,transcriber's ,note3  ,this book had a 
number of typesetting errors such as    
missing text1 pages1 duplicate pages1   
and text4 ,the text has been verified   
with the etext available with the       
,internet ,archives                     
7http3_/_/www4archive4org_/details_/germ
anwork#jamulluoft7 and corrected with   
the addition of missing text and removal
 of duplicate text4 ,the ,internet      
archive edition is a #ahgb edition      
whereas this is a #ahfg edition4        
,details of corrections and additions   
are given at the end of the book4       
,,chips                         ,,from  
,a ,,german ,,workshop4                 
,,by                             ,,max  
,m,ue,l,l,e,r1 ,m4,a4                   
,,fellow ,,of ,,all ,,souls ,,college1  
,,oxford4                               
,,volume ,i4                    ,essays 
on the ,science of ,religion4           
,,london                                
,,longmans1 ,,green1 ,,and ,,co4        
#ahfg         99       99       99      

99       99     ,to the ,memory  ,,of   
,,baron ,,bunsen1  ,,my ,,friend ,,and  
,,benefactor4                           
et quanto diutius     ,abes1 magis cupio
 tanto et magis desidero4         99    
99       99       99       99           
,,preface4   ,more than twenty years    
have passed since my revered friend     
,bunsen called me one day into his      
library at ,carlton ,house ,terrace1 and
 announced to me with beaming eyes that 
the publication of the ,rig-veda was    
secure4 ,he had spent many days in      
seeing the ,directors of the            
,east-,india ,company1 and explaining to
 them the importance of this work1 and  
the necessity of having it published in 
,england4 ,at last his efforts had been 
successful1 the funds for printing my   
edition of the text and commentary of   
the ,sacred ,hymns of the ,brahmans had 
been granted1 and ,bunsen was the first 
to announce to me the happy result of   
his literary diplomacy4 ',now1' he said1
 'you have got a work for life--a large 

block that will take years to plane and 
polish4' ',but mind1' he added1 'let us 
have from time to time some chips from  
your workshop4'  ,i have tried to follow
 the advice of my departed friend1 and  
,i have published almost every year a   
few articles on such subjects as had    
engaged my attention1 while prosecuting 
at the same time1 as far as altered     
circumstances would allow1 my edition of
 the ,rig-veda1 and of other ,sanskrit  
works connected with it4 ,these articles
 were chiefly published in the          
',edinburgh' and ',quarterly ,reviews1' 
in the ',oxford ,essays1' in            
',macmillan's' and ',fraser's           
,magazines1' in the ',saturday ,review1'
 and in the ',times4' ,in writing them  
my principal endeavour has been to bring
 out even in the most abstruse subjects 
the points of real interest that ought  
to engage the attention of the public at
 large1 and never to leave a dark nook  
or corner without attempting to sweep   
away the cobwebs of false learning1 and 

let in the light of real knowledge4     
,here1 too1 ,i owe much to ,bunsen's    
advice1 and when last year ,i saw in    
,cornwall the large heaps of copper ore 
piled up around the mines1 like so many 
heaps of rubbish1 while the poor people 
were asking for coppers to buy bread1 ,i
 frequently thought of ,bunsen's words1 
',your work is not finished when you    
have brought the ore from the mine3 it  
must be sifted1 smelted1 refined1 and   
coined before it can be of real use1 and
 contribute towards the intellectual    
food of mankind4' ,i can hardly hope    
that in this my endeavour to be clear   
and plain1 to follow the threads of     
every thought to the very ends1 and to  
place the web of every argument clearly 
and fully before my readers1 ,i have    
always been successful4 ,several of the 
subjects treated in these essays are1 no
 doubt1 obscure and difficult3 but there
 is no subject1 ,i believe1 in the whole
 realm of human knowledge1 that cannot  
be rendered clear and intelligible1 if  

we ourselves have perfectly mastered it4
 ,and now while the two last volumes of 
my edition of the ,rig-veda are passing 
through the press1 ,i thought the time  
had come for gathering up a few armfulls
 of these chips and splinters1 throwing 
away what seemed worthless1 and putting 
the rest into some kind of shape1 in    
order to clear my workshop for other    
work4  ,the first and second volumes    
which ,i am now publishing contain      
essays on the early thoughts of mankind1
 whether religious or mythological1 and 
on early traditions and customs4 ,there 
is to my mind no subject more absorbing 
than the tracing the origin and first   
growth of human thought2--not           
theoretically1 or in accordance with the
 ,hegelian laws of thought1 or the      
,comtian epochs2 but historically1 and  
like an ,indian trapper1 spying for     
every footprint1 every layer1 every     
broken blade that might tell and testify
 of the former presence of man in his   
early wanderings and searchings after   

light and truth4  ,in the languages of  
mankind1 in which everything new is old 
and everything old is new1 an           
inexhaustible mine has been discovered  
for researches of this kind4 ,language  
still bears the impress of the earliest 
thoughts of man1 obliterated1 it may be1
 buried under new thoughts1 yet here and
 there still recoverable in their sharp 
original outline4 ,the growth of        
language is continuous1 and by          
continuing our researches backward from 
the most modern to the most ancient     
strata1 the very elements and roots of  
human speech have been reached1 and with
 them the elements and roots of human   
thought4 ,what lies beyond the          
beginnings of language1 however         
interesting it may be to the            
physiologist1 does not yet belong to the
 history of man1 in the true and        
original sense of that word4 ,man means 
the thinker1 and the first manifestation
 of thought is speech4  ,but more       
surprising than the continuity in the   

growth of language1 is the continuity in
 the growth of religion4 ,of religion1  
too1 as of language1 it may be said that
 in it everything new is old1 and       
everything old is new1 and that there   
has been no entirely new religion since 
the beginning of the world4 ,the        
elements and roots of religion were     
there1 as far back as we can trace the  
history of man2 and the history of      
religion1 like the history of language1 
shows us throughout a succession of new 
combinations of the same radical        
elements4 ,an intuition of ,god1 a sense
 of human weakness and dependence1 a    
belief in a ,divine government of the   
world1 a distinction between good and   
evil1 and a hope of a better life1 these
 are some of the radical elements of all
 religions4 ,though sometimes hidden1   
they rise again and again to the        
surface4 ,though frequently distorted1  
they tend again and again to their      
perfect form4 ,unless they had formed   
part of the original dowry of the human 

soul1 religion itself would have        
remained an impossibility1 and the      
tongues of angels would have been to    
human ears but as sounding brass or a   
tinkling cymbal4 ,if we once understand 
this clearly1 the words of ,st4         
,augustine which have seemed startling  
to many of his admirers1 become         
perfectly clear and intelligible1 when  
he says3#a ',what is now called the     
,christian religion1 has existed among  
the ancients1 and was not absent from   
the beginning of the human race1 until  
,christ came in the flesh3 from which   
time the true religion1 which existed   
already1 began to be called ,christian4'
 ,from this point of view the words of  
,christ too1 which startled the ,jews1  
assume their true meaning1 when ,he said
 to the centurion of ,capernaum3 ',many 
shall come from the east and the west1  
and shall sit down with ,abraham1 and   
,isaac1 and ,jacob1 in the kingdom of   
heaven4'  ,footnote #a3 ,august4 ,retr4 
#a1 #ac4 ',res ipsa1 quae nunc religio  

,christiana nuncupatur1 erat apud       
antiquos1 nec defuit ab initio generis  
humani1 quousque ,christus veniret in   
carnem1 unde vera religio1 quae jam     
erat1 coepit appellari ,christiana4'    
,during the last fifty years the        
accumulation of new and authentic       
materials for the study of the religions
 of the world1 has been most            
extraordinary2 but such are the         
difficulties in mastering these         
materials that ,i doubt whether the time
 has yet come for attempting to trace1  
after the model of the ,science of      
,language1 the definite outlines of the 
,science of ,religion4 ,by a succession 
of the most fortunate circumstances1 the
 canonical books of three of the        
principal religions of the ancient world
 have lately been recovered1 the ,veda1 
the ,zend-,avesta1 and the ,tripitaka4  
,but not only have we thus gained access
 to the most authentic documents from   
which to study the ancient religion of  
the ,brahmans1 the ,zoroastrians1 and   

the ,buddhists1 but by discovering the  
real origin of ,greek1 ,roman1 and      
likewise of ,teutonic1 ,slavonic1 and   
,celtic mythology1 it has become        
possible to separate the truly religious
 elements in the sacred traditions of   
these nations from the mythological     
crust by which they are surrounded1 and 
thus to gain a clearer insight into the 
real faith of the ancient ,aryan world4 
,if we turn to the ,semitic world1 we   
find that although no new materials have
 been discovered from which to study the
 ancient religion of the ,jews1 yet a   
new spirit of inquiry has brought new   
life into the study of the sacred       
records of ,abraham1 ,moses1 and the    
,prophets2 and the recent researches of 
,biblical scholars1 though starting from
 the most opposite points1 have all     
helped to bring out the historical      
interest of the ,old ,testament1 in a   
manner not dreamt of by former          
theologians4 ,the same may be said of   
another ,semitic religion1 the religion 

of ,mohammed1 since the ,koran and the  
literature connected with it were       
submitted to the searching criticism of 
real scholars and historians4 ,some new 
materials for the study of the ,semitic 
religions have come from the monuments  
of ,babylon and ,nineveh4 ,the very     
images of ,bel and ,nisroch now stand   
before our eyes1 and the inscriptions on
 the tablets may hereafter tell us even 
more of the thoughts of those who bowed 
their knees before them4 ,the religious 
worship of the ,phenicians and          
,carthaginians has been illustrated by  
,movers from the ruins of their ancient 
temples1 and from scattered notices in  
classical writers2 nay1 even the        
religious ideas of the ,nomads of the   
,arabian peninsula1 previous to the rise
 of ,mohammedanism1 have been brought to
 light by the patient researches of     
,oriental scholars4  ,there is no lack  
of idols among the ruined and buried    
temples of ,egypt with which to         
reconstruct the pantheon of that        

primeval country3 nor need we despair of
 recovering more and more of the        
thoughts buried under the hieroglyphics 
of the inscriptions1 or preserved in    
hieratic and demotic ,,mss41 if we watch
 the brilliant discoveries that have    
rewarded the patient researches of the  
disciples of ,champollion4  ,besides the
 ,aryan and ,semitic families of        
religion1 we have in ,china three       
recognised forms of public worship1 the 
religion of ,confucius1 that of         
,lao-tse1 and that of ,fo 7,buddha72 and
 here1 too1 recent publications have    
shed new light1 and have rendered an    
access to the canonical works of these  
religions1 and an understanding of their
 various purports1 more easy1 even to   
those who have not mastered the         
intricacies of the ,chinese language4   
,among the ,turanian nations1 a few     
only1 such as the ,finns1 and the       
,mongolians1 have preserved some        
remnants of their ancient worship and   
mythology1 and these too have lately    

been more carefully collected and       
explained by d',ohson1 ,castren1 and    
others4  ,in ,america the religions of  
,mexico and ,peru had long attracted the
 attention of theologians2 and of late  
years the impulse imparted to           
ethnological researches has induced     
travellers and missionaries to record   
any traces of religious life that could 
be discovered among the savage          
inhabitants of ,africa1 ,america1 and   
the ,polynesian islands4  ,it will be   
seen from these few indications1 that   
there is no lack of materials for the   
student of religion2 but we shall also  
perceive how difficult it is to master  
such vast materials4 ,to gain a full    
knowledge of the ,veda1 or the          
,zend-,avesta1 or the ,tripitaka1 of the
 ,old ,testament1 the ,koran1 or the    
sacred books of ,china1 is the work of a
 whole life4 ,how then is one man to    
survey the whole field of religious     
thought1 to classify the religions of   
the world according to definite and     

permanent criteria1 and to describe     
their characteristic features with a    
sure and discriminating hand8  ,nothing 
is more difficult to seize than the     
salient features1 the traits that       
constitute the permanent expression and 
real character of a religion4 ,religion 
seems to be the common property of a    
large community1 and yet it not only    
varies in numerous sects1 as language   
does in its dialects1 but it really     
escapes our firm grasp till we can trace
 it to its real habitat1 the heart of   
one true believer4 ,we speak glibly of  
,buddhism and ,brahmanism1 forgetting   
that we are generalizing on the most    
intimate convictions of millions and    
millions of human souls1 divided by half
 the world and by thousands of years4   
,it may be said that at all events where
 a religion possesses canonical books1  
or a definite number of articles1 the   
task of the student of religion becomes 
easier1 and this1 no doubt1 is true to a
 certain extent4 ,but even then we know 

that the interpretation of these        
canonical books varies1 so much so that 
sects appealing to the same revealed    
authorities1 as1 for instance1 the      
founders of the ,vedanta and the        
,sankhya systems1 accuse each other of  
error1 if not of wilful error or heresy4
 ,articles too1 though drawn up with a  
view to define the principal doctrines  
of a religion1 lose much of their       
historical value by the treatment they  
receive from subsequent schools2 and    
they are frequently silent on the very  
points which make religion what it is4  
,a few instances may serve to show what 
difficulties the student of religion has
 to contend with1 before he can hope    
firmly to grasp the facts on which his  
theories are to be based4  ,roman       
,catholic missionaries who had spent    
their lives in ,china1 who had every    
opportunity1 while staying at the court 
of ,pekin1 of studying in the original  
the canonical works of ,confucius and   
their commentaries1 who could consult   

the greatest theologians then living1   
and converse with the crowds that       
thronged the temples of the capital1    
differed diametrically in their opinions
 as to the most vital points in the     
state religion of ,china4 ,lecomte1     
,fouquet1 ,premare1 and ,bouvet thought 
it undeniable that ,confucius1 his      
predecessors and his disciples1 had     
entertained the noblest ideas on the    
constitution of the universe1 and had   
sacrificed to the true ,god in the most 
ancient temple of the earth4 ,according 
to ,maigrot1 ,navarette1 on the         
contrary1 and even according to the     
,jesuit ,longobardi1 the adoration of   
the ,chinese was addressed to inanimate 
tablets1 meaningless inscriptions1 or1  
in the best case1 to coarse ancestral   
spirits and beings without              
intelligence4#b ,if we believe the      
former1 the ancient deism of ,china     
approached the purity of the ,christian 
religion2 if we listen to the latter1   
the absurd fetichism of the multitude   

degenerated amongst the educated1 into  
systematic materialism and atheism4 ,in 
answer to the peremptory texts quoted by
 one party1 the other adduced the       
glosses of accredited interpreters1 and 
the dispute of the missionaries who had 
lived in ,china and knew ,chinese1 had  
to be settled in the last instance by a 
decision of the see of ,rome4  ,footnote
 #b3 ,abel ,remusat1 ',melanges1' p4    
#afb4  ,there is hardly any religion    
that has been studied in its sacred     
literature1 and watched in its external 
worship with greater care than the      
modern religion of the ,hindus1 and yet 
it would be extremely hard to give a    
faithful and intelligible description of
 it4 ,most people who have lived in     
,india would maintain that the ,indian  
religion1 as believed in and practised  
at present by the mass of the people1 is
 idol worship and nothing else4 ,but let
 us hear one of the mass of the people1 
a ,hindu of ,benares1 who in a lecture  
delivered before an ,english and native 

audience defends his faith and the faith
 of his forefathers against such        
sweeping accusations4 ',if by idolatry1'
 he says1 is meant a system of worship  
which confines our ideas of the ,deity  
to a mere image of clay or stone1 which 
prevents our hearts from being expanded 
and elevated with lofty notions of the  
attributes of ,god1 if this is what is  
meant by idolatry1 we disclaim idolatry1
 we abhor idolatry1 and deplore the     
ignorance or uncharitableness of those  
that charge us with this grovelling     
system of worship4444 ,but if1 firmly   
believing1 as we do1 in the omnipresence
 of ,god1 we behold1 by the aid of our  
imagination1 in the form of an image any
 of his glorious manifestations1 ought  
we to be charged with identifying them  
with the matter of the image1 whilst    
during those moments of sincere and     
fervent devotion1 we do not even think  
of matter8 ,if at the sight of a        
portrait of a beloved and venerated     
friend no longer existing in this world1

 our heart is filled with sentiments of 
love and reverence2 if we fancy him     
present in the picture1 still looking   
upon us with his wonted tenderness and  
affection1 and then indulge our feelings
 of love and gratitude1 should we be    
charged with offering the grossest      
insult to him--that of fancying him to  
be no other than a piece of painted     
paper8444 ,we really lament the         
ignorance or uncharitableness of those  
who confound our representative worship 
with the ,phenician1 ,grecian1 or ,roman
 idolatry as represented by ,european   
writers1 and then charge us with        
polytheism in the teeth of thousands of 
texts in the ,puranas declaring in clear
 and unmistakable terms that there is   
but one ,god who manifests ,himself as  
,brahma1 ,vishnu1 and ,rudra 7,siva71 in
 ,his functions of creation1            
preservation1 and destruction4#c        
,footnote #c3 ,the modern pandit's reply
 to the missionary who accuses him of   
polytheism is3 ,o1 these are only       

various manifestations of the one ,god2 
the same as1 though the sun be one in   
the heavens1 yet he appears in          
multi-form reflections upon the lake4   
,the various sects are only different   
entrances to the one city4 ,see ,w4 ,w4 
,hunter1 ,annals of ,rural ,bengal1 p4  
#aaf4  ,in support of these statements1 
this eloquent advocate quotes numerous  
passages from the sacred literature of  
the ,brahmans1 and he sums up his view  
of the three manifestations of the      
,deity in the words of their great poet 
,kalidasa1 as translated by ,mr4        
,griffith3--      ,in those ,three      
,persons the ,one ,god was shown3       
,each ,first in place1 each ,last1--not 
one alone2     ,of ,siva1 ,vishnu1      
,brahma1 each may be     ,first1 second1
 third1 among the ,blessed ,three4  ,if 
such contradictory views can be held and
 defended with regard to religious      
systems still prevalent amongst us1     
where we can cross-examine living       
witnesses1 and appeal to chapter and    

verse in their sacred writings1 what    
must the difficulty be when we have to  
deal with the religions of the past8 ,i 
do not wish to disguise these           
difficulties which are inherent in a    
comparative study of the religions of   
the world4 ,i rather dwell on them      
strongly1 in order to show how much care
 and caution is required in so difficult
 a subject1 and how much indulgence     
should be shown in judging of the       
shortcomings and errors that are        
unavoidable in so comprehensive a study4
 ,it was supposed at one time that a    
comparative analysis of the languages of
 mankind must transcend the powers of   
man3 and yet by the combined and well   
directed efforts of many scholars1 great
 results have here been obtained1 and   
the principles that must guide the      
student of the ,science of ,language are
 now firmly established4 ,it will be the
 same with the ,science of ,religion4   
,by a proper division of labor1 the     
materials that are still wanting will be

 collected and published and translated1
 and when that is done1 surely man will 
never rest till he has discovered the   
purpose that runs through the religions 
of mankind1 and till he has             
reconstructed the true ,civitas ,dei on 
foundations as wide as the ends of the  
world4 ,the ,science of ,religion may be
 the last of the sciences which man is  
destined to elaborate2 but when it is   
elaborated1 it will change the aspect of
 the world1 and give a new life to      
,christianity itself4  ,the ,fathers of 
the ,church1 though living in much more 
dangerous proximity to the ancient      
religions of the ,gentiles1 admitted    
freely that a comparison of             
,christianity and other religions was   
useful4 ,if there is any agreement1     
,basilius remarked1 between their 7the  
,greeks'7 doctrines and our own1 it may 
benefit us to know them3 if not1 then to
 compare them and to learn how they     
differ1 will help not a little towards  
confirming that which is the better of  

the two4#d  ,footnote #d3 ,basilius1 ,de
 legendis ,graec4 libris1 c4 v4 ,greek3 
,ei men oun esti tis oikeiotes pros     
allelous tois logois1 prourgou an hemin 
auton he gnosis genoito4 ei de me1 alla 
to ge parallela thentas katamathein to  
diaphoron1 ou mikron eis bebaiosis      
beltionos4  ,but this is not the only   
advantage of a comparative study of     
religions4 ,the ,science of ,religion   
will for the first time assign to       
,christianity its right place among the 
religions of the world2 it will show for
 the first time fully what was meant by 
the fulness of time2 it will restore to 
the whole history of the world1 in its  
unconscious progress towards            
,christianity1 its true and sacred      
character4  ,not many years ago great   
offence was given by an eminent writer  
who remarked that the time had come when
 the history of ,christianity should be 
treated in a truly historical spirit1 in
 the same spirit in which we treat the  
history of other religions1 such as     

,brahmanism1 ,buddhism1 or              
,mohammedanism4 ,and yet what can be    
truer8 ,he must be a man of little      
faith1 who would fear to subject his own
 religion to the same critical tests to 
which the historian subjects all other  
religions4 ,we need not surely crave a  
tender or merciful treatment for that   
faith which we hold to be the only true 
one4 ,we should rather challenge for it 
the severest tests and trials1 as the   
sailor would for the good ship to which 
he entrusts his own life1 and the lives 
of those who are most dear to him4 ,in  
the ,science of ,religion1 we can       
decline no comparisons1 nor claim any   
immunities for ,christianity1 as little 
as the missionary can1 when wrestling   
with the subtle ,brahman1 or the        
fanatical ,mussulman1 or the plain      
speaking ,zulu4 ,and if we send out our 
missionaries to every part of the world 
to face every kind of religion1 to      
shrink from no contest1 to be appalled  
by no objections1 we must not give way  

at home or within our own hearts to any 
misgivings1 that a comparative study of 
the religions of the world could shake  
the firm foundations on which we must   
stand or fall4  ,to the missionary more 
particularly a comparative study of the 
religions of mankind will be1 ,i        
believe1 of the greatest assistance4    
,missionaries are apt to look upon all  
other religions as something totally    
distinct from their own1 as formerly    
they used to describe the languages of  
barbarous nations as something more like
 the twittering of birds than the       
articulate speech of men4 ,the ,science 
of ,language has taught us that there is
 order and wisdom in all languages1 and 
that even the most degraded jargons     
contain the ruins of former greatness   
and beauty4 ,the ,science of ,religion1 
,i hope1 will produce a similar change  
in our views of barbarous forms of faith
 and worship2 and missionaries1 instead 
of looking only for points of           
difference1 will look out more anxiously

 for any common ground1 any spark of the
 true light that may still be revived1  
any altar that may be dedicated afresh  
to the true ,god4  ,and even to us at   
home1 a wider view of the religious life
 of the world may teach many a useful   
lesson4 ,immense as is the difference   
between our own and all other religions 
of the world--and few can know that     
difference who have not honestly        
examined the foundations of their own as
 well as of other religions--the        
position which believers and unbelievers
 occupy with regard to their various    
forms of faith is very much the same all
 over the world4 ,the difficulties which
 trouble us1 have troubled the hearts   
and minds of men as far back as we can  
trace the beginnings of religious life4 
,the great problems touching the        
relation of the ,finite to the          
,infinite1 of the human mind as the     
recipient1 and of the ,divine ,spirit as
 the source of truth1 are old problems  
indeed2 and while watching their        

appearance in different countries1 and  
their treatment under varying           
circumstances1 we shall be able1 ,i     
believe1 to profit ourselves1 both by   
the errors which others committed before
 us1 and by the truth which they        
discovered4 ,we shall know the rocks    
that threaten every religion in this    
changing and shifting world of ours1 and
 having watched many a storm of         
religious controversy and many a        
shipwreck in distant seas1 we shall face
 with greater calmness and prudence the 
troubled waters at home4  ,if there is  
one thing which a comparative study of  
religions places in the clearest light1 
it is the inevitable decay to which     
every religion is exposed4 ,it may seem 
almost like a truism1 that no religion  
can continue to be what it was during   
the lifetime of its founder and its     
first apostles4 ,yet it is but seldom   
borne in mind that without constant     
reformation1 i4 e4 without a constant   
return to its fountain-head1 every      

religion1 even the most perfect1 nay the
 most perfect on account of its very    
perfection1 more even than others1      
suffers from its contact with the world1
 as the purest air suffers from the mere
 fact of its being breathed4  ,whenever 
we can trace back a religion to its     
first beginnings1 we find it free from  
many of the blemishes that offend us in 
its later phases4 ,the founders of the  
ancient religions of the world1 as far  
as we can judge1 were minds of a high   
stamp1 full of noble aspirations1       
yearning for truth1 devoted to the      
welfare of their neighbours1 examples of
 purity and unselfishness4 ,what they   
desired to found upon earth was but     
seldom realised1 and their sayings1 if  
preserved in their original form1 offer 
often a strange contrast to the practice
 of those who profess to be their       
disciples4 ,as soon as a religion is    
established1 and more particularly when 
it has become the religion of a powerful
 state1 the foreign and worldly elements

 encroach more and more on the original 
foundation1 and human interests mar the 
simplicity and purity of the plan which 
the founder had conceived in his own    
heart1 and matured in his communings    
with his ,god4 ,even those who lived    
with ,buddha1 misunderstood his words1  
and at the ,great ,council which had to 
settle the ,buddhist canon1 ,asoka1 the 
,indian ,constantine1 had to remind the 
assembled priests that 'what had been   
said by ,buddha1 that alone was well    
said2' and that certain works ascribed  
to ,buddha1 as1 for instance1 the       
instruction given to his son1 ,rahula1  
were apocryphal1 if not heretical4#e    
,with every century1 ,buddhism1 when it 
was accepted by nations1 differing as   
widely as ,mongols and ,hindus1 when its
 sacred writings were translated into   
languages as wide apart as ,sanskrit and
 ,chinese1 assumed widely different     
aspects1 till at last the ,buddhism of  
the ,shamans in the steppes of ,tatary  
is as different from the teaching of the

 original ,samana1 as the ,christianity 
of the leader of the ,chinese rebels is 
from the teaching of ,christ4 ,if       
missionaries could show to the          
,brahmans1 the ,buddhists1 the          
,zoroastrians1 nay1 even to the         
,mohammedans1 how much their present    
faith differs from the faith of their   
forefathers and founders1 if they could 
place into their hands and read with    
them in a kindly spirit the original    
documents in which these various        
religions profess to be founded1 and    
enable them to distinguish between the  
doctrines of their own sacred books and 
the additions of later ages1 an         
important advantage would be gained1 and
 the choice between ,christ and other   
,masters would be rendered far more easy
 to many a truth-seeking soul4 ,but for 
that purpose it is necessary that we too
 should see the beam in our own eyes1   
and learn to distinguish between the    
,christianity of the nineteenth century 
and the religion of ,christ4 ,if we find

 that the ,christianity of the          
nineteenth century does not win as many 
hearts in ,india and ,china as it ought1
 let us remember that it was the        
,christianity of the first century in   
all its dogmatic simplicity1 but with   
its overpowering love of ,god and man1  
that conquered the world and superseded 
religions and philosophies1 more        
difficult to conquer than the religious 
and philosophical systems of ,hindus and
 ,buddhists4 ,if we can teach something 
to the ,brahmans in reading with them   
their sacred hymns1 they too can teach  
us something when reading with us the   
,gospel of ,christ4 ,never shall ,i     
forget the deep despondency of a ,hindu 
convert1 a real martyr to his faith1 who
 had pictured to himself from the pages 
of the ,new ,testament what a ,christian
 country must be1 and who when he came  
to ,europe found everything so different
 from what he had imagined in his lonely
 meditations at ,benares6 ,it was the   
,bible only that saved him from         

returning to his old religion1 and      
helped him to discern beneath           
theological futilities1 accumulated     
during nearly two thousand years1       
beneath pharisaical hypocrisy1          
infidelity1 and want of charity1 the    
buried1 but still living seed1 committed
 to the earth by ,christ and his        
,apostles4 ,how can a missionary in such
 circumstances meet the surprise and    
questions of his pupils1 unless he may  
point to that seed1 and tell them what  
,christianity was meant to be2 unless he
 may show that like all other religions1
 ,christianity1 too1 has had its        
history2 that the ,christianity of the  
nineteenth century is not the           
,christianity of the ,middle ,ages1 that
 the ,christianity of the ,middle ,ages 
was not that of the early ,councils1    
that the ,christianity of the early     
,councils was not that of the ,apostles1
 and 'that what has been said by ,christ
 that alone was well said8'  ,footnote  
#e3 ,see ,burnouf1 ',lotus de la bonne  

,loi1' ,appendice1 ,no4 x4 ,sec4 #d4    
,the advantages1 however1 which         
missionaries and other defenders of the 
faith will gain from a comparative study
 of religions1 though important         
hereafter1 are not at present the chief 
object of these researches4 ,in order to
 maintain their scientific character1   
they must be independent of all         
extraneous considerations3 they must aim
 at truth1 trusting that even           
unpalatable truths1 like unpalatable    
medicine1 will reinvigorate the system  
into which they enter4 ,to those1 no    
doubt1 who value the tenets of their    
religion as the miser values his pearls 
and precious stones1 thinking their     
value lessened if pearls and stones of  
the same kind are found in other parts  
of the world1 the ,science of ,religion 
will bring many a rude shock2 but to the
 true believer1 truth1 wherever it      
appears1 is welcome1 nor will any       
doctrine seem to be less true or less   
precious1 because it was seen1 not only 

by ,moses or ,christ1 but likewise by   
,buddha or ,lao-tse4 ,nor should it be  
forgotten that while a comparison of    
ancient religions will certainly show   
that some of the most vital articles of 
faith are the common property of the    
whole of mankind1 at least of all who   
seek the ,lord1 if haply they might feel
 after him1 and find him1 the same      
comparison alone can possibly teach us  
what is peculiar to ,christianity1 and  
what has secured to it that pre-eminent 
position which now it holds in spite of 
all obloquy4 ,the gain will be greater  
than the loss1 if loss there be1 which  
,i1 at least1 shall never admit4  ,there
 is a strong feeling1 ,i know1 in the   
minds of all people against any attempt 
to treat their own religion as a member 
of a class1 and1 in one sense1 that     
feeling is perfectly justified4 ,to each
 individual1 his own religion1 if he    
really believes in it1 is something     
quite inseparable from himself1         
something unique1 that cannot be        

compared to anything else1 or replaced  
by anything else4 ,our own religion is1 
in that respect1 something like our own 
language4 ,in its form it may be like   
other languages2 in its essence and in  
its relation to ourselves1 it stands    
alone and admits of no peer or rival4   
,but in the history of the world1 our   
religion1 like our own language1 is but 
one out of many2 and in order to        
understand fully the position of        
,christianity in the history of the     
world1 and its true place among the     
religions of mankind1 we must compare   
it1 not with ,judaeism only1 but with   
the religious aspirations of the whole  
world1 with all1 in fact1 that          
,christianity came either to destroy or 
to fulfil4 ,from this point of view     
,christianity forms part1 no doubt1 of  
what people call profane history1 but by
 that very fact1 profane history ceases 
to be profane1 and regains throughout   
that sacred character of which it had   
been deprived by a false distinction4   

,the ancient ,fathers of the ,church    
spoke on these subjects with far greater
 freedom than we venture to use in these
 days4 ,justin ,martyr1 in his          
',apology' 7,a4,d #aci71 has this       
memorable passage 7',apol4' i4 #df73    
',one article of our faith then is1 that
 ,christ is the first begotten of ,god1 
and we have already proved ,him to be   
the very ,logos 7or universal ,reason71 
of which mankind are all partakers2 and 
therefore those who live according to   
the ,logos are ,christians1             
notwithstanding they may pass with you  
for ,atheists2 such among the ,greeks   
were ,sokrates and ,herakleitos and the 
like2 and such among the ,barbarians    
were ,abraham1 and ,ananias1 and        
,azarias1 and ,misael1 and ,elias1 and  
many others1 whose actions1 nay whose   
very names1 ,i know1 would be tedious to
 relate1 and therefore shall pass them  
over4 ,so1 on the other side1 those who 
have lived in former times in defiance  
of the ,logos or ,reason1 were evil1 and

 enemies to ,christ and murderers of    
such as lived according to the ,logos2  
but they who have made or make the      
,logos or ,reason the rule of their     
actions are ,christians1 and men without
 fear and trembling4'#ea  ,footnote #ea3
 ,greek3 ,ton christon prothotokon tou  
,theou einai edidhachthemen1 kai        
proemenhysamen ,lhogon onta1 ou pan     
ghenos anthrhopon methesche kai oi meta 
,lhogou bihosantes christianohi eisi1   
kan atheoi enomhisthesan1 oion en       
,ellesi men ,sokrhates kai ,erhakleitos 
kai oi homoioi autois1 en barbarois de  
,abraam kai ,ananias kai ,asarias kai   
,misael kai ,elhias kai alloi polloi1 on
 tas praxets e ta onomata katalegein    
makron einai epistamenoi1 tanyn         
paraitoymetha4 oste kai oi progenomenoi 
aneu ,ldgou bihosantes1 acrestoi ka4    
',god1' says ,clement1#f 'is the cause  
of all that is good3 only of some good  
gifts ,he is the primary cause1 as of   
the ,old and ,new ,testaments1 of others
 the secondary1 as of 7,greek7          

philosophy4 ,but even philosophy may    
have been given primarily by ,him to the
 ,greeks1 before the ,lord had called   
the ,greeks also4 ,for that philosophy1 
like a teacher1 has guided the ,greeks  
also1 as the ,law did the ,hebrews1     
towards ,christ4 ,philosophy1 therefore1
 prepares and opens the way to those who
 are made perfect by ,christ4'          
,footnote #f3 ,clem4 ,alex4 ,strom1 lib4
 ,i1 cap4 v1 ,sec4 #bh4 ,greek3 ,panton 
men gar aitios ton kalon d theos1 alla  
ton men kata proegoumenon1 hos tes te   
diathekes tes palaias kai tes neas1 ton 
de kat epakolouthema1 hos tes           
philosophias tacha de kai proegoumenos  
tois ,ellesin edothe tote prin e ton    
kurion kalesai kai tous ,elleuas4       
,epaidagogei gar kai aute to ,ellenikon 
hos o nomos tous ,ebraious eis          
,christon4 proparaskeuixei toinun e     
philosophia proodopoiousa ton hupo      
,christou teleioumenon4  ,and again3    
',it is clear that the same ,god to whom
 we owe the ,old and ,new ,testaments1  

gave also to the ,greeks their ,greek   
philosophy by which the ,almighty is    
glorified among the ,greeks4'#g         
,footnote #g3 ,strom1 lib4 ,,vi1 cap4   
,v1 ,sec4 #db4 ,greek3 ,eros de kai oti 
o autos theos amphoin tain diathekain   
choregos1 o kai tes ,ellenikes          
philosophias doter tois ,ellesin1 di es 
o pantokrator par ,ellesi doxazetai1    
parestesen1 delon de kanthede4  ,and    
,clement was by no means the only one   
who spoke thus freely and fearlessly1   
though1 no doubt1 his knowledge of      
,greek philosophy qualified him better  
than many of his contemporaries to speak
 with authority on such subjects4  ,st4 
,augustine writes3 ',if the ,gentiles   
also had possibly something divine and  
true in their doctrines1 our ,saints did
 not find fault with it1 although for   
their superstition1 idolatry1 and pride1
 and other evil habits1 they had to be  
detested1 and1 unless they improved1 to 
be punished by divine judgment4 ,for the
 apostle ,paul1 when he said something  

about ,god among the ,athenians1 quoted 
the testimony of some of the ,greeks who
 had said something of the same kind3   
and this1 if they came to ,christ1 would
 be acknowledged in them1 and not       
blamed4 ,saint ,cyprian1 too1 uses such 
witnesses against the ,gentiles4 ,for   
when he speaks of the ,magians1 he says 
that the chief among them1 ,hostanes1   
maintains that the true ,god is         
invisible1 and that true angels sit at  
,his throne2 and that ,plato agrees with
 this1 and believes in ,one ,god1       
considering the others to be angels or  
demons2 and that ,hermes ,trismegistus  
also speaks of ,one ,god1 and confesses 
that ,he is incomprehensible4'          
7,augustinus1 ',de ,baptismo contra     
,donatistas1' lib4 ,,vi1 cap4 xliv47    
,every religion1 even the most imperfect
 and degraded1 has something that ought 
to be sacred to us1 for there is in all 
religions a secret yearning after the   
true1 though unknown1 ,god4 ,whether we 
see the ,papua squatting in dumb        

meditation before his fetish1 or whether
 we listen to ,firdusi exclaiming3 ',the
 heighth and the depth of the whole     
world have their centre in ,thee1 ,o my 
,god6 ,i do not know ,thee what ,thou   
art3 but ,i know that ,thou art what    
,thou alone canst be1'--we ought to feel
 that the place whereon we stand is holy
 ground4 ,there are philosophers1 no    
doubt1 to whom both ,christianity and   
all other religions are exploded errors1
 things belonging to the past1 and to be
 replaced by more positive knowledge4   
,to them the study of the religions of  
the world could only have a pathological
 interest1 and their hearts could never 
warm at the sparks of truth that light  
up1 like stars1 the dark yet glorious   
night of the ancient world4 ,they tell  
us that the world has passed through the
 phases of religious and metaphysical   
errors1 in order to arrive at the safe  
haven of positive knowledge of facts4   
,but if they would but study positive   
facts1 if they would but read1 patiently

 and thoughtfully1 the history of the   
world1 as it is1 not as it might have   
been3 they would see that1 as in        
geology1 so in the history of human     
thought1 theoretic uniformity does not  
exist1 and that the past is never       
altogether lost4 ,the oldest formations 
of thought crop out everywhere1 and if  
we dig but deep enough1 we shall find   
that even the sandy desert in which we  
are asked to live1 rests everywhere on  
the firm foundation of that primeval1   
yet indestructible granite of the human 
soul1--religious faith4  ,there are     
other philosophers again who would fain 
narrow the limits of the ,divine        
government of the world to the history  
of the ,jewish and of the ,christian    
nations1 who would grudge the very name 
of religion to the ancient creeds of the
 world1 and to whom the name of natural 
religion has almost become a term of    
reproach4 ,to them1 too1 ,i should like 
to say that if they would but study     
positive facts1 if they would but read  

their own ,bible1 they would find that  
the greatness of ,divine ,love cannot be
 measured by human standards1 and that  
,god has never forsaken a single human  
soul that has not first forsaken ,him4  
',he hath made of one blood all nations 
of men1 for to dwell on all the face of 
the earth2 and hath determined the times
 before appointed1 and the bounds of    
their habitation3 that they should seek 
the ,lord1 if haply they might feel     
after him1 and find him1 though he be   
not far from every one of us1' ,if they 
would but dig deep enough1 they too     
would find that what they contemptuously
 call natural religion1 is in reality   
the greatest gift that ,god has bestowed
 on the children of man1 and that       
without it1 revealed religion itself    
would have no firm foundation1 no living
 roots in the heart of man4  ,if by the 
essays here collected ,i should succeed 
in attracting more general attention    
towards an independent1 yet reverent    
study of the ancient religions of the   

world1 and in dispelling some of the    
prejudices with which so many have      
regarded the yearnings after truth      
embodied in the sacred writings of the  
,brahmans1 the ,zoroastrians1 and the   
,buddhists1 in the mythology of the     
,greeks and ,romans1 nay1 even in the   
wild traditions and degraded customs of 
,polynesian savages1 ,i shall consider  
myself amply rewarded for the labour    
which they have cost me4 ,that they are 
not free from errors1 in spite of a     
careful revision to which they have been
 submitted before ,i published them in  
this collection1 ,i am fully aware1 and 
,i shall be grateful to any one who will
 point them out1 little concerned       
whether it is done in a seemly or       
unseemly manner1 as long as some new    
truth is elicited1 or some old error    
effectually exploded4 ,though ,i have   
thought it right in preparing these     
essays for publication1 to alter what ,i
 could no longer defend as true1 and    
also1 though rarely1 to add some new    

facts that seemed essential for the     
purpose of establishing what ,i wished  
to prove1 yet in the main they have been
 left as they were originally published4
 ,i have added to each the dates when   
they were written1 these dates ranging  
over the last fifteen years1 and ,i must
 beg my readers to bear these dates in  
mind when judging both of the form and  
the matter of these contributions       
towards a better knowledge of the creeds
 and prayers1 the legends and customs of
 the ancient world4  ,m4 ,m4  ,,parks   
,,end1 ,,oxford3  ,october1 #ahfg4      
,,contents ,,of ,,first ,,volume4    ,i4
      ,,lecture ,,on ,,the ,,vedas ,,or 
,,the ,,sacred ,,books ,,of ,,the       
,,brahmans1           ,,delivered ,,at  
,,leeds1 #ahfe  ,,ii4     ,,christ ,,and
 ,,other ,,masters1 #aheh  ,,iii4       
,,the ,,veda ,,and ,,zend-,,avesta1     
#ahec  ,,iv4     ,,the                  
,,aitareya-,,brahmana1 #ahfd  ,v4       
,,on ,,the ,,study ,,of ,,the           
,,zend-,,avesta ,,in ,,india1 #ahfb     

,,vi4     ,,progress ,,of ,,zend        
,,scholarship1 #ahfe  ,,vii4            
,,genesis ,,and ,,the ,,zend-,,avesta1  
#ahfd  ,,viii4   ,,the ,,modern         
,,parsis1 #ahfb  ,,ix4     ,,buddhism1  
#ahfb  ,x4      ,,buddhist ,,pilgrims1  
#aheg  ,,xi4     ,,the ,,meaning ,,of   
,,nirvana1 #aheg  ,,xii4    ,,chinese   
,,translations ,,of ,,sanskrit ,,texts1 
#ahfa  ,,xiii4   ,,the ,,works ,,of     
,,confucius1 #ahfa  ,,xiv4    ,,popol   
,,vuh1 #ahfb  ,,xv4     ,,semitic       
,,monotheism1 #ahfj         99       99 
99       99       99     ,i4  ,,lecture 
,,on ,,the ,,vedas  ,,or ,,the  ,,sacred
 ,,books ,,of ,,the ,,brahmans1#h       
,,delivered ,,at ,,the  ,,philosophical 
,,institution1 ,,leeds1 ,,march1 #ahfe4 
,i have brought with me one volume of my
 edition of the ,veda1 and ,i should not
 wonder if it were the first copy of the
 work which has ever reached this busy  
town of ,leeds4 ,nay1 ,i confess ,i have
 some misgivings whether ,i have not    
undertaken a hopeless task1 and ,i begin

 to doubt whether ,i shall succeed in   
explaining to you the interest which ,i 
feel for this ancient collection of     
sacred hymns1 an interest which has     
never failed me while devoting to the   
publication of this voluminous work the 
best twenty years of my life4 ,many     
times have ,i been asked1 ,but what is  
the ,veda8 ,why should it be published8 
,what are we likely to learn from a book
 composed nearly four thousand years    
ago1 and intended from the beginning for
 an uncultivated race of mere heathens  
and savages1--a book which the natives  
of ,india have never published          
themselves1 although1 to the present    
day1 they profess to regard it as the   
highest authority for their religion1   
morals1 and philosophy8 ,are we1 the    
people of ,england or of ,europe1 in the
 nineteenth century1 likely to gain any 
new light on religious1 moral1 or       
philosophical questions from the old    
songs of the ,brahmans8 ,and is it so   
very certain that the whole book is not 

a modern forgery1 without any           
substantial claims to that high         
antiquity which is ascribed to it by the
 ,hindus1 so that all the labour        
bestowed upon it would not only be      
labour lost1 but throw discredit on our 
powers of discrimination1 and make us a 
laughing-stock among the shrewd natives 
of ,india8 ,these and similar questions 
,i have had to answer many times when   
asked by others1 and some of them when  
asked by myself1 before embarking on so 
hazardous an undertaking as the         
publication of the ,rig-veda and its    
ancient commentary4 ,and1 ,i believe1 ,i
 am not mistaken in supposing that many 
of those who to-night have honoured me  
with their presence may have entertained
 similar doubts and misgivings when     
invited to listen to a ,lecture ',on the
 ,vedas or the ,sacred ,books of the    
,brahmans4'  ,footnote #h3 ,some of the 
points touched upon in this ,lecture    
have been more fully treated in my      
',history of ,ancient ,sanskrit         

,literature4' ,as the second edition of 
this work has been out of print for     
several years1 ,i have here quoted a few
 passages from it in full4  ,i shall    
endeavour1 therefore1 as far as this is 
possible within the limits of one       
,lecture1 to answer some of these       
questions1 and to remove some of these  
doubts1 by explaining to you1 first1    
what the ,veda really is1 and1 secondly1
 what importance it possesses1 not only 
to the people of ,india1 but to         
ourselves in ,europe1--and here again1  
not only to the student of ,oriental    
languages1 but to every student of      
history1 religion1 or philosophy2 to    
every man who has once felt the charm of
 tracing that mighty stream of human    
thought on which we ourselves are       
floating onward1 back to its distant    
mountain-sources2 to every one who has a
 heart for whatever has once filled the 
hearts of millions of human beings with 
their noblest hopes1 and fears1 and     
aspirations2--to every student of       

mankind in the fullest sense of that    
full and weighty word4 ,whoever claims  
that noble title must not forget1       
whether he examines the highest         
achievements of mankind in our own age1 
or the miserable failures of former     
ages1 what man is1 and in whose image   
and after whose likeness man was made4  
,whether listening to the shrieks of the
 ,shaman sorcerers of ,tatary1 or to the
 odes of ,pindar1 or to the sacred songs
 of ,paul ,gerhard3 whether looking at  
the pagodas of ,china1 or the ,parthenon
 of ,athens1 or the cathedral of        
,cologne3 whether reading the sacred    
books of the ,buddhists1 of the ,jews1  
or of those who worship ,god in spirit  
and in truth1 we ought to be able to    
say1 like the ,emperor ,maximilian1     
',homo sum1 humani nihil a me alienum   
puto1' or1 translating his words        
somewhat freely1 ',i am a man1 nothing  
pertaining to man ,i deem foreign to    
myself4' ,yes1 we must learn to read in 
the history of the whole human race     

something of our own history2 and as in 
looking back on the story of our own    
life1 we all dwell with a peculiar      
delight on the earliest chapters of our 
childhood1 and try to find there the key
 to many of the riddles of our later    
life1 it is but natural that the        
historian1 too1 should ponder with most 
intense interest over the few relics    
that have been preserved to him of the  
childhood of the human race4 ,these     
relics are few indeed1 and therefore    
very precious1 and this ,i may venture  
to say1 at the outset and without fear  
of contradiction1 that there exists no  
literary relic that carries us back to a
 more primitive1 or1 if you like1 more  
child-like state in the history of man#i
 than the ,veda4 ,as the language of the
 ,veda1 the ,sanskrit1 is the most      
ancient type of the ,english of the     
present day1 7,sanskrit and ,english are
 but varieties of one and the same      
language17 so its thoughts and feelings 
contain in reality the first roots and  

germs of that intellectual growth which 
by an unbroken chain connects our own   
generation with the ancestors of the    
,aryan race1--with those very people who
 at the rising and setting of the sun   
listened with trembling hearts to the   
songs of the ,veda1 that told them of   
bright powers above1 and of a life to   
come after the sun of their own lives   
had set in the clouds of the evening4   
,those men were the true ancestors of   
our race2 and the ,veda is the oldest   
book we have in which to study the first
 beginnings of our language1 and of all 
that is embodied in language4 ,we are by
 nature ,aryan1 ,indo-,european1 not    
,semitic3 our spiritual kith and kin are
 to be found in ,india1 ,persia1        
,greece1 ,italy1 ,germany2 not in       
,mesopotamia1 ,egypt1 or ,palestine4    
,this is a fact that ought to be clearly
 perceived1 and constantly kept in view1
 in order to understand the importance  
which the ,veda has for us1 after the   
lapse of more than three thousand years1

 and after ever so many changes in our  
language1 thought1 and religion4        
,footnote #i3 ',in the sciences of law  
and society1 old means not old in       
chronology1 but in structure3 that is   
most archaic which lies nearest to the  
beginning of human progress considered  
as a development1 and that is most      
modern which is farthest removed from   
that beginning4'--,j4 ,f4 ,mc,lennan1   
',primitive ,marriage1' p4 #h4          
,whatever the intrinsic value of the    
,veda1 if it simply contained the names 
of kings1 the description of battles1   
the dates of famines1 it would still be1
 by its age alone1 the most venerable of
 books4 ,do we ever find much beyond    
such matters in ,egyptian hieroglyphics1
 or in ,cuneiform inscriptions8 ,in     
fact1 what does the ancient history of  
the world before ,cyrus1 before #ejj    
,b4,c41 consist of1 but meagre lists of 
,egyptian1 ,babylonian1 ,assyrian       
dynasties8 ,what do the tablets of      
,karnak1 the palaces of ,nineveh1 and   

the cylinders of ,babylon tell us about 
the thoughts of men8 ,all is dead and   
barren1 nowhere a sigh1 nowhere a jest1 
nowhere a glimpse of humanity4 ,there   
has been but one oasis in that vast     
desert of ancient ,asiatic history1 the 
history of the ,jews4 ,another such     
oasis is the ,veda4 ,here1 too1 we come 
to a stratum of ancient thought1 of     
ancient feelings1 hopes1 joys1 and      
fears1--of ancient religion4 ,there is  
perhaps too little of kings and battles 
in the ,veda1 and scarcely anything of  
the chronological framework of history4 
,but poets surely are better than kings1
 hymns and prayers are more worth       
listening to than the agonies of        
butchered armies1 and guesses at truth  
more valuable than unmeaning titles of  
,egyptian or ,babylonian despots4 ,it   
will be difficult to settle whether the 
,veda is 'the oldest of books1' and     
whether some of the portions of the ,old
 ,testament may not be traced back to   
the same or even an earlier date than   

the oldest hymns of the ,veda4 ,but1 in 
the ,aryan world1 the ,veda is certainly
 the oldest book1 and its preservation  
amounts almost to a marvel4  ,it is     
nearly twenty years ago that my         
attention was first drawn to the ,veda1 
while attending1 in the years #ahdf and 
#ahdg1 the lectures of ,eugene ,burnouf 
at the ,college de ,france4 ,i was then 
looking out1 like most young men at that
 time of life1 for some great work1 and 
without weighing long the difficulties  
which had hitherto prevented the        
publication of the ,veda1 ,i determined 
to devote all my time to the collection 
of the materials necessary for such an  
undertaking4 ,i had read the principal  
works of the later ,sanskrit literature1
 but had found little there that seemed 
to be more than curious4 ,but to publish
 the ,veda1 a work that had never before
 been published in ,india or in ,europe1
 that occupied in the history of        
,sanskrit literature the same position  
which the ,old ,testament occupies in   

the history of the ,jews1 the ,new      
,testament in the history of modern     
,europe1 the ,koran in the history of   
,mohammedanism1--a work which fills a   
gap in the history of the human mind1   
and promises to bring us nearer than any
 other work to the first beginnings of  
,aryan language and ,aryan              
thought1--this seemed to me an          
undertaking not altogether unworthy a   
man's life4 ,what added to the charm of 
it was that it had once before been     
undertaken by ,frederick ,rosen1 a young
 ,german scholar1 who died in ,england  
before he had finished the first book1  
and that after his death no one seemed  
willing to carry on his work4 ,what ,i  
had to do1 first of all1 was to copy not
 only the text1 but the commentary of   
the ,rig-veda1 a work which when        
finished will fill six of these large   
volumes4 ,the author or rather the      
compiler of this commentary1 ,sayana    
,akarya1 lived about #adjj after        
,christ1 that is to say1 about as many  

centuries after1 as the poets of the    
,veda lived before1 the beginning of our
 era4 ,yet through the #cjjj years which
 separate the original poetry of the    
,veda from the latest commentary1 there 
runs an almost continuous stream of     
tradition1 and it is from it1 rather    
than from his own brain1 that ,sayana   
draws his explanations of the sacred    
texts4 ,numerous ,,mss41 more or less   
complete1 more or less inaccurate1 of   
,sayana's classical work1 existed in the
 then ,royal ,library at ,paris1 in the 
,library of the ,east-,india ,house1    
then in ,leadenhall ,street1 and in the 
,bodleian ,library at ,oxford4 ,but to  
copy and collate these ,,mss4 was by no 
means all4 ,a number of other works were
 constantly quoted in ,sayana's         
commentary1 and these quotations had all
 to be verified4 ,it was necessary first
 to copy these works1 and to make       
indexes to all of them1 in order to be  
able to find any passage that might be  
referred to in the larger commentary4   

,many of these works have since been    
published in ,germany and ,france1 but  
they were not to be procured twenty     
years ago4 ,the work1 of course1        
proceeded but slowly1 and many times ,i 
doubted whether ,i should be able to    
carry it through4 ,lastly came the      
difficulty1--and by no means the        
smallest1--who was to publish a work    
that would occupy about six thousand    
pages in quarto1 all in ,sanskrit1 and  
of which probably not a hundred copies  
would ever be sold4 ,well1 ,i came to   
,england in order to collect more       
materials at the ,east-,india ,house and
 at the ,bodleian ,library1 and thanks  
to the exertions of my generous friend  
,baron ,bunsen1 and of the late         
,professor ,wilson1 the ,board of       
,directors of the ,east-,india ,company 
decided to defray the expenses of a work
 which1 as they stated in their letter1 
'is in a peculiar manner deserving of   
the patronage of the ,east-,india       
,company1 connected as it is with the   

early religion1 history1 and language of
 the great body of their ,indian        
subjects4' ,it thus became necessary for
 me to take up my abode in ,england1    
which has since become my second home4  
,the first volume was published in      
#ahdi1 the second in #ahec1 the third in
 #ahef1 the fourth in #ahfb4 ,the       
materials for the remaining volumes are 
ready1 so that1 if ,i can but make      
leisure1 there is little doubt that     
before long the whole work will be      
complete4  ,now1 first1 as to the name4 
,veda means originally knowing or       
knowledge1 and this name is given by the
 ,brahmans not to one work1 but to the  
whole body of their most ancient sacred 
literature4 ,veda is the same word which
 appears in the ,greek ,greek3 oida1 ,i 
know1 and in the ,english wise1 wisdom1 
to wit4#aj ,the name of ,veda is        
commonly given to four collections of   
hymns1 which are respectively known by  
the names of ,rig-veda1 ,yagur-veda1    
,sama-veda1 and ,atharva-veda2 but for  

our own purposes1 namely for tracing the
 earliest growth of religious ideas in  
,india1 the only important1 the only    
real ,veda1 is the ,rig-veda4  ,footnote
 #aj3  ,sanskrit      ,greek            
,gothic     ,anglo-,saxon     ,german   
veda          ,greek3 oida     vait     
wat           ich weiss vettha          
,greek3 oistha   vaist      wast        
du weisst veda          ,greek3 oide    
vait       wat           er weiss vidva 
--                vitu       --         
-- vidathuh    ,greek3 iston    vituts  
--            -- vidatuh     ,greek3    
iston    --         --            --    
vidma         ,greek3 ismen    vitum    
witon         wir wissen vida           
,greek3 iste     vituth     wite        
ihr wisset viduh       ,greek3 isasi    
vitun      witan         sie wissen4    
,the other so-called ,vedas1 which      
deserve the name of ,veda no more than  
the ,talmud deserves the name of ,bible1
 contain chiefly extracts from the      
,rig-veda1 together with sacrificial    

formulas1 charms1 and incantations1 many
 of them1 no doubt1 extremely curious1  
but never likely to interest any one    
except the ,sanskrit scholar by         
profession4  ,the ,yagur-veda and       
,sama-veda may be described as          
prayer-books1 arranged according to the 
order of certain sacrifices1 and        
intended to be used by certain classes  
of priests4  ,four classes of priests   
were required in ,india at the most     
solemn sacrifices3       #a4 ,the       
officiating priests1 manual labourers1  
and acolytes2      who have chiefly to  
prepare the sacrificial ground1 to dress
      the altar1 slay the victims1 and  
pour out the libations4       #b4 ,the  
choristers1 who chant the sacred hymns4 
#c4 ,the reciters or readers1 who repeat
 certain hymns4       #d4 ,the overseers
 or bishops1 who watch and superintend  
the      proceedings of the other       
priests1 and ought to be familiar       
with all the ,vedas4  ,the formulas and 
verses to be muttered by the first class

 are contained in the                   
,yagur-veda-sanhita4 ,the hymns to be   
sung by the second class are in the     
,sama-veda-sanhita4  ,the ,atharva-veda 
is said to be intended for the ,brahman 
or overseer1 who is to watch the        
proceedings of the sacrifice1 and to    
remedy any mistake that may occur4#aa   
,footnote #aa3 ',history of ,ancient    
,sanskrit ,literature1' p4 #ddi4        
,fortunately1 the hymns to be recited by
 the third class were not arranged in a 
sacrificial prayer-book1 but were       
preserved in an old collection of hymns1
 containing all that had been saved of  
ancient1 sacred1 and popular poetry1    
more like the ,psalms than like a       
ritual2 a collection made for its own   
sake1 and not for the sake of any       
sacrificial performances4  ,i shall1    
therefore1 confine my remarks to the    
,rig-veda1 which in the eyes of the     
historical student is the ,veda par     
excellence4 ,now ,rig-veda means the    
,veda of hymns of praise1 for ,rich1    

which before the initial soft letter of 
,veda is changed to ,rig1 is derived    
from a root which in ,sanskrit means to 
celebrate4  ,in the ,rig-veda we must   
distinguish again between the original  
collection of the hymns or ,mantras1    
called the ,sanhita or the collection1  
being entirely metrical and poetical1   
and a number of prose works1 called     
,brahmanas and ,sutras1 written in      
prose1 and giving information on the    
proper use of the hymns at sacrifices1  
on their sacred meaning1 on their       
supposed authors1 and similar topics4   
,these works1 too1 go by the name of    
,rig-veda3 but though very curious in   
themselves1 they are evidently of a much
 later period1 and of little help to us 
in tracing the beginnings of religious  
life in ,india4 ,for that purpose we    
must depend entirely on the hymns1 such 
as we find them in the ,sanhita or the  
collection of the ,rig-veda4  ,now this 
collection consists of ten books1 and   
contains altogether #ajbh hymns4 ,as    

early as about #fjj ,b4,c4 we find that 
in the theological schools of ,india    
every verse1 every word1 every syllable 
of the ,veda had been carefully counted4
 ,the number of verses as computed in   
treatises of that date1 varies from     
#aj1djb to #aj1fbb2 that of the words is
 #aec1hbf1 that of the syllables        
#dcb1jjj4ab ,with these numbers1 and    
with the description given in these     
early treatises of each hymn1 of its    
metre1 its deity1 its number of verses1 
our modern ,,mss4 of the ,veda          
correspond as closely as could be       
expected4  ,footnote #ab3 ',history of  
,ancient ,sanskrit ,literature1' second 
edition1 p4 #bai seq4  ,i say1 our      
modern ,,mss41 for all our ,,mss4 are   
modern1 and very modern4 ,few ,sanskrit 
,,mss4 are more than four or five       
hundred years old1 the fact being that  
in the damp climate of ,india no paper  
will last for more than a few centuries4
 ,how then1 you will naturally ask1 can 
it be proved that the original hymns    

were composed between #abjj and #aejj   
before the ,christian era1 if our ,,mss4
 only carry us back to about the same   
date after the ,christian era8 ,it is   
not very easy to bridge over this gulf  
of nearly three thousand years1 but all 
,i can say is that1 after carefully     
examining every possible objection that 
can be made against the date of the     
,vedic hymns1 their claim to that high  
antiquity which is ascribed to them1 has
 not1 as far as ,i can judge1 been      
shaken4 ,i shall try to explain on what 
kind of evidence these claims rest4     
,you know that we possess no ,,ms4 of   
the ,old ,testament in ,hebrew older    
than about the tenth century after the  
,christian era2 yet the ,septuagint     
translation by itself would be          
sufficient to prove that the ,old       
,testament1 such as we now read it1     
existed in ,,ms4 previous1 at least1 to 
the third century before our era4 ,by a 
similar train of argument1 the works to 
which ,i referred before1 in which we   

find every hymn1 every verse1 every word
 and syllable of the ,veda accurately   
counted by native scholars about five or
 six hundred years before ,christ1      
guarantee the existence of the ,veda1   
such as we now read it1 as far back at  
least as five or six hundred years      
before ,christ4 ,now in the works of    
that period1 the ,veda is already       
considered1 not only as an ancient1 but 
as a sacred book2 and1 more than this1  
its language had ceased to be generally 
intelligible4 ,the language of ,india   
had changed since the ,veda was         
composed1 and learned commentaries were 
necessary in order to explain to the    
people1 then living1 the true purport1  
nay1 the proper pronunciation1 of their 
sacred hymns4 ,but more than this4 ,in  
certain exegetical compositions1 which  
are generally comprised under the name  
of ,sutras1 and which are contemporary  
with1 or even anterior to1 the treatises
 on the theological statistics just     
mentioned1 not only are the ancient     

hymns represented as invested with      
sacred authority1 but that other class  
of writings1 the ,brahmanas1 standing   
half-way between the hymns and the      
,sutras1 have likewise been raised to   
the dignity of a revealed literature4   
,these ,brahmanas1 you will remember1   
are prose treatises1 written in         
illustration of the ancient sacrifices  
and of the hymns employed at them4 ,such
 treatises would only spring up when    
some kind of explanation began to be    
wanted both for the ceremonial and for  
the hymns to be recited at certain      
sacrifices1 and we find1 in consequence1
 that in many cases the authors of the  
,brahmanas had already lost the power of
 understanding the text of the ancient  
hymns in its natural and grammatical    
meaning1 and that they suggested the    
most absurd explanations of the various 
sacrificial acts1 most of which1 we may 
charitably suppose1 had originally some 
rational purpose4 ,thus it becomes      
evident that the period during which the

 hymns were composed must have been     
separated by some centuries1 at least1  
from the period that gave birth to the  
,brahmanas1 in order to allow time for  
the hymns growing unintelligible and    
becoming invested with a sacred         
character4 ,secondly1 the period during 
which the ,brahmanas were composed must 
be separated by some centuries from the 
authors of the ,sutras1 in order to     
allow time for further changes in the   
language1 and more particularly for the 
growth of a new theology1 which ascribed
 to the ,brahmanas the same exceptional 
and revealed character which the        
,brahmanas themselves ascribed to the   
hymns4 ,so that we want previously to   
#fjj ,b4,c41 when every syllable of the 
,veda was counted1 at least two strata  
of intellectual and literary growth1 of 
two or three centuries each2 and are    
thus brought to #aajj or #abjj ,b4,c4 as
 the earliest time when we may suppose  
the collection of the ,vedic hymns to   
have been finished4 ,this collection of 

hymns again contains1 by its own        
showing1 ancient and modern hymns1 the  
hymns of the sons together with the     
hymns of their fathers and earlier      
ancestors2 so that we cannot well assign
 a date more recent than #abjj to #aejj 
before our era1 for the original        
composition of those simple hymns which 
up to the present day are regarded by   
the ,brahmans with the same feelings    
with which a ,mohammedan regards the    
,koran1 a ,jew the ,old ,testament1 a   
,christian his ,gospel4  ,that the ,veda
 is not quite a modern forgery can be   
proved1 however1 by more tangible       
evidence4 ,hiouen-thsang1 a ,buddhist   
pilgrim1 who travelled from ,china to   
,india in the years #fbi-fde1 and who1  
in his diary translated from ,chinese   
into ,french by ,m4 ,stanislas ,julien1 
gives the names of the four ,vedas1     
mentions some grammatical forms peculiar
 to the ,vedic ,sanskrit1 and states    
that at his time young ,brahmans spent  
all their time1 from the seventh to the 

thirtieth year of their age1 in learning
 these sacred texts4 ,at the time when  
,hiouen-thsang was travelling in ,india1
 ,buddhism was clearly on the decline4  
,but ,buddhism was originally a reaction
 against ,brahmanism1 and chiefly       
against the exclusive privileges which  
the ,brahmans claimed1 and which from   
the beginning were represented by them  
as based on their revealed writings1 the
 ,vedas1 and hence beyond the reach of  
human attacks4 ,buddhism1 whatever the  
date of its founder1 became the state   
religion of ,india under ,asoka1 the    
,constantine of ,india1 in the middle of
 the third century ,b4,c4 ,this ,asoka  
was the third king of a new dynasty     
founded by ,kandragupta1 the well-known 
contemporary of ,alexander and          
,seleucus1 about #cae ,b4,c4 ,the       
preceding dynasty was that of the       
,nandas1 and it is under this dynasty   
that the traditions of the ,brahmans    
place a number of distinguished scholars
 whose treatises on the ,veda we still  

possess1 such as ,saunaka1 ,katyayana1  
,asvalayana1 and others4 ,their works1  
and others written with a similar object
 and in the same style1 carry us back to
 about #fjj ,b4,c4 ,this period of      
literature1 which is called the ,sutra  
period1 was preceded1 as we saw1 by     
another class of writings1 the          
,brahmanas1 composed in a very prolix   
and tedious style1 and containing       
lengthy lucubrations on the sacrifices  
and on the duties of the different      
classes of priests4 ,each of the three  
or four ,vedas1 or each of the three or 
four classes of priests1 has its own    
,brahmanas and its own ,sutras2 and as  
the ,brahmanas are presupposed by the   
,sutras1 while no ,sutra is ever quoted 
by the ,brahmanas1 it is clear that the 
period of the ,brahmana literature must 
have preceded the period of the ,sutra  
literature4 ,there are1 however1 old and
 new ,brahmanas1 and there are in the   
,brahmanas themselves long lists of     
teachers who handed down old ,brahmanas 

or composed new ones1 so that it seems  
impossible to accommodate the whole of  
that literature in less than two        
centuries1 from about #hjj to #fjj      
,b4,c4 ,before1 however1 a single       
,brahmana could have been composed1 it  
was not only necessary that there should
 have been one collection of ancient    
hymns1 like that contained in the ten   
books of the ,rig-veda1 but the three or
 four classes of priests must have been 
established1 the officiating priests and
 the choristers must have had their     
special prayer-books1 nay1 these        
prayer-books must have undergone certain
 changes1 because the ,brahmanas        
presuppose different texts1 called      
sakhas1 of each of these prayer-books1  
which are called the                    
,yagur-veda-sanhita1 the                
,sama-veda-sanhita1 and the             
,atharva-veda-sanhita4 ,the work of     
collecting the prayers for the different
 classes of priests1 and of adding new  
hymns and formulas for purely           

sacrificial purposes1 belonged probably 
to the tenth century ,b4,c41 and three  
generations more would1 at least1 be    
required to account for the various     
readings adopted in the prayer-books by 
different sects1 and invested with a    
kind of sacred authority1 long before   
the composition of even the earliest    
among the ,brahmanas4 ,if1 therefore1   
the years from about #ajjj to #hjj      
,b4,c4 are assigned to this collecting  
age1 the time before #ajjj ,b4,c4 must  
be set apart for the free and natural   
growth of what was then national and    
religious1 but not yet sacred and       
sacrificial poetry4 ,how far back this  
period extends it is impossible to tell2
 it is enough if the hymns of the       
,rig-veda can be traced to a period     
anterior to #ajjj ,b4,c4  ,much in the  
chronological arrangement of the three  
periods of ,vedic literature that are   
supposed to have followed the period of 
the original growth of the hymns1 must  
of necessity be hypothetical1 and has   

been put forward rather to invite than  
to silence criticism4 ,in order to      
discover truth1 we must be truthful     
ourselves1 and must welcome those who   
point out our errors as heartily as     
those who approve and confirm our       
discoveries4 ,what seems1 however1 to   
speak strongly in favour of the         
historical character of the three       
periods of ,vedic literature is the     
uniformity of style which marks the     
productions of each4 ,in modern         
literature we find1 at one and the same 
time1 different styles of prose and     
poetry cultivated by one and the same   
author4 ,a ,goethe writes tragedy1      
comedy1 satire1 lyrical poetry1 and     
scientific prose2 but we find nothing   
like this in primitive literature4 ,the 
individual is there much less prominent1
 and the poet's character disappears in 
the general character of the layer of   
literature to which he belongs4 ,it is  
the discovery of such large layers of   
literature following each other in      

regular succession which inspires the   
critical historian with confidence in   
the truly historical character of the   
successive literary productions of      
ancient ,india4 ,as in ,greece there is 
an epic age of literature1 where we     
should look in vain for prose or        
dramatic poetry2 as in that country we  
never meet with real elegiac poetry     
before the end of the eighth century1   
nor with iambics before the same date2  
as even in more modern times rhymed     
heroic poetry appears in ,england with  
the ,norman conquest1 and in ,germany   
the ,minnesaenger rise and set with the 
,swabian dynasty--so1 only in a much    
more decided manner1 we see in the      
ancient and spontaneous literature of   
,india1 an age of poets followed by an  
age of collectors and imitators1 that   
age to be succeeded by an age of        
theological prose writers1 and this last
 by an age of writers of scientific     
manuals4 ,new wants produced new        
supplies1 and nothing sprang up or was  

allowed to live1 in prose or poetry1    
except what was really wanted4 ,if the  
works of poets1 collectors1 imitators1  
theologians1 and teachers were all mixed
 up together--if the ,brahmanas quoted  
the ,sutras1 and the hymns alluded to   
the ,brahmanas--an historical           
restoration of the ,vedic literature of 
,india would be almost an impossibility4
 ,we should suspect artificial          
influences1 and look with small         
confidence on the historical character  
of such a literary agglomerate4 ,but he 
who would question the antiquity of the 
,veda must explain how the layers of    
literature were formed that are         
super-imposed over the original stratum 
of the poetry of the ,rishis2 he who    
would suspect a literary forgery must   
show how1 when1 and for what purpose the
 #ajjj hymns of the ,rig-veda could have
 been forged1 and have become the basis 
of the religious1 moral1 political1 and 
literary life of the ancient inhabitants
 of ,india4  ,the idea of revelation1   

and ,i mean more particularly           
book-revelation1 is not a modern idea1  
nor is it an idea peculiar to           
,christianity4 ,though we look for it in
 vain in the literature of ,greece and  
,rome1 we find the literature of ,india 
saturated with this idea from beginning 
to end4 ,in no country1 ,i believe1 has 
the theory of revelation been so        
minutely elaborated as in ,india4 ,the  
name for revelation in ,sanskrit is     
,sruti1 which means hearing2 and this   
title distinguishes the ,vedic hymns    
and1 at a later time1 the ,brahmanas    
also1 from all other works1 which1      
however sacred1 and authoritative to the
 ,hindu mind1 are admitted to have been 
composed by human authors4 ,the ,laws of
 ,manu1 for instance1 according to the  
,brahmanic theology1 are not revelation2
 they are not ,sruti1 but only ,smriti1 
which means recollection or tradition4  
,if these laws or any other work of     
authority can be proved on any point to 
be at variance with a single passage of 

the ,veda1 their authority is at once   
overruled4 ,according to the orthodox   
views of ,indian theologians1 not a     
single line of the ,veda was the work of
 human authors4 ,the whole ,veda is in  
some way or other the work of the       
,deity2 and even those who received the 
revelation1 or1 as they express it1     
those who saw it1 were not supposed to  
be ordinary mortals1 but beings raised  
above the level of common humanity1 and 
less liable therefore to error in the   
reception of revealed truth4 ,the views 
entertained of revelation by the        
orthodox theologians of ,india are far  
more minute and elaborate than those of 
the most extreme advocates of verbal    
inspiration in ,europe4 ,the human      
element1 called paurusheyatva in        
,sanskrit1 is driven out of every corner
 or hiding-place1 and as the ,veda is   
held to have existed in the mind of the 
,deity before the beginning of time1    
every allusion to historical events1 of 
which there are not a few1 is explained 

away with a zeal and ingenuity worthy of
 a better cause4  ,but let me state at  
once that there is nothing in the hymns 
themselves to warrant such extravagant  
theories4 ,in many a hymn the author    
says plainly that he or his friends made
 it to please the gods2 that he made it1
 as a carpenter makes a chariot 7,rv4   
,i4 #acj1 #f2 ,v4 #b1 #aa71 or like a   
beautiful vesture 7,rv4 ,v4 #bi1 #ae72  
that he fashioned it in his heart and   
kept it in his mind 7,rv4 ,i4 #aga1 #b72
 that he expects1 as his reward1 the    
favour of the god whom he celebrates    
7,rv4 ,,iv4 #f1 #ba74 ,but though the   
poets of the ,veda know nothing of the  
artificial theories of verbal           
inspiration1 they were not altogether   
unconscious of higher influences3 nay1  
they speak of their hymns as god-given  
7'devattam1' ,rv4 ,,iii4 #cg1 #d74 ,one 
poets says 7,rv4 ,,vi4 #dg1 #aj73 ',o   
god 7,indra7 have mercy1 give me my     
daily bread6 ,sharpen my mind1 like the 
edge of iron4 ,whatever ,i now may      

utter1 longing for thee1 do thou accept 
it2 make me possessed of ,god6' ,another
 utters for the first time the famous   
hymn1 the ,gayatri1 which now for more  
than three thousand years has been the  
daily prayer of every ,brahman1 and is  
still repeated every morning by millions
 of pious worshippers3 ',let us meditate
 on the adorable light of the divine    
,creator3 may he rouse our minds4'#ac   
,this consciousness of higher           
influences1 or of divine help in those  
who uttered for the first time the      
simple words of prayer1 praise1 and     
thanksgiving1 is very different1        
however1 from the artificial theories of
 verbal inspiration which we find in the
 later theological writings2 it is      
indeed but another expression of that   
deepfelt dependence on the ,deity1 of   
that surrender and denial of all that   
seems to be self1 which was felt more or
 less by every nation1 but by none1 ,i  
believe1 more strongly1 more constantly1
 than by the ,indian4 ,it is ,he that   

has made it1--namely1 the prayer in     
which the soul of the poet has thrown   
off her burden1--is but a variation of1 
,it is ,he that has made us1 which is   
the key-note of all religion1 whether   
ancient or modern1 whether natural or   
revealed4  ,i must say no more to-night 
of what the ,veda is1 for ,i am very    
anxious to explain to you1 as far as it 
is possible1 what ,i consider to be the 
real importance of the ,veda to the     
student of history1 to the student of   
religion1 to the student of mankind4    
,footnote #ac3 ',tat ,savitur varenyam  
bhargo devasya dhimahi1 dhiyo yo nah    
prakodayat4'--,colebrooke1              
',miscellaneous ,essays1' i4 #cj4 ,many 
passages bearing on this subject have   
been collected by ,dr4 ,muir in the     
third volume of his ',sanskrit ,texts1' 
p4 #aad seq4  ,in the study of mankind  
there can hardly be a subject more      
deeply interesting than the study of the
 different forms of religion2 and much  
as ,i value the ,science of ,language   

for the aid which it lends us in        
unraveling some of the most complicated 
tissues of the human intellect1 ,i      
confess that to my mind there is no     
study more absorbing than that of the   
,religions of the ,world1--the study1 if
 ,i may so call it1 of the various      
languages in which man has spoken to his
 ,maker1 and of that language in which  
his ,maker at sundry times and in divers
 manners spake to man4  ,to my mind the 
great epochs in the world's history are 
marked not by the foundation or the     
destruction of empires1 by the          
migrations of races1 or by ,french      
revolutions4 ,all this is outward       
history1 made up of events that seem    
gigantic and overpowering to those only 
who cannot see beyond and beneath4 ,the 
real history of man is the history of   
religion--the wonderful ways by which   
the different families of the human race
 advanced towards a truer knowledge and 
a deeper love of ,god4 ,this is the     
foundation that underlies all profane   

history3 it is the light1 the soul1 and 
life of history1 and without it all     
history would indeed be profane4  ,on   
this subject there are some excellent   
works in ,english1 such as ,mr4         
,maurice's ,lectures on the ,religions  
of the ,world1 or ,mr4 ,hardwick's      
,christ and other ,masters2 in ,german1 
,i need only mention ,hegel's           
,philosophy of ,religion1 out of many   
other learned treatises on the different
 systems of religion in the ,east and   
the ,west4 ,but in all these works      
religions are treated very much as      
languages were treated during the last  
century4 ,they are rudely classed1      
either according to the different       
localities in which they prevailed1 just
 as in ,adelung's ,mithridates you find 
the languages of the world classified as
 ,european1 ,african1 ,american1        
,asiatic1 etc42 or according to their   
age1 as formerly languages used to be   
divided into ancient and modern2 or     
according to their respective dignity1  

as languages used to be treated as      
sacred or profane1 as classical or      
illiterate4 ,now you know that the      
,science of ,language has sanctioned a  
totally different system of             
classification2 and that the            
,comparative ,philologist ignores       
altogether the division of languages    
according to their locality1 or         
according to their age1 or according to 
their classical or illiterate character4
 ,languages are now classified          
genealogically1 i4 e4 according to their
 real relationship2 and the most        
important languages of ,asia1 ,europe1  
and ,africa1--that is to say1 of that   
part of the world on which what we call 
the history of man has been acted1--have
 been grouped together into three great 
divisions1 the ,aryan or ,indo-,european
 ,family1 the ,semitic ,family1 and the 
,turanian ,class4 ,according to that    
division you are aware that ,english1   
together with all the ,teutonic         
languages of the ,continent1 ,celtic1   

,slavonic1 ,greek1 ,latin with its      
modern offshoots1 such as ,french and   
,italian1 ,persian1 and ,sanskrit1 are  
so many varieties of one common type of 
speech3 that ,sanskrit1 the ancient     
language of the ,veda1 is no more       
distinct from the ,greek of ,homer1 or  
from the ,gothic of ,ulfilas1 or from   
the ,anglo-,saxon of ,alfred1 than      
,french is from ,italian4 ,all these    
languages together form one family1 one 
whole1 in which every member shares     
certain features in common with all the 
rest1 and is at the same time           
distinguished from the rest by certain  
features peculiarly its own4 ,the the   
world on which what we call the history 
of man has been acted1 have been grouped
 together into three great divisions1   
the ,aryan or ,indo-,european ,family1  
the ,semitic ,family1 and the ,turanian 
,class4 ,according to that division you 
are aware that ,english together with   
all the ,teutonic languages of the      
,continent1 ,celtic1 ,slavonic1 ,greek1 

,latin with its modern offshoots1 such  
as ,french and ,italian1 ,persian1 and  
,sanskrit1 are so many varieties of one 
common type of speech3 that ,sanskrit1  
the ancient language of the ,veda1 is no
 more distinct from the ,greek of       
,homer1 or from the ,gothic of ,ulfilas1
 or from the ,anglo-,saxon of ,alfred1  
than ,french is from ,italian4 ,all     
these languages together form one       
family1 one whole1 in which every member
 shares certain features in common with 
all the rest1 and is at the same time   
distinguished from the rest by certain  
features peculiarly its own4 ,the same  
applies to the ,semitic ,family1 which  
comprises1 as its most important        
members1 the ,hebrew of the ,old        
,testament1 the ,arabic of the ,koran1  
and the ancient languages on the        
monuments of ,phenicia and ,carthage1 of
 ,babylon and ,assyria4 ,these          
languages1 again1 form a compact family1
 and differ entirely from the other     
family1 which we called ,aryan or       

,indo-,european4 ,the third group of    
languages1 for we can hardly call it a  
family1 comprises most of the remaining 
languages of ,asia1 and counts among its
 principal members the ,tungusic1       
,mongolic1 ,turkic1 ,samoyedic1 and     
,finnic1 together with the languages of 
,siam1 the ,malay islands1 ,tibet1 and  
,southern ,india4 ,lastly1 the ,chinese 
language stands by itself1 as           
monosyllabic1 the only remnant of the   
earliest formation of human speech4     
,now ,i believe that the same division  
which has introduced a new and natural  
order into the history of languages1 and
 has enabled us to understand the growth
 of human speech in a manner never      
dreamt of in former days1 will be found 
applicable to a scientific study of     
religions4 ,i shall say nothing to-night
 of the ,semitic or ,turanian or        
,chinese religions1 but confine my      
remarks to the religions of the ,aryan  
family4 ,these religions1 though more   
important in the ancient history of the 

world1 as the religions of the ,greeks  
and ,romans1 of our own ,teutonic       
ancestors1 and of the ,celtic and       
,slavonic races1 are nevertheless of    
great importance even at the present    
day4 ,for although there are no longer  
any worshippers of ,zeus1 or ,jupiter1  
of ,wodan1 ,esus1#ad or ,perkunas1#ae   
the two religions of ,aryan origin which
 still survive1 ,brahmanism and         
,buddhism1 claim together a decided     
majority among the inhabitants of the   
globe4 ,out of the whole population of  
the world1  #ca4b per cent are          
,buddhists1 #ac4d per cent are          
,brahmanists1 ---- #dd4f  which together
 gives us #dd per cent for what may be  
called living ,aryan religions4 ,of the 
remaining #ef per cent1 #ae4g are       
,mohammedans1 #h4g per cent non-descript
 ,heathens1 #cj4g per cent ,christians1 
and only ,o4#c per cent ,jews4          
,footnote #ad3 ,mommsen1 ',inscriptiones
 ,helveticae1' #dj4 ,becker1 ',die      
inschriftlichen ,ueberreste der         

,keltischen ,sprache1' in ',beitraege   
zur ,vergleichenden ,sprachforschung1'  
vol4 iii4 p4 #cda4 ,lucau1 ,phars4 #a1  
#dde1 'horrensque feris altaribus       
,hesus4'  ,footnote #ae3 ,cf4 ,g4       
,buehler1 ',ueber ,parjanya1' in        
,benfey's ',orient und ,occident1' vol4 
i4 p4 #bad4  ,now1 as a scientific study
 of the ,aryan languages became possible
 only after the discovery of ,sanskrit1 
a scientific study of the ,aryan        
religion dates really from the discovery
 of the ,veda4 ,the study of ,sanskrit  
brought to light the original documents 
of three religions1 the ,sacred ,books  
of the ,brahmans1 the ,sacred ,books of 
the ,magians1 the followers of          
,zoroaster1 and the ,sacred ,books of   
the ,buddhists4 ,fifty years ago1 these 
three collections of sacred writings    
were all but unknown1 their very        
existence was doubted1 and there was not
 a single scholar who could have        
translated a line of the ,veda1 a line  
of the ,zend-,avesta1 or a line of the  

,buddhist ,tripitaka4 ,at present large 
portions of these1 the canonical        
writings of the most ancient and most   
important religions of the ,aryan race1 
are published and deciphered1 and we    
begin to see a natural progress1 and    
almost a logical necessity1 in the      
growth of these three systems of        
worship4 ,the oldest1 most primitive1   
most simple form of ,aryan faith finds  
its expression in the ,veda4 ,the       
,zend-,avesta represents in its         
language1 as well as in its thoughts1 a 
branching off from that more primitive  
stem2 a more or less conscious          
opposition to the worship of the gods of
 nature1 as adored in the ,veda1 and a  
striving after a more spiritual1        
supreme1 moral deity1 such as ,zoroaster
 proclaimed under the name of ,ahura    
mazda1 or ,ormuzd4 ,buddhism1 lastly1   
marks a decided schism1 a decided       
antagonism against the established      
religion of the ,brahmans1 a denial of  
the true divinity of the ,vedic gods1   

and a proclamation of new philosophical 
and social doctrines4  ,without the     
,veda1 therefore1 neither the reforms of
 ,zoroaster nor the new teaching of     
,buddha would have been intelligible3 we
 should not know what was behind them1  
or what forces impelled ,zoroaster and  
,buddha to the founding of new          
religions2 how much they received1 how  
much they destroyed1 how much they      
created4 ,take but one word in the      
religious phraseology of these three    
systems4 ,in the ,veda the gods are     
called ,deva4 ,this word in ,sanskrit   
means bright1--brightness or light being
 one of the most general attributes     
shared by the various manifestations of 
the ,deity1 invoked in the ,veda1 as    
,sun1 or ,sky1 or ,fire1 or ,dawn1 or   
,storm4 ,we can see1 in fact1 how in the
 minds of the poets of the ,veda1 deva  
from meaning bright1 came gradually to  
mean divine4 ,in the ,zend-,avesta the  
same word daeva means evil spirit4 ,many
 of the ,vedic gods1 with ,indra at     

their head1 have been degraded to the   
position of daevas1 in order to make    
room for ,ahura mazda1 the ,wise        
,spirit1 as the supreme deity of the    
,zoroastrians4 ,in his confession of    
faith the follower of ,zoroaster        
declares3 ',i cease to be a worshipper  
of the daevas4' ,in ,buddhism1 again1 we
 find these ancient ,devas1 ,indra and  
the rest1 as merely legendary beings1   
carried about at shows1 as servants of  
,buddha1 as goblins or fabulous heroes2 
but no longer either worshipped or even 
feared by those with whom the name of   
,deva had lost every trace of its       
original meaning4 ,thus this one word   
,deva marks the mutual relations of     
these three religions4 ,but more than   
this4 ,the same word deva is the ,latin 
deus1 thus pointing to that common      
source of language and religion1 far    
beyond the heights of the ,vedic        
,olympus1 from which the ,romans1 as    
well as the ,hindus1 draw the names of  
their deities1 and the elements of their

 language as well as of their religion4 
,the ,veda1 by its language and its     
thoughts1 supplies that distant         
background in the history of all the    
religions of the ,aryan race1 which was 
missed indeed by every careful observer1
 but which formerly could be supplied by
 guess-work only4 ,how the ,persians    
came to worship ,ormuzd1 how the        
,buddhists came to protest against      
temples and sacrifices1 how ,zeus and   
the ,olympian gods came to be what they 
are in the mind of ,homer1 or how such  
beings as ,jupiter and ,mars came to be 
worshipped by the ,italian peasant3--all
 these questions1 which used to yield   
material for endless and baseless       
speculations1 can now be answered by a  
simple reference to the hymns of the    
,veda4 ,the religion of the ,veda is not
 the source of all the other religions  
of the ,aryan world1 nor is ,sanskrit   
the mother of all the ,aryan languages4 
,sanskrit1 as compared to ,greek and    
,latin1 is an elder sister1 not a       

parent3 ,sanskrit is the earliest       
deposit of ,aryan speech1 as the ,veda  
is the earliest deposit of ,aryan faith4
 ,but the religion and incipient        
mythology of the ,veda possess the same 
simplicity and transparency which       
distinguish the grammar of ,sanskrit    
from ,greek1 ,latin1 or ,german grammar4
 ,we can watch in the ,veda ideas and   
their names growing1 which in ,persia1  
,greece1 and ,rome we meet with only as 
full-grown or as fast decaying4 ,we get 
one step nearer to that distant source  
of religious thought and language which 
has fed the different national streams  
of ,persia1 ,greece1 ,rome1 and         
,germany2 and we begin to see clearly1  
what ought never to have been doubted1  
that there is no religion without ,god1 
or1 as ,st4 ,augustine expressed1 that  
'there is no false religion which does  
not contain some elements of truth4'  ,i
 do not wish by what ,i have said to    
raise any exaggerated expectations as to
 the worth of these ancient hymns of the

 ,veda1 and the character of that       
religion which they indicate rather than
 fully describe4 ,the historical        
importance of the ,veda can hardly be   
exaggerated1 but its intrinsic merit1   
and particularly the beauty or elevation
 of its sentiments1 have by many been   
rated far too high4 ,large numbers of   
the ,vedic hymns are childish in the    
extreme3 tedious1 low1 common-place4    
,the gods are constantly invoked to     
protect their worshippers1 to grant them
 food1 large flocks1 large families1 and
 a long life2 for all which benefits    
they are to be rewarded by the praises  
and sacrifices offered day after day1 or
 at certain seasons of the year4 ,but   
hidden in this rubbish there are        
precious stones4 ,only in order to      
appreciate them justly1 we must try to  
divest ourselves of the common notions  
about ,polytheism1 so repugnant not only
 to our feelings1 but to our            
understanding4 ,no doubt1 if we must    
employ technical terms1 the religion of 

the ,veda is ,polytheism1 not           
,monotheism4 ,deities are invoked by    
different names1 some clear and         
intelligible1 such as ,agni1 fire2      
,surya1 the sun2 ,ushas1 dawn2 ,maruts1 
the storms2 ,prithivi1 the earth2 ,ap1  
the waters2 ,nadi1 the rivers2 others   
such as ,varuna1 ,mitra1 ,indra1 which  
have become proper names1 and disclose  
but dimly their original application to 
the great aspects of nature1 the sky1   
the sun1 the day4 ,but whenever one of  
these individual gods is invoked1 they  
are not conceived as limited by the     
powers of others1 as superior or        
inferior in rank4 ,each god is to the   
mind of the supplicant as good as all   
gods4 ,he is felt1 at the time1 as a    
real divinity1--as supreme and          
absolute1--without a suspicion of those 
limitations which1 to our mind1 a       
plurality of gods must entail on every  
single god4 ,all the rest disappear for 
a moment from the vision of the poet1   
and he only who is to fulfill their     

desires stands in full light before the 
eyes of the worshippers4 ,in one hymn1  
ascribed to ,manu1 the poet says3 ,among
 you1 ,o gods1 there is none that is    
small1 none that is young2 you are all  
great indeed4 ,and this is indeed the   
key-note of the ancient ,aryan worship4 
,yet it would be easy to find in the    
numerous hymns of the ,veda1 passages in
 which almost every important deity is  
represented as supreme and absolute4    
,thus in one hymn1 ,agni 7fire7 is      
called the ruler of the universe1 the   
lord of men1 the wise king1 the father1 
the brother1 the son1 the friend of man2
 nay1 all the powers and names of the   
other gods are distinctly ascribed to   
,agni4 ,but though ,agni is thus highly 
exalted1 nothing is said to disparage   
the divine character of the other gods4 
,in another hymn another god1 ,indra1 is
 said to be greater than all3 ,the gods1
 it is said1 do not reach thee1 ,indra1 
nor men2 thou overcomest all creatures  
in strength4 ,another god1 ,soma1 is    

called the king of the world1 the king  
of heaven and earth1 the conqueror of   
all4 ,and what more could human language
 achieve1 in trying to express the idea 
of a divine and supreme power1 than what
 another poet says of another god1      
,varuna3 ,thou art lord of all1 of      
heaven and earth2 thou art the king of  
all1 of those who are gods1 and of those
 who are men6  ,this surely is not what 
is commonly understood by ,polytheism4  
,yet it would be equally wrong to call  
it ,monotheism4 ,if we must have a name 
for it1 ,i should call it               
,kathenotheism4 ,the consciousness that 
all the deities are but different names 
of one and the same godhead1 breaks     
forth indeed here and there in the      
,veda4 ,but it is far from being        
general4 ,one poet1 for instance1 says  
7,rv4 ,i4 #afd1 #df73 ,they call him    
,indra1 ,mitra1 ,varuna1 ,agni2 then he 
is the beautiful-winged heavenly        
,garutmat3 that which is ,one the wise  
call it in divers manners3 they call it 

,agni1 ,yama1 ,matarisvan4 ,and again   
7,rv4 ,x4 #aad1 #e73 ,wise poets make   
the beautiful-winged1 though he is one1 
manifold by words4         99       99  
99       99       99  ,i shall read you 
a few ,vedic verses1 in which the       
religious sentiment predominates1 and in
 which we perceive a yearning after     
truth1 and after the true ,god1         
untrammeled as yet by any names or any  
traditions#af 7,rv4 ,x4 #aba73--        
,footnote #af3 ,history of ,ancient     
,sanskrit ,literature1 p4 #efi4         
#a4 ,in the beginning there arose the   
golden ,child--,he was the      one born
 lord of all that is4 ,he stablished the
 earth1 and      this sky2--,who is the 
,god to whom we shall offer our         
sacrifice8       #b4 ,he who gives life1
 ,he who gives strength2 whose command  
all the bright gods revere2 whose shadow
 is immortality1      whose shadow is   
death2--,who is the ,god to whom we     
shall      offer our sacrifice8         
#c4 ,he who through ,his power is the   

one king of the breathing      and      
awakening world--,he who governs all1   
man and beast2--,who      is the ,god to
 whom we shall offer our sacrifice8     
#d4 ,he whose greatness these snowy     
mountains1 whose greatness      the sea 
proclaims1 with the distant river--,he  
whose these      regions are1 as it were
 ,his two arms2--,who is the ,god to    
whom we shall offer our sacrifice8      
#e4 ,he through whom the sky is bright  
and the earth firm--,he      through    
whom the heaven was stablished1--nay1   
the highest      heaven1--,he who       
measured out the light in the air2--,who
 is      the ,god to whom we shall offer
 our sacrifice8       #f4 ,he to whom   
heaven and earth1 standing firm by ,his 
will1      look up1 trembling           
inwardly--,he over whom the rising sun  
shines forth2--,who is the ,god to whom 
we shall offer our      sacrifice8      
#g4 ,wherever the mighty water-clouds   
went1 where they placed      the seed   
and lit the fire1 thence arose ,he who  

is the sole      life of the bright     
gods2--,who is the ,god to whom we shall
      offer our sacrifice8       #h4 ,he
 who by ,his might looked even over the 
water-clouds1      the clouds which gave
 strength and lit the sacrifice2 ,he who
      alone is ,god above all gods2--   
#i4 ,may ,he not destroy us--,he the    
creator of the earth2 or      ,he1 the  
righteous1 who created the heaven2 ,he  
also created      the bright and mighty 
waters2--,who is the ,god to whom we    
shall offer our sacrifice8#ag  ,the     
following may serve as specimens of     
hymns addressed to individual deities   
whose names have become the centres of  
religious thought and legendary         
traditions2 deities1 in fact1 like      
,jupiter1 ,apollo1 ,mars1 or ,minerva1  
no longer mere germs1 but fully         
developed forms of early thought and    
language3  ,footnote #ag3 ,a last verse 
is added1 which entirely spoils the     
poetical beauty and the whole character 
of the hymn4 ,its later origin seems to 

have struck even native critics1 for the
 author of the ,pada text did not       
receive it4 ',o ,pragapati1 no other    
than thou hast embraced all these       
created things2 may what we desired when
 we called on thee1 be granted to us1   
may we be lords of riches4'       ,,hymn
 ,,to ,,indra 7,rv4 ,i4 #ec74ah         
#a4 ,keep silence well6#ai we offer     
praises to the great      ,indra in the 
house of the sacrificer4 ,does he find  
treasure      for those who are like    
sleepers8 ,mean praise is not valued    
among the munificent4       #b4 ,thou   
art the giver of horses1 ,indra1 thou   
art the giver      of cows1 the giver of
 corn1 the strong lord of wealth3 the   
old guide of man1 disappointing no      
desires1 a friend to      friends3--to  
him we address this song4       #c4 ,o  
powerful ,indra1 achiever of many works1
 most brilliant      god--all this      
wealth around here is known to be thine 
alone3      take from it1 conqueror6    
bring it hither6 ,do not stint the      

desire of the worshipper who longs for  
thee6       #d4 ,on these days thou art 
gracious1 and on these      nights1#bj  
keeping off the enemy from our cows and 
from      our stud4 ,tearing#ba the     
fiend night after night with the        
help of ,indra1 let us rejoice in food1 
freed from haters4       #e4 ,let us    
rejoice1 ,indra1 in treasure and food1  
in wealth of      manifold delight and  
splendour4 ,let us rejoice in the       
blessing of the gods1 which gives us the
 strength of      offspring1 gives us   
cows first and horses4       #f4 ,these 
draughts inspired thee1 ,o lord of the  
brave6 these      were vigour1 these    
libations1 in battles1 when for the sake
      of the poet1 the sacrificer1 thou 
struckest down      irresistibly ten    
thousands of enemies4       #g4 ,from   
battle to battle thou advancest bravely1
 from town      to town thou destroyest 
all this with might1 when thou1         
,indra1 with ,nami as thy friend1       
struckest down from afar the            

deceiver ,namuki4       #h4 ,thou hast  
slain ,karanga and ,parnaya with the    
brightest spear of ,atithigva4 ,without 
a helper thou didst      demolish the   
hundred cities of ,vangrida1 which were 
besieged by ,rigisvan4       #i4 ,thou  
hast felled down with the chariot-wheel 
these twenty      kings of men1 who had 
attacked the friendless                 
,susravas1#bb and gloriously the sixty  
thousand and      ninety-nine forts4    
#aj4 ,thou1 ,indra1 hast succoured      
,susravas with thy      succours1       
,turvayana with thy protections4 ,thou  
hast made      ,kutsa1 ,atithigva1 and  
,ayu subject to this mighty youthful    
king4       #aa4 ,we who in future1     
protected by the gods1 wish to be thy   
most blessed friends1 we shall praise   
thee1 blessed by thee      with         
offspring1 and enjoying henceforth a    
longer life4  ,footnote #ah3 ,i subjoin 
for some of the hymns here translated1  
the translation of the late ,professor  
,wilson1 in order to show what kind of  

difference there is between the         
traditional rendering of the ,vedic     
hymns1 as adopted by him1 and their     
interpretation according to the rules of
 modern scholarship3  #a4 ,we ever offer
 fitting praise to the mighty ,indra1 in
 the dwelling of the worshipper1 by     
which he 7the deity7 has quickly        
acquired riches1 as 7a thief7 hastily   
carries 7off the property7 of the       
sleeping4 ,praise ill expressed is not  
valued among the munificent4  #b4 ,thou1
 ,indra1 art the giver of horses1 of    
cattle1 of barley1 the master and       
protector of wealth1 the foremost in    
liberality1 7the being7 of many days2   
thou disappointest not desires          
7addressed to thee72 thou art a friend  
to our friends3 such an ,indra we       
praise4  #c4 ,wise and resplendent      
,indra1 the achiever of great deeds1 the
 riches that are spread around are known
 to be thine3 having collected them1    
victor 7over thy enemies71 bring them to
 us3 disappoint not the expectation of  

the worshipper who trusts in thee4  #d4 
,propitiated by these offerings1 by     
these libations1 dispel poverty with    
cattle and horses3 may we1 subduing our 
adversary1 and relieved from enemies by 
,indra1 7pleased7 by our libations1     
enjoy together abundant food4  #e4      
,indra1 may we become possessed of      
riches1 and of food2 and with energies  
agreeable to many1 and shining around1  
may we prosper through thy divine       
favour1 the source of prowess1 of       
cattle1 and of horses4  #f4 ,those who  
were thy allies1 7the ,maruts17 brought 
thee joy3 protector of the pious1 those 
libations and oblations 7that were      
offered thee on slaying ,vritra71       
yielded thee delight1 when thou1        
unimpeded by foes1 didst destroy the ten
 thousand obstacles opposed to him who  
praised thee and offered thee libations4
  #g4 ,humiliator 7of adversaries71 thou
 goest from battle to battle1 and       
destroyest by thy might city after city3
 with thy foe-prostrating associate1    

7the thunderbolt17 thou1 ,indra1 didst  
slay afar off the deceiver named        
,namuki4  #h4 ,thou hast slain ,karanga 
and ,parnaya with thy bright gleaming   
spear1 in the cause of ,atithigva3      
unaided1 thou didst demolish the hundred
 cities of ,vangrida1 when besieged by  
,rigisvan4  #i4 ,thou1 renowned ,indra1 
overthrewest by thy not-to-be-overtaken 
chariot-wheel1 the twenty kings of men1 
who had come against ,susravas1 unaided1
 and their sixty thousand and ninety and
 nine followers4  #aj4 ,thou1 ,indra1   
hast preserved ,susravas by thy succour1
 ,turvayana1 by thy assistance3 thou    
hast made ,kutsa1 ,atithigva1 and ,ayu  
subject to the mighty though youthful   
,susravas4  #aa4 ,protected by the gods1
 we remain1 ,indra1 at the close of the 
sacrifice1 thy most fortunate friends3  
we praise thee1 as enjoying through thee
 excellent offspring1 and a long and    
prosperous life4  ,footnote #ai3 ,favete
 linguis4  ,footnote #bj3 ,cf4 ,rv4 ,i4 
#aab1 #be1 'dyubhir aktubhih1' by day   

and by night2 also ,rv4 ,,iii4 #ca1 #af4
 ,m4 ,m41 ',todtenbestattung1' p4 v4    
,footnote #ba3 ,professor ,benfey reads 
durayantah1 but all ,,mss4 that ,i know1
 without exception1 read darayantah4    
,the next hymn is one of many addressed 
to ,agni as the god of fire1 not only   
the fire as a powerful element1 but     
likewise the fire of the hearth and the 
altar1 the guardian of the house1 the   
minister of the sacrifice1 the messenger
 between gods and men3  ,footnote #bb3  
,see ,spiegel1 ',eran1' p4 #bfi1 on     
,khai ,khosru  ,susravas4       ,,hymn  
,,to ,,agni 7,rv4 ,,ii4 #f74       #a4  
,agni1 accept this log which ,i offer to
 thee1 accept this      my service2     
listen well to these my songs4       #b4
 ,with this log1 ,o ,agni1 may we       
worship thee1 thou son of      strength1
 conqueror of horses6 and with this     
hymn1 thou      high-born6       #c4    
,may we thy servants serve thee with    
songs1 ,o granter of      riches1 thou  
who lovest songs and delightest in      

riches4       #d4 ,thou lord of wealth  
and giver of wealth1 be thou wise and   
powerful2 drive away from us the        
enemies6       #e4 ,he gives us rain    
from heaven1 he gives us inviolable     
strength1 he gives us food a            
thousandfold4       #f4 ,youngest of the
 gods1 their messenger1 their invoker1  
most deserving of worship1 come1 at our 
praise1 to him who      worships thee   
and longs for thy help4       #g4 ,for  
thou1 ,o sage1 goest wisely between     
these two      creations 7heaven and    
earth1 gods and men71 like a friendly   
messenger between two hamlets4       #h4
 ,thou art wise1 and thou hast been     
pleased2 perform thou1      intelligent 
,agni1 the sacrifice without            
interruption1 sit      down on this     
sacred grass6  ,the following hymn1     
partly laudatory1 partly deprecatory1 is
 addressed to the ,maruts or ,rudras1   
the ,storm-gods3       ,,hymn ,,to ,,the
 ,,maruts 7,rv4 ,i4 #ci74bc       #a4   
,when you thus from afar cast forward   

your measure1 like a      blast of fire1
 through whose wisdom is it1 through    
whose      design8 ,to whom do you go1  
to whom1 ye shakers 7of the      earth78
       #b4 ,may your weapons be firm to 
attack1 strong also to      withstand6  
,may yours be the more glorious         
strength1 not that      of the deceitful
 mortal6       #c4 ,when you overthrow  
what is firm1 ,o ye men1 and whirl      
about what is heavy1 ye pass through the
 trees of the earth1      through the   
clefts of the rocks4       #d4 ,no real 
foe of yours is known in heaven1 nor in 
earth1 ye      devourers of enemies6    
,may strength be yours1 together with   
your race1 ,o ,rudras1 to defy even now4
       #e4 ,they make the rocks to      
tremble1 they tear asunder the          
kings of the forest4 ,come on1 ,maruts1 
like madmen1 ye gods1      with your    
whole tribe4       #f4 ,you have        
harnessed the spotted deer to your      
chariots1 a      red deer draws as      
leader4 ,even the earth listened at your

      approach1 and men were frightened4
       #g4 ,o ,rudras1 we quickly desire
 your help for our race4 ,come      now 
to us with help1 as of yore1 thus for   
the sake of the      frightened ,kanva4 
#h4 ,whatever fiend1 roused by you or   
roused by mortals1      attacks us1 tear
 him from us by your power1 by your     
strength1 by your aid4       #i4 ,for   
you1 worshipful and wise1 have wholly   
protected      ,kanva4 ,come to us1     
,maruts1 with your whole help1 as       
quickly as lightnings come after the    
rain4       #aj4 ,bounteous givers1 ye  
possess whole strength1 whole           
power1 ye shakers 7of the earth74 ,send1
 ,o ,maruts1 against      the proud     
enemy of the poets1 an enemy1 like an   
arrow4  ,footnote #bc3 ,professor       
,wilson translates as follows3       #a4
 ,when1 ,maruts1 who make 7all things7  
tremble1 you direct      your awful     
7vigour7 downwards from afar1 as light  
7descends      from heaven71 by whose   
worship1 by whose praise 7are you       

attracted78 ,to what 7place of          
sacrifice71 to whom1 indeed1      do you
 repair8       #b4 ,strong be your      
weapons for driving away 7your7 foes1   
firm      in resisting them3 yours be   
the strength that merits praise1        
not 7the strength7 of a treacherous     
mortal4       #c4 ,directing ,maruts1   
when you demolish what is stable1 when  
you scatter what is ponderous1 then you 
make your way      through the forest   
7trees7 of earth and the defiles of the 
mountains4       #d4 ,destroyers of     
foes1 no adversary of yours is known    
above      the heavens1 nor 7is any7    
upon earth3 may your collective         
strength be quickly exerted1 sons of    
,rudra1 to humble 7your      enemies74  
#e4 ,they make the mountains tremble1   
they drive apart the      forest trees4 
,go1 divine ,maruts1 whither you will1  
with all      your progeny1 like those  
intoxicated4       #f4 ,you have        
harnessed the spotted deer to your      
chariot2 the      red deer yoked between

 them1 7aids to7 drag the car3 the      
firmament listens for your coming1 and  
men are alarmed4       #g4 ,rudras1 we  
have recourse to your assistance for the
 sake      of our progeny3 come quickly 
to the timid ,kanva1 as you             
formerly came1 for our protection4      
#h4 ,should any adversary1 instigated by
 you1 or by man1      assail us1        
withhold from him food and strength and 
your      assistance4       #i4         
,praketasas1 who are to be unreservedly 
worshipped1      uphold 7the sacrificer7
 ,kanva3 come to us1 ,maruts1 with      
undivided protective assistances1 as the
 lightnings 7bring7      the rain4      
#aj4 ,bounteous givers1 you enjoy       
unimpaired vigour3 shakers      7of the 
earth71 you possess undiminished        
strength3 ,maruts1      let loose your  
anger1 like an arrow1 upon the wrathful 
enemy      of the ,rishis4   ,the       
following is a simple prayer addressed  
to the ,dawn3       ,,hymn ,,to ,,ushas 
7,rv4 ,,vii4 #gg74       #a4 ,she shines

 upon us1 like a young wife1 rousing    
every      living being to go to his    
work4 ,when the fire had to be          
kindled by men1 she made the light by   
striking down      darkness4       #b4  
,she rose up1 spreading far and wide1   
and moving      everywhere4 ,she grew in
 brightness1 wearing her brilliant      
garment4 ,the mother of the cows1 7the  
mornings7 the leader      of the days1  
she shone gold-coloured1 lovely to      
behold4       #c4 ,she1 the fortunate1  
who brings the eye of the gods1 who     
leads the white and lovely steed 7of the
 sun71 the ,dawn was      seen revealed 
by her rays1 with brilliant treasures1  
following every one4       #d4 ,thou who
 art a blessing where thou art near1    
drive far      away the unfriendly2 make
 the pasture wide1 give us safety6      
,scatter the enemy1 bring riches6 ,raise
 up wealth to the      worshipper1 thou 
mighty ,dawn4       #e4 ,shine for us   
with thy best rays1 thou bright ,dawn1  
thou      who lengthenest our life1 thou

 the love of all1 who givest      us    
food1 who givest us wealth in cows1     
horses1 and chariots4       #f4 ,thou1  
daughter of the sky1 thou high-born     
,dawn1 whom the      ,vasishthas magnify
 with songs1 give us riches high and    
wide3 all ye gods1 protect us always    
with your blessings4  ,i must confine   
myself to shorter extracts1 in order to 
be able to show to you that all the     
principal elements of real religion are 
present in the ,veda4 ,i remind you     
again that the ,veda contains a great   
deal of what is childish and foolish1   
though very little of what is bad and   
objectionable4 ,some of its poets       
ascribe to the gods sentiments and      
passions unworthy of the deity1 such as 
anger1 revenge1 delight in material     
sacrifices2 they likewise represent     
human nature on a low level of          
selfishness and worldliness4 ,many hymns
 are utterly unmeaning and insipid1 and 
we must search patiently before we meet1
 here and there1 with sentiments that   

come from the depth of the soul1 and    
with prayers in which we could join     
ourselves4 ,yet there are such passages1
 and they are the really important      
passages1 as marking the highest points 
to which the religious life of the      
ancient poets of ,india had reached2 and
 it is to these that ,i shall now call  
your attention4  ,first of all1 the     
religion of the ,veda knows of no idols4
 ,the worship of idols in ,india is a   
secondary formation1 a later degradation
 of the more primitive worship of ideal 
gods4  ,the gods of the ,veda are       
conceived as immortal3 passages in which
 the birth of certain gods is mentioned 
have a physical meaning3 they refer to  
the birth of the day1 the rising of the 
sun1 the return of the year4  ,the gods 
are supposed to dwell in heaven1 though 
several of them1 as1 for instance1      
,agni1 the god of fire1 are represented 
as living among men1 or as approaching  
the sacrifice1 and listening to the     
praises of their worshippers4  ,heaven  

and earth are believed to have been made
 or to have been established by certain 
gods4 ,elaborate theories of creation1  
which abound in the later works1 the    
,brahmanas1 are not to be found in the  
hymns4 ,what we find are such passages  
as3  ',agni held the earth1 he          
stablished the heaven by truthful words'
 7,rv4 ,i4 #fg1 #c74  ',varuna stemmed  
asunder the wide firmaments2 he lifted  
on high the bright and glorious heaven2 
he stretched out apart the starry sky   
and the earth' 7,rv4 ,,vii4 #hf1 #a74   
,more frequently1 however1 the poets    
confess their ignorance of the beginning
 of all things1 and one of them         
exclaims3  ',who has seen the           
first-born8 ,where was the life1 the    
blood1 the soul of the world8 ,who went 
to ask this from any that knew it8 7,rv4
 ,i4 #afd1 #d74bd  ,or again1 ,rv4 ,x4  
#ha1 #d3 ',what was the forest1 what was
 the tree out of which they shaped      
heaven and earth8 ,wise men1 ask this   
indeed in your mind1 on what he stood   

when he held the worlds8'  ,i now come  
to a more important subject4 ,we find in
 the ,veda1 what few would have expected
 to find there1 the two ideas1 so       
contradictory to the human              
understanding1 and yet so easily        
reconciled in every human heart3 ,god   
has established the eternal laws of     
right and wrong1 he punishes sin and    
rewards virtue1 and yet the same ,god is
 willing to forgive2 just1 yet merciful2
 a judge1 and yet a father4 ,consider1  
for instance1 the following lines1 ,rv4 
,i4 #da1 #d3 ',his path is easy and     
without thorns1 who does what is right4'
  ,and again1 ,rv4 ,i4 #da1 #i3 ',let   
man fear ,him who holds the four 7dice71
 before he throws them down 7i4 e4 ,god 
who holds the destinies of men in his   
hand72 let no man delight in evil       
words6'  ,and then consider the         
following hymns1 and imagine the        
feelings which alone could have prompted
 them3       ,,hymn ,,to ,,varu,n,a     
7,rv4 ,,vii4 #hi74       #a4 ,let me not

 yet1 ,o ,varuna1 enter into the house  
of clay2      have mercy1 almighty1 have
 mercy6       #b4 ,if ,i go along       
trembling1 like a cloud driven by the   
wind2      have mercy1 almighty1 have   
mercy6       #c4 ,through want of       
strength1 thou strong and bright god1   
have ,i gone wrong2 have mercy1         
almighty1 have mercy6       #d4 ,thirst 
came upon the worshipper1 though he     
stood in the      midst of the waters2  
have mercy1 almighty1 have mercy6       
#e4 ,whenever we men1 ,o ,varuna1 commit
 an offence before the      heavenly    
host1 whenever we break the law through 
thoughtlessness2 have mercy1 almighty1  
have mercy6  ,footnote #bd3 ',history of
 ,ancient ,sanskrit ,literature1' p4 #bj
 note4  ,and again1 ,rv4 ,,vii4 #hf3    
#a4 ,wise and mighty are the works of   
him who stemmed asunder      the wide   
firmaments 7heaven and earth74 ,he      
lifted on high      the bright and      
glorious heaven2 he stretched out apart 
the      starry sky and the earth4      

#b4 ,do ,i say this to my own self8 ,how
 can ,i get unto      ,varuna8 ,will he 
accept my offering without displeasure8 
,when shall ,i1 with a quiet mind1 see  
him propitiated8       #c4 ,i ask1 ,o   
,varuna1 wishing to know this my sin4 ,i
 go to      ask the wise4 ,the sages all
 tell me the same3 ,varuna it is        
who is angry with thee4       #d4 ,was  
it an old sin1 ,o ,varuna1 that thou    
wishest to      destroy thy friend1 who 
always praises thee8 ,tell me1 thou     
unconquerable lord1 and ,i will quickly 
turn to thee with      praise1 freed    
from sin4       #e4 ,absolve us from the
 sins of our fathers1 and from those    
which we committed with our own bodies4 
,release ,vasishtha1      ,o king1 like 
a thief who has feasted on stolen oxen2 
release      him like a calf from the   
rope4       #f4 ,it was not our own     
doing1 ,o ,varuna1 it was necessity     
7or temptation71 an intoxicating        
draught1 passion1 dice1                 
thoughtlessness4 ,the old is there to   

mislead the young2 even      sleep      
brings unrighteousness4       #g4 ,let  
me without sin give satisfaction to the 
angry god1      like a slave to the     
bounteous lord4 ,the lord god           
enlightened      the foolish2 he1 the   
wisest1 leads his worshipper to wealth4 
#h4 ,o lord ,varuna1 may this song go   
well to thy heart6 ,may      we prosper 
in keeping and acquiring6 ,protect us1  
,o gods1      always with your          
blessings6  ,the consciousness of sin is
 a prominent feature in the religion of 
the ,veda1 so is likewise the belief    
that the gods are able to take away from
 man the heavy burden of his sins4 ,and 
when we read such passages as ',varuna  
is merciful even to him who has         
committed sin' 7,rv4 ,,vii4 #hg1 #g71 we
 should surely not allow the strange    
name of ,varuna to jar on our ears1 but 
should remember that it is but one of   
the many names which men invented in    
their helplessness to express their     
ideas of the ,deity1 however partial and

 imperfect4  ,the next hymn1 which is   
taken from the ,atharva-veda 7,,iv4     
#af71 will show how near the language of
 the ancient poets of ,india may        
approach to the language of the         
,bible3#be       #a4 ,the great lord of 
these worlds sees as if he were near4   
,if a man thinks he is walking by       
stealth1 the gods know it      all4     
#b4 ,if a man stands or walks or hides1 
if he goes to lie down      or to get   
up1 what two people sitting together    
whisper1 king      ,varuna knows it1 he 
is there as the third4       #c4 ,this  
earth1 too1 belongs to ,varuna1 the     
king1 and this      wide sky with its   
ends far apart4 ,the two seas 7the sky  
and      the ocean7 are ,varuna's loins2
 he is also contained in      this small
 drop of water4       #d4 ,he who should
 flee far beyond the sky1 even he would 
not      be rid of ,varuna1 the king4   
,his spies proceed from heaven          
towards this world2 with thousand eyes  
they overlook this      earth4       #e4

 ,king ,varuna sees all this1 what is   
between heaven and      earth1 and what 
is beyond4 ,he has counted the          
twinklings of      the eyes of men4 ,as 
a player throws the dice1 he settles all
      things4       #f4 ,may all thy    
fatal nooses1 which stand spread out    
seven by      seven and threefold1 catch
 the man who tells a lie1 may they      
pass by him who tells the truth4        
,footnote #be3 ,this hymn was first     
pointed out by ,professor ,roth in a    
dissertation on the ,atharva-veda       
7,tuebingen1 #ahef71 and it has since   
been translated and annotated by ,dr4   
,muir1 in his article on the ',vedic    
,theogony and ,cosmogony1' p4 #ca4      
,another idea which we find in the ,veda
 is that of faith3 not only in the sense
 of trust in the gods1 in their power1  
their protection1 their kindness1 but in
 that of belief in their existence4 ,the
 ,latin word credo1 ,i believe1 is the  
same as the ,sanskrit sraddha1 and this 
sraddha occurs in the ,veda3  ,rv4 ,i4  

#ajb1 #b4 ',sun and moon go on in       
regular succession1 that we may see1    
,indra1 and believe4'  ,rv4 ,i4 #ajd1   
#f4 ',destroy not our future offspring1 
,o ,indra1 for we have believed in thy  
great power4'  ,rv4 ,i4 #ee1 #e4 ',when 
,indra hurls again and again his        
thunderbolt1 then they believe in the   
brilliant god4'#bf  ,footnote #bf3      
,during violent thunderstorms the       
natives of ,new ,holland are so afraid  
of ,war-ru-gu-ra1 the evil spirit1 that 
they seek shelter even in caves haunted 
by ,ingnas1 subordinate demons1 which at
 other times they would enter on no     
account4 ,there1 in silent terror1 they 
prostrate themselves with their faces to
 the ground1 waiting until the spirit1  
having expended his fury1 shall retire  
to ,uta 7hell7 without having discovered
 their hiding-place4--',transactions of 
,ethnological ,society1' vol4 iii4 p4   
#bbi4 ,oldfield1 ',the ,aborigines of   
,australia4'  ,a similar sentiment1     
namely1 that men only believe in the    

gods when they see their signs and      
wonders in the sky1 is expressed by     
another poet 7,rv4 ,,viii4 #ba1 #ad73   
',thou1 ,indra1 never findest a rich man
 to be thy friend2      wine-swillers   
despise thee4 ,but when thou thunderest1
 when      thou gatherest 7the clouds71 
then thou art called1 like a            
father4'  ,and with this belief in god1 
there is also coupled that doubt1 that  
true scepticism1 if we may so call it1  
which is meant to give to faith its real
 strength4 ,we find passages even in    
these early hymns where the poet asks   
himself1 whether there is really such a 
god as ,indra1--a question immediately  
succeeded by an answer1 as if given to  
the poet by ,indra himself4 ,thus we    
read ,rv4 ,,viii4 #hi1 #c3       ',if   
you wish for strength1 offer to ,indra a
 hymn of praise3      a true hymn1 if   
,indra truly exist2 for some one says1  
,indra      does not exist6 ,who has    
seen him8 ,whom shall we praise8'  ,then
 ,indra answers through the poet3       

',here ,i am1 ,o worshipper1 behold me  
here6 in might ,i surpass      all      
things4'  ,similar visions occur        
elsewhere1 where the poet1 after        
inviting a god to a sacrifice1 or       
imploring his pardon for his offences1  
suddenly exclaims that he has seen the  
god1 and that he feels that his prayer  
is granted4 ,for instance3       ,,hymn 
,,to ,,varu,n,a 7,rv4 ,i4 #be74         
#a4 ,however we break thy laws from day 
to day1 men as we are1      ,o god1     
,varuna1       #b4 ,do not deliver us   
unto death1 nor to the blow of the      
furious2 nor to the wrath of the        
spiteful6       #c4 ,to propitiate thee1
 ,o ,varuna1 we unbend thy mind with    
songs1 as the charioteer a weary steed4 
#d4 ,away from me they flee dispirited1 
intent only on gaining      wealth2 as  
birds to their nests4       #e4 ,when   
shall we bring hither the man1 who is   
victory to the      warriors2 when shall
 we bring ,varuna1 the wide-seeing1 to  
be propitiated8       #f4 ,this they    

7,mitra and ,varuna7 take in common2    
gracious1      they never fail the      
faithful giver4       #g4 ,he who knows 
the place of the birds that fly through 
the      sky1 who on the waters knows   
the ships2--       #h4 ,he1 the upholder
 of order1 who knows the twelve months  
with the offspring of each1 and knows   
the month that is      engendered       
afterwards2--       #i4 ,he who knows   
the track of the wind1 of the wide1 the 
bright1 the mighty2 and knows those who 
reside on high2--       #aj4 ,he1 the   
upholder of order1 ,varuna1 sits down   
among his      people2 he1 the wise1    
sits there to govern4       #aa4 ,from  
thence perceiving all wondrous things1  
he sees what      has been and what will
 be done4       #ab4 ,may he1 the wise  
,aditya1 make our paths straight all our
      days2 may he prolong our lives6   
#ac4 ,varuna1 wearing golden mail1 has  
put on his shining      cloak2 the spies
 sat down around him4       #ad4 ,the   
god whom the scoffers do not provoke1   

nor the      tormentors of men1 nor the 
plotters of mischief2--       #ae4 ,he1 
who gives to men glory1 and not half    
glory1 who      gives it even to our own
 selves2--       #af4 ,yearning for him1
 the far-seeing1 my thoughts move       
onwards1 as kine move to their pastures4
       #ag4 ,let us speak together      
again1 because my honey has been        
brought3 that thou mayst eat what thou  
likest1 like a      friend4       #ah4  
,did ,i see the god who is to be seen by
 all1 did ,i see      the chariot above 
the earth8 ,he must have accepted my    
prayers4       #ai4 ,o hear this my     
calling1 ,varuna1 be gracious now2      
longing for help1 ,i have called upon   
thee4       #bj4 ,thou1 ,o wise god1 art
 lord of all1 of heaven and earth3      
listen on thy way4       #ba4 ,that ,i  
may live1 take from me the upper rope1  
loose the      middle1 and remove the   
lowest6  ,in conclusion1 let me tell you
 that there is in the ,veda no trace of 
metempsychosis or that transmigration of

 souls from human to animal bodies which
 is generally supposed to be a          
distinguishing feature of ,indian       
religion4 ,instead of this1 we find what
 is really the sine qua non of all real 
religion1 a belief in immortality1 and  
in personal immortality4 ,without a     
belief in personal immortality1 religion
 surely is like an arch resting on one  
pillar1 like a bridge ending in an      
abyss4 ,we cannot wonder at the great   
difficulties felt and expressed by      
bishop ,warburton and other eminent     
divines1 with regard to the supposed    
total absence of the doctrine of        
immortality or personal immortality in  
the ,old ,testament2 and it is equally  
startling that the ,sadducees who sat in
 the same council with the high-priest1 
openly denied the resurrection4#bg      
,however1 though not expressly asserted 
anywhere1 a belief in personal          
immortality is taken for granted in     
several passages of the ,old ,testament1
 and we can hardly think of ,abraham or 

,moses as without a belief in life and  
immortality4 ,but while this difficulty1
 so keenly felt with regard to the      
,jewish religion1 ought to make us      
careful in the judgments which we form  
of other religions1 and teach us the    
wisdom of charitable interpretation1 it 
is all the more important to mark that  
in the ,veda passages occur where       
immortality of the soul1 personal       
immortality and personal responsibility 
after death1 are clearly proclaimed4    
,thus we read3  ,footnote #bg3 ,acts    
xxii4 #cj1 xxiii4 #f4       ',he who    
gives alms goes to the highest place in 
heaven2 he      goes to the gods' 7,rv4 
,i4 #abe1 #ef74  ,another poet1 after   
rebuking those who are rich and do not  
communicate1 says3       ',the kind     
mortal is greater than the great in     
heaven6'  ,even the idea1 so frequent in
 the later literature of the ,brahmans1 
that immortality is secured by a son1   
seems implied1 unless our translation   
deceives us1 in one passage of the ,veda

 7,,vii4 #ef1 #bd73 ',asme 7iti7 virah  
marutah sushmi astu gananam yah asurah  
vi dharta1 apah yena su-kshitaye tarema1
 adha svam okah abhi vah syama4' ',o    
,maruts1 may there be to us a strong    
son1 who is a living ruler of men3      
through whom we may cross the waters on 
our way to the happy abode2 then may we 
come to your own house6'  ,one poet     
prays that he may see again his father  
and mother after death 7,rv4 ,i4 #bd1   
#a72 and the fathers 7,pitris7 are      
invoked almost like gods1 oblations are 
offered to them1 and they are believed  
to enjoy1 in company with the gods1 a   
life of never ending felicity 7,rv4 ,x4 
#ae1 #af74  ,we find this prayer        
addressed to ,soma 7,rv4 ,,ix4 #aac1    
#g73       ',where there is eternal     
light1 in the world where the sun is    
placed1 in that immortal imperishable   
world place me1 ,o      ,soma6'         
',where king ,vaivasvata reigns1 where  
the secret place of      heaven is1     
where these mighty waters are1 there    

make me      immortal6       ',where    
life is free1 in the third heaven of    
heavens1 where      the worlds are      
radiant1 there make me immortal6'       
',where wishes and desires are1 where   
the place of the bright      sun is1    
where there is freedom and delight1     
there make me      immortal6            
',where there is happiness and delight1 
where joy and      pleasure reside1     
where the desires of our desire are     
attained1 there make me immortal6'#bh   
,whether the old ,rishis believed       
likewise in a place of punishment for   
the wicked1 is more doubtful1 though    
vague allusions to it occur in the      
,rig-veda1 and more distinct            
descriptions are found in the           
,atharva-veda4 ,in one verse it is said 
that the dead is rewarded for his good  
deeds1 that he leaves or casts off all  
evil1 and glorified takes his body 7,rv4
 ,x4 #ad1 #h74bi ,the dogs of ,yama1 the
 king of the departed1 present some     
terrible aspects1 and ,yama is asked to 

protect the departed from them 7,rv4 ,x4
 #ad1 #aa74 ,again1 a pit 7karta7 is    
mentioned into which the lawless are    
said to be hurled down 7,rv4 ,,ix4 #gc1 
#h71 and into which ,indra casts those  
who offer no sacrifices 7,rv4 ,i4 #aba1 
#ac74 ,one poet prays that the ,adityas 
may preserve him from the destroying    
wolf1 and from falling into the pit     
7,rv4 ,,ii4 #bi1 #f74 ,in one passage we
 read that 'those who break the         
commandments of ,varuna and who speak   
lies are born for that deep place' 7,rv4
 ,,iv4 #e1 #e74cj  ,footnote #bh3       
,professor ,roth1 after quoting several 
passages from the ,veda in which a      
belief in immortality is expressed1     
remarks with great truth3 ',we here     
find1 not without astonishment1         
beautiful conceptions on immortality    
expressed in unadorned language with    
child-like conviction4 ,if it were      
necessary1 we might here find the most  
powerful weapons against the view which 
has lately been revived1 and proclaimed 

as new1 that ,persia was the only       
birthplace of the idea of immortality1  
and that even the nations of ,europe had
 derived it from that quarter4 ,as if   
the religious spirit of every gifted    
race was not able to arrive at it by its
 own strength4'--7',journal of the      
,german ,oriental ,society1' vol4 iv4 p4
 #dbg47 ,see ,dr4 ,muir's article on    
,yama1 in the ',journal of the ,royal   
,asiatic ,society1' p4 #aj4  ,footnote  
#bi3 ,m4 ,m41 ,die ,todtenbestattung bei
 den ,brahmanen ',zeitschrift der       
,deutschen ,morgenlaendischen           
,gesellschaft1' vol4 ix4 p4 xii4        
,footnote #cj3 ,dr4 ,muir1 article on   
,yama1 p4 #ah4  ,surely the discovery of
 a religion like this1 as unexpected as 
the discovery of the jaw-bone of        
,abbeville1 deserves to arrest our      
thoughts for a moment1 even in the haste
 and hurry of this busy life4 ,no doubt 
for the daily wants of life1 the old    
division of religions into true and     
false is quite sufficient2 as for       

practical purposes we distinguish only  
between our own mother-tongue on the one
 side1 and all other foreign languages  
on the other4 ,but1 from a higher point 
of view1 it would not be right to ignore
 the new evidence that has come to      
light2 and as the study of geology has  
given us a truer insight into the       
stratification of the earth1 it is but  
natural to expect that a thoughtful     
study of the original works of three of 
the most important religions of the     
world1 ,brahmanism1 ,magism1 and        
,buddhism1 will modify our views as to  
the growth or history of religion1 as to
 the hidden layers of religious thought 
beneath the soil on which we stand4     
,such inquires should be undertaken     
without prejudice and without fear3 the 
evidence is placed before us2 our duty  
is to sift it critically1 to weigh it   
honestly1 and to wait for the results4  
,three of these results1 to which1 ,i   
believe1 a comparative study of         
religions is sure to lead1 ,i may state 

before ,i conclude this ,lecture3       
#a4 ,we shall learn that religions in   
their most ancient form1      or in the 
minds of their authors1 are generally   
free from      many of the blemishes    
that attach to them in later times4     
#b4 ,we shall learn that there is hardly
 one religion which      does not       
contain some truth1 some important      
truth2 truth      sufficient to enable  
those who seek the ,lord and feel after 
,him1 to find ,him in their hour of     
need4       #c4 ,we shall learn to      
appreciate better than ever what we     
have in our own religion4 ,no one who   
has not examined      patiently and     
honestly the other religions of the     
world1 can      know what ,christianity 
really is1 or can join with such        
truth and sincerity in the words of ,st4
 ,paul3 ',i am not      ashamed of the  
,gospel of ,christ4'     ,,ii4  ,,christ
 ,,and ,,other ,,masters4#ca   ,in so   
comprehensive a work as ,mr4 ,hardwick's
 ',christ and other ,masters1' the      

number of facts stated1 of topics       
discussed1 of questions raised1 is so   
considerable that in reviewing it we can
 select only one or two points for      
special consideration4 ,mr4 ,hardwick   
intends to give in his work1 of which   
the third volume has just been          
published1 a complete panorama of       
ancient religion4 ,after having         
discussed in the first volume what he   
calls the religious tendencies of our   
age1 he enters upon an examination of   
the difficult problem of the unity of   
the human race1 and proceeds to draw1 in
 a separate chapter1 the characteristic 
features of religion under the ,old     
,testament4 ,having thus cleared his    
way1 and established some of the        
principles according to which the       
religions of the world should be judged1
 ,mr4 ,hardwick devotes the whole of the
 second volume to the religions of      
,india4 ,we find there1 first of all1 a 
short but very clear account of the     
religion of the ,veda1 as far as it is  

known at present4 ,we then come to a    
more matter-of-fact representation of   
,brahmanism1 or the religion of the     
,hindus1 as represented in the so-called
 ,laws of ,manu1 and in the ancient     
portions of the two epic poems1 the     
,ramayana and ,mahabharata4 ,the next   
chapter is devoted to the various       
systems of ,indian philosophy1 which all
 partake more or less of a religious    
character1 and form a natural transition
 to the first subjective system of faith
 in ,india1 the religion of ,buddha4    
,mr4 ,hardwick afterwards discusses1 in 
two separate chapters1 the apparent and 
the real correspondences between        
,hinduism and revealed religion1 and    
throws out some hints how we may best   
account for the partial glimpses of     
truth which exist in the ,vedas1 the    
canonical books of ,buddhism1 and the   
later ,puranas4 ,all these questions are
 handled with such ability1 and         
discussed with so much elegance and     
eloquence1 that the reader becomes      

hardly aware of the great difficulties  
of the subject1 and carries away1 if not
 quite a complete and correct1 at least 
a very lucid1 picture of the religious  
life of ancient ,india4 ,the third      
volume1 which was published in the      
beginning of this year1 is again        
extremely interesting1 and full of the  
most varied descriptions4 ,the religions
 of ,china are given first1 beginning   
with an account of the national         
traditions1 as collected and fixed by   
,confucius4 ,then follows the religious 
system of ,lao-tse1 or the ,tao-ism of  
,china1 and lastly ,buddhism again1 only
 under that modified form which it      
assumed when introduced from ,india into
 ,china4 ,after this sketch of the      
religious life of ,china1 the most      
ancient centre of ,eastern civilisation1
 ,mr4 ,hardwick suddenly transports us  
to the ,new ,world1 and introduces us to
 the worship of the wild tribes of      
,america1 and to the ruins of the       
ancient temples in which the civilised  

races of that continent1 especially the 
,mexicans1 once bowed themselves down   
before their god or gods4 ,lastly1 we   
have to embark on the ,south ,sea1 and  
to visit the various islands which form 
a chain between the west coast of       
,america and the east coast of ,africa1 
stretching over half of the globe1 and  
inhabited by the descendants of the once
 united race of the                     
,malayo-,polynesians4  ,footnote #ca3   
',christ and other ,masters4' ,an       
,historical ,inquiry into some of the   
chief ,parallelisms and ,contrasts      
between ,christianity and the ,religious
 ,systems of the ,ancient ,world1 with  
special reference to prevailing         
,difficulties and ,objections4 ,by      
,charles ,hardwick1 ,m4,a41 ,christian  
,advocate in the ,university of         
,cambridge4 ,parts ,i1 ,,ii1 ,,iii4     
,cambridge1 #aheh4  ,the account which  
,mr4 ,hardwick can afford to give of the
 various systems of religion in so short
 a compass as he has fixed for himself1 

must necessarily be very general2 and   
his remarks on the merits and defects   
peculiar to each1 which were more ample 
in the second volume1 have dwindled down
 to much smaller dimensions in the      
third4 ,he declares distinctly that he  
does not write for missionaries4 ',it is
 not my leading object1' he says1 'to   
conciliate the more thoughtful minds of 
heathendom in favour of the ,christian  
faith4 ,however laudable that task may  
be1 however fitly it may occupy the     
highest and the keenest intellect of    
persons who desire to further the       
advance of truth and holiness among our 
heathen fellow-subjects1 there are      
difficulties nearer home which may in   
fairness be regarded as possessing prior
 claims on the attention of a ,christian
 ,advocate4'  ,we confess that we regret
 that ,mr4 ,hardwick should have taken  
this line4 ,if1 in writing his criticism
 on the ancient or modern systems of    
,pagan religion1 he had placed himself  
face to face with a poor helpless       

creature1 such as the missionaries have 
to deal with--a man brought up in the   
faith of his fathers1 accustomed to call
 his god or gods by names sacred to him 
from his first childhood--a man who had 
derived much real help and consolation  
from his belief in these gods--who had  
abstained from committing crime1 because
 he was afraid of the anger of a ,divine
 ,being--who had performed severe       
penance1 because he hoped to appease the
 anger of the gods--who had given1 not  
only the tenth part of all he valued    
most1 but the half1 nay1 the whole of   
his property1 as a free offering to his 
priests1 that they might pray for him or
 absolve him from his sin--if1 in       
discussing any of the ancient or modern 
systems of ,pagan religion1 ,mr4        
,hardwick had tried to address his      
arguments to such a person1 we believe  
he would himself have felt a more human1
 real1 and hearty interest in his       
subject4 ,he would more earnestly have  
endeavoured to find out the good        

elements in every form of religious     
belief4 ,no sensible missionary could   
bring himself to tell a man who has done
 all that he could do1 and more than    
many who have received the true light of
 the ,gospel1 that he was excluded from 
all hope of salvation1 and by his very  
birth and colour handed over            
irretrievably to eternal damnation4 ,it 
is possible to put a charitable         
interpretation on many doctrines of     
ancient heathenism1 and the practical   
missionary is constantly obliged to do  
so4 ,let us only consider what these    
doctrines are4 ,they are not theories   
devised by men who wish to keep out the 
truth of ,christianity1 but sacred      
traditions which millions of human      
beings are born and brought up to       
believe in1 as we are born and brought  
up to believe in ,christianity4 ,it is  
the only spiritual food which ,god in   
his wisdom has placed within their      
reach4 ,but if we once begin to think of
 modern heathenism1 and how certain     

tenets of ,lao-tse resemble the         
doctrines of ,comte or ,spinoza1 our    
equanimity1 our historical justice1 our 
,christian charity1 are gone4 ,we become
 advocates wrangling for victory--we are
 no longer tranquil observers1          
compassionate friends and teachers4 ,mr4
 ,hardwick sometimes addresses himself  
to men like ,lao-tse or ,buddha1 who are
 now dead and gone more than two        
thousand years1 in a tone of offended   
orthodoxy1 which may or may not be right
 in modern controversy1 but which       
entirely disregards the fact that it has
 pleased ,god to let these men and      
millions of human beings be born on     
earth without a chance of ever hearing  
of the existence of the ,gospel4 ,we    
cannot penetrate into the secrets of the
 ,divine wisdom1 but we are bound to    
believe that ,god has ,his purpose in   
all things1 and that ,he will know how  
to judge those to whom so little has    
been given4 ,christianity does not      
require of us that we should criticise1 

with our own small wisdom1 that ,divine 
policy which has governed the whole     
world from the very beginning4 ,we pity 
a man who is born blind--we are not     
angry with him2 and ,mr4 ,hardwick1 in  
his arguments against the tenets of     
,buddha or ,lao-tse1 seems to us to     
treat these men too much in the spirit  
of a policeman who tells a poor blind   
beggar that he is only shamming         
blindness4 ,however1 if1 as a ,christian
 ,advocate1 ,mr4 ,hardwick found it     
impossible to entertain1 or at least    
express1 any sympathy with the ,pagan   
world1 even the cold judgment of the    
historian would have been better than   
the excited pleading of a partisan4     
,surely it is not necessary1 in order to
 prove that our religion is the only    
true religion1 that we should insist on 
the utter falseness of all other forms  
of belief4 ,we need not be frightened if
 we discover traces of truth1 traces    
even of ,christian truth1 among the     
sages and lawgivers of other nations4   

,st4 ,augustine was not frightened by   
this discovery1 and every thoughtful    
,christian will feel cheered by the     
words of that pious philosopher1 when he
 boldly declares1 that there is no      
religion which1 among its many errors1  
does not contain some real and divine   
truth4 ,it shows a want of faith in     
,god1 and in ,his inscrutable wisdom in 
the government of the world1 if we think
 we ought to condemn all ancient forms  
of faith1 except the religion of the    
,jews4 ,a true spirit of ,christianity  
will rather lead us to shut our eyes    
against many things which are revolting 
to us in the religion of the ,chinese1  
or the wild ,americans1 or the civilised
 ,hindus1 and to try to discover1 as    
well as we can1 how even in these       
degraded forms of worship a spark of    
light lies hidden somewhere--a spark    
which may lighten and warm the heart of 
the ,gentiles1 'who by patient          
continuance in well-doing1 seek for     
glory1 and honour1 and immortality4'    

,there is an undercurrent of thought in 
,mr4 ,hardwick's book which breaks out  
again and again1 and which has certainly
 prevented him from discovering many a  
deep lesson which may be learnt in the  
study of ancient religions4 ,he uses    
harsh language1 because he is thinking1 
not of the helpless ,chinese1 or the    
dreaming ,hindu whose tenets he         
controverts1 but of modern philosophers2
 and he is evidently glad of every      
opportunity where he can show to the    
latter that their systems are mere      
rechauffes of ancient heathenism4 ,thus 
he says1 in his introduction to the     
third volume3       ',i may also be     
allowed to add1 that1 in the present    
chapters1 the more thoughtful reader    
will not fail to      recognise the     
proper tendency of certain current      
speculations1 which are recommended to  
us on the ground that      they accord  
entirely with the last discoveries of   
science1      and embody the deliberate 
verdicts of the oracle within us4       

,notwithstanding all that has been urged
 in their behalf1      those theories   
are little more than a return to        
long-exploded errors1 a resuscitation of
 extinct volcanoes2      or at best1    
they merely offer to introduce among us 
an array      of civilising agencies1   
which1 after trial in other             
countries1 have been all found wanting4 
,the governing class      of ,china1 for
 example1 have long been familiar with  
the      metaphysics of ,spinoza4 ,they 
have also carried out the      social   
principles of ,m4 ,comte upon the       
largest possible      scale4 ,for ages  
they have been what people of the       
present      day are wishing to become  
in ,europe1 with this difference        
only1 that the heathen legislator who   
had lost all faith in      ,god         
attempted to redress the wrongs and     
elevate the moral      status of his    
subjects by the study of political      
science1 or      devising some new      
scheme of general sociology2 while the  

positive philosopher of the present day1
 who has relapsed      into the same    
positions1 is in every case rejecting a 
religious system which has proved itself
 the mightiest of      all civilisers1  
and the constant champion of the rights 
and      dignity of men4 ,he offers in  
the stead of ,christianity a            
specious phase of paganism1 by which the
 nineteenth century      after ,christ  
may be assimilated to the golden age of 
,mencius      and ,confucius2 or1 in    
other words1 may consummate its         
religious freedom1 and attain the       
highest pinnacle of human      progress1
 by reverting to a state of childhood   
and of moral      imbecility4'  ,few    
serious-minded persons will like the    
temper of this paragraph4 ,the history  
of ancient religion is too important1   
too sacred a subject to be used as a    
masked battery against modern           
infidelity4 ,nor should a ,christian    
,advocate ever condescend to defend his 
cause by arguments such as a pleader who

 is somewhat sceptical as to the merits 
of his case1 may be allowed to use1 but 
which produce on the mind of the ,judge 
the very opposite effect of that which  
they are intended to produce4 ,if we    
want to understand the religions of     
antiquity1 we must try1 as well as we   
can1 to enter into the religious1 moral1
 and political atmosphere of the ancient
 world4 ,we must do what the historian  
does4 ,we must become ancients          
ourselves1 otherwise we shall never     
understand the motives and meaning of   
their faith4 ,take one instance4 ,there 
are some nations who have always        
regarded death with the utmost horror4  
,their whole religion may be said to be 
a fight against death1 and the chief    
object of their prayers seems to be a   
long life on earth4 ,the ,persian clings
 to life with intense tenacity1 and the 
same feeling exists among the ,jews4    
,other nations1 on the contrary1 regard 
death in a different light4 ,death is to
 them a passage from one life to        

another4 ,no misgiving has ever entered 
their minds as to a possible extinction 
of existence1 and at the first call of  
the priest--nay1 sometimes from a mere  
selfish yearning after a better         
life--they are ready to put an end to   
their existence on earth4 ,feelings of  
this kind can hardly be called          
convictions arrived at by the           
individual4 ,they are national          
peculiarities1 and they exercise an     
irresistible sway over all who belong to
 the same nation4 ,the loyal devotion   
which the ,slavonic nations feel for    
their sovereign will make the most      
brutalized ,russian peasant step into   
the place where his comrade has just    
been struck down1 without a thought of  
his wife1 or his mother1 or his         
children1 whom he is never to see again4
 ,he does not do this because1 by his   
own reflection1 he has arrived at the   
conclusion that he is bound to sacrifice
 himself for his emperor or for his     
country--he does it because he knows    

that every one would do the same2 and   
the only feeling of satisfaction in     
which he would allow himself to indulge 
is1 that he was doing his duty4 ,if1    
then1 we wish to understand the         
religions of the ancient nations of the 
world1 we must take into account their  
national character4 ,nations who value  
life so little as the ,hindus1 and some 
of the ,american and ,malay nations1    
could not feel the same horror of human 
sacrifices1 for instance1 which would be
 felt by a ,jew2 and the voluntary death
 of the widow would inspire her nearest 
relations with no other feeling but that
 of compassion and regret at seeing a   
young bride follow her husband into a   
distant land4 ,she herself would feel   
that1 in following her husband into     
death1 she was only doing what every    
other widow would do--she was only doing
 her duty4 ,in ,india1 where men in the 
prime of life throw themselves under the
 car of ,jaggernath1 to be crushed to   
death by the idol they believe in--where

 the plaintiff who cannot get redress   
starves himself to death at the door of 
his judge--where the philosopher who    
thinks he has learnt all which this     
world can teach him1 and who longs for  
absorption into the ,deity1 quietly     
steps into the ,ganges1 in order to     
arrive at the other shore of            
existence--in such a country1 however   
much we may condemn these practices1 we 
must be on our guard and not judge the  
strange religions of such strange       
creatures according to our own more     
sober code of morality4 ,let a man once 
be impressed with a belief that this    
life is but a prison1 and that he has   
but to break through its walls in order 
to breathe the fresh and pure air of a  
higher life--let him once consider it   
cowardice to shrink from this act1 and a
 proof of courage and of a firm faith in
 ,god to rush back to that eternal      
source from whence he came--and let     
these views be countenanced by a whole  
nation1 sanctioned by priests1 and      

hallowed by poets1 and however we may   
blame and loathe the custom of human    
sacrifices and religious suicides1 we   
shall be bound to confess that to such a
 man1 and to a whole nation of such men1
 the most cruel rites will have a very  
different meaning from what they would  
have to us4 ,they are not mere cruelty  
and brutality4 ,they contain a religious
 element1 and presuppose a belief in    
immortality1 and an indifference with   
regard to worldly pleasures1 which1 if  
directed in a different channel1 might  
produce martyrs and heroes4 ,here1 at   
least1 there is no danger of modern     
heresy aping ancient paganism2 and we   
feel at liberty to express our sympathy 
and compassion1 even with the most      
degraded of our brethren4 ,the ,fijians1
 for instance1 commit almost every      
species of atrocity2 but we can still   
discover1 as ,wilkes remarked in his    
',exploring ,expedition1' that the      
source of many of their abhorrent       
practices is a belief in a future state1

 guided by no just notions of religious 
or moral obligations4 ,they immolate    
themselves2 they think it right to      
destroy their best friends1 to free them
 from the miseries of this life2 they   
actually consider it a duty1 and perhaps
 a painful duty1 that the son should    
strangle his parents1 if requested to do
 so4 ,some of the ,fijians1 when        
interrupted by ,europeans in the act of 
strangling their mother1 simply replied 
that she was their mother1 and they were
 her children1 and they ought to put her
 to death4 ,on reaching the grave the   
mother sat down1 when they all1         
including children1 grandchildren1      
relations1 and friends1 took an         
affectionate leave of her4 ,a rope1 made
 of twisted tapa1 was then passed twice 
around her neck by her sons1 who took   
hold of it and strangled her--after     
which she was put into her grave1 with  
the usual ceremonies4 ,they returned to 
feast and mourn1 after which she was    
entirely forgotten1 as though she had   

not existed4 ,no doubt these are        
revolting rites2 but the phase of human 
thought which they disclose is far from 
being simply revolting4 ,there is in    
these immolations1 even in their most   
degraded form1 a grain of that          
superhuman faith which we admire in the 
temptation of ,abraham2 and we feel that
 the time will come1 nay1 that it is    
coming1 when the voice of the ,angel of 
the ,lord will reach those distant      
islands1 and give a higher and better   
purpose to the wild ravings of their    
religion4  ,it is among these tribes    
that the missionary1 if he can speak a  
language which they understand1 gains   
the most rapid influence4 ,but he must  
first learn himself to understand the   
nature of these savages1 and to         
translate the wild yells of their       
devotion into articulate language4      
,there is1 perhaps1 no race of men so   
low and degraded as the ,papuas4 ,it has
 frequently been asserted they had no   
religion at all4 ,and yet these same    

,papuas1 if they want to know whether   
what they are going to undertake is     
right or wrong1 squat before their      
karwar1 clasp the hands over the        
forehead1 and bow repeatedly1 at the    
same time stating their intentions4 ,if 
they are seized with any nervous feeling
 during this process1 it is considered  
as a bad sign1 and the project is       
abandoned for a time--if otherwise1 the 
idol is supposed to approve4 ,here we   
have but to translate what they in their
 helpless language call 'nervous        
feeling' by our word 'conscience1' and  
we shall not only understand what they  
really mean1 but confess1 perhaps1 that 
it would be well for us if in our own   
hearts the karwar occupied the same     
prominent place which it occupies in the
 cottage of every ,papua4  ,march1      
#aheh4     ,,iii4  ,,the ,,veda ,,and   
,,zend-,,avesta4   ,,the ,,veda4   ,the 
main stream of the ,aryan nations has   
always flowed towards the north-west4   
,no historian can tell us by what       

impulse these adventurous ,nomads were  
driven on through ,asia towards the     
isles and shores of ,europe4 ,the first 
start of this world-wide migration      
belongs to a period far beyond the reach
 of documentary history2 to times when  
the soil of ,europe had not been trodden
 by either ,celts1 ,germans1            
,slavonians1 ,romans1 or ,greeks4 ,but  
whatever it was1 the impulse was as     
irresistible as the spell which1 in our 
own times1 sends the ,celtic tribes     
towards the prairies or the regions of  
gold across the ,atlantic4 ,it requires 
a strong will1 or a great amount of     
inertness1 to be able to withstand the  
impetus of such national1 or rather     
ethnical1 movements4 ,few will stay     
behind when all are going4 ,but to let  
one's friends depart1 and then to set   
out ourselves--to take a road which1    
lead where it may1 can never lead us to 
join those again who speak our language 
and worship our gods--is a course which 
only men of strong individuality and    

great self-dependence are capable of    
pursuing4 ,it was the course adopted by 
the southern branch of the ,aryan       
family1 the ,brahmanic ,aryas of ,india 
and the ,zoroastrians of ,iran4  ,at the
 first dawn of traditional history we   
see these ,aryan tribes migrating across
 the snow of the ,himalaya southward    
towards the ',seven ,rivers' 7the       
,indus1 the five rivers of the ,penjab1 
and the ,sarasvati71 and ever since     
,india has been called their home4 ,that
 before this time they had been living  
in more northern regions1 within the    
same precincts with the ancestors of the
 ,greeks1 the ,italians1 ,slavonians1   
,germans1 and ,celts1 is a fact as      
firmly established as that the ,normans 
of ,william the ,conqueror were the     
,northmen of ,scandinavia4 ,the evidence
 of language is irrefragable1 and it is 
the only evidence worth listening to    
with regard to ante-historical periods4 
,it would have been next to impossible  
to discover any traces of relationship  

between the swarthy natives of ,india   
and their conquerors whether ,alexander 
or ,clive1 but for the testimony borne  
by language4 ,what other evidence could 
have reached back to times when ,greece 
was not yet peopled by ,greeks1 nor     
,india by ,hindus8 ,yet these are the   
times of which we are speaking4 ,what   
authority would have been strong enough 
to persuade the ,grecian army1 that     
their gods and their hero ancestors were
 the same as those of king ,porus1 or to
 convince the ,english soldier that the 
same blood might be running in his veins
 and in the veins of the dark           
,bengalese8 ,and yet there is not an    
,english jury now-a-days1 which1 after  
examining the hoary documents of        
language1 would reject the claim of a   
common descent and a spiritual          
relationship between ,hindu1 ,greek1 and
 ,teuton4 ,many words still live in     
,india and in ,england that have        
witnessed the first separation of the   
northern and southern ,aryans1 and these

 are witnesses not to be shaken by any  
cross-examination4 ,the terms for ,god1 
for house1 for father1 mother1 son1     
daughter1 for dog and cow1 for heart and
 tears1 for axe and tree1 identical in  
all the ,indo-,european idioms1 are like
 the watchwords of soldiers4 ,we        
challenge the seeming stranger2 and     
whether he answer with the lips of a    
,greek1 a ,german1 or an ,indian1 we    
recognise him as one of ourselves4      
,though the historian may shake his     
head1 though the physiologist may doubt1
 and the poet scorn the idea1 all must  
yield before the facts furnished by     
language4 ,there was a time when the    
ancestors of the ,celts1 the ,germans1  
the ,slavonians1 the ,greeks and        
,italians1 the ,persians and ,hindus1   
were living together beneath the same   
roof1 separate from the ancestors of the
 ,semitic and ,turanian races4  ,it is  
more difficult to prove that the ,hindu 
was the last to leave this common home1 
that he saw his brothers all depart     

towards the setting sun1 and that then1 
turning towards the south and the east1 
he started alone in search of a new     
world4 ,but as in his language and in   
his grammar he has preserved something  
of what seems peculiar to each of the   
northern dialects singly1 as he agrees  
with the ,greek and the ,german where   
the ,greek and the ,german differ from  
all the rest1 and as no other language  
has carried off so large a share of the 
common ,aryan heirloom--whether roots1  
grammar1 words1 mythes1 or legends--it  
is natural to suppose that1 though      
perhaps the eldest brother1 the ,hindu  
was the last to leave the central home  
of the ,aryan family4  ,the ,aryan      
nations who pursued a north-westerly    
direction1 stand before us in history as
 the principal nations of north-western 
,asia and ,europe4 ,they have been the  
prominent actors in the great drama of  
history1 and have carried to their      
fullest growth all the elements of      
active life with which our nature is    

endowed4 ,they have perfected society   
and morals1 and we learn from their     
literature and works of art the elements
 of science1 the laws of art1 and the   
principles of philosophy4 ,in continual 
struggle with each other and with       
,semitic and ,turanian races1 these     
,aryan nations have become the rulers of
 history1 and it seems to be their      
mission to link all parts of the world  
together by the chains of civilisation1 
commerce1 and religion4 ,in a word1 they
 represent the ,aryan man in his        
historical character4  ,but while most  
of the members of the ,aryan family     
followed this glorious path1 the        
southern tribes were slowly migrating   
towards the mountains which gird the    
north of ,india4 ,after crossing the    
narrow passes of the ,hindukush or the  
,himalaya1 they conquered or drove      
before them1 as it seems without much   
effort1 the aboriginal inhabitants of   
the ,trans-,himalayan countries4 ,they  
took for their guides the principal     

rivers of ,northern ,india1 and were led
 by them to new homes in their beautiful
 and fertile valleys4 ,it seems as if   
the great mountains in the north had    
afterwards closed for centuries their   
,cyclopean gates against new            
immigrations1 while1 at the same time1  
the waves of the ,indian ,ocean kept    
watch over the southern borders of the  
peninsula4 ,none of the great conquerors
 of antiquity1--,sesostris1 ,semiramis1 
,nebuchadnezzar1 or ,cyrus1--disturbed  
the peaceful seats of these ,aryan      
settlers4 ,left to themselves in a world
 of their own1 without a past1 and      
without a future before them1 they had  
nothing but themselves to ponder on4    
,struggles there must have been in      
,india also4 ,old dynasties were        
destroyed1 whole families annihilated1  
and new empires founded4 ,yet the inward
 life of the ,hindu was not changed by  
these convulsions4 ,his mind was like   
the lotus leaf after a shower of rain   
has passed over it2 his character       

remained the same1 passive1 meditative1 
quiet1 and thoughtful4 ,a people of this
 peculiar stamp was never destined to   
act a prominent part in the history of  
the world2 nay1 the exhausting          
atmosphere of transcendental ideas in   
which they lived could not but exercise 
a detrimental influence on the active   
and moral character of the ,indians4    
,social and political virtues were      
little cultivated1 and the ideas of the 
useful and the beautiful hardly known to
 them4 ,with all this1 however1 they    
had1 what the ,greek was as little      
capable of imagining1 as they were of   
realising the elements of ,grecian life4
 ,they shut their eyes to this world of 
outward seeming and activity1 to open   
them full on the world of thought and   
rest4 ,the ancient ,hindus were a nation
 of philosophers1 such as could nowhere 
have existed except in ,india1 and even 
there in early times alone4 ,it is with 
the ,hindu mind as if a seed were placed
 in a hothouse4 ,it will grow rapidly1  

its colours will be gorgeous1 its       
perfume rich1 its fruits precocious and 
abundant4 ,but never will it be like the
 oak growing in wind and weather1 and   
striking its roots into real earth1 and 
stretching its branches into real air   
beneath the stars and the sun of heaven4
 ,both are experiments1 the hothouse    
flower and the ,hindu mind2 and as      
experiments1 whether physiological or   
psychological1 both deserve to be       
studied4  ,we may divide the whole      
,aryan family into two branches1 the    
northern and the southern4 ,the northern
 nations1 ,celts1 ,greeks1 ,romans1     
,germans1 and ,slavonians1 have each one
 act allotted to them on the stage of   
history4 ,they have each a national     
character to support4 ,not so the       
southern tribes4 ,they are absorbed in  
the struggles of thought1 their past is 
the problem of creation1 their future   
the problem of existence2 and the       
present1 which ought to be the solution 
of both1 seems never to have attracted  

their attention1 or called forth their  
energies4 ,there never was a nation     
believing so firmly in another world1   
and so little concerned about this4     
,their condition on earth is to them a  
problem2 their real and eternal life a  
simple fact4 ,though this is said       
chiefly with reference to them before   
they were brought in contact with       
foreign conquerors1 traces of this      
character are still visible in the      
,hindus1 as described by the companions 
of ,alexander1 nay1 even in the ,hindus 
of the present day4 ,the only sphere in 
which the ,indian mind finds itself at  
liberty to act1 to create1 and to       
worship1 is the sphere of religion and  
philosophy2 and nowhere have religious  
and metaphysical ideas struck root so   
deep in the mind of a nation as in      
,india4 ,the shape which these ideas    
took amongst the different classes of   
society1 and at different periods of    
civilisation1 naturally varies from     
coarse superstition to sublime          

spiritualism4 ,but1 taken as a whole1   
history supplies no second instance     
where the inward life of the soul has so
 completely absorbed all the other      
faculties of a people4  ,it was natural1
 therefore1 that the literary works of  
such a nation1 when first discovered in 
,sanskrit ,,mss4 by ,wilkins1 ,sir ,w4  
,jones1 and others1 should have         
attracted the attention of all          
interested in the history of the human  
race4 ,a new page in man's biography was
 laid open1 and a literature as large as
 that of ,greece or ,rome was to be     
studied4 ,the ,laws of ,manu1 the two   
epic poems1 the ,ramayana and           
,mahabharata1 the six complete systems  
of philosophy1 works on astronomy and   
medicine1 plays1 stories1 fables1       
elegies1 and lyrical effusions1 were    
read with intense interest1 on account  
of their age not less than their        
novelty4  ,still this interest was      
confined to a small number of students1 
and in a few cases only could ,indian   

literature attract the eyes of men who1 
from the summit of universal history1   
survey the highest peaks of human       
excellence4 ,herder1 ,schlegel1         
,humboldt1 and ,goethe1 discovered what 
was really important in ,sanskrit       
literature4 ,they saw what was genuine  
and original1 in spite of much that     
seemed artificial4 ,for the artificial1 
no doubt1 has a wide place in ,sanskrit 
literature4 ,everywhere we find systems1
 rules and models1 castes and schools1  
but nowhere individuality1 no natural   
growth1 and but few signs of strong     
originality and genius4  ,there is1     
however1 one period of ,sanskrit        
literature which forms an exception1 and
 which will maintain its place in the   
history of mankind1 when the name of    
,kalidasa and ,sakuntala will have been 
long forgotten4 ,it is the most ancient 
period1 the period of the ,veda4 ,there 
is1 perhaps1 a higher degree of interest
 attaching to works of higher antiquity2
 but in the ,veda we have more than mere

 antiquity4 ,we have ancient thought    
expressed in ancient language4 ,without 
insisting on the fact that even         
chronologically the ,veda is the first  
book of the ,aryan nations1 we have in  
it1 at all events1 a period in the      
intellectual life of man to which there 
is no parallel in any other part of the 
world4 ,in the hymns of the ,veda we see
 man left to himself to solve the riddle
 of this world4 ,we see him crawling on 
like a creature of the earth with all   
the desires and weaknesses of his animal
 nature4 ,food1 wealth1 and power1 a    
large family and a long life1 are the   
theme of his daily prayers4 ,but he     
begins to lift up his eyes4 ,he stares  
at the tent of heaven1 and asks who     
supports it8 ,he opens his ears to the  
winds1 and asks them whence and whither8
 ,he is awakened from darkness and      
slumber by the light of the sun1 and him
 whom his eyes cannot behold1 and who   
seems to grant him the daily pittance of
 his existence1 he calls 'his life1 his 

breath1 his brilliant ,lord and         
,protector4' ,he gives names to all the 
powers of nature1 and after he has      
called the fire ,agni1 the sun-light    
,indra1 the storms ,maruts1 and the dawn
 ,ushas1 they all seem to grow naturally
 into beings like himself1 nay1 greater 
than himself4 ,he invokes them1 he      
praises them1 he worships them4 ,but    
still with all these gods around him1   
beneath him1 and above him1 the early   
poet seems ill at rest within himself4  
,there too1 in his own breast1 he has   
discovered a power that wants a name1 a 
power nearer to him than all the gods of
 nature1 a power that is never mute when
 he prays1 never absent when he fears   
and trembles4 ,it seems to inspire his  
prayers1 and yet to listen to them2 it  
seems to live in him1 and yet to support
 him and all around him4 ,the only name 
he can find for this mysterious power is
 ,brahman2 for brahman meant originally 
force1 will1 wish1 and the propulsive   
power of creation4 ,but this impersonal 

brahman1 too1 as soon as it is named1   
grows into something strange and divine4
 ,it ends by being one of many gods1 one
 of the great triad1 worshipped to the  
present day4 ,and still the thought     
within him has no real name2 that power 
which is nothing but itself1 which      
supports the gods1 the heavens1 and     
every living being1 floats before his   
mind1 conceived but not expressed4 ,at  
last he calls it ,atman2 for atman1     
originally breath or spirit1 comes to   
mean ,self and ,self alone--,self       
whether divine or human1 ,self whether  
creating or suffering1 ,self whether one
 or all1 but always ,self1 independent  
and free4 ',who has seen the            
first-born1' says the poet1 'when he who
 has no bones 7i4 e4 form7 bore him that
 had bones8 ,where was the life1 the    
blood1 the ,self of the world8 ,who went
 to ask this from any that knew it8'    
7,rv4,i4 #afd1 #d74 ,this idea of a     
divine ,self once expressed1 everything 
else must acknowledge its supremacy1    

',self is the ,lord of all things1 ,self
 is the ,king of all things4 ,as all the
 spokes of a wheel are contained in the 
nave and the circumference1 all things  
are contained in this ,self2 all selves 
are contained in this ,self4#cb ,brahman
 itself is but ,self4'#cc  ,footnote    
#cb3 ,brihad-aranyaka1 ,,iv4 #e1 #ae ed4
 ,roer1 p4 #dhg4  ,footnote #cc3 ,ibid4 
p4 #dgh4 ,khandogya-upanishad1 ,,viii4  
#c1 #c-d4  ,this ,atman also grew2 but  
it grew1 as it were1 without attributes4
 ,the sun is called the ,self of all    
that moves and rests 7,rv4 ,i4 #aae1    
#a71 and still more frequently self     
becomes a mere pronoun4 ,but ,atman     
remained always free from mythe and     
worship1 differing in this from the     
,brahman 7neuter71 who has his temples  
in ,india even now1 and is worshipped as
 ,brahman 7masculine71 together with    
,vishnu and ,siva1 and other popular    
gods4 ,the idea of the ,atman or ,self1 
like a pure crystal1 was too transparent
 for poetry1 and therefore was handed   

over to philosophy1 which afterwards    
polished1 and turned1 and watched it as 
the medium through which all is seen1   
and in which all is reflected and known4
 ,but philosophy is later than the      
,veda1 and it is of the ,vaidik period  
only ,i have here to speak4#cd          
,footnote #cd3 ,in writing the above1 ,i
 was thinking rather of the mental      
process that was necessary for the      
production of such words as brahman1    
atman1 and others1 than of their        
idiomatic use in the ancient literature 
of ,india4 ,it might be objected1 for   
instance1 that brahman1 neut4 in the    
sense of creative power or the principal
 cause of all things1 does not occur in 
the ,rig-veda4 ,this is true4 ,but it   
occurs in that sense in the             
,atharva-veda1 and in several of the    
,brahmanas4 ,there we read of 'the      
oldest or greatest ,brahman which rules 
everything that has been or will be4'   
,heaven is said to belong to ,brahman   
alone 7,atharva-veda ,x4 #h1 #a74 ,in   

the ,brahmanas1 this ,brahman is called 
the first-born1 the self-existing1 the  
best of the gods1 and heaven and earth  
are said to have been established by it4
 ,even the vital spirits are identified 
with it 7,satapatha-brahmana ,,viii4 #d1
 #i1 #c74  ,in other passages1 again1   
this same ,brahman is represented as    
existing in man 7,atharva-veda ,x4 #g1  
#ag71 and in this very passage we can   
watch the transition from the neutral   
,brahman into ,brahman1 conceived of as 
a masculine3      ,ye purushe brahma    
vidus te viduh parameshthinam1     ,yo  
veda parameshthinam1 yas ka veda        
pragapatim1     ,gyeshtham ye brahmanam 
vidus1 te skambham anu samviduh4        
',they who know ,brahman in man1 they   
know the ,highest1     ,he who knows the
 ,highest1 and he who knows ,pragapati  
7the lord of         creatures71        
,and they who know the oldest ,brahmana1
 they know the ,ground4'  ,the word     
,brahmana which is here used1 is a      
derivative form of ,brahman2 but what is

 most important in these lines is the   
mixing of neuter and masculine words1 of
 impersonal and personal deities4 ,this 
process is brought to perfection by     
changing ,brahman1 the neuter1 even     
grammatically into ,brahman1 a          
masculine1--a change which has taken    
place in the ,aranyakas1 where we find  
,brahman used as the name of a male     
deity4 ,it is this ,brahman1 with the   
accent on the first1 not1 as has been   
supposed1 brahman1 the priest1 that     
appears again in the later literature as
 one of the divine triad1 ,brahman1     
,vishnu1 ,siva4  ,the word brahman1 as a
 neuter1 is used in the ,rig-veda in the
 sense of prayer also1 originally what  
bursts forth from the soul1 and1 in one 
sense1 what is revealed4 ,hence in later
 times brahman is used collectively for 
the ,veda1 the sacred word4  ,another   
word1 with the accent on the last       
syllable1 is brahman1 the man who prays1
 who utters prayers1 the priest1 and    
gradually the ,brahman by profession4   

,in this sense it is frequently used in 
the ,rig-veda 7,i4 #ajh1 #g71 but not   
yet in the sense of ,brahman by birth or
 caste4  ,in the ,veda1 then1 we can    
study a theogony of which that of       
,hesiod is but the last chapter4 ,we can
 study man's natural growth1 and the    
results to which it may lead under the  
most favourable conditions4 ,all was    
given him that nature can bestow4 ,we   
see him blest with the choicest gifts of
 the earth1 under a glowing and         
transparent sky1 surrounded by all the  
grandeur and all the riches of nature1  
with a language 'capable of giving soul 
to the objects of sense1 and body to the
 abstractions of metaphysics4' ,we have 
a right to expect much from him1 only we
 must not expect in his youthful poems  
the philosophy of the nineteenth        
century1 or the beauties of ,pindar1 or1
 with some again1 the truths of         
,christianity4 ,few understand children1
 still fewer understand antiquity4 ,if  
we look in the ,veda for high poetical  

diction1 for striking comparisons1 for  
bold combinations1 we shall be          
disappointed4 ,these early poets thought
 more for themselves than for others4   
,they sought rather1 in their language1 
to be true to their own thought than to 
please the imagination of their hearers4
 ,with them it was a great work achieved
 for the first time to bind thoughts and
 words together1 to find expressions or 
to form new names4 ,as to similes1 we   
must look to the words themselves1      
which1 if we compare their radical and  
their nominal meaning1 will be found    
full of bold metaphors4 ,no translation 
in any modern language can do them      
justice4 ,as to beauty1 we must discover
 it in the absence of all effort1 and in
 the simplicity of their hearts4 ,prose 
was1 at that time1 unknown1 as well as  
the distinction between prose and       
poetry4 ,it was the attempted imitation 
of those ancient natural strains of     
thought which in later times gave rise  
to poetry in our sense of the word1 that

 is to say1 to poetry as an art1 with   
its counted syllables1 its numerous     
epithets1 its rhyme and rhythm1 and all 
the conventional attributes of 'measured
 thought4'  ,in the ,veda itself1       
however--even if by ,veda we mean the   
,rig-veda only 7the other three1 the    
,saman1 ,yagush1 and ,atharvana1 having 
solely a liturgical interest1 and       
belonging to an entirely different      
sphere7--in the ,rig-veda also1 we find 
much that is artificial1 imitated1 and  
therefore modern1 if compared with other
 hymns4 ,it is true that all the #ajag  
hymns of the ,rig-veda were comprised in
 a collection which existed as such     
before one of those elaborate           
theological commentaries1 known under   
the name of ,brahmana1 was written1 that
 is to say1 about #hjj ,b4,c4 ,but      
before the date of their collection     
these must have existed for centuries4  
,in different songs the names of        
different kings occur1 and we see       
several generations of royal families   

pass away before us with different      
generations of poets4 ,old songs are    
mentioned1 and new songs4 ,poets whose  
compositions we possess are spoken of as
 the seers of olden times2 their names  
in other hymns are surrounded by a      
legendary halo4 ,in some cases1 whole   
books or chapters may be pointed out as 
more modern and secondary1 in thought   
and language4 ,but on the whole the     
,rig-veda is a genuine document1 even in
 its most modern portions not later than
 the time of ,lycurgus2 and it exhibits 
one of the earliest and rudest phases in
 the history of mankind2 disclosing in  
its full reality a period of which in   
,greece we have but traditions and      
names1 such as ,orpheus and ,linus1 and 
bringing us as near the beginnings in   
language1 thought1 and mythology as     
literary documents can ever bring us in 
the ,aryan world4  ,though much time and
 labour have been spent on the ,veda1 in
 ,england and in ,germany1 the time is  
not yet come for translating it as a    

whole4 ,it is possible and interesting  
to translate it literally1 or in        
accordance with scholastic commentaries1
 such as we find in ,india from ,yaska  
in the fifth century ,b4,c4 down to     
,sayana in the fourteenth century of the
 ,christian era4 ,this is what          
,professor ,wilson has done in his      
translation of the first book of the    
,rig-veda2 and by strictly adhering to  
this principle and excluding conjectural
 renderings even where they offered     
themselves most naturally1 he has       
imparted to his work a definite         
character and a lasting value4 ,the     
grammar of the ,veda1 though irregular1 
and still in a rather floating state1   
has almost been mastered2 the etymology 
and the meaning of many words1 unknown  
in the later ,sanskrit1 have been       
discovered4 ,many hymns1 which are mere 
prayers for food1 for cattle1 or for a  
long life1 have been translated1 and can
 leave no doubt as to their real        
intention4 ,but with the exception of   

these simple petitions1 the whole world 
of ,vedic ideas is so entirely beyond   
our own intellectual horizon1 that      
instead of translating we can as yet    
only guess and combine4 ,here it is no  
longer a mere question of skilful       
deciphering4 ,we may collect all the    
passages where an obscure word occurs1  
we may compare them and look for a      
meaning which would be appropriate to   
all2 but the difficulty lies in finding 
a sense which we can appropriate1 and   
transfer by analogy into our own        
language and thought4 ,we must be able  
to translate our feelings and ideas into
 their language at the same time that we
 translate their poems and prayers into 
our language4 ,we must not despair even 
where their words seem meaningless and  
their ideas barren or wild4 ,what seems 
at first childish may at a happier      
moment disclose a sublime simplicity1   
and even in helpless expressions we may 
recognise aspirations after some high   
and noble idea4 ,when the scholar has   

done his work1 the poet and philosopher 
must take it up and finish it4 ,let the 
scholar collect1 collate1 sift1 and     
reject--let him say what is possible or 
not according to the laws of the ,vaidik
 language--let him study the            
commentaries1 the ,sutras1 the          
,brahmanas1 and even later works1 in    
order to exhaust all the sources from   
which information can be derived4 ,he   
must not despise the tradition of the   
,brahmans1 even where their             
misconceptions and the causes of their  
misconceptions are palpable4 ,to know   
what a passage cannot mean is frequently
 the key to its real meaning2 and       
whatever reasons may be pleaded for     
declining a careful perusal of the      
traditional interpretations of ,yaska or
 ,sayana1 they can all be traced back to
 an ill-concealed argumentum            
paupertatis4 ,not a corner in the       
,brahmanas1 the ,sutras1 ,yaska1 and    
,sayana should be left unexplored before
 we venture to propose a rendering of   

our own4 ,sayana1 though the most       
modern1 is on the whole the most sober  
interpreter4 ,most of his etymological  
absurdities must be placed to ,yaska's  
account1 and the optional renderings    
which he allows for metaphysical1       
theological1 or ceremonial purposes1 are
 mostly due to his regard for the       
,brahmanas4 ,the ,brahmanas1 though     
nearest in time to the hymns of the     
,rig-veda1 indulge in the most frivolous
 and ill-judged interpretations4 ,when  
the ancient ,rishi exclaims with a      
troubled heart1 ',who is the greatest of
 the gods8 ,who shall first be praised  
by our songs8'--the author of the       
,brahmana sees in the interrogative     
pronoun ',who' some divine name1 a place
 is allotted in the sacrificial         
invocations to a god ',who1' and hymns  
addressed to him are called ',whoish'   
hymns4 ,to make such misunderstandings  
possible1 we must assume a considerable 
interval between the composition of the 
hymns and the ,brahmanas4 ,as the       

authors of the ,brahmanas were blinded  
by theology1 the authors of the still   
later ,niruktas were deceived by        
etymological fictions1 and both         
conspired to mislead by their authority 
later and more sensible commentators1   
such as ,sayana4 ,where ,sayana has no  
authority to mislead him1 his commentary
 is at all events rational2 but still   
his scholastic notions would never allow
 him to accept the free interpretation  
which a comparative study of these      
venerable documents forces upon the     
unprejudiced scholar4 ,we must therefore
 discover ourselves the real vestiges of
 these ancient poets2 and if we follow  
them cautiously1 we shall find that with
 some effort we are still able to walk  
in their footsteps4 ,we shall feel that 
we are brought face to face and mind to 
mind with men yet intelligible to us1   
after we have freed ourselves from our  
modern conceits4 ,we shall not succeed  
always3 words1 verses1 nay1 whole hymns 
in the ,rig-veda1 will and must remain  

to us a dead letter4 ,but where we can  
inspire those early relics of thought   
and devotion with new life1 we shall    
have before us more real antiquity than 
in all the inscriptions of ,egypt or    
,nineveh2 not only old names and dates1 
and kingdoms and battles1 but old       
thoughts1 old hopes1 old faith1 and old 
errors1 the old ,man altogether--old    
now1 but then young and fresh1 and      
simple and real in his prayers and in   
his praises4  ,the thoughtful bent of   
the ,hindu mind is visible in the ,veda 
also1 but his mystic tendencies are not 
yet so fully developed4 ,of philosophy  
we find but little1 and what we find is 
still in its germ4 ,the active side of  
life is more prominent1 and we meet     
occasionally with wars of kings1 with   
rivalries of ministers1 with triumphs   
and defeats1 with war-songs and         
imprecations4 ,moral sentiments and     
worldly wisdom are not yet absorbed by  
phantastic intuitions4 ,still the child 
betrays the passions of the man1 and    

there are hymns1 though few in number1  
in the ,veda1 so full of thought and    
speculation that at this early period no
 poet in any other nation could have    
conceived them4 ,i give but one         
specimen1 the #abith hymn of the tenth  
book of the ,rig-veda4 ,it is a hymn    
which long ago attracted the attention  
of that eminent scholar ,h4 ,t4         
,colebrooke1 and of which1 by the kind  
assistance of a friend1 ,i am enabled to
 offer a metrical translation4 ,in      
judging it we should bear in mind that  
it was not written by a gnostic or by a 
pantheistic philosopher1 but by a poet  
who felt all these doubts and problems  
as his own1 without any wish to convince
 or to startle1 only uttering what had  
been weighing on his mind1 just as later
 poets would sing the doubts and sorrows
 of their heart4      ,nor ,aught nor   
,nought existed2 yon bright sky     ,was
 not1 nor heaven's broad woof           
outstretched above4     ,what covered   
all8 what sheltered8 what concealed8    

,was it the water's fathomless abyss8   
,there was not death--yet was there     
nought immortal1     ,there was no      
confine betwixt day and night2     ,the 
only ,one breathed breathless by itself1
     ,other than ,it there nothing since
 has been4     ,darkness there was1 and 
all at first was veiled     ,in gloom   
profound--an ocean without light--      
,the germ that still lay covered in the 
husk     ,burst forth1 one nature1 from 
the fervent heat4     ,then first came  
love upon it1 the new spring     ,of    
mind--yea1 poets in their hearts        
discerned1     ,pondering1 this bond    
between created things     ,and         
uncreated4 ,comes this spark from earth 
,piercing and all-pervading1 or from    
heaven8     ,then seeds were sown1 and  
mighty powers arose--     ,nature below1
 and power and will above--     ,who    
knows the secret8 who proclaimed it     
here1     ,whence1 whence this manifold 
creation sprang8     ,the ,gods         
themselves came later into being--      

,who knows from whence this great       
creation sprang8     ,he from whom all  
this great creation came1     ,whether  
his will created or was mute1     ,the  
,most ,high ,seer that is in highest    
heaven1     ,he knows it--or perchance  
even ,he knows not4  ,the grammar of the
 ,veda 7to turn from the contents to the
 structure of the work7 is important in 
many respects4 ,the difference between  
it and the grammar of the epic poems    
would be sufficient of itself to fix the
 distance between these two periods of  
language and literature4 ,many words    
have preserved in these early hymns a   
more primitive form1 and therefore agree
 more closely with cognate words in     
,greek or ,latin4 ,night1 for instance1 
in the later ,sanskrit is nisa1 which is
 a form peculiarly ,sanskritic1 and     
agrees in its derivation neither with   
nox nor with ,greek3 nyx4 ,the ,vaidik  
nas or nak1 night1 is as near to ,latin 
as can be4 ,thus mouse in the common    
,sanskrit is mushas or mushika1 both    

derivative forms if compared with the   
,latin mus1 muris4 ,the ,vaidik         
,sanskrit has preserved the same        
primitive noun in the plural mush-as    
,lat4 mures4 ,there are other words in  
the ,veda which were lost altogether in 
the later ,sanskrit1 while they were    
preserved in ,greek and ,latin4 ,dyaus1 
sky1 does not occur as a masculine in   
the ordinary ,sanskrit2 it occurs in the
 ,veda1 and thus bears witness to the   
early ,aryan worship of ,dyaus1 the     
,greek ,zeus4 ,ushas1 dawn1 again in the
 later ,sanskrit is neuter4 ,in the     
,veda it is feminine2 and even the      
secondary ,vaidik form ,ushasa is proved
 to be of high antiquity by the nearly  
corresponding ,latin form ,aurora4      
,declension and conjugation are richer  
in forms and more unsettled in their    
usage4 ,it was a curious fact1 for      
instance1 that no subjunctive mood      
existed in the common ,sanskrit4 ,the   
,greeks and ,romans had it1 and even the
 language of the ,avesta showed clear   

traces of it4 ,there could be no doubt  
that the ,sanskrit also once possessed  
this mood1 and at last it was discovered
 in the hymns of the ,rig-veda4         
,discoveries of this kind may seem      
trifling1 but they are as delightful to 
the grammarian as the appearance of a   
star1 long expected and calculated1 is  
to the astronomer4 ,they prove that     
there is natural order in language1 and 
that by a careful induction laws can be 
established which enable us to guess    
with great probability either at the    
form or meaning of words where but      
scanty fragments of the tongue itself   
have come down to us4  ,october1 #ahec4 
,,the ,,zend-,,avesta4   ,by means of   
laws like that of the ,correspondence of
 ,letters1 discovered by ,rask and      
,grimm1 it has been possible to         
determine the exact form of words in    
,gothic1 in cases where no trace of them
 occurred in the literary documents of  
the ,gothic nation4 ,single words which 
were not to be found in ,ulfilas have   

been recovered by applying certain laws 
to their corresponding forms in ,latin  
or ,old ,high-,german1 and thus         
retranslating them into ,gothic4 ,but a 
much greater conquest was achieved in   
,persia4 ,here comparative philology has
 actually had to create and reanimate   
all the materials of language on which  
it was afterwards to work4 ,little was  
known of the language of ,persia and    
,media previous to the ,shahnameh of    
,firdusi1 composed about #ajjj ,a4,d41  
and it is due entirely to the inductive 
method of comparative philology that we 
have now before us contemporaneous      
documents of three periods of ,persian  
language1 deciphered1 translated1 and   
explained4 ,we have the language of the 
,zoroastrians1 the language of the      
,achaemenians1 and the language of the  
,sassanians1 which represent the history
 of the ,persian tongue in three        
successive periods--all now rendered    
intelligible by the aid of comparative  
philology1 while but fifty years ago    

their very name and existence were      
questioned4  ,the labours of ,anquetil  
,duperron1 who first translated the     
,zend-,avesta1 were those of a bold     
adventurer--not of a scholar4 ,rask was 
the first who1 with the materials       
collected by ,duperron and himself1     
analysed the language of the ,avesta    
scientifically4 ,he proved--       #a4  
,that ,zend was not a corrupted         
,sanskrit1 as supposed by ,w4           
,erskine1 but that it differed from it  
as ,greek1 ,latin1 or      ,lithuanian  
differed from one another and from      
,sanskrit4       #b4 ,that the modern   
,persian was really derived from ,zend  
as      ,italian was from ,latin2 and   
#c4 ,that the ,avesta1 or the works of  
,zoroaster1 must have      been reduced 
to writing at least previously to       
,alexander's      conquest4 ,the opinion
 that ,zend was an artificial language  
7an opinion held by men of great        
eminence in ,oriental      philology1   
beginning with ,sir ,w4 ,jones7 is      

passed over by      ,rask as not        
deserving of refutation4  ,the first    
edition of the ,zend texts1 the critical
 restitution of the ,,mss41 the outlines
 of a ,zend grammar1 with the           
translation and philological anatomy of 
considerable portions of the            
,zoroastrian writings1 were the work of 
the late ,eugene ,burnouf4 ,he was the  
real founder of ,zend philology4 ,it is 
clear from his works1 and from ,bopp's  
valuable remarks in his ',comparative   
,grammar1' that ,zend in its grammar and
 dictionary is nearer to ,sanskrit than 
any other ,indo-,european language4     
,many ,zend words can be retranslated   
into ,sanskrit simply by changing the   
,zend letters into their corresponding  
forms in ,sanskrit4 ,with regard to the 
,correspondence of ,letters in ,grimm's 
sense of the word1 ,zend ranges with    
,sanskrit and the classical languages4  
,it differs from ,sanskrit principally  
in its sibilants1 nasals1 and aspirates4
 ,the ,sanskrit s1 for instance1 is     

represented by the ,zend h1 a change    
analogous to that of an original s into 
the ,greek aspirate1 only that in ,greek
 this change is not general4 ,thus the  
geographical name hapta hendu1 which    
occurs in the ,avesta1 becomes          
intelligible if we retranslate the ,zend
 h into the ,sanskrit s4 ,for sapta     
sindhu1 or the ,seven ,rivers1 is the   
old ,vaidik name of ,india itself1      
derived from the five rivers of the     
,penjab1 together with the ,indus1 and  
the ,sarasvati4  ,where ,sanskrit       
differs in words or grammatical         
peculiarities from the northern members 
of the ,aryan family1 it frequently     
coincides with ,zend4 ,the numerals are 
the same in all these languages up to   
#ajj4 ,the name for thousand1 however1  
sahasra1 is peculiar to ,sanskrit1 and  
does not occur in any of the            
,indo-,european dialects except in      
,zend1 where it becomes hazanra4 ,in the
 same manner the ,german and ,slavonic  
languages have a word for thousand      

peculiar to themselves2 as also in      
,greek and ,latin we find many common   
words which we look for in vain in any  
of the other ,indo-,european dialects4  
,these facts are full of historical     
meaning2 and with regard to ,zend and   
,sanskrit1 they prove that these two    
languages continued together long after 
they were separated from the common     
,indo-,european stock4  ,still more     
striking is the similarity between      
,persia and ,india in religion and      
mythology4 ,gods unknown to any         
,indo-,european nation are worshipped   
under the same names in ,sanskrit and   
,zend2 and the change of some of the    
most sacred expressions in ,sanskrit    
into names of evil spirits in ,zend1    
only serves to strengthen the conviction
 that we have here the usual traces of a
 schism which separated a community that
 had once been united4  ,burnouf1 who   
compared the language and religion of   
the ,avesta principally with the later  
classical ,sanskrit1 inclined at first  

to the opinion that this schism took    
place in ,persia1 and that the          
dissenting ,brahmans immigrated         
afterwards into ,india4 ,this is still  
the prevailing opinion1 but it requires 
to be modified in accordance with new   
facts elicited from the ,veda4 ,zend1 if
 compared with classical ,sanskrit1     
exhibits in many points of grammar1     
features of a more primitive character  
than ,sanskrit4 ,but it can now be      
shown1 and ,burnouf himself admitted it1
 that when this is the case1 the ,vaidik
 differs on the very same points from   
the later ,sanskrit1 and has preserved  
the same primitive and irregular form as
 the ,zend4 ,i still hold1 that the name
 of ,zend was originally a corruption of
 the ,sanskrit word khandas 7i4 e4      
metrical language1 cf4 scandere71#ce    
which is the name given to the language 
of the ,veda by ,panini and others4     
,when we read in ,panini's grammar that 
certain forms occur in khandas1 but not 
in the classical language1 we may almost

 always translate the word khandas by   
,zend1 for nearly all these rules apply 
equally to the language of the ,avesta4 
,footnote #ce3 ,the derivation of       
khandas1 metre1 from the same root which
 yielded the ,latin scandere1 seems to  
me still the most plausible4 ,an account
 of the various explanations of this    
word1 proposed by ,eastern and ,western 
scholars1 is to be found in ,spiegel's  
',grammar of the ,parsi ,language'      
7preface1 and p4 #bje71 and in his      
translation of the ,vendidad 7pp4 #dd   
and #bic74 ,that initial kh in ,sanskrit
 may represent an original sk1 has      
never1 as far as ,i am aware1 been      
denied4 7,curtius1 ',grundzuege1' p4    
#fj47 ,the fact that the root khand1 in 
the sense of stepping or striding1 has  
not been fixed in ,sanskrit as a verbal1
 but only as a nominal base1 is no real 
objection either4 ,the same thing has   
happened over and over again1 and has   
been remarked as the necessary result of
 the dialectic growth of language by so 

ancient a scholar as ,yaska4            
7',zeitschrift der ,deutschen           
,morgenlaendischen ,gesellschaft1 vol4  
viii4 p4 #cgc seq47 ,that scandere in   
,latin1 in the sense of scanning is a   
late word1 does not affect the question 
at all4 ,what is of real importance is  
simply this1 that the principal ,aryan  
nations agree in representing metre as a
 kind of stepping or striding4 ,whether 
this arose from the fact that ancient   
poetry was accompanied by dancing or    
rhythmic choral movements1 is a question
 which does not concern us here4        
7,carmen descindentes tripodaverunt in  
verba haec3 ,enos ,lases1 etc4 ,orelli1 
',inscript4' ,no4 #bbga47 ,the fact     
remains that the people of ,india1      
,greece1 and ,italy agree in calling the
 component elements of their verses feet
 or steps 7,greek3 pous1 pes1 ,sanskrit 
pad or pada2 padapankti1 a row of feet1 
and gagati1 i4 e4 andante1 are names of 
,sanskrit metres74 ,it is not too much1 
therefore1 to say that they may have    

considered metre as a kind of stepping  
or striding1 and that they may          
accordingly have called it 'stride4' ,if
 then we find the name for metre in     
,sanskrit khandas1 i4 e4 skandas1 and if
 we find that scando in ,latin 7from    
which sca7d7la71 as we may gather from  
ascendo and descendo1 meant originally  
striding1 and that skand in ,sanskrit   
means the same as scando in ,latin1     
surely there can be little doubt as to  
the original intention of the ,sanskrit 
name for metre1 viz4 khandas4 ,hindu    
grammarians derive khandas either from  
khad1 to cover1 or from khad1 to please4
 ,both derivations are possible1 as far 
as the letters are concerned4 ,but are  
we to accept the dogmatic interpretation
 of the theologians of the ,khandogas1  
who tell us that the metres were called 
khandas because the gods1 when afraid of
 death1 covered themselves with the     
metres8 ,or of the ,vagasaneyins1 who   
tell us that the khandas were so called 
because they pleased ,pragapati8 ,such  

artificial interpretations only show    
that the ,brahmans had no traditional   
feeling as to the etymological meaning  
of that word1 and that we are at liberty
 to discover by the ordinary means its  
original intention4 ,i shall only       
mention from among much that has been   
written on the etymology of khandas1 a  
most happy remark of ,professor ,kuhn1  
who traces the ,northern skald1 poet1   
back to the same root as the ,sanskrit  
khandas1 metre4 7,kuhn's ',zeitschrift1'
 vol4 iii4 p4 #dbh47  ,in mythology     
also1 the 'nomina and numina' of the    
,avesta appear at first sight more      
primitive than in ,manu or the          
,mahabharata4 ,but if regarded from a   
,vaidik point of view1 this relation    
shifts at once1 and many of the gods of 
the ,zoroastrians come out once more as 
mere reflections and deflections of the 
primitive and authentic gods of the     
,veda4 ,it can now be proved1 even by   
geographical evidence1 that the         
,zoroastrians had been settled in ,india

 before they immigrated into ,persia4 ,i
 say the ,zoroastrians1 for we have no  
evidence to bear us out in making the   
same assertion of the nations of ,persia
 and ,media in general4 ,that the       
,zoroastrians and their ancestors       
started from ,india during the ,vaidik  
period can be proved as distinctly as   
that the inhabitants of ,massilia       
started from ,greece4 ,the geographical 
traditions in the first ,fargard of the 
,vendidad do not interfere with this    
opinion4 ,if ancient and genuine1 they  
would embody a remembrance preserved by 
the ,zoroastrians1 but forgotten by the 
,vaidik poets--a remembrance of times   
previous to their first common descent  
into the country of the ,seven ,rivers4 
,if of later origin1 and this is more   
likely1 they may represent a            
geographical conception of the          
,zoroastrians after they had become     
acquainted with a larger sphere of      
countries and nations1 subsequent to    
their emigration from the land of the   

,seven ,rivers4#cf  ,footnote #cf3 ,the 
purely mythological character of this   
geographical chapter has been proved by 
,m4 ,michel ,breal1 ',journal           
,asiatique1' #ahfb4  ,these and similar 
questions of the highest importance for 
the early history of the ,aryan language
 and mythology1 however1 must await     
their final decision1 until the whole of
 the ,veda and the ,avesta shall have   
been published4 ,of this ,burnouf was   
fully aware1 and this was the reason why
 he postponed the publication of his    
researches into the antiquities of the  
,iranian nation4 ,the same conviction is
 shared by ,westergaard and ,spiegel1   
who are each engaged in an edition of   
the ,avesta1 and who1 though they differ
 on many points1 agree in considering   
the ,veda as the safest key to an       
understanding of the ,avesta4 ,professor
 ,roth1 of ,tuebingen1 has well         
expressed the mutual relation of the    
,veda and ,zend-,avesta under the       
following simile3 ',the ,veda1' he      

writes1 'and the ,zend-,avesta are two  
rivers flowing from one fountain-head3  
the stream of the ,veda is the fuller   
and purer1 and has remained truer to its
 original character2 that of the        
,zend-,avesta has been in various ways  
polluted1 has altered its course1 and   
cannot1 with certainty1 be traced back  
to its source4'  ,as to the language of 
the ,achaemenians1 presented to us in   
the ,persian text of the cuneiform      
inscriptions1 there was no room for     
doubt1 as soon as it became legible at  
all1 that it was the same tongue as that
 of the ,avesta1 only in a second stage 
of its continuous growth4 ,the process  
of deciphering these bundles of arrows  
by means of ,zend and ,sanskrit has been
 very much like deciphering an ,italian 
inscription without a knowledge of      
,italian1 simply by means of classical  
and mediaeval ,latin4 ,it would have    
been impossible1 even with the quick    
perception and patient combination of a 
,grotefend1 to read more than the proper

 names and a few titles on the walls of 
the ,persian palaces1 without the aid of
 ,zend and ,sanskrit2 and it seems      
almost providential1 as ,lassen         
remarked1 that these inscriptions1 which
 at any previous period would have been1
 in the eyes of either classical or     
oriental scholars1 nothing but a quaint 
conglomerate of nails1 wedges1 or       
arrows1 should have been rescued from   
the dust of centuries at the very moment
 when the discovery and study of        
,sanskrit and ,zend had enabled the     
scholars of ,europe to grapple          
successfully with their difficulties4   
,upon a closer inspection of the        
language and grammar of these mountain  
records of the ,achaemenian dynasty1 a  
curious fact came to light which seemed 
to disturb the historical relation      
between the language of ,zoroaster and  
the language of ,darius4 ,at first1     
historians were satisfied with knowing  
that the edicts of ,darius could be     
explained by the language of the        

,avesta1 and that the difference between
 the two1 which could be proved to imply
 a considerable interval of time1 was   
such as to exclude for ever the supposed
 historical identity of ,darius         
,hystaspes and ,gushtasp1 the mythical  
pupil of ,zoroaster4 ,the language of   
the ,avesta1 though certainly not the   
language of ,zarathustra1#cg displayed a
 grammar so much more luxuriant1 and    
forms so much more primitive than the   
inscriptions1 that centuries must have  
elapsed between the two periods         
represented by these two strata of      
language4 ,when1 however1 the forms of  
these languages were subjected to a more
 searching analysis1 it became evident  
that the phonetic system of the         
cuneiform inscriptions was more         
primitive and regular than even that of 
the earlier portions of the ,avesta4    
,this difficulty1 however1 admits of a  
solution2 and1 like many difficulties of
 the kind1 it tends to confirm1 if      
rightly explained1 the very facts and   

views which at first it seemed to       
overthrow4 ,the confusion in the        
phonetic system of the ,zend grammar is 
no doubt owing to the influence of oral 
tradition4 ,oral tradition1 particularly
 if confided to the safeguard of a      
learned priesthood1 is able to preserve1
 during centuries of growth and change1 
the sacred accents of a dead language2  
but it is liable at least to the slow   
and imperceptible influences of a       
corrupt pronunciation4 ,nowhere can we  
see this more clearly than in the ,veda1
 where grammatical forms that had ceased
 to be intelligible1 were carefully     
preserved1 while the original           
pronunciation of vowels was lost1 and   
the simple structure of the ancient     
metres destroyed by the adoption of a   
more modern pronunciation4 ,the loss of 
the ,digamma in ,homer is another case  
in point4 ,there are no facts to prove  
that the text of the ,avesta1 in the    
shape in which the ,parsis of ,bombay   
and ,yezd now possess it1 was committed 

to writing previous to the ,sassanian   
dynasty 7#bbf ,a4,d474 ,after that time 
it can indeed be traced1 and to a great 
extent be controlled and checked by the 
,huzvaresh translations made under that 
dynasty4 ,additions to it were made1 as 
it seems1 even after these ,huzvaresh   
translations2 but their number is small1
 and we have no reason to doubt that the
 text of the ,avesta1 in the days of    
,arda ,viraf1 was on the whole exactly  
the same as at present4 ,at the time    
when these translations were made1 it is
 clear from their own evidence that the 
language of ,zarathustra had already    
suffered1 and that the ideas of the     
,avesta were no longer fully understood 
even by the learned4 ,before that time  
we may infer1 indeed1 that the doctrine 
of ,zoroaster had been committed to     
writing1 for ,alexander is said to have 
destroyed the books of the              
,zoroastrians1 ,hermippus of ,alexandria
 is said to have read them4#ch ,but     
whether on the revival of the ,persian  

religion and literature1 that is to say 
#ejj years after ,alexander1 the works  
of ,zoroaster were collected and        
restored from extant ,,mss41 or from    
oral tradition1 must remain uncertain1  
and the disturbed state of the phonetic 
system would rather lead us to suppose a
 long-continued influence of oral       
tradition4 ,what the ,zend language     
might become1 if entrusted to the       
guardianship of memory alone1 unassisted
 by grammatical study and archaeological
 research1 may be seen at the present   
day1 when some of the ,parsis1 who are  
unable either to read or write1 still   
mutter hymns and prayers in their       
temples1 which1 though to them mere     
sound1 disclose to the experienced ear  
of an ,european scholar the             
time-hallowed accents of ,zarathustra's 
speech4  ,footnote #cg3 ,spiegel states 
the results of his last researches into 
the language of the different parts of  
the ,avesta in the following words3     
',we are now prepared to attempt an     

arrangement of the different portions of
 the ,zend-,avesta in the order of their
 antiquity4 ,first1 we place the second 
part of the ,yasna1 as separated in     
respect to the language of the          
,zend-,avesta1 yet not composed by      
,zoroaster himself1 since he is named in
 the third person2 and indeed everything
 intimates that neither he nor his      
disciple ,gushtasp was alive4 ,the      
second place must unquestionably be     
assigned to the ,vendidad4 ,i do not    
believe that the book was originally    
composed as it now stands3 it has       
suffered both earlier and later         
interpolations2 still1 its present form 
may be traced to a considerable         
antiquity4 ,the antiquity of the work is
 proved by its contents1 which          
distinctly show that the sacred         
literature was not yet completed4  ',the
 case is different with the writings of 
the last period1 among which ,i reckon  
the first part of the ,yasna1 and the   
whole of the ,yeshts4 ,among these a    

theological character is unmistakeable1 
the separate divinities having their    
attributes and titles dogmatically      
fixed4  ',altogether1 it is interesting 
to trace the progress of religion in    
,parsi writings4 ,it is a significant   
fact1 that in the oldest1 that is to    
say1 the second part of the ,yasna1     
nothing is fixed in the doctrine        
regarding ,god4 ,in the writings of the 
second period1 that is in the ,vendidad1
 we trace the advance to a theological1 
and1 in its way1 mild and scientific    
system4 ,out of this1 in the last place1
 there springs the stern and intolerant 
religion of the ,sassanian              
epoch4'--,from the ,rev4 ,j4 ,murray    
,mitchell's ,translation4  ,footnote    
#ch3 ',lectures on the ,science of      
,language1' ,first ,series1 p4 #ie4     
,thus far the history of the ,persian   
language had been reconstructed by the  
genius and perseverance of ,grotefend1  
,burnouf1 ,lassen1 and last1 not least1 
by the comprehensive labours of         

,rawlinson1 from the ante-historical    
epoch of ,zoroaster down to the age of  
,darius and ,artaxerxes ,,ii4 ,it might 
have been expected that1 after that     
time1 the contemporaneous historians of 
,greece would have supplied the sequel4 
,unfortunately the ,greeks cared nothing
 for any language except their own2 and 
little for any other history except as  
bearing on themselves4 ,the history of  
the ,persian language after the         
,macedonian conquest and during the     
,parthian occupation is indeed but a    
blank page4 ,the next glimpse of an     
authentic contemporaneous document is   
the inscription of ,ardeshir1 the       
founder of the new national dynasty of  
the ,sassanians4 ,it is written1 though1
 it may be1 with dialectic difference1  
in what was once called ',pehlevi1' and 
is now more commonly known as           
',huzvaresh1' this being the proper     
title of the language of the            
translations of the ,avesta4 ,the       
legends of ,sassanian coins1 the        

bilingual inscriptions of ,sassanian    
emperors1 and the translation of the    
,avesta by ,sassanian reformers1        
represent the ,persian language in its  
third phase4 ,to judge from the         
specimens given by ,anquetil ,duperron1 
it was not to be wondered at that this  
dialect1 then called ,pehlevi1 should   
have been pronounced an artificial      
jargon4 ,even when more genuine         
specimens of it became known1 the       
language seemed so overgrown with       
,semitic and barbarous words1 that it   
was expelled from the ,iranian family4  
,sir ,w4 ,jones pronounced it to be a   
dialect of ,chaldaic4 ,spiegel1 however1
 who is now publishing the text of these
 translations1 has established the fact 
that the language is truly ,aryan1      
neither ,semitic nor barbarous1 but     
,persian in roots and grammar4 ,he      
accounts for the large infusion of      
foreign terms by pointing to the mixed  
elements in the intellectual and        
religious life of ,persia during and    

before that period4 ,there was the      
,semitic influence of ,babylonia1       
clearly discernible even in the         
characters of the ,achaemenian          
inscriptions2 there was the slow        
infiltration of ,jewish ideas1 customs1 
and expressions1 working sometimes in   
the palaces of ,persian kings1 and      
always in the bazars of ,persian cities1
 on high roads and in villages2 there   
was the irresistible power of the ,greek
 genius1 which even under its rude      
,macedonian garb emboldened oriental    
thinkers to a flight into regions       
undreamed of in their philosophy2 there 
were the academies1 the libraries1 the  
works of art of the ,seleucidae2 there  
was ,edessa on the ,euphrates1 a city   
where ,plato and ,aristotle were        
studied1 where ,christian1 ,jewish1 and 
,buddhist tenets were discussed1 where  
,ephraem ,syrus taught1 and ,syriac     
translations were circulated which have 
preserved to us the lost originals of   
,greek and ,christian writers4 ,the     

title of the ,avesta under its ,semitic 
form ,apestako1 was known in ,syria as  
well as in ,persia1 and the true name of
 its author1 ,zarathustra1 is not yet   
changed in ,syriac into the modern      
,zerdusht4 ,while this intellectual     
stream1 principally flowing through     
,semitic channels1 was irrigating and   
inundating the west of ,asia1 the       
,persian language had been left without 
literary cultivation4 ,need we wonder1  
then1 that the men1 who at the rising of
 a new national dynasty 7#bbf7 became   
the reformers1 teachers1 and prophets of
 ,persia1 should have formed their      
language and the whole train of their   
ideas on a ,semitic model4 ,motley as   
their language may appear to a ,persian 
scholar fresh from the ,avesta or from  
,firdusi1 there is hardly a language of 
modern ,europe which1 if closely sifted1
 would not produce the same impression  
on a scholar accustomed only to the pure
 idiom of ,homer1 ,cicero1 ,ulfilas1 or 
,caedmon4 ,moreover2 the soul of the    

,sassanian language--,i mean its        
grammar--is ,persian and nothing but    
,persian2 and though meagre when        
compared with the grammar of the        
,avesta1 it is richer in forms than the 
later ,parsi1 the ,deri1 or the language
 of ,firdusi4 ,the supposition 7once    
maintained7 that ,pehlevi was the       
dialect of the western provinces of     
,persia is no longer necessary4 ,as well
 might we imagine1 7it is ,spiegel's    
apposite remark17 that a ,turkish work1 
because it is full of ,arabic words1    
could only have been written on the     
frontiers of ,arabia4 ,we may safely    
consider the ,huzvaresh of the          
translations of the ,avesta as the      
language of the ,sassanian court and    
hierarchy4 ,works also like the         
,bundehesh and ,minokhired belong by    
language and thought to the same period 
of mystic incubation1 when ,india and   
,egypt1 ,babylonia and ,greece1 were    
sitting together and gossiping like     
crazy old women1 chattering with        

toothless gums and silly brains about   
the dreams and joys of their youth1 yet 
unable to recall one single thought or  
feeling with that vigour which once gave
 it life and truth4 ,it was a period of 
religious and metaphysical delirium1    
when everything became everything1 when 
,maya and ,sophia1 ,mitra and ,christ1  
,viraf and ,isaiah1 ,belus1 ,zarvan1 and
 ,kronos were mixed up in one jumbled   
system of inane speculation1 from which 
at last the ,east was delivered by the  
positive doctrines of ,mohammed1 the    
,west by the pure ,christianity of the  
,teutonic nations4  ,in order to judge  
fairly of the merits of the ,huzvaresh  
as a language1 it must be remembered    
that we know it only from these         
speculative works1 and from translations
 made by men whose very language had    
become technical and artificial in the  
schools4 ,the idiom spoken by the nation
 was probably much less infected by this
 ,semitic fashion4 ,even the translators
 sometimes give the ,semitic terms only 

as a paraphrase or more distinct        
expression side by side with the        
,persian4 ,and1 if ,spiegel's opinion be
 right that ,parsi1 and not ,huzvaresh1 
was the language of the later ,sassanian
 empire1 it furnishes a clear proof that
 ,persian had recovered itself1 had     
thrown off the ,semitic ingredients1 and
 again become a pure and national       
speech4 ,this dialect 7the ,parsi7 also1
 exists in translations only2 and we owe
 our knowledge of it to ,spiegel1 the   
author of the first ,parsi grammar4     
,this third period in the history of the
 ,persian language1 comprehending the   
,huzvaresh and ,parsi1 ends with the    
downfall of the ,sassanians4 ,the ,arab 
conquest quenched the last sparks of    
,persian nationality2 and the           
fire-altars of the ,zoroastrians were   
never to be lighted again1 except in the
 oasis of ,yezd and on the soil of that 
country which the ,zoroastrians had     
quitted as the disinherited sons of     
,manu4 ,still the change did not take   

place at once4 ,mohl1 in his magnificent
 edition of the ,shahnameh1 has treated 
this period admirably1 and it is from   
him that ,i derive the following facts4 
,for a time1 ,persian religion1 customs1
 traditions1 and songs survived in the  
hands of the ,persian nobility and      
landed gentry 7the ,dihkans7 who lived  
among the people1 particularly in1 the  
eastern provinces1 remote from the      
capital and the seats of foreign        
dominion1 ,baghdad1 ,kufah1 and ,mosul4 
,where should ,firdusi have collected   
the national strains of ancient epic    
poetry which he revived in the          
,shahnameh 7#ajjj ,a4,d471 if the       
,persian peasant and the ,persian knight
 had not preserved the memory of their  
old heathen heroes1 even under the      
vigilant oppression of ,mohammedan      
zealots8 ,true1 the first collection of 
epic traditions was made under the      
,sassanians4 ,but this work1 commenced  
under ,nushirvan1 and finished under    
,yezdegird1 the last of the ,sassanians1

 was destroyed by ,omar's command4      
,firdusi himself tells us how this first
 collection was made by the ,dihkan     
,danishver4 ',there was a ,pehlevan1' he
 says1 'of the family of the ,dihkans1  
brave and powerful1 wise and            
illustrious1 who loved to study the     
ancient times1 and to collect the       
stories of past ages4 ,he summoned from 
all the provinces old men who possessed 
portions of 7i4 e4 who knew7 an ancient 
work in which many stories were written4
 ,he asked them about the origin of     
kings and illustrious heroes1 and how   
they governed the world which they left 
to us in this wretched state4 ,these old
 men recited before him1 one after the  
other1 the traditions of the kings and  
the changes in the empire4 ,the ,dihkan 
listened1 and composed a book worthy of 
his fame4 ,this is the monument he left 
to mankind1 and great and small have    
celebrated his name4'  ,the collector of
 this first epic poem1 under ,yezdegird1
 is called a ,dihkan by ,firdusi4       

,dihkan1 according to the ,persian      
dictionaries1 means 7#a7 farmer1 7#b7   
historian2 and the reason commonly      
assigned for this double meaning is1    
that the ,persian farmers happened to be
 well read in history4 ,quatremere1     
however1 has proved that the ,dihkans   
were the landed nobility of ,persia2    
that they kept up a certain             
independence1 even under the sway of the
 ,mohammedan ,khalifs1 and exercised in 
the country a sort of jurisdiction in   
spite of the commissioners sent from    
,baghdad1 the seat of the government4   
,thus ,danishver even is called a       
,dihkan1 although he lived previous to  
the ,arab conquest4 ,with him1 the title
 was only intended to show that it was  
in the country and among the peasants   
that he picked up the traditions and    
songs about ,jemshid1 ,feridun1 and     
,rustem4 ,of his work1 however1 we know 
nothing4 ,it was destroyed by ,omar2    
and1 though it survived in an ,arabic   
translation1 even this was lost in later

 times4 ,the work1 therefore1 had to be 
recommenced when in the eastern         
provinces of ,persia a national1 though 
no longer a ,zoroastrian1 feeling began 
to revive4 ,the governors of these      
provinces became independent as soon as 
the power of the ,khalifs1 after its    
rapid rise1 began to show signs of      
weakness4 ,though the ,mohammedan       
religion had taken root1 even among the 
national party1 yet ,arabic was no      
longer countenanced by the governors of 
the eastern provinces4 ,persian was     
spoken again at their courts1 ,persian  
poets were encouraged1 and ancient      
national traditions1 stripped of their  
religious garb1 began to be collected   
anew4 ,it is said that ,jacob1 the son  
of ,leis 7#hgj71 the first prince of    
,persian blood who declared himself     
independent of the ,khalifs1 procured   
fragments of ,danishver's epic1 and had 
it rearranged and continued4 ,then      
followed the dynasty of the ,samanians1 
who claimed descent from the ,sassanian 

kings4 ,they1 as well as the later      
dynasty of the ,gaznevides1 pursued the 
same popular policy4 ,they were strong  
because they rested on the support of a 
national ,persian spirit4 ,the national 
epic poet of the ,samanians was ,dakiki1
 by birth a ,zoroastrian4 ,firdusi      
possessed fragments of his work1 and has
 given a specimen of it in the story of 
,gushtasp4 ,the final accomplishment1   
however1 of an idea1 first cherished by 
,nushirvan1 was reserved for ,mahmud the
 ,great1 the second king of the         
,gaznevide dynasty4 ,by his command     
collections of old books were made all  
over the empire4 ,men who knew ancient  
poems were summoned to the court4 ,one  
of them was ,ader ,berzin1 who had spent
 his whole life in collecting popular   
accounts of the ancient kings of        
,persia4 ,another was ,serv ,azad1 from 
,merv1 who claimed descent from         
,neriman1 and knew all the tales        
concerning ,sam1 ,zal1 and ,rustem1     
which had been preserved in his family4 

,it was from these materials that       
,firdusi composed his great epic1 the   
,shahnameh4 ,he himself declares1 in    
many passages of his poem1 that he      
always followed tradition4              
',traditions1' he says1 'have been given
 by me2 nothing of what is worth knowing
 has been forgotten4 ,all that ,i shall 
say1 others have said before me3 they   
plucked before me the fruits in the     
garden of knowledge4' ,he speaks in     
detail of his predecessors3 he even     
indicates the sources from which he     
derives different episodes1 and it is   
his constant endeavour to convince his  
readers that what he relates are not    
poetical inventions of his own4 ,thus   
only can we account for the fact1 first 
pointed out by ,burnouf1 that many of   
the heroes in the ,shahnameh still      
exhibit the traits1 sadly distorted1 it 
is true1 but still unmistakeable1 of    
,vaidik deities1 which had passed       
through the ,zoroastrian schism1 the    
,achaemenian reign1 the ,macedonian     

occupation1 the ,parthian wars1 the     
,sassanian revival1 and the ,mohammedan 
conquest1 and of which the ,dihkans     
could still sing and tell1 when         
,firdusi's poem impressed the last stamp
 on the language of ,zarathustra4 ,bopp 
had discovered already1 in his edition  
of ,nalas 7#ahcb71 that the ,zend       
,vivanhvat was the same as the ,sanskrit
 ,vivasvat2 and ,burnouf1 in his        
',observations sur la ,grammaire        
,comparee de ,m4 ,bopp1' had identified 
a second personage1 the ,zend ,keresaspa
 with the ,sanskrit ,krisasva4 ,but the 
similarity between the ,zend ,keresaspa 
and the ,garshasp of the ,shahnameh     
opened a new and wide prospect to       
,burnouf1 and afterwards led him on to  
the most striking and valuable results4 
,some of these were published in his    
last work on ,zend1 ',etudes sur la     
,langue et les ,textes ,zends4' ,this is
 a collection of articles published     
originally in the ',journal ,asiatique' 
between #ahdj and #ahdf2 and it is      

particularly the fourth essay1 ',le     
,dieu ,homa1' which has opened an       
entirely new mine for researches into   
the ancient state of religion and       
tradition common to the ,aryans before  
their schism4 ,burnouf showed that three
 of the most famous names in the        
,shahnameh1 ,jemshid1 ,feridun1 and     
,garshasp1 can be traced back to three  
heroes mentioned in the ,zend-,avesta as
 the representatives of the three       
earliest generations of mankind1 ,yima  
,kshaeta1 ,thraetaona1 and ,keresaspa2  
and that the prototypes of these        
,zoroastrian heroes could be found again
 in the ,yama1 ,trita1 and ,krisasva of 
the ,veda4 ,he went even beyond this4   
,he showed that1 as in ,sanskrit1 the   
father of ,yama is ,vivasvat1 the father
 of ,yima in the ,avesta is ,vivanhvat4 
,he showed that as ,thraetaona in       
,persia is the son of ,athwya1 the      
patronymic of ,trita in the ,veda is    
,aptya4 ,he explained the transition of 
,thraetaona into ,feridun by pointing to

 the ,pehlevi form of the name1 as given
 by ,neriosengh1 ,fredun4 ,this change  
of an aspirated dental into an aspirated
 labial1 which by many is considered a  
flaw in this argument1 is of frequent   
occurrence4 ,we have only to think of   
,greek3 pher and ,greek3 ther1 of dhuma 
and fumus1 of modern ,greek ,greek3     
phelo and ,greek3 thelo--nay1           
,menenius's 'first complaint' would     
suffice to explain it4 ,burnouf again   
identified ,zohak1 the king of ,persia1 
slain by ,feridun1 whom even ,firdusi   
still knows by the name of ,ash dahak1  
with the ,azhi dahaka1 the biting       
serpent1 as he translates it1 destroyed 
by ,thraetaona in the ,avesta2 and with 
regard to the changes which these names1
 and the ideas originally expressed by  
them1 had to undergo on the intellectual
 stage of the ,aryan nation1 he says3   
',il est sans contredit fort curieux de 
voir une des ,divinites indiennes les   
plus venerees1 donner son nom au premier
 souverain de la dynastie ariopersanne2 

c'est un des faits qui attestent le plus
 evidemment l'intime union des deux     
branches de la grande famille qui s'est 
etendue1 bien de siecles avant notre    
ere1 depuis le ,gange jusqu'a           
l',euphrate4'  ,the great achievements  
of ,burnouf in this field of research   
have been so often ignored1 and what by 
right belongs to him has been so        
confidently ascribed to others1 that a  
faithful representation of the real     
state of the case1 as here given1 will  
not appear superfluous4 ,there is no    
intention1 while giving his due to      
,burnouf1 to detract from the merits of 
other scholars4 ,some more minute       
coincidences1 particularly in the story 
of ,feridun1 have subsequently been     
added by ,roth1 ,benfey1 and ,weber4    
,the first1 particularly1 has devoted   
two most interesting articles to the    
identification of ,yama-,yima-,jemshid  
and ,trita-,thraetaona-,feridun4 ,trita1
 who has generally been fixed upon as   
the ,vaidik original of ,feridun1       

because ,traitana1 whose name           
corresponds more accurately1 occurs but 
once in the ,rig-veda1 is represented in
 ,india as one of the many divine powers
 ruling the firmament1 destroying       
darkness1 and sending rain1 or1 as the  
poets of the ,veda are fond of          
expressing it1 rescuing the cows and    
slaying the demons that had carried them
 off4 ,these cows always move along the 
sky1 some dark1 some bright-coloured4   
,they low over their pasture2 they are  
gathered by the winds2 and milked by the
 bright rays of the sun1 they drop from 
their heavy udders a fertilising milk   
upon the parched and thirsty earth4 ,but
 sometimes1 the poet says1 they are     
carried off by robbers and kept in dark 
caves near the uttermost ends of the    
sky4 ,then the earth is without rain2   
the pious worshipper offers up his      
prayer to ,indra1 and ,indra rises to   
conquer the cows for him4 ,he sends his 
dog to find the scent of the cattle1 and
 after she has heard their lowing1 she  

returns1 and the battle commences4      
,indra hurls his thunderbolt2 the       
,maruts ride at his side2 the ,rudras   
roar2 till at last the rock is cleft    
asunder1 the demon destroyed1 and the   
cows brought back to their pasture4     
,this is one of the oldest mythes or    
sayings current among the ,aryan        
nations4 ,it appears again in the       
mythology of ,italy1 in ,greece1 in     
,germany4 ,in the ,avesta1 the battle is
 fought between ,thraetaona and ,azhi   
dahaka1 the destroying serpent4         
,traitana takes the place of ,indra in  
this battle in one song of the ,veda2   
more frequently it is ,trita1 but other 
gods also share in the same honour4 ,the
 demon1 again1 who fights against the   
gods is likewise called ,ahi1 or the    
serpent1 in the ,veda4 ,but the         
characteristic change that has taken    
place between the ,veda and ,avesta is  
that the battle is no longer a conflict 
of gods and demons for cows1 nor of     
light and darkness for rain4 ,it is the 

battle of a pious man against the power 
of evil4 ',le ,zoroastrisme1' as        
,burnouf says1 'en se detachant plus    
franchement de ,dieu et de la nature1 a 
certainement tenu plus de compte de     
l'homme que n'a fait le ,brahmanisme1 et
 on peut dire qu'il a regagne en        
profondeur ce qu'il perdait en etendue4 
,il ne m'appartient pas d'indiquer ici  
ce qu'un systeme qui tend a developper  
les instincts les plus nobles de notre  
nature1 et qui impose a l'homme1 comme  
le plus important de ses devoirs1 celui 
de lutter constamment contre le principe
 du mal1 a pu exercer d'influence sur   
les destinees des peuples de l',asie1   
chez lesquels il a ete adopte a diverses
 epoques4 ,on peut cependant deja dire  
que le caractere religieux et martial   
tout a la fois1 qui parait avec des     
traits si heroiques dans la plupart des 
,jeshts1 n'a pas du etre sans action sur
 la male discipline sous laquelle ont   
grandi les commencements de la monarchie
 de ,cyrus4'  ,a thousand years after   

,cyrus 7for ,zohak is mentioned by      
,moses of ,khorene in the fifth century7
 we find all this forgotten once more1  
and the vague rumours about ,thraetaona 
and ,azhi ,dahaka are gathered at last1 
and arranged and interpreted into       
something intelligible to later ages4   
,zohak is a three-headed tyrant on the  
throne of ,persia--three-headed1 because
 the ,vaidik ,ahi was three-headed1 only
 that one of ,zohak's heads has now     
become human4 ,zohak has killed ,jemshid
 of the ,peshdadian dynasty3 ,feridun   
now conquers ,zohak on the banks of the 
,tigris4 ,he then strikes him down with 
his cow-headed mace1 and is on the point
 of killing him1 when1 as ,firdusi says1
 a supernatural voice whispered in his  
ear--#ci      ,slay him not now1 his    
time is not yet come1     ,his          
punishment must be prolonged awhile2    
,and as he cannot now survive the wound1
     ,bind him with heavy chains--convey
 him straight     ,upon the mountain1   
there within a cave1     ,deep1 dark1   

and horrible--with none to soothe       
,his sufferings1 let the murderer       
lingering die4     ,the work of heaven  
performing1 ,feridun     ,first purified
 the world from sin and crime4     ,yet 
,feridun was not an angel1 nor          
,composed of musk and ambergris4 ,by    
justice     ,and generosity he gained   
his fame4     ,do thou but exercise     
these princely virtues1     ,and thou   
wilt be renowned as ,feridun4  ,footnote
 #ci3 ,cf4 ,atkinson's ,shahnameh1 p4   
#dh4  ,as a last stage in the mythe of  
the ,vaidik ,traitana we may mention    
versions like those given by ,sir ,john 
,malcolm and others1 who see in ,zohak  
the representative of an ,assyrian      
invasion lasting during the thousand    
years of ,zohak's reign1 and who change 
,feridun into ,arbaces the ,mede1 the   
conqueror of ,sardanapalus4 ,we may then
 look at the whole with the new light   
which ,burnouf's genius has shed over   
it1 and watch the retrograde changes of 
,arbaces into ,feridun1 of ,feridun into

 ,phredun1 of ,phredun into ,thraetaona1
 of ,thraetaona into ,traitana1--each a 
separate phase in the dissolving view of
 mythology4  ,as to the language of     
,persia1 its biography is at an end with
 the ,shahnameh4 ,what follows exhibits 
hardly any signs of either growth or    
decay4 ,the language becomes more and   
more encumbered with foreign words2 but 
the grammar seems to have arrived at its
 lowest ebb1 and withstands further     
change4 ,from this state of grammatical 
numbness1 languages recover by a        
secondary formation1 which grows up     
slowly and imperceptibly at first in the
 speech of the people2 till at last the 
reviving spirit rises upwards1 and      
sweeps away1 like the waters in spring1 
the frozen surface of an effete         
government1 priesthood1 literature1 and 
grammar4  ,october1 #ahec4     ,,iv4    
,,the ,,aitareya-,,brahmana4#dj   ,the  
,sanskrit text1 with an ,english        
translation of the ,aitareya-brahmana1  
just published at ,bombay by ,dr4       

,martin ,haug1 the ,superintendent of   
,sanskrit ,studies in the ,poona        
,college1 constitutes one of the most   
important additions lately made to our  
knowledge of the ancient literature of  
,india4 ,the work is published by the   
,director of ,public ,instruction1 in   
behalf of ,government1 and furnishes a  
new instance of the liberal and         
judicious spirit in which ,mr4 ,howard  
bestows his patronage on works of real  
and permanent utility4 ,the             
,aitareya-brahmana1 containing the      
earliest speculations of the ,brahmans  
on the meaning of their sacrificial     
prayers1 and the purport of their       
ancient religious rites1 is a work which
 could be properly edited nowhere but in
 ,india4 ,it is only a small work of    
about two hundred pages1 but it         
presupposes so thorough a familiarity   
with all the externals of the religion  
of the ,brahmans1 the various offices of
 their priests1 the times and seasons of
 their sacred rites1 the form of their  

innumerable sacrificial utensils1 and   
the preparation of their offerings1 that
 no amount of ,sanskrit scholarship1    
such as can be gained in ,england1 would
 have been sufficient to unravel the    
intricate speculations concerning the   
matters which form the bulk of the      
,aitareya-brahmana4 ,the difficulty was 
not to translate the text word for word1
 but to gain a clear1 accurate1 and     
living conception of the subjects there 
treated4 ,the work was composed by      
persons1 and for persons1 who1 in a     
general way1 knew the performance of the
 ,vedic sacrifices as well as we know   
the performance of our own sacred rites4
 ,if we placed the ,english ,prayer-book
 in the hands of a stranger who had     
never assisted at an ,english service1  
we should find that1 in spite of the    
simplicity and plainness of its         
language1 it failed to convey to the    
uninitiated a clear idea of what he     
ought and what he ought not to do in    
church4 ,the ancient ,indian ceremonial1

 however1 is one of the most artificial 
and complicated forms of worship that   
can well be imagined2 and though its    
details are1 no doubt1 most minutely    
described in the ,brahmanas and the     
,sutras1 yet1 without having seen the   
actual site on which the sacrifices are 
offered1 the altars constructed for the 
occasion1 the instruments employed by   
different priests--the tout-ensemble1 in
 fact1 of the sacred rites--the reader  
seems to deal with words1 but with words
 only1 and is unable to reproduce in his
 imagination the acts and facts which   
were intended to be conveyed by them4   
,various attempts were made to induce   
some of the more learned ,brahmans to   
edit and translate some of their own    
rituals1 and thus enable ,european      
scholars to gain an idea of the actual  
performance of their ancient sacrifices1
 and to enter more easily into the      
spirit of the speculations on the       
mysterious meaning of these rituals1    
which are embodied in the so-called     

,brahmanas1 or 'the sayings of the      
,brahmans4' ,but although1 thanks to the
 enlightened exertions of ,dr4          
,ballantyne and his associates in the   
,sanskrit ,college of ,benares1         
,brahmans might have been found knowing 
,english quite sufficiently for the     
purpose of a rough and ready translation
 from ,sanskrit into ,english1 such was 
their prejudice against divulging the   
secrets of their craft that none could  
be persuaded to undertake the ungrateful
 task4 ,dr4 ,haug tells us of another   
difficulty1 which we had hardly         
suspected1--the great scarcity of       
,brahmans familiar with the ancient     
,vedic ritual3       ',seeing the great 
difficulties1 nay1 impossibility of     
attaining to anything like a real       
understanding of the      sacrificial   
art from all the numerous books ,i had  
collected1      ,i made the greatest    
efforts to obtain oral information from 
some of those few ,brahmans who are     
known by the name of      ,srotriyas or 

,srautis1 and who alone are the         
possessors      of the sacrificial      
mysteries as they descended from the    
remotest times4 ,the task was no easy   
one1 and no ,european      scholar in   
this country before me ever succeeded in
 it4 ,this      is not to be wondered   
at2 for the proper knowledge of the     
ritual is everywhere in ,india now      
rapidly dying out1 and in      many     
parts1 chiefly in those under ,british  
rule1 it has      already died out4'    
,footnote #dj3 ',the ,aitareya-brahmanam
 of the ,rig-veda1' edited and          
translated by ,martin ,haug1 ,ph4,d41   
,superintendent of ,sanskrit ,studies in
 the ,poona ,college4 ,bombay1 #ahfc4   
,london3 ,truebner  ,co4  ,dr4 ,haug    
succeeded1 however1 at last in procuring
 the assistance of a real ,doctor of    
,divinity1 who had not only performed   
the minor ,vedic sacrifices1 such as the
 full and new-moon offerings1 but had   
officiated at some of the great ,soma   
sacrifices1 now very rarely to be seen  

in any part of ,india4 ,he was induced1 
we are sorry to say by very mercenary   
considerations1 to perform the principal
 ceremonies in a secluded part of ,dr4  
,haug's premises4 ,this lasted five     
days1 and the same assistance was       
afterwards rendered by the same worthy  
and some of his brethren whenever ,dr4  
,haug was in any doubt as to the proper 
meaning of the ceremonial treatises     
which give the outlines of the ,vedic   
sacrifices4 ,dr4 ,haug was actually     
allowed to taste that sacred beverage1  
the ,soma1 which gives health1 wealth1  
wisdom1 inspiration1 nay immortality1 to
 those who receive it from the hands of 
a twice-born priest4 ,yet1 after        
describing its preparation1 all that    
,dr4 ,haug has to say of it is3         
',the sap of the plant now used at      
,poona appears whitish1 has      a very 
stringent taste1 is bitter1 but not     
sour2 it is a      very nasty drink1 and
 has some intoxicating effect4 ,i tasted
      it several times1 but it was      

impossible for me to drink more         
than some teaspoonfuls4'  ,after having 
gone through all these ordeals1 ,dr4    
,haug may well say that his explanations
 of sacrificial terms1 as given in the  
notes1 can be relied upon as certain2   
that they proceed from what he himself  
witnessed1 and what he was able to learn
 from men who had inherited the         
knowledge from the most ancient times4  
,he speaks with some severity of those  
scholars in ,europe who have attempted  
to explain the technical terms of the   
,vedic sacrifices without the assistance
 of native priests1 and without even    
availing themselves carefully of the    
information they might have gained from 
native commentaries4  ,in the preface to
 his edition of the ,aitareya-brahmana1 
,dr4 ,haug has thrown out some new ideas
 on the chronology of ,vedic literature 
which deserve careful consideration4    
,beginning with the hymns of the        
,rig-veda1 he admits1 indeed1 that there
 are in that collection ancient and     

modern hymns1 but he doubts whether it  
will be possible to draw a sharp line   
between what has been called the        
,khandas period1 representing the free  
growth of sacred poetry1 and the ,mantra
 period1 during which the ancient hymns 
were supposed to have been collected and
 new ones added1 chiefly intended for   
sacrificial purposes4 ,dr4 ,haug        
maintains that some hymns of a decidedly
 sacrificial character should be        
ascribed to the earliest period of      
,vedic poetry4 ,he takes1 for instance1 
the hymn describing the horse sacrifice1
 and he concludes from the fact that    
seven priests only are mentioned in it  
by name1 and that none of them belongs  
to the class of the ,udgatars 7singers7 
and ,brahmans 7superintendents71 that   
this hymn was written before the        
establishment of these two classes of   
priests4 ,as these priests are mentioned
 in other ,vedic hymns1 he concludes    
that the hymn describing the horse      
sacrifice is of a very early date4 ,dr4 

,haug strengthens his case by a         
reference to the ,zoroastrian           
ceremonial1 in which1 as he says1 the   
chanters and superintendents are        
entirely unknown1 whereas the other two 
classes1 the ,hotars 7reciters7 and     
,adhvaryus 7assistants7 are mentioned by
 the same names as ,zaotar and          
,rathwiskare4 ,the establishment of the 
two new classes of priests would1       
therefore1 seem to have taken place in  
,india after the ,zoroastrians had      
separated from the ,brahmans2 and ,dr4  
,haug would ascribe the ,vedic hymns in 
which no more than two classes of       
priests are mentioned to a period       
preceding1 others in which the other two
 classes of priests are mentioned to a  
period succeeding1 that ancient schism4 
,we must confess1 though doing full     
justice to ,dr4 ,haug's argument1 that  
he seems to us to stretch what is merely
 negative evidence beyond its proper    
limits4 ,surely a poet1 though          
acquainted with all the details of a    

sacrifice and the titles of all the     
priests employed in it1 might speak of  
it in a more general manner than the    
author of a manual1 and it would be most
 dangerous to conclude that whatever was
 passed over by him in silence did not  
exist at the time when he wrote4        
,secondly1 if there were more ancient   
titles of priests1 the poet would most  
likely use them in preference to others 
that had been but lately introduced4    
,thirdly1 even the ancient priestly     
titles had originally a more general    
meaning before they were restricted to  
their technical significance1 just as in
 ,europe bishop meant originally an     
overseer1 priest an elder1 deacon a     
minister4 ,in several hymns1 some of    
these titles--for instance1 that of     
hotar1 invoker--are clearly used as     
appellatives1 and not as titles4        
,lastly1 one of the priests mentioned in
 the hymn on the horse sacrifice1 the   
,agnimindha1 is admitted by ,dr4 ,haug  
himself to be the same as the ,agnidhra2

 and if we take this name1 like all the 
others1 in its technical sense1 we have 
to recognise in him one of the four     
,brahman priests4#da ,we should thus    
lose the ground on which ,dr4 ,haug's   
argument is chiefly based1 and should   
have to admit the existence of ,brahman 
priests as early at least as the time in
 which the hymn on the horse sacrifice  
was composed4 ,but1 even admitting that 
allusions to a more or less complete    
ceremonial#db could be pointed out in   
certain hymns1 this might help us no    
doubt in subdividing and arranging the  
poetry of the second or ,mantra period1 
but it would leave the question1 whether
 allusions to ceremonial technicalities 
are to be considered as characteristics 
of later hymns1 entirely unaffected4    
,dr4 ,haug1 who holds that1 in the      
development of the human race1 sacrifice
 comes earlier than religious poetry1   
formulas earlier than prayers1          
,leviticus earlier than the ,psalms1    
applies this view to the chronological  

arrangement of ,vedic literature2 and he
 is1 therefore1 naturally inclined to   
look upon hymns composed for sacrificial
 purposes1 more particularly upon the   
invocations and formulas of the         
,yagur-veda1 and upon the ,nivids       
preserved in the ,brahmanas and ,sutras1
 as relics of greater antiquity than the
 free poetical effusions of the ,rishis1
 which defy ceremonial rules1 ignore the
 settled rank of priests and deities1   
and occasionally allude to subjects more
 appropriate for profane than for sacred
 poetry3       ',the first sacrifices he
 writes were no doubt simple            
offerings performed without much        
ceremonial4 ,a few      appropriate     
solemn words1 indicating the giver1 the 
nature      of the offering1 the deity  
to which1 as well as the purpose        
for which it was offered1 were          
sufficient4 ,all this would be          
embodied in the sacrificial formulas    
known in later times      principally by
 the name of ,yagush1 whilst the older  

one      appears to have been ,yagya4   
,the invocation of the deity by         
different names1 and its invitation to  
enjoy the meal      prepared1 may be    
equally old4 ,it was justly regarded as 
a      kind of ,yagush1 and called      
,nigada or ,nivid4'  ,footnote #da3 ,by 
an accident two lines containing the    
names of the sixteen priests in my      
',history of ,ancient ,sanskrit         
,literature' 7p4 #dfi7 have been        
misplaced4 ,agnidhra and ,potri ought to
 range with the ,brahmans1 ,pratihartri 
and ,subrahmanya with the ,udgatris4    
,see ,asval4 ,sutras ,,iv4 #a 7p4 #bhf1 
',bibliotheca ,indica'72 and ,m4 ,m41   
,todtenbestattung1 p4 xlvi4 ,it might be
 said1 however1 that the ,agnimindha was
 meant as one of the ,hotrasamsins1 or  
one of the ,seven ,priests1 the ,sapta  
,hotars4 ,see ,haug1 ,aitareya-brahmana1
 vol4 i4 p4 #eh4  ,footnote #db3 ,many  
such allusions were collected in my     
',history of ,ancient ,sanskrit         
,literature1' p4 #dhf seq42 some of them

 have lately been independently         
discovered by others4  ,in comparing    
these sacrificial formulas with the bulk
 of the ,rig-veda hymns1 ,dr4 ,haug     
comes to the conclusion that the former 
are more ancient4 ,he shows that certain
 of these formulas and ,nivids were     
known to the poets of the hymns1 as they
 undoubtedly were2 but this would only  
prove that these poets were acquainted  
with these as well as with other        
portions of the ceremonial4 ,it would   
only confirm the view advocated by      
others1 that certain hymns were clearly 
written for ceremonial purposes1 though 
the ceremonial presupposed by these     
hymns may in many cases prove more      
simple and primitive than the ceremonial
 laid down in the ,brahmanas and        
,sutras4 ,but if ,dr4 ,haug tells us    
that the ,rishis tried their poetical   
talent first in the composition of      
,yagyas1 or verses to be recited while  
an offering was thrown into the fire1   
and that the ,yagyas were afterwards    

extended into little songs1 we must ask1
 is this fact or theory8 ,and if we are 
told that 'there can be hardly any doubt
 that the hymns which we possess are    
purely sacrificial1 and made only for   
sacrificial purposes1 and that those    
which express more general ideas1 or    
philosophical thoughts1 or confessions  
of sins1 are comparatively late1' we can
 only repeat our former question4 ,dr4  
,haug1 when proceeding to give his      
proofs1 that the purely sacrificial     
poetry is more ancient than either      
profane songs or hymns of a more general
 religious character1 only produces such
 collateral evidence as may be found in 
the literary history of the ,jews and   
the ,chinese--evidence which is curious1
 but not convincing4 ,among the ,aryan  
nations1 it has hitherto been considered
 as a general rule that poetry precedes 
prose4 ,now the ,yagyas and ,nivids are 
prose1 and though ,dr4 ,haug calls it   
rhythmical prose1 yet1 as compared with 
the hymns1 they are prose2 and though   

such an argument by itself could by no  
means be considered as sufficient to    
upset any solid evidence to the         
contrary1 yet it is stronger than the   
argument derived from the literature of 
nations who are neither of them ,aryan  
in language or thought4  ,but though we 
have tried to show the insufficiency of 
the arguments advanced by ,dr4 ,haug in 
support of his theory1 we are by no     
means prepared to deny the great        
antiquity of some of the sacrificial    
formulas and invocations1 and more      
particularly of the ,nivids to which he 
for the first time has called attention4
 ,there probably existed very ancient   
,nivids or invocations1 but are the     
,nivids which we possess the identical  
,nivids alluded to in the hymns8 ,if so1
 why have they no accents1 why do they  
not form part of the ,sanhitas1 why were
 they not preserved1 discussed1 and     
analysed with the same religious care as
 the metrical hymns8 ,the ,nivids which 
we now possess may1 as ,dr4 ,haug       

supposes1 have inspired the ,rishis with
 the burden of their hymns2 but they may
 equally well have been put together by 
later compilers from the very hymns of  
the ,rishis4 ,there is many a hymn in   
the ,sanhita of the ,rig-veda which may 
be called a ,nivid1 i4 e4 an invitation 
addressed to the gods to come to the    
sacrifices1 and an enumeration of the   
principal names of each deity4 ,those   
who believe1 on more general grounds1   
that all religion began with sacrifice  
and sacrificial formulas will naturally 
look on such hymns and on the ,nivids as
 relics of a more primitive age2 while  
others who look upon prayer1 praise1 and
 thanksgiving1 and the unfettered       
expression of devotion and wonderment as
 the first germs of a religious worship1
 will treat the same ,nivids as         
productions of a later age4 ,we doubt   
whether this problem can be argued on   
general grounds4 ,admitting that the    
,jews began with sacrifice and ended    
with psalms1 it would by no means follow

 that the ,aryan nations did the same1  
nor would the chronological arrangement 
of the ancient literature of ,china help
 us much in forming an opinion of the   
growth of the ,indian mind4 ,we must    
take each nation by itself1 and try to  
find out what they themselves hold as to
 the relative antiquity of their        
literary documents4 ,on general grounds1
 the problem whether sacrifice or prayer
 comes first1 may be argued ad          
infinitum1 just like the problem whether
 the hen comes first or the egg4 ,in the
 special case of the sacred literature  
of the ,brahmans1 we must be guided by  
their own tradition1 which invariably   
places the poetical hymns of the        
,rig-veda before the ceremonial hymns   
and formulas of the ,yagur-veda and     
,sama-veda4 ,the strongest argument that
 has as yet been brought forward against
 this view is1 that the formulas of the 
,yagur-veda and the sacrificial texts of
 the ,sama-veda contain occasionally    
more archaic forms of language than the 

hymns of the ,rig-veda4 ,it was         
supposed1 therefore1 that1 although the 
hymns of the ,rig-veda might have been  
composed at an earlier time1 the        
sacrificial hymns and formulas were the 
first to be collected and to be         
preserved in the schools by means of a  
strict mnemonic discipline4 ,the hymns  
of the ,rig-veda1 some of which have no 
reference whatever to the ,vedic        
ceremonial1 being collected at a later  
time1 might have been stripped1 while   
being handed down by oral tradition1 of 
those grammatical forms which in the    
course of time had become obsolete1 but 
which1 if once recognised and sanctioned
 in theological seminaries1 would have  
been preserved there with the most      
religious care4  ,according to ,dr4     
,haug1 the period during which the      
,vedic hymns were composed extends from 
#adjj to #bjjj ,b4,c4 ,the oldest hymns1
 however1 and the sacrificial formulas  
he would place between #bjjj and #bdjj  
,b4,c4 ,this period1 corresponding to   

what has been called the ,khandas and   
,mantra periods1 would be succeeded by  
the ,brahmana period1 and ,dr4 ,haug    
would place the bulk of the ,brahmanas1 
all written in prose1 between #adjj and 
#abjj ,b4,c4 ,he does not attribute much
 weight to the distinction made by the  
,brahmans themselves between revealed   
and profane literature1 and would place 
the ,sutras almost contemporaneous with 
the ,brahmanas4 ,the only fixed point   
from which he starts in his             
chronological arrangement is the date   
implied by the position of the          
solstitial points mentioned in a little 
treatise1 the ,gyotisha1 a date which   
has been accurately fixed by the ,rev4  
,e4 ,main at #aahf ,b4,c4#dc ,dr4 ,haug 
fully admits that such an observation   
was an absolute necessity for the       
,brahmans in regulating their calendar3 
',the proper time he writes of          
commencing and ending their             
sacrifices1 principally the so-called   
,sattras or sacrificial      sessions1  

could not be known without an accurate  
knowledge      of the time of the sun's 
northern and southern progress4 ,the    
knowledge of the calendar forms such an 
essential part of      the ritual1 that 
many important conditions of the latter 
cannot be carried out without the       
former4 ,the sacrifices are      allowed
 to commence only at certain lucky      
constellations1      and in certain     
months4 ,so1 for instance1 as a rule1 no
 great      sacrifice can commence      
during the sun's southern progress2     
for this is regarded up to the present  
day as an unlucky      period by the    
,brahmans1 in which even to die is      
believed to      be a misfortune4 ,the  
great sacrifices generally take place   
in spring in the months of ,kaitra and  
,vaisakha 7,april      and ,may74 ,the  
,sattras1 which lasted for one year1    
were1 as      one may learn from a      
careful perusal of the fourth book of   
the ,aitareya-brahmana1 nothing but an  
imitation of the      sun's yearly      

course4 ,they were divided into two     
distinct      parts1 each consisting of 
six months of thirty days each2 in      
the midst of both was the ,vishuvat1 i4 
e4 equator or central      day1 cutting 
the whole ,sattra into two halves4 ,the 
ceremonies were in both halves exactly  
the same1 but they      were in the     
latter half performed in an inverted    
order4'  ,footnote #dc3 ,see preface to 
the fourth volume of my edition of the  
,rig-veda4  ,this argument of ,dr4      
,haug's seems correct as far as the date
 of the establishment of the ceremonial 
is concerned1 and it is curious that    
several scholars who have lately written
 on the origin of the ,vedic calendar1  
and the possibility of its foreign      
origin1 should not have perceived the   
intimate relation between that calendar 
and the whole ceremonial system of the  
,brahmans4 ,dr4 ,haug is1 no doubt1     
perfectly right when he claims the      
invention of the ,nakshatras1 or the    
,lunar ,zodiac of the ,brahmans1 if we  

may so call it1 for ,india2 he may be   
right also when he assigns the twelfth  
century as the earliest date for the    
origin of that simple astronomical      
system on which the calendar of the     
,vedic festivals is founded4 ,he calls  
the theories of others1 who have lately 
tried to claim the first discovery of   
the ,nakshatras for ,china1 ,babylon1 or
 some other ,asiatic country1 absurd1   
and takes no notice of the sanguine     
expectations of certain scholars1 who   
imagine they will soon have discovered  
the very names of the ,indian           
,nakshatras in ,babylonian inscriptions4
 ,but does it follow that1 because the  
ceremonial presupposes an observation of
 the solstitial points in about the     
twelfth century1 therefore the          
theological works in which that         
ceremonial is explained1 commented upon1
 and furnished with all kinds of        
mysterious meanings1 were composed at   
that early date8 ,we see no stringency  
whatever in this argument of ,dr4       

,haug's1 and we think it will be        
necessary to look for other anchors by  
which to fix the drifting wrecks of     
,vedic literature4  ,dr4 ,haug's two    
volumes1 containing the text of the     
,aitareya-brahmana1 translation1 and    
notes1 would probably never have been   
published1 if they had not received the 
patronage of the ,bombay ,government4   
,however interesting the ,brahmanas may 
be to students of ,indian literature1   
they are of small interest to the       
general reader4 ,the greater portion of 
them is simply twaddle1 and what is     
worse1 theological twaddle4 ,no person  
who is not acquainted beforehand with   
the place which the ,brahmanas fill in  
the history of the ,indian mind1 could  
read more than ten pages without being  
disgusted4 ,to the historian1 however1  
and to the philosopher they are of      
infinite importance--to the former as a 
real link between the ancient and modern
 literature of ,india2 to the latter as 
a most important phase in the growth of 

the human mind1 in its passage from     
health to disease4 ,such books1 which no
 circulating library would touch1 are   
just the books which ,governments1 if   
possible1 or ,universities and learned  
societies1 should patronise2 and if we  
congratulate ,dr4 ,haug on having       
secured the enlightened patronage of the
 ,bombay ,government1 we may            
congratulate ,mr4 ,howard and the       
,bombay ,government on having1 in this  
instance1 secured the services of a bona
 fide scholar like ,dr4 ,haug4#dd       
,march1 #ahfd4  ,footnote #dd3 ,a few   
paragraphs in this review1 in which     
allusion was made to certain charges of 
what might be called 'literary          
rattening1' brought by ,dr4 ,haug       
against some ,sanskrit scholars1 and    
more particularly against the editor of 
the ',indische ,studien' at ,berlin1    
have here been omitted1 as no longer of 
any interest4 ,they may be seen1        
however1 in the ninth volume of that    
periodical1 where my review has been    

reprinted1 though1 as usual1 very       
incorrectly4 ,it was not ,i who first   
brought these accusations1 nor should ,i
 have felt justified in alluding to     
them1 if the evidence placed before me  
had not convinced me that there was some
 foundation for them4 ,i am willing to  
admit that the language of ,dr4 ,haug   
and others may have been too severe1 but
 few will think that a very loud and    
boisterous denial is the best way to    
show that the strictures were quite     
undeserved4 ,if1 by alluding to these   
matters and frankly expressing my       
disapproval of them1 ,i have given      
unnecessary pain1 ,i sincerely regret   
it4 ,so much for the past4 ,as to the   
future1 care1 ,i trust1 will be         
taken1--for the sake of the good fame of
 ,german scholarship1 which1 though     
living in ,england1 ,i have quite as    
much at heart as if living in           
,germany1--not to give even the faintest
 countenance to similar suspicions4 ,if 
my remarks should help in producing that

 result1 ,i shall be glad to bow my head
 in silence under the vials of wrath    
that have been poured upon it4     ,v4  
,,on ,,the ,,study  ,,of ,,the          
,,zend-,,avesta ,,in ,,india4#de        
,sanskrit scholars resident in ,india   
enjoy considerable advantages over those
 who devote themselves to the study of  
the ancient literature of the ,brahmans 
in this country1 or in ,france and      
,germany4 ,although ,sanskrit is no     
longer spoken by the great mass of the  
people1 there are few large towns in    
which we do not meet with some more or  
less learned natives--the pandits1 or1  
as they used to be called1 pundits--men 
who have passed through a regular       
apprenticeship in ,sanskrit grammar1 and
 who generally devote themselves to the 
study of some special branch of         
,sanskrit literature1 whether law1 or   
logic1 or rhetoric1 or astronomy1 or    
anything else4 ,these men1 who formerly 
lived on the liberality of the ,rajahs  
and on the superstition of the people1  

find it more and more difficult to make 
a living among their own countrymen1 and
 are glad to be employed by any civilian
 or officer who takes an interest in    
their ancient lore4 ,though not scholars
 in our sense of the word1 and therefore
 of little use as teachers of the       
language1 they are extremely useful to  
more advanced students1 who are able to 
set them to do that kind of work for    
which they are fit1 and to check their  
labours by judicious supervision4 ,all  
our great ,sanskrit scholars1 from ,sir 
,william ,jones to ,h4,h4 ,wilson1 have 
fully acknowledged their obligations to 
their native assistants4 ,they used to  
work in ,calcutta1 ,benares1 and ,bombay
 with a pandit at each elbow1 instead of
 the grammar and the dictionary which   
,european scholars have to consult at   
every difficult passage4 ,whenever an   
,english ,sahib undertook to edit or    
translate a ,sanskrit text1 these       
pandits had to copy and to collate      
,,mss41 to make a verbal index1 to      

produce parallel passages from other    
writers1 and1 in many cases1 to supply a
 translation into ,hindustani1 ,bengali1
 or into their own peculiar ,english4   
,in fact1 if it had not been for the    
assistance thus fully and freely        
rendered by native scholars1 ,sanskrit  
scholarship would never have made the   
rapid progress which1 during less than a
 century1 it has made1 not only in      
,india1 but in almost every country of  
,europe4  ,footnote #de3 ',essays on the
 ,sacred ,language1 ,writings1 and      
,religion of the ,parsees4' ,by ,martin 
,haug1 ,dr4 ,phil4 ,bombay1 #ahfb4      
,with this example to follow1 it is     
curious that hardly any attempt should  
have been made by ,english residents1   
particularly in the ,bombay ,presidency1
 to avail themselves of the assistance  
of the ,parsis for the purpose of       
mastering the ancient language and      
literature of the worshippers of        
,ormuzd4 ,if it is remembered that1 next
 to ,sanskrit1 there is no more ancient 

language than ,zend--and that1 next to  
the ,veda1 there is1 among the ,aryan   
nations1 no more primitive religious    
code than the ,zend-,avesta1 it is      
surprising that so little should have   
been done by the members of the ,indian 
,civil ,service in this important branch
 of study4 ,it is well known that such  
was the enthusiasm kindled in the heart 
of ,anquetil ,duperron by the sight of a
 facsimile of a page of the             
,zend-,avesta1 that in order to secure a
 passage to ,india1 he enlisted as a    
private soldier1 and spent six years    
7#aged-agfa7 in different parts of      
,western ,india1 trying to collect      
,,mss4 of the sacred writings of        
,zoroaster1 and to acquire from the     
,dustoors a knowledge of their contents4
 ,his example was followed1 though in a 
less adventurous spirit1 by ,rask1 a    
learned ,dane1 who after collecting at  
,bombay many valuable ,,mss4 for the    
,danish ,government1 wrote in #ahbf his 
essay ',on the ,age and ,genuineness of 

the ,zend ,language4' ,another ,dane1 at
 present one of the most learned ,zend  
scholars in ,europe1 ,westergaard1      
likewise proceeded to ,india            
7#ahda-ahdc71 before he undertook to    
publish his edition of the religious    
books of the ,zoroastrians4             
7,copenhagen1 #aheb47 ,during all this  
time1 while ,french and ,german         
scholars1 such as ,burnouf1 ,bopp1 and  
,spiegel1 were hard at work in          
deciphering the curious remains of the  
,magian religion1 hardly anything was   
contributed by ,english students living 
in the very heart of ,parsiism at       
,bombay and ,poona4  ,we are all the    
more pleased1 therefore1 that a young   
,german scholar1 ,dr4 ,haug--who through
 the judicious recommendation of ,mr4   
,howard1 ,director of ,public           
,instruction in the ,bombay ,presidency1
 was appointed to a ,professorship of   
,sanskrit in the ,poona ,college--should
 have grasped the opportunity1 and      
devoted himself to a thorough study of  

the sacred literature of the ,parsis4   
,he went to ,india well prepared for his
 task1 and he has not disappointed the  
hopes which those who knew him          
entertained of him on his departure from
 ,germany4 ,unless he had been master of
 his subject before he went to ,poona1  
the assistance of the ,dustoors would   
have been of little avail to him4 ,but  
knowing all that could be known in      
,europe of the ,zend language and       
literature1 he knew what questions to   
ask1 he could check every answer1 and he
 could learn with his eyes what it is   
almost impossible to learn from         
books--namely1 the religious ceremonial 
and the ritual observances which form so
 considerable an element in the         
,vendidad and ,vispered4 ,the result of 
his studies is now before us in a volume
 of ',essays on the ,sacred ,language1  
,writings1 and ,religion of the         
,parsees1' published at ,bombay1 #ahfb4 
,it is a volume of only three hundred   
and sixty-eight pages1 and sells in     

,england for one guinea4 ,nevertheless1 
to the student of ,zend it is one of the
 cheapest books ever published4 ,it     
contains four ,essays3 #a4 ,history of  
the ,researches into the ,sacred        
,writings and ,religion of the ,parsees 
from the earliest times down to the     
present2 #b4 ,outline of a ,grammar of  
the ,zend ,language2 #c4 ,the           
,zend-,avesta1 or the ,scripture of the 
,parsees2 #d4 ,origin and ,development  
of the ,zoroastrian ,religion4 ,the most
 important portion is the ,outline of   
the ,zend ,grammar2 for1 though a mere  
outline1 it is the first systematic     
grammatical analysis of that curious    
language4 ,in other languages1 we       
generally begin by learning the grammar1
 and then make our way gradually through
 the literature4 ,in ,zend1 the         
grammatical terminations had first to be
 discovered by a careful anatomy of the 
literature4 ,the ,parsis themselves     
possessed no such work4 ,even their most
 learned priests are satisfied with     

learning the ,zend-,avesta by heart1 and
 with acquiring some idea of its import 
by means of a ,pehlevi translation1     
which dates from the ,sassanian period1 
or of a ,sanskrit translation of still  
later date4 ,hence the translation of   
the ,zend-,avesta published by ,anquetil
 ,duperron1 with the assistance of      
,dustoor ,darab1 was by no means        
trustworthy4 ,it was1 in fact1 a ,french
 translation of a ,persian rendering of 
a ,pehlevi version of the ,zend         
original4 ,it was ,burnouf who1 aided by
 his knowledge of ,sanskrit1 and his    
familiarity with the principles of      
comparative grammar1 approached1 for the
 first time1 the very words of the ,zend
 original4 ,he had to conquer every inch
 of ground for himself1 and his         
',commentaire sur le ,yasna' is1 in     
fact1 like the deciphering of one long  
inscription1 only surpassed in          
difficulty by his later decipherments of
 the cuneiform inscriptions of the      
,achaemenian monarchs of ,persia4 ,aided

 by the labours of ,burnouf and others1 
,dr4 ,haug has at last succeeded in     
putting together the disjecta membra    
poetae1 and we have now in his ,outline1
 not indeed a grammar like that of      
,panini for ,sanskrit1 yet a sufficient 
skeleton of what was once a living      
language1 not inferior1 in richness and 
delicacy1 even to the idiom of the      
,vedas4  ,there are1 at present1 five   
editions1 more or less complete1 of the 
,zend-,avesta4 ,the first was           
lithographed under ,burnouf's direction1
 and published at ,paris #ahbi-ahdc4    
,the second edition of the text1        
transcribed into ,roman characters1     
appeared at ,leipzig #ahej1 published by
 ,professor ,brockhaus4 ,the third      
edition1 in ,zend characters1 was given 
to the world by ,professor ,spiegel1    
#ahea2 and about the same time a fourth 
edition was undertaken by ,professor    
,westergaard1 at ,copenhagen1 #aheb to  
#ahed4 ,there are one or two editions of
 the ,zend-,avesta1 published in ,india1

 with ,guzerati translations1 which we  
have not seen1 but which are frequently 
quoted by native scholars4 ,a ,german   
translation of the ,zend-,avesta was    
undertaken by ,professor ,spiegel1 far  
superior in accuracy to that of         
,anquetil ,duperron1 yet in the main    
based on the ,pehlevi version4 ,portions
 of the ancient text had been minutely  
analysed and translated by ,dr4 ,haug1  
even before his departure for the ,east4
  ,the ,zend-,avesta is not a voluminous
 work4 ,we still call it the            
,zend-,avesta1 though we are told that  
its proper title is ,avesta ,zend1 nor  
does it seem at all likely that the now 
familiar name will ever be surrendered  
for the more correct one4 ,who speaks of
 ,cassius ,dio1 though we are told that 
,dio ,cassius is wrong8 ,nor do we feel 
at all convinced that the name of       
,avesta ,zend is the original and only  
correct name4 ,according to the ,parsis1
 ,avesta means sacred text1 ,zend its   
,pehlevi translation4 ,but in the       

,pehlevi translations themselves1 the   
original work of ,zoroaster is spoken of
 as ,avesta ,zend4 ,why it is so called 
by the ,pehlevi translators1 we are     
nowhere told by themselves1 and many    
conjectures have1 in consequence1 been  
started by almost every ,zend scholar4  
,dr4 ,haug supposes that the earliest   
portions of the ,zend-,avesta ought to  
be called ,avesta1 the later portions   
,zend--,zend meaning1 according to him1 
commentary1 explanation1 gloss4 ,neither
 the word ,avesta nor ,zend1 however1   
occurs in the original ,zend texts1 and 
though ,avesta seems to be the ,sanskrit
 avastha1 the ,pehlevi apestak1 in the  
sense of 'authorised text1' the         
etymology of ,zend1 as derived from a   
supposed zanti1 ,sanskrit gnati1        
knowledge1 is not free from serious     
objections4 ,avesta ,zend was most      
likely a traditional name1 hardly       
understood even at the time of the      
,pehlevi translators1 who retained it in
 their writings4 ,it was possibly       

misinterpreted by them1 as many other   
,zend words have been at their hands1   
and may have been originally the        
,sanskrit word khandas1#df which is     
applied by the ,brahmans to the sacred  
hymns of the ,veda4 ,certainty on such a
 point is impossible2 but as it is but  
fair to give a preference to the        
conjectures of those who are most       
familiar with the subject1 we quote the 
following explanation of ,dr4 ,haug3    
',the meaning of the term ,zend varied  
at different periods4      ,originally  
it meant the interpretation of the      
sacred texts      descended from        
,zarathustra and his disciples by the   
successors of the prophet4 ,in the      
course of time1 these                   
interpretations being regarded as       
equally sacred with the      original   
texts1 both were then called ,avesta4   
,both having      become unintelligible 
to the majority of the ,zoroastrians1   
in consequence of their language having 
died out1 they      required a ,zend or 

explanation again4 ,this new ,zend was  
furnished by the most learned priests of
 the ,sassanian      period in the shape
 of a translation into the vernacular   
language of ,persia 7,pehlevi7 in those 
days1 which      translation being the  
only source to the priests of the       
present time whence to derive any       
knowledge of the old      texts1 is     
therefore the only ,zend or explanation 
they know      of4444 ,the name ,pazend1
 to be met with frequently in           
connection with ,avesta and ,zend1      
denotes the further      explanation of 
the ,zend doctrine44444 ,the ,pazend    
language is      the same as the        
so-called ,parsi1 i4 e4 the ancient     
,persian1      as written till about the
 time of ,firdusi1 #ajjj ,a4,d4'        
,footnote #df3 ,see page #hd4  ,whatever
 we may think of the nomenclature thus  
advocated by ,dr4 ,haug1 we must        
acknowledge in the fullest manner his   
great merit in separating for the first 
time the more ancient from the more     

modern parts of the ,zend-,avesta4      
,though the existence of different      
dialects in the ancient texts was       
pointed out by ,spiegel1 and although   
the metrical portions of the ,yasna had 
been clearly marked by ,westergaard1 it 
is nevertheless ,haug's great           
achievement to have extracted these     
early relics1 to have collected them1   
and to have attempted a complete        
translation of them1 as far as such an  
attempt could be carried out at the     
present moment4 ,his edition of the     
,gathas--for this is the name of the    
ancient metrical portions--marks an     
epoch in the history of ,zend           
scholarship1 and the importance of the  
recovery of these genuine relics of     
,zoroaster's religion has been well     
brought out by ,bunsen in the least     
known of his books1 ',gott in der       
,geschichte4' ,we by no means think that
 the translations here offered by ,dr4  
,haug are final4 ,we hope1 on the       
contrary1 that he will go on with the   

work he has so well begun1 and that he  
will not rest till he has removed every 
dark speck that still covers the image  
of ,zoroaster's primitive faith4 ,many  
of the passages as translated by him are
 as clear as daylight1 and carry        
conviction by their very clearness4     
,others1 however1 are obscure1 hazy1    
meaningless4 ,we feel that they must    
have been intended for something else1  
something more definite and forcible1   
though we cannot tell what to do with   
the words as they stand4 ,sense1 after  
all1 is the great test of translation4  
,we must feel convinced that there was  
good sense in these ancient poems1      
otherwise mankind would not have taken  
the trouble to preserve them2 and if we 
cannot discover good sense in them1 it  
must be either our fault1 or the words  
as we now read them were not the words  
uttered by the ancient prophets of the  
world4 ,the following are a few         
specimens of ,dr4 ,haug's translations1 
in which the reader will easily discover

 the different hues of certainty and    
uncertainty1 of sense and mere verbiage3
       #a4 ,that ,i will ask ,thee1 tell
 me it right1 thou living ,god6         
whether your friend 7,sraosha7 be       
willing to recite his own      hymn as  
prayer to my friend 7,frashaostra or    
,vistaspa71 thou      ,wise6 and whether
 he should come to us with the good     
mind1      to perform for us true       
actions of friendship4       #b4 ,that  
,i will ask ,thee1 tell me it right1    
thou living ,god6      ,how arose the   
best present life 7this world78 ,by what
 means      are the present things 7the 
world7 to be supported8 ,that           
spirit1 the holy 7,vohu mano71 ,o true  
wise spirit6 is the      guardian of the
 beings to ward off from them every     
evil2 ,he      is the promoter of all   
life4       #c4 ,that ,i will ask ,thee1
 tell me it right1 thou living ,god6    
,who was in the beginning the ,father   
and ,creator of truth8      ,who made   
the sun and stars8 ,who causes the moon 

to increase      and wane if not ,thou8 
,this ,i wish to know1 except what ,i   
already know4       #d4 ,that ,i will   
ask ,thee1 tell me it right1 thou living
 ,god6      ,who is holding the earth   
and the skies above it8 ,who made       
the waters and the trees of the field8  
,who is in the winds      and storms    
that they so quickly run8 ,who is the   
,creator of      the good-minded beings1
 thou ,wise8  ,this is a short specimen 
of the earliest portion of the          
,zend-,avesta4 ,the following is an     
account of one of the latest1 the       
so-called ,ormuzd ,yasht3               
',zarathustra asked ,ahuramazda after   
the most effectual spell      to guard  
against the influence of evil spirits4  
,he was      answered by the ,supreme   
,spirit1 that the utterance of the      
different names of ,ahuramazda protects 
best from evil4      ,thereupon         
,zarathustra begged ,ahuramazda to      
communicate to      him these names4 ,he
 then enumerates twenty4 ,the first is  

,ahmi1 i4 e4 ,i am2 the fourth1         
,asha-vahista1 i4 e4 the      best      
purity2 the sixth1 ,i am wisdom2 the    
eighth1 ,i am      knowledge2 the       
twelfth1 ,ahura1 i4 e4 living2 the      
twentieth1 ,i am who ,i am1 ,mazdao4'   
,ahuramazda says then further3          
',if you call me at day or at night by  
these names1 ,i shall      come to      
assist and help you2 the angel ,serosh  
will then      come1 the genii of the   
waters and the trees4 ,for the utter    
defeat of the evil spirits1 bad men1    
witches1 ,peris1 a      series of other 
names are suggested to ,zarathustra1    
such as      protector1 guardian1       
spirit1 the holiest1 the best           
fire-priest1 etc4'  ,whether the        
striking coincidence between one of the 
suggested names of ,ahuramazda1 namely1 
',i am who ,i am1' and the explanation  
of the name ,jehova1 ,exodus iii4 #ad1  
',i am that ,i am1' is accidental or    
not1 must depend on the age that can be 
assigned to the ,ormuzd ,yasht4 ,the    

chronological arrangement1 however1 of  
the various portions of the             
,zend-,avesta is as yet merely          
tentative1 and these questions must     
remain for future consideration4 ,dr4   
,haug points out other similarities     
between the doctrines of ,zoroaster and 
the ,old and ,new ,testaments4 ',the    
,zoroastrian religion1' he writes1      
'exhibits a very close affinity to1 or  
rather identity with1 several important 
doctrines of the ,mosaic religion and   
,christianity1 such as the personality  
and attributes of the devil1 and the    
resurrection of the dead4' ,neither of  
these doctrines1 however1 would seem to 
be characteristic of the ,old or ,new   
,testament1 and the resurrection of the 
dead is certainly to be found by        
implication only1 and is nowhere        
distinctly asserted1 in the religious   
books of ,moses4  ,there are other      
points on which we should join issue    
with ,dr4 ,haug--as1 for instance1 when1
 on page #ag1 he calls the ,zend the    

elder sister of ,sanskrit4 ,this seems  
to us in the very teeth of the evidence 
so carefully brought together by himself
 in his ,zend grammar4 ,if he means the 
modern ,sanskrit1 as distinguished from 
the ,vedic1 his statement would be right
 to some extent2 but even thus1 it would
 be easy to show many grammatical forms 
in the later ,sanskrit more primitive   
than their corresponding forms in ,zend4
 ,these1 however1 are minor points      
compared with the great results of his  
labours which ,dr4 ,haug has brought    
together in these four ,essays2 and we  
feel certain that all who are interested
 in the study of ancient language and   
ancient religion will look forward with 
the greatest expectations to ,dr4       
,haug's continued investigations of the 
language1 the literature1 the           
ceremonial1 and the religion of the     
descendants of ,zoroaster4  ,december1  
#ahfb4     ,,vi4  ,,progress ,,of ,,zend
 ,,scholarship4#dg   ,there are certain 
branches of philological research which 

seem to be constantly changing1         
shifting1 and1 we hope1 progressing4    
,after the key to the interpretation of 
ancient inscriptions has been found1 it 
by no means follows that every word can 
at once be definitely explained1 or     
every sentence correctly construed4     
,thus it happens that the same          
hieroglyphic or cuneiform text is       
rendered differently by different       
scholars2 nay1 that the same scholar    
proposes a new rendering not many years 
after his first attempt at a translation
 has been published4 ,and what applies  
to the decipherment of inscriptions     
applies with equal force to the         
translation of ancient texts4 ,a        
translation of the hymns of the ,veda1  
or of the ,zend-,avesta1 and1 we may    
add1 of the ,old ,testament too1        
requires exactly the same process as the
 deciphering of an inscription4 ,the    
only safe way of finding the real       
meaning of words in the sacred texts of 
the ,brahmans1 the ,zoroastrians1 or the

 ,jews1 is to compare every passage in  
which the same word occurs1 and to look 
for a meaning that is equally applicable
 to all1 and can at the same time be    
defended on grammatical and etymological
 grounds4 ,this is no doubt a tedious   
process1 nor can it be free from        
uncertainty2 but it is an uncertainty   
inherent in the subject itself1 for     
which it would be unfair to blame those 
by whose genius and perseverance so much
 light has been shed on the darkest     
pages of ancient history4 ,to those who 
are not acquainted with the efforts by  
which ,grotefend1 ,burnouf1 ,lassen1 and
 ,rawlinson unravelled the inscriptions 
of ,cyrus1 ,darius1 and ,xerxes1 it may 
seem inexplicable1 for instance1 how an 
inscription which at one time was       
supposed to confirm the statement1 known
 from ,herodotus1 that ,darius obtained 
the sovereignty of ,persia by the       
neighing of his horse1 should now yield 
so very different a meaning4 ,herodotus 
relates that after the assassination of 

,smerdis the six conspirators agreed to 
confer the royal dignity on him whose   
horse should neigh first at sunrise4    
,the horse of ,darius neighed first1 and
 he was accordingly elected king of     
,persia4 ,after his election1 ,herodotus
 states that ,darius erected a stone    
monument containing the figure of a     
horseman1 with the following            
inscription3 ',darius1 the son of       
,hystaspes1 obtained the kingdom of the 
,persians by the virtue of his horse    
7giving its name71 and of ,oibareus1 his
 groom4' ,lassen translated one of the  
cuneiform inscriptions1 copied          
originally by ,niebuhr from a huge slab 
built in the southern wall of the great 
platform at ,persepolis1 in the         
following manner3 ',auramazdis magnus   
est4 ,is maximus est deorum4 ,ipse      
,darium regem constituit1 benevolens    
imperium obtulit4 ,ex voluntate         
,auramazdis ,darius rex sum4 ,generosus 
sum ,darius rex hujus regionis          
,persicae2 hanc mihi ,auramazdis obtulit

 hoc pomoerio ope equi 7,choaspis7      
clarae virtutis4' ,this translation was 
published in #ahdd1 and the arguments by
 which ,lassen supported it1 in the     
sixth volume of the ',zeitschrift fuer  
die ,kunde des ,morgenlandes1' may be   
read with interest and advantage even   
now when we know that this eminent      
scholar was mistaken in his analysis4   
,the first step towards a more correct  
translation was made by ,professor      
,holtzmann1 who in #ahde pointed out    
that ,smerdis was murdered at ,susa1 not
 at ,persepolis2 and that only six days 
later ,darius was elected king of       
,persia1 which happened again at ,susa1 
and not at ,persepolis4 ,the monument1  
therefore1 which ,darius erected in the 
,greek3 proasteion1 or suburb1 in the   
place where the fortunate event which   
led to his elevation occurred1 and the  
inscription recording the event in loco1
 could not well be looked for at        
,persepolis4 ,but far more important was
 the evidence derived from a more       

careful analysis of the words of the    
inscription itself4 ,niba1 which ,lassen
 translated as pomoerium1 occurs in     
three other places1 where it certainly  
cannot mean suburb4 ,it seems to be an  
adjective meaning splendid1 beautiful4  
,besides1 niba is a nominative singular 
in the feminine1 and so is the pronoun  
hya which precedes1 and the two words   
which follow it--uvaspa and umartiya4   
,professor ,holtzmann translated        
therefore the same sentence which       
,professor ,lassen had rendered by 'hoc 
pomoerio ope equi 7,choaspis7 clarae    
virtutis1' by 'quae nitida1 herbosa1    
celebris est1' a translation which is in
 the main correct1 and has been adopted 
afterwards both by ,sir ,h4 ,rawlinson  
and ,m4 ,oppert4 ,sir ,h4 ,rawlinson    
translates the whole passage as follows3
 ',this province of ,persia which       
,ormazd has granted to me1 which is     
illustrious1 abounding in good horses1  
producing good men4' ,thus vanished the 
horse of ,darius1 and the curious       

confirmation which the cuneiform        
inscription was at one time supposed to 
lend to the ,persian legend recorded by 
,herodotus4  ,footnote #dg3 ',a ,lecture
 on the ,original ,language of          
,zoroaster4' ,by ,martin ,haug4 ,bombay1
 #ahfe4  ,it would be easy to point out 
many passages of this kind1 and to use  
them in order to throw discredit on the 
whole method by which these and other   
inscriptions have lately been           
deciphered4 ,it would not require any   
great display of forensic or            
parliamentary eloquence1 to convince the
 public at large1 by means of such      
evidence1 that all the labours of       
,grotefend1 ,burnouf1 ,lassen1 and      
,rawlinson had been in vain1 and to lay 
down once for all the general principle 
that the original meaning of            
inscriptions written in a dead language1
 of which the tradition is once lost1   
can never be recovered4 ,fortunately1   
questions of this kind are not settled  
by eloquent pleading or by the votes of 

majorities1 but1 on the contrary1 by the
 independent judgment of the few who are
 competent to judge4 ,the fact that     
different scholars should differ in     
their interpretations1 or that the same 
scholars should reject his former       
translation1 and adopt a new one that   
possibly may have to be surrendered     
again as soon as new light can be thrown
 on points hitherto doubtful and        
obscure--all this1 which in the hands of
 those who argue for victory and not for
 truth1 constitutes so formidable a     
weapon1 and appeals so strongly to the  
prejudices of the many1 produces very   
little effect on the minds of those who 
understand the reason of these changes1 
and to whom each new change represents  
but a new step in advance in the        
discovery of truth4  ,nor should the    
fact be overlooked that1 if there seems 
to be less change in the translation of 
the books of the ,old ,testament for    
instance1 or of ,homer1 it is due in a  
great measure to the absence of that    

critical exactness at which the         
decipherers of ancient inscriptions and 
the translators of the ,veda and        
,zend-,avesta aim in rendering each word
 that comes before them4 ,if we compared
 the translation of the ,septuagint with
 the authorised version of the ,old     
,testament1 we should occasionally find 
discrepancies nearly as startling as any
 that can be found in the different     
translations of the cuneiform           
inscriptions1 or of the ,veda and       
,zend-,avesta4 ,in the ,book of ,job1   
the ,vulgate translates the exhortation 
of ,job's wife by ',bless ,god and die2'
 the ,english version by ',curse ,god   
and die2' the ,septuagint by ',say some 
word to the ,lord and die4' ,though1 at 
the time when the ,seventy translated   
the ,old ,testament1 ,hebrew could      
hardly be called a dead language1 yet   
there were then many of its words the   
original meaning of which even the most 
learned rabbi would have had great      
difficulty in defining with real        

accuracy4 ,the meaning of words changes 
imperceptibly and irresistibly4 ,even   
where there is a literature1 and a      
printed literature like that of modern  
,europe1 four or five centuries work    
such a change that few even of the most 
learned divines in ,england would find  
it easy to read and to understand       
accurately a theological treatise       
written in ,english four hundred years  
ago4 ,the same happened1 and happened to
 a far greater extent1 in ancient       
languages4 ,nor was the sacred character
 attributed to certain writings any     
safeguard4 ,on the contrary1 greater    
violence is done by successive          
interpreters to sacred writings than to 
any other relics of ancient literature4 
,ideas grow and change1 yet each        
generation tries to find its own ideas  
reflected in the sacred pages of their  
early prophets1 and1 in addition to the 
ordinary influences which blur and      
obscure the sharp features of old words1
 artificial influences are here at work 

distorting the natural expression of    
words which have been invested with a   
sacred authority4 ,passages in the ,veda
 or ,zend-,avesta which do not bear on  
religious or philosophical doctrines are
 generally explained simply and         
naturally1 even by the latest of native 
commentators4 ,but as soon as any word  
or sentence can be so turned as to      
support a doctrine1 however modern1 or a
 precept1 however irrational1 the       
simplest phrases are tortured and       
mangled till at last they are made to   
yield their assent to ideas the most    
foreign to the minds of the authors of  
the ,veda and ,zend-,avesta4  ,to those 
who take an interest in these matters we
 may recommend a small ,essay lately    
published by the ,rev4 ,r4 ,g4 ,s4      
,browne--the ',mosaic ,cosmogony'--in   
which the author endeavours to establish
 a literal translation of the first     
chapter of ,genesis4 ,touching the first
 verb that occurs in the ,bible1 he     
writes3 ',what is the meaning or scope  

of the ,hebrew verb1 in our authorised  
version1 rendered by created8 ,to       
,english ears and understandings the    
sound comes naturally1 and by long use  
irresistibly1 as the representation of  
an ex nihilo creation4 ,but1 in the     
teeth of all the ,rabbinical and        
,cabbalistic fancies of ,jewish         
commentators1 and with reverential      
deference to modern criticism on the    
,hebrew ,bible1 it is not so4 ,r4 ,d4   
,kimchi1 in his endeavour to ascertain  
the shades of difference existing       
between the terms used in the ,mosaic   
cosmogony1 has assumed that our ,hebrew 
verb bara has the full signification of 
ex nihilo creavit4 ,our own ,castell1 a 
profound and self-denying scholar has   
entertained the same groundless notion4 
,and even our illustrious ,bryan ,walton
 was not inaccessible to this oblique   
ray of ,rabbinical or ignis fatuus4'    
,mr4 ,browne then proceeds to quote     
,gesenius1 who gives as the primary     
meaning of bara1 he cut1 cut out1       

carved1 planed down1 polished2 and he   
refers to ,lee1 who characterizes it as 
a silly theory that bara meant to create
 ex nihilo4 ,in ,joshua xvii4 #ae and   
#ah1 the same verb is used in the sense 
of cutting down trees2 in ,psalm civ4   
#cj it is translated by ',thou renewest 
the face of the earth4' ,in ,arabic1    
too1 according to ,lane1 bara means     
properly1 though not always1 to create  
out of pre-existing matter4 ,all this   
shows that in the verb bara1 as in the  
,sanskrit tvaksh or taksh1 there is no  
trace of the meaning assigned to it by  
later scholars1 of a creation out of    
nothing4 ,that idea in its definiteness 
was a modern idea1 most likely called   
forth by the contact between ,jews and  
,greeks at ,alexandria4 ,it was probably
 in contradistinction to the ,greek     
notion of matter as co-eternal with the 
,creator1 that the ,jews1 to whom       
,jehovah was all in all1 asserted1 for  
the first time deliberately1 that ,god  
had made all things out of nothing4     

,this became afterwards the received and
 orthodox view of ,jewish and ,christian
 divines1 though the verb bara1 so far  
from lending any support to this theory1
 would rather show that1 in the minds of
 those whom ,moses addressed and whose  
language he spoke1 it could only have   
called forth the simple conception of   
fashioning or arranging--if1 indeed1 it 
called forth any more definite          
conception than the general and vague   
one conveyed by the ,greek3 poiein of   
the ,septuagint4 ,to find out how the   
words of the ,old ,testament were       
understood by those to whom they were   
originally addressed is a task attempted
 by very few interpreters of the ,bible4
 ,the great majority of readers transfer
 without hesitation the ideas which they
 connect with words as used in the      
nineteenth century to the mind of ,moses
 or his contemporaries1 forgetting      
altogether the distance which divides   
their language and their thoughts from  
the thoughts and language of the        

wandering tribes of ,israel4  ,how many 
words1 again1 there are in ,homer which 
have indeed a traditional               
interpretation1 as given by our         
dictionaries and commentaries1 but the  
exact purport of which is completely    
lost1 is best known to ,greek scholars4 
,it is easy enough to translate ,greek3 
polemoio gephyrai by the bridges of war1
 but what ,homer really meant by these  
,greek3 gephyrai has never been         
explained4 ,it is extremely doubtful    
whether bridges1 in our sense of the    
word1 were known at all at the time of  
,homer2 and even if it could be proved  
that ,homer used ,greek3 gephyrai in the
 sense of a dam1 the etymology1 i4 e41  
the earliest history of the word1 would 
still remain obscure and doubtful4 ,it  
is easy1 again1 to see that ,greek3     
hieros in ,greek means something like   
the ,english sacred4 ,but how1 if it did
 so1 the same adjective could likewise  
be applied to a fish or to a chariot1 is
 a question which1 if it is to be       

answered at all1 can only be answered by
 an etymological analysis of the        
word4#dh ,to say that sacred may mean   
marvellous1 and therefore big1 is saying
 nothing1 particularly as ,homer does   
not speak of catching big fish1 but of  
catching fish in general4  ,footnote    
#dh3 ,on ,greek3 hieros1 the ,sanskrit  
ishira1 lively1 see ,kuhn's             
',zeitschrift1' vol4 ii4 p4 #bge1 vol4  
iii4 p4 #acd4  ,these                   
considerations--which might be carried  
much further1 but which1 we are afraid1 
have carried us away too far from our   
original subject--were suggested to us  
while reading a lecture lately published
 by ,dr4 ,haug1 and originally delivered
 by him at ,bombay1 in #ahfd1 before an 
almost exclusively ,parsi audience4 ,in 
that lecture ,dr4 ,haug gives a new     
translation of ten short paragraphs of  
the ,zend-,avesta1 which he had         
explained and translated in his ',essays
 on the ,sacred ,language of the        
,parsees1' published in #ahfb4 ,to an   

ordinary reader the difference between  
the two translations1 published within  
the space of two years1 might certainly 
be perplexing1 and calculated to shake  
his faith in the soundness of a method  
that can lead to such varying results4  
,nor can it be denied that1 if scholars 
who are engaged in these researches are 
bent on representing their last         
translation as final and as admitting of
 no further improvement1 the public has 
a right to remind them that 'finality'  
is as dangerous a thing in scholarship  
as in politics4 ,considering the        
difficulty of translating the pages of  
the ,zend-,avesta1 we can never hope to 
have every sentence of it rendered into 
clear and intelligible ,english4 ,those 
who for the first time reduced the      
sacred traditions of the ,zoroastrians  
to writing were separated by more than a
 thousand years from the time of their  
original composition4 ,after that came  
all the vicissitudes to which           
manuscripts are exposed during the      

process of being copied by more or less 
ignorant scribes4 ,the most ancient     
,,mss4 of the ,zend-,avesta date from   
the beginning of the fourteenth century4
 ,it is true there is an early          
translation of the ,zend-,avesta1 the   
,pehlevi translation1 and a later one in
 ,sanskrit by ,neriosengh4 ,but the     
,pehlevi translation1 which was made    
under the auspices of the ,sassanian    
kings of ,persia1 served only to show   
how completely the literal and          
grammatical meaning of the ,zend-,avesta
 was lost even at that time1 in the     
third century after ,christ2 while the  
,sanskrit translation was clearly made1 
not from the original1 but from the     
,pehlevi4 ,it is true1 also1 that even  
in more modern times the ,parsis of     
,bombay were able to give to ,anquetil  
,duperron and other ,europeans what they
 considered as a translation of the     
,zend-,avesta in modern ,persian4 ,but a
 scholar like ,burnouf1 who endeavoured 
for the first time to give an account of

 every word in the ,zend text1 to       
explain each grammatical termination1 to
 parse every sentence1 and to establish 
the true meaning of each term by an     
etymological analysis and by a          
comparison of cognate words in          
,sanskrit1 was able to derive but scant 
assistance from these traditional       
translations4 ,professor ,spiegel1 to   
whom we owe a complete edition and      
translation of the ,zend-,avesta1 and   
who has devoted the whole of his life to
 the elucidation of the ,zoroastrian    
religion1 attributes a higher value to  
the tradition of the ,parsis than ,dr4  
,haug4 ,but he also is obliged to admit 
that he could ascribe no greater        
authority to these traditional          
translations and glosses than a         
,biblical scholar might allow to        
,rabbinical commentaries4 ,all scholars 
are agreed in fact on this1 that whether
 the tradition be right or wrong1 it    
requires in either case to be confirmed 
by an independent grammatical and       

etymological analysis of the original   
text4 ,such an analysis is no doubt as  
liable to error as the traditional      
translation itself1 but it possesses    
this advantage1 that it gives reasons   
for every word that has to be           
translated1 and for every sentence that 
has to be construed4 ,it is an excellent
 discipline to the mind even where the  
results at which we arrive are doubtful 
or erroneous1 and it has imparted to    
these studies a scientific value and    
general interest which they could not   
otherwise have acquired4  ,we shall give
 a few specimens of the translations    
proposed by different scholars of one or
 two verses of the ,zend-,avesta4 ,we   
cannot here enter into the grammatical  
arguments by which each of these        
translations is supported4 ,we only wish
 to show what is the present state of   
,zend scholarship1 and though we would  
by no means disguise the fact of its    
somewhat chaotic character1 yet we do   
not hesitate to affirm that1 in spite of

 the conflict of the opinions of        
different scholars1 and in spite of the 
fluctuation of systems apparently       
opposed to each other1 progress may be  
reported1 and a firm hope expressed that
 the essential doctrines of one of the  
earliest forms of religion may in time  
be recovered and placed before us in    
their original purity and simplicity4   
,we begin with the ,pehlevi translation 
of a passage in ,yasna1 #de3            
',thus the religion is to be proclaimed2
 now give an      attentive hearing1 and
 now listen1 that is1 keep your ear in  
readiness1 make your works and speeches 
gentle4 ,those who      have wished from
 nigh and far to study the religion1 may
 now      do so4 ,for now all is        
manifest1 that ,anhuma 7,ormazd7        
created1 that ,anhuma created all these 
beings2 that at the      second time1 at
 the 7time of the7 future body1 ,aharman
 does      not destroy 7the life of7 the
 worlds4 ,aharman made evil      desire 
and wickedness to spread through his    

tongue4'  ,professor ,spiegel1 in #ahei1
 translated the same passage1 of which  
the ,pehlevi is a running commentary    
rather than a literal rendering1 as     
follows3       ',now ,i will tell you1  
lend me your ear1 now hear what you     
desired1 you that came from near and    
from afar6 ,it is clear1      the wise  
7spirits7 have created all things2 evil 
doctrine      shall not for a second    
time destroy the world4 ,the ,evil ,one 
has made a bad choice with his tongue4' 
,next follows the translation of the    
passage as published by ,dr4 ,haug in   
#ahfb3       ',all ye1 who have come    
from nigh and far1 listen now and       
hearken to my speech4 ,now ,i will tell 
you all about that      pair of spirits 
how it is known to the wise4 ,neither   
the      ill-speaker 7the devil7 shall  
destroy the second 7spiritual7          
life1 nor that man who1 being a liar    
with his tongue1      professes the     
false 7idolatrous7 belief4'  ,the same  
scholar1 in #ahfe1 translates the same  

passage somewhat differently3           
',all you that have come from near and  
far should now listen      and hearken  
to what ,i shall proclaim4 ,now the wise
 have      manifested this universe as a
 duality4 ,let not the                  
mischief-maker destroy the second life1 
since he1 the      wicked1 chose with   
his tongue the pernicious doctrine4'    
,the principal difficulty in this       
paragraph consists in the word which    
,dr4 ,haug translated by duality1 viz4  
dum1 and which he identifies with       
,sanskrit dvam1 i4 e4 dvandvam1 pair4   
,such a word1 as far as we are aware1   
does not occur again in the             
,zend-,avesta1 and hence it is not      
likely that the uncertainty attaching to
 its meaning will ever be removed4      
,other interpreters take it as a verb in
 the second person plural1 and hence the
 decided difference of interpretation4  
,the sixth paragraph of the same passage
 is explained by the ,pehlevi translator
 as follows3       ',thus ,i proclaimed 

that among all things the greatest is to
      worship ,god4 ,the praise of      
purity is 7due7 to him who has a        
good knowledge1 7to those7 who depend on
 ,ormazd4 ,i hear      ,spento-mainyu   
7who is7 ,ormazd2 listen to me1 to what 
,i shall      speak 7unto you74 ,whose  
worship is intercourse with the ,good   
,mind2 one can know 7experience7 the    
divine command to do      good through  
inquiry after what is good4 ,that which 
is in      the intellect they teach me  
as the best1 viz4 the inborn            
7heavenly7 wisdom1 7that is1 that the   
divine wisdom is      superior to the   
human74'  ,professor ,spiegel           
translates3       ',now ,i will tell you
 of all things the greatest4 ,it is     
praise with purity of ,him who is wise  
from those who exist4      ,the holiest 
heavenly being1 ,ahuramazda1 may hear   
it1 ,he for      whose praise inquiry is
 made from the holy spirit1 may ,he     
teach me the best by his intelligence4' 
,dr4 ,haug in #ahfb3       ',thus ,i    

will tell you of the greatest of all    
7,sraosha71 who      is praising the    
truth1 and doing good1 and of all who   
are      gathered round him 7to assist  
him71 by order of the holy      spirit  
7,ahuramazda74 ,the living ,wise may    
hear me2 by means      of ,his goodness 
the good mind increases 7in the world74 
,he      may lead me with the best of   
his wisdom4'  ,dr4 ,haug in #ahfe3      
',i will proclaim as the greatest of all
 things that one      should be good1   
praising only truth4 ,ahuramazda will   
hear      those who are bent on         
furthering 7all that is good74 ,may he  
whose goodness is communicated by the   
,good ,mind instruct me      in his best
 wisdom4'  ,to those who are interested 
in the study of ,zend1 and wish to judge
 for themselves of the trustworthiness  
of these various translations1 we can   
recommend a most useful work lately     
published in ,germany by ,dr4 ,f4       
,justi1 ',handbuch der ,zendsprache1'   
containing a complete dictionary1 a     

grammar1 and selections from the        
,zend-,avesta4  ,september1 #ahfe4      
,,vii4  ,,genesis ,,and ,,the           
,,zend-,,avesta4#di   ,o that scholars  
could have the benefit of a little legal
 training1 and learn at least the       
difference between what is probable and 
what is proven6 ,what an advantage also1
 if they had occasionally to address a  
jury of respectable tradespeople1 and   
were forced to acquire the art1 or      
rather not to shrink from the effort1 of
 putting the most intricate and delicate
 points in the simplest and clearest    
form of which they admit6 ,what a lesson
 again it would be to men of independent
 research1 if1 after having amassed ever
 so many bags full of evidence1 they had
 always before their eyes the fear of an
 impatient judge who wants to hear      
nothing but what is important and       
essential1 and hates to listen to       
anything that is not to the point1      
however carefully it may have been      
worked out1 and however eloquently it   

may be laid before him6 ,there is hardly
 one book published now-a-days which1 if
 everything in it that is not to the    
purpose were left out1 could not be     
reduced to half its size4 ,if authors   
could make up their minds to omit       
everything that is only meant to display
 their learning1 to exhibit the         
difficulties they had to overcome1 or to
 call attention to the ignorance of     
their predecessors1 many a volume of    
thirty sheets would collapse into a     
pamphlet of fifty pages1 though in that 
form it would probably produce a much   
greater effect than in its more inflated
 appearance4  ,footnote #di3 ',eran1 das
 ,land zwischen dem ,indus und ,tigris1 
,beitraege zur ,kenntniss des ,landes   
und seiner ,geschichte4' ,von ,dr4      
,friedrich ,spiegel4 ,berlin1 #ahfc4    
,did the writers of the ,old ,testament 
borrow anything from the ,egyptians1 the
 ,babylonians1 the ,persians1 or the    
,indians1 is a simple enough question4  
,it is a question that may be treated   

quite apart from any theological        
theories2 for the ,old ,testament1      
whatever view the ,jews may take of its 
origin1 may surely be regarded by the   
historian as a really historical book1  
written at a certain time in the history
 of the world1 in a language then spoken
 and understood1 and proclaiming certain
 facts and doctrines meant to be        
acceptable and intelligible to the      
,jews1 such as they were at that time1  
an historical nation1 holding a definite
 place by the side of their more or less
 distant neighbours1 whether ,egyptians1
 ,assyrians1 ,persians1 or ,indians4 ,it
 is well known that we have in the      
language of the ,new ,testament the     
clear vestiges of ,greek and ,roman     
influences1 and if we knew nothing of   
the historical intercourse between those
 two nations and the writers of the ,new
 ,testament1 the very expressions used  
by them--not only their language1 but   
their thoughts1 their allusions1        
illustrations1 and similes--would enable

 us to say that some historical contact 
had taken place between the philosophers
 of ,greece1 the lawgivers of ,rome1 and
 the people of ,judea4 ,why then should 
not the same question be asked with     
regard to more ancient times8 ,why      
should there be any hesitation in       
pointing out in the ,old ,testament an  
,egyptian custom1 or a ,greek word1 or a
 ,persian conception8 ,if ,moses was    
learned in all the wisdom of the        
,egyptians1 nothing surely would stamp  
his writings as more truly historical   
than traces of ,egyptian influences that
 might be discovered in his laws4 ,if   
,daniel prospered in the reign of ,cyrus
 the ,persian1 every ,persian word that 
could be discovered in ,daniel would be 
most valuable in the eyes of a critical 
historian4 ,the only thing which we may 
fairly require in investigations of this
 kind is that the facts should be       
clearly established4 ,the subject is    
surely an important one--important      
historically1 quite apart from any      

theological consequences that may be    
supposed to follow4 ,it is as important 
to find out whether the authors of the  
,old ,testament had come in contact with
 the language and ideas of ,babylon1    
,persia1 or ,egypt1 as it is to know    
that the ,jews1 at the time of our      
,lord's appearance1 had been reached by 
the rays of ,greek and ,roman           
civilisation--that in fact our ,lord1   
his disciples1 and many of his          
followers1 spoke ,greek as well as      
,hebrew 7i4 e4 ,chaldee71 and were no   
strangers to that sphere of thought in  
which the world of the ,gentiles1 the   
,greeks1 and ,romans had been moving for
 centuries4  ,hints have been thrown out
 from time to time by various writers   
that certain ideas in the ,old          
,testament might be ascribed to ,persian
 influences1 and be traced back to the  
,zend-,avesta1 the sacred writings of   
,zoroaster4 ,much progress has been made
 in the deciphering of these ancient    
documents1 since ,anquetil ,duperron    

brought the first instalment of ,,mss4  
from ,bombay1 and since the late ,eugene
 ,burnouf1 in his ',commentaire sur le  
,yasna1' succeeded in establishing the  
grammar and dictionary of the ,zend     
language upon a safe basis4 ,several    
editions of the works of ,zoroaster have
 been published in ,france1 ,denmark1   
and ,germany2 and after the labours of  
,spiegel1 ,westergaard1 ,haug1 and      
others1 it might be supposed that such a
 question as the influence of ,persian  
ideas on the writers of the ,old        
,testament might at last be answered    
either in the affirmative or in the     
negative4 ,we were much pleased1        
therefore1 on finding that ,professor   
,spiegel1 the learned editor and        
translator of the ,avesta1 had devoted a
 chapter of his last work1 ',eran1 das  
,land zwischen dem ,indus und ,tigris1' 
to the problem in question4 ,we read his
 chapter1 ',avesta und die ,genesis1    
oder die ,beziehungen der ,eranier zu   
den ,semiten1' with the warmest         

interest1 and when we had finished it1  
we put down the book with the very      
exclamation with which we began our     
article4  ,we do not mean to say        
anything disrespectful to ,professor    
,spiegel1 a scholar brimfull of         
learning1 and one of the two or three   
men who know the ,avesta by heart4 ,he  
is likewise a good ,semitic scholar1 and
 knows enough of ,hebrew to form an     
independent opinion on the language1    
style1 and general character of the     
different books of the ,old ,testament4 
,he brings together in his ,essay a     
great deal of interesting information1  
and altogether would seem to be one of  
the most valuable witnesses to give     
evidence on the point in question4 ,yet 
suppose him for a moment in a court of  
justice where1 as in a patent case1 some
 great issue depends on the question    
whether certain ideas had first been    
enunciated by the author of ,genesis or 
the author of the ,avesta2 suppose him  
subjected to a cross-examination by a   

brow-beating lawyer1 whose business it  
is to disbelieve and make others        
disbelieve every assertion that the     
witness makes1 and we are afraid the    
learned ,professor would break down     
completely4 ,now it may be said that    
this is not the spirit in which learned 
inquiries should be conducted1 that     
authors have a right to a certain       
respect1 and may reckon on a certain    
amount of willingness on the part of    
their readers4 ,such a plea may1        
perhaps1 be urged when all preliminary  
questions in a contest have been        
disposed of1 when all the evidence has  
been proved to lie in one direction1 and
 when even the most obstinate among the 
gentlemen of the jury feel that the     
verdict is as good as settled4 ,but in a
 question like this1 where everything is
 doubtful1 or1 we should rather say1    
where all the prepossessions are against
 the view which ,dr4 ,spiegel upholds1  
it is absolutely necessary for a new    
witness to be armed from top to toe1 to 

lay himself open to no attack1 to       
measure his words1 and advance step by  
step in a straight line to the point    
that has to be reached4 ,a writer like  
,dr4 ,spiegel should know that he can   
expect no mercy2 nay1 he should himself 
wish for no mercy1 but invite the       
heaviest artillery against the floating 
battery which he has launched into the  
troubled waters of ,biblical criticism4 
,if he feels that his case is not strong
 enough1 the wisest plan surely is to   
wait1 to accumulate new strength if     
possible1 or1 if no new evidence is     
forthcoming1 to acknowledge openly that 
there is no case4  ,m4 ,breal--who1 in  
his interesting ,essay ',hercule et     
,cacus1' has lately treated the same    
problem1 the influence of ,persian ideas
 on the writers of the ,old             
,testament--gives an excellent example  
of how a case of this kind should be    
argued4 ,he begins with the apocryphal  
books1 and he shows that the name of an 
evil spirit like ,asmodeus1 which occurs

 in ,tobit1 could be borrowed from      
,persia only4 ,it is a name inexplicable
 in ,hebrew1 and it represents very     
closely the ,parsi ,eshem-dev1 the ,zend
 ,aeshma daeva1 the spirit of           
concupiscence1 mentioned several times  
in the ,avesta 7,vendidad1 c4 #aj71 as  
one of the devs1 or evil spirits4 ,now  
this is the kind of evidence we want for
 the ,old ,testament4 ,we can easily    
discover a ,french word in ,english1 nor
 is it difficult to tell a ,persian word
 in ,hebrew4 ,are there any ,persian    
words in ,genesis1 words of the same    
kind as ,asmodeus in ,tobit8 ,no such   
evidence has been brought forward1 and  
the only words we can think of which1 if
 not ,persian1 may be considered of     
,aryan origin1 are the names of such    
rivers as ,tigris and ,euphrates2 and of
 countries such as ,ophir and ,havilah  
among the descendants of ,shem1 ,javan1 
,meshech1 and others among the          
descendants of ,japhet4 ,these names are
 probably foreign names1 and as such    

naturally mentioned by the author of    
,genesis in their foreign form4 ,if     
there are other words of ,aryan or      
,iranian origin in ,genesis1 they ought 
to have occupied the most prominent     
place in ,dr4 ,spiegel's pleading4  ,we 
now proceed1 and we are again quite     
willing to admit that1 even without the 
presence of ,persian words1 the presence
 of ,persian ideas might be detected by 
careful analysis4 ,no doubt this is a   
much more delicate process1 yet1 as we  
can discover ,jewish and ,christian     
ideas in the ,koran1 there ought to be  
no insurmountable difficulty in pointing
 out any ,persian ingredients in        
,genesis1 however disguised and         
assimilated4 ,only1 before we look for  
such ideas1 it is necessary to show the 
channel through which they could        
possibly have flowed either from the    
,avesta into ,genesis1 or from ,genesis 
into the ,avesta4 ,history shows us     
clearly how ,persian words and ideas    
could have found their way into such    

late works as ,tobit1 or even into the  
book of ,daniel1 whether he prospered in
 the reign of ,darius1 or in the reign  
of ,cyrus the ,persian4 ,but how did    
,persians and ,jews come in contact1    
previously to the age of ,cyrus8 ,dr4   
,spiegel says that ,zoroaster was born  
in ,arran4 ,this name is given by       
mediaeval ,mohammedan writers to the    
plain washed by the ,araxes1 and was    
identified by ,anquetil ,duperron with  
the name ,airyana vaega1 which the      
,zend-,avesta gives to the first created
 land of ,ormuzd4 ,the ,parsis place    
this sacred country in the vicinity of  
,atropatene1 and it is clearly meant as 
the northernmost country known to the   
author or authors of the ,zend-,avesta4 
,we think that ,dr4 ,spiegel is right in
 defending the geographical position    
assigned by tradition to ,airyana vaega1
 against modern theories that would     
place it more eastward in the plain of  
,pamer1 nor do we hesitate to admit that
 the name 7,airyana vaega1 i4 e4 the    

seed of the ,aryan7 might have been     
changed into ,arran4 ,we likewise       
acknowledge the force of the arguments  
by which he shows that the books now    
called ,zend-,avesta were composed in   
the ,eastern1 and not in the ,western1  
provinces of the ,persian monarchy1     
though we are hardly prepared to        
subscribe at once to his conclusion 7p4 
#bgj7 that1 because ,zoroaster is placed
 by the ,avesta and by later traditions 
in ,arran1 or the ,western provinces1 he
 could not possibly be the author of the
 ,avesta1 a literary production which   
would appear to belong exclusively to   
the ,eastern provinces4 ,the very       
tradition to which ,dr4 ,spiegel appeals
 represents ,zoroaster as migrating from
 ,arran to ,balkh1 to the court of      
,gustasp1 the son of ,lohrasp2 and1 as  
one tradition has as much value as      
another1 we might well admit that the   
work of ,zoroaster1 as a religious      
teacher1 began in ,balkh1 and from      
thence extended still further ,east4    

,but admitting that ,arran1 the country 
washed by the ,araxes1 was the          
birthplace of ,zoroaster1 can we        
possibly follow ,dr4 ,spiegel when he   
says1 ,arran seems to be identical with 
,haran1 the birthplace of ,abraham8     
,does he mean the names to be identical8
 ,then how are the aspirate and the     
double r to be explained8 how is it to  
be accounted for that the mediaeval     
corruption of ,airyana vaega1 namely    
,arran1 should appear in ,genesis8 ,and 
if the dissimilarity of the two names is
 waived1 is it possible in two lines to 
settle the much contested situation of  
,haran1 and thus to determine the       
ancient watershed between the ,semitic  
and ,aryan nations8 ,the ,abbe ,banier1 
more than a hundred years ago1 pointed  
out that ,haran1 whither ,abraham       
repaired1 was the metropolis of ,sabism1
 and that ,magism was practised in ,ur  
of the ,chaldees 7',mythology1 explained
 by ,history1' vol4 i4 book iii4 cap4   
#c74 ,dr4 ,spiegel having1 as he        

believes1 established the most ancient  
meeting-point between ,abraham and      
,zoroaster1 proceeds to argue that      
whatever ideas are shared in common by  
,genesis and the ,avesta must be        
referred to that very ancient period    
when personal intercourse was still     
possible between ,abraham and           
,zoroaster1 the prophets of the ,jews   
and the ,iranians4 ,now1 here the       
counsel for the defence would remind    
,dr4 ,spiegel that ,genesis was not the 
work of ,abraham1 nor1 according to ,dr4
 ,spiegel's view1 was ,zoroaster the    
author of the ,zend-,avesta2 and that   
therefore the neighbourly intercourse   
between ,zoroaster and ,abraham in the  
country of ,arran had nothing to do with
 the ideas shared in common by ,genesis 
and the ,avesta4 ,but even if we        
admitted1 for argument's sake1 that as  
,dr4 ,spiegel puts it1 the ,avesta      
contains ,zoroastrian and ,genesis      
,abrahamitic ideas1 surely there was    
ample opportunity for ,jewish ideas to  

find admission into what we call the    
,avesta1 or for ,iranian ideas to find  
admission into ,genesis1 after the date 
of ,abraham and ,zoroaster1 and before  
the time when we find the first ,,mss4  
of ,genesis and the ,avesta4 ,the ,zend 
,,mss4 of the ,avesta are very modern1  
so are the ,hebrew ,,mss4 of ,genesis1  
which do not carry us beyond the tenth  
century after ,christ4 ,the text of the 
,avesta1 however1 can be checked by the 
,pehlevi translation1 which was made    
under the ,sassanian dynasty 7#bbf-fea  
,a4,d471 just as the text of ,genesis   
can be checked by the ,septuagint       
translation1 which was made in the third
 century before ,christ4 ,now1 it is    
known that about the same time and in   
the same place--namely at               
,alexandria--where the ,old ,testament  
was rendered into ,greek1 the ,avesta   
also was translated into the same       
language1 so that we have at ,alexandria
 in the third century ,b4,c4 a well     
established historical contact between  

the believers in ,genesis and the       
believers in the ,avesta1 and an easy   
opening for that exchange of ideas      
which1 according to ,dr4 ,spiegel1 could
 have taken place nowhere but in ,arran1
 and at the time of ,abraham and        
,zoroaster4 ,it might be objected that  
this was wrangling for victory1 and not 
arguing for truth1 and that no real     
scholar would admit that the ,avesta1 in
 its original form1 did not go back to a
 much earlier date than the third       
century before ,christ4 ,yet1 when such 
a general principle is to be laid down1 
that all that ,genesis and ,avesta share
 in common must belong to a time before 
,abraham had started for ,canaan1 and   
,zoroaster for ,balkh1 other possible   
means of later intercourse should surely
 not be entirely lost sight of4  ,for   
what happens8 ,the very first tradition 
that is brought forward as one common to
 both these ancient works--namely1 that 
of the ,four ,ages of the ,world--is    
confessedly found in the later writings 

only of the ,parsis1 and cannot be      
traced back in its definite shape beyond
 the time of the ,sassanians 7,eran1 p4 
#bge74 ,indications of it are said to be
 found in the earlier writings1 but     
these indications are extremely vague4  
,but we must advance a step further1    
and1 after reading very carefully the   
three pages devoted to this subject by  
,dr4 ,spiegel1 we must confess we see no
 similarity whatever on that point      
between ,genesis and the ,avesta4 ,in   
,genesis1 the ,four ,ages have never    
assumed the form of a theory1 as in     
,india1 ,persia1 or perhaps in ,greece4 
,if we say that the period from ,adam to
 ,noah is the first1 that from ,noah to 
,abraham the second1 that from ,abraham 
to the death of ,jacob the third1 that  
beginning with the exile in ,egypt the  
fourth1 we are transferring our ideas to
 ,genesis1 but we cannot say that the   
writer of ,genesis himself laid a       
peculiar stress on this fourfold        
division4 ,the ,parsis1 on the contrary1

 have a definite system4 ,according to  
them the world is to last #ab1jjj years4
 ,during the first period of #c1jjj     
years the world was created4 ,during the
 second period ,gayo-maratan1 the first 
man lived by himself1 without suffering 
from the attacks of evil4 ,during the   
third period of #c1jjj years the war    
between good and evil1 between ,ormuzd  
and ,ahriman1 began with the utmost     
fierceness2 and it will gradually abate 
during the fourth period of #c1jjj      
years1 which is still to elapse before  
the final victory of good4 ,where here  
is the similarity between ,genesis and  
the ,avesta8 ,we are referred by ,dr4   
,spiegel to ,dr4 ,windischmann's        
',zoroastrian ,studies1' and to his     
discovery that there are ten generations
 between ,adam and ,noah1 as there are  
ten generations between ,yima and       
,thraetaona2 that there are twelve      
generations between ,shem and ,isaac1 as
 there are twelve between ,thraetaona   
and ,manuskitra2 and that there are     

thirteen generations between ,isaac and 
,david1 as there are thirteen between   
,manuskitra and ,zarathustra4 ,what has 
the learned counsel for the defence to  
say to this8 ,first1 that the name of   
,shem is put by mistake for that of     
,noah4 ,secondly1 that ,yima1 who is    
here identified with ,adam1 is never    
represented in the ,avesta as the first 
man1 but is preceded there by numerous  
ancestors1 and surrounded by numerous   
subjects1 who are not his offspring4    
,thirdly1 that in order to establish in 
,genesis three periods of ten1 twelve1  
and thirteen generations1 it is         
necessary to count ,isaac1 who clearly  
belongs to the third1 as a member of the
 second1 so that in reality the number  
of generations is the same in one only  
out of the three periods1 which surely  
proves nothing4 ,as to any similarity   
between the ,four ,yugas of the         
,brahmans and the ,four ,ages of the    
,parsis1 we can only say that1 if it    
exists1 no one has as yet brought it    

out4 ,the ,greeks1 again1 who are       
likewise said to share the primitive    
doctrine of the ,four ,ages1 believe    
really in five1 and not in four1 and    
separate them in a manner which does not
 in the least remind us of ,hindu       
,yugas1 ,hebrew patriarchs1 or the      
battle between ,ormuzd and ,ahriman4    
,we proceed to a second point--the      
,creation as related in ,genesis and the
 ,avesta4 ,here we certainly find some  
curious coincidences4 ,the world is     
created in six days in ,genesis1 and in 
six periods in the ,avesta1 which six   
periods together form one year4 ,in     
,genesis the creation ends with the     
creation of man1 so it does in the      
,avesta4 ,on all other points ,dr4      
,spiegel admits the two accounts differ1
 but they are said to agree again in the
 temptation and the fall4 ,as ,dr4      
,spiegel has not given the details of   
the temptation and the fall from the    
,avesta1 we cannot judge of the points  
which he considers to be borrowed by the

 ,jews from the ,persians2 but if we    
consult ,m4 ,breal1 who has treated the 
same subject more fully in his ',hercule
 et ,cacus1' we find there no more than 
this1 that the ,dualism of the ,avesta1 
the struggle between ,ormuzd and        
,ahriman1 or the principles of light and
 darkness1 is to be considered as the   
distant reflex of the grand struggle    
between ,indra1 the god of the sky1 and 
,vritra1 the demon of night and         
darkness1 which forms the constant      
burden of the hymns of the ,rig-veda4   
,in this view there is some truth1 but  
we doubt whether it fully exhibits the  
vital principle of the ,zoroastrian     
religion1 which is founded on a solemn  
protest against the whole worship of the
 powers of nature invoked in the ,vedas1
 and on the recognition of one supreme  
power1 the ,god of ,light1 in every     
sense of the word--the spirit ,ahura1   
who created the world and rules it1 and 
defends it against the power of evil4   
,that power of evil which in the most   

ancient portions of the ,avesta has not 
yet received the name of ,ahriman 7i4 e4
 angro mainyus71 may afterwards have    
assumed some of the epithets which in an
 earlier period were bestowed on ,vritra
 and other enemies of the bright gods1  
and among them1 it may have assumed the 
name of serpent4 ,but does it follow1   
because the principle of evil in the    
,avesta is called serpent1 or azhi      
dahaka1 that therefore the serpent      
mentioned in the third chapter of       
,genesis must be borrowed from ,persia8 
,neither in the ,veda nor in the ,avesta
 does the serpent ever assume that      
subtil and insinuating form as in       
,genesis2 and the curse pronounced on   
it1 'to be cursed above all cattle1 and 
above every beast of the field1' is not 
in keeping with the relation of ,vritra 
to ,indra1 or ,ahriman to ,ormuzd1 who  
face each other almost as equals4 ,in   
later books1 such as #a ,chronicles xxi4
 #a1 where ,satan is mentioned as       
provoking ,david to number ,israel 7the 

very same provocation which in #b       
,samuel xxiv4 #a is ascribed to the     
anger of the ,lord moving ,david to     
number ,israel and ,judah71 and in all  
the passages of the ,new ,testament     
where the power of evil is spoken of as 
a person1 we may admit the influence of 
,persian ideas and ,persian expressions1
 though even here strict proof is by no 
means easy4 ,as to the serpent in       
,paradise1 it is a conception that might
 have sprung up among the ,jews as well 
as among the ,brahmans2 and the serpent 
that beguiled ,eve seems hardly to      
invite comparison with the much grander 
conceptions of the terrible power of    
,vritra and ,ahriman in the ,veda and   
,avesta4  ,dr4 ,spiegel next discusses  
the similarity between the ,garden of   
,eden and the ,paradise of the          
,zoroastrians1 and though he admits that
 here again he relies chiefly on the    
,bundehesh1 a work of the ,sassanian    
period1 he maintains that that work may 
well be compared to ,genesis1 because it

 contains none but really ancient       
traditions4 ,we do not for a moment deny
 that this may be so1 but in a case like
 the present1 where everything depends  
on exact dates1 we decline to listen to 
such a plea4 ,we value ,dr4 ,spiegel's  
translations from the ,bundehesh most   
highly1 and we believe with him 7p4     
#bhc7 that there is little doubt as to  
the ,pishon being the ,indus1 and the   
,gihon the ,jaxartes4 ,the              
identification1 too1 of the ,persian    
river-name ,ranha 7the ,vedic ,rasa7    
with the ,araxes1 the name given by     
,herodotus 7i4 #bjb7 to the ,jaxartes1  
seems very ingenious and well           
established4 ,but we should still like  
to know why and in what language the    
,indus was first called ,pishon1 and the
 ,jaxartes1 or1 it may be1 the ,oxus1   
,gihon4  ,we next come to the two trees 
in the garden of ,eden1 the tree of     
knowledge and the tree of life4 ,dr4    
,windischmann has shown that the        
,iranians1 too1 were acquainted with two

 trees1 one called ,gaokerena1 bearing  
the white ,haoma1 the other called the  
,painless tree4 ,we are told first that 
these two trees are the same as the one 
fig tree out of which the ,indians      
believe the world to have been created4 
,now1 first of all1 the ,indians        
believed no such thing1 and secondly1   
there is the same difference between one
 and two trees as there is between      
,north and ,south4 ,but we confess that 
until we know a good deal more about    
these two trees of the ,iranians1 we    
feel no inclination whatever to compare 
the ,painless tree and the tree of      
knowledge of good and evil1 though      
perhaps the white ,haoma tree might     
remind us of the tree of life1          
considering that ,haoma1 as well as the 
,indian ,soma1 was supposed to give     
immortality to those who drank its      
juice4 ,we likewise consider the        
comparison of the ,cherubim who keep the
 way of the tree of life and the        
guardians of the ,soma in the ,veda and 

,avesta1 as deserving attention1 and we 
should like to see the etymological     
derivation of ,cherubim from ,greek3    
gryphes1 ,greifen1 and of ,seraphim from
 the ,sanskrit sarpa1 serpents1 either  
confirmed or refuted4  ,the ,deluge is  
not mentioned in the sacred writings of 
the ,zoroastrians1 nor in the hymns of  
the ,rig-veda4 ,it is mentioned1        
however1 in one of the latest           
,brahmanas1 and the carefully balanced  
arguments of ,burnouf1 who considered   
the tradition of the ,deluge as borrowed
 by the ,indians from ,semitic          
neighbours1 seem to us to be            
strengthened1 rather than weakened1 by  
the isolated appearance of the story of 
the ,deluge in this one passage out of  
the whole of the ,vedic literature4     
,nothing1 however1 has yet been pointed 
out to force us to admit a ,semitic     
origin for the story of the ,flood1 as  
told in the ,satapatha-brahmana1 and    
afterwards repeated in the ,mahabharata 
and the ,puranas3 the number of days    

being really the only point on which the
 two accounts startle us by their       
agreement4  ,that ,noah's ark rested    
upon the mountain of ,ararat1 and that  
,ararat may admit of a ,persian         
etymology1 is nothing to the point4 ,the
 etymology itself is ingenious1 but no  
more4 ,the same remark applies to all   
the rest of ,dr4 ,spiegel's arguments4  
,thraetaona1 who has before been        
compared to ,noah1 divided his land     
among his three sons1 and gave ,iran to 
the youngest1 an injustice which        
exasperated his brothers1 who murdered  
him4 ,now it is true that ,noah1 too1   
had three sons1 but here the similarity 
ends2 for that ,terach had three sons1  
and that one of them only1 ,abram1 took 
possession of the land of promise1 and  
that of the two sons of ,isaac1 the     
youngest became the heir1 is again of no
 consequence for our immediate purpose1 
though it may remind ,dr4 ,spiegel and  
others of the history of ,thraetaona4   
,we agree with ,dr4 ,spiegel1 that      

,zoroaster's character resembles most   
closely the true ,semitic notion of a   
prophet4 ,he is considered worthy of    
personal intercourse with ,ormuzd2 he   
receives from ,ormuzd every word1 though
 not1 as ,dr4 ,spiegel says1 every      
letter of the law4 ,but if ,zoroaster   
was a real character1 so was ,abraham1  
and their being like each other proves  
in no way that they lived in the same   
place1 or at the same time1 or that they
 borrowed aught one from the other4     
,what ,dr4 ,spiegel says of the ,persian
 name of the ,deity1 ,ahura1 is very    
doubtful4 ,ahura1 he says1 as well as   
ahu1 means lord1 and must be traced back
 to the root ah1 the ,sanskrit as1 which
 means to be1 so that ,ahura would      
signify the same as ,jahve1 he who is4  
,the root 'as' no doubt means to be1 but
 it has that meaning because it         
originally meant to breathe4 ,from it1  
in its original sense of breathing1 the 
,hindus formed asu1 breath1 and asura1  
the name of ,god1 whether it meant the  

breathing one1 or the giver of breath4  
,this asura became in ,zend ahura1 and  
if it assumed the general meaning of    
,lord1 this is as much a secondary      
meaning as the meaning of demon or evil 
spirit1 which asura assumed in the later
 ,sanskrit of the ,brahmanas4  ,after   
this1 ,dr4 ,spiegel proceeds to sum up  
his evidence4 ,he has no more to say1   
but he believes that he has proved the  
following points3 a very early          
intercourse between ,semitic and ,aryan 
nations2 a common belief shared by both 
in a paradise situated near the sources 
of the ,oxus and ,jaxartes2 the dwelling
 together of ,abraham and ,zoroaster in 
,haran1 ,arran1 or ,airyana vaega4      
,semitic and ,aryan nations1 he tells   
us1 still live together in those parts  
of the world1 and so it was from the    
beginning4 ,as the form of the ,jewish  
traditions comes nearer to the ,persian 
than to the ,indian traditions1 we are  
asked to believe that these two races   
lived in the closest contact before1    

from this ancient hearth of             
civilisation1 they started towards the  
,west and the ,east--that is to say1    
before ,abraham migrated to ,canaan1 and
 before ,india was peopled by the       
,brahmans4  ,we have given a fair       
account of ,dr4 ,spiegel's arguments1   
and we need not say that we should have 
hailed with equal pleasure any solid    
facts by which to establish either the  
dependence of ,genesis on the           
,zend-,avesta1 or the dependence of the 
,zend-,avesta on ,genesis4 ,it would be 
absurd to resist facts where facts      
exist2 nor can we imagine any reason    
why1 if ,abraham came into personal     
contact with ,zoroaster1 the ,jewish    
patriarch should have learnt nothing    
from the ,iranian prophet1 or vice      
versa4 ,if such an intercourse could be 
established1 it would but serve to      
strengthen the historical character of  
the books of the ,old ,testament1 and   
would be worth more than all the        
elaborate theories that have been       

started on the purely miraculous origin 
of these books4 ,but though we by no    
means deny that some more tangible      
points of resemblance may yet be        
discovered between the ,old ,testament  
and the ,zend-,avesta1 we must protest  
against having so interesting and so    
important a matter handled in such an   
unbusinesslike manner4  ,april1 #ahfd4  
,,viii4  ,,the ,,modern ,,parsis4#ej    
,i4   ,it is not fair to speak of any   
religious sect by a name to which its   
members object4 ,yet the fashion of     
speaking of the followers of ,zoroaster 
as ,fire-worshippers is so firmly       
established that it will probably       
continue long after the last believers  
in ,ormuzd have disappeared from the    
face of the earth4 ,at the present      
moment1 the number of the ,zoroastrians 
has dwindled down so much that they     
hardly find a place in the religious    
statistics of the world4 ,berghaus in   
his ',physical ,atlas' gives the        
following division of the human race    

according to religion3  ,buddhists      
#ca4b per cent4 ,christians             
#cj4g     ,mohammedans        #ae4g     
,brahmanists        #ac4d     ,heathens 
#h4g     ,jews                #j4c      
,footnote #ej3 ',the ,manners and       
,customs of the ,parsees4' ,by ,dadabhai
 ,naoroji1 ,esq4 ,liverpool1 #ahfa4     
',the ,parsee ,religion1' ,by ,dadabhai 
,naoroji1 ,esq4 ,liverpool1 #ahfa4  ,he 
nowhere states the number of the        
,fire-worshippers1 nor does he tell us  
under what head they are comprised in   
his general computation4 ,the           
difficulties of a religious census are  
very great1 particularly when we have to
 deal with ,eastern nations4 ,about two 
hundred years ago1 travellers estimated 
the ,gabars 7as they are called in      
,persia7 at eighty thousand families1 or
 about #djj1jjj souls4 ,at present the  
,parsis in ,western ,india amount to    
about #ajj1jjj1 to which1 if we add     
#e1ejj in ,yazd and ,kirman1 we get a   
total of #aje1ejj4 ,the number of the   

,jews is commonly estimated at          
#c1fjj1jjj2 and if they represent #j4c  
per cent of mankind1 the                
,fire-worshippers could not claim at    
present more than about #j4ja per cent  
of the whole population of the earth4   
,yet there were periods in the history  
of the world when the worship of ,ormuzd
 threatened to rise triumphant on the   
ruins of the temples of all other gods4 
,if the battles of ,marathon and        
,salamis had been lost1 and ,greece had 
succumbed to ,persia1 the state religion
 of the empire of ,cyrus1 which was the 
worship of ,ormuzd1 might have become   
the religion of the whole civilised     
world4 ,persia had absorbed the         
,assyrian and ,babylonian empires2 the  
,jews were either in ,persian captivity 
or under ,persian sway at home2 the     
sacred monuments of ,egypt had been     
mutilated by the hands of ,persian      
soldiers4 ,the edicts of the great king1
 the king of kings1 were sent to ,india1
 to ,greece1 to ,scythia1 and to ,egypt2

 and if 'by the grace of ,auramazda'    
,darius had crushed the liberty of      
,greece1 the purer faith of ,zoroaster  
might easily have superseded the        
,olympian fables4 ,again1 under the     
,sassanian dynasty 7#bbf-fea ,a4,d47 the
 revived national faith of the          
,zoroastrians assumed such vigour that  
,shapur ,,ii1 like another ,diocletian1 
could aim at the extirpation of the     
,christian faith4 ,the sufferings of the
 persecuted ,christians in the ,east    
were as terrible as they had ever been  
in the ,west2 nor was it by the weapons 
of ,roman emperors or by the arguments  
of ,christian divines that the fatal    
blow was dealt to the throne of ,cyrus  
and the altars of ,ormuzd4 ,the power of
 ,persia was broken at last by the      
,arabs2 and it is due to them that the  
religion of ,ormuzd1 once the terror of 
the world1 is now1 and has been for the 
last thousand years1 a mere curiosity in
 the eyes of the historian4  ,the sacred
 writings of the ,zoroastrians1 commonly

 called the ,zend-,avesta1 have for     
about a century occupied the attention  
of ,european scholars1 and1 thanks to   
the adventurous devotion of ,anquetil   
,duperron1 and the careful researches of
 ,rask1 ,burnouf1 ,westergaard1         
,spiegel1 and ,haug1 we have gradually  
been enabled to read and interpret what 
remains of the ancient language of the  
,persian religion4 ,the problem was not 
an easy one1 and had it not been for the
 new light which the science of language
 has shed on the laws of human speech1  
it would have been as impossible to     
,burnouf as it was to ,hyde1 the        
celebrated ,professor of ,hebrew and    
,arabic at ,oxford1 to interpret with   
grammatical accuracy the ancient        
remnants of ,zoroaster's doctrine4 ,how 
that problem was solved is well known to
 all who take an interest in the        
advancement of modern scholarship4 ,it  
was as great an achievement as the      
deciphering of the cuneiform edicts of  
,darius2 and no greater compliment could

 have been paid to ,burnouf and his     
fellow-labourers than that scholars1    
without inclination to test their       
method1 and without leisure to follow   
these indefatigable pioneers through all
 the intricate paths of their           
researches1 should have pronounced the  
deciphering of the ancient ,zend as well
 as of the ancient ,persian of the      
,achaemenian period to be impossible1   
incredible1 and next to miraculous4     
,while the scholars of ,europe are thus 
engaged in disinterring the ancient     
records of the religion of ,zoroaster1  
it is of interest to learn what has     
become of that religion in those few    
settlements where it is still professed 
by small communities4 ,though every     
religion is of real and vital interest  
in its earliest state only1 yet its     
later development too1 with all its     
misunderstandings1 faults1 and          
corruptions1 offers many an instructive 
lesson to the thoughtful student of     
history4 ,here is a religion1 one of the

 most ancient of the world1 once the    
state religion of the most powerful     
empire1 driven away from its native     
soil1 deprived of political influence1  
without even the prestige of a powerful 
or enlightened priesthood1 and yet      
professed by a handful of exiles--men of
 wealth1 intelligence1 and moral worth  
in ,western ,india--with an unhesitating
 fervour such as is seldom to be found  
in larger religious communities4 ,it is 
well worth the serious consideration of 
the philosopher and the divine to       
discover1 if possible1 the spell by     
which this apparently effete religion   
continues to command the attachment of  
the enlightened ,parsis of ,india1 and  
makes them turn a deaf ear to the       
allurements of the ,brahmanic worship   
and the earnest appeals of ,christian   
missionaries4 ,we believe that to many  
of our readers the two pamphlets1 lately
 published by a distinguished member of 
the ,parsi community1 ,mr4 ,dadabhai    
,naoroji1 ,professor of ,guzerati at    

,university ,college1 ,london1 will open
 many problems of a more than passing   
interest4 ,one is a ,paper read before  
the ,liverpool ,philomathic ,society1   
',on the ,manners and ,customs of the   
,parsees2' the other is a ,lecture      
delivered before the ,liverpool         
,literary and ,philosophical ,society1  
',on the ,parsee ,religion4'  ,in the   
first of these pamphlets1 we are told   
that the small community of ,parsis in  
,western ,india is at the present moment
 divided into two parties1 the          
,conservatives and the ,liberals4 ,both 
are equally attached to the faith of    
their ancestors1 but they differ from   
each other in their modes of life--the  
,conservatives clinging to all that is  
established and customary1 however      
absurd and mischievous1 the ,liberals   
desiring to throw off the abuses of     
former ages1 and to avail themselves1 as
 much as is consistent with their       
religion and their ,oriental character1 
of the advantages of ,european          

civilisation4 ',if ,i say1' writes our  
informant1 'that the ,parsees use       
tables1 knives and forks1 c41 for taking
 their dinners1 it would be true with   
regard to one portion1 and entirely     
untrue with regard to another4 ,in one  
house you see in the dining-room the    
dinner table furnished with all the     
,english apparatus for its agreeable    
purposes2 next door1 perhaps1 you see   
the gentleman perfectly satisfied with  
his primitive good old mode of squatting
 on a piece of mat1 with a large brass  
or copper plate 7round1 and of the size 
of an ordinary tray7 before him1        
containing all the dishes of his dinner1
 spread on it in small heaps1 and placed
 upon a stool about two or three inches 
high1 with a small tinned copper cup at 
his side for his drinks1 and his fingers
 for his knives and forks4 ,he does     
this1 not because he cannot afford to   
have a table1 c41 but because he would  
not have them in preference to his      
ancestral mode of life1 or1 perhaps1 the

 thought has not occurred to him that he
 need have anything of the kind4'       
,instead1 therefore1 of giving a general
 description of ,parsi life at present1 
,mr4 ,dadabhai ,naoroji gives us two    
distinct accounts--first of the old1    
secondly of the new school4 ,he         
describes the incidents in the daily    
life of a ,parsi of the old school1 from
 the moment he gets out of bed to the   
time of his going to rest1 and the      
principal ceremonies from the hour of   
his birth to the hour of his burial4    
,although we can gather from the tenour 
of his writings that the author himself 
belongs to the ,liberals1 we must give  
him credit for the fairness with which  
he describes the party to which he is   
opposed4 ,there is no sneer1 no         
expression of contempt anywhere1 even   
when1 as in the case of the ,nirang1 the
 temptation must have been considerable4
 ,what this ,nirang is we may best state
 in the words of the writer3       ',the
 ,nirang is the urine of cow1 ox1 or    

she-goat1 and the      rubbing of it    
over the face and hands is the second   
thing a      ,parsee does after getting 
out of bed4 ,either before applying     
the ,nirang to the face and hands1 or   
while it remains on the      hands after
 being applied1 he should not touch     
anything      directly with his hands2  
but1 in order to wash out the           
,nirang1 he either asks somebody else to
 pour water on his      hands1 or       
resorts to the device of taking hold of 
the pot      through the intervention of
 a piece of cloth1 such as a            
handkerchief or his ,sudra1 i4 e4 his   
blouse4 ,he first pours      water on   
one hand1 then takes the pot in that    
hand and      washes his other hand1    
face and feet4'  ,strange as this       
process of purification may appear1 it  
becomes perfectly disgusting when we are
 told that women1 after childbirth1 have
 not only to undergo this sacred        
ablution1 but have actually to drink a  
little of the ,nirang1 and that the same

 rite is imposed on children at the time
 of their investiture with the ,sudra   
and ,kusti1 the badges of the           
,zoroastrian faith4 ,the ,liberal party 
have completely surrendered this        
objectionable custom1 but the old school
 still keep it up1 though their faith1  
as ,dadabhai ,naoroji says1 in the      
efficacy of ,nirang to drive away ,satan
 may be shaken4 ',the ,reformers1' our  
author writes1 'maintain that there is  
no authority whatever in the original   
books of ,zurthosht for the observance  
of this dirty practice1 but that it is  
altogether a later introduction4 ,the   
old adduce the authority of the works of
 some of the priests of former days1 and
 say the practice ought to be observed4 
,they quote one passage from the        
,zend-,avesta corroborative of their    
opinion1 which their opponents deny as  
at all bearing upon the point4' ,here1  
whatever our own feelings may be about  
the ,nirang1 truth obliges us to side   
with the old school1 and if our author  

had consulted the ninth ,fasgard of the 
,vendidad 7page #abj1 line #ba1 in      
,brockhaus's edition71 he would have    
seen that both the drinking and the     
rubbing in of the so-called             
,gaomaezo--i4 e4 ,nirang--are clearly   
enjoined by ,zoroaster in certain       
purificatory rights4 ,the custom rests1 
therefore1 not only on the authority of 
a few priests of former days1 but on the
 ipsissima verba of the ,zend-,avesta1  
the revealed word of ,ormuzd2 and if1 as
 ,dadabhai ,naoroji writes1 the         
,reformers of the day will not go beyond
 abolishing and disavowing the          
ceremonies and notions that have no     
authority in the original ,zend-,avesta1
 we are afraid that the washing with    
,nirang1 and even the drinking of it1   
will have to be maintained4 ,a pious    
,parsi has to say his prayers sixteen   
times at least every day--first on      
getting out of bed1 then during the     
,nirang operation1 again when he takes  
his bath1 again when he cleanses his    

teeth1 and when he has finished his     
morning ablutions4 ,the same prayers are
 repeated whenever1 during the day1 a   
,parsi has to wash his hands4 ,every    
meal--and there are three--begins and   
ends with prayer1 besides the grace1 and
 before going to bed the work of the day
 is closed by a prayer4 ,the most       
extraordinary thing is that none of the 
,parsis--not even their                 
priests--understand the ancient language
 in which these prayers are composed4   
,we must quote the words of our author1 
who is himself of the priestly caste1   
and who says3       ',all prayers1 on   
every occasion1 are said1 or rather     
recited1 in the old original ,zend      
language1 neither the      reciter nor  
the people around intended to be        
edified1      understanding a word of   
it4 ,there is no pulpit among the       
,parsees4 ,on several occasions1 as on  
the occasion of the      ,ghumbars1 the 
bimestral holidays1 the third day's     
ceremonies      for the dead1 and other 

religious or special holidays1 there    
are assemblages in the temple2 prayers  
are repeated1 in      which more or less
 join1 but there is no discourse in the 
vernacular of the people4 ,ordinarily1  
every one goes to the      fire-temple  
whenever he likes1 or1 if it is         
convenient to      him1 recites his     
prayers himself1 and as long as he      
likes1      and gives1 if so inclined1  
something to the priests to pray        
for him4'  ,in another passage our      
author says3       ',far from being the 
teachers of the true doctrines and      
duties of their religion1 the priests   
are generally the most      bigoted and 
superstitious1 and exercise much        
injurious      influence over the women 
especially1 who1 until lately1          
received no education at all4 ,the      
priests have1 however1 now      begun to
 feel their degraded position4 ,many of 
them1 if they      can do so1 bring up  
their sons in any other profession but  
their own4 ,there are1 perhaps1 a dozen 

among the whole body      of            
professional priests who lay claim to a 
knowledge of the      ,zend-,avesta3 but
 the only respect in which they are     
superior      to their brethren is1 that
 they have learnt the meanings of       
the words of the books as they are      
taught1 without knowing      the        
language1 either philosophically or     
grammatically4'  ,mr4 ,dadabhai ,naoroji
 proceeds to give a clear and graphic   
description of the ceremonies to be     
observed at the birth and the           
investiture of children1 at the         
betrothal of children1 at marriages and 
at funerals1 and he finally dismisses   
some of the distinguishing features of  
the national character of the ,parsis4  
,the ,parsis are monogamists4 ,they do  
not eat anything cooked by a person of  
another religion2 they object to beef1  
pork1 or ham4 ,their priesthood is      
hereditary4 ,none but the son of a      
priest can be a priest1 but it is not   
obligatory for the son of a priest to   

take orders4 ,the high-priest is called 
,dustoor1 the others are called ,mobed4 
,the principal points for which the     
,liberals among the ,parsis are1 at the 
present moment1 contending1 are the     
abolition of the filthy purifications by
 means of ,nirang2 the reduction of the 
large number of obligatory prayers2 the 
prohibition of early betrothal and      
marriage2 the suppression of            
extravagance at weddings and funerals2  
the education of women1 and their       
admission into general society4 ,a      
society has been formed1 called 'the    
,rahanumaee ,mazdiashna1' i4 e4 the     
,guide of the ,worshippers of ,god4     
,meetings are held1 speeches made1      
tracts distributed4 ,a counter society1 
too1 has been started1 called 'the ,true
 ,guides2' and we readily believe what  
,mr4 ,dadabhai ,naoroji tells us--that1 
as in ,europe1 so in ,india1 the        
,reformers have found themselves        
strengthened by the intolerant bigotry  
and the weakness of the arguments of    

their opponents4 ,the ,liberals have    
made considerable progress1 but their   
work is as yet but half done1 and they  
will never be able to carry out their   
religious and social reforms            
successfully1 without first entering on 
a critical study of the ,zend-,avesta1  
to which1 as yet1 they profess to appeal
 as the highest authority in matters of 
faith1 law1 and morality4  ,we propose1 
in another article1 to consider the     
state of religion among the ,parsis of  
the present day4  ,august1 #ahfb4       
,,ii4  ,the so-called ,fire-worshippers 
certainly do not worship the fire1 and  
they naturally object to a name which   
seems to place them on a level with mere
 idolaters4 ,all they admit is1 that in 
their youth they are taught to face some
 luminous object while worshipping ,god 
7p4 #g71 and that they regard the fire1 
like other great natural phenomena1 as  
an emblem of the ,divine power 7p4 #bf74
 ,but they assure us that they never ask
 assistance or blessings from an        

unintelligent material object1 nor is it
 even considered necessary to turn the  
face to any emblem whatever in praying  
to ,ormuzd4 ,the most honest1 however1  
among the ,parsis1 and those who would  
most emphatically protest against the   
idea of their ever paying divine honours
 to the sun or the fire1 admit the      
existence of some kind of national      
instinct--an indescribable awe felt by  
every ,parsi with regard to light and   
fire4 ,the fact that the ,parsis are the
 only ,eastern people who entirely      
abstain from smoking is very            
significant2 and we know that most of   
them would rather not blow out a candle1
 if they could help it4 ,it is difficult
 to analyse such a feeling1 but it      
seems1 in some respects1 similar to that
 which many ,christians have about the  
cross4 ,they do not worship the cross1  
but they have peculiar feelings of      
reverence for it1 and it is intimately  
connected with some of their most sacred
 rites4  ,but although most ,parsis     

would be very ready to tell us what they
 do not worship1 there are but few who  
could give a straightforward answer if  
asked what they do worship and believe4 
,their priests1 no doubt1 would say that
 they worship ,ormuzd and believe in    
,zoroaster1 his prophet2 and they would 
appeal to the ,zend-,avesta1 as         
containing the ,word of ,god1 revealed  
by ,ormuzd to ,zoroaster4 ,if more      
closely pressed1 however1 they would    
have to admit that they cannot          
understand one word of the sacred       
writings in which they profess to       
believe1 nor could they give any reason 
why they believe ,zoroaster to have been
 a true prophet1 and not an impostor4   
',as a body1' says ,mr4 ,dadabhai       
,naoroji1 'the priests are not only     
ignorant of the duties and objects of   
their own profession1 but are entirely  
uneducated1 except that they are able to
 read and write1 and that1 also1 often  
very imperfectly4 ,they do not          
understand a single word of their       

prayers and recitations1 which are all  
in the old ,zend language4'  ,what1     
then1 do the laity know about religion8 
,what makes the old teaching of         
,zoroaster so dear to them that1 in     
spite of all differences of opinion     
among themselves1 young and old seem    
equally determined never to join any    
other religious community8 ,incredible  
as it may sound1 we are told by the best
 authority1 by an enlightened yet       
strictly orthodox ,parsi1 that there is 
hardly a man or a woman who could give  
an account of the faith that is in them4
 ',the whole religious education of a   
,parsi child consists in preparing by   
rote a certain number of prayers in     
,zend1 without understanding a word of  
them2 the knowledge of the doctrines of 
their religion being left to be picked  
up from casual conversation4' ,a ,parsi1
 in fact1 hardly knows what his faith   
is4 ,the ,zend-,avesta is to him a      
sealed book2 and though there is a      
,guzerati translation of it1 that       

translation is not made from the        
original1 but from a ,pehlevi           
paraphrase1 nor is it recognised by the 
priests as an authorised version4 ,till 
about five and twenty years ago1 there  
was no book from which a ,parsi of an   
inquiring mind could gather the         
principles of his religion4 ,at that    
time1 and1 as it would seem1 chiefly in 
order to counteract the influence of    
,christian missionaries1 a small        
,dialogue was written in ,guzerati--a   
kind of ,catechism1 giving1 in the form 
of questions and answers1 the most      
important tenets of ,parsiism4 ,we shall
 quote some passages from this          
,dialogue1 as translated by ,mr4        
,dadabhai ,naoroji4 ,the subject of it  
is thus described3       ,a few         
,questions and ,answers to acquaint the 
,children of the      holy ,zarthosti   
,community with the ,subject of the     
,mazdiashna      ,religion1 i4 e4 the   
,worship of ,god4       ,question4 ,whom
 do we1 of the ,zarthosti community1    

believe      in8       ,answer4 ,we     
believe in only one ,god1 and do not    
believe in      any besides ,him4       
,q4 ,who is that one ,god8       ,a4    
,the ,god who created the heavens1 the  
earth1 the angels1      the stars1 the  
sun1 the moon1 the fire1 the water1 or  
all      the four elements1 and all     
things of the two worlds2 that      ,god
 we believe in4 ,him we worship1 him we 
invoke1 him we      adore4       ,q4 ,do
 we not believe in any other ,god8      
,a4 ,whoever believes in any other ,god 
but this1 is an      infidel1 and shall 
suffer the punishment of hell4       ,q4
 ,what is the form of our ,god8         
,a4 ,our ,god has neither face nor form1
 colour nor shape1      nor fixed place4
 ,there is no other like him4 ,he is    
himself      singly such a glory that we
 cannot1 praise or describe him2        
nor our mind comprehend him4  ,so far1  
no one could object to this ,catechism1 
and it must be clear that the ,dualism1 
which is generally mentioned as the     

distinguishing feature of the ,persian  
religion--the belief in two ,gods1      
,ormuzd1 the principle of good1 and     
,ahriman1 the principle of evil--is not 
countenanced by the modern ,parsis4     
,whether it exists in the ,zend-,avesta 
is another question1 which1 however1    
cannot be discussed at present4#ea      
,the ,catechism continues3       ,q4    
,what is our religion8       ,a4 ,our   
religion is ',worship of ,god4'         
,q4 ,whence did we receive our religion8
       ,a4 ,god's true prophet--the true
 ,zurthost 7,zoroaster7                 
,asphantaman ,anoshirwan--brought the   
religion to us from ,god4  ,here it is  
curious to observe that not a single    
question is asked as to the claim of    
,zoroaster to be considered a true      
prophet4 ,he is not treated as a divine 
being1 nor even as the son of ,ormuzd4  
,plato1 indeed1 speaks of ,zoroaster as 
the son of ,oromazes 7,alc4 i4 p4 #abb  
a71 but this is a mistake1 not          
countenanced1 as far as we are aware1 by

 any of the ,parsi writings1 whether    
ancient or modern4 ,with the ,parsis1   
,zoroaster is simply a wise man1 a      
prophet favoured by ,god1 and admitted  
into ,god's immediate presence2 but all 
this1 on his own showing only1 and      
without any supernatural credentials1   
except some few miracles recorded of him
 in books of doubtful authority4 ,this  
shows1 at all events1 how little the    
,parsis have been exposed to            
controversial discussions2 for1 as this 
is so weak a point in their system that 
it would have invited the attacks of    
every opponent1 we may be sure that the 
,dustoors would have framed some        
argument in defence1 if such defence had
 ever been needed4         99       99  
99       99       99  ,the next extract 
from the ,catechism treats of the       
canonical books3  ,footnote #ea3 ,see   
page #adj4       ,q4 ,what religion has 
our prophet brought us from ,god8       
,a4 ,the disciples of our prophet have  
recorded in several      books that     

religion4 ,many of these books were     
destroyed      during ,alexander's      
conquest2 the remainder of the books    
were      preserved with great care and 
respect by the ,sassanian      kings4   
,of these again1 the greater portion    
were destroyed at      the ,mohammedan  
conquest by ,khalif ,omar1 so that we   
have now      very few books remaining2 
viz4 the ,vandidad1 the ,yazashne1      
the ,visparad1 the ,khordeh ,avesta1 the
 ,vistasp ,nusk1 and a      few ,pehlevi
 books4 ,resting our faith upon these   
few books1      we now remain devoted to
 our good ,mazdiashna religion4 ,we     
consider these books as heavenly books1 
because ,god sent the      tidings of   
these books to us through the holy      
,zurthost4  ,here1 again1 we see        
theological science in its infancy4 ',we
 consider these books as heavenly books 
because ,god sent the tidings of these  
books to us through the holy ,zurthost1'
 is not very powerful logic4 ,it would  
have been more simple to say1 ',we      

consider them heavenly books because we 
consider them heavenly books4' ,however1
 whether heavenly or not1 these few     
books exist4 ,they form the only basis  
of the ,zoroastrian religion1 and the   
principal source from which it is       
possible to derive any authentic        
information as to its origin1 its       
history1 and its real character4        
99       99       99       99       99  
,that the ,parsis are of a tolerant     
character with regard to such of their  
doctrines as are not of vital           
importance1 may be seen from the        
following extract3       ,q4 ,whose     
descendants are we8       ,a4 ,of       
,gayomars4 ,by his progeny was ,persia  
populated4       ,q4 ,was ,gayomars the 
first man8       ,a4 ,according to our  
religion he was so1 but the wise men    
of our community1 of the ,chinese1 the  
,hindus1 and several      other nations1
 dispute the assertion1 and say that    
there was      human population on the  
earth before ,gayomars4  ,the moral     

precepts which are embodied in this     
,catechism do the highest credit to the 
,parsis3       ,q4 ,what commands has   
,god sent us through his prophet1 the   
exalted ,zurthost8       ,a4 ,to know   
,god as one2 to know the prophet1 the   
exalted      ,zurthost1 as the true     
prophet2 to believe the religion and    
the ,avesta brought by him as true      
beyond all manner of      doubt2 to     
believe in the goodness of ,god2 not to 
disobey any      of the commands of the 
,mazdiashna religion2 to avoid evil     
deeds2 to exert for good deeds2 to pray 
five times in the      day2 to believe  
on the reckoning and justice on the     
fourth      morning after death2 to hope
 for heaven and to fear hell2 to        
consider doubtless the day of general   
destruction and      resurrection2 to   
remember always that ,god has done what 
he      willed1 and shall do what he    
wills2 to face some luminous      object
 while worshipping ,god4  ,then follow  
several paragraphs which are clearly    

directed against ,christian             
missionaries1 and more particularly     
against the doctrine of vicarious       
sacrifice and prayer3       ',some      
deceivers1 the ,catechism says1 with the
 view of      acquiring exaltation in   
this world1 have set themselves up      
as prophets1 and1 going among the       
labouring and ignorant      people1 have
 persuaded them that1 if you commit sin1
 ,i      shall intercede for you1 ,i    
shall plead for you1 ,i shall save      
you1 and thus deceive them2 but the wise
 among the people      know the deceit4'
  ,this clearly refers to ,christian    
missionaries1 but whether ,roman        
,catholic or ,protestant is difficult to
 say4 ,the answer given by the ,parsis  
is curious and significant3       ',if  
any one commit sin1' they reply1 'under 
the belief that      he shall be saved  
by somebody1 both the deceiver as well  
as      the deceived shall be damned to 
the day of ,rasta ,khez4444      ,there 
is no saviour4 ,in the other world you  

shall receive      the return according 
to your actions4444 ,your saviour is    
your deeds1 and ,god himself4 ,he is the
 pardoner and the      giver4 ,if you   
repent your sins and reform1 and if the 
,great      ,judge consider you worthy  
of pardon1 or would be merciful to      
you1 ,he alone can and will save you4'  
,it would be a mistake to suppose that  
the whole doctrine of the ,parsis is    
contained in the short ,guzerati        
,catechism1 translated by ,mr4 ,dadabhai
 ,naoroji1 still less in the fragmentary
 extracts here given4 ,their sacred     
writings1 the ,yasna1 ,vispered1 and    
,vendidad1 the productions of much      
earlier ages1 contain many ideas1 both  
religious and mythological1 which belong
 to the past1 to the childhood of our   
race1 and which no educated ,parsi could
 honestly profess to believe in now4    
,this difficulty of reconciling the more
 enlightened faith of the present       
generation with the mythological        
phraseology of their old sacred writings

 is solved by the ,parsis in a very     
simple manner4 ,they do not1 like ,roman
 ,catholics1 prohibit the reading of the
 ,zend-,avesta2 nor do they1 like       
,protestants1 encourage a critical study
 of their sacred texts4 ,they simply    
ignore the originals of their sacred    
writings4 ,they repeat them in their    
prayers without attempting to understand
 them1 and they acknowledge the         
insufficiency of every translation of   
the ,zend-,avesta that has yet been     
made1 either in ,pehlevi1 ,sanskrit1    
,guzerati1 ,french1 or ,german4 ,each   
,parsi has to pick up his religion as   
best he may4 ,till lately1 even the     
,catechism did not form a necessary part
 of a child's religious education4 ,thus
 the religious belief of the present    
,parsi communities is reduced to two or 
three fundamental doctrines2 and these1 
though professedly resting on the       
teaching of ,zoroaster1 receive their   
real sanction from a much higher        
authority4 ,a ,parsi believes in one    

,god1 to whom he addresses his prayers4 
,his morality is comprised in these     
words--pure thoughts1 pure words1 pure  
deeds4 ,believing in the punishment of  
vice and the reward of virtue1 he trusts
 for pardon to the mercy of ,god4 ,there
 is a charm1 no doubt1 in so short a    
creed2 and if the whole of ,zoroaster's 
teaching were confined to this1 there   
would be some truth in what his         
followers say of their religion--namely1
 that 'it is for all1 and not for any   
particular nation4'  ,if now we ask     
again1 how it is that neither           
,christians1 nor ,hindus1 nor           
,mohammedans have had any considerable  
success in converting the ,parsis1 and  
why even the more enlightened members of
 that small community1 though fully     
aware of the many weak points of their  
own theology1 and deeply impressed with 
the excellence of the ,christian        
religion1 morals1 and general           
civilisation1 scorn the idea of ever    
migrating from the sacred ruins of their

 ancient faith1 we are able to discover 
some reasons2 though they are hardly    
sufficient to account for so            
extraordinary a fact8  ,first1 the very 
compactness of the modern ,parsi creed  
accounts for the tenacity with which the
 exiles of ,western ,india cling to it4 
,a ,parsi is not troubled with many     
theological problems or difficulties4   
,though he professes a general belief in
 the sacred writings of ,zoroaster1 he  
is not asked to profess any belief in   
the stories incidentally mentioned in   
the ,zend-,avesta4 ,if it is said in the
 ,yasna that ,zoroaster was once visited
 by ,homa1 who appeared before him in a 
brilliant supernatural body1 no doctrine
 is laid down as to the exact nature of 
,homa4 ,it is said that ,homa was       
worshipped by certain ancient sages1    
,vivanhvat1 ,athwya1 and ,thrita1 and   
that1 as a reward for their worship1    
great heroes were born as their sons4   
,the fourth who worshipped ,homa was    
,pourushaspa1 and he was rewarded by the

 birth of his son ,zoroaster4 ,now the  
truth is1 that ,homa is the same as the 
,sanskrit ,soma1 well known from the    
,veda as an intoxicating beverage used  
at the great sacrifices1 and afterwards 
raised to the rank of a deity4 ,the     
,parsis are fully aware of this1 but    
they do not seem in the least disturbed 
by the occurrence of such 'fables and   
endless genealogies4' ,they would not be
 shocked if they were told1 what is a   
fact1 that most of these old wives'     
fables have their origin in the religion
 which they most detest1 the religion of
 the ,veda1 and that the heroes of the  
,zend-,avesta are the same who1 with    
slightly changed names1 appear again as 
,jemshid1 ,feridun1 ,gershasp1 c41 in   
the epic poetry of ,firdusi4  ,another  
fact which accounts for the attachment  
of the ,parsis to their religion is its 
remote antiquity and its former glory4  
,though age has little to do with truth1
 the length of time for which any system
 has lasted seems to offer a vague      

argument in favour of its strength4 ,it 
is a feeling which the ,parsi shares in 
common with the ,jew and the ,brahman1  
and which even the ,christian missionary
 appeals to when confronting the systems
 of later prophets4  ,thirdly1 it is    
felt by the ,parsis that in changing    
their religion1 they would not only     
relinquish the heirloom of their remote 
forefathers1 but of their own fathers2  
and it is felt as a dereliction of      
filial piety to give up what was most   
precious to those whose memory is most  
precious and almost sacred to           
themselves4  ,if in spite of all this1  
many people1 most competent to judge1   
look forward with confidence to the     
conversion of the ,parsis1 it is        
because1 in the most essential points1  
they have already1 though unconsciously1
 approached as near as possible to the  
pure doctrines of ,christianity4 ,let   
them but read the ,zend-,avesta1 in     
which they profess to believe1 and they 
will find that their faith is no longer 

the faith of the ,yasna1 the ,vendidad1 
and the ,vispered4 ,as historical       
relics1 these works1 if critically      
interpreted1 will always retain a       
prominent place in the great library of 
the ancient world4 ,as oracles of       
religious faith1 they are defunct1 and a
 mere anachronism in the age in which we
 live4  ,on the other hand1 let         
missionaries read their ,bible1 and let 
them preach that ,christianity which    
once conquered the world--the genuine   
and unshackled ,gospel of ,christ and   
the ,apostles4 ,let them respect native 
prejudices1 and be tolerant with regard 
to all that can be tolerated in a       
,christian community4 ,let them consider
 that ,christianity is not a gift to be 
pressed on unwilling minds1 but the     
highest of all privileges which natives 
can receive at the hands of their       
present rulers4 ,natives of independent 
and honest character cannot afford at   
present to join the ranks of converts   
without losing that true caste which no 

man ought to lose--namely1 self-respect4
 ,they are driven to prop up their      
tottering religions1 rather than profess
 a faith which seems dictated to them by
 their conquerors4 ,such feelings ought 
to be respected4 ,finally1 let          
missionaries study the sacred writings  
on which the faith of the ,parsis is    
professedly founded4 ,let them examine  
the bulwarks which they mean to         
overthrow4 ,they will find them less    
formidable from within than from        
without4 ,but they will also discover   
that they rest on a foundation which    
ought never to be touched--a faith in   
one ,god1 the ,creator1 the ,ruler1 and 
the ,judge of the world4  ,august1      
#ahfb4     ,,ix4  ,,buddhism4#eb   ,if  
the command of ,st4 ,paul1 ',prove all  
things1 hold fast that which is good1'  
may be supposed to refer to spiritual   
things1 and1 more especially1 to        
religious doctrines1 it must be         
confessed that few only1 whether        
theologians or laymen1 have ever taken  

to heart the apostle's command4 ,how    
many candidates for holy orders are     
there who could give a straightforward  
answer if asked to enumerate the        
principal religions of the world1 or to 
state the names of their founders1 and  
the titles of the works which are still 
considered by millions of human beings  
as the sacred authorities for their     
religious belief8 ,to study such books  
as the ,koran of the ,mohammedans1 the  
,zend-,avesta of the ,parsis1 the       
,king's of the ,confucians1 the         
,tao-te-,king of the ,taoists1 the      
,vedas of the ,brahmans1 the ,tripitaka 
of the ,buddhists1 the ,sutras of the   
,jains1 or the ,granth of the ,sikhs1   
would be considered by many mere waste  
of time4 ,yet ,st4 ,paul's command is   
very clear and simple2 and to maintain  
that it referred to the heresies of his 
own time only1 or to the philosophical  
systems of the ,greeks and ,romans1     
would be to narrow the horizon of the   
apostle's mind1 and to destroy the      

general applicability of his teaching to
 all times and to all countries4 ,many  
will ask what possible good could be    
derived from the works of men who must  
have been either deceived or deceivers1 
nor would it be difficult to quote some 
passages in order to show the utter     
absurdity and worthlessness of the      
religious books of the ,hindus and      
,chinese4 ,but this was not the spirit  
in which the apostle of the ,gentiles   
addressed himself to the ,epicureans and
 ,stoics1 nor is this the feeling with  
which a thoughtful ,christian and a     
sincere believer in the divine          
government of the world is likely to    
rise from a perusal of any of the books 
which he knows to be or to have been the
 only source of spiritual light and     
comfort to thousands and thousands among
 the dwellers on earth4  ,footnote #eb3 
',le ,bouddha et sa ,religion4' ,par ,j4
 ,barthelemy ,saint-,hilaire1 ,membre de
 l',institut4 ,paris1 #ahfj4  ,many are 
the advantages to be derived from a     

careful study of other religions1 but   
the greatest of all is that it teaches  
us to appreciate more truly what we     
possess in our own4 ,when do we feel the
 blessings of our own country more      
warmly and truly than when we return    
from abroad8 ,it is the same with regard
 to religion4 ,let us see what other    
nations have had and still have in the  
place of religion2 let us examine the   
prayers1 the worship1 the theology even 
of the most highly civilised races1--the
 ,greeks1 the ,romans1 the ,hindus1 the 
,persians1--and we shall then understand
 more thoroughly what blessings are     
vouchsafed to us in being allowed to    
breathe from the first breath of life   
the pure air of a land of ,christian    
light and knowledge4 ,we are too apt to 
take the greatest blessings as matters  
of course1 and even religion forms no   
exception4 ,we have done so little to   
gain our religion1 we have suffered so  
little in the cause of truth1 that      
however highly we prize our own         

,christianity1 we never prize it highly 
enough until we have compared it with   
the religions of the rest of the world4 
,this1 however1 is not the only         
advantage2 and we think that ,m4        
,barthelemy ,saint-,hilaire has formed  
too low an estimate of the benefits to  
be derived from a thoughtful study of   
the religions of mankind when he writes 
of ,buddhism3 ',le seul1 mais immense   
service que le ,bouddhisme puisse nous  
rendre1 c'est par son triste contraste  
de nous faire apprecier mieux encore la 
valeur inestimable de nos croyances1 en 
nous montrant tout ce qu'il en coute a  
l'humanite qui ne les partage point4'   
,this is not all4 ,if a knowledge of    
other countries and a study of the      
manners and customs of foreign nations  
teach us to appreciate what we have at  
home1 they likewise form the best cure  
of that national conceit and want of    
sympathy with which we are too apt to   
look on all that is strange and foreign4
 ,the feeling which led the ,hellenic   

races to divide the whole world into    
,greeks and ,barbarians is so deeply    
engrained in human nature that not even 
,christianity has been able altogether  
to remove it4 ,thus when we cast our    
first glance into the labyrinth of the  
religions of the world1 all seems to us 
darkness1 self-deceit1 and vanity4 ,it  
sounds like a degradation of the very   
name of religion to apply it to the wild
 ravings of ,hindu ,yogins or the blank 
blasphemies of ,chinese ,buddhists4 ,but
 as we slowly and patiently wend our way
 through the dreary prisons1 our own    
eyes seem to expand1 and we perceive a  
glimmer of light where all was darkness 
at first4 ,we learn to understand the   
saying of one who more than anybody had 
a right to speak with authority on this 
subject1 that 'there is no religion     
which does not contain a spark of       
truth4' ,those who would limit the      
riches of ,god's goodness and           
forbearance and long suffering1 and     
would hand over the largest portion of  

the human race to inevitable perdition1 
have never adduced a tittle of evidence 
from the ,gospel or from any other      
trustworthy source in support of so     
unhallowed a belief4 ,they have         
generally appealed to the devilries and 
orgies of heathen worship2 they have    
quoted the blasphemies of ,oriental     
,sufis and the immoralities sanctioned  
by the successors of ,mohammed2 but they
 have seldom1 if ever1 endeavoured to   
discover the true and original character
 of the strange forms of faith and      
worship which they call the work of the 
devil4 ,if the ,indians had formed their
 notions of ,christianity from the      
soldiers of ,cortez and ,pizarro1 or if 
the ,hindus had studied the principles  
of ,christian morality in the lives of  
,clive and ,warren ,hastings2 or1 to    
take a less extreme case1 if a          
,mohammedan1 settled in ,england1 were  
to test the practical working of        
,christian charity by the spirit        
displayed in the journals of our        

religious parties1 their notions of     
,christianity would be about as correct 
as the ideas which thousands of educated
 ,christians entertain of the diabolical
 character of heathen religion4 ,even   
,christianity has been depraved into    
,jesuitism and ,mormonism1 and if we1 as
 ,protestants1 claim the right to appeal
 to the ,gospel as the only test by     
which our faith is to be judged1 we must
 grant a similar privilege to           
,mohammedans and ,buddhists1 and to all 
who possess a written1 and1 as they     
believe1 revealed authority for the     
articles of their faith4  ,but though no
 one is likely to deny the necessity of 
studying each religion in its most      
ancient form and from its original      
documents1 before we venture to         
pronounce our verdict1 the difficulties 
of this task are such that in them more 
than in anything else1 must be sought   
the cause why so few of our best        
thinkers and writers have devoted       
themselves to a critical and historical 

study of the religions of the world4    
,all important religions have sprung up 
in the ,east4 ,their sacred books are   
written in ,eastern tongues1 and some of
 them are of such ancient date that     
those even who profess to believe in    
them1 admit that they are unable to     
understand them without the help of     
translations and commentaries4 ,until   
very lately the sacred books of three of
 the most important religions1 those of 
the ,brahmans1 the ,buddhists1 and the  
,parsis1 were totally unknown in        
,europe4 ,it was one of the most        
important results of the study of       
,sanskrit1 or the ancient language of   
,india1 that through it the key1 not    
only to the sacred books of the         
,brahmans1 the ,vedas1 but likewise to  
those of the ,buddhists and             
,zoroastrians1 was recovered4 ,and      
nothing shows more strikingly the rapid 
progress of ,sanskrit scholarship than  
that even ,sir ,william ,jones1 whose   
name has still1 with many1 a more       

familiar sound than the names of        
,colebrooke1 ,burnouf1 and ,lassen1     
should have known nothing of the ,vedas2
 that he should never have read a line  
of the canonical books of the           
,buddhists1 and that he actually        
expressed his belief that ,buddha was   
the same as the ,teutonic deity ,wodan  
or ,odin1 and ,sakya1 another name of   
,buddha1 the same as ,shishac1 king of  
,egypt4 ,the same distinguished scholar 
never perceived the intimate            
relationship between the language of the
 ,zend-,avesta and ,sanskrit1 and he    
declared the whole of the ,zoroastrian  
writings to be modern forgeries4  ,even 
at present we are not yet in possession 
of a complete edition1 much less of any 
trustworthy translation1 of the ,vedas2 
we only possess the originals of a few  
books of the ,buddhist canon2 and though
 the text of the ,zend-,avesta has been 
edited in its entirety1 its             
interpretation is beset with greater    
difficulties than that of the ,vedas or 

the ,tripitaka4 ,a study of the ancient 
religions of ,china1 those of ,confucius
 and ,lao-tse1 presupposes an           
acquaintance with ,chinese1 a language  
which it takes a life to learn          
thoroughly2 and even the religion of    
,mohammed1 though more accessible than  
any other ,eastern religion1 cannot be  
fully examined except by a master of    
,arabic4 ,it is less surprising1        
therefore1 than it might at first       
appear1 that a comprehensive and        
scholarlike treatment of the religions  
of the world should still be a          
desideratum4 ,scholars who have gained a
 knowledge of the language1 and thereby 
free access to original documents1 find 
so much work at hand which none but     
themselves can do1 that they grudge the 
time for collecting and arranging1 for  
the benefit of the public at large1 the 
results which they have obtained4 ,nor  
need we wonder that critical historians 
should rather abstain from the study of 
the religions of antiquity than trust to

 mere translations and second-hand      
authorities4  ,under these circumstances
 we feel all the more thankful if we    
meet with a writer like ,m4 ,barthelemy 
,saint-,hilaire1 who has acquired a     
knowledge of ,eastern languages         
sufficient to enable him to consult     
original texts and to control the       
researches of other scholars1 and who at
 the same time commands that wide view  
of the history of human thought which   
enables him to assign to each system its
 proper place1 to perceive its most     
salient features1 and to distinguish    
between what is really important and    
what is not1 in the lengthy lucubrations
 of ancient poets and prophets4 ,m4     
,barthelemy ,saint-,hilaire is one of   
the most accomplished scholars of       
,france2 and his reputation as the      
translator of ,aristotle has made us    
almost forget that the ,professor of    
,greek ,philosophy at the ,college de   
,france#ec is the same as the active    
writer in the ',globe' of #ahbg1 and the

 ',national' of #ahcj2 the same who     
signed the protest against the ,july    
ordinances1 and who in #ahdh was ,chief 
,secretary of the ,provisional          
,government4 ,if such a man takes the   
trouble to acquire a knowledge of       
,sanskrit1 and to attend in the same    
,college where he was professor1 the    
lectures of his own colleague1 the late 
,eugene ,burnouf1 his publications on   
,hindu philosophy and religion will     
naturally attract a large amount of     
public interest4 ,the ,sanskrit scholar 
by profession works and publishes       
chiefly for the benefit of other        
,sanskrit scholars4 ,he is satisfied    
with bringing to light the ore which he 
has extracted by patient labour from    
among the dusty ,,mss4 of the           
,east-,india ,house4 ,he seldom takes   
the trouble to separate the metal from  
the ore1 to purify or to strike it into 
current coin4 ,he is but too often apt  
to forget that no lasting addition is   
ever made to the treasury of human      

knowledge unless the results of special 
research are translated into the        
universal language of science1 and      
rendered available to every person of   
intellect and education4 ,a division of 
labour seems most conducive to this end4
 ,we want a class of interpreters1 men  
such as ,m4 ,barthelemy ,saint-,hilaire1
 who are fully competent to follow and  
to control the researches of            
professional students1 and who at the   
same time have not forgotten the        
language of the world4  ,footnote #ec3  
,m4 de ,st4 ,hilaire resigned the chair 
of ,greek literature at the ,college de 
,france after the coup d'etat of #ahea1 
declining to take the oath of allegiance
 to the existing government4  ,in his   
work on ,buddhism1 of which a second    
edition has just appeared1 ,m4          
,barthelemy ,saint-,hilaire has         
undertaken to give to the world at large
 the really trustworthy and important   
results which have been obtained by the 
laborious researches of ,oriental       

scholars1 from the original documents of
 that interesting and still mysterious  
religion4 ,it was a task of no ordinary 
difficulty1 for although these          
researches are of very recent date1 and 
belong to a period of ,sanskrit         
scholarship posterior to ,sir ,w4 ,jones
 and ,colebrooke1 yet such is the amount
 of evidence brought together by the    
combined industry of ,hodgson1 ,turnour1
 ,csoma de ,koeroes1 ,stanislas ,julien1
 ,foucaux1 ,fausboell1 ,spence ,hardy1  
but above all1 of the late ,eugene      
,burnouf1 that it required no common    
patience and discrimination in order to 
compose from such materials so accurate1
 and at the same time so lucid and      
readable a book on ,buddhism as that    
which we owe to ,m4 ,barthelemy         
,saint-,hilaire4 ,the greater part of it
 appeared originally in the ',journal   
des ,savants1' the time-honoured organ  
of the ,french ,academy1 which counts on
 its staff the names of ,cousin1        
,flourens1 ,villemain1 ,biot1 ,mignet1  

,littre1 c1 and admits as contributors  
sixteen only of the most illustrious    
members of that illustrious body1 la    
creme de la creme4  ,though much had    
been said and written about             
,buddhism1--enough to frighten priests  
by seeing themselves anticipated in     
auricular confession1 beads1 and tonsure
 by the ,lamas of ,tibet1#ed and to     
disconcert philosophers by finding      
themselves outbid in positivism and     
nihilism by the inmates of ,chinese     
monasteries1--the real beginning of an  
historical and critical study of the    
doctrines of ,buddha dates from the year
 #ahbd4 ,in that year ,mr4 ,hodgson     
announced the fact that the original    
documents of the ,buddhist canon had    
been preserved in ,sanskrit in the      
monasteries of ,nepal4 ,before that time
 our information on ,buddhism had been  
derived at random from ,china1 ,japan1  
,burmah1 ,tibet1 ,mongolia1 and         
,tartary2 and though it was known that  
the ,buddhist literature in all these   

countries professed itself to be        
derived1 directly or indirectly1 from   
,india1 and that the technical terms of 
that religion1 not excepting the very   
name of ,buddha1 had their etymology in 
,sanskrit only1 no hope was entertained 
that the originals of these various     
translations could ever be recovered4   
,mr4 ,hodgson1 who settled in ,nepal in 
#ahba1 as political resident of the     
,east-,india ,company1 and whose eyes   
were always open1 not only to the       
natural history of that little-explored 
country1 but likewise to its            
antiquities1 its languages1 and         
traditions1 was not long before he      
discovered that his friends1 the priests
 of ,nepal1 possessed a complete        
literature of their own4 ,that          
literature was not written in the spoken
 dialects of the country1 but in        
,sanskrit4 ,mr4 ,hodgson procured a     
catalogue of all the works1 still in    
existence1 which formed the ,buddhist   
canon4 ,he afterwards succeeded in      

procuring copies of these works1 and he 
was able in #ahbd to send about sixty   
volumes to the ,asiatic ,society of     
,bengal4 ,as no member of that society  
seemed inclined to devote himself to the
 study of these ,,mss41 ,mr4 ,hodgson   
sent two complete collections of the    
same ,,mss4 to the ,asiatic ,society of 
,london and the ,societe ,asiatique of  
,paris4 ,before alluding to the         
brilliant results which the last-named  
collection produced in the hands of     
,eugene ,burnouf1 we must mention the   
labours of other students1 which        
preceded the publication of ,burnouf's  
researches4  ,footnote #ed3 ,the late   
,abbe ,huc pointed out the similarities 
between the ,buddhist and ,roman        
,catholic ceremonials with such naivete1
 that1 to his surprise1 he found his    
delightful ',travels in ,tibet' placed  
on the ',index4' ',on ne peut s'empecher
 d'etre frappe1' he writes1 'de leur    
rapport avec le ,catholicisme4 ,la      
crosse1 la mitre1 la dalmatique1 la     

chape ou pluvial1 que les grands ,lamas 
portent en voyage1 ou lorsqu'ils font   
quelque ceremonie hors du temple2       
l'office a deux choeurs1 la psalmodie1  
les exorcismes1 l'encensoir soutenu par 
cinq chaines1 et pouvant s'ouvrir et se 
fermer a volonte2 les benedictions      
donnees par les ,lamas en etendant la   
main droite sur la tete des fideles2 le 
chapelet1 le celibat ecclesiastique1 les
 retraites spirituelles1 le culte des   
saints1 les jeunes1 les processions1 les
 litanies1 l'eau benite2 voila autant de
 rapports que les ,bouddhistes ont avec 
nous4' ,he might have added tonsure1    
relics1 and the confessional4  ,mr4     
,hodgson himself gave to the world a    
number of valuable essays written on the
 spot1 and afterwards collected under   
the title of ',illustrations of the     
,literature and ,religion of the        
,buddhists1' ,serampore1 #ahda4 ,he     
established the important fact1 in      
accordance with the traditions of the   
priests of ,nepal1 that some of the     

,sanskrit documents which he recovered  
had existed in the monasteries of ,nepal
 ever since the second century of our   
era1 and that the whole of that         
collection had1 five or six hundred     
years later1 when ,buddhism became      
definitely established in ,tibet1 been  
translated into the language of that    
country4 ,as the art of printing had    
been introduced from ,china into ,tibet1
 there was less difficulty in procuring 
complete copies of the ,tibetan         
translation of the ,buddhist canon4 ,the
 real difficulty was to find a person   
acquainted with the language4 ,by a     
fortunate concurrence of circumstances1 
however1 it so happened that about the  
same time when ,mr4 ,hodgson's          
discoveries began to attract the        
attention of ,oriental scholars at      
,calcutta1 a ,hungarian1 of the name of 
,alexander ,csoma de ,koeroes1 arrived  
there4 ,he had made his way from        
,hungary to ,tibet on foot1 without any 
means of his own1 and with the sole     

object of discovering somewhere in      
,central ,asia the native home of the   
,hungarians4 ,arrived in ,tibet1 his    
enthusiasm found a new vent in acquiring
 a language which no ,european before   
his time had mastered1 and in exploring 
the vast collection of the canonical    
books of the ,buddhists1 preserved in   
that language4 ,though he arrived at    
,calcutta almost without a penny1 he met
 with a hearty welcome from the members 
of the ,asiatic ,society1 and was       
enabled with their assistance to publish
 the results of his extraordinary       
researches4 ,people have complained of  
the length of the sacred books of other 
nations1 but there are none that        
approach in bulk to the sacred canon of 
the ,tibetans4 ,it consists of two      
collections1 commonly called the ,kanjur
 and ,tanjur4 ,the proper spelling of   
their names is ,bkah-hgyur1 pronounced  
,kah-gyur1 and ,bstan-hgyur1 pronounced 
,tan-gyur4 ,the ,kanjur consists1 in its
 different editions1 of #ajj1 #ajb1 or  

#ajh volumes folio4 ,it comprises #ajhc 
distinct works4 ,the ,tanjur consists of
 #bbe volumes folio1 each weighing from 
four to five pounds in the edition of   
,peking4 ,editions of this colossal code
 were printed at ,peking1 ,lhassa1 and  
other places4 ,the edition of the       
,kanjur published at ,peking1 by command
 of the ,emperor ,khian-,lung1 sold for 
,l#fjj4 ,a copy of the ,kanjur was      
bartered for #gjjj oxen by the          
,buriates1 and the same tribe paid #abjj
 silver roubles for a complete copy of  
the ,kanjur and ,tanjur together4#ee    
,such a jungle of religious             
literature--the most excellent          
hiding-place1 we should think1 for      
,lamas and ,dalai-,lamas--was too much  
even for a man who could travel on foot 
from ,hungary to ,tibet4 ,the ,hungarian
 enthusiast1 however1 though he did not 
translate the whole1 gave a most        
valuable analysis of this immense bible1
 in the twentieth volume of the         
',asiatic ,researches1' sufficient to   

establish the fact that the principal   
portion of it was a translation from the
 same ,sanskrit originals which had been
 discovered in ,nepal by ,mr4 ,hodgson4 
,csoma de ,koeroes died soon after he   
had given to the world the first fruits 
of his labours1--a victim to his heroic 
devotion to the study of ancient        
languages and religions4  ,footnote #ee3
 ',die ,religion des ,buddha1' von      
,koeppen1 vol4 ii4 p4 #bhb4  ,it was    
another fortunate coincidence that1     
contemporaneously with the discoveries  
of ,hodgson and ,csoma de ,koeroes1     
another scholar1 ,schmidt of ,st4       
,petersburg1 had so far advanced in the 
study of the ,mongolian language1 as to 
be able to translate portions of the    
,mongolian version of the ,buddhist     
canon1 and thus forward the elucidation 
of some of the problems connected with  
the religion of ,buddha4  ,it never     
rains but it pours4 ,whereas for years1 
nay1 for centuries1 not a single        
original document of the ,buddhist      

religion had been accessible to the     
scholars of ,europe1 we witness1 in the 
small space of ten years1 the recovery  
of four complete ,buddhist literatures4 
,in addition to the discoveries of      
,hodgson in ,nepal1 of ,csoma de        
,koeroes in ,tibet1 and of ,schmidt in  
,mongolia1 the ,honourable ,george      
,turnour suddenly presented to the world
 the ,buddhist literature of ,ceylon1   
composed in the sacred language of that 
island1 the ancient ,pali4 ,the         
existence of that literature had been   
known before4 ,since #ahbf ,sir         
,alexander ,johnston had been engaged in
 collecting authentic copies of the     
,mahavansa1 the ,ragavali1 and the      
,ragaratnakari4 ,these copies were      
translated at his suggestion from ,pali 
into modern ,singhalese and thence into 
,english4 ,the publication was entrusted
 to ,mr4 ,edward ,upham1 and the work   
appeared in #ahcc1 under the title of   
',sacred and ,historical ,works of      
,ceylon1' dedicated to ,william ,,iv4   

,unfortunately1 whether through fraud or
 through misunderstanding1 the priests  
who were to have procured an authentic  
copy of the ,pali originals and         
translated them into the vernacular     
language1 appear to have formed a       
compilation of their own from various   
sources4 ,the official translators by   
whom this mutilated ,singhalese         
abridgment was to have been rendered    
into ,english1 took still greater       
liberties2 and the ',sacred and         
,historical ,books of ,ceylon' had      
hardly been published before ,burnouf1  
then a mere beginner in the study of    
,pali1 was able to prove the utter      
uselessness of that translation4 ,mr4   
,turnour1 however1 soon made up for this
 disappointment4 ,he set to work in a   
more scholarlike spirit1 and after      
acquiring himself a knowledge of the    
,pali language1 he published several    
important essays on the ,buddhist canon1
 as preserved in ,ceylon4 ,these were   
followed by an edition and translation  

of the ,mahavansa1 or the history of    
,ceylon1 written in the fifth century   
after ,christ1 and giving an account of 
the island from the earliest times to   
the beginning of the fourth century     
,a4,d4 ,several continuations of that   
history are in existence1 but ,mr4      
,turnour was prevented by an early death
 from continuing his edition beyond the 
original portion of that chronicle4 ,the
 exploration of the ,ceylonese          
literature has since been taken up again
 by the ,rev4 ,d4 ,j4 ,gogerly          
7,clough71 whose essays are             
unfortunately scattered about in        
,singhalese periodicals and little known
 in ,europe2 and by the ,rev4 ,spence   
,hardy1 for twenty years ,wesleyan      
,missionary in ,ceylon4 ,his two works1 
',eastern ,monachism' and ',manual of   
,buddhism1' are full of interesting     
matter1 but as they are chiefly derived 
from ,singhalese1 and even more modern  
sources1 they require to be used with   
caution4#ef  ,footnote #ef3 ,the same   

author has lately published another     
valuable work1 ',the ,legends and       
,theories of the ,buddhists4' ,london1  
#ahff4  ,in the same manner as the      
,sanskrit originals of ,nepal were      
translated by ,buddhist missionaries    
into ,tibetan1 ,mongolian1 and1 as we   
shall soon see1 into ,chinese and       
,mandshu1#eg the ,pali originals of     
,ceylon were carried to ,burmah and     
,siam1 and translated there into the    
languages of those countries4 ,hardly   
anything has as yet been done for       
exploring the literature of these two   
countries1 which open a promising field 
for any one ambitious to follow in the  
footsteps of ,hodgson1 ,csoma1 and      
,turnour4  ,footnote #eg3 ',melanges    
,asiatiques1' vol4 ii4 p4 #cgc4  ,a very
 important collection of ,buddhist      
,,mss4 has lately been brought from     
,ceylon to ,europe by ,m4 ,grimblot1 and
 is now deposited in the ,imperial      
,library at ,paris4 ,this collection1 to
 judge from a report published in #ahff 

in the ',journal des ,savants' by ,m4   
,barthelemy ,saint-,hilaire1 consists of
 no less than eighty-seven works2 and1  
as some of them are represented by more 
than one copy1 the total number of      
,,mss4 amounts to one hundred and       
twenty-one4 ,they fill altogether       
#ad1jjj palm leaves1 and are written    
partly in ,singhalese1 partly in        
,burmese characters4 ,next to ,ceylon1  
,burmah and ,siam would seem to be the  
two countries most likely to yield large
 collections of ,pali ,,mss41 and the   
,,mss4 which now exist in ,ceylon may1  
to a considerable extent1 be traced back
 to these two countries4 ,at the        
beginning of the sixteenth century1 the 
,tamil conquerors of ,ceylon are        
reported to have burnt every ,buddhist  
book they could discover1 in the hope of
 thus destroying the vitality of that   
detested religion4 ,buddhism1 however1  
though persecuted--or1 more probably1   
because persecuted--remained the        
national religion of the island1 and in 

the eighteenth century it had recovered 
its former ascendency4 ,missions were   
then sent to ,siam to procure authentic 
copies of the sacred documents2 priests 
properly ordained were imported from    
,burmah2 and several libraries1 which   
contain both the canonical and the      
profane literature of ,buddhism1 were   
founded at ,dadala1 ,ambagapitya1 and   
other places4  ,the sacred canon of the 
,buddhists is called the ,tripitaka1 i4 
e4 the three baskets4 ,the first basket 
contains all that has reference to      
morality1 or ,vinaya2 the second        
contains the ,sutras1 i4 e4 the         
discourses of ,buddha2 the third        
includes all works treating of dogmatic 
philosophy or metaphysics4 ,the second  
and third baskets are sometimes         
comprehended under the general name of  
,dharma1 or law1 and it has become usual
 to apply to the third basket the name  
of ,abhidharma1 or by-law4 ,the first   
and second pitakas contain each five    
separate works2 the third contains      

seven4 ,m4 ,grimblot has secured ,,mss4 
of nearly every one of these works1 and 
he has likewise brought home copies of  
the famous commentaries of              
,buddhaghosha4 ,these commentaries are  
of great importance2 for although       
,buddhaghosha lived as late as #dcj     
,a4,d41 he is supposed to have been the 
translator of more ancient commentaries1
 brought in #caf ,b4,c4 to ,ceylon from 
,magadha by ,mahinda1 the son of ,asoka1
 translated by him from ,pali into      
,singhalese1 and retranslated by        
,buddhaghosha into ,pali1 the original  
language both of the canonical books and
 of their commentaries4 ,whether        
historical criticism will allow to the  
commentaries of ,buddhaghosha the       
authority due to documents of the fourth
 century before ,christ1 is a question  
that has yet to be settled4 ,but even as
 a collector of earlier traditions and  
as a writer of the fifth century after  
,christ1 his authority would be         
considerable with regard to the solution

 of some of the most important problems 
of ,indian history and chronology4 ,some
 scholars who have written on the       
history of ,buddhism have clearly shown 
too strong an inclination to treat the  
statements contained in the commentaries
 of ,buddhaghosha as purely historical1 
forgetting the great interval of time by
 which he is separated from the events  
which he relates4 ,no doubt if it could 
be proved that ,buddhaghosha's works    
were literal translations of the        
so-called ,attakathas or commentaries   
brought by ,mahinda to ,ceylon1 this    
would considerably enhance their        
historical value4 ,but the whole account
 of these translations rests on         
tradition1 and if we consider the       
extraordinary precautions taken1        
according to tradition1 by the ,,lxx    
translators of the ,old ,testament1 and 
then observe the discrepancies between  
the chronology of the ,septuagint and   
that of the ,hebrew text1 we shall be   
better able to appreciate the risk of   

trusting to ,oriental translations1 even
 to those that pretend to be literal4   
,the idea of a faithful literal         
translation seems altogether foreign to 
,oriental minds4 ,granted that ,mahinda 
translated the original ,pali           
commentaries into ,singhalese1 there was
 nothing to restrain him from inserting 
anything that he thought likely to be   
useful to his new converts4 ,granted    
that ,buddhaghosha translated these     
translations back into ,pali1 why should
 he not have incorporated any facts that
 were then believed in and had been     
handed down by tradition from generation
 to generation8 ,was he not at          
liberty--nay1 would he not have felt it 
his duty1 to explain apparent           
difficulties1 to remove contradictions1 
and to correct palpable mistakes8 ,in   
our time1 when even the contemporaneous 
evidence of ,herodotus1 ,thucydides1    
,livy1 or ,jornandes is sifted by the   
most uncompromising scepticism1 we must 
not expect a more merciful treatment for

 the annals of ,buddhism4 ,scholars     
engaged in special researches are too   
willing to acquiesce in evidence1       
particularly if that evidence has been  
discovered by their own efforts and     
comes before them with all the charms of
 novelty4 ,but1 in the broad daylight of
 historical criticism1 the prestige of  
such a witness as ,buddhaghosha soon    
dwindles away1 and his statements as to 
kings and councils eight hundred years  
before his time are in truth worth no   
more than the stories told of ,arthur by
 ,geoffrey of ,monmouth1 or the accounts
 we read in ,livy of the early history  
of ,rome4  ,one of the most important   
works of ,m4 ,grimblot's collection1 and
 one that we hope will soon be          
published1 is a history of ,buddhism in 
,ceylon1 called the ,dipavansa4 ,the    
only work of the same character which   
has hitherto been known is the          
,mahavansa1 published by the ,honourable
 ,george ,turnour4 ,but this is         
professedly based on the ,dipavansa1 and

 is probably of a much later date4      
,mahanama1 the compiler of the          
,mahavansa1 lived about #ejj ,a4 ,d4    
,his work was continued by later        
chroniclers to the middle of the        
eighteenth century4 ,though ,mahanama   
wrote towards the end of the fifth      
century after ,christ1 his own share of 
the chronicle seems to have ended with  
the year #cjb ,a4,d41 and a commentary  
which he wrote on his own chronicle     
likewise breaks off at that period4 ,the
 exact date of the ,dipavansa is not yet
 known2 but as it also breaks off with  
the death of ,mahasena in #cjb ,a4,d41  
we cannot ascribe to it1 for the        
present1 any higher authority than could
 be commanded by a writer of the fourth 
century after ,christ4  ,we now return  
to ,mr4 ,hodgson4 ,his collections of   
,sanskrit ,,mss4 had been sent1 as we   
saw1 to the ,asiatic ,society of        
,calcutta from #ahbd to #ahci1 to the   
,royal ,asiatic ,society in ,london in  
#ahce1 and to the ,societe ,asiatique of

 ,paris in #ahcg4 ,they remained dormant
 at ,calcutta and in ,london4 ,at       
,paris1 however1 these ,buddhist ,,mss4 
fell into the hands of ,burnouf4        
,unappalled by their size and           
tediousness1 he set to work1 and was not
 long before he discovered their extreme
 importance4 ,after seven years of      
careful study1 ,burnouf published1 in   
#ahdd1 his ',introduction a l',histoire 
du ,buddhisme4' ,it is this work which  
laid the foundation for a systematic    
study of the religion of ,buddha4       
,though acknowledging the great value of
 the researches made in the ,buddhist   
literatures of ,tibet1 ,mongolia1       
,china1 and ,ceylon1 ,burnouf showed    
that ,buddhism1 being of ,indian origin1
 ought to be studied first of all in the
 original ,sanskrit documents1 preserved
 in ,nepal4 ,though he modestly called  
his work an ,introduction to the        
,history of ,buddhism1 there are few    
points of importance on which his       
industry has not brought together the   

most valuable evidence1 and his genius  
shed a novel and brilliant light4 ,the  
death of ,burnouf in #ahea1 put an end  
to a work which1 if finished according  
to the plan sketched out by the author  
in the preface1 would have been the most
 perfect monument of ,oriental          
scholarship4 ,a volume published after  
his death1 in #aheb1 contains a         
translation of one of the canonical     
books of ,nepal1 with notes and         
appendices1 the latter full of the most 
valuable information on some of the more
 intricate questions of ,buddhism4      
,though much remained to be done1 and   
though a very small breach only had been
 made in the vast pile of ,sanskrit     
,,mss4 presented by ,mr4 ,hodgson to the
 ,asiatic ,societies of ,paris and      
,london1 no one has been bold enough to 
continue what ,burnouf left unfinished4 
,the only important additions to our    
knowledge of ,buddhism since his death  
are an edition of the ,lalita-,vistara  
or the life of ,buddha1 prepared by a   

native1 the learned ,babu ,rajendralal  
,mittra2 an edition of the ,pali        
original of the ,dhammapadam1 by ,dr4   
,fausboell1 a ,dane2 and last1 not      
least1 the excellent translation by ,m4 
,stanislas ,julien1 of the life and     
travels of ,hiouen-,thsang4 ,this       
,chinese pilgrim had visited ,india from
 #fbi to #fde ,a4,d41 for the purpose of
 learning ,sanskrit1 and translating    
from ,sanskrit into ,chinese some       
important works on the religion and     
philosophy of the ,buddhists2 and his   
account of the geography1 the social1   
religious1 and political state of ,india
 at the beginning of the seventh        
century1 is invaluable for studying the 
practical working of that religion at a 
time when its influence began to        
decline1 and when it was soon to be     
supplanted by modern ,brahmanism and    
,mohammedanism4  ,it was no easy task   
for ,m4 ,barthelemy ,saint-,hilaire to  
make himself acquainted with all these  
works4 ,the study of ,buddhism would    

almost seem to be beyond the power of   
any single individual1 if it required a 
practical acquaintance with all the     
languages in which the doctrines of     
,buddha have been written down4 ,burnouf
 was probably the only man who1 in      
addition to his knowledge of ,sanskrit1 
did not shrink from acquiring a         
practical knowledge of ,tibetan1 ,pali1 
,singhalese1 and ,burmese1 in order to  
prepare himself for such a task4 ,the   
same scholar had shown1 however1 that   
though it was impossible for a ,tibetan1
 ,mongolian1 or ,chinese scholar to     
arrive1 without a knowledge of          
,sanskrit1 at a correct understanding of
 the doctrines of ,buddha1 a knowledge  
of ,sanskrit was sufficient for entering
 into their spirit1 for comprehending   
their origin and growth in ,india1 and  
their modification in the different     
countries where they took root in later 
times4 ,assisted by his familiarity with
 ,sanskrit1 and bringing into the field1
 as a new and valuable auxiliary1 his   

intimate acquaintance with nearly all   
the systems of philosophy and religion  
of both the ancient and modern worlds1  
,m4 ,barthelemy ,saint-,hilaire has     
succeeded in drawing a picture1 both    
lively and correct1 of the origin1 the  
character1 the strong as well as weak   
points1 of the religion of ,buddha4 ,he 
has become the first historian of       
,buddhism4 ,he has not been carried away
 by a temptation which must have been   
great for one who is able to read in the
 past the lessons for the present or the
 future4 ,he has not used ,buddhism     
either as a bugbear or as a beau ideal4 
,he is satisfied with stating in his    
preface that many lessons might be      
learned by modern philosophers from a   
study of ,buddhism1 but in the body of  
the work he never perverts the chair of 
the historian into the pulpit of the    
preacher4  ',this book may offer one    
other advantage1' he writes1 'and ,i    
regret to say that at present it may    
seem to come opportunely4 ,it is the    

misfortune of our times that the same   
doctrines which form the foundation of  
,buddhism meet at the hands of some of  
our philosophers with a favour which    
they ill deserve4 ,for some years we    
have seen systems arising in which      
metempsychosis and transmigration are   
highly spoken of1 and attempts are made 
to explain the world and man without    
either a ,god or a ,providence1 exactly 
as ,buddha did4 ,a future life is       
refused to the yearnings of mankind1 and
 the immortality of the soul is replaced
 by the immortality of works4 ,god is   
dethroned1 and in ,his place they       
substitute man1 the only being1 we are  
told1 in which the ,infinite becomes    
conscious of itself4 ,these theories are
 recommended to us sometimes in the name
 of science1 or of history1 or          
philology1 or even of metaphysics2 and  
though they are neither new nor very    
original1 yet they can do much injury to
 feeble hearts4 ,this is not the place  
to examine these theories1 and their    

authors are both too learned and too    
sincere to deserve to be condemned      
summarily and without discussion4 ,but  
it is well that they should know by the 
example1 too little known1 of ,buddhism1
 what becomes of man if he depends on   
himself alone1 and if his meditations1  
misled by a pride of which he is hardly 
conscious1 bring him to the precipice   
where ,buddha was lost4 ,besides1 ,i am 
well aware of all the differences1 and  
,i am not going to insult our           
contemporary philosophers by confounding
 them indiscriminately with ,buddha1    
although addressing to both the same    
reproof4 ,i acknowledge willingly all   
their additional merits1 which are      
considerable4 ,but systems of philosophy
 must always be judged by the           
conclusions to which they lead1 whatever
 road they may follow in reaching them2 
and their conclusions1 though obtained  
by different means1 are not therefore   
less objectionable4 ,buddha arrived at  
his conclusions #bdjj years ago4 ,he    

proclaimed and practised them with an   
energy which is not likely to be        
surpassed1 even if it be equalled4 ,he  
displayed a child-like intrepidity which
 no one can exceed1 nor can it be       
supposed that any system in our days    
could again acquire so powerful an      
ascendency over the souls of men4 ,it   
would be useful1 however1 if the authors
 of these modern systems would just cast
 a glance at the theories and destinies 
of ,buddhism4 ,it is not philosophy in  
the sense in which we understand this   
great name1 nor is it religion in the   
sense of ancient paganism1 of           
,christianity1 or of ,mohammedanism2 but
 it contains elements of all worked up  
into a perfectly independent doctrine   
which acknowledges nothing in the       
universe but man1 and obstinately       
refuses to recognise anything else1     
though confounding man with nature in   
the midst of which he lives4 ,hence all 
those aberrations of ,buddhism which    
ought to be a warning to others4        

,unfortunately1 if people rarely profit 
by their own faults1 they profit yet    
more rarely by the faults of others4    
7,introduction1 p4 vii47  ,but though   
,m4 ,barthelemy ,saint-,hilaire does not
 write history merely for the sake of   
those masked batteries which ,french    
writers have used with so much skill at 
all times1 but more particularly during 
the late years of ,imperial sway1 it is 
clear1 from the remarks just quoted1    
that our author is not satisfied with   
simply chronicling the dry facts of     
,buddhism1 or turning into ,french the  
tedious discourses of its founder4 ,his 
work is an animated sketch1 giving too  
little rather than too much4 ,it is just
 the book which was wanted to dispel the
 erroneous notions about ,buddhism1     
which are still current among educated  
men1 and to excite an interest which may
 lead those who are naturally frightened
 by the appalling proportions of        
,buddhist literature1 and the uncouth   
sounds of ,buddhist terminology1 to a   

study of the quartos of ,burnouf1       
,turnour1 and others4 ,to those who may 
wish for more detailed information on   
,buddhism1 than could be given by ,m4   
,barthelemy ,saint-,hilaire1            
consistently with the plan of his work1 
we can strongly recommend the work of a 
,german writer1 ',die ,religion des     
,buddha1' von ,koeppen1 ,berlin1 #aheg4 
,it is founded on the same materials as 
the ,french work1 but being written by a
 scholar and for scholars1 it enters on 
a more minute examination of all that   
has been said or written on ,buddha and 
,buddhism4 ,in a second volume the same 
learned and industrious student has     
lately published a history of ,buddhism 
in ,tibet4  ,m4 ,barthelemy             
,saint-,hilaire's work is divided into  
three portions4 ,the first contains an  
account of the origin of ,buddhism1 a   
life of ,buddha1 and an examination of  
,buddhist ethics and metaphysics4 ,in   
the second1 he describes the state of   
,buddhism in ,india in the seventh      

century of our era1 from the materials  
supplied by the travels of              
,hiouen-,thsang4 ,the third gives a     
description of ,buddhism as actually    
existing in ,ceylon1 and as lately      
described by an eye-witness1 the ,rev4  
,spence ,hardy4 ,we shall confine       
ourselves chiefly to the first part1    
which treats of the life and teaching of
 ,buddha4  ,m4 ,barthelemy              
,saint-,hilaire1 following the example  
of ,burnouf1 ,lassen1 and ,wilson1      
accepts the date of the ,ceylonese era  
#edc ,b4,c4 as the date of ,buddha's    
death4 ,though we cannot enter here into
 long chronological discussions1 we must
 remark1 that this date was clearly     
obtained by the ,buddhists of ,ceylon by
 calculation1 not by historical         
tradition1 and that it is easy to point 
out in that calculation a mistake of    
about seventy years4 ,the more plausible
 date of ,buddha's death is #dgg ,b4,c4 
,for the purposes1 however1 which ,m4   
,barthelemy ,saint-,hilaire had in view1

 this difference is of small importance4
 ,we know so little of the history of   
,india during the sixth and fifth       
centuries ,b4,c41 that the stage on     
which he represents ,buddha as preaching
 and teaching would have had very much  
the same background1 the same costume   
and accessories1 for the sixth as for   
the fifth century ,b4,c4  ,in the life  
of ,buddha1 which extends from p4 #a to 
#gi1 ,m4 ,barthelemy ,saint-,hilaire    
follows almost exclusively the          
,lalita-,vistara4 ,this is one of the   
most popular works of the ,buddhists4   
,it forms part of the ,buddhist canon2  
and as we know of a translation into    
,chinese1 which ,m4 ,stanislas ,julien  
ascribes to the year #gf ,a4,d41 we may 
safely refer its original composition to
 an ante-,christian date4 ,it has been  
published in ,sanskrit by ,babu         
,rajendralal ,mittra1 and we owe to ,m4 
,foucaux an edition of the same work in 
its ,tibetan translation1 the first     
,tibetan text printed in ,europe4 ,from 

specimens that we have seen1 we should  
think it would be highly desirable to   
have an accurate translation of the     
,chinese text1 such as ,m4 ,stanislas   
,julien alone is able to give us4#eh    
,few people1 however1 except scholars1  
would have the patience to read this    
work either in its ,english or ,french  
translation1 as may be seen from the    
following specimen1 containing the      
beginning of ,babu ,rajendralal         
,mittra's version3       ',om6          
,salutation to all ,buddhas1            
,bodhisattvas1 ,aryas1      ,sravakas1  
and ,pratyeka ,buddhas of all times1    
past1      present1 and future2 who are 
adored throughout the farthest          
limits of the ten quarters of the globe4
 ,thus hath it been      heard by me1   
that once on a time ,bhagavat sojourned 
in the      garden of ,anathapindada1 at
 ,getavana1 in ,sravasti1               
accompanied by a venerable body of      
#ab1jjj ,bhikshukas4 ,there             
likewise accompanied him #cb1jjj        

,bodhisattvas1 all linked      together 
by unity of caste1 and perfect in the   
virtues of      paramita2 who had made  
their command over ,bodhisattva         
knowledge a pastime1 were illumined with
 the light of      ,bodhisattva         
dharanis1 and were masters of the       
dharanis      themselves2 who were      
profound in their meditations1 all      
submissive to the lord of ,bodhisattvas1
 and possessed      absolute control    
over samadhi2 great in self-command1    
refulgent in ,bodhisattva forbearance1  
and replete with the      ,bodhisattva  
element of perfection4 ,now then1       
,bhagavat      arriving in the great    
city of ,sravasti1 sojourned therein1   
respected1 venerated1 revered1 and      
adored1 by the fourfold                 
congregation2 by kings1 princes1 their  
counsellors1 prime      ministers1 and  
followers2 by retinues of kshatriyas1   
brahmanas1 householders1 and ministers2 
by citizens1      foreigners1 sramanas1 
brahmanas1 recluses1 and      ascetics2 

and although regaled with all sorts of  
edibles and      sauces1 the best that  
could be prepared by purveyors1 and     
supplied with cleanly mendicant apparel1
 begging pots1      couches1 and        
pain-assuaging medicaments1 the         
benevolent      lord1 on whom had been  
showered the prime of gifts and         
applauses1 remained unattached to them  
all1 like water on a      lotus leaf2   
and the report of his greatness as the  
venerable1 the absolute ,buddha1 the    
learned and      well-behaved1 the god  
of happy exit1 the great knower of      
worlds1 the valiant1 the all-controlling
 charioteer1 the      teacher of gods   
and men1 the quinocular lord ,buddha    
fully      manifest1 spread far and wide
 in the world4 ,and ,bhagavat1          
having by his own power acquired all    
knowledge regarding      this world and 
the next1 comprising devas1 maras1      
brahmyas      7followers of ,brahma71   
sramanas1 and brahmanas1 as             
subjects1 that is both gods and men1    

sojourned here1      imparting          
instructions in the true religion1 and  
expounding      the principles of a     
brahmakarya1 full and complete in its   
nature1 holy in its import1 pure and    
immaculate in its      character1       
auspicious is its beginning1 auspicious 
its      middle1 auspicious its end4'   
,footnote #eh3 ,the advantages to be    
derived from these ,chinese translations
 have been pointed out by ,m4 ,stanislas
 ,julien4 ,the analytical structure of  
that language imparts to ,chinese       
translations the character almost of a  
gloss2 and though we need not follow    
implicitly the interpretations of the   
,sanskrit originals1 adopted by the     
,chinese translators1 still their       
antiquity would naturally impart to them
 a considerable value and interest4 ,the
 following specimens were kindly        
communicated to me by ,m4 ,stanislas    
,julien3       ',je ne sais si je vous  
ai communique autrefois les curieux     
passages qui suivent3 ,on lit dans le   

,lotus francais1 p4 #bga1      l4 #ad1  
,c'est que c'est une chose difficile a  
rencontrer que      la naissance d'un   
bouddha1 aussi difficile a rencontrer   
que      la fleur de l',udumbara1 que   
l'introduction du col d'une      tortue 
dans l'ouverture d'un joug forme par le 
grand ocean4       ',il y a en chinois3 
un bouddha est difficile a rencontrer1  
comme les fleurs ,udumbara et ,palaca2  
et en outre comme si      une tortue    
borgne voulait rencontrer un trou dans  
un bois      flottant 7litt4 le trou    
d'un bois flottant74       ',lotus      
francais1 p4 #ci1 l4 #aaj 7les          
creatures71 enchainees      par la      
concupiscence comme par la queue du     
,yak1      perpetuellement aveuglees en 
ce monde par les desirs1 elles      ne  
cherchent pas le ,buddha4       ',il y a
 en chinois3 ,profondement attachees aux
 cinq      desirs--,elles les aiment    
comme le ,yak aime sa queue4 ,par la    
concupiscence et l'amour1 elles         
s'aveuglent elles-memes1      etc4'     

,the whole work is written in a similar 
style1 and where fact and legend1 prose 
and poetry1 sense and nonsense1 are so  
mixed together1 the plan adopted by ,m4 
,barthelemy ,saint-,hilaire1 of making  
two lives out of one1 the one containing
 all that seems possible1 the other what
 seems impossible1 would naturally      
recommend itself4 ,it is not a safe     
process1 however1 to distil history out 
of legend by simply straining the       
legendary through the sieve of physical 
possibility4 ,many things are possible1 
and may yet be the mere inventions of   
later writers1 and many things which    
sound impossible have been reclaimed as 
historical1 after removing from them the
 thin film of mythological phraseology4 
,we believe that the only use which the 
historian can safely make of the        
,lalita-,vistara1 is to employ it1 not  
as evidence of facts which actually     
happened1 but in illustration of the    
popular belief prevalent at the time    
when it was committed to writing4       

,without therefore adopting the division
 of fact and fiction in the life of     
,buddha1 as attempted by ,m4 ,barthelemy
 ,saint-,hilaire1 we yet believe that in
 order to avoid a repetition of childish
 absurdities1 we shall best consult the 
interest of our readers if we follow his
 example1 and give a short and rational 
abstract of the life of ,buddha as      
handed down by tradition1 and committed 
to writing not later than the first     
century ,b4,c4  ,buddha1 or more        
correctly1 the ,buddha1--for ,buddha is 
an appellative meaning                  
,enlightened1--was born at ,kapilavastu1
 the capital of a kingdom of the same   
name1 situated at the foot of the       
mountains of ,nepal1 north of the       
present ,oude4 ,his father1 the king of 
,kapilavastu1 was of the family of the  
,sakyas1 and belonged to the clan of the
 ,gautamas4 ,his mother was ,mayadevi1  
daughter of king ,suprabuddha1 and need 
we say that she was as beautiful as he  
was powerful and just8 ,buddha was      

therefore by birth of the ,kshatriya or 
warrior caste1 and he took the name of  
,sakya from his family1 and that of     
,gautama from his clan1 claiming a kind 
of spiritual relationship with the      
honoured race of ,gautama4 ,the name of 
,buddha1 or the ,buddha1 dates from a   
later period of his life1 and so        
probably does the name ,siddhartha 7he  
whose objects have been accomplished71  
though we are told that it was given him
 in his childhood4 ,his mother died     
seven days after his birth1 and the     
father confided the child to the care of
 his deceased wife's sister1 who1       
however1 had been his wife even before  
the mother's death4 ,the child grew up a
 most beautiful and most accomplished   
boy1 who soon knew more than his masters
 could teach him4 ,he refused to take   
part in the games of his playmates1 and 
never felt so happy as when he could sit
 alone1 lost in meditation in the deep  
shadows of the forest4 ,it was there    
that his father found him1 when he had  

thought him lost1 and in order to       
prevent the young prince from becoming a
 dreamer1 the king determined to marry  
him at once4 ,when the subject was      
mentioned by the aged ministers to the  
future heir to the throne1 he demanded  
seven days for reflection1 and convinced
 at last that not even marriage could   
disturb the calm of his mind1 he allowed
 the ministers to look out for a        
princess4 ,the princess selected was the
 beautiful ,gopa1 the daughter of       
,dandapani4 ,though her father objected 
at first to her marrying a young prince 
who was represented to him as deficient 
in manliness and intellect1 he gladly   
gave his consent when he saw the royal  
suitor distancing all his rivals both in
 feats of arms and power of mind4 ,their
 marriage proved one of the happiest1   
but the prince remained1 as he had been 
before1 absorbed in meditation on the   
problems of life and death4 ',nothing is
 stable on earth1' he used to say1      
'nothing is real4 ,life is like the     

spark produced by the friction of wood4 
,it is lighted and is extinguished--we  
know not whence it came or whither it   
goes4 ,it is like the sound of a lyre1  
and the wise man asks in vain from      
whence it came and whither it goes4     
,there must be some supreme intelligence
 where we could find rest4 ,if ,i       
attained it1 ,i could bring light to    
man2 if ,i were free myself1 ,i could   
deliver the world4' ,the king1 who      
perceived the melancholy mood of the    
young prince1 tried every thing to      
divert him from his speculations3 but   
all was in vain4 ,three of the most     
ordinary events that could happen to any
 man1 proved of the utmost importance in
 the career of ,buddha4 ,we quote the   
description of these occurrences from   
,m4 ,barthelemy ,saint-,hilaire3        
',one day when the prince with a large  
retinue drove through      the eastern  
gate of the city on the way to one of   
his parks1      he met on the road an   
old man1 broken and decrepit4 ,one      

could see the veins and muscles over the
 whole of his body1      his teeth      
chattered1 he was covered with wrinkles1
 bald1 and      hardly able to utter    
hollow and unmelodious sounds4 ,he was  
bent on his stick1 and all his limbs and
 joints trembled4      ,who is that man8
 said the prince to his coachman4 ,he is
      small and weak1 his flesh and his 
blood are dried up1 his      muscles    
stick to his skin1 his head is white1   
his teeth      chatter1 his body is     
wasted away2 leaning on his stick he is 
hardly able to walk1 stumbling at every 
step4 ,is there      something peculiar 
in his family1 or is this the common lot
      of all created beings8            
',sir1 replied the coachman1 that man is
 sinking under old      age1 his senses 
have become obtuse1 suffering has       
destroyed      his strength1 and he is  
despised by his relations4 ,he is       
without support and useless1 and people 
have abandoned him1      like a dead    
tree in a forest4 ,but this is not      

peculiar to      his family4 ,in every  
creature youth is defeated by old age4  
,your father1 your mother1 all your     
relations1 all your      friends1 will  
come to the same state2 this is the     
appointed      end of all creatures4    
',alas6 replied the prince1 are         
creatures so ignorant1 so      weak and 
foolish1 as to be proud of the youth by 
which they      are intoxicated1 not    
seeing the old age which awaits them6   
,as for me1 ,i go away4 ,coachman1 turn 
my chariot quickly4      ,what have ,i1 
the future prey of old age1--what have  
,i to do      with pleasure8 ,and the   
young prince returned to the city       
without going to his park4              
',another time the prince drove through 
the southern gate to      his pleasure  
garden1 when he perceived on the road a 
man      suffering from illness1 parched
 with fever1 his body wasted1           
covered with mud1 without a friend1     
without a home1 hardly      able to     
breathe1 and frightened at the sight of 

himself and      the approach of death4 
,having questioned his coachman1 and    
received from him the answer which he   
expected1 the young      prince said1   
,alas6 health is but the sport of a     
dream1 and      the fear of suffering   
must take this frightful form4 ,where   
is the wise man who1 after having seen  
what he is1 could any      longer think 
of joy and pleasure8 ,the prince turned 
his      chariot and returned to the    
city4       ',a third time he drove to  
his pleasure garden through the         
western gate1 when he saw a dead body on
 the road1 lying on      a bier1 and    
covered with a cloth4 ,the friends stood
 about      crying1 sobbing1 tearing    
their hair1 covering their heads        
with dust1 striking their breasts1 and  
uttering wild cries4      ,the prince1  
again calling his coachman to witness   
this      painful scene1 exclaimed1 ,oh6
 woe to youth1 which must be            
destroyed by old age6 ,woe to health1   
which must be destroyed      by so many 

diseases6 ,woe to this life1 where a man
 remains      so short a time6 ,if there
 were no old age1 no disease1 no        
death2 if these could be made captive   
for ever6 ,then      betraying for the  
first time his intentions1 the young    
prince said1 ,let us turn back1 ,i must 
think how to      accomplish            
deliverance4       ',a last meeting put 
an end to his hesitation4 ,he drove     
through the northern gate on the way to 
his pleasure      gardens1 when he saw a
 mendicant who appeared outwardly       
calm1 subdued1 looking downwards1       
wearing with an air of      dignity his 
religious vestment1 and carrying an     
alms-bowl4       ',who is this man8     
asked the prince4       ',sir1 replied  
the coachman1 this man is one of those  
who      are called bhikshus1 or        
mendicants4 ,he has renounced all       
pleasures1 all desires1 and leads a life
 of austerity4 ,he      tries to conquer
 himself4 ,he has become a devotee4     
,without      passion1 without envy1 he 

walks about asking for alms4            
',this is good and well said1 replied   
the prince4 ,the life      of a devotee 
has always been praised by the wise4 ,it
 will be      my refuge1 and the refuge 
of other creatures2 it will lead      us
 to a real life1 to happiness and       
immortality4       ',with these words   
the young prince turned his chariot and 
returned to the city4'         99       
99       99       99       99  ,after   
having declared to his father and his   
wife his intention of retiring from the 
world1 ,buddha left his palace one night
 when all the guards that were to have  
watched him1 were asleep4 ,after        
travelling the whole night1 he gave his 
horse and his ornaments to his groom1   
and sent him back to ,kapilavastu4 ',a  
monument1' remarks the author of the    
,lalita-,vistara 7p4 #bgj71 'is still to
 be seen on the spot where the coachman 
turned back1' ,hiouen-,thsang 7,,ii4    
#ccj7 saw the same monument at the edge 
of a large forest1 on his road to       

,kusinagara1 a city now in ruins1 and   
situated about fifty miles ,e4,s4,e4    
from ,gorakpur4#ei  ,footnote #ei3 ,the 
geography of ,india at the time of      
,buddha1 and later at the time of       
,fahian and ,hiouen-,thsang1 has been   
admirably treated by ,m4 ,l4 ,vivien de 
,saint-,martin1 in his ',memoire        
,analytique sur la ,carte de l',asie    
,centrale et de l',inde1' in the third  
volume of ,m4 ,stanislas ,julien's      
',pelerins ,bouddhistes4'  ,buddha first
 went to ,vaisali1 and became the pupil 
of a famous ,brahman1 who had gathered  
round him #cjj disciples4 ,having learnt
 all that the ,brahman could teach him1 
,buddha went away disappointed4 ,he had 
not found the road to salvation4 ,he    
then tried another ,brahman at          
,ragagriha1 the capital of ,magadha or  
,behar1 who had #gjj disciples1 and     
there too he looked in vain for the     
means of deliverance4 ,he left him1     
followed by five of his fellow-students1
 and for six years retired into         

solitude1 near a village named          
,uruvilva1 subjecting himself to the    
most severe penances1 previous to his   
appearing in the world as a teacher4 ,at
 the end of this period1 however1 he    
arrived at the conviction that          
asceticism1 far from giving peace of    
mind and preparing the way to salvation1
 was a snare and a stumbling-block in   
the way of truth4 ,he gave up his       
exercises1 and was at once deserted as  
an apostate by his five disciples4 ,left
 to himself he now began to elaborate   
his own system4 ,he had learnt that     
neither the doctrines nor the           
austerities of the ,brahmans were of any
 avail for accomplishing the deliverance
 of man1 and freeing him from the fear  
of old age1 disease1 and death4 ,after  
long meditations1 and ecstatic visions1 
he at last imagined that he had arrived 
at that true knowledge which discloses  
the cause1 and thereby destroys the     
fear1 of all the changes inherent in    
life4 ,it was from the moment when he   

arrived at this knowledge1 that he      
claimed the name of ,buddha1 the        
,enlightened4 ,at that moment we may    
truly say that the fate of millions of  
millions of human beings trembled in the
 balance4 ,buddha hesitated for a time  
whether he should keep his knowledge to 
himself1 or communicate it to the world4
 ,compassion for the sufferings of man  
prevailed1 and the young prince became  
the founder of a religion which1 after  
more than #bjjj years1 is still         
professed by #dee1jjj1jjj of human      
beings4#fj  ,footnote #fj3 ,though truth
 is not settled by majorities1 it would 
be interesting to know which religion1  
counts at the present moment the largest
 numbers of believers4 ,berghaus1 in his
 ',physical ,atlas1' gives the following
 division of the human race according to
 religion3  ,buddhists            #ca4b 
per cent4 ,christians           #cj4g   
,mohammedans          #ae4g             
,brahmanists          #ac4d             
,heathens              #h4g     ,jews   

#j4c      ,as ,berghaus does not        
distinguish the ,buddhists in ,china    
from the followers of ,confucius and    
,lao-tse1 the first place on the scale  
belongs really to ,christianity4 ,it is 
difficult in ,china to say to what      
religion a man belongs1 as the same     
person may profess two or three4 ,the   
emperor himself1 after sacrificing      
according to the ritual of ,confucius1  
visits a ,tao-sse temple1 and afterwards
 bows before an image of ,fo in a       
,buddhist chapel4 7',melanges           
,asiatiques de ,st4 ,petersbourg1' vol4 
ii4 p4 #cgd47  ,the further history of  
the new teacher is very simple4 ,he     
proceeded to ,benares1 which at all     
times was the principal seat of learning
 in ,india1 and the first converts he   
made were the five fellow-students who  
had left him when he threw off the yoke 
of the ,brahmanical observances4 ,many  
others followed2 but as the             
,lalita-,vistara breaks off at ,buddha's
 arrival at ,benares1 we have no further

 consecutive account of the rapid       
progress of his doctrine4 ,from what we 
can gather from scattered notices in the
 ,buddhist canon1 he was invited by the 
king of ,magadha1 ,bimbisara1 to his    
capital1 ,ragagriha4 ,many of his       
lectures are represented as having been 
delivered at the monastery of           
,kalantaka1 with which the king or some 
rich merchant had presented him2 others 
on the ,vulture ,peak1 one of the five  
hills that surrounded the ancient       
capital4  ,three of his most famous     
disciples1 ,sariputra1 ,katyayana1 and  
,maudgalyayana1 joined him during his   
stay in ,magadha1 where he enjoyed for  
many years the friendship of the king4  
,that king was afterwards assassinated  
by his son1 ,agatasatru1 and then we    
hear of ,buddha as settled for a time at
 ,sravasti1 north of the ,ganges1 where 
,anathapindada1 a rich merchant1 had    
offered him and his disciples a         
magnificent building for their          
residence4 ,most of ,buddha's lectures  

or sermons were delivered at ,sravasti1 
the capital of ,kosala2 and the king of 
,kosala himself1 ,prasenagit1 became a  
convert to his doctrine4 ,after an      
absence of twelve years we are told that
 ,buddha visited his father at          
,kapilavastu1 on which occasion he      
performed several miracles1 and         
converted all the ,sakyas to his faith4 
,his own wife became one of his         
followers1 and1 with his aunt1 offers   
the first instance of female ,buddhist  
devotees in ,india4 ,we have fuller     
particulars again of the last days of   
,buddha's life4 ,he had attained the    
good age of three score and ten1 and had
 been on a visit to ,ragagriha1 where   
the king1 ,agatasatru1 the former enemy 
of ,buddha1 and the assassin of his own 
father1 had joined the congregation1    
after making a public confession of his 
crimes4 ,on his return he was followed  
by a large number of disciples1 and when
 on the point of crossing the ,ganges1  
he stood on a square stone1 and turning 

his eyes back towards ,ragagriha1 he    
said1 full of emotion1 ',this is the    
last time that ,i see that city4' ,he   
likewise visited ,vaisali1 and after    
taking leave of it1 he had nearly       
reached the city of ,kusinagara1 when   
his vital strength began to fail4 ,he   
halted in a forest1 and while sitting   
under a sal tree1 he gave up the ghost1 
or1 as a ,buddhist would say1 entered   
into ,nirvana4  ,this is the simple     
story of ,buddha's life4 ,it reads much 
better in the eloquent pages of ,m4     
,barthelemy ,saint-,hilaire1 than in the
 turgid language of the ,buddhists4 ,if 
a critical historian1 with the materials
 we possess1 entered at all on the      
process of separating truth from        
falsehood1 he would probably cut off    
much of what our biographer has left4   
,professor ,wilson1 in his ,essay on    
,buddha and ,buddhism1 considers it     
doubtful whether any such person as     
,buddha ever actually existed4 ,he      
dwells on the fact that there are at    

least twenty different dates assigned to
 his birth1 varying from #bdbj to #dec  
,b4,c4 ,he points out that the clan of  
the ,sakyas is never mentioned by early 
,hindu writers1 and he lays much stress 
on the fact that most of the proper     
names of the persons connected with     
,buddha suggest an allegorical          
signification4 ,the name of his father  
means1 he whose food is pure2 that of   
his mother signifies illusion2 his own  
secular appellation1 ,siddhartha1 he by 
whom the end is accomplished4 ,buddha   
itself means1 the ,enlightened1 or1 as  
,professor ,wilson translates it less   
accurately1 he by whom all is known4    
,the same distinguished scholar goes    
even further1 and maintaining that      
,kapilavastu1 the birthplace of ,buddha1
 has no place in the geography of the   
,hindus1 suggests that it may be        
rendered1 the substance of ,kapila2     
intimating1 in fact1 the ,sankhya       
philosophy1 the doctrine of ,kapila     
,muni1 upon which the fundamental       

elements of ,buddhism1 the eternity of  
matter1 the principles of things1 and   
the final extinction1 are supposed to be
 planned4 ',it seems not impossible1' he
 continues1 'that ,sakya ,muni is an    
unreal being1 and that all that is      
related of him is as much a fiction1 as 
is that of his preceding migrations1 and
 the miracles that attended his birth1  
his life1 and his departure4' ,this is  
going far beyond ,niebuhr1 far even     
beyond ,strauss4 ,if an allegorical name
 had been invented for the father of    
,buddha1 one more appropriate than      
',clean-food' might surely have been    
found4 ,his wife is not the only queen  
known by the name of ,maya1 ,mayadevi1  
or ,mayavati4 ,why1 if these names were 
invented1 should his wife have been     
allowed to keep the prosaic name of     
,gopa 7cowherdess71 and his             
father-in-law1 that of ,dandapani1      
',stick-hand8' ,as to his own name1     
,siddhartha1 the ,tibetans maintain that
 it was given him by his parent1 whose  

wish 7artha7 had been fulfilled         
7siddha71 as we hear of ,desires and    
,dieu-donnes in ,french4 ,one of the    
ministers of ,dasaratha had the same    
name4 ,it is possible also that ,buddha 
himself assumed it in after life1 as was
 the case with many of the ,roman       
surnames4 ,as to the name of ,buddha1 no
 one ever maintained that it was more   
than a title1 the ,enlightened1 changed 
from an appellative into a proper name1 
just like the name of ,christos1 the    
,anointed1 or ,mohammed1 the            
,expected4#fa ,kapilavastu would be a   
most extraordinary compound to express  
'the substance of the ,sankhya          
philosophy4' ,but all doubt on the      
subject is removed by the fact that both
 ,fahian in the fifth1 and              
,hiouen-,thsang in the seventh          
centuries1 visited the real ruins of    
that city4  ,footnote #fa3 ,see         
,sprenger1 ',das ,leben des ,mohammed1' 
#ahfa1 vol4 i4 p4 #aee4  ,making every  
possible allowance for the accumulation 

of fiction which is sure to gather round
 the life of the founder of every great 
religion1 we may be satisfied that      
,buddhism1 which changed the aspect not 
only of ,india1 but of nearly the whole 
of ,asia1 had a real founder2 that he   
was not a ,brahman by birth1 but        
belonged to the second or royal caste2  
that being of a meditative turn of mind1
 and deeply impressed with the frailty  
of all created things1 he became a      
recluse1 and sought for light and       
comfort in the different systems of     
,brahman philosophy and theology4       
,dissatisfied with the artificial       
systems of their priests and            
philosophers1 convinced of the          
uselessness1 nay of the pernicious      
influence1 of their ceremonial practices
 and bodily penances1 shocked1 too1 by  
their worldliness and pharisaical       
conceit1 which made the priesthood the  
exclusive property of one caste and     
rendered every sincere approach of man  
to his ,creator impossible without their

 intervention1 ,buddha must have        
produced at once a powerful impression  
on the people at large1 when breaking   
through all the established rules of    
caste1 he assumed the privileges of a   
,brahman1 and throwing away the         
splendour of his royal position1        
travelled about as a beggar1 not        
shrinking from the defiling contact of  
sinners and publicans4 ,though when we  
now speak of ,buddhism1 we think chiefly
 of its doctrines1 the reform of ,buddha
 had originally much more of a social   
than of a religious character4 ,buddha  
swept away the web with which the       
,brahmans had encircled the whole of    
,india4 ,beginning as the destroyer of  
an old1 he became the founder of a new  
religion4 ,we can hardly understand how 
any nation could have lived under a     
system like that of the ,brahmanic      
hierarchy1 which coiled itself round    
every public and private act1 and would 
have rendered life intolerable to any   
who had forfeited the favour of the     

priests4 ,that system was attacked by   
,buddha4 ,buddha might have taught      
whatever philosophy he pleased1 and we  
should hardly have heard his name4 ,the 
people would not have minded him1 and   
his system would only have been a drop  
in the ocean of philosophical           
speculation1 by which ,india was deluged
 at all times4 ,but when a young prince 
assembled round him people of all       
castes1 of all ranks1 when he defeated  
the ,brahmans in public disputations1   
when he declared the sacrifices by which
 they made their living not only useless
 but sinful1 when instead of severe     
penance or excommunications inflicted by
 the ,brahmans sometimes for the most   
trifling offences1 he only required     
public confession of sin and a promise  
to sin no more3 when the charitable     
gifts hitherto monopolised by the       
,brahmans1 began to flow into new       
channels1 supporting hundreds and       
thousands of ,buddhist mendicants1 more 
had been achieved than probably ,buddha 

himself had ever dreamt of2 and he whose
 meditations had been how to deliver the
 soul of man from misery and the fear of
 death1 had delivered the people of     
,india from a degrading thraldom and    
from priestly tyranny4  ,the most       
important element of the ,buddhist      
reform has always been its social and   
moral code1 not its metaphysical        
theories4 ,that moral code1 taken by    
itself1 is one of the most perfect which
 the world has ever known4 ,on this     
point all testimonies from hostile and  
from friendly quarters agree4 ,spence   
,hardy1 a ,wesleyan ,missionary1        
speaking of the ,dhamma ,padam1 or the  
',footsteps of the ,law1' admits that a 
collection might be made from the       
precepts of this work1 which in the     
purity of its ethics could hardly be    
equalled from any other heathen author4 
,m4 ,laboulaye1 one of the most         
distinguished members of the ,french    
,academy1 remarks in the ',debats' of   
the #dth of ,april1 #ahec3 ',it is      

difficult to comprehend how men not     
assisted by revelation could have soared
 so high1 and approached so near to the 
truth4' ,besides the five great         
commandments not to kill1 not to steal1 
not to commit adultery1 not to lie1 not 
to get drunk1 every shade of vice1      
hypocrisy1 anger1 pride1 suspicion1     
greediness1 gossiping1 cruelty to       
animals1 is guarded against by special  
precepts4 ,among the virtues            
recommended1 we find not only reverence 
of parents1 care for children1          
submission to authority1 gratitude1     
moderation in time of prosperity1       
submission in time of trial1 equanimity 
at all times1 but virtues unknown in any
 heathen system of morality1 such as the
 duty of forgiving insults and not      
rewarding evil with evil4 ,all virtues1 
we are told1 spring from ,maitri1 and   
this ,maitri can only be translated by  
charity and love4 ',i do not hesitate1' 
says ,burnouf1#fb 'to translate by      
charity the word ,maitri2 it does not   

express friendship or the feeling of    
particular affection which a man has for
 one or more of his fellow-creatures1   
but that universal feeling which        
inspires us with good-will towards all  
men and constant willingness to help    
them4' ,we add one more testimony from  
the work of ,m4 ,barthelemy             
,saint-,hilaire3       ',je n'hesite pas
 a ajouter1' he writes1 'que1 sauf le   
,christ      tout seul1 il n'est point1 
parmi les fondateurs de religion1       
de figure plus pure ni plus touchante   
que celle du ,bouddha4      ,sa vie n'a 
point de tache4 ,son constant heroisme  
egale sa      conviction2 et si la      
theorie qu'il preconise est fausse1 les 
exemples personnels qu'il donne sont    
irreprochables4 ,il est      le modele  
acheve de toutes les vertus qu'il       
preche2 son      abnegation1 sa charite 
son inalterable douceur1 ne se          
dementent point un seul instant2 il     
abandonne a vingt-neuf      ans la cour 
du roi son pere pour se faire religieux 

et      mendiant2 il prepare            
silencieusement sa doctrine par six     
annees de retraite et de meditation2 il 
la propage par la      seule puissance  
de la parole et de la persuasion1       
pendant      plus d'un demi-siecle2 et  
quand il meurt entre les bras de        
ses disciples1 c'est avec la serenite   
d'un sage qui a      pratique le bien   
toute sa vie1 et qui est assure d'avoir 
trouve le vrai4' 7,page v47  ,footnote  
#fb3 ,burnouf1 ',lotus de la bonne      
,loi1' p4 #cjj4         99       99     
99       99       99  ,there still      
remain1 no doubt1 some blurred and      
doubtful pages in the history of the    
prince of ,kapilavastu2 but we have only
 to look at the works on ancient        
philosophy and religion published some  
thirty years ago1 in order to perceive  
the immense progress that has been made 
in establishing the true historical     
character of the founder of ,buddhism4  
,there was a time when ,buddha was      
identified with ,christ4 ,the           

,manichaeans were actually forced to    
abjure their belief that ,buddha1       
,christ1 and ,mani were one and the same
 person4#fc ,but we are thinking rather 
of the eighteenth and nineteenth        
centuries1 when elaborate books were    
written1 in order to prove that ,buddha 
had been in reality the ,thoth of the   
,egyptians1 that he was ,mercury1 or    
,wodan1 or ,zoroaster1 or ,pythagoras4  
,even ,sir ,w4 ,jones1 as we saw1       
identified ,buddha1 first with ,odin1   
and afterwards with ,shishak1 'who      
either in person or by a colony from    
,egypt imported into ,india the mild    
heresy of the ancient ,bauddhas4' ,at   
present we know that neither ,egypt nor 
the ,walhalla of ,germany1 neither      
,greece nor ,persia1 could have produced
 either the man himself or his doctrine4
 ,he is the offspring of ,india in mind 
and soul4 ,his doctrine1 by the very    
antagonism in which it stands to the old
 system of ,brahmanism1 shows that it   
could not have sprung up in any country 

except ,india4 ,the ancient history of  
,brahmanism leads on to ,buddhism1 with 
the same necessity with which mediaeval 
,romanism led to ,protestantism4 ,though
 the date of ,buddha is still liable to 
small chronological oscillations1 his   
place in the intellectual annals of     
,india is henceforth definitely marked3 
,buddhism became the state religion of  
,india at the time of ,asoka2 and       
,asoka1 the ,buddhist ,constantine1 was 
the grandson of ,kandragupta1 the       
contemporary of ,seleucus ,nicator4 ,the
 system of the ,brahmans had run its    
course4 ,their ascendency1 at first     
purely intellectual and religious1 had  
gradually assumed a political character4
 ,by means of the system of caste this  
influence pervaded the whole social     
fabric1 not as a vivifying leaven1 but  
as a deadly poison4 ,their increasing   
power and self-confidence are clearly   
exhibited in the successive periods of  
their ancient literature4 ,it begins    
with the simple hymns of the ,veda4     

,these are followed by the tracts1 known
 by the name of ,brahmanas1 in which a  
complete system of theology is          
elaborated1 and claims advanced in      
favour of the ,brahmans1 such as were   
seldom conceded to any hierarchy4 ,the  
third period in the history of their    
ancient literature is marked by their   
,sutras or ,aphorisms1 curt and dry     
formularies1 showing the ,brahmans in   
secure possession of all their claims4  
,such privileges as they then enjoyed   
are never enjoyed for any length of     
time4 ,it was impossible for anybody to 
move or to assert his freedom of thought
 and action without finding himself     
impeded on all sides by the web of the  
,brahmanic law2 nor was there anything  
in their religion to satisfy the natural
 yearnings of the human heart after     
spiritual comfort4 ,what was felt by    
,buddha1 had been felt more or less     
intensely by thousands2 and this was the
 secret of his success4 ,that success   
was accelerated1 however1 by political  

events4 ,kandragupta had conquered the  
throne of ,magadha1 and acquired his    
supremacy in ,india in defiance of the  
,brahmanic law4 ,he was of low origin1 a
 mere adventurer1 and by his accession  
to the throne an important mesh had been
 broken in the intricate system of      
caste4 ,neither he nor his successors   
could count on the support of the       
,brahmans1 and it is but natural that   
his grandson1 ,asoka1 should have been  
driven to seek support from the sect    
founded by ,buddha4 ,buddha1 by giving  
up his royal station1 had broken the law
 of caste as much as ,kandragupta by    
usurping it4 ,his school1 though it had 
probably escaped open persecution until 
it rose to political importance1 could  
never have been on friendly terms with  
the ,brahmans of the old school4 ,the   
parvenu on the throne saw his natural   
allies in the followers of ,buddha1 and 
the mendicants1 who by their            
unostentatious behaviour had won golden 
opinions among the lower and middle     

classes1 were suddenly raised to an     
importance little dreamt of by their    
founder4 ,those who see in ,buddhism1   
not a social but chiefly a religious and
 philosophical reform1 have been        
deceived by the later ,buddhist         
literature1 and particularly by the     
controversies between ,buddhists and    
,brahmans1 which in later times led to  
the total expulsion of the former from  
,india1 and to the political            
re-establishment of ,brahmanism4 ,these1
 no doubt1 turn chiefly on philosophical
 problems1 and are of the most abstruse 
and intricate character4 ,but such was  
not the teaching of ,buddha4 ,if we may 
judge from 'the four verities1' which   
,buddha inculcated from the first day   
that he entered on his career as a      
teacher1 his philosophy of life was very
 simple4 ,he proclaims that there was   
nothing but sorrow in life2 that sorrow 
is produced by our affections1 that our 
affections must be destroyed in order to
 destroy the root of sorrow1 and that he

 could teach mankind how to eradicate   
all the affections1 all passions1 all   
desires4 ,such doctrines were           
intelligible2 and considering that      
,buddha received people of all castes1  
who after renouncing the world and      
assuming their yellow robes1 were sure  
of finding a livelihood from the        
charitable gifts of the people1 it is   
not surprising that the number of his   
followers should have grown so rapidly4 
,if ,buddha really taught the           
metaphysical doctrines which are        
ascribed to him by subsequent           
writers--and this is a point which it is
 impossible to settle--not one in a     
thousand among his followers would have 
been capable of appreciating those      
speculations4 ,they must have been      
reserved for a few of his disciples1 and
 they would never have formed the       
nucleus for a popular religion4         
,footnote #fc3 ,neander1 ',history of   
the ,church1' vol4 i4 p4 #hag3 ,greek3  
,ton ,zaradan kai ,boudan kai ton       

,christon kai ton ,manichaion hena kai  
ton auton einai4  ,nearly all who have  
written on ,buddhism1 and ,m4           
,barthelemy ,saint-,hilaire among the   
rest1 have endeavoured to show that     
these metaphysical doctrines of ,buddha 
were borrowed from the earlier systems  
of ,brahmanic philosophy1 and more      
particularly from the ,sankhya system4  
,the reputed founder of that system is  
,kapila1 and we saw before how          
,professor ,wilson actually changed the 
name of ,kapilavastu1 the birthplace of 
,buddha1 into a mere                    
allegory3--,kapilavastu meaning1        
according to him1 the substance of      
,kapila or of the ,sankhya philosophy4  
,this is not all4 ,mr4 ,spence ,hardy   
7p4 #acb7 quotes a legend in which it is
 said that ,buddha was in a former      
existence the ascetic ,kapila1 that the 
,sakya princes came to his hermitage1   
and that he pointed out to them the     
proper place for founding a new city1   
which city was named after him          

,kapilavastu4 ,but we have looked in    
vain for any definite similarities      
between the system of ,kapila1 as known 
to us in the ,sankhya-sutras1 and the   
,abhidharma1 or the metaphysics of the  
,buddhists4 ,such similarities would be 
invaluable4 ,they would probably enable 
us to decide whether ,buddha borrowed   
from ,kapila or ,kapila from ,buddha1   
and thus determine the real chronology  
of the philosophical literature of      
,india1 as either prior or subsequent to
 the ,buddhist era4 ,there are certain  
notions which ,buddha shares in common  
not only with ,kapila1 but with every   
,hindu philosopher4 ,the idea of        
transmigration1 the belief in the       
continuing effects of our good and bad  
actions1 extending from our former to   
our present and from our present to our 
future lives1 the sense that life is a  
dream or a burden1 the admission of the 
uselessness of religious observances    
after the attainment of the highest     
knowledge1 all these belong1 so to say1 

to the national philosophy of ,india4   
,we meet with these ideas everywhere1 in
 the poetry1 the philosophy1 the        
religion of the ,hindus4 ,they cannot be
 claimed as the exclusive property of   
any system in particular4 ,but if we    
look for more special coincidences      
between ,buddha's doctrines and those of
 ,kapila or other ,indian philosophers1 
we look in vain4 ,at first it might seem
 as if the very first aphorism of       
,kapila1 namely1 'the complete cessation
 of pain1 which is of three kinds1 is   
the highest aim of man1' was merely a   
philosophical paraphrase of the events  
which1 as we saw1 determined ,buddha to 
renounce the world in search of the true
 road to salvation4 ,but though the     
starting-point of ,kapila and ,buddha is
 the same1 a keen sense of human misery 
and a yearning after a better state1    
their roads diverge so completely and   
their goals are so far apart1 that it is
 difficult to understand how1 almost by 
common consent1 ,buddha is supposed     

either to have followed in the footsteps
 of ,kapila1 or to have changed         
,kapila's philosophy into a religion4   
,some scholars imagine that there was a 
more simple and primitive philosophy    
which was taught by ,kapila1 and that   
the ,sutras which are now ascribed to   
him1 are of later date4 ,it is          
impossible either to prove or to        
disprove such a view4 ,at present we    
know ,kapila's philosophy from his      
,sutras only1#fd and these ,sutras seem 
to us posterior1 not anterior1 to       
,buddha4 ,though the name of ,buddha is 
not mentioned in the ,sutras1 his       
doctrines are clearly alluded to and    
controverted in several parts of them4  
,footnote #fd3 ,of ,kapila's ,sutras1   
together with the commentary of ,vignana
 ,bhikshu1 a new edition was published  
in #ahef1 by ,dr4 ,fitz-,edward ,hall1  
in the ',bibliotheca ,indica4' ,an      
excellent translation of the ,aphorisms1
 with illustrative extracts from the    
commentaries1 was printed for the use of

 the ,benares ,college1 by ,dr4         
,ballantyne4  ,it has been said that    
,buddha and ,kapila were both atheists1 
and that ,buddha borrowed his atheism   
from ,kapila4 ,but atheism is an        
indefinite term1 and may mean very      
different things4 ,in one sense every   
,indian philosopher was an atheist1 for 
they all perceived that the gods of the 
populace could not claim the attributes 
that belong to a ,supreme ,being4 ,but  
all the important philosophical systems 
of the ,brahmans admit1 in some form or 
other1 the existence of an ,absolute and
 ,supreme ,being1 the source of all that
 exists1 or seems to exist4 ,kapila1    
when accused of atheism1 is not accused 
of denying the existence of an ,absolute
 ,being4 ,he is accused of denying the  
existence of ,isvara1 which in general  
means the ,lord1 but which in the       
passage where it occurs1 refers to the  
,isvara of the ,yogins1 or mystic       
philosophers4 ,they maintained that in  
an ecstatic state man possesses the     

power of seeing ,god face to face1 and  
they wished to have this ecstatic       
intuition included under the head of    
sensuous perceptions4 ,to this ,kapila  
demurred4 ,you have not proved the      
existence of your ,lord1 he says1 and   
therefore ,i see no reason why ,i should
 alter my definition of sensuous        
perception in order to accommodate your 
ecstatic visions4 ,the commentator      
narrates that this strong language was  
used by ,kapila in order to silence the 
wild talk of the ,mystics1 and that1    
though he taunted his adversaries with  
having failed to prove the existence of 
their ,lord1 he himself did not deny the
 existence of a ,supreme ,being4        
,kapila1 however1 went further4 ,he     
endeavoured to show that all the        
attributes which the ,mystics ascribed  
to their ,lord are inappropriate4 ,he   
used arguments very similar to those    
which have lately been used with such   
ability by a distinguished ,bampton     
,lecturer4 ,the supreme lord of the     

,mystics1 ,kapila argued1 is either     
absolute and unconditioned 7mukta71 or  
he is bound and conditioned 7baddha74   
,if he is absolute and unconditioned1 he
 cannot enter into the condition of a   
,creator2 he would have no desires which
 could instigate him to create4 ,if1 on 
the contrary1 he is represented as      
active1 and entering on the work of     
creation1 he would no longer be the     
absolute and unchangeable ,being which  
we are asked to believe in4 ,kapila1    
like the preacher of our own days1 was  
accused of paving the road to atheism1  
but his philosophy was nevertheless     
admitted as orthodox1 because1 in       
addition to sensuous perception and     
inductive reasoning1 ,kapila professed  
emphatically his belief in revelation1  
i4 e4 in the ,veda1 and allowed to it a 
place among the recognised instruments  
of knowledge4 ,buddha refused to allow  
to the ,vedas any independent authority 
whatever1 and this constituted the      
fundamental difference between the two  

philosophers4  ,whether ,kapila's       
philosophy was really in accordance with
 the spirit of the ,veda1 is quite a    
different question4 ,no philosophy1 at  
least nothing like a definite system1 is
 to be found in the sacred hymns of the 
,brahmans2 and though the ,vedanta      
philosophy does less violence to the    
passages which it quotes from the ,veda1
 the authors of the ,veda would have    
been as much surprised at the           
consequences deduced from their words by
 the ,vedantin1 as by the strange       
meaning attributed to them by ,kapila4  
,the ,vedanta philosopher1 like ,kapila1
 would deny the existence of a ,creator 
in the usual sense of the word4 ,he     
explained the universe as an emanation  
from ,brahman1 which is all in all4     
,kapila admitted two principles1 an     
absolute ,spirit and ,nature1 and he    
looked upon the universe as produced by 
a reflection of ,nature thrown on the   
mirror of the absolute ,spirit4 ,both   
systems seem to regard creation1 or the 

created world1 as a misfortune1 as an   
unfortunate accident4 ,but they maintain
 that its effects can be neutralised1   
and that emancipation from the bonds of 
earthly existence is possible by means  
of philosophy4 ,the ,vedanta philosopher
 imagines he is free when he has arrived
 at the knowledge that nothing exists   
but ,brahman2 that all phenomena are    
merely the result of ignorance2 that    
after the destruction of that ignorance1
 and of its effects1 all is merged again
 in ,brahman1 the true source of being1 
thought1 and happiness4 ,kapila taught  
that the spirit became free from all    
mundane fetters as soon as it perceived 
that all phenomena were only passing    
reflections produced by nature upon the 
spirit1 and as soon as it was able to   
shut its eyes to those illusory visions4
 ,both systems therefore1 and the same  
applies to all the other philosophical  
systems of the ,brahmans1 admitted an   
absolute or self-existing ,being as the 
cause of all that exists or seems to    

exist4 ,and here lies the specific      
difference between ,kapila and ,buddha4 
,buddha1 like ,kapila1 maintained that  
this world had no absolute reality1 that
 it was a snare and an illusion4 ,the   
words1 ',all is perishable1 all is      
miserable1 all is void1' must frequently
 have passed his lips4 ,but we cannot   
call things unreal unless we have a     
conception of something that is real4   
,where1 then1 did ,buddha find a reality
 in comparison with which this world    
might be called unreal8 ,what remedy did
 he propose as an emancipation from the 
sufferings of this life8 ,difficult as  
it seems to us to conceive it1 ,buddha  
admits of no real cause of this unreal  
world4 ,he denies the existence not only
 of a ,creator1 but of any ,absolute    
,being4 ,according to the metaphysical  
tenets1 if not of ,buddha himself1 at   
least of his sect1 there is no reality  
anywhere1 neither in the past nor in the
 future4 ,true wisdom consists in       
perceiving the nothingness of all       

things1 and in a desire to become       
nothing1 to be blown out1 to enter into 
,nirvana4 ,emancipation is obtained by  
total extinction1 not by absorption in  
,brahman1 or by a recovery of the soul's
 true estate4 ,if to be is misery1 not  
to be must be felicity1 and this        
felicity is the highest reward which    
,buddha promised to his disciples4 ,in  
reading the ,aphorisms of ,kapila1 it is
 difficult not to see in his remarks on 
those who maintain that all is void1    
covert attacks on ,buddha and his       
followers4 ,in one place 7,i4 #dc7      
,kapila argues that if people believed  
in the reality of thought only1 and     
denied the reality of external objects1 
they would soon be driven to admit that 
nothing at all exists1 because we       
perceive our thoughts in the same manner
 as we perceive external objects4 ,this 
naturally leads him to an examination of
 that extreme doctrine1 according to    
which all that we perceive is void1 and 
all is supposed to perish1 because it is

 the nature of things that they should  
perish4 ,kapila remarks in reference to 
this view 7,i4 #de71 that it is a mere  
assertion of persons who are 'not       
enlightened1' in ,sanskrit a-buddha1 a  
sarcastic expression in which it is very
 difficult not to see an allusion to    
,buddha1 or to those who claimed for him
 the title of the ,enlightened4 ,kapila 
then proceeds to give the best answer   
that could be given to those who taught 
that complete annihilation must be the  
highest aim of man1 as the only means of
 a complete cessation of suffering4 ',it
 is not so1' he says1 'for if people    
wish to be free from suffering1 it is   
they themselves who wish to be free1    
just as in this life it is they         
themselves who wish to enjoy happiness4 
,there must be a permanent soul in order
 to satisfy the yearnings of the human  
heart1 and if you deny that soul1 you   
have no right to speak of the highest   
aim--of man4'  ,whether the belief in   
this kind of ,nirvana1 i4 e4 in a total 

extinction of being1 personality1 and   
consciousness1 was at any time shared by
 the large masses of the people1 is     
difficult either to assert or deny4 ,we 
know nothing in ancient times of the    
religious convictions of the millions4  
,we only know what a few leading spirits
 believed1 or professed to believe4     
,that certain individuals should have   
spoken and written of total extinction  
as the highest aim of man1 is           
intelligible4 ,job cursed the day on    
which he was born1 and ,solomon praised 
the 'dead which are already dead1 more  
than the living which are yet alive1'   
',yea1 better is he than both they1' he 
said1 'which hath not yet been1 who hath
 not seen the evil work that is done    
under the sun1' ,voltaire said in his   
own flippant way1 ',on aime la vie1 mais
 le neant ne laisse pas d'avoir du bon2'
 and a modern ,german philosopher1 who  
has found much favour with those who    
profess to despise ,kant1 ,schelling1   
and ,hegel1 writes1 ',considered in its 

objective value1 it is more than        
doubtful that life is preferable to the 
,nothing4 ,i should say even1 that if   
experience and reflection could lift up 
their voices they would recommend to us 
the ,nothing4 ,we are what ought not to 
be1 and we shall therefore cease to be4'
 ,under peculiar circumstances1 in the  
agonies of despair1 or under the        
gathering clouds of madness1 such       
language is intelligible2 but to        
believe1 as we are asked to believe1    
that one half of mankind had yearned for
 total annihilation1 would be tantamount
 to a belief that there is a difference 
in kind between man and man4 ,buddhist  
philosophers1 no doubt1 held this       
doctrine1 and it cannot be denied that  
it found a place in the ,buddhist canon4
 ,but even among the different schools  
of ,buddhist philosophers1 very         
different views are adopted as to the   
true meaning of ,nirvana1 and with the  
modern ,buddhists of ,burmah1 ,nigban1  
as they call it1 is defined simply as   

freedom from old age1 disease1 and      
death4 ,we do not find fault with ,m4   
,barthelemy ,saint-,hilaire for having  
so emphatically pressed the charge of   
nihilism against ,buddha himself4 ,in   
one portion of the ,buddhist canon the  
most extreme views of nihilism are put  
into his mouth4 ,all we can say is that 
that canon is later than ,buddha1 and   
that in the same canon#fe the founder of
 ,buddhism1 after having entered into   
,nirvana1 is still spoken of as living1 
nay1 as showing himself to those who    
believe in him4 ,buddha1 who denied the 
existence1 or at least the divine       
nature1 of the gods worshipped by the   
,brahmans1 was raised himself to the    
rank of a deity by some of his followers
 7the ,aisvarikas71 and we need not     
wonder therefore if his ,nirvana too was
 gradually changed into an ,elysian     
field4 ,and finally1 if we may argue    
from human nature1 such as we find it at
 all times and in all countries1 we     
confess that we cannot bring ourselves  

to believe that the reformer of ,india1 
the teacher of so perfect a code of     
morality1 the young prince who gave up  
all he had in order to help those whom  
he saw afflicted in mind1 body1 or      
estate1 should have cared much about    
speculations which he knew would either 
be misunderstood1 or not understood at  
all1 by those whom he wished to benefit2
 that he should have thrown away one of 
the most powerful weapons in the hands  
of every religious teacher1 the belief  
in a future life1 and should not have   
seen1 that if this life was sooner or   
later to end in nothing1 it was hardly  
worth the trouble which he took himself1
 or the sacrifices which he imposed on  
his disciples4  ,april1 #ahfb4          
,footnote #fe3 ',l'enfant egare1' par   
,ph4 ,ed4 ,foucaux1 p4 #ai4     ,x4     
,,buddhist ,,pilgrims4#ff   ,m4         
,stanislas ,julien has commenced the    
publication of a work entitled1         
',voyages des ,pelerins ,bouddhistes4'  
,the first volume1 published in the year

 #ahec1 contains the biography of       
,hiouen-thsang1 who1 in the middle of   
the seventh century ,a4,d41 travelled   
from ,china through ,central ,asia to   
,india4 ,the second1 which has just     
reached us1 gives us the first portion  
of ,hiouen-thsang's own diary4          
,footnote #ff3 ',voyages des ,pelerins  
,bouddhistes4' ,vol4 ,i4 ,histoire de la
 ,vie de ,hiouen-thsang1 et de ses      
,voyages dans l',inde1 depuis l'an #fbi 
jusqu'en #fde1 par ,hoeili et           
,yen-thsong2 traduite du ,chinois par   
,stanislas ,julien4  ,vol4 ,,ii4        
,memoires sur les ,contrees             
,occidentales1 traduits du ,sanscrit en 
,chinois1 en l'an #fdh1 par             
,hiouen-thsang1 et du ,chinois en       
,francais1 pas ,stanislas ,julien4      
,paris1 #ahec-aheg3 ,b4 ,duprat4 ,london
 and ,edinburgh3 ,williams and ,norgate4
  ,there are not many books of travel   
which can be compared to these volumes4 
,hiouen-thsang passed through countries 
which few had visited before him4 ,he   

describes parts of the world which no   
one has explored since1 and where even  
our modern maps contain hardly more than
 the ingenious conjectures of ,alexander
 von ,humboldt4 ,his observations are   
minute2 his geographical1 statistical1  
and historical remarks most accurate and
 trustworthy4 ,the chief object of his  
travels was to study the religion of    
,buddha1 the great reformer of ,india4  
,some ,chinese pilgrims visited ,india  
before1 several after1 his time4        
,hiouen-thsang1 however1 is considered  
by the ,chinese themselves as the most  
distinguished of these pilgrims1 and ,m4
 ,stanislas ,julien has rightly assigned
 to him the first place in his          
collection4  ,in order to understand    
what ,hiouen-thsang was1 and to         
appreciate his life and his labours1 we 
must first cast a glance at the history 
of a religion which1 however            
unattractive and even mischievous it may
 appear to ourselves1 inspired her      
votary with the true spirit of devotion 

and self-sacrifice4 ,that religion has  
now existed for exactly #b1djj years4   
,to millions and millions of human      
beings it has been the only preparation 
for a higher life placed within their   
reach4 ,and even at the present day it  
counts among the hordes of ,asia a more 
numerous array of believers than any    
other faith1 not excluding              
,mohammedanism or ,christianity4 ,the   
religion of ,buddha took its origin in  
,india about the middle of the sixth    
century ,b4,c41 but it did not assume   
its political importance till about the 
time of ,alexander's invasion4 ,we know 
little1 therefore1 of its first origin  
and spreading1 because the canonical    
works on which we must chiefly rely for 
information belong to a much later      
period1 and are strongly tinged with a  
legendary character4 ,the very existence
 of such a being as ,buddha1 the son of 
,suddhodana1 king of ,kapilavastu1 has  
been doubted4 ,but what can never be    
doubted is this1 that ,buddhism1 such as

 we find it in ,russia#fg and ,sweden#fh
 on the very threshold of ,european     
civilisation1 in the north of ,asia1 in 
,mongolia1 ,tatary1 ,china1 ,tibet1     
,nepal1 ,siam1 ,burmah1 and ,ceylon1 had
 its origin in ,india4 ,doctrines       
similar to those of ,buddha existed in  
that country long before his time4 ,we  
can trace them like meandering roots    
below the surface long before we reach  
the point where the roots strike up into
 a stem1 and the stem branches off again
 into fruit-bearing branches4 ,what was 
original and new in ,buddha was his     
changing a philosophical system into a  
practical doctrine2 his taking the      
wisdom of the few1 and coining as much  
of it as he thought genuine for the     
benefit of the many2 his breaking with  
the traditional formalities of the past1
 and proclaiming for the first time1 in 
spite of castes and creeds1 the equality
 of the rich and the poor1 the foolish  
and the wise1 the 'twice-born' and the  
outcast4 ,buddhism1 as a religion and as

 a political fact1 was a reaction       
against ,brahmanism1 though it retained 
much of that more primitive form of     
faith and worship4 ,buddhism1 in its    
historical growth1 presupposes          
,brahmanism1 and1 however hostile the   
mutual relation of these two religions  
may have been at different periods of   
,indian history1 it can be shown1       
without much difficulty1 that the latter
 was but a natural consequence of the   
former4  ,the ancient religion of the   
,aryan inhabitants of ,india had        
started1 like the religion of the       
,greeks1 the ,romans1 the ,germans1     
,slaves1 and ,celts1 with a simple and  
intelligible mythological phraseology4  
,in the ,veda--for there is but one real
 ,veda--the names of all the so-called  
gods or ,devas betray their original    
physical character and meaning without  
disguise4 ,the fire was praised and     
invoked by the name of ,agni 7ignis72   
the earth by the name of ,prithvi 7the  
broad72 the sky by the name of ,dyu     

7,jupiter71 and afterwards of ,indra2   
the firmament and the waters by the name
 of ,varuna1 or ,greek3 ,ovravos4 ,the  
sun was invoked by many names1 such as  
,surya1 ,savitri1 ,vishnu1 or ,mitra2   
and the dawn rejoiced in such titles as 
,ushas1 ,urvasi1 ,ahana1 and ,surya4    
,nor was the moon forgotten4 ,for though
 it is mentioned but rarely under its   
usual name of ,kandra1 it is alluded to 
under the more sacred appellation of    
,soma2 and each of its four phases had  
received its own denomination4 ,there is
 hardly any part of nature1 if it could 
impress the human mind in any way with  
the ideas of a higher power1 of order1  
eternity1 or beneficence1--whether the  
winds1 or the rivers1 or the trees1 or  
the mountains1--without a name and      
representative in the early ,hindu      
,pantheon4 ,no doubt there existed in   
the human mind1 from the very beginning1
 something1 whether we call it a        
suspicion1 an innate idea1 an intuition1
 or a sense of the ,divine4 ,what       

distinguishes man from the rest of the  
animal creation is chiefly that         
ineradicable feeling of dependence and  
reliance upon some higher power1 a      
consciousness of bondage1 from which the
 very name of religion was derived4 ,it 
is ,he that hath made us1 and not we    
ourselves4 ,the presence of that power  
was felt everywhere1 and nowhere more   
clearly and strongly than in the rising 
and setting of the sun1 in the change of
 day and night1 of spring and winter1 of
 birth and death4 ,but1 although the    
,divine presence was felt everywhere1 it
 was impossible in that early period of 
thought1 and with a language incapable  
as yet of expressing anything but       
material objects1 to conceive the idea  
of ,god in its purity and fullness1 or  
to assign to it an adequate and worthy  
expression4 ,children cannot think the  
thoughts of men1 and the poets of the   
,veda could not speak the language of   
,aristotle4 ,it was by a slow process   
that the human mind elaborated the idea 

of one absolute and supreme ,godhead2   
and by a still slower process that the  
human language matured a word to express
 that idea4 ,a period of growth was     
inevitable1 and those who1 from a mere  
guess of their own1 do not hesitate to  
speak authoritatively of a primeval     
revelation1 which imparted to the ,pagan
 world the idea of the ,godhead in all  
its purity1 forget that1 however pure   
and sublime and spiritual that          
revelation might have been1 there was no
 language capable as yet of expressing  
the high and immaterial conceptions of  
that ,heaven-sent message4 ,the real    
history of religion1 during the earliest
 mythological period1 represents to us a
 slow process of fermentation in thought
 and language1 with its various         
interruptions1 its overflowings1 its    
coolings1 its deposits1 and its gradual 
clearing from all extraneous and foreign
 admixture4 ,this is not only the case  
among the ,indo-,european or ,aryan     
races in ,india1 in ,greece1 and in     

,germany4 ,in ,peru1 and wherever the   
primitive formations of the intellectual
 world crop out1 the process is exactly 
the same4 ,the religion of the sun1 as  
it has been boldly said by the author of
 the ,spanish ,conquest in ,america1 was
 inevitable4 ,it was like a deep furrow 
which that heavenly luminary drew1 in   
its silent procession from east to west1
 over the virgin mind of the gazing     
multitude2 and in the impression left   
there by the first rising and setting of
 the sun1 there lay the dark seed of a  
faith in a more than human being1 the   
first intimation of a life without      
beginning1 of a world without end4      
,manifold seed fell afterwards into the 
soil once broken4 ,something divine was 
discovered in everything that moved and 
lived4 ,names were stammered forth in   
anxious haste1 and no single name could 
fully express what lay hidden in the    
human mind and wanted expression--the   
idea of an absolute1 and perfect1 and   
supreme1 and immortal ,essence4 ,thus a 

countless host of nominal gods was      
called into being1 and for a time seemed
 to satisfy the wants of a thoughtless  
multitude4 ,but there were thoughtful   
men at all times1 and their reason      
protested against the contradictions of 
a mythological phraseology1 though it   
had been hallowed by sacred customs and 
traditions4 ,that rebellious reason had 
been at work from the very first1 always
 ready to break the yoke of names and   
formulas which no longer expressed what 
they were intended to express4 ,the idea
 which had yearned for utterance was the
 idea of a supreme and absolute ,power1 
and that yearning was not satisfied by  
such names as ,kronos1 ,zeus1 and       
,apollon4 ,the very sound of such a word
 as ,god1 used in the plural1 jarred on 
the ear1 as if we were to speak of two  
universes1 or of a single twin4 ,there  
are many words1 as ,greek and ,latin    
grammarians tell us1 which1 if used in  
the plural1 have a different meaning    
from what they have in the singular4    

,the ,latin aeedes means a temple2 if   
used in the plural it means a house4    
,deus and ,greek3 ,theos ought to be    
added to the same class of words4 ,the  
idea of supreme perfection excluded     
limitation1 and the idea of ,god        
excluded the possibility of many gods4  
,this may seem language too abstract and
 metaphysical for the early times of    
which we are speaking4 ,but the ancient 
poets of the ,vedic hymns have expressed
 the same thought with perfect clearness
 and simplicity4 ,in the ,rig-veda 7,i4 
#afd1 #df7 we read3--  ,that which is   
one the sages speak of in many          
ways--they call it ',agni1' ',yama1'    
',matarisvan4'  ,footnote #fg3 ,see ,w4 
,spottiswoode's ',tarantasse ,journey1' 
p4 #bbj1 ,visit to the ,buddhist        
,temple4  ,footnote #fh3 ,the only trace
 of the influence of ,buddhism among the
 ,kudic races1 the ,fins1 ,laps1 c41 is 
found in the name of their priests and  
sorcerers1 the ,shamans4 ,shaman is     
supposed to be a corruption of ,sramana1

 a name applied to ,buddha1 and to      
,buddhist priests in general4 ,the      
ancient mythological religion of the    
,kudic races has nothing in common with 
,buddhism4 ,see ,castren's ',lectures on
 ,finnish ,mythology1' #ahec4 ,finland  
was ceded by ,sweden to ,russia in      
#ahji1 ,see the ,author's ',survey of   
,languages1' second edition1 p4 #aaf4   
,shamanism found its way from ,india to 
,siberia via ,tibet1 ,china1 and        
,mongolia4 ,rules on the formation of   
magic figures1 on the treatment of      
diseases by charms1 on the worship of   
evil spirits1 on the acquisition of     
supernatural powers1 on charms1         
incantations1 and other branches of     
,shaman witchcraft1 are found in the    
,stan-gyour1 or the second part of the  
,tibetan canon1 and in some of the late 
,tantras of the ,nepalese collection4   
,besides the plurality of gods1 which   
was sure to lead to their destruction1  
there was a taint of mortality which    
they could not throw off4 ,they all     

derived their being from the life of    
nature4 ,the god who represented the sun
 was liable1 in the mythological        
language of antiquity1 to all the       
accidents which threatened the solar    
luminary4 ,though he might rise in      
immortal youth in the morning1 he was   
conquered by the shadows of the night1  
and the powers of winter seemed to      
overthrow his heavenly throne4 ,there is
 nothing in nature free from change1 and
 the gods of nature fell under the      
thralldom of nature's laws4 ,the sun    
must set1 and the solar gods and heroes 
must die4 ,there must be one ,god1 there
 must be one unchanging ,deity2 this was
 the silent conviction of the human     
mind4 ,there are many gods1 liable to   
all the vicissitudes of life2 this was  
everywhere the answer of mythological   
religion4  ,it is curious to observe in 
how many various ways these two opposite
 principles were kept for a time from   
open conflict1 and how long the heathen 
temples resisted the enemy which was    

slowly and imperceptibly undermining    
their very foundations4 ,in ,greece this
 mortal element1 inherent in all gods1  
was eliminated to a great extent by the 
conception of heroes4 ,whatever was too 
human in the ancient legends told of    
,zeus and ,apollon was transfered to    
so-called half-gods or heroes1 who were 
represented as the sons or favorites of 
the gods1 and who bore their fate under 
a slightly altered name4 ,the twofold   
character of ,herakles as a god and as a
 hero is acknowledged even by           
,herodotus1 and some of his epithets    
would have been sufficient to indicate  
his solar and originally divine         
character4 ,but1 in order to make some  
of the legends told of the solar deity  
possible or conceivable1 it was         
necessary to represent ,herakles as a   
more human being1 and to make him rise  
to the seat of the ,immortals only after
 he had endured toils and sufferings    
incompatible with the dignity of an     
,olympian god4 ,we find the same idea in

 ,peru1 only that there it led to       
different results4 ,a thinking1 or1 as  
he was called1 a freethinking ,inca#fi  
remarked that this perpetual travelling 
of the sun was a sign of servitude1#gj  
and he threw doubts upon the divine     
nature of such an unquiet thing as that 
great luminary appeared to him to be4   
,and this misgiving led to a tradition  
which1 even should it be unfounded in   
history1 had some truth in itself1 that 
there was in ,peru an earlier worship1  
that of an invisible ,deity1 the        
,creator of the world1 ,pachacamac4 ,in 
,greece1 also1 there are signs of a     
similar craving after the ,unknown ,god4
 ,a supreme ,god was wanted1 and ,zeus1 
the stripling of ,creta1 was raised to  
that rank4 ,he became ,god above all    
gods--,greek3 hapanton kyrios as ,pindar
 calls him4 ,yet more was wanted than a 
mere ,zeus2 and thus a supreme ,fate or 
,spell was imagined before which all the
 gods1 and even ,zeus1 had to bow4 ,and 
even this ,fate was not allowed to      

remain supreme1 and there was something 
in the destinies of man which was called
 ,greek3 hypermoron1 or beyond ,fate4   
,the most awful solution1 however1 of   
the problem belongs to ,teutonic        
mythology4 ,here1 also1 some heroes were
 introduced2 but their death was only   
the beginning of the final catastrophe4 
,all gods must die4 ,such is the last   
word of that religion which had grown up
 in the forests of ,germany1 and found a
 last refuge among the glaciers and     
volcanoes of ,iceland4 ,the death of    
,sigurd1 the descendant of ,odin1 could 
not avert the death of ,balder1 the son 
of ,odin2 and the death of ,balder was  
soon to be followed by the death of     
,odin himself1 and of all the immortal  
gods4  ,all this was inevitable1 and    
,prometheus1 the man of forethought1    
could safely predict the fall of ,zeus4 
,the struggles by which reason and faith
 overthrow tradition and superstition   
vary in different countries and at      
different times2 but the final victory  

is always on their side4 ,in ,india the 
same antagonism manifested itself1 but  
what there seemed a victory of reason   
threatened to become the destruction of 
all religious faith4 ,at first there was
 hardly a struggle4 ,on the primitive   
mythological stratum of thought two new 
formations arose1--the ,brahmanical     
philosophy and the ,brahmanical         
ceremonial2 the one opening the widest  
avenues of philosophical thought1 the   
other fencing all religious feeling     
within the narrowest barriers4 ,both    
derived their authority from the same   
source4 ,both professed to carry out the
 meaning and purpose of the ,veda4 ,thus
 we see on the one side1 the growth of a
 numerous and powerful priesthood1 and  
the establishment of a ceremonial which 
embraced every moment of a man's life   
from his birth to his death4 ,there was 
no event which might have moved the     
heart to a spontaneous outpouring of    
praise or thanksgiving1 which was not   
regulated by priestly formulas4 ,every  

prayer was prescribed1 every sacrifice  
determined4 ,every god had his share1   
and the claims of each deity on the     
adoration of the faithful were set down 
with such punctiliousness1 the danger of
 offending their pride was represented  
in such vivid colors1 that no one would 
venture to approach their presence      
without the assistance of a well-paid   
staff of masters of divine ceremonies4  
,it was impossible to avoid sin without 
the help of the ,brahmans4 ,they alone  
knew the food that might properly be    
eaten1 the air which might properly be  
breathed1 the dress which might properly
 be worn4 ,they alone could tell what   
god should be invoked1 what sacrifice be
 offered2 and the slightest mistake of  
pronunciation1 the slightest neglect    
about clarified butter1 or the length of
 the ladle in which it was to be        
offered1 might bring destruction upon   
the head of the unassisted worshipper4  
,no nation was ever so completely       
priest-ridden as the ,hindus under the  

sway of the ,brahmanic law4 ,yet1 on the
 other side1 the same people were       
allowed to indulge in the most          
unrestrained freedom of thought1 and in 
the schools of their philosophy the very
 names of their gods were never         
mentioned4 ,their existence was neither 
denied nor asserted2 they were of no    
greater importance in the system of the 
world of thought than trees or          
mountains1 men or animals2 and to offer 
sacrifices to them with a hope of       
rewards1 so far from being meritorious1 
was considered as dangerous to that     
emancipation to which a clear perception
 of philosophical truth was to lead the 
patient student4 ,there was one system  
which taught that there existed but one 
,being1 without a second2 that          
everything else which seemed to exist   
was but a dream and illusion1 and that  
this illusion might be removed by a true
 knowledge of the one ,being4 ,there was
 another system which admitted two      
principles1--one a subjective and       

self-existent mind1 the other matter1   
endowed with qualities4 ,here the world1
 with its joys and sorrows1 was         
explained as the result of the          
subjective ,self1 reflecting itself in  
the mirror of matter2 and final         
emancipation was obtained by turning    
away the eyes from the play of nature1  
and being absorbed in the knowledge of  
the time and absolute ,self4 ,a third   
system started with the admission of    
atoms1 and explained every effect1      
including the elements and the mind1    
animals1 men1 and gods1 from the        
concurrence of these atoms4 ,in fact1 as
 ,m4 ,cousin remarked many years ago1   
the history of the philosophy of ,india 
is un abrege de l'histoire de la        
philosophie4 ,the germs of all these    
systems are traced back to the ,vedas1  
,brahmanas1 and the ,upanishads1 and the
 man who believed in any of them was    
considered as orthodox as the devout    
worshipper of the gods2 the one was     
saved by knowledge and faith1 the other 

by works and faith4  ,such was the state
 of the ,hindu mind when ,buddhism      
arose2 or1 rather1 such was the state of
 the ,hindu mind which gave rise to     
,buddhism4 ,buddha himself went through 
the school of the ,brahmans4 ,he        
performed their penances1 he studied    
their philosophy1 and he at last claimed
 the name of the ,buddha1 or the        
,enlightened1 when he threw away the    
whole ceremonial1 with its sacrifices1  
superstitions1 penances1 and castes1 as 
worthless1 and changed the complicated  
systems of philosophy into a short      
doctrine of salvation4 ,this doctrine of
 salvation has been called pure ,atheism
 and ,nihilism1 and it no doubt was     
liable to both charges in its           
metaphysical character1 and in that form
 in which we chiefly know it4 ,it was   
,atheistic1 not because it denied the   
existence of such gods as ,indra and    
,brahma4 ,buddha did not even condescend
 to deny their existence4 ,but it was   
called ,atheistic1 like the ,sankhya    

philosophy1 which admitted but one      
subjective ,self1 and considered        
creation as an illusion of that ,self1  
imaging itself for a while in the mirror
 of nature4 ,as there was no reality in 
creation1 there could be no real        
,creator4 ,all that seemed to exist was 
the result of ignorance4 ,to remove that
 ignorance was to remove the cause of   
all that seemed to exist4 ,how a        
religion which taught the annihilation  
of all existence1 of all thought1 of all
 individuality and personality1 as the  
highest object of all endeavors1 could  
have laid hold of the minds of millions 
of human beings1 and how at the same    
time1 by enforcing the duties of        
morality1 justice1 kindness1 and        
self-sacrifice1 it could have exercised 
a decided beneficial influence1 not only
 on the natives of ,india1 but on the   
lowest barbarians of ,central ,asia1 is 
a riddle which no one has been able to  
solve4 ,we must distinguish1 it seems1  
between ,buddhism as a religion1 and    

,buddhism as a a religion1 and ,buddhism
 as a philosophy4 ,the former addressed 
itself to millions1 the latter to a few 
isolated thinkers4 ,it is from these    
isolated thinkers1 however1 and from    
their literary compositions1 that we are
 apt to form our notions of what        
,buddhism was1 while1 as a matter of    
fact1 not one in a thousand would have  
been capable of following these         
metaphysical speculations4 ,to the      
people at large ,buddhism was a moral   
and religious1 not a philosophical      
reform4 ,yet even its morality has a    
metaphysical tinge4 ,the morality which 
it teaches is not a morality of         
expediency and rewards4 ,virtue is not  
enjoined because it necessarily leads to
 happiness4 ,no2 virtue is to be        
practised1 but happiness is to be       
shunned1 and the only reward for virtue 
is that it subdues the passions1 and    
thus prepares the human mind for that   
knowledge which is to end in complete   
annihilation4 ,there are ten            

commandments which ,buddha imposes on   
his disciples4#ga ,they are--  #a4 ,not 
to kill4 #b4 ,not to steal4 #c4 ,not to 
commit adultery4 #d4 ,not to lie4 #e4   
,not to get intoxicated4 #f4 ,to abstain
 from unseasonable meals4 #g4 ,to       
abstain from public spectacles4         
,footnote #fi3 ,helps1 ,the ,spanish    
,conquest1 vol4 iii4 p4 #ejc3 ,que cosa 
tam inquieta non le parescia ser ,dios4 
,footnote #gj3 ,on the servitude of the 
gods1 see the ,essay on ,comparative    
,mythology1 ,oxford ,essays1 #ahef1 p4  
#fi4  ,footnote #ga3 ,see ,burnouf1     
',lotus de la bonne ,loi1' p4 #ddd4     
,barthelemy ,saint-,hilaire1 ',du       
,bouddhisme1' p4 #acb4 ,ch4,f4,neumann1 
',catechism of the ,shamans4'  #h4 ,to  
abstain from expensive dresses4 #i4 ,not
 to have a large bed4 #aj4 ,not to      
receive silver or gold4  ,the duties of 
those who embraced a religious life were
 more severe4 ,they were not allowed to 
wear any dress except rags collected in 
cemeteries1 and these rags they had to  

sew together with their own hands4 ,a   
yellow cloak was to be thrown over these
 rags4 ,their food was to be extremely  
simple1 and they were not to possess    
anything1 except what they could get by 
collecting alms from door to door in    
their wooden bowls4 ,they had but one   
meal in the morning1 and were not       
allowed to touch any food after midday4 
,they were to live in forests1 not in   
cities1 and their only shelter was to be
 the shadow of a tree4 ,there they were 
to sit1 to spread their carpet1 but not 
to lie down1 even during sleep4 ,they   
were allowed to enter the nearest city  
or village in order to beg1 but they had
 to return to their forest before night1
 and the only change which was allowed1 
or rather prescribed1 was when they had 
to spend some nights in the cemeteries1 
there to meditate on the vanity of all  
things4 ,and what was the object of all 
this asceticism8 ,simply to guide each  
individual towards that path which would
 finally bring him to ,nirvana1 to utter

 extinction or annihilation4 ,the very  
definition of virtue was that it helped 
man to cross over to the other shore1   
and that other shore was not death1 but 
cessation of all being4 ,thus charity   
was considered a virtue2 modesty1       
patience1 courage1 contemplation1 and   
science1 all were virtues1 but they were
 practised only as a means of arriving  
at deliverance4 ,buddha himself         
exhibited the perfection of all these   
virtues4 ,his charity knew no bounds4   
,when he saw a tigress starved1 and     
unable to feed her cubs1 he is said to  
have made a charitable oblation of his  
body to be devoured by them4            
,hiouen-thsang visited the place on the 
banks of the ,indus where this miracle  
was supposed to have happened1 and he   
remarks that the soil is still red there
 from the blood of ,buddha1 and that the
 trees and flowers have the same        
colour4#gb ,as to the modesty of        
,buddha1 nothing could exceed it4 ,one  
day1 king ,prasenagit1 the protector of 

,buddha1 called on him to perform       
miracles1 in order to silence his       
adversaries1 the ,brahmans4 ,buddha     
consented4 ,he performed the required   
miracles2 but he exclaimed1 ',great     
king1 ,i do not teach the law to my     
pupils1 telling them1 ,go1 ye saints1   
and before the eyes of the ,brahmans and
 householders perform1 by means of your 
supernatural powers1 miracles greater   
than any man can perform4 ,i tell them1 
when ,i teach them the law1 ,live1 ye   
saints1 hiding your good works and      
showing your sins4' ,and yet1 all this  
self-sacrificing charity1 all this      
self-sacrificing humility1 by which the 
life of ,buddha was distinguished       
throughout1 and which he preached to the
 multitudes that came to listen to him1 
had1 we are told1 but one object1 and   
that object was final annihilation4 ,it 
is impossible almost to believe it1 and 
yet when we turn away our eyes from the 
pleasing picture of that high morality  
which ,buddha preached for the first    

time to all classes of men1 and look    
into the dark pages of his code of      
religious metaphysics1 we can hardly    
find another explanation4 ,fortunately1 
the millions who embraced the doctrines 
of ,buddha1 and were saved by it from   
the depths of barbarism1 brutality1 and 
selfishness1 were unable to fathom the  
meaning of his metaphysical doctrines4  
,with them the ,nirvana to which they   
aspired1 became only a relative         
deliverance from the miseries of human  
life2 nay1 it took the bright colours of
 a paradise1 to be regained by the pious
 worshipper of ,buddha4 ,but was this   
the meaning of ,buddha himself8 ,in his 
',four ,verities' he does not1 indeed1  
define ,nirvana1 except by cessation of 
all pain2 but when he traces the cause  
of pain1 and teaches the means of       
destroying not only pain itself1 but the
 cause of pain1 we shall see that his   
,nirvana assumes a very different       
meaning4 ,his ',four ,verities' are very
 simple4 ,the first asserts the         

existence of pain2 the second asserts   
that the cause of pain lies in sin2 the 
third asserts that pain may cease by    
,nirvana2 the fourth shows the way that 
leads to ,nirvana4 ,this way to ,nirvana
 consists in eight things--right faith  
7orthodoxy71 right judgment 7logic71    
right language 7veracity71 right purpose
 7honesty71 right practice 7religious   
life71 right obedience 7lawful life71   
right memory1 and right meditation4 ,all
 these precepts might be understood as  
part of a simply moral code1 closing    
with a kind of mystic meditation on the 
highest object of thought1 and with a   
yearning after deliverance from all     
worldly ties4 ,similar systems have     
prevailed in many parts of the world1   
without denying the existence of an     
absolute ,being1 or of a something      
towards which the human mind tends1 in  
which it is absorbed or even            
annihilated4 ,awful as such a mysticism 
may appear1 yet it leaves still         
something that exists1 it acknowledges a

 feeling of dependence in man4 ,it knows
 of a first cause1 though it may have   
nothing to predicate of it except that  
it is ,greek3 to kinoun akineton4 ,a    
return is possible from that desert4    
,the first cause may be called to life  
again4 ,it may take the names of        
,creator1 ,preserver1 ,ruler2 and when  
the simplicity and helplessness of the  
child have re-entered the heart of man1 
the name of father will come back to the
 lips which had uttered in vain all the 
names of a philosophical despair4 ,but  
from the ,nirvana of the ,buddhist      
metaphysician there is no return4 ,he   
starts from the idea that the highest   
object is to escape pain4 ,life in his  
eyes is nothing but misery2 birth the   
cause of all evil1 from which even death
 cannot deliver him1 because he believes
 in an eternal cycle of existence1 or in
 transmigration4 ,there is no           
deliverance from evil1 except by        
breaking through the prison walls1 not  
only of life1 but of existence1 and by  

extirpating the last cause of existence4
 ,what1 then1 is the cause of existence8
 ,the cause of existence1 says the      
,buddhist metaphysician1 is             
attachment--an inclination towards      
something2 and this attachment arises   
from thirst or desire4 ,desire          
presupposes perception of the object    
desired2 perception presupposes contact2
 contact1 at least a sentient contact1  
presupposes the senses2 and1 as the     
senses can only perceive what has form  
and name1 or what is distinct1          
distinction is the real cause of all the
 effects which end in existence1 birth1 
and pain4 ,now1 this distinction is     
itself the result of conceptions or     
ideas2 but these ideas1 so far from     
being1 as in ,greek philosophy1 the true
 and everlasting forms of the ,absolute1
 are here represented as mere illusions1
 the effects of ignorance 7avidya74     
,ignorance1 therefore1 is really the    
primary cause of all that seems to      
exist4 ,to know that ignorance1 as the  

root of all evil1 is the same as to     
destroy it1 and with it all effects that
 flowed from it4 ,in order to see how   
this doctrine affects the individual1   
let us watch the last moments of ,buddha
 as described by his disciples4 ,he     
enters into the first stage of          
meditation when he feels freedom from   
sin1 acquires a knowledge of the nature 
of all things1 and has no desire except 
that of ,nirvana4 ,but he still feels   
pleasure2 he even uses his reasoning and
 discriminating powers4 ,the use of     
these powers ceases in the second stage 
of meditation1 when nothing remains but 
a desire after ,nirvana1 and a general  
feeling of satisfaction1 arising from   
his intellectual perfection4 ,that      
satisfaction1 also1 is extinguished in  
the third stage4 ,indifference succeeds2
 yet there is still self-consciousness1 
and a certain amount of physical        
pleasure4 ,these last remnants are      
destroyed in the fourth stage2 memory   
fades away1 all pleasure and pain are   

gone1 and the doors of ,nirvana now open
 before him4 ,after having passed these 
four stages once1 ,buddha went through  
them a second time1 but he died before  
he attained again to the fourth stage4  
,we must soar still higher1 and though  
we may feel giddy and disgusted1 we must
 sit out this tragedy till the curtain  
falls4 ,after the four stages of        
meditation#gc are passed1 the ,buddha   
7and every being is to become a ,buddha7
 enters into the infinity of space2 then
 into the infinity of intelligence2 and 
thence he passes into the region of     
nothing4 ,but even here there is no     
rest4 ,there is still something         
left--the idea of the nothing in which  
he rejoices4 ,that also must be         
destroyed1 and it is destroyed in the   
fourth and last region1 where there is  
not even the idea of a nothing left1 and
 where there is complete rest1          
undisturbed by nothing1 or what is not  
nothing4#gd ,there are few persons who  
will take the trouble of reasoning out  

such hallucinations2 least of all1      
persons who are accustomed to the sober 
language of ,greek philosophy2 and it is
 the more interesting to hear the       
opinion which one of the best           
,aristotelean scholars of the present   
day1 after a patient examination of the 
authentic documents of ,buddhism1 has   
formed of its system of metaphysics4 ,m4
 ,barthelemy ,saint-,hilaire1 in a      
review on ,buddhism1 published in the   
',journal des ,savants1' says3          
',buddhism has no ,god2 it has not even 
the confused and vague      notion of a 
,universal ,spirit in which the human   
soul1      according to the orthodox    
doctrine of ,brahmanism1 and the        
,sankhya philosophy1 may be absorbed4   
,nor does it admit      nature1 in the  
proper sense of the word1 and it ignores
 that      profound division between    
spirit and matter which forms the       
system and the glory of ,kapila4 ,it    
confounds man with all      that        
surrounds him1 all the while preaching  

to him the laws      of virtue4         
,buddhism1 therefore1 cannot unite the  
human soul1      which it does not even 
mention1 with a ,god1 whom it ignores2  
nor with nature1 which it does not know 
better4 ,nothing      remained but to   
annihilate the soul2 and in order to be 
quite sure that the soul may not        
re-appear under some new      form in   
this world1 which has been cursed as the
 abode of      illusion and misery1     
,buddhism destroys its very elements1   
and never gets tired of glorying in this
 achievement4 ,what      more is wanted8
  ,footnote #gb3 ,vol4 i4 p4 #hi1 vol4  
ii4 p4 #afg4  ,footnote #gc3 ,these     
'four stages' are described in the same 
manner in the canonical books of ,ceylon
 and ,nepal1 and may therefore safely be
 ascribed to that original form of      
,buddhism from which the ,southern and  
the ,northern schools branched off at a 
later period4 ,see ,burnouf1 ',lotus de 
la bonne ,loi1' p4 #hjj4  ,footnote #gd3
 ,see ,burnouf1 ',lotus de la bonne     

,loi1' p4 #had4  ,if this is not the    
absolute nothing1 what is ,nirvana8'    
,such religion1 we should say1 was made 
for a mad-house4 ,but ,buddhism was an  
advance1 if compared with ,brahmanism2  
it has stood its ground for centuries1  
and if truth could be decided by        
majorities1 the show of hands1 even at  
the present day1 would be in favour of  
,buddha4 ,the metaphysics of ,buddhism1 
like the metaphysics of most religions1 
not excluding our own ,gnosticism and   
,mysticism1 were beyond the reach of all
 except a few hardened philosophers or  
ecstatic dreamers4 ,human nature could  
not be changed4 ,out of the very nothing
 it made a new paradise2 and he who had 
left no place in the whole universe for 
a ,divine ,being1 was deified himself by
 the multitudes who wanted a person whom
 they could worship1 a king whose help  
they might invoke1 a friend before whom 
they could pour out their most secret   
griefs4 ,and there remained the code of 
a pure morality1 proclaimed by ,buddha4 

,there remained the spirit of charity1  
kindness1 and universal pity with which 
he had inspired his disciples4#ge ,there
 remained the simplicity of the         
ceremonial he had taught1 the equality  
of all men which he had declared1 the   
religious toleration which he had       
preached from the beginning4 ,there     
remained much1 therefore1 to account for
 the rapid strides which his doctrine   
made from the mountain peaks of ,ceylon 
to the ,tundras of the ,samoyedes1 and  
we shall see in the simple story of the 
life of ,hiouen-thsang that ,buddhism1  
with all its defects1 has had its       
heroes1 its martyrs1 and its saints4    
,footnote #ge3 ,see the ',dhammapadam1' 
a ,pali work on ,buddhist ethics1 lately
 edited by ,v4 ,fausboell1 a            
distinguished pupil of ,professor       
,westergaard1 at ,copenhagen4 ,the ,rev4
 ,spence ,hardy 7',eastern ,monachism1' 
p4 #afi7 writes3 ',a collection might be
 made from the precepts of this work1   
that in the purity of its ethics could  

scarcely be equalled from any other     
heathen author4' ,mr4 ,knighton1 when   
speaking of the same work in his        
',history of ,ceylon' 7p4 #gg71 remarks3
 ',in it we have exemplified a code of  
morality1 and a list of precepts1 which1
 for pureness1 excellence1 and wisdom1  
is only second to that of the ,divine   
,lawgiver himself4'  ,hiouen-thsang1    
born in ,china more than a thousand     
years after the death of ,buddha1 was a 
believer in ,buddhism4 ,he dedicated his
 whole life to the study of that        
religion2 travelling from his native    
country to ,india1 visiting every place 
mentioned in ,buddhist history or       
tradition1 acquiring the ancient        
language in which the canonical books of
 the ,buddhists were written1 studying  
commentaries1 discussing points of      
difficulty1 and defending the orthodox  
faith at public councils against        
disbelievers and schismatics4 ,buddhism 
had grown and changed since the death of
 its founder1 but it had lost nothing of

 its vitality4 ,at a very early period a
 proselytizing spirit awoke among the   
disciples of the ,indian reformer1 an   
element entirely new in the history of  
ancient religions4 ,no ,jew1 no ,greek1 
no ,roman1 no ,brahman ever thought of  
converting people to his own national   
form of worship4 ,religion was looked   
upon as private or national property4   
,it was to be guarded against strangers4
 ,the most sacred names of the gods1 the
 prayers by which their favour could be 
gained1 were kept secret4 ,no religion1 
however1 was more exclusive than that of
 the ,brahmans4 ,a ,brahman was born1   
nay1 twice-born4 ,he could not be made4 
,not even the lowest caste1 that of the 
,sudras1 would open its ranks to a      
stranger4 ,here lay the secret of       
,buddha's success4 ,he addressed himself
 to castes and outcasts4 ,he promised   
salvation to all2 and he commanded his  
disciples to preach his doctrine in all 
places and to all men4 ,a sense of duty1
 extending from the narrow limits of the

 house1 the village1 and the country to 
the widest circle of mankind1 a feeling 
of sympathy and brotherhood towards all 
men1 the idea1 in fact1 of humanity1    
were in ,india first pronounced by      
,buddha4 ,in the third ,buddhist        
,council1 the acts of which have been   
preserved to us in the ',mahavansa1'#gf 
we hear of missionaries being sent to   
the chief countries beyond ,india4 ,this
 ,council1 we are told1 took place #cjh 
,b4,c41 #bce years after the death of   
,buddha1 in the #agth year of the reign 
of the famous king ,asoka1 whose edicts 
have been preserved to us on rock       
inscriptions in various parts of ,india4
 ,there are sentences in these          
inscriptions of ,asoka which might be   
read with advantage by our own          
missionaries1 though they are now more  
than #bjjj years old4 ,thus it is       
written on the rocks of ,girnar1        
,dhauli1 and ,kapurdigiri--             
',piyadasi1 the king beloved of the     
gods1 desires that the      ascetics of 

all creeds might reside in all places4  
,all these      ascetics profess alike  
the command which people should         
exercise over themselves1 and the purity
 of the soul4 ,but      people have     
different opinions1 and different       
inclinations4'  ,and again3       ',a   
man ought to honour his own faith only2 
but he should      never abuse the faith
 of others4 ,it is thus that he will do 
no harm to anybody4 ,there are even     
circumstances where the      religion of
 others ought to be honoured4 ,and in   
acting      thus1 a man fortifies his   
own faith1 and assists the faith      of
 others4 ,he who acts otherwise1        
diminishes his own faith1      and hurts
 the faith of others4'  ,footnote #gf3  
',mahavanso1' ed4 ,g4 ,turnour1 ,ceylon1
 #ahcg1 p4 #ga4  ,those who have no time
 to read the voluminous works of the    
late ,e4 ,burnouf on ,buddhism1 his     
',introduction a l',histoire du         
,buddhisme1' and his translation of ',le
 ,lotus de la bonne ,loi1' will find a  

very interesting and lucid account of   
these councils1 and edicts1 and         
missions1 and the history of ,buddhism  
in general1 in a work lately published  
by ,mrs4 ,speir1 ',life in ,ancient     
,india4' ,buddhism spread in the south  
to ,ceylon1 in the north to ,kashmir1   
the ,himalayan countries1 ,tibet1 and   
,china4 ,one ,buddhist missionary is    
mentioned in the ,chinese annals as     
early as #bag ,b4,c42#gg and about the  
year #abj ,b4,c4 a ,chinese ,general1   
after defeating the barbarous tribes    
north of the ,desert of ,gobi1 brought  
back as a trophy a golden statue1 the   
statue of ,buddha4#gh ,it was not1      
however1 till the year #fe ,a4,d4 that  
,buddhism was officially recognised by  
the ,emperor ,ming-ti#gi as a third     
state religion in ,china4 ,ever since1  
it has shared equal honours with the    
doctrines of ,confucius and ,lao-tse1 in
 the ,celestial ,empire1 and it is but  
lately that these three established     
religions have had to fear the          

encroachments of a new rival in the     
creed of the ,chief of the rebels4      
,footnote #gg3 ,see ',foe ,koue ,ki1' p4
 #da1 and xxxviii4 preface4  ,footnote  
#gh3 ,see ',foe ,koue ,ki1' p4 #da4     
,footnote #gi3 ',lalita-,vistara1' ed4  
,foucaux1 p4 xvii4 n4  ,after ,buddhism 
had been introduced into ,china1 the    
first care of its teachers was to       
translate the sacred works from         
,sanskrit1 in which they were originally
 written1 into ,chinese4 ,we read of the
 ,emperor ,ming-ti1#hj of the dynasty of
 ,han1 sending ,tsai-in and other high  
officials to ,india1 in order to study  
there the doctrine of ,buddha4 ,they    
engaged the services of two learned     
,buddhists1 ,matanga and ,tchou-fa-lan1 
and some of the most important ,buddhist
 works were translated by them into     
,chinese4 ',the ,life of ,buddha1' the  
',lalita-,vistara1'#ha a ,sanskrit work 
which1 on account of its style and      
language1 had been referred by ,oriental
 scholars to a much more modern period  

of ,indian literature1 can now safely be
 ascribed to an ante-,christian era1 if1
 as we are told by ,chinese scholars1 it
 was translated from ,sanskrit into     
,chinese1 as one of the canonical books 
of ,buddhism1 as early as the year #gf  
,a4,d4 ,the same work was translated    
also into ,tibetan2 and an edition of   
it--the first ,tibetan work printed in  
,europe--published in ,paris by ,m4,e4  
,foucaux1 reflects high credit on that  
distinguished scholar1 and on the       
,government which supports these studies
 in the most liberal and enlightened    
spirit4 ,the intellectual intercourse   
between the ,indian peninsula and the   
northern continent of ,asia remained    
uninterrupted for many centuries4       
,missions were sent from ,china to      
,india1 to report on the political and  
geographical state of the country1 but  
the chief object of interest which      
attracted public embassies and private  
pilgrims across the ,himalayan mountains
 was the religion of ,buddha4 ,about    

three hundred years after the public    
recognition of ,buddhism by the ,emperor
 ,ming-ti1 the great stream of ,buddhist
 pilgrims began to flow from ,china to  
,india4 ,the first account which we     
possess of these pilgrimages refers to  
the travels of ,fahian1 who visited     
,india towards the end of the fourth    
century4 ,his travels have been         
translated by ,remusat1 but ,m4 ,julien 
promises a new and more correct         
translation4 ,after ,fahian1 we have the
 travels of ,hoei-seng and ,song-yun1   
who were sent to ,india1 in #eah1 by    
command of the ,empress1 with a view of 
collecting sacred books and relics4 ,of 
,hiouen-thsang1 who follows next in     
time1 we possess1 at present1 eight out 
of twelve books2 and there is reason to 
hope that the last four books of his    
,journal will soon follow in ,m4        
,julien's translation4#hb ,after        
,hiouen-thsang1 the chief works of      
,chinese pilgrims are the ',itineraries'
 of the fifty-six monks1 published in   

#gcj1 and the travels of ,khi-nie1 who  
visited ,india in #ifd1 at the head of  
three hundred pilgrims4 ,india was for a
 time the ,holy ,land of ,china4 ,there 
lay the scene of the life and death of  
the great teacher2 there were the       
monuments commemorating the chief events
 of his life2 there the shrines where   
his relics might be worshipped2 there   
the monasteries where tradition had     
preserved his sayings and his doings2   
there the books where his doctrine might
 be studied in its original purity2     
there the schools where the tenets of   
different sects which had sprung up in  
the course of time might best be        
acquired4  ,footnote #hj3               
',lalita-,vistara1' p4 #ag4  ,footnote  
#ha3 ,two parts of the ,sanskrit text   
have been published in the ',bibliotheca
 ,indica4'  ,footnote #hb3 ,they have   
since been published4  ,some of the     
pilgrims and envoys have left us        
accounts of their travels1 and1 in the  
absence of anything like an historical  

literature in ,india itself1 these      
,chinese works are of the utmost        
importance for gaining an insight into  
the social1 political1 and religious    
history of that country from the        
beginning of our era to the time of the 
,mohammedan conquest4 ,the importance of
 ,mohammedan writers1 so far as they    
treat on the history of ,india during   
the ,middle ,ages1 was soon recognised1 
and in a memoir lately published by the 
most eminent ,arabic scholar of ,france1
 ,m4 ,reinaud1 new and valuable         
historical materials have been          
collected--materials doubly valuable in 
,india1 where no native historian has   
ever noted down the passing events of   
the day4 ,but1 although the existence of
 similar documents in ,chinese was      
known1 and although men of the highest  
literary eminence--such as ,humboldt1   
,biot1 and others--had repeatedly urged 
the necessity of having a translation of
 the early travels of the ,chinese      
,pilgrims1 it seemed almost as if our   

curiosity was never to be satisfied4    
,france has been the only country where 
,chinese scholarship has ever           
flourished1 and it was a ,french        
scholar1 ,abel ,remusat1 who undertook  
at last the translation of one of the   
,chinese ,pilgrims4 ,remusat died before
 his work was published1 and his        
translation of the travels of ,fahian1  
edited by ,m4 ,landresse1 remained for a
 long time without being followed up by 
any other4 ,nor did the work of that    
eminent scholar answer all expectations4
 ,most of the proper names1 the names of
 countries1 towns1 mountains1 and       
rivers1 the titles of books1 and the    
whole ,buddhistic phraseology1 were so  
disguised in their ,chinese dress that  
it was frequently impossible to discover
 their original form4  ,the ,chinese    
alphabet was never intended to represent
 the sound of words4 ,it was in its     
origin a hieroglyphic system1 each word 
having its own graphic representative4  
,nor would it have been possible to     

write ,chinese in any other way4        
,chinese is a monosyllabic language4 ,no
 word is allowed more than one consonant
 and one vowel1--the vowels including   
diphthongs and nasal vowels4 ,hence the 
possible number of words is extremely   
small1 and the number of significative  
sounds in the ,chinese language is said 
to be no more than #dej4 ,no language1  
however1 could be satisfied with so     
small a vocabulary1 and in ,chinese1 as 
in other monosyllabic dialects1 each    
word1 as it was pronounced with various 
accents and intonations1 was made to    
convey a large number of meanings2 so   
that the total number of words1 or      
rather of ideas1 expressed in ,chinese1 
is said to amount to #dc1dif4 ,hence a  
graphic representation of the mere sound
 of words would have been perfectly     
useless1 and it was absolutely necessary
 to resort to hieroglyphical writing1   
enlarged by the introduction of         
determinative signs4 ,nearly the whole  
immense dictionary of ,chinese--at least

 twenty-nine thirtieths--consists of    
combined signs1 one part indicating the 
general sound1 the other determining its
 special meaning4 ,with such a system of
 writing it was possible to represent   
,chinese1 but impossible to convey      
either the sound or the meaning of any  
other language4 ,besides1 some of the   
most common sounds--such as r1 b1 d1 and
 the short a--are unknown in ,chinese4  
,how1 then1 were the translators to     
render ,sanskrit names in ,chinese8 ,the
 most rational plan would have been to  
select as many ,chinese signs as there  
were ,sanskrit letters1 and to express  
one and the same letter in ,sanskrit    
always by one and the same sign in      
,chinese2 or1 if the conception of a    
consonant without a vowel1 and of a     
vowel without a consonant1 was too much 
for a ,chinese understanding1 to express
 at least the same syllabic sound in    
,sanskrit1 by one and the same syllabic 
sign in ,chinese4 ,a similar system is  
adopted at the present day1 when the    

,chinese find themselves under the      
necessity of writing the names of ,lord 
,palmerston or ,sir ,john ,bowring2 but1
 instead of adopting any definite system
 of transcribing1 each translator seems 
to have chosen his own signs for        
rendering the sounds of ,sanskrit words1
 and to have chosen them at random4 ,the
 result is that every ,sanskrit word as 
transcribed by the ,chinese ,buddhists  
is a riddle which no ingenuity is able  
to solve4 ,who could have guessed that  
',fo-to1' or more frequently ',fo1' was 
meant for ,buddha8 ',ko-lo-keou-lo' for 
,rahula1 the son of ,buddha8            
',po-lo-nai' for ,benares8 ',heng-ho'   
for ,ganges8 ',niepan' for ,nirvana8    
',chamen' for ,sramana8 ',feito' for    
,veda8 ',tcha-li' for ,kshattriya8      
',siu-to-lo' for ,sudra8 ',fan' or      
',fan-lon-mo' for ,brahma8 ,sometimes1  
it is true1 the ,chinese endeavoured to 
give1 besides the sounds1 a translation 
of the meaning of the ,sanskrit words4  
,but the translation of proper names is 

always very precarious1 and it required 
an intimate knowledge of ,sanskrit and  
,buddhist literature to recognise from  
these awkward translations the exact    
form of the proper names for which they 
were intended4 ,if1 in a ,chinese       
translation of ',thukydides1' we read of
 a person called ',leader of the        
people1' we might guess his name to have
 been ,demagogos1 or ,laoegos1 as well  
as ,agesilaos4 ,and when the name of the
 town of ,sravasti was written ,che-wei1
 which means in ,chinese 'where one     
hears1' it required no ordinary power of
 combination to find that the name of   
,sravasti was derived from a ,sanskrit  
noun1 sravas 7,greek ,greek3 kleos1     
,lat4 cluo71 which means 'hearing' or   
'fame1' and that the etymological       
meaning of the name of ,sravasti was    
intended by the ,chinese ',che-wei4'    
,besides these names of places and      
rivers1 of kings and saints1 there was  
the whole strange phraseology of        
,buddhism1 of which no dictionary gives 

any satisfactory explanation4 ,how was  
even the best ,chinese scholar to know  
that the words which usually mean 'dark 
shadow' must be taken in the technical  
sense of ,nirvana1 or becoming absorbed 
in the ,absolute1 that 'return-purity'  
had the same sense1 and that a third    
synonymous expression was to be         
recognised in a phrase which1 in        
ordinary ,chinese1 would have the sense 
of 'transport-figure-crossing-age8' ,a  
monastery is called 'origin-door1'      
instead of 'black-door4' ,the voice of  
,buddha is called 'the voice of the     
dragon2' and his doctrine goes by the   
name of 'the door of expedients4'       
,tedious as these details may seem1 it  
was almost a duty to state them1 in     
order to give an idea of the            
difficulties which ,m4 ,stanislas       
,julien had to grapple with4 ,oriental  
scholars labour under great             
disadvantages4 ,few people take an      
interest in their works1 or1 if they do1
 they simply accept the results1 but    

they are unable to appreciate the       
difficulty with which these results were
 obtained4 ,many persons who have read  
the translation of the cuneiform        
inscriptions are glad1 no doubt1 to have
 the authentic and contemporaneous      
records of ,darius and ,xerxes4 ,but if 
they followed the process by which      
scholars such as ,grotefend1 ,burnouf1  
,lassen1 and ,rawlinson arrived at their
 results1 they would see that the       
discovery of the alphabet1 the language1
 the grammar1 and the meaning of the    
inscriptions of the ,achaemenian dynasty
 deserves to be classed with the        
discoveries of a ,kepler1 a ,newton1 or 
a ,faraday4 ,in a similar manner1 the   
mere translation of a ,chinese work into
 ,french seems a very ordinary          
performance2 but ,m4 ,stanislas ,julien1
 who has long been acknowledged as the  
first ,chinese scholar in ,europe1 had  
to spend twenty years of incessant      
labour in order to prepare himself for  
the task of translating the ',travels of

 ,hiouen-thsang4' ,he had to learn      
,sanskrit1 no very easy language2 he had
 to study the ,buddhist literature      
written in ,sanskrit1 ,pali1 ,tibetan1  
,mongolian1 and ,chinese4 ,he had to    
make vast indices of every proper name  
connected with ,buddhism4 ,thus only    
could he shape his own tools1 and       
accomplish what at last he did          
accomplish4 ,most persons will remember 
the interest with which the travels of  
,m4,m4 ,huc and ,gabet were read a few  
years ago1 though these two adventurous 
missionaries were obliged to renounce   
their original intention of entering    
,india by way of ,china and ,tibet1 and 
were not allowed to proceed beyond the  
famous capital of ,lhassa4 ,if1 then1 it
 be considered that there was a         
traveller who had made a similar journey
 twelve hundred years earlier--who had  
succeeded in crossing the deserts and   
mountain passes which separate ,china   
from ,india--who had visited the        
principal cities of the ,indian         

,peninsula1 at a time of which we have  
no information1 from native or foreign  
sources1 as to the state of that        
country--who had learned ,sanskrit1 and 
made a large collection of ,buddhist    
works--who had carried on public        
disputations with the most eminent      
philosophers and theologians of the     
day--who had translated the most        
important works on ,buddhism from       
,sanskrit into ,chinese1 and left an    
account of his travels1 which still     
existed in the libraries of ,china--nay1
 which had been actually printed and    
published--we may well imagine the      
impatience with which all scholars      
interested in the ancient history of    
,india1 and in the subject of ,buddhism1
 looked forward to the publication of so
 important a work4 ,hiouen-thsang's name
 had first been mentioned in ,europe by 
,abel ,remusat and ,klaproth4 ,they had 
discovered some fragments of his travels
 in a ,chinese work on foreign countries
 and foreign nations4 ,remusat wrote to 

,china to procure1 if possible1 a       
complete copy of ,hiouen-thsang's works4
 ,he was informed by ,morrison that they
 were out of print4 ,still1 the few     
specimens which he had given at the end 
of his translation of the ',foe ,koue   
,ki' had whetted the appetite of        
,oriental scholars4 ,m4 ,stanislas      
,julien succeeded in procuring a copy of
 ,hiouen-thsang in #ahch2 and after     
nearly twenty years spent in preparing a
 translation of the ,chinese traveller1 
his version is now before us4 ,if there 
are but few who know the difficulty of a
 work like that of ,m4 ,stanislas       
,julien1 it becomes their duty to speak 
out1 though1 after all1 perhaps the most
 intelligible eulogium would be1 that in
 a branch of study where there are no   
monopolies and no patents1 ,m4          
,stanislas ,julien is acknowledged to be
 the only man in ,europe who could      
produce the article which he has        
produced in the work before us4  ,we    
shall devote the rest of our space to a 

short account of the life and travels of
 ,hiouen-thsang4 ,hiouen-thsang was born
 in a provincial town of ,china1 at a   
time when the empire was in a chronic   
state of revolution4 ,his father had    
left the public service1 and had given  
most of his time to the education of his
 four children4 ,two of them            
distinguished themselves at a very early
 age--one of them was ,hiouen-thsang1   
the future traveller and theologian4    
,the boy was sent to school at a        
,buddhist monastery1 and1 after         
receiving there the necessary           
instruction1 partly from his elder      
brother1 he was himself admitted as a   
monk at the early age of thirteen4      
,during the next seven years1 the young 
monk travelled about with his brother   
from place to place1 in order to follow 
the lectures of some of the most        
distinguished professors4 ,the horrors  
of war frequently broke in upon his     
quiet studies1 and forced him to seek   
refuge in the more distant provinces of 

the empire4 ,at the age of twenty he    
took priest's orders1 and had then      
already become famous by his vast       
knowledge4 ,he had studied the chief    
canonical books of the ,buddhist faith1 
the records of ,buddha's life and       
teaching1 the system of ethics and      
metaphysics2 and he was versed in the   
works of ,confucius and ,lao-tse4 ,but  
still his own mind was agitated by      
doubts4 ,six years he continued his     
studies in the chief places of learning 
in ,china1 and where he came to learn he
 was frequently asked to teach4 ,at     
last1 when he saw that none1 even the   
most eminent theologians1 were able to  
give him the information he wanted1 he  
formed his resolve of travelling to     
,india4 ,the works of earlier pilgrims1 
such as ,fahian and others1 were known  
to him4 ,he knew that in ,india he      
should find the originals of the works  
which in their ,chinese translation left
 so many things doubtful in his mind2   
and though he knew from the same sources

 the dangers of his journey1 yet 'the   
glory1' as he says1 'of recovering the  
,law1 which was to be a guide to all men
 and the means of their salvation1      
seemed to him worthy of imitation4' ,in 
common with several other priests1 he   
addressed a memorial to the ,emperor to 
ask leave for their journey4 ,leave was 
refused1 and the courage of his         
companions failed4 ,not that of         
,hiouen-thsang4 ,his own mother had told
 him that1 soon before she gave birth to
 him1 she had seen her child travelling 
to the ,far ,west in search of the ,law4
 ,he was himself haunted by similar     
visions1 and having long surrendered    
worldly desires1 he resolved to brave   
all dangers1 and to risk his life for   
the only object for which he thought it 
worth while to live4 ,he proceeded to   
the ,yellow ,river1 the ,hoang-ho1 and  
to the place where the caravans bound   
for ,india used to meet1 and1 though the
 ,governor had sent strict orders not to
 allow any one to cross the frontier1   

the young priest1 with the assistance of
 his co-religionists1 succeeded in      
escaping the vigilance of the ,chinese  
'douaniers4' ,spies were sent after him4
 ,but so frank was his avowal1 and so   
firm his resolution1 which he expressed 
in the presence of the authorities1 that
 the ,governor himself tore his hue and 
cry to pieces1 and allowed him to       
proceed4 ,hitherto he had been          
accompanied by two friends4 ,they now   
left him1 and ,hiouen-thsang found      
himself alone1 without a friend and     
without a guide4 ,he sought for strength
 in fervent prayer4 ,the next morning a 
person presented himself1 offering his  
services as a guide4 ,this guide        
conducted him safely for some distance1 
but left him when they approached the   
desert4 ,there were still five          
watch-towers to be passed1 and there was
 nothing to indicate the road through   
the desert1 except the hoof-marks of    
horses1 and skeletons4 ,the traveller   
followed this melancholy track1 and1    

though misled by the 'mirage' of the    
desert1 he reached the first tower4     
,here the arrows of the watchmen would  
have put an end to his existence and his
 cherished expedition4 ,but the officer 
in command1 himself a zealous ,buddhist1
 allowed the courageous pilgrim to      
proceed1 and gave him letters of        
recommendation to the officers of the   
next towers4 ,the last tower1 however1  
was guarded by men inaccessible to      
bribes1 and deaf to reasoning4 ,in order
 to escape their notice1 ,hiouen-thsang 
had to make a long detour4 ,he passed   
through another desert1 and lost his    
way4 ,the bag in which he carried his   
water burst1 and then even the courage  
of ,hiouen-thsang failed4 ,he began to  
retrace his steps4 ,but suddenly he     
stopped4 ',i took an oath1' he said1    
'never to make a step backward till ,i  
had reached ,india4 ,why1 then1 have ,i 
come here8 ,it is better ,i should die  
proceeding to the ,west than return to  
the ,east and live4' ,four nights and   

five days he travelled through the      
desert without a drop of water4 ,he had 
nothing to refresh himself except his   
prayers--and what were they8 ,texts from
 a work which taught that there was no  
,god1 no ,creator1 no creation1--nothing
 but mind1 minding itself4 ,it is       
incredible in how exhausted an          
atmosphere the divine spark within us   
will glimmer on1 and even warm the dark 
chambers of the human heart4 ,comforted 
by his prayers1 ,hiouen-thsang          
proceeded1 and arrived after some time  
at a large lake4 ,he was in the country 
of the ,oigour ,tatars4 ,they received  
him well1 nay1 too well4 ,one of the    
,tatar ,khans1 himself a ,buddhist1 sent
 for the ,buddhist pilgrim1 and insisted
 on his staying with him to instruct his
 people4 ,remonstrances proved of no    
avail4 ,but ,hiouen-thsang was not to be
 conquered4 ',i know1' he said1 'that   
the king1 in spite of his power1 has no 
power over my mind and my will2' and he 
refused all nourishment1 in order to put

 an end to his life4 ,greek3 ,thanoumai 
kai eleutheresomai4 ,three days he      
persevered1 and at last the ,khan1      
afraid of the consequences1 was obliged 
to yield to the poor monk4 ,he made him 
promise to visit him on his return to   
,china1 and then to stay three years    
with him4 ,at last1 after a delay of one
 month1 during which the ,khan and his  
,court came daily to hear the lessons of
 their pious guest1 the traveller       
continued his journey with a numerous   
escort1 and with letters of introduction
 from the ,khan to twenty-four ,princes 
whose territories the little caravan had
 to pass4 ,their way lay through what is
 now called ,dsungary1 across the       
,musur-dabaghan mountains1 the northern 
portion of the ,belur-tag1 the ,yaxartes
 valley1 ,bactria1 and ,kabulistan4 ,we 
cannot follow them through all the      
places they passed1 though the accounts 
which he gives of their adventures are  
most interesting1 and the description of
 the people most important4 ,here is a  

description of the ,musur-dabaghan      
mountains3       ',the top of the       
mountain rises to the sky4 ,since the   
beginning of the world the snow has been
 accumulating1 and      is now          
transformed into vast masses of ice1    
which never      melt1 either in spring 
or summer4 ,hard and brilliant sheets   
of snow are spread out till they are    
lost in the infinite1      and mingle   
with the clouds4 ,if one looks at them1 
the eyes      are dazzled by the        
splendour4 ,frozen peaks hang down over 
both sides of the road1 some hundred    
feet high1 and twenty      feet or      
thirty feet thick4 ,it is not without   
difficulty and      danger that the     
traveller can clear them or climb over  
them4      ,besides1 there are squalls  
of wind1 and tornadoes of snow          
which attack the pilgrims4 ,even with   
double shoes1 and in      thick furs1   
one cannot help trembling and           
shivering4'  ,during the seven days that
 ,hiouen-thsang crossed these ,alpine   

passes he lost fourteen of his          
companions4  ,what is most important1   
however1 in this early portion of the   
,chinese traveller is the account which 
he gives of the high degree of          
civilisation among the tribes of        
,central ,asia4 ,we had gradually       
accustomed ourselves to believe in an   
early civilisation of ,egypt1 of        
,babylon1 of ,china1 of ,india2 but now 
that we find the hordes of ,tatary      
possessing in the seventh century the   
chief arts and institutions of an       
advanced society1 we shall soon have to 
drop the name of barbarians altogether4 
,the theory of ,m4 ,oppert1 who ascribes
 the original invention of the cuneiform
 letters and a civilisation anterior to 
that of ,babylon and ,nineveh to a      
,turanian or ,scythian race1 will lose  
much of its apparent improbability2 for 
no new wave of civilisation had reached 
these countries between the cuneiform   
period of their literature and history  
and the time of ,hiouen-thsang's visit4 

,in the kingdom of ,okini1 on the       
western frontier of ,china1             
,hiouen-thsang found an active commerce1
 gold1 silver1 and copper coinage2      
monasteries1 where the chief works of   
,buddhism were studied1 and an alphabet1
 derived from ,sanskrit4 ,as he         
travelled on he met with mines1 with    
agriculture1 including pears1 plums1    
peaches1 almonds1 grapes1 pomegranates1 
rice1 and wheat4 ,the inhabitants were  
dressed in silk and woollen materials4  
,there were musicians in the chief      
cities who played on the flute and the  
guitar4 ,buddhism was the prevailing    
religion1 but there were traces of an   
earlier worship1 the ,bactrian          
fire-worship4 ,the country was          
everywhere studded with halls1          
monasteries1 monuments1 and statues4    
,samarkand formed at that early time a  
kind of ,athens1 and its manners were   
copied by all the tribes in the         
neighbourhood4 ,balkh1 the old capital  
of ,bactria1 was still an important     

place on the ,oxus1 well fortified1 and 
full of sacred buildings4 ,and the      
details which our traveller gives of the
 exact circumference of the cities1 the 
number of their inhabitants1 the        
products of the soil1 the articles of   
trade1 can leave no doubt in our minds  
that he relates what he had seen and    
heard himself4 ,a new page in the       
history of the world is here opened1 and
 new ruins pointed out1 which would     
reward the pickaxe of a ,layard4  ,but  
we must not linger4 ,our traveller1 as  
we said1 had entered ,india by way of   
,kabul4 ,shortly before he arrived at   
,pou-lou-cha-pou-lo1 i4 e4 the ,sanskrit
 ,purushapura1 the modern ,peshawer1    
,hiouen-thsang heard of an extraordinary
 cave1 where ,buddha had formerly       
converted a dragon1 and had promised his
 new pupil to leave him his shadow1 in  
order that1 whenever the evil passions  
of his dragon-nature should revive1 the 
aspect of his master's shadowy features 
might remind him of his former vows4    

,this promise was fulfilled1 and the    
dragon-cave became a famous place of    
pilgrimage4 ,our traveller was told that
 the roads leading to the cave were     
extremely dangerous1 and infested by    
robbers--that for three years none of   
the pilgrims had ever returned from the 
cave4 ,but he replied1 ',it would be    
difficult during a hundred thousand     
,kalpas to meet one single time with the
 true shadow of ,buddha2 how could ,i1  
having come so near1 pass on without    
going to adore it8' ,he left his        
companions behind1 and after asking in  
vain for a guide1 he met at last with a 
boy who showed him to a farm belonging  
to a convent4 ,here he found an old man 
who undertook to act as his guide4 ,they
 had hardly proceeded a few miles when  
they were attacked by five robbers4 ,the
 monk took off his cap and displayed his
 ecclesiastical robes4 ',master1' said  
one of the robbers1 'where are you      
going8' ,hiouen-thsang replied1 ',i     
desire to adore the shadow of ,buddha4' 

',master1' said the robber1 'have you   
not heard that these roads are full of  
bandits8' ',robbers are men1'           
,hiouen-thsang exclaimed1 'and at       
present1 when ,i am going to adore the  
shadow of ,buddha1 even though the roads
 were full of wild beasts1 ,i should    
walk on without fear4 ,surely1 then1 ,i 
ought not to fear you1 as you are men   
whose heart is possessed of pity4' ,the 
robbers were moved by these words1 and  
opened their hearts to the true faith4  
,after this little incident1            
,hiouen-thsang proceeded with his guide4
 ,he passed a stream rushing down       
between two precipitous walls of rock4  
,in the rock itself there was a door    
which opened4 ,all was dark4 ,but       
,hiouen-thsang entered1 advanced towards
 the east1 then moved fifty steps       
backwards1 and began his devotions4 ,he 
made one hundred salutations1 but he saw
 nothing4 ,he reproached himself        
bitterly with his former sins1 he cried1
 and abandoned himself to utter despair1

 because the shadow of ,buddha would not
 appear before him4 ,at last1 after many
 prayers and invocations1 he saw on the 
eastern wall a dim light1 of the size of
 a saucepan1 such as the ,buddhist monks
 carry in their hands4 ,but it          
disappeared4 ,he continued praying full 
of joy and pain1 and again he saw a     
light1 which vanished like lightning4   
,then he vowed1 full of devotion and    
love1 that he would never leave the     
place till he had seen the shadow of the
 ',venerable of the age4' ,after two    
hundred prayers1 the cave was suddenly  
bathed in light1 and the shadow of      
,buddha1 of a brilliant white colour1   
rose majestically on the wall1 as when  
the clouds suddenly open and1 all at    
once1 display the marvellous image of   
the ',mountain of ,light4' ,a dazzling  
splendour lighted up the features of the
 divine countenance4 ,hiouen-thsang was 
lost in contemplation and wonder1 and   
would not turn his eyes away from the   
sublime and incomparable object4444     

,after he awoke from his trance1 he     
called in six men1 and commanded them to
 light a fire in the cave1 in order to  
burn incense2 but1 as the approach of   
the light made the shadow of ,buddha    
disappear1 the fire was extinguished4   
,then five of the men saw the shadow1   
but the sixth saw nothing4 ,the old man 
who had acted as guide was astounded    
when ,hiouen-thsang told him the vision4
 ',master1' he said1 'without the       
sincerity of your faith1 and the energy 
of your vows1 you could not have seen   
such a miracle4'  ,this is the account  
given by ,hiouen-thsang's biographers4  
,but we must say1 to the credit of      
,hiouen-thsang himself1 that in the     
',si-yu-ki1' which contains his own     
diary1 the story is told in a different 
way4 ,the cave is described with almost 
the same words4 ,but afterwards1 the    
writer continues3 ',formerly1 the shadow
 of ,buddha was seen in the cave1       
bright1 like his natural appearance1 and
 with all the marks of his divine       

beauty4 ,one might have said1 it was    
,buddha himself4 ,for some centuries1   
however1 it can no longer be seen       
completely4 ,though one does see        
something1 it is only a feeble and      
doubtful resemblance4 ,if a man prays   
with sincere faith1 and if he has       
received from above a hidden impression1
 he sees the shadow clearly1 but he     
cannot enjoy the sight for any length of
 time4'  ,from ,peshawer1 the scene of  
this extraordinary miracle1             
,hiouen-thsang proceeded to ,kashmir1   
visited the chief towns of ,central     
,india1 and arrived at last in ,magadha1
 the ,holy ,land of the ,buddhists4     
,here he remained five years1 devoting  
all his time to the study of ,sanskrit  
and ,buddhist literature1 and inspecting
 every place hallowed by the            
recollections of the past4 ,he then     
passed through ,bengal1 and proceeded to
 the south1 with a view of visiting     
,ceylon1 the chief seat of ,buddhism4   
,baffled in that wish1 he crossed the   

peninsula from east to west1 ascended   
the ,malabar coast1 reached the ,indus1 
and1 after numerous excursions to the   
chief places of ,north-,western ,india1 
returned to ,magadha1 to spend there1   
with his old friends1 some of the       
happiest years of his life4 ,the route  
of his journeyings is laid down in a map
 drawn with exquisite skill by ,m4      
,vivien de ,saint-,martin4 ,at last he  
was obliged to return to ,china1 and1   
passing through the ,penjab1            
,kabulistan1 and ,bactria1 he reached   
the ,oxus1 followed its course nearly to
 its sources on the plateau of ,pamir1  
and1 after staying some time in the     
three chief towns of ,turkistan1        
,khasgar1 ,yarkand1 and ,khoten1 he     
found himself again1 after sixteen years
 of travels1 dangers1 and studies1 in   
his own native country4 ,his fame had   
spread far and wide1 and the poor       
pilgrim1 who had once been hunted by    
imperial spies and armed policemen1 was 
now received with public honours by the 

,emperor himself4 ,his entry into the   
capital was like a triumph4 ,the streets
 were covered with carpets1 flowers were
 scattered1 and banners flying4         
,soldiers were drawn up1 the magistrates
 went out to meet him1 and all the monks
 of the neighbourhood marched along in  
solemn procession4 ,the trophies that   
adorned this triumph1 carried by a large
 number of horses1 were of a peculiar   
kind4 ,first1 #aej grains of the dust of
 ,buddha2 secondly1 a golden statue of  
the great ,teacher2 thirdly1 a similar  
statue of sandal-wood2 fourthly1 a      
statue of sandal-wood1 representing     
,buddha as descending from heaven2      
fifthly1 a statue of silver2 sixthly1 a 
golden statue of ,buddha conquering the 
dragons2 seventhly1 a statue of         
sandal-wood1 representing ,buddha as a  
preacher2 lastly1 a collection of #feg  
works in #ebj volumes4 ,the ,emperor    
received the traveller in the ,phoenix  
,palace1 and1 full of admiration for his
 talents and wisdom1 invited him to     

accept a high office in the ,government4
 ,this ,hiouen-thsang declined4 ',the   
soul of the administration1' he said1   
'is still the doctrine of ,confucius2'  
and he would dedicate the rest of his   
life to the ,law of ,buddha4 ,the       
,emperor thereupon asked him to write an
 account of his travels1 and assigned   
him a monastery where he might employ   
his leisure in translating the works he 
had brought back from ,india4 ,his      
travels were soon written and published1
 but the translation of the ,sanskrit   
,,mss4 occupied he whole rest of his    
life4 ,it is said that the number of    
works translated by him1 with the       
assistance of a large staff of monks1   
amounted to #gdj1 in #a1cce volumes4    
,frequently he might be seen meditating 
on a difficult passage1 when suddenly it
 seemed as if a higher spirit had       
enlightened his mind4 ,his soul was     
cheered1 as when a man walking in       
darkness sees all at once the sun       
piercing the clouds and shining in its  

full brightness2 and1 unwilling to trust
 to his own understanding1 he used to   
attribute his knowledge to a secret     
inspiration of ,buddha and the          
,bodhisattvas4 ,when he found that the  
hour of death approached1 he had all his
 property divided among the poor4 ,he   
invited his friends to come and see him1
 and to take a cheerful leave of that   
impure body of ,hiouen-thsang4 ',i      
desire1' he said1 'that whatever merits 
,i may have gained by good works may    
fall upon other people4 ,may ,i be born 
again with them in the heaven of the    
blessed1 be admitted to the family of   
,mi-le1 and serve the ,buddha of the    
future1 who is full of kindness and     
affection4 ,when ,i descend again upon  
earth to pass through other forms of    
existence1 ,i desire at every new birth 
to fulfil my duties towards ,buddha1 and
 arrive at the last at the highest and  
most perfect intelligence4 ,he died in  
the year #ffd--;about the same time that
 ,mohammedanism was pursuing its bloody 

conquests in the ,east1 and             
,christianity began to shed its pure    
light over the dark forests of ,germany4
  ,it is impossible to do justice to the
 character of so extraordinary a man as 
,hiouen-thsang in so short a sketch as  
we have been able to give4 ,if we knew  
only his own account of his life and    
travels--the volume which has just been 
published at ,paris--we should be       
ignorant of the motives which guided him
 and of the sufferings which he         
underwent4 ,happily1 two of his friends 
and pupils had left an account of their 
teacher1 and ,m4 ,stanislas ,julien has 
acted wisely in beginning his collection
 of the ,buddhist ,pilgrims with the    
translation of that biography4 ,there we
 learn something of the man himself and 
of that silent enthusiasm which         
supported him in his arduous work4      
,there we see him braving the dangers of
 the desert1 scrambling along glaciers1 
crossing over torrents1 and quietly     
submitting to the brutal violence of    

,indian ,thugs4 ,there we see him       
rejecting the tempting invitations of   
,khans1 ,kings1 and ,emperors1 and      
quietly pursuing among strangers1 within
 the bleak walls of the cell of a       
,buddhist college1 the study of a       
foreign language1 the key to the sacred 
literature of his faith4 ,there we see  
him rising to eminence1 acknowledged as 
an equal by his former teachers1 as a   
superior by the most distinguished      
scholars of ,india2 the champion of the 
orthodox faith1 an arbiter at councils1 
the favourite of ,indian kings4 ,in his 
own work there is hardly a word about   
all this4 ,we do not wish to disguise   
his weaknesses1 such as they appear in  
the same biography4 ,he was a credulous 
man1 easily imposed upon by crafty      
priests1 still more easily carried away 
by his own superstitions2 but he        
deserved to have lived in better times1 
and we almost grudge so high and noble a
 character to a country not our own1 and
 to a religion unworthy of such a man4  

,of selfishness we find no trace in him4
 ,his whole life belonged to the faith  
in which he was born1 and the objects of
 his labour was not so much to perfect  
himself as to benefit others4 ,he was an
 honest man4 ,and strange1 and stiff1   
and absurd1 and outlandish as his       
outward appearance may seem1 there is   
something in the face of that poor      
,chinese monk1 with his yellow skin and 
his small oblique eyes1 that appeals to 
our sympathy--something in his life1 and
 the work of his life1 that places him  
by right among the heroes of ,greece1   
the martyrs of ,rome1 the knights of the
 crusades1 the explorers of the ,arctic 
regions--something that makes us feel it
 a duty to inscribe his name on the roll
 of the 'forgotten worthies' of the     
human race4 ,there is a higher          
consanguinity than that of the blood    
which runs through our veins--that of   
the blood which makes our hearts beat   
with the same indignation and the same  
joy4 ,and there is a higher nationality 

than that of being governed by the same 
imperial dynasty--that of our common    
allegiance to the ,father and ,ruler of 
all mankind4  ,it is but right to state 
that we owe the publication1 at least of
 the second volume of ,m4 ,julien's     
work1 to the liberality of the ,court of
 ,directors of the ,east-,india         
,company4 ,we have had several          
opportunities of pointing out the       
creditable manner in which that body has
 patronized literary and scientific     
works connected with the ,east1 and we  
congratulate the ,chairman1 ,colonel    
,sykes1 and the ,president of the ,board
 of ,control1 ,mr4 ,vernon ,smith1 on   
the excellent choice they have made in  
this instance4 ,nothing can be more     
satisfactory than that nearly the whole 
edition of a work which would have      
remained unpublished without their      
liberal assistance1 has been sold in    
little more than a month4  ,april1      
#aheg4     ,,xi4  ,,the ,,meaning ,,of  
,,nirvana4   ,to the ,editor of ,,the   

,,times4   ,sir1--,mr4 ,francis ,barham1
 of ,bath1 has protested in a letter1   
printed in ',the ,times' of the #bdth of
 ,april1 against my interpretations of  
,nirvana1 or the summum bonum of the    
,buddhists4 ,he maintains that the      
,nirvana in which the ,buddhists        
believe1 and which they represent as the
 highest goal of their religion and     
philosophy1 means union and communion   
with ,god1 or absorption of the         
individual soul by the divine essence1  
and not1 as ,i tried to show in my      
articles on the ',buddhist ,pilgrims1'  
utter annihilation4  ,i must not take up
 much more of your space with so        
abstruse a subject as ,buddhist         
metaphysics2 but at the same time ,i    
cannot allow ,mr4 ,barham's protest to  
pass unnoticed4 ,the authorities which  
he brings forward against my account of 
,buddhism1 and particularly against my  
interpretation of ,nirvana1 seem        
formidable enough4 ,there is ,neander1  
the great church historian1 ,creuzer1   

the famous scholar1 and ,hue1 the       
well-known traveller and                
missionary1--all interpreting1 as ,mr4  
,barham says1 the ,nirvana of the       
,buddhists in the sense of an apotheosis
 of the human soul1 as it was taught in 
the ,vedanta philosophy of the          
,brahmans1 the ,sufiism of the          
,persians1 and the ,christian mysticism 
of ,eckhart and ,tauler1 and not in the 
sense of absolute annihilation4  ,now1  
with regard to ,neander and ,creuzer1 ,i
 must observe that their works were     
written before the canonical books of   
the ,buddhists1 composed in ,sanskrit1  
had been discovered1 or at least before 
they had been sent to ,europe1 and been 
analysed by ,european scholars4         
,besides1 neither ,neander nor ,creuzer 
was an ,oriental scholar1 and their     
knowledge of the subject could only be  
second-hand4 ,it was in #ahbd that ,mr4 
,brian ,houghton ,hodgson1 then resident
 at the ,court of ,nepal1 gave the first
 intimation of the existence of a large 

religious literature written in         
,sanskrit1 and preserved by the         
,buddhists of ,nepal as the canonical   
books of their faith4 ,it was in #ahcj  
and #ahce that the same eminent scholar 
and naturalist presented the first set  
of these books to the ,royal ,asiatic   
,society in ,london4 ,in #ahcg he made a
 similar gift to the ,societe ,asiatique
 of ,paris1 and some of the most        
important works were transmitted by him 
to the ,bodleian ,library at ,oxford4   
,it was in #ahdd that the late ,eugene  
,burnouf published1 after a careful     
study of these documents1 his classical 
work1 ',introduction a l',histoire du   
,buddhisme ,indien1' and it is from this
 book that our knowledge of ,buddhism   
may be said to date4 ,several works have
 since been published1 which have added 
considerably to the stock of authentic  
information on the doctrine of the great
 ,indian reformer4 ,there is ,burnouf's 
translation of ',le ,lotus de la bonne  
,loi1' published after the death of that

 lamented scholar1 together with        
numerous essays1 in #aheb4 ,there are   
two interesting works by the ,rev4      
,spence ,hardy--',eastern ,monachism1'  
,london1 #ahej1 and ',a ,manual of      
,buddhism1' ,london1 #ahec2 and there   
are the publications of ,m4 ,stanislas  
,julien1 ,e4 ,foucaux1 the ,honourable  
,george ,turnour1 ,professor ,h4 ,h4    
,wilson1 and others1 alluded to in my   
article on the ',buddhist ,pilgrims4'   
,it is from these works alone that we   
can derive correct and authentic        
information on ,buddhism1 and not from  
,neander's ',history of the ,christian  
,church' or from ,creuzer's ',symbolik4'
  ,if any one will consult these works1 
he will find that the discussions on the
 true meaning of ,nirvana are not of    
modern date1 and that1 at a very early  
period1 different philosophical schools 
among the ,buddhists of ,india1 and     
different teachers who spread the       
doctrine of ,buddhism abroad1 propounded
 every conceivable opinion as to the    

orthodox explanation of this term4 ,even
 in one and the same school we find     
different parties maintaining different 
views on the meaning of ,nirvana4 ,there
 is the school of the ,svabhavikas1     
which still exists in ,nepal4 ,the      
,svabhavikas maintain that nothing      
exists but nature1 or rather substance1 
and that this substance exists by itself
 7svabhavat71 without a ,creator or a   
,ruler4 ,it exists1 however1 under two  
forms3 in the state of ,pravritti1 as   
active1 or in the state of ,nirvritti1  
as passive4 ,human beings1 who1 like    
everything else1 exist svabhavat1 'by   
themselves1' are supposed to be capable 
of arriving at ,nirvritti1 or           
passiveness1 which is nearly synonymous 
with ,nirvana4 ,but here the            
,svabhavikas branch off into two sects4 
,some believe that ,nirvritti is repose1
 others that it is annihilation2 and the
 former add1 'were it even annihilation 
7sunyata71 it would still be good1 man  
being otherwise doomed to an eternal    

migration through all the forms of      
nature2 the more desirable of which are 
little to be wished for2 and the less   
so1 at any price to be shunned4'#hc     
,what was the original meaning of       
,nirvana may perhaps best be seen from  
the etymology of this technical term4   
,every ,sanskrit scholar knows that     
,nirvana means originally the blowing   
out1 the extinction of light1 and not   
absorption4 ,the human soul1 when it    
arrives at its perfection1 is blown     
out1#hd if we use the phraseology of the
 ,buddhists1 like a lamp2 it is not     
absorbed1 as the ,brahmans say1 like a  
drop in the ocean4 ,neither in the      
system of ,buddhist philosophy1 nor in  
the philosophy from which ,buddha is    
supposed to have borrowed1 was there any
 place left for a ,divine ,being by     
which the human soul could be absorbed4 
,sankhya philosophy1 in its original    
form1 claims the name of an-isvara1     
'lordless' or 'atheistic' as its        
distinctive title4 ,its final object is 

not absorption in ,god1 whether personal
 or impersonal1 but ,moksha1 deliverance
 of the soul from all pain and illusion1
 and recovery by the soul of its true   
nature4 ,it is doubtful whether the term
 ,nirvana was coined by ,buddha4 ,it    
occurs in the literature of the         
,brahmans as a synonyme of ,moksha1     
deliverance2 ,nirvritti1 cessation2     
,apavarga1 release2 ,nihsreyas1 summum  
bonum4 ,it is used in this sense in the 
,mahabharata1 and it is explained in the
 ,amara-,kosha as having the meaning of 
'blowing out1 applied to a fire and to a
 sage4'#he ,unless1 however1 we succeed 
in tracing this term in works anterior  
to ,buddha1 we may suppose that it was  
invented by him in order to express that
 meaning of the summum bonum which he   
was the first to preach1 and which some 
of his disciples explained in the sense 
of absolute annihilation4  ,footnote    
#hc3 ,see ,burnouf1 ',introduction1' p4 
#dda2 ,hodgson1 ',asiatic ,researches1' 
vol4 xvi4  ,footnote #hd3 ',calm1'      

'without wind1' as ,nirvana is sometimes
 explained1 is expressed in ,sanskrit by
 ,nirvata4 ,see ,amara-,kosha1 sub voce4
  ,footnote #he3 ,different views of the
 ,nirvana1 as conceived by the          
,tirthakas or the ,brahmans1 may be seen
 in an extract from the ,lankavatara1   
translated by ,burnouf1 p4 #ead4  ,the  
earliest authority to which we can go   
back1 if we want to know the original   
character of ,buddhism1 is the ,buddhist
 ,canon1 as settled after the death of  
,buddha at the first ,council4 ,it is   
called ,tripitaka1 or the ,three        
,baskets1 the first containing the      
,sutras1 or the discourses of ,buddha2  
the second1 the ,vinaya1 or his code of 
morality2 the third1 the ,abhidharma1 or
 the system of metaphysics4 ,the first  
was compiled by ,ananda1 the second by  
,upali1 the third by ,kasyapa--all of   
them the pupils and friends of ,buddha4 
,it may be that these collections1 as we
 now possess them1 were finally         
arranged1 not at the first1 but at the  

third ,council4 ,yet1 even then1 we have
 no earlier1 no more authentic1         
documents from which we could form an   
opinion as to the original teaching of  
,buddha2 and the ,nirvana1 as taught in 
the metaphysics of ,kasyapa1 and        
particularly in the ,pragna-paramita1 is
 annihilation1 not absorption4          
,buddhism1 therefore1 if tested by its  
own canonical books1 cannot be freed    
from the charge of ,nihilism1 whatever  
may have been its character in the mind 
of its founder1 and whatever changes it 
may have undergone in later times1 and  
among races less inured to metaphysical 
discussions than the ,hindus4  ,the     
ineradicable feeling of dependence on   
something else1 which is the life-spring
 of all religion1 was completely numbed 
in the early ,buddhist metaphysicians1  
and it was only after several           
generations had passed away1 and after  
,buddhism had become the creed of       
millions1 that this feeling returned    
with increased warmth1 changing1 as ,i  

said in my article1 the very ,nothing   
into a paradise1 and deifying the very  
,buddha who had denied the existence of 
a ,deity4 ,that this has been the case  
in ,china we know from the interesting  
works of the ,abbe ,huc1 and from other 
sources1 such as the ',catechism of the 
,shamans1 or the ,laws and ,regulations 
of the ,priesthood of ,buddha in        
,china1' translated by ,ch4 ,f4         
,neumann1 ,london1 #ahca4 ,in ,india1   
also1 ,buddhism1 as soon as it became a 
popular religion1 had to speak a more   
human language than that of metaphysical
 ,pyrrhonism4 ,but1 if it did so1 it was
 because it was shamed into it4 ,this we
 may see from the very nicknames which  
the ,brahmans apply to their opponents1 
the ,bauddhas4 ,they call them          
,nastikas--those who maintain that there
 is nothing2 ,sunyavadins-those who     
maintain that there is a universal void4
  ,the only ground1 therefore1 on which 
we may stand1 if we wish to defend the  
founder of ,buddhism against the charges

 of ,nihilism and ,atheism1 is this1    
that1 as some of the ,buddhists admit1  
the ',basket of ,metaphysics' was rather
 the work of his pupils1 not of ,buddha 
himself4#hf ,this distinction between   
the authentic words of ,buddha and the  
canonical books in general1 is mentioned
 more than once4 ,the priesthood of     
,ceylon1 when the manifest errors with  
which their canonical commentaries      
abound1 were brought to their notice1   
retreated from their former position1   
and now assert that it is only the      
express words of ,buddha that they      
receive as undoubted truth4#hg ,there is
 a passage in a ,buddhist work which    
reminds us somewhat of the last page of 
,dean ,milman's ',history of            
,christianity1' and where we read3      
',the words of the priesthood are good2 
those of the ,rahats      7saints7 are  
better2 but those of the ,all-knowing   
are the      best of all4'  ,footnote   
#hf3 ,see ,burnouf1 ',introduction1' p4 
#da4 ',abuddhoktam abhidharma-sastram4' 

,ibid4 p4 #ded4 ,according to the       
,tibetan ,buddhists1 however1 ,buddha   
propounded the ,abhidharma when he was  
fifty-one years old4 ',asiatic          
,researches1' vol4 xx4 p4 #cci4         
,footnote #hg3 ',eastern ,monachism1' p4
 #aga4  ,this is an argument which ,mr4 
,francis ,barham might have used with   
more success1 and by which he might have
 justified1 if not the first disciples1 
at least the original founder of        
,buddhism4 ,nay1 there is a saying of   
,buddha's which tends to show that all  
metaphysical discussion was regarded by 
him as vain and useless4 ,it is a saying
 mentioned in one of the ,,mss4         
belonging to the ,bodleian ,library4 ,as
 it has never been published before1 ,i 
may be allowed to quote it in the       
original3 ,sadasad vikaram na           
sahate1--',the ideas of being and not   
being do not admit of discussion1'--a   
tenet which1 if we consider that it was 
enunciated before the time of the       
,eleatic philosophers of ,greece1 and   

long before ,hegel's ,logic1 might      
certainly have saved us many an         
intricate and indigestible argument4  ,a
 few passages from the ,buddhist        
writings of ,nepal and ,ceylon will best
 show that the horror nihili was not    
felt by the metaphysicians of former    
ages in the same degree as it is felt by
 ourselves4 ,the famous hymn which      
resounds in heaven when the luminous    
rays of the smile of ,buddha penetrate  
through the clouds1 is ',all is         
transitory1 all is misery1 all is void1 
all is without substance4' ,again1 it is
 said in the ,pragna-paramita1#hh that  
,buddha began to think that he ought to 
conduct all creatures to perfect        
,nirvana4 ,but he reflected that there  
are really no creatures which ought to  
be conducted1 nor creatures that        
conduct2 and1 nevertheless1 he did      
conduct all creatures to perfect        
,nirvana4 ,then1 continues the text1 why
 is it said that there are neither      
creatures which arrive at complete      

,nirvana1 nor creatures which conduct   
there8 ,because it is illusion which    
makes creatures what they are4 ,it is as
 if a clever juggler1 or his pupil1 made
 an immense number of people to appear  
on the high road1 and after having made 
them to appear1 made them to disappear  
again4 ,would there be anybody who had  
killed1 or murdered1 or annihilated1 or 
caused them to vanish8 ,no4 ,and it is  
the same with ,buddha4 ,he conducts an  
immense1 innumerable1 infinite number of
 creatures to complete ,nirvana1 and yet
 there are neither creatures which are  
conducted1 nor creatures that conduct4  
,if a ,bodhisattva1 on hearing this     
explanation of the ,law1 is not         
frightened1 then it may be said that he 
has put on the great armour4#hi         
,footnote #hh3 ,burnouf1                
',introduction1' p4 #dfb4  ,footnote    
#hi3 ,ibid4 p4 #dgh4  ,soon after1 we   
read3 ',the name of ,buddha is nothing  
but a word4 ,the name of ,bodhisattva is
 nothing but a word4 ,the name of       

,perfect ,wisdom 7,pragna-paramita7 is  
nothing but a word4 ,the name is        
indefinite1 as if one says ,i1 for ,i is
 something indefinite1 because it has no
 limits4'  ,burnouf gives the gist of   
the whole ,pragna-paramita in the       
following words3 ',the highest ,wisdom1 
or what is to be known1 has no more real
 existence than he who has to know1 or  
the ,bodhisattva2 no more than he who   
does know1 or the ,buddha4' ,but        
,burnouf remarks that nothing of this   
kind is to be found in the ,sutras1 and 
that ,gautama ,sakya-muni1 the son of   
,suddhodana1 would never have become the
 founder of a popular religion if he had
 started with similar absurdities4 ,in  
the ,sutras the reality of the objective
 world is denied2 the reality of form is
 denied2 the reality of the individual1 
or the ',i1' is equally denied4 ,but the
 existence of a subject1 of something   
like the ,purusha1 the thinking         
substance of the ,sankhya philosophy1 is
 spared4 ,something at least exists with

 respect to which everything else may be
 said not to exist4 ,the germs of the   
ideas1 developed in the                 
,pragna-paramita1 may indeed be         
discovered here and there in the        
,sutras4#ij ,but they had not yet       
ripened into that poisonous plant which 
soon became an indispensable narcotic in
 the schools of the later ,buddhists4   
,buddha himself1 however1 though1       
perhaps1 not a ,nihilist1 was certainly 
an ,atheist4 ,he does not deny          
distinctly either the existence of gods1
 or that of ,god2 but he ignores the    
former1 and he is ignorant of the       
latter4 ,therefore1 if ,nirvana in his  
mind was not yet complete annihilation1 
still less could it have been absorption
 into a ,divine essence4 ,it was nothing
 but selfishness1 in the metaphysical   
sense of the word--a relapse into that  
being which is nothing but itself4 ,this
 is the most charitable view which we   
can take of the ,nirvana1 even as       
conceived by ,buddha himself1 and it is 

the view which ,burnouf derived from the
 canonical books of the ,northern       
,buddhists4 ,on the other hand1 ,mr4    
,spence ,hardy1 who in his works follows
 exclusively the authority of the       
,southern ,buddhists1 the ,pali and     
,singhalese works of ,ceylon1 arrives at
 the same result4 ,we read in his work3 
',the ,rahat 7,arhat71 who has reached  
,nirvana1 but is not yet a              
,pratyeka-buddha1 or a ,supreme ,buddha1
 says3 ,i await the appointed time for  
the cessation of existence4 ,i have no  
wish to live2 ,i have no wish to die4   
,desire is extinct4'  ,footnote #ij3    
,burnouf1 ',introduction1' p4 #ebj4     
99       99       99       99       99  
,in a very interesting dialogue between 
,milinda and ,nagasena1 communicated by 
,mr4 ,spence ,hardy1 ,nirvana is        
represented as something which has no   
antecedent cause1 no qualities1 no      
locality4 ,it is something of which the 
utmost we may assert is1 that it is3    
,nagasena4 ,can a man1 by his natural   

strength1 go from the      city of      
,sagal to the forest of ,himala8        
,milinda4 ,yes4       ,nagasena4 ,but   
could any man1 by his natural strength1 
bring the forest of ,himala to this city
 of ,sagal8       ,milinda4 ,no4        
,nagasena4 ,in like manner1 though the  
fruition of the paths      may cause the
 accomplishment of ,nirvana1 no cause by
 which      ,nirvana is produced can be 
declared4 ,the path that leads      to  
,nirvana may be pointed out1 but not any
 cause for its      production4 ,why8   
because that which constitutes ,nirvana 
is      beyond all computation1--a      
mystery1 not to be      understood4444  
,it cannot be said that it is produced1 
nor      that it is not produced2 that  
it is past or future or      present4   
,nor can it be said that it is the      
seeing of the      eye1 or the hearing  
of the ear1 or the smelling of the nose1
      or the tasting of the tongue1 or  
the feeling of the body4       ,milinda4
 ,then you speak of a thing that is not2

 you merely      say that ,nirvana is   
,nirvana2--therefore there is no        
,nirvana4       ,nagasena4 ,great king1 
,nirvana is4  ,another question also1   
whether ,nirvana is something different 
from the beings that enter into it1 has 
been asked by the ,buddhists themselves3
       ,milinda4 ,does the being who    
acquires it1 attain something      that 
has previously existed8--or is it his   
own product1 a      formation peculiar  
to himself8       ,nagasena4 ,nirvana   
does not exist previously to its        
reception2 nor is it that which was     
brought into existence4      ,still to  
the being who attains it1 there is      
,nirvana4  ,in opposition1 therefore1 to
 the more advanced views of the         
,nihilistic philosophers of the ,north1 
,nagasena maintains the existence of    
,nirvana1 and of the being that has     
entered ,nirvana4 ,he does not say that 
,buddha is a mere word4 ,when asked by  
king ,milinda1 whether the all-wise     
,buddha exists1 he replies3             

,nagasena4 ,he who is the most          
meritorious 7,bhagavat7 does      exist4
       ,milinda4 ,then can you point out
 to me the place in which      he       
exists8       ,nagasena4 ,our ,bhagavat 
has attained ,nirvana1 where there      
is no repetition of birth4 ,we cannot   
say that he is here1      or that he is 
there4 ,when a fire is extinguished1 can
 it be      said that it is here1 or    
that it is there8 ,even so1 our         
,buddha has attained extinction         
7,nirvana74 ,he is like the      sun    
that has set behind the ,astagiri       
mountain4 ,it cannot be      said that  
he is here1 or that he is there3 but we 
can point      him out by the discourses
 he delivered4 ,in them he lives4  ,at  
the present moment1 the great majority  
of ,buddhists would probably be quite   
incapable of understanding the abstract 
speculation of their ancient masters4   
,the view taken of ,nirvana in ,china1  
,mongolia1 and ,tatary may probably be  
as gross as that which most of the      

,mohammedans form of their paradise4    
,but1 in the history of religion1 the   
historian must go back to the earliest  
and most original documents that are to 
be obtained4 ,thus only may he hope to  
understand the later developments which1
 whether for good or evil1 every form of
 faith has had to undergo4  ,april1     
#aheg4     ,,xii4  ,,chinese            
,,translations  ,,of  ,,sanskrit        
,,texts4#ia   ,well might ,m4 ,stanislas
 ,julien put ,greek3 heureka on the     
title-page of his last work1 in which he
 explains his method of deciphering the 
,sanskrit words which occur in the      
,chinese translations of the ,buddhist  
literature of ,india4 ,we endeavoured to
 explain the laborious character and the
 important results of his researches on 
this subject on a former occasion1 when 
reviewing his translation of the ',life 
and ,travels of the ,buddhist ,pilgrim  
,hiouen-thsang4' ,at that time1 however1
 ,m4 ,julien kept the key of his        
discoveries to himself4 ,he gave us the 

results of his labours without giving us
 more than a general idea of the process
 by which those results had been        
obtained4 ,he has now published his     
',methode pour dechiffrer et transcrire 
les noms sanscrits qui se rencontrent   
dans les livres chinois1' and he has    
given to the public his                 
,chinese-,sanskrit dictionary1 the work 
of sixteen years of arduous labour1     
containing all the ,chinese characters  
which are used for representing         
phonetically the technical terms and    
proper names of the ,buddhist literature
 of ,india4  ,footnote #ia3 ',methode   
pour dechiffrer et transcrire les noms  
sanscrits qui se rencontrent dans les   
livres chinois4' ,par ,m4 ,stanislas    
,julien1 ,membre de l',institut4 ,paris1
 #ahfa4  ,in order fully to appreciate  
the labours and discoveries of ,m4      
,julien in this remote field of         
,oriental literature1 we must bear in   
mind that the doctrine of ,buddha arose 
in ,india about two centuries before    

,alexander's invasion4 ,it became the   
state religion of ,india soon after     
,alexander's conquest1 and it produced a
 vast literature1 which was collected   
into a canon at a council held about    
#bdf ,b4,c4 ,very soon after that       
council1 ,buddhism assumed a            
proselytizing character4 ,it spread in  
the south to ,ceylon1 in the north to   
,kashmir1 the ,himalayan countries1     
,tibet1 and ,china4 ,in the historical  
annals of ,china1 on which1 in the      
absence of anything like historical     
literature in ,sanskrit1 we must mainly 
depend for information on the spreading 
of ,buddhism1 one ,buddhist missionary  
is mentioned as early as #bag ,b4,c42   
and about the year #abj ,b4,c4 a        
,chinese general1 after defeating the   
barbarous tribes north of the desert of 
,gobi1 brought back as a trophy a golden
 statue--the statue of ,buddha4 ,it was 
not1 however1 till the year #fe ,a4,d4  
that ,buddhism was officially recognised
 by the ,chinese ,emperor as a third    

state religion4 ,ever since1 it has     
shared equal honours with the doctrines 
of ,confucius and ,lao-tse in the       
,celestial ,empire2 and it is but lately
 that these three established religions 
have had to fear the encroachments of a 
new rival in the creed of the ,chief of 
the rebels4  ,once established in       
,china1 and well provided with          
monasteries and benefices1 the ,buddhist
 priesthood seems to have been most     
active in its literary labours4 ,immense
 as was the ,buddhist literature of     
,india1 the ,chinese swelled it to still
 more appalling proportions4 ,the first 
thing to be done was to translate the   
canonical books4 ,this seems to have    
been the joint work of ,chinese who had 
acquired a knowledge of ,sanskrit during
 their travels in ,india1 and of ,hindus
 who settled in ,chinese monasteries in 
order to assist the native translators4 
,the translation of books which profess 
to contain a new religious doctrine is  
under all circumstances a task of great 

difficulty4 ,it was so particularly when
 the subtle abstractions of the         
,buddhist religion had to be clothed in 
the solid1 matter-of-fact idiom of the  
,chinese4 ,but there was another        
difficulty which it seemed almost       
impossible to overcome4 ,many words1 not
 only proper names1 but the technical   
terms also of the ,buddhist creed1 had  
to be preserved in ,chinese4 ,they were 
not to be translated1 but to be         
transliterated4 ,but how was this to be 
effected with a language which1 like    
,chinese1 had no phonetic alphabet8     
,every ,chinese character is a word2 it 
has both sound and meaning2 and it is   
unfit1 therefore1 for the representation
 of the sound of foreign words4 ,in     
modern times1 certain characters have   
been set apart for the purpose of       
writing the proper names and titles of  
foreigners2 but such is the peculiar    
nature of the ,chinese system of        
writing1 that even with this alphabet it
 is only possible to represent          

approximatively the pronunciation of    
foreign words4 ,in the absence1 however1
 of even such an alphabet1 the          
translators of the ,buddhist literature 
seem to have used their own             
discretion--or rather indiscretion--in  
appropriating1 without any system1      
whatever ,chinese characters seemed to  
them to come nearest to the sound of    
,sanskrit words4 ,now the whole ,chinese
 language consists in reality of about  
four hundred words1 or significative    
sounds1 all monosyllabic4 ,each of these
 monosyllabic sounds embraces a large   
number of various meanings1 and each of 
these various meanings is represented by
 its own sign4 ,thus it has happened    
that the ,chinese ,dictionary contains  
#dc1dif signs1 whereas the ,chinese     
language commands only four hundred     
distinct utterances4 ,instead of being  
restricted1 therefore1 to one character 
which always expresses the same sound1  
the ,buddhist translators were at       
liberty to express one and the same     

sound in a hundred different ways4 ,of  
this freedom they availed themselves to 
the fullest extent4 ,each translator1   
each monastery1 fixed on its own        
characters for representing the         
pronunciation of ,sanskrit words4 ,there
 are more than twelve hundred ,chinese  
characters employed by various writers  
in order to represent the forty-two     
simple letters of the ,sanskrit         
alphabet4 ,the result has been that even
 the ,chinese were after a time unable  
to read--i4 e4 to pronounce--these      
random transliterations4 ,what1 then1   
was to be expected from ,chinese        
scholars in ,europe8 ,fortunately1 the  
,chinese1 to save themselves from their 
own perplexities1 had some lists drawn  
up1 exhibiting the principles followed  
by the various translators in           
representing the proper names1 the names
 of places1 and the technical terms of  
philosophy and religion which they had  
borrowed from the ,sanskrit4 ,with the  
help of these lists1 and after sixteen  

years consecrated to the study of the   
,chinese translations of ,sanskrit works
 and of other original compositions of  
,buddhist authors1 ,m4 ,julien at last  
caught up the thread that was to lead   
him through this labyrinth2 and by means
 of his knowledge of ,sanskrit1 which he
 acquired solely for that purpose1 he is
 now able to do what not even the most  
learned among the ,buddhists in ,china  
could accomplish--he is able to restore 
the exact form and meaning of every word
 transferred from ,sanskrit into the    
,buddhist literature of ,china4         
,without this laborious process1 which  
would have tired out the patience and   
deadened the enthusiasm of most         
scholars1 the treasures of the ,buddhist
 literature preserved in ,chinese were  
really useless4 ,abel ,remusat1 who     
during his lifetime was considered the  
first ,chinese scholar in ,europe1      
attempted indeed a translation of the   
travels of ,fahian1 a ,buddhist pilgrim1
 who visited ,india about the end of the

 fourth century after ,christ4 ,it was  
in many respects a most valuable work1  
but the hopelessness of reducing the    
uncouth ,chinese terms to their         
,sanskrit originals made it most        
tantalising to look through its pages4  
,who was to guess that ,ho-kia-lo was   
meant for the ,sanskrit ,vyakarana1 in  
the sense of sermons2 ,po-to for the    
,sanskrit ,avadana1 parables2 ,kia-ye-i 
for the ,sanskrit ,kasyapiyas1 the      
followers of ,kasyapa8 ,in some         
instances1 ,abel ,remusat1 assisted by  
,chezy1 guessed rightly2 and later      
,sanskrit scholars1 such as ,burnouf1   
,lassen1 and ,wilson1 succeeded in      
re-establishing1 with more or less      
certainty1 the original form of a number
 of ,sanskrit words1 in spite of their  
,chinese disguises4 ,still there was no 
system1 and therefore no certainty1 in  
these guesses1 and many erroneous       
conclusions were drawn from fragmentary 
translations of ,chinese writers on     
,buddhism1 which even now are not yet   

entirely eliminated from the works of   
,oriental scholars4 ,with ,m4 ,julien's 
method1 mathematical certainty seems to 
have taken the place of learned         
conjectures2 and whatever is to be      
learnt from the ,chinese on the origin1 
the history1 and the true character of  
,buddha's doctrine may now be had in an 
authentic and unambiguous form4  ,but   
even after the principal difficulties   
have been cleared away through the      
perseverance of ,m4 ,stanislas ,julien1 
and after we have been allowed to reap  
the fruits of his labours in his        
masterly translation of the ',voyages   
des ,pelerins ,bouddhistes1' there still
 remains one point that requires some   
elucidation4 ,how was it that the       
,chinese1 whose ears no doubt are of the
 same construction as our own1 should   
have made such sad work of the ,sanskrit
 names which they transcribed with their
 own alphabet8 ,much may be explained by
 the defects of their language4 ,such   
common sounds as v1 g1 r1 b1 d1 and     

short a1 are unknown in ,chinese as     
initials2 no compound consonants are    
allowed1 every consonant being followed 
by a vowel2 and the final letters are   
limited to a very small number4 ,this1  
no doubt1 explains1 to a great extent1  
the distorted appearance of many        
,sanskrit words when written in         
,chinese4 ,thus1 ,buddha could only be  
written ,fo to4 ,there was no sign for  
an initial b1 nor was it possible to    
represent a double consonant1 such as   
ddh4 ,fo to was the nearest approach to 
,buddha of which ,chinese1 when written1
 was capable4 ,but was it so in         
speaking8 ,was it really impossible for 
,fahian and ,hiouen-thsang1 who had     
spent so many years in ,india1 and who  
were acquainted with all the intricacies
 of ,sanskrit grammar1 to distinguish   
between the sounds of ,buddha and ,fo   
to8 ,we cannot believe this4 ,we are    
convinced that ,hiouen-thsang1 though he
 wrote1 and could not but write1 ,fo to 
with the ,chinese characters1 pronounced

 ,buddha just as we pronounce it1 and   
that it was only among the unlearned    
that ,fo to became at last the          
recognised name of the founder of       
,buddhism1 abbreviated even to the      
monosyllabic ,fo1 which is now the most 
current appellation of 'the             
,enlightened4' ,in the same manner the  
,chinese pilgrims wrote ,niepan1 but    
they pronounced ,nirvana2 they wrote    
,fan-lon-mo1 and pronounced ,brahma4    
,nor is it necessary that we should     
throw all the blame of these distortions
 on the ,chinese4 ,on the contrary1 it  
is almost certain that some of the      
discrepancies between the ,sanskrit of  
their translations and the classical    
,sanskrit of ,panini were due to the    
corruption which1 at the time when      
,buddhism arose1 and still more at the  
time when ,buddhism spread to ,china1   
had crept into the spoken language of   
,india4 ,sanskrit had ceased to be the  
spoken language of the people previous  
to the time of ,asoka4 ,the edicts which

 are still preserved on the rocks of    
,dhauli1 ,girnar1 and ,kapurdigiri are  
written in a dialect which stands to    
,sanskrit in the same relation as       
,italian to ,latin4 ,now it is true1 no 
doubt1 that the canonical books of the  
,buddhists are written in a tolerably   
correct ,sanskrit1 very different from  
the ,italianized dialect of ,asoka4 ,but
 that ,sanskrit was1 like the ,greek of 
,alexandria1 like the ,latin of         
,hungary1 a learned idiom1 written by   
the learned for the learned2 it was no  
longer the living speech of ,india4 ,now
 it is curious that in many of the      
canonical ,buddhist works which we still
 possess1 the text which is written in  
,sanskrit prose is from time to time    
interrupted by poetical portions1 called
 ,gathas or ballads1 in which the same  
things are told in verse which had      
before been related in prose4 ,the      
dialect of these songs or ballads is    
full of what grammarians would call     
irregularities1 that is to say1 full of 

those changes which every language      
undergoes in the mouths of the people4  
,in character these corruptions are the 
same as those which have been observed  
in the inscriptions of ,asoka1 and which
 afterwards appear in ,pali and the     
modern ,prakrit dialects of ,india4     
,various conjectures have been started  
to explain the amalgamation of the      
correct prose text and the free and easy
 poetical version of the same events1 as
 embodied in the sacred literature of   
the ,buddhists4 ,burnouf1 the first who 
instituted a critical inquiry into the  
history and literature of ,buddhism1    
supposed that there was1 besides the    
canon fixed by the three convocations1  
another digest of ,buddhist doctrines   
composed in the popular style1 which may
 have developed itself1 as he says1     
subsequently to the preaching of ,sakya1
 and which would thus be intermediate   
between the regular ,sanskrit and the   
,pali4 ,he afterwards1 however1 inclines
 to another view--namely1 that these    

,gathas were written out of ,india by   
men to whom ,sanskrit was no longer     
familiar1 and who endeavoured to write  
in the learned language1 which they ill 
understood1 with the freedom which is   
imparted by the habitual use of a       
popular but imperfectly determined      
dialect4 ,other ,sanskrit scholars have 
proposed other solutions of this strange
 mixture of correct prose and incorrect 
poetry in the ,buddhist literature2 but 
none of them was satisfactory4 ,the     
problem seems to have been solved at    
last by a native scholar1 ,babu         
,rajendralal1 a curious instance of the 
reaction of ,european antiquarian       
research on the native mind of ,india4  
,babu ,rajendralal reads ,sanskrit of   
course with the greatest ease4 ,he is a 
pandit by profession1 but he is at the  
same time a scholar and critic in our   
sense of the word4 ,he has edited       
,sanskrit texts after a careful         
collation of ,,mss41 and in his various 
contributions to the ',journal of the   

,asiatic ,society of ,bengal1' he has   
proved himself completely above the     
prejudices of his class1 freed from the 
erroneous views on the history and      
literature of ,india in which every     
,brahman is brought up1 and thoroughly  
imbued with those principles of         
criticism which men like ,colebrooke1   
,lassen1 and ,burnouf have followed in  
their researches into the literary      
treasures of his country4 ,his ,english 
is remarkably clear and simple1 and his 
arguments would do credit to any        
,sanskrit scholar in ,england4 ,we quote
 from his remarks on ,burnouf's account 
of the ,gathas1 as given in that        
scholar's ',histoire du ,buddhisme      
,indien3'       ',burnouf's opinion on  
the origin of the ,gathas1 we venture   
to think1 is founded on a mistaken      
estimate of ,sanskrit      style4 ,the  
poetry of the ,gatha has much artistic  
elegance      which at once indicates   
that it is not the composition of       
men who were ignorant of the first      

principles of grammar4      ,the authors
 display a great deal of learning1 and  
discuss      the subtlest questions of  
logic and metaphysics with much         
tact and ability1 and it is difficult to
 conceive that men      who were        
perfectly familiar with the most        
intricate forms of      ,sanskrit logic1
 who have expressed the most abstruse   
metaphysical ideas in precise and often 
in beautiful      language1 who composed
 with ease and elegance in ,arya1       
,totaka1 and other difficult measures1  
were unacquainted      with the         
rudiments of the language in which they 
wrote1 and      were unable to conjugate
 the verb to be in all its forms4444    
,the more reasonable conjecture appears 
to be that the ,gatha      is the       
production of bards who were            
contemporaries or      immediate        
successors of ,sakya1 who recounted to  
the devout      congregations of the    
prophet of ,magadha1 the sayings and    
doings of their great teacher in popular

 and easy-flowing      verses1 which in 
course of time came to be regarded as   
the      most authentic source of all   
information connected with the          
founder of ,buddhism4 ,the high         
estimation in which the      ballads and
 improvisations of bards are held in    
,india and      particularly in the     
,buddhist writings1 favours this        
supposition2 and the circumstance that  
the poetical portions      are generally
 introduced in corroboration of the     
narration      of the prose1 with the   
words ,thereof this may be said1        
affords a strong presumptive evidence4' 
,now this1 from the pen of a native     
scholar1 is truly remarkable4 ,the      
spirit of ,niebuhr seems to have reached
 the shores of ,india1 and this ballad  
theory comes out more successfully in   
the history of ,buddha than in the      
history of ,romulus4 ,the absence of    
anything like cant in the mouth of a    
,brahman speaking of ,buddhism1 the bete
 noire of all orthodox ,brahmans1 is    

highly satisfactory1 and our ,sanskrit  
scholars in ,europe will have to pull   
hard if1 with such men as ,babu         
,rajendralal in the field1 they are not 
to be distanced in the race of          
scholarship4  ,we believe1 then1 that   
,babu ,rajendralal is right1 and we look
 upon the dialect of the ,gathas as a   
specimen of the ,sanskrit spoken by the 
followers of ,buddha about the time of  
,asoka and later4 ,and this will help us
 to understand some of the peculiar     
changes which the ,sanskrit of the      
,chinese ,buddhists must have undergone1
 even before it was disguised in the    
strange dress of the ,chinese alphabet4 
,the ,chinese pilgrims did not hear the 
,sanskrit pronounced as it was          
pronounced in the ,parishads according  
to the strict rules of their ,siksha or 
phonetics4 ,they heard it as it was     
spoken in ,buddhist monasteries1 as it  
was sung in the ,gathas of ,buddhist    
minstrels1 as it was preached in the    
,vyakaranas or sermons of ,buddhist     

friars4 ,for instance4 ,in the ,gathas a
 short a is frequently lengthened4 ,we  
find na instead of na1 'no4' ,the same  
occurs in the ,sanskrit of the ,chinese 
,buddhists4 7,see ,julien1 ',methode1'  
p4 #ah2 p4 #ba47 ,we find there also    
vistara instead of vistara1 c4 ,in the  
dialect of the ,gathas nouns ending in  
consonants1 and therefore irregular1 are
 transferred to the easier declension in
 a4 ,the same process takes place in    
modern ,greek and in the transition of  
,latin into ,italian2 it is1 in fact1 a 
general tendency of all languages which 
are carried on by the stream of living  
speech4 ,now this transition from one   
declension to another had taken place   
before the ,chinese had appropriated the
 ,sanskrit of the ,buddhist books4 ,the 
,sanskrit nabhas becomes nabha in the   
,gathas2 locative nabhe1 instead of     
nabhasi4 ,if1 therefore1 we find in     
,chinese lo-che for the ,sanskrit ragas1
 dust1 we may ascribe the change of r   
into l to the inability of the ,chinese 

to pronounce or to write an r4 ,we may  
admit that the ,chinese alphabet offered
 nothing nearer to the sound of ga than 
tche2 but the dropping of the final s   
has no excuse in ,chinese1 and finds its
 real explanation in the nature of the  
,gatha dialect4 ,thus the ,chinese      
,fan-lan-mo does not represent the      
correct ,sanskrit ,brahman1 but the     
vulgar form ,brahma4 ,the ,chinese so-po
 for sarva1 all1 thomo for dharma1 law1 
find no explanation in the dialect of   
the ,gathas1 but the suppression of the 
r before v and m1 is of frequent        
occurrence in the inscriptions of       
,asoka4 ,the omission of the initial s  
in words like sthana1 place1 sthavira1  
an elder1 is likewise founded on the    
rules of ,pali and ,prakrit1 and need   
not be placed to the account of the     
,chinese translators4 ,in the           
inscription of ,girnar sthavira is even 
reduced to thaira4 ,the s of the        
nominative is frequently dropped in the 
dialect of the ,gathas1 or changed into 

o4 ,hence we might venture to doubt     
whether it is necessary to give to the  
character #aghj of ,m4 ,julien's list1  
which generally has the value of ta1 a  
second value sta4 ,this s is only wanted
 to supply the final s of kas1 the      
interrogative pronoun1 in such a        
sentence as kas tadgunah8 what is the   
use of this8 ,now here we are inclined  
to believe that the final s of kas had  
long disappeared in the popular language
 of ,india1 before the ,chinese came to 
listen to the strange sounds and        
doctrines of the disciples of ,buddha4  
,they probably heard ka tadguna1 or ka  
tagguna1 and this they represented as   
best they could by the ,chinese         
kia-to-kieou-na4  ,with these few       
suggestions we leave the work of ,m4    
,stanislas ,julien4 ,it is in reality a 
work done once for all--one huge stone  
and stumbling-block effectually rolled  
away which for years had barred the     
approach to some most valuable documents
 of the history of the ,east4 ,now that 

the way is clear1 let us hope that      
others will follow1 and that we shall   
soon have complete and correct          
translations of the travels of ,fahian  
and other ,buddhist pilgrims whose works
 are like so many ,murray's ',handbooks 
of ,india1' giving us an insight into   
the social1 political1 and religious    
state of that country at a time when we 
look in vain for any other historical   
documents4  ,march1 #ahfa4     ,,xiii4  
,,the ,,works ,,of ,,confucius4#ib   ,in
 reviewing the works of missionaries1 we
 have repeatedly dwelt on the           
opportunities of scientific usefulness  
which are open to the messengers of the 
,gospel in every part of the world4 ,we 
are not afraid of the common objection  
that missionaries ought to devote their 
whole time and powers to the one purpose
 for which they are sent out and paid by
 our societies4 ,missionaries cannot    
always be engaged in teaching1          
preaching1 converting1 and baptising the
 heathen4 ,a missionary1 like every     

other human creature1 ought to have his 
leisure hours2 and if those leisure     
hours are devoted to scientific         
pursuits1 to the study of the languages 
or the literature of the people among   
whom he lives1 to a careful description 
of the scenery and antiquities of the   
country1 the manners1 laws1 and customs 
of its inhabitants1 their legends1 their
 national poetry1 or popular stories1   
or1 again1 to the cultivation of any    
branch of natural science1 he may rest  
assured that he is not neglecting the   
sacred trust which he accepted1 but is  
only bracing and invigorating his mind1 
and keeping it from that stagnation     
which is the inevitable result of a too 
monotonous employment4 ,the staff of    
missionaries which is spread over the   
whole globe supplies the most perfect   
machinery that could be devised for the 
collection of all kinds of scientific   
knowledge4 ,they ought to be the        
pioneers of science4 ,they should not   
only take out--they should also bring   

something home2 and there is nothing    
more likely to increase and strengthen  
the support on which our missionary     
societies depend1 nothing more sure to  
raise the intellectual standard of the  
men selected for missionary labour1 than
 a formal recognition of this additional
 duty4 ,there may be exceptional cases  
where missionaries are wanted for       
constant toil among natives ready to be 
instructed1 and anxious to be received  
as members of a ,christian community4   
,but1 as a general rule1 the missionary 
abroad has more leisure than a clergyman
 at home1 and time sits heavy on the    
hands of many whose congregations       
consist of no more than ten or twenty   
souls4 ,it is hardly necessary to argue 
this point1 when we can appeal to so    
many facts4 ,the most successful        
missionaries have been exactly those    
whose names are remembered with         
gratitude1 not only by the natives among
 whom they laboured1 but also by the    
savants of ,europe2 and the labours of  

the ,jesuit missionaries in ,india and  
,china1 of the ,baptist missionaries at 
,serampore1 of ,gogerly and ,spence     
,hardy in ,ceylon1 of ,caldwell in      
,tinnevelly1 of ,wilson in ,bombay1 of  
,moffat1 ,krapf1 and last1 but not      
least1 of ,livingstone1 will live not   
only in the journals of our academies1  
but likewise in the annals of the       
missionary ,church4  ,footnote #ib3     
',the ,chinese ,classics2' with a       
,translation1 ,critical and ,exegetical 
,notes4 ,by ,james ,legge1 ,d4,d41 of   
the ,london ,missionary ,society4 ,hong 
,kong1 #ahfa4  ,the first volume of an  
edition of the ,chinese ,classics1 which
 we have just received from the ,rev4   
,dr4 ,j4 ,legge1 of the ,london         
,missionary ,society1 is a new proof of 
what can be achieved by missionaries1 if
 encouraged to devote part of their time
 and attention to scientific and        
literary pursuits4 ,we do not care to   
inquire whether ,dr4 ,legge has been    
successful as a missionary4 ,even if he 

had not converted a single ,chinese1 he 
would1 after completing the work which  
he has just begun1 have rendered most   
important aid to the introduction of    
,christianity into ,china4 ,he arrived  
in the ,east towards the end of #ahci1  
having received only a few months'      
instruction in ,chinese from ,professor 
,kidd in ,london4 ,being stationed at   
,malacca1 it seemed to him then--and he 
adds 'that the experience of twenty-one 
years has given its sanction to the     
correctness of the judgment'--that he   
could not consider himself qualified for
 the duties of his position until he had
 thoroughly mastered the classical books
 of the ,chinese1 and investigated for  
himself the whole field of thought      
through which the sages of ,china had   
ranged1 and in which were to be found   
the foundations of the moral1 social1   
and political life of the people4 ,he   
was not able to pursue his studies      
without interruption1 and it was only   
after some years1 when the charge of the

 ,anglo-,chinese ,college had devolved  
upon him1 that he could procure the     
books necessary to facilitate his       
progress4 ,after sixteen years of       
assiduous study1 ,dr4 ,legge had        
explored the principal works of ,chinese
 literature2 and he then felt that he   
could render the course of reading      
through which he had passed more easy to
 those who were to follow after him1 by 
publishing1 on the model of our editions
 of the ,greek and ,roman ,classics1 a  
critical text of the ,classics of       
,china1 together with a translation and 
explanatory notes4 ,his materials were  
ready1 but there was the difficulty of  
finding the funds necessary for so      
costly an undertaking4 ,scarcely1       
however1 had ,dr4 ,legge's wants become 
known among the ,british and other      
foreign merchants in ,china1 than one of
 them1 ,mr4 ,joseph ,jardine1 sent for  
the ,doctor1 and said to him1 ',i know  
the liberality of the merchants in      
,china1 and that many of them would     

readily give their help to such an      
undertaking2 but you need not have the  
trouble of canvassing the community4 ,if
 you are prepared to undertake the toil 
of the publication1 ,i will bear the    
expense of it4 ,we make our money in    
,china1 and we should be glad to assist 
in whatever promises to be a benefit to 
it4' ,the result of this combination of 
disinterested devotion on the part of   
the author1 and enlightened liberality  
on the part of his patron1 lies now     
before us in a splendid volume of text1 
translation1 and commentary1 which1 if  
the life of the editor is spared 7and   
the sudden death of ,mr4 ,jardine from  
the effects of the climate is a warning 
how busily death is at work among the   
,european settlers in those regions71   
will be followed by at least six other  
volumes4  ,the edition is to comprise   
the books now recognised as of highest  
authority by the ,chinese themselves4   
,these are the five ,king's and the four
 ,shoo's4 ,king means the warp threads  

of a web1 and its application to        
literary compositions rests on the same 
metaphor as the ,latin word textus1 and 
the ,sanskrit ,sutra1 meaning a yarn1   
and a book4 ,shoo simply means writings4
 ,the five ,king's are1 #a4 the ,yih1 or
 the ,book of ,changes2 #b4 the ,shoo1  
or the ,book of ,history2 #c4 the ,she1 
or the ,book of ,poetry2 #d4 the ,le    
,ke1 or ,record of ,rites2 and #e4 the  
,chun ,tsew1 or ,spring and ,autumn2 a  
chronicle extending from #gba to #dhj   
,b4,c4 ,the four ,shoo's consist of1 #a4
 the ,lun ,yu1 or ,digested             
,conversations between ,confucius and   
his disciples2 #b4 ,ta ,heo1 or ,great  
,learning1 commonly attributed to one of
 his disciples2 #c4 the ,chung ,yung1 or
 ,doctrine of the ,mean1 ascribed to the
 grandson of ,confucius2 #d4 of the     
works of ,mencius1 who died #bhh ,b4,c4 
,the authorship of the five ,king's is  
loosely attributed to ,confucius2 but it
 is only the fifth1 or 'the ,spring and 
,autumn1' which can be claimed as the   

work of the philosopher4 ,the ,yih1 the 
,shoo1 and the ,she ,king were not      
composed1 but only compiled by him1 and 
much of the ,le ,ke is clearly from     
later hands4 ,confucius1 though the     
founder of a religion and a reformer1   
was thoroughly conservative in his      
tendencies1 and devotedly attached to   
the past4 ,he calls himself a           
transmitter1 not a maker1 believing in  
and loving the ancients 7p4 #ei74 ',i am
 not one who was born in the possession 
of knowledge1' he says1 ',i am one who  
is fond of antiquity1 and earnest in    
seeking it there' 7p4 #fe74 ,the most   
frequent themes of his discourses were  
the ancient songs1 the history1 and the 
rules of propriety established by       
ancient sages 7p4 #fd74 ,when one of his
 contemporaries wished to do away with  
the offering of a lamb as a meaningless 
formality1 ,confucius reproved him with 
the pithy sentence1 ',you love the      
sheep1 ,i love the ceremony4' ,there    
were four things1 we are told1 which    

,confucius taught--letters1 ethics1     
devotion of soul1 and truthfulness 7p4  
#ff74 ,when speaking of himself1 he     
said1 ',at fifteen1 ,i had my mind bent 
on learning4 ,at thirty1 ,i stood firm4 
,at forty1 ,i had no doubt4 ,at fifty1  
,i knew the decrees of heaven4 ,at      
sixty1 my ear was an obedient organ for 
the reception of truth4 ,at seventy1 ,i 
could follow what my heart desired1     
without transgressing what was right'   
7p4 #aj74 ,though this may sound like   
boasting1 it is remarkable how seldom   
,confucius himself claims any           
superiority above his fellow-creatures4 
,he offers his advice to those who are  
willing to listen1 but he never speaks  
dogmatically2 he never attempts to      
tyrannize over the minds or hearts of   
his friends4 ,if we read his biography1 
we can hardly understand how a man whose
 life was devoted to such tranquil      
pursuits1 and whose death scarcely      
produced a ripple on the smooth and     
silent surface of the ,eastern world1   

could have left the impress of his mind 
on millions and millions of human       
beings--an impress which even now1 after
 #bcci years1 is clearly discernible in 
the national character of the largest   
empire of the world4 ,confucius died in 
#dgh ,b4,c41 complaining that of all the
 princes of the empire there was not one
 who would adopt his principles and obey
 his lessons4 ,after two generations1   
however1 his name had risen to be a     
power--the rallying point of a vast     
movement of national and religious      
regeneration4 ,his grandson speaks of   
him as the ideal of a sage1 as the sage 
is the ideal of humanity at large4      
,though ,tze-tze claims no divine honour
 for his grandsire1 he exalts his wisdom
 and virtue beyond the limits of human  
nature4 ,this is a specimen of the      
language which he applies to ,confucius3
       ',he may be compared to heaven   
and earth in their supporting      and  
containing1 their overshadowing and     
curtaining all      things2 he may be   

compared to the four seasons in their   
alternating progress1 and to the sun and
 moon in their      successive          
shining4444 ,quick in apprehension1     
clear in      discernment1 of           
far-reaching intellect and all-embracing
      knowledge1 he was fitted to       
exercise rule2 magnanimous1             
generous1 benign1 and mild1 he was      
fitted to exercise      forbearance2    
impulsive1 energetic1 firm1 and         
enduring1 he      was fitted to maintain
 a firm hold2 self-adjusted1 grave1     
never swerving from the ,mean1 and      
correct1 he was fitted to      command  
reverence2 accomplished1 distinctive1   
concentrative1      and searching1 he   
was fitted to exercise                  
discrimination4444      ,all-embracing  
and vast1 he was like heaven2 deep and  
active      as a fountain1 he was like  
the abyss4444 ,therefore his fame       
overspreads the ,middle ,kingdom and    
extends to all barbarous      tribes4   
,wherever ships and carriages reach1    

wherever the      strength of man       
penetrates1 wherever the heavens        
overshadow      and the earth sustains1 
wherever the sun and moon shine1        
wherever frost and dews fall1 all who   
have blood and breath      unfeignedly  
honour and love him4 ,hence it is       
said--,he is the      equal of ,heaven' 
7p4 #ec74  ,this is certainly very      
magnificent phraseology1 but it will    
hardly convey any definite impression to
 the minds of those who are not         
acquainted with the life and teaching of
 the great ,chinese sage4 ,these may be 
studied now by all who can care for the 
history of human thought1 in the        
excellent work of ,dr4 ,legge4 ,the     
first volume1 just published1 contains  
the ,confucian ,analects1 the ,great    
,learning1 and the ,doctrine of the     
,mean1 or the ,first1 ,second1 and      
,third ,shoo's1 and will1 we hope1 soon 
be followed by the other ,chinese       
,classics4#ic ,we must here confine     
ourselves to giving a few of the sage's 

sayings1 selected from thousands that   
are to be found in the ,confucian       
,analects4 ,their interest is chiefly   
historical1 as throwing light on the    
character of one of the most remarkable 
men in the history of the human race4   
,but there is besides this a charm in   
the simple enunciation of simple truths2
 and such is the fear of truism in our  
modern writers that we must go to       
distant times and distant countries if  
we wish to listen to that simple        
,solomonic wisdom which is better than  
the merchandize of silver and the gain  
thereof than fine gold4  ,footnote #ic3 
,dr4 ,legge has since published3 vol4   
ii4 containing the works of ,mencius2   
vol4 iii4 part #a4 containing the first 
part of the ,shoo ,king2 vol4 iii4 part 
#b4 containing the fifth part of the    
,shoo ,king4  ,confucius shows his      
tolerant spirit when he says1 ',the     
superior man is catholic1 and no        
partisan4 ,the mean man is a partisan1  
and not catholic' 7p4 #ad74  ,there is  

honest manliness in his saying1 ',to see
 what is right1 and not to do it1 is    
want of courage' 7p4 #ah74  ,his        
definition of knowledge1 though less    
profound than that of ,socrates1 is     
nevertheless full of good sense3        
',the ,master said1 ,shall ,i teach you 
what knowledge is8 ,when      you know a
 thing1 to hold that you know it2 and   
when you do      not know a thing1 to   
allow that you do not know it--this is  
knowledge' 7p4 #ae74  ,nor was          
,confucius unacquainted with the secrets
 of the heart3 ',it is only the truly   
virtuous man1' he says in one place1    
'who can love or who can hate others'   
7p4 #cj74 ,in another place he expresses
 his belief in the irresistible charm of
 virtue3 ',virtue is not left to stand  
alone1' he says2 'he who practises it   
will have neighbours4' ,he bears witness
 to the hidden connection between       
intellectual and moral excellence3 ',it 
is not easy1' he remarks1 'to find a man
 who has learned for three years without

 coming to be good' 7p4 #gf74 ,in his   
ethics1 the golden rule of the ,gospel1 
',do ye unto others as ye would that    
others should do to you1' is represented
 as almost unattainable4 ,thus we read1 
',tsze-,kung said1 ,what ,i do not wish 
men to do to me1 ,i also wish not to do 
to men4 ,the ,master said1 ,tsze1 you   
have not attained to that1' ,the        
,brahmans1 too1 had a distant perception
 of the same truth1 which is expressed1 
for instance1 in the ,hitopadesa in the 
following words3 ',good people show     
mercy unto all beings1 considering how  
like they are to themselves4' ,on       
subjects which transcend the limits of  
human understanding1 ,confucius is less 
explicit2 but his very reticence is     
remarkable1 when we consider the        
recklessness with which ,oriental       
philosophers launch into the depths of  
religious metaphysics4 ,thus we read 7p4
 #ajg73       ',ke ,loo asked about     
serving the spirits of the dead4 ,the   
,master said1 ,while you are not able to

 serve men1 how can      you serve their
 spirits8       ,ke ,loo added1 ,i      
venture to ask about death4 ,he was     
answered1 ,while you do not know life1  
how can you know      about death8'     
,and again 7p4 #aij73       ',the       
,master said1 ,i would prefer not       
speaking4       ,tsze-,kung said1 ,if   
you1 ,master1 do not speak1 what shall  
we1 your disciples1 have to record8     
,the ,master said1 ,does ,heaven speak8 
,the four seasons pursue      their     
courses1 and all things are continually 
being      produced2 but does ,heaven   
say anything8'  ,november1 #ahfa4       
,,xiv4  ,,popol ,,vuh4   ,a book called 
',popol ,vuh1'#id and pretending to be  
the original text of the sacred writings
 of the ,indians of ,central ,america1  
will be received by most people with a  
sceptical smile4 ,the ,aztec children   
who were shown all over ,europe as      
descendants of a race to whom1 before   
the ,spanish conquest1 divine honours   
were paid by the natives of ,mexico1 and

 who turned out to be unfortunate       
creatures that had been tampered with by
 heartless speculators1 are still fresh 
in the memory of most people2 and the   
',livre des ,sauvages1'#ie lately       
published by the ,abbe ,domenech1 under 
the auspices of ,count ,walewsky1 has   
somewhat lowered the dignity of         
,american studies in general4 ,still1   
those who laugh at the ',manuscrit      
,pictographique ,americain' discovered  
by the ,french ,abbe in the library of  
the ,french ,arsenal1 and edited by him 
with so much care as a precious relic of
 the old ,red-skins of ,north ,america1 
ought not to forget that there would be 
nothing at all surprising in the        
existence of such a ,,ms41 containing   
genuine pictographic writing of the ,red
 ,indians4 ,the ,german critic of ,abbe 
,domenech1 ,m4 ,petzholdt1#if assumes   
much too triumphant an air in announcing
 his discovery that the ',manuscrit     
,pictographique' was the work of a      
,german boy in the backwoods of         

,america4 ,he ought to have acknowledged
 that the ,abbe himself had pointed out 
the ,german scrawls on some of the pages
 of his ,,ms42 that he had read the     
names of ,anna and ,maria2 and that he  
never claimed any great antiquity for   
the book in question4 ,indeed1 though   
,m4 ,petzholdt tells us very confidently
 that the whole book is the work of a   
naughty1 nasty1 and profane little boy1 
the son of ,german settlers in the      
backwoods of ,america1 we doubt whether 
anybody who takes the trouble to look   
through all the pages will consider this
 view as at all satisfactory1 or even as
 more probable than that of the ,french 
,abbe4 ,we know what boys are capable of
 in pictographic art from the occasional
 defacements of our walls and railings2 
but we still feel a little sceptical    
when ,m4 ,petzholdt assures us that     
there is nothing extraordinary in a boy 
filling a whole volume with these       
elaborate scrawls4 ,if ,m4 ,petzholdt   
had taken the trouble to look at some of

 the barbarous hieroglyphics that have  
been collected in ,north ,america1 he   
would have understood more readily how  
the ,abbe ,domenech1 who had spent many 
years among the ,red ,indians1 and had  
himself copied several of their         
inscriptions1 should have taken the     
pages preserved in the library of the   
,arsenal at ,paris as genuine specimens 
of ,american pictography4 ,there is a   
certain similarity between these scrawls
 and the figures scratched on rocks1    
tombstones1 and trees by the wandering  
tribes of ,north ,america2 and though we
 should be very sorry to endorse the    
opinion of the enthusiastic ,abbe1 or to
 start any conjecture of our own as to  
the real authorship of the ',livre des  
,sauvages1' we cannot but think that ,m4
 ,petzholdt would have written less     
confidently1 and certainly less         
scornfully1 if he had been more familiar
 than he seems to be with the little    
that is known of the picture-writing of 
the ,indian tribes4 ,as a preliminary to

 the question of the authenticity of the
 ',popol ,vuh1' a few words on the      
pictorial literature of the ,red        
,indians of ,north ,america will not be 
considered out of place4 ,the ',popol   
,vuh' is not indeed a ',livre des       
,sauvages1' but a literary composition  
in the true sense of the word4 ,it      
contains the mythology and history of   
the civilised races of ,central         
,america1 and comes before us with      
credentials that will bear the test of  
critical inquiry4 ,but we shall be      
better able to appreciate the higher    
achievements of the ,south after we have
 examined1 however cursorily1 the rude  
beginnings in literature among the      
savage races of the ,north4  ,footnote  
#id3 ',popol ,vuh3' le ,livre ,sacre et 
les ,mythes de l',antiquite ,americaine1
 avec les ,livres ,heroiques et         
,historiques des ,quiches4 ,par l',abbe 
,brasseur de ,bourbourg4 ,paris3        
,durand1 #ahfa4  ,footnote #ie3         
',manuscrit ,pictographique ,americain1'

 precede d'une ,notice sur              
l',ideographie des ,peaux-,rouges4 ,par 
l',abbe ,em4 ,domenech4 ,ouvrage publie 
sous les auspices de ,m4 le ,ministre   
d',etat et de la ,maison de l',empereur4
 ,paris1 #ahfj4  ,footnote #if3 ',das   
,buch der ,wilden im ,lichte            
,franzoesischer ,civilisation4' ,mit    
,proben aus dem in ,paris als           
',manuscrit ,pictographique ,americain1'
 veroeffentlichten ,schmierbuche eines  
,deutsch-,amerikanischen ,hinterwaelder 
,jungen4 ,von ,j4 ,petzholdt4 ,dresden1 
#ahfa4  ,colden1 in his ',history of the
 ,five ,nations1' informs us that when1 
in #afif1 the ,count de ,frontenac      
marched a well-appointed army into the  
,iroquois country1 with artillery and   
all other means of regular military     
offence1 he found1 on the banks of the  
,onondaga1 now called ,oswego ,river1 a 
tree1 on the trunk of which the ,indians
 had depicted the ,french army1 and     
deposited two bundles of cut rushes at  
its foot1 consisting of #adcd pieces2 an

 act of symbolical defiance on their    
part1 which was intended to warn their  
,gallic invaders that they would have to
 encounter this number of warriors4     
,this warlike message is a specimen of  
,indian picture-writing4 ,it belongs to 
the lowest stage of graphic             
representation1 and hardly differs from 
the primitive way in which the ,persian 
ambassadors communicated with the       
,greeks1 or the ,romans with the        
,carthaginians4 ,instead of the lance   
and the staff of peace between which the
 ,carthaginians were asked to choose1   
the ,red ,indians would have sent an    
arrow and a pipe1 and the message would 
have been equally understood4 ,this1    
though not yet peindre la parole1 is    
nevertheless a first attempt at parler  
aux yeux4 ,it is a first beginning which
 may lead to something more perfect in  
the end4 ,we find similar attempts at   
pictorial communication among other     
savage tribes1 and they seem to answer  
every purpose4 ,in ,freycinet and       

,arago's ',voyage to the ,eastern       
,ocean' we are told of a native of the  
,carolina ,islands1 a ,tamor of         
,sathoual1 who wished to avail himself  
of the presence of a ship to send to a  
trader at ,botta1 ,m4 ,martinez1 some   
shells which he had promised to collect 
in exchange for a few axes and some     
other articles4 ,this he expressed to   
the captain1 who gave him a piece of    
paper to make the drawing1 and          
satisfactorily executed the commission4 
,the figure of a man at the top denoted 
the ship's captain1 who by his          
outstretched hands represented his      
office as a messenger between the       
parties4 ,the rays or ornaments on his  
head denote rank or authority4 ,the vine
 beneath him is a type of friendship4   
,in the left column are depicted the    
number and kinds of shells sent2 in the 
right column the things wished for in   
exchange--namely1 seven fish-hooks1     
three large and four small1 two axes1   
and two pieces of iron4  ,the           

inscriptions which are found on the     
,indian graveboards mark a step in      
advance4 ,every warrior has his crest1  
which is called his totem1 and is       
painted on his tombstone4 ,a celebrated 
war-chief1 the ,adjetatig of ,wabojeeg1 
died on ,lake ,superior1 about #agic4   
,he was of the clan of the ,addik1 or   
,american reindeer4 ,this fact is       
symbolized by the figure of the deer4   
,the reversed position denotes death4   
,his own personal name1 which was ,white
 ,fisher1 is not noticed4 ,but there are
 seven transverse strokes on the left1  
and these have a meaning--namely1 that  
he had led seven war parties4 ,then     
there are three perpendicular lines     
below his crest1 and these again are    
readily understood by every ,indian4    
,they represent the wounds received in  
battle4 ,the figure of a moose's head is
 said to relate to a desperate conflict 
with an enraged animal of this kind2 and
 the symbols of the arrow and the pipe  
are drawn to indicate the chief's       

influence in war and peace4  ,there is  
another graveboard of the ruling chief  
of ,sandy ,lake on the ,upper           
,mississippi4 ,here the reversed bird   
denotes his family name or clan1 the    
,crane4 ,four transverse lines above it 
denote that he had killed four of his   
enemies in battle4 ,an analogous custom 
is mentioned by ,aristotle 7',politica1'
 vii4 #b1 p4 #bbj1 ed4 ,goettling74     
,speaking of the ,iberians1 he states   
that they placed as many obelisks round 
the grave of a warrior as he had killed 
enemies in battle4  ,but the ,indians   
went further2 and though they never     
arrived at the perfection of the        
,egyptian hieroglyphics1 they had a     
number of symbolic emblems which were   
perfectly understood by all their       
tribes4 ,eating is represented by a     
man's hand lifted to his mouth4 ,power  
over man is symbolized by a line drawn  
in the figure from the mouth to the     
heart2 power in general by a head with  
two horns4 ,a circle drawn around the   

body at the abdomen denotes full means  
of subsistence4 ,a boy drawn with waved 
lines from each ear and lines leading to
 the heart represents a pupil4 ,a figure
 with a plant as head1 and two wings1   
denotes a doctor skilled in medicine1   
and endowed with the power of ubiquity4 
,a tree with human legs1 a herbalist or 
professor of botany4 ,night is          
represented by a finely crossed or      
barred sun1 or a circle with human legs4
 ,rain is figured by a dot or semicircle
 filled with water and placed on the    
head4 ,the heaven with three disks of   
the sun is understood to mean three     
days' journey1 and a landing after a    
voyage is represented by a tortoise4    
,short sentences1 too1 can be pictured  
in this manner4 ,a prescription ordering
 abstinence from food for two1 and rest 
for four1 days is written by drawing a  
man with two bars on the stomach and    
four across the legs4 ,we are told even 
of war-songs and love-songs composed in 
this primitive alphabet2 but it would   

seem as if1 in these cases1 the reader  
required even greater poetical          
imagination than the writer4 ,there is  
one war-song consisting of four         
pictures--       #a4 ,the sun rising4   
#b4 ,a figure pointing with one hand to 
the earth and the      other extended to
 the sky4       #c4 ,the moon with two  
human legs4       #d4 ,a figure         
personifying the ,eastern woman1 i4 e4  
the      evening star4  ,these four     
symbols are said to convey to the       
,indian the following meaning3      ,i  
am rising to seek the war path2     ,the
 earth and the sky are before me2     ,i
 walk by day and by night2     ,and the 
evening star is my guide4  ,the         
following is a specimen of a love-song3 
#a4 ,figure representing a god 7monedo7 
endowed with magic      power4       #b4
 ,figure beating the drum and singing2  
lines from his      mouth4       #c4    
,figure surrounded by a secret lodge4   
#d4 ,two bodies joined with one         
continuous arm4       #e4 ,a woman on an

 island4       #f4 ,a woman asleep2     
lines from his ear towards her4         
#g4 ,a red heart in a circle4  ,this    
poem is intended to express these       
sentiments3       #a4 ,it is my form and
 person that make me great--       #b4  
,hear the voice of my song1 it is my    
voice4       #c4 ,i shield myself with  
secret coverings4       #d4 ,all your   
thoughts are known to me1 blush6        
#e4 ,i could draw you hence were you    
ever so far--       #f4 ,though you were
 on the other hemisphere--       #g4 ,i 
speak to your naked heart4  ,all we can 
say is1 that if the ,indians can read   
this writing1 they are greater adepts in
 the mysteries of love than the judges  
of the old ,cours d'amour4 ,but it is   
much more likely that these war-songs   
and love-songs are known to the people  
beforehand1 and that their writings are 
only meant to revive what exists in the 
memory of the reader4 ,it is a kind of  
mnemonic writing1 and it has been used  
by missionaries for similar purposes1   

and with considerable success4 ,thus1 in
 a translation of the ,bible in the     
,massachusetts language by ,eliot1 the  
verses from #be to #cb in the thirtieth 
chapter of ,proverbs1 are expressed by  
'an ant1 a coney1 a locust1 a spider1 a 
river 7symbol of motion71 a lion1 a     
greyhound1 a he-goat and king1 a man    
foolishly lifting himself to take hold  
of the heavens4' ,no doubt these symbols
 would help the reader to remember the  
proper order of the verses1 but they    
would be perfectly useless without a    
commentary or without a previous        
knowledge of the text4  ,we are told    
that the famous ,testera1 brother of the
 chamberlain of ,francois ,i1 who came  
to ,america eight or nine years after   
the taking of ,mexico1 finding it       
impossible to learn the language of the 
natives1 taught them the ,bible history 
and the principal doctrines of the      
,christian religion1 by means of        
pictures1 and that these diagrams       
produced a greater effect on the minds  

of the people1 who were accustomed to   
this style of representation1 than all  
other means employed by the             
missionaries4 ,but here again1 unless   
these pictures were explained by        
interpreters1 they could by themselves  
convey no meaning to the gazing crowds  
of the natives4 ,the fullest information
 on this subject is to be found in a    
work by ,t4 ,baptiste1 ',hieroglyphes de
 la conversion1 ou par des estampes et  
des figures on apprend aux naturels a   
desirer le ciel4'  ,there is no evidence
 to show that the ,indians of the ,north
 ever advanced beyond the rude attempts 
which we have thus described1 and of    
which numerous specimens may be found in
 the voluminous work of ,schoolcraft1   
published by authority of ,congress1    
',historical and ,statistical           
,information respecting the ,history1   
,condition1 and ,prospects of the       
,indian ,tribes of the ,united ,states1'
 ,philadelphia1 #ahea-ahee4 ,there is no
 trace of anything like literature among

 the wandering tribes of the ,north1 and
 until a real ',livre des ,sauvages'    
turns up to fill this gap1 they must    
continue to be classed among the        
illiterate races4#ig  ,footnote #ig3    
',manuscrit ,pictographique1' pp4 #bf1  
#bi4  ,it is very different if we turn  
our eyes to the people of ,central and  
,south ,america1 to the races who formed
 the population of ,mexico1 ,guatemala1 
and ,peru1 when conquered by the        
,spaniards4 ,the ,mexican hieroglyphics 
published by ,lord ,kingsborough are not
 to be placed in the same category with 
the totems and the pictorial scratches  
of the ,red-skins4 ,they are1 first of  
all1 of a much more artistic character1 
more conventional in their structure1   
and hence more definite in their        
meaning4 ,they are coloured1 written on 
paper1 and in many respects quite on a  
level with the hieroglyphic inscriptions
 and hieratic papyri of ,egypt4 ,even   
the conception of speaking to the ear   
through the eye1 of expressing sound by 

means of outlines1 was familiar to the  
,mexicans1 though they seem to have     
applied their phonetic signs to the     
writing of the names of places and      
persons only4 ,the principal object1    
indeed1 of the ,mexican hieroglyphic    
manuscripts was not to convey new       
information1 but rather to remind the   
reader by means of mnemonic artifices of
 what he had learnt beforehand4 ,this is
 acknowledged by the best authorities1  
by men who knew the ,indians shortly    
after their first intercourse with      
,europeans1 and whom we may safely trust
 in what they tell us of the oral       
literature and hieroglyphic writings of 
the natives4 ,acosta1 in his ',historia 
natural y moral1' vi4 #g1 tells us that 
the ,indians were still in the habit of 
reciting from memory the addresses and  
speeches of their ancient orators1 and  
numerous songs composed by their        
national poets4 ,as it was impossible to
 acquire these by means of hieroglyphics
 or written characters such as were used

 by the ,mexicans1 care was taken that  
those speeches and poems should be      
learnt by heart4 ,there were colleges   
and schools for that purpose1 where     
these and other things were taught to   
the young by the aged in whose memory   
they seemed to be engraved4 ,the young  
men who were brought up to be orators   
themselves had to learn the ancient     
compositions word by word2 and when the 
,spaniards came and taught them to read 
and write the ,spanish language1 the    
,indians soon began to write for        
themselves1 a fact attested by many     
eye-witnesses4  ,las ,casas1 the devoted
 friend of the ,indians1 writes as      
follows3       ',it ought to be known   
that in all the republics of this       
country1 in the kingdoms of ,new ,spain 
and elsewhere1 there      was amongst   
other professions1 that of the          
chroniclers and      historians4 ,they  
possessed a knowledge of the earliest   
times1 and of all things concerning     
religion1 the gods1 and      their      

worship4 ,they knew the founders of     
cities1 and the      early history of   
their kings and kingdoms4 ,they knew the
      modes of election and the right of
 succession2 they could      tell the   
number and characters of their ancient  
kings1 their      works1 and memorable  
achievements whether good or bad1 and   
whether they had governed well or ill4  
,they knew the men      renowned for    
virtue and heroism in former days1 what 
wars      they had waged1 and how they  
had distinguished themselves2      who  
had been the earliest settlers1 what had
 been their      ancient customs1 their 
triumphs and defeats4 ,they knew1 in    
fact1 whatever belonged to history2 and 
were able to give an      account of all
 the events of the past4444 ,these      
chroniclers      had likewise to        
calculate the days1 months1 and years2  
and      though they had no writing like
 our own1 they had their      symbols   
and characters through which they       
understood      everything2 they had    

their great books1 which were composed  
with such ingenuity and art that our    
alphabet was really of      no great    
assistance to them4444 ,our priests have
 seen those      books1 and ,i myself   
have seen them likewise1 though many    
were burnt at the instigation of the    
monks1 who were afraid      that they   
might impede the work of conversion4    
,sometimes      when the ,indians who   
had been converted had forgotten        
certain words1 or particular points of  
the ,christian      doctrine1 they      
began--as they were unable to read our  
books--to write very ingeniously with   
their own symbols and      characters1  
drawing the figures which corresponded  
either to      the ideas or to the      
sounds of our words4 ,i have myself seen
      a large portion of the ,christian 
doctrine written in figures      and    
images1 which they read as we read the  
characters of a      letter2 and this is
 a very extraordinary proof of their    
genius4444 ,there never was a lack of   

those chroniclers4 ,it      was a       
profession which passed from father to  
son1 highly      respected in the whole 
republic2 each historian instructed     
two or three of his relatives4 ,he made 
them practise      constantly1 and they 
had recourse to him whenever a doubt    
arose on a point of history4444 ,but not
 these young      historians only went  
to consult him2 kings1 princes1 and     
priests came to ask his advice4         
,whenever there was a doubt      as to  
ceremonies1 precepts of religion1       
religious festivals1      or anything of
 importance in the history of the       
ancient      kingdoms1 every one went to
 the chroniclers to ask for             
information4'  ,in spite of the         
religious zeal of ,dominican and        
,franciscan friars1 a few of these      
hieroglyphic ,,mss4 escaped the flames1 
and may now be seen in some of our      
public libraries1 as curious relics of a
 nearly extinct and forgotten           
literature4 ,the first collection of    

these ,,mss4 and other ,american        
antiquities was due to the zeal of the  
,milanese antiquarian1 ,boturini1 who   
had been sent by the ,pope in #agcf to  
regulate some ecclesiastical matters1   
and who devoted the eight years of his  
stay in the ,new ,world to rescuing     
whatever could be rescued from the      
scattered ruins of ancient ,america4    
,before1 however1 he could bring these  
treasures safe to ,europe1 he was       
despoiled of his valuables by the       
,spanish ,viceroy2 and when at last he  
made his escape with the remnants of his
 collection1 he was taken prisoner by an
 ,english cruiser1 and lost everything4 
,the collection1 which remained at      
,mexico1 became the subject of several  
lawsuits1 and after passing through the 
hands of ,veytia and ,gama1 who both    
added to it considerably1 it was sold at
 last by public auction4 ,humboldt1 who 
was at that time passing through        
,mexico1 acquired some of the ,,mss41   
which he gave to the ,royal ,museum at  

,berlin4 ,others found their way into   
private hands1 and after many           
vicissitudes they have mostly been      
secured by the public libraries or      
private collectors of ,europe4 ,the most
 valuable part of that unfortunate      
shipwreck is now in the hands of ,m4    
,aubin1 who was sent to ,mexico in #ahcj
 by the ,french ,government1 and who    
devoted nearly twenty years to the same 
work which ,boturini had commenced a    
hundred years before4 ,he either bought 
the dispersed fragments of the          
collections of ,boturini1 ,gama1 and    
,pichardo1 or procured accurate copies2 
and he has brought to ,europe1 what is1 
if not the most complete1 at least the  
most valuable and most judiciously      
arranged collection of ,american        
antiquities4 ,we likewise owe to ,m4    
,aubin the first accurate knowledge of  
the real nature of the ancient ,mexican 
writing2 and we look forward with       
confident hope to his still achieving in
 his own field as great a triumph as    

that of ,champollion1 the decipherer of 
the hieroglyphics of ,egypt4  ,one of   
the most important helps towards the    
deciphering of the hieroglyphic ,,mss4  
of the ,americans is to be found in     
certain books which1 soon after the     
conquest of ,mexico1 were written down  
by natives who had learnt the art of    
alphabetic writing from their           
conquerors1 the ,spaniards4             
,ixtlilxochitl1 descended from the royal
 family of ,tetzcuco1 and employed as   
interpreter by the ,spanish ,government1
 wrote the history of his own country   
from the earliest time to the arrival of
 ,cortez4 ,in writing this history he   
followed the hieroglyphic paintings as  
they had been explained to him by the   
old chroniclers4 ,some of these very    
paintings1 which formed the text-book of
 the ,mexican historian1 have been      
recovered by ,m4 ,aubin2 and as they    
helped the historian in writing his     
history1 that history now helps the     
scholar in deciphering their meaning4   

,it is with the study of works like that
 of ,ixtlilxochitl that ,american       
philology ought to begin4 ,they are to  
the student of ,american antiquities    
what ,manetho is to the student of      
,egyptian hieroglyphics1 or ,berosus to 
the decipherer of the cuneiform         
inscriptions4 ,they are written in      
dialects not more than three hundred    
years old1 and still spoken by large    
numbers of natives1 with such           
modifications as three centuries are    
certain to produce4 ,they give us       
whatever was known of history1          
mythology1 and religion among the people
 whom the ,spaniards found in ,central  
and ,south ,america in the possession of
 most of the advantages of a            
long-established civilisation4 ,though  
we must not expect to find in them what 
we are accustomed to call history1 they 
are nevertheless of great historical    
interest1 as supplying the vague        
outlines of a distant past1 filled with 
migrations1 wars1 dynasties1 and        

revolutions1 such as were cherished in  
the memory of the ,greeks at the time of
 ,solon1 and believed in by the ,romans 
at the time of ,cato4 ,they teach us    
that the ,new ,world which was opened to
 ,europe a few centuries ago1 was in its
 own eyes an old world1 not so different
 in character and feelings from         
ourselves as we are apt to imagine when 
we speak of the ,red-skins of ,america1 
or when we read the accounts of the     
,spanish conquerors1 who denied that the
 natives of ,america possessed human    
souls1 in order to establish their own  
right of treating them like wild beasts4
  ,the ',popol ,vuh1' or the sacred book
 of the people of ,guatemala1 of which  
the ,abbe ,brasseur de ,bourbourg has   
just published the original text1       
together with a literal ,french         
translation1 holds a very prominent rank
 among the works composed by natives in 
their own native dialects1 and written  
down by them with the letters of the    
,roman alphabet4 ,there are but two     

works that can be compared to it in     
their importance to the student of      
,american antiquities and ,american     
languages1 namely1 the ',codex          
,chimalpopoca' in ,nahuatl1 the ancient 
written language of ,mexico1 and the    
',codex ,cakchiquel' in the dialect of  
,guatemala4 ,these1 together with the   
work published by the ,abbe ,brasseur de
 ,bourbourg under the title of ',popol  
,vuh1' must form the starting-point of  
all critical inquiries into the         
antiquities of the ,american people4    
,the first point which has to be        
determined with regard to books of this 
kind is whether they are genuine or not3
 whether they are what they pretend to  
be--compositions about three centuries  
old1 founded on the oral traditions and 
the pictographic documents of the       
ancient inhabitants of ,america1 and    
written in the dialects as spoken at the
 time of ,columbus1 ,cortez1 and        
,pizarro4 ,what the ,abbe ,brasseur de  
,bourbourg has to say on this point     

amounts to this3--,the manuscript was   
first discovered by ,father ,francisco  
,ximenes towards the end of the         
seventeenth century4 ,he was cure of    
,santo-,tomas ,chichicastenango1        
situated about three leagues south of   
,santa-,cruz del ,quiche1 and twenty-two
 leagues north-east of ,guatemala4 ,he  
was well acquainted with the languages  
of the natives of ,guatemala1 and has   
left a dictionary of their three        
principal dialects1 his ',tesoro de las 
,lenguas ,quiche1 ,cakchiquel y         
,tzutohil4' ,this work1 which has never 
been printed1 fills two volumes1 the    
second of which contains the copy of the
 ,,ms4 discovered by ,ximenes4 ,ximenes 
likewise wrote a history of the province
 of the preachers of ,san-,vincente de  
,chiapas y ,guatemala1 in four volumes4 
,of this he left two copies4 ,but three 
volumes only were still in existence    
when the ,abbe ,brasseur de ,bourbourg  
visited ,guatemala1 and they are said to
 contain valuable information on the    

history and traditions of the country4  
,the first volume contains the ,spanish 
translation of the manuscript which     
occupies us at present4 ,the ,abbe      
,brasseur de ,bourbourg copied that     
translation in #ahee4 ,about the same   
time a ,german traveller1 ,dr4          
,scherzer1 happened to be at ,guatemala1
 and had copies made of the works of    
,ximenes4 ,these were published at      
,vienna1 in #ahef4ih ,the ,french ,abbe1
 however1 was not satisfied with a mere 
reprint of the text and its ,spanish    
translation by ,ximenes1 a translation  
which he qualifies as untrustworthy and 
frequently unintelligible4 ,during his  
travels in ,america he acquired a       
practical knowledge of several of the   
native dialects1 particularly of the    
,quiche1 which is still spoken in       
various dialects by about six hundred   
thousand people4 ,as a priest he was in 
daily intercourse with these people2 and
 it was while residing among them and   
able to consult them like living        

dictionaries1 that1 with the help of the
 ,,mss4 of ,ximenes1 he undertook his   
own translation of the ancient          
chronicles of the ,quiches4 ,from the   
time of the discovery of ,ximenes1      
therefore1 to the time of the           
publication of the ,abbe ,brasseur de   
,bourbourg1 all seems clear and         
satisfactory4 ,but there is still a     
century to be accounted for1 from the   
end of the sixteenth century1 when the  
original is supposed to have been       
written1 to the end of the seventeenth1 
when it was first discovered by ,ximenes
 at ,chichicastenango4  ,footnote #ih3  
,mr4 ,a4 ,helps was the first to point  
out the importance of this work in his  
excellent ',history of the ,spanish     
,conquest in ,america4'  ,these years   
are not bridged over4 ,we may appeal1   
however1 to the authority of the ,,ms4  
itself1 which carries the royal         
dynasties down to the ,spanish          
,conquest1 and ends with the names of   
the two princes1 ,don ,juan de ,rojas   

and ,don ,juan ,cortes1 the sons of     
,tecum and ,tepepul4 ,these princes1    
though entirely subject to the          
,spaniards1 were allowed to retain the  
insignia of royalty to the year #aeeh1  
and it is shortly after their time that 
the ,,ms4 is supposed to have been      
written4 ,the author himself says in the
 beginning that he wrote 'after the word
 of ,god 7chabal ,dios7 had been        
preached1 in the midst of ,christianity2
 and that he did so because people could
 no longer see the ',popol ,vuh1'       
wherein it was clearly shown that they  
came from the other side of the sea1 the
 account of our living in the land of   
shadow1 and how we saw light and life4' 
,there is no attempt at claiming for his
 work any extravagant age or mysterious 
authority4 ,it is acknowledged to have  
been written when the ,castilians were  
the rulers of the land2 when bishops    
were preaching the word of ,dios1 the   
new ,god2 when the ancient traditions of
 the people were gradually dying out4   

,even the title of ',popol ,vuh1' which 
the ,abbe ,brasseur de ,bourbourg has   
given to this work1 is not claimed for  
it by its author4 ,he says that he wrote
 when the ',popol ,vuh' was no longer to
 be seen4 ,now ',popol ,vuh' means the  
book of the people1 and referred to the 
traditional literature in which all that
 was known about the early history of   
the nation1 their religion and          
ceremonies1 was handed down from age to 
age4  ,it is to be regretted that the   
,abbe ,brasseur de ,bourbourg should    
have sanctioned the application of this 
name to the ,quiche ,,ms4 discovered by 
,father ,ximenes1 and that he should    
apparently have translated it by ',livre
 sacre' instead of ',livre national1' or
 ',libro del comun1' as proposed by     
,ximenes4 ,such small inaccuracies are  
sure to produce great confusion4        
,nothing but a desire to have a fine    
sounding title could have led the editor
 to commit this mistake1 for he himself 
confesses that the work published by him

 has no right to the title ',popol      
,vuh1' and that ',popol ,vuh' does not  
mean ',livre sacre4' ,nor is there any  
more reason to suppose1 with the learned
 ,abbe1 that the first two books of the 
,quiche ,,ms4 contain an almost literal 
transcript of the ',popol ,vuh1' or that
 the ',popol ,vuh2 was the original of  
the ',teo-,amoxtli1' or the sacred book 
of the ,toltecs4 ,all we know is1 that  
the author wrote his anonymous work     
because the ',popol ,vuh'--the national 
book1 or the national tradition--was    
dying out1 and that he comprehended in  
the first two sections the ancient      
traditions common to the whole race1    
while he devoted the last two to the    
historical annals of the ,quiches1 the  
ruling nation at the time of the        
,conquest in what is now the republic of
 ,guatemala4 ,if we look at the ,,ms4 in
 this light1 there is nothing at all    
suspicious in its character and its     
contents4 ,the author wished to save    
from destruction the stories which he   

had heard as a child of his gods and his
 ancestors4 ,though the general outline 
of these stories may have been preserved
 partly in the schools1 partly in the   
pictographic ,,mss41 the ,spanish       
,conquest had thrown everything into    
confusion1 and the writer had probably  
to depend chiefly on his own            
recollections4 ,to extract consecutive  
history from these recollections1 is    
simply impossible4 ,all is vague1       
contradictory1 miraculous1 absurd4      
,consecutive history is altogether a    
modern idea1 of which few only of the   
ancient nations had any conception4 ,if 
we had the exact words of the ',popol   
,vuh1' we should probably find no more  
history there than we find in the       
,quiche ,,ms4 as it now stands4 ,now and
 then1 it is true1 one imagines one sees
 certain periods and landmarks1 but in  
the next page all is chaos again4 ,it   
may be difficult to confess that with   
all the traditions of the early         
migrations of ,cecrops and ,danaus into 

,greece1 with the ,homeric poems of the 
,trojan war1 and the genealogies of the 
ancient dynasties of ,greece1 we know   
nothing of ,greek history before the    
,olympiads1 and very little even then4  
,yet the true historian does not allow  
himself to indulge in any illusions on  
this subject1 and he shuts his eyes even
 to the most plausible reconstructions4 
,the same applies with a force increased
 a hundredfold to the ancient history of
 the aboriginal races of ,america1 and  
the sooner this is acknowledged1 the    
better for the credit of ,american      
scholars4 ,even the traditions of the   
migrations of the ,chichimecs1 ,colhuas1
 and ,nahuas1 which form the staple of  
all ,american antiquarians1 are no      
better than the ,greek traditions about 
,pelasgians1 ,a,eolians1 and ,ionians2  
and it would be a mere waste of time to 
construct out of such elements a        
systematic history1 only to be destroyed
 again sooner or later by some ,niebuhr1
 ,grote1 or ,lewis4  ,but if we do not  

find history in the stories of the      
ancient races of ,guatemala1 we do find 
materials for studying their character1 
for analysing their religion and        
mythology1 for comparing their          
principles of morality1 their views of  
virtue1 beauty1 and heroism1 to those of
 other races of mankind4 ,this is the   
charm1 the real and lasting charm1 of   
such works as that presented to us for  
the first time in a trustworthy         
translation by the ,abbe ,brasseur de   
,bourbourg4 ,unfortunately there is one 
circumstance which may destroy even this
 charm4 ,it is just possible that the   
writers of this and other ,american     
,,mss4 may have felt more or less       
consciously the influence of ,european  
and ,christian ideas1 and if so1 we have
 no sufficient guarantee that the       
stories they tell represent to us the   
,american mind in its pristine and      
genuine form4 ,there are some           
coincidences between the ,old ,testament
 and the ,quiche ,,ms4 which are        

certainly startling4 ,yet even if a     
,christian influence has to be admitted1
 much remains in these ,american        
traditions which is so different from   
anything else in the national           
literatures of other countries1 that we 
may safely treat it as the genuine      
growth of the intellectual soil of      
,america4 ,we shall give1 in conclusion1
 some extracts to bear out our remarks2 
but we ought not to part with ,abbe     
,brasseur de ,bourbourg without         
expressing to him our gratitude for his 
excellent work1 and without adding a    
hope that he may be able to realise his 
plan of publishing a ',collection of    
documents written in the indigenous     
languages1 to assist the student of the 
history and philology of ancient        
,america1' a collection of which the    
work now published is to form the first 
volume4   ,extracts from the ',popol    
,vuh4'  ,the ,quiche ,,ms4 begins with  
an account of the creation4 ,if we read 
it in the literal translation of the    

,abbe ,brasseur de ,bourbourg1 with all 
the uncouth names of divine and other   
beings that have to act their parts in  
it1 it does not leave any very clear    
impression on our minds4 ,yet after     
reading it again and again1 some salient
 features stand out more distinctly1 and
 make us feel that there was a          
groundwork of noble conceptions which   
has been covered and distorted by an    
aftergrowth of fantastic nonsense4 ,we  
shall do best for the present to leave  
out all proper names1 which only        
bewilder the memory and which convey no 
distinct meaning even to the scholar4   
,it will require long-continued research
 before it can be determined whether the
 names so profusely applied to the      
,deity were intended as the names of so 
many distinct personalities1 or as the  
names of the various manifestations of  
one and the same ,power4 ,at all events1
 they are of no importance to us till we
 can connect more distinct ideas than it
 is possible to gather from the         

materials now at hand1 with such        
inharmonious sounds as ,tzakol1 ,bitol1 
,alom1 ,qaholom1 ,hun-,ahpu-,vuch1      
,gucumatz1 ,quax-,cho1 c4 ,their        
supposed meanings are in some cases very
 appropriate1 such as the ,creator1 the 
,fashioner1 the ,begetter1 the          
,vivifier1 the ,ruler1 the ,lord of the 
green planisphere1 the ,lord of the     
azure surface1 the ,heart of heaven2 in 
other cases we cannot fathom the        
original intention of names such as the 
feathered serpent1 the white boar1 le   
tireur de sarbacane au sarigue1 and     
others2 and they therefore sound to our 
ears simply absurd4 ,well1 the ,quiches 
believed that there was a time when all 
that exists in heaven and earth was     
made4 ,all was then in suspense1 all was
 calm and silent2 all was immovable1 all
 peaceful1 and the vast space of the    
heavens was empty4 ,there was no man1 no
 animal1 no shore1 no trees2 heaven     
alone existed4 ,the face of the earth   
was not to be seen2 there was only the  

still expanse of the sea and the heaven 
above4 ,divine ,beings were on the      
waters like a growing light4 ,their     
voice was heard as they meditated and   
consulted1 and when the dawn rose1 man  
appeared4 ,then the waters were         
commanded to retire1 the earth was      
established that she might bear fruit   
and that the light of day might shine on
 heaven and earth4  ',for1 they said1 we
 shall receive neither glory nor honour 
from all we have created until there is 
a human being--a being endowed with     
reason4 ,earth1 they said1 and in a     
moment the earth was formed4 ,like a    
vapour it rose into being1 mountains    
appeared from the waters like lobsters1 
and the great mountains were made4 ,thus
 was the creation of the earth1 when it 
was fashioned by those who are the      
,heart of heaven1 the ,heart of the     
earth2 for thus were they called who    
first gave fertility to them1 heaven and
 earth being still inert and suspended  
in the midst of the waters4'  ,then     

follows the creation of the brute world1
 and the disappointment of the gods when
 they command the animals to tell their 
names and to honour those who had       
created them4 ,then the gods said to the
 animals3  ',you will be changed1       
because you cannot speak4 ,we have      
changed your speech4 ,you shall have    
your food and your dens in the woods and
 crags2 for our glory is not perfect1   
and you do not invoke us4 ,there will be
 beings still that can salute us2 we    
shall make them capable of obeying4 ,do 
your task2 as to your flesh1 it will be 
broken by the tooth4'  ,then follows the
 creation of man4 ,his flesh was made of
 earth 7terre glaise74 ,but man was     
without cohesion or power1 inert and    
aqueous2 he could not turn his head1 his
 sight was dim1 and though he had the   
gift of speech1 he had no intellect4 ,he
 was soon consumed again in the water4  
,and the gods consulted a second time   
how to create beings that should adore  
them1 and after some magic ceremonies1  

men were made of wood1 and they         
multiplied4 ,but they had no heart1 no  
intellect1 no recollection of their     
,creator2 they did not lift up their    
heads to their ,maker1 and they withered
 away and were swallowed up by the      
waters4  ,then follows a third creation1
 man being made of a tree called tzite1 
woman of the marrow of a reed called    
sibac4 ,they1 too1 did neither think nor
 speak before him who had made them1 and
 they were likewise swept away by the   
waters and destroyed4 ,the whole        
nature--animals1 trees1 and             
stones--turned against men to revenge   
the wrongs they had suffered at their   
hands1 and the only remnant of that     
early race is to be found in small      
monkeys which still live in the forests4
  ,then follows a story of a very       
different character1 and which          
completely interrupts the progress of   
events4 ,it has nothing to do with the  
creation1 though it ends with two of its
 heroes being changed into sun and moon4

 ,it is a story very much like the      
fables of the ,brahmans or the ,german  
,maehrchen4 ,some of the principal      
actors in it are clearly divine beings  
who have been brought down to the level 
of human nature1 and who perform feats  
and tricks so strange and incredible    
that in reading them we imagine         
ourselves in the midst of the ,arabian  
,nights4 ,in the struggles of the two   
favourite heroes against the cruel      
princes of ,xibalba1 there may be       
reminiscences of historical events2 but 
it would be perfectly hopeless to       
attempt to extricate these from the mass
 of fable by which they are surrounded4 
,the chief interest of the ,american    
tale consists in the points of          
similarity which it exhibits with the   
tales of the ,old ,world4 ,we shall     
mention two only--the repeated          
resuscitation of the chief heroes1 who1 
even when burnt and ground to powder and
 scattered on the water1 are born again 
as fish and changed into men2 and the   

introduction of animals endowed with    
reason and speech4 ,as in the ,german   
tales1 certain peculiarities in the     
appearance and natural habits of animals
 are frequently accounted for by events 
that happened 'once upon a time'--for   
instance1 the stumpy tail of the bear1  
by his misfortune when he went out      
fishing on the ice--so we find in the   
,american tales1 'that it was when the  
two principal heroes 7,hun-,ahpu and    
,xbalanque7 had caught the rat and were 
going to strangle it over the fire1 that
 le rat commenca a porter une queue sans
 poil4 ,thus1 because a certain serpent 
swallowed a frog who was sent as a      
messenger1 therefore aujourd'hui encore 
les serpents engloutissent les          
crapauds4'  ,the story1 which well      
deserves the attention of those who are 
interested in the origin and spreading  
of popular tales1 is carried on to the  
end of the second book1 and it is only  
in the third that we hear once more of  
the creation of man4  ,three attempts1  

as we saw1 had been made and had failed4
 ,we now hear again that before the     
beginning of dawn1 and before the sun   
and moon had risen1 man had been made1  
and that nourishment was provided for   
him which was to supply his blood1      
namely1 yellow and white maize4 ,four   
men are mentioned as the real ancestors 
of the human race1 or rather of the race
 of the ,quiches4 ,they were neither    
begotten by the gods nor born of woman1 
but their creation was a wonder wrought 
by the ,creator4 ,they could reason and 
speak1 their sight was unlimited1 and   
they knew all things at once4 ,when they
 had rendered thanks to their ,creator  
for their existence1 the gods were      
frightened and they breathed a cloud    
over the eyes of men that they might see
 a certain distance only1 and not be    
like the gods themselves4 ,then while   
the four men were asleep1 the gods gave 
them beautiful wives1 and these became  
the mothers of all tribes1 great and    
small4 ,these tribes1 both black and    

white1 lived and spread in the ,east4   
,they did not yet worship the gods1 but 
only turned their faces up to heaven1   
hardly knowing what they were meant to  
do here below4 ,their features were     
sweet1 so was their language1 and their 
intellect was strong4  ,we now come to a
 most interesting passage1 which is     
intended to explain the confusion of    
tongues4 ,no nation1 except the ,jews1  
has dwelt much on the problem why there 
should be many languages instead of one4
 ,grimm1 in his ',essay on the ,origin  
of ,language1' remarks3 ',it may seem   
surprising that neither the ancient     
,greeks nor the ancient ,indians        
attempted to propose or to solve the    
question as to the origin and the       
multiplicity of human speech4 ,holy     
,writ strove to solve at least one of   
these riddles1 that of the multiplicity 
of languages1 by means of the tower of  
,babel4 ,i know only one other poor     
,esthonian legend which might be placed 
by the side of this biblical solution4  

,the old god1 they say1 when men found  
their first seats too narrow1 resolved  
to spread them over the whole earth1 and
 to give to each nation its own         
language4 ,for this purpose he placed a 
caldron of water on the fire1 and       
commanded the different races to        
approach it in order1 and to select for 
themselves the sounds which were uttered
 by the singing of the water in its     
confinement and torture4'  ,grimm might 
have added another legend which is      
current among the ,thlinkithians1 and   
was clearly framed in order to account  
for the existence of different          
languages4 ,the ,thlinkithians are one  
of the four principal races inhabiting  
,russian ,america4 ,they are called     
,kaljush1 ,koljush1 or ,kolosh by the   
,russians1 and inhabit the coast from   
about #fj deg4 to #de deg4 ,n4,l41      
reaching therefore across the ,russian  
frontier as far as the ,columbia ,river1
 and they likewise hold many of the     
neighbouring islands4 ,weniaminow       

estimates their number1 both in the     
,russian and ,english colonies1 at #bj  
to #be1jjj4 ,they are evidently a       
decreasing race1 and their legends1     
which seem to be numerous and full of   
original ideas1 would well deserve the  
careful attention of ,american          
ethnologists4 ,wrangel suspected a      
relationship between them and the       
,aztecs of ,mexico4 ,these              
,thlinkithians believe in a general     
flood or deluge1 and that men saved     
themselves in a large floating building4
 ,when the waters fell1 the building was
 wrecked on a rock1 and by its own      
weight burst into two pieces4 ,hence    
arose the difference of languages4 ,the 
,thlinkithians with their language      
remained on one side2 on the other side 
were all the other races of the         
earth4#ii  ,footnote #ii3 ,holmberg1    
',ethnographische ,skizzen ueber die    
,voelker des ,russischen ,amerika1'     
,helsingfors1 #ahee4  ,neither the      
,esthonian nor the ,thlinkithian legend1

 however1 offers any striking points of 
coincidence with the ,mosaic accounts4  
,the analogies1 therefore1 as well as   
the discrepancies1 between the ninth    
chapter of ,genesis and the chapter here
 translated from the ,quiche ,,ms4      
require special attention3       ',all  
had but one language1 and they did not  
invoke as yet      either wood or       
stones2 they only remembered the word of
 the      ,creator1 the ,heart of heaven
 and earth4       ',and they spoke while
 meditating on what was hidden by the   
spring of day2 and full of the sacred   
word1 full of love1      obedience1 and 
fear1 they made their prayers1 and      
lifting      their eyes up to heaven1   
they asked for sons and daughters3      
',hail6 ,o ,creator and ,fashioner1 thou
 who seest and hearest      us6 do not  
forsake us1 ,o ,god1 who art in heaven  
and earth1      ,heart of the sky1      
,heart of the earth6 ,give us offspring 
and      descendants as long as the sun 
and dawn shall advance4 ,let      there 

be seed and light4 ,let us always walk  
on open paths1      on roads where there
 is no ambush4 ,let us always be quiet  
and in peace with those who are ours4   
,may our lives run on      happily4     
,give us a life secure from reproach4   
,let there be      seed for harvest1 and
 let there be light4       ',they then  
proceeded to the town of ,tulan1 where  
they      received their gods4          
',and when all the tribes were there    
gathered together1 their      speech was
 changed1 and they did not understand   
each other      after they arrived at   
,tulan4 ,it was there that they         
separated1 and some went to the ,east1  
others came here4 ,even      the        
language of the four ancestors of the   
human race became      different4 ,alas1
 they said1 we have left our language4  
,how has this happened8 ,we are ruined6 
,how could we have been      led into   
error8 ,we had but one language when we 
came to      ,tulan2 our form of worship
 was but one4 ,what we have done is     

not good1 replied all the tribes in the 
woods and under the      lianas4'  ,the 
rest of the work1 which consists        
altogether of four books1 is taken up   
with an account of the migrations of the
 tribes from the ,east1 and their       
various settlements4 ,the four ancestors
 of the race seem to have had a long    
life1 and when at last they came to die1
 they disappeared in a mysterious       
manner1 and left to their sons what is  
called the ,hidden ,majesty1 which was  
never to be opened by human hands4 ,what
 it was we do not know4 ,there are many 
subjects of interest in the chapters    
which follow1 only we must not look     
there for history1 although the author  
evidently accepts as truly historical   
what he tells us about the successive   
generations of kings4 ,but when he      
brings us down at last1 after sundry    
migrations1 wars1 and rebellions1 to the
 arrival of the ,castilians1 we find    
that between the first four ancestors of
 the human or of the ,quiche race and   

the last of their royal dynasties1 there
 intervene only fourteen generations1   
and the author1 whoever he was1 ends    
with the confession3  ',this is all that
 remains of the existence of ,quiche2   
for it is impossible to see the book in 
which formerly the kings could read     
everything1 as it has disappeared4 ,it  
is over with all those of ,quiche6 ,it  
is now called ,santa-,cruz6'  ,march1   
#ahfb4     ,,xv4  ,,semitic             
,,monotheism4#ajj   ,a work such as ,m4 
,renan's ',histoire ,generale et        
,systeme ,compare des ,langues          
,semitiques' can only be reviewed       
chapter by chapter4 ,it contains a      
survey not only1 as its title would lead
 us to suppose1 of the ,semitic         
languages1 but of the ,semitic languages
 and nations2 and1 considering that the 
whole history of the civilised world has
 hitherto been acted by two races only1 
the ,semitic and the ,aryan1 with       
occasional interruptions produced by the
 inroads of the ,turanian race1 ,m4     

,renan's work comprehends in reality    
half of the history of the ancient      
world4 ,we have received as yet the     
first volume only of this important     
work1 and before the author had time to 
finish the second1 he was called upon to
 publish a second edition of the first1 
which appeared in #aheh1 with important 
additions and alterations4  ,footnote   
#ajj3 ',histoire ,generale et ,systeme  
,compare des ,langues ,semitiques4' ,par
 ,ernest ,renan1 ,membre de l',institut4
 ,seconde edition1 ,paris1 #aheh4       
',nouvelles ,considerations sur le      
,caractere ,general des ,peuples        
,semitiques1 et en particulier sur leur 
,tendance au ,monotheisme1' ,par ,ernest
 ,renan4 ,paris1 #ahei4  ,in writing the
 history of the ,semitic race it is     
necessary to lay down certain general   
characteristics common to all the       
members of that race1 before we can     
speak of nations so widely separated    
from each other as the ,jews1 the       
,babylonians1 ,phenicians1              

,carthaginians1 and ,arabs1 as one race 
or family4 ,the most important bond     
which binds these scattered tribes      
together into one ideal whole is to be  
found in their language4 ,there can be  
as little doubt that the dialects of all
 the ,semitic nations are derived from  
one common type as there is about the   
derivation of ,french1 ,spanish1 and    
,italian from ,latin1 or of ,latin1     
,greek1 ,german1 ,celtic1 ,slavonic1 and
 ,sanskrit from the primitive idiom of  
the ancestors of the ,aryan race4 ,the  
evidence of language would by itself be 
quite sufficient to establish the fact  
that the ,semitic nations descended from
 common ancestors1 and constitute what1 
in the science of language1 may be      
called a distinct race4 ,but ,m4 ,renan 
was not satisfied with this single      
criterion of the relationship of the    
,semitic tribes1 and he has endeavoured 
to draw1 partly from his own            
observations1 partly from the           
suggestions of other scholars1 such as  

,ewald and ,lassen1 a more complete     
portrait of the ,semitic man4 ,this was 
no easy task4 ,it was like drawing the  
portrait of a whole family1 omitting all
 that is peculiar to each individual    
member1 and yet preserving the features 
which1 constitute the general family    
likeness4 ,the result has been what     
might be expected4 ,critics most        
familiar with one or the other branch of
 the ,semitic family have each and all  
protested that they can see no likeness 
in the portrait4 ,it seems to some to   
contain features which it ought not to  
contain1 whereas others miss the very   
expression which appears to them most   
striking4  ,the following is a short    
abstract of what ,m4 ,renan considers   
the salient points in the ,semitic      
character3  ',their character1' he says1
 'is religious rather than political1   
and the mainspring of their religion is 
the conception of the unity of ,god4    
,their religious phraseology is simple1 
and free from mythological elements4    

,their religious feelings are strong1   
exclusive1 intolerant1 and sustained by 
a fervour which finds its peculiar      
expression in prophetic visions4        
,compared to the ,aryan nations1 they   
are found deficient in scientific and   
philosophical originality4 ,their poetry
 is chiefly subjective or lyrical1 and  
we look in vain among their poets for   
excellence in epic and dramatic         
compositions4 ,painting and the plastic 
arts have never arrived at a higher than
 the decorative stage4 ,their political 
life has remained patriarchal and       
despotic1 and their inability to        
organise on a large scale has deprived  
them of the means of military success4  
,perhaps the most general feature of    
their character is a negative           
one1--their inability to perceive the   
general and the abstract1 whether in    
thought1 language1 religion1 poetry1 or 
politics2 and1 on the other hand1 a     
strong attraction towards the individual
 and personal1 which makes them         

monotheistic in religion1 lyrical in    
poetry1 monarchical in politics1 abrupt 
in style1 and impractical for           
speculation4'  ,one cannot look at this 
bold and rapid outline of the ,semitic  
character without perceiving how many   
points it contains which are open to    
doubt and discussion4 ,we shall confine 
our remarks to one point1 which1 in our 
mind1 and1 as far as we can see1 in ,m4 
,renan's mind likewise1 is the most     
important of all--namely1 the supposed  
monotheistic tendency of the ,semitic   
race4 ,m4 ,renan asserts that this      
tendency belongs to the race by         
instinct1--that it forms the rule1 not  
the exception2 and he seems to imply    
that without it the human race would    
never have arrived at the knowledge or  
worship of the ,one ,god4  ,if such a   
remark had been made fifty years ago1 it
 would have roused little or no         
opposition4 ',semitic' was then used in 
a more restricted sense1 and hardly     
comprehended more than the ,jews and    

,arabs4 ,of this small group of people  
it might well have been said1 with such 
limitations as are tacitly implied in   
every general proposition on the        
character of individuals or nations1    
that the work set apart for them by a   
,divine ,providence in the history of   
the world was the preaching of a belief 
in one ,god4 ,three religions have been 
founded by members of that more         
circumscribed ,semitic family--the      
,jewish1 the ,christian1 the            
,mohammedan2 and all three proclaim1    
with the strongest accent1 the doctrine 
that there is but one ,god4  ,of late1  
however1 not only have the limits of the
 ,semitic family been considerably      
extended1 so as to embrace several      
nations notorious for their idolatrous  
worship1 but the history of the ,jewish 
and ,arab tribes has been explored so   
much more fully1 that even there traces 
of a wide-spread tendency to polytheism 
have come to light4  ,the ,semitic      
family is divided by ,m4 ,renan into two

 great branches1 differing from each    
other in the form of their monotheistic 
belief1 yet both1 according to their    
historian1 imbued from the beginning    
with the instinctive faith in one ,god3 
#a4 ,the nomad branch1 consisting of    
,arabs1 ,hebrews1 and the neighbouring  
tribes of ,palestine1 commonly called   
the descendants of ,terah2 and  #b4 ,the
 political branch1 including the nations
 of ,phenicia1 of ,syria1 ,mesopotamia1 
and ,yemen4  ,can it be said that all   
these nations1 comprising the           
worshippers of ,elohim1 ,jehovah1       
,sabaoth1 ,moloch1 ,nisroch1 ,rimmon1   
,nebo1 ,dagon1 ,ashtaroth1 ,baal or     
,bel1 ,baal-peor1 ,baal-zebub1 ,chemosh1
 ,milcom1 ,adrammelech1 ,annamelech1    
,nibhaz and ,tartak1 ,ashima1 ,nergal1  
,succoth-benoth1 the ,sun1 ,moon1       
planets1 and all the host of heaven1    
were endowed with a monotheistic        
instinct8 ,m4 ,renan admits that        
monotheism has always had its principal 
bulwark in the nomadic branch1 but he   

maintains that it has by no means been  
so unknown among the members of the     
political branch as is commonly         
supposed4 ,but where are the criteria by
 which1 in the same manner as their     
dialects1 the religions of the ,semitic 
races could be distinguished from the   
religions of the ,aryan and ,turanian   
races8 ,we can recognise any ,semitic   
dialect by the triliteral character of  
its roots4 ,is it possible to discover  
similar radical elements in all the     
forms of faith1 primary or secondary1   
primitive or derivative1 of the ,semitic
 tribes8 ,m4 ,renan thinks that it is4  
,he imagines that he hears the key-note 
of a pure monotheism through all the    
wild shoutings of the priests of ,baal  
and other ,semitic idols1 and he denies 
the presence of that key-note in any of 
the religious systems of the ,aryan     
nations1 whether ,greeks or ,romans1    
,germans or ,celts1 ,hindus or          
,persians4 ,such an assertion could not 
but rouse considerable opposition1 and  

so strong seems to have been the        
remonstrances addressed to ,m4 ,renan by
 several of his colleagues in the       
,french ,institute that1 without        
awaiting the publication of the second  
volume of his great work1 he has thought
 it right to publish part of it as a    
separate pamphlet4 ,in his ',nouvelles  
,considerations sur le ,caractere       
,general des ,peuples ,semitiques1 et en
 particulier sur leur ,tendance au      
,monotheisme1' he endeavours to silence 
the objections raised against the       
leading idea of his history of the      
,semitic race4 ,it is an essay which    
exhibits not only the comprehensive     
knowledge of the scholar1 but the warmth
 and alacrity of the advocate4 ,with ,m4
 ,renan the monotheistic character of   
the descendants of ,shem is not only a  
scientific tenet1 but a moral           
conviction4 ,he wishes that his whole   
work should stand or fall with this     
thesis1 and it becomes1 therefore1 all  
the more the duty of the critic1 to     

inquire whether the arguments which he  
brings forward in support of his        
favourite idea are valid or not4  ,it is
 but fair to ,m4 ,renan that1 in        
examining his statements1 we should pay 
particular attention to any slight      
modifications which he may himself have 
adopted in his last memoir4 ,in his     
history he asserts with great           
confidence1 and somewhat broadly1 that  
'le monotheisme resume et explique tous 
les caracteres de la race ,semitique4'  
,in his later pamphlet he is more       
captious4 ,as an experienced pleader he 
is ready to make many concessions in    
order to gain all the more readily our  
assent to his general proposition4 ,he  
points out himself with great candour   
the weaker points of his argument1      
though1 of course1 only in order to     
return with unabated courage to his     
first position1--that of all the races  
of mankind the ,semitic race alone was  
endowed with the instinct of monotheism4
 ,as it is impossible to deny the fact  

that the ,semitic nations1 in spite of  
this supposed monotheistic instinct1    
were frequently addicted to the most    
degraded forms of a polytheistic        
idolatry1 and that even the ,jews1 the  
most monotheistic of all1 frequently    
provoked the anger of the ,lord by      
burning incense to other gods1 ,m4      
,renan remarks that when he speaks of a 
nation in general he only speaks of the 
intellectual aristocracy of that nation4
 ,he appeals in self-defence to the     
manner in which historians lay down the 
character of modern nations4 ',the      
,french1' he says1 'are repeatedly      
called une nation spirituelle1 and yet  
no one would wish to assert either that 
every ,frenchman is spirituel1 or that  
no one could be spirituel who is not a  
,frenchman4' ,now1 here we may grant to 
,m4 ,renan that if we speak of 'esprit' 
we naturally think of the intellectual  
minority only1 and not of the whole bulk
 of a nation2 but if we speak of        
religion1 the case is different4 ,if we 

say that the ,french believe in one ,god
 only1 or that they are ,christians1 we 
speak not only of the intellectual      
aristocracy of ,france but of every man1
 woman1 and child born and bred in      
,france4 ,even if we say that the       
,french are ,roman ,catholics1 we do so 
only because we know that there is a    
decided majority in ,france in favour of
 the unreformed system of ,christianity4
 ,but if1 because some of the most      
distinguished writers of ,france have   
paraded their contempt for all religious
 dogmas1 we were to say broadly that the
 ,french are a nation without religion1 
we should justly be called to order for 
abusing the legitimate privileges of    
generalization4 ,the fact that ,abraham1
 ,moses1 ,elijah1 and ,jeremiah were    
firm believers in one ,god could not be 
considered sufficient to support the    
general proposition that the ,jewish    
nation was monotheistic by instinct4    
,and if we remember that among the other
 ,semitic races we should look in vain  

for even four such names1 the case would
 seem to be desperate to any one but ,m4
 ,renan4  ,we cannot believe that ,m4   
,renan would be satisfied with the      
admission that there had been among the 
,jews a few leading men who believed in 
one ,god1 or that the existence of but  
one ,god was an article of faith not    
quite unknown among the other ,semitic  
races2 yet he has hardly proved more4   
,he has collected1 with great learning  
and ingenuity1 all traces of monotheism 
in the annals of the ,semitic nations2  
but he has taken no pains to discover   
the traces of polytheism1 whether faint 
or distinct1 which are disclosed in the 
same annals4 ,in acting the part of an  
advocate he has for a time divested     
himself of the nobler character of the  
historian4  ,if ,m4 ,renan had looked   
with equal zeal for the scattered       
vestiges both of a monotheistic and of a
 polytheistic worship1 he would have    
drawn1 perhaps1 a less striking1 but we 
believe a more faithful1 portrait of the

 ,semitic man4 ,we may accept all the   
facts of ,m4 ,renan1 for his facts are  
almost always to be trusted2 but we     
cannot accept his conclusions1 because  
they would be in contradiction to other 
facts which ,m4 ,renan places too much  
in the background1 or ignores           
altogether4 ,besides1 there is something
 in the very conclusions to which he is 
driven by his too partial evidence which
 jars on our ears1 and betrays a want of
 harmony in the premises on which he    
builds4 ,taking his stand on the fact   
that the ,jewish race was the first of  
all the nations of the world to arrive  
at the knowledge of one ,god1 ,m4 ,renan
 proceeds to argue that1 if their       
monotheism had been the result of a     
persevering mental effort--if it had    
been a discovery like the philosophical 
or scientific discoveries of the        
,greeks1 it would be necessary to admit 
that the ,jews surpassed all other      
nations of the world in intellect and   
vigour of speculation4 ,this1 he admits1

 is contrary to fact3       ',apart la  
superiorite de son culte1 le peuple juif
 n'en a      aucune autre2 c'est un des 
peuples les moins doues pour la         
science et la philosophie parmi les     
peuples de l'antiquite2      il n'a une 
grande position ni politique ni         
militaire4 ,ses      institutions sont  
purement conservatrices2 les prophetes1 
qui representent excellemment son genie1
 sont des hommes      essentiellement   
reactionnaires1 se reportant toujours   
vers      un ideal anterieur4 ,comment  
expliquer1 au sein d'une societe        
aussi etroite et aussi peu developpee1  
une revolution      d'idees qu',athenes 
et ,alexandrie n'ont pas reussi a       
accomplir8'  ,m4 ,renan then defines the
 monotheism of the ,jews1 and of the    
,semitic nations in general1 as the     
result of a low1 rather than of a high  
state of intellectual cultivation3 ',il 
s'en faut1' he writes 7p4 #dj71 'que le 
monotheisme soit le produit d'une race  
qui a des idees exaltees en fait de     

religion2 c'est en realite le fruit     
d'une race qui a peu de besoins         
religieux4 ,c'est comme minimum de      
religion1 en fait de dogmes et en fait  
de pratiques exterieures1 que le        
monotheisme est surtout accommode aux   
besoins des populations nomades4'  ,but 
even this minimum of religious          
reflection which is required1 according 
to ,m4 ,renan1 for the perception of the
 unity of ,god1 he grudges to the       
,semitic nations1 and he is driven in   
the end 7p4 #gc7 to explain the ,semitic
 ,monotheism as the result of a         
religious instinct1 analogous to the    
instinct which led each race to the     
formation of its own language4  ,here we
 miss the usual clearness and precision 
which distinguish most of ,m4 ,renan's  
works4 ,it is always dangerous to       
transfer expressions from one branch of 
knowledge to another4 ,the word         
'instinct' has its legitimate           
application in natural history1 where it
 is used of the unconscious acts of     

unconscious beings4 ,we say that birds  
build their nests by instinct1 that     
fishes swim by instinct1 that cats catch
 mice by instinct2 and1 though no       
natural philosopher has yet explained   
what instinct is1 yet we accept the term
 as a conventional expression for an    
unknown power working in the animal     
world4  ,if we transfer this word to the
 unconscious acts of conscious beings1  
we must necessarily alter its           
definition4 ,we may speak of an         
instinctive motion of the arm1 but we   
only mean a motion which has become so  
habitual as to require no longer any    
special effort of the will4  ,if1       
however1 we transfer the word to the    
conscious thoughts of conscious beings1 
we strain the word beyond its natural   
capacities1 we use it in order to avoid 
other terms which would commit us to the
 admission either of innate ideas or    
inspired truths4 ,we use a word in order
 to avoid a definition4 ,it may sound   
more scientific to speak of a           

monotheistic instinct rather than of the
 inborn image or the revealed truth of  
the ,one living ,god2 but is instinct   
less mysterious than revelation8 ,can   
there be an instinct without an         
instigation or an instigator8 ,and whose
 hand was it that instigated the        
,semitic mind to the worship of one     
,god8 ,could the same hand have         
instigated the ,aryan mind to the       
worship of many gods8 ,could the        
monotheistic instinct of the ,semitic   
race1 if an instinct1 have been so      
frequently obscured1 or the polytheistic
 instinct of the ,aryan race1 if an     
instinct1 so completely annihilated1 as 
to allow the ,jews to worship on all the
 high places round ,jerusalem1 and the  
,greeks and ,romans to become believers 
in ,christ8 ,fishes never fly1 and cats 
never catch frogs4 ,these are the       
difficulties into which we are led2 and 
they arise simply and solely from our   
using words for their sound rather than 
for their meaning4 ,we begin by playing 

with words1 but in the end the words    
will play with us4  ,there are1 in fact1
 various kinds of monotheism1 and it    
becomes our duty to examine more        
carefully what they mean and how they   
arise4 ,there is one kind of monotheism1
 though it would more properly be called
 theism1 or henotheism1 which forms the 
birthright of every human being4 ,what  
distinguishes man from all other        
creatures1 and not only raises him above
 the animal world1 but removes him      
altogether from the confines of a merely
 natural existence1 is the feeling of   
sonship inherent in and inseparable from
 human nature4 ,that feeling may find   
expression in a thousand ways1 but there
 breathes through all of them the       
inextinguishable conviction1 ',it is ,he
 that hath made us1 and not we          
ourselves4' ,that feeling of sonship may
 with some races manifest itself in fear
 and trembling1 and it may drive whole  
generations into religious madness and  
devil worship4 ,in other countries it   

may tempt the creature into a fatal     
familiarity with the ,creator1 and end  
in an apotheosis of man1 or a headlong  
plunging of the human into the divine4  
,it may take1 as with the ,jews1 the    
form of a simple assertion that ',adam  
was the son of ,god1' or it may be      
clothed in the mythological phraseology 
of the ,hindus1 that ,manu1 or man1 was 
the descendant of ,svayambhu1 the       
,self-existing4 ,but1 in some form or   
other1 the feeling of dependence on a   
higher ,power breaks through in all the 
religions of the world1 and explains to 
us the meaning of ,st4 ,paul1 'that     
,god1 though in times past ,he suffered 
all nations to walk in their own ways1  
nevertheless ,he left not ,himself      
without witness1 in that ,he did good   
and gave us rain from heaven1 and       
fruitful seasons1 filling our hearts    
with food and gladness4'  ,this         
primitive intuition of ,god and the     
ineradicable feeling of dependence on   
,god1 could only have been the result of

 a primitive revelation1 in the truest  
sense of that word4 ,man1 who owed his  
existence to ,god1 and whose being      
centred and rested in ,god1 saw and felt
 ,god as the only source of his own and 
of all other existence4 ,by the very act
 of the creation1 ,god had revealed     
,himself4 ,there ,he was1 manifested in 
,his works1 in all ,his majesty and     
power1 before the face of those to whom 
,he had given eyes to see and ears to   
hear1 and into whose nostrils ,he had   
breathed the breath of life1 even the   
,spirit of ,god4  ,this primitive       
intuition of ,god1 however1 was in      
itself neither monotheistic nor         
polytheistic1 though it might become    
either1 according to the expression     
which it took in the languages of man4  
,it was this primitive intuition which  
supplied either the subject or the      
predicate in all the religions of the   
world1 and without it no religion1      
whether true or false1 whether revealed 
or natural1 could have had even its     

first beginning4 ,it is too often       
forgotten by those who believe that a   
polytheistic worship was the most       
natural unfolding of religious life1    
that polytheism must everywhere have    
been preceded by a more or less         
conscious theism4 ,in no language does  
the plural exist before the singular4   
,no human mind could have conceived the 
idea of gods without having previously  
conceived the idea of a god4 ,it would  
be1 however1 quite as great a mistake to
 imagine1 because the idea of a god must
 exist previously to that of gods1 that 
therefore a belief in ,one ,god preceded
 everywhere the belief in many gods4 ,a 
belief in ,god as exclusively ,one1     
involves a distinct negation of more    
than one ,god1 and that negation is     
possible only after the conception1     
whether real or imaginary1 of many gods4
  ,the primitive intuition of the       
,godhead is neither monotheistic nor    
polytheistic1 and it finds its most     
natural expression in the simplest and  

yet the most important article of       
faith--that ,god is ,god4 ,this must    
have been the faith of the ancestors of 
mankind previously to any division of   
race or confusion of tongues4 ,it might 
seem1 indeed1 as if in such a faith the 
oneness of ,god1 though not expressly   
asserted1 was implied1 and that it      
existed1 though latent1 in the first    
revelation of ,god4 ,history1 however1  
proves that the question of oneness was 
yet undecided in that primitive faith1  
and that the intuition of ,god was not  
yet secured against the illusions of a  
double vision4 ,there are1 in reality1  
two kinds of oneness which1 when we     
enter into metaphysical discussions1    
must be carefully distinguished1 and    
which for practical purposes are well   
kept separate by the definite and       
indefinite articles4 ,there is one kind 
of oneness which does not exclude the   
idea of plurality2 there is another     
which does4 ,when we say that ,cromwell 
was a ,protector of ,england1 we do not 

assert that he was the only protector4  
,but if we say that he was the          
,protector of ,england1 it is understood
 that he was the only man who enjoyed   
that title4 ,if1 therefore1 an          
expression had been given to that       
primitive intuition of the ,deity1 which
 is the mainspring of all later         
religion1 it would have been--',there is
 a ,god1' but not yet ',there is but    
,one ,god4' ,the latter form of faith1  
the belief in ,one ,god1 is properly    
called monotheism1 whereas the term of  
henotheism would best express the faith 
in a single god4  ,we must bear in mind 
that we are here speaking of a period in
 the history of mankind when1 together  
with the awakening of ideas1 the first  
attempts only were being made at        
expressing the simplest conceptions by  
means of a language most simple1 most   
sensuous1 and most unwieldy4 ,there was 
as yet no word sufficiently reduced by  
the wear and tear of thought to serve as
 an adequate expression for the abstract

 idea of an immaterial and supernatural 
,being4 ,there were words for walking   
and shouting1 for cutting and burning1  
for dog and cow1 for house and wall1 for
 sun and moon1 for day and night4 ,every
 object was called by some quality which
 had struck the eye as most peculiar and
 characteristic4 ,but what quality      
should be predicated of that ,being of  
which man knew as yet nothing but its   
existence8 ,language possessed as yet no
 auxiliary verbs4 ,the very idea of     
being without the attributes of quality 
or action1 had never entered into the   
human mind4 ,how then was that ,being to
 be called which had revealed its       
existence1 and continued to make itself 
felt by everything that most powerfully 
impressed the awakening mind1 but which 
as yet was known only like a            
subterraneous spring by the waters which
 it poured forth with inexhaustible     
strength8 ,when storm and lightning     
drove a father with his helpless family 
to seek refuge in the forests1 and the  

fall of mighty trees crushed at his side
 those who were most dear to him1 there 
were1 no doubt1 feelings of terror and  
awe1 of helplessness and dependence1 in 
the human heart which burst forth in a  
shriek for pity or help from the only   
,being that could command the storm4    
,but there was no name by which ,he     
could be called4 ,there might be names  
for the storm-wind and the thunderbolt1 
but these were not the names applicable 
to ,him that rideth upon the heavens of 
heavens1 which were of old4 ,again1 when
 after a wild and tearful night the sun 
dawned in the morning1 smiling on       
man--when after a dreary and deathlike  
winter spring came again with its       
sunshine and flowers1 there were        
feelings of joy and gratitude1 of love  
and adoration in the heart of every     
human being2 but though there were names
 for the sun and the spring1 for the    
bright sky and the brilliant dawn1 there
 was no word by which to call the source
 of all this gladness1 the giver of     

light and life4  ,at the time when we   
may suppose that the first attempts at  
finding a name for ,god were made1 the  
divergence of the languages of mankind  
had commenced4 ,we cannot dwell here on 
the causes which led to the multiplicity
 of human speech2 but whether we look on
 the confusion of tongues as a natural  
or supernatural event1 it was an event  
which the science of language has proved
 to have been inevitable4 ,the ancestors
 of the ,semitic and the ,aryan nations 
had long become unintelligible to each  
other in their conversations on the most
 ordinary topics1 when they each in     
their own way began to look for a proper
 name for ,god4 ,now one of the most    
striking differences between the ,aryan 
and the ,semitic forms of speech was    
this3--,in the ,semitic languages the   
roots expressive of the predicates which
 were to serve as the proper names of   
any subjects1 remained so distinct      
within the body of a word1 that those   
who used the word were unable to forget 

its predicative meaning1 and retained in
 most cases a distinct consciousness of 
its appellative power4 ,in the ,aryan   
languages1 on the contrary1 the         
significative element1 or the root of a 
word1 was apt to become so completely   
absorbed by the derivative elements1    
whether prefixes or suffixes1 that most 
substantives ceased almost immediately  
to be appellative1 and were changed into
 mere names or proper names4 ,what we   
mean can best be illustrated by the fact
 that the dictionaries of ,semitic      
languages are mostly arranged according 
to their roots4 ,when we wish to find   
the meaning of a word in ,hebrew or     
,arabic we first look for its root1     
whether triliteral or biliteral1 and    
then look in the dictionary for that    
root and its derivatives4 ,in the ,aryan
 languages1 on the contrary1 such an    
arrangement would be extremely          
inconvenient4 ,in many words it is      
impossible to detect the radical        
element4 ,in others1 after the root is  

discovered1 we find that it has not     
given birth to any other derivatives    
which would throw their converging rays 
of light on its radical meaning4 ,in    
other cases1 again1 such seems to have  
been the boldness of the original       
name-giver that we can hardly enter into
 the idiosyncrasy which assigned such a 
name to such an object4  ,this          
peculiarity of the ,semitic and ,aryan  
languages must have had the greatest    
influence on the formation of their     
religious phraseology4 ,the ,semitic man
 would call on ,god in adjectives only1 
or in words which always conveyed a     
predicative meaning4 ,every one of his  
words was more or less predicative1 and 
he was therefore restricted in his      
choice to such words as expressed some  
one or other of the abstract qualities  
of the ,deity4 ,the ,aryan man was less 
fettered in his choice4 ,let us take an 
instance4 ,being startled by the sound  
of thunder1 he would at first express   
his impression by the single phrase1 ,it

 thunders1--,greek3 brouta4 ,here the   
idea of ,god is understood rather than  
expressed1 very much in the same manner 
as the ,semitic proper names ,zabd      
7present71 ,abd 7servant71 ,aus         
7present71 are habitually used for      
,zabd-allah1 ,abd-allah1                
,aus-allah1--the servant of ,god1 the   
gift of ,god4 ,it would be more in      
accordance with the feelings and        
thoughts of those who first used these  
so-called impersonal verbs to translate 
them by ,he thunders1 ,he rains1 ,he    
snows4 ,afterwards1 instead of the      
simple impersonal verb ,he thunders1    
another expression naturally suggested  
itself4 ,the thunder came from the sky1 
the sky was frequently called ,dyaus    
7the bright one71 in ,greek ,greek3     
,zeus2 and though it was not the bright 
sky which thundered1 but the dark1 yet  
,dyaus had already ceased to be an      
expressive predicate1 it had become a   
traditional name1 and hence there was   
nothing to prevent an ,aryan man from   

saying ,dyaus1 or the sky thunders1 in  
,greek ,greek3 ,zeus brouta4 ,let us    
here mark the almost irresistible       
influence of language on the mind4 ,the 
word ,dyaus1 which at first meant       
bright1 had lost its radical meaning1   
and now meant simply sky4 ,it then      
entered into a new stage4 ,the idea     
which had first been expressed by the   
pronoun or the termination of the third 
person1 ,he thunders1 was taken up into 
the word ,dyaus1 or sky4 ,he thunders1  
and ,dyaus thunders1 became synonymous  
expressions1 and by the mere habit of   
speech ,he became ,dyaus1 and ,dyaus    
became ,he4 ,henceforth ,dyaus remained 
as an appellative of that unseen though 
ever present ,power1 which had revealed 
its existence to man from the beginning1
 but which remained without a name long 
after every beast of the field and every
 fowl of the air had been named by      
,adam4  ,now1 what happened in this     
instance with the name of ,dyaus1       
happened again and again with other     

names4 ,when men felt the presence of   
,god in the great and strong wind1 in   
the earthquake1 or the fire1 they said  
at first1 ,he storms1 ,he shakes1 ,he   
burns4 ,but they likewise said1 the     
storm 7,marut7 blows1 the fire 7,agni7  
burns1 the subterraneous fire           
7,vulcanus7 upheaves the earth4 ,and    
after a time the result was the same as 
before1 and the words meaning originally
 wind or fire were used1 under certain  
restrictions1 as names of the unknown   
,god4 ,as long as all these names were  
remembered as mere names or attributes  
of one and the same ,divine ,power1     
there was as yet no polytheism1 though1 
no doubt1 every new name threatened to  
obscure more and more the primitive     
intuition of ,god4 ,at first1 the names 
of ,god1 like fetishes or statues1 were 
honest attempts at expressing or        
representing an idea which could never  
find an adequate expression or          
representation4 ,but the eidolon1 or    
likeness1 became an idol2 the nomen1 or 

name1 lapsed into a numen1 or demon1 as 
soon as they were drawn away from their 
original intention4 ,if the ,greeks had 
remembered that ,zeus was but a name or 
symbol of the ,deity1 there would have  
been no more harm in calling ,god by    
that name than by any other4 ,if they   
had remembered that ,kronos1 and        
,uranos1 and ,apollon were all but so   
many attempts at naming the various     
sides1 or manifestations1 or aspects1 or
 persons of the ,deity1 they might have 
used these names in the hours of their  
various needs1 just as the ,jews called 
on ,jehovah1 ,elohim1 and ,sabaoth1 or  
as ,roman ,catholics implore the help of
 ,nunziata1 ,dolores1 and               
,notre-,dame-de-,grace4  ,what1 then1 is
 the difference between the ,aryan and  
,semitic nomenclature for the ,deity8   
,why are we told that the pious         
invocations of the ,aryan world turned  
into a blasphemous mocking of the       
,deity1 whereas the ,semitic nations are
 supposed to have found from the first  

the true name of ,god8 ,before we look  
anywhere else for an answer to the      
question1 we must look to language      
itself1 and here we see that the        
,semitic dialects could never1 by any   
possibility1 have produced such names as
 the ,sanskrit ,dyaus 7,zeus71 ,varuna  
7,uranos71 ,marut 7,storm1 ,mars71 or   
,ushas 7,eos74 ,they had no doubt names 
for the bright sky1 for the tent of     
heaven1 and for the dawn4 ,but these    
names were so distinctly felt as        
appellatives1 that they could never be  
thought of as proper names1 whether as  
names of the ,deity1 or as names of     
deities4 ,this peculiarity has been     
illustrated with great skill by ,m4     
,renan4 ,we differ from him when he     
tries to explain the difference between 
the mythological phraseology of the     
,aryan and the theological phraseology  
of the ,semitic races1 by assigning to  
each a peculiar theological instinct4   
,we cannot1 in fact1 see how the        
admission of such an instinct1 i4 e4 of 

an unknown and incomprehensible power1  
helps us in any way whatsoever to       
comprehend this curious mental process4 
,his problem1 however1 is exactly the   
same as ours1 and it would be impossible
 to state that problem in a more telling
 manner than he has done4  ',the rain1' 
he says 7p4 #gi71 'is represented1 in   
all the primitive mythologies of the    
,aryan race1 as the fruit of the        
embraces of ,heaven and ,earth4' ',the  
bright sky1' says ,a,eschylus1 in a     
passage which one might suppose was     
taken from the ,vedas1 'loves to        
penetrate the earth2 the earth on her   
part aspires to the heavenly marriage4  
,rain falling from the loving sky       
impregnates the earth1 and she produces 
for mortals pastures of the flocks and  
the gifts of ,ceres4' ,in the ,book of  
,job1#aja on the contrary1 it is ,god   
who tears open the waterskins of ,heaven
 7xxxviii4 #cg71 who opens the courses  
for the floods 7ibid4 #be71 who         
engenders the drops of dew 7ibid4 #bh73 

',he draws towards ,him the mists from  
the waters1     ,which pour down as     
rain1 and form their vapours4           
,afterwards the clouds spread them out1 
,they fall as drops on the crowds of    
men4' 7,job xxxvi4 #bg1 #bh47  ,footnote
 #aja3 ,we give the extracts according  
to ,m4 ,renan's translation of the ,book
 of ,job 7,paris1 #ahei1 ,michel ,levy74
      ',he charges the night with damp  
vapours1     ,he drives before ,him the 
thunder-bearing cloud4     ,it is driven
 to one side or the other by ,his       
command4     ,to execute all that ,he   
ordains     ,on the face of the         
universe1     ,whether it be to punish  
,his creatures     ,or to make thereof a
 proof of ,his mercy1' 7,job xxxvii4    
#aa-ac47  ,or1 again1 ,proverbs xxx4 #d3
       ',who hath gathered the wind in  
,his fists8 ,who hath bound the         
waters in a garment8 ,who hath          
established all the ends of      the    
earth8 ,what is ,his name1 and what is  
,his ,son's name1 if      thou canst    

tell8'  ,it has been shown by ample     
evidence from the ,rig-veda how many    
mythes were suggested to the ,aryan     
world by various names of the dawn1 the 
day-spring of life4 ,the language of the
 ancient ,aryans of ,india had thrown   
out many names for that heavenly        
apparition1 and every name1 as it ceased
 to be understood1 became1 like a       
decaying seed1 the germ of an abundant  
growth of mythe and legend4 ,why should 
not the same have happened to the       
,semitic names for the dawn8 ,simply and
 solely because the ,semitic words had  
no tendency to phonetic corruption2     
simply and solely because they continued
 to be felt as appellatives1 and would  
inevitably have defeated every attempt  
at mythological phraseology such as we  
find in ,india and ,greece4 ,when the   
dawn is mentioned in the ,book of ,job  
7ix4 #aa71 it is ,god 'who commandeth   
the sun and it riseth not1 and sealeth  
up the stars4' ,it is ,his power which  
causeth the day-spring to know its      

place1 that it might take hold of the   
ends of the earth1 that the wicked might
 be shaken out of it 7,job xxxviii4 #ab1
 #ac2 ,renan1 ',livre de ,job1' pref4   
#ga74 ,shahar1 the dawn1 never becomes  
an independent agent2 she is never      
spoken of as ,eos rising from the bed of
 her husband ,tithonos 7the setting     
sun71 solely and simply because the word
 retained its power as an appellative1  
and thus could not enter into any       
mythological metamorphosis4  ,even in   
,greece there are certain words which   
have remained so pellucid as to prove   
unfit for mythological refraction4      
,selene in ,greek is so clearly the moon
 that her name would pierce through the 
darkest clouds of mythe and fable4 ,call
 her ,hecate1 and she will bear any     
disguise1 however fanciful4 ,it is the  
same with the ,latin ,luna4 ,she is too 
clearly the moon to be mistaken for     
anything else1 but call her ,lucina1 and
 she will readily enter into various    
mythological phases4 ,if1 then1 the     

names of sun and moon1 of thunder and   
lightning1 of light and day1 of night   
and dawn could not yield to the ,semitic
 races fit appellatives for the ,deity1 
where were they to be found8 ,if the    
names of ,heaven or ,earth jarred on    
their ears as names unfit for the       
,creator1 where could they find more    
appropriate terms8 ,they would not have 
objected to real names such as ,jupiter 
,optimus ,maximus1 or ,greek3 ,zeus     
kydistos megistos1 if such words could  
have been framed in their dialects1 and 
the names of ,jupiter and ,zeus could   
have been so ground down as to become   
synonymous with the general term for    
',god4' ,not even the ,jews could have  
given a more exalted definition of the  
,deity than that of ,optimus            
,maximus--the ,best and the ,greatest2  
and their very name of ,god1 ,jehovah1  
is generally supposed to mean no more   
than what the ,peleiades of ,dodona said
 of ,zeus1 ,greek3 ,zeus en1 ,zeus      
estin1 ,zeus essetai o megale ,zeu1 ',he

 was1 ,he is1 ,he will be1 ,oh great    
,zeus6' ,not being able to form such    
substantives as ,dyaus1 or ,varuna1 or  
,indra1 the descendants of ,shem fixed  
on the predicates which in the ,aryan   
prayers follow the name of the ,deity1  
and called ,him the ,best and the       
,greatest1 the ,lord and ,king4 ,if we  
examine the numerous names of the ,deity
 in the ,semitic dialects we find that  
they are all adjectives1 expressive of  
moral qualities4 ,there is ,el1 strong2 
,bel or ,baal1 ,lord2 ,beel-samin1 ,lord
 of ,heaven2 ,adonis 7in ,phenicia71    
,lord2 ,marnas 7at ,gaza71 our ,lord2   
,shet1 ,master1 afterwards a demon2     
,moloch1 ,milcom1 ,malika1 ,king2       
,eliun1 the ,highest 7the ,god of       
,melchisedek72 ,ram and ,rimmon1 the    
,exalted2 and many more names1 all      
originally adjectives and expressive of 
certain general qualities of the ,deity1
 but all raised by one or the other of  
the ,semitic tribes to be the names of  
,god or of that idea which the first    

breath of life1 the first sight of this 
world1 the first consciousness of       
existence1 had for ever impressed and   
implanted in the human mind4  ,but do   
these names prove that the people who   
invented them had a clear and settled   
idea of the unity of the ,deity8 ,do we 
not find among the ,aryan nations that  
the same superlatives1 the same names of
 ,lord and ,king1 of ,master and        
,father1 are used when the human mind is
 brought face to face with the ,divine1 
and the human heart pours out in prayer 
and thanksgiving the feelings inspired  
by the presence of ,god8 ,brahman1 in   
,sanskrit1 meant originally ,power1 the 
same as ,el4 ,it resisted for a long    
time the mythological contagion1 but at 
last it yielded like all other names of 
,god1 and became the name of one ,god4  
,by the first man who formed or fixed   
these names1 ,brahman1 like ,el1 and    
like every name of ,god1 was meant1 no  
doubt1 as the best expression that could
 be found for the image reflected from  

the ,creator upon the mind of the       
creature4 ,but in none of these words   
can we see any decided proof that those 
who framed them had arrived at the clear
 perception of ,one ,god1 and were thus 
secured against the danger of           
polytheism4 ,like ,dyaus1 like ,indra1  
like ,brahman1 ,baal and ,el and ,moloch
 were names of ,god1 but not yet of the 
,one ,god4  ,and we have only to follow 
the history of these ,semitic names in  
order to see that1 in spite of their    
superlative meaning1 they proved no     
stronger bulwark against polytheism than
 the ,latin ,optimus ,maximus4 ,the very
 names which we saw explained before as 
meaning the ,highest1 the ,lord1 the    
,master1 are represented in the         
,phenician mythology as standing to each
 other in the relation of ,father and   
,son4 7,renan1 p4 #fj47 ,there is hardly
 one single ,semitic tribe which did not
 at times forget the original meaning of
 the names by which they called on ,god4
 ,if the ,jews had remembered the       

meaning of ,el1 the ,omnipotent1 they   
could not have worshipped ,baal1 the    
,lord1 as different from ,el4 ,but as   
the ,aryan tribes bartered the names of 
their gods1 and were glad to add the    
worship of ,zeus to that of ,uranos1 the
 worship of ,apollon to that of ,zeus1  
the worship of ,hermes to that of       
,apollon1 the ,semitic nations likewise 
were ready to try the gods of their     
neighbours4 ,if there had been in the   
,semitic race a truly monotheistic      
instinct1 the history of those nations  
would become perfectly unintelligible4  
,nothing is more difficult to overcome  
than an instinct3 naturam furca         
expellas1 tamen usque recurret4 ,but the
 history even of the ,jews is made up of
 an almost uninterrupted series of      
relapses into polytheism4 ,let us admit1
 on the contrary1 that ,god had in the  
beginning revealed ,himself the same to 
the ancestors of the whole human race4  
,let us then observe the natural        
divergence of the languages of man1 and 

consider the peculiar difficulties that 
had to be overcome in framing names for 
,god1 and the peculiar manner in which  
they were overcome in the ,semitic and  
,aryan languages1 and everything that   
follows will be intelligible4 ,if we    
consider the abundance of synonymes into
 which all ancient languages burst out  
at their first starting--if we remember 
that there were hundreds of names for   
the earth and the sky1 the sun and the  
moon1 we shall not be surprised at      
meeting with more than one name for ,god
 both among the ,semitic and the ,aryan 
nations4 ,if we consider how easily the 
radical or significative elements of    
words were absorbed and obscured in the 
,aryan1 and how they stood out in bold  
relief in the ,semitic languages1 we    
shall appreciate the difficulty which   
the ,shemites experienced in framing any
 name that should not seem to take too  
one-sided a view of the ,deity by       
predicating but one quality1 whether    
strength1 dominion1 or majesty2 and we  

shall equally perceive the snare which  
their very language laid for the ,aryan 
nations1 by supplying them with a number
 of words which1 though they seemed     
harmless as meaning nothing except what 
by tradition or definition they were    
made to mean1 yet were full of mischief 
owing to the recollections which1 at any
 time1 they might revive4 ,dyaus in     
itself was as good a name as any for    
,god1 and in some respects more         
appropriate than its derivative deva1   
the ,latin deus1 which the ,romance     
nations still use without meaning any   
harm4 ,but ,dyaus had meant sky for too 
long a time to become entirely divested 
of all the old mythes or sayings which  
were true of ,dyaus1 the sky1 but could 
only be retained as fables if           
transferred to ,dyaus1 ,god4 ,dyaus1 the
 ,bright1 might be called the husband of
 the earth2 but1 when the same mythe was
 repeated of ,zeus1 the god1 then ,zeus 
became the husband of ,demeter1 ,demeter
 became a goddess1 a daughter sprang    

from their union1 and all the sluices of
 mythological madness were opened4      
,there were a few men1 no doubt1 at all 
times1 who saw through this mythological
 phraseology1 who called on ,god1 though
 they called him ,zeus1 or ,dyaus1 or   
,jupiter4 ,xenophanes1 one of the       
earliest ,greek heretics1 boldly        
maintained that there was but 'one ,god1
 and that ,he was not like unto men1    
either in body or mind4'#ajb ,a poet in 
the ,veda asserts distinctly1 ',they    
call ,him ,indra1 ,mitra1 ,varuna1      
,agni2 then ,he is the well-winged      
heavenly ,garutmat2 that which is ,one  
the wise call it many ways--they call it
 ,agni1 ,yama1 ,matarisvan4'#ajc        
,footnote #ajb3 ,xenophanes1 about      
contemporary with ,cyrus1 as quoted by  
,clemens ,alex41 ,strom4 v1 p4          
#fja1--;,greek3 eis theos en te theoisi 
kai anthropoisi megistos1 oute demas    
thnetoisin homoiios oude noema4         
,footnote #ajc3 ',history of ,ancient   
,sanskrit ,literature1' by ,m4 ,m41 p4  

#efg4  ,but1 on the whole1 the charm of 
mythology prevailed among the ,aryan    
nations1 and a return to the primitive  
intuition of ,god and a total negation  
of all gods1 wore rendered more         
difficult to the ,aryan than to the     
,semitic man4 ,the ,semitic man had     
hardly ever to resist the allurements of
 mythology4 ,the names with which he    
invoked the ,deity did not trick him by 
their equivocal character4              
,nevertheless1 these ,semitic names1    
too1 though predicative in the          
beginning1 became subjective1 and from  
being the various names of ,one ,being1 
lapsed into names of various beings4    
,hence arose a danger which threatened  
well-nigh to bar to the ,semitic race   
the approach to the conception and      
worship of the ,one ,god4  ,nowhere can 
we see this danger more clearly than in 
the history of the ,jews4 ,the ,jews    
had1 no doubt1 preserved1 from the      
beginning the idea of ,god1 and their   
names of ,god contained nothing but what

 might by right be ascribed to ,him4    
,they worshipped a single ,god1 and1    
whenever they fell into idolatry1 they  
felt that they had fallen away from     
,god4 ,but that ,god1 under whatever    
name they invoked ,him1 was especially  
their ,god1 their own national ,god1 and
 ,his existence did not exclude the     
existence of other gods or demons4 ,of  
the ancestors of ,abraham and ,nachor1  
even of their father ,terah1 we know    
that in old time1 when they dwelt on the
 other side of the flood1 they served   
other gods 7,joshua xxiv4 #b74 ,at the  
time of ,joshua these gods were not yet 
forgotten1 and instead of denying their 
existence altogether1 ,joshua only      
exhorts the people to put away the gods 
which their fathers served on the other 
side of the flood and in ,egypt1 and to 
serve the ,lord3 ',choose ye this day1' 
he says1 'whom you will serve2 whether  
the gods which your fathers served that 
were on the other side of the flood1 or 
the gods of the ,amorites1 in whose land

 ye dwell2 but as for me and my house1  
we will serve the ,lord4'  ,such a      
speech1 exhorting the people to make    
their choice between various gods1 would
 have been unmeaning if addressed to a  
nation which had once conceived the     
unity of the ,godhead4 ,even images of  
the gods were not unknown to the family 
of ,abraham1 for1 though we know nothing
 of the exact form of the teraphim1 or  
images which ,rachel stole from her     
father1 certain it is that ,laban calls 
them his gods 7,genesis xxxi4 #ai1 #cj74
 ,but what is much more significant than
 these traces of polytheism and idolatry
 is the hesitating tone in which some of
 the early patriarchs speak of their    
,god4 ,when ,jacob flees before ,esau   
into ,padan-,aram and awakes from his   
vision at ,bethel1 he does not profess  
his faith in the ,one ,god1 but he      
bargains1 and says1 ',if ,god will be   
with me1 and will keep me in this way   
that ,i go1 and will give me bread to   
eat1 and raiment to put on1 so that ,i  

come again to my father's house in      
peace1 then shall the ,lord be my ,god3 
and this stone1 which ,i have set for a 
pillar1 shall be ,god's house3 and of   
all that thou shalt give me1 ,i will    
surely give the tenth unto thee'        
7,genesis xxviii4 #bj-bb74 ,language of 
this kind evinces not only a temporary  
want of faith in ,god1 but it shows that
 the conception of ,god had not yet     
acquired that complete universality     
which alone deserves to be called       
monotheism1 or belief in the ,one ,god4 
,to him who has seen ,god face to face  
there is no longer any escape or doubt  
as to who is to be his god2 ,god is his 
god1 whatever befall4 ,but this ,jacob  
learnt not until he had struggled and   
wrestled with ,god1 and committed       
himself to ,his care at the very time   
when no one else could have saved him4  
,in that struggle ,jacob asked for the  
true name of ,god1 and he learnt from   
,god that ,his name was secret 7,genesis
 xxxii4 #bi74 ,after that1 his ,god was 

no longer one of many gods4 ,his faith  
was not like the faith of ,jethro       
7,exodus xxvii4 #aa71 the priest of     
,midian1 the father-in-law of ,moses1   
who when he heard of all that ,god had  
done for ,moses acknowledged that ,god  
7,jehovah7 was greater than all gods    
7,elohim74 ,this is not yet faith in the
 ,one ,god4 ,it is a faith hardly above 
the faith of the people who were halting
 between ,jehovah and ,baal1 and who    
only when they saw what the ,lord did   
for ,elijah1 fell on their faces and    
said1 ',the ,lord ,he is the ,god4'     
,and yet this limited faith in ,jehovah 
as the ,god of the ,jews1 as a ,god more
 powerful than the gods of the heathen1 
as a ,god above all gods1 betrays itself
 again and again in the history of the  
,jews4 ,the idea of many gods is there1 
and wherever that idea exists1 wherever 
the plural of god is used in earnest1   
there is polytheism4 ,it is not so much 
the names of ,zeus1 ,hermes1 c41 which  
constitute the polytheism of the        

,greeks2 it is the plural ,greek3 theoi1
 gods1 which contains the fatal spell4  
,we do not know what ,m4 ,renan means   
when he says that ,jehovah with the     
,jews 'n'est pas le plus grand entre    
plusieurs dieux2 c'est le ,dieu unique4'
 ,it was so with ,abraham1 it was so    
after ,jacob had been changed into      
,israel1 it was so with ,moses1 ,elijah1
 and ,jeremiah4 ,but what is the meaning
 of the very first commandment1 ',thou  
shalt have no other gods before me8'    
,could this command have been addressed 
to a nation to whom the plural of ,god  
was a nonentity8 ,it might be answered  
that the plural of ,god was to the ,jews
 as revolting as it is to us1 that it   
was revolting to their faith1 if not to 
their reason4 ,but how was it that their
 language tolerated the plural of a word
 which excludes plurality as much as the
 word for the centre of a sphere8 ,no   
man who had clearly perceived the unity 
of ,god1 could say with the ,psalmist   
7lxxxvi4 #h71 ',among the gods there is 

none like unto ,thee1 ,o ,lord1 neither 
are there any works like unto ,thy      
works4' ,though the same poet says1     
',thou art ,god alone1' he could not    
have compared ,god with other gods1 if  
his idea of ,god had really reached that
 all-embracing character which it had   
with ,abraham1 ,moses1 ,elijah1 and     
,jeremiah4 ,nor would ,god have been    
praised as the 'great king above all    
gods' by a poet in whose eyes the gods  
of the heathen had been recognised as   
what they were--mighty shadows1 thrown  
by the mighty works of ,god1 and        
intercepting for a time the pure light  
of the ,godhead4  ,we thus arrive at a  
different conviction from that which ,m4
 ,renan has made the basis of the       
history of the ,semitic race4 ,we can   
see nothing that would justify the      
admission of a monotheistic instinct1   
granted to the ,semitic1 and withheld   
from the ,aryan race4 ,they both share  
in the primitive intuition of ,god1 they
 are both exposed to dangers in framing 

names for ,god1 and they both fall into 
polytheism4 ,what is peculiar to the    
,aryan race is their mythological       
phraseology1 superadded to their        
polytheism2 what is peculiar to the     
,semitic race is their belief in a      
national god--in a god chosen by his    
people as his people had been chosen by 
him4  ,no doubt1 ,m4 ,renan might say   
that we ignored his problem1 and that we
 have not removed the difficulties which
 drove him to the admission of a        
monotheistic instinct4 ,how is the fact 
to be explained1 he might ask1 that the 
three great religions of the world in   
which the unity of the ,deity forms the 
key-note1 are of ,semitic origin1 and   
that the ,aryan nations1 wherever they  
have been brought to a worship of the   
,one ,god1 invoke ,him with names       
borrowed from the ,semitic languages8   
,but let us look more closely at the    
facts before we venture on theories4    
,mohammedanism1 no doubt1 is a ,semitic 
religion1 and its very core is          

monotheism4 ,but did ,mohammed invent   
monotheism8 ,did he invent even a new   
name of ,god8 7,renan1 p4 #bc47 ,not at 
all4 ,his object was to destroy the     
idolatry of the ,semitic tribes of      
,arabia1 to dethrone the angels1 the    
,jin1 the sons and daughters who had    
been assigned to ,allah1 and to restore 
the faith of ,abraham in one ,god4      
7,renan1 p4 #cg47  ,and how is it with  
,christianity8 ,did ,christ come to     
preach a faith in a new ,god8 ,did ,he  
or ,his disciples invent a new name of  
,god8 ,no1 ,christ came not to destroy1 
but to fulfil2 and the ,god whom ,he    
preached was the ,god of ,abraham4  ,and
 who is the ,god of ,jeremiah1 of       
,elijah1 and of ,moses8 ,we answer      
again1 the ,god of ,abraham4  ,thus the 
faith in the ,one living ,god1 which    
seemed to require the admission of a    
monotheistic instinct1 grafted in every 
member of the ,semitic family1 is traced
 back to one man1 to him 'in whom all   
families of the earth shall be blessed' 

7,genesis xii4 #c1 ,acts iii4 #be1      
,galatians iii4 #h74 ,if from our       
earliest childhood we have looked upon  
,abraham1 the friend of ,god1 with love 
and veneration2 if our first impressions
 of a truly god-fearing life were taken 
from him1 who left the land of his      
fathers to live a stranger in the land  
whither ,god had called him1 who always 
listened to the voice of ,god1 whether  
it conveyed to him the promise of a son 
in his old age1 or the command to       
sacrifice that son1 his only son ,isaac1
 his venerable figure will assume still 
more majestic proportions when we see in
 him the life-spring of that faith which
 was to unite all the nations of the    
earth1 and the author of that blessing  
which was to come on the ,gentiles      
through ,jesus ,christ4  ,and if we are 
asked how this one ,abraham possessed   
not only the primitive intuition of ,god
 as ,he had revealed ,himself to all    
mankind1 but passed through the denial  
of all other gods to the knowledge of   

the one ,god1 we are content to answer  
that it was by a special ,divine        
,revelation4 ,we do not indulge in      
theological phraseology1 but we mean    
every word to its fullest extent4 ,the  
,father of ,truth chooses ,his own      
prophets1 and ,he speaks to them in a   
voice stronger than the voice of        
thunder4 ,it is the same inner voice    
through which ,god speaks to all of us4 
,that voice may dwindle away1 and become
 hardly audible2 it may lose its ,divine
 accent1 and sink into the language of  
worldly prudence2 but it may also1 from 
time to time1 assume its real nature1   
with the chosen of ,god1 and sound into 
their ears as a voice from ,heaven4 ,a  
'divine instinct' may sound more        
scientific1 and less theological2 but in
 truth it would neither be an           
appropriate name for what is a gift or  
grace accorded to but few1 nor would it 
be a more scientific1 i4 e4 a more      
intelligible word than 'special         
revelation4'  ,the important point1     

however1 is not whether the faith of    
,abraham should be called a divine      
instinct or a revelation2 what we wish  
here to insist on is that that instinct1
 or that revelation1 was special1       
granted to one man1 and handed down from
 him to ,jews1 ,christians1 and         
,mohammedans1 to all who believe in the 
,god of ,abraham4 ,nor was it granted to
 ,abraham entirely as a free gift4      
,abraham was tried and tempted before he
 was trusted by ,god4 ,he had to break  
with the faith of his fathers2 he had to
 deny the gods who were worshipped by   
his friends and neighbours4 ,like all   
the friends of ,god1 he had to hear     
himself called an infidel and atheist1  
and in our own days he would have been  
looked upon as a madman for attempting  
to slay his son4 ,it was through special
 faith that ,abraham received his       
special revelation1 not through         
instinct1 not through abstract          
meditation1 not through ecstatic        
visions4 ,we want to know more of that  

man than we do2 but1 even with the      
little we know of him1 he stands before 
us as a figure second only to one in the
 whole history of the world4 ,we see his
 zeal for ,god1 but we never see him    
contentious4 ,though ,melchisedek       
worshipped ,god under a different name1 
invoking ,him as ,eliun1 the ,most      
,high1 ,abraham at once acknowledged in 
,melchisedek a worshipper and priest of 
the true ,god1 or ,elohim1 and paid him 
tithes4 ,in the very name of ,elohim we 
seem to trace the conciliatory spirit of
 ,abraham4 ,elohim is a plural1 though  
it is followed by the verb in the       
singular4 ,it is generally said that the
 genius of the ,semitic languages       
countenances the use of plurals for     
abstract conceptions1 and that when     
,jehovah is called ,elohim1 the plural  
should be translated by 'the ,deity4'   
,we do not deny the fact1 but we wish   
for an explanation1 and an explanation  
is suggested by the various phases      
through which1 as we saw1 the conception

 of ,god passed in the ancient history  
of the ,semitic mind4 ,eloah was at     
first the name for ,god1 and as it is   
found in all the dialects of the        
,semitic family except the ,phenician   
7,renan1 p4 #fa71 it may probably be    
considered as the most ancient name of  
the ,deity1 sanctioned at a time when   
the original ,semitic speech had not yet
 branched off into national dialects4   
,when this name was first used in the   
plural1 it could only have signified1   
like every plural1 many ,eloahs1 and    
such a plural could only have been      
formed after the various names of ,god  
had become the names of independent     
deities1 i4 e4 during a polytheistic    
stage4 ,the transition from this into   
the monotheistic stage could be effected
 in two ways--either by denying         
altogether the existence of the ,elohim1
 and changing them into devils1 as the  
,zoroastrians did with the ,devas of    
their ,brahmanic ancestors2 or by taking
 a higher view1 and looking upon the    

,elohim as so many names1 invented with 
the honest purpose of expressing the    
various aspects of the ,deity1 though in
 time diverted from their original      
purpose4 ,this is the view taken by ,st4
 ,paul of the religion of the ,greeks   
when he came to declare unto them ',him 
whom they ignorantly worshipped1' and   
the same view was taken by ,abraham4    
,whatever the names of the ,elohim1     
worshipped by the numerous clans of his 
race1 ,abraham saw that all the ,elohim 
were meant for ,god1 and thus ,elohim1  
comprehending by one name everything    
that ever had been or could be called   
divine1 became the name with which the  
monotheistic age was rightly            
inaugurated1--a plural1 conceived and   
construed as a singular4 ,jehovah was   
all the ,elohim1 and therefore there    
could be no other ,god4 ,from this point
 of view the ,semitic name of the       
,deity1 ,elohim1 which seemed at first  
not only ungrammatical but irrational1  
becomes perfectly clear and             

intelligible1 and it proves better than 
anything else that the true monotheism  
could not have risen except on the ruins
 of a polytheistic faith4 ,it is easy to
 scoff at the gods of the heathen1 but a
 cold-hearted philosophical negation of 
the gods of the ancient world is more   
likely to lead to ,deism or ,atheism    
than to a belief in the ,one living     
,god1 the ,father of all mankind1 'who  
hath made of one blood all nations of   
men1 for to dwell on all the face of the
 earth2 and hath determined the times   
before appointed1 and the bounds of     
their habitation2 that they should seek 
the ,lord1 if haply they might feel     
after ,him1 and find ,him1 though ,he be
 not far from every one of us3 for in   
,him we live1 and move1 and have our    
being2 as certain also of your own poets
 have said1 ,for we are also ,his       
offspring4'  ,taking this view of the   
historical growth of the idea of ,god1  
many of the difficulties which ,m4      
,renan has to overcome by most elaborate

 and sometimes hair-splitting arguments1
 disappear at once4 ,m4 ,renan1 for     
instance1 dwells much on ,semitic proper
 names in which the names of the ,deity 
occur1 and he thinks that1 like the     
,greek names ,theodorus or ,theodotus1  
instead of ,zenodotus1 they prove the   
existence of a faith in one ,god4 ,we   
should say they may or may not4 ,as     
,devadatta1 in ,sanskrit1 may mean      
either 'given by ,god1' or 'given by the
 gods1' so every proper name which ,m4  
,renan quotes1 whether of ,jews1 or     
,edomites1 ,ishmaelites1 ,ammonites1    
,moabites1 and ,themanites1 whether from
 the ,bible1 or from ,arab historians1  
from ,greek authors1 ,greek             
inscriptions1 the ,egyptian papyri1 the 
,himyaritic and ,sinaitic inscriptions  
and ancient coins1 are all open to two  
interpretations4 ',the servant of ,baal'
 may mean the servant of the ,lord1 but 
it may also mean the servant of ,baal1  
as one of many lords1 or even the       
servant of the ,baalim or the ,lords4   

,the same applies to all other names4   
',the gift of ,el' may mean 'the gift of
 the only strong ,god2' but it may      
likewise mean 'the gift of the ,el1' as 
one of many gods1 or even 'the gift of  
the ,els1' in the sense of the strong   
gods4 ,nor do we see why ,m4 ,renan     
should take such pains to prove that the
 name of ,orotal or ,orotulat1 mentioned
 by ,herodotos 7,,iii4 #h71 may be      
interpreted as the name of a supreme    
deity2 and that ,alilat1 mentioned by   
the same traveller1 should be taken1 not
 as the name of a goddess1 but as a     
feminine noun expressive of the abstract
 sense of the deity4 ,herodotos says    
distinctly that ,orotal was a deity like
 ,bacchus2 and ,alilat1 as he translates
 her name by ,greek3 ,ouranie1 must have
 appeared to him as a goddess1 and not  
as the ,supreme ,deity4 ,one verse of   
the ,koran is sufficient to show that   
the ,semitic inhabitants of ,arabia     
worshipped not only gods1 but goddesses 
also4 ',what think ye of ,allat1 al     

,uzza1 and ,manah1 that other third     
goddess8'  ,if our view of the          
development of the idea of ,god be      
correct1 we can perfectly understand    
how1 in spite of this polytheistic      
phraseology1 the primitive intuition of 
,god should make itself felt from time  
to time1 long before ,mohammed restored 
the belief of ,abraham in one ,god4 ,the
 old ,arabic prayer mentioned by        
,abulfarag may be perfectly genuine3 ',i
 dedicate myself to thy service1 ,o     
,god6 ,thou hast no companion1 except   
thy companion1 of whom thou art absolute
 master1 and of whatever is his4' ,the  
verse pointed out to ,m4 ,renan by ,m4  
,caussin de ,perceval from the ,moallaka
 of ,zoheyr1 was certainly anterior to  
,mohammed3 ',try not to hide your secret
 feelings from the sight of ,allah2     
,allah knows all that is hidden4' ,but  
these quotations serve no more to       
establish the universality of the       
monotheistic instinct in the ,semitic   
race than similar quotations from the   

,veda would prove the existence of a    
conscious monotheism among the ancestors
 of the ,aryan race4 ,there too we read1
 ',agni knows what is secret among      
mortals' 7,rig-veda ,,viii4 #ci1 #f73   
and again1 ',he1 the upholder of order1 
,varuna1 sits down among his people2 he1
 the wise1 sits there to govern4 ,from  
thence perceiving all wondrous things1  
he sees what has been and what will be  
done4'#ajd ,but in these very hymns1    
better than anywhere else1 we learn that
 the idea of supremacy and omnipotence  
ascribed to one god did by no means     
exclude the admission of other gods1 or 
names of ,god4 ,all the other gods      
disappear from the vision of the poet   
while he addresses his own ,god1 and he 
only who is to fulfil his desires stands
 in full light before the eyes of the   
worshipper as the supreme and only ,god4
  ,footnote #ajd3 ',history of ,ancient 
,sanskrit ,literature1' by ,m4 ,m41 p4  
#ecf4  ,the ,science of ,religion is    
only just beginning1 and we must take   

care how we impede its progress by      
preconceived notions or too hasty       
generalizations4 ,during the last fifty 
years the authentic documents of the    
most important religions of the world   
have been recovered in a most unexpected
 and almost miraculous manner4 ,we have 
now before us the canonical books of    
,buddhism2 the ,zend-,avesta of         
,zoroaster is no longer a sealed book2  
and the hymns of the ,rig-veda have     
revealed a state of religion anterior to
 the first beginnings of that mythology 
which in ,homer and ,hesiod stands      
before us as a mouldering ruin4 ,the    
soil of ,mesopotamia has given back the 
very images once worshipped by the most 
powerful of the ,semitic tribes1 and the
 cuneiform inscriptions of ,babylon and 
,nineveh have disclosed the very prayers
 addressed to ,baal or ,nisroch4 ,with  
the discovery of these documents a new  
era begins in the study of religion4 ,we
 begin to see more clearly every day    
what ,st4 ,paul meant in his sermon at  

,athens4 ,but as the excavator at       
,babylon or ,nineveh1 before he ventures
 to reconstruct the palaces of these    
ancient kingdoms1 sinks his shafts into 
the ground slowly and circumspectly lest
 he should injure the walls of the      
ancient palaces which he is             
disinterring2 as he watches every       
corner-stone lest he mistake their dark 
passages and galleries1 and as he       
removes with awe and trembling the dust 
and clay from the brittle monuments lest
 he destroy their outlines1 and         
obliterate their inscriptions1 so it    
behoves the student of the history of   
religion to set to work carefully1 lest 
he should miss the track1 and lose      
himself in an inextricable maze4 ,the   
relics which he handles are more        
precious than the ruins of ,babylon2 the
 problems he has to solve are more      
important than the questions of ancient 
chronology2 and the substructions which 
he hopes one day to lay bare are the    
world-wide foundations of the eternal   

kingdom of ,god4  ,we look forward with 
the highest expectations to the         
completion of ,m4 ,renan's work1 and    
though ,english readers will differ from
 many of the author's views1 and feel   
offended now and then at his blunt and  
unguarded language1 we doubt not that   
they will find his volumes both         
instructive and suggestive4 ,they are   
written in that clear and brilliant     
style which has secured to ,m4 ,renan   
the rank of one of the best writers of  
,french1 and which throws its charm even
 over the dry and abstruse inquiries    
into the grammatical forms and radical  
elements of the ,semitic languages4     
,april1 #ahfj4         99       99      
99       99       99  ,note3 ,list of   
corrections4  ,duplication of           
paragraphs4  ,page xix  ,duplication of 
pages4  #c pages after #bcf  ,missing   
text  ,page xviii - last paragraph      
,page xxviii - last paragraph  ,page #ah
  ,page #df  ,page #hi  ,page #ia  ,page
 #ii  ,page #aaf  ,pages missing  #c    

pages after #bcc  ,the page numbers have
 gone awry because of the corrections4  
,any reference to page numbers may be   
made to the ,internet ,archive edition4 
99       99       99       99       99