued ones4 ,the benefit itself does not consist in what is paid or handed over1 just as the worship of the gods lies not in the victims offered but in the dutiful and upright feelings of the worshippers4 ,if benefits consisted in things1 and not in the actual wish to benefit1 then the more things we got1 the greater would the benefit be4 ,but this is incorrect1 for sometimes the man who has given a little in a noble way obliges us more deeply2 the man1 that is1 who has forgotten his own poverty in his regard for mine4 ,what comes from a willing hand is far more acceptable than what comes from a full hand4 ,it was a small favour for him to do2 yes1 but he could do no more4 ,but it is a great thing which this other gave2 yes1 but he hesitated1 delayed1 grumbled in the giving1 gave disdainfully1 or he made a show of it and had no mind to please the person on whom he bestowed it4 ,why1 such a man made a present to his own pride1 not to me6 ,,ii4--,on ,kinds of ,benefits and the ,manner of ,giving ,let us give1 in the first place1 what is necessary2 secondly1 what is useful2 next1 what is pleasant1 and one should add1 what is likely to last4 ,we must begin with what is necessary2 for a matter involving life appeals to the mind differently from mere adornment and equipment4 ,a man may be a fastidious critic in the case of a thing which he can do without4 ,but necessary things are those without which we cannot live1 or without which we ought not to live1 or without which we do not want to live4 ,examples of the first group are1 to be rescued from the hands of the enemy1 from a tyrant's anger1 and the other chequered perils that beset human life4 ,whichsoever of these we avert1 we shall earn gratitude proportionate to the terrible magnitude of the danger4 ,next come things without which1 it is true1 we can live1 yet only in such plight that death were better2 such things are freedom1 chastity1 and good conscience4 ,after these we shall rank things dear to us from association1 blood-ties1 use1 and custom2 such as children1 wife1 home1 and all else round which affection has so entwined itself that it views severance from them as more serious than severance from life4 ,there is the subsequent class of things useful1 a wide and varied class1 including money1 not superabundant1 but suited to a sensible mode of living2 and public office1 with advancement for those who look high4 ,again1 we ought to consider what gift will afford the greatest pleasure2 and particularly ought we to take care not to send useless presents1 such as weapons of the chase to a woman or an old man1 or books to a block-head1 or hunting nets to a person engrossed in literary pursuits4 ,we shall be equally careful1 on the other hand1 while we wish to send what will please1 not to insult friends in the matter of their individual failing2 not to send wines to a toper1 for instance1 or drugs to a valetudinarian4 ,further1 if free choice in giving lies in our power1 we shall beyond everything select lasting gifts1 in order that the present may be as little perishable as possible2 for few are so grateful as to think of what they have received when they do not see it4 ,even the ungrateful have flashes of recollection when a gift is before their eyes4 ,in a benefit there should be common sense4 ,one should think of time1 place1 individuals2 on these factors turn the welcome or unwelcome quality of gifts4 ,how much more acceptable it is if we give what one does not possess1 than if we give that of which he has abundance and to spare6 ,or the thing of which he has been long in quest without finding it1 rather than what he is likely to see everywhere6 ,a benefit bestowed upon all and sundry is acceptable to none4 ,what you wish people to feel grateful for1 do seldom4 ,let no one misconstrue this as an attempt to check generosity3 by all means let her go any length she will2 but she must go steady1 not gad about4 ,so let every recipient have some special mark about his gifts which may lead him to trust that he has been admitted to particular favour4 ,let him say3 ,i got the same as that man1 but my gift came unasked2 or1 ,i got what that man did2 but ,i secured it within a short period1 whereas he had earned it by long waiting2 or1 ,there are others who have the same2 but it was not given with the same words1 nor the same courtesy on the part of the giver4 ,yet let discretion wait on bounty2 for no delight can come of random gifts4 ,i object to generosity becoming extravagance4 ,as to this question of how to give1 ,i think ,i can point out the shortest way3 let us give in the manner in which we should like to receive2 above all1 let it be done willingly1 promptly1 without the least hesitation4 ,the most welcome benefits are those which are at hand for the taking1 which come to meet us1 where the one delay lies in the recipient's modesty4 ,the best course is to forestall a man's wishes2 next best1 to follow them4 ,he who has got after asking1 has not secured the favour for nothing2 since nothing costs so much as that which is bought by prayers4 ,i beg you is a painful phrase2 it is irksome1 and has to be said with humble looks4 ,spare your friend1 spare anyone you hope to make your friend1 this necessity4 ,however prompt1 a benefactor gives too late when he gives by request4 ,all philosophers counsel that some benefits be given in public 7like military decorations71 others in secret 7like those that succour weakness1 want1 or disgrace74 ,sometimes the very person helped must be deceived into taking our bounty without knowing its origin4 ,one may insist1 ,i wish him to know2 but on that principle will you refuse to save a man's life in the dark8 ,why should ,i not abstain from showing him that ,i have given him anything1 when it is one of the cardinal rules never to reproach a man with what you have done for him1 and not even to remind him of it8 ,for this is the law of benefits as between the two parties2 the one must at once forget what he has given1 the other must never forget what he has received4 ,,iii4--,on the ,receiving of ,benefits ,now1 let us cross to the other side1 to treat of the behaviour which becomes men in receiving benefits4 ,from who are we to receive8 ,to answer you briefly1 ,i should say1 ,from those to whom we should have liked to give4 ,it is a severe torment to be indebted to anyone against1 your will2 on the other hand1 it is more delightful to have received a benefit from one whom you could love even after he has done you a wrong4 ,the truth is that more care must be taken in the choice of a creditor for a benefit than for money2 for the latter must have back only as much as ,i received1 but the former must have more paid to him4 ,and even after repayment of the favour1 we nevertheless remain bound to each other4 ,thus an unworthy person is not to be admitted into that most sacred bond of kindnesses bestowed whence friendship arises4 ,but1 it is pleaded1 ,i cannot always say ',no4' ,suppose the offer is from a cruel and hot-tempered despot1 who will interpret your rejection of his bounty as an insult8 ,well1 when ,i say you ought to choose1 ,i except superior force and intimidation2 for these are factors which destroy choice4 ,but after we have decided on acceptance1 let us accept with cheerfulness1 showing our gratification1 and let it be evident to the giver1 so that he may have some immediate return4 ,there are some who like to receive benefits only in private1 for they object to a witness and confidant4 ,one may conclude that such persons have no good intentions4 ,other men speak most offensively of their greatest benefactors4 ,there are some people whom it is safer to affront than to serve1 since by their dislike they seek to give the impression of being under no obligation4 ,one ought to accept without fastidious affectation1 and without cringing humility2 for if a man shows small care at the time of bestowal1 when every newly-conferred benefit should please1 what will he do when the first glow of pleasure has cooled down8 ,,iv4--,ingratitude ,we must now investigate the main cause of ingratitude4 ,it is caused by excessive self-esteem1 the fault inherent in mortality of partiality to ourselves and all that concerns us2 or it is caused by greed2 or by jealousy4 ,let us begin with the first of these4 ,everybody is a favourable judge of his own interest2 hence it comes that he believes himself to have earned all he has received1 and views a benefit as payment for services4 ,nor does greed allow anyone to be grateful1 for a gift is never sufficient for its exorbitant expectations4 ,of all these hindrances to gratitude1 the most violent and distressing vice is jealousy1 which torments us with comparisons of this nature3 ,he bestowed this on me1 but more upon him1 and he gave it him earlier4 ,there is no kindness so complete that malignity cannot pull it to pieces1 and none so paltry that a friendly interpreter may not enlarge it4 ,you shall never fail of an excuse for grumbling if you look at benefits on their wrong side4 ,see how certain men--yes1 even some who make a profession of their philosophy--pass unfair censures upon the gifts of heaven4 ,they complain because we do not equal elephants in bulk of body1 harts in swiftness1 birds in lightness1 bulls in vigour4 ,but what has been denied to mankind could not have been given4 ,wherefore1 whosoever thou art that undervaluest human fortune1 bethink thee what blessings our ,father has bestowed upon us1 how many beasts more powerful than ourselves we have tamed to the yoke1 how many swifter creatures we overtake1 and how nothing mortal is placed beyond the reach of our weapons4 ,not to return gratitude for benefits is base in itself1 and is held base in all men's opinion4 ,therefore1 even the ungrateful men complain of the ungrateful1 and yet all the time this failing1 which none commend1 is firmly planted in all2 so perverse is human nature that we find some become our deadliest enemies1 not merely after benefits received1 but for those very favours4 ,i cannot deny but that this befalls some from a kink in their disposition2 yet more act so because the interposition of time has extinguished the remembrance4 ,ungrateful is the man who denies that he has received a good turn which has been done him2 ungrateful is he who pretends he has not received it2 ungrateful is he who makes no return2 but the most ungrateful of all is he who has forgotten4 ,there is a question raised whether so hateful a vice ought to go unpunished4 ,now1 with the exception of ,macedonia1 there is no country where an action at law is possible for ingratitude4 ,and this is a strong argument that no such action should be granted4 ,this most frequent crime is nowhere punished1 although everywhere condemned4 ,many reasons occur to me whereby it must needs follow that this fault ought not to come under the purview of law4 ,first of all1 the best part of a benefit is lost if a lawsuit is allowable1 as in the case of a definite loan4 ,again1 whereas it is a most honourable thing to show gratitude1 it ceases to be honourable if it be forced4 ,by such coercion we should spoil two of the finest things in human life--a grateful man and a bountiful giver4 ,what1 then8 ,shall the ungrateful man be left unchastised8 ,my answer is3 ,what1 then8 ,shall the undutiful man be left unchastised--the malignant man1 or the avaricious1 or the man with no self-control1 or the cruel8 ,dost thou think that goes unpunished which is loathed8 ,dost thou not call him unhappy who has lost his eyesight1 or whose hearing has been impaired by disease8 ,and dost thou not call him miserable who has lost the sense of feeling benefits8 ,v4--,divine ,benefits to ,man ,who is there so wretched1 so totally forlorn1 who has been born under so hard a fate and to such travail as never to have felt the vastness of the ,divine generosity8 ,look even at those who complain of and live malcontent with their lot1 and you will find they are not altogether without a portion in the celestial generosity2 and there is none on whom some drops have not fallen from that most gracious fountain4 ,god not give benefits6 ,whence1 then1 all you possess1 all you give1 or refuse or keep or seize8 ,whence comes the infinity of delights for eye1 ear1 and understanding8 ,whence that abundance that even furnishes our luxury8 ,think of all the trees in their rich variety1 the many wholesome herbs1 and such diversity of foods apportioned among the seasons that even the sluggard might find sustenance from the casual bounty of earth4 ,whence come living creatures of every kind1 some bred on solid dry land1 some in water1 others speeding through the air1 to the end that every part of nature may yield us some tribute8 ,those rivers1 too1 that1 with their pretty bends1 environ the plains1 or afford a passage for merchandise as they flow down their broad1 navigable channel8 ,what of the springs of medicinal waters8 ,what of the bubbling forth of hot wells upon the very seashore8 ,and what of thee1 ,o mighty ,larian ,lake8 ,and thee1 ,benacus1 whom wild waves shake8 ,nature1 remarks my critic1 gives all this4 ,do you not realise that in saying this you simply change the name of ,god8 ,for what else is nature but ,god and ,divine ,reason pervading the whole universe and all its parts8 ,it is a question whether one who has done all in his power to return a benefit has returned it4 ,our opponent urges that the fact that he tried everything proves that he did not in fact succeed in returning it2 and1 therefore1 evidently that he could not have done a thing for which he found no opportunity4 ,but if a physician has done all in his power to effect a cure1 he has performed his duty4 ,so your friend did all in his power to repay you a good turn1 only your good fortune stood in his way4 ,he could not give money to the wealthy1 nurse one in good health1 or run to your aid when all was prosperous4 ,on the other hand1 if he had forgotten a benefit received1 if he had not even tried to be grateful1 you would say he had not shown gratitude2 but as it was1 he laboured day and night1 to the neglect of other claims1 to let no chance of proving his thankfulness escape him4 ,,herbert ,,spencer ,education ,herbert ,spencer was born at ,derby1 in ,england1 in #ahbj4 ,he was taught by his father who was a teacher1 and by his uncle1 a clergyman4 ,at the age of seventeen he became a civil engineer1 but about eight years later abandoned the profession because he believed it to be overcrowded4 ,in #ahdh he was engaged on the ,economist1 and five years later he began to write for the quarterly reviews4 ,spencer's little book on ,education dates from #ahfa1 and has probably been more widely read than all his other works put together1 having been translated into almost all civilised1 and several primitive languages4 ,it is generally recognised as having effected the greatest educational reform of the nineteenth century4 ,it was certainly the most powerful of single agents in effecting the liberation of girlhood from its unnatural trammels4 ,it placed the whole theory of education upon a sound biological basis in the nature of the child and the natural course of its evolution as a living creature4 ,spencer struck a fatal blow at the morbid asceticism by proxy which adults used to practice upon their children1 and so great has been the influence of his work for the amelioration of childhood that he is certainly to be counted with the philanthropic on this ground4 ,the first chapter has no equal in literature in its splendidly sober praise of natural knowledge4 ,the wide knowledge which ,spencer's writings display of physical science1 and his constant endeavor to illustrate and support his system by connecting its position with scientific facts and laws have given his philosophy great currency among men of science--more so1 indeed1 than among philosophical experts4 ,spencer died ,december #h1 #aijc4 ,i4--,what ,knowledge is of ,most ,worth8 ,it has been truly remarked that in order of time decoration precedes dress1 the idea of ornament predominates over that of use4 ,it is curious that the like relations hold with the mind4 ,among mental1 as among bodily acquisitions1 the ornamental comes before the useful4 ,alike in the ,greek schools as in our own1 this is the case4 ,men dress their children's minds as they do their bodies in the prevailing fashion2 and in the treatment of both mind and body1 the decorative element has continued to predominate in an even greater degree among women than among men4 ,the births1 deaths1 and marriages of kings1 and other like historic trivialities are committed to memory1 not because of any direct benefit that can possibly result from knowing them1 but because society considers them parts of a good education--because the absence of such knowledge may bring the contempt of others4 ,not what knowledge is of the most real worth is the consideration2 but what will bring most applause1 honour1 respect--what will be the most imposing4 ,as throughout life not what we are but what we shall be thought is the question1 so in education the question is not the intrinsic value of knowledge so much as its extrinsic effect on others2 and this being our dominant idea1 direct utility is scarcely more regarded than by the barbarian when filing his teeth and staining his nails4 ,the comparative worths of different kinds of knowledge have been as yet scarcely even discussed4 ,but before there can be a curriculum1 we must determine1 as ,bacon would have said1 the relative value of knowledges4 ,to this end a measure of value is the first requisite1 and here there can happily be no dispute4 ,how to live8--that is the essential question for us4 ,to prepare us for complete living is the function which education is to discharge4 ,we must therefore classify the leading kinds of activity which constitute human life4 ,in order of importance they are 7#a7 those which directly minister to self-preservation1 7#b7 those which by securing the necessaries of life indirectly minister to self-preservation1 7#c7 those which have for their end the rearing and discipline of offspring1 7#d7 those which are involved in the maintenance of proper social and political relations1 7#e7 those miscellaneous activities which fill up the leisure part of life1 devoted to the gratification of the tastes and feelings4 ,it can easily be shown that these stand in something like their true order of subordination1 and such should be the order of education4 ,it must give attention to all of these2 greatest where the value is greatest2 less where the value is less2 least where the value is least4 ,happily that all-important part of education which goes to secure direct self-preservation is in great part already provided for4 ,too momentous to be left to our blundering1 nature takes it into her own hands1 but there must be no such thwarting of nature as that by which stupid school-mistresses commonly prevent the girls in their charge from the spontaneous physical activities they would indulge in2 and so render them comparatively incapable of taking care of themselves in circumstances of peril4 ,but more is needed1 and it is that we should learn the laws of life and of health4 ,this depends upon science1 yet that increasing acquaintance with the laws of phenomena which has through successive ages enabled us to subjugate nature to our needs1 and in these days gives the common labourer comforts which a few centuries ago kings could not purchase1 is scarcely in any degree old to the appointed means of instructing our youth4 ,the vital knowledge--that by which we have grown as a nation to what we are1 and which underlies our whole existence--is a knowledge that has got itself taught in nooks and corners1 while the ordained agencies for teaching have been mumbling little else than dead formulas4 ,hitherto we have made no preparation whatever for the third great division of human activities--the care of offspring1 on which no word of instruction is ever given to those who will by and by be parents4 ,yet that parents should begin the difficult task of rearing children1 without ever having given a thought to the principles1 physical1 moral1 or intellectual1 which ought to guide them1 excites neither surprise at the actors nor pity for their victims4 ,to tens of thousands that are killed1 and hundreds of thousands that survive with feeble constitutions1 add millions that grow up with constitutions not so strong as they should be1 and you will have some idea of the curse inflicted on their offspring by parents ignorant of the laws of life4 ,architecture1 sculpture1 painting1 music1 and poetry may truly be called the efflorescence of civilised life1 but the production of a healthy civilised life must be the first condition4 ,the vice of our educational system is that it neglects the plant for the sake of the flower4 ,in anxiety for elegance it forgets substance1 preparing not at all for the discharge of parental functions and for the duties of citizenship1 by imparting a mass of facts most of which are irrelevant1 and the rest without a key4 ,but the accomplishment of all those things which constitute the efflorescence of civilisation should be wholly subordinate to that instruction and discipline on which civilisation rests4 ,as they occupy the leisure part of life1 so should they occupy the leisure part of education4 ,yet in this remaining sphere of activity1 also1 scientific knowledge is fundamental1 and only when genius is married to science can the highest results be produced2 indeed1 not only does science underlie the arts1 but science is itself poetic4 ,the current opinion that science and poetry are opposed is a delusion4 ,on the contrary1 science opens up realms of poetry where to the unscientific all is blank4 ,think you that the rounded rock marked with parallel scratches calls up as much poetry in an ignorant mind as in the mind of a geologist1 who knows that over this rock a glacier slid a million years ago8 ,the truth is that those who have never entered upon scientific pursuits are blind to most of the poetry by which they are surrounded4 ,sad indeed is it to see how many men occupy themselves with trivialities1 and are indifferent to the grandest phenomena--care not to understand the architecture of the heavens1 but are deeply interested in some contemptible controversy about the intrigues of ,mary ,queen of ,scots are learnedly critical over a ,greek ode1 and pass by without a glance that grand epic written by the finger of ,god upon the strata of the earth6 ,if we examine the value of science as discipline1 its priority is still assured1 whether for discipline of memory1 or of judgment1 or for moral discipline4 ,also1 the discipline of science is superior to that of our ordinary education because of the religious culture that it gives4 ,doubtless1 to the superstitions that pass under the name of religion1 science is antagonistic2 but not to the essential religion which these superstitions merely hide2 doubtless1 too1 in much of the science that is current there is a pervading spirit of irreligion1 but not in that true science which has passed beyond the superficial into the profound4 ,not science1 but the neglect of science1 is irreligious2 devotion to science is a tacit worship--a tacit recognition of worth in the things studied2 and by implication in their ,cause4 ,only the genuine man of science can truly know how utterly beyond not only human knowledge1 but human conception1 is the ,universal ,power of which ,nature and ,life and ,thought are manifestations4 ,,ii4--,intellectual ,education ,while believe and ask no questions was the maxim of the church1 it was fitly the maxim of the schools4 ,in that age men also believed that a child's mind could be made to order1 that its powers were to be imparted by the schoolmaster2 that it was a receptacle into which knowledge was to be put and there built up after the teacher's idea4 ,but now we are learning that there is a natural process of mental evolution which is not to be disturbed without injury2 that we may not force on the unfolding mind our artificial forms1 but that psychology1 like economics1 discloses to us a law of supply and demand1 to which1 if we would not do harm1 we must conform4 ,the forcing system has been by many given up1 and precocity is discouraged4 ,people are beginning to see that the first requisite to success in life is to be a good animal4 ,the once universal practice of learning by rote is daily falling into discredit4 ,we are substituting principles for rules1 as is exemplified in the abandonment of that intensely stupid custom1 the teaching of grammar to children4 ,but of all the changes taking place1 the most significant is the growing desire to make the acquirement of knowledge pleasurable rather than painful--a desire based on the more or less distinct perception that at each age the intellectual action which a child likes is a healthy one for it2 and conversely4 ,we are on the highway towards the doctrine long ago enunciated by ,pestalozzi that alike in its order and its methods1 education must conform to the natural process of mental evolution4 ,education should be a repetition of civilisation in little4 ,children should be told as little as possible and induced to discover as much as possible4 ,the need for perpetual telling results from our stupidity1 not from the child's4 ,we drag it away from the facts in which it is interested1 and which it is actively assimilating of itself4 ,we put before it facts far too complex for it to understand1 and therefore distasteful to it4 ,by denying the knowledge it craves1 and cramming it with knowledge it cannot digest1 we produce a morbid state of its faculties2 and a consequent disgust for knowledge in general4 ,and having by our method induced helplessness1 we make the helplessness a reason for our method4 ,education of some kind should begin from the cradle4 ,whoever has watched with any discernment the wide-eyed gaze of the infant at surrounding objects1 knows very well that education does begin thus early1 whether we intend it or not2 and that these fingerings and suckings of everything it can lay hold of1 these open-mouthed listenings to every sound1 are first steps in the series which ends in the discovery of unseen planets1 the invention of calculating engines1 the production of great paintings1 or the composition of symphonies and operas4 ,this activity of the faculties from the very first1 being spontaneous and inevitable1 the question is whether we shall supply in due variety the materials on which they may exercise themselves2 and to the question so put1 none but an affirmative answer can be given4 ,here we must take the course which psychology dictates4 ,what can be more manifest than the desire of children for intellectual sympathy8 ,mark how the infant sitting on your knee thrusts into your face the toy it holds1 that you may look at it4 ,see when it makes a creak with its wet finger on the table1 how it turns and looks at you2 does it again1 and again looks at you2 thus saying as clearly as it can--,hear this new sound4 ,watch the elder children coming into the room exclaiming--,mamma1 see what a curious thing2 ,mamma1 look at this2 ,mamma1 look at that2 a habit which they would continue did not the silly mamma tell them not to tease her4 ,does not the induction lie on the surface8 ,is it not clear that we must conform our course to these intellectual instincts--that we must just systematise the natural process--that we must listen to all the child has to tell us about each object1 and thence proceed8 ,to tell a child this1 and to show it the other1 is not to teach it how to observe1 but to make it a mere recipient of another's observations2 a proceeding which weakens rather than strengthens its power of self-instruction4 ,object lessons should be arranged to extend to things far wider and continue to a period far later than now2 they should not be limited to the contents of the house1 but should include those of the fields and hedges1 the quarry and the seashore2 they should not cease with early childhood1 but should be so kept up during youth as insensibly to merge into the investigation of the naturalist and the man of science4 ,we are quite prepared to hear from many that all this is throwing away time and energy2 and that children would be much better occupied in writing their copies and learning their pence tables1 and so fitting themselves for the business of life4 ,we regret that such crude ideas of what constitutes education1 and such a narrow conception of utility1 should still be prevalent4 ,but this gross utilitarianism which is content to come into the world and quit it again without knowing what kind of a world it is1 or what it contains1 may be met on its own ground4 ,it will by and by be found that a knowledge of the laws of life is more important than any other knowledge whatever--that the laws of life underlie not only all bodily and mental processes1 but by implication all the transactions of the house and the street1 all commerce1 all politics1 all morals--and that therefore without a comprehension of them1 neither personal nor social conduct can be rightly regulated4 ,it will eventually be seen1 too1 that the laws of life are essentially the same throughout the whole organic creation4 ,no one can compare the faces and manners of two boys--the one made happy by mastering interesting subjects1 and the other made miserable by disgust with his studies1 by consequent inability1 by cold looks1 by threats1 by punishment--without seeing that the disposition of one is being benefited and that of the other injured4 ,whoever has marked the effects of success and failure upon the mind and the power of the mind over the body1 will see that in the one case both temper and health are favourably affected1 while in the other there is danger of permanent moroseness1 of permanent timidity1 and even of permanent constitutional depression4 ,as suggesting a final reason for making education a process of self-instruction1 and by consequence a process of pleasurable instruction1 we may advert to the fact that1 in proportion as it is made so1 there is a probability that it will not cease when schooldays end4 ,as long as the acquisition of knowledge is rendered habitually repugnant1 so long will there be a prevailing tendency to discontinue it when free from the coercion of parents and masters4 ,and when the acquisition of knowledge has been rendered habitually gratifying1 then there will be as prevailing a tendency to continue1 without superintendence1 that self-culture previously carried on under superintendence4 ,,iii4--,moral ,education ,the greatest defect in our programmes of education is entirely overlooked4 ,though some care is taken to fit youths of both sexes for society and citizenship1 no care whatever is taken to fit them for the position of parents4 ,while it is seen that for the purpose of gaining a livelihood1 an elaborate preparation is needed1 it appears to be thought that for the bringing up of children no preparation whatever is needed4 ,while many years are spent by a boy in gaining knowledge of which the chief value is that it constitutes the education of a gentleman1 and while many years are spent by a girl in those decorative acquirements which fit her for evening parties1 not an hour is spent by either in preparation for a family4 ,is it that this responsibility is but a remote contingency8 ,on the contrary1 it is sure to devolve on nine out of ten4 ,is it that the discharge of it is easy8 ,certainly not3 of all functions which the adult has to fulfil1 this is the most difficult4 ,is it that each may be trusted by self-instruction to fit himself1 or herself1 for the office of parent8 ,no3 not only is the need for such self-instruction unrecognised1 but the complexity of the subject renders it the one of all others in which self-instruction is least likely to succeed4 ,no rational plea can be put forward for leaving the art of education out of our curriculum4 ,whether as bearing on the happiness of parents themselves1 or whether as affecting the characters and lives of their children and remote descendants1 we must admit that a knowledge of the right method of juvenile culture1 physical1 intellectual and moral1 is a knowledge of extreme importance4 ,this topic should be the final one in the course of instruction passed through by each man and woman4 ,as physical maturity is marked by the ability to produce offspring1 so mental maturity is marked by the ability to train those offspring4 ,the subject which involves all other subjects1 and therefore the subject in which education should culminate1 is the ,,theory ,,and ,,practice ,,of ,,education4 ,our system of moral control must again be based upon nature1 who illustrates to us in the simplest way the true theory and practice of moral discipline4 ,the natural reactions which follow the child's wrong-doings are constant1 direct1 unhesitating1 and not to be escaped4 ,no threats2 but a silent rigorous performance4 ,if a child runs a pin into its finger1 pain follows2 if it does it again1 there is again the same result2 and so on perpetually4 ,in all its dealings with inorganic nature it finds this unswerving persistence1 which listens to no excuse1 and from which there is no appeal2 and very soon recognising this stern though beneficent discipline1 it soon becomes extremely careful not to transgress4 ,these general truths hold throughout adult life as well as throughout infantile life4 ,if further proof be needed that the natural reaction is not only the most efficient penalty1 but that no humanly devised penalty can replace it1 we have such further proof in the notorious ill-success of our various penal systems4 ,out of the many methods of criminal discipline that have been proposed and legally enforced1 none have answered the expectations of their advocates4 ,artificial punishments have failed to produce reformation2 and have in many cases increased the criminality4 ,the only successful reformatories are those privately established ones which approximate their regime to the method of nature--which do little more than administer the natural consequences of criminal conduct3 diminishing the criminal's liberty of action as much as is needful for the safety of society1 and requiring him to maintain himself while living under this restraint4 ,thus we see1 both that the discipline by which the young child is taught to regulate its movements is the discipline by which the great mass of adults are kept in order1 and more or less improved2 and that the discipline humanly devised for the worst adults fails when it diverges from this divinely-ordained discipline1 and begins to succeed on approximating to it4 ,not only is it unwise to set up a high standard of good conduct for children1 but it is even unwise to use very urgent incitements to good conduct4 ,already most people recognise the detrimental results of intellectual precocity2 but there remains to be recognised the fact that moral precocity also has detrimental results4 ,be sparing of commands1 but whenever you do command1 command with decision and constancy4 ,remember that the aid of your discipline should be to produce a self-governing being2 not to produce a being to be governed by others4 ,lastly1 always remember that to educate rightly is not a simple and easy thing1 but a complex and extremely difficult thing2 the hardest task which devolves on adult life4 ,you will have to carry on your own moral education at the same time that you are educating your children4 ,the last stage in the mental development of each man and woman is to be reached only through a proper discharge of the parental duties2 and when this truth is recognised it will be seen how admirable is the arrangement through which human beings are led by their strongest affections to subject themselves to a discipline that they would else elude2 and we shall see that while in its injurious effects on both parents and child a bad system is twice cursed1 a good system is twice blessed--it blesses him that trains and him that is trained4 ,,iv4--,physical ,education ,the system of restriction in regard to food which many parents think so necessary is based upon inadequate observation1 and erroneous reasoning4 ,there is an over-legislation in the nursery as well as over-legislation in the state2 and one of the most injurious forms of it is this limitation in the quantity of food4 ,we contend that1 as appetite is a good guide to all the lower creation--as it is a good guide to the infant--as it is a good guide to the invalid--as it is a good guide to the differently-placed races of man--and as it is a good guide for every adult who leads a healthful life1 it may safely be inferred that it is a good guide to childhood4 ,it would be strange indeed were it here alone untrustworthy4 ,with clothing1 as with food1 the usual tendency is towards an improper scantiness4 ,here1 too1 asceticism creeps out4 ,yet it is not obedience to the sensations1 but disobedience to them which is the habitual cause of bodily evils4 ,it is not the eating when hungry1 but the eating in the absence of hunger1 which is bad2 it is not drinking when thirsty1 but continuing to drink when thirst has ceased1 that is the vice4 ,again1 harm does not result from taking that active exercise which1 as every child shows us1 nature strongly prompts1 but from a persistent disregard of nature's promptings2 but the natural spontaneous exercise having been forbidden1 and the bad consequences of no exercise having become conspicuous1 there has been adopted a system of factitious exercise--gymnastics4 ,that this is better than nothing we admit2 but that it is an adequate substitute for play we deny4 ,the truth is that happiness is the most powerful of tonics4 ,by accelerating the circulation of the blood1 it facilitates the performance of every function2 and so tends alike to increase health where it exists1 and to restore it when it has been lost4 ,hence the intrinsic superiority of play to gymnastics4 ,the extreme interest felt by children in their games1 and the riotous glee with which they carry on their rougher frolics1 are of as much importance as the accompanying exertion2 and as not supplying these mental stimuli gymnastics must be radically defective1 and can never serve in place of the exercises prompted by nature4 ,for girls as well as boys the sportive activities to which the instincts impel are essential to bodily welfare4 ,whoever forbids them1 forbids the divinely-appointed means to physical development4 ,we suffer at present from a very potent detrimental influence1 which is excess of mental application1 forgetting that nature is a strict accountant1 and if you demand of her in one direction more than she is prepared to lay out1 she balances the account by making a reduction elsewhere4 ,we forget that it is not knowledge which is stored up as intellectual fat that is of value1 but that which is turned into intellectual muscle4 ,worse still1 our system is fatal to that vigour of physique needful to make intellectual training available in the struggle of life4 ,yet a good digestion1 a bounding pulse1 and high spirits are elements of happiness which no external advantages can outbalance4 ,perhaps nothing will so much hasten the time when body and mind will both be adequately cared for1 as a diffusion of the belief that the preservation of health is a duty4 ,few seem conscious that there is such a thing as physical morality4 ,men's habitual words and acts imply the idea that they are at liberty to treat their bodies as they please4 ,disorders entailed by disobedience to nature's dictates1 they regard simply as grievances2 not as the effects of a conduct more or less flagitious4 ,though the evil consequences inflicted on their dependents1 and on future generations1 are often as great as those caused by time1 yet they do not think themselves in any degree criminal4 ,it is true that1 in the case of drunkenness1 the viciousness of a bodily transgression is recognised2 but none appear to infer that1 if this bodily transgression is vicious1 so1 too1 is every bodily transgression4 ,the fact is1 that all breaches of the laws of health are physical sins4 ,when this is generally seen1 then1 and perhaps not till then1 will the physical training of the young receive the attention which it deserves4 ,principles of ,biology ,in #ahfj ,spencer commenced a connected series of philosophical works1 designed to unfold in their natural order the principles of biology1 psychology1 sociology and morality4 ,principles of ,biology was published in #ahfd1 and aims to set forth1 the general truths of biology as illustrative of1 and as interpreted by the laws of evolution4 ,it was revised in #ahii4 ,proximate ,definition of ,life ,to those who accept the general doctrine of evolution1 it needs scarcely to be pointed out that classifications are subjective conceptions which have no absolute demarcations in nature corresponding to them4 ,consequently in attempting to define anything complex we can scarcely ever avoid including more than was intended1 or leaving out something that should be taken in4 ,thus it happens that on seeking a definition of life there is great difficulty in finding one that is neither more nor less than sufficient4 ,as the best mode of determining the general characteristics of vitality1 let us compare its two most unlike kinds and see in what they agree4 ,choosing assimilation1 then1 for our example of bodily life1 and reasoning for our example of the life known as intelligence1 it is first to be observed that they are both processes of change4 ,without change food cannot be taken into the blood nor transformed into tissue3 neither can conclusions be obtained from premises4 ,this conspicuous manifestation of change forms the substratum of our idea of life in general4 ,comparison shows this change to differ from non-vital changes in being made up of successive changes4 ,the food must undergo mastication1 digestion1 etc41 while an argument necessitates a long chain of states of consciousness1 each implying a change of the preceding state4 ,vital change is further made up of many simultaneous changes4 ,assimilation and argument both include many actions going on together4 ,vital changes1 both visceral and cerebral1 also differ from other changes in their heterogeneity2 neither the simultaneous nor the serial acts of digestion or of ratiocination are at all alike4 ,they are again distinguished by the combination subsisting among their constituent changes4 ,the acts that make up digestion are mutually dependent2 as are those which compose a train of reasoning4 ,once more1 they differ in being characterised by definiteness4 ,assimilation1 respiration1 and circulation1 are definitely interdependent4 ,these characterisations not only mark off the vital from the non-vital1 but also creatures of high vitality from those of low vitality4 ,hence our formula reads thus3--,life is the definite combination of heterogeneous changes1 both simultaneous and successive4 ,not a definite combination1 allowing that there may be others1 but the definite combination4 ,this1 however1 omits its most distinctive peculiarity4 ,correspondence ,between ,life and ,its ,circumstances ,we habitually distinguish between a live object and a dead one by observing whether a change in the surrounding conditions is or is not followed by some perceptible and appropriate change in the object4 ,adding this all-important characteristic1 our conception of life becomes--the definite combination of heterogeneous changes1 both simultaneous and successive1 in correspondence with external coexistences and sequences4 ,some illustrations may serve to show the significance of this addition4 ,every act of locomotion implies the expenditure of certain internal mechanical forces1 adapted in amounts and directions to balance or outbalance certain external ones4 ,the recognition of an object is impossible without a harmony between the changes constituting perception and particular properties coexisting in the environment4 ,escape from enemies supposes motions within the organism related in kind and rapidity to motions without it4 ,destruction of prey requires a particular combination of subjective actions1 fitted in degree and succession to overcome a group of objective ones4 ,the difference of this correspondence in inanimate and animate bodies may be expressed by symbols4 ,let ,a be a change in the environment2 and ,b some resulting change in an inorganic mass4 ,then ,a having produced ,b1 the action ceases4 ,but take a sufficiently organised living body1 and let the change ,a impress on it some change ,c2 then1 while the environment ,a is occasioning a1 in the living body1 ,c will be occasioning c3 of which a and c will show a certain concord in time1 place1 or intensity4 ,and while it is in the continuous production of such concords or correspondences that life consists1 it is by the continuous production of them that life is maintained4 ,as1 in all cases1 we may consider the external phenomena as simply in relation1 and the internal phenomena also as simply in relation1 the broadest and most complete definition of life will be3--the continuous adjustment of internal relations to external relations4 ,it will be best1 however1 commonly to employ its more concrete equivalent--to consider the internal relations as definite combinations of simultaneous and successive changes2 the external relations as coexistences and sequences1 and the connection between them as a correspondence4 ,the ,degree of ,life ,varies as the ,degree of ,correspondence ,it is now to be remarked that the life is high in proportion as this correspondence between internal and external relations is well-fulfilled4 ,each step upward must consist in adding to the previously adjusted relations which the organism exhibits some further relation1 parallel to a further relation in the environment4 ,and the greater correspondence thus established must1 other things being equal1 show itself both in greater complexity of life and greater length of life--a truth which will be duly realised on remembering the enormous mortality which prevails among lowly-organized creatures1 and the gradual increase of longevity and diminution of fertility which is met with in ascending to creatures of higher and higher development4 ,those relations in the environment to which relations in the organism must correspond increase in number and intensity as the life assumes a higher form4 ,perfect correspondence would be perfect life4 ,growth1 or ,increase of ,bulk ,perhaps the widest and most familiar induction of biology is that organisms grow4 ,under appropriate conditions increase of size takes place in inorganic aggregates as well as in organic aggregates4 ,crystals grow4 ,growth is indeed a concomitant of evolution4 ,the several conditions by which the phenomena of organic growth are governed1 conspiring and conflicting in endless ways and degrees1 qualify more or less differently each others' effects4 ,hence the following generalisations must be taken as true on the average1 or other things equal3-- ,first1 that growth being an integration with the organism of such environing matters as are of like nature with the matters composing the organism1 its growth is dependent on the available supply of such matters4 ,second1 that the available supply of assimilable matters being the same1 and other conditions not dissimilar1 the degree of growth varies according to the surplus of nutrition over expenditure4 ,third1 that in the same organism the surplus of nutrition over expenditure is a variable quantity2 and that growth is unlimited or has a definite limit according as the surplus does or does not progressively decrease1--a proposition exemplified by the increasing growth of organisms that do not expend force1 and by the definitely limited growth of organisms that expend much force4 ,fourth1 that among organisms that are large expenders of force1 the size ultimately attained is1 other things equal1 determined by the initial size4 ,fifth1 that where the likeness of other circumstances permits a comparison1 the possible degree of growth depends upon the degree of organisation3 an inference testified to by the larger forms among the various divisions and subdivisions of organisms4 ,why ,do ,organisms ,cease to ,grow ,why should not all organisms1 when supplied with sufficient material1 continue to grow as long as they live8 ,we have found that organisms are mostly built up of compounds which are stores of force4 ,these substances being at once the materials for organic growth and the sources of organic force1 it follows1 from the persistence of force1 that growth is substantially equivalent to the absorbed nutriment minus the nutriment used up in action4 ,this1 however1 does not account for the fact that in every domestic animal the increments of growth bear continually decreasing ratios to the mass1 and finally come to an end4 ,nevertheless1 it is demonstrable that the excess of absorbed over expended nutriment must decrease as the size increases4 ,since in similar bodies the areas vary as the squares of the dimensions and the masses vary as the cubes1 it follows that1 however great the excess of assimilation over waste may be during the early life of an active organism1 there must be reached1 if the organism lives long enough1 a point at which the surplus assimilation is brought to nothing--a point at which expenditure balances nutrition1 a state of moving equilibrium4 ,obviously1 this antagonism between assimilation and expenditure must be a leading cause of the contrast in size between allied organisms that are in many respects similarly conditioned4 ,development1 or ,increase of ,structure ,in each of the organic sub-kingdoms the change from an incoherent1 indefinite homogeneity to a coherent definite heterogeneity is illustrated in a quadruple way4 ,the originally-like units or cells become unlike1 in various ways1 and in ways more numerously marked as the development goes on4 ,the several tissues which these several classes or cells form by aggregation1 grow little by little distinct from each other2 and little by little become structurally complex4 ,in the shoot as in the limb1 the external form1 originally very simple and having much in common with countless simple forms1 organic and inorganic1 gradually acquires an increasing complexity1 and an increasing unlikeness to other forms1 and meanwhile1 the remaining parts of the organism1 having been developed severally1 assuming structures diverging from each other and from that of this particular shoot or limb1 there has arisen a greater heterogeneity in the organism as a whole4 ,the most remarkable induction of von ,baer comes next in order4 ,it is that in its earliest stage every organism has the greatest number of characters in common with all other organisms in their earliest stages2 that at each subsequent stage traits are acquired which successively distinguish the developing embryo from groups of embryos that it previously resembled--thus step by step diminishing the group of embryos which it still resembles2 and that thus the class of similar forms is finally narrowed to the species of which it is a member4 ,for example1 the human germ1 primarily similar to all others1 first differentiates from vegetal germs1 then from invertebrate germs1 and subsequently assumes the mammalian1 placental unguiculate1 and lastly the human characters4 ,the development of an individual organism is at the same time a differentiation of its parts from each other and a differentiation of the consolidated whole from the environment2 and in the last as in the first respect there is a general analogy between the progression of an individual organism and the progression of the lowest orders of organisms to the highest orders4 ,the ,laws of ,multiplication ,every living aggregate being one of which the inner actions are adjusted to balance outer actions1 it follows that the maintenance of its moving equilibrium depends on its exposure to the right amounts of these actions4 ,its moving equilibrium may be overturned if one of these actions is either too great or too small in amount3 either by excess or defect of some inorganic or organic agency in its environment4 ,our inquiry resolves itself into this3--in races that continue to exist what laws of numerical variation result from these variable conflicting forces8 ,the forces preservative of a race are two--ability in each member of the race to preserve itself1 and ability to produce other members4 ,these must vary inversely--one must decrease as the other increases4 ,we have to ask in what way this adjustment comes about as a result of evolution4 ,including under individuation all those processes completing and maintaining individual life1 and under genesis all those aiding the formation and perfecting of new individuals1 the two are necessarily antagonistic4 ,every higher degree of individual evolution is followed by a lower degree of race multiplication1 and vice versa4 ,progress in bulk1 complexity or activity involves retrogress in fertility2 and progress in fertility involves retrogress in bulk1 complexity1 or activity4 ,the same quantity of matter may be divided into many small wholes or few large wholes2 but number negatives largeness1 and largeness negatives number4 ,it is a general physiological truth that while the building-up of the individual is going on rapidly1 the reproductive organs remain imperfectly developed and inactive2 and that the commencement of reproduction at once indicates a declining rate of growth and becomes a cause of arrest in growth4 ,it has now to be noticed how complexity of organisation is hindered by reproductive activity and conversely4 ,the hydra's power to produce young ones from nearly all parts of its body is due to the comparative homogeneity of its body1 while it is not improbable that the smallness of human fertility1 compared with the fertility of large feline animals1 is due to the greater complexity of the human organisation--more especially the organisation of the nervous system4 ,of the inverse variation between activity and genesis we have examples in the contrast between the fertility of birds and the fertility of mammals4 ,comparing the large with the large and the small with the small1 we see that creatures which continually go through the muscular exertion of sustaining themselves in the air and propelling themselves rapidly through it are less prolific than creatures of equal weights which go through the smaller exertion of moving about over solid surfaces4 ,the extreme infertility of the bat is most striking when compared with the structurally similar but very prolific mouse2 a difference in the rate of multiplication which may fairly be ascribed to the difference in the rate of expenditure4 ,interpretation and ,qualification ,derived as the self-sustaining and waste-sustaining forces are from a common stock of force1 it necessarily happens that1 other things being equal1 increase of the one involves decrease of the other4 ,it may therefore be set down as a law that every higher degree of organic evolution has for its concomitant a lower degree of the peculiar organic dissolution which is seen in the production of new organisms4 ,how is the ratio between individuation and genesis established in each case8 ,all specialties of the reproductive process are due to the natural selection of favourable variations4 ,given a certain surplus available for race preservation1 and it is clear that by indirect equilibration only can there be established that peculiar distribution of this surplus which is seen in each case4 ,here a qualification must be made4 ,recognising the truth that every increase of evolution which is appropriate to the circumstances of an organism brings an advantage somewhat in excess of its cost1 the general law1 more strictly stated1 is that genesis decreases not quite so fast as individuation increases4 ,the result of greater individuation--whether it takes the form of greater strength or higher speed1 facilitates some habitual movement or utilises better the absorbed aliment--is a greater surplus of vital capital2 part of which goes to the aggrandisement of the individual and part to the formation of new individuals4 ,hence every type that is best adapted to its conditions has a rate of multiplication that insures a tendency to predominate4 ,survival of the fittest1 acting alone1 is ever replacing inferior species by superior species4 ,but beyond the longer survival1 and therefore greater chance of leaving offspring1 which superiority gives1 we see here another way in which the spread of the superior is insured4 ,though the more evolved organism is the less fertile absolutely1 it is the more fertile relatively4 ,multiplication of the ,human ,race ,what causes increase or decrease of genesis in other creatures causes increase or decrease of genesis in man4 ,it is true that1 even more than hitherto1 our reasonings are here beset with difficulties4 ,so numerous are the inequalities in the conditions that but few unobjectionable comparisons can be made4 ,the human races differ not only in their sizes and foods1 and in the climates they inhabit1 but also their expenditures in bodily and mental action are extremely unequal4 ,the increase of fertility caused by nutrition that is greatly in excess of expenditure is to be detected by comparing populations of the same race or of allied races one of which obtains good and abundant sustenance much more easily than the other4 ,on carrying out such comparisons it is seen that in the human race1 as in all other races1 such absolute or relative abundance of nutriment as leaves a large excess after defraying the cost of carrying on parental life1 is accompanied by a high rate of genesis4 ,it is also apparent that relative increase of expenditure1 leaving a diminished surplus1 reduces fertility4 ,that infertility is generally produced in women by mental labour carried to excess is shown in the fact that most of the flat-chested girls who survive their high-pressure education are incompetent to bear a well-developed infant and to supply it with the natural food for the natural period4 ,it is a matter of common remark how frequently men of unusual mental activity leave no offspring4 ,it is likely to be urged that since the civilised races are on the average larger than many of the uncivilised races1 and since they are also somewhat more complex as well as more active1 they ought1 in accordance with the alleged general law1 and other things being equal1 to be less prolific4 ,but other things are not equal2 and it is to the inequality of the other things that this apparent anomaly is attributable4 ,one more objection has to be met4 ,cases may be named of men conspicuous for activity1 bodily and mental1 who were also noted1 not for less generative power than usual1 but for more4 ,the cases are analogous to some before-named in which more abundant food simultaneously aggrandises the individual and adds to the production of new individuals--the differences between cases being that instead of a better external supply of material there is a better internal utilisation of materials4 ,some peculiarity of organic balance1 some potency of the digestive juices1 gives to the system a perpetual high tide of rich blood that serves at once to enhance the vital activities and to raise the power of propagation4 ,the proportion between individuation and genesis remains the same3 both are increased by the increase of the common stock of materials4 ,human ,population in the ,future ,any further evolution in the most highly-evolved of terrestrial beings--man--must be of the same nature as evolution in general4 ,it must be an advance towards completion of that continuous adjustment of internal to external relations which was shown to constitute life4 ,looking at the several possibilities1 and asking what direction this further evolution1 this more complete moving equilibrium1 this better adjustment of inner to outer relations1 this more perfect co-ordination of action is likely to take3--the conclusion is that it must take mainly the direction of a higher intellectual and emotional development4 ,there is abundant scope for development in ascertaining the conditions of existence to which we must conform2 and in acquiring a greater power of self-regulation4 ,what are those changes in the environment to which1 by direct or indirect equilibration the human organism has been adjusting itself1 is adjusting itself now1 and will continue to adjust itself8 ,and how do they necessitate a higher evolution of the organism8 ,in all cases pressure of population is the original cause4 ,were it not for the competition this entails1 so much thought and energy would not be spent on the business of life2 and growth of mental power would not take place4 ,difficulty in getting a living is alike the incentive to a higher education of children1 and to a more intense and long-continued application in adults4 ,nothing but necessity could make men submit to this discipline2 and nothing but this discipline could produce a continued progression4 ,excess of fertility is then the cause of man's further evolution4 ,and the obvious corollary is that man's further evolution itself necessitates a decline in his fertility4 ,the further progress of civilisation will be accompanied by an enhanced cost of individuation3 whether it be in greater growth of the organs which subserve self-maintenance1 in their added complexity of structure1 or in their higher activity1 the abstraction of the required material1 implies a diminished reserve of materials for race maintenance4 ,this greater emotional and intellectual development does not necessarily mean a mentally laborious life--for1 as the goal becomes organic1 it will become spontaneous and pleasurable4 ,the necessary antagonism of individuation and genesis not only fulfils the a priori law of maintenance of the race from the monad up to man1 but insures final attainment of the highest form of this maintenance--a form in which the amount of life shall be the greatest possible and the births and deaths as few as possible4 ,from the beginning pressure of population has been the proximate cause of progress4 ,after having duly stocked the globe with inhabitants2 raised all its habitable parts into the highest state of culture2 brought all processes for the satisfaction of human wants to perfection2 developed the intellect into complete competency for its work1 and the feelings into complete fitness for social life2 the pressure of population as it gradually finished its work1 must gradually bring itself to an end4 ,changes1 numerical1 social1 organic1 must by their mutual influences work unceasingly towards a state of harmony--a state in which each of the factors is just equal to its work4 ,and this highest conceivable result must be wrought out by the same universal process which the simplest inorganic action illustrates4 ,principles of ,sociology ,principles of ,sociology was published in four parts from #ahgf to #ahhj4 ,it forms part of a connected series4 ,in ,first ,principles inorganic evolution--that of the stars and of the solar system--was outlined2 organic evolution was dealt with in ,principles of ,biology2 and in the present treatise1 ,principles of ,sociology1 we approach super-organic evolution1 and are introduced to the science of society under its ,comtist title ,sociology4 ,super-organic evolution may be marked off from1 organic by taking it to include all those processes and products which imply the co-ordinated action of many individuals4 ,commencing with the development of the family1 sociology has next to describe and explain the rise and development of political organisation2 the evolution of the ecclesiastical structures and functions2 the control embodied in ceremonial observances2 and the relations between the regulative and operative divisions of every society4 ,i4--,domestic ,that evolution decreases the sacrifice of individual life to the life of the species1 we may see on glancing upwards from the microscopic protozoa1 where the brief parental life disappears absolutely in the lives of the progeny1 to the mammalia1 where the greatest conciliation of the interests of the species1 the parents and the young1 is displayed4 ,the highest constitution of the family is reached where there is such conciliation between the needs of the society and those of its members1 old and young1 that the mortality between birth and the reproductive age falls to a minimum1 while the lives of adults have their subordination to the rearing of children reduced to the smallest possible4 ,the diminution of this subordination takes place in three ways3 ,first1 by elongation of that period which precedes reproduction2 second1 by fewer offspring born1 as well as by increase of the pleasure taken in the care of them2 and third1 by lengthening of the life which follows cessation of reproduction4 ,let us bear in mind that the domestic relations which are ethically the highest1 are also biologically and sociologically the highest4 ,,marriage ,the propriety of setting out with the foregoing purely natural-history view will be evident upon learning that among low savages the relations of the sexes are substantially like those common among inferior creatures4 ,the effect of promiscuity1 however1 being to hinder social evolution1 wherever it was accompanied by unions having some duration1 the product of such unions were likely to be superior to others1 and from this primitive stage domestic evolution takes place in several directions by increase of coherence and definiteness4 ,from promiscuity we pass to that form of polyandry in which the unrelated husbands have but one wife2 thence to the form in which the husbands are related2 and finally to the form in which they are brothers only1 as in the fraternal polyandry of the ancient ,britons4 ,it is almost needless to point out that1 as in passing from promiscuity to polyandry the domestic relations become more coherent and definite1 so do they in passing from the lower forms of polyandry to the higher4 ,that polygyny is better than polyandry may be concluded from its effects4 ,it conduces in a higher degree to social self-preservation than the inferioi types of marital relations by making possible more rapid replacement of men lost in war1 and so increases the chance of social survival4 ,by establishment of descent in the male line it conduces to political stability2 and1 by making possible a developed form of ancestor-worship1 it consolidates society4 ,,monogamy ,societies which from generation to generation produce in due abundance individuals who relatively to the requirements are the best physically1 morally1 and intellectually1 must become the predominant societies1 and must tend through the quiet process of industrial competition to replace other societies4 ,consequently1 marital relations which favour this result in the highest degree must spread2 while the prevailing sentiments and ideas must become so moulded into harmony with them that other relations will be condemned as immoral4 ,the monogamic form of the sexual relations is manifestly the ultimate form2 and any changes to be anticipated must be in the direction of completion and extension of it4 ,,ii4--,political ,organisation ,a society is formed only when1 besides juxtaposition there is co-operation4 ,co-operation is made possible by society and makes society possible4 ,it pre-supposes associative men2 and men remain associated only because of the benefits co-operation yields them4 ,but there cannot be concerted actions without agencies by which actions are adjusted in their times1 amounts1 and kinds2 and the actions cannot be of different kinds without the co-operators undertaking different duties4 ,that is to say1 the co-operators must become organised1 either voluntarily or involuntarily4 ,,aggregation ,the political evolution manifested by increase of mass is political aggregation4 ,one of the laws of evolution at large is that integration results when like units are subject to the same force or the like forces2 and from the first stages of political integration to the last this law is illustrated4 ,likeness in the units forming a social group being one conditioned to their integration1 a further condition is their joint reaction against external action3 co-operation in war is the chief cause of social integration4 ,the temporary unions of savages for offence and defence show the initiatory steps4 ,when many tribes unite against a common enemy1 long continuance of their combined action makes them coherent under some common control4 ,and so it is subsequently with still larger aggregates4 ,,differentiation ,the state of homogeneity in the social aggregate is an unstable one4 ,the primary political differentiation originates from the primary family differentiation4 ,men and women very early respectively form the two political classes of rulers and ruled4 ,the slave class acquires separateness only as fast as there arrives some restrictions on the powers of the owners2 slaves begin to form a division of the body politic when their personal claims begin to be distinguished as limiting the claims of their masters4 ,where men have passed into the agricultural or settled state it becomes possible for one community to take possession bodily of another community1 along with the territory it occupies4 ,when this happens1 there arise additional class divisions4 ,the class differentiation of which militancy is the actual cause is furthered by the establishment of definite descent1 especially male descent1 and by the transmission of position and property to the eldest son of the eldest continually4 ,inequalities of position and wealth once initiated tend to increase and to establish physical differences2 and beyond these there are produced by the respective habits of life mental differences1 emotional and intellectual1 strengthening the general contrast of nature4 ,when there come conquests which produce compound societies and doubly compound ones there result superpositions of ranks3 while the ranks of the conquering society become respectively higher than those which have existed before1 the ranks of the conquered society become respectively lower4 ,the political differentiations which militancy originates and which for a long time increase in definiteness1 are at later stages and under other conditions interfered with1 traversed1 and partially or wholly destroyed4 ,while the higher political evolution of large social aggregates tends to break down the divisions of rank which grew up in the small component social aggregates1 by substituting other divisions1 these original divisions are still more broken down by growing industrialism4 ,generating a wealth that is not connected with rank1 this initiates a compelling power2 and at the same time1 by establishing the equal positions of citizens before the law in respect of trading transactions1 it weakens those divisions which at the outset expressed inequality of position before the law4 ,,political ,,forms ,,and ,,forces ,in its primitive form political power is the feeling of the community acting through an agency which it has either informally or formally established2 and this public feeling1 while it is to some extent the feeling spontaneously formed by those concerned1 it is to a much larger extent the accumulated and organised sentiment of the past4 ,everywhere we are shown that the ruler's function as regulator is mainly that of enforcing the inherited rules of conduct which embody ancestral sentiments and ideas4 ,,chiefs ,,and ,,kings ,at the outset the principle of efficiency was the sole principle of organisation1 but evidently supremacy which depends exclusively on personal attributes is but transitory4 ,only when the chief's place is forthwith filled by one whose claim is admitted does there begin a differentiation which survives through successive generations4 ,the custom of reckoning descent through females1 it may be noted1 is less favourable to the establishment of permanent political headship than is the system of kinship through males1 which conduces to a more coherent family1 to a greater culture of subordination and to a more probable union of inherited position and inherited capacity4 ,in sundry semi-civilised societies distinguished by permanent political headships1 inheritance through males has been established in the ruling house while inheritance through females survives in the society at large4 ,descent through males also fosters ancestor-worship1 and the consequent reinforcing of natural authority by supernatural authority--a very powerful factor4 ,development of the ghost theory1 leading as it does to special fear of the ghosts of powerful men1 until1 where many tribes have been welded together by a conqueror1 his ghost acquires in tradition the pre-eminence of a god1 produces two effects4 ,in the first place his descendant is supposed to partake of his divine nature2 and in the second place1 by propitiatory sacrifices to him is supposed to obtain his aid4 ,from the evolution-standpoint we are enabled to discern the relative beneficence of institutions which1 considered absolutely1 are not beneficent2 and we are taught to approve as temporary that which as permanent we abhor4 ,the evidence shows that subjection to despots has been largely instrumental in advancing civilised life4 ,,compound ,,political ,,heads ,an examination of fact shows that where groups of the patriarchal type fall into regions permitting considerable growths of population1 but having physical structures which impede the centralisation of power1 compound political heads will arise and for a time sustain themselves through co-operation of the two factors1 independence of local groups1 and need for union in war4 ,thus1 as ,mommsen says1 primitive ,rome was rather an aggregate of urban settlements than a single city4 ,not only do conditions determine the various forms which compound heads assume1 but conditions determine the various changes they undergo4 ,they may be narrowed by militancy1 or they may be widened by industrialism4 ,,consultative ,,bodies ,the council of war is the germ out of which the consultative body arises4 ,within the warrior class1 which was of necessity the land-owning class1 war produces increasing differences of wealth1 as well as increasing differences of status2 so that military leaders come to be distinguished as large landowners and local rulers4 ,hence members of a consultative body become contrasted with the freemen at large--not only as leading warriors are contrasted with their followers1 but still more as men of wealth and authority4 ,if the king attains or acquires the reputation of supernatural descent or authority1 and the law of hereditary succession is so settled as to exclude election1 those who might otherwise have formed a consultative body having co-ordinate power become simply appointed advisers4 ,but if the king has not the prestige of supposed sacred origin or commission the consultative body retains power2 and if the king continues to be elected it is liable to become an oligarchy4 ,,representative ,,bodies ,how is the governmental influence of the people acquired8 ,the primary purpose for which chief men and representatives are assembled is that of voting money4 ,the revenues of rulers are derived at first wholly and afterwards partly from presents4 ,this primary obligation to render money and service to the head of the ,state1 often reluctantly complied with1 is resisted when the exactions are great1 and resistance causes conciliatory measures4 ,from ability to prescribe conditions under which money will be voted grows the ability1 and finally the right1 to join in legislation4 ,,laws ,law is mainly an embodiment of ancestral injunctions4 ,the living ruler able to legislate only in respect of matters unprovided for1 is bound by the transmitted command of the unknown and the known who have passed away4 ,hence the trait common to societies in early stages that the prescribed rules of conduct1 of whatever kind1 have a religious sanction4 ,in societies that become large and complex1 there arise forms of activity and intercourse not provided for in the sacred code2 and in respect of these the ruler is free to make regulations4 ,thus there comes into existence a body of laws of known human origin1 which has not the sacredness of the god-descended body of laws3 human law differentiates from divine law4 ,and in proportion as the principle of voluntary co-operation more and more characterises the social type1 fulfilment of contracts and implied assertion of equality in men's rights become the fundamental requirements1 and the consensus of individual interests the chief source of law2 such authority as law otherwise derived continues to have being recognised as secondary1 and insisted upon only because maintenance of law for its own sake indirectly furthers the general welfare4 ,the theories at present current adapted to the existing compromise between militancy and industrialism are steps towards the ultimate theory in conformity with which law will have no other justification than that gained by it as maintainer of the conditions to complete life in the associated state4 ,,property ,the desire to appropriate lies deep in animal nature1 being1 indeed1 a condition to survival4 ,the consciousness that conflict and consequent injury may probably result from the endeavour to take that which is held by another tends to establish the custom of leaving each in possession of whatever he has obtained by labour4 ,with the passage from a nomadic to a settled state1 ownership of land by the community becomes qualified by individual ownership2 but only to the extent that those who clear and cultivate portions of the surface have undisturbed enjoyment of its produce4 ,habitually the public claim survives1 qualified by various forms of private ownership mostly temporary2 but war undermines communal proprietorship of land1 and partly or wholly substitutes for it either the unqualified proprietorship of an absolute conqueror1 or proprietorship by a conqueror1 qualified by the claims of vassals holding it under certain conditions1 while their claims are in turn qualified by those of dependents attached to the soil4 ,the individualisation of ownership extended and made more definite by trading transactions under contract1 eventually affects the ownership of land4 ,bought and sold by measure and for money1 land is assimilated in this respect to the personal property produced by labour1 but there is reason to suspect that while possession of such things will grow more sacred1 the inhabited area which cannot be produced by labour will eventually be distinguished as something which may not be privately possessed4 ,,the ,,industrial ,,type ,,of ,,society ,the traits of the industrial type of society are so hidden by those of the still dominant militant type that its nature is nowhere more than very partially exemplified4 ,the industrial type is distinguished from the militant type as being not both positively regulated and negatively regulated1 but as being negatively regulated only4 ,to the member of the industrial community authority says ,thou shalt not1 and not ,thou shalt4 ,on turning to the civilised to observe the form of individual character which accompanies the industrial form of society1 we encounter the difficulty that the personal traits proper to industrialism are1 like the social traits1 mingled with those proper to militancy4 ,nevertheless1 on contrasting the characters of our ancestors during more warlike periods with our own characters1 we see that1 with an increasing ratio of industrialism to militancy1 have come a growing independence1 a less marked loyalty1 a smaller faith in governments1 and a more qualified patriotism2 and while there has been shown a strengthening assertion of individuality there has accompanied it a growing respect for the individualities of others1 as is implied by the diminution of aggressions upon them1 and the multiplication of efforts for their welfare4 ,it seems needful to explain that it is not so much that a social life passed in peaceful occupations is positively moralising1 as that a social life passed in war is positively demoralising4 ,the sacrifice of others to self is in the one incidental only2 while in the other it is necessary4 ,,political ,,prospect ,it appears to be an unavoidable inference that the ultimate executive agency must become in some way or other elective4 ,from such evidence as existing society will afford us1 it is to be inferred that the highest ,state-office in whatever way filled will continue to decline in importance4 ,no speculations concerning ultimate political forms can1 however1 be regarded as anything but tentative4 ,there will probably be considerable variety in the special forms of the political institutions of industrial society2 all of them bearing traces of past institutions which have been brought into congruity with the representative principle4 ,to turn to political functions1 when corporate action is no longer needed for preserving a society as a whole from destruction or injury by other societies1 the end which remains for it is that of preserving the component members of society from injury by one another4 ,with this limitation of the state function it is probable that there will be simultaneously carried further that trait which already characterises the most industrially-organised society--the performance of increasingly-numerous and increasingly-important functions by other organisations than those which form departments of the government4 ,already private enterprise1 working through incorporated bodies of citizens1 achieves ends undreamed of as so achievable in primitive societies2 and in the future other ends undreamed of now as so achievable will be achieved4 ,the conclusion of profoundest moment to which lines of argument converge is that the possibility of a high social state political as well as general1 fundamentally depends on the cessation of war4 ,persistent militancy1 maintaining adapted institutions1 must inevitably prevent1 or else neutralise1 changes in the direction of more equitable institutions and laws2 while permanent peace will of necessity be followed by social ameliorations of every kind4 ,,iii4--,ecclesiastical ,institutions ,rightly to trace the evolution of ecclesiastical institutions1 we must know whence came the ideas and sentiments implied by them4 ,are these innate or are they derived8 ,they are derived4 ,and here it may be remarked that where among ,african savages there existed no belief in a double which goes away during sleep1 there was found to exist no belief in a double which survived after death4 ,from the ordinary absence of the other self in sleep1 and its extraordinary absences in swoons1 apoplexy1 and so forth1 the transition is to its unlimited absence at death2 when after an interval of waiting the expectation of immediate return is given up4 ,commonly the spirit is supposed to linger near the body or to revisit it4 ,hence the universality of ministrations to the double of the deceased habitually made at funerals4 ,the habitat of the other self is variously conceived2 though everywhere there is an approach to parallelism between the life here and the imagined life hereafter4 ,along with the development of grave-heaps into altars1 grave-sheds into religious edifices1 and food for the ghost into sacrifices1 there goes on the development of praise and prayer4 ,turning to certain more indirect results of the ghost theory1 we find that1 distinguishing but confusedly between semblance and reality1 the savage thinks that the representation of a thing partakes of the properties of a thing4 ,hence the effigy of a dead man becomes a habitation for his ghost2 and idols1 because of the indwelling doubles of the dead1 are propitiated4 ,identification of the doubles of the dead with animals--now with those which frequent houses or places which the doubles are supposed to haunt and now with those which are like certain of the dead in their malicious or benevolent natures--is in other cases traceable to misinterpretation of names2 this latter leading to the identification of stars with persons and hence to star and sun worship4 ,in their normal forms1 as in their abnormal forms1 all gods arise by apotheosis4 ,originally the god is the superior living man whose power is conceived as superhuman4 ,as in primitive thought divinity is synonymous with superiority1 and as at first a god may be either a powerful living person or a dead person who has acquired supernatural power as a ghost1 there come two origins for semi-divine beings--the one by unions between a conquering god race and the conquered race distinguished as men1 and the other by supposed intercourse between living persons and spirits4 ,where the evidence is examined comparative sociology discloses a common origin for each leading element of religious belief4 ,,medicine ,,men ,,and ,,priests ,in the primitive belief that the doubles of the dead may be induced to yield benefits or desist from inflicting evil by bribing or cajoling or else by threatening or coercing1 we see that the modes of dealing with ghosts broadly contrasted as antagonistic and sympathetic1 initiate the distinction between medicine man and priest4 ,prompted as offerings on graves originally are by affection for the deceased1 it naturally happens that such propitiations are made more by relatives than others4 ,the family cult next acquires a more definite form by the devolution of its functions on one member of the family4 ,hence in ancient ,egypt it was most important that a man should have a son established in his seat after him who should perform the due rites of sacrifice to his ka or double4 ,facts also show that the devolution of the sacrificial office accompanies devolution of property1 for this has to bear the costs of the sacrifices2 and by a natural corollary the head of the village-community combines the characters of priest and ruler4 ,with the increase of a chief's territory there comes an accumulation of business which necessitates the employment of assistants1 and among the functions deputed is that of priest1 at first perhaps temporarily assumed by a brother4 ,such is the usual origin of priesthood4 ,many facts make it clear that1 not only the genesis of polytheism but the long survival of it are sequences of primitive ancestor-worship4 ,eventually there result under favouring conditions a gravitation towards monotheism2 and with this an advance towards unification of priesthood4 ,the official proprietors of the deity who has come to be regarded as the most powerful or as the possessor of all power becomes established everywhere4 ,likeness between ecclesiastical and political organisations when they have diverged is largely due to their community of origin4 ,there results a hierarchy of sacerdotal functionaries analogous to the graduated system of political functionaries2 then the agencies for carrying on celestial rule and terrestrial rule eventually begin to compete for supremacy2 and there are reasons for thinking that the change from an original predominance of a spiritual power over the temporal power to ultimate subjugation of it is mainly due to the development of industrialism with the moral and intellectual changes involved4 ,,prospect ,what may we infer will be the evolution of religious ideas and sentiments throughout the future8 ,the development of those higher sentiments which no longer tolerate the ascription of inferior sentiments to a divinity1 and the intellectual development which causes dissatisfaction with the crude interpretations previously accepted1 must force men hereafter to drop the higher anthropomorphic characters given to the ,first ,cause as they have long since dropped the lower4 ,those1 however1 who think that science is dissipating religious beliefs and sentiments seem unaware that whatever of mystery is taken from the old interpretation is added to the new4 ,or rather we may say that transference from one to the other is accompanied by increase2 since for an explanation which has a seeming feasibility1 science substitutes an explanation which1 carrying us back only a certain distance1 then leaves us in the presence of the avowedly inexplicable4 ,the truth must grow ever clearer--the truth that there is an inscrutable existence everywhere manifested to which the man of science can neither find nor conceive either beginning or end4 ,amid the mysteries which become the more mysterious the more they are thought about1 there will remain the one absolute certainty1 that he is ever in the presence of ,,an ,,infinite ,,and ,,eternal ,,energy1 from which all things proceed4 ,,benedict ,,de ,,spinoza ,ethics ,baruch 7,lat4 ,benedict7 ,spinoza1 or de ,spinoza1 as he afterwards signed himself1 son of a wealthy ,portuguese ,jew1 was born at ,amsterdam1 ,november #bd1 #afcb1 and died at the early age of forty-four1 on ,february #ba1 #afgg4 ,he was educated to the highest pitch of attainment in ,hebrew and ,talmudist learning1 and through delicacy of physical constitution devoted himself entirely to study1 cultivating assiduously philosophy as well as theology1 while not neglecting the physical sciences4 ,imbibing unorthodox views he was formally excommunicated from the synagogue1 and philosophy henceforth became the sole pursuit of his mind4 ,he was able1 however1 through his great scientific accomplishments and mechanical skill1 to gain a sufficiency for his subsistence by polishing lenses4 ,this accomplished man was also no mean artist1 especially in designing4 ,he was one of the finest ,latinists of his time4 ,he was filled with the spirit of religion1 and lived the simplest life1 on a few pence a day1 in a period of voluptuous epicureanism4 ,the philosophical system of ,spinoza was evolved from that of ,descartes1 who had sought to inaugurate a new era in thought4 ,but he sought more clearly to demonstrate the existence of ,god than did his great ,french master4 ,no philosopher has been more maligned on the one hand1 or more adulated on the other1 than this great ,jewish genius4 ,spinoza has been by some nicknamed ,pantheist or ,atheist2 while ,schleiermacher and other theologians have not hesitated to describe him as pious1 virtuous1 ,god-intoxicated4 ,i4--,concerning ,god ,by ,god ,i understand absolutely infinite ,being1 that is1 substance consisting of infinite attributes1 each expressing eternal and definite essence4 ,if this be denied1 conceive1 if it be possible1 that ,god does not exist4 ,then it follows that ,his essence does not involve existence1 which is absurd4 ,therefore ,god necessarily exists4 ,god is absolutely the first cause4 ,he acts from the laws of ,his own nature only1 and is compelled by no one4 ,for outside of ,himself there can be nothing by which ,he may be determined to act4 ,therefore ,he acts solely from the laws of ,his own nature4 ,and therefore also ,god alone is a free cause4 ,the omnipotence of ,god has been actual from eternity and will be actual from eternity4 ,the ,divine intellect is the cause of things1 both of their essence and of their existence4 ,thus it is the cause both of the essence and of the existence of the human intellect1 but it differs from our intellect both in essence and in existence4 ,the same may be said of the ,divine will and the human will4 ,the will cannot be called a free cause1 but can only be termed necessary4 ,the will is only a certain mode of thought1 like the intellect4 ,it requires a cause to determine it to action1 and therefore cannot be called a free cause1 but only a necessary cause4 ,hence it follows that ,god does not act from freedom of the will4 ,for the will1 like all other things1 needs a cause to determine it to act in a certain manner4 ,things could have been produced by ,god in no other manner or order than that in which they have been4 ,things have been created by ,god in absolute perfection1 because they have necessarily followed from ,his absolutely perfect nature4 ,the ,divine ,power and ,decree ,since in eternity there is no when1 nor before1 nor after1 ,god cannot decree nor could ,he have ever decreed anything other than ,he has decreed in the perfection of ,his nature4 ,for if ,he had decreed something else about creation1 ,he would necessarily have had an intellect and a will different from those ,he now has4 ,could such a supposition be allowed1 why cannot ,he now change ,his decree about creation yet remain perfect8 ,all things depend on the ,divine power2 but ,god's will1 because of his perfection1 cannot be other than it is1 and therefore things cannot be differently constituted4 ,for to suppose otherwise is to subject ,god to fate1 an absurdity which is not worth waste of time to refute4 ,the sum of the matter is that ,god necessarily exists2 that ,he is one ,god2 that ,he acts from the necessity of ,his nature2 that ,he is the free cause of all things2 that all things depend on ,him2 and that all things have been predestined by ,him4 ,,ii4--,concerning ,mind ,i pass on to those things which must necessarily follow from the essence of the eternal and infinite ,god4 ,thought is the attribute of ,god4 ,individual thoughts are modes expressing the nature of ,god in a certain and determinate manner4 ,the order and connection of these ideas coincides with the order and connection of things1 therefore ,god's power of thinking is equal to ,his power of acting4 ,the circle existing in nature and the idea of an existing circle which is also in ,god1 are one and the same thing1 exhibited through different attributes4 ,god is truly the cause of things as they are in themselves1 in so far as ,he consists of infinite attributes4 ,the first thing which forms the actual ,being of the human mind is nothing else than the idea of an individual actually existing4 ,the essence of man is formed by certain modes of the ,divine attributes1 that is to say1 modes of thought4 ,the idea is the first thing which forms the ,being of the human mind4 ,it must be an idea of an individual thing actually existing4 ,hence the human mind is part of the infinite intellect of ,god4 ,the knowledge of everything which happens necessarily exists in ,god1 in so far as ,he forms the nature of the human mind4 ,man thinks4 ,modes of thought1 such as love1 desire1 or affections of the mind under whatever designation1 do not exist1 unless in the same individual exists an idea of a thing loved1 desired1 etc4 ,but the idea may exist though no other mode of thinking exists4 ,therefore the essence of man does not necessarily involve existence4 ,we perceive that a body is affected in certain ways4 ,no individual things are felt or perceived by us except bodies and modes of thought4 ,the object of the idea constituting the human mind is a body1 or a certain mode of actually existing extension1 and nothing else4 ,for if the body were not the object of the human mind1 the ideas of the affections of the body would not be in ,god1 in so far as ,he has created our mind1 but would be in ,him in so far as ,he has formed the mind of another thing4 ,but we have ideas of the affections of the body2 therefore the object of the idea constituting the human mind is the body actually existing4 ,it follows that man consists of mind and body1 and that the human body exists as we perceive it4 ,mind and ,body ,hence we perceive not only that the human mind is united to the body1 but also what is to be understood by the union of mind and body4 ,but no one can adequately comprehend it without previously possessing adequate knowledge of the body4 ,in proportion as one body is better adapted than another to act or suffer1 the mind will at the same time be better adapted for perception4 ,and the more independent a body may be of other bodies1 the stronger will be the understanding of the mind4 ,thus we can determine the superiority of one mind over another4 ,all bodies are either moving or resting4 ,every body moves sometimes slowly1 sometimes quickly4 ,bodies are distinguished from each other by degrees of motion and quiescence1 not with regard to substance4 ,all bodies agree in some aspects4 ,bodies affect each other in motion and rest4 ,each individual thing must necessarily be determined as to motion or rest by some other thing4 ,the human body needs for its preservation many other bodies by which it is1 as it were1 regenerated4 ,the human mind increases its aptitude in proportion to the number of ways in which the body can be disposed4 ,the idea constituting a formal being of the human mind is not simple1 but is highly complex4 ,an idea of each component part of the body must necessarily exist in ,god4 ,the human mind does not know the human body itself1 nor does it know that the human body exists1 except through the ideas and affections by which the body is affected4 ,indeed1 the human mind is the very idea or knowledge of the human body4 ,these ideas are in ,god4 ,thought is an attribute of ,god1 and so the thought of the mind originates of necessity in ,him4 ,all the ideas which are in ,god always agree with those things of which they are ideas1 and therefore they are all true4 ,falsity consists in privation of knowledge1 involved in confusion and mutilation of ideas4 ,for instance1 because they think themselves to be free1 and the sole reason for this opinion is that they are conscious of their own actions1 and ignorant of the causes determining those actions4 ,nobody knows what the will is and how it moves to-day4 ,those who pretend otherwise and invent locations of the soul1 usually excite derision and disgust4 ,when we look at the sun and imagine it to be immensely nearer to us than it really is1 the error arises from the manner in which the essence of the sun affects the body1 not merely from the exercise of the imagination4 ,mutual ,influences ,the more things the body possesses in common with other bodies1 the more things will the mind be adapted to perceive4 ,the human mind possesses an adequate knowledge of the eternal and infinite essence of ,god4 ,but the reason why men have not a knowledge of ,god as clear as that which they have of common notions is that they cannot imagine ,god as they can imagine bodies1 and because they have attached the name of ,god to the images of things they are accustomed to see4 ,this they can hardly avoid1 because they are constantly affected by external bodies4 ,and1 indeed most errors arise from our application to the wrong names of things4 ,for if some one says that the lines drawn from the centre to the circumference of a circle are unequal1 it is because he understands by a circle something different from what we understand by the mathematicians4 ,i did not reckon a man to be in error whom ,i recently heard complaining that his court has flown into one of his neighbour's fowls for ,i understand what he meant4 ,in the mind there is no absolutely free will4 ,the mind is determined to this or that volition by a cause1 which is determined by another cause1 and so on ad infinitum4 ,the will and intellect are one and the same4 ,we are partakers of the divine nature in proportion as we more and more understand ,god and conform our actions to his will4 ,our highest happiness consists in this conformity1 by which alone the soul finds repose4 ,those greatly err from the true estimate of virtue who expect to be rewarded for it1 as though virtue and the service of ,god were our felicity itself and the highest liberty4 ,,iii4--,concerning ,mental ,affections ,the actions of the mind arise from adequate ideas alone2 but the passions depend on those alone which are inadequate4 ,the essence of the mind is composed of adequate and inadequate ideas4 ,joy is a passion by which the mind passes to a greater degree of perfection2 sorrow is a passion by which it passes to a lesser degree4 ,accidentally anything may be the cause of joy1 sorrow1 or desire4 ,we love or hate certain things not from any known cause1 but merely from sympathy or antipathy4 ,if we hate a thing1 we seek to affirm concerning it everything that we think can affect it with sorrow1 while we deny everything that we think can affect it with joy4 ,from this we see how easily a man may think too much of himself1 and of the object which he loves1 and on the other hand1 may think too little of what he hates4 ,when a man thinks too much of himself this imagination is termed pride1 and is a species of delirium1 because he dreams with his eyes open1 that he can do all those things to which he attains in imagination alone1 regarding them thus as realities1 and rejoicing in them so long as he cannot imagine anything to exclude their existence and limit his power of action4 ,if we imagine that a person loves1 desires1 or hates a thing which we love1 desire1 or hate1 we shall on that account love1 desire1 or hate the thing more intensely4 ,if1 on the other hand1 we imagine that he is averse to the thing we love1 or loves the thing to which we are averse1 then we shall suffer vacillation of mind4 ,hence every one strives to the utmost to induce others to love what he loves and to hate what he hates4 ,this effort is called ambition1 which prompts each person to desire that others should live according to his way of thinking4 ,but if all thus act1 then all hinder each other4 ,and if all wish to be praised or loved by all1 then all hate one another4 ,joy is a man's passage from a less to a greater perfection2 sorrow is a man's passage from a greater to a less perfection4 ,i say passage1 for joy is not perfection itself4 ,if a man were born with the perfection to which he passes1 he would possess it without the affection of joy--a truth the more vividly apparent from the affection of sorrow which is the contrary of joy4 ,for1 that sorrow consists in the passage to a less perfection1 but not in the less perfection itself1 no one can deny1 since in so far as a man partakes of any perfection1 he cannot be sad4 ,nor can we say that sorrow consists in the passage to a less perfection1 for privation is nothing4 ,but the affection of sorrow is actual1 and so can be nothing else than the passage to a lesser perfection1 that is1 the reality by which the power of acting is limited or diminished4 ,as for the definitions of cheerfulness1 pleasurable excitement1 melancholy1 or grief1 ,i omit these1 because they are related rather to the body than to the mind1 and are merely different species of joy and sorrow4 ,love is joy with the accompanying idea of an external cause4 ,hatred is sorrow with the accompanying idea of an external cause4 ,devotion is love towards an object which we admire and wonder at4 ,derision is joy arising from the imagination that something we despise is present in the object we hate4 ,hope is a joy not constant1 arising from the idea of something future or past1 about the issue of which we are doubtful4 ,fear is sorrow not constant1 arising in like manner4 ,confidence is joy arising from the idea of a past or future object from which the cause for doubting has been removed4 ,despair is sorrow arising from a like cause4 ,confidence springs from hope1 despair from fear4 ,pride is thinking too highly of ourselves from self-love4 ,despondency is thinking too little of ourselves through sorrow4 ,,iv4--,concerning ,human ,bondage and ,human ,liberty ,good is that which is useful to us2 evil1 that which impedes the possession of good4 ,but the terms good and evil are not positive1 but are only modes of thought1 by which we compare one thing with another4 ,thus1 music is good to a melancholy mind1 bad to a mourning mind1 but neither bad nor good to a deaf man4 ,we suffer because we form a part of nature4 ,the power by which we preserve our being is the power of ,god1 that is part of ,his essence4 ,but man is subject to passions because he follows the order of nature4 ,an affection can only be overcome by a stronger affection4 ,that which tends to conserve our existence we denominate good4 ,that which hinders this conservation we style evil4 ,desire springing from the knowledge of good and evil can be restrained by desires originating in the affections by which we are agitated4 ,thus the effect of external causes on the mind may be far greater than that of the knowledge of good and evil4 ,the desire springing from a knowledge of good and evil may be easily restrained by the desire of present objects4 ,opinion exercises a more potent influence than reason4 ,hence the saying of the poet1 ,i approve the better1 but follow the worse4 ,and hence also the preacher says ,he that increaseth knowledge increaseth sorrow4 ,we ought to know both the strength and the weakness of our nature1 that we may judge what reason can and cannot do in controlling our affections4 ,desire springing from joy preponderates over that springing from sorrow4 ,man is useful to man because two individuals of the same nature when in sympathy are stronger than one4 ,nothing could be so good for men as that all should so agree in everything as to form as it were a single body and mind1 all seeking the good of all4 ,hence1 men acting in accord with the dictates of reason desire nothing for themselves but what they desire for all4 ,this renders them just1 faithful1 and honourable4 ,the knowledge of ,god is the supreme mental good1 and to know ,god is the supreme mental virtue4 ,for ,god is the supreme subject of the understanding1 and therefore to know or understand ,god is the supreme virtue of the mind4 ,but to us nothing can be either good or evil unless it has something in common with us4 ,an object whose nature is absolutely foreign to our own cannot be either good or evil to us1 for this reason1 that we only call a thing good or evil when it is the cause of joy or sorrow1 this is to say1 when it increases or diminishes our power to act4 ,nothing can be reckoned good except that which is in harmony with our nature1 and nothing can be reckoned evil expect what is contrary to our nature1 but men cannot be said to agree in nature when they are subject to passion4 ,we only act in harmony with the dictates of reason when we agree in nature with others4 ,men are most useful to each other who are mutually ruled by the laws of reason4 ,but rarely do men live thus in harmony with reason1 and thus it comes to pass that they are commonly envious of each other4 ,yet men are seldom disposed to solitude1 but answer generally to the familiar description of man as a social animal1 for they know that the advantages preponderate over the advantages of social life4 ,they find by experience that by mutual aid and co-operation they can1 on the one hand the more easily secure what they need1 and on the other hand the better defend themselves from danger4 ,a man who seeks after virtue will desire others to do so1 and this desire will increase in proportion to this increase of his knowledge of ,god4 ,the good that a man seeks by the quest of virtue he will wish others to obtain also4 ,this is in accordance with reason1 which is the operation of the mind according to the essence of the mind1 that essence of the mind being knowledge1 which involves the knowledge of ,god4 ,the greater the knowledge of ,god involved in the essence of the mind1 the greater will be the desire that others may seek after the same virtue which the man seeks for himself4 ,economics ,,edward ,,bellamy ,looking ,backward ,edward ,bellamy1 ,american social reformer1 who sprang into fame in the last decade of the nineteenth century by his book1 ,looking ,backward1 was born in ,massachusetts1 on ,march #be1 #ahej4 ,trained for the ,bar1 he became a journalist1 and devoted his pen to the propaganda of socialism4 ,after the unprecedented success of his socialist novel1 in which he describes a suppositious twentieth century revolution from the standpoint of a hypnotised sleeper awakened in #bjjj ,a4,d41 his modest home at ,chicopee ,falls became a recognised centre of the socialist movement in the ,united ,states4 ,looking ,backward was published in #ahhh1 and was followed by ,equality1 in which he expounded his political doctrines in dialogue form1 the story being treated merely as a sequel to the earlier book1 and entirely subordinated to the more serious aim4 ,we have here preferred to classify ,looking ,backward as a work of philosophy1 and not as fiction4 ,bellamy's championship of the rights of the disinherited1 and his enlightened ideas1 conveyed in a by no means unimaginative style1 gained him many friends and sympathisers4 ,bellamy died on ,may #bb1 #ahih4 ,i4--,the ,great ,change ,i first saw the light in the city of ,boston1 in the year #aheg4 ,what6 you say1 eighteen-fifty-seven8 ,that is an odd slip4 ,he means nineteen-fifty-seven1 of course4 ,i beg pardon1 but there is no mistake4 ,it was about four in the afternoon of ,december #bf1 one day after ,christmas1 in the year #aheg1 not #aieg1 that ,i1 ,julian ,west1 first breathed the east wind of ,boston1 which1 ,i assure the reader1 was at that remote period marked by the same penetrating quality characterising it in the present year of grace1 #bjjj4 ,living in luxury1 and occupied only with the pursuit of the pleasures and refinements of life1 ,i derived the means of my support from the labour of others1 rendering no sort of service in return4 ,why1 you ask1 should the world have supported in utter idleness one who was able to render service8 ,the answer is1 that my great-grandfather had accumulated a sum of money1 on the yield of which his descendants had ever since lived4 ,interest on investments was a species of tax on industry which a person possessing or inheriting money was then able to levy1 in spite of all the efforts to put down usury4 ,i cannot do better than compare society as it then was to a prodigious coach to which the masses were harnessed and dragged toilsomely along a very hilly and sandy road1 with ,hunger for driver4 ,the passengers comfortably seated on the top would call down encouragingly to the toilers at the rope1 exhorting them to patience2 but always expected to be drawn and not to pull1 because1 as they thought1 they were not like their brothers who pulled at the rope1 but of finer clay1 in some way belonging to a higher order of beings4 ,in #ahhg1 ,i was engaged to wed ,edith ,bartlett4 ,she1 like myself1 rode on the top of the coach4 ,our marriage only awaited the completion of a house1 which1 however1 was delayed by a series of strikes4 ,i remember ,mr4 ,bartlett saying3 ,the working classes all over the world seem to be going crazy at once4 ,in ,europe it is far worse even than here4 ,the family mansion1 in which ,i lived alone with a faithful coloured servant by the name of ,sawyer1 was not a house to which ,i could think of bringing a bride1 much less so dainty a one as ,edith ,bartlett4 ,being a sufferer from insomnia1 ,i had caused a secret sleeping chamber to be built of stone beneath the foundation1 and when even the silence of this retreat failed to bring slumber1 ,i sometimes called in a professional mesmeriser to put me into a hypnotic sleep1 from which ,sawyer knew how to arouse me at a given time4 ,on the night of ,may #cj1 #ahhg1 ,i was put to sleep as usual4 ,that night the house was wholly destroyed by fire2 and it was not until a hundred and thirteen years later1 in ,september #bjjj ,a4,d41 that the subterranean chamber was discovered1 and myself1 the sleeper1 aroused by ,dr4 ,leete1 a physician of ,boston on the retired list4 ,my companion1 ,dr4 ,leete1 led the way to a belvedere on the house-top4 ,be pleased to look around you1 he said1 and tell me whether this is the ,boston of the nineteenth century4 ,at my feet lay a great city4 ,miles of broad streets1 shaded by trees1 and lined with fine buildings1 for the most part not in continuous blocks1 but set in larger or smaller enclosures1 stretched in every direction4 ,every quarter contained large open squares filled with trees1 among which statues glistened and fountains flashed in the late afternoon sun4 ,public buildings of a colossal size and an architectural grandeur unparalleled in my day raised their stately piles on every side4 ,surely1 ,i had never before seen this city1 nor one comparable to it4 ,raising my eyes at last towards the horizon1 ,i looked westward4 ,that blue ribbon winding away to the sunset1 was it not the sinuous ,charles8 ,i looked east3 ,boston harbour stretched before me with its headlands1 not one of its green islets missing4 ,if you had told me1 ,i said1 profoundly awed1 that a thousand years instead of a hundred had elapsed since ,i last looked on this city1 ,i should now believe you4 ,only a century has passed1 he answered2 but many a millennium in the world's history has seen changes less extraordinary4 ,,ii4--,how the ,great ,change ,came ,about ,after ,dr4 ,leete had responded to numerous questions on my part1 he asked in what point the contrast between the new and the old city struck me most forcibly4 ,to speak of small things before great1 ,i replied1 ,i really think that the complete absence of chimneys and their smoke is the detail that first impressed me4 ,ah6 ejaculated my companion4 ,i had forgotten the chimneys1 it is so long since they went out of use4 ,it is nearly a century since the crude method of combustion1 on which you depended for heat1 became obsolete4 ,in general1 ,i said1 what impresses me most about the city is the material prosperity on the part of the people which its magnificence implies4 ,i would give a great deal for just one glimpse of the ,boston of your day1 replied ,dr4 ,leete4 ,no doubt the cities of that period were rather shabby affairs4 ,if you had the taste to make them splendid1 which ,i would not be so rude as to question1 the general poverty resulting from your extraordinary industrial system would not have given you the means4 ,moreover1 the excessive individualism was inconsistent with much public spirit4 ,nowadays1 there is no destination of the surplus wealth so popular as the adornment of the city1 which all enjoy in equal degree4 ,it is growing dark1 he added4 ,let us descend into the house2 ,i want to introduce my wife and daughter to you4 ,the apartment in which we found the ladies1 as well as the entire interior of the house1 was filled with a mellow light1 which ,i knew must be artificial1 although ,i could not discover the source from which it was diffused4 ,mrs4 ,leete was an exceptionally fine-looking and well-preserved woman1 while her daughter1 in the first blush of womanhood1 was the most beautiful girl ,i had ever seen4 ,in this lovely creature feminine softness and delicacy were deliciously combined with an appearance of health and abounding physical vitality too often lacking in the maidens with whom alone ,i could compare her4 ,the evening which followed was certainly unique in the history of social intercourse4 ,when the ladies retired1 ,dr4 ,leete sounded me as to my disposition for sleep1 but gladly bore me company when ,i confessed ,i was afraid of it4 ,i was curious1 too1 as to the changes4 ,to make a beginning somewhere1 said ,i1 what solution1 if any1 have you found for the labour question8 ,it was the ,sphinx's riddle of the nineteenth century1 and when ,i dropped out the ,sphinx was threatening to devour society because the answer was not forthcoming4 ,the riddle may be said to have solved itself1 replied ,dr4 ,leete4 ,the solution came as the result of a process of industrial evolution which could not have terminated otherwise4 ,the movement toward the conduct of business by larger and larger aggregations of capital--the tendency toward monopolies1 which had been desperately and vainly resisted--was recognised at last as a process to a golden future4 ,early in the last century the evolution was completed by the final consolidation of the entire capital of the nation4 ,the industry and commerce of the country1 ceasing to be conducted by a set of irresponsible corporations and syndicates of private persons at their caprice and for their profit1 were entrusted to a single syndicate representing the people1 to be conducted for the common profit4 ,that is to say1 the nation organised itself as one great business corporation in which all other corporations were absorbed4 ,it became the one capitalist1 the sole employer1 the final monopoly1 in the profits and economies of which all citizens shared4 ,the epoch of trusts ended in the ,great ,trust4 ,in a word1 the people of the ,united ,states concluded to assume the conduct of their own business1 just as a hundred odd years earlier they had assumed the conduct of their own government4 ,strangely late in the world's history1 the obvious fact was perceived that no business is so essentially the public business as the industry and commerce on which the people's livelihood depends1 and that to entrust it to private persons to be managed for private profit is a folly similar in kind1 though vastly greater in magnitude1 to that of surrendering the functions of political government to kings and nobles to be conducted for their personal glorification4 ,so stupendous a change1 said ,i1 did not1 of course1 take place without bloodshed and terrible convulsions8 ,on the contrary1 there was absolutely no violence4 ,the great corporations had taught an entirely new set of ideas4 ,the people had seen syndicates handling revenues2 greater than those of states1 and directing the labours of hundreds of thousands of men with an efficiency unattainable in smaller operations4 ,it had come to be recognised as an axiom that the larger the business the simpler the principles that can be applied to it2 that1 as the machine is truer than the hand1 so the system1 which in a great concern does the work of the master's eye1 in a small business turns out more accurate results4 ,thus1 thanks to the corporations themselves1 when it was proposed that the nation should assume their functions1 the suggestion implied nothing that seemed impracticable4 ,in my day1 said ,i1 it was considered that the proper functions of government1 strictly speaking1 were limited to keeping the peace and defending the people against the public enemy4 ,and1 in heaven's name1 who are the public enemies8 exclaimed ,dr4 ,leete4 ,are they ,france1 ,england1 ,germany8 or ,hunger1 ,cold1 ,nakedness8 ,in your day governments were accustomed1 on the slightest international misunderstanding1 to seize upon the bodies of citizens and deliver them over by hundreds of thousands to death and mutilation1 wasting their treasures the while like water2 and all this oftenest for no imaginable profit to the victims4 ,we have no wars now1 and our governments no war powers2 but in order to protect every citizen against hunger1 cold1 and nakedness1 and provide for all his physical and mental needs1 the function is assumed of directing his industry for a term of years4 ,not even for the best ends would men now allow their governments such powers as were then used for the most maleficent4 ,leaving comparisons aside1 ,i said1 the demagoguery and corruption of our public men would have been considered1 in my day1 insuperable objections to government assuming charge of the national industries4 ,no doubt you were right1 rejoined ,dr4 ,leete2 but all that is changed4 ,we have no parties or politicians4 ,human nature itself must have changed very much4 ,not at all2 but the conditions of human life have changed1 and with them the motives of human action4 ,the organisation of society with you was such that officials were under a constant temptation to misuse their power for the private profit of themselves or others4 ,now society is so constituted that there is absolutely no way in which an official could possibly make any profit for himself or anyone else by a misuse of his power4 ,,iii4--,labour's ,new ,regime ,but you have not yet told me how you have settled the labour problem4 ,when the nation became the sole employer1 said ,dr4 ,leete1 all the citizens became employees1 to be distributed according to the needs of industry4 ,that is1 you have simply applied the principle of universal military service1 as understood in our day1 to the labour question4 ,yes4 ,nevertheless1 to speak of service being compulsory would be a weak way to state its absolute inevitableness4 ,if it were conceivable that a man could escape it1 he would be left with no possible way to provide for his existence4 ,the period of industrial service is twenty-four years1 beginning at the close of the course of education at twenty-one1 and terminating at forty-five4 ,after forty-five1 the citizen is liable to special calls for labour emergencies till fifty-five4 ,but what administrative talent can be equal to determining wisely what trade or business every individual in a great nation shall pursue8 ,the administration has nothing to do with determining that point4 ,every man determines it for himself in accordance with his natural aptitude1 the utmost pains being taken to enable him to find out what his natural aptitude really is4 ,usually1 long before he is mustered into service1 a young man has found out the pursuit he wants to follow1 has acquired a great deal of knowledge about it1 and is awaiting impatiently the time when he can enlist in its ranks4 ,surely1 it can hardly be that the number of volunteers for any trade is exactly the number needed8 ,the supply is always expected to equal fully the demand4 ,the rate of volunteering is closely watched4 ,it is the business of the administration to equalise the attractions of the trades1 so that the lightest trades have the longest hours1 while an arduous trade1 such as mining1 has very short hours4 ,how is the class of common labourers recruited8 ,it is the grade to which all new recruits belong for the first three years4 ,if a man were so stupid as to have no choice as to occupation1 he would simply remain a common labourer4 ,having once elected and entered on a trade or occupation1 ,i suppose he has to stick to it the rest of his life8 ,not necessarily1 replied ,dr4 ,leete2 while frequent and merely capricious changes of occupation are net permitted1 every worker is allowed1 of course under regulations and in accordance with the exigencies of the service1 to volunteer for another industry which he thinks would suit him better than his first choice4 ,it is only the poorer sort of workmen who desire to change4 ,of course1 transfers or discharges are always given when health demands them4 ,how are the brain-workers selected8 ,that must require a very delicate sort of sifting process8 ,so it does1 the most delicate possible test2 so we leave the question whether a man shall be a brain or handworker entirely to him to settle4 ,at the end of the three years of common labour1 if a man feels he can do better work with his brain than his muscles1 the schools of technology1 medicine1 art1 music1 histrionics1 and higher liberal learning are open to him without condition4 ,but anyone without the special aptitude would find it easier to do double hours at his trade than try to keep up with the classes4 ,this opportunity for a professional training remains open to every man till the age of thirty4 ,,iv4--,the ,new ,plan ,dr4 and ,mrs4 ,leete were startled to learn ,i had been all over the city alone4 ,you must have seen a good many new things1 said ,mrs4 ,leete1 as we sat down to table4 ,i think what surprised me as much as anything was not to find any stores in ,washington ,street1 or any banks of ,state4 ,what have you done with the merchants and bankers8 ,their functions are obsolete in the modern world4 ,there is neither selling nor buying1 and we have no money4 ,as soon as the nation became the producer of all sorts of commodities1 there was no need of exchanges between individuals4 ,everything was procurable from one source1 and that only4 ,a system of direct distribution from the national storehouses took the place of trade1 and for this money was unnecessary4 ,how is this distribution managed8 ,a credit1 corresponding to his share of the annual product of the nation1 is given to every citizen on the public books at the beginning of each year1 and a credit-card issued him1 with which he procures at the public stores1 found in every community1 whatever he desires1 whenever he desires it4 ,you observe1 he pursued1 as ,i was curiously examining the piece of pasteboard he gave me1 that this credit-card is issued for a certain number of dollars4 ,we keep the old term dollars as an algebraical symbol for comparing the values of products with one another4 ,all are priced in dollars and cents1 just as in your day4 ,the value of what ,i procure on this card is checked off by the clerk1 who pricks out of these tiers of squares the price of what ,i order4 ,if you wanted to buy something of your neighbour1 could you transfer part of your credit to him8 ,our neighbours have nothing to sell us2 but1 in any event1 one's credit would not be transferable1 being strictly personal4 ,before the nation could even think of honouring any such transfer1 it would be bound to inquire into its equity4 ,it would have been reason enough1 had there been no other1 for abolishing money1 that its possession was no indication of rightful title to it4 ,in the hands of the man who had stolen it1 it was as good as if earned by industry4 ,people nowadays interchange gifts1 but buying and selling is considered absolutely inconsistent with the mutual benevolence and disinterestedness which should prevail between citizens4 ,according to our ideas1 the practice of buying and selling is essentially anti-social in all its tendencies4 ,it is an education in self-seeking at the expense of others1 and no society whose citizens are trained in such a school can possibly rise above a very low grade of civilisation4 ,what if you have to spend more than your card allows in any one year8 ,if extraordinary expenses should exhaust it we can obtain a limited advance on next year's credit at a heavy discount4 ,if a man showed himself a reckless spendthrift he would receive his allowance monthly or weekly instead of yearly1 or1 if necessary1 not be permitted to handle it at all4 ,if you don't spend your allowance1 ,i suppose it accumulates8 ,that is also permitted to a certain extent when a special outlay is anticipated4 ,but unless notice is given1 it is presumed that the citizen who does not fully expend his credit did not have occasion to do so1 and the balance is turned into the general surplus4 ,such a system does not encourage saving habits4 ,it is not intended to4 ,no man has care for the morrow1 either for himself or his children1 for the nation guarantees the nurture1 education1 and maintenance of every citizen from the cradle to the grave4 ,but what inducement can a man have to put forth his best endeavours when1 however much or little he accomplishes1 his income remains the same8 ,does it then really seem to you that human nature is insensible to any motives save fear of want and love of luxury1 that you expect security and equality of livelihood to leave men without incentives to effort8 ,your contemporaries did not really think so4 ,when it was a question of the grandest class of efforts1 the most absolute self-devotion1 they depended on quite other motives4 ,not higher wages1 but honour and the hope of men's gratitude1 patriotism1 and the inspiration of duty were the motives they set before their soldiers4 ,now that industry of whatever sort is no longer self-service1 but service of the nation1 patriotism--passion for humanity--impels the worker as in your day it did the soldier4 ,during the next few days ,i investigated many other of the social and domestic arrangements of ,bostonians of the twenty-first century1 and from what ,i saw myself and heard from my hosts1 ,i gained some tolerably clear ideas of modern organisation1 and the system of distribution4 ,but it seemed to me that the system of production and the direction of the industrial army must be wonderfully complex and difficult4 ,i assure you that it is nothing of the kind1 said ,dr4 ,leete4 ,the entire field of production and constructive industry is divided into ten great departments1 each representing a group of allied industries1 each industry being in turn represented by a subordinate bureau1 which has a complete record of the plant and force under its control1 of the present output1 and means of increasing it4 ,the estimates of the distributive department1 after adoption by the administration1 are sent as mandates to the ten great departments1 which allot them to the subordinate bureaus representing the particular industries1 and these set the men at work4 ,each bureau is responsible for the task given it4 ,even if in the hands of the consumer an article turns out unfit1 the system enables the fault to be traced back to the original workman4 ,after the necessary contingents of labour have been detailed for the various industries1 the amount of labour left for other employment is expended in creating fixed capital1 such as buildings1 machinery1 engineering works1 and so forth4 ,that evening and the next following ,i sat up late talking with ,dr4 ,leete of the changes of the last hundred and thirteen years2 but on the ,sunday1 my first in the twenty-first century1 ,i fell into a state of profound depression1 accentuated by consideration of the vast moral gap between the century to which ,i belonged and that in which ,i found myself4 ,there was no place anywhere for me4 ,i was neither dead nor properly alive4 ,now ,i realised the mingled pity1 curiosity1 and aversion which ,i1 as a representative of an abhorred epoch1 must excite in all around me2 but that ,edith ,leete must share their feelings was more than ,i could bear4 ,towards nightfall ,i entered the subterranean chamber and sat down there1 feeling utterly alone4 ,presently ,edith stood in the door4 ,has it never occurred to you1 ,i said1 that my position is more utterly alone than any human being's ever was before8 ,oh1 you must not talk in that way4 ,you don't know how it makes me feel to see you so forlorn1 she exclaimed4 ,i caught her hands in my own4 ,are you so blind as not to see why such kindness as you have all shown me is not enough to make me happy8 ,are you sure it is not you who are blind8 she said4 ,that was all2 but it was enough1 for it told me that this radiant daughter of a golden age had bestowed upon me not alone her pity1 but her love4 ,and now ,i first knew what was perhaps the strangest feature of my strange experience3 ,edith was the great grand-daughter of no other than my lost love ,edith ,bartlett4 ,,jeremy ,,bentham ,principles of ,morals and ,legislation ,jeremy ,bentham1 the son and grandson of attorneys1 was born in ,london on ,february #ae1 #agdh4 ,he was called to the ,bar1 but did not practise4 ,his fame rests on his work in the fields of jurisprudence1 political science1 and ethics4 ,he is accounted the founder of the utilitarian school of philosophy1 of which the theory is that the production of the greatest happiness of the greatest number is the criterion of morals and the aim of politics4 ,dying on ,june #f1 #ahcb1 his body1 in accordance with his own wishes1 was dissected1 and his skeleton dressed in his customary garb and preserved in the ,university ,college1 ,london4 ,bentham's failure at the ,bar caused him no small disappointment1 and it was not until the publication of a ,fragment on ,government in #aggf that he felt himself redeemed with public opinion4 ,the ,principles of ,morals and ,legislation was first published in #aghi1 but was actually in print nine years earlier4 ,it was primarily intended as the introductory volume of a complete work designed to cover the whole field of the principles of legislation--principles which1 as we have seen1 were based on that doctrine of utility which the author regarded as equally the basis of ethics4 ,i4--,calculation of ,pleasures and ,pains ,mankind is governed by pain and pleasure4 ,utility is that property in anything which tends to produce happiness in the party concerned1 whether an individual or a community4 ,the principle of utility makes utility the criterion for approval or disapproval of every kind of action4 ,an act which conforms to this principle is one which ought to be done1 or is not one which ought not to be done2 is right1 or1 at least1 not wrong4 ,there is no other criterion possible which cannot ultimately be reduced to the personal sentiment of the individual4 ,the sources or sanctions of pleasure and pain are four--the physical1 in the ordinary course of nature2 political1 officially imposed2 moral or popular1 imposed by public opinion2 and religion4 ,pains under the first head are calamities2 under the other three are punishments4 ,under the first three heads1 they concern the present life only4 ,the second1 third1 and the fourth1 as concerns this life1 operate through the first2 but the first operates independently of the others4 ,pleasures and pains1 then1 are the instruments with which the legislator has to work2 he must1 therefore1 be able to gauge their relative values4 ,these depend primarily and simply on four things--intensity1 duration1 certainty or uncertainty1 propinquity or remoteness4 ,secondarily1 on fecundity1 the consequent probable multiplication of the like sensations2 and purity1 the improbability of consequent contrary sensations4 ,finally1 on extent--the number of persons pleasurably or painfully affected4 ,all these being weighed together1 if the pleasurable tendency predominates1 the act is good2 if the painful1 bad4 ,pleasures and pains are either simple or complex--i4e41 resolvable into several simple pleasures1 and may be enumerated2 as those of the senses1 of wealth1 of piety1 of benevolence1 of malevolence1 of association1 of imagination4 ,different persons are sensible to the same pleasure in different degrees1 and the sensibility of the individual varies under different circumstances4 ,circumstances affecting sensibility are various--such as health1 strength1 sex1 age1 education2 they may be circumstances of the body1 of the mind1 of the inclinations4 ,their influence can be reckoned approximately1 but should be taken into consideration so far as is practicable4 ,the legislator and the judge are concerned with the existing causes of pleasure and pain1 but of pain rather than pleasure--the mischiefs which it is desired to prevent1 and the punishments by which it is sought to prevent them--and for the due apportionment of the latter they should have before them the complete list of punishments and of circumstances affecting sensibility4 ,by taking the two together--with one list or the other for basis1 preferably the punishment list--a classification of appropriate penalties is attainable4 ,an analytical summary of the circumstances affecting sensibility will distinguish as secondary--i4e41 as acting not immediately but mediately through the primary--sex1 age1 station in life1 education1 climate1 religion4 ,the others1 all primary1 are connate--viz41 radical frame of mind and body--or adventitious4 ,the adventitious are personal or exterior4 ,the personal concern a man's disposition of body or mind1 or his actions2 the exterior the things or the persons he is concerned with4 ,,ii4--,human ,actions ,analysed ,the business of government is to promote the happiness of society by rewarding and punishing1 especially by punishing acts tending to diminish happiness4 ,an act demands punishment in proportion to its tendency to diminish happiness--i4e41 as the sum of its consequences does so4 ,only such consequences are referred to as influence the production of pain or pleasure4 ,the intention1 as involving other consequences1 must also be taken into consideration4 ,and the intention depends on the state both of the will and of the understanding as to the circumstances--consciousness1 unconsciousness1 or false consciousness regarding them4 ,hence with regard to each action we have to consider 7#a7 the act itself1 7#b7 the circumstances1 7#c7 the intentionality1 7#d7 the attendant consciousness1 and also 7#e7 the motive1 and 7#f7 the general disposition indicated4 ,acts are positive and negative--i4e41 of commission and omission1 or forbearance2 external or corporal1 and internal or mental2 transitive1 affecting some body other than the agent's1 or intransitive2 transient or continued 7mere repetition is not the same as habit74 ,circumstances are material when visibly related to the consequences in point of casuality1 directly or indirectly4 ,they may be criminative1 or exculpative1 or aggravative1 or evidential4 ,the intention may regard the act itself only1 or its consequences also--for instance1 you may touch a man intentionally1 and by doing so cause his death unintentionally4 ,but you cannot intend the consequences--though you may have desired them--without intending the action4 ,the consequences may be intended directly or indirectly1 and may or may not be the only thing intended4 ,the intention is good or bad as the consequences intended are good or bad4 ,but these actually depend on the circumstances which are independent of the intention2 here the important point is the man's consciousness of the circumstances1 which are objects not of the will1 but of the understanding4 ,if he is conscious of the circumstances and of their materiality1 the act is advised2 if not1 unadvised4 ,unadvisedness may be due either to heedlessness or to misapprehension4 ,and here we may remark that we may speak of a bad intention1 though the motive was good1 if the consequences intended were bad1 and vice versa4 ,in this sense also1 the intention may be innocent--that is1 not bad1 without being positively good4 ,of motives1 we are concerned with practical motives only1 not those which are purely speculative4 ,these are either internal or external2 either events in esse1 or events in prospect4 ,the immediate motive is an internal motive in esse--an awakened pleasure or pain at the prospect of pleasure or pain4 ,all others are comparatively remote4 ,now1 since the motive is always primarily to produce some pleasure or prevent some pain1 and since pleasure is identical with good1 and pain with evil1 it follows that no motive is in itself bad4 ,the motive is good if it tends to produce a balance of pleasure2 bad1 if a balance of pain4 ,thus any and every motive may produce actions good1 indifferent1 or bad4 ,hence1 in cataloguing motives1 we must employ only neutral terms1 i4e41 not such as are associated with goodness as--piety1 honour--or with badness--as lust1 avarice4 ,the motives1 of course1 correspond to the various pleasures as previously enumerated4 ,they may be classified as good1 bad1 or indifferent1 according as their consequences are more commonly good1 bad1 or indifferent2 but the dangers of such classification are obvious4 ,in fact1 we cannot affirm goodness1 badness1 or indifference of motive1 except in the particular instance4 ,a better classification is into the social--including goodwill1 love of reputation1 desire of amity1 religion2 dissocial--displeasure2 self-regarding--physical desire1 pecuniary interest1 love of power1 self-preservation4 ,of all these1 the dictates of goodwill are the surest of coinciding with utility1 since utility corresponds precisely to the widest and best-advised goodwill4 ,even here1 however1 there may be failure1 since benevolence towards one group may clash with benevolence towards another4 ,next stands love of reputation1 which is less secure1 since it may lead to asceticism and hypocrisy4 ,third comes the desire of amity1 valuable as the sphere in which amity is sought is extended1 but also liable to breed insincerity4 ,religion would stand first of all if we all had a correct perception of the divine goodness2 but not when we conceive of ,god as malevolent or capricious2 and1 as a matter of fact1 our conception of the ,deity is controlled by our personal biases4 ,the self-regarding motives are1 ex hypothesi1 not so closely related to utility as the social motives1 and the dissocial motives manifestly stand at the bottom of the scale4 ,in respect to any particular action there may be a conflict of motives1 some impelling towards it1 others restraining from it2 and any motive may come in conflict with any other motive4 ,it will be found hereafter that in the case of some offences the motive is material in the highest degree1 and in others wholly immaterial2 in some cases easy1 and in others impossible to gauge4 ,,iii4--,the ,principles of ,punishment ,goodness or badness1 then1 cannot be predicated of the motive4 ,what is good or bad in the man when actuated by one motive or another is his disposition1 or permanent attitude of mind1 which is good or bad as tending to produce effects beneficial to the community4 ,it is to be considered in regard to its influence on 7#a7 his own happiness2 7#b7 other people's4 ,the legislator is concerned with it so far as it is mischievous to others4 ,a man is held to be of a mischievous disposition when it is presumed--for it is a mere presumption--that he inclines to acts which appear to him mischievous4 ,here it is that intentionality and consciousness come in4 ,where the tendency of the act is good1 and the motive is a social one1 a good disposition is indicated2 where the tendency is bad1 and the motive is self-regarding1 a bad disposition is indicated4 ,otherwise1 the indication of good or bad disposition may be very dubious or non-existent2 as may easily be seen by constructing examples4 ,now1 our problem is to measure the depravity of a man's disposition1 which may be defined as the sum of his intentions4 ,the causes of intentions are motives4 ,the social motives may be called tutelary1 as tending to restrain from mischievous intentions2 but any motive may become tutelary on occasion4 ,love of ease1 and desire of self-preservation1 in the form of fear of punishment1 are apt to be tutelary motives4 ,now we can see that the strength of a temptation equals the sum of the impelling motives1 minus the sum of the tutelary motives4 ,hence1 the more susceptible a man is to the standing tutelary motives1 the less likely is he to yield to temptation2 in other words1 the less depraved is his disposition4 ,hence1 given the strength of the temptation1 the mischievousness of the disposition is as the apparent mischievousness of the act4 ,given the apparent mischievousness of the act1 the less the temptation yielded to1 the greater the depravity of disposition2 but the stronger the temptation1 the less conclusive is the evidence of depravity4 ,it follows that the penalty should be increased--i4e41 the fear of punishment should be artificially intensified1 in proportion as1 apart from that fear1 the temptation is stronger4 ,we now come to consequences4 ,the mischief of the act is the sum of its mischievous consequences1 primary and secondary4 ,the primary mischief subdivides into original1 i4e41 to the sufferer in the first instance2 and derivative1 to the definite persons who suffer as a direct consequence1 whether through their interest1 or merely through sympathy4 ,the secondary mischiefs1 affecting not specific persons but the community1 are actual danger1 or alarm--the apprehension of pain4 ,for the occurrence of the act points to the possibility of its repetition2 weakening the influence both of the political and of the moral sanction4 ,an act of which the primary consequences are mischievous may have secondary beneficial consequences1 which altogether outweigh the primary mischief--e4g41 the legal punishment of crime4 ,the circumstances influencing the secondary mischiefs of alarm and danger are the intentionality1 the consciousness1 the motive1 and the disposition2 danger depending on the real1 and alarm on the apparent1 state of mind1 though the real and the apparent coincide more commonly than not4 ,between the completely intentional and completely unintentional act there are various stages1 depending on the degree of consciousness1 as explained above4 ,the excellence of the motive does not obliterate the mischievousness of the act2 nor vice versa2 but the mischief may be aggravated by a bad motive1 as pointing to greater likelihood of repetition4 ,this is less the case1 however1 when the motive is dissocial1 such motives being generally less constant1 as having reference to a particular1 not a general1 object2 the religious motive1 as being more constant1 is more pernicious when it has a mischievous issue4 ,punishment1 being primarily mischievous1 is out of place when groundless1 inefficacious1 unprofitable1 or needless4 ,punishment is inefficious when it is ex post facto1 or extra-legal1 or secret2 or in the case of irresponsible 7including intoxicated7 persons2 and also so far as the intention of the act was incomplete1 or where the act was actually or practically under compulsion4 ,it is unprofitable when under ordinary circumstances the evils of the punishment outweigh those of the offence2 this subject1 however1 will be more fully dealt with later4 ,it is needless when the end in view can be as well or better attained otherwise4 ,now1 the aim of the legislator is 7#a7 to prevent mischief altogether2 7#b7 to minimise the inclination to do mischief2 7#c7 to make the prevention cheap4 ,hence1 7#a7 the punishment must outweigh the profit of the offence to the doer2 7#b7 the greater the mischief1 the greater the expense worth incurring to prevent it2 7#c7 alternative offences which are not equally mischievous1 as robbery and robbery with murder1 must not be equally punished2 7#d7 the punishment must not be excessive1 and therefore should take into account the circumstances influencing sensibility2 7#e7 so also must the weakness of the punishment due to its remoteness1 and the impelling force of habit4 ,the properties of punishment necessary to its adjustment to a particular offence are these3 7#a7 variability in point of quantity1 so that it shall be neither excessive nor deficient2 7#b7 equality1 so that when applied in equal degree1 it shall cause equal pain--e4g41 banishment may mean much to one man1 little to another2 7#c7 commensurability with other punishments2 7#d7 characteristicalness1 or appropriateness2 7#e7 exemplarity--it must not seem less than it is in fact2 7#f7 frugality--none of the pain it causes is to be wasted4 ,minor desirable qualities are 7#g7 subserviency to reformation of character2 7#h7 efficiency in disabling from mischief2 7#i7 subserviency to compensation2 7#aj7 popularity1 i4e41 accordant to common approbation2 7#aa7 remissibility4 ,,iv4--,division of ,offences ,an offence--a punishable act--is constituted such by the community2 though it ought not to be an offense unless contrary to utility1 it may be so4 ,it is assumed to be a detrimental act2 detrimental therefore to some person or persons1 whether the offender himself or other assignable persons1 or to persons not assignable4 ,offences against assignable persons other than the offender form the first class2 offences against individuals1 or private offences1 or private extra-regarding offences4 ,the second class is formed by semi-public offences1 i4e41 not against assignable individuals1 nor the community at large1 but a separable group in the community1 e4g41 a class or a locality4 ,the third class are those which are simply self-regarding2 the fourth1 against the community at large2 the fifth1 multiform or heterogeneous1 comprising falsehood and breaches of trust4 ,the first class may be subdivided into offences against 7#a7 the person1 7#b7 reputation1 7#c7 property1 7#d7 condition--i4e41 the serviceableness to the individual of other persons1 7#e7 person and property together1 7#f7 person and reputation together4 ,the second1 semi-public1 class1 being acts which endanger a portion of the community1 are those operating through calamity1 or of mere delinquency4 ,the latter are subdivided on the same lines as private offences4 ,so with the third or self-regarding class4 ,in class four1 public offences fall under eleven divisions3 7#a7 offences against external security--i4e41 from foreign foes2 7#b7 against justice--i4e41 the execution of justice2 7#c7 against the preventive branch of police2 7#d7 against the public force--i4e41 military control2 7#e7 against increase of national felicity2 7#f7 against public wealth--i4e41 the exchequer2 7#g7 against population2 7#h7 against national wealth--i4e41 enrichment of the population2 7#i7 against sovereignty2 7#aj7 against religion2 7#aa7 against national interests in general4 ,in class five1 falsehood comprises simple falsehoods1 forgery1 personation1 and perjury2 again distributable like the private offences4 ,in the case of trusts1 there are two parties--the trustee and the beneficiary4 ,offences under this head cannot1 for various reasons1 be conveniently referred to offences against property or condition1 which also must be kept separate from each other4 ,as regards the existence of a trust3 as against the trustee1 offences are 7#a7 wrongful non-investment of trust1 and wrongful interception of trust1 where the trusteeship is to his benefit2 or 7#b7 where it is troublesome1 wrongful imposition of trust4 ,both may similarly be offences against the beneficiary4 ,as regards the exercise of the trust1 we have negative breach of trust1 positive breach of trust1 abuse of trust1 disturbance of trust1 and bribery4 ,we may now distribute class one--offences against the individual--into genera2 to do so with the other classes would be superfluous4 ,simple offences against the person are actions referring to his actual person1 body or mind1 or external objects affecting his happiness4 ,these must take effect either through his will1 or not4 ,in the former case1 either by constraint1 or restraint1 confinement1 or banishment4 ,in any case the effect will be mortal or not mortal2 if not mortal1 reparable or irreparable injury when corporal1 actual1 or apprehended1 sufferance when mental4 ,so the list stands--simple and irreparable corporal injuries1 simple injurious restraint or constraint1 wrongful confinement or banishment1 homicide or menacement1 actual or apprehended mental injuries4 ,against reputation the genera of offences are 7i7 defamation1 7#b7 vilification4 ,of offences against property1 simple in their effects1 whether by breach of trust or otherwise1 the genera are3 wrongful non-investment1 interception1 divestment1 usurpation1 investment1 of property2 wrongful withholding of services1 destruction1 occupation1 or detainment1 embezzlement1 theft1 defraudment1 extortion4 ,of complex offences against person and reputation together3 corporal insults1 insulting menacement1 seduction1 and forcible seduction1 simple lascivious injuries4 ,against person and property together3 forcible interception1 divestment1 usurpation1 investment1 or destruction of property1 forcible occupation or detainment of movables1 forcible entry1 forcible detainment of immovables1 robbery4 ,as to offences against condition3 conditions are either domestic or civil2 domestic relations are either purely natural1 purely instituted1 or mixed4 ,of the first1 we are concerned only with the marital1 parental1 and filial relations4 ,under the second head are the relations of master and servant1 guardian and ward4 ,in the case of master and servants1 the headings of offences are much like those against property4 ,guardianship is required in the cases of infancy and insanity2 again the list of offences is similar4 ,the parental and filial relations1 so far as they are affected by institutions1 comprise those both of master and servant1 and of guardian and ward2 so that the offences are correspondent4 ,the relation of husband and wife also comprises those of master and guardian to servant and ward4 ,but there are further certain reciprocal services which are the subject of the marital contract1 by which polygamy and adultery are constituted offences in ,christian countries1 and also the refusal of conjugal rights4 ,from domestic conditions we pass to civil4 ,eliminating all those which can be brought under the categories of trusts and domestic conditions1 there remain conditions1 constituted by beneficial powers over things1 beneficial rights to things1 rights to services1 and by corresponding duties2 and between these and property there is no clear line of demarcation1 yet we can hit upon some such conditions as separable4 ,such are rank and profession which entail specific obligations and rights--these are not property but conditions2 as distinguished from other exclusive rights bestowed by the law1 concerned with saleable articles 7e4g41 copyright71 which convey not conditions1 but property4 ,so1 naturalisation conveys the conditions of a natural born subject4 ,public offences are to be catalogued in a manner similar to private offences4 ,my object has been to combine intelligibility with precision2 technical terms lack the former quality1 popular terms the latter4 ,hence the plan of the foregoing analysis has been to take the logical whole constituted by the sum of possible offences1 dissect it in as many directions as were necessary1 and carry the process down to the point where each idea could be expressed in current phraseology4 ,thus it becomes equally applicable to the legal concerns of all countries or systems4 ,the advantages of this method are3 it is convenient for the memory1 gives room for general propositions1 points out the reason of the law1 and is applicable to the laws of all nations4 ,hence we are able to characterise the five classes of offences4 ,thus1 of private offences1 we note that they are primarily against assignable individuals1 admit of compensation and retaliation1 and so on2 of semi-public offences1 that they are not against assignable individuals1 and1 with self-regarding offences1 admit of neither compensation nor retaliation2 to which a series of generalisations respecting each class can be added4 ,the relation between penal jurisprudence and private ethics must be clarified4 ,both are concerned with the production of happiness4 ,a man's private ethics are concerned with his duty to himself and to his neighbour2 prudence1 probity1 and beneficence4 ,those cases described as unmeet for punishment are all within the ethical1 but outside the legislative1 sphere1 except the groundless cases1 which are outside both4 ,the special field of private ethics is among the cases where punishment is unprofitable or inefficacious1 notably those which are the concern of prudence4 ,so with the rules of beneficence2 but beneficence might well be made compulsory in a greater degree than it is4 ,the special sphere of legislation1 however1 lies in the field of probity4 ,a work of jurisprudence is either expository of what the law is1 or censorial1 showing what it should be4 ,it may relate to either local or universal jurisprudence2 but if expository can hardly be more than local4 ,it may be internal1 or international1 though there is very little law in international procedure2 if internal1 it may be national or provincial1 it may be historical or living2 it may be divided into statutory and customary1 into civil and penal or criminal4 ,,jean ,,bloch ,the ,future of ,war ,the son of humble ,polish ,jews1 ,jean ,bloch1 who was born in #ahcf1 amassed a large fortune out of ,russian railways4 ,at the age of fifty he retired from business1 and devoted himself to an exhaustive study of the conditions and possibilities of modern warfare4 ,to this labour he gave eight years1 and1 in #ahih1 the fruits of it were published in a work of six volumes1 in which he sought to prove that1 owing to the immensity of modern armies1 the deadliness of modern weapons1 and the economic conditions that prevailed in the larger states1 a great ,european war was rapidly becoming a physical impossibility4 ,m4 ,bloch died on ,january #g1 #aijb1 not before several of his theories had been tested by actual campaigning4 ,his main argument1 however1 concerns a war on ,european frontiers between ,european powers1 and such a war he did not live to witness4 ,i4--,the ,problem ,stated ,in the public and private life of modern ,europe a presentiment is felt that the present incessant growth of armaments must either call forth a war1 ruinous both for conqueror and for conquered1 and ending perhaps in general anarchy2 or must reduce the people to the most lamentable condition4 ,is this unique state of mind justified by possible contingencies8 ,it is true that the ruinousness of war under modern conditions is apparent to all4 ,but this gives no sufficient guarantee that war will not break forth suddenly1 even in opposition to the wishes of those who take part in it4 ,involuntarily we call to mind the words of the great ,bacon1 that in the vanity of the world a greater field of action is open for folly than for reason1 and frivolity always enjoys more influence than judgment4 ,war1 it would appear from an analysis of the history of mankind1 has in the past been a normal attribute of human life4 ,the position now has changed in much1 but still the new continues to contend with the old4 ,with the innumerable voices which are now bound up in our public opinion1 and the many different representatives of its interests1 naturally appear very different views on militarism and its object--war4 ,the propertied classes are inclined to confuse even the intellectual movement against militarism with aspirations for the subversion of social order2 on the other hand1 agitators1 seeking influence on the minds of the masses1 deny all existing rights1 and promise to the masses more than the most perfect institutions could give them4 ,and although the masses are slow to surrender themselves to abstract reasoning1 and act usually only under the influence of passion1 there can be no doubt that this agitation penetrates the people more and more deeply4 ,with such a position of affairs1 it is necessary that influential and educated men should seriously attempt to give themselves a clear account of the effect of war under modern conditions2 whether it will be possible to realise the aims of war1 and whether the extermination of millions of men will not be wholly without result4 ,if1 after consideration of all circumstances1 we answer ourselves3 ,war with such conditions is impossible2 armies could not sustain those cataclysms which a future war would call forth2 the civil population could not bear the famine and interruption of industry2 then we might ask the general question3 ,why do the peoples more and more exhaust their strength in accumulating means of destruction which are valueless even to accomplish the ends for which they are prepared8 ,in recent times war has become even more terrible than before in consequence of perfected weapons of destruction and systems of equipment and training utterly unknown in the past4 ,infantry and artillery fire will have unprecedented force2 smoke will no longer conceal from the survivors the terrible consequences of the battle4 ,from this1 and from the fact that the mass of soldiers will have but recently been called from the field1 the factory1 and the workshop1 it will appear that even the psychical conditions of war have changed4 ,the thought of the convulsions which will be called forth by a war1 and of the terrible means prepared for it1 will hinder military enterprise4 ,but1 on the other hand1 the present conditions cannot continue to exist for ever4 ,the peoples groan under the burdens of militarism4 ,we are compelled to ask3 ,can the present incessant demands for money for armaments continue for ever without social outbreaks8 ,the position of the ,european world1 the organic strength of which is wasted1 on the one hand1 in the sacrifice of millions on preparations for war1 and1 on the other1 in a destructive agitation1 which finds in militarism its apology and a fit instrument for acting on the minds of the people1 must be admitted to be abnormal and even sickly4 ,is it possible that there can be no recovery from this8 ,we are deeply persuaded that a means of recovery exists if the ,european states would but set themselves the question--in what will result these armaments and this exhaustion8 ,what will be the nature of a future war8 ,can recourse be had to war even now for the decision of questions in dispute1 and is it possible to conceive the settlement of such questions by means of the cataclysm which1 with modern means of destruction1 a war between five great powers with ten millions of soldiers would cause8 ,that war will become impossible in time is indicated by all4 ,the more apposite question is--when will the recognition of this inevitable truth be spread among ,european governments and peoples8 ,when the impossibility of resorting to war for the decision of international quarrels is evident to all1 other means will be devised4 ,,ii4--,how ,war ,will ,be ,waged on ,land ,the bullet of the present day can kill at a vastly greater distance than the bullets fired during the ,franco-,german and ,russo-,turkish campaigns4 ,the powder now in use has not only far more explosive force than the old-fashioned powder1 but is almost smokeless4 ,the introduction of the magazine rifle has immensely increased the speed of firing4 ,moreover1 the rifle is undergoing constant improvement1 and becoming a more and more deadly weapon4 ,it is easy1 then1 to see the following consequences from these changes3 7#a7 ,the opening of battles from much greater distances than formerly2 7#b7 the necessity of loose formation in attack2 7#c7 the strengthening of the defence2 7#d7 the increase in the area of the battlefield2 and 7#e7 the increase in casualties4 ,if we take rifle shooting alone into account1 the length of range1 the speed of fire1 the better training of troops in the use of the rifle1 and the invention of contrivances to aid markmanship1 cause such effectiveness of fire that it would be quite possible for rival armies totally to annihilate each other4 ,but a similar improvement has taken place in artillery4 ,the introduction of the quick-firing gun has multiplied the speed of artillery fire many times over4 ,the range has been increased by the perfecting of the structure of the guns1 the use of nickel steel in the manufacture of projectiles1 and the employment of smokeless powder of immense explosive force4 ,artillery fire will now not only be employed against attacking troops1 but even more against supporting bodies1 which must necessarily advance in closer order1 and among whom1 therefore1 the action of artillery will be even more deadly4 ,we may well ask the question whether the nerves of short-service soldiers will stand the terrible destructiveness of artillery fire4 ,as a necessary consequence of the increase in the power of fire1 we find the more frequent and more extended adoption of defences1 and of cover for protection in attack and hampering the enemy4 ,in addition1 every body of men appointed for defence1 and even for attack--if it is not to attack at once--must immediately entrench itself4 ,the defenders1 thus sheltered1 and only requiring to expose their heads and hands1 have an enormous advantage over the attacking party1 which is exposed to an uninterrupted fire to which it can hardly reply4 ,in the opinion of competent military writers1 the war of the future will consist primarily of a series of battles for the possession of fortified positions1 which will further be protected by wire obstructions1 pitfalls1 etc41 to overcome which great sacrifices must be made4 ,as infantry1 even if weak in numbers1 cannot be driven from an entrenched position without artillery fire1 armies in future must find themselves mainly dependent upon artillery4 ,if the defending artillery be equal in strength to that of the attackers1 then the attacking artillery will be wiped out4 ,if it be not equal in strength1 then both may be wiped out4 ,the losses will be so great that the artillery of both armies will be paralysed1 or it might be that the artillery would inflict such heavy losses on the troops that the war would become impossible4 ,owing to smokeless powder1 batteries of artillery are more exposed to the fire both of the enemy's artillery and of sharpshooters4 ,a hundred sharpshooters at a distance of half a mile can1 it is estimated1 put a battery out of action in less than two minutes and a half4 ,let it be added that the high explosives used by modern artillery are extremely liable to explode1 owing to being struck by the enemy1 or owing to concussion caused by an enemy's shell1 or to mishandling4 ,for these reasons1 the prospect before an artillery battery entering into a modern ,european battle is a prospect of demolition4 ,the ,european infantry of the future will be composed largely of imperfectly trained short-service soldiers and of reserves who have forgotten their training4 ,infantry soldiers are liable to be killed by bullets from enemies whom they cannot see1 whose rifles1 owing to the distance1 they may not even be able to hear4 ,their officers will be picked off in great numbers by sharpshooters1 and they will be left without leaders4 ,it is calculated that an average army is composed one-third of brave men1 one-third of cowards1 and one-third of men who will be brave if properly led4 ,the loss of the officers must tend to cause this latter section to join the cowards4 ,furthermore1 the enormous area of modern battlefields involves great demands upon the endurance of the foot soldiers1 and troops mainly drawn from industrial centres can hardly be expected to meet such demands4 ,unless the attacking artillery is overwhelmingly stronger than the defending artillery1 defensive infantry in an entrenched position cannot be ousted from its position unless the attackers outnumber their opponents by six or seven to one1 and are prepared to lose heavily4 ,the murderous zone of a thousand yards lying between the armies cannot be crossed save at fearful sacrifice1 and the bayonet as a weapon of attack is now altogether obsolete4 ,can any commander be found who will possess the extraordinary qualities needed for the control of a modern ,european army--a whole people possessed of weapons of tremendous power and deadliness1 spread over an area of vast extent1 engaged upon battles that will necessarily last for days1 subjected to a nervous strain such as has never been experienced in warfare8 ,the responsibility of subordinate officers must1 under such circumstances1 be far greater than it used to be2 the commander cannot keep everything under his eye4 ,and1 as already said1 the officers will be especially picked out for death4 ,under all these conditions1 it is likely that after battles with enormous slaughter1 victory will be claimed by both sides4 ,we must further take into account the influence of a modern war upon populations4 ,what will be the effect on the temper of modern armies if war should be prolonged8 ,how will the civil population receive the news from the front8 ,what convulsions must we expect when1 after the conclusion of peace1 the soldiers return to their destroyed and desolated homes8 ,a great ,european war of the future will1 it may be assumed1 be fought on one or the other frontier of ,germany--in the ,franco-,german area on the western side2 or the ,german-,austro-,russian area on the eastern--or on both4 ,since it would be impossible under modern conditions for ,germany1 with or without ,austrian co-operation1 to invade both ,france and ,russia1 she would be obliged to defend one frontier while crossing the other4 ,an attack upon ,france would involve the traversing of a difficult stretch of country in which elaborate arrangements have been made for defence2 and although the ,french army is not so strong as that of ,germany1 it would have the enormous advantage of standing on the defensive4 ,even if ,germany were to gain initial successes through her superior swiftness in mobilization1 the difficulties of modern warfare are such that she could not hope1 even under abnormally favourable circumstances1 to capture ,paris in less than two years1 and long before then she would be reduced to a state of entire economic exhaustion4 ,it is to be borne in mind that the invading army would constantly grow weaker1 while the defenders would be able to enforce the superiority now belonging to defence by bringing up all their reserves4 ,difficulties which would be1 if possible1 even harder to surmount would attend a ,french attempt to invade ,germany4 ,the elaborate plans that have been drawn up for an ,austro-,german invasion of ,russia would1 in all probability1 be doomed to failure4 ,the defensive system of ,russian ,poland is regarded as almost perfect4 ,even if the ,german and ,austrian forces could evade the ,polish defences1 they would waste their strength against the second ,russian fortified line2 and even if that were broken through1 ,st4 ,petersburg and ,moscow would still be far distant1 and ,russia's immense resources in men would enable her to bring up body after body of reserves against the dwindling invading force4 ,a ,russian invasion of ,prussia would have to encounter an elaborately scientific defensive system1 and would be liable to all the other difficulties to which an invasion is exposed--particularly1 in this case1 the difficulty of feeding a vast host of men on hostile territory4 ,the weakness of ,austria's ,galician frontier seems tempting2 but ,russia would have to strike at ,germany--an invasion of ,austria which left ,germany untouched would be mere waste of energy4 ,the general conclusion is that invasion of an enemy's country1 in a great ,european struggle1 would1 in all probability1 lead to the destruction of the invaders and the entire exhaustion of both combatants4 ,,iii4--,modern ,war at ,sea ,the modern warship is a floating fortress equipped with complex machinery1 and the rivalry in naval invention has led to a terrible expenditure upon which the powers have embarked in utter heedlessness of the warnings of economists4 ,so prodigious is the destructive power of modern naval weapons that1 in the opinion of most specialists1 vessels which take part in great battles will issue from them damaged to such an extent that1 during the rest of the war1 they will not need to be taken into account4 ,in war the strongest nation will be that which possesses the greatest number of arsenals and ready stores of ammunition1 and coal at points selected in times of peace2 and1 in addition to these1 a fleet in reserve1 even a fleet of old type1 but equipped with modern artillery4 ,with such a fleet it will be possible to strike deadly blows at the enemy when the fleets of the first line have been incapacitated4 ,to cruisers and torpedo-boats will be allotted the ferocious duty of pursuing merchant ships1 falling upon them at night1 and sinking them1 with the object of cutting the communications and paralysing the trade of the enemy4 ,the effect of naval wars on trade will in future be incomparably more disastrous than it has ever been before4 ,calculations show that ,england alone in a prolonged war could gain the mastery of the sea1 forcing the other naval powers to give way everywhere4 ,but the interruption of communications at sea would cause the ,english such losses that a prolonged war would be impossible for them4 ,thus1 in continuing to increase their fleets and to perfect their armaments at immense cost1 the ,european powers are striving at aims undefined and unattainable4 ,but the financial and social difficulties which yearly increase may result in such dangers that governments must be compelled after immense sacrifices to do what it would be wiser to do to-day--namely1 to abandon a fruitless competition4 ,such is a brief picture of what ,europe may expect from a future war4 ,but over and above the direct sacrifices and material losses by slaughter1 fire1 hunger1 and disease1 a war will cause to humanity a great moral evil in consequence of the forms which a struggle on sea will assume1 and of the examples of savagery which it will present at a moment when the civil order will be threatened by new theories of social revolution4 ,what wearisome labour will be needed to repair the losses1 to cure the wounds which a war of a single year will cause6 ,how many flourishing countries will be turned into wildernesses and rich cities into ruins6 ,how many tears will be shed1 how many will be left in beggary6 ,how long will it be before the voices of the best men1 after such a terrible example1 will preach to humanity a higher principle than might is right8 ,,iv4--,the ,warnings of the ,economists ,the conditions of modern war are bound to be the cause of huge expenditure4 ,first of all1 military stores must be drawn by every country from its own resources4 ,artillery1 rifles1 and ammunition are all far more costly than they used to be1 and the amount of ammunition consumed in a modern ,european campaign will be prodigious4 ,the vastness of armies1 and the deadliness of modern weapons1 will add immensely to the requirements of the sick and wounded4 ,the demand for provisions must vastly increase1 and the increase will be followed by a great rise in prices4 ,that an immense army cannot exist on the resources of an enemy's territory is plain1 especially when the slowness of advance in a struggle for fortified positions is taken into account4 ,communications by sea will be interrupted at the very outbreak of war4 ,in this respect ,england is in incomparably the worst position4 ,there are serious reasons for doubting the proposition that a future war would be short4 ,thanks to railways1 the period of preparatory operations would be considerably shortened2 but in marches1 manoeuvres1 and battles railways can be employed only in very rare cases1 and as lines of operation they cannot serve4 ,the question naturally arises3 ,will it be possible to raise for war purposes revenues vastly exceeding the normal revenues of ,european states8 ,and what results must we expect from such extraordinary tension8 ,a careful and thorough inquiry shows that no great power is economically capable of bearing the strain of a great war4 ,russia has in this respect an important advantage in that her workers1 who are her fighters1 are mostly agricultural2 the members of their families can continue their labours when the summons to war is issued4 ,but1 on the other hand1 the ,russian rural population is extremely poor1 and her resources would quickly be exhausted4 ,as for ,england1 the interruption of maritime communications would affect disastrously1 if not fatally1 the industries of the country and the feeding of her population4 ,england depends to so great an extent upon imported wheat that a war would threaten the whole population with famine4 ,the very large industrial portion of the ,german community would be hit most severely4 ,the stoppage of work and the rise in prices would cause intense suffering and violent discontent4 ,although ,france survived the economic strain of the war of #ahgj1 it does not follow that she could endure the far greater strain of a campaign under the new conditions4 ,her industrial population1 like that of ,germany1 would be ruined1 and the resulting misery might well lead to revolution4 ,a great ,european war1 then1 would bring about the economic prostration of every nation engaged in it1 and would be a cause of violent danger to the fabric of society4 ,another problem of modern war remains to be considered--the condition and care of the wounded4 ,modern weapons of precision can not only kill or wound more accurately and at greater distances than the older weapons1 but have more penetrative power4 ,a rifle bullet of to-day will pass through three or four bodies1 shattering and splintering any bones it may encounter in its course4 ,hence wounds will be more numerous than they have ever been2 and1 owing to the unwieldly size of armies and the poor physical condition of many of the men1 sickness will be more common as well4 ,nevertheless1 the assistance of the wounded and sick will be much more difficult than it has been in the past4 ,while the fighting organisation of armies has been improved1 their healing organisation has been neglected4 ,it will1 besides1 be almost impossible to give aid to the wounded4 ,their removal will have to be conducted under fire1 and both the wounded man and his rescuer will run a constant risk of death4 ,many wounded will have to lie on the field1 exposed to a hail of bullets and fragments of shells1 until the end of the battle--and the battle may last for days4 ,this cannot but have an evil effect on the morale of an army4 ,if a soldier were convinced that he had a good chance of being taken care of if wounded1 he would fight with a better spirit than if he feared that1 if he fell1 he would be left to prolonged hunger and agony4 ,it is evident that a vast difference exists between war as it has been in the past and war as it will be in the future4 ,wars formerly were carried on by standing armies consisting mainly of long-service soldiers4 ,armies in future wars will be composed mainly of soldiers taken direct from peaceful occupations2 many of the older ones will be heads of families torn from their homes1 their families1 and their work4 ,the economic life of whole peoples will stand still1 communications will be cut1 and if war be prolonged over the greater part of a year1 general bankruptcy1 with famine and all its worst consequences1 will ensue4 ,it is to be expected1 therefore1 that popular discontent with militarism will continue to grow4 ,the immense expenditure on military aims1 and the consequent growth of taxation1 are the favourite arguments of agitators1 who declare that the institutions of the ,middle ,ages were less burdensome than modern preparations for war4 ,the question is naturally asked3 ,what will be given to the people after war as compensation for their immense losses8 ,the conquered certainly will be too exhausted to pay any money indemnity1 and compensation must be taken by the retention of frontier territories1 which will be so impoverished by war that their acquisition will be a loss rather than a gain4 ,with such conditions1 can we hope for good sense among millions of men when but a handful of their officers remain8 ,will the armies of ,western ,europe1 where the socialist propaganda has already spread among the masses1 allow themselves to be disarmed2 and1 if not1 must we not expect even greater disasters than those which marked the short-lived triumph of the ,paris ,commune8 ,the longer the present position of affairs continues1 the greater is the probability of such convulsions after the close of a great war4 ,thus1 with the growth of military burdens rise waves of popular discontent1 threatening a social revolution4 ,such are the consequences of the armed peace of ,europe--slow destruction in consequence of expenditure on preparations for war1 or swift destruction in the event of war--in both events convulsions in the social order4 ,,edmund ,,burke ,reflections on the ,revolution in ,france ,edmund ,burke1 born on ,jan4 #ab1 #agbi1 at ,dublin1 ,ireland1 was educated at ,trinity ,college there1 and proceeded in #agej to the ,middle ,temple1 ,london1 but forsook law for the pursuit of literature and politics4 ,his earliest serious work was the essay on ,the ,sublime and ,beautiful1 published in #agef1 of which the full title is ,a ,philosophical ,inquiry into the ,origin of ,our ,ideas of the ,sublime and ,beautiful4 ,in #agfa he became private secretary to ,hamilton1 the ,secretary of ,ireland1 and four years later to the ,premier1 the ,marquis of ,rockingham1 when he also became ,m4,p4 for ,wendover1 and1 in #aggd1 for ,bristol4 ,he died on ,july #i1 #agig4 ,burke's magnificent treatise on the ,french ,revolution1 of which the full title is ,reflections on the ,revolution in ,france1 and on the ,proceedings of ,certain ,societies in ,london relative to that ,event2 ,in a ,letter ,intended to ,have ,been ,sent to a ,gentleman in ,paris1 was published in #agij1 and was read all over ,europe1 powerfully encouraging strenuous resistance to the ,revolution4 ,it is1 perhaps1 in all literature1 the noblest expression of all that is noble in conservatism4 ,his treatise is as profound in its penetration into political principles as it is magnificent in conception and in language4 ,as ,burke had stood for a true liberty in ,america1 so he took his stand against a false liberty in ,europe4 ,but history has not justified him so completely in the latter case as in the former4 ,revolutionism was not only1 or chiefly1 libertinism2 and the wonderful modern ,france has largely disappointed his predictions4 ,i4--,the ,meaning of ,freedom ,dear ,sir1 ,you are pleased to call again1 and with some earnestness1 for my thoughts on the late proceedings in ,france4 ,you will see1 sir1 that though ,i do most heartily wish that ,france may be animated by a spirit of rational liberty1 it is my misfortune to entertain great doubts concerning several material points in your late transactions4 ,i love a manly1 moral1 regulated liberty as well as anyone2 but ,i cannot stand forward and give praise or blame to anything which relates to human actions and human concerns1 on a simple view of the subject1 as it stands stripped of every relation1 in all the nakedness and solitude of metaphysical abstraction4 ,i should1 therefore1 suspend my congratulations on the new liberty of ,france until ,i was informed how it had been combined with government2 with public force2 with the discipline and obedience of armies2 with the collection of an effective and well-distributed revenue2 with morality and religion2 with the solidity of property2 with peace and order2 with civil and social manners4 ,all these1 in their way1 are good things1 too2 and1 without them1 liberty is not a benefit while it lasts1 and is not likely to continue long4 ,the effect of liberty to individuals is that they may do what they please2 we ought to see what it will please them to do before we risk congratulations4 ,it appears to me as if ,i were in a great crisis1 not of the affairs of ,france alone1 but of all ,europe1 perhaps of more than ,europe4 ,all circumstances taken together1 the ,french ,revolution is the most astonishing that has hitherto happened in the world4 ,everything seems out of nature in this chaos of levity and ferocity1 and of all sorts of crimes jumbled together with all sorts of follies4 ,in viewing this monstrous tragi-comic scene1 the most opposite passions succeed1 and sometimes mix with each other in the mind2 alternate contempt and indignation2 laughter and tears2 scorn and horror4 ,you will observe that from ,magna ,charta to the ,declaration of ,right it has been the uniform policy of our constitution to claim and assert our liberties as an entailed inheritance derived to us from our forefathers and to be transmitted to our posterity4 ,our political system is placed in a just symmetry with the order of the world2 wherein1 by the disposition of a stupendous wisdom1 moulding together the great1 mysterious incorporation of the human race1 the whole1 at one time1 is never old1 or middle-aged1 or young1 but1 in a condition of unchangeable constancy1 moves on through the varied tenor of perpetual decay1 fall1 renovation1 and progression4 ,we have given to our frame of polity the image of a relation in blood2 binding up the constitution of our country with our dearest domesticities2 keeping inseparable1 and cherishing with the warmth of all their combined and mutually reflected charities1 our state1 our hearths1 our sepulchres1 and our altars4 ,always acting as if in the presence of canonised forefathers1 the spirit of freedom1 leading in itself to misrule and excess1 is tempered with an awful gravity4 ,all your sophisters cannot produce anything better adapted to preserve a manly freedom than the course that we have pursued1 who have chosen our nature rather than our speculations for the great conservatories and magazines of our rights and privileges4 ,,ii4--,a ,lost ,opportunity ,you might1 if you pleased1 have profited of our example1 and have given to your recovered freedom a correspondent dignity4 ,you possessed in some parts the walls1 and1 in all1 the foundations1 of a noble and venerable castle4 ,you might have repaired those walls1 you might have built on those old foundations4 ,but you began ill1 because you began by despising everything that belonged to you4 ,respecting your forefathers1 you would have been taught to respect yourselves4 ,by following wise examples you would have shamed despotism from the earth by showing that freedom is not only reconcilable1 but auxiliary to law4 ,you would have had a free constitution4 ,you would have had a protected1 satisfied1 laborious1 and obedient people1 taught to seek the happiness that is to be found by virtue in all conditions2 in which consists the true moral equality of mankind1 and not in that monstrous fiction which1 by inspiring false ideas and vain expectations into men destined to travel in the obscure walk of laborious life1 serves only to aggravate and embitter that real inequality which it never can remove1 and which the order of civil life establishes as much for the benefit of those whom it must leave in an humble state as those whom it is able to exalt to a condition more splendid but not more happy4 ,compute your gains2 see what is got by those extravagant and presumptuous speculations which have taught your leaders to despise all their predecessors and all their contemporaries1 and even to despise themselves1 until the moment in which they became truly despicable4 ,by following those false lights1 ,france has bought undisguised calamities at a higher price than any nation has purchased the most unequivocal blessings4 ,she has abandoned her interest that she might prostitute her virtue4 ,all other nations have begun the fabric of a new government1 or the reformation of an old1 by establishing1 or by enforcing with greater exactness1 some rites or other of religion4 ,all other people have laid the foundations of civil freedom in severer manners1 and a system of a more austere and masculine morality4 ,france1 when she let loose the reins of regal authority1 doubled the license of a ferocious dissoluteness in manners1 and of an insolent irreligion in opinions and practices2 and has extended through all ranks of life1 as if she were communicating some privilege1 or laying open some secluded benefit1 all the unhappy corruptions that usually were the disease of wealth and power4 ,this is one of the new principles of equality in ,france4 ,france1 by the perfidy of her leaders1 has utterly disgraced the tone of lenient counsel in the cabinets of princes1 and has taught kings to tremble at what will hereafter be called the delusive plausibilities of moral politicians4 ,sovereigns will consider those who advise them to place an unlimited confidence in their people as subverters of their thrones4 ,this alone is an irreparable calamity to you and to mankind4 ,the ,french have rebelled against a mild and lawful monarch with more fury1 outrage1 and insult than ever any people has been known to rise against the most illegal usurper or the most sanguinary tyrant4 ,their resistance was made to concession2 their revolt was from protection2 their blow was aimed at a hand holding out graces1 favours1 and immunities4 ,they have found their punishment in their success4 ,laws overturned2 tribunals subverted2 industry without vigour2 commerce expiring2 the revenue unpaid1 yet the people impoverished2 a ,church pillaged and a state unrelieved2 everything human and divine sacrificed to the idol of public credit1 and national bankruptcy the consequence4 ,,iii4--,the ,men in ,power ,this unforced choice1 this fond election of evil1 would appear perfectly unaccountable if we did not consider the composition of the national assembly4 ,if we were to know nothing of this assembly but its title and function1 no colours could paint to the imagination anything more venerable4 ,but no artificial institution whatever can make the men of whom any system of authority is composed any other than ,god1 and nature1 and education1 and their habits of life have made them4 ,capacities beyond these the people have not to give4 ,virtue and wisdom may be the objects of their choice2 but their choice confers neither the one nor the other on those upon whom they lay their ordaining hands4 ,they have not the engagement of nature1 they have not the promise of revelation1 for any such powers4 ,judge1 sir1 of my surprise when ,i found that a very great proportion of the assembly was composed of practitioners in the law4 ,it was composed1 not of distinguished magistrates1 not of leading advocates1 not of renowned professors2 the general composition was of obscure provincial advocates1 of stewards of petty local jurisdictions1 country attorneys1 notaries1 and the whole train of the ministers of municipal litigation1 the fomenters and conductors of the petty war of village vexation4 ,from the moment ,i read the list ,i saw distinctly1 and very nearly as it happened1 all that was to follow4 ,who could but conceive that men who are habitually meddling1 daring1 subtle1 active1 of litigious dispositions and unquiet minds1 would easily fall back into their old condition of low and unprofitable chicane8 ,who could doubt but that1 at any expense to the state1 of which they understood nothing1 they must pursue their private interests1 which they understood but too well8 ,it was inevitable2 it was planted in the nature of things4 ,other revolutions have been conducted by persons who1 whilst they attempted changes in the commonwealth1 sanctified their ambition by advancing the dignity of the people whose peace they troubled4 ,such was our ,cromwell1 one of the great bad men of the old stamp4 ,such were your whole race of ,guises1 ,condes1 ,colignys1 and ,richelieus4 ,these men1 among all their massacres1 did not slay the mind in their country4 ,a conscious dignity1 a noble pride1 a generous sense of glory and emulation1 was not extinguished4 ,but your present confusion1 like a palsy1 has attacked the fountain of life itself4 ,every person in your country in a situation to be actuated by principles of honour is disgraced and degraded4 ,property is destroyed1 and rational liberty has no existence4 ,if this be your actual situation1 as compared to the situation to which you were called1 as it were by the voice of ,god and man1 ,i cannot find it in my heart to congratulate you on the choice you have made1 or the success which has attended your endeavours4 ,far am ,i from denying in theory1 full as far as my heart from withholding in practice1 the real rights of man4 ,government is not made in virtue of natural rights1 which may and do exist in total independence of it1 and exist in much greater clearness1 and in a much greater degree of abstract perfection2 but their abstract perfection is their practical defect4 ,government is a contrivance of human wisdom to provide for human wants4 ,men have a right that these wants should be provided for by this wisdom4 ,among these wants is to be reckoned the want1 out of civil society1 of a sufficient restraint upon their passions4 ,in this sense the restraints on men1 as well as their liberties1 are to be reckoned among their rights4 ,but as the liberties and the restrictions vary with times and circumstances1 and admit of infinite modifications1 they cannot be settled upon any abstract rule2 and nothing is so foolish as to discuss them upon that principle4 ,the moment you abate anything from the full rights of men1 each to govern himself1 and suffer any artificial1 positive limitation upon those rights1 from that moment the whole organisation of government becomes a consideration of convenience4 ,this it is which makes the constitution of a state1 and the due distribution of powers1 a matter of the most delicate and complicated skill4 ,when ,i hear the simplicity of contrivance aimed at and boasted of in any new political constitutions1 ,i am at no loss to decide that the artificers are grossly ignorant of their trade1 or negligent of their duty4 ,the pretended rights of these theorists are all extremes1 and in proportion as they are metaphysically true they are morally and politically false4 ,the rights of men are in a sort of middle1 incapable of definition1 but not impossible to be discerned4 ,but this sort of people are so taken up with their theories about the rights of man that they have totally forgotten his nature4 ,without opening one new avenue to the understanding1 they have stopped up those that lead to the heart4 ,,iv4--,the ,death of ,chivalry ,as for the ,national ,assembly1 a majority1 sometimes real1 sometimes pretended1 captive itself1 compels a captive king to issue as royal edicts1 at third hand1 the polluted nonsense of their most licentious and giddy coffee-houses4 ,it is notorious that all their measures are decided before they are debated4 ,amidst assassination1 massacre1 and confiscation1 perpetrated or meditated1 they are forming plans for the good order of future society4 ,who is it that admires1 and from the heart is attached to1 national representative assemblies1 but must turn with horror and disgust from such a profane burlesque and abominable perversion of that sacred institute8 ,miserable king1 miserable assembly6 ,history1 who exercises her awful censure over the proceedings of all sorts of sovereigns1 will not forget how the king1 and his queen1 and their infant children1 who once would have been the pride and hope of a great and generous people1 were forced to abandon the sanctuary of the most splendid palace in the world1 which they left polluted by massacre and strewn with mutilated carcases1 and were made to taste1 drop by drop1 more than the bitterness of death4 ,is this a triumph to be consecrated at altars8 ,i rejoice to hear that the great lady1 an object of that triumph1 has borne that day--one is interested that beings made for suffering should suffer well--and that she bears the whole weight of her accumulated wrongs with a serene patience1 in a manner suited to her rank and race2 that she feels with the dignity of a ,roman matron2 that in the last extremity she will save herself from the last disgrace2 and that1 if she must fall1 she will fall by no ignoble hand4 ,it is now sixteen years since ,i saw the ,queen of ,france1 then the dauphiness1 at ,versailles1 and surely never lighted on this orb a more delightful vision4 ,i saw her glittering like the morning star1 full of life1 and splendour1 and joy4 ,oh6 what a revolution6 ,little did ,i dream that ,i should have lived to see such disasters fallen upon her in a nation of gallant men1 in a nation of men of honour1 and of cavaliers4 ,i thought ten thousand swords must have leaped from their scabbards to avenge even a look that threatened her with insult4 ,but the age of chivalry is gone4 ,that of sophisters1 economists1 and calculators has succeeded2 and the glory of ,europe is extinguished for ever4 ,never1 never more shall we behold that generous loyalty to rank and sex1 that proud submission1 that dignified obedience1 that subordination of the heart1 which kept alive1 even in servitude itself1 the spirit of an exalted freedom4 ,it is gone1 that sensibility of principle1 that chastity of honour1 which felt a stain like a wound1 which inspired courage whilst it mitigated ferocity1 which ennobled whatever it touched1 and under which vice itself lost half its evil by losing all its grossness4 ,if the king and queen of ,france and their children were to fall into our hands by the chance of war1 they would be treated with another sort of triumphal entry into ,london4 ,we formerly have had a king of ,france in that situation2 you have read how he was received in ,england4 ,four hundred years have gone over us2 but ,i believe we are not materially changed since that period4 ,we have not lost the generosity and dignity of thinking of the fourteenth century2 nor as yet have we subtilised ourselves into savages4 ,we have not been drawn and trussed1 in order that we may be filled1 like stuffed birds in a museum1 with chaff and rags and paltry blurred shreds of paper about the rights of man4 ,we have real hearts of flesh and blood beating in our bosoms4 ,we fear ,god2 we look up with awe to kings1 with affection to parliaments1 with duty to magistrates1 with reverence to priests1 and with respect to nobility4 ,why8 ,because when such ideas are brought before our minds it is natural to be so affected2 because all other feelings are false and spurious1 and tend to corrupt our minds1 to vitiate our primary morals1 to render us unfit for rational liberty2 and by teaching us a servile insolence1 to be our low sport for a few holidays1 to make us perfectly fit for1 and justly deserving of1 slavery through the whole course of our lives4 ,v4--,principles of ,statesmanship ,one of the first principles on which the commonwealth and the laws are consecrated is lest the temporary possessors and life-renters in it should act as it they were the entire masters1 hazarding to leave to those who come after them a ruin instead of an habitation4 ,by this unprincipled facility of changing the state as often1 and in as many ways as there are floating fancies or fashions1 the whole continuity of the commonwealth would be broken4 ,men would become little better than the flies in summer4 ,first of all1 the science of jurisprudence1 the pride of the human intellect1 which1 with all its defects1 redundances1 and errors1 is the collected reason of ages1 combining the principles of original justice with the infinite variety of human concerns1 would be no longer studied4 ,no certain laws1 establishing invariable grounds of hope and fear1 would keep the actions of men in a certain course4 ,no principles would be early worked into the habits4 ,who would ensure a tender and delicate sense of honour1 to beat almost with the first pulses of the heart1 when no man could know what would be the test of honour in a nation continually varying the standard of its coin8 ,to avoid1 therefore1 the evils of inconstancy and versatility1 ten thousand times worse than those of obstinacy and the blindest prejudice1 we have consecrated the state1 that no man should approach to look into its defects or corruptions but with due caution2 that he should never dream of beginning its reformation by its subversion2 that he should approach to the faults of the state as to the wounds of a father1 with pious awe and trembling solicitude4 ,society is indeed a contract4 ,but it is not a partnership in things subservient only to the gross animal existence of a temporary and perishable nature4 ,it is a partnership in all science2 a partnership in all art1 a partnership in every virtue and in all perfection4 ,as the ends of such a partnership cannot be obtained in many generations1 it becomes a partnership not only between those who are living1 but between those who are living1 those who are dead1 and those who are to be born4 ,each contract of each particular state is but a clause in the great primeval contract of eternal society1 linking the lower with the higher natures1 connecting the visible and invisible world1 according to a fixed compact sanctioned by the inviolable oath which holds all physical and all moral natures1 each in their appointed place4 ,these1 my dear sir1 are1 were1 and1 ,i think1 long will be1 the sentiments of not the least learned and reflecting part of this kingdom4 ,they conceive that ,he ,who gave our nature to be perfected by our virtue willed also the necessary means of its perfection4 ,he willed1 therefore1 the state--,he willed its connection with the source and original archetype of all perfection4 ,they who are convinced of ,his will1 which is the law of laws1 and the sovereign of sovereigns1 cannot think it reprehensible that this1 our corporate realty and homage1 that this our recognition of a signiory paramount--,i had almost said this oblation of the state itself--as a worthy offering on the high altar of universal praise1 should be performed with modest splendour and unassuming state4 ,for those purposes they think some part of the wealth of the country is as usefully employed as it can be in fomenting the luxury of individuals4 ,it is on some such principles that the majority of the people of ,england1 far from thinking a religious national establishment unlawful1 hardly think it lawful to be without one4 ,the commons of ,great ,britain1 in the national emergencies1 will never seek their resource from the confiscation of the estates of the church and poor4 ,sacrilege and proscription are not among the ways and means of our committee of supply4 ,there is not one public man in this kingdom1 of any party or description1 who does not reprobate the dishonest1 perfidious1 and cruel confiscation which the national assembly have been compelled to make of that property which it was their first duty to protect4 ,but to what end should we discuss all these things8 ,how shall we discuss the limitations of royal power8 ,your king is in prison4 ,why speculate on the measure and standard of liberty8 ,i doubt very much indeed whether ,france is at all ripe for liberty on any standard4 ,society cannot exist unless a controlling power upon will and appetite be placed somewhere1 and the less of it there is within1 the more there must be without4 ,it is ordained in the eternal constitution of things that men of intemperate minds cannot be free4 ,their passions forge their fetters4 ,,auguste ,,comte ,a ,course of ,positive ,philosophy ,isidore ,auguste ,marie ,francois ,xavier ,comte1 the founder of the ,positive philosophy1 was born at ,montpellier1 in ,france1 ,jan4 #ai1 #agih4 ,entering the ,ecole ,polytechnique at ,paris in his seventeenth year1 he showed mathematical talent1 but was expelled for insubordination4 ,in #ahah he met ,st4 ,simon1 and for six years he remained under the influence of that philosopher2 but in #ahbd he broke away and entered on an independent philosophical career4 ,in #ahbf he expounded to a distinguished audience his system of ,positive philosophy1 but during the course had an attack of insanity which lasted for a few months4 ,between #ahcj and #ahdb he published his ,cours de ,philosophie ,positive4 ,from #ahce to #ahde he acted as examiner at the ,ecole ,polytechnique1 but after #ahde he was supported by a subsidy from his admirers4 ,comte married in #ahbe1 but his marriage was not happy1 and ended in a separation in #ahdb4 ,he died on ,september #e1 #aheg4 ,his other important works are ,the ,system of ,positive ,politics and the ,positivist ,catechism4 ,i4--,positive ,classification of the ,sciences ,on studying the development of human intelligence1 it is found that it passes through three stages3 7#a7 ,the theological1 7#b7 the metaphysical1 7#c7 the scientific or positive4 ,in the theological stage it seeks to account for the world by supernatural beings4 ,in the metaphysical stage it seeks an explanation in abstract forces4 ,in the scientific1 or positive1 stage it applies itself to the study of the relation of phenomena to each other4 ,different sciences have passed through these stages at different rates4 ,astronomy reached the positive stage first1 then terrestrial physics1 then chemistry1 then physiology1 while sociology has not even yet reached it4 ,to put social phenomena upon a positive basis is the main object of this work2 its secondary object is to show that all branches of knowledge spring from the same trunk4 ,an integration of the sciences on a positive basis should lead to the discovery of the laws which rule the intellect in the investigation of facts1 should regenerate science and reorganise society4 ,at present the theological1 the metaphysical1 and the positive conflict1 and cause intellectual disorder and confusion4 ,the first step to be taken in forming a positive philosophy is to classify the sciences4 ,the first great division we notice in natural phenomena is the division into inorganic and organic phenomena4 ,under the inorganic we may include the sciences astronomy1 physics1 chemistry2 and under the organic we include the sciences physiology and sociology4 ,these five sciences1 astronomy1 physics1 chemistry1 physiology1 and sociology1 we may consider the five fundamental sciences4 ,this classification follows the order of the development of the sciences1 and indicates their social relation and relative perfection4 ,in order to reach effective knowledge1 the sciences must be studied in the order named2 sociology cannot be understood without knowledge of the anterior sciences4 ,behind and before all these sciences1 however1 lies the great science of mathematics--the most powerful instrument the mind can employ in the investigation of natural law--and the science of mathematics must be divided into abstract mathematics or the calculus1 and concrete mathematics embracing general geometry and rational mechanics4 ,we have thus really six great sciences4 ,,mathematics4 ,mathematics may be defined briefly as the indirect measurement of magnitudes and the determination of magnitudes by each other4 ,it is the business of concrete mathematics to discover the equations of phenomena2 it is the business of abstract mathematics to educe results from the equations4 ,thus concrete mathematics discovers by actual experiment the acceleration which takes place per second in a falling body1 and abstract mathematics educes results from the equations so discovered1 and obtains unknown quantities from known4 ,,astronomy4 ,astronomy may be defined as the science by which we discover the laws of the geometrical and mechanical phenomena presented by heavenly bodies4 ,to discover these laws we can use only our sense of sight and our reasoning power1 and reasoning bears a greater proportion to observation here than in any other science4 ,sight alone would never teach us the figure of the earth or the path of a planet1 and only by the measurement of angles and computation of times can we discover astronomical laws4 ,the observation of these invariable laws frees man from servitude to the theological and metaphysical conceptions of the universe4 ,,physics4 ,physics may be defined briefly as the study of the laws which regulate the general properties of bodies regarded en masse1 their molecules remaining unaltered and usually in a state of aggregation4 ,in the observations of physics all the senses are employed1 and mathematical analysis and experiment assist observation4 ,in the phenomena of astronomy human intervention was impossible2 in the phenomena of physics man begins to modify natural phenomena4 ,physics includes the subdivisions statics1 dynamics1 thermology1 acoustics1 optics1 and electrology4 ,physics is still handicapped by metaphysical conceptions of the primary causes of phenomena4 ,,chemistry4 ,chemistry may be briefly defined as the study of the laws of the phenomena of composition and decomposition1 which result from the molecular and specific mutual action of different substances1 natural or artificial4 ,in the observations of chemistry the senses are still more employed1 and experiment is of still more utility4 ,even in chemistry metaphysical conceptions1 such as affinity1 linger4 ,,physiology4 ,physiology may be defined as the study of the laws of organic dynamics in relation to structure and environment4 ,placed in a given environment1 a definite organism must always act in a definite way1 and physiology investigates the reciprocal relations between organism1 environment1 and function4 ,in physiology observation and experiment are of the greatest value1 and apparatus of all kinds is used to assist both observation and experiment4 ,physiology is most closely connected with chemistry1 since all the phenomena of life are associated with compositions and decompositions of a chemical character4 ,,ii4--,social ,physics ,to place social physics on a scientific basis is a task of great difficulty1 since social theories are still perverted by theological and metaphysical doctrines4 ,all ,i can hope to do is to point out general principles which may serve to correct the intellectual anarchy which is the cause of the moral and political anarchy of the present day4 ,i propose to state first how the institution of a science of social physics bears upon the principal needs and grievances of society1 so that men worthy of the name of statesmen may realise that such labours are of real utility4 ,so far1 positive philosophy has worked timidly and tentatively1 and has not been bold and broad and general enough to cope with intellectual anarchy in social questions2 but it is necessary now that it play a more dominant part in life1 and lead society out of the turmoil in which it has tossed for three centuries4 ,at present1 society is distracted by two conflicting influences1 which may be called the theological polity and the metaphysical polity4 ,the theological polity at one time exercised a beneficent influence on society2 but for three centuries past its influence has been essentially retrograde1 and has gradually1 but radically1 decayed4 ,the causes of its decline are various2 but the chief present-day antagonist to the theological polity is the scientific spirit1 and the scientific spirit can now never be repressed4 ,the metaphysical polity is progressive1 but progressive mainly in a negative way4 ,so far1 it has made for progress2 but it has made for progress chiefly by removing impediments to progress1 by destroying the theological conceptions which retarded the development of human intelligence and human society4 ,though dangerous and revolutionary1 it has been necessary2 for much required to be demolished to permit permanent reconstruction4 ,the metaphysical polity was required to combat the theological2 but now it has served its destructive purpose1 and tends to become obstructive1 for1 having destroyed the old1 it will not permit the new4 ,its chief dogma has always been liberty of conscience with the liberty of press and speech which that implies2 but liberty of conscience really means little more than absence of intellectual regulation2 and even as liberty of conscience is out of the question in astronomy and chemistry1 so it is out of the question in social physics4 ,liberty of conscience and inquiry can only be temporary and transitional1 and must be followed by positive decision on the part of those qualified to decide4 ,it cannot be held that every man is competent to form opinions in social and political questions2 it cannot be maintained that intellects of weak capacity can judge obscure and complex questions1 and that all opinions are equally valuable4 ,all society is based on faith in the opinion of others and in reciprocal confidence4 ,continual discussion of the foundations of society must render it impossible to lay sure foundations firm1 and the disorder produced by free opinions on all points by all people is seen in the fierce and feeble sectarianism of ,protestantism4 ,what are the limits of free inquiry we shall see later2 meantime1 we may note that fine motto of the ,catholic ,church3 ,in necessary things1 unity2 in doubtful things1 liberty2 and in all things1 charity4 ,the second dogma of the metaphysical polity is equality1 and1 like the other dogma1 it must be considered the temporary expression of a temporary need4 ,it is indeed a corollary of the dogma of liberty of conscience2 for to assume liberty of conscience without equality of intelligence would be to stultify the assumption4 ,having achieved its purpose1 it also became an obstacle in the path of progress4 ,equality sufficient to permit a man to use his faculties aright is allowed by all2 but men cannot be made equal physically1 and much less can they be made equal intellectually and morally4 ,the dogma of liberty of conscience and equality resulted naturally in a third dogma1 the sovereignty of the people4 ,this also was provisionally useful1 in that it permitted a series of political experiments2 but it is in essence revolutionary1 condemning the superior to be ruled by the inferior4 ,a fourth dogma1 the dogma of national independence1 has also been serviceable in separating the nations in preparation for a new union4 ,the metaphysical polity fails utterly in constructive capacity4 ,during the first ,french revolution it successfully destroyed the old social system2 but its attempts to reorganise society were retrogressive4 ,instead of ,catholicism it proposed polytheism2 and in the name of virtue and simplicity it condemned industry and art4 ,even science was condemned as aristocracy of knowledge4 ,nor can these blunders be considered accidental2 they were inherent in the polity4 ,it is evident that a polity that admits on the one hand the need for a theological foundation1 and on the other hand destroys the foundations of theology must end in intellectual anarchy4 ,satisfied with neither the theological nor the metaphysical polities1 society has wavered between them1 and the one tendency has served chiefly to counteract the other4 ,out of these oscillations a third school of political opinion1 which we may call the stationary school1 has arisen4 ,this school would fix society in a contradictory position between retrogression and progress1 such as is seen in the parliamentary monarchy of ,england4 ,this is a last phase of the metaphysical polity1 and is only a kind of placebo4 ,the result of all this is to produce a most unfortunate position4 ,the theological polity would revert to old1 worn-out principles2 the metaphysical polity has no definite principles at all2 and the stationary school merely offers temporary compromises4 ,everywhere there is intellectual anarchy1 and in ,protestant countries the disorder is increased by sectarian discord4 ,so complex are all social questions that few are able to see them steadily1 and see them whole1 and where individual opinion is unhampered1 individual prejudice and individual ignorance must be rampant4 ,intellectual anarchy and unsettled convictions1 moreover1 tend to political corruption4 ,if there are no convictions and no principles to which to appeal1 appeal must be made to self-interest or to fear4 ,a growing tendency to take a shortsighted and material view of political questions is also a disturbing sign of the times4 ,this is due to the fact that when1 three centuries ago1 spiritual power was abolished1 all social questions were given over to men occupied with practical affairs and influenced chiefly by material considerations4 ,material views of political questions not only impede progress1 but are also dangerous to order1 for the view that disorders have a material cause leads to constant interference with institutions and with property4 ,granted there are abuses in connection both with property and institutions1 what is required is not material changes but general moral and intellectual reform4 ,an inadequate and material view of social physics naturally favours mediocrity1 attracts political charlatans1 while the most eminent minds devote their attention to science4 ,the theological and metaphysical philosophies having failed1 what remains8 ,nothing remains but the positive philosophy1 which is the only agent able to reorganise society4 ,the positive philosophy will regard social phenomena as it regards other phenomena1 and will apply to the renovation of society the same scientific spirit found effective in other departments of human knowledge4 ,it will bring to politics the conception of natural laws1 and deal with delicate social questions on impartial scientific principles4 ,it will show that certain wrongs are inevitable1 and others curable2 and that it is as foolish to try to cure the incurable in social as in biological and chemical matters4 ,a spirit of this kind will encourage reform1 and yet obviate vain attempts to redress necessary evils4 ,it will thus make for intellectual order4 ,it will likewise make for progress and for true liberty by substituting genuine convictions founded on scientific principles for constitutional artifices and the laws of arbitrary wills2 it will reconcile the antagonism of class interests by moral and scientific considerations4 ,revolutionary outbursts there still will be1 but they will merely clear the ground for positive reconstruction on a moral and intellectual basis4 ,strangely enough1 the scientific class are not likely to assist in the positive reconstruction of society4 ,they shrink from the irrational methods of modern polities1 and1 further1 they are so restricted in their narrow horizons that they are unable to grasp the wide generalisations of positive philosophy4 ,,iii4--,social ,statics ,there can be no doubt that society originated in social instincts1 and was not merely the result of utilitarian considerations4 ,indeed1 the social state could manifest its ability only when well developed1 and in the early ages of humanity the advantages to the individual of association would not be obvious4 ,what1 then1 are the human instincts and requirements which give society its fundamental characters8 ,in the first place1 it must be noted that in man the intellectual is subordinate to the affective4 ,in most men the intellectual faculties are easily fatigued1 and require a strong and constant stimulus to keep them at work4 ,in the majority of cases the stimulus is derived from the needs of organic life2 but in more highly endowed individuals the incitement may proceed from higher affective impulses4 ,this subordination of the intellectual to the affective faculties is beneficent in that it gives a permanent end and aim to the intellectual activity4 ,in the second place it must be noted that the personal affections are stronger than the social affections1 and that personal affections give aim and direction to our social actions4 ,this is necessary1 for all ideas of public good must be inferred from the ideas of private advantage1 and if it were possible to repress our personal affections1 our social affections1 deprived of necessary inspiration and direction1 would become vague and ineffective4 ,in the precept that bids us love our neighbours as ourselves the personal instinct is suggested as the pattern for the social4 ,the only thing to be regretted is that the personal affections are apt to override1 instead of stimulating1 the social affections4 ,increase of intelligence must mean greater capacity for social affection1 because of the discipline it imposes on the personal affections2 and for the same reason increase of the social instinct is favourable to intelligence4 ,to strengthen this reciprocal action of the intellect and the social affections is the first task of universal morals4 ,and the double opposition between man's moral and material need of intellectual toil and his dislike of it1 and again between man's moral and material need of the social affections1 and the subjection of these to his personal instincts1 discloses the scientific germ of the struggle which we shall have to review1 between the conservative and the reforming spirit2 the first of which is animated by purely personal instincts1 and the other by the spontaneous combination of intellectual activity with the various social instincts4 ,society1 however1 cannot be regarded as composed of individuals4 ,the true social unit is the family2 it is essentially on the plan of the family that society is constructed4 ,in a family the social and the personal instincts are blended and reconciled2 in a family1 too1 the principle of subordination and mutual co-operation is exemplified4 ,the domestic is the basis of all social life4 ,the modern tendency1 therefore1 to attack the institution of the family is an alarming symptom of social disorganisation4 ,the sociological basis of the family depends on subordination of sexes and of ages4 ,marriage at once satisfies1 disciplines1 and harmonises the strongest and most disorderly instinct of our animal nature2 and though it may be attacked by the revolutionary spirit because of its theological implications1 yet the institution is based on true principles1 and must survive4 ,no doubt marriage has been modified1 but to modify is not to overthrow1 and its fundamental principle remains intact4 ,the fundamental principle of the institution of marriage is the natural subordination of the woman--a principle which has reappeared under all forms of marriage4 ,biology teaches that radical differences1 physical and moral1 distinguish the sexes1 and sociology will prove that the much-advertised equality of sexes is a fiction1 and that equality of the sexes would be incompatible with all social existence4 ,each sex has special functions it must perform in the family1 and the necessary subordination of one sex is in no wise injurious1 since the happiness of every being depends on the wise development of its proper nature4 ,our social system depends on intellectual activity under affective stimulus1 and in power of mental labour the woman is incontestably inferior to the man1 either because her mental powers are weaker1 or because her lively moral and physical sensibility is unfavourable to mental concentration4 ,besides the bond of marriage1 which holds together society1 there is the bond between parents and children4 ,here again we find the principle of subordination in force1 and even as we find wild revolutionaries who challenge the principle of subordination in women1 so there are some who would challenge the same principle in the case of children4 ,fortunately1 popular good sense and the primary instincts resist such absurdities4 ,the spontaneous subordination in the human family is the best model for society4 ,on the other hand1 we see obedience and due subordination allied to gratitude1 and unassociated with shame2 and1 on the other hand1 we see absolute authority combined with affection and geniality4 ,there are those who would take children from their parents' care1 and hand them over to society1 and there are those who would prevent the transmission of property from parents to children2 but such extravagances need not be examined here4 ,coming now to the consideration of society as constructed out of the family units1 we see unity of aim associated with diversity of functions4 ,it is a marvellous spectacle to see how in a society the individuals pursuing each their own end yet unconsciously co-operate2 and this co-operation is the mainspring of society4 ,in the family1 co-operation is much less marked2 for the family is founded chiefly on affection1 and in affection finds its justification1 quite apart from co-operation towards any end4 ,in society the instinct of co-operation preponderates1 and the instinct of affection plays only a secondary part4 ,there are exceptional men in whom the affective side of the social instinct is dominant2 but such men in most cases give their affection to the race at large simply from lack of domestic sympathy4 ,the principle of co-operation1 spontaneous or concerted1 is the basis of society1 and the object of society must ever be to find the right place for its individual members in its great co-operative scheme4 ,there is1 however1 a danger of exaggerated specialism2 it concentrates the attention of individuals on small parts of the social machine1 and thus narrows their sense of the social community1 and produces an indifference to the larger interests of humanity4 ,it is lamentable to find an artisan spending his life making pin-heads1 and it is equally lamentable to find a man with mind employing his mind only in the solution of equations4 ,to guard against such social and intellectual disintegration must be the duty of government4 ,it must foster the feeling of interconnection between individuals2 and such a bond of feeling must be intellectual and moral rather than material1 and will always imply subordination4 ,the social instinct of man spontaneously produces government1 and there is a much stronger instinct of obedience in man than is commonly supposed4 ,who has not felt it good to resign the responsibility of conduct to wise and trustworthy guidance8 ,even in revolutionary times the people feel the need of preponderant authority1 and political subordination is as inevitable as it is indispensable4 ,,iv4--,social ,dynamics ,human progress consists essentially in the evolution of the moral and intellectual qualities proper to man4 ,most of the occupations of civilisation which deal with material things relieve man from material cares and discomforts1 and permit him to use his higher faculties4 ,death1 too1 may be considered a promoter of human progress4 ,youth is essentially progressive1 age essentially conservative and opposed to progress1 and death it is that prevents old age from too seriously impeding the progress of the world4 ,if life were ten times as long1 progress would be greatly retarded4 ,on the other hand1 death interferes with continuity of work1 and by interrupting a man's work often delays its fruition4 ,it is probable that if life were twice or thrice as long1 progress would be more rapid4 ,human progress is directed by the reason1 and the history of the progress of society is largely the history of the human mind in its progress through its three stages--the theological1 metaphysical1 and positive4 ,the necessity of these stages can be shown4 ,at first man knows nothing but himself1 and it was inevitable that he should explain things as produced by a being like himself4 ,the theological philosophy gave a basis for observation by its hypotheses that phenomena were products of actions like human acts1 and that all bodies had life like human life1 and that there was an invisible world with invisible agents4 ,these hypotheses were not only intellectually necessary2 they were also morally necessary1 for they gave man confidence to act1 and hope that he could modify anything unsatisfactory in the universe by appeals to its maker4 ,not only did the theological philosophy sustain man's courage1 and kindle his hope1 and increase his sense of power1 but it gave an intellectual unanimity of great social and political value2 and1 producing a special speculative class1 made the first effective division between things of matter and things of mind4 ,except for the theological speculative class1 man might have remained merely a superior monkey4 ,still1 the theological philosophy was obviously only temporary1 and could not satisfy the needs of more highly developed intelligence1 and it soon came into conflict with positive philosophy4 ,indeed1 at all times there had been glimmerings of positive belief1 for at all times the simplest phenomena had been considered subject to natural laws1 and all had been compelled to act in everyday affairs on the assumption of the invariability of natural law4 ,the positive philosophy1 therefore1 was inevitable from the first1 and its open antagonism to the theological philosophy was merely a question of time4 ,between the theological and positive philosophy naturally and necessarily has intervened the metaphysical1 which has substituted entities for a deity4 ,this philosophy has never had the social power or the consistency of the theological philosophy2 its entities have been mere abstractions4 ,it has and has had such political power simply because so elusive4 ,material progress has gone through similar stages4 ,the primitive tendency of mankind was to a military life4 ,at first the military life afforded man1 apart from cannibalism1 the easy means of making a living2 and in no other school in these days could order have been taught1 and in no other way could political consolidation be so quickly effected4 ,necessary as the military stage was1 it was merely provisional1 it must be succeeded by the industrial stage4 ,meantime1 we are in the transitional stage between the two1 for we have defensive instead of offensive military organisation1 which is becoming more and more subordinate to industrial production4 ,the military stage corresponded with the theological stage1 belonged to the same regime1 had common antipathies and sympathies as well as general interests1 and could not have worked without the aid of theological convictions to give blind confidence in military superiors4 ,the industrial stage corresponds with the positive stage2 it is akin in spirit1 in origin1 and in destination4 ,the transitional stage1 again1 corresponds with the metaphysical stage4 ,only on these three dualisms which ,i have established can a sound historical philosophy be based4 ,,henry ,,george ,progress and ,poverty ,henry ,george was born at ,philadelphia on ,september #b1 #ahci4 ,after spending some years at sea1 he reached ,california in #aheh1 became a printer1 and later a journalist and director of the public library in ,san ,francisco4 ,in #ahga he published ,our ,land ,policy1 and this was afterwards developed into ,progress and ,poverty3 an ,inquiry into the ,causes of ,industrial ,depressions1 and of ,increase of ,want with ,increase of ,wealth1 issued in #ahgi4 ,the book soon acquired a world-wide reputation1 not only from the eloquence and beauty of its diction1 but from the author's novel theory of land taxation4 ,in #ahhj ,george removed to ,new ,york1 published a book on the ,irish land question1 and for some years afterwards undertook a succession of missionary journeys to ,great ,britain1 ,australia1 and ,new ,zealand1 the result of which was the foundation of the ,english ,land ,reform ,union1 the ,scottish ,land ,restoration ,league1 and the legislative adoption by the different ,australasian colonies of his scheme of the taxation of land values4 ,among other economic works he issued were ,protection or ,free ,trade1 ,the ,condition of ,labour1 and ,a ,perplexed ,philosopher4 ,george died on ,october #bi1 #ahig4 ,i4--,wages1 ,capital1 and ,wealth-,distribution ,the past century has been marked by a prodigious increase in wealth-producing power4 ,it was naturally expected that labour-saving inventions would make real poverty a thing of the past4 ,disappointment1 however1 after disappointment has followed4 ,discovery upon discovery1 invention after invention1 have neither lessened the toil of those who most need respite nor brought plenty to the poor4 ,the association of poverty with progress is the great enigma of our time4 ,i propose to attempt to solve by the methods of political economy the great problem2 to seek the law which associates poverty with progress and increases want with advancing wealth4 ,the inquiry is--why1 in spite of increase in productive power1 do wages tend to a minimum which will give but a bare living8 ,the answer of current political economy is that wages are fixed by the ratio between the number of labourers and the amount of capital devoted to the employment of labour1 and constantly tend to the lowest amount on which labourers will consent to live and reproduce2 because the increase in the number of labourers tends naturally to follow and overtake any increase in capital4 ,this argument is inconsistent with the general fact that wages and interest do not rise inversely1 but conjointly4 ,my proposition is that wages1 instead of being drawn from capital1 are in reality drawn from the product of the labour for which they are paid4 ,the three agents or factors in production are land1 labour and capital1 and that part of the produce which goes to the second of these factors is wages4 ,land embraces all natural materials1 forces1 and opportunities1 and therefore nothing that is freely supplied by nature can be properly classed as capital4 ,labour includes all human exertion1 and hence human powers1 whether natural or acquired1 can never be properly classed as capital4 ,we exclude from the category of capital everything which must be included either as land or labour1 and therefore capital consists of those things which are neither land nor labour1 but which have resulted from the union of these two original factors of production4 ,nothing can be capital which is not wealth2 only such things can be wealth the production of which increases1 the destruction of which decreases1 the aggregate of wealth4 ,increase in land values does not represent any increase in the common wealth1 for what landowners gain by higher prices the tenants or purchasers will lose4 ,all wealth is not capital4 ,capital is only that part of wealth which is devoted to the aid of production4 ,it is wealth in the course of exchange1 for production includes not merely the making of things1 but the bringing of them to the consumer4 ,wherever we analyse the facts we find that without production wages would not1 and could not1 be4 ,as the rendering of labour precedes the payment of wages1 and as the rendering of labour in production implies the creation of value1 the employer receives value before he pays out value--he but exchanges capital of one form for capital of another form4 ,hence the payment of wages in production never involves the advance of capital or ever temporarily lessens capital4 ,nor is it true that the maintenance of labour is drawn from capital1 and that therefore population regulates itself by the funds which are to employ it1 for that would involve the idea that labour cannot be exerted until the products of labour are saved1 thus putting the product before the producer1 which is absurd4 ,capital1 therefore1 does not limit industry1 the only limit to industry being the access to natural material4 ,capital may limit the form of industry1 and the productiveness of industry1 by limiting the use of tools and the division of labour4 ,the functions of capital are to assist labour in production with tools1 seeds1 etc41 and with the wealth required to carry on exchanges4 ,all remedies1 whether proposed by professors of political economy or working men1 which look to the alleviation of poverty either by the increase of capital1 or the restriction of the number of labourers1 or the efficiency of their work1 must be condemned4 ,the argument that wages are determined by the ratio between capital and labour finds its strongest support in the ,malthusian doctrine1 and on both is based the theory that past a certain point the application of capital and labour yields a diminishing return4 ,the ,malthusian doctrine is that the tendency to increase in the number of labourers must always tend to reduce wages to the minimum on which labourers can reproduce4 ,when this theory is subjected to the test of straightforward analysis1 it is utterly untenable4 ,in the first place1 the facts marshalled in support of it do not prove it1 and the analogies drawn from the animal and vegetable world do not countenance it2 and1 in the second place1 there are facts which conclusively disprove it4 ,there are on every hand the most striking and conclusive evidences that the production and consumption of wealth have increased with even greater rapidity than the increase of population1 and that if any class obtains less than its due share1 it is solely because of the greater inequality of distribution4 ,the denser the population1 the more minute becomes the subdivision of labour1 the greater economies of production and distribution1 and hence1 the very reverse of the ,malthusian doctrine is true4 ,,ii4--,the ,law of ,wages ,to discover the cause which1 as population increases1 and the productive arts advance1 deepens the poverty of the lowest class1 we must find the law which determines what part of the produce is distributed to labour as wages1 what part to capital as interest1 and what part to landowners as rent4 ,rent is the price of monopoly arising from the reduction to individual ownership of natural elements which human exertion can neither produce nor increase4 ,interest is not properly a payment made for the use of capital4 ,it springs from the power of increase which the reproductive forces of nature and the 7in effect7 analogous capacity for exchange give to capital4 ,the principle that men will seek to gratify their desires with the least exertion operates to establish an equilibrium between wages and interest4 ,this relation fixed1 it is evident that interest cannot be increased without increasing wages nor wages lowered without depressing interest4 ,the law of interest is that the relation between wages and interest is determined by the average power of increase which attaches to capital from its use in its reproductive modes4 ,the law of wages is that they depend upon the margin of production1 or upon the produce which labour can obtain at the highest point of natural productiveness open to it without the payment of rent4 ,this law of wages accords with and explains universal facts1 and shows that where land is free1 and labour is unassisted by capital1 the whole produce will go to labour as wages4 ,where land is free1 and labour is assisted by capital1 wages will consist of the whole produce1 less that part necessary to induce the storing up of labour as capital4 ,where land is subject to ownership and rent arises1 wages will be fixed by what labour can secure from the highest natural opportunities open to it without the payment of rent4 ,where natural opportunities are all monopolised1 wages must be forced by the competition among labourers to the minimum at which labourers will consent to reproduce4 ,nothing can be clearer than the proposition that the failure of wages to increase with increasing productive power is due to the increase of rent4 ,the value of land depending wholly upon the power which its ownership gives of appropriating wealth created by labour1 the increase of land values is always at the expense of the value of labour4 ,and1 hence1 that the increase of productive power does not increase wages is because it does increase the value of land4 ,it is the universal fact that where the value of the land is highest civilisation exhibits the greatest luxury side by side with the most piteous destitution4 ,the changes which constitute or contribute to material progress are three3 increase in population1 improvement in the arts of production and exchange1 and improvement in knowledge1 government1 and morals4 ,the effect of increase of population upon the distribution of wealth is to increase rent1 and consequently to diminish the proportion of the produce which goes to capital and labour in two ways4 ,first1 by lowering the margin of cultivation2 and second1 and more important1 by bringing out in land special capabilities otherwise latent1 and by attaching special capabilities to particular land4 ,the effect of inventions and improvements in the productive arts1 including division of labour between individuals1 is to save labour--that is1 to enable the same result to be secured with less labour1 or a greater result with the same labour1 and hence to the production of wealth4 ,without any increase in population1 the progress of invention constantly tends to give a larger and larger proportion of the produce to the owners of land1 and a smaller proportion to labour and capital2 and1 therefore1 to decrease wages and interest4 ,and1 as we can assign no limit to the progress of invention1 neither can we assign any limits to the increase of rent short of the whole produce4 ,another cause of the influence of material progress upon the distribution of wealth is the confident expectation of the future enhancement of land values which arises in all progressive countries from the steady increase of rent4 ,this leads to speculation1 or the holding of land for a higher price than it would otherwise bring4 ,it is a force which constantly tends to increase rent in a greater ratio than progress increases production1 and tends to reduce wages1 not merely relatively but absolutely4 ,,iii4--,the ,common ,right to ,land ,the fact that the speculative advance in land values cuts down the earnings of labour and capital1 and checks production1 leads irresistibly to the conclusion that this is the main cause of those periodical industrial depressions to which every civilised country seems increasingly liable4 ,robbed of all the benefits of the increase of productive power1 labour is exposed to certain effects of advancing civilisation which1 without the advantages that naturally accompany them1 are positive evils1 and of themselves tend to reduce the free labourer to the helpless and degraded condition of the slave4 ,as land is necessary to the exertion of labour in the production of wealth1 to command the land is to command all the fruits of labour save enough to enable labour to exist4 ,but there is also an active1 energetic power--a power that in every country1 be its political form what it may1 writes laws and moulds thought--the power of a vast and dominant pecuniary interest4 ,the great cause in the inequality of the distribution of wealth is the inequality in the ownership of land4 ,the ownership of land is the great fundamental fact which ultimately determines the social and political1 and consequently1 the intellectual and moral condition of a people4 ,the tendencies and measures at present relied on or advocated as calculated to relieve poverty and distress among the masses are insufficient4 ,the true remedy is to substitute for individual the common ownership of land4 ,as man belongs to himself1 so his labour when put in concrete form belongs to him4 ,as nature gives only to labour1 the exertion of labour in production is the only title to exclusive possession4 ,when non-producers can claim as rent a portion of the wealth created by producers1 the right of the producers to the fruits of their labour is to that extent denied4 ,the equal right of all men to the use of land is as clear as their equal right to breathe the air--it is a right proclaimed by the fact of their existence4 ,the right of individual proprietorship of land is the denial of the natural rights of other individuals--it is a wrong which must show itself in the inequitable division of wealth4 ,again1 the ownership of land will always give the ownership of men1 to a degree measured by the necessity1 real or artificial1 for the use of land4 ,and when that necessity is absolute1 when starvation is the alternative to the use of land1 then does the ownership of men involved in the ownership of land become absolute4 ,private ownership of land is the nether millstone4 ,material progress is the upper millstone4 ,between them1 with an increasing pressure1 the working classes are being ground4 ,historically1 as ethically1 private property in land is robbery4 ,it has everywhere had its birth in war and conquest1 and in the selfish use which the cunning have made of superstition and law4 ,,iv4--,the ,remedy for ,social ,ills ,private property in land is inconsistent with the best use of land4 ,what is necessary for that is security for improvements4 ,where land is treated as public property it will be used and improved as soon as there is need for its use and improvement1 but1 being treated as private property1 the individual owner is permitted to prevent others from using1 or improving1 what he cannot1 or will not1 use or improve himself4 ,i do not propose to purchase or to confiscate private property in land4 ,the first would be needless1 the second unjust4 ,it is only necessary to confiscate rent4 ,the sovereign remedy which will raise wages1 increase the earnings of capital1 extirpate pauperism1 abolish poverty1 give remunerative employment to whoever wishes it1 afford free scope to human powers1 lessen crime1 elevate morals and taste and intelligence1 purify government1 and carry civilisation to yet nobler heights1 is to appropriate rent by taxation1 and to abolish all taxation save that upon land values4 ,the great class of taxes from which revenue may be derived without interference with production are those upon monopolies1 temporary or onerous4 ,but all other monopolies are trivial in extent as compared with the monopoly of land4 ,taxes on the value of land not only do not check production but tend to increase it by destroying speculative rent4 ,the whole value of land may be taken in taxation1 and the only effect will be to stimulate industry1 to open new opportunities to capital1 and to increase the production of wealth4 ,a tax on land values does not add to prices1 and is thus paid directly by the persons on whom it falls4 ,land is not a thing of human production1 and taxes upon rent cannot check supply4 ,on the contrary1 by compelling those who hold land on speculation to sell or let for what they can get1 a tax on land values tends to increase the competition between owners1 and thus to reduce the price of land4 ,a tax on land values1 while the least arbitrary of taxes1 possesses in the highest degree the element of certainty4 ,it may be assessed and collected with a definiteness that partakes of the immovable and unconcealable character of the land itself4 ,it is the most just and equal of all taxes1 because it falls only on those who receive from society a peculiar and valuable benefit1 and upon them in proportion to the benefit they receive4 ,the division of land now held on speculation would much increase the number of landowners4 ,a single tax on the value of land would so equalise the distribution of wealth as to raise even the poorest above that abject poverty in which public considerations have no weight1 while it would at the same time cut down those overgrown fortunes which raise their possessors above concern in government4 ,v4--,effects of the ,remedy ,the effects of the remedy would be to lift the whole enormous weight of taxation from productive industry4 ,it would open new opportunities1 for no one would care to hold land unless to use it1 and land now withheld from use would everywhere be thrown open to improvement4 ,the selling price of not merely agricultural1 but all land1 would fall4 ,the bonus that wherever labour is most productive must not be paid before labour can be exerted would disappear4 ,competition in the labour market would no longer be one-sided4 ,rent1 instead of causing inequality1 would promote equality4 ,labour and capital would receive the whole produce1 minus that portion taken by the state in the taxation of land values1 which1 being applied to public purposes1 would be equally distributed in public benefits4 ,the equalisation in the distribution of wealth would react upon production1 everywhere preventing waste1 everywhere increasing power4 ,simplicity in the legislative and executive functions of government would become possible4 ,it would at the same time and in the same degree become possible for it to realise the dream of socialism1 not through governmental repression1 but because government would become the administration of a great co-operative society1 merely the agency by which the common property was administered for the common benefit4 ,give labour a free field and its full earnings1 take for the benefit of the whole community that fund which the growth of the community creates1 and want1 and the fear of want1 would be gone4 ,if the conclusions at which we have arrived are correct1 they will fall under a larger generalisation4 ,however man may have originated1 man1 as man1 no matter how low in the scale of humanity1 has never yet been found destitute of the power of improvement4 ,everywhere and at all times he has made some use of this power4 ,the varying degrees in which the faculty is used cannot be ascribed to differences in original capacity4 ,these are evidently connected with social development4 ,a survey of history shows diversities in improvement1 halts1 and retrogression2 and the law which will explain all these is that men tend to progress just as they come closer together1 and by co-operation with each other1 increase the mental power that may be devoted to improvement4 ,but just as conflict is provoked1 or association develops inequality of condition and power1 this tendency to progression is lessened1 checked1 and finally reversed4 ,as society develops there arise tendencies which check development4 ,the process of integration1 of the specialisation of functions and powers1 is accompanied by a constant liability to inequality1 and to lodge collective power and wealth in the hands of a few1 which tends to produce greater inequality1 since aggression grows on what it feeds4 ,the reform ,i have proposed accords with all that is politically1 socially1 or morally desirable4 ,it has the qualities of a true reform1 for it will make all other reforms easier4 ,behind the problems of social life lies the problem of individual life4 ,properly understood1 the laws which govern the production and distribution of wealth show that the want and injustice of the present social state are not necessary1 but that1 on the contrary1 a social state is possible in which poverty is unknown1 and all the better qualities and higher powers of human nature would have opportunity for full development4 ,further than this1 when we see that social development is governed neither by a special providence1 nor by a merciless fate1 but by law at once unchangeable and beneficent1 a flood of light breaks in upon the problem of individual life4 ,if we look merely at individual life we cannot see that the laws of the universe have the slightest relation to good or bad1 to right or wrong1 to just or unjust4 ,by a fundamental law of our minds we cannot conceive of a means without an end4 ,but unless man himself may rise to1 or bring forth something higher1 his existence is unintelligible4 ,for it is as certain that the race must die as it is that the individual must die4 ,what1 then1 is the meaning of life absolutely and inevitably bounded by death8 ,to me it only seems intelligible as the avenue and vestibule to another life4 ,,thomas ,,hobbes ,the ,leviathan ,thomas ,hobbes was born at ,malmesbury1 ,wiltshire1 ,england1 ,april #e1 #aehh1 and died at ,hardwick ,dec4 #d1 #afgi4 ,when comparatively a young man he was secretary to ,francis ,bacon4 ,he spent many years abroad1 met ,galileo1 and corresponded with ,descartes4 ,but he did not begin to produce until in advanced middle age4 ,leviathan1 or the ,matter1 ,form1 and ,power of a ,commonwealth1 ,ecclesiastical and ,civil1 appeared in #afea4 ,his special impulse to the construction of a science of politics came from the ,great ,rebellion1 his detestation of the principles on which it was based1 and his dissatisfaction with the theory of divine right as a bafis for the absolutism which he counted a necessity4 ,the ,leviathan is the commonwealth1 or state1 conceived as an artificial man1 and this gives the title to this famous work4 ,but this essay towards a science of politics was only a fragment of that complete and all-inclusive structure which he contemplated4 ,although in this sense only a fragment1 it has largely influenced all political theorising since his day3 and it contains the most definite enunciation of the doctrine of the social contract1 which took so different and so revolutionary a shape in the hands of ,rousseau4 ,i4--,of ,man ,nature1 the art whereby ,god hath made and governs the world1 is by the art of man so imitated that he can make an artificial animal4 ,for by art is created that great leviathan called a commonwealth or state1 which is but an artificial man2 in which the sovereignty is an artificial soul1 as giving life and motion2 the magistrates and other officers the joints2 reward and punishment the nerves2 concord1 health2 discord1 sickness2 lastly1 the pacts or covenants by which the parts were first set together resemble the fiat of ,god at the ,creation4 ,to describe this artificial man1 ,i will consider3 ,first1 the matter and the artificer1 both which is man2 secondly1 how it is made2 thirdly1 what is a ,christian commonwealth2 lastly1 what is the kingdom of darkness4 ,and first1 of man4 ,the thoughts of man are1 singly1 every one a representation of some quality or accident of a body without us1 called an object4 ,there is no conception in the mind which has not first been begotten upon the organs of sense4 ,the cause of sense is the eternal object which presseth upon the proper organ2 not that1 as hath been taught in the schools1 the thing1 sendeth forth a visible or audible species4 ,imagination is the continuity of an image after the object is removed4 ,when we would express that the image is decaying1 we call it memory2 in sleep1 we call it dreams4 ,a train of thought is the succession in the mind of images which have succeeded each other in experience4 ,of all inventions the most notable is that of speech1 names1 the register of thoughts2 which are notes for remembrance1 or signs1 for transference4 ,truth consisteth in the right ordering of names in our affirmations4 ,words are wise men's counters1 but the money of fools4 ,reasoning is the reckoning1 the addition and subtraction of the sequences of words1 the sum being the conclusion4 ,which conclusions may be absurd1 because men do not start--except in geometry--from the definitions of the words4 ,reason1 therefore1 implies speech4 ,in animals there are two sorts of motions--vital and voluntary4 ,the beginnings of motion within man are called endeavour4 ,appetite is a motion towards2 aversion a motion fromwards4 ,some are born in us1 some are products of experience4 ,the object of a man's appetite he calls good2 of his aversion1 evil2 whether in promise 7beautiful and ugly71 in effect 7pleasant1 painful71 or as means 7useful1 hurtful74 ,pleasures and pains arise from an object present1 of the senses2 or in expectation1 of the mind4 ,thus pity is the imagining of a like calamity befalling oneself4 ,deliberation is the sum of the successive appetites or aversions which are concluded by the doing or not doing of the particular thing4 ,will is the last appetite in deliberating4 ,so1 in the inquiry of the truth1 opinions correspond to appetites1 and the final judgment1 the last opinion1 to the will4 ,there are two kinds of knowledge2 of fact1 and of the consequence of one affirmation to another4 ,the former is nothing else but sense and memory1 and is absolute2 the latter is called science1 and is conditional4 ,the register of the first is called history1 natural or civil2 that of the second is contained in books of philosophy1 in corresponding groups--natural philosophy1 and civil philosophy1 or politics4 ,natural philosophy breaks up into a number of groups1 including mental and moral science4 ,power is present means1 whencesoever derived1 to attain some future apparent good4 ,value is the price that will be given for the use of a man's power4 ,to honour a man is to acknowledge his power2 to dishonour him is to depreciate it4 ,the public worth of a man is the value set on him by the commonwealth4 ,by manners1 ,i mean those qualities of mankind which are concerned with their living together in peace and unity4 ,desire of power tends to produce strife2 other desires1 as for ease1 or for knowledge1 incline men to obey a common power4 ,to receive benefits1 or to do injuries1 greater than can be repaid or expiated1 tends to make us hate the benefactor or the injured party4 ,,ii4--,of ,contract and ,sovereignty ,nature hath made men so equal1 in the faculties of body and mind that are born in them1 that one man cannot in respect of these claim to himself any benefit to which another may not pretend4 ,from this equality ariseth equality of hope in the attaining of our ends4 ,therefore1 if two men desire the same thing which they cannot both enjoy they become enemies1 and seek each the destruction of the other1 each mistrusting the other4 ,so men invade each other1 first for gain1 second for safety1 and third for reputation4 ,hence1 while men live without a common power to keep them all in awe1 they are in a state of war1 every man against every man4 ,in this state1 notions of right and wrong1 justice and injustice1 have no place4 ,probably there never was actually such a universal condition2 but we see it now among savage races and in the mutual relations of sovereigns4 ,in this state of war1 reason suggesteth articles of peace upon which men may agree2 which articles are otherwise called the laws of nature4 ,the right of nature is the right of self-preservation4 ,liberty is the absence of impediments to the exercise of power4 ,a law of nature is a precept of reason forbidding a man to do what is destructive of his own life4 ,in the state of nature every man has a right to everything4 ,thus security comes only of the first fundamental law3 ,to seek peace and follow it1 and by all means we can to defend ourselves4 ,the second law follows3 ,to lay down the right to everything1 claiming only so much against others as we concede to others against ourselves4 ,this right being renounced or transferred1 injustice is the revocation of that act4 ,but since the object of a voluntary act is good to oneself1 such renunciation is not valid if not good for oneself2 hence a man cannot renounce the right of self-preservation4 ,the transferring of right1 if not mutual1 is free gift2 if mutual1 it is contract4 ,when this is not simultaneous there is a covenant or pact4 ,the covenant can become void only through some new fact arising after it was made4 ,a covenant not to defend oneself against force by force is void per se4 ,the third law is3 ,that men perform their covenants made1 without which covenants are vain1 and the state of war continues4 ,the definition of injustice is the not-performance of a covenant4 ,no covenant is valid until there exists some power that can enforce the performance of it by penalties2 that is1 until there is a commonwealth4 ,what is done to a man conformable to his own will signified to the doer is no injury to him4 ,the fourth law is that of gratitude2 that a man receiving a free gift endeavour that the giver may not suffer thereby4 ,a fifth is complaisance--that every man strive to accommodate himself to the rest4 ,others are pardon on repentance1 and non-vindictiveness of punishment2 and the common enjoyment--or1 failing that1 distribution by lot--of what cannot be equally divided4 ,observance of these laws is virtue4 ,persons are either natural and actual1 or fictitious and artificial1 i4e41 representing someone else1 or even something else3 as a church1 a hospital1 a bridge4 ,when the representative has authority from the represented1 we call the former the actor1 and the latter the author4 ,one person may artificially represent a multitude4 ,now1 men being in the state of nature may agree together2 but there is no security1 unless there be a power to enforce the covenant4 ,such a power can be created only if they agree together to confer all their own power on one man or one assembly2 so that all the acts of such person or assembly have authority as from each one of them1 and each one of them submits his individual will to that of such person or assembly4 ,the multitude so united in one person is a commonwealth4 ,this is the generation of that leviathan or mortal god to which1 under the ,immortal ,god1 we owe our peace and defence4 ,he that carrieth this person is called sovereign1 and everyone beside is his subject4 ,this sovereign power may be attained either by natural force1 acquisition1 or by voluntary transference1 institution4 ,and first of a commonwealth by institution4 ,they that have instituted a commonwealth by covenant cannot make a new covenant contrary thereto without permission of the sovereign1 since this is a breaking of their covenant with each other4 ,on his part there is no covenant1 so that breach of covenant by him cannot be pleaded as warranting abrogation of the covenant made4 ,the sovereign cannot do the subjects injustice because1 since he has their authority1 what he does to them is done by their own will2 so also they cannot punish him4 ,since the sovereign was instituted for peace and defence1 he controls the means to war and peace1 and judges of opinions as conducing to peace or endangering it4 ,he prescribes the rules of property1 since in the state of nature there is no property2 he has the right of judicature2 of making war and peace with other commonwealths2 of choosing all counsellors in peace and war2 of rewarding and punishing1 according to the law he has made1 and of bestowing honour4 ,nay1 if he grants away any of these powers the grant is null4 ,the sovereignty may be in one man1 or in a limited assembly1 or in an assembly of all--monarchy1 aristocracy1 democracy2 these three forms only1 though when they are misliked they are called other names4 ,in any case1 the power of the sovereign is absolute1 whether a monarch or an assembly4 ,he is the representative of the commonwealth1 not deputies who may be chosen to tender petitions4 ,the three forms differ not in the power of the sovereign1 but in their advantageousness4 ,in monarchy1 the private interest of the sovereign must coincide with that of the commonwealth as a whole2 much more so than in aristocracy or democracy4 ,an assembly cannot receive counsel secretly2 a monarchy has the benefit of a single will instead of conflicting wills4 ,there is no government by a mixture of the types1 e4g41 an elective king is not sovereign1 but a minister2 and within his province a ,roman pro-consul was an absolute monarch4 ,men submit themselves to an instituted sovereign1 for fear of each other2 to an acquired sovereignty1 for fear of the sovereign4 ,acquired sovereignty or dominion is either by generation 7paternal7 or by conquest4 ,a family1 however1 does not amount to a commonwealth1 unless it be so great that it may not be subdued but by war4 ,acquired sovereignty is absolute1 for the same reasons as instituted sovereignty4 ,,iii4--,the ,natural ,commonwealth ,liberty is absence of impediments to motion4 ,it is consistent with fear1 also with necessity2 for a voluntary act is yet necessary as having a cause which is a link in a chain of causes up to the ,first ,cause1 which is ,god4 ,but men have created artificial impediments or bonds called laws4 ,the liberty of the subject lies only in such things as the sovereign has pretermitted1 for he hath power to regulate all1 even life and death1 at his own will4 ,the liberty praised in ,rome and ,athens was the liberty of the commonwealth as against other commonwealths4 ,the subject has liberty to disobey the sovereign's command if it contravene the law that the right of self-preservation cannot be abrogated1 unless it be to endanger himself for the preservation of the commonwealth1 as with soldiers4 ,the subjects' obligation of obedience lasts so long as the sovereign's power of defending them1 that being the purpose of his being made sovereign4 ,by systems ,i mean numbers of men joined in one interest4 ,these are political1 constituted by law2 and private1 permitted or forbidden by law4 ,all1 except a commonwealth1 are subordinate to the commonwealth1 and have not the character of sovereignty4 ,the rights of governing bodies are only those expressly conceded by law1 either generally or to them specifically4 ,systems in the commonwealth correspond to muscles in the natural body4 ,the nourishment of the commonwealth is its commodities or products1 the distribution of which must be lit the will of the sovereign1 whether of land or of commodities1 exchanged internally or trafficked abroad4 ,the procreation1 or children1 of a commonwealth are its plantations1 or colonies1 which may either be commonwealths themselves1 as children emancipated1 or remain parts of the commonwealth4 ,by civil laws ,i mean those laws that men are bound to obey as members of any commonwealth4 ,the sovereign is the sole legislator1 and is not subject to the laws which he can repeal at pleasure4 ,the civil laws are the laws of nature expressed as commands of the commonwealth1 or the will of the sovereign so expressed2 whatever is not the law of nature must be expressly made known and published4 ,both the law of nature and written law require interpretation1 which is by sentence of the judge constituted by sovereign authority4 ,an intention of breaking the law is a sin2 issuing in a breach of the law it is crime4 ,violation of the laws of nature is always and everywhere sin2 it is crime only when a violation of the laws of a commonwealth4 ,unavoidable ignorance of a law is a complete excuse for breaking it1 but ignorance due to lack of diligence is not unavoidable4 ,terror of present death1 or the order of the sovereign1 are a complete excuse4 ,and many circumstances may serve as extenuation4 ,a punishment is an evil inflicted by public authority on him that hath done or omitted that which is said to be by the same authority a transgression of the law1 to the end that the will of men may thereby be the better disposed to obedience4 ,now1 this right of punishment is not transferred by the subjects to the sovereign since they cannot surrender their right of self-defence against violence4 ,but as all before had the natural right of hurting others1 that right is left by the covenant to the sovereign alone1 strengthened by the resignation thereof by the rest4 ,punishments inflicted by man are corporal1 or pecuniary1 or ignominy1 or imprisonment1 or exile1 or mixed of these4 ,corporal are capital1 with or without torment1 and less than capital4 ,pecuniary includes deprivation not only of money1 but also of lands or other salable goods2 but such deprivation1 if it is by way of compensation to the person injured1 is not really punishment4 ,imprisonment1 when it is only for the custody of a person accused1 is not punishment4 ,exile is not so much a punishment as a command or permission to escape punishment1 except when accompanied by deprivation of goods4 ,infirmities of a commonwealth arise--from the first institution1 when the sovereign has not assumed sufficient power2 from such doctrines as that each man privately is the judge of good or evil actions1 or sins if he obey the commonwealth against his conscience2 that the sovereign is subject to the civil laws2 that private property excludes sovereign rights2 that sovereign power may be divided1 which is the worst of all2 and from other causes1 as of money grudged for wars1 monopolies1 over-potent subjects or corporations1 insatiable desire of dominion4 ,but when a country is conquered1 that is the dissolution of the commonwealth4 ,of the sovereign's duties the first is to surrender none of his powers1 and the second to see that they be known1 to which end1 and the understanding of it1 the people must be rightly instructed4 ,further1 that he administer justice equally to all people1 and impose equal taxes1 and make good laws 7,i say good1 not just1 since no law can be unjust71 and choose good counsellors4 ,subjects owe simple obedience to the sovereign in all things whatsoever1 except what is contrary to the laws of ,god4 ,therefore1 it remains here to speak of the kingdom of ,god1 ,whose subjects are they that believe in ,him4 ,god declareth ,his laws either by natural reason1 or by revelation1 or by the voice of prophets4 ,he is necessarily sovereign1 for the one reason that ,he is omnipotent4 ,,iv4--,of a ,christian ,commonwealth and the ,kingdom of ,darkness ,of ,god speaking by the voice of a prophet are two signs3 that the prophet worketh miracles1 and that he teacheth no other religion than that established4 ,these two must go together4 ,and since miracles have ceased1 it is clear that ,god no longer speaks by prophets4 ,but ,he hath revealed ,himself in ,scripture--that is1 in those books which are in the canon ordained4 ,but whether their authority be derived from the civil sovereignty or is of a universal church to which all sovereigns are subordinate is another question4 ,it may be seen1 however1 from ,scripture that the kingdom of ,god therein spoken of is a civil kingdom1 for the restoration whereof we pray daily1 which is that kingdom of ,god by ,christ which was interrupted by the revolt of the ,israelites and the election of ,saul4 ,a church is a term used in many senses1 but in one only can it be treated as a person having power to will1 command1 or do any action whatever4 ,and according to this sense ,i define a church to be a company of men professing ,christian religion1 united in the person of one sovereign1 at whose command they ought to assemble1 and without whose authority they ought not to assemble4 ,it follows that a church that is assembled in any commonwealth that hath forbidden them to assemble is an unlawful assembly4 ,there are ,christians in the dominions of several princes and states2 but every one of them is subject to that commonwealth of which he is himself a member1 and consequently cannot be subject to the commands of any other person4 ,there is therefore no such universal church as all are bound to obey4 ,the original covenant with ,abraham gave him the sole right1 which is the inheritance of every sovereign1 to punish any subject who should pretend to a private vision for the countenancing of any doctrine which ,abraham should forbid4 ,this covenant established that kingdom of ,god which was interrupted by the secular kingdom of ,saul4 ,the coming of ,christ was to restore that kingdom by a new covenant2 which kingdom was to be in another world after the ,resurrection4 ,the power ecclesiastical was left by ,him to the apostles1 but this is manifestly not a coercive power on earth1 as ,christ's own power on earth was not4 ,christ1 therefore1 by ,his coming did not withdraw any of the power from civil sovereigns1 and if they do commit the government of their subjects in matter of religion to the ,pope1 he holdeth that charge not as being above the civil sovereign1 but by his authority4 ,but as for disagreement between the laws of ,god and the civil laws of the sovereign1 the laws of ,god1 which must in no wise be disobeyed1 are those which are necessary to salvation2 and these are summed up in the will to obey the law of ,god and the belief that ,jesus is the ,christ4 ,but the private man may not set up to judge whether the ordinance of the sovereign be against the law of ,god1 or whether the doctrine which he imposeth consist with the belief that ,jesus is the ,christ4 ,but in the ,scripture there is mention also of another power1 the kingdom of ,satan1 the prince of the powers of the air1 which is a confederacy of deceivers that1 to obtain dominion over men in this present world1 endeavours by dark and erroneous doctrines to extinguish in them the light both of nature and of the ,gospel1 and so to disprepare them for the kingdom of ,god to come4 ,and such darkness is wrought first by abusing the light of the ,scriptures so that we know them not2 secondly by introducing the demonology of the heathen poets2 thirdly1 by mixing with the ,scripture divers relics of the religion and much of the vain and erroneous philosophy of the ,greeks1 especially of ,aristotle2 and1 fourthly1 by mingling with these false or uncertain traditions and feigned or uncertain history4 ,,niccolo ,,machiavelli ,the ,prince ,niccolo di ,bernardo dei ,machiavelli was born at ,florence1 in ,italy1 ,may #c1 #adfi1 and died ,june #bb1 #aebg4 ,at any early age he took an active part in ,florentine politics1 and was employed on numerous diplomatic missions4 ,a keen student of the politics of his time1 he was also an ardent patriot4 ,the exigencies of party warfare drove him into temporary retirement1 during which he produced a number of brilliant plays and historical studies2 but the most notable of his achievements is ,the ,prince4 ,the ,prince may be regarded as the first modern work treating of politics as a science4 ,the one question to which the author devotes himself is3 ,how a prince may establish and maintain the strongest possible government4 ,moral principles1 therefore1 must yield entirely to the dictates of pure expediency4 ,it follows that the ruler who acts on the doctrines laid down will pay no respect to right and wrong as such4 ,hence the book has been mercilessly condemned4 ,it was written probably about #aead1 and not published till #aecb4 ,i4--,of ,princedoms ,won by ,merit ,all states and governments are either republics or princedoms4 ,princedoms are either hereditary or new4 ,hereditary states are maintained with far less difficulty than new states1 but in new princedoms difficulties abound4 ,and first if the princedom be joined on to ancient dominions of the prince1 so as to form a mixed princedom1 rebellion is a danger2 for men are always ready to change masters4 ,when a state rebels and is again got under it will not afterwards be lost so easily2 for the prince will use the rebellion as a pretext to make himself more secure4 ,such new states when they are of the same province and tongue as the ancient dominions of the prince are easily retained4 ,it is enough to have rooted out the line of the reigning prince4 ,but where the language and usages differ the difficulty is multiplied4 ,one expedient is for the prince himself to dwell in the new state1 as the ,turk has done in ,greece4 ,another is to send colonies into one or two places which may become keys to the province2 for the cost of troops is far greater4 ,in such provinces1 moreover1 the prince should always make himself the protector of his weaker neighbours1 without adding to their strength2 but should humble the great1 and never suffer a formidable stranger to acquire influence1 as was the rule with the ,romans4 ,whereas ,king ,louis of ,france has in ,italy done the direct opposite in every single respect4 ,in especial we may draw from the ,french king's actions the general axiom1 which never or rarely errs1 that he who is the cause of another's greatness is himself undone4 ,now1 all princedoms are governed in one or two ways3 either by a sole prince served by ministers1 or by a prince with barons who hold their rank not by favour but by right of descent4 ,the ,turk is an example of the first1 the ,french king of the second4 ,a state of the first kind is difficult to win1 but when won is easily held1 since the prince's family may be easily rooted out2 but in such a state as ,france you may gain an entry1 but to hold your ground afterwards is difficult1 since you cannot root out the barons4 ,hence we need not wonder at the ease wherewith ,alexander was able to lay a firm hold on ,asia1 albeit he died before he had well entered on possession2 since the dominion of ,darius was of the same character as that of the ,turk4 ,when the newly acquired state has hitherto lived under its own laws and in freedom there are three ways of holding it4 ,the first is to destroy it2 the second to reside in it2 the third to leave it under its own laws1 choosing for its governors from the inhabitants such as will be friendly to you4 ,but the safest course is either to destroy it or to go and live in it4 ,where the prince himself is new1 either merit or good fortune is implied1 and if we consider the most excellent examples1 such as ,moses1 ,cyrus1 ,romulus1 and the like1 we shall see that they owed to fortune nothing beyond the opportunity which they seized4 ,those who1 like these1 come to the princedom by virtuous paths acquire with difficulty1 but keep with ease4 ,their difficulties arise because they are of necessity innovators4 ,if1 then1 they have force of their own to employ they seldom fail4 ,hence it comes that all armed prophets have been victorious and all unarmed prophets have been destroyed2 as was the case with ,savonarola4 ,,ii4--,of ,princedoms ,won ,otherwise than by ,merit ,those who rise to princedom by mere good fortune have much trouble to maintain themselves2 some lack both the knowledge and the power to do so4 ,yet even if such a one be of great parts1 he may lose what he has won1 like ,cesare ,borgia4 ,it was impossible for the duke to aggrandise himself unless the states of ,italy were thrown into confusion so that he might safely make himself master of some part of them4 ,this was made easy for him as concerned ,romagna by the conduct of the ,french and ,venetians4 ,the next step was to weaken the factions of the ,orsini and the ,colonnesi4 ,having scattered the ,colonnesi1 the ,orsini were so won over as to be drawn in their simplicity into his hands at ,sinigaglia4 ,having thus disposed of the leaders1 he set about ingratiating himself with the population of ,romagna and ,urbino4 ,he first set over the country a stern ruler to restore order4 ,this end being accomplished1 that stern but unpopular ruler was beheaded4 ,next1 as a new pope might be dangerous1 he set himself to exterminate the kindred of those lords whom he had despoiled of their possessions1 to win over the ,roman nobility1 and to secure a majority among the cardinals4 ,but before the duke had completely consolidated his power his father1 ,pope ,alexander ,,vi41 died4 ,even so1 the skill with which he had laid the foundations of his power must have resulted in success had he not himself been almost at death's door at that critical moment4 ,the one mistake he made was in the choice of the new pope1 ,julius ,,ii41 and this error was the cause of his ultimate downfall4 ,a man may rise1 however1 to a princedom by paths of wickedness and crime2 that is1 not precisely by either merit or fortune4 ,we may take as example first ,agathocles the ,sicilian4 ,to slaughter fellow citizens1 to betray friends1 to be devoid of honour1 pity1 and religion cannot be counted as merit4 ,but the achievements of ,agathocles can certainly not be ascribed to fortune4 ,we cannot1 therefore1 attribute either to fortune or to merit what he accomplished without either4 ,for a modern instance we may consider ,oliverotto of ,fermo1 who seized upon that town by a piece of monstrous treachery and merciless butchery2 yet he established himself so firmly and so formidably that he could not have been unseated had he not let himself be over-reached by ,cesare ,borgia4 ,our lesson from these examples is that on seizing a state the usurper should make haste to inflict what injuries he must at one stroke1 and afterwards win men over by benefits4 ,next is the case of those who are made princes by the favour of their countrymen1 which they owe to what may be termed a fortunate astuteness4 ,if he be established by the favour of the people1 to secure them against the oppression of the nobles his position is stronger than if he owe it to the nobles2 but in either case it is the people whom he must conciliate1 and this ,i affirm in spite of the old saw1 ,he who builds on the people builds on mire4 ,a prince who cannot get together an army fit to take the field against any assailant should keep his city strongly fortified1 taking no heed of the country outside1 for then he will not be readily attacked1 and if he be it will be difficult to maintain a siege longer than it may be resisted4 ,merit1 or good fortune1 are needed to acquire ecclesiastical princedoms1 but not to maintain them1 for they are upheld by the authority of religion4 ,it is due to the policy of the ,popes ,alexander ,,vi4 and ,julius ,,ii4 that the temporal power of the pope has become so great2 and from his holiness ,pope ,leo we may hope that as his predecessors made the papacy great with arms he will render it still greater and more venerable by his benignity and other countless virtues4 ,,iii4--,of ,maintaining a ,princedom ,a prince must defend his state with either his own subjects or mercenaries1 or auxiliaries4 ,mercenaries are utterly untrustworthy2 if their captain be not an able man the prince will probably be ruined1 whereas if he be an able man he will be seeking a goal of his own4 ,this has been perpetually exemplified among the cities and states of ,italy which have sought to maintain themselves by taking foreigners into their pay4 ,but he who would deprive himself of every chance of success should have recourse to auxiliaries2 that is1 to the troops of a foreign potentate4 ,for these are far more dangerous than mercenary arms1 bringing ruin with them ready made4 ,the better such troops are the more dangerous they are4 ,from ,hiero of ,syracuse to ,cesare ,borgia1 princes have become powerful in proportion as they could dispense with such aid and place their dependence upon national troops4 ,a prince1 then1 who would be powerful should have no care or thought but for war1 lest he lose his dominions ,if he be ignorant of military affairs he can neither be respected by the soldiers nor trust them4 ,therefore1 he must both practise and study this art4 ,for the practise1 the chase in many respects provides an excellent training both in knowledge of the country and in vigour of the body4 ,as to study1 a prince should read histories1 note the actions of great men1 and examine the causes of their victories and defeats2 seeking to imitate those who have been renowned4 ,anyone who would act up to a perfect standard of goodness in everything must be ruined among so many who are not good4 ,it is essential therefore for a prince to have learnt how to be other than good1 and to use1 or not to use1 his goodness as necessity requires4 ,it may be a good thing to be reputed liberal1 but liberality without the reputation of it is hurtful4 ,display necessitates the imposition of taxes1 whereby the prince becomes hateful2 whereas through parsimony his revenue will be sufficient4 ,hence we have seen no princes accomplish great results save those who have been accounted miserly4 ,every prince should desire to be accounted merciful1 not cruel2 but a new prince cannot escape a name for cruelty1 for he who quells disorder by a few signal examples will1 in the end1 be the more merciful4 ,men are less careful how they offend him who makes himself loved than him who makes himself feared2 yet should a prince inspire fear in such a fashion that1 if he do not win love1 he may escape hate2 remembering that men will sooner forget the slaying of their father than the loss of their patrimony4 ,princes who set little store by their word1 but have known how to overreach men by their cunning1 have accomplished great things1 and in the end got the better of those who trusted to honest dealing4 ,the prince must be a lion1 but he must also know how to play the fox4 ,he who wishes to deceive will never fail to find willing dupes4 ,the prince1 in short1 ought not to quit good courses if he can help it1 but should know how to follow evil courses if he must4 ,a prince must avoid being despised as well as being hated2 therefore courage1 wisdom1 and strength must be apparent in all his actions4 ,against such a one conspiracy is difficult4 ,that prince is wise who devolves on others those matters that entail responsibility1 and may therefore make him odious either to the nobles or to the commons1 but reserves to himself the matters that relate to grace and favour4 ,what ,i have said is not contradicted by the history of the ,roman emperors2 for they had to choose between satisfying the soldiers and satisfying the people4 ,it was imperative that at any cost they should maintain control of the soldiery1 which scarce any of them could do without injustice to the people4 ,if we examine their histories in detail we shall find that they fully bear out the principles ,i have laid down4 ,but in our time the standing armies of princes have not the same power as the armies of the ,roman empire1 and except under the ,turk and the ,soldan it is more needful to satisfy the people than the soldiery4 ,,iv4--,of ,artifices ,a new prince will never disarm his subjects1 but will rather arm them1 at least in part4 ,for thus they become his partisans1 whereas without them he must depend on mercenaries4 ,but a prince who adds a new state to his old possessions should disarm its inhabitants1 relying on the soldiers of his own ancient dominions4 ,some have fostered feuds among their new subjects in order to keep them weak1 but such a policy rarely proves useful in the end4 ,the prince who acquires a new state will gain more strength by winning over and trusting those who were at first opposed to him than by relying on those who were at first his friends4 ,the prince who is more afraid of his subjects than of strangers ought to build fortresses1 while he who is more afraid of strangers than of his subjects should leave them alone4 ,on the whole1 the best fortress you can have is in not being hated by your subjects4 ,nothing makes a prince so well thought of as to undertake great enterprises and give striking proofs of his capacity4 ,ferdinand of ,aragon1 in our own time1 has become the foremost king in ,christendom4 ,if you consider his achievements1 you will find them all great and some extraordinary4 ,first he made war on ,grenada1 and this was the foundation of his power4 ,under the cloak of religion1 with what may be called pious cruelty1 he cleared his kingdom of the ,moors2 under the same pretext he made war on ,africa1 invaded ,italy1 and finally attacked ,france2 while his subjects1 occupied with these great actions1 had neither time nor opportunity to oppose them4 ,the prince whose ministers are at once capable and faithful may always be accounted wise1 since he must be one who can discern the merits and demerits of his servant4 ,for which discernment this unfailing rule may be laid down3 ,when you see a minister thinking more of himself than of you1 and in all his actions seeking his own ends1 that man can never be a minister you can trust4 ,to retain a good minister the prince will bind him to himself by benefits4 ,above all1 he will avoid being deceived by flatterers1 and while he consults his counsellors should reflect and judge for himself4 ,a prince who is not wise himself cannot be well advised by others4 ,the ,italian princes who in our own times have lost their dominions have either been deficient in respect of arms1 or have had the people against them1 or have not known how to secure themselves against the nobles4 ,as to the influence of fortune1 it may be the case that she is the mistress of one half of our actions1 but leaves the control of the other half to ourselves4 ,that prince will prosper most whose mode of acting best adapts itself to the character of the times2 so that at one time a cautious temperament1 and at another an impetuous temperament1 will be the more successful4 ,now1 at this time the whole land of ,italy is without a head1 without order1 beaten1 spoiled1 torn in pieces1 overrun1 and abandoned to destruction in every shape4 ,she prays ,god to send someone to rescue her from these barbarous cruelties2 she is eager to follow anyone who could undertake the part of a deliverer2 nor does this seem too hard a task for you1 the ,magnificent ,lorenzo of the illustrious house of ,medici4 ,the cause is just2 we have before us unexampled proofs of ,divine favour4 ,everything has concurred to promote your greatness4 ,what remains to be done must be done by you1 for ,god will not do everything ,himself4 ,t4,r4 ,,malthus ,on the ,principle of ,population ,thomas ,robert ,malthus was born near ,dorking1 ,surrey1 ,england1 ,feb4 #ag1 #agff1 and after passing through the ,university of ,cambridge was ordained1 and travelled on the ,continent4 ,his great work1 ,an ,essay on the ,principle of ,population as it ,affects the ,future ,improvement of ,society1 was first published ,anonymously in #agih1 and five years later it appeared1 under the title of ,an ,essay on the ,principle of ,population1 or a ,view of its ,past and ,present ,effect on ,human ,happiness1 with an ,enquiry into our ,prospects ,respecting the ,future ,removal or ,mitigation of the ,evils which it ,occasions1 under the author's name4 ,malthus is one of the most persistently misrepresented of great thinkers1 his central doctrine being nothing less moral than that young men should postpone marriage until they have the means of supporting a family4 ,it is of the first interest in the history of thought that the reading of this great essay of ,malthus should have independently suggested1 first to ,charles ,darwin1 and later to ,alfred ,russel ,wallace1 the idea of natural selection as a necessary consequence of that struggle for life so splendidly demonstrated by ,malthus in the case of mankind4 ,it is to be wondered that ,malthus1 having provided himself with the key to the great problem of organic evolution1 should have left its use to others4 ,one explanation is1 doubtless1 that his survey was not comparative1 covering the whole range of life1 but was practically confined to one living form4 ,malthus died on ,december #bc1 #ahcd4 ,i4--,general ,survey of the ,checks to ,population ,since population is capable of doubling itself at least once in every twenty-five years1 and since the supply of food can increase in only arithmetical ratio1 it follows that increase of population must always be checked by lack of food4 ,but1 except in cases of famine1 this check is never operative1 and the chief checks to increase of population are moral restraint1 vice1 and misery4 ,in spite of these checks1 which are always more or less in operation1 there is a constant tendency for the population to increase beyond the means of subsistence4 ,such increase is followed by lowered wages1 dearer food1 and thus a lowered marriage-rate and birth-rate2 and the lowered wages1 in turn1 induce more agricultural enterprise1 and thus means of subsistence become more abundant again4 ,more abundant and cheaper food1 in turn1 promotes marriage1 and increases the population1 until again there is a shortage of food2 and this oscillation1 though irregular1 will always be found1 and there will always be a tendency for the population to oscillate around the food limit4 ,even among savages1 where the degradation of women1 infanticide1 vice1 famine1 war1 and disease are active instruments of decimation1 it will be found that the average population1 generally speaking1 presses hard against the limits of the average food4 ,among modern pastoral nations the principal checks which keep the population down to the level of the means of subsistence are3 restraint from inability to obtain a wife1 vicious habits with respect to women1 epidemics1 war1 famine1 and the diseases arising from extreme poverty4 ,in modern ,europe we find similar preventive and positive checks1 in varying proportions1 to undue increase of population4 ,in ,england and ,scotland the preventive check to population prevails in a considerable degree4 ,a man of liberal education1 with an income only just sufficient to enable him to associate in the rank of gentlemen1 must feel absolutely certain that if he marry and have a family he shall be obliged to give up all his former connections4 ,the woman whom a man of education would naturally choose is one brought up in similar refined surroundings4 ,can a man easily consent to place the object of his affections on a lower social plane8 ,such considerations certainly prevent many of the better classes from early marriage2 and those who marry in the face of such considerations too frequently justify the forebodings of the prudent4 ,the sons of tradesmen and farmers are exhorted not to marry till they have a sufficient sure income to support a family1 and often accordingly postpone marriage till they are far advanced in life4 ,the labourer who earns eighteenpence or two shillings a day1 as a single man1 will hesitate to divide that pittance among four or five1 seeing the risks such poverty involves4 ,the servants who live in the families of the rich have yet stronger inducements to forego matrimony4 ,they live in comparative comfort and luxury1 which as married men they could not enjoy4 ,the prolific power of nature is very far from being called fully into action in ,great ,britain4 ,and yet1 when we contemplate the insufficiency of the price of labour to maintain a large family1 and the amount of mortality which arises directly and indirectly from poverty1 and add to this the crowds of children prematurely cut off in large towns1 we shall be compelled to acknowledge that1 if the number born annually were not greatly thinned by this premature mortality1 the funds for the maintenance of labour must increase with much greater rapidity than they have ever hitherto done in order to find work and food for the additional numbers that would then grow up to manhood4 ,those1 therefore1 who live single1 or marry late1 do not by such conduct contribute in any degree to diminish the actual population1 but merely to diminish the proportion of premature mortality1 which would otherwise be excessive2 and consequently1 from this point of view1 do not seem to deserve any very severe reprobation or punishment4 ,it has been usual to consider a great proportion of births as the surest sign of a vigorous and flourishing state4 ,but this is erroneous4 ,only after great mortality1 or under very especial social conditions1 is a large proportion of births a favourable symptom4 ,in the average state of a well-peopled territory there cannot be a worse sign than a large proportion of births1 nor a better sign than a small proportion4 ,a small proportion of births is a decided proof of a very small mortality1 since the supply always equals the demand for population4 ,in despotic1 miserable1 or naturally unhealthy countries1 the proportion of births to the whole population will generally be found very great4 ,in ,scotland emigration is a potent cause of depopulation1 but any thinning out from this cause is quickly neutralised by an increased proportion of births4 ,in ,ireland the details of population fluctuations are little known2 but the cheapness of potatoes1 and the ignorance and depressed1 indifferent state of the people1 have encouraged marriage to such a degree that the population is pushed much beyond the resources of the country1 and the consequence1 naturally1 is that the lower classes of the people are in the most impoverished and miserable state4 ,the checks to the population are1 of course1 chiefly of the positive kind1 and arise from the diseases caused by squalid poverty4 ,to these positive checks have of late years been added the vice and misery of civil war1 and of martial law4 ,,ii4--,population and the ,subsistence ,level ,that the checks which have been mentioned are the immediate causes of the slow increase of population1 and that these checks result principally from an insufficiency of subsistence will be evident from the comparative rapid increase which has invariably taken place whenever1 by some sudden enlargement in the means of subsistence1 these checks have been in any considerable degree removed4 ,plenty of rich land to be had for little or nothing is so powerful a cause of population as generally to overcome all obstacles4 ,the abundance of cheap and profitable land obtained by the colonists in ,english ,north ,america resulted in a rapid increase of population almost without parallel in history4 ,such an increase does not occur in ,britain1 and the reason to be assigned is want of food4 ,want of food is certainly the most efficient of the three immediate checks to population4 ,population soon increases after war and disease and convulsions of nature1 because the food supply is more than adequate for the diminished numbers2 but where food is deficient no increase of population can occur4 ,since the world began the causes of population and depopulation have been probably as constant as any of the laws of nature with which we are acquainted4 ,the passion between the sexes has appeared in every age to be so nearly the same that it may always be considered in algebraic language as a given quantity4 ,the great law of necessity1 which prevents population from increasing in any country beyond the food which it can either produce or acquire1 is a law so obvious and evident to our understandings that we cannot doubt it4 ,the different modes which nature takes to repress a redundant population do not1 indeed1 appear to us so certain and regular2 but though we cannot always predict the mode1 we may with certainty predict the fact4 ,if the proportion of the births to the deaths for a few years indicates an increase of numbers much beyond the proportional increased or acquired food of the country1 we may be perfectly certain that1 unless an emigration takes place1 the deaths will shortly exceed the births1 and that the increase which has been observed for a few years cannot be the real average increase of the population of the country4 ,if there were no other depopulating causes1 and if the preventive check did not operate very strongly1 every country would1 without doubt1 be subject to periodical plagues and famines4 ,the only true criterion of a real and permanent increase in the population of any country is the increase of the means of subsistence1 and even this criterion is subject to some slight variations4 ,other circumstances being the same1 it may be affirmed that countries are populous according to the quantity of human food which they produce or can acquire2 and happy according to the liberality with which this food is divided1 or the quantity which a day's labour will purchase4 ,this happiness does not depend either upon their being thinly or fully inhabited1 upon their poverty or their riches1 their youth or age1 but on the proportion which the population and the food bear to each other4 ,in modern ,europe the positive checks to population prevail less1 and the preventive checks more1 than in past times1 and in the more uncivilised parts of the world1 since wars1 plagues1 acute diseases1 and famines have become less frequent4 ,with regard to the preventive checks to population1 though it must be acknowledged that the preventive check of moral restraint does not1 at present1 largely prevail1 yet it is becoming more prevalent1 and if we consider only the general term1 which implies principally a delay of marriage from prudential considerations1 it may be considered as the most potent of the checks which in modern ,europe keep down the population to the level of the means of subsistence4 ,,iii4--,remedies other than ,moral ,restraint for ,evils of ,over-population ,all systems of equality which have been proposed are bound to fail1 because the motive to the preventive check of moral restraint is destroyed by equality and community of goods4 ,as all would be equal and in similar circumstances1 there would be no reason why one person should think himself obliged to practise the duty of restraint more than another4 ,and how could a man be compelled to such restraint8 ,the operation of this natural check of moral restraint depends exclusively upon the existence of the laws of property and succession2 and in a state of equality and community of property could only be replaced by some artificial regulation of a very different stamp1 and a much more unnatural character4 ,no scheme of equality1 then1 can overcome the population difficulty2 emigration is only a palliative1 and poor-law relief only a nostrum which eventually aggravates the evils of over-population4 ,the poor laws of ,england tend to depress the general condition of the poor in two ways4 ,their first obnoxious tendency is to increase population without increasing the food for its support4 ,a poor man may marry with little or no prospect of being able to support a family without parish assistance4 ,the poor laws may be said1 therefore1 to create the poor which they maintain1 and as the provisions must be distributed to the greater numbers in smaller proportions1 the labours of those who are not supported by parish assistance will purchase a smaller quantity of provisions than before1 and consequently more of them will require assistance4 ,secondly1 the quantity of provisions consumed in workhouses by the least worthy members of the community diminishes the food of the more worthy members1 who are thus driven to obtain relief4 ,fortunately for ,england a spirit of independence still remains among the peasantry4 ,the poor laws1 though calculated to eradicate this spirit1 have only partially succeeded4 ,hard as it may appear in individual instances1 dependent poverty ought to be deemed disgraceful4 ,such a stigma seems necessary to promote the general happiness of mankind4 ,if men be induced to marry from the mere prospect of parish provision1 they are not only unjustly tempted to bring unhappiness and dependence upon themselves and their children1 but they are tempted unwittingly to injure all in the same class as themselves4 ,further1 the poor laws discourage frugality1 and diminish the power and the will of the common people to save1 and they live from hand to mouth without thought of the future4 ,a man who might not be deterred from going to the ale-house by the knowledge that his death and sickness must throw his wife and family upon the parish1 might fear to waste his earnings if the only provisions for his family were casual charity4 ,the mass of unhappiness among common people must be diminished when one of the strongest checks to idleness and dissipation is thus removed2 and when institutions which render dependent poverty so lessen the disgrace which should be attached to it4 ,i feel persuaded that if the poor-laws had never existed in this country1 though there might have been a few more instances of very severe distress1 the aggregate mass of happiness among the common people would have been much greater than it is at present4 ,in view of all these facts ,i do not propose a law to prevent the poor from marrying1 but ,i propose a very gradual abolition of the poor laws4 ,by means of an extending commerce a country may be able to purchase an increasing quantity of food1 and to support an increasing population2 but extension of commerce cannot continue indefinitely2 it must be checked by competition and other economic interference2 and as soon as funds for the maintenance of labour become stationary1 or begin to decline1 there will be no means of obtaining food for an increasing population4 ,it is the union of the agricultural and commercial systems1 and not either of them taken separately1 that is calculated to produce the greatest national prosperity4 ,a country with an extensive and rich territory1 the cultivation of which is stimulated by improvements in agriculture1 manufactures1 and foreign commerce1 has such various and abundant resources that it is extremely difficult to say when they will reach their limits4 ,there are1 however1 limits to the capital population of a country--limits which they must ultimately reach and cannot pass4 ,to secure a more abundant1 and1 at the same time1 a steadier supply of grain1 a system of corn laws has been recommended1 the object of which is to discourage1 by duties or prohibitions1 the importation of foreign corn1 and to encourage by bounties the exportation of corn of home growth4 ,laws which prohibit the importation of foreign grain1 though by no means unobjectionable1 are not open to the same objections as bounties1 and must be allowed to be adequate to the object they have in view1 the maintenance of an independent supply4 ,moreover1 it is obviously possible1 by restrictions upon the importation of foreign corn1 to maintain a balance between the agricultural and commercial classes4 ,the question is not a question of the efficiency or inefficiency of the measure proposed1 but of its policy or impolicy4 ,in certain cases there can be no doubt of the impolicy of attempting to maintain an unnatural balance between the agricultural and commercial classes2 but in other cases the impolicy is by no means so clear4 ,restrictions upon the importation of foreign corn in a country which has great landed resources tend not only to spread every commercial and manufacturing advantage possessed1 whether permanent or temporary1 on the soil1 but tend also to prevent these great oscillations in the progress of agriculture and commerce which are seldom unattended with evil4 ,,iv4--,moral ,restraint and ,discriminate ,charity ,as it appears that in the actual state of every society which has come within our view the natural progress of population has been constantly and powerfully checked1 and as it seems evident that no improved form of government1 no plans of emigration1 no direction of natural industry can prevent the continued action of a great check to population in some form or other1 it follows that we must submit to it as an inevitable law of nature1 and the only inquiry that remains is how it may take place with the least possible prejudice to the virtue and happiness of human society4 ,all the immediate checks to population which have been observed to prevail in the same and different countries seem to be resolvable into moral restraint1 vice1 and misery2 and if our choice be confined to those three1 we cannot long hesitate in our decision4 ,it seems certain that moral restraint is the only virtuous and satisfactory mode of escape from the evils of over-population4 ,without such moral restraint1 and if it were the custom to marry at the age of puberty1 no virtue1 however great1 could rescue society from a most wretched and desperate state of want1 with its concomitant diseases and famines4 ,prudential restraint1 if it were generally adopted1 would soon raise the price of labour by narrowing its supply1 and those practising it would save money and acquire habits of sobriety1 industry1 and economy such as should ensure happy married life4 ,further1 postponement of marriage would give both sexes a better opportunity to choose life-partners wisely and well2 and the passion1 instead of being extinguished by early sensuality1 would burn the more brightly because repressed for a time1 and attained as the prize of industry and virtue1 and as the reward of a genuine attachment4 ,moral restraint in this matter is a ,christian duty4 ,there are1 perhaps1 few actions that tend so directly to diminish the general happiness as to marry without the means of supporting children4 ,he who commits this act clearly offends against the will of ,god1 for he violates his duty to his neighbours and to himself1 and listens to the voice of passion rather than fulfils his higher obligations4 ,the duty is intelligible to the meanest capacity4 ,it is simply that he must not bring beings into the world whom he cannot support4 ,when once this subject is cleared from the obscurity thrown over it by parochial laws and private benevolence1 every man must see his obligation4 ,if he cannot support his children they must starve2 and if he marry in the face of a fair probability that he shall not be able to support his children1 he is guilty of all the evils which he thus brings upon himself1 his wife1 and his offspring4 ,when the wages of labour are barely sufficient to support two children1 a man marries and has five or six1 and finds himself in distress4 ,he blames the low price of labour4 ,he blames the parish and the rich and social institutions2 but he never blames himself4 ,he may wish he had never married2 but it never enters into his head that he has done anything wrong4 ,indeed1 he has always been told that to raise up children for his king and country is a very meritorious act4 ,the common people must be taught that they themselves in such a case are to blame1 and that no one has power to help them if they act thus contrary to the will of ,god4 ,those who wish to help the poor must try to raise the relative proportion between the price of labour and the price of provisions1 instead of encouraging the poor to marry and overstock the labour market4 ,a market overstocked with labour and an ample remuneration to each labourer are objects perfectly incompatible with each other4 ,it is not enough1 however1 to abolish all the positive institutions which encourage population1 but we must endeavour at the same time to correct the prevailing opinions which have the same effect4 ,the public must be made to understand that they have no right to assistance1 and that it is the duty of man not only to propagate his species but to propagate virtue and happiness4 ,our private charity must also be discriminate4 ,if we insist that a man shall eat even if he do not work1 and that his family shall be supported even if he marry without prospect of supporting a family1 we merely encourage worthless poverty4 ,we must not put a premium on idleness and reckless marriages1 and we must on no account do anything which tends to remove in any regular manner that inequality of circumstances which ought always to exist between the single man and the man with a family4 ,,karl ,,marx ,capital3 ,a ,critical ,analysis ,heinrich ,karl ,marx was born at ,treves1 in ,rhenish ,prussia1 ,may #e1 #ahah1 and died in ,london1 ,march #ad1 #ahhc4 ,one of the most advanced leaders of the modern socialist movement in ,germany1 he was a brilliant university graduate both at ,berlin and ,bonn4 ,going at once into journalism1 ,marx from the outset of his career was known as a pronounced socialist4 ,he became celebrated as collaborator with ,heine in conducting the journal which has since become the most influential organ in the world of socialism1 ,vorwaerts4 ,he was expelled successively from ,germany1 ,france1 and ,belgium1 but found a refuge in ,england1 where he lived from #ahdi till the close of his life4 ,the keynote of ,marxist economy is the advocacy of the claims of labour against those of capitalism4 ,marx was a skilled linguist1 and his philological talent enabled him to propagate his views with special facility1 so that he was the real founder of international socialism4 ,his famous social work1 ,capital3 ,a ,critical ,analysis of ,capitalist ,production 7,das ,kapital71 which was originally entitled ,a ,criticism of ,political ,economy1 appeared in #ahfg1 and has influenced the labour movement more than any other composition in literature4 ,a keen historical survey of capital and also a vivid forecast1 ,marx's analysis of the economic development of modern society has been justified in many respects by subsequent events4 ,i4--,the ,genesis of ,capitalist ,production ,money and commodities are not capital1 any more than are the means of production and of subsistence4 ,they need to be transformed into capital4 ,this transformation can only take place under conditions that separate labourers from all property1 and from the means by which they can realise the profits of their labour2 that is to say1 from the possession of their means of production4 ,the process of this separation clears the way for the capitalist system4 ,the economic structure of capitalistic society has developed from the economic structure of feudal society4 ,the dissolution of the latter set free the elements of the former4 ,the immediate producer1 the labourer1 could only dispose of his own person after he had ceased to be attached as a serf to the soil4 ,then1 to be able to sell his labour wherever he could find a market1 he must further have escaped from the mediaeval guilds and their rules and regulations1 as from so many fetters on labour4 ,but these new freedmen1 on the other hand1 only thus made merchandise of their labour after they had been deprived of their own means of production1 and of all the guarantees of existence furnished under the old feudalism4 ,and the history of this1 their expropriation1 is written in history in characters of blood and fire4 ,the industrial capitalists1 the new potentates1 had to displace not only the guild-masters of handicrafts1 but also the feudal lords1 who were in possession of the sources of wealth4 ,but though the conquerors thus triumphed1 they have risen by means as opprobrious as those by which1 long before1 the ,roman freedman overcame his patronus4 ,the servitude of the labourer was the starting point of the development which involved the rise of the labourer and the genesis of the capitalist4 ,the form of this servitude was changed by the transformation of feudal exploitation into capitalist exploitation4 ,the inauguration of the capitalist era dates from the sixteenth century4 ,the process consisted in the tearing of masses of men from their means of subsistence1 to be hurled as free proletarians on the labour market4 ,the basis of the whole process is the expropriation of the peasant from the soil4 ,the history of this expropriation1 differing in various countries1 has the classic form only in ,england4 ,the prelude of the revolution which founded the capitalist mode of production was played at the beginning of the sixteenth century by the breaking up of the bands of feudal retainers1 who1 as ,sir ,james ,steuart well says1 everywhere uselessly filled house and castle4 ,the old nobility had been devoured by the great feudal wars2 the new was a child of its time1 for which money was the power of all powers4 ,transformation of arable land into sheepwalks was therefore its cry1 and an expropriation of small peasants was initiated which threatened the ruin of the country4 ,thornton declares that the ,english working-class was precipitated without any transition from its golden into its iron age4 ,to the evictions a direct impulse had been given by the rapid increase of the ,flemish wool manufacturers and the corresponding rise in the price of wool in ,england4 ,at length such a deterioration ensued in the condition of the common people that ,queen ,elizabeth1 on a journey through the land1 exclaimed1 ,pauper ubique jacet1 and in the forty-third year of her reign the nation was constrained to acknowledge the terrible pauperism that had arisen by the introduction of the poor-rate4 ,even in the last decade of the seventeenth century1 the yeomanry1 or independent peasants1 outnumbered the farmers1 and they formed the main strength of ,cromwell's army4 ,about #agej the yeomen had vanished1 and not long afterwards was lost the common land of the agricultural labourer4 ,communal property was an old institution which had lived on under the aegis of feudalism4 ,under the glorious revolution which brought ,william of ,orange to ,england1 the landlord and capitalist appropriators of surplus value inaugurated the new era by thefts of land on a colossal scale4 ,thus was formed the foundation of the princely domains of the ,english oligarchy4 ,in the eighteenth century the law itself became the instrument of the theft of the people's land1 and the transformation of communal land into private property had for its sequel the parliamentary form of robbery in shape of the ,acts for the ,enclosure of ,commons4 ,immense numbers of the agricultural population were by this transformation set free as proletarians for the manufacturing industry4 ,after the foregoing consideration of the forcible creation of a class of outlawed proletarians1 converted into wage-labourers1 the question remains1--,whence came the capitalists originally8 ,the capitalist farmer developed very gradually1 first as a bailiff1 somewhat corresponding to the old ,roman villicus2 then as a metaver1 or semi-farmer1 dividing stock and product with the landowner2 next as the farmer proper1 making his own capital increase by employing wage-labourers1 and paying part of the profit to the landlord as rent4 ,the agricultural revolution of the sixteenth century enriched the farmer in proportion as it impoverished the mass of the agricultural people4 ,the continuous rise in the price of commodities swelled the money capital of the farmer automatically1 and he grew rich at the expense both of landlord and labourer4 ,it is thus not surprising that at the close of the sixteenth century ,england had a class of capitalist farmers who were wealthy1 considering the conditions of the age4 ,,ii4--,the ,genesis of the ,industrial ,capitalist ,by degrees the agricultural population was transformed into material elements of variable capital4 ,for the peasants were constrained1 now that they had been expropriated and cast adrift1 to purchase their value in the form of wages from their new masters1 the industrial capitalists4 ,so they were transformed into an element of constant capital4 ,consider the case of ,westphalian peasants who1 in the time of ,frederic ,,ii41 were all spinners of flax1 and were forcibly expropriated from the soil they had owned under feudal tenure4 ,some1 however1 remained and were converted into day-labourers for large farmers4 ,at the same time arose large flax-spinning and weaving factories in which would work men who had been set free from the soil4 ,the flax looks just the same as before1 but a new social soul has entered its body1 for it now forms a part of the constant capital of the master manufacturer4 ,the flax which was formerly produced by a number of families1 who also spun it in retail fashion after growing it1 is now concentrated in the establishment of a single capitalist1 who employs others to spin and weave it for him4 ,so the extra labour which formerly realised extra income to many peasant families now brings profit to a few capitalists4 ,the spindles and the looms formerly scattered over the country are now crowded into great labour barracks4 ,the machines and raw material are now transformed from means of independent livelihood for the peasant spinners and weavers into means for mastering them and extracting out of them badly-paid labour4 ,the genesis of the industrial capitalist did not proceed in such a gradual way as that of the farmer1 for it was accelerated by the commercial demands of the new world-market created by the great discoveries of the end of the fifteenth century4 ,the ,middle ,ages had handed down two distinct forms of capital--the usurer's capital and the merchant's capital4 ,for a time the money capital formed by means of usury and commerce was prevented from conversion into industrial capital1 in the country by feudalism1 in the towns by the guilds4 ,these hindrances vanished with the disappearance of feudal society and the expropriation and partial eviction of the rural population4 ,the new manufactures were established at seaports1 or at inland points beyond the control of the old municipalities and their guilds4 ,hence1 in ,england arose an embittered struggle of the corporate towns against these new industrial nurseries4 ,the power of the state1 concentrating and organising the force of society1 hastened the transition1 shortening the process of transformation of the feudal mode of production into the capitalist mode4 ,the next development of the capitalist era was the rise of the stock exchange and the great banks4 ,the latter were at first merely associations of private speculators1 who1 in exchange for privileges bestowed on them1 advanced money to help the governments4 ,the ,bank of ,england1 founded in #afhd1 began by lending money to the government at eight per cent4 ,at the same time it was empowered by parliament to coin money out of the same capital1 by lending it again to the public in the form of bank-notes4 ,by degrees the ,bank of ,england became the eternal creditor of the nation1 and so arose the national debt1 together with an international credit system1 which has often concealed one or other of the sources of primitive accumulation of this or that people4 ,one of the main lines of international business is the lending out of enormous amounts of capital by one country to another4 ,much capital which to-day appears in ,america without any certificate of birth1 was yesterday in ,england1 the capitalised blood of her children4 ,terrible cruelty characterised much of the development of industrial capitalism1 both on the ,continent and in ,england4 ,the birth of modern industry is heralded by a great slaughter of the innocents4 ,like the royal navy1 the factories were recruited by the press-gang4 ,cottages and workhouses were ransacked for poor children to recruit the factory staffs1 and these were forced to work by turns during the greater part of the night4 ,as ,lancashire was thinly populated and great numbers of hands were suddenly wanted1 thousands of little hapless creatures1 whose nimble little fingers were especially wanted1 were sent down to the north from the workhouses of ,london1 ,birmingham1 and other towns4 ,these apprentices were flogged1 tortured1 and fettered4 ,the profits of manufacturers were enormous4 ,at length ,sir ,robert ,peel brought in his bill for the protection of children4 ,with the growth of capitalist production during the manufacturing period the public conscience of ,europe had lost the last remnant of shame1 and the nations cynically boasted of every infamy that reinforced capitalistic accumulation4 ,liverpool waxed fat on the slave trade4 ,the child-slavery in the ,european manufactories needed for its pedestal the slavery1 pure and simple1 of the negroes imported into ,america4 ,if money1 according to ,marie ,augier1 comes into the world with a congenital bloodstain on one cheek1 capital comes dripping from head to foot1 from every pore1 with blood and dirt4 ,,iii4--,commodities1 ,exchange and ,capital ,a commodity is an object1 external to ourselves1 which by its properties in some way satisfies human wants4 ,the utility of a thing constitutes its use-value4 ,use-values of commodities form the substance of all wealth1 and also become the material repositories of exchange-value4 ,the magnitude of the value of any article is determined by the labour-time socially necessary for its production4 ,so the value of a commodity would remain constant if the labour-time required for its production also remained constant4 ,but the latter varies with every variation in the productiveness of labour4 ,an article may have use-value1 and yet be without value1 if its utility is not due to labour1 as in the case of air1 or virgin soil1 or natural meadows4 ,if a thing be useless1 so is the labour contained in it1 for1 as the labour does not count as such1 it therefore creates no value4 ,a coat is worth twice as much as ten yards of linen1 because the linen contains only half as much labour as the coat4 ,all labour is the expenditure of human labour-power in a special form and with a definite aim1 and in this1 its character of concrete useful labour1 it produces use-values4 ,everyone knows1 if he knows nothing else1 that commodities have a value form common to them all1 and presenting a marked contrast with the varied bodily forms of their use-values4 ,i mean their money form4 ,every owner of a commodity wishes to part with it in exchange for other commodities1 but only those whose use-value satisfies some want of his4 ,to the owner of a commodity1 every other commodity is1 in regard to his own1 a particular equivalent4 ,consequently his own commodity is the universal equivalent for all others4 ,but1 since this applies to every owner1 there is1 in fact1 no commodity acting as a universal equivalent4 ,it was soon seen that a particular commodity would not become the universal equivalent except by a social act4 ,the social action1 therefore1 has set apart the particular commodity in which all values are represented1 and the bodily form of this commodity has become the form of the socially recognised universal equivalent--money4 ,the first chief function of money is to supply commodities with the material for the expression of their values4 ,it thus serves as a universal measure of value1 and only by virtue of this function does gold1 the commodity par excellence1 become money4 ,but money itself has no price4 ,as the measure of value and the standard of price1 money has two distinct functions to perform4 ,it is the measure of value inasmuch as it is the socially recognised incarnation1 of human labour2 it is the standard of price inasmuch as it is a fixed weight of metal4 ,as the measure of value it serves to convert the values of all the various commodities into prices or imaginary quantities of gold4 ,as the standard of price it measures those quantities of gold4 ,the word pound was the money-name given to an actual pound weight of silver4 ,when1 as a measure of value1 gold superseded silver1 the word pound became1 as a money-name1 differentiated from the same word as a weight-name4 ,the prices1 or quantities of gold1 into which the values of commodities are ideally changed are now expressed in the names of coins1 or in the legally valid names of the subdivisions of the gold standard4 ,hence1 instead of saying1 ,a quarter of wheat is worth an ounce of gold1 the ,english would say1 ,it is worth ,l#c #ags4 #aj-a_/b;d4 ,in this fashion commodities express by their prices how much they are worth1 and money serves as money of account whenever it is a question of fixing the value of an article in its money-form4 ,when ,anarcharsis was asked for what purpose the ,greeks used money1 he replied1 ,for reckoning4 ,every labourer in adding new labour also adds new value4 ,in what way8 ,evidently1 only by labouring productively in a particular way3 the spinner by his spinning1 the weaver by his weaving1 the smith by his forging4 ,each use-value disappears1 only to reappear under a new form in some new use-value4 ,by virtue of its general character1 as being expenditure of human labour-power in the abstract1 spinning adds a new value to the values of cotton and spindle4 ,on the other hand1 by virtue of its special character1 as being a concrete1 useful process1 the same labour of spinning both transfers the values of the means of production to the product and preserves them in the product4 ,hence at one and the same time there is produced a twofold result4 ,by the simple addition of a certain quantity of labour1 new value is added1 and by the quality of this added labour the original values of the means of production are preserved in the product4 ,that part of capital which is represented by means of production1 by the raw material1 auxiliary material1 and the instruments of labour1 does not1 in the process of production1 undergo any quantitative alteration of value4 ,i therefore call it the constant part of capital1 or1 more briefly1 constant capital4 ,on the other hand1 that part of capital represented by labour-power does1 in the process of production1 undergo an alteration of value4 ,it both reproduces the equivalent of its own value1 and also produces an excess1 a surplus value1 which may itself vary4 ,this part of capital is continually being transformed from a constant into a variable magnitude4 ,i therefore call it the variable part of capital1 or1 shortly1 variable capital4 ,,iv4--,accumulation of ,capital ,the first condition of the accumulation of capital is that the capitalist must have contrived to sell his commodities1 and to re-convert the greater portion of the money thus received into capital4 ,whatever be the proportion of surplus-value which the industrial capitalist retains for himself or yields up to others1 he is the one who1 in the first instance1 appropriates it4 ,the process of production incessantly converts material wealth into capital1 into means of creating more wealth and means of enjoyment for the capitalist4 ,on the other hand1 the labourer1 on quitting the process1 is nothing more than he was when he began it4 ,he is a source of wealth1 but has not the slightest means of making wealth his own4 ,the product of the labourer is incessantly converted not only into commodities1 but into capital1 into means of subsistence that buy the labourer1 and into means of production that command the producers4 ,the capitalist as constantly produces labour-power2 in short1 he produces the labourer1 but as a wage-labourer4 ,this incessant reproduction1 this perpetuation of the labourer1 is the sine qua non of capitalist production4 ,from a social point of view1 the working-class is just as much an appendage of capital as the ordinary instruments of labour4 ,the appearance of independence is kept up by means of a constant change of employers1 and by the legal fiction of a contract4 ,in former times capital legislatively enforced its proprietary rights over the free labourer4 ,capitalist production reproduces and perpetuates the condition for exploiting the labourer4 ,the economical bondage of the labourer is both caused and hidden by the periodic sale of himself to changing masters4 ,capitalist production1 under its aspect of a continuous connected process1 produces not only commodities1 not only surplus value1 but it also produces and reproduces the capitalist relation2 on the one side the capitalist1 on the other the wage-labourer4 ,capital pre-supposes wage-labour1 and wage-labour pre-supposes capital4 ,one is a necessary condition to the existence of the other4 ,the two mutually call each other into existence4 ,does an operative in a cotton-factory produce nothing but cotton goods8 ,no1 he produces capital4 ,he produces values that give fresh command over his labour1 and that1 by means of such command1 create fresh values4 ,every individual capital is a larger or smaller concentration of means of production1 with a corresponding command over a larger or smaller labour-army4 ,every accumulation becomes the means of new accumulation4 ,the growth of social capital is affected by the growth of many individual capitals4 ,with the accumulation of capital1 therefore1 the number of capitalists grows to a greater or less extent4 ,two points characterise this kind of concentration which grows directly out of1 or rather is identical with1 accumulation4 ,first1 the increasing concentration of the social means of production in the hands of individual capitalists is1 other things remaining equal1 limited by the degree of increase of social wealth4 ,secondly1 the part of social capital domiciled in each particular sphere of production is divided among many capitalists who face one another as independent commodity-producers competing with each other4 ,accumulation and the concentration accompanying it are1 therefore1 not only scattered1 but the increase of each functioning capital is thwarted by the formation of new and the subdivision of old capitals4 ,accumulation1 therefore1 presents itself on the one hand as increasing concentration of the means of production and of the command over labour2 on the other1 as repulsion of many individual capitalists one from another4 ,,john ,,stuart ,,mill ,principles of ,political ,economy ,john ,stuart ,mill1 the eldest son of the philosopher1 ,james ,mill1 was born in ,london on ,may #bj1 #ahjf4 ,his early education was remarkable4 ,at the age of fourteen he had an extensive knowledge of ,greek1 ,latin1 and mathematics1 and had begun to study logic and political economy4 ,in #ahbc he received an appointment at the ,india ,office1 and in the same year he became a member of a small ,utilitarian society which met at ,jeremy ,bentham's house1 and soon became the leader of the ,utilitarian school4 ,mill's great work on the ,principles of ,political ,economy1 with some of their ,applications to ,social ,philosophy1 embodies the results of many years of study1 disputation and thought4 ,it is built upon foundations laid by ,ricardo and ,malthus1 and has itself formed the basis of all subsequent work in ,england4 ,throughout1 it manifests a belief in the possibility of great social improvement to be achieved upon individualistic lines4 ,it was begun late in #ahde1 and superseded a contemplated work to be called ,ethnology4 ,mill's extensive familiarity with the problems of political economy enabled him to compose the work with rapidity unusual in his production4 ,thus1 before the end of #ahdg1 the last sheet of the manuscript was in the hands of the printer1 and early in the following year the treatise was published4 ,mill died at ,avignon on ,may #h1 #ahgc4 ,i4--,the ,production of ,wealth ,in every department of human affairs1 practice long precedes science4 ,the conception1 accordingly1 of political economy as a branch of science is extremely modern2 but the subject with which its inquiries are conversant--wealth--has1 in all ages1 constituted one of the chief practical interests of mankind4 ,everyone has a notion1 sufficiently correct for common purposes1 of what is meant by wealth4 ,money1 being the instrument of an important public and private purpose1 is rightly regarded as wealth2 but everything else which serves any human purpose1 and which nature does not supply gratuitously1 is wealth also4 ,wealth may be defined as all useful or agreeable things which possess exchangeable value4 ,the production of wealth--the extraction of the instruments of human subsistence and enjoyment from the materials of the globe--is evidently not an arbitrary thing4 ,it has its necessary conditions4 ,the requisites of production are two--labour and appropriate natural objects4 ,labour is either bodily or mental4 ,of the other requisite it is to be remarked that the objects supplied by nature are1 except in a few unimportant cases1 only instrumental to human wants after having undergone some transformations by human exertion4 ,nature does more1 however1 than supply materials2 she also supplies powers4 ,of natural powers1 some are practically unlimited1 others limited in quantity1 and much of the economy of society depends on the limited quantity in which some of the most important natural agents exist1 and more particularly land4 ,as soon as there is not so much of a natural agent to be had as would be used if it could be obtained for the asking1 the ownership or use of it acquires an exchangeable value4 ,where there is more land wanted for cultivation than a place possesses of a certain quality and advantages of situation1 land of that quality and situation may be sold for a price1 or let for an annual rent4 ,labour employed on external nature in modes subservient to production is employed either directly1 or indirectly1 in previous or concomitant operations designed to facilitate1 perhaps essential to the possibilities of1 the actual production4 ,one of the modes in which labour is employed indirectly requires particular notice1 namely1 when it is employed in producing subsistence to maintain the labourers while they are engaged in the production4 ,this previous employment of labour is an indispensable condition to every productive operation4 ,in order to raise any product there are needed labour1 tools1 and materials1 and food to feed the labourers4 ,but the tools and materials can be remunerated only from the product when obtained4 ,the food1 on the contrary1 is intrinsically useful1 and the labour expended in producing it1 and recompensed by it1 needs not to be remunerated over again from the produce of the subsequent labour which it has fed4 ,the claim to remuneration founded on the possession of food is remuneration for abstinence1 not for labour4 ,if a person has a store of food1 he has it in his power to consume it himself in idleness4 ,if1 instead1 he gives it to productive labourers to support them during their work1 he can claim a remuneration from the produce4 ,he will1 in fact1 expect his advance of food to come back to him with an increase1 called1 in the language of business1 a profit4 ,thus1 there is necessary to productive operations1 besides labour and natural agents1 a stock1 previously accumulated1 of the products of labour4 ,this accumulated stock is termed capital4 ,capital is frequently supposed to be synonymous with money1 but money can afford no assistance to production4 ,to do this it must be exchanged for other things capable of contributing to production4 ,what capital does for production is to afford the shelter1 tools1 and materials which the work requires1 and to feed and otherwise maintain the labourers during the process4 ,whatever things are destined for this use are capital4 ,that industry is limited by capital is self-evident4 ,there can be no more industry than is supplied with materials to work up and food to eat4 ,nevertheless1 it is often forgotten that the people of a country are maintained and have their wants supplied1 not by the produce of present labour1 but of past1 and it long continued to be believed that laws and governments1 without creating capital1 could create industry4 ,all capital is the result of saving4 ,somebody must have produced it1 and forborne to consume it1 or it is the result of an excess of production over consumption4 ,although saved1 and the result of saving1 it is nevertheless consumed--exchanged partly for tools which are worn out by use1 partly for materials destroyed in the using1 and by consumption of the ultimate product2 and1 finally1 paid in wages to productive labourers who consume it for their daily wants4 ,the greater part1 in value1 of the wealth now existing in ,england has been produced by human hands within the last twelve months4 ,a very small proportion1 indeed1 was in existence ten years ago4 ,the land subsists1 and is almost the only thing that subsists4 ,capital is kept in existence1 not by preservation1 but by perpetual reproduction4 ,,ii4--,the ,distribution of ,wealth ,the laws and conditions of the production of wealth partake of the character of physical truths4 ,there is nothing optional or arbitrary about them4 ,it is not so with the distribution of wealth4 ,that is a matter of human institution solely4 ,among the different modes of distributing the produce of land and labour which have been adopted1 attention is first claimed by the primary institution on which the economical arrangements of society have always rested--private property4 ,the institution of property consists in the recognition1 in each person1 of a right to the exclusive disposal of the fruits of their own labour and abstinence1 and implies the right of the possessor of the fruits of previous labour to what has been produced by others by the co-operation between present labour and those fruits of past labour--that is1 the freedom of acquiring by contract4 ,we now proceed to the hypothesis of a threefold division of the produce1 among labourers1 landlords1 and capitalists1 beginning with the subject of wages4 ,wages depend mainly upon the demand and supply of labour1 or1 roughly1 on the proportion between population and capital4 ,it is a common saying that wages are high when trade is good4 ,capital which was lying idle is brought into complete efficiency1 and wages1 in the particular occupation concerned1 rise4 ,but this is but a temporary fluctuation1 and nothing can permanently alter general wages except an increase or diminution of capital itself compared with the quantity of labour offering itself to be hired4 ,again1 high prices can only raise wages if the producers and dealers1 receiving more1 are induced to add to their capital or1 at least1 to their purchases of labour4 ,but high prices of this sort1 if they benefit one class of labourers1 can only do so at the expense of others1 since all other people1 by paying those high prices1 have their purchasing power reduced by an equal degree4 ,another common opinion1 which is only partially true1 is that wages vary with the price of food1 rising when it rises and falling when it falls4 ,in times of scarcity1 people generally compete more violently for employment1 and lower the labour market against themselves4 ,but dearness or cheapness of food1 when of a permanent character1 may affect wages4 ,if food grows permanently dearer without a rise of wages1 a greater number of children will prematurely die1 and thus wages will ultimately be higher2 but only because the number of people will be smaller than if food had remained cheap4 ,certain rare circumstances excepted1 high wages imply restraints on population4 ,as the wages of the labourer are the remuneration of labour1 so the profits of the capitalist are properly the remuneration of abstinence4 ,they are what he gains by forbearing to consume his capital for his own uses and allowing it to be consumed by productive labourers for their uses4 ,of these gains1 however1 a part only is properly an equivalent for the use of the capital itself2 namely1 so much as a solvent person would be willing to pay for the loan of it4 ,this1 as everybody knows1 is called interest4 ,what a person expects to gain who superintends the employment of his own capital is always more than this4 ,the rate of profit greatly exceeds the rate of interest4 ,the surplus is partly compensation for risk and partly remuneration for the devotion of his time and labour4 ,thus1 the three parts into which profit may be regarded as resolving itself1 may be described1 respectively1 as interest1 insurance1 and wages of superintendence4 ,the requisites of production being labour1 capital1 and natural agents1 the only person besides the labourer and the capitalist whose consent is necessary to production is he who possesses exclusive power over some natural agent4 ,the land is the principal natural agent capable of being so appropriated1 and the consideration paid for its use is called rent4 ,it is at once evident that rent is the effect of a monopoly4 ,if all the land of the country belonged to one person he could fix the rent at his pleasure4 ,the whole people would be dependent on his will for the necessaries of life4 ,but even when monopolised--in the sense of being limited in quantity--land will command a price only if it exists in less quantity than the demand1 and no land ever pays rent unless1 in point of fertility and situation1 it belongs to those superior kinds which exist in less quantity than the demand4 ,any land yields just so much more than the ordinary profits of stock as it yields more than what is returned by the worst land in cultivation4 ,the surplus is what is paid as rent to the landlord4 ,the standard of rent1 therefore1 is the excess of the produce of any land beyond what would be returned to the same capital if employed on the worst land in cultivation1 or1 generally1 in the least advantageous circumstances4 ,,iii4--,of ,exchange and ,value ,of the two great departments of political economy1 the production of wealth and its distribution1 value has to do with the latter alone4 ,the conditions and laws of production would be unaltered if the arrangements of society did not depend on1 or admit of1 exchange4 ,value always means in political economy value in exchange1 the command which its possession gives over purchasable commodities in general2 whereas1 by the price of a thing is understood its value in money4 ,that a thing may have value in exchange two conditions are necessary4 ,it must be of some use--that is1 it must conduce to some purpose1 and secondly1 there must be some difficulty in its attainment4 ,this difficulty is of three kinds4 ,it may consist in an absolute limitation of supply1 as in the case of wines which can be grown only in peculiar circumstances of soil1 climate1 and exposure2 in the labour and expense requisite to produce the commodity2 or1 thirdly1 the limitation of the quantity which can be produced at a given cost1 to which class agricultural produce belongs1 increased production beyond a certain limit entailing increased cost4 ,when the production of a commodity is the effect of labour and expenditure1 there is a minimum value1 which is the essential condition of its permanent production1 and must be sufficient to repay the cost of production1 and1 besides1 the ordinary expectation of profit4 ,this may be called the necessary value4 ,when the commodity can be made in indefinite quantity1 this necessary value is also the maximum which the producers can expect4 ,if it is such that it brings a rate of profit higher than is customary1 capital rushes in to share in this extra gain1 and1 by increasing the supply1 reduces the value4 ,accordingly1 by the operation of supply and demand the values of things are made to conform in the long run to the cost of production4 ,the introduction of money does not interfere with the operation of any of the laws of value4 ,things which by barter would exchange for one another will1 if sold for money1 sell for an equal amount of it1 and so will exchange for one another1 still through the process of exchanging them will consist of two operations instead of one4 ,money is a commodity1 and its value is determined like that of other commodities1 temporarily by demand and supply and permanently by cost of production4 ,credit1 as a substitute for money1 is but a transfer of capital from hand to hand1 generally from persons unable to employ it to hands more competent to employ it efficiently in production4 ,credit is not a productive power in itself1 though without it the productive powers already existing could not be brought into complete employment4 ,in international trade we find that the law that permanent value is proportioned to cost of production does not hold good between commodities produced in distant places as it does in those produced in adjacent places4 ,between distant places1 and especially between different countries1 profits may continue different1 because persons do not usually remove themselves or their capital to a distant place without a very strong motive4 ,if capital removed to remote parts of the world as readily1 and for as small an inducement1 as it moves to another quarter of the same town1 profits would be equivalent all over the world1 and all things would be produced in the places where the same labour and capital would produce them in greatest quantity and of best quality4 ,a tendency may even now be observed towards such a state of things2 capital is becoming more and more cosmopolitan4 ,it is not a difference in the absolute cost of production which determines the interchange between distant places1 but a difference in the comparative cost4 ,we may often by trading with foreigners obtain their commodities at a smaller expense of labour and capital than they cost to the foreigners themselves4 ,the bargain is advantageous to the foreigner because the commodity which he receives in exchange1 though it has cost us less1 would probably have cost him more4 ,the value of a commodity brought from a distant place does not depend on the cost of production in the place from whence it comes1 but on the cost of its acquisition in that place2 which in the case of an imported article means the cost of production of the thing which is exported to pay for it4 ,in other words1 the values of foreign commodities depend on the terms of international exchange1 which1 in turn1 depend on supply and demand4 ,it may be established that when two countries trade together in two commodities the exchange value of these commodities relatively to each other will adjust itself to the inclinations and circumstances of the consumers on both sides in such manner that the quantities required by each country of the article which it imports from its neighbour shall be exactly sufficient to pay for one another1 a law which holds of any greater number of commodities4 ,international values depend also on the means of production available in each country for the supply of foreign markets1 but the practical result is little affected thereby4 ,,iv4--,on the ,influence of ,government ,one of the most disputed questions in political science and in practical statesmanship relates to the proper limits of the functions and agency of governments4 ,it may be agreed that they fall into two classes3 functions which are either inseparable from the idea of government or are exercised habitually by all governments2 and those respecting which it has been considered questionable whether governments should exercise them or not4 ,the former may be termed the necessary1 the latter the optional1 functions of government4 ,it may readily be shown that the admitted functions of government embrace a much wider field than can easily be included within the ring-fence of any restrictive definition1 and that it is hardly possible to find any ground of justification common to them all1 except the comprehensive one of general expediency2 nor to limit the interference of government by any universal rule1 save the simple and vague one that it should never be admitted but when the case of expediency is strong4 ,a most important consideration in viewing the economical effects arising from performance of necessary government functions is the means adopted by government to raise the revenue which is the condition of their existence4 ,the qualities desirable in a system of taxation have been embodied by ,adam ,smith in four maxims or principles1 which may be said to have become classical3 7#a7 ,the subjects of every state ought to contribute to the support of the government as nearly as possible in proportion to their respective abilities2 that is1 in proportion to the revenue which they respectively enjoy under the protection of the state4 7#b7 ,the tax which each individual has to pay ought to be certain1 and not arbitrary4 ,a great degree of inequality is not nearly so great an evil as a small degree of uncertainty4 7#c7 ,every tax ought to be levied at the time or in the manner in which it is most likely to be convenient for the contributor to pay it4 ,taxes upon such consumable goods as are articles of luxury are all finally paid by the consumer1 and generally in a manner that is very convenient to him4 7#d7 ,every tax ought to be so contrived as to take out and keep out of the pockets of the people as little as possible over and above what it brings into the public treasury4 ,taxes on commodities may be considered in the following way4 ,suppose that a commodity is capable of being made by two different processes4 ,it is the interest of the community that of the two methods producers should adopt that which produces the best article at the lowest price4 ,suppose1 however1 that a tax is laid on one of the processes1 and no tax at all1 or one of lesser amount1 on the other4 ,if the tax falls1 as it is1 of course1 intended to do1 upon the process which the producers would have adopted1 it creates an artificial motive for preferring the untaxed process though the inferior of the two4 ,if1 therefore1 it has any effect at all it causes the commodity to be produced of worse quality1 or at a greater expense of labour2 it causes so much of the labour of the community to be wasted1 and the capital employed in supporting and remunerating the labour to be expended as uselessly as if it were spent in hiring men to dig holes and fill them up again4 ,the loss falls on the consumers1 though the capital of the country is also eventually diminished by the diminution of their means of saving1 and in some degree of their inducements to save4 ,taxes on foreign trade are of two kinds3 taxes on imports and on exports4 ,on the first aspect of the matter it would seem that both these taxes are paid by the consumers of the commodity4 ,the true state of the case1 however1 is much more complicated4 ,by taxing exports we may draw into our coffers1 at the expense of foreigners1 not only the whole tax1 but more than the tax2 in other cases we shall gain exactly the tax2 in others less than the tax4 ,in this last case1 a part of the tax is borne by ourselves1 possibly the whole1 even more than the whole4 ,if the imposition of the tax does not diminish the demand it will leave the trade exactly as it was before4 ,we shall import as much and export as much2 the whole of the tax will be paid out of our own pockets4 ,but the imposition of a tax almost always diminishes the demand more or less4 ,it may therefore be laid down as a principle that a tax on imported commodities1 when it really operates as a tax1 and not as a prohibition1 either total or partial1 almost always falls in part upon the foreigners who consume our goods4 ,it is not1 however1 on the person from whom we buy1 but on those who buy from us that a portion of our custom duties spontaneously falls4 ,it is the foreign consumer of our exported commodities who is obliged to pay a higher price for them because we maintain revenue duties on foreign goods4 99 99 99 99 99 ,we now reach the consideration of the grounds and limits of the principle of laisser-faire1 or non-interference by government4 ,whatever theory we adopt respecting the foundation of the social union there is a circle round every human being which no government ought to be permitted to overstep2 there is a part of the life of every person of years of discretion within which the individuality of that person ought to reign uncontrolled either by any other individual or by the public collectively4 ,scarcely any degree of utility short of absolute necessity will justify prohibitory regulation1 unless it can also be made to recommend itself to the general conscience4 ,a general objection to government agency is that every increase of the functions devolving on the government is an increase of its power both in the form of authority and1 still more1 in the indirect form of influence4 ,though a better organisation of governments would greatly diminish the force of the objection to the mere multiplication of their duties1 it would still remain true that in all the advanced communities the great majority of things are worse done by the intervention of government than the individuals most interested in the matter would do them if left to themselves4 ,letting alone1 in short1 should be the practice2 every departure from it1 unless required by some great good1 is a certain evil4 ,,montesquieu ,the ,spirit of ,laws ,charles ,louis de ,secondat1 ,baron de ,la ,brede et de ,montesquieu1 was born near ,bordeaux1 in ,france1 ,jan4 #ah1 #afhi4 ,for ten years he was president of the ,bordeaux court of justice1 but it was the philosophy of laws that interested him rather than the administration of them4 ,he travelled over ,europe and studied the political systems of the various countries1 and found at last in ,england the form of free government which1 it seemed to him1 ought to be introduced into ,france4 ,for twenty years he worked at his masterpiece1 ,the ,spirit of ,laws 7,de l',esprit des ,lois71 which was published anonymously in #agdh1 and in which he surveys every political system1 ancient and modern1 and after examining their principles and defects1 proposes the ,english constitution as a model for the universe4 ,it may be doubted if any book has produced such far-reaching effects4 ,not only did it help on the movement that ended in the ,french ,revolution1 but it induced those nations who sought for some mean between despotism and mob-rule to adopt the ,english system of parliamentary government4 ,the ,spirit of ,laws is rather hard reading1 but it still remains the finest and the soundest introduction to the philosophical study of history4 ,montesquieu died on ,february #aj1 #agee4 ,i4--,on a ,republic ,there are three kinds of governments3 the republican1 the monarchical1 and the despotic4 ,under a republic1 the people1 or a part of the people1 has the sovereign power2 under a monarchy1 one man alone rules1 but by fixed and established laws2 under a despotism1 a single man1 without law or regulation1 impels everything according to his will or his caprice4 ,when1 in a republic1 the whole people possesses sovereign power1 it is a democracy4 ,when this power is in the hands of only a part of the people it is an aristocracy4 ,in a democracy the people is in certain respects the monarch1 in others it is the subject4 ,it cannot reign except by its votes1 and the laws which establish the right of voting are thus fundamental in this form of government4 ,a people possessing sovereign power ought to do itself everything that it can do well2 what it cannot do well it must leave to its ministers4 ,its ministers1 however1 are not its own unless it nominates them2 it is1 therefore1 a fundamental maxim of this government that the people should nominate its ministers4 ,the people is admirably fitted to choose those whom it must entrust with some part of its authority4 ,it knows very well that a man has often been to war1 and that he has gained such and such victories1 and it is therefore very capable of electing a general4 ,it knows if a judge is hardworking and if the generality of suitors are content with his decisions1 and it knows if he has not been condemned for corruption2 this is sufficient to enable a people to elect its praetors4 ,all these things are facts about which a people can learn more in a market-place than a monarch can in a palace4 ,but does a people know how to conduct an affair of state1 to study situations1 opportunities1 and profit by them8 ,no4 ,the generality of citizens have sufficient ability to be electors1 but not enough to be elected1 and the people1 though it is capable of forming a judgment on the administration of others1 is not competent to undertake the administration itself4 ,the people have always too much action or too little4 ,sometimes with a hundred thousand arms it overtakes everything2 sometimes with a hundred thousand feet it moves as slowly as a centipede4 ,in a popular state the people are divided into certain classes1 and on the way in which this division is carried out depend the duration of a democracy and its prosperity4 ,election by lot is the democratic method2 election by choice the aristocratic method4 ,determination by lot allows every citizen a reasonable hope of serving his country2 but it is a defective measure1 and it is by regulating and correcting it that great legislators have distinguished themselves4 ,solon1 for instance1 established at ,athens the method of nominating by choice all the military posts1 and of electing by lot the senators and the judges2 moreover1 he ordained that the candidates for election by lot should first be examined1 and that those who were adjudged unworthy should be excluded2 in that manner he combined the method of chance and the method of choice4 ,it does not require much probity for a monarchy or a despotism to maintain itself4 ,the force of the laws in one1 and the uplifted sword of the tyrant in the other1 regulates and curbs everything4 ,in a democracy1 however1 everything depends upon the political virtues of the people4 ,when a democracy loses its patriotism1 its frugality1 and its passion for equality1 it is soon destroyed by avarice and ambition4 ,the principle of democracy grows corrupt1 not only when a people loses its spirit of equality1 but when this spirit of equality becomes excessive1 and each man wishes to be the equal of those whom he has chosen to rule over him4 ,great successes1 and especially those to which the people have largely contributed1 give it so much pride that it is no longer possible to direct it4 ,thus it was that the victory over the ,persians corrupted the republic of ,athens2 thus it was that the victory over the ,athenians ruined the republic of ,syracuse4 ,there are two excesses which a democracy must avoid3 the spirit of inequality1 which leads to an aristocracy or to the government by one man2 and the spirit of excessive equality1 which ends in despotism4 ,,ii4--,on an ,aristocracy ,in an aristocracy the sovereign power is in the hands of a group of persons4 ,it is they who make the laws and see that they are carried out1 and the rest of the people are the subjects of the nobility4 ,when there is a great number of nobles1 a senate is necessary to regulate the affairs which the nobles themselves are too numerous to deal with1 and to prepare those which they are able to decide on4 ,in this case the aristocracy exists in the senate1 the democracy in the noble class1 and the people count for nothing4 ,the best aristocracy is that in which the popular party1 which has no share of the power1 is so small and so poor that the governing class has no reason for oppressing it4 ,thus when ,antipater made a law at ,athens that those who had not two thousand drachmas should be excluded from voting1 he formed the best aristocracy possible--for this qualification was so slight that it excluded very few people1 and no one who had any consideration in the city4 ,aristocratic families should belong to the people as much as possible4 ,the more an aristocracy resembles a democracy1 the more perfect it is4 ,the most imperfect of all is that in which the lower classes are ground down by the upper classes4 ,an aristocracy has by itself more force than a democracy4 ,the nobles form a corporation which1 by its prerogative and for its particular interest1 restrains the people2 but it is very difficult for this corporation to restrain its own members as easily as it restrains the populace4 ,public crimes can1 no doubt1 be punished1 as it is in the general interests of an aristocracy that this should be done2 but1 as a rule1 private misdeeds in the nobility will be overlooked4 ,a corporation of this sort can only curb itself in two ways--either by a great political virtue1 which leads the nobles to regard the people as their equals and makes for the formation of large republic1 or by the lesser virtue of moderation1 which enables them to conserve their power4 ,an aristocracy grows corrupt when the power of the nobles becomes arbitrary4 ,when the governing families observe the laws they form a monarchy which has several monarchies2 this is a very good thing in its nature1 because all these monarchies are bound together by the laws4 ,but when they no longer observe them1 they form a despotic state which has many despots4 ,the extreme corruption comes about when the nobility becomes hereditary2 it can no longer be moderate in the exercise of its powers4 ,if the nobles are small in number their power increases1 but their surety diminishes2 if they are great in number1 their power is less1 but their surety more certain1 for power goes on increasing1 and surety goes on diminishing up to the despot whose power is as excessive as his peril4 ,a multitude of nobles in an hereditary aristocracy thus makes the government less violent2 but as they will have but little political virtue1 they will grow nonchalant1 idle1 and irresponsible1 so that the state at last will have no longer any force or resilience4 ,an aristocracy is able to maintain its force if its laws are such that they make the nobility feel more the dangers and fatigues of government than the pleasures of it1 and if the state is in such a situation that it has something to dread1 and that its surety comes from within1 and its danger threatens from without4 ,a certain confidence forms the glory and the safety of a monarchy1 but a republic lives on its perils4 ,the fear of the ,persians kept the ,greek states in strict obedience to republican laws4 ,carthage and ,rome intimidated and strengthened each other4 ,it is a strange thing1 but democracies and aristocracies are like water1 which grows corrupt only when it is too long unmoved and untroubled4 ,,iii4--,on the ,monarchy ,intermediary1 subordinate1 and dependent powers constitute the nature of a monarchical government1 in which a single man governs by means of fundamental laws4 ,the most natural of intermediary1 subordinate powers is that of a nobility4 ,this is indeed an essential part of a monarchy1 of which the maxim is3 ,no king1 no nobility2 no nobility1 no king4 ,there are some persons in certain countries of ,europe who wish to abolish all the rights of the nobility4 ,they do not see that they want to do what the ,english parliament did in the seventeenth century4 ,abolish in a monarchy the prerogatives of the lords1 of the clergy1 of the gentry1 and of the towns1 and you will soon have either a purely popular government or a despotism4 ,i am not greatly prepossessed in favour of the privileges of the clergy1 but ,i should like to see their jurisdiction clearly fixed once for all4 ,it is not a question of discussing if it be right to establish it1 but of seeing if it is established1 and if it forms part of the laws of the country1 and of deciding if a loyal subject is not within his rights in upholding both the powers of his king and the limits which have from time immemorial been set to that power4 ,the power of the clergy is dangerous in a republic1 but convenient in a monarchy1 and especially in a monarchy tending to despotism4 ,where would ,spain and ,portugal be1 since they have lost their laws1 without this power which alone arrests the arbitrary force of their kings8 ,in order to advance liberty1 the ,english have destroyed all the intermediary powers that form their monarchy4 ,they have good reason to guard and cherish this liberty4 ,if ever they lose it1 they will be one of the most enslaved races on earth4 ,it is not sufficient that there should be intermediary ranks in the monarchy2 there must also be a depository of laws4 ,this depository cannot be found anywhere save in political corporations1 which announce laws when they are made1 and recall them when they are forgotten4 ,the ignorance natural to nobility1 its inattention1 its contempt for civil government1 require that there should be a corporation which unceasingly recovers laws from the dust in which they are buried4 ,as democracies are ruined by the populace stripping the senate1 the magistrates1 and the judges of their functions1 so monarchies decay when the prerogatives of the higher classes and the privileges of towns are little by little destroyed4 ,in the first case1 things end in a despotism of the multitude2 in the other1 in the despotism of a single man4 ,the people of the ancient world had no knowledge of a monarchy founded on a nobility1 and still less knowledge of a monarchy founded on a legislative corporation formed1 as in ,england1 by the representatives of the people4 ,on reading the admirable work of ,tacitus on the ancient ,germans1 one sees that it is from them that the ,english have derived the idea of their political system4 ,this fine form of government was discovered in the forests4 ,it is based on a separation of the three powers found in every state--the legislative power1 the executive power1 and the judicial power4 ,the first is in the hands of the parliament1 the second is in the hands of the monarch1 and the third in the hands of the magistracy4 ,the ,english people would lose their liberty if the same man1 or the same corporation1 or the lords1 or the people themselves1 were possessed of these three powers4 ,by their representative system the ,english have avoided the great defect of the ancient republics1 in which the populace were allowed to take an active part in the government4 ,there is in every state a number of persons distinguished by birth1 wealth1 or honour4 ,if they were confounded among the people1 and had there only one vote like the rest1 the common liberty would be to them a slavery1 and they would have no interest in defending it1 because most of the laws would be directed against them4 ,the part they play in legislation should1 therefore1 be proportionate to the other advantages which they have in the state4 ,in ,england they rightly form a legislative body1 which has the power of arresting the enterprises of the people1 in the same way as the people have the power of arresting theirs4 ,a house of lords must be hereditary4 ,it is so naturally1 and1 besides1 this gives it a very great interest in the preservation of its prerogatives1 which1 in a free country1 must always be in danger4 ,but as an hereditary power might be tempted to follow its private interests to the neglect of the public welfare1 it is necessary that in matters in which corruption can easily arise1 such as matters relating to money bills1 the ,house of ,lords should have neither any initiating nor any correcting faculty2 it should have only a power of veto and a power of approving1 like the tribunes of ancient ,rome4 ,the cabinet should not wield the executive power as well as the legislative power4 ,unless the monarch himself retains the executive power1 there is no liberty1 for liberty depends upon each of the three powers being kept entirely separate4 ,it is in this way that the balance of the constitution is preserved4 ,as all human things have an end1 ,england will one day lose its liberty1 and perish4 ,rome1 ,sparta1 and ,carthage have not been able to last4 ,england will perish when the legislative power grows more corrupt than the executive power4 ,,iv4--,on ,despotism ,from the nature of despotism it follows that a despot gives the government into the hands of another man4 ,a creature whose five senses are always telling him that he is everything and that other men are nothing is naturally idle1 ignorant1 and pleasure-seeking4 ,he therefore abandons the control of affairs4 ,but if he entrusted them to several persons there would be disputes among them1 and the despot would be put to the trouble of interfering in their intrigues4 ,the easier way1 therefore1 is for him to surrender all administration to a vizier1 and give him full power4 ,the establishment of a vizier is a fundamental law of despotism4 ,the more people a despot has to govern1 the less he thinks of governing them2 the greater the business of the state becomes1 the less trouble he takes to deliberate upon it4 ,a despotic state continually grows corrupt because it is corrupt in its nature4 ,other forms of government perish through particular accidents2 a despotism perishes inwardly1 even when several accidental causes seem to support it4 ,it is only maintained when certain circumstances derived from the climate1 the religion1 the situation1 or the genius of a people compel it to observe some order and submit to some regulation4 ,these things compel it1 but do not change its nature2 its ferocity remains1 though for a time it is tamed4 ,,sir ,,thomas ,,more ,utopia3 ,nowhere ,land ,thomas ,more was born in ,london on ,february #g1 #adgh2 his father1 ,sir ,john1 was a magistrate4 ,the boy was placed in the household of the ,chancellor1 ,cardinal ,morton1 and went to ,oxford4 ,the young man had thoughts of entering the religious life1 but finally chose the law4 ,his most intimate friend was the great ,dean ,colet1 and his relations with ,erasmus1 the chief of the ,humanists1 were of the most affectionate kind4 ,he stood with these two in the forefront of the great effort for the intellectual and moral reform of the ,church1 which was soon to be overwhelmed in the political and theological ,reformation4 ,drawn into public life by ,henry ,,viii41 he became ,chancellor after the fall of ,wolsey1 later resigned on a point of conscience1 and was finally beheaded on a charge of treason on ,july #g1 #aece1 with ,bishop ,fisher1 virtually for refusing to acknowledge the secular supremacy over the ,church4 ,in #ahhf he was beatified4 ,the ,utopia3 ,nowhere ,land1 was written in #aeaf1 in ,latin4 ,the ,english version is the rendering of ,ralphe ,robynson1 published in #aeea4 ,the three factors in its production were1 the discoveries in the ,new ,world1 ,plato's ,republic1 and ,more's observation of ,european affairs4 ,i4--,how ,master ,more ,met ,master ,raphael ,hythloday ,the most victorious and triumphant king of ,england1 ,henry ,,viii41 of that time1 for the debatement of certain weighty matters sent me ambassador into ,flanders1 joined in commission with ,cuthbert ,tunstall1 whose virtue and learning be of more excellency than that ,i am able to praise them4 ,and whiles ,i was abiding at ,antwerp1 oftentimes among other did visit me one ,peter ,gyles1 a citizen thereof1 whom one day ,i chanced to espy talking with a stranger1 with whom he brought me to speech4 ,which ,raphael ,hythloday had voyaged with ,master ,amerigo ,vespucci1 but parting from him had seen many lands1 and so returned home by way of ,taprobane and ,calicut4 ,now1 as he told us1 he had found great and wide deserts and wildernesses inhabited with wild beasts and serpents1 but also towns and cities and weal-publiques full of people governed by good and wholesome laws1 beside many other that were fond and foolish4 ,then ,i urging him that1 both by learning and experience1 he might be any king's counsellor for the weal-publique---- ,you be deceived1 quoth he4 ,for the most part all princes have more delights in warlike matters and feats of chivalry than in the good feats of peace4 ,then he speaking of ,england1 ,have you been in our country1 sir8 quoth ,i4 ,yea1 forsooth1 quoth he1 and there was ,i much bound and beholden to ,john ,norton1 at that time cardinal1 archbishop1 and ,lord ,chancellor1 in whose counsel the king put much trust4 ,now1 quoth he1 one day as ,i sat at his table1 there was a layman cunning in the law who began to praise the rigorous justice that was done upon felons1 and to marvel how thieves were nevertheless so rife4 ',nay1 sir1' said ,i2 'but the punishment passeth the limits of justice4 ,for simple theft is not so great an offence that it ought to be punished with death1 nor doth that refrain them1 since they cannot live but by thieving4 ,there be many servitors of idle gentlemen1 who1 when their master is dead1 and they be thrust forth1 have no craft whereby to earn their bread1 nor can find other service1 who must either starve for hunger or manfully play the thieves4 ',moreover1 look how your sheep do consume and devour whole fields1 houses1 and cities4 ,for noblemen and gentlemen1 yea1 and certain abbots1 holy men1 ,god wot1 where groweth the finest wool1 do enclose all in pastures1 pluck down towns1 and leave nought standing but only the church1 to make it a sheep-house4 ,whereby the husbandmen are thrust out of their own6 and then what can they do else but steal1 and then justly1 ,god wot1 be hanged8 ,furthermore1 victuals and other matters are dearer1 seeing rich men buy up all1 and with their monopoly keep the market as it please them4 ,unless you find a remedy for these enormities1 you shall in vain vaunt yourselves of executing justice upon felons4 ',beside1 it is a pernicious thing that a thief and a murderer should suffer the like punishment1 seeing that thereby the thief is rather provoked to kill4 ,but among the polylerytes in ,persia there is a custom that they which be convict of felony are condemned to be common labourers1 yet not harshly entreated1 but condemned to death if they seek to run away4 ,for they are also apparelled all alike1 and to aid them is servitude for a free man4' ,now the cardinal pronounced that this were a good order to take with vagabonds4 ,but a certain parasite sayeth in jest that this were then an excellent order to take with the friars1 seeing that they were the veriest vagabonds that be2 a friar thereupon took the jest in very ill part1 and could not refrain himself from calling the fellow ribald1 villain1 and the son of perdition2 whereat the jester became a scoffer indeed1 for he could play a part in that play1 no man better1 making the friar more foolishly wrath than before4 ,now1 none of them would have harkened to my counsel until the cardinal did approve it4 ,so that if ,i were sitting in counsel with the ,french king1 whose counsellors were all urging him to war2 and should ,i counsel him not to meddle with ,italy1 but rather to tarry still at home2 and should propose to him the decrees of the ,achoricus which dwell over against the ,island of ,utopia1 who having by war conquered a new kingdom for their prince1 constrained him to be content with his old kingdom1 and give over the new one to one of his friends2 this1 mine advice1 ,master ,more1 how think you it would be heard and taken8 ,so ,god help me1 not very thankfully1 quoth ,i4 ,howbeit1 ,master ,more1 quoth he1 doubtless wheresoever possessions be private1 where money beareth all the stroke1 it is almost impossible that the weal-publique may be justly governed and prosperously flourish4 ,and when ,i consider the wise and goodly ordinances of the ,utopians1 among whom all things being in common1 every man hath abundance of everything1 yet are there very few laws2 ,i do fully persuade myself that until this property be exiled and banished1 perfect wealth shall never be among men4 ,which if you had lived with me in ,utopia1 you would doubtless grant4 ,therefore1 ,master ,raphael1 quoth ,i1 pray you describe unto us this land4 ,,ii4--,of the ,island of ,utopia1 and the ,customs of ,its ,people ,the ,island of ,utopia is shaped like a new moon1 in breadth at the middle #bjj miles1 narrowing to the tips1 which fetch about a compass of #ejj miles1 and are sundered by eleven miles1 having in the space between them a high rock2 so that that whole coast is a great haven1 but the way into it is securely guarded by hidden rocks1 of which only the ,utopians have the secret4 ,it hath fifty-four large and fair cities1 all built in one fashion1 and having like manners1 institutions and laws4 ,the chief and head is ,amaurote1 being the midmost4 ,every city hath an equal shire1 with farms thereon2 and of the husbandmen1 half return each year to the city1 their place being taken by a like number4 ,the city ,amaurote standeth four square1 upon the ,river ,anyder1 and another lesser river floweth through it4 ,the houses be fair and gorgeous1 and the streets twenty foot broad2 and at the back of each house a garden1 whereby they set great store4 ,each thirty families choose an officer1 called a ,siphogrant1 and over every tenth ,siphogrant is a ,tranibore4 ,the prince is chosen for life by the ,siphogrants4 ,all other offices are yearly1 but the ,tranibores are not lightly changed4 ,the prince and the ,tranibores hold council every third day1 each day with two different ,siphogrants4 ,they discuss no matter on the day that it is first brought forward4 ,all the people are expert in husbandry1 but each hath thereto his own proper craft of masonry or cloth-working1 or some other2 and1 for the most part1 that of his father4 ,they work only six hours1 which is enough--yea1 and more for the store and abundance of things requisite1 because all do work4 ,there be none that are idle or busied about unprofitable occupations4 ,in all that city and shire there be scarce #ejj persons that be licensed from labour1 that be neither too old nor too weak to work4 ,such be they that have license to learning in place of work4 ,out of which learned order be chosen ambassadors1 priests1 tranibores1 and the prince4 ,for their clothing1 they wear garments of skins for work1 and woollen cloaks of one fashion and of the natural colour2 and for the linen1 they care only for the whiteness1 and not the fineness2 wherefore their apparel is of small cost4 ,the city consisteth of families2 and for each family the law is there be not fewer than ten children1 nor more than sixteen of about thirteen years4 ,which numbers they maintain by taking from one family and adding to another1 or one city and another1 or by their foreign cities which they have in the waste places of neighbour lands4 ,the eldest citizen ruleth the family4 ,in each quarter of the city is a market-place1 whither is brought the work of each family1 and each taketh away that he needeth1 without money or exchange4 ,to every thirty families there is a hall1 whither cometh the whole ,siphogranty at the set hour of dinner or supper2 and a nursery thereto4 ,but in the country they dine and sup in their own houses4 ,if any desire to visit another city1 the prince giveth letters of licence4 ,but wherever he goeth he must work the allotted task4 ,all be partners1 so that none may be poor or needy2 and all the cities do send to the common council at ,amaurote1 so that what one lacketh another maketh good out of its abundance4 ,their superfluities they exchange with other lands for what they themselves lack1 which is little but iron2 or for money1 which they use but seldom1 and that for the hiring of soldiers4 ,of gold and silver they make not rich vessels1 but mean utensils1 fetters1 and gyves2 and jewels and precious stones they make toys for children4 ,although there be not many that are appointed only to learning1 yet all in childhood be instructed therein2 and the more part do bestow in learning their spare hours4 ,in the course of the stars and movings of the heavenly sphere they be expert1 but for the deceitful divination thereof they never dreamed of it4 ,they dispute of the qualities of the soul and reason of virtue1 and of pleasure wherein they think the felicity of man to rest2 but that the soul is immortal1 and by the bountiful goodness of ,god ordained to felicity1 and to our virtues and good deeds rewards be appointed hereafter1 and to evil deeds punishments4 ,which principles1 if they were disannulled1 there is no man but would diligently pursue pleasure by right or wrong4 ,but now felicity resteth only in that pleasure that is good and honest4 ,virtue they define to be life according to nature1 which prescribeth us a joyful life4 ,but of what they call counterfeit pleasures they make naught2 as of pride in apparel and gems1 or in vain honours2 or of dicing2 or hunting1 which they deem the most abject kind of butchery4 ,but of true pleasures they give to the soul intelligence and that pleasure that cometh of contemplation of the truth1 and the pleasant remembrance of the good life past4 ,of pleasures of the body they count first those that be sensibly felt and perceived1 and thereto the body's health1 which lacking1 there is no place for any pleasure4 ,but chiefest they hold the pleasures of the mind1 the consciousness of virtue and the good life4 ,making little of the pleasures of appetite1 they yet count it madness to reject the same for a vain shadow of virtue4 ,for bondmen1 they have malefactors of their own people1 criminals condemned to death in other lands1 or poor labourers of other lands who1 of their own free will1 choose rather to be in bondage with them4 ,the sick they tend with great affection2 but1 if the disease be not only incurable but full of anguish1 the priests exhort them that they should willingly die1 but cause him not to die against his will4 ,the women marry not before eighteen years1 and the men four years later4 ,but if one have offended before marriage1 he or she whether it be1 is sharply punished4 ,and before marriage the man and the woman are showed each to the other by discreet persons4 ,to mock a man for his deformity is counted great dishonesty and reproach4 ,they do not only fear their people from doing evil by punishments1 but also allure them to virtue with rewards of honour4 ,they have but few laws1 reproving other nations that innumerable books of laws and expositions upon the same be not sufficient4 ,furthermore1 they banish all such as do craftily handle the laws1 but think it meet that every man should plead his own matter4 ,,iii4--,of the ,wars and the ,religion of the ,utopians ,as touching leagues they never make one with any nation1 putting no trust therein2 seeing the more and holier ceremonies the league is knit up with1 the sooner it is broken4 ,who perchance would change their minds if they lived here8 ,but they be of opinion that no man should be counted an enemy who hath done no injury1 and that the fellowship of nature is a strong league4 ,they count nothing so much against glory as glory gotten in war4 ,and though they do daily practise themselves in the discipline of war1 they go not to battle but in defence of their own country or their friends1 or to right some assured wrong4 ,they are ashamed to win the victory with much bloodshed1 but rejoice if they vanquish their enemies by craft4 ,they set a great price upon the life or person of the enemy's prince and of other chief adversaries1 counting that they thereby save the lives of many of both parts that had otherwise been slain2 and stir up neighbour peoples against them4 ,they lure soldiers out of all countries to do battle with them1 and especially savage and fierce people called the ,zapoletes1 giving them greater wages than any other nation will4 ,but of their own people they thrust not forth to battle any against his will2 yet if women be willing1 they do in set field stand every one by her husband's side1 and each man is compassed about by his own kinsfolk2 and they be themselves stout and hardy and disdainful to be conquered4 ,it is hard to say whether they be craftier in laying ambush1 or wittier in avoiding the same4 ,their weapons be arrows1 and at handstrokes not swords but pole-axes2 and engines for war they devise and invent wondrous wittily4 ,there be divers kinds of religion4 ,some worship for ,god the sun1 some the moon2 there be that give worship to a man that was once of the most excellent virtue2 some believe that there is a certain godly power unknown1 everlasting1 incomprehensible2 but all believe that there is one ,god1 ,maker and ,ruler of the whole world4 ,but after they heard us speak of ,christ1 with glad minds they agreed unto the same4 ,and this is one of their ancientest laws1 that no man shall be blamed for reasoning in the maintenance of his own religion1 giving to every man free liberty to believe what he would4 ,saving that none should conceive so base and vile an opinion as to think that souls do perish with the body1 or that the world runneth at all adventures1 governed by no divine providence4 ,they have priests of exceeding holiness1 and therefore very few4 ,both childhood and youth are instructed of them1 not more in learning than in good manners4 ,this is that order of the commonwealth which1 in my judgment1 is not only the best1 but also that which alone of good right may claim and take upon it the name of a commonwealth or weal-publique1 quoth he4 ,but1 in the meantime1 ,i1 ,thomas ,more1 as ,i cannot agree and consent to all things that he said1 so must ,i needs confess and grant that many things be in the ,utopian weal-publique which in our cities ,i may rather wish for than hope after4 ,,thomas ,,paine ,the ,rights of ,man ,the ,rights of ,man by ,thomas ,paine 7see ,,religion1 ,vol4 ,,xiii7 was an answer to ,burke's attack on the ,french ,revolution4 ,it was published in two parts in #agij and #agib1 and is an earnest and courageous exposition of ,paine's revolutionary opinions1 and from that day to this has played no small part in moulding public thought4 ,the extreme candour of his observations on monarchy led to a prosecution1 and he had to fly to ,france4 ,there he pleaded for the life of ,louis ,,xvi41 and was imprisoned for ten months during the ,terror4 ,he left ,france bitterly disappointed with the failure of the republic1 and passed the rest of his days in ,america4 ,paine's ignorance1 says ,sir ,leslie ,stephen1 was vast1 and his language brutal2 but he had the gift of a true demagogue--the power of wielding a fine1 vigorous ,english4 ,i4--,natural and ,civil ,rights ,among the incivilities by which nations or individuals provoke or irritate each other1 ,mr4 ,burke's pamphlet in the ,french revolution is an extraordinary instance4 ,there is scarcely an epithet of abuse in the ,english language with which he has not loaded the ,french nation and the ,national ,assembly4 ,considered as an attempt at political argument1 his work is a pathless wilderness of rhapsodies1 in which he asserts whatever he pleases without offering either evidence or reasons for so doing4 ,with his usual outrage1 he abuses the ,declaration of the ,rights of ,man published by the ,national ,assembly as the basis of the ,french constitution4 ,but does he mean to deny that man has any rights8 ,if he does1 then he must mean that there are no such things as rights anywhere2 for who is there in the world but man8 ,but if ,mr4 ,burke means to admit that man has rights1 the question then will be3 ,what are those rights and how came man by them originally8 ,the error of those who reason by precedents drawn from antiquity respecting the rights of man is that they do not go far enough into antiquity2 they stop in some of the intermediate stages1 and produce what was then done as a rule for the present day4 ,mr4 ,burke1 for example1 would have the ,english nation submit themselves to their monarchs for ever1 because an ,english ,parliament did make such a submission to ,william and ,mary1 not only on behalf of the people then living1 but on behalf of their heirs and posterities--as if any parliament had the right of binding and controlling posterity1 or of commanding for ever how the world should be governed4 ,if antiquity is to be authority1 a thousand such authorities may be produced1 successively contradicting each other2 but if we proceed on1 we shall at last come out right2 we shall come to the time when man came from the hand of his ,maker4 ,what was he then8 ,man6 ,man was his high and only title1 and a higher cannot be given him4 ,all histories of creation agree in establishing one point1 the unity of man1 by which ,i mean that men are all of one degree1 and that all men are born equal1 and with equal natural rights4 ,these natural rights are the foundation of all their civil rights4 ,a few words will explain this3 ,natural rights are those which appertain to man in right of his existence4 ,of this kind are the rights of the mind1 and also those rights of acting as an individual for his own happiness1 which are not injurious to the natural rights of others4 ,civil rights are those which appertain to man in right of his being a member of society4 ,every civil right has for its foundation some natural right pre-existing in the individual1 but to the enjoyment of which his individual power is not1 in all cases1 sufficiently competent4 ,of this kind are all those which relate to security and protection4 ,it follows1 then1 that the power produced from the aggregate of natural rights1 imperfect in power in the individual1 cannot be applied to invade the natural rights which are retained in the individual1 and in which the power to execute is as perfect as the right itself4 ,let us now apply these principles to governments4 ,these may all be comprehended under three heads3 ,first1 superstition2 secondly1 power2 thirdly1 the common interest of society and the common rights of man4 ,when a set of artful men pretended to hold intercourse with the ,deity1 as familiarly as they now march up the back stairs in ,european courts1 the world was completely under the government of superstition4 ,this sort of government lasted as long as this sort of superstition lasted4 ,after these1 a race of conquerors arose1 whose government1 like that of ,william the ,conqueror1 was founded in power4 ,governments thus established last as long as the power to support them lasts2 but1 that they might avail themselves of every engine in their favour1 they united fraud to force1 and set up an idol which they called ,divine ,right1 and which twisted itself afterwards into an idol of another shape1 called ,church and ,state4 ,the key of ,st4 ,peter and the key of the treasury became quartered on one another1 and the wondering cheated multitude worshipped the invention4 ,we have now to review the governments which arise out of society4 ,if we trace government to its origin1 we discover that governments must have arisen either out of the people or over the people4 ,in those which have arisen out of the people1 the individuals themselves1 each in his own personal and sovereign right1 have entered into a compact with each other to produce a government2 and this is the only mode in which governments have a right to arise4 ,this compact is the constitution1 and a constitution is not a thing in name only1 but in fact4 ,wherever it cannot be produced in a visible form1 there is none4 ,a constitution is a thing antecedent to government1 and a government is only its creature4 ,the constitution of a country is not the act of its government1 but of the people constituting its government4 ,can1 then1 ,mr4 ,burke produce the ,english constitution8 ,he cannot1 for no such thing exists1 nor ever did exist4 ,the ,english government is one of those which arose out of a conquest1 and not out of society1 and consequently it arose over the people2 and though it has been much modified since the time of ,william the ,conqueror1 the country has never yet regenerated itself1 and is therefore without a constitution4 ,,ii4--,france and ,england ,compared ,i now proceed to draw some comparisons between the ,french constitution and the governmental usages in ,england4 ,the ,french constitution says that every man who pays a tax of sixty sous per annum 7#bs4 #f;d41 ,english7 is an elector4 ,what will ,mr4 ,burke place against this8 ,can anything be more limited1 and at the same time more capricious1 than the qualifications of electors are in ,england8 ,the ,french constitution says that the ,national ,assembly shall be elected every two years4 ,what will ,mr4 ,burke place against this8 ,why1 that the nation has no right at all in the case1 and that the government is perfectly arbitrary with respect to this point4 ,the ,french constitution says there shall be no game laws1 and no monopolies of any kind4 ,what will ,mr4 ,burke say to this8 ,in ,england1 game is made the property of those at whose expense it is not fed2 and with respect to monopolies1 every chartered town is an aristocratical monopoly in itself1 and the qualification of electors proceeds out of these monopolies4 ,is this freedom8 ,is this what ,mr4 ,burke means by a constitution8 ,the ,french constitution says that to preserve the national representation from being corrupt no member of the ,national ,assembly shall be an officer of the government1 a placeman1 or a pensioner4 ,what will ,mr4 ,burke place against this8 ,i will whisper his answer3 ,loaves and ,fishes4 ,ah6 this government of loaves and fishes has more mischief in it than people have yet reflected on4 ,the ,english ,parliament is supposed to hold the national purse in trust for the nation4 ,but if those who vote the supplies are the same persons who receive the supplies when voted1 and are to account for the expenditure of those supplies to those who voted them1 it is themselves accountable to themselves1 and the comedy of errors concludes with the pantomime of hush4 ,neither the ministerial party nor the opposition will touch upon this case4 ,the national purse is the common hack which each mounts upon4 ,they order these things better in ,france4 ,the ,french constitution says that the right of war and peace is in the nation4 ,where else should it reside but in those who are to pay the expense8 ,in ,england this right is said to reside in a metaphor shown at the ,tower for sixpence or a shilling a head4 ,it may with reason be said that in the manner the ,english nation is represented it signifies not where the right resides1 whether in the crown or in the parliament4 ,war is the common harvest of all those who participate in the division and expenditure of public money in all countries4 ,in reviewing the history of the ,english ,government1 an impartial bystander would declare that taxes were not raised to carry on wars1 but that wars were raised to carry on taxes4 ,the ,french constitution says1 ,there shall be no titles2 and1 of consequence1 nobility is done away1 and the peer is exalted into man4 ,titles are but nicknames1 and every nickname is a title4 ,the thing is perfectly harmless in itself1 but it marks a sort of foppery in the human character which degrades it4 ,if no mischief had annexed itself to the folly of titles1 they would not have been worth a serious and formal destruction4 ,let us1 then1 examine the grounds upon which the ,french constitution has resolved against having a house of peers in ,france4 ,because1 in the first place1 aristocracy is kept up by family tyranny and injustice1 due to the unnatural and iniquitous law of primogeniture4 ,secondly1 because the idea of hereditary legislators is as inconsistent as that of hereditary judges or hereditary juries2 and as absurd as an hereditary mathematician1 or an hereditary wise man2 and as ridiculous as an hereditary poet-laureate4 ,thirdly1 because a body of men1 holding themselves accountable to nobody1 ought not to be trusted by anybody4 ,fourthly1 because it is continuing the uncivilised principle of government founded in conquest1 and the base idea of man having property in man1 and governing him by personal right4 ,the ,french constitution hath abolished or renounced toleration and intolerance also1 and hath established universal right of conscience4 ,toleration is not the opposite of intolerance1 but is the counterfeit of it4 ,both are despotisms4 ,the one assumes to itself the right of withholding liberty of conscience1 and the other of granting it4 ,who art thou1 vain dust and ashes6 by whatever name thou art called1 whether a king1 a bishop1 a church1 or a state1 a parliament1 or anything else1 that obtrudest thine insignificance between the soul of man and its ,maker8 ,mind thine own concerns4 ,if he believes not as thou believest1 it is a proof that thou believest not as he believes1 and there is no earthly power can determine between you4 ,the opinions of men with respect to government are changing fast in all countries4 ,the revolutions of ,america and ,france have thrown a beam of light over the world1 which reaches into men4 ,ignorance is of a peculiar nature2 once dispelled1 it is impossible to re-establish it4 ,it is not originally a thing of itself1 but is only the absence of knowledge2 and though man may be kept ignorant1 he cannot be made ignorant4 ,when we survey the wretched condition of man1 under the monarchical and hereditary systems of government1 dragged from his home by one power1 or driven by another1 and impoverished by taxes more than by enemies1 it becomes evident that these systems are bad1 and that a general revolution in the principle and construction of governments is necessary4 ,and it is not difficult to perceive1 from the enlightened state of mankind1 that hereditary governments are verging to their decline1 and that revolutions on the broad basis of national sovereignty and government by representation are making their way in ,europe2 it would be an act of wisdom to anticipate their approach and produce revolutions by reason and accommodation1 rather than commit them to the issue of convulsions4 ,,iii4--,the ,old and ,new ,systems ,the danger to which the success of revolutions is most exposed is in attempting them before the principles on which they proceed1 and the advantages to result from them are sufficiently understood4 ,almost everything appertaining to the circumstances of a nation has been absorbed and confounded under the general and mysterious word government4 ,it may1 therefore1 be of use in this day of revolutions to discriminate between those things which are the effect of government1 and those which are not4 ,great part of that order which reigns among mankind is not the effect of government4 ,it has its origin in the principles of society and the natural constitution of man4 ,the mutual dependence and reciprocal interest which man has upon man1 and all the parts of civilised community upon each other1 create that great chain of connection which holds it together4 ,in fine1 society performs for itself almost everything which is ascribed to government1 which is no farther necessary than to supply the few cases to which society and civilisation are not conveniently competent4 ,the more perfect civilisation is1 the less occasion has it for government1 because the more does it regulate its own affairs1 and govern itself4 ,all the great laws of society are laws of nature4 ,they are followed and obeyed because it is the interest of the parties to do so1 and not on account of any formal laws their governments may impose4 ,but how often is the natural propensity to society disturbed or destroyed by the operations of government6 ,when the latter1 instead of being ingrafted on the principles of the former1 assumes to exist for itself1 and acts by partialities of favour and oppression1 it becomes the cause of the mischiefs it ought to prevent4 ,it is impossible that such governments as have hitherto existed in the world would have commenced by any other means than a total violation of every principle1 sacred and moral4 ,the obscurity in which the origin of all the present old governments is buried implies the iniquity and disgrace with which they began4 ,what scenes of horror present themselves in contemplating the character and reviewing the history of such governments6 ,if we would delineate human nature with a baseness of heart and hypocrisy of countenance that reflection would shudder at and humanity disown1 they are kings1 courts1 and cabinets that must sit for the portrait4 ,man1 naturally as he is1 with all his faults about him1 is not up to the character4 ,government on the old system is an assumption of power1 for the aggrandisement of itself2 on the new a delegation of power for the common benefit of society4 ,the one now called the old is hereditary1 either in whole or in part1 and the new is entirely representative4 ,it rejects all hereditary government3 ,first1 as being an imposition on mankind4 ,secondly1 as inadequate to the purposes for which government is necessary4 ,all hereditary government is in its nature tyranny4 ,to inherit a government is to inherit the people1 as if they were flocks and herds4 ,kings succeed each other1 not as rationals1 but as animals4 ,it signifies not what their mental or moral characters are4 ,monarchical government appears under all the various characters of childhood1 decrepitude1 dotage2 a thing at nurse1 in leading-strings1 or in crutches4 ,in short1 we cannot conceive a more ridiculous figure of government than hereditary succession4 ,by continuing this absurdity1 man is perpetually in contradiction with himself2 he may accept for a king1 or a chief magistrate1 or a legislator a person whom he would not elect for a constable4 ,the representative system takes society and civilisation for its basis2 nature1 reason1 and experience for its guide4 ,the original simple democracy was society governing itself without the aid of secondary means4 ,by ingrafting representation upon democracy we arrive at a system of government capable of embracing and confederating all the various interests and every extent of territory and population2 and that also with advantages as much inferior to hereditary government1 as the republic of letters is to hereditary literature4 ,considering government in the only light in which it should be considered1 that of a national association1 it ought to be constructed as not to be disordered by any accident happening among the parts1 and1 therefore1 no extraordinary power should be lodged in the hands of any individual4 ,monarchy would not have continued so many ages in the world had it not been for the abuses it protects4 ,it is the master-fraud which shelters all others4 ,by admitting a participation of the spoil1 it makes itself friends2 and when it ceases to do this it will cease to be the idol of courtiers4 ,one of the greatest improvements that have been made for the perpetual security and progress of constitutional liberty1 is the provision which the new constitutions make for occasionally revising1 altering1 and amending them4 ,the best constitutions that could now be devised consistently with the condition of the present moment1 may be far short of that excellence which a few years may afford4 ,there is a morning of reason rising upon man on the subject of governments that has not appeared before4 ,just emerging from such a barbarous condition1 it is too soon to determine to what extent of improvement government may yet be carried4 ,for what we can foresee1 all ,europe may form but one great republic1 and man be free of the whole4 ,,iv4--,the ,reform of ,england ,as it is necessary to include ,england in the prospect of general reformation1 it is proper to inquire into the defects of its government4 ,it is only by each nation reforming its own1 that the whole can be improved and the full benefit of reformation enjoyed4 ,when in countries that are called civilised we see age going to the workhouse and youth to the gallows something must be wrong in the system of government4 ,why is it that scarcely any are executed but the poor8 ,the fact is a proof1 among other things1 of a wretchedness in their condition4 ,bred up without morals1 and cast upon the world without a prospect1 they are the exposed sacrifice of vice and legal barbarity4 ,the first defect of ,english government ,i shall mention is the evil of those ,gothic institutions1 the corporation towns4 ,as one of the houses of the ,english ,parliament is1 in a great measure1 made up of elections from these corporations1 and as it is unnatural that a pure stream should flow from a foul fountain1 its vices are but a continuation of the vices of its origin4 ,a man of moral honour and good political principles cannot submit to the mean drudgery and disgraceful arts by which such elections are carried4 ,i proceed in the next place to the aristocracy4 ,the house of peers is simply a combination of persons in one common interest4 ,no better reason can be given why a house of legislation should be composed entirely of men whose occupation consists in letting landed property1 than why it should be composed of brewers1 of bakers1 or any other separate class of men4 ,what right has the landed interest to a distinct representation from the general interest of the nation8 ,the only use to be made of its power is to ward off the taxes from itself1 and to throw the burden upon such articles of consumption by which itself would be least affected4 ,i proceed to what is called the crown4 ,it signifies a nominal office of a million sterling a year1 the business of which consists in receiving the money4 ,whether the person be wise or foolish1 sane or insane1 a native or a foreigner1 matters not4 ,the hazard to which this office is exposed in all countries is not from anything that can happen to the man1 but from what may happen to the nation--the danger of its coming to its senses4 ,i shall now turn to the matter of lessening the burden of taxes4 ,the amount of taxation now levied may be taken in round numbers at ,l#ag1jjj1jjj1 nine millions of which are appropriated to the payment of interest on the national debt1 and eight millions to the current expenses of each year4 ,all circumstances taken together1 arising from the ,french revolution1 from the approaching harmony of the two nations1 the abolition of court intrigue on both sides1 and the progress of knowledge in the science of governing1 the annual expenditure might be put back to one million and a half--half a million each for ,navy1 ,army1 and expenses of government4 ,three hundred representatives fairly elected are sufficient for all the purposes to which legislation can apply4 ,they may be divided into two or three houses1 or meet in one1 as in ,france4 ,if an allowance of ,l#ejj per annum were made to each representative1 the yearly cost would be ,l#ae1jjj4 ,the expense of the official departments could not reasonably exceed ,l#dbe1jjj4 ,all revenue officers are paid out of the monies they collect1 and therefore are not in this estimation4 ,taking one million and a half as a sufficient peace establishment for all the honest purposes of government1 there will remain a surplus of upwards of six millions out of the present current expenses4 ,how is this surplus to be disposed of8 ,the first step would be to abolish the poor rates entirely1 and in lieu thereof to make a remission of taxes to the poor of double the amount of the present poor rates--viz41 four millions annually out of the surplus taxes4 ,this money could be distributed so as to provide ,l#d annually per head for the support of children of poor families1 and to provide also for the cost of education of over a million children2 to give annuities of ,l#aj each for the aged poor over sixty1 and of ,l#f each for the poor over fifty2 to give donations of ,l#a each on occasions of births in poor families1 and marriages of the poor2 to make allowances for funeral expenses of persons travelling for work1 and dying at a distance from their friends2 and to furnish employment for the casual poor of the metropolis1 where modes of relief are necessary that are not required in the country4 ,of the sum remaining after these deductions1 half a million should be spent in pensioning disbanded soldiers and in increasing the pay of the soldiers who shall remain4 ,the burdensome house and window tax1 amounting to over half a million annually1 should be taken off4 ,there yet remains over a million surplus1 which might be used for special purposes1 or applied to relief of taxation as circumstances require4 ,for the commutation tax there should be substituted an estate tax rising from #c;d4 in the pound on the first ,l#ejj to #bjs4 in the pound on the twenty-third ,l#a1jjj4 ,every thousand beyond the twenty-third would thus produce no profit but by dividing the estate1 and thereby would be extirpated the overgrown influence arising from the unnatural law of primogeniture4 ,of all nations in ,europe there is none so much interested in the ,french revolution as ,england4 ,enemies for ages1 the opportunity now presents itself of amicably closing the scene and joining their efforts to reform the rest of ,europe4 ,such an alliance1 together with that of ,holland1 could propose with effect a general dismantling of all the navies in ,europe1 to a certain proportion to be agreed upon4 ,this will save to ,france and ,england at least two million sterling annually to each1 and their relative force would be in the same proportion as it is now4 ,peace1 which costs nothing1 is attended with infinitely more advantage than any victory with all its expense4 ,never did so great an opportunity offer itself to ,england1 and to all ,europe1 as is produced by the two revolutions of ,america and ,france4 ,by the former1 freedom has a national champion in the western world1 and by the latter in ,europe4 ,when another nation shall join ,france1 despotism and bad government will scarcely dare to appear4 ,the present age will hereafter merit to be called the ,age of ,reason1 and the present generation will appear to the future as the ,adam of a new world4 ,,jean ,,jacques ,,rousseau ,the ,social ,contract ,rousseau's ,social ,contract 7,contrat ,social7 is the most influential treatise on politics written in modern times4 ,as its title implies1 the work is an endeavour to place all government on the consent1 direct or implied1 of the governed2 how1 through the rearrangement of society1 man may1 in a sense1 return to the law of nature4 ,man is born free1 and yet is everywhere in chains4 ,logically1 the ,social ,contract is full of gaping flaws4 ,like its author's other books 7see vol4 vii1 p4 #agf71 it is an outpouring of the heart very imperfectly regulated by a brilliant but eccentric brain4 ,as a political essay it is a tissue of fantastic arguments1 based on unreal hypotheses4 ,but it set men's minds on fire2 it was the literary inspiration of one of the most tremendous events in history1 and those who would comprehend the ,french ,revolution can unravel many of its perplexities by studying the ,social ,contract4 ,after its publication ,rousseau had to fly to ,england1 where he showed marked symptoms of insanity4 ,the ,terms of the ,contract ,my object is to discover whether1 in civil polity1 there is any legitimate and definite canon of government1 taking men as they are1 and laws as they might be4 ,in this enquiry ,i shall uniformly try to reconcile that which is permitted by right with that which is prescribed by interest so as to avoid the clash of justice with utility4 ,man is born free1 and yet is everywhere in fetters4 ,he is governed1 obliged to obey laws4 ,what is it that legitimises the subjection of men to government8 ,i think ,i can solve the problem4 ,it is not merely a matter of force2 force is only the power of the strongest1 and must yield when a greater strength arises2 there is here no question of right1 but simply of might4 ,but social order is a sacred right that serves as a base for all others4 ,this right1 however1 does not arise from nature2 it is founded1 therefore1 upon conventions4 ,it is necessary1 then1 to know what these conventions are4 ,the explanation of social order is not to be found in the family tie1 since1 when a child grows up it escapes from tutelage2 the parents' right to exercise authority is only temporary4 ,nor can government be based on servitude4 ,an individual man may sell his liberty to another for sustenance2 but a nation cannot sell its liberty--it does not receive sustenance from its ruler1 but on the contrary sustains him4 ,a bargain in which one party gains everything and the other loses everything is plainly no bargain at all1 and no claim of right can be founded on it4 ,but even supposing that a people could thus give up its liberty to a ruler1 it must be a people before it does so4 ,the gift is a civil act1 which pre-supposes a public deliberation4 ,before1 then1 we examine the act by which a people chooses a king1 it would be well to examine the act by which a people becomes a people2 for this act1 which necessarily precedes the other1 must be the true foundation of society4 ,let it be assumed that the obstacles which prejudice the conservation of man in a state of nature have prevailed by their resistance over the forces which each individual is able to employ to keep himself in that state4 ,the primitive condition can then no longer exist2 mankind must change it or perish4 ,the problem with which men are confronted under these circumstances may be stated as follows--,to find a form of association that defends and protects with all the common force the person and property of each partner1 and by which each partner1 uniting himself with all the rest1 nevertheless obeys only himself1 and remains as free as heretofore4 ,this is the fundamental problem to which the ,social ,contract affords a solution4 ,the clauses of this contract are determined by the nature of the act in such a manner that the least modification renders them of no effect2 so that1 even when they have not been formally stated1 they are everywhere the same1 everywhere tacitly acknowledged2 and if the compact is violated1 everyone returns forthwith to his natural liberty4 ,the essence of the pact is the total and unreserved alienation by each partner of all his rights to the community as a whole4 ,no individual can retain any rights that are not possessed equally by all other individuals without the contract being thereby violated4 ,again1 each partner1 by yielding his rights to the community1 yields them to no individual1 and thus in his relations with individuals he regains all the rights he has sacrificed4 ,the compact1 therefore1 may be reduced to the following terms--each of us places in common his person and all his power under the supreme direction of the general will2 and we receive each member as an indivisible part of the whole4 ,by this act is created a moral and collective body1 composed of as many members as the society has voices1 receiving from this same act its unity1 its common ,i1 its life1 and its will4 ,this body is the ,republic1 called by its members the state1 the state when passive1 the sovereign when active1 a power in its relations with similar bodies4 ,the partners are collectively called the people2 they are citizens1 as participants in the sovereign authority1 and subjects as under obligation to the laws of the state4 ,the sovereign1 then1 is the general will2 and each individual finds himself engaged in a double relationship--as a member of the sovereign4 ,to the general will each partner must1 by the terms of the contract1 submit himself1 without respect to his private inclinations4 ,if he refuses to submit1 the sovereign will compel him to do so2 which is as much as to say1 that it will force him to be free2 for in the supremacy of the general will lies the only guarantee to each citizen of freedom from personal dependence4 ,by passing1 through the compact1 from the state of nature to the civil state1 man substitutes justice for instinct in his conduct1 and gives to his actions a morality of which they were formerly devoid4 ,what man loses by the contract is his natural liberty1 and an illimitable right to all that tempts him and that he can obtain2 what he gains is civil liberty1 and a right of secure property in all that he possesses4 ,i shall conclude this chapter with a remark which should serve as a basis for the whole social system2 it is that in place of destroying natural liberty1 the fundamental pact substitutes a moral and legitimate equality for the natural physical inequality between men1 and that1 while men may be unequal in strength and talent1 they are all made equal by convention and right4 ,the ,sovereign and the ,laws ,the first and most important consequence of the principles above established is that only the general will can direct the forces of the state towards the aim of its institutions1 which is the common good2 for if the antagonism of particular interests has rendered necessary the establishment of political societies1 it is the accord of these interests that has rendered such societies possible4 ,i maintain1 then1 that sovereignty1 being the exercise of the general will1 cannot be alienated1 and that the sovereign1 which is simply a collective being1 cannot be represented save by itself2 it may transfer its power1 but not its will4 ,for the same reason that sovereignty is inalienable1 it is indivisible4 ,for the will is either general or it is not4 ,if it is general1 it is1 when declared1 an act of the people1 and becomes law2 if it is not general1 it is1 when declared1 merely an act of a particular person or persons1 not of the sovereign4 ,the general will is infallible2 but the deliberations of the people are not necessarily so4 ,the people may be1 and often are1 deceived4 ,particular interests may gain an advantage over general interests1 and in that case the rival particular interests should be allowed to destroy each other1 so that the true general interest may prevail4 ,in order to secure the clear expression of the general will1 there should be no parties or groups within the state2 if such groups exist1 they should be multiplied in number1 so that no one party should get the upper hand4 ,while1 under the contract1 each person alienates his power1 his goods1 and his liberty1 he only alienates so much of these as are of concern to the community2 but it belongs to the sovereign to determine what is of concern to the community and what is not4 ,whatsoever services a citizen owes to the state1 he owes them directly the sovereign demands them2 but the sovereign1 on its part1 must not charge its citizens with any obligations useless to the community2 for1 under the law of reason1 nothing is done without cause1 any more than under the law of nature4 ,the general will1 let it be repeated1 tends always to public utility1 and is intrinsically incapable of demanding services not useful to the public4 ,a law is an expression of a general will1 and must be general in its terms and import4 ,the sovereign cannot legislate for part of the individuals composing the state1 for if it did so the general will would enter into a particular relation with particular people1 and that is contrary to its nature4 ,the law may thus confer privileges1 but must not name the persons to whom the privileges are to belong4 ,it may establish a royal government1 but must not nominate a king4 ,any function relating to an individual object does not appertain to the legislative power4 ,as a popular assembly is not always enlightened1 though the general will when properly ascertained1 must be right--the service of a wise legislator is necessary to draw up laws with the sovereign's approval4 ,the legislator1 if he be truly wise1 will not begin by writing down laws very good in the abstract1 but will first look about to see whether the people for whom he intends them is capable of upholding them4 ,he must bear in mind many considerations--the situation of the country--the nature of the soil--the density of the population--the national history1 occupations1 and aptitudes4 ,among these considerations one of the most important is the area of the state4 ,as nature has given limits to the stature of a normal man1 beyond she makes only giants or dwarfs1 there are also limits beyond which a state is1 in the one direction1 too large to be well-governed1 and1 in the other1 too small to maintain itself4 ,there is in every body politic a maximum of force which cannot be exceeded1 and from which the state often falls away by the process of enlarging itself4 ,the further the social bond is extended1 the slacker it becomes2 and1 in general1 a small state is proportionately stronger than a large one4 ,it is true that a state must have a certain breadth of base for the sake of solidity1 and in order to resist violent shocks from without4 ,but1 on the other hand1 administration becomes more troublesome with distance4 ,it increases in burdensomeness1 moreover1 with the multiplication of degrees4 ,each town1 district1 and province1 has its administration1 for which the people must pay4 ,finally1 overwhelming everything1 is the remote central administration4 ,again the government in a large state has less vigour and swiftness than in a smaller one2 the people have less affection for their chiefs1 their country1 and for each other--since they are1 for the most part1 strangers to each other4 ,uniform laws are not suitable for diverse provinces4 ,yet diverse laws among people belonging to the same state1 breed weakness and confusion1 for a healthy and well-knit constitution1 in brief1 it is wiser to count upon the vigour that is born of good government than upon the resources supplied by greatness of territory4 ,the greatest good of all1 which should be the aim of every system of legislation1 may1 on investigation1 be reduced to two main objects1 liberty and equality3 liberty1 because all dependence of individuals on other individuals is so much force taken away from the body of the state2 equality1 because without it liberty cannot exist4 ,but these general objects of every good institution should be regulated in every country in accord with its situation and the character of its inhabitants4 ,nations with rich territories1 for example1 should be led to devote themselves to agriculture2 manufacturing industry should be left to sterile lands4 ,that which renders the constitution of the state genuinely solid and endurable is the judicious adaptation of laws to natural conditions4 ,a conflict between the two tends to destruction2 but when the laws are in sympathy with the natural conditions1 when they keep in touch with them1 and improve them1 the state should prosper4 ,the ,government ,every free action has two causes which concur to produce it3 one of them the will that determines upon the act1 the other the power that performs it4 ,in the political body1 one must distinguish between these two--the legislative power and the executive power4 ,the executive power cannot belong to the sovereign1 inasmuch as executive acts are particular acts1 aimed at individuals1 and therefore1 as already explained1 outside the sovereign's sphere4 ,public force1 then1 requires an agent to apply it1 according to the direction of the general will4 ,this is the government1 erroneously confounded with the sovereign1 of which it is only the minister4 ,it is an intermediary body1 established between subject and sovereign for their mutual correspondence1 charged with the execution of the laws and the maintenance of civil and political liberty4 ,the magistrates who form the government may be numerous1 or may be few2 and1 generally speaking1 the fewer the magistrates the stronger the government4 ,a magistrate has three wills3 his personal will1 his will as one of the governors1 and his will as a member of the sovereign4 ,the last named is the weakest1 the first named the most powerful4 ,if there is only one governor1 the two stronger wills are concentrated in one man2 with a few governors1 they are concentrated in few men2 when the government is in the hands of all the citizens1 the second will is obliterated1 and the first widely distributed1 and the government is consequently weak4 ,on the other hand1 where there are many governors1 the government will be more readily kept in correspondence with the general will4 ,the duty of the legislator is to hit the happy medium at which the government1 while not failing in strength1 is yet properly submissive to the sovereign4 ,the sovereign may1 in the first place1 entrust the government to the whole people1 or the greater part of them2 this form is called democracy4 ,or it may be placed in the hands of a minority1 in which case it is called the aristocracy4 ,or it may be concentrated in the hands of a single magistrate1 from whom all the others derive their power2 this is called monarchy4 ,it may be urged1 on behalf of democracy1 that those who make the laws know better than anybody how they should be interpreted and administered4 ,but it is not right that the makers of the laws should execute them1 nor that the main body of the people should turn its attention from general views to particular objects4 ,nothing is more dangerous than the influence of private interests on public affairs4 ,a true democracy1 in the rigorous sense of the term1 never has existed and never will4 ,a people composed of gods would govern itself democratically4 ,a government so perfect is unsuited to men4 ,there are three forms of aristocracy3 natural1 elective1 and hereditary4 ,the first is only adapted to simple people2 the third is the worst of all governments2 the second is the best of all4 ,by the elective method1 probity1 sagacity1 experience1 and all other sources of preference and public esteem afford guarantees that the community will be wisely governed4 ,the first defect of monarchy is that it is to the interests of the monarch to keep the people in a state of misery and weakness1 so that they may be unable to resist his power4 ,another is that under a monarchy the posts of honour are occupied by bunglers and rascals who win their promotion by petty court intrigue4 ,again1 an elective monarchy is a cause of disorder whenever a king dies2 and a hereditary monarchy leaves the character of the king to chance1 which1 as everything tends to deprive of justice and reason a man trained to supreme rule1 generally goes astray4 ,the question as to whether there is any sign by which we can tell whether a people is well or ill governed readily admits of a solution4 ,what is the surest token of the preservation and prosperity of a political community8 ,it is to be found in the population4 ,other things being equal1 the government under which1 without extrinsic devices1 without naturalisation1 without colonies1 the citizens increase and multiply1 is infallibly the best4 ,calculators1 it is therefore your affair2 count1 measure1 compare4 ,as particular wills strive unceasingly against the general will1 so the government makes a continual attack upon the sovereign4 ,if the government is able1 by its efforts1 to usurp the sovereignty1 then the social contract is broken2 the citizens1 who have by right been thereby restored to their natural liberty1 may be forced to obey the usurper1 but are under no other obligation to do so4 ,since the sovereign has no power except its legislative authority1 it only acts by laws2 and since the laws are simply the authentic acts of the general will1 the sovereign cannot act save when the people are assembled4 ,it is essential that there should be definitely fixed periodic assemblies of the people that cannot be abolished or delayed1 so that on the appointed day the people would be legitimately convoked by the law1 without need of any formal summons4 ,i may be asked1 how are the citizens of a large state1 composed of many communities1 to hold frequent meetings8 ,i reply that it is useless to quote the disadvantages of large states to one who considers that all states ought to be small4 ,but how are small states to defend themselves against large ones8 ,by confederation1 after the manner of the ,greek and ancient times1 and the ,dutch and ,swiss in times more modern4 ,but between the sovereign authority and arbitrary government there is sometimes introduced a middle power of which ,i ought to speak4 ,as soon as the public service ceases to be the main interest of the citizens1 as soon as they prefer to serve their purses rather than themselves1 the state is nearing its ruin4 ,the weakening of patriotism1 the activity of private interests1 the immensity of states1 conquests1 and the abuse of government1 have led to the device of deputies or representatives of the people in the national assemblies4 ,but sovereignty cannot be represented1 even as it cannot be alienated2 it consists essentially in the general will1 and the will is not ascertainable by representation2 it is either itself1 or something else2 there is no middle course4 ,a law not ratified by the people in person is no law at all4 ,the ,english people believes itself free1 but it greatly deceives itself2 it is not so1 except during the election of members of parliament4 ,as soon as they are elected1 it is enslaved1 it is nothing4 ,how are we to conceive the act by which the government is instituted8 ,the first process is the determination of the sovereign1 that the government shall assume such and such a form2 this is the establishment of a law4 ,the second process is the nomination by the people of those to whom the government is to be entrusted2 this is not a law1 but a particular act1 a function of government4 ,how1 then1 can we have an act of government before the government exists8 ,how can the people1 who are only sovereigns or subjects1 become magistrates under certain circumstances8 ,here we discover one of those astonishing properties of the body politic1 by which it reconciles operations apparently contradictory2 for the process is accomplished by a sudden conversion from sovereignty to democracy1 so that1 with no sensible change1 and simply by a new relation of all to all1 the citizens become magistrates1 pass from general to partiacts1 and from the law to its execution4 ,in this manner the ,english ,house of ,commons resolves itself into committee1 and thus becomes a simple commission of the sovereign court which it was a moment before2 afterwards reporting to itself1 as ,house of ,commons1 as to its proceedings in the form of a committee4 ,it is a logical sequence of the ,social ,contract that in the assemblies of the people the voice of the majority prevails4 ,the only law requiring unanimity is the contract itself4 ,but how can a man be free and at the same time compelled to submit to laws to which he has not consented8 ,i reply that when a law is proposed in the popular assembly1 the question put is not precisely whether the citizens approve or disapprove of it1 but whether it conforms or not to the general will4 ,the minority1 then1 simply have it proved to them that they estimated the general will wrongly4 ,once it is declared1 they are as citizens participants in it1 and as subjects they must obey it4 ,civil ,religion ,religion1 in its relation to society1 can be divided into two kinds--the religion of the man1 and that of the citizen4 ,the first1 without temples1 without altars1 without rites1 limited to the inner and private worship of the ,supreme ,god1 and to the eternal duties of morality1 is the pure and simple religion of the ,evangel1 the true theism4 ,the other1 established in one country only1 gives that country its own gods1 its own tutelary patrons2 it has its own dogmas and ritual1 and all foreigners are deemed to be infidels4 ,such were all the religions of the primitive peoples4 ,there is a third and more eccentric kind of religion1 which1 giving men two legislations1 two chiefs1 two countries1 imposes upon them contradictory duties1 and forbids them from being at the same time devotees and patriots4 ,such is the religion of the ,llamas2 such is the religion of the ,japanese2 such is ,roman ,christianity4 ,politically considered1 all these kinds have their defects4 ,the third is so manifestly bad that one need waste no time upon it4 ,that which breaks social unity is worthless4 ,the second is good1 in that it inculcates patriotism1 makes it a religious duty to serve the state4 ,but it is founded on error and falsehood1 and renders its adherents superstitious1 intolerant1 and cruel4 ,the first1 the religion of man1 or ,christianity1 is a sublime and true religion by which men1 children of one god1 acknowledge each other as brethren1 and the society that unites them does not dissolve even with death4 ,but ,christianity of itself is not calculated to strengthen a nation2 it teaches submissiveness1 and discourages patriotic pride4 ,now it is of prime importance to the state that each citizen should have a religion which teaches him to love his duty2 but the state is only concerned with religion so far as it teaches morality and the duty of man towards his neighbour4 ,beyond that1 the sovereign has nothing to do with a man's religious opinions4 ,there should1 therefore1 be a purely civil profession of faith1 the articles of which are to be fixed by the sovereign1 not precisely as religious dogmas1 but as sentiments of sociability1 without which it is impossible for a man to be a good citizen or a faithful subject4 ,without being able to compel anybody to believe the articles1 the sovereign could banish from the state anybody who did not believe them2 it can banish him1 not as impious1 but as unsociable1 as incapable of sincerely loving laws and justice4 ,if anyone1 having publicly accepted these dogmas1 should act as if he did not believe them1 he should be punished with death2 he would have committed the greatest of crimes1 that of lying against the laws4 ,the dogmas of the civil religion should be simple1 few1 precise1 without explanations or commentaries4 ,the existence of a powerful1 wise1 benevolent1 provident1 and bountiful ,deity1 the life to come1 the happiness of the just1 the punishment of the wicked1 the sanctity of the social contract1 and the laws2 these are the positive dogmas4 ,as for negative dogmas1 ,i limit them to one2 ,i would have every good citizen forswear intolerance in religion4 ,after having laid down the true principles of political rights1 and sought to place the state upon its proper basis1 it should remain to support it by its external relations--international law1 commerce1 and so on4 ,but this forms a new aim too vast for my limited view2 ,i have had to fix my eyes on objects nearer at hand4 ,,adam ,,smith ,wealth of ,nations ,adam ,smith1 greatest of discoverers in the science of ,political ,economy1 was born at ,kirkcaldy1 ,scotland1 on ,june #e1 #agbc1 after the death of his father1 who had been ,comptroller of ,customs at that port4 ,he was educated at ,kirkcaldy ,grammar ,school1 then at ,glasgow ,university1 and finally at ,balliol ,college1 ,oxford1 where he studied for seven years4 ,from #agdh he resided in ,edinburgh1 where he made a close friendship with ,david ,hume1 and gave a course of lectures on literature2 in #agea he became professor of ,logic in ,glasgow ,university1 and in the following year professor of ,moral ,philosophy4 ,a philosophical treatise entitled ,a ,theory of ,moral ,sentiments1 published in #agei1 has no longer any interest2 but it was during his thirteen years' residence in ,glasgow that ,smith arrived at the principles formulated in his immortal ,inquiry into the ,nature and ,causes of the ,wealth of ,nations4 ,he left ,glasgow in #agfc to become the tutor of the youthful ,duke of ,buccleuch1 with whom he lived at ,toulouse1 ,geneva and ,paris1 studying the politics and economics of ,france on the eve of the ,revolution4 ,in #agff ,adam ,smith retired to ,kirkcaldy1 with an annuity from the ,buccleuch family2 devoted himself to his life's work2 and in #aggf published the ,wealth of ,nations1 which at once achieved a permanent reputation4 ,the author was appointed1 in #aggh1 ,commissioner of ,customs for ,scotland1 and died on ,july #ag1 #agij4 ,adam ,smith was a man of vast learning and of great simplicity and kindliness of character4 ,his reasonings have had vast influence not only on the science of ,economics but also on practical politics2 his powerful defence of free trade1 and his indictment of the ,east ,india ,company have especially modified the history of his country4 ,i4--,labour and ,its ,produce ,the division of labour has been the chief cause of improvement in the productiveness of labour4 ,for instance1 the making of a single pin involves eighteen separate operations1 which are entrusted to eighteen separate workmen2 and the result is1 that whereas one man working alone could only make perhaps twenty pins in a day1 several men working together1 on the principle of division of labour1 can make several thousands of pins per man in one day4 ,division of labour1 in a highly developed state of society1 is carried into almost every practical art2 and its great benefits depend upon the increase of dexterity in each workman1 upon the saving of time otherwise lost in passing from one kind of work to another1 and finally1 upon the use of many labour-saving machines1 which is made possible by the division of labour4 ,this division of labour1 from which so many advantages are derived1 is not originally the effect of any human wisdom which foresees and intends the opulence to which it gives rise2 it is rather the gradual result of the propensity1 in human nature1 to barter and exchange one thing for another4 ,the power of exchanging their respective produce makes it possible for one man to produce only bread1 and for another to produce only clothing4 ,the extent to which the division of labour can be carried is therefore limited by the extent of the market4 ,there are some sorts of industry1 even of the lowest kind1 which can be carried on nowhere but in a great town2 a porter1 for example1 cannot find employment and subsistence in a village4 ,in the highlands of ,scotland every farmer must be butcher1 baker1 and brewer for his own family4 ,as water-carriage opens a more extensive market to every kind of industry than is afforded by land-carriage1 it is on the sea coast and on the banks of navigable rivers1 that industry begins to subdivide and improve itself1 and it is riot till long afterwards that these improvements extend to the inland parts4 ,it was thus that the earliest civilised nations were grouped round the coasts of the ,mediterranean ,sea2 and the extent and easiness of its inland navigation was probably the chief cause of the early improvement of ,egypt4 ,as soon as the division of labour is well established1 every man becomes in some measure a merchant1 and the society becomes a commercial society2 and the continual process of exchange leads inevitably to the origin of money4 ,in the absence of money or a general medium of exchange1 society would be restricted to the cumbersome method of barter4 ,every man therefore would early endeavour to keep by him1 besides the produce of his own industry1 a certain quantity of some commodity such as other people will be likely to take in exchange for the produce of their particular industries4 ,cattle1 for example1 have been widely used for this purpose in primitive societies1 and ,homer speaks of a suit of armour costing a hundred oxen4 ,but the durability of metals1 as well as the facility with which they can be subdivided1 has led to their employment1 in all countries1 as the means of exchange2 and in order to obviate the necessity of weighing portions of the metals at every purchase1 as well as to prevent fraud1 it has been found necessary to affix a public stamp upon certain quantities of the metals commonly used to purchase goods4 ,the value of commodities thus comes to be expressed in terms of coinage4 ,but labour is the real measure of the exchangeable value of all commodities2 the value of any commodity to the person who possesses it is equal to the quantity of labour which it enables him to purchase or to command4 ,what is bought with money or with goods is purchased by labour as much as what we acquire by the toil of our own body4 ,labour alone1 never varying in its own value1 is alone the ultimate and real standard by which the value of all commodities can at all times and in all places be estimated and compared4 ,it is their real price2 money is their nominal price only4 ,equal quantities of labour will at distant times be purchased more nearly with equal quantities of corn1 the subsistence of the labourer1 than with equal quantities of gold1 or of any other commodity4 ,several elements enter into the price of commodities4 ,in a nation of hunters1 if it costs twice the labour to kill a beaver which it costs to kill a deer1 one beaver will be worth two deer4 ,but if the one kind of labour be more severe than the other1 some allowance will naturally be made for this superior hardship2 and thirdly1 if one kind of labour requires an uncommon degree of dexterity and ingenuity1 it will command a higher value than that which would be due to the time employed in it4 ,so far1 the whole produce of labour belongs to the labourer4 ,but as soon as stock has accumulated in the hands of particular persons1 some of them will employ it in setting to work industrious workmen1 whom they will supply with materials and subsistence1 in order to make a profit by the sale of their work4 ,the profits of stock are not to be regarded as the wages of a particular sort of labour1 the labour of inspection and direction2 for they are regulated altogether by the value of the stock employed1 and are greater or smaller in proportion to the extent of this stock4 ,there is in every society or neighbourhood an ordinary or average rate both of wages and profit in every different employment of labour and stock2 and this rate is regulated partly by the general circumstances of the society1 its richness or poverty1 and partly by the peculiar nature of each employment4 ,there is also in every society or neighbourhood an ordinary or average rate of rent1 which is regulated too by the general circumstances of the society or neighbourhood in which the land is situated1 and partly by the natural or improved fertility of the land4 ,what we may call the natural price of any commodity depends upon these natural rates of wages1 profit and rent1 at the place where it is produced4 ,but its market price may be above1 below1 or identical with its natural price1 and depends upon the proportion between the supply and the demand4 ,,ii4--,nature1 ,accumulation1 and ,employment of ,stock ,when the stock which a man possesses is no more than sufficient to maintain him for a few days or weeks1 he seldom thinks of deriving any revenue from it2 but when he possesses enough to maintain him for months or years1 he endeavours to derive a revenue from the greater part of it4 ,the part of his stock from which he expects to derive revenue is called his capital4 ,there are two ways in which capital may be employed so as to yield a profit to its employer4 ,first1 it may be employed in raising1 manufacturing1 or purchasing goods1 and selling them again with a profit2 this is circulating capital4 ,secondly1 it may be employed in the improvement of land1 or in the purchase of machines and instruments2 and this capital1 which yields a profit from objects which do not change masters1 is called fixed capital4 ,the general stock of any country or society is the same as that of all its inhabitants or members1 and is therefore divided into the same three portions1 each of which has a different function4 ,the first is the portion which is reserved for immediate consumption1 and so affords no revenue or profit4 ,the second is the fixed capital1 which consists of 7a7 all useful machines and instruments of trade which facilitate and abridge labour2 7b7 all profitable buildings1 which procure a revenue1 not only to their owner1 but also to the person who rents them1 such as shops1 warehouses1 farmhouses1 factories1 c42 7c7 the improvements of land1 and all that has been laid out in clearing1 draining1 enclosing1 manuring1 and reducing it into the condition most proper for culture2 and 7d7 the acquired and useful abilities of all the inhabitants or members of the society1 for the acquisition of such talents1 by the maintenance of the learner during his education or apprenticeship1 costs a real expense1 which is a capital fixed in his person4 ,the third and last of the three portions into which the general stock of the society naturally divides itself is the circulating capital1 which affords a revenue only by changing masters4 ,it includes 7a7 all the money by means of which all the other three are circulated and distributed to their proper consumers2 7b7 all the stock of provisions which are in the possession of the butcher1 farmer1 corn-merchant1 c41 and from the sale of which they expect to derive a profit2 7c7 all the materials1 whether altogether rude1 or more or less manufactured1 for clothes1 furniture and building1 which are not yet made up into any of these shapes1 but remain in the hands of the growers1 manufacturers and merchants2 and 7d7 all the work which is made up and completed1 but is not yet disposed of to the proper consumers4 ,the substitution of paper in the place of gold and silver money replaces a very expensive instrument of commerce by one much less costly1 and sometimes equally convenient4 ,circulation comes to be carried on by a new wheel1 which it costs less both to erect and to maintain than the old one4 ,the effect of the issue of large quantities of bank-notes in any country is to send abroad the gold1 which is no longer needed at home1 in order that it may seek profitable employment4 ,it is not sent abroad for nothing1 but is exchanged for foreign goods of various kinds in such a way as to add to the revenue and profits of the country from which it is sent2 unless1 indeed1 it is spent abroad on such goods as are likely to be consumed by idle people who produce nothing4 ,,iii4--,the ,progress of ,opulence in ,different ,nations ,the greatest commerce of every civilised society is that carried on between the inhabitants of the town and those of the country4 ,it consists in the exchange of rude for manufactured produce1 either immediately1 or by the intervention of money1 or of some sort of paper which represents money4 ,the country supplies the town with the means of subsistence1 and the materials for manufacture4 ,the town repays this supply by sending back a part of the manufactured produce to the inhabitants of the country4 ,the town1 in which there neither is nor can be any reproduction of substances1 may very properly be said to gain its whole subsistence from the country4 ,and in how great a degree the country is benefited by the commerce of the town may be seen from a comparison of the cultivation of the lands in the neighbourhood of any considerable town with that of those which ,he at some distance from it4 ,as subsistence is1 in the nature of things1 prior to conveniency and luxury1 so the rural industries which procure the former must be prior to the urban industries which minister to the latter4 ,the greater part of the capital of every growing society is therefore first directed to agriculture1 afterwards to manufactures1 and last of all to foreign commerce4 ,but this natural order of things has1 in all the modern states of ,europe1 been in many respects entirely inverted4 ,the foreign commerce of some of their cities has given rise to their finer manufactures1 and manufactures and foreign commerce together have given birth to the principal improvements of agriculture4 ,the manners and customs which the nature of their original government introduced1 and which remained after that government was greatly altered1 necessarily forced them into this unnatural and retrograde order4 ,in the ancient state of ,europe1 after the fall of the ,roman ,empire1 agriculture was greatly discouraged by several causes4 ,the rapine and violence which the barbarians exercised against the ancient inhabitants interrupted the commerce between the towns and the country2 the towns were deserted and the country was left uncultivated4 ,the western provinces of ,europe sank into the lowest state of poverty1 and the land1 which was mostly uncultivated1 was engrossed by a few great proprietors4 ,these lands might in the natural course of events have been soon divided again1 and broken into small parcels by succession or by alienation2 but the law of primogeniture hindered their division by succession1 and the introduction of entails prevented their being divided by alienation4 ,these hindrances to the division and consequently to the cultivation of the land were due to the fact that land was considered as the means not of subsistence merely1 but of power and protection4 ,in those disorderly times1 every great landlord was a sort of petty prince4 ,unfortunately these laws of primogeniture and entail have continued long after the circumstances which gave rise to them have disappeared4 ,unfortunately1 because it seldom happens that a great landlord is a great improver4 ,to improve land with profit requires an exact attention to small savings and small gains1 of which a man born to a great fortune is seldom capable4 ,and if little improvement was to be expected from the great proprietors1 still less was to be hoped for from those who occupied the land under them4 ,in the ancient state of ,europe1 the occupiers of land were all tenants at will1 and practically slaves4 ,to these succeeded a kind of farmers known at present in ,france by the name of metayers1 whose produce was divided equally between the proprietor and the farmer1 after setting aside what was judged necessary for keeping up the stock1 which still belonged to the landlord4 ,to these1 in turn1 succeeded1 though by very slow degrees1 farmers properly so called1 who cultivated the land with their own stock1 paying a fixed rent to the landlord1 and enjoying a certain degree of security of tenure4 ,and every improvement in the position of the actual cultivation of the soil is attended by a corresponding improvement of the land and of its cultivation4 ,after the fall of the ,roman empire the inhabitants of cities and towns were not more favoured than those of the country4 ,the towns were inhabited chiefly by tradesmen and mechanics1 who were in those days of servile1 or nearly servile condition4 ,yet the townsmen arrived at liberty and independence much earlier than the country population2 their towns became free burghs1 and were erected into commonalities or corporations1 with the privilege of having magistrates and a town council of their own1 of making by-laws for their own government and of building walls for their own defence4 ,order and good government1 and the liberty and security of individuals1 were thus established in cities at a time when the occupiers of land in the country were exposed to every sort of violence4 ,the increase and riches of commercial and manufacturing towns thenceforward contributed to the improvement and cultivation of the countries to which they belonged1 in three different ways4 ,first1 by affording a great and ready market for the rude produce of the country4 ,secondly1 the wealth acquired by the inhabitants of cities was employed in purchasing uncultivated lands and in bringing them under cultivation2 for merchants are ambitious of becoming country gentlemen1 and when they do so1 are generally the best of all improvers4 ,and lastly1 commerce and manufactures gradually introduced order and good government1 and with them the liberty and security of individuals1 among the inhabitants of the country4 ,,iv4--,the ,mercantile ,system ,from the mistaken theory that wealth consists in money1 or in gold and silver1 there has arisen an erroneous and harmful system of political economy and of legislation in the supposed interests of manufacture1 of commerce1 and of the wealth of nations4 ,a rich country is supposed to be a country abounding in money2 and all the nations of ,europe have consequently studied1 though to little purpose1 every possible means of accumulating gold and silver in their respective countries4 ,for example1 they have at times forbidden1 or hindered by heavy duties1 the export of these metals4 ,but all these attempts are vain2 for on the one hand1 when the quantity of gold and silver imported into any country exceeds the effectual demand1 no vigilance can prevent their exportation2 and on the other hand1 if gold and silver should fall short in a country1 there are more expedients for supplying their place than that of any other commodity4 ,the real inconvenience which is commonly called scarcity of money is not a shortness in the medium of exchange1 but is a weakening and diminution of credit1 due to over-trading4 ,money is part of the national capital1 but only a small part and always the most unprofitable part of it4 ,the principle of the commercial system or mercantile system is1 that wealth consists in money1 or in gold and silver4 ,it is an utterly untrue principle4 ,but once it had been established in general belief that wealth consists in gold and silver1 and that these metals can be brought into a country which has no mines only by the balance of trade1 that is to say1 by exporting to a greater value than it imports1 it necessarily became the great object of political economy to diminish as much as possible the importation of foreign goods for home consumption1 and to increase as much as possible the exportation of the produce of domestic industry4 ,its two great engines for enriching the country1 therefore1 were restraints upon importation and encouragements to exportation4 ,the restraints upon importation were of two kinds3 first1 restraints upon the importation of such foreign goods for home consumption as could be produced at home1 from whatever country they were imported2 and secondly1 restraints upon the importation of goods of almost all kinds from those particular countries with which the balance of trade was supposed to be disadvantageous4 ,these different restraints consisted sometimes in high duties1 and sometimes in absolute prohibitions4 ,exportation was encouraged sometimes by drawbacks1 sometimes by bounties1 sometimes by advantageous treaties of commerce with sovereign states1 and sometimes by the establishment of colonies in distant countries4 ,the above two restraints1 and these four encouragements to exportation1 constitute the six principal means by which the commercial or mercantile system proposes to increase the quantity of gold and silver in any country by turning the balance of trade in its favour4 ,the entire system1 in all its developments1 is a fallacious and an evil one4 ,it is not difficult to determine who have been the contrivers of this whole mercantile system3 not the consumers1 whose interest has been entirely neglected2 but the producers1 and especially the merchants and manufacturers1 whose interest has been so carefully attended to4 ,it remains to be said1 also1 that the agricultural system1 which represents the produce of land as the sole source of the revenue and wealth of every country1 and as therefore justifying a special protection of it1 is as fallacious and as harmful as the other4 ,v4--,the ,revenue of the ,sovereign or ,commonwealth ,the first duty of the sovereign1 that of protecting the society from the violence and invasion of other independent societies1 can be performed only by means of a military force4 ,this may be effected either by obliging all the citizens of the military age1 or a certain number of them1 to join in some measure the trade of a soldier to whatever other trade or profession they may happen to carry on2 or by maintaining a certain number of citizens in the constant practice of military exercises1 thus rendering the trade of a soldier a particular trade1 separate from all others4 ,in the former case a militia is formed1 in the latter a standing army2 and of the two1 the second is by far the more powerful1 as it is also the more expensive4 ,the second duty of the sovereign1 that of protecting1 as far as possible1 every member of the society from the injustice or oppression of every other member of it1 or the duty of establishing an exact administration of justice1 requires an increasing expenditure corresponding to the advance and development of the society4 ,public works and public institutions are a third cause of expenditure on the part of sovereign or commonwealth2 and have two principal objects--that of facilitating the commerce of the society and that of promoting the instruction of the people4 ,roads1 bridges1 canals1 are examples of the former2 schools1 universities1 established ,churches are examples of the latter4 ,and among other expenses of the sovereign or commonwealth we must include the expenses of supporting the dignity of the sovereign4 ,the funds or sources of revenue which peculiarly belong to the sovereign or commonwealth consist either in stock or in land2 but being quite insufficient to meet the public expenditure they are supplemented by taxation4 ,every tax is finally paid from rent1 profit or wages1 or from all of them indifferently2 and the chief principle to be observed in taxation is1 that the subjects of the ,state ought to contribute towards the support of the government1 as nearly as possible1 in proportion to their respective abilities--that is1 in proportion to the revenue which they respectively enjoy under the protection of the ,state4 ,the tax which each individual is bound to pay ought to be certain and not arbitrary2 every tax ought to be levied at the time or in the manner in which it is most likely to be convenient for the contributor to pay it2 and finally1 every tax ought to be so contrived as to take out and to keep out of the pockets of the people as little as possible over and above what it brings into the public treasury of the ,state4