,,the ,,religious ,,experience ,,of     
,,the ,,roman ,,people  ,,from ,,the    
,,earliest ,,times ,,to ,,the ,,age ,,of
 ,,augustus  ,,the ,,gifford ,,lectures 
,,for #aiji-aj ,,delivered ,,in         
,,edinburgh ,,university  ,,by  ,w4     
,,warde ,,fowler1 ,m4,a4  ,,fellow ,,and
 ,,late ,,sub-,,rector ,,of ,,lincoln   
,,college1 ,,oxford ,,hon4 ,d4,,litt4   
,,university ,,of ,,manchester ,,author 
,,of ',,the ,,roman ,,festivals ,,of    
,,the ,,period ,,of ,,the ,,republic1'  
,,etc4   ,sanctos ausus recludere fontes
   ,,macmillan ,,and ,,co41 ,,limited   
,,st4 ,,martin',s ,,street1 ,,london    
#aiaa  ,,to ,,professor ,w4,r4 ,,hardie 
,,and ,,my ,,many ,,other ,,kind        
,,friends ,,and ,,friendly ,,hearers    
,,in ,,edinburgh     ,,preface   ,lord  
,gifford in founding his lectureship    
directed that the lectures should be    
public and popular1 i4e4 not restricted 
to members of a ,university4            
,accordingly in lecturing ,i endeavoured
 to make myself intelligible to a       

general audience by avoiding much       
technical discussion and controversial  
matter1 and by keeping to the plan of   
describing in outline the development   
and decay of the religion of the ,roman 
,city-state4 ,and on the whole ,i have  
thought it better to keep to this       
principle in publishing the lectures2   
they are printed for the most part much 
as they were delivered1 and without     
footnotes1 but at the end of each       
lecture students of the subject will    
find the notes referred to by the       
numbers in the text1 containing such    
further information or discussion as has
 seemed desirable4 ,my model in this    
method has been the admirable lectures  
of ,prof4 ,cumont on les ,religions     
,orientales dans le ,paganisme ,romain4 
,i wish to make two remarks about the   
subject-matter of the lectures4 ,first1 
the idea running through them is that   
the primitive religious 7or             
magico-religious7 instinct1 which was   
the germ of the religion of the         

historical ,romans1 was gradually       
atrophied by over-elaboration of ritual1
 but showed itself again in strange     
forms from the period of the ,punic wars
 onwards4 ,for this religious instinct  
,i have used the ,latin word religio1 as
 ,i have explained in the ,transactions 
of the ,third ,international ,congress  
for the ,history of ,religions1 vol4 ii4
 p4 #afi foll4 ,i am1 however1 well     
aware that some scholars take a         
different view of the original meaning  
of this famous word1 which has been much
 discussed since ,i formed my plan of   
lecturing4 ,but ,i do not think that    
those who differ from me on this point  
will find that my general argument is   
seriously affected one way or another by
 my use of the word4  ,secondly1 while  
,i have been at work on the lectures1   
the idea seems to have been slowly      
gaining ground that the patrician       
religion of the early ,city-state1 which
 became so highly formalised1 so clean  
and austere1 and eventually so          

political1 was really the religion of an
 invading race1 like that of the        
,achaeans in ,greece1 engrafted on the  
religion of a primitive and less        
civilised population4 ,i have not       
definitely adopted this idea2 but ,i am 
inclined to think that a good deal of   
what ,i have said in the earlier        
lectures may be found to support it4    
,once only1 in ,lecture ,,xvii41 ,i have
 used it myself to support a hypothesis 
there advanced4  ,i have retained the   
familiar ,english spelling of certain   
divine names1 e4g4 ,jupiter 7instead of 
,iuppiter71 as less startling to        
,british readers4  ,i wish to express my
 very deep obligations to the works of  
,prof4 ,wissowa and ,dr4 ,j4 ,g4        
,frazer1 and also to ,mr4 ,r4 ,r4       
,marett1 who gave me useful personal    
help in my second and third lectures4   
,from ,prof4 ,wissowa and ,dr4 ,frazer  
,i have had the misfortune to differ on 
one or two points2 but difference of    
opinion is the salt of life1 as a great 

scholar said to me not long ago4 ,in    
reading the proofs ,i have had much kind
 and valuable help from my ,oxford      
friends ,mr4 ,cyril ,bailey and ,mr4 ,a4
 ,s4 ,l4 ,farquharson1 who have read    
certain parts of the work1 and to whose 
suggestions ,i am greatly indebted4 ,the
 whole has been read through by my old  
pupil ,mr4 ,hugh ,parr1 now of ,clifton 
,college1 to whom my best thanks are due
 for his timely discovery of many       
misprints and awkward expressions4 ,the 
loyalty and goodwill of my old ,oxford  
pupils never seem to fail me4   ,w4 ,w4 
,f4  ,kingham1 ,oxon1 #crd ,march #aiaa4
                            ,,contents  
,,lecture ,i       ,,introductory       
,,page      ,accounts of the ,roman     
religion in recent standard works2     a
 hard and highly formalised system4 ,its
 interest lies     partly in this fact4 
,how did it come to be so8 ,this the    
main question of the first epoch of     
,roman religious     experience4 ,roman 
religion and ,roman law compared4 ,roman

     religion a technical subject4 ,what
 we mean by religion4     ,a useful     
definition applied to the plan of       
,lectures     ,i4-,x42 including 7#a7   
survivals of primitive or               
quasi-magical religion2 7#b7 the        
religion of the     agricultural family2
 7#c7 that of the ,city-state1 in its   
simplest form1 and in its first period  
of expansion4     ,difficulties of the  
subject2 present position of            
knowledge and criticism4 ,help          
obtainable from 7#a7     archaeology1   
7#b7 anthropology                       
#a-bc       ,,lecture ,,ii      ,,on    
,,the ,,threshold ,,of ,,religion3      
,,survivals      ,survivals at ,rome of 
previous eras of quasi-religious        
experience4 ,totemism not discernible4  
,taboo1 and the     means adopted of    
escaping from it2 both survived at ,rome
     into an age of real religion4      
,examples3 impurity 7or     holiness7 of
 new-born infants2 of a corpse2 of women
 in     certain worships2 of strangers2 

of criminals4 ,almost     complete      
absence of blood-taboo4 ,iron4 ,strange 
taboos on     the priest of ,jupiter and
 his wife4 ,holy or tabooed     places2 
holy or tabooed days2 the word          
religiosus as     applied to both of    
these                                   
#bd-df        ,,lecture ,,iii      ,,on 
,,the ,,threshold ,,of ,,religion3      
,,magic      ,magic2 distinction between
 magic and religion4 ,religious         
authorities seek to exclude magic1 and  
did so at ,rome4     ,few survivals of  
magic in the ,state religion4 ,the      
aquaelicium4 ,vestals and runaway       
slaves4 ,the magical     whipping at the
 ,lupercalia4 ,the throwing of puppets  
from     the pons sublicius4 ,magical   
processes surviving in     religious    
ritual with their meaning lost4 ,private
 magic3     excantatio in the ,,xii4    
,tables2 other spells or     carmina4   
,amulets3 the bulla2 oscilla            
#dg-fg       ,,lecture ,,iv      ,,the  
,,religion ,,of ,,the ,,family          

,continuity of the religion of the      
,latin agricultural     family4 ,what   
the family was2 its relation to the     
gens4     ,the familia as settled on the
 land1 an economic unit1     embodied in
 a pagus4 ,the house as the religious   
centre     of the familia2 its holy     
places4 ,vesta1 ,penates1     ,genius1  
and the spirit of the doorway4 ,the ,lar
     familiaris on the land4 ,festival  
of the ,lar belongs to     the religion 
of the pagus3 other festivals of the    
pagus4 ,religio terminorum4 ,religion of
 the     household3 marriage1           
childbirth1 burial and cult of the      
dead                                    
#fh-ia       ,,lecture ,v      ,,the    
,,calendar ,,of ,,numa      ,beginnings 
of the ,city-state3 the oppidum4 ,the   
earliest historical ,rome1 the city of  
the four regions2     to this belongs   
the surviving religious calendar4 ,this 
calendar described2 the basis of our    
knowledge of early     ,roman religion4 
,it expresses a life agricultural1      

political1 and military4 ,days of gods  
distinguished from     days of man4     
,agricultural life the real basis of the
     calendar2 gradual effacement of it4
 ,results of a fixed     routine in     
calendar2 discipline1 religious         
confidence4     ,exclusion from it of   
the barbarous and grotesque4            
,decency and order under an organising  
priestly authority                      
#ib-aac      ,,lecture ,,vi      ,,the  
,,divine ,,objects ,,of ,,worship       
,sources of knowledge about ,roman      
deities4 ,what did the     ,romans      
themselves know about them8 ,no personal
 deity in     the religion of the       
family4 ,those of the ,city-state are   
numina1 marking a transition from       
animism to     polytheism4 ,meaning of  
numen4 ,importance of names1     which  
are chiefly adjectival1 marking         
functional     activity4 ,tellus an     
exception4 ,importance of priests in    
development of dei4 ,the four great     
,roman gods and     their priests3      

,janus1 ,jupiter1 ,mars1 ,quirinus4     
,characteristics of each of these in    
earliest ,rome4 ,juno     and the       
difficulties she presents4 ,vesta       
#aad-add       ,,lecture ,,vii          
,,the ,,deities ,,of ,,the ,,earliest   
,,religion3     ,,general               
,,characteristics      ,no temples in   
the earliest ,rome2 meaning of fanum1   
ara1     lucus1 sacellum4 ,no images of 
gods in these places1     until end of  
regal period4 ,thus deities not         
conceived as     persons4 ,though       
masculine and feminine they were not    
married pairs2 ,dr4 ,frazer's opinion on
 this point4     ,examination of his    
evidence derived from the libri         
sacerdotum2 meaning of ,nerio ,martis4  
,such combinations     of names suggest 
forms or manifestations of a deity's    
activity1 not likely to grow into       
personal deities     without ,greek     
help4 ,meaning of pater and mater       
applied to deities2 procreation not     
indicated by them4     ,the deities of  

the ,indigitamenta2 priestly inventions 
of a later age4 ,usener's theory of     
,sondergoetter     criticised so far as 
it applies to ,rome                     
#ade-afh       ,,lecture ,,viii         
,,ritual ,,of ,,the ,,ius ,,divinum     
,main object of ius divinum to keep up  
the pax     deorum2 meaning of pax in   
this phrase4 ,means towards     the     
maintenance of the pax3 sacrifice and   
prayer1     fulfilment of vows1         
lustratio1 divination4 ,meaning of      
sacrificium4 ,little trace of           
sacramental sacrifice4     ,typical     
sacrifice of ius divinum3 both priest   
and     victim must be acceptable to the
 deity2 means taken to     secure this4 
,ritual of slaughter3 examination and   
porrectio of entrails4 ,prayer2 the     
phrase ,macte esto     and its          
importance in explaining ,roman         
sacrifice4     ,magical survivals in    
,roman and ,italian prayers2 yet they   
are essentially religious               
#afi-aii       ,,lecture ,,ix           

,,ritual 7continued7      ,vota 7vows7  
have suggested the idea that ,roman     
worship     was bargaining4 ,examination
 of private vows1 which do     not prove
 this2 of public vows1 which in some    
degree do     so4 ,moral elements in    
both these4 ,other forms of vow3        
evocatio and devotio4      ,lustratio3  
meaning of lustrare in successive stages
     of ,roman experience4 ,lustratio of
 the farm and     pagus2 of the city2 of
 the people 7at ,rome and     ,iguvium72
 of the army2 of the arms and trumpets  
of the     army3 meaning of lustratio in
 these last cases1 both     before and  
after a campaign                        
#bjj-bbb       ,,lecture ,x      ,,the  
,,first ,,arrival ,,of ,,new ,,cults    
,,in ,,rome      ,recapitulation of     
foregoing lectures4 ,weak point of the  
organised ,state religion3 it           
discouraged individual     development4 
,its moral influence mainly a           
disciplinary     one2 and it hypnotised 
the religious instinct4      ,growth of 

a new population at end of regal period1
 also     of trade and industry4 ,new   
deities from abroad represent     these 
changes3 ,hercules of ,ara ,maxima2     
,castor and     ,pollux2 ,minerva4      
,diana of the ,aventine reflects a new  
relation with ,latium4 ,question as to  
the real religious     influence of     
these deities4 ,the ,capitoline temple  
of     ,jupiter1 ,juno1 and ,minerva1 of
 ,etruscan origin4 ,meaning     of      
cult-titles ,optimus ,maximus1 and      
significance of this     great ,jupiter 
in ,roman religious experience          
#bbc-bdg       ,,lecture ,,xi           
,,contact ,,of ,,the ,,old ,,and ,,new  
,,in ,,religion      ,plan of this and  
following lectures4 ,the formalised     
,roman religion meets with perils1      
material and moral1     and ultimately  
proves inadequate4 ,subject of this     
lecture1 the introduction of ,greek     
deities and rites2     but first a proof
 that the ,romans were a really         
religious people2 evidence from         

literature1 from     worship1 from the  
practice of public life1 and from       
,latin religious vocabulary4            
,temple of ,ceres1 ,liber1 ,libera      
7,demeter1 ,dionysus1     ,persephone72 
its importance for the date of          
,sibylline     influence at ,rome4      
,nature of this influence2 how and      
when it reached ,rome4 ,the keepers of  
the ,sibylline     books2 new cults     
introduced by them4 ,new rites3         
lectisternia and supplicationes1 their  
meaning and     historical importance   
#bdh-bfi       ,,lecture ,,xii          
,,the ,,pontifices ,,and ,,the          
,,secularisation ,,of ,,religion        
,historical facts about the ,pontifices 
in this period2 a     powerful exclusive
 collegium taking charge of the ius     
divinum4 ,the legal side of their work2 
they     administered the oldest rules  
of law1 which belonged to     that ius4 
,new ideas of law after ,etruscan       
period2     increasing social complexity
 and its effect on legal     matters2   

result1 publication of rules of law1    
civil and     religious1 in ,,xii4      
,tables1 and abolition of legal         
monopoly of ,pontifices4 ,but they keep 
control of 7#a7     procedure1 7#b7     
interpretation1 till end of fourth      
century ,b4,c4 ,publication of ,fasti   
and ,legis actiones2     the college    
opened to ,plebeians4 ,work of          
,pontifices in     third century3 7#a7  
admission of new deities1 7#b7          
compilation of annals1 7#c7 collection  
of religious     formulae4 ,general     
result2 formalisation of religion2 and  
secularisation of pontifical influence  
#bgj-bia       ,,lecture ,,xiii         
,,the ,,augurs ,,and ,,the ,,art ,,of   
,,divination      ,divination a         
universal practice3 its relation to     
magic4     ,want of a comprehensive     
treatment of it4 ,its object at         
,rome3 to assure oneself of the pax     
deorum2 but it was     the most futile  
method used4 ,private divination2       
limited     and discouraged by the      

,state1 except in the form of     family
 auspicia4 ,public divination2 auspicia 
needed     in all ,state operations2    
close connection with     imperium4 ,the
 augurs were skilled advisers of the    
magistrates1 but could not themselves   
take the auspices4     ,probable result 
of this3 ,rome escaped subjection to a  
hierarchy4 ,augurs and auspicia become  
politically     important1 but cease to 
belong to religion4 ,state              
divination a clog on political progress4
 ,sinister     influence on ,rome of    
,etruscan divination2 history of the    
haruspices                              
#bib-cac       ,,lecture ,,xiv          
,,the ,,hannibalic ,,war      ,tendency 
towards contempt of religious forms in  
third     century ,b4,c42 disappears    
during this war4 ,religio in     the old
 sense takes its place1 i4e4 fear and   
anxiety4     ,this takes the form of    
reporting prodigia2 account of     these
 in #bah ,b4,c41 and of the             
prescriptions supplied by     ,sibylline

 books4 ,fresh outbreak of religio after
     battle of ,trasimene2 lectisternium
 of #baf1 without     distinction of    
,greek and ,roman deities2 importance of
     this4 ,religious panic after battle
 of ,cannae2     extraordinary religious
 measures1 including human              
sacrifice4 ,embassy to ,delphi and its  
result2 symptoms of     renewed         
confidence4 ,but fresh and alarming     
outbreak in     #bac2 met with          
remarkable skill4 ,institution of       
,apolline     games4 ,summary of        
religious history in last years of the  
war2 gratitude to the gods after battle 
of ,metaurus4     ,arrival of the ,great
 ,mother of ,phrygia at ,rome4 ,hannibal
     leaves ,italy #cad-ccd             
,,lecture ,,xv      ,,after ,,the       
,,hannibalic ,,war      ,religion used  
to support ,senatorial policy in        
declaring     war 7#a7 with ,philip of  
,macedon1 7#b7 with ,antiochus of       
,syria2 but this is not the old         
religion4 ,use of     prodigia and      

,sibylline oracles to secure political  
and     personal objects2 mischief      
caused in this way4 ,growth of          
individualism2 rebellion of the         
individual against the     ius divinum4 
,examples of this from the history of   
the     priesthoods2 strange story of a 
,flamen ,dialis4 ,the     story of the  
introduction of ,bacchic rites in #ahf  
,b4,c42     interference of the ,senate 
and ,magistrates1 and     significance  
of this4 ,strange attempt to propagate  
,pythagoreanism2 this also dealt with by
 the government4     ,influence of      
,ennius and ,plautus1 and of            
translations     from ,greek comedy1 on 
the dying ,roman religion               
#cce-cef       ,,lecture ,,xvi          
,,greek ,,philosophy ,,and ,,roman      
,,religion      ,religious destitution  
of the ,roman in second century         
,b4,c4 in regard to 7#a7 his idea of    
,god1 7#b7 his sense of     ,duty4 ,no  
help from ,epicurism1 which provided no 
religious sanction for conduct2         

,lucretius1 and ,epicurean     idea of  
the ,divine4 ,arrival of ,stoicism at   
,rome2     ,panaetius and the ,scipionic
 circle4 ,character of ,scipio4     ,the
 religious side of ,stoicism2 it teaches
 a new     doctrine of the relation of  
man to ,god4 ,stoic idea of     ,god as 
,reason1 and as pervading the universe2 
adjustment     of this to ,roman idea of
 numina4 ,stoic idea of ,man as         
possessing ,reason1 and so partaking the
 ,divine nature4     ,influence of these
 two ideas on the best type of ,roman2  
they appeal to his idea of ,duty1 and   
ennoble his idea of     ,law4 ,weak     
points in ,roman ,stoicism3 7#a7        
doctrine of     ,will1 7#b7 neglect of  
emotions and sympathy4 ,it failed to    
rouse an enthusiasm of humanity         
#ceg-cgi        ,,lecture ,,xvii        
,,mysticism--,,ideas ,,of ,a ,,future   
,,life       ,early ,pythagoreanism in  
,s4 ,italy2 its reappearance in     last
 century ,b4,c4 under the influence of  
,posidonius1 who     combined ,stoicism 

with ,platonic ,pythagoreanism4 ,cicero 
affected by this revival2 his ,somnium  
,scipionis and     other later works4   
,his mysticism takes practical form on  
the death of his daughter2 letters to   
,atticus about a     fanum4             
,individualisation of the ,manes2       
freedom of     belief on such questions4
 ,further evidence of ,cicero's         
tendency to mysticism at this time 7#de 
,b4,c471 and his     belief in a future 
life4 ,but did the ordinary ,roman so   
believe8 ,question whether he really    
believed in the     torments of ,hades4 
,probability of this3 explanation to    
be found in the influence of ,etruscan  
art and ,greek     plays on primitive   
,roman ideas of the dead4 ,mysticism in 
the form of astrology2 ,nigidius        
,figulus                     #chj-djb   
,,lecture ,,xviii      ,,religious      
,,feeling ,,in ,,the ,,poems ,,of       
,,virgil      ,virgil sums up ,roman    
religious experience1 and combines      
it with hope for the future4 ,sense of  

depression in his     day2 want of      
sympathy and goodwill towards men4      
,virgil's     sympathetic outlook2 shown
 in his treatment of animals1           
,italian scenery1 man's labour1 and     
man's worship4 ,his     idea of pietas4 
,the theme of the ,aeneid2 ,rome's      
mission in the world1 and the pietas    
needed to carry     it out4 ,development
 of the character of ,aeneas2 his       
pietas imperfect in the first six books1
 perfected in     the last six1         
resulting in a balance between the ideas
     of the ,individual and the ,state4 
,illustration of this     from the poem4
 ,importance of ,book vi41 which        
describes     the ordeal destined to    
perfect the pietas of the hero4     ,the
 sense of ,duty never afterwards deserts
 him2 his     pietas enlarged in a      
religious sense                         
#djc-dbg       ,,lecture ,,xix          
,,the ,,augustan ,,revival              
,connection of ,augustus and ,virgil4   
,augustus aims at     re-establishing   

the national pietas1 and securing the   
pax deorum by means of the ius divinum4 
,how this     formed part of his        
political plans4 ,temple restoration    
and its practical result4 ,revival of   
the ancient ritual2     illustrated from
 the records of the ,arval ,brethren4   
,the     new element in it2             
,caesar-worship2 but ,augustus was      
content with the honour of              
re-establishing the pax     deorum4     
,celebration of this in the ,ludi       
saeculares1 #ag     ,b4,c4 ,our detailed
 knowledge of this festival2 meaning of 
saeculum2 description of the ludi1 and  
illustration     of their meaning from  
the ,carmen saeculare of ,horace4       
,discussion of the performance of this  
hymn by the choirs     of boys and girls
                                        
#dbh-dea       ,,lecture ,,xx           
,,conclusion      ,religious ingredients
 in ,roman soil likely to be            
utilised by ,christianity4 ,the ,stoic  
ingredient2     revelation of the       

,universal1 and ennobling of            
,individual4 ,the contribution of       
,mysticism2 preparation     for         
,christian eschatology4 ,the            
contribution of ,virgil2     sympathy   
and sense of ,duty4 ,the contribution of
 ,roman     religion proper3 7#a7 sane  
and orderly character of     ritual1    
7#b7 practical character of ,latin      
,christianity     visible in early      
,christian writings1 7#c7 a religious   
vocabulary1 e4g4 religio1 pietas1       
sanctus1     sacramentum4 ,but all this 
is but a slight contribution2           
essential difference between            
,christianity and all that     preceded 
it in ,italy2 illustration from the     
language of     ,st4 ,paul #deb-dgb     
,,appendix  ,i4 ,,on ,,the ,,use ,,of   
,,huts ,,or ,,booths ,,in ,,religious   
,,ritual                 #dgc  ,,ii4    
,,prof4 ,,deubner',s ,,theory ,,of ,,the
 ,,lupercalia                           
#dgh  ,,iii4 ,,the ,,pairs ,,of         
,,deities ,,in ,,gellius xiii4 #bc      

#dha  ,,iv4 ,,the ,,early ,,usage ,,of  
,,the ,,words ,,ius ,,and ,,fas         
#dhf  ,v4 ,,the ,,worship ,,of ,,sacred 
,,utensils                              
#dhi   ,,index                          
#dia   ,,lecture ,i  ,,introductory   ,i
 was invited to prepare these lectures1 
on ,lord ,gifford's foundation1 as one  
who has made a special study of the     
religious ideas and practice of the     
,roman people4 ,so far as ,i know1 the  
subject has not been touched upon as yet
 by any ,gifford lecturer4 ,we are in   
these days interested in every form of  
religion1 from the most rudimentary to  
the most highly developed2 from the     
ideas of the aborigines of ,australia1  
which have now become the common        
property of anthropologists1 to the     
ethical and spiritual religions of      
civilised man4 ,yet it is remarkable how
 few students of the history of         
religion1 apart from one or two         
specialists1 have been able to find     
anything instructive in the religion of 

the ,romans--of the ,romans1 ,i mean1 as
 distinguished from that vast collection
 of races and nationalities which       
eventually came to be called by the name
 of ,rome4 ,at the ,congress for the    
,history of ,religions held at ,oxford  
in #aijh1 out of scores of papers read  
and offered1 not more than one or two   
even touched on the early religious     
ideas of the most practical and powerful
 people that the world has ever known4  
,this is due1 in part at least1 to the  
fact that just when ,roman history      
begins to be of absorbing interest1 and 
fairly well substantiated by evidence1  
the ,roman religion1 as religion1 has   
already begun to lose its vitality1 its 
purity1 its efficacy4 ,it has become    
overlaid with foreign rites and ideas1  
and it has also become a religious      
monopoly of the ,state2 of which the    
essential characteristic1 as ,mommsen   
has well put it1 and as we shall see    
later on1 was the conscious retention of
 the principles of the popular belief1  

which were recognised as irrational1 for
 reasons of outward convenience4#a ,it  
was not unlike the religion of the ,jews
 in the period immediately before the   
,captivity1 and it was never to profit  
by the refining and chastening influence
 of such lengthy suffering4 ,in this    
later condition it has not been         
attractive to students of religious     
history2 and to penetrate farther back  
into the real religious ideas of the    
genuine ,roman people is a task very far
 from easy1 of which indeed the         
difficulties only seem to increase as we
 become more familiar with it4  ,it must
 be remarked1 too1 that as a consequence
 of this unattractiveness1 the accounts 
given in standard works of the general  
features of this religion are rather    
chilling and repellent4 ,more than fifty
 years ago1 in the first book of his    
,roman ,history1 ,mommsen so treated of 
it--not indeed without some             
reservation1--and in this matter1 as in 
so many others1 his view remained for   

many years the dominant one4 ,he looked 
at this religion1 as was natural to him1
 from the point of view of law2 in      
religion as such he had no particular   
interest4 ,if ,i am not mistaken1 it was
 for him1 except in so far as it is     
connected with ,roman law1 the least    
interesting part of all his far-reaching
 ,roman studies4 ,more recent writers of
 credit and ability have followed his   
lead1 and stress has been laid on the   
legal side of religion at ,rome2 it has 
been described over and over again as   
merely a system of contracts between    
gods and worshippers1 secured by hard   
and literal formalism1 and without      
ethical value or any native principle of
 growth4 ,quite recently1 for example1  
so great an authority as ,professor     
,cumont has written of it thus3--  ,il  
n'a peut etre jamais existe aucune      
religion aussi froide1 aussi prosaique  
que celle des ,romains4 ,subordonnee a  
la politique1 elle cherche avant tout1  
par la stricte execution de pratiques   

appropriees1 a assurer a l',etat la     
protection des dieux ou a detourner les 
effets de leur malveillance4 ,elle a    
conclu avec les puissances celestes un  
contrat synallagmatique d'ou decoulent  
des obligations reciproques3 sacrifices 
d'une part1 faveurs de l'autre4444 ,sa  
liturgie rappelle par la minutie de ses 
prescriptions l'ancien droit civil4     
,cette religion se defie des abandons de
 l'ame et des elans de la devotion4 ,and
 he finishes his description by quoting 
a few words of the late ,m4 ,jean       
,reville3 ,the legalism of the          
,pharisees1 in spite of the dryness of  
their ritualistic minutiae1 could make  
the heart vibrate more than the         
formalism of the ,romans4#b  ,now it is 
not for me to deny the truth of such    
statements as this1 though ,i might be  
disposed to say that it is rather       
approximate than complete truth as here 
expressed1 does not sum up the whole    
story1 and only holds good for a single 
epoch of this religious history4 ,but   

surely1 for anyone interested in the    
history of religion1 a religious system 
of such an unusual kind1 with           
characteristics so well marked1 must1   
one would suppose1 be itself an         
attractive subject4 ,a religion that    
becomes highly formalised claims        
attention by this very characteristic4  
,at one time1 however far back1 it must 
have accurately expressed the needs and 
the aspirations of the ,roman people in 
their struggle for existence4 ,it is    
obviously1 as described by the writers  
,i have quoted1 a very mature growth1 a 
highly developed system2 and the story1 
if we could recover it1 of the way in   
which it came to be thus formalised1    
should be one of the deepest interest   
for students of the history of religion4
 ,another story1 too1 that of the       
gradual discovery of the inadequacy of  
this system1 and of the engrafting upon 
it1 or substitution for it1 of foreign  
rites and beliefs1 is assuredly not less
 instructive2 and here1 fortunately1 our

 records make the task of telling it an 
easier one4  ,now these two stories1    
taken together1 sum up what we may call 
the religious experience of the ,roman  
people2 and as it is upon these that ,i 
wish to concentrate your attention      
during this and the following course1 ,i
 have called these lectures by that     
name4 ,my plan is not to provide an     
exhaustive account of the details of the
 ,roman worship or of the nature of the 
,roman gods3 that can be found in the   
works of carefully trained specialists1 
of whom ,i shall have something to say  
presently4 ,more in accordance with the 
intentions of the ,founder of these     
lectures1 ,i think1 will be an attempt  
to follow out1 with such detailed       
comment as may be necessary1 the        
religious experience of the ,romans1 as 
an important part of their history4 ,and
 this happens to coincide with my own   
inclination and training2 for ,i have   
been all my academic life occupied in   
learning and teaching ,roman history1   

and the fascination which the study of  
the ,roman religion has long had for me 
is simply due to this fact4 ,whatever   
may be the case with other religions1 it
 is impossible to think of that of the  
,romans as detached from their history  
as a whole2 it is an integral part of   
the life and growth of the people4 ,an  
adequate knowledge of ,roman history1   
with all its difficulties and doubts1 is
 the only scientific basis for the study
 of ,roman religion1 just as an adequate
 knowledge of ,jewish history is the    
only scientific basis for a study of    
,jewish religion4 ,the same rule must   
hold good in a greater or less degree   
with all other forms of religion of the 
higher type1 and even when we are       
dealing with the religious ideas of     
savage peoples it is well to bear it    
steadfastly in mind4 ,i may be excused  
for suggesting that in works on         
comparative religion and morals this    
principle is not always sufficiently    
realised1 and that the panorama of      

religious or quasi-religious practice   
from all parts of the world1 and found  
among peoples of very different stages  
of development1 with which we are now so
 familiar1 needs constant testing by    
increased knowledge of those peoples in 
all their relations of life4 ,at any    
rate1 in dealing with ,roman evidence   
the investigator of religious history   
should also be a student of ,roman      
history generally1 for the facts of     
,roman life1 public and private1 are all
 closely concatenated together1 and     
spring with an organic growth from the  
same root4 ,the branches tend to        
separate1 but the tree is of regular    
growth1 compact in all its parts1 and   
you cannot safely concentrate your      
attention on one of these parts to the  
comparative neglect of the rest4        
,conversely1 too1 the great story of the
 rise and decay of the ,roman dominion  
cannot be properly understood without   
following out the religious history of  
this people--their religious experience1

 as ,i prefer to call it4 ,to take an   
example of this1 let me remind you of   
two leading facts in ,roman history3    
first1 the strength and tenacity of the 
family as a group under the absolute    
government of the paterfamilias2        
secondly1 the strength and tenacity of  
the idea of the ,state as represented by
 the imperium of its magistrates4 ,how  
different in these respects are the     
,romans from the ,celts1 the            
,scandinavians1 even from the ,greeks6  
,but these two facts are in great       
measure the result of the religious     
ideas of the people1 and1 on the other  
hand1 they themselves react with        
astonishing force on the fortunes of    
that religion4  ,i do not indeed wish to
 be understood as maintaining that the  
religion of the ,roman was the most     
important element in his mental or civic
 development3 far from it4 ,i should be 
the first to concede that the religious 
element in the ,roman mind was not that 
part of it which has left the deepest   

impress on history1 or contributed much1
 except in externals1 to our modern     
ideas of the ,divine and of worship4 ,it
 is not1 as ,roman law was1 the one     
great contribution of the ,roman genius 
to the evolution of humanity4 ,but      
,roman law and ,roman religion sprang   
from the same root2 they were indeed in 
origin one and the same thing4          
,religious law was a part of the ius    
civile1 and both were originally        
administered by the same authority1 the 
,rex4 ,following the course of the two  
side by side for a few centuries1 we    
come upon an astonishing phenomenon1    
which ,i will mention now 7it will meet 
us again7 as showing how far more       
interest can be aroused in our subject  
if we are fully equipped as ,roman      
historians than if we were to study the 
religion alone1 torn from the living    
body of the ,state1 and placed on the   
dissecting-board by itself4 ,as the     
,state grew in population and           
importance1 and came into contact1      

friendly or hostile1 with other peoples1
 both the religion and the law of the   
,state were called upon to expand1 and  
they did so4 ,but they did so in        
different ways2 ,roman law expanded     
organically and intensively1 absorbing  
into its own body the experience and    
practice of other peoples1 while ,roman 
religion expanded mechanically and      
extensively1 by taking on the deities   
and worship of others without any       
organic change of its own being4 ,just  
as the ,english language has been able  
to absorb words of ,latin origin1       
through its early contact with ,french1 
into the very tissue and fibre of its   
being1 while ,german has for certain    
reasons never been able to do this1 but 
has adopted them as strangers only1     
without making them its very own3 so    
,roman law contrived to take into its   
own being the rules and practices of    
strangers1 while ,roman religion1 though
 it eventually admitted the ideas and   
cults of ,greeks and others1 did so     

without taking them by a digestive      
process into its own system4 ,had the   
law of ,rome remained as inelastic as   
the religion1 the ,roman people would   
have advanced as little in civilisation 
as those races which embraced the faith 
of ,islam1 with its law and religion    
alike impermeable to any change4#c ,here
 is a phenomenon that at once attracts  
attention and suggests questions not    
easy to answer4 ,why is it that the     
,roman religion can never have the same 
interest and value for mankind as ,roman
 law8 ,i hope that we shall find an     
answer to this question in the course of
 our studies3 at this moment ,i only    
propose it as an example of the         
advantage gained for the study of one   
department of ,roman life and thought by
 a pretty complete equipment in the     
knowledge of others4  ,at the same time 
we must remember that the religion of   
the ,romans is a highly technical       
subject1 like ,roman law1 the ,roman    
constitution1 and almost everything else

 ,roman2 it calls for special knowledge 
as well as a sufficient training in     
,roman institutions generally4 ,each of 
these ,roman subjects is like a language
 with a delicate accidence1 which is    
always presenting the unwary with       
pitfalls into which they are sure to    
blunder unless they have a thorough     
mastery of it4 ,i could mention a book  
full of valuable thoughts about the     
relation to ,paganism of the early      
,christian ,church1 by a scholar at once
 learned and sympathetic2#d who when he 
happens to deal for a moment with the   
old ,roman religion1 is inaccurate and  
misleading at every point4 ,he knew1 for
 example1 that this religion is built on
 the foundation of the worship of the   
family1 but he yielded to the temptation
 to assume that the family in heaven was
 a counterpart of the family on earth1  
as it might be seen in any palace of the
 ,roman nobility4 ,jupiter and ,juno1 he
 says1 were the lord and lady1 and      
beneath them was an army of officers1   

attendants1 ministers1 of every rank and
 degree4 ,such a description of the     
pantheon of his religion would have     
utterly puzzled a ,roman1 even in the   
later days of theological syncretism4   
,again he says that this religion was   
strongly moral2 that the gods gave every
 man his duty1 and expected him to      
perform it4 ,here again no ,roman of    
historical times1 or indeed of any age1 
could have allowed this to be his creed4
 ,had it really been so1 not only the   
history of the ,roman religion1 but that
 of the ,roman state1 would have been   
very different from what it actually    
was4  ,the principles then on which ,i  
wish to proceed in these lectures       
are--7#a7 to keep the subject in        
continual touch with ,roman history and 
the development of the ,roman state2    
7#b7 to exercise all possible care and  
accuracy in dealing with the technical  
matters of the religion itself4 ,i may  
now go on to explain more exactly the   
plan ,i propose to follow4  ,it will    

greatly assist me in this explanation if
 ,i begin by making clear what ,i       
understand1 for our present purposes1 by
 the word religion4 ,there have been    
many definitions propounded--more in    
recent years than ever before1 owing to 
the recognition of the study of religion
 as a department of anthropology4       
,controversies are going on which call  
for new definitions1 and it is only by  
slow degrees that we are arriving at any
 common understanding as to the real    
essential thing or fact for which we    
should reserve this famous word1 and    
other words closely connected with it1  
e4g4 the supernatural4 ,we are still    
disputing1 for example1 as to the       
relation of religion to magic1 and      
therefore as to the exact meaning to be 
attributed to each of these terms4      
,among the many definitions of religion 
which ,i have met with1 there is one    
which seems to me to be particularly    
helpful for our present purposes2 it is 
contributed by an ,american             

investigator4 ,religion is the effective
 desire to be in right relation to the  
,power manifesting itself in the        
universe4#e ,dr4 ,frazer's definition is
 not different in essentials3 ,by       
religion ,i understand a propitiation or
 conciliation of powers superior to man 
which are believed to direct and control
 the course of nature and of human      
life2#f only that here the word is used 
of acts of worship rather than of the   
feeling or desire that prompts them4    
,the definition of the late ,m4 ,jean   
,reville1 in a chapter on ,religious    
,experience1 written near the end of his
 valuable life1 is in my view nearer the
 mark1 and more comprehensive4          
,religion1 he says1 is essentially a    
principle of life1 the feeling of a     
living relation between the human       
individual and the powers or power of   
which the universe is the manifestation4
 ,what characterises each religion is   
its way of looking upon this relation   
and its method of applying it4#g ,and a 

little further on he writes3 ,it is     
generally admitted that this feeling of 
dependence upon the universe is the root
 of all religion4 ,but this is not so   
succinct as the definition which ,i     
quoted first1 and it introduces at least
 one term1 the individual1 which1 for   
certain good reasons1 ,i think it will  
be better for us to avoid in studying   
the early ,roman religious ideas4       
,religion is the effective desire to be 
in right relations with the ,power      
manifesting itself in the universe4     
,this has the advantage of treating     
religion as primarily and essentially a 
feeling1 an instinctive desire1 and the 
word effective1 skilfully introduced1   
suggests that this feeling manifests    
itself in certain actions undertaken in 
order to secure a desired end4 ,again1  
the phrase right relations seems to me  
well chosen1 and better than the living 
relation of ,m4 ,reville1 which if      
applied to the religions of antiquity   
can only be understood in a sacramental 

sense1 and is not obviously so intended4
 ,right relation will cover all         
religious feeling1 from the most        
material to the most spiritual4 ,think  
for a moment of the #aaith ,psalm1 the  
high-water mark of the religious feeling
 of the most religious people of        
antiquity2 it is a magnificent          
declaration of conformity to the will of
 ,god1 i4e4 of the desire to be in right
 relation to ,him1 to ,his statutes1    
judgments1 laws1 commands1 testimonies1 
righteousness4 ,this is religion in a   
high state of development2 but our      
definition is so skilfully worded as to 
adapt itself readily to much earlier and
 simpler forms4 ,the ,power manifesting 
itself in the universe may be taken as  
including all the workings of nature1   
which even now we most imperfectly      
understand1 and which primitive man so  
little understood that he misinterpreted
 them in a hundred different ways4 ,the 
effective desire to be in right relation
 with these mysterious powers1 so that  

they might not interfere with his       
material well-being--with his flocks and
 herds1 with his crops1 too1 if he were 
in the agricultural stage1 with his     
dwelling and his land1 or with his city 
if he had got so far in social          
development--this is what we may call   
the religious instinct1 the origin of   
what the ,romans called religio4#h ,the 
effective desire to have your own will  
brought into conformity to the will of a
 heavenly ,father is a later development
 of the same feeling2 to this the       
genuine ,roman never attained1 and the  
,greek very imperfectly4  ,if we keep   
this definition steadily in mind1 ,i    
think we shall find it a valuable guide 
in following out what ,i call the       
religious experience of the ,roman      
people2 and at the present moment it    
will help me to explain my plan in      
drawing up these lectures4 ,to begin    
with1 in the prehistoric age of ,rome1  
so far as we can discern from survivals 
of a later age1 the feeling or desire   

must have taken shape1 ineffectively    
indeed1 in many quaint acts1 some of    
them magical or quasi-magical1 and      
possibly taken over from an earlier and 
ruder population among whom the ,latins 
settled4 ,many of these continued1      
doubtless1 to exist among the common    
folk1 unauthorised by any constituted   
power1 while some few were absorbed into
 the religious practice of the ,state1  
probably with the speedy loss of their  
original significance4 ,such survivals  
of ineffective religion are of course to
 be found in the lowest stratum of the  
religious ideas of every people1 ancient
 and modern2 even among the             
,israelites1#i and in the rites of      
,islam or ,christianity4 ,they form1 as 
it were1 a kind of protoplasm of        
religious vitality1 from which an       
organic growth was gradually developed4 
,but though they are necessarily a      
matter of investigation as survivals    
which have a story to tell1 they do not 
carry us very far when we are tracing   

the religious experience of a people1   
and in any case the process of          
investigating them is one of groping in 
the dark4 ,i shall deal with these      
survivals in my next two lectures1 and  
then leave them for good4  ,i am more   
immediately concerned with the desire   
expressed in our definition when it has 
become more effective2 and this we find 
in the ,latins when they have attained  
to a complete settlement on the land1   
and are well on in the agricultural     
stage of social development4 ,this stage
 we can dimly see reflected in the life 
of the home and farm of later times2 we 
have1 ,i need hardly say1 no            
contemporary evidence of it1 though     
archaeology may yet yield us something4 
,but the conservatism of rural life is a
 familiar fact1 and comes home to me    
when ,i reflect that in my own ,english 
village the main features of work and   
worship remained the same through many  
centuries1 until we were revolutionised 
by the enclosure of the parish and the  

coming of the railroad in the middle of 
the nineteenth century4 ,the intense    
conservatism of rural ,italy1 up to the 
present day1 has always been an         
acknowledged fact1 and admits of easy   
explanation4 ,we may be sure that the   
,latin farmer1 before the ,city-state   
was developed1 was like his descendants 
of historical times1 the religious head 
of a family1 whose household deities    
were effectively worshipped by a regular
 and orderly procedure1 whose dead were 
cared for in like manner1 and whose land
 and stock were protected from malignant
 spirits by a boundary made sacred by   
yearly rites of sacrifice and prayer4   
,doubtless these wild spirits beyond his
 boundaries were a constant source of   
anxiety to him2 doubtless charms and    
spells and other survivals from the     
earlier stage were in use to keep them  
from mischief2 but these tend to become 
exceptions in an orderly life of        
agricultural routine which we may call  
religious4 ,spirits may accept domicile 

within the limits of the farm1 and tend1
 as always in this agricultural stage1  
to become fixed to the soil and to take 
more definite shape as in some sense    
deities4 ,this stage--that of the       
agricultural family--is the foundation  
of ,roman civilised life1 in religious  
as in all other aspects1 and it will    
form the subject of my fourth lecture4  
,the growing effectiveness of the       
desire1 as seen in the family and in the
 agricultural stage1 prepares us for    
still greater effectiveness in the      
higher form of civilisation which we    
know as that of the ,city-state4 ,that  
desire1 let me say once more1 is to be  
in right relations with the ,power      
manifesting itself in the universe4 ,it 
is only in the higher stages of         
civilisation that this desire can really
 become effective2 social organisation1 
as ,i shall show1 produces an increased 
knowledge of the nature of the ,power1  
and with it a systematisation of the    
means deemed necessary to secure the    

right relations4 ,the ,city-state1 the  
peculiar form in which ,greek and       
,italian social and political life      
eventually blossomed and fructified1 was
 admirably fitted to secure this        
effectiveness4 ,it was1 of course1 an   
intensely local system2 and the result  
was1 first1 that the ,power is localised
 in certain spots and propitiated by    
certain forms of cult within the city   
wall1 thus bringing the divine into     
closest touch with the human population 
and its interests2 and secondly1 that   
the concentration of intelligence and   
will-power within a small space might1  
and did at ,rome1 develop a very        
elaborate system for securing the right 
relations--in other words1 it produced a
 religious system as highly ritualistic 
as that of the ,jews4  ,with the several
 aspects of this system my fifth and    
succeeding lectures will be occupied4 ,i
 shall deal first with the religious    
calendar of the earliest historical form
 of the ,city-state1 which most         

fortunately has come down to us entire4 
,i shall devote two lectures to the     
early ,roman ideas of divinity1 and the 
character of their deities as reflected 
in the calendar1 and as further         
explained by ,roman and ,greek writers  
of the literary age4 ,two other lectures
 will discuss the ritual of sacrifice   
and prayer1 with the priests in charge  
of these ceremonies1 and the ritual of  
vows and of purification4 ,in each of   
these ,i shall try to point out wherein 
the weakness of this religious system   
lay--viz4 in attempts at effectiveness  
so elaborate that they overshot their   
mark1 in a misconception of the means   
necessary to secure the right relations1
 and in a failure to grow in knowledge  
of the ,power itself4  ,lastly1 as the  
,city-state advances socially and       
politically1 in trade and commerce1 in  
alliance and conquest1 we shall find    
that the ideas of other peoples about   
the ,power1 and their methods of        
propitiation1 begin to be adopted in    

addition to the native stock4 ,the first
 stages of this revolution will bring us
 to the conclusion of my present course2
 but we shall be then well prepared for 
what follows4 ,for later on we shall    
find the ,romans feeling afresh the     
desire to be in right relation with the 
,power1 discovering that their own      
highly formalised system is no longer   
equal to the work demanded of it1 and   
pitiably mistaking their true course in 
seeking a remedy4 ,their knowledge of   
the ,divine1 always narrow and limited1 
becomes by degrees blurred and obscured1
 and their sight begins to fail them4 ,i
 hope in due course to explain this1 and
 to give you some idea of the sadness of
 their religious experience before the  
advent of an age of philosophy1 of      
theological syncretism1 and of the      
worship of the rulers of the state4     
,let us now turn for a few minutes to   
the special difficulties of our subject4
 ,these are serious enough2 but they    
have been wonderfully and happily       

reduced since ,i began to be interested 
in the ,roman religion some twenty-five 
years ago4 ,there were then only two    
really valuable books which dealt with  
the whole subject4 ,though ,i could     
avail myself of many treatises1 good and
 bad1 on particular aspects of it1 some 
few of which still survive1 the only two
 comprehensive and illuminating books   
were ,preller's ,roemische ,mythologie1 
and ,marquardt's volume on the cult in  
his ,staatsverwaltung4 ,both of these   
were then already many years old1 but   
they had just been re-edited by two     
eminent scholars thoroughly well        
equipped for the task--,preller's work  
by ,h4 ,jordan1 and ,marquardt's by     
,georg ,wissowa4 ,they were written from
 different points of view2 ,preller     
dealt with the deities and the ideas    
about them rather than with the cults   
and the priests concerned with them2    
while ,marquardt treated the subject as 
a part of the administration of         
government1 dealing with the worship and

 the ius divinum1 and claiming that this
 was the only safe and true way of      
arriving at the ideas underlying that   
law and worship4#aj ,both books are     
still indispensable for the student2 but
 ,marquardt's is the safer guide1 as    
dealing with facts to the exclusion of  
fancies4 ,the two taken together had    
collected and sifted the evidence so far
 as it was then available4  ,the ,corpus
 ,inscriptionum had not at that time got
 very far1 but its first volume1 edited 
by ,mommsen1 contained the ancient      
,fasti1 which supply us with the        
religious calendar of early ,rome1 and  
with other matter throwing light upon   
it4 ,this first volume was an invaluable
 help1 and formed the basis 7in a second
 edition7 of the book ,i was eventually 
able to write on the ,roman ,festivals  
of the ,period of the ,republic4 ,at    
that time1 too1 in the 'eighties1       
,roscher's ,lexicon of ,greek and ,roman
 ,mythology began to appear1 which aimed
 at summing up all that was then known  

about the deities of both peoples2 this 
is not even yet completed1 and many of  
the earlier articles seem now almost    
antiquated1 as propounding theories     
which have not met with general         
acceptance4 ,all these earlier articles 
are now being superseded by those in the
 new edition of ,pauly's                
,real-,encyclopaedie1 edited by         
,wissowa4 ,lastly1 ,wissowa himself in  
#aijb published a large volume entitled 
,die ,religion und ,kultus der ,roemer1 
which will probably be for many years   
the best and safest guide for all       
students of our subject4 ,thoroughly    
trained in the methods of dealing with  
evidence both literary and              
archaeological1 ,wissowa produced a work
 which1 though it has certain           
limitations1 has the great merit of not 
being likely to lead anyone astray4     
,more skilfully and successfully than   
any of his predecessors1 he avoided the 
chief danger and difficulty that beset  
all who meddle with ,roman religious    

antiquities1 and invariably lead the    
unwary to their destruction2 he declined
 to accept as evidence what in nine     
cases out of ten is no true evidence at 
all--the statements of ancient authors  
influenced by ,greek ideas and ,greek   
fancy4 ,he holds in the main to the     
principle laid down by ,marquardt1 that 
we may use1 as evidence for their       
religious ideas1 what we are told that  
the ,romans did in practising their     
worship1 but must regard with suspicion1
 and subject to severe criticism1 what  
either they themselves or the ,greeks   
wrote about those religious ideas--that 
is1 about divine beings and their       
doings4  ,it is indeed true that the one
 great difficulty of our subject lies in
 the nature of the evidence2 and it is  
one which we can never hope entirely to 
overcome4 ,we have always to bear in    
mind that the ,romans produced no       
literature till the third century       
,b4,c42 and the documentary evidence    
that survives from an earlier age in the

 form of inscriptions1 or fragments of  
hymns or of ancient law 7such as the    
calendar of which ,i spoke just now71 is
 of the most meagre character1 and      
usually most difficult to interpret4    
,thus the ,roman religion stands alone  
among the religions of ancient          
civilisations in that we are almost     
entirely without surviving texts of its 
forms of prayer1 of its hymns or its    
legends2#aa even in ,greece the ,homeric
 poems1 with all the earliest ,greek    
literature and art1 make up to some     
extent for the want of that documentary 
evidence which throws a flood of light  
on the religions of ,babylon1 ,egypt1   
the ,hindus1 and the ,jewish people4 ,we
 know in fact as little about the       
religion of the old ,italian populations
 as we do about that of our own         
,teutonic ancestors1 less perhaps than  
we do about that of the ,celtic peoples4
 ,the ,romans were a rude and warlike   
folk1 and meddled neither with          
literature nor philosophy until they    

came into immediate contact with the    
,greeks2 thus it was that1 unfortunately
 for our purposes1 the literary spirit1 
when at last it was born in ,italy1 was 
rather ,greek than ,roman4 ,when that   
birth took place ,rome had spread her   
influence over ,italy1--perhaps the     
greatest work she ever accomplished2 and
 thus the latest historian of ,latin    
literature can venture to write that the
 greatest time in ,roman history was    
already past when real historical       
evidence becomes available4#ab  ,we have
 thus to face two formidable facts3 7#a7
 that the period covered by my earlier  
lectures must in honesty be called      
prehistoric2 and 7#b7 that when the     
,romans themselves began to write about 
it they did so under the overwhelming   
influence of ,greek culture4 ,with few  
exceptions1 all that we can learn of the
 early ,roman religion from ,roman or   
,greek writers comes to us1 not in a    
pure ,roman form1 clearly conceived as  
all things truly ,roman were1 but seen  

dimly through the mist of the           
,hellenistic age4 ,the ,roman gods1 for 
example1 are made the sport of fancy and
 the subject of ,hellenistic            
love-stories1 by ,greek poets and their 
,roman imitators1#ac or are more        
seriously treated by ,graeco-,roman     
philosophy after a fashion which would  
have been absolutely incomprehensible to
 the primitive men in whose minds they  
first had their being4 ,the process of  
disentangling the ,roman element from   
the ,greek in the literary evidence is  
one which can never be satisfactorily   
accomplished2 and on the whole it is    
better1 with ,wissowa and ,marquardt1 to
 hold fast by the facts of the cult1    
where the distinction between the two is
 usually obvious1 than to flounder about
 in a slough of what ,i can only call   
pseudo-evidence4 ,if all that ,english  
people knew about their ,anglo-,saxon   
forefathers were derived from           
,norman-,french chroniclers1 how much   
should we really know about government  

or religion in the centuries before the 
,conquest6 ,and yet this comparison     
gives but a faint idea of the           
treacherous nature of the literary      
evidence ,i am speaking of4 ,it is true 
indeed that in the last age of the      
,republic a few ,romans began to take   
something like a scientific interest in 
their own religious antiquities2 and to 
,varro1 by far the most learned of      
these1 and to ,verrius ,flaccus1 who    
succeeded him in the ,augustan age1 we  
owe directly or indirectly almost all   
the solid facts on which our knowledge  
of the ,roman worship rests4 ,but their 
works have come down to us in a most    
imperfect and fragmentary state1 and    
what we have of them we owe mainly to   
the erudition of later grammarians and  
commentators1 and the learning of the   
early ,christian fathers1 who drew upon 
them freely for illustrations of the    
absurdities of paganism4 ,and it must be
 added that when ,varro himself deals   
with the ,roman gods and the old ideas  

about them1 he is by no means free from 
the inevitable influence of ,greek      
thought4  ,apart from the literary      
material and the few surviving fragments
 of religious law and ritual1 there are 
two other sources of light of which we  
can now avail ourselves1 archaeology and
 anthropology2 but it must be confessed 
that as yet their illuminating power is 
somewhat uncertain4 ,it reminds the     
scrupulous investigator of those early  
days of the electric light1 when its    
flickering tremulousness made it often  
painful to read by1 and when1 too1 it   
might suddenly go out and leave the     
reader in darkness4 ,it is well to      
remember that both sciences are young1  
and have much of the self-confidence of 
youth2 and that ,italian archaeology1   
now fast becoming well organised within 
,italy1 has also to be co-ordinated with
 the archaeology of the whole           
,mediterranean basin1 before we can     
expect from it clear and unmistakable   
answers to hard questions about race and

 religion4 ,this work1 which cannot     
possibly be done by an individual       
without co-operation--the secret of     
sound work which the ,germans have long 
ago discovered--is in course of being   
carried out1 so far as is at present    
possible1 by a syndicate of competent   
investigators4#ad  ,in order to indicate
 the uncertain nature of the light which
 for a long time to come is all we can  
expect from ,italian archaeology1 ,i    
have only to remind you that one of the 
chief questions we have to ask of it is 
the relation of the mysterious ,etruscan
 people to the other ,italian stocks1 in
 respect of language1 religion1 and art4
 ,whether the ,etruscans were the same  
people whom the ,greeks called          
,pelasgians1 as many investigators now  
hold3 whether the earliest ,roman city  
was in any true sense an ,etruscan one3 
these are questions on the answers to   
which it is not as yet safe to build    
further hypotheses4 ,in regard to       
religion1 too1 we are still very much in

 the dark4 ,for example1 there are many 
,etruscan works of art in which ,roman  
deities are portrayed1 as is certain    
from the fact that their names accompany
 the figures2 but it is as yet almost   
impossible to determine how far we can  
use these for the interpretation of     
,roman religious ideas or legends4 ,many
 years ago a most attractive hypothesis 
was raised on the evidence of certain of
 these works of art1 where ,hercules and
 ,juno appear together in a manner which
 strongly suggests that they are meant  
to represent the male and female        
principles of human life2 this          
hypothesis was taken up by early writers
 in the ,mythological ,lexicon1 and     
relying upon them ,i adopted it in my   
,roman ,festivals1#ae and further       
applied it to the interpretation of an  
unsolved problem in the fourth ,eclogue 
of ,virgil4#af ,but since then doubt has
 been thrown on it by ,wissowa1 who had 
formerly accepted it4 ,as being of      
,etruscan origin1 and found in places   

very distant from each other and from   
,rome1 we have1 he says1 no good right  
to use these works of art as evidence   
for the ,roman religion4#ag ,the        
question remains open as to these and   
many other works of art1 but the fact   
that the man of coolest judgment and    
most absolute honesty is doubtful1      
suggests that we had best wait patiently
 for more certain light4  ,in ,rome     
itself1 where archaeological study is   
concentrated and admirably staffed1     
great progress has been made1 and much  
light thrown on the later periods of    
religious history4 ,but for the religion
 of the ancient ,roman state1 with which
 we are at present concerned1 it must be
 confessed that very little has been    
gleaned4 ,the most famous discovery is  
that recently made in the ,forum of an  
archaic inscription which almost        
certainly relates to some religious act2
 but as yet no scholar has been able to 
interpret it with anything approaching  
to certainty4#ah ,more recently         

excavations on the further bank of the  
,tiber threw a glint of light on the    
nature of an ancient deity1 ,furrina1   
about whom till then we practically knew
 nothing at all2 but the evidence thus  
obtained was late and in ,greek         
characters4 ,we must in fact entertain  
no great hopes of illumination from     
excavations1 but accept thankfully what 
little may be vouchsafed to us4 ,on the 
other hand1 from the gradual development
 of ,italian archaeology as a whole1    
and1 ,i must here add1 from the study of
 the several old ,italian languages1    
much may be expected in the future4     
,the other chief contributory science is
 anthropology1 i4e4 the study of the    
working of the mind of primitive man1 as
 it is seen in the ideas and practices  
of uncivilised peoples at the present   
day1 and also as it can be traced in    
survivals among more civilised races4   
,for the history of the religion of the 
,roman ,city-state its contribution must
 of necessity be a limited one2 that is 

a part of ,roman history in general1 and
 its material is purely ,roman1 or      
perhaps ,i should say1 ,graeco-,roman2  
and ,wissowa in all his work has        
consistently declined to admit the value
 of anthropological researches for the  
elucidation of ,roman problems4 ,perhaps
 it is for this very reason that his    
book is the safest guide we possess for 
the study of what the ,romans did and   
thought in the matter of religion2 but  
if we wish to try and get to the        
original significance of those acts and 
thoughts1 it is absolutely impossible in
 these days to dispense with the works  
of a long series of anthropologists1    
many of them fortunately ,british1 who  
have gradually been collecting and      
classifying the material which in the   
long run will fructify in definite      
results4 ,if we consider the writings of
 eminent scholars who wrote about ,greek
 and ,roman religion and mythology      
before the appearance of ,dr4 ,tylor's  
,primitive ,culture--,klausen1 ,preuner1

 ,preller1 ,kuhn1 and many others1 who  
worked on the comparative method but    
with slender material for the use of    
it--we see at once what an immense      
advance has been effected by that       
monumental work1 and by the stimulus    
that it gave to others to follow the    
same track4 ,now we have in this country
 the works of ,lang1 ,robertson ,smith1 
,farnell1 ,frazer1 ,hartland1 ,jevons1  
and others1 while a host of students on 
the ,continent are writing in all       
languages on anthropological subjects4  
,some of these ,i shall quote           
incidentally in the course of these     
lectures2 at present ,i will content    
myself with making one or two           
suggestions as to the care needed in    
using the collections and theories of   
anthropologists1 as an aid in ,roman    
religious studies4  ,first1 let us bear 
in mind that anthropologists are apt to 
have their favourite                    
theories--conclusions1 that is1 which   
are the legitimate result of reasoning  

inductively on the class of facts which 
they have more particularly studied4    
,thus ,mannhardt had his theory of the  
,vegetation-spirit1 ,robertson ,smith   
that of the sacramental meal1 ,usener   
that of the ,sondergoetter1 ,dr4 ,frazer
 that of divine ,kingship2 all of which 
are perfectly sound conclusions based on
 facts which no one disputes4 ,they have
 been of the greatest value to          
anthropological research2 but when they 
are applied to the explanation of ,roman
 practices we should be instantly on our
 guard1 ready indeed to welcome any     
glint of light that we may get from     
them1 but most carefully critical and   
even suspicious of their application to 
other phenomena than those which        
originally suggested them4 ,it is in the
 nature of man as a researcher1 when he 
has found a key1 to hasten to apply it  
to all the doors he can find1 and       
sometimes1 it must be said1 to use      
violence in the application2 and though 
the greatest masters of the science will

 rarely try to force the lock1 they will
 use so much gentle persuasion as       
sometimes to make us fancy that they    
have unfastened it4 ,all such attempts  
have their value1 but it behoves us to  
be cautious in accepting them4 ,the     
application by ,mannhardt of the theory 
of the ,vegetation-spirit to certain    
,roman problems1 e4g4 to that of the    
,lupercalia1#ai and the ,october        
horse1#bj must be allowed1 fascinating  
as it was1 to have failed in the main4  
,the application by ,dr4 ,frazer of the 
theory of divine ,kingship to the early 
religious history of ,rome1 is still sub
 judice1 and calls for most careful and 
discriminating criticism4#ba  ,secondly1
 as ,i have already said1 ,roman        
evidence is peculiarly difficult to     
handle1 except in so far as it deals    
with the simple facts of worship2 when  
we use it for traditions1 myths1 ideas  
about the nature of divine beings1 we   
need a training not only in the use of  
evidence in general1 but in the use of  

,roman evidence in particular4          
,anthropologists1 as a rule1 have not   
been through such a training1 and they  
are apt to handle the evidence of ,roman
 writers with a light heart and rather a
 rough hand4 ,the result is that bits of
 evidence are put together1 each needing
 conscientious criticism1 to support    
hypotheses often of the flimsiest kind1 
which again are used to support further 
hypotheses1 and so on1 until the sober  
inquirer begins to feel his brain       
reeling and his footing giving way      
beneath him4 ,i shall have occasion to  
notice one or two examples of this      
uncritical use of evidence later on1 and
 will say no more of it now4 ,no one can
 feel more grateful than ,i do to the   
many leading anthropologists who have   
touched in one way or another on ,roman 
evidence2 but for myself ,i try never to
 forget the words of ,columella1 with   
which a great ,german scholar began one 
of his most difficult investigations3   
,in universa vita pretiosissimum est    

intellegere quemque nescire se quod     
nesciat4#bb       ,,notes ,,to ,,lecture
 ,i      #a ,mommsen1 ,hist4 of ,rome   
7,e4,t471 vol4 ii4 p4 #dcc4      #b     
,cumont1 ,les ,religions orientales dans
 le paganisme     romain1 p4 #cf4 ,cp4  
,dill1 ,roman ,society in the ,last     
,century of the ,western ,empire1 p4    
#fc4 ,gwatkin1 ,the     ,knowledge of   
,god1 vol4 ii4 p4 #acc4      #c ,see    
some valuable remarks in ,lord ,cromer's
 ,modern     ,egypt1 vol4 ii4 p4 #ace4  
#d ,since this lecture was written this 
scholar has     passed away1 to the     
great grief of his many friends2 and    
,i refrain from mentioning his name4    
#e ,ira ,w4 ,howerth1 in ,international 
,journal of     ,ethics1 #aijc1 p4 #bje4
 ,i owe the reference to ,r4            
,karsten1 ,the ,origin of ,worship1     
,wasa1 #aije1 p4 #b1     note4 ,cp4 ,e4 
,caird1 ,gifford ,lectures 7,evolution  
of     ,theology in the ,greek          
,philosophers71 vol4 i4 p4 #cb4         
,that which underlies all forms of      

religion1 from the     highest to the   
lowest1 is the idea of ,god as an       
absolute     power or principle4 ,to    
this need only be added the     desire  
to be in right relation to it4 ,mr4     
,marett's word     supernaturalism seems
 to mean the same thing2 ,there         
arises in the region of human thought a 
powerful impulse     to objectify1 and  
even to personify1 the mysterious or    
supernatural something felt2 and in the 
region of will a     corresponding      
impulse to render it innocuous1 or1     
better     still1 propitious1 by force  
of constraint 7i4e4     magic71         
communion1 or conciliation4 ,see his    
,threshold     of ,religion1 p4 #aa4    
,prof4 ,haddon1 commenting on this      
7,magic and ,fetishism1 p4 #ic71 adds   
that there are     thus produced the two
 fundamental factors of religion1       
the belief in some mysterious power1 and
 the desire to     enter into           
communication with the power by means of
     worship4 ,our succinct definition  

seems thus to be     adequate4      #f  
,the ,golden ,bough1 ed4 #b1 vol4 i4 p4 
#fb4      #g ,liberal ,protestantism1 p4
 #fd4      #h ,for religio as a feeling 
essentially1 see ,wissowa1     ,religion
 und ,kultus der ,roemer1 p4 #cah       
7henceforward to     be cited as        
,r4,k474 ,for further development of the
     meaning of the word in ,latin      
literature1 see the     author's paper  
in ,proceedings of the ,congress for the
     ,history of ,religions 7,oxford1   
#aijh71 vol4 ii4 p4 #afi     foll4 ,a   
different view of the original meaning  
of the     word is put forward by ,w4   
,otto in ,archiv fuer                   
,religionswissenschaft1 vol4 xii41      
#aiji1 p4 #ecc     7henceforward to be  
cited as ,archiv simply74 ,see also     
below1 p4 #dei foll4      #i ,see1 e4g41
 ,frazer in ,anthropological ,essays    
presented to ,e4 ,b4 ,tylor1 p4 #aja    
foll4      #aj ,staatsverwaltung1 iii4  
p4 #b4 ,this will     henceforward be   
cited as ,marquardt simply4 ,it forms   

part of the great ,handbuch der         
roemischen ,alterthuemer     of ,mommsen
 and ,marquardt1 and is translated into 
,french1     but unfortunately not into 
,english4 ,i may add here that     ,i   
have only recently become acquainted    
with what was1 at     the time it was   
written1 a remarkably good account of   
the ,roman religion1 full of insight as 
well as learning1     viz4 ,doellinger's
 ,the ,gentile and the ,jew1 ,book      
,,vii4     7vol4 ii4 of the ,english    
translation1 #aijf74      #aa ,two      
fragments of ancient carmina1 i4e4      
formulae     which are partly spells and
 partly hymns1 survive--those     of the
 ,fratres ,arvales and the ,salii or    
dancing priests     of ,mars4 ,for      
surviving formulae of prayer see below1 
p4     #ahe foll4 ,our chief authority  
on the ritual of prayer     and         
sacrifice comes from ,iguvium in        
,umbria1 and is in     the ,umbrian     
dialect2 it will be referred to in      
,buecheler's ,umbrica 7#ahhc71 where a  

,latin translation     will be found4   
,the ,umbrian text revised by ,prof4    
,conway     forms an important part of  
that eminent scholar's work     on the  
,italian dialects4      #ab ,f4 ,leo1 in
 ,die griechische und lateinische       
,literatur und ,sprache1 p4 #cbh4 ,cp4  
,schanz1 ,geschichte     der roem4      
,literatur1 vol4 i4 p4 #ed foll4        
#ac ,among ,roman poets ,ovid is the    
worst offender1     ,propertius and     
,tibullus mislead in a less degree2 but 
they all make up for it to some extent  
by preserving for     us features of the
 worship as it existed in their own     
day4 ,the confusion that has been caused
 in ,roman     religious history by     
mixing up ,greek and ,roman evidence    
is incalculable1 and has recently been  
increased by ,pais     7,storia di      
,roma1 and ,ancient ,legends of ,roman  
,history71 and by ,dr4 ,frazer in his   
lectures on the     early history of    
,kingship--writers to whom in some ways 
we owe valuable hints for the           

elucidation of ,roman     problems4 ,see
 also ,soltau1 ,die ,anfaenge der       
roemischen     ,geschichtsschreibung1   
#aiji1 p4 #c4      #ad ,most welcome to 
,english readers has been ,mr4 ,t4 ,e4  
,peet's recently published volume on    
,the ,stone and     ,bronze ,ages in    
,italy1 and still more valuable for our 
purposes will be its sequel1 when it    
appears1 on the     ,iron ,age4      #ae
 ,roman ,festivals1 p4 #adb foll42      
henceforward to be     cited as ,r4,f4  
#af ,see ,virgil's ,messianic ,eclogue1 
by ,mayor1 ,fowler1     and ,conway1 p4 
#ge foll4      #ag ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4  
#bbg4      #ah ,an account of this in   
,english1 with photographs1     will be 
found in ,pais's ,ancient ,legends of   
,roman     ,history1 p4 #ba foll41 and  
notes4      #ai ,mannhardt1             
,mythologische ,forschungen1 p4 #gb     
foll4      #bj ,ibid41 p4 #aef foll4    
#ba ,lectures on the ,early ,history of 
,kingship1     lectures #g-i4      #bb  
,not long after these last sentences    

were written1 a     large work appeared 
by ,dr4 ,binder1 a ,german professor of 
law1 entitled ,die ,plebs1 which deals  
freely with the     oldest ,roman       
religion1 and well illustrates the      
difficulties under which we have to work
 while     archaeologists1 ethnologists1
 and philologists are still             
constantly in disagreement as to almost 
every important     question in the     
history of early ,italian culture4 ,dr4 
,binder's main thesis is that the       
earliest ,rome was     composed of two  
distinct communities1 each with its own 
religion1 i4e4 deities1 priests1 and    
sacra2 the one     settled on the       
,palatine1 a pastoral folk of primitive 
culture1 and of pure ,latin race2 the   
other settled on     the ,quirinal1     
,sabine in origin and language1 and of  
more     advanced development in social 
and religious matters4 ,so     far this 
sounds more or less familiar to us1 but 
when     ,dr4 ,binder goes on to        
identify the ,latin folk with the       

,plebs and the ,sabine settlement with  
the ,patricians1 and     calls in       
religion to help him with the proof of  
this1 it     is necessary to look very  
carefully into the religious            
evidence he adduces4 ,so far as ,i can  
see1 the limitation     of the word     
patrician to the ,quirinal settlement is
     very far from being proved by this 
evidence 7see ,the     ,year's ,work in 
,classical ,studies1 #aiji1 p4 #fi74    
,yet the     hypothesis is an extremely 
interesting one1 and were it            
generally accepted1 would compel us to  
modify in some     important points our 
ideas of ,roman religious history1      
and also of ,roman legal history1 with  
which ,dr4 ,binder     is mainly        
concerned4     ,,lecture ,,ii  ,,on     
,,the ,,threshold ,,of ,,religion3      
,,survivals   ,my subject proper is the 
religion of an organised ,state3 the    
religious experience of a comparatively 
civilised people4 ,but ,i wish1 in the  
first place1 to do what has never yet   

been done by those who have written on  
the ,roman religion--,i wish to take a  
survey of the relics1 surviving in later
 ,roman practice and belief1 of earlier 
stages of rudimentary religious         
experience4 ,in these days of           
anthropological and sociological        
research1 it is possible to do this     
without great difficulty2 and if ,i left
 it undone1 our story of the development
 of religion at ,rome would be mutilated
 at the beginning4 ,also we should be at
 a disadvantage in trying to realise the
 wonderful work done by the early       
authorities of the ,state in eliminating
 from their rule of worship 7ius        
divinum7 almost all that was magical1   
barbarous1 or1 as later ,romans would   
have called it1 superstitious4 ,this is 
a point on which ,i wish to lay especial
 stress in the next few lectures1 and it
 entails a somewhat tiresome account of 
the ideas and practices of which1 as ,i 
believe1 they sought to get rid4 ,these1
 ,i may as well say at once1 are to be  

found for the most part surviving1 as we
 might expect1 outside of the religion  
of the ,state2 where they survive within
 its limits1 they will be found to have 
almost entirely lost their original     
force and meaning4  ,every student of   
religious history knows that a religious
 system is a complex growth1 far more   
complex than would appear at first      
sight2 that it is sure to contain relics
 of previous eras of human experience1  
embedded in the social strata as        
lifeless fossils4 ,these only indeed    
survive because human nature is         
intensely conservative1 especially in   
religious matters2 and of this          
conservative instinct the ,romans afford
 as striking an example as we can       
readily find4 ,they clung with          
extraordinary tenacity1 all through     
their history1 to old forms2 they seem  
to have had a kind of superstitious     
feeling that these dead forms had still 
a value as such1 though all the life was
 gone out of them4 ,it would be easy to 

illustrate this curious feature of the  
,roman mind from the history of its     
religion2 it never disappeared2 and to  
this day the ,catholic church in ,italy 
retains in a thinly-disguised form many 
of the religious practices of the ,roman
 people4  ,stage after stage must have  
been passed by the ,latins long before  
our story rightly begins2 how many      
revolutions of thought they underwent1  
how much they learnt and took over from 
earlier inhabitants of the country in   
which they finally settled1 we cannot   
even guess4 ,as ,i said in the last     
lecture1 we have no really ancient      
history of the ,romans1 as we have1 for 
example1 of the ,egyptians or           
,babylonians2 to us it is all darkness1 
save where a little light has been      
thrown on the buried strata by          
archaeology and anthropology4 ,that     
little light1 which may be expected to  
increase in power1 shows survivals here 
and there of primitive modes of thought2
 and these ,i propose to deal with now  

in the following order4 ,totemism ,i    
shall mention merely to clear it out of 
the way2 but taboo will take us some    
little time1 and so will magic in its   
various forms4  ,about totemism all ,i  
have to say is this4 ,as ,i write1 ,dr4 
,frazer's great work on this subject has
 just appeared2 it is entirely occupied 
with totemism among modern savages1 true
 totemic peoples1 with the object of    
getting at the real principles of that  
curious stratum of human thought1 and he
 leaves to others the discussion of     
possible survivals of it among ,aryans1 
,semites1 and ,egyptians4 ,he himself is
 sceptical about all the evidence that  
has been adduced to prove its existence 
in classical antiquity 7see vol4 i4 p4  
#hf and vol4 iv4 p4 #ac74 ,under these  
circumstances1 and seeing that ,dr4     
,frazer has always been the accepted    
exponent of totemism in this country    
since the epoch-making works appeared of
 ,tylor and ,robertson ,smith1 it is    
obviously unnecessary for me either to  

attempt to explain what it is1 or to    
examine the attempts to find survivals  
of it in ancient ,italy4 ,when it first 
became matter of interest to            
anthropologists it was only natural that
 they should be apt to find it          
everywhere4 ,dr4 ,jevons1 for example1  
following in the steps of ,robertson    
,smith1 found plenty of totemistic      
survivals both in ,greece and ,italy in 
writing his valuable ,introduction to   
the ,history of ,religion2 but he is now
 aware that he went too far in this     
direction4 ,quite recently there has    
been a run after the same scent in      
,france2 not long ago a ,french scholar 
published a book on the ensigns of the  
,roman army1#bc which originally        
represented certain animals1 and using  
,dr4 ,frazer's early work on totemism   
with a very imperfect knowledge of the  
subject1 tried to prove that these were 
originally totem signs4 ,roman names of 
families and old ,italian tribe-names   
are still often quoted as totemistic2   

but the ,fabii and ,caepiones1 named    
after cultivated plants1 and the        
,picentes and ,hirpini1 after woodpecker
 and wolf1 though tempting to the       
totemist1 have not persuaded ,dr4       
,frazer to accept them as totemistic1   
and may be left out of account here2    
there may be many reasons for the       
adoption of such names besides the      
totemistic one4 ,in the course of the   
last ,congress of religious history1 a  
sober ,french scholar1 ,m4 ,toutain1    
made an emphatic protest against the    
prevailing tendency in ,france1 of which
 the leading representative is ,m4      
,salomon ,reinach4#bd ,let us pass on at
 once to the second primitive mode of   
thought which ,i mentioned just now1 and
 which is not nearly so remote--speaking
 anthropologically--from classical times
 as totemism4 ,totemism belongs to a    
form of society1 that of tribe or clan1 
in which family life is unknown in our  
sense of the word1 and it is therefore  
wholly remote from the life of the      

ancient ,italian stocks1 in whose social
 organisation the family was a leading  
fact2 but taboo seems rather to be a    
mode of thought common to primitive     
peoples up to a comparatively advanced  
stage of development1 and has left its  
traces in all systems of religion1      
including those of the present day4  ,by
 this famous word taboo1 of ,polynesian 
origin1 is to be understood a very      
important part of what ,i have called   
the protoplasm of primitive religion1   
and one closely allied both to magic and
 fetishism4 ,for our present purposes we
 may define it as a mysterious influence
 believed to exist in objects both      
animate and inanimate1 which makes them 
dangerous1 infectious1 unclean1 or holy1
 which two last qualities are often     
almost identical in primitive thought1  
as ,robertson ,smith originally taught  
us4#be ,what exactly the savage or      
semi-civilised mind thought about this  
influence we hardly yet know2 we have   
another ,polynesian word1 mana1 which   

expresses conveniently its positive     
aspect1 and may in time help us towards 
a better understanding of it4#bf ,it is 
in origin pre-animistic1 i4e4 it is not 
so much believed to emanate from a      
spirit residing in the object1 as from  
some occult miasmatic quality4 ,all     
human beings in contact with other men  
or things possessing this quality are   
believed to suffer in some way1 and to  
communicate the infection which they    
themselves receive4 ,as ,dr4 ,farnell   
says in his chapter on the ritual of    
purification1#bg ,the sense-instinct    
that suggests all this was probably some
 primeval terror or aversion evoked by  
certain objects1 as we see animals      
shrink with disgust at the sight or     
smell of blood4 ,the nerves of savage   
man are strangely excited by certain    
stimuli of touch1 smell1 taste1 sight2  
the specially exciting object is        
something that we should call           
mysterious1 weird1 or uncanny4  ,based  
on this notion of constant danger from  

infection1 there arose a code of        
unwritten custom as rigid as that       
enforced by a careful physician in      
infectious cases at the present day2 and
 thus1 too1 in course of time there was 
developed the idea of the possibility of
 disinfection1 an idea as salutary as   
the discovery in medical science of     
effective methods for the disinfection  
of disease4 ,the code of taboo had an   
obvious ethical value1 as ,dr4 ,jevons  
pointed out long ago2#bh like all       
discipline carried out with a social end
 in view1 it helped men to realise that 
they were under obligations to the      
community of which they were a part1 and
 that they would be visited by severe   
penalties if they neglected these       
duties4 ,but it inevitably tended to    
forge a set of fetters binding and      
cramping the minds of its captives with 
a countless number of terrors2 life was 
full of constant anxiety1 of that       
feeling expressed by the later ,romans  
in the word religio1#bi which1 as we    

shall see1 probably had its origin in   
this period of primitive superstition4  
,the only remedy is the discovery of the
 means of disinfection1 or1 as we       
commonly call it1 of purification3 a    
discovery which must have been going on 
for ages1 and only finds its completion 
at ,rome in the era of the ,city-state4 
,we shall return to this part of the    
subject when we deal with the ritual of 
purification2 at present we must attend 
to certain survivals in that ritual     
which suggest that at one time the      
ancestors of the ,roman people lived    
under this unwritten code of taboo4     
,let us see1 in the first place1 how    
human beings were supposed to be        
affected by this mysterious influence   
under certain circumstances and at      
particular periods of their existence4  
,as universally in primitive life1 the  
new-born infant must originally have    
been taboo2 for every ,roman child      
needed purification or disinfection1    
boys on the ninth1 girls on the eighth  

day after birth4 ,this day was called   
the dies lustricus1 the day of a        
purificatory rite2 est lustricus dies1  
says ,macrobius1 quo infantes lustrantur
 et nomen accipiunt4#cj ,in historical  
times the naming of the child was       
doubtless the more practically important
 part of the ceremony2 though we may    
note in passing that the mystic value   
attaching to names1 of which there are  
traces in ,roman usage1 may have even   
originally given that part a greater    
significance than we should naturally   
attribute to it4#ca ,again1 when the    
child reaches the age of puberty1 it is 
all the world over believed to be in a  
critical or dangerous condition1 needing
 disinfection2 of this idea1 so far as  
,i know1 the later ,romans show hardly a
 trace1 but we may suppose that the     
ceremony of laying aside the toga of    
childhood1 which was accompanied by a   
sacrifice1 was a faint survival of some 
process of purification4#cb ,once more1 
after a death the whole family had to be

 purified with particular care from the 
contagion of the corpse1#cc which was   
here as everywhere taboo2 a cypress     
bough was stuck over the door of the    
house of a noble family to give warning 
to any passing pontifex that he was not 
to enter it2#cd and those who followed  
the funeral cortege were purified by    
being sprinkled with water and by       
stepping over fire4#ce ,society had     
effectually protected itself against the
 miasma in all these cases by the       
discovery of the means of disinfection4 
,one of the commonest forms of taboo is 
that on women1 who1 especially at       
certain periods1 were apparently        
believed to be infectious4#cf ,of this  
belief we have very distinct survivals  
in ,roman ritual1 which ,i must here be 
content to mention only1 leaving details
 to trained anthropologists to explain4 
,we find them both in sacra privata and 
sacra publica4 ,cato has preserved the  
formula for the propitiation of ,mars   
,silvanus in the private rites of the   

farm2 it is to take place in silva1 and 
its object is the protection of the     
cattle1 doubtless those which have been 
turned out to pasture in the forest1 and
 are therefore in danger from evil      
beasts and evil spirits4 ,now this res  
divina may be performed either by a free
 man or a slave1 but no woman may be    
present1 nor see what is going on4#cg   
,in sacra publica women were excluded   
from the cult of ,hercules at the ,ara  
,maxima1 and were not allowed to swear  
by the name of that god2 facts which are
 usually connected with the doubtful    
identification of ,hercules with        
,genius1 or the male principle of       
life4#ch ,more conclusive evidence of   
taboo in the case of women is the fact  
that at certain sacrifices they were    
ordered to withdraw1 both mulieres and  
virgines1 together with other persons to
 be mentioned directly4#ci              
,unfortunately we are not told what     
those sacrifices were2 but it seems     
clear enough that there had been at one 

time a scruple 7religio7 about admitting
 women of any age to certain sacred     
rites4 ,if so1 it is remarkable how the 
good sense of the ,roman people overcame
 any serious disabilities which might   
have been produced by such ideas2 the   
,roman woman gained for herself a       
position of dignity1 and even of        
authority1 in her household1 which had  
very important results on the formation 
of the character of the people4#dj      
,traces of the old superstition         
doubtless continued to survive in       
folklore2 an example1 interesting       
because it seems to illustrate the      
positive aspect of taboo 7mana71 may be 
found by the curious in ,pliny's        
,natural ,history1 xxviii4 #gh4         
,another widely-spread example of the   
class of ideas we are discussing is the 
belief that strangers are dangerous4    
,dr4 ,frazer tells us that to guard     
against the baneful influence exerted   
voluntarily or involuntarily by         
strangers is an elementary dictate of   

savage prudence4 ,you have to disarm    
them of their magical powers1 to        
counteract the baneful influence which  
is believed to emanate from them4#da ,of
 this feeling he has collected a great  
number of convincing illustrations4 ,we 
find it also surviving in ,roman ritual4
 ,a note1 referred to above1 which has  
come down to us from the learned        
,verrius ,flaccus1 informs us that at   
certain sacrifices the lictor proclaimed
 hostis vinctus mulier virgo exesto1    
where hostis has its old meaning of     
stranger4#db ,this is1 of course1 merely
 the old feeling of taboo surviving in  
the religious ritual of the ,city-state1
 and is also no doubt connected with the
 belief that the recognised deities of a
 community could not be approached by   
any but the members of that community2  
but its taproot is probably to be found 
in the ideas described by ,dr4 ,frazer4 
,we can illustrate it well from the     
ritual of another ,italian city1        
,iguvium in ,umbria1 which1 as ,i       

mentioned in a note to my last lecture1 
has come down to us in a very elaborate 
form4 ,in the ordinance for the         
lustratio populi of that city the       
magistrate is directed to expel all     
members of certain neighbouring         
communities by a thrice-repeated        
proclamation4#dc ,such fear of strangers
 is not even yet extinct in ,italy4     
,professor von ,duhn told me that once  
when approaching an ,italian village in 
search of inscriptions he was taken for 
the devil1 being unluckily mounted on a 
black horse and dressed in black1 and   
was met by a priest with a crucifix1 who
 was at last persuaded to disinfect him 
with holy water as a condition of his   
being admitted to the village4 ,but the 
,romans of historical times1 in this as 
in so many other ways1 discovered easy  
methods of overcoming these fears and   
scruples3 we find a good example of this
 in the organised college of ,fetiales1 
who1 on entering as envoys a foreign    
territory1 were fully protected by their

 sacred herbs1 carried by a verbenarius1
 against all hostile contamination4#dd  
,a remark seems here necessary about the
 apparent inconsistency between this    
feeling of anxiety about strangers and  
the well-known ancient ,italian practice
 of hospitium1 by which two communities1
 or two individuals1 or an individual   
and a community1 entered into relations 
which bound them to mutual hospitality  
and kindness in case of need3#de a      
practice so widely spread and so highly 
developed that it may be considered one 
of the most valuable civilising agents  
in the early history of ,italy4 ,there  
is1 however1 no real inconsistency here4
 ,in the first place1 the stranger who  
was removed on the occasion of solemn   
public religious rites may be assumed   
not to have been in possession of the   
ius hospitii with the ,roman state1 and 
in any case it must be doubtful whether 
that ius would give him the right of    
being present at all sacrificial rites4 
,secondly1 the researches of ,dr4       

,westermarck have recently1 for the     
first time1 made it clear that both the 
taboo on strangers and the very         
widely-spread practice of hospitality   
can ultimately be traced down to the    
same root4 ,the stranger is dangerous2  
but for that very reason it is desirable
 to secure his good-will at once4 ,he   
may have the evil eye2 but if so1 it is 
as well to disarm him by offering him   
food and drink1 and1 when he has        
partaken of these1 by entering into     
communion with him in the act of        
partaking also yourself4 ,expediency    
would obviously suggest some such remedy
 for the danger of his presence1 and    
this would in course of time1 in        
accordance with the instinct of ,romans 
and ,italians1 grow into a set of rules 
sanctioned by law as well as custom--the
 ius hospitii4#df  ,hostis vinctus      
mulier virgo exesto4 ,we have noticed   
traces of taboo on women and strangers3 
what of the vinctus8 ,this is1 so far as
 ,i know1 the only proof we have that a 

man in chains was thought to be         
religiously dangerous4 ,i am not sure   
how his expulsion from religious rites  
is to be explained4 ,it is1 however1 as 
well to note that criminals were in     
primitive societies thought to be       
uncanny1 probably because the commonest 
of all crimes1 if not the only one      
affecting society as a whole1 was the   
breaking of taboo1 which made the       
individual an outcast4#dg ,and we may   
put this together with the fact that in 
the early ,city-state such outcasts were
 probably not kept shut up in a prison1 
but allowed to wander about secured with
 chains2 this seems a fair inference    
from the power which the priest of      
,jupiter 7,flamen ,dialis7 possessed of 
releasing from his chains any prisoner  
who entered his house1 i4e4 who had     
taken refuge there as in an asylum4#dh  
,thus the fettered criminal1 who was    
certainly not a citizen1 might find his 
way to the place where a sacrifice was  
going on1 and have to submit to         

expulsion together with the strangers4  
,it is1 however1 also possible that the 
iron of the chains1 if they were of     
iron1 made him doubly dangerous2 for1 as
 we shall see directly1 iron was taboo1 
and the chains of the prisoner who took 
refuge with the ,flamen had to be thrown
 out of the house1 no doubt for this    
reason1 by the impluvium4#di  ,turning  
to inanimate objects1 which are supposed
 by primitive man to be dangerous or    
taboo1 we are met by a fact which will  
astonish anthropologists1 and which ,i  
cannot satisfactorily explain4 ,blood is
 everywhere in the savage world regarded
 with suspicion and anxiety2 there is   
something mysterious about it as        
containing 7so they thought7 the life1  
and its colour and smell are also       
uncanny2 horses cannot endure it1 and   
there are still strong men who faint at 
the sight of it4 ,yet at ,rome1 so far  
as ,i can discover1 there was in        
historical times hardly a trace left of 
this anxiety in its original form of    

taboo2 the religious law had effectually
 eliminated the various chances that    
might arouse it4 ,no student of ,roman  
religious antiquities seems to have     
noticed this singular fact4 ,no         
anthropologist1 as far as ,i know1 has  
observed that among the many taboos to  
which the ,flamen ,dialis was subject1  
blood does not appear4 ,the reason no   
doubt is that anthropologists are not as
 a rule ,roman historians2 their        
curiosity is not excited by a fact which
 must have some explanation in ,roman   
religious history4 ,from a single       
passage of ,festus 7p4 #aag7 we learn   
that soldiers following the triumphal   
car carried laurel ut quasi purgati a   
caede humana intrarent urbem2 and this  
is the only distinct relic of the idea  
that ,i can find4 ,pliny's ,natural     
,history1 that wonderful thesaurus of   
odds and ends1 affords no help2 the     
mystic qualities of blood are hardly    
alluded to there1 and the same can be   
said of ,servius' commentary on the     

,aeneid4 ,the word blood is not to be   
found in the index to ,wissowa's great  
work1 of which the supreme value is its 
accurate record of the religious law and
 all the ceremonies of the ,state4 ,i am
 constrained to believe that the priests
 or priest-kings who developed the ius  
divinum of the ,roman ,city-state       
deliberately suppressed the             
superstition1 for reasons which it is   
impossible to conjecture with certainty4
 ,and this guess1 which ,i put forward  
with hesitation1 is indeed in keeping   
with certain other facts of ,roman life4
 ,it is doubtful whether human sacrifice
 ever existed among this people2#ej it  
is certain that the execution of        
citizens in civil life by beheading was 
abandoned at a very early period4#ea    
,the shedding of blood1 except when a   
victim was sacrificed under the rules of
 sacred law1 was carefully avoided2 thus
 the horror of blood had a social and   
ethical result of value1 instead of     
remaining a mere religio 7taboo74 ,it is

 true that in one or two rites1 such as 
that of the ,october horse1 the blood of
 a sacrifice seems to have been thought 
to possess peculiar powers2#eb but it is
 at the same time noticeable that this  
rite is not included in the old         
calendar1 a fact of which a wholly      
satisfactory explanation has not yet    
been offered4 ,in the ,lupercalia there 
is a trace of the mystic use of blood in
 sacrifice1 but a very faint one3 to    
this we shall return later on4 ,the two 
,luperci had their foreheads smeared    
with the knife bloody from the slaughter
 of the victims1 but the blood was at   
once wiped off with wool dipped in      
milk4#ec ,this rite is of course in the 
old calendar2 it stands almost alone in 
its mystical character1 and may have    
been taken over by the ,romans from     
previous inhabitants of the site of     
,rome4 ,lastly1 in the ,terminalia1 or  
boundary-festival of arable land in     
country districts1 the boundary-stone   
was sprinkled with the blood of the     

victims1 showing that a spirit1 or      
numen1 was believed to reside in it2#ed 
but ,i cannot find that this practice   
survived in the public sacrifices of the
 city4 ,it is found only in the         
sacrifices 7,graeco ritu7 supervised by 
the ,,xv viri sacris faciundis in that  
part of the ,ludi ,saeculares of        
,augustus which was concerned with      
,greek chthonic deities in the ,campus  
,martius4#ee  ,yet unquestionably there 
had been a time when many inanimate     
objects were supposed to have a mystic  
or dangerous influence2 this is         
sufficiently proved by the long list of 
taboos to which the unfortunate ,flamen 
,dialis was even in historical times    
subject4 ,he was forbidden to touch a   
goat1 a dog1 raw meat1 beans1 ivy1      
wheat1 leavened bread2 he might not walk
 under a vine1 and his hair and nails   
might not be cut with an iron knife2 and
 he might not have any knot or unbroken 
ring about his person4 ,dr4 ,frazer has 
the merit of being the first to point   

out the real meaning of this strange    
list of disabilities1 and to explain the
 mystic or miasmatic origin of some of  
them4#ef ,they need not detain us now1  
as they are survivals only1 and         
survivals of ideas which must have been 
long extinct before ,roman history can  
be said to begin4 ,almost the only one  
among them of which we have other traces
 is the taboo on iron1 which must have  
been of comparatively late date1 as the 
use of iron in ,italy seems only to have
 begun about the eighth century         
,b4,c4#eg ,this is found also in the    
ritual of the ,arval ,brotherhood1 the  
ancient agricultural priesthood revived 
by ,augustus1 and better known to us    
than any other owing to the discovery of
 its ,acta in the site of the sacred    
grove between ,rome and ,ostia4 ,these  
,brethren had originally suffered from  
the taboo on iron2 but in characteristic
 fashion they had discovered that a     
piacular or disinfecting sacrifice would
 sufficiently atone for its use whenever

 it was necessary to take a pruning-hook
 within the limits of the grove4#eh ,we 
may here also recall the fact that no   
iron might be used in the building or   
repairing of the ancient pons sublicius1
 the oldest of all the bridges of the   
,tiber4#ei  ,every one who wishes to get
 an idea of the nature of taboo in      
primitive ,rome1 and of the way in which
 it was got rid of1 should study the    
disabilities of the ,flamen ,dialis1 and
 satisfy himself of their absence1 with 
the exception just mentioned1 and       
possibly one or two more1 in the ritual 
of historical ,rome4 ,nothing is more   
likely to convince him of the way in    
which ,roman civilisation contrived to  
leave these superstitions as mere       
fossils1 incapable any longer of doing  
mischief by cramping the conscience and 
inducing constant anxiety4 ,if he is    
disposed to ask why such a large number 
of these fossils should be found        
attached to the priesthood of ,jupiter1 
,i must ask him to let me postpone that 

question1 which would at this moment    
lead us too far afield4  ,i may1        
however1 mention here that the          
,flaminica ,dialis1 who was not         
priestess of ,juno as is commonly       
supposed1 but assisted her husband in   
the cult of ,jupiter1 was also subject  
to certain taboos4 ,on three occasions  
in the religious year she might not     
appear in public with her hair done up1 
viz4 the moving of the ancilia in       
,march1 the festival of the ,argei in   
,march and ,may1 and during the         
cleansing of the penus ,vestae in ,june4
 ,also she might not wear shoes made    
from the skin of a beast that had died a
 natural death1 but only from that of a 
sacrificial victim4 ,there are traces of
 a religio about shoe-leather1 ,i may   
remark1 both in the ,roman and in other 
religious systems4 ,varro tells us that 
in aliquot sacris et sacellis scriptum  
habemus1 ,ne quid scorteum adhibeatur3  
ideo ne morticinum quid adsit4 ,leather 
was taboo in the worship of the almost  

unknown deity ,carmenta4 ,petronius     
describes women in the cult of ,jupiter 
,elicius walking barefoot2 and we are   
reminded of the well-known rule which   
still survives in ,mahommedan           
mosques4#fj ,the original idea may have 
been that the skin of an animal not made
 sacred by sacrifice might destroy the  
efficacy of the worship contemplated4   
,on the other hand1 the skin of a duly  
sacrificed animal had potency of a      
useful kind--a fact or belief so        
widespread as to need no illustration   
here2 but we shall come upon an example 
of it in my next lecture4  ,certain     
places were also affected by the idea of
 taboo4 ,in the later religious law of  
the ,city-state the sites of all        
temples1 i4e4 all places in which       
deities had consented to take up their  
abode1 were of course holy2 but this is 
a much more mature development1 though  
it unquestionably had its root in the   
same idea that we are now discussing4   
,such sites1 as we shall see in a later 

lecture1 were loca sacra1 and sacer is a
 word of legal ritual1 meaning that the 
place has been made over to the deity by
 certain formulae1 accompanied with     
favourable auspices1 under the authority
 of the ,state4#fa ,but there were other
 holy places which were not sacra but   
religiosa2 and the word religiosum here 
might almost be translated affected by  
taboo4 ,wissowa provides us with a list 
of these places1 and this and the       
quotations he supplies with it are of   
the utmost value for my present         
subject4#fb ,they comprised1 of course1 
all holy places which the ,state had not
 duly consecrated1 and therefore some   
which hardly concern us here1 such as   
shrines belonging to families and       
gentes1 and temple-sites in the         
provinces of a later age4 ,more to our  
purpose at this moment are the spots    
where thunderbolts were supposed to have
 fallen4 ,such spots were encircled with
 a low wall and called puteal from their
 resemblance to a well1 or bidental from

 the sacrifice there of a lamb as a     
piaculum2 the bolt was supposed to be   
thus buried1 and the place became       
religiosum4#fc ,so1 too1 all            
burial-grounds were not loca sacra but  
loca religiosa1 technically because they
 were not the property of the state or  
consecrated by it2 in reality1 ,i       
venture to say1 because the place where 
a corpse was deposited was of necessity 
taboo4 ,such places were extra          
commercium1 and their sanctity might not
 be violated3 religiosum est1 wrote the 
learned ,roman ,masurius ,sabinus1 quod 
propter sanctitatem aliquam remotum et  
sepositum est a nobis4#fd ,so1 too1 the 
great lawyer of ,cicero's time1 ,servius
 ,sulpicius1 defines religio as quae    
propter sanctitatem aliquam remota ac   
seposita a nobis sit1 where he is using 
religio in the sense of a thing or place
 to which a taboo attaches4#fe ,and     
again1 another authority1 ,aelius       
,gallus1 said that religiosum was       
properly applied to an object in regard 

to which there were things which a man  
might not do3 quod si faciat1 he goes   
on1 adversus deorum voluntatem videatur 
facere4#ff ,these last words are in the 
language of the ,city-state2 if we would
 go behind it to that of an earlier age1
 we should substitute words which would 
express the feeling or scruple1 the     
religio1 without reference to any       
special deity4 ,virgil has pictured     
admirably this feeling as applied to    
places1 in describing the visit of      
,aeneas to the site of the future ,rome 
under the guidance of his host ,evander 
7,aen4 viii4 #cdg73--    hinc ad        
,tarpeiam sedem et ,capitolia ducit1    
aurea nunc1 olim silvestribus horrida   
dumis4   iam tum religio pavidos        
terrebat agrestis   dira loci3 iam tum  
silvam saxumque tremebant4   hoc nemus1 
hunc1 inquit1 frondoso vertice collem1  
7quis deus1 incertum est7 habitat deus4 
,this is a passage on which ,i shall    
have to comment again3 at present ,i    
will content myself with noting how     

accurately the poet1 who of all others  
best understood the instincts of the    
less civilised ,italians of his own day1
 has used his knowledge to express the  
antique feeling that there were places  
which man must shrink from entering--a  
feeling far older than the invention of 
legal consecratio by the authorities of 
a ,city-state4  ,lastly1 the principle  
of taboo1 or religio1 if we use the     
,latin word1 affected certain times as  
well as places4 ,just as under the ius  
divinum of the fully-developed ,state   
certain spots were made over to the     
deities for their habitation and        
rendered inviolable by consecratio1 so  
certain days were also appointed as     
theirs which the human inhabitants might
 not violate by the transaction of      
profane business4 ,but ,i have just     
pointed out that the consecration of    
holy places in this legal fashion was a 
late development of a primitive feeling 
or religio2 exactly the same1 if ,i am  
not mistaken1 was the case with regard  

to the holy days4 ,these were called    
nefasti1 and belong to the life of the  
,state2 but there were others1 called   
religiosi1 which ,i believe to have been
 tabooed days long before the ,state    
arose4  ,when we come to examine the    
ancient religious calendar1 it will be  
found that ,i shall not then be called  
upon to deal with dies religiosi1 for   
the very good reason that they are not  
indicated in that calendar--there is no 
mark for them as religiosi1 and some of 
them are not even dies nefasti1 as we   
might naturally have expected4#fg ,what1
 then1 is the history of them8 ,we may  
be able to make a fair guess at this by 
noting exactly what these days were2    
,dr4 ,wissowa has put them together for 
us in a very succinct passage4#fh ,he   
begins the list with the #ahth of       
,quinctilis 7,july71 on which two great 
disasters had happened to ,roman armies1
 the defeats on the ,cremera and the    
,allia2 and also the #afth1 the day     
after the ,ides1 because1 according to  

the legend1 the ,roman commander had    
sacrificed on that day with a view to   
gaining the favour of the gods in the   
battle4 ,we may regard the story about  
the #ahth as historical2 but then we are
 told that all days following on        
,kalends1 ,nones1 and ,ides were        
likewise made religiosi 7or atri1       
vitiosi1 which have the same meaning7 as
 being henceforward deemed unlucky by   
pronouncement of senate and             
pontifices2#fi thus all dies            
postriduani1 as they were called1 were  
put out of use1 or at any rate declared 
unlucky1 for many purposes1 both public 
and private1 e4g4 marriages1 levies1    
battles1 and sacred rites1#gj simply    
because on one occasion disaster had    
followed the offering of a sacrifice on 
the #afth of ,quinctilis4 ,it is        
difficult to believe that thirty-six    
days in the year were thus tabooed1 by a
 ,roman senate and ,roman magistrates1  
in a period when the practical wisdom of
 the government was beginning to be a   

marked characteristic of the ,state4    
,some people1 we are told1 went so far  
as to treat the fourth day before       
,kalends1 ,nones1 and ,ides in the same 
way2 but ,gellius declares that he could
 find no tradition about this except a  
single passage of ,claudius             
,quadrigarius1 in which he said that the
 fourth day before the ,nones of        
,sextilis was that on which the battle  
of ,cannae was fought4#ga  ,i am        
strongly inclined to suggest that the   
traditional explanation of the tabooing 
of these thirty-six1 or possibly        
seventy-two days was neither more nor   
less than an aetiological myth1 like    
hundreds of others which were invented  
to account for ,roman practices1        
religious and other2 and this           
supposition seems to be confirmed as we 
go on with the list of dies religiosi as
 given by ,wissowa4 ,the three          
days--,sextilis #bd1 ,october #e1       
,november #h--on which the ,manes were  
believed to come up from the underworld 

through the mundus 7to which ,i shall   
return later on7 were religiosi2#gb so  
were those when the temple of ,vesta    
remained open 7,june #g to #ae71gc those
 on which the ,salii performed their    
dances in ,march and ,october1#gd two   
days following the feriae ,latinae 7a   
movable festival71#ge and the days of   
the ,parentalia in ,february and the    
,lemuria in ,may1 which were concerned  
with the cult and the memory of the     
dead4#gf ,now the religio or taboo on   
these days obviously springs either from
 a feeling of anxiety suggested by very 
primitive notions of the dead and of    
departed spirits2 or in the case of the 
temple of ,vesta1 by some mystical      
purification or disinfection preparatory
 to the ingathering of the crops1 which 
,i noticed in my ,roman ,festivals 7p4  
#aeb foll472 or again in the case of the
 ,salii1 by some danger to the crops    
from evil spirits1 etc41 which might be 
averted by their peculiar performances4 
,in fact1 all these dies religiosi date 

as such1 we may be pretty sure1 from a  
very primitive period before the genesis
 of the ,city-state1 and were not       
recognised--for what reason we will not 
at present attempt to guess--as         
religiosi by the authorities who drew up
 the ,calendar4 ,some of them appear in 
that calendar as dies nefasti1 but not  
all2 and ,i am entirely at one with     
,wissowa1 whose knowledge of the ,roman 
religious law is unparalleled for       
exactness1 in believing that a religio  
affecting a day had nothing whatever to 
do with its character as fastus or      
nefastus4#gg  ,if all these             
last-mentioned dies religiosi are such  
because ancient popular feeling attached
 the religio to them1 we may infer1 ,i  
think1 that the same was really the case
 also with the dies postriduani4 ,the   
fact that the authorities of the ,state 
had made one or two days religiosi as   
anniversaries of disasters1 supplied a  
handy explanation for a number of other 
dies religiosi of which the true        

explanation had been entirely lost2 but 
that there was such a true explanation1 
resting on very primitive beliefs1 ,i   
have very little doubt4 ,lucky and      
unlucky days are found in the unwritten 
calendars of primitive peoples in many  
parts of the world4 ,an old pupil1 now a
 civil servant in the province of       
,madras1 has sent me an elaborate       
account of the notions of this kind     
existing in the minds of the            
,tamil-speaking people of his district  
of southern ,india4 ,the ,celtic        
calendar recently discovered at ,coligny
 in ,france contains a number of        
mysterious marks1 some of which may have
 had a meaning of this kind4#gh ,dr4    
,jevons has collected some other        
examples from various parts of the      
world1 e4g4 ,mexico4#gi ,the old ,roman 
superstition about the luckiness of odd 
days and the unluckiness of even ones1  
which appears1 as we shall see1 in the  
arrangement of the calendar1 was        
probably at one time a popular ,italian 

notion1 not derived1 as used to be      
thought1 from ,pythagoras and his       
school4  ,i therefore conclude that we  
may add times and seasons to the list of
 those objects1 animate and inanimate1  
which were affected by the practice of  
taboo in primitive ,rome2 and ,i hold   
that the word religiosus1 as applied    
both to times and places1 exactly       
expresses the feeling on which that     
practice is based4 ,the word religiosus 
came to have another meaning 7though it 
retained the old one as well7 in        
historical times1 and the ,romans could 
be called religiosissimi mortalium in   
the sense of paying close attention to  
worship and all its details4 ,but the   
original meaning of religio and         
religiosus may after all have been that 
nervous anxiety which is a special      
characteristic of an age of taboo4#hj   
,to discover the best methods of        
soothing that anxiety1 or1 in other     
words1 the methods of disinfection1 was 
the work of the organised religious life

 of family and ,state which we are going
 to study4 ,but ,i must first devote a  
lecture to another class of primitive   
survivals4       ,,notes ,,to ,,lecture 
,,ii      #bc ,renel1 ,les ,enseignes1  
p4 #dc foll4 ,for the     contrary view1
 ,deubner in ,archiv1 #aiaj1 p4 #dij4   
#bd ,on taboo in general1 ,jevons1      
,introduction to the     ,history of    
,religion1 ch4 vi42 ,robertson ,smith1  
,religion of the ,semites1 p4 #adb      
foll42 ,frazer1 ,golden     ,bough 7ed4 
#b71 i4 #cdc2 ,crawley1 ,the ,mystic    
,rose1     passim4 ,on the relation of  
taboo to magic1 ,marett1     ,threshold 
of ,religion1 p4 #he foll4 ,lately ,m4  
van     ,gennep in his ,rites de passage
 has attempted to     classify and      
explain the various rites resulting from
     taboo4      #be ,see the           
,transactions of the ,congress 7,oxford 
,university ,press71 vol4 i4 p4 #aba    
foll4 ,m4 ,reinach had     alleged that 
the gens ,fabia was originally a totem  
clan1     ,mythes et cultes1 i4 p4 #dg4 

#bf ,marett1 ,on the ,threshold of      
,religion1 p4 #acg     foll4 ,in taboo  
the mystic thing is not to be lightly   
approached 7negative aspect72 qua mana1 
it is instinct     with mystic power    
7positive aspect73 so ,mr4 ,marett      
states the distinction in a private     
letter4      #bg ,evolution of          
,religion1 p4 #id4      #bh             
,introduction1 ch4 viii42 ,westermarck1 
,origin and     ,development of ,ethical
 ,ideas1 i4 #bcc foll4      #bi ,see a  
paper by the author in the ,transactions
 of     the ,congress of the ,history of
 ,religions1 #aijh1 ii4 #afi     foll4  
#cj ,macrobius1 ,sat4 i4 #af4 #cf2 ,de  
,marchi1 ,la     ,religione nella vita  
domestica1 i4 p4 #afi foll42            
,samter1 ,familienfeste der ,griechen   
und ,roemer1 p4 #fb     foll41 where the
 dies lustricus is compared with the    
,greek ,greek3 amphidromia4             
,unfortunately the details of     the   
,roman rite are unknown to us1 which    
seems to     indicate that the primitive

 or magical character of it     had     
disappeared4 ,van ,gennep1 op4 cit4 ch4 
v41 reviews     and classifies our      
present knowledge of this kind of       
rite4 ,see also ,crawley1 ,mystic ,rose1
 p4 #dce foll4      #ca ,crawley1 op4   
cit4 p4 #dcf2 ,frazer1 ,g4,b4 i4 #djc   
foll4 ,from this point of view ,roman   
names need a closer     examination than
 they have yet received4 ,see1 however1 
,marquardt1 ,privatleben der ,roemer1   
pp4 #aj and #ha1 and     ,mommsen1      
,roem4 ,forschungen1 i4 #a foll4        
,marquardt must     be wrong in stating 
7p4 #aj7 that only the praenomen     was
 given on the dies lustricus2 children  
dying before     that day usually1 as he
 says on p4 #hb note1 have no name      
in inscriptions1 and that ceremony must 
surely have     introduced the child to 
the gens of its parents4     ,certainly 
that introduction had not to wait till  
the     toga virilis was taken2 though  
,tertull4 de ,idol4 #af     looks at    
first a little like it4 ,the same       

statement is     made in the ,dict4 of  
,antiq41 s4v4 nomen4 ,macr4     ,sat4 i4
 #af4 #cf1 and ,fest4 #abj1 simply speak
 of     nomen4      #cb ,fowler1 ,r4,f4 
p4 #ef2 ,de ,marchi1 op4 cit4 p4 #agf4  
,for the primitive ideas about puberty1 
,crawley1 ,mystic     ,rose1 ch4 xiii4  
,the idea of the ,romans seems to have  
been simply that the child1 who had so  
far needed     special protection from  
evil influences 7of what kind in        
particular it is impossible to say7 by  
purple-striped     toga and amulet 7see 
below1 p4 #fj71 was now entering a      
stage when these were no longer needed4 
,all notions of     taboo seem to have  
vanished4      #cc ,marquardt1          
,privataltertuemer1 p4 #ccg foll4       
#cd ,serv4 ,aen4 ii4 #gad1 and          
especially iii4 #fd4 ,other             
references in ,marq4 op4 cit4 p4 #cch1  
note #e1 and ,de     ,marchi1 ,la       
,religione nella vita domestica1 p4     
#aij4     ,for similar usages of        
prohibition see van ,gennep1 op4        

cit4 ch4 ii4      #ce ,festus1 p4 #c1   
itaque funus prosecuti redeuntes        
ignem supragradiebantur aqua aspersi1   
quod purgationis     genus vocabant     
suffitionem4 ,for the possibly magic    
influence of these elements1 see        
,jevons1 op4 cit4 p4     #gj4      #cf  
,frazer1 ,g4,b4 i4 #cbe1 iii4 #bbb      
foll42 ,jevons1 p4     #ei4      #cg    
,cato1 ,r4,r4 #hc1 mulier ad eam rem    
divinam ne     adsit neve videat quomodo
 fiat4      #ch ,plutarch1 ,quaest4     
,rom4 #fj4 ,dogs were also     excluded 
7ib4 #ij72 ,gellius xi4 #f4 #b2         
,wissowa1 ,r4,k4     p4 #bbg2 ,fowler1  
,r4,f4 p4 #aid1 where the private and   
public taboos are compared4      #ci    
,festus1 s4v4 exesto4 ,for similar      
taboos in     ,greece1 ,farnell in      
,archiv for #aijd1 p4 #gf4      #dj     
,fowler1 ,social ,life at ,rome in the  
,age of ,cicero1     p4 #adc foll4 ,cp4 
,westermarck1 ,origin1 etc41 vol4 i4    
ch4 xxvi41 especially p4 #feb foll4     
#da ,g4,b4 i4 #bih foll4      #db       

,festus1 s4v4 exesto4      #dc          
,buecheler1 ,umbrica1 p4 #id foll4 ,cp4 
,livy v4 #ej1     where it is said that1
 after the ,gauls had left ,rome1       
all the temples1 quod ea hostis         
possedisset1 were to     be restored1 to
 have their bounds laid down afresh     
7terminarentur7 and to be disinfected   
7expiarentur74     ,digest1 xi4 #g4 #cf1
 cum loca capta sunt ab hostibus1       
omnia desinunt religiosa vel sacra esse1
 sicut homines     liberi in servitutem 
perveniunt2 quod si ab hac              
calamitate fuerint liberata1 quasi      
quodam postliminio     reversa pristino 
statui restituerentur4 ,cp4 ,plutarch1  
,aristides1 #bj4 ,a friend reminds me   
that ,bishop     ,berkeley1 when in     
,italy1 had his bedroom sprinkled with  
holy water by his landlady4      #dd    
,see ,marquardt1 p4 #dbj1 notes #e and  
#f4 ,the     verbenarius is mentioned in
 ,serv4 ,aen4 xii4 #abj1 and     ,pliny 
,n4,h4 xxii4 #e4 ,for the disinfecting  
power of     verbena 7myrtea verbena7   

see ,pliny xv4 #aai1 where it     is    
said to have been used by ,romans and   
,sabines after     the rape of the      
,sabine virgins4      #de ,see          
,marquardt1 ,privatleben1 p4 #aib foll41
 based     on the famous essay of       
,mommsen in his ,roemische              
,forschungen1 i4 #cai foll4 ,the        
passages quoted from ,livy     for the  
practice in early times 7i4 #de1 v4 #ej7
 are not1     of course1 historical     
evidence2 but we may fairly argue       
back from the more explicit evidence of 
later times1     e4g4 the               
,senatusconsultum de ,asclepiade of #gh 
,b4,c4     7,c4,i4 ,graec4 #ehgi74      
,there is a good example of the feeling 
in modern ,italy     in a book called   
,in the ,abruzzi1 by ,anne ,macdonell1  
p4     #bge4 ,i have experienced it in  
remote parts of ,south     ,wales long  
ago4 ,moritz1 the ,german pastor who    
travelled     on foot in ,england       
towards the end of the eighteenth       
century1 noted that even the innkeepers 

were constantly     unwilling to take   
him in4 ,his book was reprinted in      
,cassell's ,national ,library some years
 ago4      #df ,see the very interesting
 chapter in ,the ,origin     and        
,development of ,moral ,ideas1 vol4 i4  
p4 #egj foll41     especially p4 #eij   
foll4 ,dr4 ,westermarck aptly points out
     that hospitality is almost         
universal among rude     peoples1 and   
loses its hold as they become more      
civilised4 ,m4 van ,gennep in his       
recently published work1     ,les ,rites
 de ,passage1 has attempted to classify 
the     various rites relating to taboo 
of strangers2 see ch4     iii41         
especially p4 #ch foll4      #dg        
,jevons1 ,introduction1 p4 #gj4      #dh
 ,gellius x4 #ae4 #h1 vinctum1 si aedes 
eius     introierit1 solui necessum est4
 7,in hot countries     chains still    
usually1 or in some degree1 take the    
place     of bolts and bars1 e4g4 in the
 ,soudan1 as ,i am told by     an old   
pupil now in the ,soudan civil service47

 ,the     regular ,latin phrase for     
imprisonment is in vincula     conicere3
 ,pauly-,wissowa1 s4v4 carcer4      #di 
,gellius1 l4c42 ,serv4 ,aen4 ii4 #eg1 a 
curious     passage1 in which the       
release of ,sinon from his bonds by     
,king ,priam is compared with that of   
the prisoner who     enters the flaminia
 7house of the ,flamen ,dialis74 ,that  
there was something in the iron which   
interfered with     the religious       
efficacy of the ,flamen seems likely2   
cp4     the rule that he might wear no  
ring unless it were     broken1 and have
 no knot about his dress4 ,but the      
latter     restriction suggests that    
binding may have been     originally the
 object of the taboo 7cp4 ,ovid1 ,fasti1
     v4 #dcb71 and that the iron taboo  
came in with the iron     age4 ,appel1  
de ,romanorum precationibus1 p4 #hb1    
note #b1     seems so to understand it4 
,cp4 ,eurip4 ,iph4 ,taur4 #dfh1         
where ,orestes and ,pylades are unbound 
before entering     the temple4      #ej

 ,there has been much discussion of this
 question2 ,i     entirely agree with   
,wissowa 7,r4,k4 p4 #ced1 where         
references are given for the opposite   
opinion7 that     there is no evidence  
for human sacrifice in the old          
,roman religion or law1 except in the   
rule that a     condemned criminal was  
made over to a deity 7sacer71     which 
may have been a legal survival of an    
original form     of actual sacrifice4  
,the alleged sacrifice by ,julius       
,caesar of two mutinous soldiers in the 
,campus ,martius     7,dio ,cass4 xliii4
 #bd7 is of the same nature as the      
sacrifice of captives to ,orcus in ,aen4
 xi4 #ha1 i4e4     it is outside of the 
civil life and religious law2 this      
is shown in the latter case by the      
mention of blood in     the ritual      
7caeso sparsurus sanguine flammas71 and 
in     the former by the beheading of   
the mutineers4      #ea ,mommsen1       
,strafrecht1 p4 #iag foll42 ,livy x4 #i2
     ,cic4 de ,rep4 ii4 #ca4 #fe4 ,all  

other methods of     execution were     
bloodless4 ,decollatio remained in use  
in the army 7as in the case just        
mentioned71 but the axe     disappeared 
from the fasces in the city with the    
abolition of kingship4 ,as further      
illustration of the     dislike of all  
bloodshed1 cp4 the rule of ,,xii4       
,tables1     mulieres genas ne radunto1 
i4e4 at funerals1 ,cic4     de ,legibus1
 ii4 #ei1 and ,serv4 ,aen4 iii4 #fg from
     ,varro1 and v4 #gh4 ,the           
gladiatorial ludi may have been     a   
revival of an old custom akin to human  
sacrifice of     captives in the field4 
,see ,social ,life at ,rome in the      
,age of ,cicero1 p4 #cjd1 note #c4      
,we may also note in this connection    
that there is no     distinct trace of  
the blood-feud in old ,roman law2 see   
,zum aeltesten ,strafrecht der          
,kulturvoelker1 p4 #ch     7questions of
 comparative law suggested by ,mommsen  
and     answered by various             
specialists74 ,doubtless it once        

existed1 but vanished at an early date4 
#eb ,fowler1 ,r4,f4 p4 #bdb4 ,the tail  
of the sacrificed     horse was carried 
to the ,regia1 where the blood was      
allowed to drip on the sacred hearth    
7participandae rei     divinae gratia71 
,festus1 p4 #agh4      #ec ,r4,f4 p4    
#caa foll41 from ,plutarch1 ,rom4 #ba4  
#ed ,for this practice in many ancient  
religions1 and     its substitute1 the  
smearing of the stone with turmeric     
or other red stain1 see ,jevons1        
,introduction1 p4 #aci     foll42       
,robertson ,smith1 ,semites1 p4 #dae4   
#ee ,this is found in ,zosimus ii4 #a4  
#e2 ,diels1     ,sibyllinische          
,blaetter1 #acb1 and #gc note4 ,cp4     
,virg4     ,aen4 viii4 #ajf2 also a     
,greek rite4      #ef ,g4,b4 ed4 #b1 i4 
#bda foll4      #eg ,the bronze and iron
 ages1 of course1 overlap2 see          
,helbig1 ,italiker in der ,poebene1 p4  
#gh foll4      #eh ,henzen1 ,acta       
,fratr4 ,arv4 pp4 #bb and #abh foll4    
,other examples are collected by        

,helbig1 op4 cit4 p4     #hj4      #ei  
,dion4 ,hal4 iii4 #de2 ,mommsen in      
,c4,i4,l4 i4 p4 #agg4     ,it may be as 
well to point out that iron1 like wheat 
in     the taboos of the ,flamen1 was   
considered dangerous1 as     being a    
novelty4 ,the old ,italian grain was not
 true     wheat but far1 which continued
 to be used in religious     rites2     
,r4,f4 p4 #cjd1 and ,marquardt1         
,privatleben der     ,roemer1 p4 #cii   
foll4      #fj ,varro1 ,l4,l4 vii4 #hd2 
,ovid1 ,fasti1 i4 #fbi2     ,petronius1 
,sat4 #dd4 ,there are many parallels in 
,greek     ritual4      #fa ,see below1 
p4 #adf4 ,mr4 ,marett suggests to me a  
comparison with the rongo 7sacred7 of   
the ,melanesians1     and tapu as used  
of a place by them1 i4e4 set apart      
by a human authority2 ,codrington1      
,melanesians1 p4 #gg4      #fb ,wissowa1
 ,r4,k4 p4 #djh foll42 cp4 #cbc and     
notes4      #fc ,the fullest account of 
this will be found in     ,marquardt1 p4
 #bfb foll4 ,for the case of a man      

killed by     lightning1 see note #d on 
p4 #bfc2 the body was not burnt     but 
buried1 and the grave became a bidental1
 and     religiosum4      #fd ,for the  
intricate pontifical law of             
burial-places     see ,wissowa1 p4 #dji4
 ,the quotation from ,masurius is in    
,gellius iv4 #i4 #h1 ,m4 ,sabinus in    
commentariis quos de     indigenis      
composuit4 ,the word sanctitas is here  
used     merely by way of explanation   
and not in a technical     sense2 for   
which see ,marq4 p4 #ade and references2
 but it     seems to have had a special 
use in the cult of the dead4     7,see  
below1 p4 #dgj47      #fe ,quoted by    
,macrobius1 ,sat4 iii4 #c4 #h4 ,for     
,sulpicius see ,social ,life at ,rome in
 the ,age of     ,cicero1 p4 #aah foll4 
#ff ,festus1 p4 #bgh4 ,this ,aelius     
lived at the end of the     ,republican 
period1 and belonged to the school of   
,sulpicius2 ,schanz1 ,gesch4 der roem4  
,lit4 i4 pt4 #b1 p4     #dhf4      #fg  
e4g4 the three days on which the mundus 

was     open were all comitiales1 though
 at the same time     religiosi4        
#fh ,r4,k4 pp4 #cgf1 #cgg4      #fi ,the
 authorities for the story are ,verrius 
,flaccus1     ap4 ,gell4 v4 #ag1 and    
,macrobius1 ,sat4 i4 #af4 #ba4      #gj 
,for the extent of the taboo see ,gell4 
iv4 #i4 #e2     ,macr4 i4 #af4 #ah4     
#ga ,gell4 v4 #ag4 #c foll4 7annalium   
quinto74      #gb ,festus1 p4 #bgh4     
#gc ,r4,f4 p4 #aea4      #gd ,wissowa1  
,r4,k4 p4 #cgg1 note #f4      #ge ,cic4 
ad ,qu4 ,fratr4 ii4 #d4 #b4      #gf    
,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 pp4 #ahg1 #ahi4        
#gg ,r4,k4 p4 #cgg4 ,gell4 iv4 #i4 #e   
says that the     multitudo imperitorum 
confused the dies religiosi     and dies
 nefasti4 ,the distinction is most      
clearly seen     in the fact that on    
dies religiosi the temples were     7or 
ought to be7 shut1 and res divinas      
facere was     ill-omened 7,gell41 ib471
 while on dies nefasti the     latter   
was regular1 such days being made over  
to the     gods4 ,no wonder that        

,gellius brands the popular             
ignorance with such words as prave and  
perperam4      #gh ,see ,prof4 ,rhys's  
paper read before the ,british          
,academy1 ,notes on the ,coligny        
,calendar1 p4 #cc and     elsewhere4    
#gi ,introduction1 p4 #fe foll4      #hj
 ,since writing this sentence ,i have   
read the paper     by ,w4 ,otto on      
,religio and ,superstitio in ,archiv    
fuer     ,religionswissenschaft1 #aiji1 
p4 #ecc foll42 in which at     p4 #edd  
he hints at a connection of religio with
 the     practice of taboo4 ,with some  
of his conclusions1     however1 ,i     
cannot agree4 ,the same explanation of  
the     origin of religio1 i4e4 in an   
age of taboo1 has also     been         
suggested since my lecture was written  
by     ,maximilianus ,kobbert1 ,de      
verborum religio atque     religiosus   
usu apud ,romanos1 p4 #ca 7,koenigsberg1
     #aiaj74     ,,lecture ,,iii  ,,on  
,,the ,,threshold ,,of ,,religion3      
,,magic   ,taboo1 the traces of which at

 ,rome we examined in the last lecture1 
is1 as we saw1 closely allied to magic1 
even if it be not1 as ,dr4 ,frazer      
thinks1 magic in a negative form4 ,we   
have now to see what traces are to be   
found of magic in the proper or usual   
sense of the word--active or positive   
magic1 as we may call it4 ,by this we   
are to understand the exercise of a     
mysterious mechanical power by an       
individual on man1 spirit1 or deity1 to 
enforce a certain result4 ,in magic     
there is no propitiation1 no prayer4 ,he
 who performs a purely magical act1 says
 ,dr4 ,westermarck1#ha utilises such    
mechanical power without making any     
appeal at all to the will of a          
supernatural being4 ,religion1 on the   
other hand1 is an attitude of regard and
 dependence2 in a religious stage man   
feels himself in the hands of a         
supernatural power with whom he desires 
to be in right relation4  ,if we accept 
this distinction1 as ,i think we may    
7though one school of anthropologists is

 hardly disposed to do so71 it is plain 
that magical practices are of a totally 
different kind from religious practices1
 as being the result of a different     
mental attitude towards the             
supernatural2 they belong to a ruder and
 more rudimentary idea of the relation  
of ,man to the ,power manifesting itself
 in the universe4 ,true1 they have their
 origin in the same kind of human       
experience1 in the difficulties man     
meets with in his struggle for          
existence1 and his desire to overcome   
these2 but unlike religion1 magic is a  
wholly inadequate attempt to overcome   
them4 ,this inadequacy was long ago well
 explained by ,dr4 ,jevons4#hb ,he      
showed that man in that early stage of  
his experience did not understand the   
true relation of cause and effect2 that1
 turned loose as it were among          
innumerable possible causes 7of a given 
effect71 with nothing to guide his      
choice1 the chances against his making  
the right choice were considerable4 ,as 

a matter of fact he usually made the    
wrong one1 and is still apt to do so4   
,there is probably more magic going on  
behind the scenes even in civilised     
countries1 and more especially both in  
,greece and ,italy1 than either men of  
science or men of religion have any idea
 of4 ,in its various forms as they are  
now classified1#hc e4g4 contagious      
magic1 and homoeopathic magic1 the      
exercise of the mysterious will-power1  
real or imaginary1 is to be found all   
the world over1 accompanied usually with
 a spell or incantation which is        
believed to enforce and increase that   
power--a kind of telepathy1 which seems 
to be the psychological basis1 so far as
 there is one1 of the whole system4 ,in 
these rites the virtue resides in some  
action1 which1 together with the spell  
or incantation1 enforces the desired    
result by calling out the will-power1 or
 mana1 if we adopt the convenient       
,melanesian word lately brought into    
use4 ,whatever percentage of            

psychological truth may lie at the root 
of such performances1 it is obvious that
 they must in the main be wholly        
inadequate1 and must constantly tend to 
pass into mere quackery and become      
discredited2 and it was the special     
function of the religious organisation  
of early society to eliminate and       
discredit them4  ,but it was a long     
stage in the evolution of society before
 man arrived at a better knowledge of   
his relation to the ,power manifesting  
itself in the universe2 before he       
reached the idea of a god or spirit     
realisable and nameable1 and thus       
capable of being addressed1 placated1   
worshipped4 ,when this stage is reached1
 there supervenes almost always a strong
 tendency to regulate and systematise   
the methods of address1 placation1 and  
worship2 and among some peoples1 e4g4   
the ,romans1 for reasons which it is by 
no means easy to explain1 this tendency 
is much stronger than among others4     
,wherever it has been strong1 wherever  

these methods of putting oneself in     
right relation with the ,power have been
 systematised by a central authority or 
priesthood1 and thus made into religious
 law1 there1 as we might naturally      
expect1 the performances and performers 
of magic have been most vigorously      
discountenanced and outlawed4 ,the      
interests of religion and its officials 
are wholly antagonistic to those of     
magic and magicians4 ,in civilised      
communities and in historical times     
magic is in the main individualistic1   
not social2 magical ceremonies for the  
good of the community seem to be        
confined to races in a very early stage 
of development4 ,the examples on which  
,dr4 ,frazer relies for his theory of   
the development of the public magician  
into a king#hd are of this primitive    
kind1 or are mere survivals of magic in 
a higher stage of civilisation--such    
survivals as there will always be among 
forms and ceremonies1 of which it is    
man's nature to be tenacious4 ,but      

religion1 once firmly established1      
invariably seeks to exclude magic2 and  
the priest does his best to discredit   
the magician1 as claiming to exercise   
mysterious powers outside the pale of   
the legally recognised methods of       
propitiation and worship4 ,as ,dr4      
,tylor observed long ago1 the more      
civilised the race1 the more apt it is  
to associate magic with men of inferior 
civilisation4#he ,in the ,jewish law1   
though magic was well known to the ,jews
 and privately practised1 there is no   
recognition of it2 the magical books    
attributed to ,solomon were suppressed1 
according to tradition1 by the pious    
king ,hezekiah4#hf ,so too at ,rome1    
where the outward forms of religion were
 also very highly systematised1 magic1  
as it seems to me1 was rigorously       
excluded from the ,state ritual1 though 
it continued in use in private life     
under certain precautions taken by the  
,state2 in the few genuine examples of  
it in the rites belonging to the ius    

divinum 7i4e4 those used and sanctioned 
for the purposes of the community71 it  
is nothing more than a survival of which
 the magical meaning was unknown to the 
writers from whom we hear of it4  ,a    
good example of such survivals is the   
curious ceremony of the aquaelicium1    
without doubt a genuine case of magical 
rain-making--one of the many inadequate 
and blundering attempts on the part of  
primitive man to obtain what he needs4  
,probably it may be classed under the   
head of sympathetic magic1 but the      
evidence as to what was done in the     
ceremony is not quite explicit enough to
 allow us to do this confidently4#hg ,it
 was1 of course1 not included in the    
religious calendar1 as it would be only 
occasionally called for1 and could not  
be fixed to a day2 but there is clear   
evidence that it was sanctioned by the  
,state1 for the pontifices took part in 
it1 and the magistrates without the toga
 praetexta1 and the lictors carrying the
 fasces reversed4#hh ,a stone1 which lay

 outside the walls near the ,porta      
,capena1 was brought into the city by   
the pontifices1 so far as we can make   
out the details1 and it has been        
conjectured that it was taken to an     
altar of ,jupiter ,elicius on the       
,aventine hard by1 this cult-title of   
the god of the sky having possibly some 
relation to the technical name of the   
ceremony4 ,what was done with the stone 
we unluckily do not know2 but it has    
been reasonably conjectured that it was 
a hollow one1 and that it was filled    
with water which was allowed to run over
 the edge1 as a means of inducing the   
rain-god to suffer the heavens to       
overflow4#hi ,it was called lapis       
manalis2 and the epithet here can have  
nothing to do with the ,manes1 as in the
 case of another lapis manalis1 of which
 ,i shall have a word to say later on1  
but must mean pouring or overflowing4   
,one or two other fragments of evidence 
point in the same direction1 and ,i     
think we may fairly conclude that the   

rite was originally one of sympathetic  
magic--that as the stone overflowed1 so 
the sky would pour down rain4 ,in my    
,roman ,festivals ,i have pointed out a 
remarkable parallel to this in the      
collections of the ,golden ,bough2 in a 
,samoan village a stone represented the 
god of rain1 and in a drought his       
priests carried it in procession and    
dipped it in a stream4  ,this parallel  
,i owe to ,dr4 ,frazer's wide knowledge 
of all such practices among savage      
peoples4 ,but this ever helpful and     
friendly guide1 in treating of the      
,jupiter ,elicius concerned in this     
ceremony1 has gone beyond the evidence1 
and attributed to the ,romans another   
kind of magic of which ,i believe they  
were quite innocent4 ,he has been led to
 this by his theory that kings were     
developed out of successful magicians4  
,in his lectures on the early history of
 the ,kingship#ij he maintains that the 
,roman kings practised the magical art  
of bringing down lightning from heaven4 

,the priestly king ,numa passed for an  
adept in the art of drawing down        
lightning from the sky4444 ,tullus      
,hostilius is reported to have met with 
the same end 7as ,salmoneus1 king of    
,elis7 in an attempt to draw down       
,jupiter in the form of lightning from  
the clouds4 ,to support these statements
 ,dr4 ,frazer quotes ,pliny1 ,livy1     
,ovid1 ,plutarch1 ,arnobius1 ,aurelius  
,victor1 and ,zonaras--truly a          
formidable list of authorities2 but     
without any attempt to discover where   
any of these late writers found the     
stories4 ,yet he had but to read ,aust's
 admirable article ,jupiter in the      
,mythological ,lexicon#ia to assure     
himself that legends which cannot be    
traced farther back than the middle of  
the second century ,b4,c4 cannot        
seriously be assumed to be genuinely    
,roman4 ,pliny happens to mention       
,calpurnius ,piso as his authority2 this
 was the man who is well known in ,roman
 history as the author of the first lex 

de repetundis of the year #adi ,b4,c41 a
 good statesman1 but as an annalist much
 given to indulging a mythological      
fancy4#ib ,we happen to know that he    
wrote with happy confidence about the   
life and habits of ,romulus1 and a story
 about wine-drinking which he attributes
 to that king is obviously transferred  
to him from some more historical        
personage4 ,romulus would not drink wine
 one day because he was going to be very
 busy on the next4 ,then they said to   
him1 ,if we all did so1 ,romulus1 wine  
would be cheap4 ,nay1 dear1 he replied1 
if every one drank as much as he wished2
 and that is exactly what ,i am         
doing4#ic ,i quote the story simply as a
 good example of the way in which ,roman
 historians could deal with their kings1
 and of the absolute necessity of       
acquainting oneself with their methods  
before building hypotheses upon their   
statements4 ,i hardly need to add that  
another of ,dr4 ,frazer's authorities1  
,arnobius1 informs us that he took the  

story from the second book of ,valerius 
,antias1 a later writer than ,piso1     
whose name is a byword even with the    
uncritical ,livy for shameless          
exaggeration and mis-statement4#id  ,but
 how did these writers come by such     
legends1 which1 as ,dr4 ,frazer shows1  
are to be found also in ,greece and in  
other parts of the world8 ,why should   
they have wished to make ,roman kings   
into magicians8 ,rain-making we can     
understand at ,rome1--it had a practical
 end in view1 the procuring of rain for 
the crops1--but why lightning and       
thunder1 which were so much dreaded that
 every bit of damage done by a          
thunderstorm had to be carefully        
expiated by a religious process8 ,rome  
is not in the tropics1 where rain and   
thunder so often come together1 and     
where an attempt to produce rain by     
magic might naturally include thunder1  
as in some of ,dr4 ,frazer's examples   
from tropical lands4 ,i entirely agree  
with the latest and most sober          

investigators of ,roman ritual that this
 kind of magic is quite foreign to      
,roman ideas and practice2#ie there is  
no vestige of it in the ,roman cult2    
these stories must have come from       
outside4 ,and there is every probability
 that they came from ,etruria1 where the
 lore of lightning had become a         
pseudo-science1 a waste of human        
ingenuity1 for the origin of which we   
must look1 as we are now beginning to   
understand1 to ,babylonia and the       
,eastern magic4#if ,the ,jupiter        
,elicius of the ,aventine had nothing to
 do with lightning2 he took his         
cult-title from the rite of aquaelicium2
 but as soon as the ,romans began to    
interest themselves in the ,etruscan    
lightning-lore1 of which this electrical
 magic was only a part1#ig they         
perverted the meaning of the epithet to 
suit their new studies1 and began to    
attribute to their legendary kings      
powers which properly belonged to       
,etruscan or ,oriental magicians4 ,the  

second century ,b4,c41 when ,piso wrote 
his ,annals1 is exactly the period when 
we should naturally expect such studies 
to come into fashion1 and with such     
perversions of history as their         
consequence4#ih  ,i go on to note one or
 two more examples of real magic in the 
,state religion2 but they are hard to   
find4 ,pliny tells that even in his day 
people believed that a runaway slave who
 had not escaped out of the city might  
be arrested by a spell uttered by the   
,vestal virgins4#ii ,i take this to mean
 that any one who had lost his slave    
might get the ,vestals to use the spell 
as a means of keeping the runaway within
 the city4 ,the word for spell is here  
precatio1 i4e4 a prayer1 not carmen1    
which is the usual word for a spell2 and
 ,pliny evidently thinks of it as       
addressed to some god4 ,but no doubt it 
was originally at least a genuine spell1
 of the same kind as others used in     
private life1 which we shall notice     
directly2 and it implies a belief in    

some magical power inherent in the      
,vestals1 of whom we are told that if   
they accidentally met a criminal being  
led to punishment they might secure his 
release4#ajj ,as the spell in this case 
seems to be telepathic1 i4e4 an exercise
 of will-power projected from a         
distance1 it may perhaps be paralleled  
with certain mystical powers exercised  
by women1 especially when their husbands
 are at war1 among some savage          
peoples2#aja but we have no information 
about it beyond the passage in ,pliny1  
and further guessing would be useless4  
,this last is a case of genuine magic1  
but it is outside the ritual of the     
,state1 though exercised by a ,state    
priesthood4 ,within that ritual there is
 one other very curious case of what    
must be classed as a magical process1   
and one that has accidentally become    
famous4 ,at the ,lupercalia on ,february
 #ae1 the two young men called ,luperci1
 or1 more strictly1 belonging           
respectively as leaders to the two      

collegia of ,luperci1 girt themselves   
with the skins of the slaughtered       
victims1 which were goats1 and then ran 
round the base of the ,palatine hill1   
striking at all the women who came near 
them or offered themselves to their     
blows1 with strips of skin cut from the 
hides of these same victims4 ,the object
 was to produce fertility2 on this point
 our authorities are explicit4#ajb ,thus
 this particular feature of the whole   
extraordinary ritual of the ,lupercalia 
is unmistakably within the region of    
magic rather than of religion4 ,some    
potency was believed to work in the act 
of striking1 though apparently without a
 spoken spell or carmen1 such as usually
 accompanies acts of this kind2 and this
 part of the rite1 grotesque though it  
was1 was allowed to survive by the grave
 religious authorities who drew up the  
calendar of religious festivals4 ,it was
 probably a superstition too deeply     
rooted in the minds of the people to    
admit of being excluded2 and1 strange to

 say1 it survived1 in outward form at   
least1 until ,rome had become           
cosmopolitan and even ,christian4 ,the  
,lupercalia has always been a puzzle to 
students of early religion1 and as each 
new theory is advanced1 this strange    
festival is seized on for fresh         
interpretation2#ajc but for our present 
purposes it must suffice to point out   
that we clearly find embedded in it a   
piece of genuine magic1 dating beyond   
doubt from a very primitive stage of    
thought4  ,there is one other very      
curious performance1 occurring each year
 on the ides of ,may1 which in my view  
is rather magical than religious1 though
 the ancients themselves looked upon it 
as a kind of purification3 ,i mean the  
casting into the ,tiber from the pons   
sublicius of twenty-four or twenty-seven
 straw puppets by the ,vestal virgins1  
in the presence of the magistrates and  
pontifices4 ,recently an attempt has    
been made by ,wissowa to prove that this
 strange ceremony was not primitive1 but

 simply a case of the substitution of   
puppets for real human victims as late  
as the age of the ,punic wars4#ajd      
,these puppets were called ,argei1 which
 word naturally suggests ,greeks2 and   
,wissowa has contrived to persuade      
himself not only that a number of       
,greeks were actually put to death by   
drowning in an age when everything      
,greek was beginning to be reverenced at
 ,rome1 but 7still more extraordinary to
 an anthropologist7 that the primitive  
device of substitution was had in       
requisition at that late date in order  
to carry on the memory of the ghastly   
deed4 ,and the world of ,german learning
 has silently followed their leader1    
without taking the trouble to test his  
conclusions by a careful and independent
 examination of the evidence4 ,it       
happens that this fascinating puzzle of 
the ,argei was the first curiosity that 
enticed me into the study of the ,roman 
religion1 and for some thirty years ,i  
have been familiar with every scrap of  

evidence bearing on it2 and after going 
over that evidence once more ,i can     
emphatically state my conviction that   
,wissowa's theory will not hold water   
for a moment4 ,i shall return to the    
subject in a later lecture dealing with 
the religious history of the second     
,punic war2 at present ,i merely express
 a belief that1 whatever be the history 
of the accessories of the rite1--and    
they are various and puzzling1--the     
actual immersion of the puppets is the  
survival of a primitive piece of        
sympathetic magic1 the object being     
possibly to procure rain4 ,it is1 in my 
opinion1 quite impossible to resist the 
anthropological evidence for this       
conclusion1 though we cannot really be  
certain about the object2 for this      
evidence ,i must refer you to my ,roman 
,festivals1 and to the references there 
given4#aje  ,this rite of the ,argei1   
then1 was a case of genuine magic1 and  
exercised by a ,state priesthood1       
virgins to whom certain magical powers  

were supposed to be attached2 it was1 ,i
 think1 a popular performance1 like one 
or two others which are also outside the
 limit of the ,fasti1#ajf and was       
embodied in a more complicated          
ceremonial long after that calendar had 
been drawn up4 ,in the ritual authorised
 by the ,state1 with public objects in  
view1 i4e4 for the benefit of society as
 a whole1 there is hardly a trace of    
anything that we can call genuine magic 
apart from the examples ,i have just    
been explaining4 ,there were1 ,i need   
not say1 many survivals of magical      
processes of which the true magical     
intent had long been lost--ancient      
magical deposits in a social stratum of 
religion1 which ,i shall notice in their
 proper place4 ,this is not peculiar to 
the religion of the ,romans2 it is a    
phenomenon to be found in all religions1
 even in those of the most highly       
developed type1 and it is one apt to    
cause some confusion as to the true     
distinction between magic and           

religion4#ajg ,it is easy to find       
magical processes even in ,christian    
worship1 if we have the will to do so2  
but if we steadily bear in mind that the
 true test of magic is not the nature of
 an act1 but the intent or volition     
which accompanies it1 the search will   
not be an easy one4  ,the modern ,french
 school of sociologists1 which now has  
to be reckoned with in investigating the
 early history of religion1 claims that 
magic was not originally1 as we now see 
it1 a matter of individual skill1 but a 
sociological fact1 i4e4 it was used for 
the benefit of the community1 as        
religion came to be in a later age4 ,if 
this be true1 as it very possibly is1 we
 see at once how the dead bones of      
magical processes might survive1 with   
their original meaning entirely lost1   
into an age in which higher and more    
reasonable ideas had been developed     
about the relation of ,man to the ,power
 manifesting itself in the universe4 ,to
 take a single example from ,rome1      

divination by the examination of a      
victim's entrails was originally a      
magical process1 according to the       
opinion of most modern authorities2#ajh 
but it ceases to be magic when it is    
used simply to determine in the ,state  
ritual whether in a religious process   
the victim is perfect and agreeable to  
the deity4 ,in fact magical formulae1   
magical instruments1 unless they are    
used in the true spirit of magic1 to    
compel1 not to propitiate a deity1 are  
no longer magic1 and may be passed over 
here4 ,when we come to discuss the      
ritual of sacrifice and prayer1 of      
lustratio1 of vows1 of divination1 we   
may find it necessary to recall what has
 here been said4 ,on the whole1 we may  
conclude that organised religious cult1 
from its very nature and object1        
everywhere excluded magic in the true   
sense of the word2 it implies prayer and
 propitiation1 both of which are        
absolutely inconsistent with the object 
and methods of magic4 ,religion is the  

product of a higher stage of social     
development2 it is the expression of a  
real advance of human thought2 and in   
telling the story of the religious      
experience of the ,roman people we are  
but indirectly concerned with those more
 rude and rudimentary ideas which it    
displaced4  ,but in private life1       
outside of the organised cult of the    
,state and the family1 magic was all    
through ,roman history abundant1 even   
over-abundant1 and in this form ,i      
cannot pass it over entirely4 ,though   
the ,state authorities seem to have     
taken pains to exclude it rigidly from  
the public rites1 and though there is   
little trace of it in the religious life
 of family and gens1 yet there is       
evidence that it was deeply rooted in   
the nature of the people1 and that they 
must have passed through an age in which
 it was an important factor in their    
social life4 ,this fact1 taken together 
with its almost complete elimination    
from the public religion1 throws into   

relief the persistent efforts of the    
,state authorities1 from the framing of 
the old religious calendar to the time  
of the ,augustan revival1 to keep their 
relations with the ,power clear of all  
that they believed to be unworthy or    
injurious4 ,no better example can be    
found of the inherent antagonism between
 religion and magic4  ,private magic may
 be divided into two kinds1 according as
 it was used to damage another1 or only 
to benefit oneself4 ,in the former case 
the ,state interfered to protect the    
person threatened with damage1 and      
treated this kind of magic as a crime4  
,the commonest form of it was that of   
the spell1 or carmen1 no doubt often    
sung1 and accompanied by some action    
which would bring it under the head of  
sympathetic magic2 but the spell alone  
is taken cognisance of by the ,state4   
,pliny has preserved three words from   
the ,,xii4 ,tables which tell their own 
tale3 qui fruges excantassit4#aji       
,servius1 commenting on the line of     

,virgil's #hth ,eclogue1 atque satas    
alio vidi traducere messes1 writes1     
magicis quibusdam artibus hoc fiebat1   
unde est in ,,xii4 ,tabb4 ',neve alienam
 segetem pellexeris4' ,these last words1
 with the verb in the second person1 are
 probably not quoted exactly from the   
ancient text1#aaj but they help to show 
us the nature of this hostile spell4    
,there must have been a belief that the 
spirit1 or life1 or fructifying power of
 your neighbour's crops could be enticed
 away and transferred to your own4 ,this
 is confirmed by a remark of ,st4       
,augustine in the de ,civitate ,dei2#aaa
 after quoting the same line from       
,virgil1 he adds1 eo quod hac pestifera 
scelerataque doctrina fructus alieni in 
alias terras transferri perhibentur1    
nonne in ,,xii4 ,tabulis1 id est        
,romanorum antiquissimis legibus1       
,cicero commemorat esse conscriptum et  
ei qui hoc fecerit supplicium           
constitutum8 ,given the belief1 the     
temptation can be well understood if we 

reflect that the arable land of the old 
,romans was divided in sections of a    
square1 and that each man's allotment   
would have that of a neighbour on two   
sides at least4#aab ,if one man's corn  
were found to be more flourishing than  
that of his neighbours1 what more likely
 than that he should have enticed away  
the spirit of their crops8 ,the process 
reminds us1 as it reminded ,pliny1 of   
the evocatio of the gods of foreign     
communities1 a rite which belongs to    
religion and not to magic1 though it    
doubtless had its origin in the same    
class of ideas as the excantatio4  ,in  
more general terms the old ,roman law   
7i4e4 originally the ius divinum7       
forbade the use of evil spells1 as we   
see in another fragment of the ,tables1 
qui malum carmen incantassit4 ,in later 
times this was usually taken as         
referring to libel and slander1 but     
there can be no doubt that the carmina  
here alluded to were originally magical1
 and became carmina famosa in the course

 of legal interpretation4 ,cicero seems 
to combine the two meanings in the de   
,rep4 7iv4 #aj4 #b7 when he says that   
the ,tables made it a capital offence si
 quis occentavisset1 sive carmen        
condidisset quod infamiam faceret       
flagitiumve alteri 7to bring shame or   
criminal reproach on another74 ,in the  
later sense these carmina have a curious
 history1 into which ,i cannot enter    
now4#aac ,in the earlier sense they     
existed and flourished without doubt1 in
 spite of the law2 or it may be that1 as
 the words of the ,tables were          
interpreted in the new sense1 the old   
form of offence was tolerated in        
private4 ,we are all afraid1 says       
,pliny1 of being 'nailed' 7defigi7 by   
spells and curses 7diris                
precationibus74#aad ,these dirae1 and   
all the various forms of love-charms1   
defixiones1 accompanied by the symbolic 
actions which are found all the world   
over1 lie outside my present subject1   
and are so familiar to us all in ,roman 

literature that ,i do not need to dwell 
on them4#aae  ,nor of the common        
harmless kind of magic need ,i say much 
now4 ,it survived1 of course1 alongside 
of the religion of the family and       
,state1 from the earliest times to the  
latest1 as it survives at the present   
day in all countries civilised and      
uncivilised2 and being harmless the     
,state took no heed of it4 ,some        
assortment of charms and spells for the 
cure of diseases will be found in       
,cato's book on agriculture1 and one or 
two incidentally occur in that of       
,varro4#aaf ,they performed the work of 
insurance against both fire and         
accident1 and even such a man as ,julius
 ,caesar was not independent of such    
arts4 ,pliny tells us that after        
experiencing a carriage accident he used
 to repeat a certain spell three times  
as soon as he had taken his seat in a   
vehicle1 and adds significantly1 id quod
 plerosque nunc facere scimus4#aag ,such
 carmina were written on the walls of   

houses to insure them against fire4#aah 
,pliny has a large collection of small  
magical delusions and superstitions1    
many of which have an interest for      
anthropologists1 in the #bhth book of   
his ,natural ,history4  ,another kind of
 harmless magic1 to which the ,romans1  
like all ,italians ancient and modern1  
were peculiarly addicted1 is the use of 
amulets4 ,here there is no spell1 or    
obvious and expressed exercise of       
will-power on the part of the           
individual1 but the potent influence1   
mana1 or whatever we choose to call it1 
resides in a material object which      
brings good luck1 like the cast         
horse-shoe of our own times1 or protects
 against hostile will-power1 and        
especially against the evil eye4 ,this  
curious and widely-spread superstition  
was probably the raison d'etre of most  
of the amulets worn or carried by       
,romans4 ,a modern ,italian1 even if he 
be a complete sceptic and materialist1  
will probably be found to have some     

amulet about him against the evil eye1  
just to be on the safe side4#aai ,a list
 of amulets1 both ,greek and ,roman1    
will be found in the ,dictionary of     
,antiquities1 and in ,pauly-,wissowa1   
,real-,encyclopaedie1 s4v4 amulet1 and  
it is not necessary here to explain the 
various kinds in use in ,italy2 but ,i  
must dwell for a moment on one type1    
which had been taken up into the life of
 the family1 and in one sense into that 
of the ,state1 viz4 the bulla worn by   
children1 both boys and girls4  ,the    
bulla was a small object1 enclosed in   
historical times in a capsule1 and      
suspended round the child's neck4 ,it   
was popularly believed to have been     
originally an ,etruscan custom1#abj and 
borrowed by the ,romans1 like so many   
other ornaments4 ,it is1 however1 much  
more probable that the custom was old   
,italian 7as indeed the medicine-bag is 
world-wide71 and that the ,etruscan     
contribution to it was merely the case  
or capsule1 which was of gold where the 

family could afford it--gold itself     
being supposed to have some potency as a
 charm4#aba ,the object within the case 
was1 as ,pliny tells us1 a res turpicula
 as a rule1#abb and this may remind us  
that a fascinum was carried in the car  
of the triumphator as medicus invidiae1 
to use ,pliny's pregnant expression4    
,the triumphing general needed special  
protection2 he appeared in the guise of 
,jupiter himself1 and was for the moment
 lifted above the ordinary rank of      
humanity4 ,some feeling of the same kind
 must have originally suggested similar 
means for the protection of children    
under the age of puberty4 ,they also    
wore the toga praetexta1 which1 though  
associated by us with secular           
magistrates1 had undoubtedly a religious
 origin4 ,there are distinct signs that 
children were in some sense sacred1 and 
at the same time that they needed       
special protection against the          
all-abounding evil influences to be met 
with in daily life4#abc ,thus this      

particular form of amulet became a      
recognised institution of family life1  
and in due time little more than a mark 
of childhood4  ,yet another kind of     
charm must be mentioned here which was  
used at certain festivals1 though       
apparently not at any of those belonging
 to the authorised calendar4 ,at the    
,compitalia1 ,paganalia1 and feriae     
,latinae we are told that small images  
of the human figure1 or masks1 or simply
 round balls 7pilae71 were hung up on   
trees or doorways1 and left to swing in 
the wind4#abd ,at the ,compitalia the   
images had a special name1 maniae1 of   
which the meaning is lost2 but inasmuch 
as the charms were hung up at           
cross-roads on that occasion1 where the 
,lares compitales of the various        
properties had their shrine1 it was not 
difficult to manufacture out of them a  
goddess1 ,mania1 mother of the          
,lares4#abe ,the common word for these  
figures was oscilla1 and the fact of    
their swinging in the wind suggested a  

verb oscillare1 which survives in our   
own tongue with the same meaning4 ,until
 lately it used to be believed that they
 were substitutes for original human    
sacrifices3 a view for which there is   
not a particle of evidence1 though it   
was originated by ,roman scholars4#abf  
,modern anthropology has found another  
explanation1 which is by no means       
improbable4 ,dr4 ,frazer1 in an appendix
 to the #bnd volume of the ,golden      
,bough1 has collected a number of       
examples of the practice of swinging by 
human beings as a magical rite2 they    
come from many parts of the world1      
including ancient ,athens1 and even     
modern ,calabria4 ,he also points out   
that at the feriae ,latinae the swingers
 seem to have been human beings1 if we  
accept the evidence of ,festus1 s4v4    
oscillantes2 thus we are left with the  
possibility that the oscilla were really
 imitations of men and women1 though not
 of human sacrificial victims4  ,dr4    
,frazer is obviously hard put to it to  

explain the original meaning and object 
of this curious custom4 ,in the         
,paganalia1 as described by ,virgil in  
the second ,georgic1#abg the object     
would seem to be the prosperity of the  
vine-crop4                              
coloni   versibus incomptis ludunt      
risuque soluto1   oraque corticibus     
sumunt horrenda cavatis1   et te ,bacche
 vocant per carmina laeta1 tibique      
oscilla ex alta suspendunt mollia pinu4 
hinc omnis largo pubescit vinea fetu1   
etc4#abh  ,but here we must leave a     
question which is still unsolved4 ,all  
we can say is that the old idea of      
substitutes for human sacrifice must be 
finally given up1 and that the oscilla1 
whether or not they were substitutes for
 human swingers1 were probably charms   
intended to ward off evil influences    
from the crops4 ,i am not disposed to   
put any confidence in what ,servius     
tells us1 that this was a purification  
by means of air1 just as fire and water 
were also purifying agents2 this looks  

like the ingenious explanation of a     
later and a religious age4#abi  ,so     
much1 then1 for magical charms and      
spells1 and the survivals of them in the
 fully developed ,roman religion4#acj   
,it might seem hardly worth while to    
spend even so much time on them as ,i   
have done1 and ,i cannot deny that ,i am
 glad now to be able to leave them4 ,my 
object has simply been to show how      
little of this kind of practice1 which  
meets us on the threshold of religion1  
was allowed to survive by the religious 
authorities of the ,state2 in other     
words1 ,i wished to make clear that in  
our inquiries into the nature of the    
,roman religion it is really religion   
and not magic that we have to do with4  
,it is really religion2 it is desire1   
beginning already to be effective1 to be
 in right relation to the ,power        
manifesting itself in the universe4 ,the
 ,romans1 as ,i hope to show in the next
 lecture1 when we can begin to know and 
feel an interest in them1 had not only  

begun to recognise this ,power in       
various forms and functions as one that 
must be propitiated1 because they were  
dependent on it for their daily needs1  
but to regulate and make permanent the  
methods of propitiation4 ,what was the  
relation between this simple religion   
and morality--between ritual and        
conduct--is a very difficult question1  
to which ,i shall return later on4 ,dr4 
,westermarck has recently come to the   
conclusion that the religion of         
primitive man has no true relation to   
morality1 that it is not apt to give a  
sanction to good action1 or to develop  
the germs of a conscience4 ,but so far  
as ,i can discern1 the idea of active   
duty1 and therefore the germ of         
conscience1 must have been so intimately
 connected with the religious practice  
of the old ,latin family that it is to  
me impossible to think of the one apart 
from the other4 ,surely it is in that   
life that the famous word pius must have
 originated1 which throughout ,roman    

history meant the sense of duty towards 
family1 ,state1 and gods1 as every      
reader of the ,aeneid knows4 ,that the  
formalised religion of later times had  
become almost entirely divorced from    
morality there is indeed no doubt2 but  
in the earliest times1 in the old ,roman
 family and then in the budding ,state1 
the whole life of the ,roman seems to me
 so inextricably bound up with his      
religion that ,i cannot possibly see how
 that religion can have been            
distinguishable from his simple idea of 
duty and discipline4       ,,notes ,,to 
,,lecture ,,iii      #ha ,westermarck1  
,origin etc4 of ,moral ,ideas1 ii4 #ehd4
      #hb ,jevons1 ,introduction1 p4    
#cc4      #hc ,a useful summary of the  
whole subject1 embodying     the results
 and terminology of ,tylor1 ,frazer1 and
 other     anthropologists1 is ,dr4     
,haddon's ,magic and ,fetishism1     in 
,messrs4 ,constable's series1 ,religions
 ,ancient and     ,modern4 ,see also    
,marett1 ,on the ,threshold of          

,religion1 passim4      #hd ,lectures on
 the ,early ,history of the ,kingship1  
p4     #hi foll4 ,for an example not    
mentioned in the text     7devotio7 see 
below1 p4 #bjf foll4 ,this may have been
     originally practised by the ,latin 
kings4 ,i may here     draw attention to
 the almost dogmatic conclusions of the 
modern ,french sociological school of   
research2 e4g4 ,m4     ,huvelin1 in     
,l',annee sociologique for #aijg1 begins
 by     asserting as a fundamental law1 
proved by ,,mm4 ,hubert et     ,mauss1  
that magic is just as much a social fact
 as     religion3 ,les uns et les autres
 sont des produits de     l'activite    
collective 7,magie et droit individuel1 
p4     #a74 ,but ,m4 ,huvelin's paper is
 to some extent a     modification of   
this dogma4 ,he seeks to explain the    
fact     that magic is both secret and  
private1 not public and     social1 in  
historical times2 and in the domain of  
law1     with which he is specially     
concerned1 he concludes that     a      

magical rite is only a religious rite   
twisted from     its proper social end1 
and employed to realise the will     or 
belief of an individual 7p4 #df74 ,this 
is the only     form in which we shall  
find magic at ,rome1 except in so       
far as a few of its forms survive in the
 ritual of     religion with their      
meaning changed4 ,in early ,roman law1  
as a quasi-religious body of rules and  
practices1 there     are a few magical  
survivals which will be found           
mentioned by ,m4 ,huvelin in this       
article2 but they are of     no         
importance for our present subject4     
#he ,primitive ,culture1 vol4 i4 ch4 iv4
 ,see also     ,jevons1 ,introduction1  
p4 #cf foll4      #hf ,see ,schuerer1   
,jewish ,people in the ,time of ,christ 
7,eng4 trans471 ,division ,,ii4 vol4    
iii4 p4 #aea foll4      #hg ,fowler1    
,r4,f4 p4 #bcb2 ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4     
#ajf4 ,the     most careful examination 
of the rite and the evidence     for it 
is that of ,aust in ,mythological       

,lexicon1 s4v4     ,iuppiter1 p4 #fef   
foll4 ,see also ,m4,h4 ,morgan in vol4  
xxxii4 of ,transactions of the ,american
 ,philological     ,association1 p4     
#ajd4      #hh ,tertullian1 de ,jejun4  
#af4 ,petronius1 ,sat4 #dd1     adds    
that the matrons went in the procession 
with bare     feet and streaming hair   
7cp4 ,pliny xvii4 #bff72 but this       
seems rather ,greek than ,roman in      
character1 and     ,petronius is plainly
 thinking of the town 7colonia he       
calls it7 in southern ,italy where the  
scene of     ,trimalchio's supper is    
laid2 probably a ,greek city by         
origin1 ,croton or ,cumae4 ,a           
translation of this passage     will be 
found in ,dill's ,roman ,society from   
,nero to     ,marcus ,aurelius1 p4 #acc4
 ,the most useful words in it     for   
our purpose are ,jovem aquam exorabant4 
#hi ,this suggestion was originally made
 by ,o4 ,gilbert1     ,roem4            
,topographie1 ii4 #ahd4      #ij p4 #bjd
 foll4      #ia p4 #feg4 ,the story is  

mixed up with ,greek fables1     e4g4   
that of ,proteus1 as ,wissowa has       
pointed out1     ,r4,k4 p4 #ajf1 note   
#aj4      #ib ,see ,schanz1 ,gesch4 der 
roem4 ,literatur1 vol4 i4     7ed4 #c7  
p4 #bgj foll4      #ic ,this fragment of
 ,piso is preserved by ,gellius1 xi4    
#ad4 #a4      #id ,see1 e4g41 ,schanz1  
,gesch4 der roem4 ,literatur1     vol4  
ii4 p4 #ajf4      #ie ,wissowa1 l4c4    
,aust in ,roscher's ,lexicon1 s4v4      
,iuppiter1 p4 #feg4      #if ,cumont1   
,religions ,orientales dans le paganisme
     romain1 ch4 #e4 ,i shall return to 
this subject in my     second course of 
lectures4      #ig ,mueller-,deecke1    
,etrusker1 ii4 ch4 vii41 especially     
p4 #agf foll4      #ih ,cp4 below1      
,lecture ,,xv4      #ii ,pliny1 ,n4,h4  
xxviii4 #ac3 ,vestales nostras hodie    
credimus nondum egressa urbe mancipia   
fugitiva retinere     in loco           
precationibus4      #ajj ,plutarch1     
,numa1 #aj4 ,virginity would increase   
the     power of the spell2 see ,fehrle1

 ,die kultische     ,keuschheit im      
,altertum1 p4 #ed foll4      #aja ,see1 
e4g41 ,frazer1 ,g4,b4 i4 #cfj foll4     
#ajb ,see ,r4,f4 p4 #cbj1 notes #f and  
#g4      #ajc ,within the last thirty   
years or so the ,lupercalia     has been
 discussed 7apart from writers on       
classical     subjects exclusively7 by  
,mannhardt in his ,mythologische        
,studien1 p4 #gb foll42 ,robertson      
,smith1 ,semites1 p4     #dei2 ,deubner 
in ,archiv1 #aiaj1 p4 #dha foll42 and at
 the     moment of writing by ,e4 ,s4   
,hartland1 ,primitive     ,paternity1 i4
 ch4 ii4 ,r4,f4 p4 #caj foll4 ,see      
,appendix     ,d4      #ajd ,this view  
was originally stated in                
,pauly-,wissowa1     s4v4 ,argei4 ,i    
endeavoured to confute it in the        
,classical ,review1 #aijb1 p4 #aae      
foll41 and ,wissowa     replied in      
,gesammelte ,abhandlungen1 p4 #baa foll4
 ,since     then my conviction has      
become stronger that this great         
scholar is for once wrong4 ,ennius      

alluded to the ,argei     as an         
institution of ,numa1 i4e4 as primitive 
7frag4     #aba1 ,vahlen1 from ,festus  
p4 #cee1 and ,varro1 ,l4,l4 vii4        
#dd71 yet ,ennius was a youth at the    
very time when     ,wissowa insists that
 the rite originated4 ,wissowa makes    
no attempt to explain this4 ,see below1 
p4 #cba foll4      #aje ,r4,f4 p4 #aaa  
foll4      #ajf e4g4 the ,october horse1
 which also occurred on     the ,ides2  
see ,r4,f4 p4 #bda foll42 and the       
festival of     ,anna ,perenna1 also on 
,ides 7,march #ae71 ,r4,f4 p4 #ej       
foll4 ,it is just possible that all the 
three festivals     were originally in  
the old calendar1 and dropped out       
because the mark of the ,ides had to be 
affixed to the     day in the first     
place4 ,see ,wissowa1 ,gesammelte       
,abhandlungen1 p4 #afd foll42 ,r4,f4 p4 
#bda4      #ajg ,thus ,messrs4 ,hubert  
et ,mauss 7,melanges d'histoire     des 
religions1 ,preface1 p4 xxiv47 maintain 
that there     is no real antinomy      

between les faits du systeme     magique
 et les faits du systeme religieux4     
,there is in     every rite1 they       
insist1 a magical as well as a          
religious element4 ,yet on the same page
 we find that     they exclude magic    
from all organised cult1 because it     
is not obligatory1 and cannot 7if ,i    
understand them     rightly7 be laid    
down in a code1 like religious          
practice4 ,i think it would have been   
simpler to consider     the magical     
element in religious rites as surviving1
     with its original meaning lost1    
from an earlier stage of     thought4   
,m4 van ,gennep1 in his interesting work
 ,les     ,rites de passage1 p4 #ag1    
goes so far as to call all     religious
 ceremonies magical1 as distinguished   
from     the theories 7e4g4 animism7    
which constitute     religion4 ,this    
seems to me apt to bring confusion into 
the discussion2 for all rites are the   
outward expression     of thought1 and  
it is by the thought 7or1 as he calls   

it1 theories7 that we must trace the    
sociological     development of mankind1
 the rites being used as indexes        
only4 ,i cannot but think that 7as      
indeed in these days     is quite       
natural7 this ,french school lays too   
much     stress upon the outward acts1  
and that this tendency has     led them 
to find real living magic where it is   
present     only in a fossil state4     
#ajh e4g4 ,tylor1 article ,magic in     
,encycl4 ,brit41     and ,primitive     
,culture1 #a4 ch4 iv42 ,marett1         
,threshold     of ,religion1 #hc4 ,see  
below1 p4 #ahj4      #aji ,pliny1 ,n4,h4
 xxviii4 #ag and #ah4 ,for the singing  
or murmuring of spells in many          
countries1 see ,jevons1                 
,anthropology and the ,classics1 p4 #ic 
foll4      #aaj ,bruns1 ,fontes ,iuris  
,romani1 note on this     passage4      
#aaa ,civ4 ,dei1 viii4 #ai4      #aab   
,see1 e4g41 ,wordsworth1 ,fragments and 
,specimens     of ,early ,latin1 p4     
#ddf1 for an account of simple land     

measurement which will suffice to       
illustrate the point     made here4     
#aac ,the carmina famosa sung at a      
triumph by the     soldiers had the same
 origin1 but were used to avert     evil
 from the triumphator4 ,the best        
exposition of this     is in ,h4 ,a4 ,j4
 ,munro's ,elucidations of ,catullus1 p4
 #gf     foll4      #aad ,pliny1 ,n4,h4 
xxviii4 #ai4 ,for the technical sense   
of defigere1 defixio1 see ,jevons in    
,anthropology     and the ,classics1 p4 
#ajh foll4      #aae ,the most familiar 
examples are ,virgil's eighth           
,eclogue1 #ie foll42 ,ovid1 ,met4 vii4  
#afg1 and     elsewhere2 ,fasti1 iv4    
#eea2 ,horace1 ,epode v4 #gb2 cp4       
article ,magia in ,daremberg-,saglio2   
,falz1 ,de poet4     ,rom4 doctrina     
magica1 ,giessen1 #aijc4 ,there is a    
collection of ,roman magical spells in  
,appel's ,de     ,romanorum             
precationibus1 p4 #dc foll4 ,many modern
     ,italian examples and survivals    
will be found in ,leland's     ,etruscan

 ,roman ,remains in ,popular ,tradition1
 pt4 ii4      #aaf ,cato1 ,r4,r4 #afj2  
,varro1 ,r4,r4 i4 #c4      #aag ,pliny1 
,n4,h4 xxviii4 #ba4      #aah ,ib4      
xxviii4 #bj4 ,the following sections of 
this     book are the locus classicus   
for these popular     superstitions4    
#aai ,see1 e4g41 ,italian ,home ,life1  
by ,lina ,duff     ,gordon1 p4 #bcj     
foll4      #abj ,juvenal v4 #afd4 ,the  
idea probably arose1 as a     passage of
 ,plutarch suggests 7,rom4 #be71 from   
the fact     that the triumphator1 whose
 garb was no doubt of     ,etruscan     
origin1 wore the bulla4      #aba       
,frazer1 ,g4,b4 i4 #cde1 note #b1 where 
we learn that     gold was taboo in some
 ,greek worships1 e4g4 at the           
mysteries of ,andania1 which            
sufficiently proves that it             
possessed potency4 ,pliny1 xxxiii4 #hd1 
mentions cases of     such potency as   
medicine1 and among them its application
     to children who have been poisoned4
      #abb ,pliny1 ,n4,h4 xxviii4 #ci4  

#abc ,see an article by the author on   
the original     meaning of the toga    
praetexta in ,classical ,review1        
vol4 x4 7#ahif7 p4 #cag4      #abd ,for 
the ,compitalia1 ,macrob4 i4 #g4 #cd2   
,festus p4     #bch4 ,for the           
,paganalia1 ,probus1 ad ,georg4 ii4     
#che1     assuming the feriae           
,sementinae there mentioned to be       
the ,paganalia 7see ,r4,f4 p4 #bid74    
,for the feriae     ,latinae1 ,festus1  
s4v4 oscillantes4      #abe ,wissowa1   
,r4,k4 p4 #aic1 with whose view ,i      
entirely     agree4 ,we learn of the    
imaginary goddess from ,varro1          
,l4,l4 ix4 #fa4 ,pais1 ,i may remark in 
passing1 is certain     that ,acca      
,larentia was the mater ,larum2 see his 
,lectures on ,ancient ,legends of ,roman
 ,history1 p4 #fj     foll4      #abf   
#df4 ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 #ced1 note #e4 
#abg ,georg4 ii4 #chj foll4 ,it is not  
certain that     ,virgil is describing  
the festival generally known as         
,paganalia1 which took place early in   

,january2 but it     seems probable from
 line #chb that he is thinking of some  
festival of the pagus4 ,the oscilla may 
have been used     at more than one4    
#abh ,note that ,virgil writes of masks 
used in rude     play-acting1 as well as
 of oscilla hung on trees1 and          
conjoins the two as though they had     
something in common4     ,the evidence  
of an engraved onyx cup in the ,louvre1 
of     which a cut is given in the      
article ,oscilla in the     ,dict4 of   
,antiquities1 seems to make it probable 
that     masks worn by rustics on these 
occasions were afterwards     hung by   
them on trees as oscilla4 ,some of these
 masks     on the cup are adorned with  
horns1 which may explain an             
interesting passage of ,apuleius        
7,florida1 i4 #a73     neque enim       
iustius religiosam moram viatori        
obiecerit     aut ara floribus redimita 
444 aut quercus cornibus     onerata1   
aut fagus pellibus coronata1 etc4 ,see  
also     ,gromatici veteres1 ii4 #bda4  

#abi ,see1 however1 ,dr4 ,frazer's      
remarks in ,g4,b4 ii4     p4 #ded4 ,he  
thinks that the air might in this way be
     purged of vagrant spirits or       
baleful ghosts1 as the     ,malay       
medicine man swings in front of the     
patient's     house in order to chase   
away the disease4 ,cp4 ,g4,b4 ii4       
#cdc1 where a rather different          
explanation is attempted     of the     
maniae and pilae4      #acj ,magic in   
the old forms1 or many of them1 has     
survived not only into the old ,roman   
religion1 but to     the present day1 in
 many parts of ,italy4 ,the peasants    
have recourse to the priests and the    
saints on great     occasions1 but they 
use magic all the time for              
everything1 was said by a woman of the  
,romagna ,toscana     to the late ,c4,g4
 ,leland 7,etruscan ,roman ,remains1    
,introduction1 p4 #i74 ,this            
enterprising ,american's     remarkable 
book1 though dealing only with a small  
region     of northern ,italy1 deserves 

more consideration than it     has      
received4 ,the author may have been     
uncritical1 but     beyond doubt he had 
the gift of extracting secrets from     
the peasantry4 ,he claims to have proved
 that la vecchia     religione contains 
much that has come down direct from     
pre-,christian times2 and the appearance
 of ,mr4 ,lawson's     remarkable book  
on ,modern ,greek ,folklore and ,ancient
     ,greek ,religion may tempt some    
really qualified     investigator to    
undertake a similar work in ,italy      
before     it is too late4     ,,lecture
 ,,iv  ,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,the      
,,family   ,some of the survivals       
mentioned in the last two lectures seem 
to carry us back to a condition of      
culture anterior to the family and to   
the final settlement on the land4 ,some 
attempt has recently been made to       
discover traces of descent by the mother
 in early ,latium2#aca if this could be 
proved1 it would mean that the ,latins  
were already in ,latium before they had 

fully developed the patriarchal system  
on which the family is based4 ,however  
this may be1 the first real fact that   
meets us in the religious experience of 
the ,romans is the attitude towards the 
supernatural1 or the ,power that        
manifests itself in the ,universe1 of   
the family as settled down upon the     
land4 ,the study of religion in the     
family1 as we know it in historical     
times1 is also that of the earliest     
organisation of religion1 and of the    
most permanent type of ancient ,italian 
religious thought4 ,aust1 whose book on 
the ,roman religion is the most masterly
 sketch of the subject as yet published1
 writes thus of this religion of the    
family3#acb ,here the limits of religion
 and superstition vanish 444 and in vain
 we seek here for the boundary marks of 
various epochs4 ,by the first of these  
propositions he means that the ,state   
has not here been at work1 framing a ius
 divinum1 including religion and        
excluding magic2 in the family1 magic of

 all kinds would be admissible alongside
 of the daily worship of the family     
deities1 and thus the family would      
represent a kind of half-way house      
between the age of magic and all such   
superstitions1 and the age of the rigid 
regulation of worship by the law of a   
,city-state4 ,by the second proposition 
he means that the religious experience  
of the family is far simpler1 and       
therefore far less liable to change than
 that of the ,state4 ,greek forms and   
ideas of religion1 for example1 hardly  
penetrated into its worship3#acc new    
deities do not find their way in--the   
family experience did not call for them 
as did that of the ,state4 ,it may be   
said without going beyond the truth that
 the religion of the family remained the
 same in all essentials throughout      
,roman history1 and the great           
priesthoods of the ,state never         
interfered with it in any such degree as
 to affect its vitality4#acd  ,but in   
order to understand the religion of the 

family1 we must have some idea of what  
the family originally was4 ,when a stock
 or tribe 7populus7 after migration took
 possession of a district1 it was beyond
 doubt divided into clans1 gentes1 which
 were the oldest kinship divisions in   
,italian society4 ,all members of a clan
 had the same name1 and were believed to
 descend from a common ancestor4#ace    
,according to the later juristic way of 
putting it1 all would be in the patria  
potestas of that ancestor supposing that
 no deaths had ever occurred in the     
gens2 and1 indeed1 the idea that the    
gens is immortal in spite of the deaths 
of individuals is one which constitutes 
it as a permanent entity1 and gives it a
 quasi-religious sanction4 ,for         
primitive religion1 as has been well    
said1 disbelieves in death2 most of the 
lower races believe both in a qualified 
immortality and in the non-reality or   
unnaturalness of death4#acf ,in regard  
to the kinship of a clan1 death at any  
rate has no effect3 the bond of union   

never breaks4  ,now a little reflection 
will show that a clan or gens of this   
kind might be maintained intact in a    
nomadic state1 or during any number of  
migrations2 it is1 in fact1 manifestly  
appropriate to such a mobile condition  
of society1 and expresses its natural   
need of union2 and when the final       
settlement occurs1 this body of kin will
 hold together in the process1 whether  
or no it has smaller divisions within   
it4 ,we may be certain that this was the
 one essential kin-division of the      
,latin stock when it settled in ,latium1
 and all through ,roman history it      
continues so1 a permanent entity though 
families may die4#acg ,every ,roman     
lawyer will recognise this fact as true1
 and ,i need not dwell on it now4  ,it  
is when the gens has settled upon the   
land that the family begins to appear as
 a fact of importance for our purpose4  
,such operations as the building of a   
permanent house1 the clearing and       
cultivation of a piece of land1 can best

 be carried out by a smaller union than 
the gens1 and this smaller union is     
ready to hand in the shape of a section 
of the gens comprising the living       
descendants of a living ancestor1       
whether of two1 three1 or even four     
generations4#ach ,this union1 clearly   
visible to mortal eye1 and realisable in
 every-day work1 settles together in one
 house1 tends its own cattle and sheep1 
cultivates its own land with the help of
 such dependants as it owns1 slave or   
other1 and is known by the word familia4
 ,this famous word1 so far as we know1  
does not contain the idea of kinship1 at
 any rate as its leading connotation2 it
 is inseparable from the idea of        
land-settlement1#aci and is therefore   
essentially das ,hauswesen1 the house   
itself1 with the persons living in it1  
free or servile1 and with their land and
 other property1 all governed and       
administered by the paterfamilias1 the  
master of the household1 who is always  
the oldest living male ancestor4 ,the   

familia is thus an economic unit1       
developed out of the gens1 which is a   
unit of kin and little more4 ,and thus  
the religion of the familia will be a   
religion of practical utility1 of daily 
work1 of struggle with perils to which  
the shepherd and the tiller of the soil 
are liable2 it is not the worship of an 
idea of kinship expressed in some dimly 
conceived common ancestor2 the familia1 
as ,i hope to show1 had no common       
ancestor who could be the object of     
worship1 except that of the gens from   
which it had sprung4 ,the life of the   
familia was a realisation of the present
 and its needs and perils1 without the  
stimulus to take much thought about the 
past1 or indeed about the future2 for   
it1 sufficient for the day was the evil 
thereof2 for what had been and what was 
to come it could look to the gens to    
which it owed its existence4 ,but in    
practical life the gens was not of much 
avail2 and instead of it1 exactly as we 
might expect1 we find an artificial     

union of familiae1 a union of which the 
essential thing is not the idea of kin1 
but that of the land occupied1 and known
 all over ,italy by the word pagus4#adj 
,before ,i go on to describe the        
religion of the family1 it is necessary 
to put the familia into its proper      
relation with this territorial union4   
,the pagus is the earliest ,italian     
administrative unit of which we know    
anything2 a territory1 of which the     
essential feature was the boundary1 not 
any central point within the boundary4  
,in all probability it was originally   
the land on which a gens had settled1   
though settlement produces changes1 and 
the land of gens and pagus was not      
identical in later times4 ,but within   
this boundary line1 of which we shall   
hear something more presently1 how were 
the component parts1 the familiae of the
 gens1 settled down on the land8 ,of the
 village community so familiar to us in 
,teutonic countries1 there is no certain
 trace in ,latium4 ,vicus1 the only word

 which might suggest it1 is identical   
with the ,greek ,greek3 oikos1 a house2 
later it is used for houses standing    
together1 or for a street in a town4    
,but the vicus in the country has left  
no trace of itself as a distinct        
administrative union like our village   
community2 the vico-magistri of the     
,roman city were urban officers2 and    
what is more important1 we know of no   
religious festivals of the vicus1 like  
those of the pagus1 of which there are  
well-attested records4 ,the probability 
then is that the unit within the pagus  
was not the village but the homestead1  
and that these stood at a distance from 
each other1 as they do in ,celtic       
countries1 not united together in a     
village1 and each housing a family group
 working its own land and owning its own
 cattle4#ada ,the question of the amount
 and the tenure of the land of this     
group is a very difficult one1 into     
which it is not necessary to enter      
closely here4 ,there can1 however1 be no

 doubt that it possessed in its own     
right a small piece of garden ground    
7heredium71 and also an allotment of    
land in the arable laid out by the      
settlers in common--centuriatus ager2   
whether the ownership of this was vested
 in the individual paterfamilias or in  
the gens as a whole1 does not greatly   
matter for our purposes4#adb ,lastly1 as
 it is certain that the familia owned   
cattle and sheep1 we may be sure that it
 enjoyed the right of common pasture on 
the land not divided up for tillage4    
,we see all this through a mist1 and a  
mist that is not likely ever to lift2   
but yet the outlines of the picture are 
clear enough to give us the necessary   
basis for a study of the religion of the
 familia4 ,the religious points1 if ,i  
may use the expression--those points1   
that is1 which are the object of special
 anxiety 7religio7--lie in the          
boundaries1 both of the pagus as a      
whole1 and of the arable land of the    
familia1 in the house itself and its    

free inhabitants1 and in the family     
burying-place2 and to these three may no
 doubt be added the spring which        
supplied the household with water4      
,boundaries1 house1 burying-place1      
spring1--all these are in a special     
sense sacred1 and need constant and     
regular religious care4  ,let us begin  
with the house1 the central point of the
 economic and religious unit4 ,the      
earliest ,italian house was little more 
than a wigwam1 more or less round1      
constructed of upright posts connected  
with wattles1 and with a closed roof of 
straw or branches4#adc ,this would seem 
to have been the type of house of the   
immigrating people who settled on the   
tops of hills and lived a pastoral life2
 when they descended into the plains and
 became a settled agricultural people1  
they adopted a more roomy and convenient
 style of building1 suitable for storing
 their grain or other products1 and for 
the maintenance of a fire for cooking   
these4 ,whether the rectangular house1  

with which alone we are here concerned1 
was developed under ,greek or ,etruscan 
influence1 or suggested independently by
 motives of practical convenience1 is   
matter of dispute1 and must be left to  
archaeologists to decide4#add  ,this is 
the house in which the ,latin family    
lived throughout historical times1 the  
house which we know as the sacred local 
habitation of divine and human beings4  
,it consisted in its simplest form1 as  
we all know1 of a single room or hall1  
the atrium1 with a roof open in the     
middle and sloping inwards to let the   
rain fall into a basin 7compluvium74    
,here the life of the family went on1   
and here was the hearth 7focus71 the    
natural altar of the dwelling-room of   
man1#ade and the seat of ,vesta1 the    
spirit of the fire1 whose aid in the    
cooking of the food was indispensable in
 the daily life of the settlers4 ,this  
sacred hearth was the centre of the     
family worship of later times1 until    
under ,greek influence the arrangement  

of the house was modified2#adf and we   
may be certain that it was so in the    
simple farm life of early ,latium4 ,in  
front of it was the table at which the  
family took their meals1 and on this was
 placed the salt-cellar 7salinum71 and  
the sacred salt-cake1 baked even in     
historical times in primitive fashion by
 the daughters of the family1 as in all 
periods for the ,state by the ,vestal   
virgins4 ,after the first and chief     
course of the mid-day meal1 silence was 
enjoined1 and an offering of a part of  
the cake was thrown on to the fire from 
a small sacrificial plate or dish       
7patella74#adg ,this alone is enough to 
prove that ,vesta1 the spirit of the    
fire1 was the central point of the whole
 worship1 the spiritual embodiment of   
the physical welfare of the family4     
,behind the hearth1 i4e4 farther at the 
back of the atrium1 was the penus1 or   
storing-place of the household4 ,penus  
was explained by the learned            
,scaevola#adh as meaning anything that  

can be eaten or drunk1 but not so much  
that which is each day set out on the   
table1 as that which is kept in store   
for daily consumption2 it is therefore  
in origin the food itself1 though in    
later times it became also the          
receptacle in which that food was       
stored4 ,this store was inhabited or    
guarded by spirits1 the di penates1 who 
together with ,vesta represent the      
material vitality of the family2 these  
spirits1 always conceived and expressed 
in the plural1 form a group in a way    
which is characteristic of the ,latins1 
and their plurality is perhaps due to   
the variety and frequent change of the  
material of the store4 ,the religious   
character of the store is also well     
shown by the fact1 if such it be1 that  
no impure person was allowed to meddle  
with it2 the duty was especially that of
 the children of the family1#adi whose  
purity and religious capability was     
symbolised throughout ,roman history by 
the purple-striped toga which they wore1

 and secured also by the amulet1 within 
its capsule the bulla1 of which ,i spoke
 in the last lecture4  ,vesta and the   
,penates represent the spiritual side of
 the material needs of the household2   
but there was another divine inhabitant 
of the house1 the ,genius of the        
paterfamilias1 who was more immediately 
concerned with the continuity of the    
family4 ,analogy with the world-wide    
belief in the spiritual double of a man1
 his other-soul1 compels us to think of 
this ,genius1 who accompanied the ,latin
 from the cradle to the grave1 as       
originally a conception of this kind4   
,the ,latins had indeed1 in common with 
other races1 what we may call the       
breath-idea of the soul1 as we see from 
the words animus and anima1 and also the
 shadow-idea1 as is proved by the word  
umbra for a departed spirit4 ,but the   
,genius was one of those guardian       
spirits1 treated by ,professor ,tylor as
 a different species of the same genus1 
which accompany a man all his life and  

help him through its many changes and   
chances2#aej and the peculiarity of this
 ,latin guardian is that he was         
specially helpful in continuing the life
 of the family4 ,the soul of a man is   
often conceived as the cause of life1   
but not often as the procreative power  
itself2 and that this latter was the    
,latin idea is certain1 both from the   
etymology of the word and from the fact 
that the marriage-bed was called lectus 
genialis4 ,i am inclined to think that  
this peculiarity of the ,latin          
conception of ,genius was the result of 
the unusually strong idea that the      
,latins must have had1 even when they   
first passed into ,italy1 of kinship as 
determined not by the mother but by the 
father4#aea ,it is possible1 ,i think1  
that the ,genius was a soul of later    
origin than those ,i have just          
mentioned1 and developed in the period  
when the gens arose as the main group of
 kinsmen real or imaginary4 ,i would    
suggest that we may see in it the       

connecting link between that group and  
the individual adult males within it2 in
 that case the ,genius would be that    
soul of a man which enables him to      
fulfil the work of continuing the life  
of the gens4 ,we can easily imagine how 
it might eventually come to be his      
guardian spirit1 and to acquire all the 
other senses with which we are familiar 
in ,roman literature4 ,with the         
development of the idea of              
individuality1 the individuality of a   
man as apart from the kin group1 the    
idea of the individuality of the ,genius
 also became emphasised1 until it became
 possible to think of it as even living 
on after the death of its companion2#aeb
 in this way1 in course of time1 the    
,genius came to exercise a curious      
influence on the idea of the ,manes4    
,the history of the idea of ,genius1 and
 its application to places1 cities1     
etc41 is indeed a curious one1 and of no
 small interest in the study of         
religion2 but we must return to the     

primitive house and its divine          
inhabitants4 ,there is one more of these
 who calls for a word before ,i pass to 
the land and the boundaries2 we meet him
 on the threshold as we leave the       
dwelling4  ,it is1 of course1 well known
 to anthropologists that the door of a  
house is a dangerous point1 because evil
 spirits or the ghosts of the dead may  
gain access to the house through it4    
,among the innumerable customs which    
attest this belief there are one or two 
,roman ones1 e4g4 the practice of making
 a man1 who has returned home after his 
supposed death in a foreign country1    
enter the house by the roof instead of  
the door2 for the door must be kept     
barred against ghosts1 and this man may 
be after all a ghost1 or at least he may
 have evil spirits or miasma about      
him4#aec ,it was at the doorway that a  
curious ceremony took place 7to which ,i
 shall ask your attention again7        
immediately after the birth of a child1 
in order to prevent ,silvanus1 who may  

stand for the dangerous spirits of the  
forest1 from entering in and vexing the 
baby4#aed ,again1 a dead man1 as among  
so many other peoples1 was carried out  
of the doorway with his feet foremost1  
so that he should not find his way back2
 and the old ,roman practice of burial  
by night probably had the same          
object4#aee ,exactly the same anxiety   
7religio7 is seen in regard to the gates
 of a city2 the wall was in some sense  
holy 7sanctus71 but the gates1 through  
which was destined to pass much that    
might be dangerous1 could not be thus   
sanctified4 ,was there1 then1 no        
protecting spirit of these doors and    
gates8  ,st4 ,augustine1 writing with   
,varro before him1 finds no less than   
three spirits of the entrance to a      
house3 ,forculus1 of the door itself2   
,limentinus1 of the threshold2 and      
,cardea1 of the hinges of the door2 and 
these ,varro seems to have found in the 
books of the pontifices4#aef ,i must    
postpone the question as to what these  

pontifical books really represented2 but
 the passage will at least serve to show
 us the popular anxiety about the point 
of entrance to a house1 and its         
association with the spirit world4 ,of  
late sober research has reached the     
conclusion that the original door-spirit
 was ,janus1 whom we know in ,roman     
history as residing in the symbolic gate
 of the ,forum1 and as the god of       
beginnings1 the first deity to be       
invoked in prayer1 as ,vesta was the    
last4#aeg ,but ,janus is also wanted for
 far higher purposes by some eminent    
,cambridge scholars2 they have their own
 reasons for wanting him as a god of the
 sky1 as a double of ,jupiter1 as the   
mate of ,diana1 and a deity of the      
oak4#aeh ,so1 too1 he was wanted by the 
philosophical speculators of the last   
century ,b4,c41 who tried to interpret  
their own humble deities in terms of    
,greek philosophy and ,greek polytheism4
 ,the poets too1 who1 as ,augustine     
says1 found ,forculus and his companions

 beneath their notice1 played strange   
tricks with this hoary old god1 as any  
one may read in the first book of       
,ovid's ,fasti4 ,i myself believe that  
the main features of the theology 7if we
 may use the word7 of the earliest ,rome
 were derived from the house and the    
land as an economic and religious unit1 
and ,i am strongly inclined to see in   
,janus bifrons of the ,forum a developed
 form of the spirit of the house-door2  
but the question is a difficult one1 and
 ,i shall return to it in a lecture on  
the deities of early ,rome4  ,so far ,i 
have said nothing of the ,lar familiaris
 who has become a household word as a   
household deity2 and yet we are on the  
point of leaving the house of the old   
,latin settler to look for the spirits  
whom he worships on his land4 ,the      
reason is simply that after repeated    
examination of the evidence available1  
,i find myself forced to believe that at
 the period of which ,i am speaking the 
,lar was not one of the divine          

inhabitants of the house4 ,when ,fustel 
de ,coulanges wrote his brilliant book  
,la ,cite antique1 which popularised the
 importance of the worship of ancestors 
as a factor in ,aryan civilisation1 he  
found in the ,lar1 who in historical    
times was a familiar figure in the      
house1 the reputed founder of the       
family2 and until lately this view has  
been undisputed4 ,but if my account of  
the relation of the family to the gens  
is correct1 the family would stand in no
 need of a reputed founder2 that symbol 
of the bond of kinship was to be found  
in the gens of which the family was an  
offshoot1 a cutting1 as it were1 planted
 on the land4 ,still more convincing is 
the fact that when we first meet with   
the ,lar as an object of worship he is  
not in the house but on the land4 ,the  
oldest ,lar of whom we know anything was
 one of a characteristic ,roman group of
 which the individuals lived in the     
compita1 i4e4 the spots where the land  
belonging to various households met1 and

 where there were chapels with as many  
faces as there were properties1 each    
face containing an altar to a ,lar1--the
 presiding spirit of that allotment1 or 
rather perhaps of the whole of the land 
of the familia1 including that on which 
the house stood4#aei ,thus the ,lar     
fills a place in the private worship    
which would otherwise be vacant1 that of
 the holding and its productive power4  
,in this sense1 too1 we find the ,lares 
in the hymn of the ,arval ,brethren1 one
 of the oldest fragments of ,latin we   
possess2 for the spirits of the land    
would naturally be invoked in the       
lustration of the ager ,romanus by this 
ancient religious gild4#afj  ,but how1  
it may be asked1 did the ,lar find his  
way into the house1 to become the       
characteristic deity of the later ,roman
 private worship there8 ,i believe that 
he gained admittance through the slaves 
of the familia1 who had no part in the  
worship of the dwelling1 but were       
admitted to the ,compitalia1 or yearly  

festival of which the ,lares of the     
compita were the central object4 ,cato  
tells us that the vilicus1 the head of  
the familia of slaves1 might not facere 
rem divinam nisi ,compitalibus in       
compito aut in foco2#afa which ,i take  
to mean that he might sacrifice for his 
fellow-slaves to the ,lar at the        
compitum1 or to the ,lar in the house1  
if the ,lar were already transferred    
from the compitum to the house4 ,in the 
constant absence of the owner1 the      
paterfamilias of ,rome's stirring days1 
the worship of the ,lar at the compitum 
or in the house came to be more and more
 distinctly the right of the vilicus and
 his wife as representing the slaves1   
and thus too the ,lar came to be called 
by the epithet familiaris1 which plainly
 indicates that in his cult the slaves  
were included4 ,and as it was the old   
custom that the slaves should sit at the
 meals of the family on benches below   
the free members 7subsellia71#afb what  
more natural than that they should claim

 to see there the ,lar whom alone of the
 deities of the farm they were permitted
 to worship1 and that they should bring 
the ,lar or his double from the compitum
 to the house1 in the frequent absence  
of the master8#afc  ,the festival of the
 ,lar was celebrated at the compitum1   
and known as ,compitalia or ,laralia2 it
 took place soon after the winter       
solstice1 on a day fixed by the         
paterfamilias1 in concert1 no doubt1    
with the other heads of families in the 
pagus4 ,like most rejoicings at this    
time of year1 it was free and jovial in 
character1 and the whole familia took   
part in it1 both bond and free4 ,each   
familia sacrificed on its own altar1    
which was placed fifteen feet in front  
of the compitum1 so that the worshippers
 might be on their own land2 but if1 as 
we may suppose1 the whole pagus         
celebrated this rite on the same day1   
there was in this festival1 as in others
 to be mentioned directly1 a social     
value1 a means of widening the outlook  

of the familia and associating it with  
the needs of others in its religious    
duties4 ,this is the religio ,larium of 
which ,cicero speaks in the second book 
of his de ,legibus1 which was posita in 
fundi villaeque conspectu1 and handed   
down for the benefit both of masters and
 men from remote antiquity4#afd  ,there 
were other festivals in which all the   
familiae of a pagus took part4 ,of these
 we know little1 and what we do know is 
almost entirely due to the love of the  
,augustan poets for the country and its 
life and customs2 ,fortunatus et ille   
deos qui novit agrestes1 wrote ,virgil1 
contrasting himself with the philosopher
 poet whom he revered4 ,varro1 in his   
list of ,roman festivals1#afe just      
mentions a festival called ,sementivae1 
associated with the sowing of the seed1 
and celebrated by all pagi1 if we       
interpret him rightly2 but ,ovid has    
given us a charming picture of what must
 be this same rite1 and places it       
clearly in winter1 after the autumn     

sowing#aff3--    state coronati plenum  
ad praesaepe iuvenci3     cum tepido    
vestrum vere redibit opus4   rusticus   
emeritum palo suspendit aratrum3        
omne reformidat frigida volnus humus4   
vilice1 da requiem terrae1 semente      
peracta3     da requiem terram qui      
coluere viris4   pagus agat festum3     
pagum lustrate1 coloni1     et date     
paganis annua liba focis4   placentur   
frugum matres ,tellusque ,ceresque1     
farre suo gravidae visceribusque suis4  
,ovid may here be writing of his own    
home at ,sulmo1 and what took place     
there in the ,augustan age2 but we may  
read his description into the life of   
old ,latium1 for rustic life is         
tenacious of old custom1 especially     
where the economic conditions remain    
always the same4 ,we may do the same    
with another beautiful picture left us  
by ,tibullus1 also a poet of the        
country1 which ,i have recently examined
 at length in the ,classical            
,review4#afg ,the festival he describes 

has often been identified with ,ovid's1 
but ,i am rather disposed to see in it a
 lustratio of the ager paganus in the   
spring1 of the same kind as the famous  
one in ,virgil's first ,georgic1 to be  
mentioned directly2 for ,tibullus1 after
 describing the scene1 which he         
introduces with the words fruges        
lustramus et agros1 puts into perfect   
verse a prayer for the welfare of the   
crops and flocks1 and looks forward to a
 time when 7if the prayer succeeds7 the 
land shall be full of corn1 and the     
peasant shall heap wood upon a          
bonfire--perhaps one of the midsummer   
fires that still survive in the         
,abruzzi4 ,virgil's lines are no less   
picturesque2#afh and though he does not 
mention the pagus1 he is clearly        
thinking of a lustratio in which more   
than one familia takes part--    cuncta 
tibi ,cererem pubes agrestis adoret4    
,this is a spring festival extremae sub 
casum hiemis1 iam vere sereno2 and ,i   
shall return to it when we come to deal 

with the processional lustratio of the  
farm4 ,like the descriptions of ,ovid   
and ,tibullus1 it is more valuable to us
 for the idea it gives us of the spirit 
of old ,italian agricultural religion   
than for exact knowledge about dates and
 details4 ,there was1 of course1 endless
 variety in ,italy in both these2 and it
 is waste of time to try and make the   
descriptions of the rural poets fit in  
with the fixed festivals of the ,roman  
city calendar4  ,nor is it quite safe to
 argue back from that calendar to the   
life of the familia and the pagus1      
except in general terms4 ,as we shall   
see1 the calendar is based on the life  
and work of an agricultural folk1 and we
 may by all means guess that its many   
agricultural rites existed beforehand in
 the earlier social life2 but into      
detail we may not venture4 ,as ,varro1  
however1 has mentioned the ,saturnalia  
in the same sentence with the           
,compitalia1 we may guess that that     
famous jovial festival was a part of the

 rustic winter rejoicing4 ,and here1    
too1 ,i may mention another festa of    
that month1 of which a glimpse is given 
us by ,horace1 another country-loving   
poet1 who specially mentions the pagus  
as taking part in it4 ,faunus and       
,silvanus were deities or spirits of the
 woodland among which these pagi lay1   
and in which the farmers ran their      
cattle in the summer2#afi by ,horace's  
time ,faunus had been more or less      
tarred with a ,greek brush1 but in the  
beautiful little ode ,i am alluding to  
he is still a deity of the ,italian     
farmer1#agj who on the ,nones of        
,december besought him to be gracious to
 the cattle now feeding peacefully on   
the winter pasture3--    ludit herboso  
pecus omne campo   cum tibi ,nonae      
redeunt ,decembres3   festus in pratis  
vacat otioso       cum bove pagus4      
,there is one more rite of familia or   
pagus1 or both1 of which ,i must say a  
word before ,i return for a while to the
 house and its inhabitants4 ,one of the 

most important matters for the pagus1 as
 for the landholding household1 was the 
fixing of the boundaries of their land1 
whether as against other pagi or        
households1 or as separating that land  
from unreclaimed forest4 ,this was of   
course1 like all these other operations 
of the farm1 a matter of religious care 
and anxiety--a matter in which the      
feeling of anxiety and awe 7religio7    
brought with it1 to use an expression of
 ,cicero's1 both cura and               
caerimonia4#aga ,the religio terminorum 
is known to us in some detail1 as it    
existed in historical times1 from the   
,roman writers on agrimetatio2 and with 
their help the whole subject has been   
made intelligible by ,rudorff in the    
second volume of the ,gromatici4#agb ,we
 know that many different objects might 
serve as boundary marks1 according to   
the nature of the land1 especially trees
 and stones2 and in the case of the     
latter1 which would be the usual termini
 in agricultural land at some distance  

from forest1 we have the religious      
character of the stone and its fixing   
most instructively brought out4 ,fruits 
of the earth1 and the bones1 ashes1 and 
blood of a victim were put into a hole  
in the ground by the landholders whose  
lands converged at the point1 and the   
stone was rammed down on the top and    
carefully fixed4#agc ,this had the      
practical effect--for all ,latin        
religion has a practical side--of       
enabling the stone to be identified in  
the future4 ,but ,ovid#agd gives us a   
picture of the yearly commemorative rite
 of the same nature1 from which we see  
still better the force of the religio   
terminorum4 ,the boundary-stone is      
garlanded1 and an altar is built2 the   
fire is carried from the hearth of the  
homestead by a materfamilias1 the       
priestess of the family2 a young son of 
the family holds a basket full of fruits
 of the earth1 and a little daughter    
shakes these into the fire and offers   
honey-cakes4 ,others stand by with wine1

 or look on in silence1 clothed in      
white4 ,the victims are lamb and        
sucking-pig1 and the stone is sprinkled 
with their blood1 an act which all the  
world over shows that an object is holy 
and tenanted by a spirit4#age ,and the  
ceremony ends with a feast and hymns in 
honour of holy ,terminus1 who in ,ovid's
 time in the rural districts1 and long  
before on the ,capitolium of ,rome1 had 
risen from the spirit sanctifying the   
stone to become a deity1 closely        
connected with ,jupiter himself1 and to 
give his name to a yearly city festival 
on ,february #bc4  ,these festivals on  
the land were1 some of them at least1   
scenes of revelry1 accompanied with     
dancing and singing1 as the poets       
describe them1 the faces of the peasants
 painted red with minium1#agf according 
to an old ,italian custom which survived
 in the case of the triumphator of the  
glorious days of the ,city-state4 ,but  
if we may now return for a moment to the
 homestead1 there were events of great  

importance to the family which were     
celebrated there in more serious and    
sober fashion1 with rites that were in  
part truly religious1 yet not without   
some features that show the prevailing  
anxiety1 rooted in the age of taboo1    
which we learnt to recognise under the  
word religio4 ,marriage was a religious 
ceremony1 for we can hardly doubt that  
the patrician confarreatio1 in which a  
cake made of the anciently used grain   
called far was offered to ,jupiter1 and 
perhaps partaken of sacramentally by    
bride and bridegroom1 was the oldest    
form of marriage1 and had its origin in 
an age before the ,state came into      
being4 ,we must remember that the house 
was a sacred place1 with religious      
duties carried on within it1 and the    
abode of household spirits2 and when a  
bride from another family or gens was to
 be brought into it1 it was essential   
that such introduction should be carried
 out in a manner that would not disturb 
the happy relations of the human and    

divine inhabitants of the house4 ,it was
 essential1 too1 that the children      
expected of her should be such as should
 be able to discharge their duties in   
the household without hurting the       
feelings of these spirits4 ,some of the 
quaint customs of the deductio of later 
times strongly suggest an original      
anxiety about matters of such vital     
interest2 the torch1 carried by a boy   
whose parents were both living1 was of  
whitethorn 7,spina alba71 which was a   
powerful protective against hostile     
magic1 and about which there were       
curious superstitions4#agg ,arrived at  
the house1 the bride smeared the        
doorposts with wolf's fat and oil1 and  
wound fillets of wool around them--so   
dangerous was the moment of entrance1 so
 sacred the doorway2 and finally1 she   
was carried over the threshold1 and     
then1 and then only1 was received by her
 husband into communion of fire and     
water1 symbolic of her acceptance as    
materfamilias both by man and deity4#agh

  ,when the new materfamilias presented 
her husband with a child1 there was     
another perilous moment2 the infant1 if 
accepted by the father 7sublatus1 i4e4  
raised from the earth on which it had   
been placed71#agi did not immediately   
become a member of the family in the    
religious sense1 and was liable to be   
vexed by evil or mischievous spirits    
from the wild woodland1 or1 as they     
phrased it in later days1 by ,silvanus4 
,i have already alluded to the curious  
bit of mummery which was meant to keep  
them off4 ,three men at night came to   
the threshold and struck it with an axe1
 a pestle1 and a besom1 so that by these
 signs of agriculture ,silvanus might be
 prevented from entering4 ,the hostile  
spirits were thus denied entrance to a  
dwelling in which friendly spirits of   
household life and of settled           
agricultural pursuits had taken up their
 abode4 ,nothing can better show the    
anxiety of life in those primitive      
times1 especially in a country like     

,italy1 full of forest and mountain1    
where dwelt mischievous ,brownies who   
would tease the settler if they could4  
,but on the ninth day after the birth   
7or the eighth in the case of a girl7   
the child was purified and adopted into 
the family and its sacra1 and into the  
gens to which the family belonged1 and  
received its name--the latter a matter  
of more importance than we can easily   
realise4#ahj ,from this time till it    
arrived at the age of puberty it was    
protected by amulet and praetexta2 the  
tender age of childhood being then      
passed1 and youth and maiden endued with
 new powers1 the peculiar defensive     
armour of childhood might be dispensed  
with4#aha  ,lastly1 the death of a      
member of the family was an occasion of 
extreme anxiety1 which might1 however1  
be allayed by the exact performance of  
certain rites 7iusta facere74 ,the      
funeral ceremonies of the ,city-state   
were of a complicated character1 and the
 details are not all of them easy to    

interpret4 ,but the principle must have 
been always the same--that the dead     
would walk unless they had been         
deposited with due ceremony in the bosom
 of ,mother ,earth1 and that their      
natural tendency in walking was to find 
their way back to the house which had   
been their home in life4 ,whether buried
 or burnt1 the idea was the same3 if    
burnt1 as seems to have been common     
,roman practice from very early times1  
at least one bone had to be buried as   
representing the whole body4 ,we have   
seen that certain precautions were taken
 to prevent the dead man from finding   
his way back1 such as carrying him out  
of the house feet foremost2 and if he   
were properly buried and the house duly 
purified afterwards1 the process of     
prevention was fairly complete4 ,his    
ghost1 shade1 or double then passed     
beneath the earth to join the whole body
 of ,manes in the underworld1#ahb and   
could only return at certain fixed      
times--such at least was the idea       

expressed in the customs of later ages4 
,but if a paterfamilias or his          
representative had omitted iusta facere1
 or if the dead man had never been      
buried at all1 carried off by an enemy  
or some wild beast1 he could never have 
descended to that underworld1 and was   
roaming the earth disconsolately1 and   
with an evil will4 ,the primitive idea  
of anxiety is well expressed in the     
,roman festival of the ,lemuria in ,may1
 when the head of a household could get 
rid of the ghosts by spitting out black 
beans#ahc from his mouth and saying1    
,with these ,i redeem me and mine4 ,nine
 times he says this without looking     
round3 then come the ghosts behind him  
and gather up the beans unseen4 ,after  
other quaint performances he nine times 
repeats the formula1 ,manes exite       
paterni1 then at last looks round1 and  
the ghosts are gone4#ahd ,this is       
plainly a survival from the private life
 of the primitive household1 and well   
illustrates its fears and anxieties2 but

 the ,state provided1 as we shall see1  
another and more religious ceremony1 put
 limitations on the mischievous freedom 
of the ghosts1 and ordained the means of
 expiation for those who had made a slip
 in the funeral ceremonies1 or whose    
dead had been buried at sea or had died 
in a far country4  ,i have thus tried to
 sketch the life of the early ,latin    
family in its relations with the various
 manifestations of the ,power in the    
universe4 ,we have seen enough1 ,i      
think1 to conclude that it had a strong 
desire to be in right relations with    
that ,power1 and to understand its will2
 but we may doubt whether that desire   
had as yet become very effective4 ,the  
circumstances of the life of the ,latin 
farmer were hardly such as to rid him of
 much of the religio that he had        
inherited from his wilder ancestors1 or 
had found springing up afresh within him
 as he contended with the soil1 the     
elements1 and the hostile beings        
surrounding him1 animal1 human1 and     

spiritual4 ,he is living in an age of   
transition2 he is half-way between the  
age of magic and a new age of religion  
and duty4       ,,notes ,,to ,,lecture  
,,iv      #aca ,frazer1 ,lectures on the
 ,early ,history of the     ,kingship1  
lect4 viii4 ,dr4 ,frazer finds traces of
     ,mutterrecht only in the succession
 to the kingship of     ,alba and ,rome1
 of which the evidence is of course     
purely     legendary4 ,if the legends   
represent fact in any sense1     they   
point1 if ,i understand him rightly1 to 
a kingship     held by a non-,latin     
race1 or1 as he calls it1 plebeian4     
,binder1 ,die ,plebs1 p4 #djc foll41    
believes that the     original ,latin   
population1 i4e4 the plebs of later     
times1 lived under ,mutterrecht4        
#acb ,aust1 ,religion der ,roemer1 p4   
#bab4      #acc ,in historical times the
 household deities were     often       
represented by images of ,greek type3   
e4g4 the     ,penates by those of the   
,dioscuri4 ,wissowa1 ,rel4 und          

,kult4 p4 #adg1 and ,gesammelte         
,abhandlungen1 p4 #ie     foll41 and    
#bhi4 ,see also ,de ,marchi1 ,la        
,religione nella     vita privata1 i4 p4
 #da foll4 and p4 #ij foll4      #acd   
,de ,marchi1 op4 cit4 i4 #ac foll4 ,in  
the ordinary     and regular religion of
 the family the ,state1 i4e4 the        
pontifices1 did not interfere2 but they 
might do so in     matters such as the  
succession of sacra1 the care of        
graves1 or the fulfilment of vows       
undertaken by private     persons4 ,see 
,cicero1 de ,legibus1 ii4 #ai4 #dg4     
#ace ,mucius ,scaevola1 the great       
lawyer1 defined     gentiles as those   
qui eodem nomine sunt1 qui ab           
ingenuis oriundi sunt1 quorum maiorum   
nemo servitutem     servivit1 qui capite
 non sunt deminuti1 ,cic4 ,topica1      
vi4 #bi4 ,this is the practical view of 
a lawyer of the     last century ,b4,c41
 and does not take account of the       
sacra gentilicia1 which had by that time
 decayed or     passed into the care of 

sodalitates3 ,marquardt1 p4 #acb        
foll42 ,de ,marchi1 ii4 p4 #c foll4 ,the
 notion of descent     from a common    
ancestor is of course ideal1 but none   
the     less a factor in the life of the
 gens2 it crops up1     e4g41 in        
,virgil1 ,aen4 v4 #aag1 #aba1 and       
,servius ad     loc4      #acf ,crawley1
 ,the ,tree of ,life1 p4 #dg4      #acg 
,for the alleged extinction of the gens 
,potitia1     and the legend connected  
with it1 ,livy i4 #g1 ,festus #bcg4     
#ach ,see ,marquardt1                   
,privataltertuemer1 p4 #ef1 and note    
#f4      #aci ,there is1 ,i believe1 no 
doubt that the     etymological         
affinities of the word familia point to 
the idea of settlement and not that of  
kin2 e4g4 ,oscan     ,faama1 a house1   
and ,sanscrit dha1 to settle4      #adj 
,the exact meaning and origin of the    
word has been     much discussed4 ,it is
 tempting to connect it with pax1       
paciscor1 and make it a territory within
 whose bounds     there is pax2 see     

,rudorff1 ,gromatici veteres1 ii4       
#bci1 and ,nissen1 ,italische           
,landeskunde1 ii4 #h foll4      #ada    
,see ,rudorff1 ,grom4 vet4 ii4 #bcf     
foll42 ,mommsen1     ,staatsrecht1 iii4 
#aaf foll42 ,kornemann in ,klio1 vol4   
v4 7#aije7 p4 #hj foll42 ,greenidge1    
,roman ,public ,life1     p4 #a foll4   
#adb ,mommsen1 ,staatsrecht1 iii4 #bb   
foll42 ,kornemann1     l4c42 ,roby in   
,dict4 of ,antiquities1 s4v4            
,agrimetatio1 p4 #he4 ,the view that    
there was freehold     garden land      
attached to the homestead gains strength
     from a statement of ,pliny 7,n4,h4 
xix4 #ej7 that the word     used in the 
,,xii4 ,tables for villa1 which was the 
word in     classical times for the     
homestead1 was hortus1 a     garden1 and
 that this was heredium1 private        
property4     ,see ,mommsen1            
,staatsrecht1 iii4 #bc4 ,it would indeed
 be     strange if the house had no land
 immediately attached to     it2 we know
 that in the ,anglo-,saxon village      

community     the villani1 bordarii and 
cotagii1 had their garden     croft     
attached to their dwellings1 apart from 
such     strips as they might hold from 
the lord of the manor in     the open   
fields4 ,see ,vinogradoff1 ,villainage  
in     ,england1 p4 #adh4 ,for the      
centuriatus ager1 ,roby     l4c4 ,we    
have no direct knowledge of the system  
in the     earliest times1 but it is    
almost certain that it was              
old-,italian in outline1 and not        
introduced by the     ,etruscans1 as    
stated1 e4g41 by ,deecke-,mueller1      
,etrusker1 ii4 #abh4      #adc ,for     
,latium this is proved by the sepulchral
     hut-urns found at ,alba and also on
 the ,esquiline4 ,one of     these in   
the ,ashmolean ,museum at ,oxford shows 
the     construction well4 ,see article 
,domus in ,pauly-,wissowa1              
,real-,encyclopaedie2 ,helbig1 ,die     
,italiker in der     ,poebene1 p4 #ej   
foll4 ,later there was an opening in the
     roof4      #add ,von ,duhn in      

,journal of ,hellenic ,studies1 #ahif1  
p4 #abe foll41 and article ,domus in    
,pauly-,wissowa4      #ade ,this is     
,aust's admirable expression1 ,religion 
der     ,roemer1 p4 #bad4      #adf ,see
 the author's ,social ,life at ,rome in 
the ,age     of ,cicero1 p4 #bdb4       
#adg ,serv4 ,aen4 i4 #bgj2 ,marquardt1  
p4 #abf4      #adh ,ap4 ,gellium1 iv4   
#a4 #ag4 ,for the sacredness of     food
 and meals1 see below 7,lect4 ,,viii4 p4
 #agb74      #adi ,see a paper by the   
author in ,classical ,rev4 vol4     x4  
7#ahif7 p4 #cag1 and references there   
given4 ,cp4 the     passage of ,servius 
quoted above 7,aen4 i4 #gcj71 where a   
boy is described as announcing at the   
daily meal that     the gods were       
propitious4 ,for the purity necessary ,i
 may     refer to ,hor4 ,odes1 iii4 #bc 
ad fin41 ,immunis aram     si tetigit   
manus1 etc4      #aej ,primitive        
,culture1 i4 #cic4      #aea ,the       
feminine counterpart of ,genius was     
,juno1 of     which more will be said   

later on4 ,each woman had her     ,juno2
 but this other-soul has little         
importance as     compared with ,genius4
      #aeb ,see ,j4 ,b4 ,carter in      
,hastings' ,dict4 of ,religion     and  
,ethics1 i4 #dfb foll4 ,for ,genius in  
general1 ,birt in     ,myth4 ,lex4 s4v42
 ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 #aed foll42        
,stewart1 ,myths of ,plato1 p4 #dej1 for
 the connexion of     souls with        
ancestry4      #aec ,see the fifth of   
,plutarch's ,quaestiones ,romanae1      
and ,dr4 ,jevons' interesting comments  
in his edition of     ,phil4 ,holland's 
translation1 pp4 xxii4 and xxxv4 foll4  
,cp4 the throwing the fetters of a      
criminal out by the     roof of the     
,flamen's house4      #aed ,civ4 ,dei1  
vi4 #i4 ,these are deities of the       
,indigitamenta2 see below1 p4 #hd4      
#aee ,de ,marchi1 ,la ,religione1 etc4  
i4 #ahh foll42     ,marquardt1          
,privatleben der ,roemer1 p4 #ccf1 la   
porte     est la limite entre le monde  
etranger et le monde     domestique 7,a4

 van ,gennep1 ,rites de passage1 p4 #bf1
     where other illustrations are      
given74      #aef ,see below1 ,lect4    
,,xii4 p4 #bha4      #aeg ,wissowa1     
,r4,k4 p4 #if2 ,aust1 ,rel4 der ,roemer1
 p4     #aag2 ,roscher in ,myth4 ,lex4  
s4v4 ,janus2 ,j4 ,b4 ,carter1           
,religion of ,numa1 p4 #ac4 ,cp4 ,von   
,domaszewski in     ,archiv1 #aijg1 p4  
#ccg4      #aeh ,frazer1 ,lectures on   
the ,early ,history of     ,kingship1 p4
 #bhf foll42 ,a4 ,b4 ,cook in ,classical
     ,review1 #aijd1 p4 #cfg foll4      
#aei ,gromat4 vet4 i4 #cjb1 line #bj    
foll41 describes     the chapels1 but   
without mentioning the ,lares4 ,varro   
7,l4,l4 vi4 #be7 supplies the name3     
,compitalia dies     attributus ,laribus
 ,compitalibus2 ideo ubi viae competunt 
tum in competis sacrificatur4 ,cp4      
,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4     #adh4 ,but the  
nature of the land thus marked off is   
not     clear to me1 nor explained 7for 
primitive times7 by     ,wissowa in     
,real-,encycl41 s4vv4 ,compitum and     

,compitalia4      #afj ,enos ,lases     
juvate4 ,see ,henzen1 ,acta ,fratr4     
,arv4 p4 #bf foll4      #afa ,cato1     
,r4,r4 #e4 ,cp4 ,dion4 ,hal4 iv4 #ac4   
#b4 ,in ,cato     #adc the vilica is to 
put a wreath on the focus on            
,kalends1 ,nones and ,ides1 and to pray 
to the ,lar     familiaris pro copia 7at
 the compita874      #afb ,marquardt1   
,privatleben1 p4 #agb4      #afc ,the   
controversy about the ,lar may be read  
in the     ,archiv fuer                 
,religionswissenschaft1 #aijd1 p4 #db   
foll4     7,wissowa71 and #aijg1 p4 #cfh
 foll4 7,samter in reply74 ,de          
,marchi 7,la ,religione1 etc4 i4 #bh    
foll47 takes the same     view as       
,samter1 who originally stated it in his
     ,familienfesten1 p4 #aje foll41 in 
criticism of     ,wissowa's view4 ,see  
also a note by the author in the        
,archiv1 #aijf1 p4 #ebi4      #afd      
,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 #adh2 the details as
 to the     altar occur in ,gromatici   
vet4 i4 #cjb4 ,it was on this           

occasion that maniae and pilae were hung
 on the     house and compitum 7pro     
foribus1 ,macr4 i4 #g4 #ce72 see        
above1 p4 #fa4 ,for the religio ,larium1
 ,cic4 de ,legg41     ii4 #ai and #bg4  
,that the ,compitalia was an old ,latin 
festival is undoubted2 but as we are    
uncertain about the     exact nature of 
the earliest form of landholding1 we    
cannot be sure about the nature of the  
compita in remote     antiquity4 ,the   
passage from the ,gromatici             
7,dolabella71     quoted above1 refers  
to the fines templares of               
possessiones1 i4e4 the boundaries marked
 by these     chapels in estates of     
later times4 ,see ,rudorff in vol4      
ii4 p4 #bfc2 ,wissowa in                
,pauly-,wissowa1 s4v4 ,compitum4        
#afe ,varro1 ,l4,l4 vi4 #bf4 ,i have    
discussed this     passage in ,r4,f4 p4 
#bid2 it is still not clear to me       
whether ,varro is identifying his       
,paganicae with the     ,sementivae1 but
 on the whole ,i think he uses the      

latter     word of a city rite 7dies a  
pontificibus dictus71 and     the former
 of the country festivals of the same   
kind4      #aff ,fasti1 i4 #ffc4        
#afg ,cl4 ,rev41 #aijh1 p4 #cf foll4    
#afh ,georg4 i4 #cch foll4      #afi    
,see my discussion of ,faunus in ,r4,f4 
p4 #beh foll4     ,i am still unable to 
agree with ,wissowa in his view of      
,faunus 7,r4,k4 p4 #agb foll474 ,i may  
here mention a     passage of the       
gromatic writer ,dolabella 7,gromatici1 
i4 #cjb71 in which he says that there   
were three ,silvani     to each         
possessio or large estate of later      
times3 ,s4     domesticus1 possessioni  
consecratus3 alter agrestis1            
pastoribus consecratus3 tertius         
orientalis1 cui est in     confinio     
lucus positus1 a quo inter duo pluresque
 fines     oriuntur4 ,faunus never      
became domesticated1 but he     belongs 
to the same type as ,silvanus4 ,von     
,domaszewski1     in his recently       
published ,abhandlungen zur roem4       

,religion1 p4 #fa1 discredits the       
passage about the three     ,silvani1   
following a paper of ,mommsen4 ,but his 
whole     interesting discussion of     
,silvanus shows well how many           
different forms that curious semi-deity 
could take4      #agj ,odes1 iii4 #ah4  
#aga ,cic4 de ,inventione1 ii4 #afa4    
#agb pp4 #bcf-bhd4      #agc ,r4,f4     
#cbe1 condensed from ,siculus ,flaccus  
7,gromatici1 i4 #ada74      #agd ,fasti1
 ii4 #fda foll4      #age ,see1 e4g41   
,jevons1 ,introduction1 etc41 p4 #ach2  
,robertson ,smith1 ,semites1 p4 #cba4   
#agf ,see1 e4g41 ,tibullus ii4 #a4 #ee2 
,virg4 ,ecl4 vi4     #bb1 x4 #bg1 and   
,servius on both these passages4 ,pliny1
     ,n4,h4 xxxiii4 #aaa2 and cp4 below1
 p4 #agg4 ,for primitive     ideas about
 the colour red see ,jevons1 ,introd4   
pp4 #fg     and #ach2 ,samter1          
,familienfeste1 p4 #dg foll4 ,cp4 also  
the very interesting paper of von ,duhn 
in ,archiv1     #aijf1 p4 #a foll41 esp4
 p4 #bj3 ,es soll eben wirklich         

pulsierendes kraftvolles ,leben zum     
,ausdruck gebracht     werden4 ,his     
conclusions are based on the widespread 
custom of using red in funerals1        
coffins1 and for     colouring the dead 
man himself3 the idea being to give     
him a chance of new life--which is what 
he wants--red     standing for blood4   
#agg ,i am not sure that ,i am right in 
calling this     whitethorn4 ,for the   
qualities of the ,spina alba see        
,ovid1 ,fasti1 vi4 #abi and #afe1 ,sic  
fatus spinam1 quae     tristes pellere  
posset ,a foribus nexas1 haec erat alba1
     dedit4 ,in line #afe he calls it   
,virga ,janalis4 ,see     also ,festus1 
p4 #bhi1 and ,serv4 ad ,ecl4 viii4 #bi2 
,buecheler1 ,umbrica1 p4 #acf4      #agh
 ,the details are fully set forth in    
,marquardt1     ,roem4                  
,privataltertuemer1 p4 #eb foll4 ,the   
religious     character of confarreatio 
and its antiquity are fully             
recognised by ,westermarck1 ,history of 
,human ,marriage1     p4 #dbg4 ,some    

interesting parallels to the smearing of
     the doorposts from modern ,europe  
will be found collected     in ,samter1 
,familienfeste1 p4 #ha foll4 ,the       
authority     for the wolf's fat was    
,masurius ,sabinus1 quoted by           
,pliny1 ,n4,h4 xxviii4 #adb 7cp4 #aeg71 
who adds from the     same author1 ideo 
novas nuptas illo perungere postes      
solitas1 ne quid mali medicamenti       
inferretur4 ,the real     reason was1 no
 doubt1 that it was a charm against evil
     spirits1 not against poison2 but it
 is worth while to     quote here       
another passage of ,pliny 7xx4 #aja71   
where he     says that a squill hung in 
limine ianuae had the same     power1   
according to ,pythagoras4 ,some may see 
a     reminiscence of totemism in the   
wolf's fat3 in any case     the mention 
of the animal as obtainable is          
interesting4      #agi ,dieterich1      
,mutter ,erde1 p4 #f foll4 ,the idea is 
that the child comes from mother earth1 
and will     eventually return to her4  

#ahj ,for ,roman names ,marquardt1      
,privatleben1 p4 #g     foll41 and      
,mommsen1 ,forschungen1 i4 ,i foll41 are
 still     the most complete            
authorities4 ,for the importance of the 
name among wild and semi-civilised      
peoples1 ,frazer1     ,g4,b4 i4 #djc    
foll42 ,tylor1 ,primitive ,culture1 ii4 
#dcj     foll4 ,all these ceremonies of 
birth1 naming1 and     initiation       
7puberty7 have recently been included by
 ,m4     van ,gennep in what he calls   
,rites de passage 7see his     book with
 that title1 which appeared after these 
lectures were prepared1 especially      
chapters v4 and vi474     ,in all these 
ceremonies he traces more or less       
successfully a sequence of rites of     
separation 7i4e4     from a previous    
condition71 of margin1 where the ground 
is1 so to speak1 neutral1 and of        
aggregation1 when the     subject is    
introduced to a new state or condition  
of     existence4 ,if ,i understand him 
rightly1 he looks on this     as the    

proper and primitive explanation of all 
such     rites1 and denies that they    
need to be accounted for                
animistically1 i4e4 by assuming that    
riddance of evil     spirits1 or        
purification of any kind1 is the leading
     idea in them4 ,they are1 in fact1  
quasi-dramatic     celebrations of a    
process of going over from one status   
to another1 and may be found in         
connection with all the     experiences 
of man in a social state4 ,but the      
,roman     society1 of which ,i am      
describing the religious aspect1     had
 beyond doubt reached the animistic     
stage of thought1     and was in process
 of developing it into the theological  
stage2 hence these ceremonies are marked
 by sacrifices1     as marriage1 the    
dies lustricus 7see ,de ,marchi1 p4     
#afi1 and ,tertull4 de ,idol4 #af7 most 
probably1 and     puberty 7,r4,f4 p4    
#ef74 ,i do not fully understand how    
far van ,gennep considers sacrifice as  
marking a later     stage in the        

development of the ideas of a society on
     these matters 7see his note in     
criticism of ,oldenburg1     p4 #gh72   
but ,i see no good reason to abandon the
 words     purification and lustration1 
believing that even if he     is right  
in his explanation of the original      
performances1 these ideas had been in   
course of time     engrafted on them4   
#aha ,in historical times the toga pura 
was assumed     when the parents thought
 fit2 earlier there may have     been a 
fixed day 7,r4,f4 p4 #ef1 ,liberalia74  
,in any     case there was1 of course1  
no necessary correspondence     between 
social and physical puberty2 van        
,gennep1 p4 #ic     foll4      #ahb     
,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 #aia2 ,j4 ,b4       
,carter in ,hastings'     ,dict4 of     
,religion and ,ethics1 i4 #dfb foll42   
,dieterich1     ,mutter ,erde1 p4 #gg4  
,the whole question of the     so-called
 cult of the dead at ,rome calls for    
fresh     investigation in the light of 
ethnological and     archaeological     

research4 ,the recent work of ,mr4 ,j4  
,c4     ,lawson1 ,modern ,greek         
,folklore and ,ancient ,greek           
,religion1 seems to throw grave doubt on
 some of the     most important         
conclusions of ,rohde's ,psyche1 the    
work     which most writers on the ideas
 of the ,greeks and ,romans     have    
been content to follow4 ,mr4 ,lawson    
seems to me to     have proved that the 
object of both burial and cremation     
7which in both peninsulas are found     
together7 was to     secure dissolution 
for the substance of the body1 so       
that the soul might not be able to      
inhabit the body     again1 and the two 
together return to annoy the living     
7see especially chapters v4 and vi474   
,but his answer to     the inevitable   
question1 why in that case sustenance   
should be offered to the dead at the    
grave1 is less     satisfactory 7see pp4
 #eca1 #ech71 and ,i do not at present  
see how to co-ordinate it with ,roman   
usage4 ,but ,i find     hardly a trace  

of the belief that the dead had to be   
placated like the gods by sacrifice and 
prayer1 except     in ,aen4 iii4 #fc    
foll4 and v4 #gc foll4 ,in the first of 
these passages ,polydorus had not been  
properly buried1     as ,servius        
observes ad loc4 to explain the nature  
of     the offerings2 the second        
presents far more difficulties     than 
have as yet been fairly faced4      #ahc
 ,for recent researches about beans as  
tabooed by     the ,pythagoreans and    
believed to be the food of ghosts1      
see ,gruppe1 ,mythologische ,literatur1 
p4 #cgj 7,samter     and ,wuensch74 ,cp4
 ,r4,f41 p4 #aaj4      #ahd ,ov4 ,fasti1
 v4 #dba foll42 ,r4,f4 p4 #ajg4         
,,lecture ,v  ,,the ,,calendar ,,of     
,,numa   ,the religion of the household 
had two main characteristics4 ,first1 it
 was a perfectly natural and organic    
growth1 the result of the ,roman        
farmer's effective desire to put himself
 and his in right relations with the    
spiritual powers at work for good or ill

 around him4 ,his conception of these   
powers ,i shall deal with more fully in 
the next lecture2 but ,i have said      
enough to prove that it was not a       
degrading one4 ,the spirits of his house
 and his land and his own ,genius were  
friendly powers1 all of them of the     
greatest importance for his life and his
 work1 and their claims were attended to
 with regularity and devotion4 ,from    
,vesta and the ,penates1 the ,lar1 the  
,genius1 the ,manes1 and the spirits of 
the doorway and the spring1 there was   
nothing to fear if they were carefully  
propitiated2 and as his daily life and  
comfort depended on this propitiation1  
they were really divine members of the  
familia1 and might become1 and perhaps  
did become1 the objects of real         
affection as well as worship4 ,in this  
well-regulated practical life of the    
early agricultural settlers1 with its   
careful attention to the claims of its  
divine protectors1 we may perhaps see   
the germs of a real religious expression

 of human life4  ,secondly1 there was   
doubtless at the same time constant     
cause for anxiety4 ,beyond the house and
 the land there were unreclaimed spirits
 of the woodland which might force an   
entrance into the sacred limits of the  
house2 the ghosts of the dead members   
were constantly wishing to return2 the  
crops might be attacked by strange      
diseases1 by storms or drought1 and man 
himself was liable to seasonal disease  
or sudden pestilence4 ,the cattle and   
sheep might stray into the remote forest
 and become the prey of evil beasts1 if 
not of evil spirits4 ,how was the farmer
 to meet all these troubles1 caused1 as 
he supposed1 by spirits whose ways he   
did not understand8 ,how were they to be
 propitiated as they themselves would   
wish8 ,how were the omens to be         
interpreted from which their will might 
be guessed8 ,how were the proper times  
and seasons for each religious operation
 to be discovered8 ,if my imagination is
 not at fault1 ,i seem to see that the  

,latin farmer must have had to shift for
 himself in most of his dealings with   
the supernatural powers about him2      
religio1 the sense of awe and of        
dependence1 must have been constantly   
with him4 ,but even here we may see1 ,i 
think1 a possible germ of religious     
development2 for without this feeling of
 awe religious forms tend to become     
meaningless3 lull religio to sleep1 and 
the forms cease to represent effectively
 man's experience of life4 ,we have to  
see later on how this paralysis of the  
religious instinct did actually take    
place in early ,roman history4  ,for we 
now have to leave the religion of the   
household1 and to study that of the     
earliest form of the ,city-state4 ,we   
have enjoyed a glint of light reflected 
from later times on the religion of the 
early ,roman family1 and are about to   
enjoy another glint--nay1 a gleam of    
real light1 and not merely a reflected  
one--which the earliest religious       
document we possess casts on the        

religion of the ,city-state of ,rome4   
,between the two there is a long period 
of almost complete darkness4 ,we know   
hardly anything as yet1 and it is not   
likely that we shall ever know anything 
definite1 about the stages of           
development which must have been passed 
before ,rome became the so-called city  
of the ,four ,regions1 when her history 
may be said really to begin4 ,the pagus 
hardly helps us here2 it was not an     
essential advance on the family1 and its
 religion was comprehensive1 not        
intensive4 ,each pagus1 however1 seems  
to have had within its bounds an        
oppidum1 or stronghold on a hill2 and   
such oppida were the seven montes of    
early ,rome1 which1 with the pagi       
belonging to them1 survived in name to  
the end of the ,republic1 with some kind
 of a religious festival uniting them   
together1 about which we have hardly any
 knowledge4#ahe ,this looks like a stage
 in the process of change from farm to  
city1 and it has generally been believed

 to mark one4 ,unfortunately nothing to 
our purpose can be founded on it4 ,we   
must be content with the undoubted fact 
that about the eighth or seventh century
 ,b4,c4 the site of ,rome was occupied  
and strengthened as a bulwark against   
the ,etruscan people who were pressing  
down from the north upon the valley of  
the ,tiber2#ahf we may take it that the 
old central fortress of ,latium1 on the 
,alban hill1 was not in the right       
position for defence1 and that it was   
seen to be absolutely necessary to make 
a stronghold of the position offered by 
the hills which abut on the river twenty
 miles above its mouth--the only real   
position of defence for the ,latin      
settlements in its rear4 ,here an urbs  
was made with murus and pomoerium1 i4e4 
material and spiritual boundaries1      
taking in a space sufficient to hold the
 threatened rural population with their 
flocks and herds1 with the river in the 
front and a common citadel on the       
,capitoline hill1 and including the     

,palatine1 ,quirinal1 ,esquiline1       
,caelian and ,aventine hills1 though the
 last named remained technically outside
 the pomoerium4#ahg  ,it is to this city
 that our earliest religious document1  
the so-called ,calendar of ,numa1       
belongs4 ,that calendar includes the    
cult of ,quirinus on the hill which     
still bears his name1 and that hill was 
an integral part of the city as just    
described4 ,on the other hand1 it tells 
us nothing of the great cult of the     
trias on the ,capitoline--,jupiter1     
,juno1 ,minerva--which by universal     
tradition was instituted much later by  
the second ,tarquinius1 i4e4 under an   
,etruscan dynasty2 nor does ,diana      
appear in it1 the goddess who was       
brought from ,latium and settled on the 
,aventine before the end of the kingly  
period4 ,we have1 then1 a terminus ex   
quo for the date of the calendar in the 
inclusion in the city of the ,quirinal  
hill1 and a terminus ad quem in the     
foundation of the ,diana temple on the  

,aventine4#ahh ,we cannot date these    
events precisely2 but it is sufficient  
for our purpose if it be taken as proved
 that the ,fasti belong to the fully    
developed city1 and yet were drawn up   
before that conquest by the ,etruscans  
which we may regard as a certainty1 and 
which is marked by the foundations of   
,etruscan masonry which served to       
support the great ,capitoline temple4   
,and this is also borne out by the      
undoubted fact that the calendar itself 
shows no trace of ,etruscan influence4  
,but ,i must now go on to explain       
exactly what this calendar is4  ,the    
,fasti anni ,romani exist chiefly on    
stone as inscriptions1 and date from the
 ,early ,empire1 between #ca ,b4,c4 and 
,a4,d4 #ea4 ,they give us1 in fact1 the 
calendar as revised by ,caesar2 but no  
one now doubts that ,mommsen was right  
in detecting in these inscriptions the  
skeleton of the original calendar which 
the ,romans ascribed to ,numa4#ahi ,this
 is distinguished from later additions  

by the large capital letters in which it
 is written or inscribed in all the     
fragments we possess2 it gives us the   
days of the month with their religious  
characteristics as affecting state      
business1 the names of the religious    
festivals which concern the whole state1
 and the ,kalends1 ,nones1 and ,ides in 
each month4 ,excluding these last1 we   
have the names1 in a shortened form1 of 
forty-five festivals2 and these         
festivals1 thus placed by an absolutely 
certain record in their right place in  
each month and in the year1 must be the 
foundation of all scientific study of   
the religious practice of the ,roman    
state1 taken together with certain      
additions in smaller capitals1 and with 
such information about them as we can   
obtain from literary sources4#aij  ,the 
smaller capitals give us such entries as
 feriae ,iovi1 feriae ,saturno1 i4e4 the
 name of a deity to whom a festival was 
sacred1 the foundation days of temples1 
generally with the name of the deity in 

the dative and the position of the      
temple in the city1 and certain ludi and
 memorial days1 which belong to a much  
later age than the original festivals4  
,but the names of those which are       
inscribed in large letters bear witness 
beyond all question to their own        
antiquity2 for among them there is not  
one which has anything to do1 so far as 
we know1 with a non-,roman deity1 and we
 know that foreign deities began to     
arrive in ,rome before the end of the   
kingly period4 ,here1 then1 we have     
genuine information about the oldest    
religious doings of the ,city-state1 in 
what indeed is1 as ,mommsen said1 the   
most ancient source of our knowledge    
about ,roman antiquity generally4  ,the 
first point we notice in studying this  
calendar 7putting aside for the present 
the question as to the agency by which  
it was drawn up7 is this3 it exactly    
reflects a transition from the life of a
 rural population engaged in            
agriculture1 to the highly-organised    

political and military life of a        
,city-state4 ,in other words1 the       
,state1 whose religious needs and       
experience it reflects1 was one whose   
economic basis was agriculture1 whose   
life included legal and political       
business1 and whose activity in the     
season of arms was war4  ,this last     
characteristic is discernible chiefly1  
if not entirely1 in the months of ,march
 and ,october2 and the former of these  
bears the name of the great deity1 who1 
whatever may have been his origin or the
 earliest conception of him1 was        
throughout ,roman history the god of    
war4 ,all through ,march up to the #bcrd
 the ,salii1 the warlike priests of     
,mars1 were active1 dancing and singing 
those hymns of which an obscure fragment
 has come down to us1 and clashing and  
brandishing the sacred spears and       
shields of the god 7ancilia74#aia ,on   
the #aith these ancilia were            
lustrated--a process to which ,i shall  
recur in another lecture2 and on the    

#bcrd we find in the calendar the       
festival ,tubilustrium1 which suggests  
the lustration of the trumpets of the   
host before it took the field4 ,on the  
#adth of ,march1#aib and also on the    
#bgth of ,february1 we find ,equirria in
 the calendar1 which must be understood 
as lustrations of the horses of the     
host1 accompanied with races4 ,if we may
 take the ancilia as symbolising the    
arms of the host1 we see in the         
festivals of this month a complete      
religious process preparing the material
 of war for the perils inevitably to be 
met with beyond the ager ,romanus1      
whether from human or spiritual enemies2
 and that the warriors themselves were  
subjected to a process of the same kind 
we know from the historical evidence of 
later times4#aic ,now in ,october1 when 
the season of arms was over1 we find    
indications of a parallel process1 which
 ,wissowa was the first to point out    
clearly1 but without fully recognising  
its religious import4#aid ,it was not so

 much thanksgiving 7,dankfest7 after a  
campaign that was necessary on the      
return of the army1 as purification 7or 
disinfection7 from the taint of         
bloodshed1 and from contact with strange
 beings human and spiritual4#aie ,on    
,october #ae1 the ,ides1 there was a    
horse-race in the ,campus ,martius1 with
 a sacrifice of the winning horse to    
,mars with peculiar primitive ritual2   
this1 however1 for some reason which ,i 
shall presently try to discover1 was not
 embodied in the calendar under any     
special name4 ,on the #aith1 however1 we
 find the entry ,,armilustrium1 which   
tells its own tale4 ,the ,salii1 too1   
were active again in these days of      
,october1 and on the day of the         
,armilustrium1 as it would seem1 put    
their shields away 7condere7 in their   
sacrarium until the ,march following4   
,as ,wissowa says1 the ritual of the    
,salii is thus a symbolic copy of the   
procedure of war4#aif ,from these       
indications in the calendar1 helped out 

by information drawn from the later     
entries and from literary evidence1 we  
see quite plainly that we are dealing   
with the religion of a state which for  
half the year is liable to be engaged in
 war4 ,rome was1 in fact1 a frontier    
fortress on the ,tiber against ,etruscan
 enemies2 she is destined henceforward  
to be continually in arms1 and she has  
already expressed this great fact in her
 religious calendar4  ,the legal and    
political significance of the calendar  
consists in the division of the days of 
the year into two great groups1 dies    
fasti and nefasti3 the former are those 
on which it is fas1 i4e4 religiously    
permissible1 to transact civil business1
 the latter those on which it would be  
nefas to do so1 i4e4 sacrilege1 because 
they are given over to the gods4 ,we    
need not1 indeed1 assume that these     
marks ,f and ,n descend in every case   
from the very earliest times into the   
pre-,julian calendar1 or that the few   
days which have other marks stood       

originally as we find them2 but of the  
primitive character of the main division
 we can have no doubt4 ,in the calendar 
as we have it #aji days belong to the   
divine1 #bce to the human inhabitants of
 the city4 ,all but two of the former   
are days of odd numbers in the month1   
and it is reasonable to suppose that    
these two exceptions were later         
alterations4 ,the belief that odd       
numbers are lucky is a very             
widely-spread superstition1 and we do   
not need to have recourse to ,pythagoras
 to explain it2 in this rule1 as in     
others1 e4g4 their taboo on eating      
beans1 the ,pythagoreans were only      
following a native prejudice of southern
 ,italy4 ,the idea of luck in odd       
numbers1 says ,mr4 ,crooke1#aig writing 
of the ,hindus1 is universal4 ,thus the 
simpler odd numbers1 three1 five1 seven1
 and nine1 all recur constantly in      
folklore2 and the result is visible in  
this calendar4 ,where a festival        
occupies more than one day in a month1  

there is an interval between the two of 
one or three days1 making the whole     
number three or five4 ,thus ,carmentalia
 occur on #aath and #aeth ,january1 and 
the ,lemuria in ,may are on the #ith1   
#aath1 and #acth2 the ,lucaria in ,july 
on #aith and #bast4 ,in some months1    
too1 e4g4 ,august and ,december1 perhaps
 also ,july and ,february1 there seem to
 be traces of an arrangement by which   
festivals which probably had some       
connection with each other are thus     
arranged2 e4g4 in ,august six festivals1
 all concerned in some way with the     
fruits of the earth and the harvest1    
occur on the #agth1 #aith1 #bast1 #bcrd1
 #beth1 and #bgth4 ,it has recently been
 suggested#aih that these are arranged  
round one central festival1 which gives 
a kind of colouring to the others1 as   
the ,volcanalia in ,august1 the         
,saturnalia in ,december4 ,but the      
reasons von ,domaszewski gives for the  
arrangement1 and the further speculation
 that where it does not occur we may    

find traces of an older system1 as yet  
unaffected by the so-called ,pythagorean
 prejudice1 do not seem to me           
satisfactory4 ,we may be content with   
the general principle as ,i have stated 
it1 and note that while religious duties
 must be performed on days of odd       
number1 civil duties were not so        
restricted3 the days belonging to the   
gods1 which were1 so to speak1 taboo    
days1 were more important than those    
belonging to men4 ,there are1 as ,i have
 said1 but two days marked in the large 
letters as festivals1 which are on days 
of even number1 #bdth ,february and     
#adth ,march1 the ,regifugium and the   
second ,equirria2 and about these we    
know so little that it is almost useless
 to speculate as to the reason for their
 exception from the rule4 ,two others1  
#bdth ,march and #bdth ,may1 were partly
 the property of the gods and partly of 
men1 and are marked ,,qrcf 7quando rex  
comitiavit fas72 but the sense in which 
they partially belonged to the gods is  

not the same as in the case of          
sacrificial festivals4  ,this calendar  
thus shows obvious signs of both        
military and political development2 in  
other words1 its witness to the         
religious experience of the ,romans     
proves that they had successfully       
adjusted the forms and seasons of their 
worship to the processes of government  
at home and of military service in the  
field4 ,but the most conspicuous feature
 in it is the testimony it bears to the 
agricultural habits of the people--to   
the fact that agriculture and not trade1
 of which there is hardly a trace1 was  
the economic basis of their life4 ,at   
the time when it was drawn up1 the      
,romans must have been able to subsist  
upon the ager ,romanus1 though1 as we   
shall see later on1 it was probably not 
long before they began commercial       
relations with other peoples2 for their 
food1 which was almost entirely         
vegetarian1 and their clothing1 which   
was entirely of wool and leather1#aii   

they depended on their crops1 flocks1   
and herds2 and the perils to which these
 were liable remain for the ,state1 as  
for the farming household1 the main     
subject of the propitiation of the gods1
 the main object of their endeavours to 
keep themselves in right relation with  
the ,power manifest in the universe4    
,we can trace the series of agricultural
 operations in the calendar without much
 difficulty all through the year4 ,the  
,roman year1 we must remember1 began    
with ,march1 and ,march1 as we have     
seen1 had under the military necessities
 of the ,state become peculiarly        
appropriated to the religious           
preparation of the burgher host for     
warlike activity4 ,but the festivals of 
,april1 when crops were growing1 cattle 
bringing forth young or seeking summer  
pasture1 all have direct reference to   
the work of agriculture4#bjj ,at the    
,fordicidia1 on the #aeth1 pregnant cows
 were sacrificed to the ,earth-goddess1 
and their unborn calves burnt1          

apparently with the object of procuring 
the fertility of the corn2 and the      
,cerealia on the #aith1 to judge by the 
name1 must have had an object of the    
same kind1 though the supersession of   
,ceres by the ,greek ,demeter had       
obscured this in historical times4 ,the 
,parilia on the #aith1 recently         
illuminated by ,dr4 ,frazer1#bja was a  
lustration of the cattle and sheep      
before they left their winter pasture to
 encounter the dangers of wilder hill or
 woodland1 and may be compared with the 
lustratio of the host before a campaign4
 ,on the #bcrd the ,vinalia tells its   
own tale1 and shows that the cultivation
 of the vine was already a part of the  
agricultural work4 ,on the #beth the    
spirit of the red mildew1 ,robigus1 was 
the object of propitiation1 at the time 
when the ear was beginning to be formed 
in the corn1 and was particularly liable
 to attack from this pest4  ,the        
religious precautions thus taken in     
,april were not renewed in ,may2 but at 

the end of that month of ripening the   
whole of the ager ,romanus was lustrated
 by the ,fratres ,arvales4 ,this        
important rite1 for some reason which we
 cannot be sure of1 was a movable feast1
 left to the discretion of the brethren1
 and therefore does not appear in the   
calendar4 ,in ,june the sacred character
 of the new crops1 now approaching their
 harvest1 becomes apparent2 the penus   
,vestae1 the symbolic receptacle of the 
grain-store of the ,state1 after        
remaining open from the #gth to the     
#aeth1 was closed on that day for the   
rest of the year1 after being carefully 
cleansed3 the refuse was religiously    
deposited in a particular spot4 ,thus   
all was made ready for the reception of 
the new grain1 which1 as is now well    
known1 has a sacred character among     
primitive peoples1 and must be stored   
and eaten with precaution4#bjb ,this was
 the chief religious work of ,june2 in  
,july1 the month when the harvest was   
actually going on1 the festivals are too

 obscure to delay us2 they seem to have 
some reference to water1 rain1 storms1  
but it is not clear to me whether the   
object was to avert stormy weather      
during the cutting of the crops1 or1 on 
the other hand1 to avert a drought in   
the hottest time of the year4 ,the true 
harvest festivals begin in ,august2 the 
,consualia on #bast and ,opiconsiva on  
#beth both seem to suggest the operation
 of storing up 7condere7 the grain1 and 
between them we find the ,volcanalia1 of
 which the object was perhaps to        
propitiate the fire-spirit at a time    
when the heat of the sun might be       
dangerous to the freshly-gathered crops4
  ,after the crops were once harvested1 
ploughing and sowing chiefly occupied   
the farming community until ,december2  
and as these operations were not        
accompanied by the same perils which    
beset the agriculturist in spring and   
summer1 they have left no trace in the  
calendar4 ,special religious action was 
not necessary on their behalf4 ,it is   

not till the autumn sowing was over1 and
 the workers could rest from their      
labours1 that we find another set of    
festivals1 of which the centre-point is 
the ,saturnalia on the #agth1 ,saturnus 
being the deity1 ,i think1 both of the  
operation of sowing and of the sown     
seed1 now reposing in the bosom of      
mother earth4#bjc ,a second ,consualia  
on the #aeth1 and the ,opalia on the    
#aith1 like the corresponding ,august   
festivals1 seem to be concerned with the
 housed grain harvested in the previous 
,august2 ,i am disposed to think that in
 all three we should see not only the   
natural rejoicing after the labours of  
the autumn1 but the opening of the      
granaries and1 perhaps1 the first eating
 of the grain4 ,for on the ,saturnalia  
there was a sacrifice at ,saturnus'     
altar1 followed by a feast1 which was   
afterwards ,graecised1 but doubtless    
originally represented the primitive    
feasting of the farm1 in which the whole
 familia took part4 ,this brings us     

practically to the end of the           
agricultural year as represented in the 
calendar2 for spring sowing was         
exceptional1 the joyful feasts of pagus 
and compitum are not to be found in our 
document1 and the month of ,february is 
specially occupied with the care and    
cult of the dead 7,manes74  ,at this    
point ,i wish to notice one or two      
results of the adoption of a religious  
calendar such as ,i have been           
describing1 which are more to the       
purpose of these lectures than some of  
the details ,i have had to point out4   
,first1 let us remember that            
agricultural operations necessarily vary
 in date according to the season1 and   
that most of the rural festivals of     
ancient ,italy were not fixed to a      
particular day1 but were feriae         
conceptivae1 settled perhaps according  
to the decision of some meeting of heads
 of families or officers of a pagus4    
,that this was so we may conjecture from
 the fact that those which survived into

 historical times1 e4g4 ,compitalia and 
,paganalia1 and were celebrated in the  
city1 though not as sacra pro           
populo1#bjd were of varying date4 ,but  
all the festivals of the calendar were  
necessarily fixed1 and the days on which
 they were held were made over to the   
gods4 ,now by being thus fixed they     
would soon begin to get out of relation 
to agricultural life2 just as1 if the   
harvest festivals of our churches were  
fixed to one day throughout the country1
 the meaning of the religious service   
would sooner or later begin to lose     
something of its force4 ,and how much   
the more would this be so if the        
calendar itself1 from ignorance or      
mismanagement1 began to get out of      
relation with the true season1 as in    
course of time was frequently the case8 
,when once under such circumstances the 
meaning of a religious rite is lost1    
where is its psychological efficacy8 ,in
 the life of the old ,latin farmer1 as  
we saw1 his religion was a reality1 an  

organic growth1 coincident at every     
point with the perils he encountered in 
his daily toil2 here1 in the            
,city-state1 it must from the beginning 
have had a tendency to become an        
unreality1 and it ended by becoming one 
entirely4 ,some of the old rites may    
have attached new meanings to           
themselves2 it is possible1 for example1
 that beneath the military rites of     
,march there was an original            
agricultural significance2 the          
,saturnalia became a merry mid-winter   
festival for a town population4 ,but a  
great number wholly lost meaning1 and   
were so forgotten or neglected in course
 of time that even learned men like     
,varro do not seem to have been able to 
explain them4 ,the only practical       
question about them for the later       
,romans was whether their days were dies
 fasti or nefasti or comitiales1--what  
work might or might not be done on them4
  ,another point1 closely connected with
 the last1 and tending in the same      

direction1 is that such a calendar as   
this implies rigidity and routine in    
religious duties4 ,a well-ordered city  
life under a strong government must1 of 
course1 be subject to routine2 law1     
religious or civil1 written or          
unwritten1 forces the individual into   
certain stereotyped ways of life1       
subjects him to a certain amount of     
wholesome discipline4 ,the value of such
 routine to an undisciplined people has 
been well pointed out by ,bishop        
,stubbs1 in writing of the effect of the
 rule of the ,norman and ,angevin kings 
on the ,english people1#bje where it was
 also a religious as well as a legal    
discipline that was at work4 ,in neither
 case was it the ignorant and           
superstitious routine of savage life1   
which of late years we have had to      
substitute for old fancies about the    
freedom of the savage2 it is the willing
 obedience of civilised man for his own 
benefit4 ,but if it means a routine of  
religious rites which are beginning to  

lose their meaning2 if the relation     
between them and man's life and work is 
lost2 and lastly1 if1 as was probably   
the case1 the ,fasti were not published1
 but remained in the hands of a         
priesthood or an aristocracy1#bjf--then 
there is serious loss as well as gain4  
,you begin sooner or later to cease to  
feel your dependence on the divine      
beings around you for your daily bread1 
to get out of right relation with the   
,power manifesting itself in the        
universe4  ,but1 in the third place1 we 
must believe that at first1 and indeed  
perhaps for ages1 this very routine had 
an important psychological result in    
producing increased comfort1            
convenience1 and confidence in the      
,roman's relations with the divine      
inhabitants of his city4 ,a certain     
number of deities have taken up their   
abode within the walls of the city1 and 
are as much its inhabitants1 its        
citizens1 as the human beings who live  
there2 and all the relations between the

 divine and human citizens are regulated
 now by law1 by a ius divinum1 of which 
the calendar is a very important part4  
,religio1 the old feeling of doubt and  
scruple1 arising from want of knowledge 
in the individual1 is still there2 it   
is1 in fact1 the feeling which has given
 rise to all this organisation and      
routine1 the cura and caerimonia1 as    
,cicero phrases it4 ,but it must be     
already losing its strength1 its life2  
it was1 so to speak1 a constitutional   
weakness1 and the ius divinum is already
 beginning to act on it as a tonic4     
,doubt has passed into fixed usage1     
tradition has given place to            
organisation4 ,time1 place1 procedure in
 all religious matters1 are guaranteed  
by those skilled in the ius divinum2    
they know what to do as the festival of 
each deity comes round1 and at the right
 time and place they do it with         
scrupulous attention to every detail4   
,thus the organisation of which the     
calendar is our best example would have 

as its first result the destruction of  
fear and doubt in the mind of the       
ordinary ,roman2 it would tend to kill1 
or at least to put to sleep1 the religio
 which was the original motive cause of 
this very organisation4 ,as the ,state  
in our own day has a tendency to relieve
 families of such duties as the care and
 education of children1 so the ,state at
 ,rome relieved the family of constant  
anxiety about matters in which they were
 ever in danger from the spirit-world4  
,the ,state and its authorities have    
taken the whole responsibility of       
adjusting the relations of the human and
 divine citizens4#bjg  ,entirely in     
keeping with this psychological result  
of the calendar is the fact1 to which ,i
 have already alluded1 that it supplies 
us with hardly any evidence of the      
existence of magic1 or of those beastly 
devices of the heathen which may roughly
 be included under that word2 to use the
 language of ,mr4 ,lang1 we find none of
 those distressing vestiges of savagery 

and barbarism which meet us in the      
society of ancient ,greece4 ,it is true 
enough that we do not know much about   
what was done at the various festivals  
of the calendar1 but what we do know1   
with one or two exceptions1 suggests an 
idea of worship as clean and rational as
 that of the ,homeric poems1 which      
stands in such striking contrast to that
 reflected in later ,greek              
literature4#bjh ,when we do read of any 
kind of grossness in worship or the     
accompanying festivities1 it is almost  
always in the case of some rite which is
 not among those in the ,fasti4 ,such   
was the old festival of ,anna ,perenna  
in ,march1 where the plebs in ,ovid's   
time spent the day in revelry and       
drinking1 and prayed for as many years  
of life as they could drink cups of     
wine4 ,such again was that of the       
,october horse1 when after a            
chariot-race in the ,campus the near    
horse of the winning team was           
sacrificed1 and his tail carried in hot 

haste to the ,regia1 where the blood was
 allowed to drip on the sacred hearth2  
while the head was the object of a fight
 between the men of the ,via ,sacra and 
those of the ,subura4#bji ,we may       
perhaps include in the list the ritual  
of the ,argei1 if it was indeed1 as ,i  
believe1 of great antiquity2#baj on ,may
 #ae1 as we have seen1 twenty-seven     
puppets of reeds or straw were thrown   
into the ,tiber from the pons sublicius1
 possibly with the object of procuring  
rain for the growing crops4 ,let us also
 note that dies religiosi were not      
marked in the ,fasti1 i4e4 days on which
 some uncomfortable feeling prevailed1  
such as the three days on which the     
mundus was open to allow the ,manes to  
come up from their shadowy abode below  
the earth2 with the character of such   
days as uncanny the calendar has simply 
nothing to do4 ,it is a document of     
religious law1 not of superstitio1 a    
word which in ,roman usage almost       
invariably means what is outside that   

religious law1 outside the ius divinum2 
and it is a document of religio only so 
far as it is meant to organise and carry
 out the cura and caerimonia1 the       
natural results of that feeling which   
the ,romans called religio4 ,it stands  
on exactly the same footing as the ,law 
of the ,israelites1 which supplied them 
in full detail with the cura and        
caerimonia1 and rigidly excluded all    
foreign and barbarous rites and         
superstitions4  ,i do not1 of course1   
mean to say that the ,state did not     
recognise or allow the festivals which  
are not marked in the calendar2 the     
pontifices and ,vestals were present at 
the ceremony of the ,argei1 and the     
,regia was the scene of a part of that  
of the ,october horse4 ,but those who   
drew up the calendar as the fundamental 
charter of the ius divinum must have had
 their reasons for the selection of     
forty-five days as made over to the     
deities who were specially concerned    
with the ,state's welfare4 ,and on these

 days1 so far as we know1 there was a   
regular ordered routine of sacrifice and
 prayer1 with but little trace of the   
barbarous or grotesque4 ,the ritual of  
the ,lupercalia is almost a solitary    
exception4 ,the ,luperci had their      
foreheads smeared with the blood of the 
victims1 which were goats1 and then this
 was wiped off with wool dipped in milk2
 after this they were obliged to laugh1 
probably as a sign that the god 7whoever
 he was7 was in them1 or that they were 
identified with him4#baa ,they then girt
 themselves with the skins of the       
victims and ran round the ancient       
pomoerium1 striking at any women they   
met with strips of the same victims in  
order to produce fertility4 ,this was   
perhaps a rite taken over from          
aboriginal settlers on the ,palatine1   
and so intimately connected with that   
hill that it could not be omitted from  
the calendar4 ,the ritual of the three  
days of ,lemuria in ,may1 when ghosts   
were expelled from the house1 as ,ovid  

describes the process1 by means of      
beans1#bab seems also to have been a    
reminiscence of ideas about the dead    
more primitive than those which took    
effect in the more cheerful ,parentalia 
of ,february3 here again we may perhaps 
see a concession to the popular         
tradition and prejudice of a primitive  
population4 ,on the other hand1 the     
revelry of the ,saturnalia in ,december1
 of which ,dr4 ,frazer has made so much 
in the second edition of the ,golden    
,bough1#bac is nothing more than the    
licence of the population of a great    
cosmopolitan city1 an out-growth1 under 
,greek influence1 from the rude winter  
rejoicings of the farmer and his        
familia2 and for his conjecture that a  
human victim was sacrificed on this     
occasion in ancient ,rome there is      
simply no evidence whatever4 ,there is1 
indeed1 not a trace of human sacrifice  
at ,rome so long as the ius divinum was 
the supreme religious law of the ,state2
 in the whole ,roman literature of the  

,republic hardly anything of the kind is
 alluded to2#bad it is only when we come
 to an age when the taste for bloodshed 
was encouraged by the shows of the      
amphitheatre1 and when the blood-loving 
religions of the ,east were pressing in1
 that we hear of human sacrifice1 and   
then only from ,christian writers1 who  
would naturally seize on anything that  
came to hand to hold up paganism to     
derision1 without inquiring into the    
truth or the history of the alleged     
practice4#bae  ,thus we may take it as  
highly probable that those who drew up  
the calendar had the deliberate         
intention of excluding from the ,state  
ritual1 as far as was possible1         
everything in the nature of barbarism   
and magic4 ,for the religious purposes  
of a people occupied in agriculture and 
war1 and already beginning to develop   
some idea of law and order1 there was no
 need of any religious rites except such
 as would serve1 in decency and order1  
to propitiate the deities concerned with

 the fertilisation of man1 beast1 and   
crop1 and with the safety and efficacy  
of the host in its struggle with the    
enemies of the city4 ,the ,roman people 
grew up1 in their city life as in the   
life of the family1 in self-restraint1  
dignity1 and good order1 confident in   
the course of cura and caerimonia1      
itself decent and stately1 if soulless1 
which the religious authorities had     
drawn up for them4  ,we should naturally
 like to know something about those     
authorities1 who thus placed the        
religion of the ,state on a             
comparatively high level of ritualistic 
decency1 if not of theological subtlety4
 ,the ,romans themselves attributed the 
work to a priest-king1 ,numa ,pompilius1
 and probably their instinct was a right
 one4 ,names matter little in such      
matters2 but there is surely something  
in the universal ,roman tradition of a  
great religious legislator1 something   
too1 it may be1 in the tradition that he
 was a ,sabine1 a representative of the 

community on the ,quirinal which had    
been embodied in the ,roman city before 
the calendar was drawn up1 and of the   
sturdy1 serious stock of central ,italy1
 which retained its virtus longer than  
any other ,italian people4#baf ,we are  
quite in the dark as to all this1 unless
 we can put any kind of confidence in   
the traditional belief of the ,romans   
themselves4 ,but there is one point on  
which ,i should like to make a          
suggestion--a new one so far as ,i know4
 ,numa was said to have been the first  
,flamen ,dialis2 but that is absolutely 
impossible1 for the ancient taboos on   
that priesthood would have made it      
impossible for him to become supreme    
legislator4 ,evidently this ,flamen1 who
 could hardly leave his own house1 might
 never leave the city1 and was at every 
turn hedged in by restrictions on his   
activity1 was a survival of those       
magician-kings who make rain and do     
other useful things1 but would lose     
their power if they were exposed to     

certain contingencies2 the number of    
possible contingencies increases till   
the unfortunate owner of the powers     
becomes powerless by virtue of the care 
so painfully taken of him4#bag ,the     
priest of ,jupiter and his taboos carry 
us back1 beyond a doubt1 into the       
far-away dim history of primitive       
,latium4 ,by the time the eternal city  
was founded on the ,tiber1 he must have 
been already practically obsolete4 ,my  
suggestion is that he is the            
representative in the ,roman religious  
system of another and more primitive    
system which existed in ,latium1        
probably at ,alba1 where ,jupiter was   
worshipped on the mountain from time    
immemorial4 ,when the strength of       
,latium was concentrated at the best    
strategical point on the ,tiber1 the    
priest of ,jupiter was transferred to   
the new city1 because he was too        
precious to be left behind1 though even 
then a relic of antiquity4 ,there he    
became what he was throughout ,roman    

history1 a practically useless          
personage1 about whom certain sacred    
traditions had gathered1 but placed in  
complete subjection to the new legal and
 religious king1 and afterwards to the  
,pontifex maximus4#bah  ,if there be any
 truth in this--and ,i believe it to be 
a legitimate inference from the legal   
position of this ,flamen1 and his       
permanent state of taboo--then ,i think 
we may see a great religious change in  
the era of the calendar of ,numa4       
,inspired with new ideas of the duty and
 destiny of the new city of the four    
regions1 a priest-king1 doubtless with  
the help and advice of a council1       
according to the true ,roman fashion1   
put an end for ever to the reign of the 
old magician-kingship1 but preserved the
 magician-king as a being still capable 
of wonder-working in the eyes of the    
people4 ,as religious law displaced     
magic in the ,state ritual1 so the new  
kings1 with their collegia of legal     
priests1 pontifices and augurs1         

neutralised and gradually destroyed the 
prestige of the effete survivor of an   
age of barbarism4       ,,notes ,,to    
,,lecture ,v4      #ahe ,kornemann1 op4 
cit4 p4 #hg2 ,wissowa1 ,gesammelte      
,abhandlungen1 p4 #bcj foll42 ,mommsen1 
,staatsrecht1     iii4 p4 #gij1 note #a4
 ,for the festival of the               
,septimontium1 ,varro1 ,l4,l4 vi4 #bd2  
,plutarch1 ,quaest4     ,rom4 #fi2      
,fowler1 ,r4,f4 p4 #bfe foll4 ,this     
festival does     not appear in the     
calendar1 as not being feriae populi1   
sed montanorum modo 7,varro1 l4c474     
,there are some     interesting remarks 
on the relation between agricultural    
life and the origin of towns in von     
,jhering's ,evolution     of the ,aryan 
7,eng4 trans471 p4 #hf foll41 with      
special     reference to ,rome4         
#ahf ,von ,duhn in ,j4,h4,s4 xvi4 #abf  
foll4 ,the latest     research 7,korte  
in ,pauly-,wissowa1 s4v4 ,etrusker1 p4  
#gdg7 concludes that the arrival of the 
,etruscans on the     west coast of     

,italy cannot be safely put earlier than
     the eighth century4      #ahg      
,huelsen-,jordan1 ,rom4 ,topogr4 iii4   
#aec4 ,in a brief     but masterly paper
 in the publications of the ,american   
,school at ,rome1 #aijh1 p4 #agc foll41 
,j4 ,b4 ,carter deals     with the whole
 problem of the pomoerium and the       
pre-,servian city4      #ahh ,wissowa1  
,r4,k4 p4 #bg4      #ahi ,in ,c4,i4,l4  
i4#b1 p4 #big foll4 ,see ,r4,f4 p4 #ad  
foll4      #aij ,see the ,fasti in      
,r4,f4 p4 #ba foll42 or in     ,wissowa1
 ,r4,k41 at end of the book4      #aia  
,r4,f4 p4 #ch foll4 ,marindin's article 
,salii1     ,dict4 of ,antiqq41 is very 
useful and sensible4 ,there     is      
little doubt that the dress and armour  
of the ,salii     represented that of   
the primitive ,latin warrior1           
calculated to frighten away evil spirits
 as well as     enemies1 and that their 
dances in procession had some     object
 of this kind4 ,it is noticeable that   
there were     two gilds or collegia of 

them belonging to the ,palatine     and 
,quirinal cities respectively2 and they 
are also     found at ,tibur1 ,alba1    
,lanuvium1 and other ,latin cities4     
#aib ,or #aeth 7,ides71 according to the
 conjecture of     ,wissowa2 see ,r4,f4 
p4 #dd and ,r4,k4 p4 #aca4 ,it is       
almost incredible that this should      
originally have been     on a day of    
even number1 contrary to the universal  
rule     of the ,fasti4      #aic ,see  
below1 p4 #bab foll41 for further       
consideration     of this so-called     
purification4      #aid ,r4,k4 p4 #aca4 
#aie ,see below1 p4 #bag4      #aif     
,r4,k4 p4 #aca4      #aig ,popular      
,religion and ,folklore of ,india1 ii4  
#ea4     ,for the sacredness of the     
number three and its     multiples1 see 
,diels1 ,sibyllinische ,blaetter1 p4 #dj
     foll42 but he limits it too much to
 chthonic religious     ritual4 ,see    
also ,h4 ,usener1 ,dreizahl1 in         
,rheinisches     ,museum1 vol4 #eh1 pp4 
#a foll41 #afa foll41 and #cba foll4    

,there is a summary of the results of   
these papers in     ,gruppe's           
,mythologische ,literatur1 #ahih-aije1  
p4 #cfj     foll4 ,i may also refer to  
my friend ,prof4 ,goudy's very          
interesting ,trichotomy in ,roman ,law  
7,oxford1 #aiaj71 p4     #h foll4       
#aih ,by von ,domaszewski in ,archiv for
 #aijg1 p4 #ccc     foll4 ,the learned  
author's reasoning is often based on    
mere hypotheses as to the meaning of the
 festivals or     the gods concerned in 
them1 and his ideas as to the           
agricultural features of the months     
,july1 ,august1     ,december seem to me
 doubtful2 but the paper is one that    
all students of the calendar must reckon
 with4      #aii ,marquardt1            
,privatleben1 pp4 #dei and #efi foll4   
#bjj ,for the festivals mentioned in the
 following     paragraphs see ,r4,f41   
s4v41 and ,wissowa1 ,r4,k41     section 
#fc4      #bja ,st4 ,george and the     
,parilia1 in ,revue des etudes          
ethnographiques et sociologiques for    

,jan4 #aijh4 ,i owe     my knowledge of 
this admirable study to the kindness of 
its author4      #bjb ,frazer1 ,g4,b4   
ii4 #cah foll4      #bjc ,varro1 ,l4,l4 
v4 #fd1 says1 ,ab satu dictus           
,saturnus4 ,and in ,augustine 7,civ4    
,dei1 vi4 #h7 he is     quoted as       
holding the opinion quod pertineat      
,saturnus     ad semina1 quae in terram 
de qua oriuntur iterum     recidunt4 ,he
 was probably the numen of the          
seed-sowing 7,saeturnus71 and as his    
festival comes     after the end of     
sowing1 we may presume that he was the  
numen of the sown as well as of the     
unsown seed4 ,in     the article        
,saturnus in ,roscher's ,lexicon1 which 
has     appeared since the above note   
was written1 ,wissowa     provisionally 
accepts ,varro's etymology4      #bjd   
,festus1 p4 #bde;a1 ,publica sacra quae 
publico     sumptu pro populo fiunt1    
quaeque pro montibus1 pagis1     curiis1
 sacellis4 ,see article ,sacra in ,dict4
 of     ,antiqq4 ii4 #egg4      #bje    

,routine is the only safeguard of a     
people under a     perfect autocracy    
7,select ,charters1 ,introduction1 p4   
#ai74      #bjf ,the annalists believed 
that the publication first     took     
place in the year #cjd ,b4,c43 ,livy ix4
 #df4 ,mommsen     7,chronologie1 p4    
#ca7 thought it possible that it had    
already been done by the ,decemvirs in  
one of the two     last of the ,,xii4   
,tables1 but again withdrawn4 ,the      
object     of keeping the ,fasti secret 
was1 of course1 to control     the times
 available for legal and political      
business4      #bjg ,this paragraph is  
abridged from a passage in the          
author's paper in the ,hibbert ,journal 
for #aijg1 p4     #hdh4      #bjh ,see  
,anthropology and the ,classics         
7,oxford1     #aijh71 p4 #dd4      #bji 
,r4,f4 p4 #bda foll4      #baj ,wissowa 
holds that it dates from the third      
century     ,b4,c43 ,pauly-,wissowa1    
,real-,encycl41 s4v4 ,argei4 ,i         
endeavoured to refute this view in the  

,classical     ,review for #aijb1 p4    
#aae foll41 and ,dr4 ,wissowa           
criticised my criticism in his          
,gesammelte     ,abhandlungen1 p4 #bbb4 
,it is dealt with at length in          
,r4,f4 p4 #aaa foll4 ,see below1 p4 #cba
 foll4      #baa ,this is not exactly   
the view expressed in ,r4,f4     p4 #cae
 foll41 where ,i was inclined to adopt  
that of     ,mannhardt that the laughing
 symbolised the return to     life after
 sacrificial death4 ,i am now disposed  
to think     of it as parallel with the 
ecstasy of the ,pythoness and     other 
inspired priests1 or the shivering and  
convulsive     movements which denote   
that a human being is possessed     by a
 god or spirit4 ,see ,jevons1           
,introduction1 p4 #agd4     ,mannhardt's
 view seems1 however1 to gain support   
from     ,pausanias' description of the 
ordeal he underwent     himself at the  
cave of ,trophonius1 after which he     
could     laugh again3 ,paus4 ix4 #ci4  
,see also ,miss ,harrison1              

,prolegomena to the ,study of ,greek    
,religion1 p4 #ehj4     ,deubner in     
,archiv1 #aiaj1 p4 #eja4      #bab      
,r4,f4 p4 #aji2 ,ov4 ,fasti1 v4 #dba    
foll4 ,ovid's     account is of a       
private rite in the house1 as elsewhere 
he tells us of things done by private   
persons on     festival days4 ,we do not
 know whether there was any     public  
ritual for these days4 ,for further     
discussion of     the contrast between  
the two festivals of the dead1 see      
below1 ,lect4 ,,xvii4 p4 #cic4      #bac
 ,g4,b4 iii4 #ach foll4 ,the attempt to 
connect the     so-called ,saturnalia of
 the army of the ,danube in the         
third century ,a4,d4 with the early     
practice of ,roman     ,saturnalia seems
 to me to fail entirely1 even after     
reading ,prof4 ,cumont's paper in the   
,revue de     philologie1 #ahig1 p4 #acc
 foll4 ,i should imagine that           
,cumont would now admit that the ,saturn
 who was     sacrificed on the ,danube  
as described in the ,martyrdom     of   

,st4 ,dasius must have been of ,oriental
 origin1 and     that the soldiers      
concerned were in no sense ,roman or    
,italian4 ,for the hellenisation of the 
,saturnalia1 see     ,wissowa in        
,roscher's ,lexicon1 s4v4 ,saturnus1 p4 
#dcb4 ,wissowa1 ,i may note1 does not   
believe in the     accuracy of the      
account of the ,martyrdom4      #bad    
,nothing1 that is1 in the regular ritual
 of the     ,roman ,state--except in so 
far as the killing of a     criminal who
 was sacer to a god can be so regarded2 
and the only instance of any kind that  
can be quoted is     that of the two    
pairs of ,gaulish and ,greek men and    
women     who in the stress of the      
second ,punic war and afterwards        
were buried alive1 as it was said1 in   
the ,forum ,boarium4     ,wissowa1      
,r4,k4 p4 #cee and notes4 ,i shall      
return to this     in ,lecture ,,xiv4   
#bae ,the earliest mention of the       
slaying of a victim     7bestiarius7 to 
,jupiter is in ,minucius ,felix1 ,octav4

     #bb and #cj1 i4e4 towards the end  
of the second century     ,a4,d4 or even
 later4 ,cp4 ,tertull4 ,apol4 #i1       
,lactantius     i4 #ba4 ,i do not go so 
far as to say with ,wissowa 7p4         
#aji1 note #c7 that this story is ganz  
gewiss apokryph1     but ,i take it as  
simply a case of degeneracy under the   
influence of the amphitheatre and of    
,orientalism4      #baf ,for ,numa see  
,schwegler1 ,rom4 ,gesch4 i4 #eea foll4 
#bag ,see ,dr4 ,frazer's most recent    
account of this     subject1 in his     
,lectures on the ,early ,history of the 
,kingship1 chaps1 iii4-v4 ,prof4        
,ridgeway's idea that the     ,flamen   
,dialis was really a ,numan institution 
is of     course simply impossible1 and 
the arguments he founds on     it fall  
to the ground4 ,ovid1 probably          
reflecting ,varro1     speaks of the    
,flamen ,dialis as belonging to the     
,pelasgian religion1 which at least     
means that he was     aware of the      
extreme antiquity of the office2 ,fasti1

     ii4 #bha4 ,dr4 ,doellinger 7,the   
,gentile and the ,jew1 vol4     ii4 p4  
#gb7 with his usual insight was inclined
 to see     in this ,flamen the ruins of
 an older system of     ceremonial      
ordinances4      #bah ,he was sui iuris 
7,gaius i4 #acj71 as soon as he     was 
chosen or taken 7captus7 by the         
,pontifex maximus2     but he was       
subject to the authority of the ,p4,m41 
like     all the other flamines and the 
,vestals4 ,see ,wissowa1     ,r4,k4 p4  
#dch2 ,tac4 ,ann4 iv4 #af4     ,,lecture
 ,,vi  ,,the ,,divine ,,objects ,,of    
,,worship   ,we must now turn our       
attention to what is the most difficult 
part of our subject1 the ideas of the   
early ,romans about the ,power          
manifesting itself in the universe4 ,in 
my first lecture ,i indicated in outline
 what the difficulties are which beset  
us all through our studies2 they are in 
no part of it so insurmountable as in   
this4 ,material fails us1 because there 
was no contemporary literature2 because 

the ,romans were not a thinking people1 
and probably thought very little about  
the divine beings whom they propitiated2
 and again1 because comparative         
religion1 as it is called1 is of scant  
value in such a study4 ,we have to try  
and get rid of our own ideas about ,god 
or gods1 to keep our minds free of      
,greek ideas and mythology1 and1 in     
fact1 to abstain from bringing the ideas
 of any other peoples to bear upon the  
question until we are pretty sure that  
we have some sort of understanding of   
those ,roman ideas with which we are    
tempted to compare them4 ,the first duty
 of the student of any system of        
religion is to study that religion in   
and by itself4 ,as ,m4 ,s4 ,reinach     
observed in an address at the ,congress 
for the ,history of ,religions at       
,oxford1 it is time that we began to    
attend to differences as well as        
similarities2 and this can only be done 
by the conscientious use of such        
materials as are available for the study

 of each particular religion4  ,the only
 materials available in the case of the 
earliest ,rome are 7#a7 the calendar    
which ,i was explaining in the last     
lecture1 which gives us the names of the
 festivals of the religious year2 7#b7  
the names of the deities concerned in   
these festivals1 so far as we know them 
from later additions to the calendar1   
from ,roman literature1 and from        
evidence1 chiefly epigraphical1 of the  
names of deities among kindred ,italian 
peoples2 7#c7 the fragments of          
information1 now most carefully         
collected and sifted1 about what the    
,romans did in the worship of their     
deities4 ,the names and order of the    
festivals1 the names of the deities     
themselves1 the cult1 or detail of      
worship1 including priesthoods and holy 
places1--these are the only real        
materials we possess1 and our only safe 
guides4 ,to trust to legends is fatal1  
because such legends as there were in   
,italy were never written down until the

 ,greeks turned their attention to them1
 colouring them with their own fancy and
 with reminiscences of their own        
mythology4 ,for example1 no sane        
investigator would now make use of the  
famous story told by ,ovid and ,plutarch
 about ,numa's interview with ,jupiter1 
and the astute way in which he deceived 
the god1 as an illustration of the      
,roman's ideas of the divine2 we know   
that it can be traced back to the       
greatest liar among all ,roman          
annalists1#bai that it was in part      
derived from a ,greek story1 and in part
 invented to explain a certain piece of 
ritual1 the procuratio fulminis4 ,even  
what was done in the cult must be       
handled with knowledge and discretion4  
,dr4 ,frazer has a theory that the      
,roman kings personated ,jupiter1 and   
uses as evidence of this the fact that  
in the triumph the triumphator was      
dressed after the fashion of the statue 
of the god in the ,capitoline temple1   
with his face reddened with minium3     

forgetting that the temple1 its cult and
 its statue1 all date from the very end 
of the period of the kingship1 and were 
the work of an ,etruscan monarch1 almost
 beyond doubt4 ,there may be truth in   
his theory1 but this is not the way to  
prove it2 this is not the way to arrive 
at a true understanding of ,roman       
religious ideas4  ,what did the old     
,romans know about the nature of the    
objects of their worship8 ,all religion 
is in its development a process of      
gaining such knowledge3 if it makes no  
progress it is doomed4 ,it is because   
the ,jews made such wonderful progress  
in this path1 in spite of formalism and 
backsliding1 that they were chosen to   
produce a ,teacher whose life and       
doctrine revealed the will and the      
nature of ,his ,father for the eternal  
benefit of mankind4 ,the fear of the    
,lord is imperfect knowledge1 it is but 
the beginning of wisdom2 but it could   
become1 in a ,jew like ,st4 ,paul1 the  
perfect knowledge of ,his will4 ,it may 

seem absurd to think of two such        
religions as the ,jewish and the ,roman 
side by side2 but the absurdity vanishes
 when we begin to understand the humble 
beginnings of the ,jewish religion as   
scientific research has already laid it 
bare4 ,knowledge of the ,power          
manifesting itself in the universe is   
open to all peoples alike1 and some few 
have made much progress in it beside the
 ,jews4 ,the ,romans were not among     
these1 at any rate in all the later     
stages of their history2 but we have to 
ask how far they got in the process1 and
 later on again to ask also why they    
could go no farther4#bbj  ,we have seen 
how one great forward step in the       
attainment of this knowledge was made in
 the religion of the household1 when the
 house had become a kind of temple1     
being the dwelling of divine as well as 
human beings1 and when the cultivated   
land had been separated by a sacred     
boundary from the mountain or forest    
beyond1 with their wild and unknown     

spiritual inhabitants4 ,we met1 however1
 with nothing in the house or on the    
land that we can properly call a god1 if
 we may use that word for the moment in 
the sense of a personality as well as a 
name1 and a personality perfectly       
distinct from the object in which it    
resides4 ,vesta seems to be the fire1   
,penates the store1 or at least spirits 
undistinguishable from the substance    
composing the store4 ,but inasmuch as   
the farmer knew how to serve these      
spirits and address them1 looking upon  
them as friends and co-habitants of his 
own dwelling1 we may go so far as to    
guess that they were somewhat advanced  
in their career as spirits1 and might   
possibly develop into powers of a more  
definite kind1 if not into gods1 real   
dei conceived as persons4#bba ,in other 
words--for it is better to keep as far  
as we can to the subjective or          
psychological aspect of them--the ,roman
 might realise the ,power better by     
getting to think of his nameless spirits

 as dei at work for his benefit if      
rightly propitiated4 ,there are some    
signs in the calendar and the other     
sources ,i mentioned just now that such 
a process had been going on before the  
,state arose2 and it is certain that the
 whole field of divine operation had    
been greatly widened by that time1 as we
 might expect from the enlarged sphere  
of man's experience and activity4  ,the 
deities originally belonging to the city
 of the four regions1 i4e4 to the city  
of the calendar of ,numa1 were known to 
,roman antiquarians as di indigetes1 in 
contra-distinction from the di          
novensiles or imported deities1 with    
which at present we have nothing to do4 
,on the basis of the calendar1 and of   
the names of the most ancient           
priesthoods attached to particular      
cults1 the ,rex and the ,flamines1      
,wissowa 7,r4,k4 p4 #af7 has constructed
 a list of these di indigetes which may 
be accepted without any further         
reservation than he himself applies to  

it4 ,they are thirty-three in number1   
but in two cases we have groups instead 
of individuals1 viz4 the ,lares and the 
,lemures3 the plurality of the ,lares   
7compitales7 we have already explained1 
and the ,lemures1 the ghosts of departed
 ancestors1 we may also for the present 
leave out of account4 ,others are too   
obscure to help us1 e4g4 ,carna1        
,angerona1 ,furrina1 ,neptunus1         
,volturnus1#bbb except in so far as     
their very obscurity1 and the neglect   
into which they and their cults fell in 
later times1 is proof that they were not
 thought of as lively personal deities4 
,then1 again1 there are others whose    
names are suggested by certain          
festivals1 ,terminus1 ,fons1 ,robigus1  
who seem to be simply survivals from the
 animistic period--spirits inherent in  
the boundary-stone1 the spring1 or the  
mildew1 and incapable of further        
development in the new conditions of    
city life4 ,faunus1 the rural           
semi-deity1 perhaps representing a group

 of such beings1 appears in the list as 
the deity of the ,lupercalia2 but this  
is a point in which ,i cannot agree with
 ,wissowa and the majority of modern    
authorities4#bbc  ,we are struck1 as we 
examine the list further1 by the        
adjectival character of many of the     
names--,neptunus1 ,portunus1 ,quirinus1 
,saturnus1 ,volcanus1 ,volturnus3 these 
are not proper names1 but clearly       
express some character or function      
exercised by the power or numen to whom 
the name is given4 ,saturnus is the most
 familiar example2 the word suggests no 
personality1 but rather a sphere of     
operations 7whether we take the name as 
referring to sowing or to seed maturing 
in the soil7 in which a certain numen is
 helpful4 ,saturnus1 ,volcanus1         
,neptunus were indeed identified later  
on with ,greek gods of a ripe           
polytheistic system1 and have thus      
become quite familiar to us1 far too    
familiar for a right understanding of   
early ,roman ideas4 ,we might naturally 

expect that the identification of       
,saturnus with ,kronos1 of ,neptunus    
with ,poseidon1 would give us some clue 
to the original ,roman conception of the
 numen thus ,graecised1 but it is not   
so4 ,neptunus may have had some         
connection with water1 rain1 or springs1
 but we have no real proof of it1 and it
 is impossible to say why ,saturnus     
became ,kronos4#bbd ,the only certain   
result that we can win from the study of
 these adjectival titles is that they   
represent a transition between animism  
and polytheism1 a transition exactly    
expressed by the one word numen4  ,numen
 is so important a word in the ,roman   
religion that it is necessary to be     
perfectly clear as to what was meant by 
it4 ,it must be formed from nuere as    
flumen from fluere1 with a sense of     
activity inherent in the verb4 ,as      
flumen is that which actively flows1 so 
numen is that which actively does       
whatever we understand by the word      
nuere2 and so far as we can determine1  

that was a manifestation of will4       
,adnuere is to consent1 to give your    
good will to some act proposed or       
completed1 and is often so used of      
,jupiter in the ,aeneid4 ,nuere should  
therefore express a simple exercise of  
will-power1 and numen is the being      
exercising it4 ,in time it came to be   
used for the will of a god as distinct  
from himself1 as in the fourth ,aeneid  
7#bfi7--    ipse deum tibi me claro     
demittit ,olympo   regnator1 caelum ac  
terras qui numine torquet4  ,or in the  
fourth ,eclogue 7#dg7--    concordes    
stabili fatorum numine ,parcae1  where  
,servius explains it as potestate1      
divinatione1 ac maiestate4 ,but beyond  
doubt this use is a product of the      
literary age1 and the word originally   
indicated the being himself who         
exercised the will--a sense familiar to 
us in the opening lines of the ,aeneid  
7quo numine laeso7 and in innumerable   
other passages4 ,thus von ,domaszewski  
in his collected papers 7p4 #aeg7 is    

undoubtedly right in defining a numen as
 a being with a will--ein wollendes     
,wesen2 though his account of its       
evolution1 and of the way in which in   
its turn it may produce a deus1 may be  
open to criticism4  ,the word thus      
suggests that the ,roman divine beings  
were functional spirits with will-power1
 their functions being indicated by     
their adjectival names4 ,proper names   
they had not as a rule1 but they are    
getting cult-titles under the influence 
of a priesthood1 which titles may in    
time perhaps attain to something of the 
definiteness of substantival names4     
,this indeed could hardly have been so  
in the mind of the ordinary ,roman even 
at a later age2 and it is quite possible
 that if an intelligent ,greek traveller
 of the sixth century ,b4,c4 had given  
an account of the gods of ,rome1#bbe he 
would have said1 as ,strabo said of an  
,iberian people in the time of          
,augustus1 that they were without gods1 
or worshipped gods without names4 ,but  

the name1 even as a cult-title1 is of   
immense importance in the development of
 a spirit into a deity1 and in most     
cases1 at any rate at ,rome1 it was the 
work of officials1 of a state           
priesthood1 not of the people4 ,to      
address a deity rightly was matter of no
 small difficulty3 how were you to know 
how he would wish to be addressed8      
,servius tells us that the pontifices   
addressed even ,jupiter himself thus3   
,iupiter optime maxime1 sive quo alio   
nomine te appellari volueris4 ,on the   
other hand1 in the same comment he tells
 us that iure pontificio cautum est1 ne 
suis nominibus di ,romani appellarentur1
 ne exaugurari possent1 i4e4 lest they  
should be enticed away from the city by 
enemies4 ,this last statement seems     
indeed to me to be a doubtful one1#bbf  
but it will serve to illustrate the     
nervousness about divine names1 of which
 there is no doubt whatever4 ,we know   
for certain that those religious lawyers
 the pontifices were greatly occupied   

with the task of drawing up lists of    
names by which numina should be         
invoked1--formularising the ritual of   
prayer1 as we shall see in another      
lecture2 and this must have become at   
one time almost a craze with them1 to   
judge by the lists of ,indigitamenta    
preserved in their books1 to which      
,varro had access1 and which were copied
 from him by ,st4 ,augustine4#bbg ,but  
after all it needed the stimulus given  
by actual contact with a polytheistic   
system to turn a ,roman numen into a    
full-fledged personal deity3 the        
pontifices might carry the process some 
way1 but they never could have completed
 it themselves without the help of the  
,greeks4  ,one deity seems to stand     
alone in the list--,tellus or ,terra    
,mater1 ,mother ,earth4#bbh ,we are     
coming directly to the great deity of   
the heaven1 and we might naturally      
expect that an agricultural folk would  
be much concerned with her who is his   
counterpart among so many peoples4 ,she 

does not give her name to any of the    
festivals of the calendar2 but at one of
 them1 the ,fordicidia in ,april1 at a  
time when the earth is teeming with     
mysterious power1 and when the festivals
 are of a peculiarly agricultural       
character1 she has her own special      
sacrifice--a pregnant cow1 whose young  
are torn from her womb1 burnt by the    
,virgo vestalis maxima1 and their ashes 
used in certain mystic rites1 e4g4 at   
the ,parilia which followed on the      
#bast4#bbi ,she seems to have had her   
function in human life as well2 but     
about this we are much in the dark in   
spite of ,dieterich's attempts to       
elucidate it in his ,mutter ,erde4#bcj  
,whether she played a part at the birth 
of a child we cannot be sure2 but at    
marriage there is little doubt that she 
was originally an object of worship1    
though in later days she gave way before
 ,ceres and ,juno4#bca ,and as at death 
the body was laid in her embrace1 we are
 not surprised to find her prominent    

here also3 she was the home of the dead 
whether buried or burnt1 and of the     
whole mass of the ,manes4 ,we shall     
presently see how a ,roman commander    
might devote himself and the whole army 
of the enemy to ,tellus and the ,manes2 
and it is interesting to find that a    
similar formula of devotio1 of later    
date1 combines ,tellus with ,jupiter1   
the speaker touching the ground when he 
mentions her name1 and holding his hands
 upwards to heaven when he names the    
god4#bcb ,very curious1 too1 is the rite
 of the porca praecidanea1 which in     
historical times was offered to ,ceres  
as well as ,tellus immediately before   
harvest2 in case a man had wittingly or 
unwittingly omitted to pay the proper   
rites 7iusta facere7 to his own dead1 it
 was his duty to make this offering1    
lest as a result of the neglect the     
earth-power should not yield him a good 
harvest4#bcc ,originally1 we need hardly
 doubt1 ,tellus was alone concerned in  
this2 but ,ceres1 who at all times      

represented rather the ripening and     
ripened corn than the seed in the bosom 
of the earth1 gradually took her place  
beside her1 and the idea gained ground  
that the offering was more immediately  
concerned with the harvest than with the
 ,manes4#bcd ,when ,cato wrote his book 
on agriculture1 he included in it the   
proper formula for this sacrifice1      
without any indication that ,tellus or  
the ,manes had any part in the          
business4#bce ,tellus was not a deity   
whose life would be vigorous in a busy  
,city-state destined gradually to lose  
its agricultural outlook2 there the     
supply of grain1 from whatever quarter  
it might come1 was a far more important 
matter than the process of producing it1
 and it was natural that ,ceres and her 
,april festival should become more      
popular than ,tellus and her            
,fordicidia1 and that the ,cerealia     
should eventually develop into ludi of  
no less than eight days' duration4 ,yet 
,tellus survived in such forms as that  

of the devotio2 and even under the      
,empire we find her as ,terra on        
sepulchral monuments1 e4g4--    ereptam 
viro et matri mater me ,terra recepit1  
or    terra mater rerum quod dedit ipsa 
teget4  ,and there is a curious story1  
noticed by ,wissowa and by ,dieterich   
after him1 that on the death of         
,tiberius the plebs shouted not only    
,tiberius in ,tiberim1 but ,terram      
matrem deosque ,manes1 in order that his
 lot might be among the impii beneath   
the earth4#bcf  ,so far we have met with
 nothing to suggest that the ,roman idea
 of divinity had passed much beyond an  
advanced type of animism2 we have found 
little or no trace of personal deities  
of a polytheistic cast4 ,there is1      
however1 a fact of importance now to be 
considered1 which has some bearing upon 
this difficult subject4 ,some of the    
numina of the calendar had special      
priests attached to their cults2 e4g4   
among those ,i have already mentioned1  
,volcanus1 ,furrina1 ,portunus1 and     

,volturnus1 to which we may now add     
,pales1 ,flora1 ,carmenta1 ,pomona1 and 
a wholly unknown deity1 ,falacer4 ,these
 nine all had flamines1 a word which is 
generally derived from flare1 i4e4 they 
were the kindlers of the sacrificial    
fire4#bcg ,sacrificing priests they     
undoubtedly always were1 each limited to
 the sacrificial rites of a particular  
cult1 unless authorised by religious law
 to undertake those of some other deity 
whose name he did not bear1 and who was 
destitute1 like ,robigus1 of a priest of
 his own4#bch ,we have no certain       
evidence that all these flamines were of
 high antiquity2 but those attached to  
deities of the calendar were probably of
 earlier origin than that document1 and 
as we have no record of the creation of 
a new flaminium in historical times     
until the era of ,caesar-worship1 it is 
fair to conclude that the others ,i have
 mentioned were not younger4  ,now what 
bearing has this fact on the question as
 to how the early ,romans conceived the 

objects of their worship8 ,there are1 of
 course1 so-called priests all the world
 over1 even among the lowest fetishistic
 and animistic peoples1 who exercise    
power over the various kinds of spirits 
by potent charms and spells2 these      
should rather be called wizards1        
medicine-men1 magicians1 and so on4#bci 
,but the flamines as we know them were  
not such2 they were officials of a      
,state1 entrusted with the performance  
of definite ritualistic duties1 more    
particularly with sacrifice1 and        
therefore1 as we may assume from        
universal ,roman practice so far as we  
know it1 also with prayer4 ,if they did 
not actually slay the victims           
themselves--and in historical times this
 was done by an assistant--they         
superintended the whole process and were
 responsible for its correct            
performance4#bdj ,does the existence of 
such priests come into relation with the
 development of the idea of a deus out  
of a numen or a spirit8 ,what is the    

influence of the sacrificing priest on  
the divinity whom he serves8 ,this last 
is a question to which it is not easy to
 find a ready answer2 the history of    
priesthood1 and of the moral and        
intellectual results of the institution1
 has yet to be written4 ,even ,dr4      
,westermarck1 in his recently published 
great work on the development of moral  
ideas1 has little to say of it4 ,it is  
greatly complicated by the undoubted    
fact that among many peoples1 perhaps to
 some extent even among the ,latins1 the
 earliest real priests had a tendency to
 personate the deity themselves1 to be  
considered as the deity1 or in some     
sense divine4#bda ,but in regard to     
,roman priests we may1 ,i think1 go at  
least as far as this4 ,when a spirit was
 named and localised as a friendly being
 at a particular spot within the walls  
of the city1 which is made over to him1 
and where he has his ara2 when the      
ritual performed at this spot is laid   
down in definite detail1 and undertaken 

by an individual appointed for this     
purpose by the head of the community    
with solemn ceremony2 then the spirit1  
hitherto but vaguely conceived1 must in 
course of time become individualised4   
,the priestly if not the popular        
conception of him is fixed2 there is now
 no question who he is or how he should 
be called2 quis deus incertum est#bdb   
can no longer be said of him4 ,once     
provided with a flamen and an ordered   
cult of sacrifice and prayer1 ,i        
conceive that he had now in him the     
possibility of turning into a deus      
personally conceived1 if he came by the 
chance4#bdc ,a few did get the chance2  
others did not2 ,volcanus1 for example1 
became a god after the model of the     
,greek ,hephaestus1 while ,volturnus    
remained a numen and made no further    
progress1 though he was doubtless ready 
to take the ,graecising epidemic when it
 came4 ,i do not say that he or any     
other numen was the better for the      
change4 ,but ,i must not now pursue the 

story of this strange double fate of the
 old ,roman deities2 ,i have perhaps    
said enough to show that city life1 with
 its priesthoods and its ordered ritual1
 had some appreciable effect on the     
deities who were admitted to it4  ,among
 these deities there were four of whom  
,i have as yet said nothing at all1     
though they are the most famous of all  
the divine inhabitants of ,rome4 ,i have
 mentioned nine flamines2 there were in 
all twelve1 and besides these there was 
in historical times a priest known as   
the rex sacrorum1 the republican        
successor to some of the religious      
functions of the civil king4 ,this rex1 
and the three flamines maiores1 so      
called in contra-distinction to the     
other nine1 were specially attached to  
the cults of ,janus1 ,jupiter 7,flamen  
,dialis71 ,mars 7,flamen ,martialis71   
and ,quirinus 7,flamen ,quirinalis74 ,i 
have kept these deities apart from the  
others already mentioned1 not only      
because their priests stand apart from  

the rest1 but because they themselves   
seem from the first to have been more   
really gods 7dei72 ,quirinus is the only
 one who has an adjectival name4 ,two of
 them1 ,jupiter and ,mars1 remained     
throughout ,roman history of real       
importance to the ,state1 and in        
,jupiter there were at least some germs 
of possible development into a deity    
capable of influencing conduct and      
enforcing morality4 ,of ,janus this     
cannot possibly be said2 and as he is   
historically the least important of the 
four1 ,i will begin by saying a few     
words about him as a puzzle and a       
curiosity only4  ,janus1 ever since he  
ceased to be an intelligible deity1 has 
been the sport of speculators2 and this 
happened long before the ,roman religion
 came to an end4 ,in the last century   
,b4,c4 philosophic writers about the    
gods got hold of him1 and ,varro tells  
us that some made him out to be the     
heaven1 others the universe             
7mundus74#bdd ,ovid amused himself with 

this uncertainty of the philosophers1   
and in the first book of his ,fasti     
interviewed the god1 whose answers are  
unluckily of little value for us4#bde   
,at various times and in different hands
 ,janus has been pronounced a sun-god1 a
 heaven-god1 a year-god1 a wind-god2 and
 now a ,cambridge school of speculators1
 to whose learning ,i am in many ways   
indebted1 has claimed him as an oak-god1
 the mate of ,diana1 the ,jupiter of    
aboriginal ,latium1 and so on4#bdf ,we  
have fortunately long left behind us the
 age when it was thought necessary to   
resolve the ,greek and ,roman gods into 
personifications of natural phenomena1  
and to try to explain all their         
attributes on one principle2 but my     
learned friends at ,cambridge have of   
late been showing a tendency to return  
to methods not less dangerous2 they     
hanker1 for example1 after etymological 
evidence1 which in the case of deities  
is almost sure to be misleading unless  
it is absolutely certain1 and supported 

by the history of the name4 ,this is    
unluckily not the case with ,janus2 his 
etymology is matter of dispute1#bdg and 
he is therefore open1 and always will be
 so1 to the inquirer who is hunting a   
scent1 and more concerned to prove a    
point than to discover what the early   
,romans really thought about a god4 ,in 
this lecture ,i am but humbly trying to 
do this last1 and ,i may therefore leave
 etymology1 with the mythology and      
philosophy of a later age1 and confine  
myself to such facts of the cult of     
,janus as are quite undisputed4 ,they   
will admit of being put together very   
shortly4  ,the first and leading fact is
 that ,janus was the first deity to be  
addressed in all prayers and            
invocations2 of this we have abundant   
evidence1 as also of the corresponding  
fact that ,vesta came last4#bdh         
,secondly1 we know that he was the      
object of worship on the ,kalends of    
,january1 and probably of every month1  
and that the sacrificing priest was in  

this case the rex sacrorum4 ,thirdly1 we
 know that he had no temple until the   
year #bfj ,b4,c41 but that he was       
associated with the famous gateway at   
the north-east end of the ,forum--not a 
gate in the wall1 but a symbolic        
entrance to the heart of the city1 as   
the round temple of ,vesta at the       
opposite end1 with its eternal fire1 was
 symbolic of the common life of the     
community4 ,fourthly1 we know a few     
cult-titles of ,janus1 among them       
,clusius 7or ,clusivius71 and           
,patulcius1 in which the connection with
 gates is obvious2 ,junonius1 which may 
have originated in the fact that ,juno  
also was worshipped on the ,kalends2    
,matutinus1 which seems to be a late    
reference to the dawn as the opening or 
gate of the day1 and ,quirinus1 which   
last is also almost certainly of late   
origin4 ,clusius and ,patulcius are     
genuine old titles1 if the text of the  
,salian hymn is rightly interpreted2 so 
too is another1 ,curiatius1 for it was  

used of the god only as residing in an  
ancient gateway near the ,subura called 
the tigillum sororium4#bdi ,these are   
all the most important facts we have to 
go upon2 the double head of ,janus on   
the earliest ,roman as is of uncertain  
origin1 and ,wissowa seems to have      
conclusively shown that this            
representation was not admitted to the  
gate called ,janus ,geminus until       
towards the close of the republican     
period4#bej ,the connection of the god  
with the fortress on the hill across the
 ,tiber1 which still bears his name1    
admits of no quite satisfactory         
explanation4  ,now if we recall the fact
 that the entrance to the house and the 
entrance to a city were points of great 
moment1 and the cause of constant       
anxiety to the early ,italian mind1 we  
may naturally infer that they would be  
in the care of some particular numen1   
and that his worship would be in the    
care of the head of the family or       
community--in the case of the city1 in  

the care of the rex1 whose duties of    
this kind were afterwards taken over by 
the priest called rex sacrorum4 ,the    
fact that the word for an entrance was  
ianus confirms this conjecture2 ,janus  
was perhaps the spirit guarding the     
entrance to the real wall of the        
earliest city1 but when the city was    
enlarged in the age from which the      
calendar dates1 a symbolic gateway was  
set up where you entered the forum from 
the direction of ,latium1 answering to  
the symbolic hearth in the aedes        
,vestae1 and this very naturally took   
the name of the deity associated with   
entrances4 ,two other iani probably     
existed in the forum1 and the name was  
later on transferred as a substantive to
 similar objects in ,roman colonies1    
while a feminine form1 ianua1 came to be
 used for ordinary house entrances4#bea 
,whether there ever was a cult of the   
god at the real gateway of a city we do 
not know2 there was none at the symbolic
 gateway of ,rome1 which was in no sense

 a temple4 ,but the idea of entrance    
stuck to the old spirit of the doorway  
long after the reconstruction of the    
city1 and the rex now sacrifices to him 
on the entrance-day of each month1 and  
more particularly on the entrance-day of
 the month which bears his name and is  
the beginning of the natural year after 
the winter solstice4 ,this is the best  
account to be had of the original       
,janus1#beb a deity1 let it be          
remembered1 of a simple agricultural and
 warlike people1 without literature or  
philosophy4 ,but it is not difficult to 
see how1 when philosophy and literature 
did at last come in a second-hand form  
to this people1 they might well have    
overlaid with cobwebs of story and      
speculation a deity for whom they had no
 longer any real use1 who was best known
 to them by the mysterious double-head  
on the as and the gateway1 and for whom 
they could find no conclusive parallel  
among the gods of ,greece4  ,next in    
order of invocation to ,janus came      

,jupiter1 and his priest1 the ,flamen   
,dialis1 was likewise the second in     
rank1 according to ancient rule1 after  
the rex sacrorum4 ,unlike ,janus1       
,jupiter 7to use the spelling familiar  
in ,england7 was at all times a great   
power for the ,roman people1 and one who
 could be all the more valued because he
 was intelligible4 ,no one doubted then1
 and no one doubts now1 that he was the 
god of the light and of heaven1 ,diovis 
pater1 or rather perhaps the heaven     
itself#bec with all its manifestations  
of rain and thunder1 of blessing and    
damage to the works of man2 the common  
inheritance of the ,italian peoples1    
dwelling and worshipped in their woods  
and on their hills2 and1 as we know now1
 also the common inheritance of all     
,aryan stocks1 the ,european ,sky-god1  
as ,mr4 ,a4 ,b4 ,cook has traced him    
with learning and ingenuity from the    
,euxine to ,britain4#bed  ,jupiter must 
have had a long and important history in
 ,latium before the era of the ,roman   

,city-state2 ,dr4 ,frazer has seen this1
 and set it forth in his lectures on the
 early history of the kingship1 though  
basing his conclusions on evidence much 
of which will not bear a close          
examination4#bee ,the one substantial   
proof of it lies in the unique and truly
 extraordinary character of the taboos  
placed on his flamen1 and to some extent
 on the flamen's wife1 by the ,roman ius
 divinum4 ,even if we suppose that some 
of these may have been later inventions 
of an ecclesiastical college like the   
pontifices 7and this is hardly          
probable71 many of them are obviously of
 remote antiquity1 and can only have    
originated at a time when the magical   
power of the man responsible for the    
conduct of ,jupiter was so precious that
 it had to be safeguarded in these many 
curious ways4 ,i have already suggested 
that the scene of the early paramount   
importance of ,jupiter and his flamen1  
in that age perhaps a king of some kind1
 was ,alba ,longa1 which by universal   

tradition was the leading city of       
,latium before ,rome rose to importance1
 and where the sky-god was worshipped on
 his holy mountain as the religious     
centre of ,latium from the earliest     
times4 ,i have also suggested that when 
the new warlike city on the ,tiber took 
the place of ,alba1 the worship was     
transferred thither1 but lost its       
strength in the process1 and that the   
flamen was little more than a survival  
even in the most primitive period of    
what we may call for the moment ,roman  
history4 ,this can be accounted for by  
the fact that the traditions of         
primitive ,rome were connected much more
 closely with ,mars than with ,jupiter4 
,not till ,etruscan kings founded the   
great temple on the ,capitol1 which was 
to endure throughout all later ages of  
,roman dominion1 did the sky-god become 
the supreme guardian deity of his       
people1 under the titles of ,optimus    
,maximus1 the best and greatest of all  
her deities4  ,but ,jupiter was there2  

and we know certain facts of his cult   
which give us a pretty clear idea of    
what the ,romans of the pre-,etruscan   
period thought about him4 ,in the       
calendar all ,ides belonged to him1 were
 feriae ,iovis2#bef he seems to be the  
source of light1 whether of sun or moon1
 for neither of which the ,romans had   
any special divinity2 in the hymn of the
 ,salii he is addressed as ,lucetius1   
the giver or source of light4 ,the      
festivals of the vintage belonged to    
him1 since the production of wine       
specially needed the aid of sun and     
light1 and his flamen was employed in   
the cult on these occasions4#beg ,when  
rain was sorely needed1 the aid of the  
sky-god was sought under the cult-title 
,elicius1 and as ,fulgur or             
,summanus#beh he was the ,power who sent
 the lightning by day and by night4 ,the
 ideas thus reflected in the ,roman cult
 were common to all ,italian peoples of 
the same stock2 everywhere we find him  
worshipped on the summits of hills1 and 

in woods of oak1 ilex1 or beech1#bei    
where nothing but the trees he loved    
intervened between the heaven and the   
earth4  ,his oldest cult at ,rome was on
 the ,capitoline hill1 but at all times 
quite distinct from that which became so
 famous afterwards2 he was known here as
 ,feretrius1 a cult-title of which the  
meaning is uncertain1#bfj and here1 so  
far as we can guess1 there must have    
been an ancient oak regarded either as  
the dwelling of the numen or as the     
numen himself1 upon which ,romulus is   
said to have hung the spolia opima taken
 from the king of the ,caeninenses2#bfa 
here we may see the earliest trace of   
the triumphal procession that was to be4
 ,doubtless an ara was here from the    
first1 and then followed a tiny temple1 
only fifteen feet wide as ,dionysius    
describes it from personal knowledge in 
the time of ,augustus1#bfb who restored 
it4 ,there was no image of the god1 but 
in the temple was kept a silex1 probably
 a stone celt believed to have been a   

thunderbolt2#bfc this stone the         
,fetiales took with them on their       
official journeys1 and used it in the   
oath1 per ,iovem lapidem1 with which    
they ratified their treaties4 ,as the   
,romans thought of ,jupiter1 not as a   
personal deity living in the sky like   
,zeus1 but rather as the heaven itself1 
so they could think of him as immanent  
in this stone1 ,iuppiter lapis4 ,and the
 use of the flint in treaty-making      
suggests another aspect of the god1     
which he retained in one way or another 
throughout ,roman history2 it is his    
sanction that is called in to the aid of
 moral and legal obligations1 resulting 
from treaties1 oaths1 and contracts such
 as that of marriage4 ,as ,dius ,fidius 
he was invoked in the common ,roman oath
 medius fidius2 as ,farreus 7if this    
were an old cult-title7 he gave his     
sanction to the solemn contract entered 
into in the ancient form of marriage by 
confarreatio1 where his flamen had to be
 present1 and where in all probability  

the cake of far was eaten as a kind of  
sacrament by the parties to the         
covenant4#bfd ,in much of this it is    
tempting to see1 as we can see nowhere  
else in the ,roman religion1 faint      
traces of a feeling about the heaven-god
 brought from a remote pastoral life    
under the open sky1 where neither forest
 nor mountain intervened to shelter man 
from the great ,presence2#bfe and it is 
also tempting to think that there was   
here1 even for ,latins who had learnt to
 worship ,jupiter under the form of     
stocks and stones in the land of their  
final settlement1 some chance of the    
development of a deity making for       
righteousness4  ,third and fourth in the
 order of invocation came ,mars and     
,quirinus1 and the same order held good 
for their flamines4 ,these two priests  
may have been subject to some of the    
taboos which restricted the ,flamen     
,dialis2#bff they too1 that is1 may have
 been to some extent precious1 and have 
been endowed in a lost period of history

 with magical powers2 but if so1 the    
memory and importance of such           
disabilities was rapidly forgotten in   
the ,city-state1 and they were early    
allowed to fill civil offices1 a        
privilege which the ,dialis did not     
attain till the second century          
,b4,c4#bfg ,of the sacrificial duties of
 the ,martialis we know nothing for     
certain1 and can get no help from him as
 to the ideas of the early ,romans about
 their great deity ,mars4  ,mars is in  
some ways the most interesting of all   
the ,roman deities2 but except as the   
familiar war-god of ,roman history he   
remains a somewhat doubtful conception4 
,like ,jupiter and ,janus he has        
attained to a real name2 but of that    
name1 which in various forms is still so
 often on our lips1 no convincing       
account has ever been given4            
,comparative mythology used to be much  
occupied with him1 and he has been      
compared with ,indra1 ,apollo1 ,odin1   
and others4 ,but as ,m4 ,reinach said1  

it is time to attend more closely to    
differences2 and ,mars seems to stand   
best by himself1 as a genuine ,italian  
religious conception4 ,his name is found
 all over ancient ,italy in various     
forms--,mavors1 ,mamers1 ,marmor1 and as
 ,cerfus ,martius at ,iguvium4 ,his wild
 and warlike character1 his association 
with the wolf and the spear1 seem to    
suggest the struggle for existence that 
must have gone on among the tribes that 
pushed down into a peninsula of rugged  
mountain and dense forest1 abounding    
with the wolves which are not yet wholly
 extinct there4 ,whether or no his      
antecedents are to be found in other    
lands1 we shall not be far wrong in     
assuming that the ,roman ,mars was the  
product of life and experience in       
,italy1 and ,italy only4  ,there is an  
excellent general account of him in     
,roscher's article in his ,lexicon1     
which1 like that on ,janus1 has the     
advantage of being the result of a      
second elaborate study1 free from the   

enticements of the comparative method4  
,what we know for certain about his cult
 at ,rome in early times can be very    
briefly stated4 ,first1 we have the     
striking fact that he is conspicuous1   
together with the ,lares1 in the carmen 
which has come down to us as sung by the
 ,arval ,brethren in their lustration of
 the cultivated land of the ,roman      
city3#bfh ,neve luerve ,marmor sins     
incurrere in pleores1 satur fu fere     
,mars6 ,one is naturally inclined to ask
 how this wild and warlike spirit can   
have anything to do with cultivation and
 crops4 ,but there is no mistake2 the   
connection is confirmed by the fact that
 he is also the chief object of         
invocation in the private lustratio of  
the farm1 which ,cato has preserved for 
us4#bfi ,in each case the victims are   
the same1 the suovetaurilia of ox1      
sheep1 and pig1 the farmer's most       
valuable property4 ,again1 let us       
remember that the month which bears his 
name is that not only of the opening of 

the war season1 but of the springing up 
of vegetation1 and that the dances and  
singing of the ,salii at this time may  
probably have been meant1 like similar  
performances of savage peoples1#bgj to  
frighten away evil demons from the      
precious cultivated land and its growing
 produce1 and to call on the ,power to  
wake to new life4 ,the clue to the      
mystery is perhaps to be found in the   
cult-title ,silvanus which we find in   
the prayer set down by ,cato as proper  
for the protection of the cattle when   
they are on their summer pasture 7in    
silva73 ,marti ,silvano in silva        
interdius in capita singula boum        
facito4#bga ,we know that wealth in     
early ,italy consisted chiefly of sheep 
and cattle2 we know that these were     
taken in the warm months1 as they still 
are1 into the forest 7saltus7 to        
feed2#bgb and from this passage of ,cato
 we know that ,mars was there4 ,it is   
only going one step farther if we       
conjecture that ,mars1 like ,silvanus1  

who may have been an offshoot of his own
 being1 was for the early settler never 
a peaceful inhabitant of the farm or the
 dwelling1 but a spirit of the woodland 
of great importance for the             
cattle-owner1 and of great importance1  
too1 in all circumambulation of the     
boundaries which divided the woodland   
from the cultivated land4#bgc  ,but with
 conjecture ,i deal on principle but    
sparingly4 ,it is time to turn to the   
,mars of the ,city-state of ,rome2 and  
it is at once interesting to find that  
until the age of ,augustus1 who         
introduced a new form of ,mars-worship1 
he had no temple within the walls1 and  
even outside only two fana1 one an altar
 in his own field the ,campus ,martius1 
the other a temple dedicated in #chh    
,b4,c4 outside the ,porta ,capena4 ,he  
was always worshipped outside the city1 
says ,dr4 ,j4 ,b4 ,carter in his        
,religion of ,numa1 as a god who must be
 kept at a distance4 ,should we not     
rather say that the god was unwilling to

 come within those sacred boundaries    
encircling the works of man8 ,so stated1
 we may see in this singular fact a     
reminiscence of the time when ,mars was 
really the wild spirit of the outland1  
where wolves and human enemies might be 
met with2 he was perhaps in some sense a
 hostis1 a stranger1 like the many other
 deities originally strange to ,rome    
who1 until the second ,punic war1 were  
never allowed to settle within the      
sacred precincts4#bgd ,in one sense1    
however1 ,mars was actually resident in 
the very heart of the city4 ,in a       
sacrarium or chapel of the regia1#bge   
the ancient dwelling of the king1 were  
kept the spears and shields which the   
,salii carried in their processions in  
,march and ,october2 and that the deity 
was believed to be there too must be    
inferred from the fact1 if it be        
correctly stated by ,servius1 that the  
consul who was about to take the field  
entered the chapel and shook these      
spears and shields together1 saying1    

,mars vigila4 ,i am1 however1 rather    
disposed to think that this practice    
belongs to a time when ,mars was more   
distinctly recognised as a god of war1  
and when the weapons of the ,salii were 
thought of rather as symbols of his     
activity than as objects in which he was
 immanent4#bgf  ,these are the salient  
facts in the oldest cult of ,mars1 and  
they are entirely in keeping with all we
 know of the early history and economy  
of the ,roman people--a people          
economically dependent on agriculture1  
and especially on cattle-breeding1      
living in settlements in the midst of a 
wilder country1 and constantly liable to
 the attacks of enemies who might raid  
their cattle and destroy their crops4 ,i
 do not see in him only a deity of      
agriculture1 or only a god of war2 in my
 view he is a spirit of the wilder      
regions1 where dwell the wolf and       
woodpecker which are connected with him 
in legend3 a spirit who dwells on the   
outskirts of civilisation1 and can with 

profit be propitiated both for help     
against the enemies beyond1 and for the 
protection of the crops and cattle      
within1 the boundaries of human         
activity4  ,fourth in invocations came  
,quirinus1 and fourth in order of       
precedence was his flamen4 ,but of      
,quirinus ,i need say little2 there is1 
on the whole1 a consensus of opinion    
that he was a form of ,mars belonging to
 the community settled on the hill that 
still bears his name4 ,the most         
convincing proof of his identity with   
,mars 7though identity is doubtless too 
strong a word7 lies in the well-known   
fact that there were twelve ,salii      
,collini1 i4e4 belonging to the ,collis 
,quirinalis1 occupied with the cult of  
,quirinus1 answering to the twelve      
,salii ,palatini of the cult of ,mars4  
,quid de ancilibus vestris1 ,camillus   
says in ,livy's glowing rhetoric1 ,mars 
,gradive 7the particular cult-title of  
the warlike ,mars71 tuque ,quirine      
pater8#bgg ,now the ,quirinal was1 of   

course1 within the walls1 and the       
,romans who identified the two deities  
noted this point of contrast with the   
,mars-cult2 for ,servius writes1        
,quirinus est ,mars qui praeest paci et 
intra civitatem colitur1 nam belli ,mars
 extra civitatem templum habet4 ,in     
keeping with this is the use of the word
 ,quirites of the ,romans in their civil
 capacity2 but unluckily we are         
altogether uncertain as to the etymology
 and history of both ,quirites and      
,quirinus4#bgh ,and as ,quirinus never  
became1 like ,mars1 an important        
property of the ,roman people1 but was  
speedily obscured and only revived by   
the legend of late origin which         
identified him with ,romulus1 he is not 
of importance for my subject1 and ,i may
 leave him to etymologists and          
speculators4  ,there is one other deity 
of whom ,i might naturally be expected  
to say something2 ,i mean ,juno4 ,but   
our familiarity with ,juno in ,roman    
literature must not be allowed to lead  

us into believing too rashly that she   
was one of those great numina of the    
early ,roman ,state with whom ,i have   
just been dealing4 ,she had no special  
festival in the calendar2#bgi her       
connection with the ,kalends she shared1
 as we have seen1 with ,janus4 ,she had 
no special priest of her own2 for in    
spite of all assertions that the        
flaminica ,dialis was attached to her   
cult1 ,i am convinced that ,i was right 
some years ago in maintaining that this 
is an error1 though a natural one4#bhj  
,it cannot be proved that she had any   
ancient temple in the city2 for the     
oldest known to us as strictly          
indigenous1 that of ,juno ,moneta on the
 arx1 was not dedicated till #cdd       
,b4,c41 and we do not know that there   
was an older altar on the same spot4#bha
 ,assuredly ,rome was not in early times
 a great centre of the ,juno cult1 as   
were some of the cities in her          
neighbourhood1 e4g4 ,lanuvium1 ,falerii1
 and ,veii2#bhb and the gradual         

establishment of her position as a truly
 ,roman goddess may be explained by her 
appearance in the trias of deities in   
the ,capitoline temple at the end of the
 regal period1 and by the removal to    
,rome of ,juno ,regina of ,veii still   
later1 after the destruction of that    
city4  ,what1 then1 was ,juno originally
 to the ,roman religious mind8 ,there is
 no more difficult question than this in
 our whole subject2 as we probe         
carefully in those dark ages she baffles
 us continually4 ,undoubtedly she was a 
woman's deity1 and we may aptly say of  
her varium et mutabile semper femina4   
,the most singular fact we know about   
her cult is that women used to speak of 
their ,juno as men spoke of their       
,genius2#bhc and it is not by any means 
impossible that this may be the clue to 
the original ,italian conception of     
her4#bhd ,in that case we should have to
 explain her appearance as a            
well-defined goddess in so many ,latin  
towns1 as the anthropomorphising result 

of that penetration of ,greek ideas into
 ,latium from the south1 of which ,i    
shall have something to say later on4   
,such ideas1 when they reached ,rome1   
may have produced the notion that she   
was the consort of ,jupiter1 for which  
,i must confess that ,i can find no     
sufficient evidence in the early cult of
 either4#bhe ,but ,i must here leave    
her1 for in truth she does not belong to
 this lecture2 and it would need at     
least one whole lecture to discuss her  
adequately in all her later aspects4    
,the latest ,german discussion of her   
occupied sixty closely printed pages2   
and instructive as it was in some ways1 
arrived at the apparently impossible    
conclusion that she was a deity of the  
earth4  ,last in the order of           
invocation1 even to the latest days of  
,rome1 came ,vesta1 the only female     
deity among the highest gods of the most
 ancient ,state1#bhf for ,juno can      
hardly be reckoned among them1 and      
,tellus had no special cult or          

priesthood of her own4 ,we have already 
noticed ,vesta as the religious centre  
of the house1 making it into a home in a
 sense almost more vivid than that in   
which we use the sacred word4 ,through  
all stages of development from house to 
city this religious centre must have    
been preserved1 and in the ,rome of     
historical times ,vesta was still there1
 inherent in her sacred hearth-fire1    
which was tended by her six virgin      
priestesses1 and renewed on the ,roman  
,new ,year's day 7,march #a7 by the     
primitive method of friction4#bhg ,the  
,vestals beyond doubt represented the   
unmarried daughters of the primitive    
,latin family1 and the penus ,vestae1 a 
kind of ,holy of ,holies of the ,roman  
,state1 recalled the penus or           
store-closet of the agricultural home2  
this penus was cleansed on ,june #ae for
 the reception of the first fruits of   
the harvest1 and then closed until ,june
 #g of the following year4#bhh ,these   
and other simple duties of the ,vestals1

 all of them traceable to the old life  
on the farm1 together with their own sex
 and maidenhood1 preserved this         
beautiful cult throughout ,roman history
 from all contamination4 ,vesta in her  
aedes1 a round dwelling which was never 
a temple in the technical sense1 was    
represented by no statue1 and her title 
of ,mater never suggested to the true   
,roman worshipper anything but her      
motherly grace and beneficence4#bhi ,far
 more than any other cult1 that of      
,vesta represents the reality and       
continuity of ,roman religious feeling2 
and the remains of her latest dwelling1 
and the statues of her priestesses with 
no statue of herself among them1 may    
still give the visitor to the ,forum    
some dim idea of the spirit of ,roman   
worship4#bij       ,,notes ,,to         
,,lecture ,,vi      #bai ,arnobius 7v4  
#aee7 fortunately mentions that this    
story came from the second book of      
,valerius ,antias1     whose bad        
reputation is well known4 ,it was       

plainly meant     to account for the    
cult-title of ,jupiter ,elicius1 and    
the origin of the procuratio fulminis1  
and was     invented by ,greeks or      
,graecising ,romans at a time 7#bnd     
century ,b4,c47 when all reverence for  
the gods had     vanished as completely 
as in ,greece4 ,yet ,dr4 ,frazer        
writes of ,numa as an adept at bringing 
down lightning     from heaven 7,early  
,history of ,kingship1 p4 #bjd74        
#bbj ,on this subject1 the evolution of 
the knowledge of     ,god1 ,i may refer 
to ,professor ,gwatkin's ,gifford       
,lectures of #aijd-e1 published by      
,messrs4 ,t4  ,t4 ,clark1               
,edinburgh4      #bba ,the meaning of   
deus is well put by ,mr4 ,c4 ,bailey    
in his sketch of ,roman ,religion       
7,constable  ,co471 p4     #ab4         
#bbb ,guesses can be made about these1  
but little or     nothing is to be      
learnt from them to help us in this     
lecture4      #bbc ,i adhere to what was
 said in ,r4,f4 p4     #cab foll4 ,we do

 not know1 and probably never shall     
know1     the original deity concerned  
in that festival4 ,the     ritual is    
wholly unlike that of the rustica       
,faunalia     7,r4,f4 p4 #bef foll474 ,i
 believe that it dates from a     time  
anterior to the formation of real       
gods--possibly     from an aboriginal   
people who did not know any4 7,i am     
glad to see this view taken in the      
latest summary of     ,german learning  
on this subject1 ,einleitung in die     
,altertumswissenschaft1 by ,gaercke and 
,norden1 vol4 ii4     p4 #bfb47 ,at the 
moment of printing an interesting       
discussion of the ,lupercalia1 by ,prof4
 ,deubner1 who     treats it as a       
historical growth1 in which are embodied
     ideas and rites of successive ages1
 has appeared in     ,archiv 7#aiaj1 p4 
#dha foll474 ,see ,appendix ,b4         
#bbd ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 pp4 #agj and #bej 
foll4      #bbe ,strabo1 p4 #afd4 ,cp4  
,usener1 ,goetternamen1 p4 #bgg1        
whose comment is1 ,die ,goetter aller   

dieser ,staemme waren     'namenlos1'   
weil sie nicht mit ,eigennamen sondern  
durch     ,eigenschaftsworte benannt    
wurden4 ,fuer einen     griechischen    
,reisenden vorchristlicher ,zeit waren  
sie     nicht fassbar4 ,arnobius iii4   
#dc1 ,gellius ii4 #bh4 #b are     good  
passages for the principle4 ,the latter 
alludes to     the anxiety of veteres   
,romani on this point1 ne alium     pro 
alio nominando falsa religione populum  
alligarent4     ,hence the formulae si  
deus si dea1 or sive quo alio     nomine
 fas est nominare1 ,serv4 ,aen4 ii4     
#cea2     quisquis es1 ,aen4 iv4 #egf4  
,see also ,farnell1     ,evolution of   
,religion1 #ahd foll42 ,dieterich1 ,eine
     ,mithrasliturgie1 p4 #aaj foll4    
#bbf ,serv4 ,aen4 ii4 #cea4 ,i am       
inclined to think it is     only an     
inference from the want of substantival 
names in     so many ,roman deities2    
surely1 it would be argued1 the         
pontifices must have had some reason for
 this4 ,it is     contradicted by the   

fact that in such ancient formulae      
as that of the devotio 7,livy viii4 #i7 
the great gods     are called by their  
own names1 though the army was in       
the field and in presence of the enemy4 
,there was1     however1 an old idea    
that the name of the special            
tutelary god of the city was never      
divulged1 lest he     should become     
captivus1 and that the true name of the 
city itself was unknown2 see ,macrob4   
iii4 #i4 #b foll4 ,i     believe that   
these ideas were encouraged by the      
pontifices1 but were not founded on     
fact4      #bbg ,for the ,indigitamenta 
see below1 p4 #aei2 ,r4,f4 p4     #cda2 
,r4 ,peter's able article in ,myth4     
,lex41 s4v4     ,scholars do not seem to
 me to have reckoned sufficiently       
with the tendency of a legal priesthood1
 devoted to the     strict maintenance  
of religious minutiae1 to elaborate     
and organise the material for god-making
 which was     within their reach4 ,to  
judge by the elaboration of the         

ritual at ,iguvium1 the same tendency   
must have existed     in other kindred  
,italian communities1 both to develop   
ritualistic priesthoods1 and through    
them to elaborate     the ritual4 ,this 
is1 ,i think1 the weak point of         
,usener's     reasoning in his          
,goetternamen1 and as applied to ,roman 
deities it is the weak point of an      
interesting article     by von          
,domaszewski1 reprinted in his          
,abhandlungen zur     roem4 ,religion1  
p4 #aee foll4      #bbh ,the best       
account of ,tellus is in ,wissowa1      
,r4,k4     p4 #aei foll4      #bbi      
,r4,f4 p4 #ga2 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 iv4 #fca  
foll4 ,this     was a festival of the   
populus as a whole1 and also of     each
 ,curia1 like the ,fornicalia in        
,february4 ,both were     clearly       
agricultural in origin1 though the      
,curia as we     know it was probably an
 institution of the city4 ,i must       
own that ,i am quite uncertain as to    
what the thing was     which was        

originally meant by the word ,curia2 my 
friend     ,dr4 ,j4 ,b4 ,carter may have
 something to say on the     subject in 
his book on the ,roman religion in the  
,jastrow     series4      #bcj          
,dieterich1 ,mutter ,erde1 pp4 #aa and  
#gc foll4      #bca ,virg4 ,aen4 iv4    
#aff1 prima et ,tellus et pronuba       
,iuno ,dant signum2 commenting on which 
,servius wrote1     quidam sane etiam   
,tellurem praeesse nuptiis tradunt2     
nam et in auspiciis nuptiarum invocatur3
 cui etiam     virgines1 vel cum ire ad 
domum mariti coeperint1 vel iam     ibi 
positae1 diversis nominibus vel ritu    
sacrificant4     ,there is little doubt 
that ,tellus is frequently     concealed
 under the names of ,ceres1 ,dea ,dia1  
etc4 ,for     ,ceres and ,juno in       
marriage rites1 see ,marquardt1         
,privatleben1 p4 #di4      #bcb ,see    
below1 p4 #bjf foll42 ,macrob4 iii4 #i4 
#aa2     ,deubner in ,archiv1 #aije1 p4 
#ff foll4      #bcc ,see ,de ,marchi1   
,la ,religione1 etc41 i4 p4 #ahh     and

 reff4 7,the reference to ,gellius      
should be iv4 #f4 #g1     not iv4 #fg47 
,like some other operations of the      
,roman     religion1 this became a form1
 and was used as a kind of              
insurance1 whether or no there had been 
any omission2     ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4   
#afj4      #bcd ,that ,ceres represented
 the fructus is shown by     the fact   
that in the ,,xii4 ,tables the man who  
raided a     field of standing corn at  
night was made sacer to her2     ,pliny1
 ,n4,h4 xviii4 #ab4      #bce ,cato1    
,r4,r4 #acd4 ,de ,marchi1 op4 cit4 p4   
#ace4     ,janus1 ,jupiter1 and ,juno   
are concerned in this rite1     ,ceres  
coming last4 ,varro has preserved the   
part of     ,tellus for us3 quod humatus
 non sit1 heredi porca     praecidanea  
suscipienda ,telluri et ,cereri1 aliter 
familia non pura est 7ap4 ,nonium1 p4   
#afc74      #bcf ,the verses are quoted 
by ,dieterich1 ,mutter ,erde1     p4    
#ge1 among others from ,buecheler's     
,anthology of ,roman     ,epitaphs1     

,nos4 #aedd and #adgf4 ,the story is    
told in     ,suetonius' ,life of ,tib4  
c4 #ge1 and again of ,gallienus     by  
,aurelius ,victor 7,caes4 c4 #cc74      
#bcg ,marquardt1 p4 #cbf1 who notes that
 the ,romans     themselves derived the 
word from filum1 a fillet2     e4g4     
,varro1 ,l4,l4 v4 #hd1 quod in ,latio   
capite velato     erant semper1 ac caput
 cinctum habebant filo4 ,modern         
etymologists equate the word with       
,brahman4      #bch ,thus the ,flamen   
,quirinalis sacrificed at the           
,robigalia1 ,r4,f4 p4 #hi1 and with the 
,pontifices and     ,vestals took part  
in the ,consualia1 ,marq4 #cce4         
#bci ,we may note here that the most    
general ,latin name     for a priest was
 sacerdos1 which seems to have          
excluded all magic1 etc42 it means an   
office sanctioned     by the ,state4 ,on
 the general question of the origin of  
priesthood see ,jevons1 ,introduction1  
etc41 ch4 xx41     with whose           
explanations1 however1 ,i cannot        

entirely     agree4 ,i should prefer to 
keep the word priest for an     official
 who sacrifices and prays to his god4   
,in this     view ,i am at one with ,e4 
,meyer1 ,geschichte des     ,altertums1 
i4#b p4 #aba foll4 ,god and priest go   
together     as permanent1 regular in   
function1 and entrusted by a            
community with certain duties4      #bdj
 ,marquardt1 p4 #ahj2 ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4  
p4 #dbg4 ,the     popa or victimarius is
 seen in many artistic                  
representations of sacrifice1 e4g4      
,schreiber1 ,atlas     of ,classical    
,antiquities1 plate xvii4 figs4 #a and  
#c4      #bda ,jevons1 ch4 xx42 ,frazer1
 ,g4,b4 i4 #bde foll41 and     ,lectures
 on ,early ,history of ,kingship1       
,lectures ii4     and v4      #bdb      
,virg4 ,aen4 viii4 #ceb4      #bdc ,in a
 valuable paper in his ,gesammelte      
,abhandlungen 7p4 #bhd7 ,wissowa says   
that personal     conception of deity is
 absolutely strange to the old          
,roman religion of the di indigetes4 ,i 

believe this to     be essentially true2
 but my point is that localisation      
and ritual prepared the way for the     
reception of ,greek     ideas of        
personality4 ,the process had already   
begun in     the religion of the house2 
but it was not likely there     to come 
in contact with foreign germs4 ,when    
,janus and     ,vesta1 who were in every
 house 7,wissowa1 p4 #bhe71 were        
localised in certain points in a city1  
they would be far     more likely to    
acquire personality1 if such an idea    
came     in their way1 than in the      
worship of the family4      #bdd ,aug4  
,civ4 ,dei1 vii4 #bh1 quem alii caelum1 
alii     dixerunt esse mundum4 ,dr4     
,frazer1 citing this passage            
7,kingship1 p4 #bhf7 in support of his  
view that ,janus     was a duplicate of 
,jupiter1 has omitted to notice that    
some theorisers fancied he was the      
universe1 which by     itself is enough 
to betray the delusive nature of this   
kind of theological speculation4 ,varro 

elsewhere gives     us a clue to the    
liability of ,janus to be exalted in    
this unnatural fashion1 ,l4,l4 vii4 #bg1
 divum deo 7in     the ,salian hymn71 if
 this be taken as referring to          
,janus1 as it may be1 comparing ,macrob4
 i4 #i4 #ad4 ,but     this is easily    
explained by the position of ,janus in  
prayers2 cp4 ,cic4 ,nat4 ,deor4 ii4 #bg4
 #fg1 cum in     omnibus rebus vim      
haberent maximam prima et extrema1      
principem in sacrificando ,ianum esse   
voluerunt4 ,the     phrase ,deorum or   
,divum deus is indeed remarkable1       
and unparalleled in ,roman worship2 but 
no one acquainted     with ,roman or    
,italian ritual will for a moment       
suspect     it of meaning ,god of gods  
in either a ,christian or               
metaphysical sense4 ,i shall have       
occasion to notice the     peculiar use 
of the genitive case and of genitival   
adjectives in worship later on4 ,see    
below1 p4 #aec foll4      #bde ,fasti1  
i4 #hi foll42 ,r4,f4 p4 #bha foll4      

#bdf ,frazer1 l4c4 7a page of which     
every line appears     to me to be      
written under a complete misapprehension
 of     the right methods of research   
into the nature of ,roman     gods72 ,a4
 ,b4 ,cook1 ,classical ,review1 vol4    
xviii4 #cfg     foll42 ,professor       
,ridgeway1 ,who were the ,romans8 p4    
#ab1     where1 among other remarkable  
statements1 ,janus is     confidently   
said to have been introduced at ,rome by
 the     ,sabine ,numa1 and therefore to
 have been a ,sabine deity1     an      
assumption quite irreconcilable with    
those of ,dr4     ,frazer and ,mr4      
,cook4 ,in striking contrast with such  
speculations is a sensible paper on     
,janus in ,m4     ,toutain's ,etudes de 
mythologie et d'histoire1 p4 #aie       
foll4 7,paris1 #aiji74      #bdg ,dr4   
,frazer is aware of this2 see his       
,kingship1     p4 #bhe1 note #a4 ,see   
also ,roscher in ,myth4 ,lex41 s4v4     
,janus1 p4 #de foll4      #bdh ,for the 
evidence for this and the following     

facts1     see ,roscher's article just  
cited1 or ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4     #ia   
foll42 cp4 ,r4,f4 p4 #bhj foll4 ,the    
cult epithets of     ,janus are thus    
explained by von ,domaszewski1          
,abhandlungen1 p4 #bbc1 note #a1 ,bei   
,ianus tritt     regelmaessig der       
,begriff des ,wesens hinzu1 dessen      
,wirkung     er von ,anfang an bestimmt1
 so ,i4 ,consevius der ,anfang     der  
in ,consus wirkenden ,kraft1 und in     
derselbe ,weise ,i4     ,iunonius1      
,matutinus1 etc4 ,this is reasonable1   
but it     does not suit with ,i4       
,patulcius-,clusius1 and ,i cannot      
accept it with confidence at present4   
#bdi ,roscher1 op4 cit4 p4 #cd4         
#bej ,wissowa1 ,gesammelte              
,abhandlungen1 p4 #bhd foll4      #bea  
,festus1 p4 #ahe4      #beb ,it is due  
to the good sense and learning of ,dr4  
,roscher2 he had previously1 when       
working on the old     methods1 tried to
 prove that ,janus was a wind-god       
7,hermes der ,windgott1 ,leipzig1       

#ahgh72 but a more     searching inquiry
 into the ,roman evidence1 when the     
prepossessions had left him which the   
comparative method     is so likely to  
produce1 brought him to the view ,i have
     explained in outline1 which has    
been adopted in the main     by         
,wissowa1 ,aust1 and ,j4 ,b4 ,carter1 as
 well as by myself     in ,r4,f4 ,the   
last word about so puzzling a deity can 
of     course never be said2 but if we  
indulge in speculations     about him we
 must use the ,roman evidence with      
adequate     knowledge of the criticism 
it needs4      #bec ,this difference    
between ,zeus and ,jupiter has been     
pointed out by ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 #ajj2
 ,jupiter stands     for the heaven even
 in classical ,latin literature1 as we  
all know4      #bed ,see his papers in  
the ,classical ,review1 vol4     xvii4  
#bgj and xviii4 #cfe foll41 and in      
,folklore1 vol4     xv4 #cja2 xvi4 #bfj 
foll4      #bee ,kingship1 p4 #aif foll4
      #bef ,macrobius i4 #ae4 #ad4 ,in  

historical times a white     victim1    
ovis idulis1 was taken to the ,capitol  
by the     via sacra in procession 7,ov4
 ,fasti1 i4 #ef4 #ehh74     ,festus says
 that some derived the term via sacra   
from     this procession 7p4 #bij72 and 
to this ,horace may be     alluding in  
,ode iii4 #cj4 #h1 dum ,capitolium      
,scandet     cum tacita virgine         
pontifex4      #beg ,r4,f4 pp4 #hf1     
#bjd4      #beh ,r4,f4 p4 #afj4         
#bei ,no doubt ,jupiter was specially   
connected with the     oak1 as ,mr4     
,cook has shown with great learning in  
the     paper cited above1 note #cf2 but
 at ,rome he had an     ancient shrine  
among beeches1 and was known as ,i4     
,fagutalis3 ,varro1 ,l4,l4 v4 #aeb2     
,paulus #hg4 ,for ,i4     ,viminalis1   
see ,r4,f4 p4 #bbi4      #bfj ,see      
,aust's article ,jupiter in ,myth4 ,lex4
 p4     #fgc4      #bfa ,aust gives a   
cut of a coin of the consul ,claudius   
,marcellus 7#bbc ,b4,c47 dedicating     
spolia opima in this     little temple1 

according to the ancient fashion1       
supposed to be initiated by ,romulus1   
,livy i4 #aj4      #bfb ,dionys4 ,hal4  
ii4 #cd4      #bfc ,r4,f4 p4 #bcj4      
#bfd ,see ,de ,marchi's careful         
investigation1 ,la     ,religione1 etc41
 i4 p4 #aef foll42 ,gaius i4 #aab4 ,the 
cult-title should indicate that the god 
was believed to     be immanent in the  
cake of far1 rather than that it     was
 offered to him 7so ,i should also take 
,i4 ,dapalis1     though in later times 
the idea had passed into that of        
sacrifice1 ,cato1 ,r4,r4 #acb71 and if  
so1 the use of the     cake was         
sacramental2 cp4 the rite at the ,latin 
festival1 ,r4,f4 p4 #if4      #bfe      
,there are distinct traces of a practice
 of taking     oaths in the open air1   
i4e4 under the sky2 of ,dius            
,fidius1 unquestionably a form of       
,jupiter1 ,varro says     7,l4,l4 v4    
#ff71 quidam negant sub tecto per hunc  
deiurare oportere4 ,cp4 ,plutarch1      
,quaest4 ,rom4 #bh2     ,r4,f4 p4 #ach4 

,for the conception of a single great   
deity as primitive1 see ,lang1 ,the     
,making of ,religion1     ch4 xii42     
,flinders ,petrie1 ,religion of ,egypt  
7in     ,constable's shilling series71  
ch4 i42 ,ross1 ,the     ,original       
,religion of ,china1 p4 #abh foll42     
,warneck1 ,die     ,lebenskraefte des   
,evangeliums1 p4 #bj 7of the ,indian    
,archipelago74 ,the last reference ,i   
owe to ,professor     ,paterson1 of     
,edinburgh ,university4      #bff ,serv4
 ,aen4 viii4 #eeb1 more enim veteri     
sacrorum     neque ,martialis flamen    
neque ,quirinalis omnibus               
caerimoniis tenebantur quibus flamen    
,dialis1 neque     diurnis sacrificiis  
distinebatur4 ,it is1 however1          
possible that under the word caerimonia 
,servius is not     here including      
taboos1 but active duties only4         
#bfg ,see my paper1 ,the ,strange       
,history of a ,flamen     ,dialis1 in   
,classical ,review1 vol4 vii4 p4 #aic4  
#bfh ,henzen1 ,acta ,fratr4 ,arv4 p4    

#bf4      #bfi ,cato1 ,r4,r4 #ada2      
,henzen1 op4 cit4 p4 #dh4      #bgj     
,frazer1 ,g4,b4 iii4 #abc1 note #c2     
,r4,f4 p4 #dj1 for     further examples4
 ,it may be worth while to point out    
here that the coupling of all farm      
animals except goats     took place in  
spring or early summer2 ,varro1 ,r4,r4  
ii4     #b foll4 ,isidorus 7,orig4 v4   
#cc71 who embodies ,varro and           
,verrius to some extent1 derived the    
name ,mars from     mares1 because in   
the month of ,march cuncta animalia     
ad mares aguntur4      #bga ,i prefer1  
with ,de ,marchi1 to take ,silvanus here
 as     a cult-title1 though we do not  
meet with it elsewhere2     see ,la     
,religione1 etc41 p4 #acj note2 but     
,wissowa1     who has a prejudice       
against the view that ,mars was         
connected with agriculture1 insists on  
taking ,marti     ,silvano as a case of 
asyndeton1 i4e4 as two deities4         
#bgb ,see1 e4g41 ,varro1 ,l4,l4 v4 #cf1 
quos agros non     colebant propter     

silvas aut id genus1 ubi pecus possit   
pasci1 et possidebant1 ab usu salvo     
saltus nominarunt4      #bgc ,cato1     
,r4,r4 #ada4 ,mars is there invoked as  
able to     keep off 7averruncare7 evil 
influences and to make the     crops    
grow1 etc42 he has become in the second 
century     ,b4,c4 a powerful deity in  
the actual processes of     husbandry1  
just as he became in the city a powerful
     deity of war4 ,but as he was not   
localised either on the     farm or in  
the city1 ,i prefer to think that he was
     originally conceived as a ,power   
outside the boundary in     each case1  
but for that very reason all the more to
 be     propitiated by the settlers     
within it4      #bgd ,see below1 p4     
#bce4      #bge ,so ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 
#aca4 ,cp4 ,r4,f4 p4 #ci1 note     #d4  
,deubner in ,archiv1 #aije1 p4 #ge4     
#bgf ,servius1 commenting on line #c of 
,aen4 viii4     7utque impulit arma7    
writes3 nam is qui belli     susceperat 
curam1 sacrarium ,martis ingressus1     

primo     ancilia commovebat1 post      
hastam simulacri ipsius1     dicens1    
,mars vigila4 ,the mention of a statue  
shows that     this account belongs to a
 late period4 ,but ,varro seems     to  
have stated that there was originally   
only a spear2     see a passage of      
,clement of ,alexandria in the fragments
     of the ,ant4 rer4 div41 ,agahd1 p4 
#baj1 to which ,deubner     7l4c47 adds 
,arnobius vi4 #aa4 ,deubner calls this  
spear     a fetish1 which is not the    
right word if the deity were            
immanent in it in the sense suggested by
 ,mars vigila4     ,see above1 p4 #aaf4 
,if ,servius correctly reports the      
practice1 it must be compared with the  
clashing of     shields and spears by   
the ,salii1 which may thus have had     
a positive as well as negative object4  
#bgg ,livy v4 #eb4      #bgh ,mr4 ,a4   
,b4 ,cook 7,classical ,review1 #aijd1 p4
 #cfh7     has tried to connect both    
names with the ,greek word     ,greek3  
prinos1 and ,professor ,conway1 quoted  

by him1 is     inclined to lend the     
weight of his great authority to     the
 conjecture4 ,thus ,quirinus would be an
 oak-god1 and     ,quirites             
oak-spearmen4 ,we must1 however1        
remember that     ,mr4 ,cook is1 so to  
speak1 on an oak scent1 and his         
keenness as a hunter leads him sometimes
 astray4 ,one is     a little perplexed 
to understand why ,jupiter1 ,janus1     
,mars1 and ,quirinus should all be      
oak-gods 7and all in     origin         
identical as such674 ,on the other hand1
 it is     fair to note that the        
original spear was probably of     wood1
 with the point hardened in the fire1   
like the     hasta praeusta of the      
,fetiales3 ,festus1 p4 #aja4 ,if        
quiris has really anything to do with   
oaks1 it would     be more natural to   
explain the two words as springing      
from an old place-name1 ,quirium1 as    
,niebuhr did long     ago1 and to derive
 that again from the oaks among which   
it may have stood4 ,but ,i am content to

 take quiris as     simply a spear1 as  
,buecheler did2 see ,deubner1 op4       
cit4 p4 #gf4 ,since the above was       
written1 the article     ,quirinus by   
,wissowa in the ,myth4 ,lex4 has        
appeared4     ,naturally it does not add
 anything to our knowledge2 but         
,wissowa holds to the opinion that the  
most probable     derivation of the name
 ,quirinus is from ,quirium1            
possibly the name of the settlement on  
the ,quirinal2 and     compares ,q4     
pater 7e4g4 ,livy v4 #eb4 #g7 with the  
,reatinus pater of ,c4,i4,l4 ix4 #dfgf4 
#bgi ,the ,nonae ,caprotinae 7,july #g71
 the day when women     sacrificed to   
,juno ,caprotina under a wild fig-tree  
in     the ,campus ,martius1 is not     
known to us except from     ,varro4 ,see
 ,r4,f4 p4 #agh1 where 7note #h7 is a   
suggestion     that the festival had to 
do with the caprificatio1 or     method 
of ripening the figs1 which ,dr4 ,frazer
 has     expanded in his ,lectures on   
,kingship1 p4 #bgj1     believing the   

process to be that of fertilisation4    
#bhj ,classical ,review1 vol4 ix4 p4    
#dgd foll4 ,the same     view has       
recently been taken independently by ,w4
 ,otto in     ,philologus1 #aije1 pp4   
#bae foll41 #bba4 ,it is perfectly      
clear that the monthly sacrifice to     
,juno was the duty of     the wife of   
the rex sacrorum2 a pontifex minor is   
also     mentioned 7,macrob4 i4 #ae4    
#ai74      #bha ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4     
#aaf4      #bhb ,ib4 p4 #aad4      #bhc 
,see ,ihm's article ,iunones in ,myth4  
,lex4 vol4     ii4 #fae2 ,pliny1 ,n4,h4 
ii4 #af4      #bhd ,dr4 ,j4 ,b4 ,carter 
tells me that he has abandoned     this 
explanation of the evolution of ,juno4  
,on the other     hand1 von ,domaszewski
 seems in some measure to accept it     
7,abhandlungen1 p4 #afi foll471 when he 
says that     similar functions1 when   
exercised by different     numina1 can  
eventually produce a god4 ,auf diese    
,weise     ist ,iuno geworden4 ,he means
 that the creative power is     called  

,juno in a woman1 or in a people 7,iuno 
,populonia71     or in the curiae 7,iuno
 ,curitis71 and that an independent     
deity1 ,juno par excellence1 emerges    
from all these4     ,but so far ,i      
cannot follow him4      #bhe ,there is  
no real evidence from purely ,roman     
sources of this fancied conjugal or     
other relation1 if     we exclude that  
of the alleged cult of ,juno by the     
,flaminica ,dialis4 ,this has been well 
seen and expressed     by ,w4 ,otto1    
l4c4 p4 #bae foll42 see also ,classical 
,review as quoted above4 ,as we shall   
see in the next     lecture1 ,dr4       
,frazer is much concerned to show that  
,jupiter and ,juno are actually a       
married pair1 and     consequently he   
will have nothing to do with my opinion 
on this point3 ,early ,history of       
,kingship1 p4 #bad     foll41 and       
,adonis1 ,attis1 ,osiris1 ed4 #b1 p4    
#daj1     note #a4      #bhf ,wissowa1  
,r4,k4 p4 #ada4      #bhg ,festus1 p4   
#ajf2 ,macrob4 i4 #ab4 #f4      #bhh ,i 

have discussed the ,vestalia and the    
nature of     ,vesta and her cult in    
,r4,f4 p4 #ade foll4 ,see also          
,marquardt1 p4 #ccf foll41 and ,wissowa1
 ,r4,k4 p4 #ada     foll4      #bhi     
,ovid1 ,fasti1 vi4 #bif1 says that he   
had been     stupid enough to believe   
that there was a statue in the     aedes
 ,vestae1 but found out his mistake3--  
esse diu stultus ,vestae simulacra      
putavi2          mox didici curvo nulla 
subesse tholo4      ,the passage is     
interesting as showing how natural it   
was     for a ,roman of the             
,graeco-,roman period to suppose that   
his deities must be capable of taking   
iconic form4 ,for     anthropomorphic   
representations of ,vesta in other      
places     and at ,pompeii1 see         
,wissowa1 ,gesammelte ,abhandlungen1    
p4 #fg foll4      #bij ,see ,lanciani1  
,ruins and ,excavations of ,ancient     
,rome1 p4 #bbc foll4 ,the statues of the
 virgines     vestales maximae1         
discovered in the ,atrium ,vestae1 all  

belong to the period of the ,empire4    
,they are now in the     museum of the  
,baths of ,diocletian4     ,,lecture    
,,vii  ,,the ,,deities ,,of ,,the       
,,earliest ,,religion3 ,,general        
,,characteristics   ,in the last lecture
 we interrogated the calendar as to the 
deities whose festivals are recorded in 
it1 with the aid of what we know of the 
most ancient priesthoods attached to    
particular cults4 ,the result may be    
stated thus3 we found a number of       
impersonal numina1 with names of        
adjectival form1 such as ,saturnus1     
,vertumnus1 and so on2 others with      
substantival names1 ,tellus1 ,robigus1  
,terminus2 the former apparently        
functional deities1 concerned in the    
operations of nature or man1 and the    
latter spirits immanent in              
objects--,mother ,earth herself1 a      
stone1 the mildew1 or 7like ,janus and  
,vesta7 the entrance and the hearth-fire
 of human dwellings or cities4 ,lastly1 
we found from the evidence1 chiefly of  

the priesthoods1 that certain more      
important divinities stand out from the 
crowd of spirits1 ,janus1 ,jupiter1     
,mars1 ,quirinus1 and ,vesta2 and we    
found some reason to think that these1  
and possibly a few of the others1 by    
becoming the objects of priestly cura   
and caerimonia at particular spots in   
the city1 were not unlikely to become   
also in some sense personal deities1 to 
acquire a quasi-human personality1 if   
they came by the chance4 ,in the present
 lecture ,i must go rather more closely 
into such evidence as we possess bearing
 on the mental conception which these   
early ,romans had formed of the divine  
beings whom they had admitted within    
their city4  ,and1 first1 we must be    
quite clear that in those early ages    
there was nothing in ,rome which we can 
call a temple1 as we understand the     
word2 nor was there any such            
representation of a deity as we can call
 an image or eidolon4 ,the deities were 
settled in particular spots of ground1  

which were made loca sacra1 i4e4 handed 
over to the deity by the process of     
consecratio authorised by the ius       
divinum4#bia ,it was matter of no moment
 what might be erected on this bit of   
ground2 there might be a rude house like
 that of ,vesta1 round in shape like the
 oldest ,italian huts2 there might be a 
gateway like that of ,janus2 or the spot
 might be a grove1 or a clearing within 
it 7lucus71 as in the case of ,robigus  
or the ,dea ,dia of the ,arval          
,brethren4 ,all such places might be    
called by the general name fanum2 and as
 a rule no doubt each fanum contained a 
sacellum1 i4e4 a small enclosure without
 a roof1 containing a little altar      
7ara74 ,these altars may at first have  
been nothing more than temporary        
erections of turf and sods2 permanent   
stone altars were probably a later      
development4 ,servius tells us that in  
later times it was the custom to place a
 sod 7caespes7 on the top of such a     
stone altar1 which must be one of the   

many survivals in cult of the usages of 
a simpler age4#bib  ,with such spots as 
these we cannot associate anything in   
the nature of an image of the deity     
established there2 and we have every    
reason to believe that no such thing was
 known at ,rome until the ,etruscan     
temple of the ,capitoline trias was     
built near the end of the regal period4 
,varro expressly declared that the      
,romans remained for more than #agj     
years without any images of their gods1 
and added that those who first          
introduced such images civitatibus suis 
et metum dempsisse et errorem           
addidisse4#bic ,what he had in his mind 
is clear2 he had indeed no direct       
knowledge of those early times1 but he  
is thinking of a definite traditional   
date in the kingly period--the last year
 of the reign of ,tarquinius ,priscus1  
who1 according to ,varro's own account1 
built the temple on the ,capitol and    
placed in it a statue of ,jupiter4#bid  
,that was the oldest image of which he  

knew anything2 and1 as ,wissowa has     
remarked1 his belief is entirely        
corroborated by the fact that in every  
single case in which the image of a god 
has any part in his cult1 it is always  
either this ,capitoline ,jupiter or some
 deity of later introduction and        
non-,roman origin4 ,it is also borne out
 by another significant and interesting 
fact--that the next image to be         
introduced1 that of ,diana in the temple
 on the ,aventine1 was a copy of the    
,greek3 xoanon of ,artemis at ,massilia1
 itself a copy of the famous one at     
,ephesus4#bie ,let us note that these   
two earliest statues were placed in     
roofed temples which were the           
dwelling-places of gods in an entirely  
new sense2 so far no ,roman deity of the
 city had been so housed1 because he    
could not be thought of in terms of     
human life1 as visible in human form and
 needing shelter4 ,but this later and   
foreign notion of divinity so completely
 took possession of the minds of the    

,romans of the cosmopolitan city that   
,varro is the only writer who has       
preserved the tradition of the older way
 of thinking4 ,in the religion of the   
family ,ovid indeed has charmingly      
expressed it1 perhaps on the authority  
of some lost passage of ,varro#bif3--   
ante focos olim scamnis considere longis
     mos erat1 et mensae credere adesse 
deos4  ,tibullus in one passage has     
mentioned what seems to be some rude    
attempt to give outward shape and form  
to an ancient pastoral deity#big3--     
lacte madens illic suberat ,pan ilicis  
umbrae     et facta agresti lignea falce
 ,pales4  ,and ,propertius hints at a   
like representation of ,vertumnus1 the  
garden deity4 ,but without some         
corroborative evidence it is hardly safe
 to take these as genuine examples of   
early iconic worship4  ,thus we may take
 it as certain that even the greater    
deities of the calendar1 ,janus1        
,jupiter1 ,mars1 ,quirinus1 and ,vesta1 
were not thought of as existing in any  

sense in human form1 nor as personal    
beings having any human characteristics4
 ,the early ,romans were destitute of   
mythological fancy1 and as they had     
never had their deities presented to    
them in visible form1 could hardly have 
invented such stories about them as     
sprang up in a most abundant crop when  
,greek literature and ,greek art had    
changed their mental view of divinity4  
,roman legends were occupied with       
practical matters1 with kings and the   
foundation of cities2 and even among    
these it is hardly possible to detect   
those which may be really ,roman1 for   
they are hidden away1 like rude ancient 
frescoes1 under the elaborate           
decorations of the ,greek artists1 who  
seized upon everything that came to     
hand1 including the old deities         
themselves1 to amuse themselves and win 
the admiration of their dull pupils at  
,rome4 ,he who would appreciate the     
difficulty of getting at the original   
rude drawings must be well acquainted   

with the decorative activity of the     
,alexandrian age4  ,thus we might well  
presume a priori that the old ,roman    
gods were not conceived as married      
pairs1 nor as having children2 and this 
is indeed the conclusion at which we    
have arrived after half a century or    
more of most careful and conscientious  
investigation by a series of ,german    
scholars4 ,but quite recently in this   
country the contrary view has been put  
forward by an author of no less weight  
than ,dr4 ,frazer2 and another eminent  
,cambridge scholar1 ,mr4 ,a4 ,b4 ,cook1 
evidently inclines to the same view4 ,i 
should in any case be reluctant to      
engage in controversy with two valued   
personal friends2 but it is just        
possible that in what follows ,i may be 
able to throw some faint light on the   
evolution of the idea of marriage among 
divine beings2 and on the strength of   
this ,i am content for the moment to be 
controversial4 ,dr4 ,frazer's arguments1
 with strictures on my opinions1 will be

 found in an appendix to his book on    
,adonis1 ,attis1 ,osiris1 #bnd edition4 
,in pure animism the spirits are        
nameless2 when their residence and      
functions are more clearly recognised   
they acquire names1 and these names are 
naturally masculine or feminine among   
peoples whose language is not           
genderless1 as was the case with the    
,sumerians of ,babylonia4#bih ,this     
would seem to be the first step on the  
path to a personal conception of        
divinity4 ,but there are signs that the 
,romans had not got very far on this    
path when we begin to know anything     
about their religion4 ,i have already   
alluded to the formula ,sive deus sive  
dea1 which occurs in the ritual of the  
,fratres ,arvales1 in the formula given 
by ,cato for making a new clearing1 and 
elsewhere2#bii and indeed there seems to
 have been always some uncertainty about
 the sex of one or two well-known       
deities1 such as ,pales and ,pomonus or 
,pomona4#cjj ,it is not1 therefore1 a   

priori probable that the process of     
personalisation 7if ,i may coin the     
word7 should have proceeded1 at the     
period we are treating of1 so far as to 
ascribe to these named deities of both  
sexes the characteristics of human      
beings in social life and intercourse4  
,yet ,varro1 as ,dr4 ,frazer points out1
 is quoted by ,st4 ,augustine as saying 
that his ancestors 7that is1 as         
,augustine adds71 veteres ,romanos1     
believed in the marriage of gods and in 
their procreative power4#cja ,if ,varro 
wrote maiores meos1 as he seems to have 
done1 of whom was he really thinking8   
,was ,augustine's comment based on the  
rest of ,varro's text1 or was he jumping
 to a conclusion which would naturally  
serve his own purpose8 ,varro1 of       
course1 was not a ,roman1 but from      
,reate in the ,sabine country4 ,but even
 if he were thinking of ,rome1 how far  
back would his knowledge extend8 ,the   
,romans had known ,greek married gods   
for three or four centuries before his  

time1 and he may quite well be thinking 
of these4 ,of the di indigetes of an    
earlier period he could hardly know more
 than we do ourselves2 his only sources 
of information were the facts of the    
cult and the books of the pontifices4   
,the facts of the cult1 so far as he and
 others have recorded them1 suggest no  
pairing of deities1 no sacred           
marriage4#cjb ,the pontifical books1    
which contained rules and formulae for  
the proper invocation of deities by     
their right names1 do indeed seem to    
have suggested a certain conjunction of 
male and female divine names2 and it is 
just possible that this is what ,varro  
had in his mind when he wrote the       
passage seized upon by ,augustine4 ,i   
will proceed at once to examine this    
evidence1 as it is incidentally of great
 interest in the history of ,italian    
religion2 and ,dr4 ,frazer will probably
 allow that his conclusion must stand or
 fall by it4  ,the evidence to which ,i 
allude is preserved in the #acth book of

 the ,noctes ,atticae of ,aulus ,gellius
 7ch4 xxiii471 and extracted from libri 
sacerdotum populi ,romani1 as           
comprecationes deorum immortalium2 these
 also occur1 he says1 in plerisque      
antiquis orationibus1 i4e4 in the       
invocations to the gods made by the     
orator at the beginning or end of his   
speech4#cjc ,among these ,gellius found 
the following conjunctions of divine    
names3 ,lua ,saturni1 ,salacia ,neptuni1
 ,hora ,quirini1 ,virites ,quirini1     
,maia ,volcani1 ,herie ,iunonis1 ,moles 
,martis1 and ,neriene ,martis1 or ,nerio
 ,martis4 ,now among these conjunctions 
there are three which obviously do not  
express pairs of deities1 married or    
other1 viz4 ,virites ,quirini1 ,moles   
,martis1 and ,herie ,iunonis2 the first 
two of which plainly mean the strength  
or force of ,quirinus and ,mars1 and the
 third conjoins two female names4 ,the  
question is whether the others are to be
 understood as giving us the names of   
the wives of ,saturnus1 ,neptunus1      

,quirinus1 ,volcanus1 and ,mars4 ,the   
fact that these are associated with     
others which cannot mean anything of the
 kind is itself against this conclusion2
 but ,i have carefully examined each    
pair by the light of such stray         
information about them as we possess1   
and have failed to find anything to     
suggest ,dr4 ,frazer's emphatic         
conclusion that these are married pairs4
 ,i should be tedious if ,i were to go  
through the evidence in detail in a     
lecture like this2 but ,i will take the 
pair which ,gellius himself discusses1  
and on which ,dr4 ,frazer chiefly       
relies1 ,neriene or ,nerio ,martis3 it  
is the pair about which we know most1   
and in every way is the most interesting
 of the set4#cjd  ,after giving the list
 of names1 ,gellius goes on to express  
his own opinion that ,nerio ,martis     
means 7like ,moles ,martis7 the virtus  
or fortitudo of ,mars1 ,nerio being a   
,sabine word meaning strength or        
courage2#cje and a little further he    

sums up his view thus3 ,nerio igitur    
,martis vis et potentia et maiestas     
quaedam esse ,martis demonstratur4 ,this
 seems to fit in very comfortably with  
what can be guessed of the meaning of   
two of the other pairs1 ,virites        
,quirini and ,maia ,volcani3 ,maia was  
explained by another ,roman scholar as  
equivalent to ,maiestas4#cjf  ,but      
,gellius goes on to quote three passages
 from old ,latin authors in which ,nerio
 7or ,neria7 appears positively as the  
wife of ,mars2 and again concludes that 
there was also a tradition that these   
two were coniuges4 ,of these passages we
 luckily have the context of one1 for it
 occurs in the ,truculentus of ,plautus3
 turning this out 7line #eae7 we find   
that a rough soldier1 arriving at       
,athens1 salutes his sweetheart with the
 words ,mars peregre adveniens salutat  
,nerienen uxorem suam--words which      
,plautus must have adapted from his     
,greek original in such a way as to make
 them intelligible to a ,roman audience4

 ,gellius says that he had often heard a
 learned friend blame ,plautus for thus 
putting a false notion about ,mars 7that
 he had a wife7 into the mouth of his   
soldier--nimis comice--merely to produce
 a comic effect4 ,but1 he adds1 there   
was some justification for it2 for if   
you read the third book of the annals of
 ,gellius 7a namesake who lived in the  
second century ,b4,c47 you will find    
that he puts into the mouth of          
,hersilia1 pleading for peace before    
,ti4 ,tatius1 words which actually make 
,nerio the wife of ,mars3 ,de tui1      
inquit1 coniugis consilio1 ,martem      
scilicet significans4 ,little1 ,i fear1 
can be said to the credit of this       
,gellius2#cjg he lived in an age when   
annalists were many and inventive1 and  
long after the ,romans had grown        
accustomed to ,greek ideas of the gods2 
but we may take this passage as evidence
 of what may have been in his day a     
popular idea of ,mars and his consort4  
,lastly1 ,aulus ,gellius quotes a brace 

of lines from one ,licinius ,imbrex1 an 
old comic writer of the same century1   
who1 in a fabula palliata called        
,neaera1 wrote3--    nolo ego ,neaeram  
te vocent1 aut ,nerienem1   cum quidem  
,marti es in connubium data4  ,the real 
question is whether these passages from 
comic writers and an annalist of no     
reputation combine to prove that there  
was an ancient popular idea of ,mars as 
a married god2 as to the priestly view  
of the matter they can1 of course1 prove
 nothing4 ,it seems to me that ,dr4     
,frazer is entitled to argue that in the
 second century ,b4,c4 such a popular   
idea existed1#cjh which the ,roman state
 religion did not recognise1 and which  
,aulus ,gellius1 as we have seen1 could 
not agree with4 ,i do not1 however1     
think him entitled to go farther1 and to
 infer that this was an idea of divinity
 native to ,italy or of very old        
standing4 ,is it not much simpler to    
suppose1 with a cool-headed scholar whom
 ,dr4 ,frazer is willing to follow when 

it suits his turn1 that pairs or        
conjunctions of this kind1 the true     
meaning of which ,i hope to explain     
directly1 were easily mistaken by the   
vulgar mind for married god and         
goddess8#cji ,in those degenerate days  
of the ,roman religion1 after the war   
with ,hannibal1 to which these writers  
belong--and all are later than ,ennius1 
the first to make mischief by ridiculing
 the gods--nothing could be easier than 
to take advantage of what looked like   
married life to invent comic passages to
 please a ,roman audience1 now          
consisting largely of semi-educated men 
who had lost faith in their own         
religion1 and of a crowd of smaller     
people of mixed descent and nationality4
 ,such passages1 in fact1 cannot safely 
be used as evidence of religious ideas1 
apart from the tendencies of the age in 
which they were written4 ,had there     
really been religious beliefs1 rooted in
 the old ,roman mind1 about the wedded  
life of gods and goddesses1 it would    

even then have been dangerous to use    
them mockingly in comedy4 ,and once     
more1 had there been such genuinely     
,roman ideas1 why1 in an age that made  
for anthropomorphism1 did they not find 
their way into the ,roman               
,pantheon1--why did they survive only in
 literary allusions1 to the bewilderment
 of scholars like ,aulus ,gellius8  ,the
 real explanation of these curious      
conjunctions of masculine and feminine  
names is1 ,i think1 not very hard to    
come by4 ,let us remember1 in the first 
place1 that they were found in the books
 of the priests1 and that they belonged 
to forms of prayer--comprecationes      
deorum immortalium2 in other words1 they
 do not represent popular ideas of the  
deities1 but ritualistic forms of       
invocation4 ,as such they may indeed no 
doubt be regarded as expressing1 or as  
growing out of1 a popular way of        
thinking of the ,power manifesting      
itself in the universe2 but they are    
themselves none the less1 like those    

strange lists of divine names called    
,indigitamenta1 with which ,i shall deal
 directly1 the creations of an active   
professional priesthood1 working upon   
the principle that every deity must be  
addressed in precisely the correct way  
and no other1 and accounting the name of
 the deity1 as indicating his or her    
exact function1 the most vitally        
important thing in the whole invocation4
 ,i have already pointed out how        
difficult the early ,latin must have    
found it to discover how to address the 
numina at work around him1 and ,i shall 
return to the subject in another        
lecture2 at present all ,i want to      
insist upon is that the priests of the  
,city-state relieved him of this        
anxiety1 and indeed must have carried   
the work so far as to develop a kind of 
science of divine nomenclature4 ,every  
one who has studied the history of      
religions knows well how strong the     
tendency is1 when once invocation has   
become ritualised1 for the names and    

titles of the objects of worship to     
abound and multiply4 ,the ,roman ,church
 of to-day still shows this tendency in 
its elaborate invocation of the ,virgin4
  ,with the old ,romans the common      
method of elaboration lay in the        
invention of cult-titles1 of which the  
different kinds have been distinguished 
and explained by ,dr4 ,j4 ,b4 ,carter in
 his treatise de ,deorum ,romanorum     
cognominibus4#caj ,most of them are     
suggestive of function or character1 as1
 e4g41 ,janus ,patulcius ,clusivius1 or 
,jupiter ,lucetius1 ,ops ,opifera2      
sometimes they doubled the idea1 as in  
,aius ,locutius1 or ,anna ,perenna1 or  
,fors ,fortuna2 and in one or two cases 
they seem to have combined two deities  
together in rather puzzling             
conjunctions1 which usually1 however1   
admit of some possible explanation1 as  
,janus ,junonius1 or ,ops ,consiva 7i4e4
 ,ops belonging to ,consus74#caa ,in the
 ,iguvian ritual1 which is the          
highly-elaborated work of a priesthood  

as active as the ,roman1 we find        
combinations of not less than four      
names3#cab ,cerfe ,martie1 ,praestita   
,cerfia ,cerfi ,martii1 ,tursa ,cerfia  
,cerfi ,martii1 which may perhaps be    
rendered ,spirit of ,mars1 protecting   
7female7 spirit of the 7male7 spirit of 
,mars1 fear-inspiring 7female7 spirit of
 the 7male7 spirit of ,mars4  ,such     
strange multiple combinations as these  
suggest that expressions like ,moles    
,martis or ,virites ,quirini are only   
another form of the usual cult-title1   
expressing adoration of the power of the
 deity addressed2 and it is only        
reasonable to explain the others of the 
same group on the same principle4 ,as we
 have seen1 ,roman scholars themselves  
explained ,nerio ,martis as equivalent  
to ,virtus ,martis2 ,herie ,iunonis     
probably means something of the same    
kind2 the others are not so easily      
explained1 and guesswork about them is  
unprofitable4 ,but ,i hope ,i have said 
enough to show that there is absolutely 

no good ground for supposing that these 
combinations of names in nominative and 
genitive indicate a relationship of any 
kind except a qualitative one4 ,abstract
 qualities1 let us note1 are usually    
feminine in ,latin1 and ,i think it is  
not improbable that abstractions such as
 ,fides and ,salus1 which were deified  
at a very early period at ,rome1 may    
have reached divinity by attachment to  
some god from whom they subsequently    
became again separated4#cac ,and lastly1
 we can trace the same tendency to      
combine names and ideas together far    
down the course of ,roman history2      
witness the combination of ,genius with 
cities1 legions1 gods1 etc41 as well as 
with the individual man1 and again such 
expressions as ,pietas ,legionis1 by    
analogy with which von ,domaszewski1    
wrongly as ,i think1 would explain those
 we have been discussing4#cad  ,before  
leaving this complicated and cloudy     
system of divine nomenclature1 it is as 
well to ask the question once more1 even

 if we cannot answer it1 whether if left
 to itself it might have developed into 
a polytheistic system of personal       
deities4 ,i will give my own opinion for
 what it is worth4 ,i do not think that 
such a result could have been reached   
without the magic touch of the ,greek   
poet and artist1 or the arrival of      
,greek deities and their images in      
,latium4 ,professor ,sayce1 in his      
,gifford lectures on the religion of    
,babylonia1 has shown how the           
non-,semitic ,sumerians knew only of    
spirits and demons until the ,semite    
arrived in the ,persian ,gulf with his  
personal gods of both sexes2#cae and ,i 
gather that he does not suppose that    
without such immigration the ,sumerian  
ideas of divinity could have become     
personalised4 ,the question is not      
exactly the same at ,rome2 for there the
 spirit world had passed into the hands 
of an organised priesthood occupied with
 ritual1 and especially with its        
terminological aspect2 and the chance of

 personalisation1 if it were there at   
all1 lay in the importance of the       
functional name4 ,but the question is   
after all beside the mark2 we shall see 
what happened when the ,greeks arrived4 
,we may be content at present to note   
the fact that they found the functional 
terminology sufficiently advanced to    
take advantage of it1 and to            
revolutionise the whole ,roman          
conception of the divine4  ,dr4 ,frazer 
gives me an opportunity of adverting to 
another point bearing on the question we
 are discussing1--the way in which the  
old ,roman thought of his deities4 ,it  
is difficult1 he says1#caf to deny that 
the epithets ,pater and ,mater1 which   
the ,romans bestow on so many of their  
gods1 do really imply paternity and     
maternity2 if this implication be       
admitted1 the inference appears to be   
inevitable that these divine beings were
 supposed to exercise sexual functions1 
etc4 ,in a footnote he adds a number of 
formidable-looking references1 meant1 ,i

 suppose1 to prove this point4 ,i have  
closely examined these passages2 what   
they do prove is simply that many       
deities were called ,pater and ,mater4  
,not one even suggests that paternity   
and maternity were in such cases to be  
understood literally and1 so to speak1  
physically4 ,the two that come nearest  
to what he is looking for are those from
 ,varro and ,lactantius4 ,varro says#cag
 that ,ops was called ,mater because she
 was identical with ,terra1 who was1 of 
course1 ,terra ,mater3 ,haec enim--     
'terris gentes omnes peperit et resumit 
denuo1  quae dat cibaria1' ut ait       
,ennius4#cah ,it is clear1 then1 that   
neither ,varro nor ,ennius understood   
this title of ,ops and ,terra in ,dr4   
,frazer's sense of the word4 ,the       
quotation from the early ,christian     
father ,lactantius1 which contains three
 well-known lines of ,lucilius1 might   
possibly deceive those who neglect to   
turn it out and read the context2 there 
we find at once that not even           

,lactantius could attribute to these    
epithets the meaning which ,dr4 ,frazer 
wishes to put on them4 ,he would have   
been as glad to do so as ,dr4 ,frazer   
himself1 though for a very different    
reason2 but what he actually wrote is   
this3--  ,omnem ,deum qui ab homine     
colitur1 necesse est inter solennes     
ritus et precationes patrem nuncupari1  
non tantum honoris gratia1 verum etiam  
rationis2 quod et antiquior est homine1 
et quod vitam1 salutem1 victum praestat1
 ut pater4 ,itaque ut ,iuppiter a       
precantibus pater vocatur1 etc4#cai     
,dr4 ,frazer's quotation begins with    
this last sentence2 it is a pity that he
 did not read the context4 ,if he had   
read it1 his candour would have         
compelled him to confess that not even a
 ,christian father1 with a keen sense of
 what was ridiculous or degrading in the
 pagan religion1 understood the         
fatherhood of the gods as he wishes to  
understand it4  ,but ,i am wasting time 
in pressing this point4 ,dr4 ,frazer    

would hardly have used such an argument 
if he had not been hard put to it4 ,the 
figurative use of human relationships is
 surely a common practice1 when         
addressing their deities1 of all peoples
 who have reached the stage of family   
life4 ,as another distinguished         
anthropologist says3 ,the very want of  
an object tends to supply an object     
through the imagination2 and this will  
be either the vital energy inherent in  
things1 or the reflex of the human      
father1 who once satisfied his needs    
7i4e4 of the worshipper74 ,so1 in ,aryan
 religions1 the supreme god is father1  
,greek3 ,zeus pater1 ,diespiter1        
,marspiter4 ,ahura-,mazda is a          
father4444 ,another analogy shows the   
relationship of brother and friend1 as  
in the case of ,mithra4#cbj ,the ,romans
 themselves were familiar from the first
 with such figurative use of            
relationship1 as was natural to a people
 in whom the family instinct was so     
strong2 we have but to think of the     

pater patratus of the ,fetiales1#cba of 
the ,fratres ,arvales1 or the ,fratres  
,attiedii of ,iguvium4 ,what exactly    
they understood by ,pater and ,mater    
when applied to deities is not so easy  
to determine3 we have not the necessary 
data4 ,they were never applied1 ,i      
believe1 to imported deities1 di        
novensiles2 always to di indigetes1     
those on whom the original ,roman stock 
looked as their fellow-citizens and     
guardians4 ,and we shall not be far     
wrong if we conclude that in general    
they imply the dependence of the human  
citizen upon his divine protector1 and  
thus bring the usage into line with that
 of other ,aryan peoples4 ,behind this  
feeling of dependence there may have    
been the idea1 handed down from remote  
ages1 that ,father ,sky and ,mother     
,earth were in a sense the parents of   
all living things2 but there is nothing 
in the ,roman religion to suggest that  
the two were thought of as personally   
uniting in marriage or a sexual act4  ,i

 will sum up this part of the discussion
 by translating an admirable passage in 
,aust's book on the ,roman religion1    
with which ,i am in cordial             
agreement#cbb3--  ,the deities of ,rome 
were deities of the cult only4 ,they had
 no human form2 they had not the human  
heart with its virtues and vices4 ,they 
had no intercourse with each other1 and 
no common or permanent residence2 they  
enjoyed no nectar and ambrosia 444 they 
had no children1 no parental relation4  
,they were indeed both male and female1 
and a male and female deity are often in
 close relations with each other2 but   
this is not a relation of marriage1 and 
rests only on a similarity in the sphere
 of their operations4444 ,these deities 
never become independent existences2    
they remain cold1 colourless            
conceptions1 numina as the ,romans      
called them1 that is1 supernatural      
beings whose existence only betrays     
itself in the exercise of certain       
powers4  ,they were1 indeed1 cold and   

colourless conceptions as compared with 
the ,greek gods of ,olympus1 whose      
warmth and colour is really that of     
human life1 of human passions2 but the  
one remarkable and interesting thing    
about these ,roman and ,italian numina  
is the life and force for good or evil  
which is the very essence of their      
being4 ,the puzzling combinations we    
have just been studying are quite enough
 to illustrate this character4 ,moles1  
,virites1 ,nerio1 and perhaps others    
too1 seem to mean the strength or force 
inherent in the numen2 ,cerfius1 or     
,cerus1 as the ,latins called it1       
,liber1 ,genius1 all are best           
interpreted as meaning a functional or  
creative force4 ,jupiter is the sky or  
heaven itself1 with all its             
manifestations of activity2 ,tellus is  
,mother ,earth1 full of active          
productive power4 ,at the bottom of     
these cold and colourless conceptions   
there is thus a real idea of power1 not 
supernatural but rather natural power1  

which may both hurt and benefit man1 and
 which he must attempt to enlist on his 
side4 ,this enlistment was the task of  
the ,roman priesthood and the ,roman    
government1 and so effectually was it   
carried out that the divine beings lost 
their vitality in the process4  ,we     
shall be better able to follow out this 
curious fate of the ,roman deities in   
later lectures2 here ,i wish to note one
 other aspect of the ,roman idea of     
divinity1 which will help to explain    
what ,i have just been saying about the 
life and force inherent in these numina4
  ,in most cursory accounts of the      
,roman religion it has been the practice
 to lay particular stress upon an       
immense number of gods1 as they used to 
be called1 each of which is supposed to 
have presided over some particular act  
or suffering of the ,roman from the     
cradle to the grave--from ,cunina1 the  
goddess of his cradle1 to ,libitina who 
looked after his interment4 ,i have as  
yet said nothing about all these4 ,i    

will now briefly explain why ,i have not
 done so1 and why ,i hesitate to include
 them1 at any rate in the uncompromising
 form in which they are usually         
presented1 among the genuine religious  
conceptions of the earliest period4     
,later on ,i shall have further         
opportunity of discussing them2 at the  
end of this lecture ,i can only sum up  
the results of recent research into this
 curious cloud of so-called deities4    
,we know of them mainly1 but not        
entirely1 from ,tertullian1 and the de  
,civitate ,dei of ,st4 ,augustine4#cbc  
,these scholarly theologians1 wishing to
 show up the absurdity of the heathen   
religions1 found a mine of material in  
the great work of ,varro on the ,roman  
religious antiquities2 and though they  
found him by no means so elegant a      
writer as ,cicero1 they studied him with
 pains1 and have incidentally added     
immensely to our knowledge both of      
,varro himself and of the ,roman        
religion4 ,st4 ,augustine tells us that 

it was in the last three books of his   
work that ,varro treated of the ,roman  
deities1 and that he divided them under 
the heads of di certi1 di incerti1 and  
di selecti4 ,in the first of these he   
dealt chiefly with those with which we  
are now concerned3 they were certi      
because their names expressed their     
supposed activity quite clearly4#cbd ,we
 know for certain that ,varro found     
these names in the books of the         
pontifices1 and that they were there    
called ,indigitamenta3#cbe a word which 
has been variously interpreted1 and has 
been the subject of much learned        
disputation4 ,i believe with ,wissowa   
that it means forms of invocation1 i4e4 
the correct names by which gods should  
be addressed4  ,thus these lists of     
names come down to us at third hand3    
,varro took them from the pontifical    
books1 and the ,christian fathers took  
them from ,varro4 ,it is obvious that   
this being the case they need very      
careful critical examination2 and till  

recently they were accepted in full     
without hesitation1 and without         
reflection on such questions as1 e4g41  
whether they are psychologically        
probable1 or whether they can be        
paralleled from the religious experience
 of other peoples4 ,some preliminary    
critical attempts were made about fifty 
years ago in this direction1#cbf but the
 first thoroughgoing examination of the 
subject was published by ,r4 ,peter in  
the article ,indigitamenta in ,roscher's
 ,mythological ,lexicon4 ,this most     
industrious scholar1 though his         
interpretation of the word              
,indigitamenta is probably              
erroneous1#cbg was the first to reach   
the definite conclusion that the lists  
are not really primitive1 and do not1 as
 we have them1 represent primitive      
religious thought4 ,it was after a very 
careful study of this article1 which is 
long enough to fill a small volume1 that
 ,i wrote in my ,roman ,festivals of the
 ,indigitamenta as based on--not        

actually representing1 ,i might have    
added--old ideas of divine agency1 now  
systematised by something like          
scientific terminology and ordered      
classification by skilled legal         
theologians2 and as an artificial       
priestly exaggeration of a primitive    
tendency to see a world of nameless     
spirits surrounding and influencing all 
human life4#cbh  ,i was not then        
specially concerned with the            
,indigitamenta1 and only alluded to them
 in passing4 ,but before my book was    
published there had already appeared a  
most interesting work on the names of   
deities 7,goetternamen7 by ,h4 ,usener1 
a brilliant investigator1 which drew    
fresh attention to the subject4 ,usener 
found in mediaeval records of the       
religion of the heathen ,lithuanians    
what seemed to be a remarkable parallel 
with this old ,roman theology1 and he   
also compared these records with certain
 facts in what we may call the          
pre-,olympian religious ideas of the    

,greeks4 ,the conclusion which he draws1
 writes ,dr4 ,farnell#cbi--;and ,i      
cannot state it better--is that the     
,indo-,germanic peoples1 on the way to  
the higher polytheism1 passed through an
 earlier stage when the objects of cult 
were beings whom he designated by the   
newly-coined words ',augenblickgoetter' 
and ',sondergoetter' 7gods of momentary 
or limited function74 ,he went further  
than this1 and claimed that the         
anthropomorphic gods of ,greece and     
,italy1 of the ,indo-,iranians1         
,persians1 and ,slavs1 were developed   
out of these spirits presiding over     
special functions and particular moments
 of human life2 but with this latter    
part of his theory ,i am not now        
concerned4 ,what we want to know now is 
whether in writing thus of the ,roman   
,indigitamenta ,usener was using a      
record which really represents an early 
stage of religious thought in ,italy2   
and ,i may add that we should be glad to
 know whether his ,lithuanian records   

are also to be unhesitatingly relied    
on4#ccj ,as regards ,greece1 ,dr4       
,farnell has criticised his theories    
with considerable effect4  ,the most    
recent contribution to the discussion of
 the ,roman part of the subject is that 
of ,wissowa1 who in #aijd published a   
paper on ,true and ,false ,sondergoetter
 at ,rome2#cca this is a piece of most  
valuable and weighty criticism1 but     
extremely difficult to follow and       
digest4 ,i here give only the main      
results of it4 ,wissowa takes two       
genuine examples of ,sondergoetter which
 have come down to us from other        
sources1 and more directly than those   
mentioned above3 the first from ,fabius 
,pictor1 the oldest ,roman              
historian1#ccb and the other from the   
,acta ,fratrum ,arvalium4#ccc ,fabius   
said that the flamen 7,cerealis871 when 
sacrificing to ,tellus and ,ceres1 also 
invoked the following deities3          
,vervactor1 for the first ploughing1 as 
,wissowa interprets it2 ,redarator1 for 

the second ploughing2 ,imporcitor1 for  
the harrowing2 ,insitor1 for the sowing2
 ,oberator1 for the top-dressing2       
,occator1 ,sarritor1 ,subrincator1      
,messor1 ,convector1 ,conditor1         
,promitor1 for subsequent operations up 
to the harvest and actual distribution  
of the corn for food4 ,secondly1 in the 
,acta of the ,arval ,brethren we find1  
on the occasion of a piaculum caused by 
the growth of a fig-tree on the roof of 
the temple of ,dea ,dia1 at the end of a
 long list of deities invoked1 and      
before the names of the divi of the     
,imperial families1 the names of three  
,sondergoetter1 ,adolenda ,commolenda   
,deferunda1 and on another occasion1    
,adolenda and ,coinquenda2 these seem   
beyond doubt to refer to the process of 
getting the obnoxious tree down from the
 roof1 of breaking it up1 and burning   
it4  ,in both these examples1 which have
 come down to us more directly than the 
lists in the ,fathers1 ,wissowa sees    
assistant or subordinate deities 7if    

such they can be called7 grouped around 
a central idea1 that of the main object 
of sacrifice in each case2#ccd these are
 the result of the cura and caerimonia  
supervised and over-elaborated by       
pontifical law and ritual4 ,it is1 ,i   
may add on my own account1 most         
unlikely1 and psychologically almost    
impossible1 that any individual farmer  
should have troubled himself to remember
 and enumerate by name twelve deities   
representing the various stages of an   
agricultural process2 and ,cato1 in     
fact1 says nothing of such ritual4 ,it  
was the flamen of the ,city-state1 who1 
when sacrificing to ,tellus and ,ceres  
before harvest1#cce pictured1 or        
recalled to mind1 the various processes 
of a year of what we may call high      
farming rather than primitive1 under the
 names of deities plainly invented out  
of the words which express those        
processes--words which themselves are   
certainly not all antique4 ,and in the  
second example1 which dates from the    

second century ,a4,d41 we see that the  
process of destroying the intruding     
fig-tree is represented in ritual in    
exactly the same curious way3 the names 
of the deities1 ,deferunda and the rest1
 being invented for the occasion out of 
the words which express the several acts
 of the process of destruction4 ,these  
,arval ,brethren of the second century  
inherited the traditions of their       
predecessors of an earlier age1 and     
carried out the work of amplification in
 their invocations by pedantically      
imitating the pontifices of five or six 
centuries earlier4 ,they held1 in a way 
which to us is ludicrous1 to the old    
notion that you should try and cover as 
much ground as possible in worship1 and 
to cover it in detail1 so that no chance
 might be missed of securing the object 
for which you were taking so much       
trouble4  ,now to return to ,varro and  
his lists of names4 ,what is ,dr4       
,wissowa's conclusion about these1 after
 examining the two examples of          

,sondergoetter which have not come down 
to us through so much book-learning as  
the rest8  ,varro's di certi1 he        
says#ccf--;and ,i think there is no     
doubt that he is right--included the    
name of every deity1 great or small1 of 
which he could feel sure that he knew   
something1 as he found it in the books  
of the pontifices2 and the part of those
 books in which he found these names1   
known as ,indigitamenta1 probably       
contained formulae of invocation1       
precationum carmina1#ccg of the same    
kind as the comprecationes deorum       
immortalium from which ,gellius quoted  
the pairs of male and female deities    
which we discussed above4 ,varro        
arranged all these names in groups of   
principal and subordinate or assistant  
deities1 the latter amplifying in detail
 the meaning and scope of the former1 as
 we have just seen2 and of this grouping
 some traces are still visible in the   
accounts of ,augustine and ,tertullian4 
,but the good ,fathers tumbled the whole

 collection about sadly in their search 
for material for their mockery1 having  
no historical or scientific object in   
view2 with the result that it now       
resembles the bits of glass in a        
kaleidoscope1 and can no longer be      
re-arranged on the original ,varronian  
plan4 ,the difficulty is increased by   
the etymologies and explanations which  
they offer of the divine names1 which1  
as a rule1 are even more absurd than the
 divinities themselves4#cch  ,but1 in   
the last place1 the question must be    
asked whether these ,sondergoetter of   
the real kind1 such1 for example1 as    
those twelve agricultural ones invoked  
by the flamen at the ,cereale sacrum1   
had their origin in any sense in popular
 usage or belief4 ,at the end of his    
paper ,wissowa emphatically says that he
 does not believe it4 ,for myself1 ,i   
would only modify this conclusion so far
 as this3 they must1 ,i think1 have been
 the theological1 or perhaps rather the 
ritualistic outcome1 of a psychological 

tendency rooted in the popular mind4 ,i 
have already noticed that curious bit of
 folklore in which three spirits of     
cultivation were invoked with a kind of 
acted parable at the birth of a         
child2#cci and ,i cannot regard this    
custom as a piece of pontifical         
ritualism1 though the names may have    
been invented by the priests to suit the
 practice4 ,the old ,roman seems to have
 had a tendency to ascribe what for want
 of a better word we may call divinity1 
not only to animate and inanimate       
objects1 but to actions and             
abstractions2 this1 ,i take it1 is an   
advanced stage of animism1 peculiar1 it 
would seem1 to a highly practical       
agricultural people1 and it is this     
stage which is reflected in the         
ritualistic work of the priests4 ,they  
turned dim and nameless powers into     
definite and prehensible deities with   
names1 and arranged them in groups so as
 to fall in with the life of the city as
 well as the farm4 ,what was the result 

of all this ingenuity1 or whether it had
 any popular result at all1 is a        
question hardly admitting of solution4  
,what is really interesting in the      
matter1 if my view is the right one1 is 
the curious way in which the early      
,roman seems to have looked upon all    
life and force and action1 human or     
other1 as in some sense associated with1
 and the result of1 divine or spiritual 
agency4       ,,notes ,,to ,,lecture    
,,vii      #bia ,for loca sacra and     
consecratio see ,marquardt1     p4 #adh 
foll42 ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 #djj4        
#bib ,serv4 ad ,aen4 xii4 #aai1 ,romani 
moris fuerat     cespitem arae super    
imponere1 et ita sacrificare4 ,cp4      
some valuable remarks of ,henzen1 ,acta 
,fratr4 ,arv4 p4     #bc4 ,the altar of 
the ,fratres was in front of their      
grove2 they used also a movable one     
7foculus7 of     silver1 but cespiti    
ornatus 7ib4 p4 #ba73 this was     for  
the preliminary offering of wine and    
incense     7,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 #cea74 

#bic ,in ,aug4 ,civ4 ,dei1 iv4 #ca2     
,agahd's edition of the     fragments of
 ,varro's ,ant4 rer4 div4 p4 #afd4      
#bid ,aug4 ,civ4 ,dei1 iv4 #bc2 ,agahd1 
p4 #aei4 ,see     ,wissowa1 ,gesammelte 
,abhandlungen1 p4 #bhj foll4      #bie  
,strabo iv4 #ahj4      #bif ,fasti1 vi4 
#cje4      #big ,tibull4 ii4 #e4 #bg4   
,the lines of ,propertius are iv4       
7v47 #b4 #ei1 ,stipes acernus eram1     
properanti falce     dolatus1 ,ante     
,numam grata pauper in urbe deus4 ,the  
question is whether these are genuine   
examples of the     natural evolution of
 a stock or stone into something     in 
the nature of an anthropomorphic image  
of a deity1 or     whether they are the 
result of the introduction of ,greek    
statues acting on the popular mind in   
rustic parts of     ,italy4 ,the        
passages1 so far as ,i know1 stand      
alone1 and     we have no means of      
deciding whether the anthropomorphic    
tendency was native or foreign4         
,vortumnus was1 however1     undoubtedly

 of ,etruscan origin2 ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4  
p4 #bcc4     ,the subject of iconic     
development of this kind is well        
summarised in ,e4 ,gardner's little     
volume on ,religion     and ,art in     
,ancient ,greece1 ch4 i4      #bih ,see 
,sayce1 ,gifford ,lectures on the       
,religions of     ,egypt and ,babylonia1
 p4 #cjb4 ,an interesting paper on      
the evolution of dei at ,rome out of    
functional     numina will be found in  
von ,domaszewski's     ,abhandlungen zur
 roem4 ,religion1 p4 #aee foll41 based  
on     ,usener's theory of              
,sondergoetter4 ,it is ingenious and    
imaginative1 but in my view does not    
square with the     facts as far as we  
know them4 ,his stages are3 7#a7        
momentary function of numina1 e4g4      
lightning2 7#b7     elevation of this   
into a permanent power or function2     
7#c7 consequent limitation of the numen 
to a special     well-marked function2  
7#d7 elevation of the numen to a        
deus1 conceived in the likeness of man1 

and male or     female1 because man     
cannot think of power otherwise than    
on the analogy of male or female        
creative energy4     ,lastly1 when the  
deus is complete1 the functions of      
the former numen become attributes or   
qualities1 traces     of which we find  
in the pairs of deities in ,gellius1    
xiii4 #bc1 which are discussed later on 
in this lecture4     ,some of these1 of 
course1 eventually became separate      
deities--,salacia1 ,maia1 ,lua4 ,as ,i  
cannot accept the view     that the     
earliest ,roman idea of the supernatural
 is to     be found in comprecationes of
 a comparatively late     period1 i4e4  
in the so-called ,indigitamenta1 this   
charmingly symmetrical account has no   
charm for me     beyond its symmetry4   
#bii ,henzen1 ,acta ,fratr4 ,arv4 pp4   
#add1 #adf2 ,cato1     ,r4,r4 #aci2     
,c4,i4,l4 vi4 #aaj and #aaa4 ,other     
references     are given by ,wissowa1   
,r4,k4 p4 #cc1 note #b4      #cjj ,for  
,pales1 ,r4,f4 p4 #hj note2 for ,pomona1

 ,wissowa1     ,r4,k4 p4 #afe4      #cja
 ,the passage runs thus 7,aug4 ,c4,d4   
iv4 #cb73     ,dicit enim 7,varro7 de   
generationibus deorum magis ad          
poetas quam ad physicos fuisse populos  
inclinatos1 et     ideo et sexum et     
generationes deorum maiores suos 7id    
est veteres credidisse ,romanos7 et     
eorum constituisse     coniugia4 ,there 
is an amusing passage in ,lactantius1 i4
     #ag 7de ,falsa ,religione71 which  
,dr4 ,frazer might read     with        
advantage4 ,it begins1 ,si duo sunt     
sexus deorum1     sequitur concubitus4  
,then he goes on mockingly to argue     
that the gods must have houses1 cities1 
lands which     they plough and sow1    
which proves them mortal4 ,finally      
he takes the whole series of inferences 
backwards1     finishing with si domibus
 carent1 ergo et concubitu4 ,si         
concubitus ab his abest1 et sexus igitur
 foemineus1     etc4 ,all this1 he      
means1 can be inferred from the fact    
that gods are of both sexes2 but that   

they have     concubitus can no more be 
inferred from his argument     than that
 they plough and sow4      #cjb ,dr4    
,frazer conjectures a sacred marriage of
     ,jupiter and ,juno under the forms 
of ,janus and ,diana1 in     ,kingship1 
p4 #bad2 but he is well aware that it is
 pure     guesswork4 ,there was1 indeed1
 at ,falerii such a marriage     of     
,juno with an unknown deity 7,ovid1     
,amores1 iii4 #ac71     of which1       
however1 we do not know the history4    
,falerii     was one of those cities1   
like ,praeneste1 where ,etruscan1       
,greek1 and ,latin influences met4 ,the 
,orci nuptiae on     which ,frazer lays 
stress was simply the ,greek marriage   
of ,pluto and ,proserpine3 ,orci coniux 
,proserpina1 ,aug4     ,c4,d4 vii4 #bc  
and #bh1 ,agahd1 p4 #aeb4 ,wissowa shows
 this     conclusively1 ,r4,k4 p4 #bdf4 
,orcus was ,graecised as     ,plutus1   
but was himself totally without         
personality4      #cjc ,dr4 ,frazer     
wrongly translates this as ancient      

prayers 7p4 #daa71 adding the highest   
possible     authority on the subject4  
,oratio is never used in     this sense 
until ,christian times3 the word is     
always     precatio4 ,all scholars are  
agreed that what is meant     is        
invocations to deities in old speeches1 
such as occur     once or twice in      
,cicero 7e4g4 at the end of the         
,verrines72 cp4 ,livy xxix4 #ae4 ,as the
 recording of     speeches cannot be    
assumed to have begun before the        
third century ,b4,c41 this does not     
carry us very far     back4 ,that       
century is also the age in which the    
pontifices were probably most active in 
drawing up     comprecationes2 see      
below1 p4 #bhe foll4      #cjd ,see     
,appendix ,b at end of volume4      #cje
 ,cp4 ,ovid1 ,fasti1 iii4 #hej1 forti   
sacrificare     deae4 ,in ,r4,f4 p4 #fj 
foll41 ,i have criticised the           
attempts1 ancient and modern1 to make   
this ,nerio the     subject of myths4   
#cjf ,macrob4 i4 #ab4 #ah4 ,this word   

,maiestas shows the     doubtful nature 
of these feminine names1 and probably   
betrays the real meaning of ,maia4 ,i   
may mention here     that ,bellona      
instead of ,nerio is ascribed as wife to
     ,mars by ,seneca ap4 ,aug4 ,c4,d4  
vi4 #aj2 also ,venus to     ,volcanus   
instead of ,maia4 ,neither have any     
connection1     so far as we know1 with 
the gods to whom ,seneca ascribes       
them as wives3 ,venus-,vulcan is1 of    
course1 ,greek4 ,both     ,augustine and
 ,dr4 ,frazer might with advantage have 
abstained from citing ,seneca on such a 
point3 as a     ,spaniard by birth he   
was not likely to know much about       
technical questions of ,roman ritual4   
#cjg ,see ,schanz1 ,gesch4 der roem4    
,literatur1 i4 #bgd4      #cjh ,in the  
,graeco-,roman age ,mars seems to have  
been     rather a favourite subject of  
myth-making2 see ,usener's     article  
on ,italian myths in ,rhein4 ,mus4 vol4 
xxx42     ,roscher in ,myth4 ,lex4 for  
works of ,graeco-,etruscan     art in   

which he appears in certain mythical    
scenes4      #cji ,h4 ,jordan1 quoted in
 ,r4,f4 p4 #fa note4 ,i relegate     to 
an appendix what needs to be said about 
the other     pairs of deities mentioned
 by ,gellius4      #caj ,leipzig1 #ahih1
 p4 #g foll4      #caa ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 
p4 #afh4 ,carter1 op4 cit4 p4 #ba4      
#cab ,see ,buecheler1 ,umbrica1 pp4 #bb 
and #ih4      #cac ,so ,fides is usually
 explained1 as originally     belonging 
to ,jupiter 7,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 #ajc   
foll472 but     a different view is     
taken by ,harold ,l4 ,axtell in his     
work on the ,deification of ,abstract   
,ideas at ,rome     7,chicago1 #aijg71  
p4 #bj4      #cad ,in the ,festschrift  
f4 ,o4 ,hirschfeld1 p4 #bdc foll4       
#cae ,religion of the ,babylonians1     
introductory     chapter4      #caf ,op4
 cit4 p4 #dab4      #cag ,l4,l4 v4 #fd4 
#cah ,this fragment is ,no4 #ejc in     
,baehrens1 ,fragm4     ,poet4 ,rom4     
#cai ,lactantius1 ,div4 inst4 iv4 #c4   
#cbj ,crawley1 ,the ,tree of ,life1 p4  

#bef2 ,farnell1     ,evolution of       
,religion1 p4 #ahj2 von ,domaszewski1   
,abhandlungen1 p4 #aff1 ,man ruft sie an
 im ,gebete als     pater und mater zum 
,zeichen der ,unterwerfung unter ihren  
,willen1 wie der ,sohn dem ,gebote des  
paterfamilias sich     fuegt4 ,der      
sittlich strenge ,gehorsam1 der das     
,familienleben der ,roemer beherrscht1  
die pietas1 ist der     ,sinn der       
roemischen religio4 ,cp4 also ,appel1 de
 ,rom4     precationibus1 pp4 #ajb-c1   
who thinks that they regarded     the   
gods velut patriarchas sive patres      
familias4 ,he     quotes                
,preller-,jordan i4 #ee and ,dieterich1 
,eine     ,mithrasliturgie1 p4 #adb sq4 
,so too with mater--velut     mater     
familias4      #cba ,the expression     
seems to mean a father made for     the 
purpose of the embassy4 ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4
 p4 #dgg1     note #c4      #cbb p4 #ai4
 ,this was written1 it may be noted1    
several     years after ,aust had       
thoroughly investigated the cult of     

,jupiter for his article in the         
,mythological ,lexicon2     in which    
cult1 if anywhere1 one may be tempted to
 see     evidence of a personal         
conception of deities4 ,as ,dr4         
,frazer has referred to the cult of     
,jupiter at ,praeneste1     to which ,i 
referred him as evidence of a possibly  
personal conception of the god in that  
,latin city1 ,i may     say here that ,i
 adhere to what ,i said about this in   
,r4,f4 p4 #bbf foll42 no piece of       
antique cult has     occupied my        
attention more than this1 and ,i have   
tried     to lay open every source of   
confirmation or criticism4     ,wissowa 
has expressed himself in almost exactly 
the same     terms in ,r4,k4 p4 #bji3 we
 arrived at our conclusions             
independently4      #cbc ,tertullian1 ad
 ,nationes #aa1 and de ,anima1 #cg      
foll42 ,aug4 de ,civ4 ,dei1 iv4 passim1 
and especially     ch4 xi42 ,r4 ,peter  
compiled a complete list 7,myth4        
,lex41 s4v4 ,indigitamenta1 p4 #adc7    

from these and     other sources4       
#cbd ,aug4 ,c4,d4 vii4 #ag4 ,that this  
was what ,varro     meant by di certi   
was first affirmed by ,wissowa in a     
note to his edition of ,marquardt1 p4   
#i2 it has been     generally accepted  
as the true account4 ,a full            
discussion will be found in ,agahd's    
edition of the     fragments of ,varro's
 work1 p4 #abf foll42 cf4 ,peter's      
article quoted above1 and ,wissowa1     
,r4,k4 pp4 #fa and #fe4     ,a somewhat 
different view is given in              
,domaszewski's     article in ,archiv   
for #aijg1 p4 #a foll41 suggested by    
,usener's ,goetternamen4      #cbe ,the 
evidence for this will be found in      
,marquardt's     note #d on p4 #i4 ,i   
have no doubt that ,wissowa is right in 
explaining ,indigitamenta as            
,gebetsformeln1 formulae of             
invocation2 in which the most important 
matter1 we may     add1 would be the    
name of the deity4 ,see his ,gesammelte 
,abhandlungen1 p4 #agg foll4 ,the       

,indigitamenta contained1     as one    
section1 the invocations of di certi4   
#cbf ,chiefly by ,ambrosch in his       
,religionsbuecher der     ,roemer4      
,peter's article contains a useful      
account of the     whole progress of    
research on this subject4      #cbg     
,lex4 p4 #acg2 it was that of his master
     ,reifferscheid4 ,cp4 ,wissowa1 op4 
cit4 7,ges4 ,abhandl4     p4 #cjf       
foll474      #cbh ,r4,f4 pp4 #aia1 #cda4
      #cbi ,the place of the            
,sondergoetter in ,greek                
,polytheism1 printed in ,anthropological
 ,essays     addressed to ,e4 ,b4       
,tylor1 p4 #ha4 ,usener's discussion of 
the ,roman and ,lithuanian              
,sondergoetter is in his                
,goetternamen1 p4 #gc foll4      #ccj   
,wissowa writes 7,ges4 ,abhandl4 p4 #cbj
 note7 that     he has reason to believe
 that a great number of the             
,lithuanian ,sondergoetter only became  
such through the     treatment of the   
subject by the mediaeval writers on     

whom ,usener relied6      #cca ,ges4    
,abhandl4 p4 #cjd foll4      #ccb       
,servius 7,interpol47 ad ,georg4 i4 #ba4
      #ccc ,henzen1 ,acta ,fratr4 ,arv4 
p4 #adg2 ,c4,i4,l4 vi4     #bjii and    
#bajg4      #ccd ,op4 cit4 p4 #cbc      
foll42 for famuli and anculi     divi1  
,henzen1 op4 cit4 p4 #ade4      #cce    
,see above1 p4 #aba4      #ccf p4 #cab2 
cp4 #cbj1 where he further asserts his  
belief that ,varro is responsible       
himself for the     creation of a great 
number of these ,sondergoetter1 owing   
to his extreme desire to fix and define 
the function of     every deity in      
relation to human life2 just as the     
mediaeval writers ,laskowski and        
,pretorius may have     created many    
,lithuanian ,sondergoetter4 ,as ,i am   
not quite     clear on this point1 ,i   
have not mentioned it in the     text4  
#ccg ,op4 cit4 p4 #cad1 note #a4 ,see   
above1 note #cc4      #cch e4g4         
,vaticanus1 qui infantum vagitibus      
praesidet2 ,rusina from rus2 ,consus    

from     consilium1 etc4      #cci ,see 
above1 p4 #hd4     ,,lecture ,,viii     
,,ritual ,,of ,,the ,,ius ,,divinum   ,i
 have already frequently mentioned the  
ius divinum1 the law governing the      
relations between the divine and human  
inhabitants of the city1 as the ius     
civile governed the relations between   
citizen and citizen4#cdj ,when we       
examined the calendar of ,numa1 we were 
in fact examining a part of this law2 we
 began with this our studies of the     
religion of the ,roman city-state1      
because it is the earliest document we  
possess which illuminates the dark ages 
of city life1 so far as religion is     
concerned4 ,the study of the calendar   
naturally led us on to consider the     
evidence it yields1 taken together with 
other sources of information1 as to the 
nature of the deities for whose worship 
it fixes times and seasons1 or1 more    
accurately1 the amount of knowledge to  
which the ,romans had attained about    
their divine beings4 ,but we must now   

return to the ius divinum1 and study it 
in another aspect1 for which the        
calendar itself does not suffice as     
evidence4  ,perhaps the simplest way of 
explaining this ius is to describe it as
 laying down the rules for the          
maintenance of right relations between  
the citizens and their deities2 as      
ordaining what things are to be done or 
avoided in order to keep up a continual 
pax1 or quasi-legal covenant1 between   
these two parties4 ,the two words ius   
and pax1 we may note1 are continually   
meeting us in ,roman religious          
documents4 ,in a prayer sanctioned by   
the pontifices for use at the making of 
a new clearing1 we read3 ,si deus1 si   
dea sit cuius illud sacrum est1 ut tibi 
ius siet porco piaculo facere illiusce  
sacri coercendi ergo1#cda i4e4 ,o       
unknown deity1 whether god or goddess1  
whose property this wood is1 let it be  
legally proper to sacrifice to thee this
 pig as an expiatory offering1 for the  
sake of cutting down trees in this wood 

of thine4 ,pacem deorum exposcere 7or   
petere7 is a standing formula1 as all   
readers of ,virgil know2#cdb and it     
occurs in many other authors and        
religious documents4 ,when ,livy wants  
to express the horror of the old        
patrician families at the idea of       
plebeians being consuls--men who had no 
knowledge of the ius divinum and no     
right to have any--he makes ,appius     
,claudius exclaim1 ,nunc nos1 tanquam   
iam nihil pace deorum opus sit1 omnes   
caerimonias polluimus4#cdc ,how can we  
maintain our right relations with the   
gods1 if plebeians have the care of     
them8  ,thus it is not going too far to 
describe the whole ,roman religion of   
the city-state as a ,rechtsverkehr1#cdd 
a legal process going on continually4   
,when a colonia was founded1 i4e4 a     
military outpost which was to be a copy 
in all respects of the ,roman ,state1 it
 was absolutely essential that its ius  
divinum should be laid down2 it must    
have a religious charter as well as a   

civil one4 ,even at the very end of the 
life of the ,republic1 when ,caesar     
founded a colony in ,spain1 he ordained 
that1 within ten days of its first      
magistrates taking office1 they should  
consult the ,senate quos et quot dies   
festos esse et quae sacra fieri publice 
placeat et quos ea sacra facere placeat1
 i4e4 as to the calendar1 the ritual1   
and the priesthood4#cde ,the ,romans1 of
 course1 assumed that ,numa1 their      
priest-king1 had done the same thing for
 ,rome2 ,livy describes him as ordaining
 a pontifex to whom he entrusted the    
care of all these matters1 with written 
rules to follow4#cdf ,this was the      
imaginary religious charter of the      
,roman ,state4 ,without it the citizen1 
or rather his official representative1  
would not know with the necessary       
accuracy the details of the cura and    
caerimonia2 without it1 too1 the deities
 could not be expected to perform their 
part of advancing the interests of the  
,state1 and indeed1 as ,i think we shall

 find1 could not be expected to retain  
the strength and vitality which they    
needed for the work4 ,support was needed
 on each side2 the ,state needed the    
help of the gods1 and the gods needed   
the help of the ,state's care and       
worship4  ,the ways and means towards   
the maintenance of this pax were as     
follows4 ,first1 the deities must be    
duly placated1 and their powers kept in 
full vigour1 by the ritual of sacrifice 
and prayer1 performed at the proper     
times and places by authorised persons  
skilled in the knowledge of that ritual4
 ,secondly1 there must be an exact      
fulfilment of all vows or solemn        
promises made to the deities by the     
,state or its magistrates1 or by such   
private persons as might have made      
similar engagements4 ,thirdly1 the city1
 its land and its people1 must be       
preserved from all evil or hostile      
influences1 whether spiritual or        
material or both1 by the process broadly
 known as lustratio1 which we commonly  

translate purification4 ,lastly1 strict 
attention must be paid to all outward   
signs of the will of the gods1 as shown 
by omens and portents of various kinds4 
,this last method of securing the pax   
became specially prominent much later in
 ,roman history1 and ,i prefer to       
postpone detailed discussion of it for  
the present2 but the other three we will
 now examine1 with the help of evidence 
mainly derived from facts of cult1 not  
from the fancies of mythologists4       
,first1 then1 ,i take sacrifice1 dealing
 only with the general principles of    
sacrificial rites1 so far as we can     
discern them in the numerous details    
which have come down to us4 ,the word   
sacrificium1 let us note1 in its widest 
sense1 may cover any religious act in   
which something is made sacrum1 i4e4 7in
 its legal sense7 the property of a     
deity2#cdg ,i am not now concerned to   
conjecture what exactly may have been   
the meaning of this immortal word before
 it was embodied in the ius divinum4    

,sacrificium is limited in practical use
 by the ,romans themselves to offerings1
 animal or cereal1 made on the spot     
where the deity had taken up his        
residence1 or at some place on the      
boundary of land or city 7e4g4 the gate7
 which was under his protection1 or 7in 
later times at least7 at a temporary    
altar erected during a campaign4 ,thus  
it was as much a sacrificium when the   
paterfamilias threw at each meal a      
portion of the food into the fire1 the  
residence of ,vesta1 as when the consul 
offered a victim to ,mars on the eve of 
a battle4  ,sacrifices have generally   
been divided into the three classes of  
7#a7 honorific1 where the offering is   
believed to be in some sense a gift to  
the deity2 7#b7 piacular1 or            
sin-offerings1 where the victim was     
usually burnt whole1 no part being      
retained for eating 7though this was not
 the case at ,rome72 7#c7 sacramental   
sacrifices1 where the worshippers enter 
into communion with the deity by        

partaking of the sacred offering        
together with him4#cdh ,the two former  
are constant and typical in the ,roman  
religion2 but traces of the sacramental 
type1 which ,robertson ,smith believed  
to be the oldest1 are also found1 and it
 will clear the ground if ,i refer to   
them at once4 ,by far the most          
interesting example is that of the      
,latin festival on the ,alban mount1    
where the flesh of the victim1 a white  
heifer that had never felt the yoke1 was
 partaken of by the deputies of all the 
cities of the ,latin league1 great      
importance being attached to the due    
distribution4#cdi ,here the ,latin race 
yearly acknowledges its common kinship  
of blood1 and seals it by partaking in  
the common meal of a sacred victim1 thus
 entering into communion with ,jupiter1 
the ancient god of the race1 and with   
each other1 by participation in the     
flesh of the sacred animal4 ,this common
 meal is perhaps a survival from the age
 when cattle were sacred animals1 and   

were never slain or eaten except on the 
solemn annual occasions when the clan or
 race renewed its kinship and its mutual
 obligations by a solemn sacrament4 ,it 
is tempting to compare with this great  
sacrament the epulum ,iovis on the ,ides
 of ,september1 the dedication-day of   
the ,capitoline temple of ,jupiter1     
,juno1 and ,minerva1 which three deities
 seem to have been present in visible   
form to share the meal with the         
magistrates and senate4#cej ,but we have
 not yet arrived at the age when this   
temple was built1 and we have no        
evidence enabling us to carry the rite  
back in any form to the pre-,etruscan   
period4 ,there are1 however1 faint      
indications that the old ,italians      
believed the deities to be in some sense
 present at their meals1 though not in  
visible form2 and at one festival1 the  
,fornacalia1 which was a concern not of 
the ,state as a whole1 but of the thirty
 curiae into which it was divided1#cea  
there seems to be no doubt that a common

 meal took place in which the gods were 
believed to have a part1 or at any rate 
to be present though invisible4 ,yet the
 ius divinum of the ,roman ,state       
assuredly did not encourage this kind of
 sacrament2 for in the regular round of 
,state festivals1 in which we cannot    
include even the feriae ,latinae1 the   
sacrifices1 so far as we are informed1  
were all honorific or piacular4 ,if ,i  
am not mistaken1 the idea of            
participation by the people in solemn   
sacred rites was discouraged by the     
,roman priesthood2 in the ius divinum   
the line drawn between sacrum and       
profanum was clear2 scenes of gluttony  
or revelry1 like the ,greek hecatombs1  
were eliminated from the sacra publica1 
as ,i have already pointed out4 ,not    
till the advent of the ,sibylline books 
and the ,graecus ritus did the people   
take an active part in the ,state       
religion2 their duty was merely to      
abstain from disturbance during the     
performance of sacred rites4 ,feriis    

iurgia amovento is the only reference in
 ,cicero's imaginary sketch of the ius  
divinum to the conduct of the citizen on
 festival days4#ceb ,within the family1 
the curia1 the gens1 there might be     
direct and active participation in daily
 or yearly ceremonies1 but it was an    
essential principle of the life of the  
city-state that its business1 religious 
as well as civil1 should be carried out 
for the citizens by officials specially 
appointed4  ,in the typical and         
organised worship of the ,state1 i4e4   
sacrifice honorific and piacular1       
sanctioned by the ius divinum1 the      
utmost care was taken that the whole    
procedure should be in every sense      
acceptable to the deity2 that nothing   
profanum should cross the threshold of  
the divine2 hence it was quiet1 orderly1
 dignified4 ,the feeling that           
communication with the deity invoked was
 impossible save under such conditions  
was very strong in the ,roman mind1     
stronger perhaps than with any other    

people whose religious practice is known
 to us2 and the sense of obligation and 
duty1 pietas1 as they called it1 was    
thus very early developed1 and of       
infinite value to the ,state in its     
youth4 ,this is entirely in keeping with
 what we have learnt in the last two    
lectures of the ideas of the ,romans    
about the nature of their deities1 and  
throws additional light on those ideas4 
,they did not as yet know too much about
 the divine beings and their powers and 
wishes2 familiarity had not yet bred    
contempt2 religio1 as we saw1 was still 
strong among them--the feeling of awe   
that is likely to diminish or disappear 
when you have your god before you in the
 form of an idol4 ,it is a principle of 
human nature that where knowledge is    
imperfect1 care must be taken to be on  
the safe side2 this is true of all      
practical undertakings1 and as the      
religion of the ,romans was that of a   
practical people with a practical end in
 view1 it was particularly true of them4

  ,first then1 in order that the worship
 might be entirely acceptable to the    
deity invoked1 it was essential that the
 person who conducted it should be also 
acceptable4 ,at the head of the whole   
system was the rex1 who was priest as   
well as king4 ,we do not know1 of       
course1 exactly how the rex was         
appointed2 but in the case of the       
typical priest-king ,numa1 ,livy has    
described his inauguratio in terms of   
the ius divinum of later times for the  
appointment of priests1 and we may take 
it as fairly certain that the same      
principle held good from the earliest   
times4#cec ,after being summoned 7so the
 story ran7 from the ,sabine city of    
,cures by the ,senate1 he consulted the 
gods about his own fitness4 ,he was then
 conducted by the augur to the arx on   
the ,capitol1 and sat down on a stone   
facing the south4 ,the augur took his   
seat on his left hand 7the lucky side7  
with veiled head1 holding the lituus#ced
 of his office in his right hand1 with  

which1 after a prayer1 he marked out the
 regiones from east to west1 the north  
being to the left1 the south to the     
right1 and silently noted some object in
 the extreme distance of the ager       
,romanus1 as the farthest point where   
the appearance of an omen might be      
accepted4 ,then1 passing the lituus to  
his left hand1 he laid his right on the 
head of ,numa1 and uttered this prayer3 
,father ,jupiter1 if it be thy will     
7fas7 that this ,numa ,pompilius1 on    
whose head my hand is laid1 be king of  
,rome1 ,i pray thee give us clear token 
within the limits which ,i have marked  
out4 ,then he said aloud what auspicia  
he sought for 7i4e4 whether of birds1   
lightning1 or what72 and when they      
appeared1 ,numa descended as rex from   
the citadel4 ,this process was called   
inauguratio2 it is attested for the     
confirmation of the election of the     
three flamines maiores1 the rex1 and the
 augurs1 in historical times1#cee       
whatever was the method of that         

election1 and without it the priest was 
not believed to be acceptable to the    
gods4 ,it is not mentioned by ,roman    
writers in connection with the          
,pontifices or the ,vestals2 if this be 
not merely from dearth of evidence1 it  
is not easy to account for1 unless the  
reason were that neither body was       
specially concerned with sacrifice4 ,but
 the principle is perfectly clear--that 
the person who is to represent the      
community in worship must be one of whom
 the numina openly express approval4  ,a
 priest1 sacerdos1 is thus a person set 
apart by special ritual for the service 
of the sacra populi ,romani4 ,the rex no
 doubt himself made the selection and   
supervised the inauguratio of the other 
priests at whose head he was4 ,when the 
kingship came to an end1 his powers of  
this kind passed to the pontifex        
maximus2 and it may be as well to add at
 once that his sacrificial powers1      
though they were in a special sense     
inherited by a priest who took his      

title1 the rex sacrorum1 passed with the
 civil power to all magistrates cum     
imperio1 who wore the toga praetexta    
symbolic of priestly function1 and had  
the right of presiding at sacrificial   
rites both at home and in the field4    
,thus magistrate and priest1 though     
quite distinct under the ,republic from 
the point of view of public law1 have   
certain characteristics in common as    
deriving from a common source in the    
powers of the rex4#cef  ,but to return  
to the period of ,numa and the calendar3
 it was not only necessary that the     
priest should be acceptable to the gods1
 but that he should be marked off from  
the rest of the community as being      
dedicated to their service4 ,as ,dr4    
,jevons says1#ceg in all early religions
 priests are marked off from other      
worshippers1 partly by what they do1 and
 partly by what they may not do2 and    
what he means is 7#a7 that the priest   
originally was the person who alone     
could slay a victim2 7#b7 that in       

consequence of his sacredness he was    
subject to a great number of            
restrictions4 ,i have already spoken of 
these restrictions or priestly taboos in
 my second lecture2 and as ,i believe   
that in the period we are now dealing   
with they were little more than a       
survival1 ,i shall not return to them   
now4 ,but of the outward insignia1 which
 marked off the priest as alone entitled
 to perform the essential act of        
worship1 the sacrifice1 and which bring 
him out of the region of the profanum   
into that of sacrum1 ,i must say a few  
words before going farther4  ,in        
historical times the actual slaying of  
the victim was done by subordinates1    
popae1 victimarii1 etc42 but there is no
 doubt whatever that it was originally  
the work of the priest1 for he seems at 
all times to have used one gesture which
 is clearly symbolic of it1#ceh and     
there are traces also of a practice of  
wearing the toga in such a way as to    
leave the right arm free for the        

act4#cei ,that toga1 or any other       
special robe worn by the priest1 was    
always in whole or part red or purple4  
,the purple-edged toga praetexta was    
worn both by priests and magistrates1   
and by children under age2 and ,i think 
there is good reason to believe that in 
all these cases the original idea was   
the same--that they took part1 directly 
or indirectly1 as primary or secondary  
agents in sacrificial acts4 ,the ,salii 
and the augurs wore the trabea1 which   
was of purple or red1 or both2 the      
flamines had a special robe about the   
colour of which we are not informed1 but
 the ,flaminica ,dialis wore a purple   
garment called rica1 and a red veil     
called flammeum1 which was also worn by 
the bride in the religious ceremony of  
marriage4 ,whether we are to see in this
 prevalence of red or purple any        
symbolism of the shedding of blood in   
sacrifice ,i cannot be sure1 but the    
inference is a tempting one1 and has    
been put forward with confidence by some

 recent investigators4 ,it is worth     
noting that the ,vestals1 who did not   
sacrifice animals1 wore white only4#cfj 
,if the red colour has anything to do   
with blood-shedding1 it is probably more
 than merely symbolic2 it may mean that 
the sacrificing priest partakes of that 
life and strength which he passes on to 
the god through the blood1 that is the  
life1 of the victim4#cfa  ,the ,roman   
priests had also other insignia1 of     
which the original meaning is less      
evident4 ,the ,flamen ,dialis1 and      
probably all the flamines1 wore a cap   
with an olive-twig fastened to the top  
of it2 this is well shown in the        
sculptures of the ,ara ,pacis of        
,augustus4#cfb ,the flaminicae had a    
head-dress called tutulus1 which        
consisted in part1 at least1 of a purple
 fillet or ribbon4 ,the flamines1 when  
actually sacrificing1 wore a galerus1 or
 hood of some kind made of the skin of a
 victim1 and the ,flamen ,dialis in     
particular wore one made of the skin of 

a white heifer sacrificed to            
,jupiter4#cfc ,in these various ways all
 priests were outwardly shown to be holy
 men1 sacerdotes1 marked off from the   
profanum vulgus4 ,only for the          
pontifices we have no information as to 
a special dress1 just as we also have   
none as to their inauguratio4#cfd  ,thus
 there is no question that the priests  
were chosen and separated from the      
people in such a way as to meet with the
 approval of the gods2 and even the     
acolytes1 camilli and camillae1 boys and
 girls who frequently appear in         
sacrificial scenes on monuments1 wore   
the toga praetexta1 and1 in order to be 
acceptable1 must be the children of     
living parents4#cfe ,this rule has      
lately been the subject of a discussion 
by ,dr4 ,frazer1 on which he has brought
 to bear1 as usual1 a great range of    
learning4 ,he regards the restriction   
not so much as a matter of good omen1   
i4e4 of freedom from contamination by   
the death of a parent1 but as pointing  

to a notion that they were fuller of    
life and therefore luckier than         
orphans4#cff ,whether or no this        
explanation is the right one1 it is     
quite consistent1 as we shall see       
directly1 with the general idea of      
sacrifice at ,rome1 and the learning by 
which it is supported is in any case of 
interest and value4  ,there is abundant 
evidence from historical times that all 
worshippers1 and therefore a fortiori   
all priests1 when sacrificing1 had to be
 personally clean and free from every   
kind of taint2 a rule which also held   
good for the utensils used in the       
worship1 which in many cases at least   
were of primitive make and material1 not
 such as were in common use4#cfg ,the   
need of personal purity is well         
expressed by ,tibullus in his           
description of a rural festival#cfh3--  
vos quoque abesse procul iubeo1 discedat
 ab aris     cui tulit hesterna gaudia  
nocte ,venus4   casta placent superis3  
pura cum veste venite     et manibus    

puris sumite fontis aquam4  ,these lines
 indicate an approach at least to the   
idea of mental as well as material      
purity2 and ,cicero in his ius divinum  
in the de ,legibus#cfi actually reaches 
that idea3 caste iubet lex adire ad     
deos1 animo videlicet1 in quo sunt      
omnia3 nec tollit castimoniam corporis1 
etc4 ,but this is the language of a     
later age1 and does not reflect the     
notions of the old ,roman1 but rather   
those of the religious philosophy of the
 ,greek4 ,the personal purity which the 
,roman rule required was a survival from
 a set of primitive ideas1 closely      
connected with taboo1 which we are only 
now beginning to understand fully4 ,they
 are common to all or almost all peoples
 who have made any progress in          
systematising their sacrificial worship4
 ,as ,dr4 ,westermarck has recently     
expressed it1#cgj they spring from the  
idea that the contact of a polluting    
substance with anything holy is followed
 by injurious consequences4 ,it is      

supposed to deprive a deity or holy     
being of its holiness4444 ,so also a    
sacred act is believed to lose its      
sacredness by being performed by an     
unclean individual4 ,and in the next    
sentence he goes still farther back in  
the history of the belief1 pointing out 
that a polluting substance is itself    
held to contain mysterious energy of a  
baneful kind4 ,but ,i must leave this   
interesting subject now2 the story of   
the evolution of the habit of           
cleanliness from these ancient ideas    
will be found in the thirty-ninth       
chapter of his ,origin and ,development 
of ,moral ,ideas4  ,coming next to the  
act of sacrifice itself1 it is needless 
to say that the victim must be as       
exactly fitted to please the deity--if  
that be the right way to express the    
obligation--as the priest who sacrificed
 it4 ,it must be of the right kind1 sex1
 age1 colour2 it must go willingly to   
the slaughter1 adorned with fillets and 
ribbons 7infulae1 vittae71 in order to  

mark it off from other animals as holy2 
in the case of oxen1 we hear also of the
 gilding of the horns1 but this must    
have been costly and unusual4#cga ,all  
these details were doubtless laid down  
in the ius divinum1 and in later times1 
when the deities dwelt in roofed        
temples1 they were embodied in the lex  
or charter of each temple4#cgb ,i do not
 need to go into them here minutely2 for
 my present purpose1 the elucidation of 
the meaning which the ,romans attached  
to sacrificial worship1 it will be      
sufficient to point out that all        
victims1 so far as we know1 were        
domestic animals1 and in almost all     
cases they were valuable property       
7pecunia71 such as belonged to the stock
 of the ,latin farmer1 ox1 sheep1 pig1  
varying according to age and sex4 ,goats
 were used at the ,lupercalia1 and a    
horse was sacrificed to ,mars1 as we    
have seen1 on ,october #ae1 and at the  
,robigalia in ,april a red dog was      
offered to the spirit of the mildew4    

,but though time forbids me to explain  
all these rules1 a careful study of the 
evidence for them is most useful for any
 one who wishes to understand the       
influence of the ius divinum on the mind
 of the early ,roman4 ,in the family    
what rules were needed were matter of   
tradition2 deities were few1 and        
offerings limited4 ,but in the          
city-state it was very different2 here  
even the di indigetes were many1 with   
diverse wishes and likings as well as   
functions3 how were these to be         
ascertained and remembered at the right 
moment8 ,here1 as in all methods of     
securing the pax deorum1 a central      
supervising authority was needed1 in    
whose knowledge and wisdom the whole    
community had confidence2 and he was    
found in the rex1 as is clearly shown in
 the whole traditional account of the   
priest-king ,numa4 ,very naturally      
tradition also ascribed to ,numa the    
institution of the pontifices1 whom the 
historical ,romans knew as succeeding   

the rex in the supervision of religious 
law4#cgc  ,if all went well1 the victim 
going willingly and no ill omen         
supervening1 the actual slaughter       
followed at the altar4 ,during the whole
 operation silence was enjoined2 the    
priests' heads were veiled with the     
folds of the toga2#cgd pipers           
7tibicines7 continued to play1 in order 
that no unlucky sound or word might be  
heard which would make it necessary to  
start afresh with another victim        
7instauratio74 ,immediately before the  
slaughter the victim was made holier    
than ever by sprinkling upon it         
fragments of sacred cake made of far    
7immolatio71 and by pouring on it       
libations of wine from a foculus or     
movable altar containing this holy      
condiment1 together with incense if that
 were used in the rite4 ,as soon as it  
was dead1 the internal organs were      
examined to make sure that there was no 
physical defect or abnormal growth1 for 
it was1 of course1 quite as necessary   

that the animal should be purus within  
as without2 this was the only object of 
the examination1 until the ,etruscan art
 of extipicina made its way to ,rome4   
,what became of the blood we are not    
told2 ,i have already remarked that     
blood has curiously little part in      
,roman ritual and custom4#cge ,but the  
exta1 i4e4 internal organs of life1 were
 separated from the rest of the carcase1
 and carefully cooked in holy vessels1  
before being laid upon the altar        
7porrectio71 together with certain      
slices of flesh called magmenta1 or     
increase-offerings1 while the rest of   
the flesh1 which had now lost its       
holiness1 was retained for the use of   
the priests4#cgf ,the time occupied in  
the actual slaughter and inspection of  
the organs was not long2 but the cooking
 of these must have been often a lengthy
 process4 ,ovid tells us how on ,april  
#be he met the ,flamen ,quirinalis      
carrying out the exta of a dog and a    
sheep1 which had been sacrificed at     

,rome to ,robigus that morning1 in order
 to lay them on the altar of that deity 
at the fifth milestone on the ,via      
,claudia4#cgg ,certain days in the      
calendar1 called endotercisi1 which were
 nefasti in morning and evening1 were   
fasti in the middle of the day1 between 
the slaying of a victim and the placing 
of its exta on the altar 7inter hostiam 
caesam et exta porrecta74#cgh  ,i have  
so far purposely omitted one important  
detail--the prayer which1 so far as we  
know1 invariably accompanied the        
sacrifice4 ,it is not absolutely certain
 at what moment of the rite it was said 
at ,rome2 in the ritual of ,iguvium we  
find it occurring immediately before the
 placing of the exta on the altar2#cgi  
but as that ritual is a processional    
one1 concerned with sacrifices at       
several spots1 the two chief parts of   
the rite1 the slaughter and the         
porrectio1 probably followed closely on 
one another4 ,we may perhaps guess that 
where these two parts were separated by 

a considerable interval1 as in the      
majority of ,roman festivals1 the prayer
 was said by the priest also at the     
moment of porrectio4 ,the prayer is so  
important a detail as to need separate  
handling--important because it helps us 
to interpret the ideas of the ,romans   
about their sacrifices1 and the attitude
 in which they conceived themselves as  
standing towards the deities whom they  
thus approached4 ,i propose to occupy   
the rest of this lecture in considering 
this most interesting topic4 ,i wish    
first to draw attention to a particular 
feature1 or rather expression1 which    
occurs in the authentic wording of      
certain prayers which we are lucky      
enough to possess1 because ,i think it  
throws some light on the meaning which  
the ,romans attached to the sacrifice it
 accompanied2 and secondly1 to consider 
the character of ,roman prayers         
generally1 in view of a question now    
being largely discussed1 i4e4 whether   
prayer is a development from spell or   

charm1 belonging in its origin to the   
region of magic4  ,we have various forms
 of prayer surviving in ,roman          
literature3 some of them are versified  
by the poets1 and therefore give us a   
general impression of the contents      
without the actual and genuine wording2 
we have also two fragments of ancient   
carmina which have the form of prayers1 
those of the ,salii and the ,fratres    
,arvales2 and we have certain forms used
 on special occasions1 such as the      
evocatio of the gods of a hostile       
community1 or the formulae of vows      
7vota7 which ,i must postpone to the    
next lecture4 ,but the only             
unquestionably genuine old ,roman       
prayers used at sacrifice1 taken from   
the books of the pontifices and         
preserved word for word1 are those which
 ,cato embodied in his treatise on      
agriculture in the second century       
,b4,c41 as proper to be used with       
sacrifice on certain occasions in the   
agricultural year4#chj ,it is here that 

we meet with the phrase1 familiar in    
another form to all ,latin scholars1 on 
which ,i wish to lay stress now4 ,it    
occurs in all the four forms of prayer  
which ,cato copied down4 ,the first is  
at the time of the flowering of the     
pear-trees1 on behalf of the oxen3      
,iuppiter dapalis1 quod tibi fieri      
oportet in domo familia mea culignam    
vini dapi eius rei#cha ergo1 macte hac  
illace dape polucenda esto4 ,and again1 
when the wine is offered3 ,iuppiter     
dapalis1 macte istace dape polucenda    
esto4 ,macte vino inferio esto4 ,so in  
the piacular sacrifice when a clearing  
is made1 the unknown deity is addressed 
in the last words of the prayer thus3   
harum rerum ergo macte hoc porco piaculo
 immolando esto4 ,we find this macte    
esto again in the prayer for the        
ceremony of lustratio1 at the end of the
 formula3 macte hisce suovetaurilibus   
lactentibus immolandis esto4 ,in the    
rite of the porca praecidanea1 to which 
,i have already referred1 the           

instruction for the invocation of       
,jupiter runs3 ,fertum 7i4e4 a kind of  
cake7 ,iovi obmoveto et mactato sic1    
,iuppiter1 te hoc ferto obmovendo bonas 
preces precor1 uti sies volens propitius
 mihi liberisque meis domo familiaeque  
meae mactus hoc ferto4 ,janus gets      
another kind of cake 7strues7 and a     
wine-offering1 and is addressed in the  
same way4 ,then we read1 ,iovi fertum   
obmoveto mactatoque item1 ut prius      
feceris4  ,what is the real meaning of  
this phrase macte esto1 which must      
surely have been in universal use at    
sacrifices1 not only at private rites   
like those of ,cato1 since it came to be
 used in common speech of congratulation
 or felicitation1 e4g4 macte virtute    
esto8#chb ,servius in commenting on     
,virgil has made it sufficiently clear4 
,he explains it as magis aucte1 and     
connects it with magmentum1             
increase-offering1 quasi magis          
augmentum1 and adds that when the       
victims had been slain and their exta   

placed on the altar1 they were said to  
be mactatae4 ,so1 too1 in another       
comment he seems to connect the word    
with the victim rather than with the    
deity4 ,but he is quite clear as to the 
meaning of the word1 as signifying an   
increase or addition of some kind2 and  
though his etymology is wrong1 we may be
 sure that he was right in this respect1
 for it is beyond doubt built on a base1
 mac or mag1 which produced magnus1     
maius1 maiestas1 and so on4 ,macte nova 
virtute puer means ,be thou increased1  
strengthened in virtus2 a fragment of   
,lucilius 7quoted by ,servius7 brings   
this out well1 ,macte inquam virtute    
simulque his viribus esto1 and another  
from ,ennius1 ,livius inde redit magno  
mactatus triumpho4#chc ,we might almost 
translate it in these passages by       
glorified2 but it most certainly        
includes the meaning of strengthened or 
increased in might4  ,now in the        
formulae of ,cato we have seen that it  
is applied to the deity and not to the  

victim2 this naturally did not occur to 
,servius1 whose mind was occupied rather
 with ,virgil and the literary use of   
the word than with the original use and 
meaning of the language of prayer4      
,undoubtedly he has made a mistake here1
 which ,cato's piety has enabled us to  
detect4 ,it was1 in fact1 the deity     
whose strength was to be increased by   
the offerings2 so much at least seems to
 me to be beyond doubt4 ,there is1      
indeed1 no certain trace in the ritual1 
or in ,roman literature1 that the gods  
were supposed to consume the exta1 or   
the cakes and wine offered them2 that   
primitive notion must have been excluded
 from the ius divinum4 ,but instead of  
it we find the more spiritual idea that 
by placing on the altar the organs of   
the life of the victim1 with ancient    
forms of sacred cake and offerings of   
wine1 the vitality of the deity1 his    
power to help his worshippers1 to make  
the corn grow and the cattle bring forth
 young1 to aid the ,state against       

enemies1 or what not1 was really        
increased in this semi-mystic way4 ,let 
us remember that the ,roman numina were 
powers constantly at work in their own  
sphere2 they are the various            
manifestations of the one ,power as     
conceived in immediate relation to man  
and his wants2 they are sometimes       
addressed in prayer1 as we have seen1 by
 additional titles which suggest their  
strength and vitality3 ,virites         
,quirini1 ,nerio ,martis1 ,moles        
,martis1 ,maia or ,maiestas ,volcani4   
,what1 then1 could be more natural than 
that the ,roman should call upon his    
divine fellow-citizen to accept that    
which1 according to ancient tradition   
and practice1 will keep up his strength1
 and at the same time increase his glory
 and his goodwill towards his           
worshippers8 ,this is1 then1 the idea   
which ,i believe to have been at the    
root of ,roman sacrificial ritual1 and  
it seems to confirm the dynamic theory  
of sacrifice recently propounded by some

 ,french anthropologists1 i4e4 that a   
mystic current of religious force passed
 through the victim1 from priest to     
deity1 and perhaps back again4#chd ,i   
believe that we have here a transitional
 idea of the virtue of sacrifice--an    
idea that bridges over the gulf between 
the crude notion that the gods actually 
partake of the offering1 and the later  
more spiritual view that the offering is
 an honorary gift to the glory of ,god4 
,it seems also to be found in the ,vedic
 religion4 ,dr4 ,farnell writes3 ,in the
 ,vedic ritual we find a pure and       
spiritual form of prayer2 yet a certain 
spell-power may attach even to the      
highest types1 for we find not          
infrequently the conception that not    
only the power of the worshipper1 but   
the power of the deity also is nourished
 and strengthened by prayer1 and the    
prayer itself is usually accompanied by 
a potent act 7such as that of           
sacrifice74 ,may our prayers increase   
,agni3 ,the prayers fill thee with power

 and strengthen thee1 like great rivers 
the ,sindhu4#che  ,i must now turn to   
the form and manner of ,roman prayers1  
in order to gain further light on the   
question as to the mental attitude of   
the worshipper towards the deity        
invoked4 ,of late years there has been a
 strong tendency to find the origin of  
prayer in spell2 or1 in other words1 to 
discover a bridge between that mental   
attitude which believes that a deity can
 be forced into a certain course of     
action by magical formulae1 and the     
humble attitude of the petitioner in    
prayer1 which assumes that the power of 
the deity altogether transcends that of 
his worshipper4 ,the evidence of ,roman 
prayers is1 ,i think1 of considerable   
value in dealing with this question2 but
 it needs to be carefully studied and   
handled4 ,the general impression        
conveyed by those who have written on   
the subject is that ,roman prayers were 
dull1 dry formulae1 which were believed 
to have a constraining influence on the 

deity simply as formulae1 if they were  
repeated with perfect precision the     
right number of times4 ,dr4             
,westermarck1 for example1 has no shadow
 of a doubt about this2 quoting ,renan1 
he says that in the ,roman1 as in the   
majority of the old ,italian cults1     
prayer is a magic formula1 producing its
 effect by its own inherent quality4    
,and again1 he writes that the ,romans  
were much more addicted to magic than to
 religion2 they wanted to compel the    
gods rather than to be compelled by     
them4 ,their religio was probably near  
akin to the ,greek ,greek3 katadesmos1  
which meant not only an ordinary tie1   
but also a magic tie or knot or a       
bewitching thereby4#chf ,i need not stop
 to point out the misconception of the  
word religio which suggested the whole  
of this passage2 the supposed derivation
 from ligare was quite enough to suggest
 magic to those who are on the trail of 
it4#chg ,let us go on to examine the    
prayers themselves2 ,i think we shall   

find that though there is much truth in 
the common view of them1 it is not quite
 the whole truth4  ,the oldest ,roman   
prayers we possess are usually called   
hymns1 because the ,latin word for them 
was carmen1 viz4 the ,carmen ,saliare1  
which is too obscure and fragmentary to 
be of use to us1 and the ,carmen of the 
,arval ,brethren1 which is preserved on 
stone and is quite intelligible4#chh    
,the word carmen1 let us notice1 was    
used by the old ,romans for any kind of 
metrical formula1 whether hymn1 prayer1 
or spell4 ,pliny1 when writing of magic 
and incantations1 plainly includes      
prayer among them2#chi and ,dr4 ,jevons 
has recently pointed out that singing1  
and especially singing in a low voice or
 muttered tones1 is a characteristic of 
magic not only in ,greece and ,rome1 but
 in many parts of the world at the      
present day4#cij ,the evidence of the   
word is thus strongly in favour of the  
view that these ancient carmina of      
,roman worship were really spells2 and  

the ,carmen ,arvalium itself does not   
contradict it4 ,after an elaborate      
sacrificial ceremonial the priests1     
using a written copy of the carmen      
7libellis acceptis71 danced in triple   
rhythm 7tripodaverunt7 while they sang  
it2 it consisted of six clauses1 each   
repeated three times4 ,enos ,lases      
iuvate6 ,neve luerve ,marmar sins       
incurrere in pleores6 ,satur fu fere    
,mars1 limen sali1 sta berber6 ,semunes 
alternei advocapit cunctos6 ,enos       
,marmar iuvato6 ,triumpe6 ,with the     
precise interpretation of these words ,i
 am not now concerned2 but they         
obviously contain invocations to the    
,lares and ,mars1 which may be either   
petitions or commands1 and which perhaps
 are really on the borderland between   
the two2 and as thrice repeated1 and    
accompanied with dancing and            
gesticulation1 they seem certainly to   
belong rather to the region of magic    
than of religion proper4  ,it is        
interesting to compare with this carmen 

the prayers of the guild of brethren    
7,attiedii7 at ,iguvium2 these are the  
best preserved of all old ,italian      
prayers1 and though not ,roman1 are the 
product of the same race4 ,in the       
lustratio of the arx 7,ocris ,fisius7 of
 ,iguvium we find three several deities 
invoked1 with elaborate sacrificial     
ritual1 at three gates1 and a long      
prayer addressed to each deity1 thrice  
repeated1 as in the ,carmen ,arvale4 ,it
 is to be said under the breath 7tacitus
 precator totum1 vi4 ,a4 #ee71 which was
 a common practice also at ,rome1 and is
 believed to be characteristic of the   
magical spell2#cia and except in the    
case of the first prayer1 which is      
addressed to the chief deity ,jupiter   
,grabovius1 it is accompanied by some   
kind of dancing or rhythmical movement  
7tripodatio74#cib ,thus in outward form 
this ritual seems to show but little    
advance on the ,roman prayer of the     
,arvales1 and indeed it may in substance
 go back to a time as remote as that in 

which the latter had its origin4 ,but   
when we examine the matter of the       
prayer1 we find that it is cast in the  
language of petition beyond all         
doubt--if it be rightly interpreted1 as 
we may believe it is3--  ,te invocavi   
invoco divum ,grabovium pro arce ,fisia1
 pro urbe ,iguvina1 pro arcis nomine1   
pro urbis nomine3 volens sis1 propitius 
sis arci ,fisiae1 urbi ,iguvinae1 arcis 
nomini1 urbis nomini4 ,sancte1 te       
invocavi invoco divum ,grabovium4       
,sancti fiducia te invocavi invoco divum
 ,grabovium4 ,dive ,grabovie te hoc bove
 opimo piaculo pro arce ,fisia1 etc4    
,dive ,grabovi1 illius anni quiquomque  
in arce ,fisia ignis ortus est1 in urbe 
,iguvina ritus debiti omissi sunt1 pro  
nihilo ducito4 ,dive ,grabovi1 quicquid 
tui sacrificii vitiatum est1 peccatum   
est1 peremptum est1 fraudatum est1      
demptum est1 tui sacrificii visum       
invisum vitium est1 dive ,grabovi1      
quicquid ius sit1 hoc bove opimo piaculo
 piando4444 ,dive ,grabovi1 piato arcem 

,fisiam1 piato urbem ,iguvinam4 ,dive   
,grabovi1 piato arcis ,fisiae1 urbis    
,iguvinae1 nomen1 magistratus1 ritus1   
viros1 pecora1 fundos1 fruges3 piato1   
esto volens propitius pace tua arci     
,fisiae1 etc4 ,dive ,grabovi1 salvam    
servato arcem ,fisiam salvam servato    
urbem ,iguvinam 4444 ,dive ,grabovi1 te 
hoc bove opimo piaculo pro arce ,fisia1 
pro urbe ,iguvina1 pro arcis nomine1 pro
 urbis nomine1 ,dive ,grabovi1 te       
invocavi4#cic  ,that in this prayer1 and
 the others which accompany it1         
exactness of wording was believed to be 
essential1 as in the ritual which       
preceded it exactness of performance1   
there is no doubt2 for at the end of the
 whole document 7vi4 ,b4 #dh7 we find   
that if there had been any slip in the  
ritual1 the ,brethren had to go back to 
the first gate and begin all over again4
 ,there is plainly present the idea1    
surviving from an age of magic1 that the
 deities had strong feelings about the  
right way of invocation1 and would not  

respond to the performance unless those 
feelings were understood and appealed   
to2 that they would miss something and  
decline to do their part4 ,yet are we   
justified in going on to assume that    
they were bound1 as by a solemn         
contract1 to perform their part1 if     
there were no slip in the ritual8 ,i    
confess it is difficult for me to take  
this further step1 in view of the       
language of the prayers1 which is so    
clearly that of petition1 nay1 of humble
 petition4 ,we are not dealing here with
 vota1 to which ,i shall come in the    
next lecture1 and in which there is a   
kind of legal contract between the man  
and the god--the former undertaking to  
do something pleasing to the deity1 if  
the latter shall have faithfully        
performed what is asked of him4 ,these  
vota1 so abundant in historical times1  
are really responsible for the idea that
 ,roman prayer is simply a binding      
formula--a magical spell1 let us say1   
which in the hands of a city priesthood 

has become a quasi-legal formula4 ,but  
these prayers are not vota2 they do not 
contain any language which betrays the  
notion of binding the deity4 ,they seem 
to me to mark a process of transition   
between the age of spell and magic and  
the age of prayer and religion2 they    
retain some of the outward              
characteristics of spell1 but           
internally1 i4e4 in the spirit in which 
they were intended1 they have the real  
characteristics of prayer4#cid ,the     
numina to whom they were addressed were 
powerful spirits1 unknown1 unfamiliar1  
until their wishes were discovered by   
the organised priesthood which handed   
down these forms of petition4  ,to      
return to ,rome1 and to the prayers in  
,cato's book1 to which ,i referred just 
now when discussing the word macte4     
,attempts have been made to prove that  
these were originally written in        
metre2#cie and this is quite possible4  
,if so1 it only means that they retained
 the outward form of the primitive      

spell2 it must not lead us on to fancy  
that the sacrifice which accompanied the
 prayer was a magical act1 or that the  
whole process was believed to compel the
 deity4 ,no doubt there was believed to 
be efficacy in the exact repetition1 as 
is shown by the directions for piacular 
sacrifices in case of error of any      
kind4#cif ,but the language is the      
language of prayer1 not of compulsion1  
nor even of bargaining3 ,eius rei ergo  
te hoc porco piaculo immolando bonas    
preces precor1 ut sies volens propitius 
mihi1 domo familiaeque meis4#cig ,mars  
pater1 te precor quaesoque uti sies     
volens propitius mihi1 domo1 etc4#cih   
,no amount of vain repetition or scruple
 can deprive this language of its       
natural meaning4 ,the god is powerful in
 his own sphere of action1 and man has  
no control over him2 man is fully       
recognised as liable to misfortune      
unless the god helps him2 but he can    
worship in full assurance of faith that 
his prayer will be answered1 if it be   

such as the authorities of the ,state   
have laid down as the right wording1 and
 if the ritual accompanying it is       
equally in order4 ,the faith is1 indeed1
 thus founded upon man's devices rather 
than the god's good-will as such2 it is 
a belief in the ,state and its          
authorities and ius divinum1 which is   
conceived1 not indeed as constraining   
the deity1 but as calling upon him      
7invocare7 to perform his part1 in      
formulae which he cannot well neglect1  
simply because it would be unreasonable 
to do so1 contrary to his nature as a   
deity of the ,roman ,state and its ager4
  ,it is obvious in all this sacrificial
 ritual that the officiating person or  
persons were expected to observe the    
traditional forms with the utmost care  
and exactness4 ,any slip or omission    
was1 in fact1 a piaculum1 or sacrum     
commissum--terms of the ius divinum     
which seem to suggest1 if ,i may use the
 expression1 the obverse side of        
holiness4 ,it is now well known that    

cleanness and uncleanness1 holiness and 
its opposite1 can be expressed in       
religious vocabulary by the same terms1 
for in both cases there is something    
beyond the ordinary1 something          
dangerous1 uncanny2 thus we are not     
surprised to find that such words as ,i 
have just mentioned can be used to      
express some kind of impurity caused by 
a breach of ritual as well as that      
ritual itself4 ,if we accept the latest 
theory of sacrifice1 i4e4 the dynamic   
theory1 as it is called1 we explain this
 intense nervousness about a ritualistic
 flaw as occasioned by the consciousness
 of a breach in the current of religious
 force 7the expression is that of       
,messrs4 ,hubert and ,mauss#cii71 which 
must pass in regular sequence from the  
sacrificer through the victim to the    
deity1 or vice versa4 ,if this is the   
true explanation--and at present it may 
be said to hold the field--then the     
extreme exactness of the ,roman ritual  
was a survival from an age when this    

strange feeling was a reality2 but no   
more than a survival1 for1 so far as ,i 
can discover1 the ,roman idea was rather
 that the deity to whom the ritual was  
addressed was in some way offended by   
the omission4#djj ,the dynamic notion is
 lost1 if it ever were there1 and its   
place has been taken by one that we may 
perhaps call theological4 ,but however  
that may be1 the culprit was regarded as
 in a state of sin or impurity1 un etre 
sacre1 and had to get rid of this sin or
 impurity by another sacrifice before   
the whole ritual could be started afresh
 7instaurare74  ,according to the       
dynamic theory of sacrifice1 we might   
naturally expect that the victim1 as    
being destined to carry away the        
unholiness 7or whatever we choose to    
call it7 of the culprit1 would be burnt 
whole1 not offered to the deity in the  
form of exta1 or eaten by the           
sacrificers4#dja ,but this does not seem
 to have been the case in the ,roman    
practice2 in all the examples of piacula

 of which we have details1 the exta are 
laid on the altar as in the typical     
sacrifice4#djb ,the inference seems to  
be that the theological idea of         
sacrifice had established itself        
completely ever since the formation of  
the ius divinum2 the victim is not a    
scapegoat in any sense1 but really an   
expiatory offering2 and not only does   
the sacrificer yield up something of    
value1 but he offers it to increase the 
strength of the deity as well as to     
appease his anger4  ,a curious point may
 be noticed in the last place4 ,the     
practical ,roman mind seems to have     
invented a kind of sacrificial          
insurance1 by which a piacular sacrifice
 might be offered beforehand to atone   
for any omission in the ritual which was
 to follow4 ,thus the ,fratres ,arvales1
 if they had to take an iron implement  
into their sacred grove1 offered a      
piaculum before as well as after this   
breach of religious rule4#djc ,again1   
the porca praecidanea1 which ,i have    

already mentioned as offered before     
harvest1 was an example of the same     
system of insurance2 for the first      
cutting of the corn was a sacred rite1  
and one in which it was easy to take a  
false step4 ,writing of this1 ,gellius  
says in general terms that hostiae      
praecidaneae are those which are offered
 the day before sacrificia solennia4#djd
  ,the term piacular sacrifice          
7piaculum7 had a wide range of meaning1 
apart from the examples here given4     
,with one important form of it ,i shall 
deal in the next lecture3#dje others we 
shall come across later on4             
,,notes ,,to ,,lecture ,,viii      #cdj 
,see ,appendix ,c4      #cda ,cato1     
,r4,r4 #aci1 where the language suggests
 that     as the deity was unknown1 the 
ius of the religious act     was also   
uncertain1 i4e4 the ritual was not laid 
down4     ,de ,marchi translates 7,la   
,religione nella vita     domestica1 i4 
#acb7 sia a te fatto il debito          
sacrificio1 etc41 which sufficiently    

expresses the     anxiety of the        
situation4 ,keil reads here ut tibi ius 
est1 and gives no variant in his        
critical note2 but     the words just   
below1 uti id recte factum siet1 seem   
to me to suggest the subjunctive4 ,in   
any case there is     no doubt about    
ius4 ,in ,tab4 ,iguv4 vi4 ,a4 #bh       
7,umbrica1 p4 #eh7 ,buecheler translates
 the ,umbrian     persei mersei by      
quicquid ius sit1 and compares this     
passage of ,cato1 together with ,gellius
 i4 #ab4 #ad1 where     the phrase is   
used of the duties of a ,vestal under   
the     ius divinum in the formula used 
by the ,pontifex     ,maximus1 cum      
virginem capiat3 ,sacerdotem ,vestalem1 
quae sacra faciat1 quae ius siet        
sacerdotem ,vestalem     facere pro pop4
 ,rom4 etc4      #cdb e4g4 ,aen4 iv4    
#ef1 x4 #ca 7si sine pace tua     atque 
invito numine1 etc474 ,cp4 ,tab4 ,iguv4 
vi4 #cj1     #cc1 etc4 7,umbrica1 p4    
#ei71 esto volens propitiusque     pace 
tua arci ,fisiae4      #cdc ,livy vi4   

#da ad fin4      #cdd ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4  
p4 #cah1 and p4 #cai for the            
illustrations that follow4 ,cp4 ,cicero1
 ,part4 ,or4 xxii4     #gh1 where       
religio is explained as iustitia erga   
deos4      #cde ,lex ,coloniae          
,genetivae1 cap4 #fd2 ,c4,i4,l4 ii41    
supplement ,no4 #edci4      #cdf ,livy  
i4 #bj4 #e4      #cdg ,this follows from
 the definition in ,festus1 p4     #cba1
 and in ,macrobius iii4 #c4 #b4 ,this   
last is quoted     from ,trebatius de   
religionibus3 sacrum est quicquid       
est quod deorum habetur4 ,in common use 
sacrificium     seems to be reserved for
 animal sacrifice1 but the verb         
sacrificare is not so limited4 ,festus1 
p4 #cai3 mustum     quod ,libero        
sacrificabant pro vineis 444 sicut      
praemetium de spicis1 quas primum       
messuissent1     sacrificabant ,cereri4 
,it has been suggested to me by     ,mr4
 ,marett that the termination of the    
word     sacrificium may have reference 
to the use of facere     for animal     

sacrifice1 as in ,greek ,greek3 rhezein1
     erdein1 dran2 but on the whole ,i  
doubt this4 ,facere     and fieri are in
 that sense1 ,i think1 euphemisms1      
occasioned by the mystic character of   
the act 7examples     are collected in  
,brissonius de formulis1 p4 #i74 ,rem   
divinam facere seems to be the general  
expression1 as     in ,cato1 ,r4,r4 #hc2
 or the particular victim is in the     
ablative1 e4g4 agna ,iovi facit 7,flamen
 ,dialis7 in     ,varro1 ,l4,l4 vi4 #af2
 cp4 ,virg4 ,ecl4 iii4 #gg4      #cdh   
,this classification1 originally due to 
,r4 ,smith1     article ,sacrifice in   
,encycl4 ,brit41 ed4 #aj1 has     lately
 been criticised by ,hubert et ,mauss1  
in ,melanges     d'histoire des         
religions1 p4 #i foll42 but it is       
sufficiently complete for our purposes4 
,at the same time     it is well to be  
aware that no classification of the     
various forms of sacrifice can be       
complete at present2     that which     
these authors prefer1 i4e4 constant and 

occasional sacrifices1 is1 however1 a   
useful one4      #cdi ,r4,f4 p4 #ie     
foll4 ,cp4 ,robertson ,smith1 ,rel4 of  
,semites1 ,lect4 ,,viii4      #cej      
,r4,f4 p4 #bag foll4      #cea ,r4,f4 p4
 #cjb foll4 ,meals in connection with   
sacrifice are also found at the ,parilia
 7,r4,f4 p4 #ha1     and ,ovid1 ,fasti1 
iv4 #gdc foll47 and ,terminalia 7,ovid1 
,fasti1 ii4 #feg72 but in both cases    
,ovid seems to be     describing rustic 
rites2 nor is it certain that the meal  
was really sacramental4 ,what does seem 
proved is that     the old ,latins and  
other ,italians believed the deities    
of the house to be present at their     
meals--        ante focos olim scamnis  
considere longis         mos erat et    
mensae credere adesse deos 7,fasti1 vi4 
#cjg71      and thus the idea was       
maintained that in some sense all       
meals had a sacred character1 i4e4 all  
in which the     members of a familia   
7see above1 p4 #gh71 or of gens     or  
curia1 met together4 ,cp4 ,r4 ,smith1   

op4 cit4 p4     #bfa foll4 ,we may      
remember that the ,penates were the     
spirits of the food itself1 not merely  
of the place in     which it was stored2
 it had therefore a sacred              
character1 which is also shown by the   
sanctification of     the firstfruits   
7,r4,f4 pp4 #aea1 #aie74 7,the cenae    
collegiorum1 dinners of collegia of     
priests1 were in no     sense           
sacrificial meals2 see ,marquardt1 p4   
#bca1 note #g2     ,henzen1 ,acta       
,fratr4 ,arv4 pp4 #ac1 #ci1 #dj47       
#ceb ,cic4 de ,legibus1 ii4 #h4 #ai4    
#cec ,livy i4 #ah4 ,for constitutional  
difficulties in     this passage1 see1  
e4g41 ,greenidge1 ,roman ,public        
,life1 p4 #ej4      #ced ,for this and  
the augurs generally1 see ,lecture      
,,xii4      #cee ,the passages are      
collected by ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4        
#dbj1 note #c4 ,there is no doubt about 
the inauguratio of     the three great  
flamines and the rex sacrorum1 who were 
all specially concerned with sacrifice1 

and of the     augurs1 who would        
obviously need it in order to perform   
the same ceremony for others--as a      
bishop needs     consecration for the   
same reason4 ,as regards the            
pontifices1 ,dionysius 7ii4 #gc4 #c7    
clearly thought it was     needed for   
them1 and we might a priori assume that 
one     who might become a pontifex     
maximus would need it2 but     ,wissowa 
discounts ,dionysius' opinion1 and ,i am
 unwilling     to differ from him on a  
point of the ius divinum1 of     which  
he is our best exponent4 ,if he is      
right1 it may be     that the three     
flamines maiores1 who were reckoned in  
strict religious sense as above the     
pontifices1     including their head    
7,festus1 p4 #ahe71 needed holiness     
more than any pontifex1 and so with the 
augurs4 ,the     insignia of the        
pontifices1 as well as many historical  
facts1 show that the pontifices were    
competent to     perform sacrifice in a 
general sense 7,marq4 p4 #bdh           

foll472 but it is possible that they    
never had the     right1 like the       
flamines1 actually to slay the victim4  
,i     do not feel sure that the securis
 was really one of     their symbols1   
though ,horace seems to say so in ,ode  
iii4 #bc4 #ab4 ,the whole question needs
 further     investigation4 ,it may be  
found that the essential     distinction
 between the pontifices and magistrates 
cum     imperio on the one hand1 and the
 flamines on the other1     is to be    
sought in the ideas of holiness         
connected with     the shedding of blood
 in sacrifice4 ,the flamen is           
permanently holy1 having charge of      
constant sacrifices2     e4g4 the       
,dialis had duties every day4 ,he is the
 duly     sanctified guide for all rites
 within his own religious     range4    
#cef ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 pp4 #cci1 #daj    
foll4      #ceg ,the whole subject of   
the preparation of the     sacrificer   
for his work1 and of the steps by which 
he     becomes separated from the       

profane1 is well treated by     ,hubert 
et ,mauss1 ,melanges d'histoire des     
religions1 p4     #bc foll4 ,the        
reference to ,dr4 ,jevons is            
,introduction1     ch4 xx4 p4 #bgj foll4
      #ceh ,serv4 ,aen4 xii4 #agc2      
,virgil wrote dant fruges     manibus   
salsas1 et tempora ferro ,summa notant  
pecudum2     to which ,servius adds that
 the symbolic movement was a            
7pretended7 cut from head to tail of the
 victim4     ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 #ceb4  
#cei ,pauly-,wissowa1 ,real-,encycl41   
s4v4 cinctus     ,gabinus4      #cfj    
,marquardt1 p4 #cdj4 ,the ,vestals were 
never1 so far     as we know1 directly  
concerned in animal sacrifice4      #cfa
 ,see below1 p4 #aij4 ,for the colour of
 the garments1     and the explanation  
referred to1 see ,samter1               
,familienfeste1 p4 #dj foll42 ,diels1   
,sibyllinische     ,blaetter1 p4 #gj2   
and cp4 von ,duhn's paper1 ,rot und ,tot
     in ,archiv1 #aijf1 p4 #a foll4     
,that red colouring was     used in     

various ways in sacred and quasi-sacred 
rites     there is no doubt 7see above1 
p4 #hi1 note #df72 but     whether it   
can be always connected with bloodshed  
is by     no means so certain 7,rohde1  
,psyche1 i4 #bbf74 ,in the     case of  
women it is at least hard to understand4
 ,the     idea of consecration through  
blood1 which is very rare     in ,roman 
literature1 comes out curiously in the  
words     which ,livy puts into the     
mouth of ,virginius after the           
slaughter of his daughter 7iii4 #dh73   
,te ,appi tuumque     caput sanguine hoc
 consecro 7i4e4 to a deity not          
mentioned74 ,the sentence to which this 
note refers was     written before the  
appearance of ,messrs4 ,hubert et       
,mauss' essay on sacrifice 7,melanges   
d'histoire des     religions1 pp4       
#a-abb74 ,the theory there developed1   
that     the victim is the intermediary 
in all cases between the     sacrificer 
and the deity1 and that the force       
religieuse passes from one to the other 

in one     direction or another1 does   
not essentially differ from     the     
words in the text2 but the ,french      
savants would1 ,i     imagine1 prefer to
 look on the insignia in a general      
sense as bringing the person wearing    
them within the     region of the       
sacrum1 the force of which would react  
on him still more strongly after the    
destruction of the     victim 7see p4   
#bh foll474      #cfb ,see1 e4g41 ,roman
 ,sculpture by ,mrs4 ,strong1           
,plates xi4 and xv4      #cfc ,for this 
and other insignia see ,marquardt1 p4   
#bbb     foll4 ,the question is under   
discussion whether some of     these    
insignia are not old ,italian forms of  
dress 7see     ,gruppe1 ,mythologische  
,literatur1 #ahih-aije1 p4 #cdc74       
,for the wearing of the skin of a       
victim1 which meets us     also at the  
,lupercalia 7,r4,f4 p4 #caa71 see       
,robertson     ,smith1 ,semites1 p4 #daf
 foll42 ,jevons1 ,introduction1     p4  
#beb foll42 ,frazer1 ,g4,b4 iii4 #acf   

foll4      #cfd ,they1 of course1 wore  
the praetexta when     performing       
religious acts4 ,cp4 the ,fratres       
,arvales1 who     laid aside the        
praetexta after sacrificing4 ,henzen1   
,acta ,fr4 ,arv4 pp4 #aa1 #ba1 and #bh4 
#cfe ,serv4 ,aen4 xi4 #edc4 ,the        
camillae assisted the     flaminicae1   
,marquardt1 p4 #bbg4 ,this is one of the
 most     beautiful features of the     
stately ,roman ritual1 and has     been 
handed on to the ,roman ,church4 ,it    
was1 of course1     derived from the    
worship of the household 7see above1 p4 
#gd74      #cff ,adonis1 ,attis1        
,osiris1 p4 #dac foll4 ,dr4 ,frazer     
is criticising ,dr4 ,farnell1 who had   
touched on the     subject in the       
,hibbert ,journal for #aijg1 p4 #fhi1   
and     had taken the more obvious view 
that death in a family     disqualified 
for actions requiring extreme holiness4 
#cfg ,the passages are collected in     
,marquardt1 p4 #agd     foll42 we may   
notice in particular ,livy xlv4 #e4 #d1 

where1 though only the washing of hands 
is referred to1     we have the         
important statement that omnis praefatio
     sacrorum1 i4e4 the preliminary     
exhortation of the     priest1 enjoined 
purae manus4 ,livy must be using the    
language of ,roman ritual1 though he is 
not speaking here     of a ,roman rite4 
,for the material of sacred utensils see
     ,henzen1 ,acta ,fratr4 ,arv4 p4    
#cj4      #cfh ,tibullus ii4 #a4 #aa4   
#cfi ,cic4 de ,legibus1 ii4 #aj4 #bd4   
#cgj ,westermarck1 ,origin and          
,development of ,moral     ,ideas1 ii4  
#ceb foll42 consult the index for       
further     allusions to the subject4   
,cp4 ,farnell1 ,evolution of            
,religion1 ,lecture ,,iii4 ,fehrle1 ,die
 kultische     ,keuschheit im ,altertum 
7,giessen1 #aiaj71 has reached me       
too late for use in this chapter4       
#cga ,full details1 with the most       
important references     quoted in full1
 are in ,marquardt1 p4 #agb foll42 but  
some     of the latter are applicable   

only to the ,graeco-,roman     period4  
#cgb ,so we may gather from the ,lex    
,furfensis of #eh ,b4,c4     7,c4,i4,l4 
ix4 #ceac71 and that of the ,ara        
,augusti at     ,narbo of ,a4,d4 #ab    
7,c4,i4,l4 xii4 #dccc74      #cgc ,the  
real origin of the pontifices and their 
name     is unknown to us4 ,if they took
 their name from the     bridging of the
 ,tiber1 as ,varro held 7,l4,l4 v4 #hc7 
and     as the majority of scholars     
believe 7see ,o4 ,gilbert1     ,rom4    
,topographie1 ii4 #bbj1 note71 the      
difficulty     remains that they are    
found in such a city as ,praeneste1     
where there was no river to be bridged1 
and where they     could not well have  
been merely an offshoot from the        
,roman college2 see ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 
#dcb1 note4 ,nor can     we explain how 
they came to be set in charge of the ius
     divinum2 and where there are no    
data conjecture is     useless4         
#cgd ,the covering of the head 7operto  
capite1 as     opposed to aperto capite 

of the ,graecus ritus7 is     usually   
explained as meant to shut out all      
sounds     belonging to the world of the
 profanum2 and the     playing of the   
tibicines is interpreted in the same    
way4     ,hubert et ,mauss explain the  
covered head differently3     le rituel 
romain prescrivit generalement l'usage  
du     voile1 signe de separation et    
partant de consecration     7p4 #bh74   
,miss ,harrison1 ,prolegomena to the    
,study of     ,greek ,religion1 p4 #ebb1
 also holds that it is the     outward  
sign of consecration2 cp4 ,s4 ,reinach1 
,cultes1     mythes1 et religions1 i4   
#cjj foll4 ,the fact1 noted by     ,miss
 ,harrison1 that in ,festus's account of
 the ver     sacrum 7p4 #cgi1 ed4       
,mueller7 the children expelled were    
veiled1 seems to point to the idea of   
dedication--unless1 indeed1 velabant    
here means that     they blindfolded    
them4      #cge ,the wine was poured    
over the altar as well as on     the    
victim1 which suggests a substitution   

for blood2     ,arnobius vii4 #bi and   
#cj2 ,dion4 ,hal4 vii4 #gb4 ,i cannot   
find that any one of the many utensils  
used in sacrifice     were for pouring  
out blood4 ,blood was1 however1 poured  
on the stone at the ,terminalia 7,r4,f4 
pp4 #cbe-cbf72 but     the rite here    
described by ,ovid seems to be a rural  
one1     outside the ius divinum4 ,in   
the sacrifice of victims     to ,hecate 
in ,virg4 ,aen4 vi4 #bdc foll41 which   
cannot be     ritus ,romanus1 the warm  
blood is collected in     paterae2 but  
nothing is said of what was done with   
it1     nor does ,servius help4 ,cp4    
,aen4 viii4 #ajf4 ,in     ,lucretius v4 
#abjb1 aras sanguine multo spargere     
quadrupedum1 the context shows that the 
ritual alluded     to is not old ,roman4
 ,in ,livy's description of the         
occulti paratus sacri of the ,samnites  
7ix4 #da71 we     find respersae fando  
nefandoque sanguine arae1 et     dira   
exsecratio ac furiale carmen4 ,livy     
seems to think     of this              

blood-sprinkling1 whether the blood be  
human or     animal1 as unusual and     
horrible4 ,ancient1 no doubt1 is     the
 practice1 recorded in the ,acta ,fratr4
 ,arv4 7see     ,henzen1 pp4 #ba and    
#bc71 of using the blood in a           
religious feast1 in the process of      
cooking3 porcilias     piaculares       
epulati sunt et sanguem4 7,there is a   
mention     of the pouring of blood in  
an inscription from ,lusitania     in   
,c4,i4,l4 ii4 #bcie47 ,for the use of   
wine as a     substitute for blood1 see 
the recently published work of     ,karl
 ,kircher1 ,die sakrale ,bedeuting des  
,weines1 in     ,religionsgeschichtliche
 ,versuche1 etc41 p4 #hb foll41         
where1 however1 the subject is not      
worked out4      #cgf ,according to     
,luebbert 7,commentarii pontificales1   
p4 #aba foll47 magmentum is the same as 
augmentum1     which word is also found 
7,varro1 ,l4,l4 v4 #aab74 ,festus1      
p4 #abf1 magmentum magis augmentum2     
,serv4 ,aen4 iv4     #eg1 to which      

passage ,i shall return4 ,for the       
equivalent     in the ,vedic ritual of  
the cooking and offering of the         
exta1 see ,hubert et ,mauss1 op4 cit4 p4
 #fj foll4      #cgg ,r4,f4 p4 #hi4     
#cgh ib4 p4 #aj4      #cgi ,buecheler1  
,umbrica1 pp4 #fj1 #fi1 etc4 ,of course 
the prayer might be said while other    
operations were     going on4 ,for the  
constant connection of prayer and       
sacrifice1 see ,pliny1 ,n4,h4 xxviii4   
#aj1 quippe     victimam caedi sine     
precatione non videtur referre aut      
deos rite consuli4 ,if ,macrobius is    
right 7iii4 #b4 #g     foll47 in        
asserting that the prayer must be said  
while     the priest's hand touches the 
altar1 one may guess that     this was  
done at the same time that the exta were
 laid     on it4 ,ovid saw the priest at
 the ,robigalia offer the     exta and  
say the prayer at the same time 7,fasti1
 iv4     #ije foll471 but does not      
mention the hand touching the     altar4
 ,for this see ,serv4 ,aen4 vi4 #abd2   

,horace1 ,ode     iii4 #bc4 #ag1 and    
,dr4 ,postgate on this passage in       
,classical ,review for ,march #aiaj4    
#chj ,cato1 ,r4,r4 #acb1 #acd1 #aci1 and
 #ada4 ,that these     formulae were    
taken from the books of the pontifices  
is     almost certain1 not only from the
 internal evidence of     the prayers   
themselves1 but because ,servius        
7,interpol47     on ,aen4 ix4 #fda      
quotes the words3 macte hoc vino        
inferio esto1 which occur in #acb1      
introducing them     thus3 et in        
pontificalibus sacrificantes dicebant   
deo4444      #cha ,the verb is omitted  
here for some ritualistic     reason1 as
 in the ,iguvian prayers 7,umbrica1 p4  
#ee74      #chb ,virg4 ,aen4 ix4 #fda1  
macte nova virtute puer1     sic itur ad
 astra1 etc41 and many other passages4  
,the     verb mactare acquired a general
 sense of sacrificial     slaying1 as   
did also immolare1 though neither had   
originally any direct reference to      
slaughter4 ,the best     account ,i find

 of the word is in ,h4 ,nettleship's    
,contributions to ,latin ,lexicography1 
p4 #ebj4 ,he takes     mactus as the    
participle of a lost verb maco or       
mago1 to make great1 increase1          
equivalent to augeo1     which is also a
 word of semi-religious meaning1 as     
,augustus knew4 ,nettleship quotes      
,cicero in ,vatinium1     #ad1 puerorum 
extis deos manes mactare4      #chc     
,baehrens1 ,fragm4 ,poet4 ,lat4 #ahj2   
,lusilius fragm4     #adc2 ,nonius1     
#cda1 #bh has versibus4      #chd ,it   
may possibly be objected that some of   
the     deities were powerful for evil  
as well as good1 e4g4     ,robigus1 the 
spirit of the red mildew1 and that the  
power of such a deity was not to be     
encouraged or     increased4 ,but all   
such deities 7and ,i cannot mention     
another besides ,robigus7 were of course
 conceived as     able to restrain their
 own harmful function2 they were     not
 invoked to go away and leave the ager  
,romanus in     peace1 but to limit     

their activity in the land where        
they had been settled for worship4 ,we  
have no prayer to     ,robigus 7or      
,robigo1 feminine1 as ,ovid has it7     
except     that which ,ovid somewhat    
fancifully versified after     hearing  
the ,flamen ,quirinalis say it 7,fasti1 
iv4 #iaa     foll471 in which of course 
the word macte does not     occur4 ,as  
the victim was a dog1 an uneatable one1 
it is     possible that the ritual was  
not quite the usual one4     ,but the   
language of the prayer is interesting   
and brings     out my point3            
aspera ,robigo1 parcas ,cerialibus      
herbis4         vis tua non levis       
est2444       parce precor1 scabrasque  
manus a messibus aufer         neve noce
 cultis3 posse nocere sat est4      ,it 
concludes by praying ,robigo to direct  
her strength     and attention to other 
objects1 gladios et tela     nocentia2  
but this is the poet's fancy4      #che 
,evolution of ,religion1 p4 #bab1       
quoting ,vedic     ,hymns1 pt4 ii4 pp4  

#bei and #cia4      #chf ,origin and    
,development of ,moral ,ideas1 vol4 ii4 
p4 #ehe foll42 cp4 #feg4 ,see also      
,farnell1 ,evolution of     ,religion1  
p4 #aie4      #chg ,see above1 p4 #i4   
,religio in the sense of an             
obligation to perform certain           
ritualistic acts is in my     view a    
secondary and later use of the word4    
,see     ,transactions of the ,congress 
of ,historical ,religion for     #aijh1 
vol4 ii4 p4 #afi foll4      #chh        
,henzen1 ,acta ,fratr4 ,arv4 p4 #bf     
foll42 ,c4,i4,l4     vi4 #bajd1 #cb     
foll42 ,buecheler und ,riese1 ,carmina  
,lat41     epigr4 pars ii41 no4 #a4 ,all
 surviving ,roman prayers are           
collected in ,appel's ,de ,romanorum    
precationibus1     ,giessen1 #aiji4     
#chi ,pliny1 ,n4,h4 xxviii4 #aj foll4   
#cij ,in ,anthropology and the          
,classics1 p4 #id4      #cia ,cp4       
,tibullus ii4 #a4 #hd1 vos celebrem     
cantate deum     pecorique vocate1 ,voce
 palam pecori1 clam sibi quisque        

vocet4 ,this murmuring was certainly    
characteristic of     ,roman magic2 see 
,jevons1 p4 #ii1 and especially the     
reference to a ,lex ,cornelia1 which    
condemned those qui     susurris magicis
 homines occiderunt 7,justinian1 ,inst4 
iv4 #ah4 #e74      #cib ,on the nature  
of this tripodatio see ,henzen1     op4 
cit4 p4 #cc4 ,buecheler1 ,umbrica1 p4   
#fi1 gives the     ,umbrian verb a      
different meaning1 though he translates 
it tripodato4      #cic ,buecheler1     
,umbrica1 pp4 #ac and #eb4      #cid    
,wissowa1 ,r4,k41 #ccc1 inclines to the 
belief that     prayer had a legal      
binding force upon the deity2 but he    
does not cite any text which confirms   
this view1 and is     arguing on general
 grounds4 ,i gather from the language   
of ,aust 7,religion der ,roemer1 p4 #cj7
 that he thinks     there was a germ    
which might have developed into a more  
truly religious attitude towards the    
gods1 if it had not     been killed by  
priestly routine and quasi-legal        

formulae4 ,with this opinion ,i am      
strongly inclined to     agree4 ,cp4 the
 story of ,scipio ,aemilianus           
audaciously     altering and elevating  
the formula dictated by the     priest  
in the censor's lustratio 7,val4 ,max4  
iv4 #a4 #aj71     to which ,i shall     
return in the proper place4      #cie   
,westphal1 quoted by ,de ,marchi1 ,la   
,religione1     etc41 i4 p4 #acc1 note4 
#cif ,see1 e4g41 ch4 #ada ad fin4 ,the  
prayer in the     ,acta of the ,ludi    
,saeculares to the ,moirae is an        
imitation of old prayers4 ,see below1 p4
 #ddb4      #cig ib4 ch4 #aci4      #cih
 ib4 ch4 #ada4      #cii ,hubert et     
,mauss1 ,melanges d'histoire des        
religions1 p4 #gd4      #djj ,so ,cato1 
,r4,r4 #ada1 si minus in omnes litabit1 
sic verba concipito2 ,mars pater1 quod  
tibi illuc porco     neque satisfactum  
est1 te hoc porco piaculo4 7,the word   
for the slaughter is here               
euphemistically omitted2 ,de            
,marchi1 p4 #acd47      #dja ,hubert et 

,mauss1 op4 cit4 p4 #ee foll42          
,leviticus     vi4 ,i doubt whether the 
theory of the learned authors     will  
hold good generally on this point4      
#djb ,marquardt1 p4 #ahe1 asserted the  
contrary1 but     cited no evidence     
except ,serv4 ,aen4 vi4 #bec1 which     
does not prove the practice of the      
holocaust to be     really ,roman4      
,wissowa's exactness is well illustrated
 in     his detection of this error2 see
 ,r4 ,k4 p4 #ceb1 note #f4     ,henzen1 
,acta ,fratr4 ,arv4 p4 #ace1 leaves no  
doubt on     the question possible4     
#djc ,henzen1 ,acta ,fratr4 ,arv4 p4    
#aca4 ,see above1 p4     #ce4 ,festus1  
p4 #bah4      #djd ,gellius iv4 #f4 #g4 
#dje i4e4 lustratio4 ,that this was a   
form of piaculum     is clear from the  
use of the word pihaklu of the          
victim in the lustratio of the arx of   
,iguvium1 e4g4     ,buecheler1 ,umbrica1
 index1 #e1 v4     ,,lecture ,,ix       
,,ritual--continued   ,in the last      
lecture we found that the magical       

element in the ,roman ritual is         
exaggerated by recent writers4 ,but it  
has also long been the practice to      
describe that ritual as a system of     
bargaining with the gods3 as partaking  
of the nature of a legal contract4 ,the 
old ,roman worship was businesslike and 
utilitarian4 ,the gods were partners in 
a contract with their worshippers1 and  
the ritual was characterised by the hard
 formalism of the legal system of ,rome4
 ,the worshipper performed his part to  
the letter with the scrupulous exactness
 required in pleadings before the       
praetor4#djf ,this is an excellent      
statement of a view very generally held1
 especially since ,mommsen1 whose       
training in ,roman law made him apt to  
dwell on the legal aspects of ,roman    
life1 wrote the famous chapter in the   
first volume of his history4 ,i now wish
 to examine this view briefly4  ,no     
doubt it was suggested by the necessary 
familiarity of the ,roman historian with
 vota publica1 the vows so frequently   

made on behalf of the ,state by its     
magistrates1 in terms supplied by the   
pontifices1 and dictated by them to the 
magistrate undertaking the duty4 ,some  
few of these formulae have survived1 and
 it may certainly be said of them that  
they are analogous to legal formulae1   
and express the quasi-contractual nature
 of the process4 ,such legalised        
religious contracts seem to be peculiar 
to ,rome2 they are curiously            
characteristic of the ,roman genius for 
formularisation1 which in course of time
 had most important effects in the      
domain of civil law4 ,but the vow as    
such is1 of course1 by no means peculiar
 to ,rome2 it is familiar in ,greek     
history1 and is found in an elementary  
form among savages at the present       
day4#djg ,but at ,rome both in public   
and private life it is far more frequent
 and striking than elsewhere4 ,this is a
 phenomenon that calls for careful      
study2 and we must beware that we are   
not misled by quasi-legal developments  

into missing the real significance of it
 from the point of view of morality and 
religion4  ,the vota privata1 which     
include vows and offerings made to      
deities by private individuals1 had     
never been adequately examined till ,de 
,marchi wrote his book on the private   
religion of the ,romans2 nor could they 
have been so examined until the ,corpus 
,inscriptionum was fairly well advanced4
 ,there the material is extraordinarily 
abundant1 but it is1 of course1 almost  
entirely of comparatively late date1 and
 the great majority of votive           
inscriptions belong to the period of the
 ,empire4 ,yet it is quite legitimate to
 argue from this to an origin of this   
form of worship in the earliest times1  
and we have enough early evidence to    
justify the inference4 ,among the oldest
 ,latin inscriptions are some found on  
objects such as cups or vases1 showing  
that the latter were votive offerings to
 a deity3 thus we have ,saeturni        
poculum1 ,kerri poculum1 and other      

similar ones which will be found at the 
beginning of the first volume of the    
,corpus4#djh ,they give only the name of
 the deity as a rule1 and do not tell us
 why the object was offered to him2 but 
they must have been thank-offerings for 
some supposed blessing4 ,in one case1   
not indeed at ,rome1 but not far away at
 ,praeneste1 we have proof of this2 for 
a mother makes a dedication to ,fortuna 
nationu cratia1 which plainly expresses 
gratitude for good luck in              
childbirth2#dji and this inscription is 
one of the oldest we possess4 ,nor do   
they tell us whether there was a        
previous vow or promise of which the    
offering is the fulfilment4 ,but in the 
majority of inscriptions of late date   
the familiar letters ,v4,s4,l4,m4 7votum
 solvit lubens merito7 betray the nature
 of the transaction1 and it is not      
unreasonable to guess that there was    
usually a previous undertaking of some  
kind1 to be carried out if the deity    
were gracious4  ,but these private vota 

were not1 strictly speaking1 legal      
transactions1 supposed to bind both     
parties in a contract1 as we shall see  
was to some extent the case with the    
vota publica4 ,they could not have      
needed the aid of a pontifex1 or a      
solemn voti nuncupatio1 i4e4 statement  
of the promise2 they were rather1 as ,de
 ,marchi asserts1#daj spontaneous       
expressions of what we may call         
religious feeling2 and it may be that he
 is right in maintaining that throughout
 ,roman history they remained as        
expressions of the religious sense and  
of the better feeling of the lower      
classes4 ,the practice implies three    
conceptions3 7#a7 of the deity as really
 powerful for good and evil2 7#b7 of the
 gift1 a work of supererogation1 as     
likely to please him2 7#c7 of the       
grateful act and feeling as good in     
themselves4 ,surely there must have been
 in this practice a germ of moral       
development2 ,i am surprised that ,dr4  
,westermarck has not mentioned in his   

chapter on gratitude the extraordinary  
abundance of ,roman votive offerings and
 inscriptions4 ,doubtless there lies at 
the root of it the idea of ,do ut des1  
or rather of ,dabo ut des2 doubtless    
also it could be turned to evil purposes
 in the form of devotio1 when promises  
were made to a deity on condition that  
he killed or injured an enemy2 but in   
the ordinary and common example it is   
impossible to deny that the final act1  
the performance of the vow1 must have   
been accompanied by a feeling of        
gratitude4 ,the merest recognition of a 
supposed blessing is of value in moral  
development4  ,but it is in the vota    
publica that we undoubtedly find        
something in the nature of a            
bargain--covenant would be a more       
graceful word--with a deity in the name 
of the ,state4 ,even here1 however1 the 
impression is rather produced by the use
 of legal terms and the formularisation 
of the process1 than by any assumed     
attitude of contempt towards1 or even of

 equality with1 the deity concerned4    
,there is no trace in early ,roman      
religious history of any tendency to    
abuse or degrade the divine beings if   
they did not perform their part1 such as
 is well known in ,china1#daa or even1  
strange to say1 occasionally met with in
 the southern ,italy of to-day2 the     
attitude towards the deity in cult      
7though not invariably in the later     
,graeco-,roman literature7 was ever     
respectful1 as it was towards the       
magistrates of the ,state4 ,the farthest
 the ,romans ever went in condemning    
their gods was when misfortune persuaded
 them that they were become indifferent 
or useless2 then they began to neglect  
them1 and to turn to other gods1 as we  
shall see in subsequent lectures4  ,the 
public vota were of two kinds3 the      
ordinary1 or regularly recurring1 and   
the extraordinary1 which were occasioned
 by some particular event4 ,of the      
ordinary1 the most familiar is that     
undertaken by the consul1 and no doubt  

in some form by the ,rex in the days of 
the kingship1 for the benefit of the    
,state on the first day of the official 
year4 ,accompanied by the ,senate and a 
crowd of people1 the consuls went up to 
the ,capitoline temple1 and performed   
the sacrifice which had been vowed by   
their predecessors of a year before2    
after which they undertook a new votum1 
pro reipublicae salute4#dab ,we have not
 the formula of this vow1 and cannot    
tell what resemblance it bore to a      
bargain2 but the ceremony itself must   
have been most impressive1 and          
calculated to remind all who were       
present of the greatness and goodwill of
 the supreme deity who watched over the 
interests of the ,state4 ,so too at the 
lustrum of the censors1 which took place
 in the ,campus ,martius every five     
years1 it is almost certain that the    
votum of the predecessors in office was 
fulfilled by a sacrifice1 and a new one 
undertaken4 ,here again we are without  
the formula1 but that there was one we  

know from a very interesting passage of 
,valerius ,maximus4 ,he tells us that   
,scipio ,aemilianus1 when as censor he  
was conducting this sacrifice1 and the  
scriba 7on behalf of the pontifex87 was 
dictating to him the solemne precationis
 carmen ex publicis tabulis1 in which   
the immortal gods were besought to make 
the prosperity of the ,roman ,state     
better and greater1 had the audacity to 
interrupt him1 saying that the condition
 of the ,state was sufficiently good and
 great3 itaque precor ut eas 7res7      
perpetuo incolumes servent4 ,this       
change1 ,valerius says1 was accepted1   
and the formula altered accordingly in  
the tabulae4#dac ,this story1 which is  
probably genuine and is quite           
characteristic of ,scipio1 must convince
 an impartial mind that in this votive  
ceremony there was enough truth and     
dignity to suggest a real advance in    
religious thought1 so far at least as   
the ,state was concerned4  ,the         
extraordinary vota were innumerable4    

,they were occasioned by dangers or     
misfortunes of various kinds1 the       
magistrate undertaking to dedicate      
something to the god concerned if the   
,state should have come safely through  
the peril4 ,many temples had their      
origin in this practice2#dad we meet    
also with ludi1 special sacrifices1 or a
 tithe of the booty taken in war4 ,in   
two or three cases ,livy has copied the 
formula from the tabulae of the         
pontifices2 thus before the war with    
,antiochus in #aia ,b4,c41 the consul   
recited the following words after the   
pontifex maximus3 ,si duellum quod cum  
,antiocho rege sumi populus iussit1 id  
ex sententia senatus populique ,romani  
confectum erit2 tum tibi ,iuppiter      
populus ,romanus ludos magnos dies decem
 continuos faciet 444 quisquis          
magistratus eos ludos quando ubique     
faxit1 hi ludi recte facti1 donaque data
 recte sunto4#dae ,this document dates  
from the days of the decay of the ,roman
 religion1 and is1 of course1 modernised

 by ,livy2 but it may give an idea of   
what is meant by writers who speak of an
 element of bargain or covenant in these
 vota4 ,still more elaborate1 and       
probably more antique1 is the famous    
formula of the vow of the ver sacrum in 
the darkest hour of the war with        
,hannibal4#daf ,this very curious rite1 
which proves beyond question the        
devotion of the ,italian stocks to the  
principle of the votum1 consisted of a  
promise to dedicate to ,mars or ,jupiter
 all the valuable products of a single  
spring1 including the male children born
 at that time2 to this the ,romans had  
recourse for the last time in #bag      
,b4,c41 and ,livy has fortunately       
preserved the words of the vow4 ,these1 
with the exception of the dedication of 
the children1 which is judiciously      
omitted1 probably stand much as they had
 come down from a remote antiquity4 ,the
 votum is put in the form of a rogatio  
to the people1 without whose sanction it
 could not be put in force2 are they    

willing to dedicate to ,jupiter all the 
young of oxen1 sheep1 or pigs born in   
the spring five years after date1 if the
 ,state shall have been preserved during
 those years from all its enemies8 ,the 
curious feature of the document is1 not 
that it binds the deity to any course of
 action1 but that it secures the        
individual ,roman against his anger in  
case of any chance slip in his part of  
the process1 and the people against any 
evil consequences arising from such a   
slip or from misdoing on the part of an 
individual4 ,si quis clepsit1 ne populo 
scelus esto neve cui cleptum erit3 si   
atro die faxit insciens1 probe factum   
esto4#dag ,of this formula a recent     
writer of great learning and ability has
 written thus3 ,the well-known          
liturgical archive containing ,rome's   
address to ,jupiter in the critical days
 of the ,hannibalic war is a wary and   
cleverly drawn legal document1 intended 
to bind the god as well as the          
,state4#dah ,he is no exception to the  

rule that those who have not habitually 
occupied themselves with the ,roman     
religion are liable to misinterpret its 
details4 ,this is not an address to     
,jupiter1 nor is there any sign in it   
that the god was considered as bound to 
perform his part as in a contract2 the  
covenant is a one-sided one1 the people 
undertaking an act of self-renunciation 
if the god be gracious to them1 and     
thereby going far to assure themselves  
that he will so be gracious4 ,and the   
legal cast of the language1 which seems 
so apt to mislead the unwary1#dai is    
only to be found in the clauses which   
guarantee the people against the        
contingency of the whole vow being      
ruined by the inadvertence or the       
rascality of an individual2 surely a    
very natural and inevitable caveat1     
where for once the whole people1 and not
 only their priests or magistrates1 were
 concerned in the transaction4  ,a      
curious form of the votum1 which1       
however1 ,i can only mention in passing1

 is that addressed to the gods of a     
hostile city1 with a view to induce them
 to desert their temples and take up    
their abode at ,rome2 this is the       
process called evocatio1 which was      
successfully applied at the siege of    
,veii1 when ,juno ,regina consented to  
betray her city4#dbj ,macrobius1        
commenting on ,virgil's lines 7,aen4 ii4
 #cea71    excessere omnes adytis       
arisque relictis   di quibus imperium   
hoc steterat1  has preserved the carmen 
used at the siege of ,carthage4#dba ,it 
is cast in the language of prayer3 ,si  
deus si dea est cui populus civitasque  
,carthaginiensis est in tutela 444      
precor venerorque veniamque a vobis peto
 ut vos populum civitatemque            
,carthaginiensem deseratis1 etc42 but it
 ends with a vow to build temples and   
establish ludi in honour of these       
deities if they should comply with the  
petition4 ,it is worth noting here that 
it was1 of course1 impossible to make a 
bargain with strange or hostile gods1 or

 in any way to force their hand2 the    
promise is entirely one-sided2 and ,i am
 inclined to think that in dealing with 
his own gods the mental attitude of the 
,roman was much the same1 though his    
faith in them was undoubtedly greater4  
,this is the proper place to mention    
another very curious rite1 closely      
allied to the votum1 but differing from 
it in one or two important points1 which
 is almost peculiar to the ,romans and  
most characteristic of them2 ,i mean the
 devotio of himself on the field of     
battle by a magistrate cum imperio4#dbb 
,the famous example1 familiar to us all1
 is that of ,decius ,mus at the battle  
of ,vesuvius in the great ,latin war#dbc
 7#cdj ,b4,c473 the same story is told  
of his son in a war with ,gauls and     
,samnites1 and of his grandson in the   
war with ,pyrrhus4#dbd ,the historical  
difficulties of these accounts do not   
concern us now2 by common consent of    
scholars the method and formula of the  
devotio are authentic1 and the rite must

 have had its origin in remote          
antiquity4  ,the story runs#dbe that    
,decius1 at whose preliminary sacrifice 
before the battle with the ,latins the  
liver of the victim had been found      
imperfect1 while that of his colleague  
was normal1 perceived that his wing of  
the army was giving way4 ,he therefore  
resolved to sacrifice himself by        
devotio1 and called on the pontifex     
maximus1 who was present1 to dictate for
 him the correct formula4 ,he was       
directed to put on the toga praetexta1  
to wear it with the cinctus ,gabinus1 to
 veil his head with it1 to touch his    
chin with his hand under the folds of   
the robe1 and to stand upon a spear4 ,he
 then repeated after the pontifex the   
following formula3 ,iane1 ,iuppiter1    
,mars pater1 ,quirine1 ,bellona1 ,lares1
 divi ,novensiles1 di ,indigetes1 divi  
quorum est potestas nostrorum           
hostiumque1 diique ,manes1 vos precor1  
veneror1 veniam peto feroque1 uti populo
 ,romano ,quiritium vim victoriamque    

prosperetis1 hostesque populi ,romani   
,quiritium terrore formidine morteque   
adficiatis4 ,sicut verbis nuncupavi1 ita
 pro re publica ,quiritium1 exercitu    
legionibus auxiliis populi ,romani      
,quiritium1 legiones auxiliaque hostium 
mecum deis ,manibus ,tellurique devoveo 
7,livy ix4 #i74 ,he then mounted his    
horse and rode into the midst of the    
enemy to meet his death4 ,the ,latins   
were seized with panic and the ,romans  
were victorious4  ,here the vow is made 
and fulfilled almost at the same        
moment1--the fulfilment takes place     
before the gods have done their part4   
,here too the offering made is the life 
of a human being which brings the act   
within the domain of sacrifice4 ,its    
sacrificial nature is obvious in all the
 details4#dbf ,the dress is that of the 
sacrificing priest or magistrate2#dbg   
,decius was therefore priest and victim 
at the same time1 and the two characters
 seem to be combined in the symbolic    
touching of the chin1 which has been    

rightly explained1#dbh ,i think1 as     
analogous to the laying on of hands in  
the consecratio of the ,rex1 as we saw  
it in the case of ,numa1 and perhaps to 
the immolatio of a victim by sprinkling 
the mola salsa on its head2 where the   
object of consecration is made holy by  
contact with holy things4#dbi ,the      
standing on the spear is difficult to   
explain2 it may have been a symbolic    
dedication to ,mars1 whose spear or     
spears1 as we have seen1 were kept in   
the ,regia4#dcj  ,the formula contains  
certain points of great interest4       
,firstly1 it is not only the ,roman gods
 of all sorts and conditions who are    
invoked1 but those of the enemy also1   
or1 in vague language1 those who have   
power over both ,romans and ,latins4#dca
 ,secondly1 it begins with a prayer     
combined with a curse upon the enemy3 in
 which respect it resembles the prayer  
at the lustratio populi at ,iguvium#dcb 
7which ,i shall mention again directly7 
and to a later type of devotio used at  

the siege of ,carthage and preserved by 
,macrobius4#dcc ,thirdly1 in spite of   
this religious aspect of the formula1 it
 ends with what can only be called a    
magical spell4 ,by the act of           
self-sacrifice1 which is the potent     
element in the spell1 ,decius exercises 
magical power over the legions of the   
enemy1 and devotes them with himself to 
death1--to the ,manes and ,mother       
,earth4#dcd  ,the story suggests to me  
that the rite had been at one time well 
known2 the pontifex maximus was ready   
with the instructions and formula4 ,it  
was a survival from an age of magic1 but
 the priests have given it a religious  
turn1 and the language of the first part
 is quite as much that of prayer as is  
the language of the collect to be said  
in time of war which still disfigures   
the ,anglican prayer-book4#dce ,what is 
still more remarkable is that it has not
 only a religious but an ethical        
character4 ,the idea of service to the  
,state is here seen at its highest      

point4 ,the sacrifice is a vicarious    
one4#dcf ,livy significantly adds that a
 private soldier might be chosen by the 
commander to represent him1 and that if 
this man were not killed by the enemy an
 image seven feet long must be buried in
 the earth and a piacular sacrifice     
offered4#dcg ,later on it would seem    
that instead of sacrificing himself1 the
 consul might implore the gods to accept
 the hostile army or city as his        
substitutes3 eos vicarios pro me fide   
magistratuque meo pro populi ,romani    
exercitibus do devoveo1 ut me           
exercitumque nostrum 444 bene salvos    
siritis esse4#dch ,the idea here1 and   
indeed in the devotio of ,decius1 bears 
some analogy to that which lies at the  
root of the old ,roman practice1 of     
making a criminal sacer to the deity    
chiefly concerned in his crime2 when    
this was done1 any man might kill him1  
and he was practically a victim offered 
as vicarius for the ,roman people1 who  
had been contaminated by his deed4#dci  

,but ,i must now pass on the last kind  
of ritual to be explained in these      
lectures1 and far the most impressive of
 all1 that of lustratio1 or the         
purification1 as it is commonly called1 
of land1 city1 human beings1 or even    
inanimate objects1 by means of a solemn 
procession accompanied with sacrifice4  
,so important a part did these          
processional rites play in the public   
life of the ,roman people1--so          
characteristic are they too of the old  
,roman habit of thought and action1 that
 they have given a wonderful word to the
 ,latin language4 ,lustrare has many    
meanings2 but the one which is          
immediately derived from the rites ,i   
speak of1 that of slow processional     
movement1 is the most beautiful and     
impressive of them all4 ,when ,aeneas   
first sees ,dido in all her stately     
beauty1 he says3#ddj    in freta dum    
fluvii current1 dum montibus umbrae     
lustrabunt convexa1 polus dum sidera    
pascet1   semper honos nomenque tuum    

laudesque manebunt1   quae me cunque    
vocant terrae4  ,so long as the         
cloud-shadows move slowly over the      
hollows of the hills4 ,here in ,scotland
 you must have all seen this procession 
of the shadows1 as ,i have watched it   
when fishing in ,wales2 let us always   
associate it with the magic of a poet of
 nature as well as with the religious   
processions of his people4  ,lustrare1  
lustratio1 are words which1 as ,i think1
 belong to an age of religion1 that is1 
according to our formula1 of effective  
desire to be in right relation with the 
,power manifesting itself in the        
,universe4 ,in other processes which are
 usually called purificatory1 magic     
seems to survive3 the word februum1 from
 which comes the name of our second     
month1 meant an object with magical     
potency1 such as water1 fire1 sulphur1  
laurel1 wool1 or the strips of the      
victims sacrificed at the ,lupercalia1  
and the verb februare meant to get rid  
of certain unwholesome or miasmatic     

influences by means of these            
objects4#dda ,what was the really       
primitive idea attached to these words  
need not concern us now2 but ,varro1 and
 ,ovid following him1 explicitly explain
 them as meaning purifying agents and   
processes1#ddb from which we may infer  
that they had a magical power to produce
 certain desired conditions1 or to      
protect from evil influences1 like      
charms and amulets4 ,but lustrare and   
lustratio seem to belong to an age when 
the thing to be driven or kept away is  
rather spiritual mischief1 and when the 
means used are sacrifices and prayers1  
with processional movement4  ,what is   
the original meaning of the word        
lustrare8 ,it seems to be a strong form 
of luere2 and luere is explained by     
,varro as equivalent to solvere4#ddc    
,the word lustrum1 he says1 i4e4 the    
solemn five-yearly ceremony in the      
,campus ,martius1 is derived from luere 
in the sense of solvere1 to pay2 because
 every fifth year the contract-moneys   

for the collection of taxes and for     
public undertakings were paid into the  
treasury through the censors4           
,servius1#ddd doubtless following him1  
explains such expressions as peccata    
luere1 supplicium luere1 on the same    
principle--in the sense of payment1 just
 as we speak of paying the penalty4 ,we 
might thus be tempted to fancy that the 
root-idea of lustrare is to perform a   
duty and so get rid of it1 as we do in  
paying for anything we buy2 but this    
would be to misapprehend the original   
meaning of the word as completely as    
,varro did when he explained luere by   
reference to the payments of            
contractors4 ,varro and ,servius do1    
however1 suggest the right clue2 they   
see that the idea lurking in the word is
 that of getting rid of something1 but  
they understand that something in the   
light1 not of primitive man's           
intelligence1 but of the duty of man in 
a civilised ,state4 ,what exactly it was
 that was to be got rid of is a more    

difficult question2 but all that we have
 so far learnt about the early religious
 ideas of the ,romans strongly suggests 
that they were in what we may call an   
advanced animistic stage of religious   
ideas1 and that whatever may have been  
the notion of their primitive ancestors1
 they themselves1 in these rites as we  
know them1 saw the means of getting rid 
of and so keeping away hostile spirits4 
,a ,french sociologist1 ,m4 van ,gennep1
 whose book ,les ,rites de passage ,i   
have read with great interest1 has      
kindly written me a long letter in which
 he insists that this animistic         
interpretation of lustratio is really   
superfluous1 and that the idea of       
separation alone1 i4e4 of separation    
between sacred and profane1 without any 
reference to spirits or dei1 is a fully 
sufficient explanation4 ,so no doubt it 
may be among many savage peoples2 but he
 would probably allow that as a people  
advances from one stage of superstition 
to another1 while it retains in outline 

the scheme of its rites1 it will apply  
new meanings to them in keeping with the
 changes in its mental attitude4 ,this  
is one of the most interesting processes
 with which modern research has been    
occupied2 we are now familiar with the  
adoption of pre-,christian ceremonies1  
with a complete change of meaning1 in   
the ritual of the ,christian ,church4   
,these very processions of lustratio1   
which had already been once             
metamorphosed in an animistic period1   
were seized upon by the ,roman ,church  
with characteristic adroitness1 adapted 
to its ritual1 and given a new meaning2 
and the ,catholic priest still leads his
 flock round the fields with the prayers
 of the ,litania maior in ,rogation     
week1 begging a blessing on the flocks  
and herds1 and deprecating the anger of 
the ,almighty4#dde  ,but let us now pass
 briefly in review the more important of
 these rites of lustration and compare  
them with each other2 we shall find the 
essential features the same in all of   

them4  ,the first permanent difficulty  
of new settlers in ,latium was to mark  
off their cultivated land from the      
forest or waste land beyond it1 and so1 
as ,m4 van ,gennep would phrase it1#ddf 
to make a margin of separation between  
the sacred and the profane1 within which
 the sacred processes of domestic life  
and husbandry might go forward1         
undisturbed by dangers--human1          
spiritual1 or what not--coming from the 
profane world without4 ,the boundary was
 marked out in some material way1       
perhaps by stones 7cippi7 or posts1     
placed at intervals2#ddg and thus a     
fixed piece of ground is appropriated by
 a particular social group1 so that if  
any stranger penetrated it he would be  
committing a sacrilege as complete as he
 would if he trespassed in a sacred     
grove or a temple4 ,this boundary-line  
was made sacred itself by the passage   
round it 7lustratio7 at some fixed time 
of the year1 usually in ,may1 when crops
 were ripening and especially liable to 

be attacked by hostile influences1 of a 
procession occupied with sacrifice and  
prayer4 ,the two main features of the   
rite1 as formulated by ,cato in his     
treatise on agriculture1 are--#a1 the   
procession of the victims1 ox1 sheep1   
and pig 7suovetaurilia71 the farmer's   
most valuable property2 #b1 the prayer  
to ,mars pater1 after libations to      
,janus and ,jupiter1 asking for his     
kindly protection of the whole familia  
of the farm1 together with the crops of 
all kinds and the cattle within the     
boundary-line4#ddh ,we are not expressly
 told that this procession followed the 
boundary throughout1 but the analogy of 
other lustrations forbids us to doubt   
it2 and thus the rite served the        
practical purpose of keeping it clear in
 the memory1--a matter of the utmost    
importance1 especially for the practical
 ,roman4 ,in ,cato's formula the        
farmer's object is to ward off disease1 
calamity1 dearth1 and infertility2 and  
it is ,mars who is invoked1 i4e4 a great

 god who has long ago emerged from the  
crowd of impersonal spirits2 but we may 
safely believe that the primitive farmer
 used other language1 addressing the    
spirits of disease and dearth           
themselves2 and we may guess1 if we     
will1 that again before that there was  
no invocation or sacrifice at all1 but  
that the object was only to mark the    
boundary between land civilised and     
sacred and land uncivilised and profane4
  ,as we have seen1 the farms and       
homesteads of the early ,latins were    
grouped together in associations called 
pagi2 and we can hardly doubt that these
 were subjected to the same process of  
lustratio as the farms themselves4 ,we  
have no explicit account of a           
circumambulation in this case1 but we   
have in the later poets several charming
 allusions to a lustratio pagi1 and it  
is of a rite of this kind that ,virgil  
must have been thinking when he wrote   
the beautiful passage in the first      
,georgic beginning ,in primis venerare  

deos2#ddi and the lines    terque novas 
circum felix eat hostia fruges1   omnis 
quam chorus et socii comitentur ovantes1
 etc41  clearly imply a procession with 
the object of keeping away harmful      
influences from the crops at a critical 
time4 ,and when the city-state came into
 being we may be equally sure that its  
ager1 so long at least as it was small  
enough to admit of such a processional  
ritual1 was lustrated in the same way4  
,in historical times this ager had      
become too extensive1 and there is no   
procession to be found among the duties 
of the ,fratres ,arvales as we know them
 when they were revived by ,augustus2   
but we have not1 of course1 the whole of
 the acta of the ,brethren1 and even if 
we had1 it would not be likely that we  
should find any trace of a practice     
which must have been dropped in course  
of time as the ,roman territory         
increased4 ,let us go on to the         
beginnings of the city1 where we shall  
find the same principle and practice    

applied in striking fashion4  ,as it was
 necessary to protect the homestead and 
its land by a sacred boundary1 so the   
city had to be clearly marked off from  
all that was outside of it4 ,its walls  
were sacred1 or1 strictly speaking1 a   
certain imaginary line outside of them  
called the pomoerium was sacred4 ,this  
is well shown in the traditional method 
of founding a city even in historical   
times1 e4g4 a colonia1 as described by  
,varro1 ,servius1 and ,plutarch4#dej ,a 
white ox and a white cow were harnessed 
to a plough1 of which the share must be 
made of bronze--a rule which shows at   
once the antiquity and the religious    
character of the rite1 for iron1 as we  
saw1 was taboo in most religious        
ceremonies4 ,a rectangular furrow was   
drawn where the walls of the city were  
to be2 the earth was turned inwards to  
mark the future line of the wall1 and   
the furrow represented the future       
pomoerium4 ,when the plough came to the 
place where there was to be a gate1 it  

was lifted over it1 and the ploughing   
resumed beyond it4 ,this probably meant1
 as ,plutarch expressed it1 that the    
walls 7or rather the pomoerium71 were   
sacred while the gates were profane2 had
 the gates been holy1 scruple would     
necessarily have been felt about the    
passage in and out of them of things    
profane4 ,thus the pomoerium was a      
boundary line between the sacred and the
 profane1 like that of the farm2 but in 
historical times it acquired a more     
definite religious meaning1 for within  
it there could only dwell those deities 
who belonged to the city and its        
inhabitants1 i4e4 the di indigetes1 and 
who were recognised as its divine       
inhabitants4#dea ,and only within its   
limits could the auspicia of the city be
 taken4  ,we should naturally expect    
that this sacred boundary would have its
 holiness secured or revived by an      
annual lustratio like that of the farm  
and pagus2 and so no doubt it was4 ,but 
the memory of this survives only in the 

word amburbium1 which1 on the analogy of
 ambarvalia1 must mean a rite of this   
processional kind4 ,luckily we have     
definite knowledge of the real lustratio
 of a city in those ritualistic         
inscriptions of ,iguvium which ,i have  
more than once referred to4#deb ,it is  
the lustratio of the arx1 the citadel of
 ,iguvium1 which we may guess to have   
been the original oppidum or germ of the
 historical city4 ,the details are      
complex1 and show clear traces of       
priestly organisation2 but the main     
features stand out unmistakably4 ,a     
procession goes round the arx 7ocris    
,fisia71 with the suovetaurilia--ox1    
sheep1 and pig--as in the ,latin        
lustratio2 at each gate it stops1 while 
sacrifice and prayer are offered on     
behalf of the citadel1 the city1 and the
 whole people of ,iguvium4 ,there were  
three gates1 and each of them is the    
scene of sacrifice and prayer1 because  
they are the weak points in the wall1   
and they need to be strengthened by     

annual religious operations2 such at    
least is the most obvious explanation4  
,whether the ,fratres ,attiedii would   
have been able to explain it thus we may
 doubt2 neither in the sacrificial      
ritual nor in the prayers1 as recorded  
in the inscription1 do we find any clear
 trace of a distinction between the     
sacred and the profane1 or of the idea  
of a hostile spiritual world outside the
 sacred boundary4 ,so far as we can     
judge from the prayers1 the object is   
really a religious one1 to implore the  
deities of the city to preserve it and  
all within it4 ,the language of these   
prayers hardly differs from that in     
which a ,christian ,church of to-day    
asks for a blessing on a community4#dec 
,so far ,i have been speaking of the    
permanent separation of land or city by 
a sacred boundary line from the profane 
world without4 ,but human beings en     
masse might be subjected to the same    
process--an army1 for example1 at the   
opening of the season of war2 and so1   

too1 might its appurtenances--horses1   
arms1 and trumpets4 ,in the account of  
the census and lustrum in the ,campus   
,martius given by ,dionysius of         
,halicarnassus1 who passed some years in
 ,rome in the time of ,augustus1 we find
 the suovetaurilia driven three times   
round the assembled host and sacrificed 
to ,mars4 ,this was doubtless the early 
form of the political census1 which had 
a military meaning and origin4 ,but we  
have a more exact and reliable account  
of a similar rite in the ,iguvian       
documents1 which contain instructions   
for the lustratio of the people         
apparently before a campaign4#ded ,so   
far as we can gather from the ,umbrian  
text1 the male population was assembled 
in a particular spot in its military    
divisions1 and round this host a        
procession went three times2 at the end 
of each circuit there was sacrifice and 
prayer to ,mars and two female          
associates of his power1 the object of  
which1 as we can read in the words of   

the prayer1 was to bless the people of  
,iguvium and to curse its enemies1 who  
were to be confounded and frightened and
 paralysed4  ,here religion of a rude   
sort has been superimposed on the       
originally magical ceremonial4 ,for the 
idea must have been that by drawing a   
magic circle around the host1 which     
might have to march against enemies     
living far beyond the pale of the ager  
,romanus 7or ,iguvinus71 where hostile  
magical influences might be brought to  
bear against them1 they were in some    
mysterious way marked off1 rendered     
holy1 and so protected against the wiles
 of the enemy4 ,a later and animistic   
age would think of them as needing      
protection against hostile spirits1 of  
whose ways and freaks they were of      
course entirely ignorant4 ,of these     
primitive ideas about the danger of     
entering hostile territory and of       
leaving your own1 ,dr4 ,frazer has      
collected some examples in his ,golden  
,bough 7i4 #cjd foll471 both from savage

 tribes and from ,greek usage4 ,a single
 parallel from the pen of a ,roman      
historian1 which ,dr4 ,frazer has not   
mentioned1 may suffice us here4 ,livy   
tells us that the method in ,macedonia  
was to march the whole host in spring   
between the severed limbs of a dog3#dee 
the principle is here the same as in    
,italy1 but the method differs slightly4
 ,in each case some mysterious influence
 is brought to bear on the whole army   
without exception2 but in the one case a
 line is drawn round it1 in the other it
 passes through the parts of an object  
which must have been supposed to be     
endowed with magical power4  ,and once  
more1 in spring before the season of    
arms1 all the belongings of the host    
were subjected to some process of the   
same kind4 ,i have alluded to this in my
 lecture on the calendar1 and need not  
now reproduce the evidence of the       
,equirria at the end of ,february and on
 ,march #ad1 or of the ,quinquatrus on  
,march #ai1 when the lustratio took     

place of the shields 7ancilia7 of the   
,salii1 the war-priests of ,mars1 and   
the ,tubilustrium on ,march #bc1 which  
tells its own tale4#def ,but ,i may     
recall the fact that the calendar       
supplies us also with evidence that on  
the return of the host to their own     
territory all these lustrations had to  
be repeated in order to rid men1 horses1
 arms1 and trumpets of such evil        
contagion as they might have contracted 
during their absence4 ,it may be that   
one special object of lustration after  
the return of an army was to rid it1    
with all belonging to it1 of the taint  
of bloodshed1 just as the ,jewish       
warriors and their captives were        
purified before re-entering the         
camp4#deg ,but in the ,roman pontifical 
law this idea is hardly discernible1 and
 the only trace ,i can find of it is a  
statement of ,festus that the soldiers  
who followed the general's car in a     
triumph wore laurel wreaths ut quasi    
purgati a caede humana intrarent        

urbem4#deh ,i may add here that the     
passage of a triumphing army through the
 ,porta triumphalis1 which was probably 
an isolated arch in the ,campus ,martius
 just outside the city wall1#dei most   
likely had as its original meaning the  
separation of the host from the profane 
world in which it had been moving2 and  
the triumphal arches of later times1    
which were within the city1 were thus   
developed architecturally from an origin
 which belongs to the region of         
magic4#dfj ,to the same class of ideas1 
if ,i am not much mistaken1 belongs the 
familiar ,italian practice of compelling
 a surrendered army to pass under the   
yoke4 ,as ,livy explains this when he   
first mentions it1 it was symbolical of 
subjection3 ut exprimatur confessio     
subactam domitamque esse gentem2#dfa and
 this was no doubt the idea in the minds
 of the historical ,romans4 ,but it may 
well have been that it had its root in a
 process which was supposed to deprive  
the conquered enemy of all dangerous    

contagion--to separate them from their  
own land and people before they came    
into peaceful contact with their        
conquerors4  ,a last word before ,i     
leave this part of my subject4 ,though  
it is interesting to try to get at the  
root-idea of these processes of         
lustratio1 we must remember that in the 
,rome of history they had lost not only 
such magical meaning as they ever had1  
but also much of the religious meaning  
which in course of time was superimposed
 upon it4 ,the sacrifices and the       
prayers remained1 but the latter were   
muttered and unheard by the people4 ,and
 except in the country districts these  
ceremonies were more and more absorbed1 
as time went on1 into the social1       
military1 and political life of the     
community1 as e4g4 the lustration of the
 host became a political census2 or they
 tended to disappear altogether1 like   
the ambarvalia and perhaps the          
amburbium4 ,they grew up in the         
religious experience of the ,romans1    

beginning with its very earliest and    
quasi-magical forms2 but they came at   
last to represent that experience no    
longer1 and when we meet with them in   
historical times it is impossible to    
ascribe to them any real influence on   
life and conduct4 ,lustratio never in   
pagan ,italy developed an ethical       
meaning as catharsis did in ,greece4#dfb
 ,but meaningless as they were1 the     
stately processions remained1 and could 
be watched with pride by the patriotic  
,roman all through the period of the    
,empire1 until the ,roman ,church       
adapted them to its own ritual and gave 
them1 as we saw1 a new meaning4 ,as the 
cloud-shadows still move slowly over the
 hollows of the ,apennines1 so does the 
procession of the patron saint pass     
still through the streets of many an    
,italian city4#dfc       ,,notes ,,to   
,,lecture ,,ix      #djf ,dill1 ,roman  
,society in the ,last ,century of the   
,western ,empire1 p4 #fc4      #djg ,see
 ,westermarck1 ,origin and ,development 

of ,moral     ,ideas1 ii4 #fae foll4    
#djh ,c4,i4,l4 i4 ,nos4 #dc foll4       
#dji ,c4,i4,l4 xiv4 #bhfc4 ,see ,r4,f4  
p4 #bbd1 and     ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4    
#bji4      #daj ,op4 cit4 vol4 i4 p4    
#beb2 cp4 #bga4      #daa ,see ,sir     
,alfred ,lyall's ,asiatic ,studies1     
,series     ,i4 ch4 vi4 ,no one would   
call the vow of ,aeneas1 in     ,aen4   
vi4 #fi1 a bargain with ,apollo and the 
,sibyl4      #dab ,marquardt1 p4 #bff2  
,mommsen1 ,staatsrecht1 i4#b     #eid   
foll4 ,the ceremony is best described by
 ,ovid1 ,ex     ,ponto1 iv4 #i4 #e foll4
 ,he is addressing the consul of     the
 year from his place of exile3        at
 cum ,tarpeias esses deductus in arces1 
dum caderet iussu victima sacra tuo1    
me quoque secreto grates sibi magnus    
agentem         audisset media qui sedet
 aede deus4                             
7,,ii4 #bh foll47      #dac ,valerius   
,maximus iv4 #a4 #aj4      #dad ,a list 
of these is given in ,aust1 ,de aedibus 
sacris populi ,romani 7,marpurg1 #ahhi74

 ,a valuable work1     which will be of 
service to us later on4      #dae ,livy 
xxxvi4 #b4 #c4      #daf ,ib4 xxii4 #aj4
      #dag ,ib4 sec4 #f4 ,the meaning is
 that if any one has     stolen an      
animal which was intended to be         
dedicated1 no     blame attaches to the 
person so robbed2 and that if a     man 
performs his dedication on a day of ill 
omen     unwittingly1 it will hold good 
none the less4      #dah ,farnell1      
,evolution of ,religion1 p4 #aie4       
#dai ,the fact that words like reus and 
damnatus     were applied respectively  
to persons who had made a vow     and to
 those who had performed it1 i4e4 as    
being     liable like a defendant1 and  
then released from that     position by 
a verdict or sentence 7see ,wissowa1    
,r4,k4     p4 #cbj71 is of course       
significant of the idea of the          
transaction in the mind of the ,roman1  
who1 as ,macrobius     says 7iii4 #b4   
#f7 se numinibus obligat1 as an accused 
person is obligatus to the authorities  

of the ,state     7,mommsen1            
,strafrecht1 #ahi foll474 ,it is the    
natural     tendency of the ,roman mind 
to give all transactions a     legal    
sanction2 but it does not thence follow 
that the     original idea was really   
thought of as a contract1 and     we    
have only to reflect that the final act 
was a     thank-offering to see the     
difference between the civil     and the
 religious process4      #dbj ,livy v4  
#ba4      #dba ,macr4 iii4 #i1 #f4 ,he  
says that he found it in the     fifth  
book of ,res reconditae by one          
,sammonicus     ,serenus1 and that the  
latter had himself found it in          
cuiusdam ,furii vetustissimo libro4     
#dbb ,on this subject see article       
,devotio in     ,pauly-,wissowa4        
#dbc ,livy viii4 #aj1 licere consuli    
dictatori     praetori4444 ,cp4 ,cic4 de
 ,nat4 deorum1 ii4 #aj1 at     vero apud
 maiores tanta religionis vis fuit1 ut  
quidam     imperatores etiam se ipsos   
dis immortalibus capite     velato      

certis verbis pro republica devoverent4 
#dbd ,see ,muenzer's article ,decii in  
,pauly-,wissowa1     ,real-,encycl42    
,soltau1 ,die ,anfaenge der roem4       
,geschichtschreibung1 p4 #dh foll4      
#dbe ,livy viii4 #i foll42 ,dio         
,cassius1 fragment1 xxxv4     #f2       
,ennius1 ,ann4 vi4 #adg1 ,baehrens4 ,the
 latter fragment     is the oldest      
reference to the event which we possess1
     and just sufficient to confirm     
,livy's account3 ,divi hoc     audite   
parumper1 ut pro ,romano populo         
prognariter armis     certando prudens  
animum de corpore mitto4      #dbf ,it  
is worth remarking that the sacrificial 
aspect     struck ,st4 ,augustine4 ,in  
,civ4 ,dei1 v4 #ah1 he writes3     ,si  
se occidendos certis verbis quodam modo 
consecrantes     ,decii devoverunt1 ut  
illis cadentibus et iram deorum         
sanguine suo placantibus ,romanus       
liberaretur exercitus1     and goes on  
to compare the ,decii with ,christian   
martyrs4     ,i am indebted for this    

reference to ,mayor's note on           
,cicero1 de ,nat4 deor4 ii4 #c4 #aj4    
#dbg ,see above1 p4 #agf2 ,wissowa1     
,r4,k4 p4 #ceb1 note #a4      #dbh ,by  
,deubner in ,archiv1 #aije1 p4 #fi foll4
 ,this     touching of the chin seems to
 be an example of that     personal     
contact which makes a man or thing holy2
 see1     e4g41 ,westermarck1 op4 cit4  
i4 #ehf4 ,decius makes     himself holy 
for the sacrifice 7as victim7 by        
touching     7as priest7 the only part  
of his person which was     exposed4    
,for the magic touch of the hand see ,o4
     ,weinrich1 ,antike                 
,heiligungswuender1 p4 #fc foll41 and   
,macrobius iii4 #b4 #g1 for the touching
 of the altar by a     sacrificing      
priest4      #dbi ,see above1 p4 #ahj4  
#dcj ,this is ,deubner's explanation1   
which he elaborates     at length by    
examples of the worship of the spear or 
sword among various peoples4      #dca  
,this is peculiar to the formula in     
,livy viii4 #i4     ,is it possible that

 it may have some reference to the      
fact that the ,romans were fighting     
their own kin1 the     ,latins8         
#dcb ,buecheler1 ,umbrica1 pp4 #bb and  
#ajb3 hastatos     inhastatos completo  
timore tremore1 fuga formidine1 nive    
nimbo1 fragore furore1 senio servitio1  
where1 however1     the translator from 
the ,umbrian is assisted by the ,latin  
formulae we are discussing4      #dcc   
,macrobius iii4 #i4 #aj1 exercitum quem 
ego me     sentio dicere fuga formidine 
terrore compleatis1 etc4     ,this is of
 comparatively late origin1 as it is    
addressed     to ,dis pater1 who only   
became a ,roman deity in #bdi ,b4,c4    
7,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 #beg74 ,the        
interesting feature in     this devotio1
 used at the siege at ,carthage1 is that
     it is not himself whom the         
commander devotes--the common     sense 
of the ,romans had got beyond that--but 
the enemy     as substitutes for        
himself4 ,eos vicarios pro me fide      
magistratuque meo pro populo ,romano    

exercitibus do     devoveo1 ut me       
meamque fidem imperiumque legiones      
exercitumque nostrum bene salvos siritis
 esse4 ,thus the     enemy is made the  
victim1 and this is why the only gods   
invoked are the ,di ,inferi1 ,dis pater1
 ,veiovis1 ,manes1     while in the     
older formula it is the gods of ,romans 
and     ,latins4 ,pacuvius in a         
praetextata called ,decius wrote3       
,lue patrium hostili fusum sanguen      
sanguine 7,ribbeck1     p4 #bhj74 ,this 
is the language ,ennius used before him 
of     the sacrifice of ,iphigenia3 ut  
hostium eliciatur     sanguis sanguine1 
where1 however1 the word eliciatur      
shows that it is magic4 ,the curious    
thing in this last     passage is that  
the parallel passage in the ,euripidean 
,iph4 in ,aul4 7#adhf7 does not suggest 
magic4 ,is the     idea ,italian8 ,the  
curse 7for such it really is7 is to be  
witnessed by ,tellus and ,iuppiter1 and 
the celebrant     points down and up    
respectively in invoking them1 as       

also in the devotio of ,curtis in the   
,forum 7,livy vii4     #f71 which was an
 abnormal procuratio prodigii4      #dcd
 ,cp4 the language used by ,livy of the 
second ,decius     7x4 #bi73 prae se    
agere formidinem ac fugam 444           
contacturum funebribus diris signa tela 
arma hostium4     ,for spells or curses 
of this kind see ,westermarck i4        
#efc3 a curse is conveyable by speech1  
especially if     spoken by a magistrate
 or priest4 ,among the ,maoris the      
anathema of the priest is regarded as a 
thunderbolt that     an enemy cannot    
escape4 ,see also ,robertson ,smith1    
,semites1 p4 #dcd1 for the ,jewish ban1 
by which impious     sinners1 or enemies
 of the city and its ,god1 were         
devoted to destruction4 ,he remarks that
 the ,hebrew verb     to ban is         
sometimes rendered consecrate3 ,micah   
iv4 #ac2     ,deut4 xiii4 #af2 and      
,joshua vi4 #bf 7,jericho71 which       
exactly answers to the consecratio of   
,carthage4 ,for     curses conveyable by

 sacrifices1 as in all the cases ,i     
have mentioned1 see ,westermarck ii4    
#fah foll4 #fbd1 and     the same       
author's paper on conditional curses in 
,morocco1 in ,anthropological ,essays1  
addressed to ,e4 ,b4     ,tylor1 p4     
#cfj4      #dce ,abate their pride1     
assuage their malice1 and     confound  
their devices4 ,i well remember hearing 
this     read in church throughout the  
,crimean war4      #dcf ,pro republica  
,quiritium1 in the formula quoted       
above4      #dcg ,livy viii4 #aj ad fin4
      #dch ,see above1 note #bh4        
#dci ,see ,marquardt1 p4 #bgf and notes2
 ,mommsen1     ,strafrecht1 #ijj foll4  
,the subject has generally been         
treated from the legal point of view    
rather than the     religious2 but from 
the religious point of view it has      
generally been assumed that the         
sacrifice was to appease     the god4   
,so no doubt it was2 but ,i venture also
 to     conjecture that the victim was  
vicarius for the     contamination of   

the community4 ,on the subject generally
     ,westermarck's two chapters on     
human sacrifice and     blood-revenge   
7xix4 and xx4 in vol4 i47 are extremely 
well worth reading4      #ddj ,aen4 i4  
#fjg foll4 ,cp4 ,aen4 iii4 #dbi--       
praestat ,trinacrii metas lustrare      
,pachyni       cessantem1 longos et     
circumflectere cursus1      where the   
slow movement and circuitous course of a
     lustratio must have been in        
,virgil's mind4 ,the movement     round 
an object for lustral purposes is seen  
in ,aen4     vi4 #bbi1 idem ter socios  
pura circumtulit unda1 where            
,servius explains circumtulit by        
purgavit4 ,as early     as ,livius      
,andronicus 7second century ,b4,c47 we  
find     classem lustratur of fishes    
swimming round a fleet     7,ribb4      
,trag4 ,fragmenta1 p4 #a74      #dda    
,marquardt1 p4 #cbd1 for the februa of  
the     ,luperci1 ,r4,f4 p4 #cbj foll41 
and the explanations there     given4   
,more will be found alluded to in ,van  

,gennep1 ,les     ,rites de passage1 p4 
#bdi4 ,to my mind none are quite        
convincing4 ,the ,romans believed that  
blows with these     februa 7strips of  
the victim's skin7 made women           
fertile2 they were therefore clearly    
magical implements1     but beyond this 
we do not seem to get4 7,see also       
,deubner     in ,archiv1 #aiaj1 p4 #die 
foll47      #ddb ,varro1 ,l4,l4 vi4 #ac1
 ,februum ,sabini purgamentum1     et id
 in sacris nostris verbum4 ,cp4 ,varro1 
ap4     ,nonium1 p4 #aad2 ,ovid1 ,fasti1
 ii4 #ai foll41 where he     calls      
februa piamina1 purgamenta1 in the      
language of     the ius divinum4        
#ddc ,l4,l4 vi4 #aa4      #ddd ,servius1
 ad ,aen4 x4 #cb2 xi4 #hdb2 cp4 i4 #acf4
      #dde ,see ,r4,f4 p4 #abg1 for the 
same rite in the ,church     of ,england
 7,brand1 ,popular ,antiquities1 p4     
#bib74      #ddf ,les ,rites de passage1
 ch4 ii4      #ddg ,for boundary marks  
in historical times see     ,gromatici  
auctores1 vol4 ii4 p4 #bej foll4        

7,rudorff74      #ddh ,if the cattle    
were in the woodland beyond the         
settlement1 as they would be in summer1 
they could not     be protected in this 
way3 like an army going into the        
country of hostes 7see above1 p4 #baf7  
they were     treated in another way1   
which we may connect with the     ritual
 of the ,parilia1 as ,dr4 ,frazer has   
beautifully     shown in his paper on   
,st4 ,george and the ,parilia 7,revue   
des etudes ethnographiques et           
sociologiques1 #aijh1 p4 #a     foll474 
#ddi ,georg4 i4 #cch foll4      #dej    
,varro1 ,l4,l4 v4 #adc2 ,servius1 ,aen4 
v4 #gee 7from     ,cato72 ,plutarch1    
,romulus1 xi4      #dea ,see above1 p4  
#aag4      #deb ,buecheler1 ,umbrica1   
pp4 #ab foll4 and #db foll4      #dec   
,the deities of the city were invoked to
 preserve     the name1 the magistrates1
 rites1 men1 cattle1 land1 and          
crops3 a list in which the name is the  
only item that     carries us back to   
pre-,christian times4      #ded         

,buecheler1 ,umbrica1 pp4 #ba and #hd   
foll4      #dee ,livy xl4 #f init4      
#def ,see above1 p4 #if4      #deg      
,numbers xxxi4 #ai4      #deh ,festus1  
p4 #aag4      #dei ,see                 
,huelsen-,jordan1 ,roem4 ,topographie1  
vol4 iii4     p4 #die2 ,von             
,domaszewski1 ,abhandlungen1 p4 #bag    
foll4      #dfj ,suggested by ,van      
,gennep1 ,les ,rites de passage1     p4 
#bh4      #dfa ,livy iii4 #bh4 #aa4     
#dfb ,farnell1 ,evolution of ,religion1 
p4 #acb foll4      #dfc ,the account of 
lustratio given in this lecture     is  
adapted from the author's chapter on the
 same subject     in ,anthropology and  
the ,classics1 ,oxford ,university      
,press1 #aijh4     ,,lecture ,x  ,,the  
,,first ,,arrival ,,of ,,new ,,cults    
,,in ,,rome   ,i said in my first       
lecture that the whole story of ,roman  
religious experience falls into two     
parts3 first1 that of the               
formularisation of rules and methods for
 getting effectively into right         

relations with the ,power manifesting   
itself in the universe2 secondly1 that  
of the gradual discovery of the         
inadequacy of these1 and of the         
engrafting on the ,state religion of    
,rome of an ever-increasing number of   
foreign rites and deities4 ,the first of
 these stories has been occupying us so 
far1 and before ,i leave it for what    
will be practically an introduction to  
succeeding lectures1 it will be as well 
for me to sum up the results at which we
 have already arrived4  ,i began with   
what ,i called the protoplasm of        
religion1 the primitive ideas and       
practices which form the psychological  
basis of the whole growth4 ,the feeling 
of awe and anxiety about that which is  
mysterious and unknown1 the feeling     
which the ,romans called religio1 seems 
to have manifested itself in ,italy1 as 
elsewhere1 in those various ways which  
,i discussed in my second and third     
lectures1 in the various forms of magic1
 negative and positive4 ,we find        

unmistakable evidence of the existence  
of those strict rules of conduct called 
taboos1 which fetter the mind and body  
of primitive man1 which probably arise  
from an ineffective desire to put       
himself in right relations with forces  
he does not understand1 and which have  
their value as a social discipline4     
,again1 we find surviving in historical 
,rome numerous forms of active or       
positive magic1 by which it was thought 
possible to compel or overcome those    
powers1 so as to use them for your own  
benefit and against your enemies4 ,but  
,i was careful to point out that on the 
whole little of all this evidence of the
 early existence of magic at ,rome is to
 be found in the public religion of the 
,roman ,state1 and that the natural     
inference from this is that at one time 
or another there must have been a very  
powerful influence at work in cutting   
away these obsolete root-leaves of the  
plant that was to be1 and in making of  
that plant a neat1 well-defined growth4 

,i went on to deal with the first stage 
in the working of this influence1 which 
we found reflected in the religion of   
the family as we know it in historical  
times4 ,the family1 settled on the land1
 with its homestead and its regular     
routine of agricultural process1        
developed a more effective desire to get
 into right relation with the ,power    
manifesting itself in the universe4     
,anxiety is greatly lessened both in the
 house and on the land1 because within  
those limits there is a peace 7or       
covenant7 between the divine and human  
inhabitants who have taken up their     
residence there4 ,the supernatural      
powers1 conceived now 7whatever they may
 have been before7 as spirits1 are      
friendly if rightly propitiated1 and    
much advance has been made in the       
methods of propitiation2 magic and      
religion are still doubtless mixed up   
together in these1 but the tendency     
seems to be to get gradually rid of the 
more inadequate and blundering methods4 

,in fact1 man's knowledge of the ,divine
 has greatly advanced2 spirits have some
 slight tendency to become deities1 and 
magic is in part at least superseded by 
an orderly round of sacrifice and       
prayer1 which is performed daily within 
the house1 and within the boundary of   
the land at certain seasons of the year4
 ,this stage of settlement and routine  
was the first great revolution in the   
religious experience of the ,romans1 and
 supplied the basis of their national   
character4  ,the second revolution which
 we can clearly discern1 and far the    
most important as a factor in ,roman    
history1 is that of the organisation of 
the religion of the city-state of ,rome4
 ,doubtless there were stages           
intermediate between the two1 but they  
are entirely lost to us4 ,we had to     
concentrate our attention on the city of
 the four regions--the first city we    
really know--and to examine the one     
document which has survived from it1 the
 so-called calendar of ,numa4 ,in my    

fifth lecture ,i explained the nature of
 that calendar1 and noted how it        
reflects the life of a people at once   
agricultural and military1 and how it   
must presuppose the existence of a      
highly organised legal priesthood1 or of
 some powerful genius for political as  
well as religious legislation4 ,the     
tradition of a great priest-king is not 
wholly to be despised1 for it expresses 
the feeling of the ,romans that         
religious law and order were            
indispensable parts of their whole      
political and social life4 ,during the  
rest of these lectures ,i have been     
trying to interrogate this religious    
calendar1 with such help as could be    
gained from any other sources1 on two   
points3 7#a7 the conception1 or1 if we  
can venture to use the word1 the        
knowledge1 which the ,romans of that    
early city-state had of the ,divine2    
7#b7 the chief forms and methods of     
their worship4 ,we saw that they did not
 think of the divine beings as existing 

in human form with human weaknesses1 but
 as invisible and intangible functional 
powers1 numina4 ,each had its special   
limited sphere of action2 and some were 
now localised within the pomoerium1 or  
just outside it within the ager         
,romanus1 and worshipped under a        
particular name4 ,i suggested that this 
very settlement had probably some       
influence in preparing them for assuming
 a more definite and personal character1
 should the chance be given them4 ,in   
regard to the forms of cult with which  
they were propitiated1 ,i found in the  
ritual of sacrifice and prayer a genuine
 advance towards a really religious     
attitude to the deity1 the sacrifices   
being meant to increase his power to    
benefit the community1 and the prayers  
to diminish such inclination as he might
 have to damage it2 but that there are  
in these certain survivals of the age of
 magic1 which are1 however1 only formal1
 and have lost their original           
significance4 ,i found some curious     

examples of such survivals in the rite  
of devotio1 and in vows generally a     
somewhat lower type of method in dealing
 with the supernatural4 ,but1 on the    
other hand1 the forms of lustratio1 at  
the bottom of which seems to lie the    
idea of getting rid of evil spirits and 
influences1 present very beautiful      
examples of what we may really call     
religious ceremony4  ,there was1 then1  
in this highly-organised religion of the
 city-state1 in some ways at least1 a   
great advance4 ,but in spite of this    
gain1 it had serious drawbacks4 ,most   
prominent among these was the fact that 
it was the religion of the ,state as a  
whole1 and not of the individual or the 
family4 ,religion1 ,i think we may      
safely say1 had placed a certain        
consecration upon the simple life of the
 family1 which was1 in fact1 the life of
 the individual2 for the essence of     
religion in all stages of civilisation  
lies in the feeling of the individual   
that his own life1 his bodily and mental

 welfare1 is dependent on the ,divine as
 he and his regard it4 ,but to what     
extent can it be said that religion so  
consecrated the life of the ,state as to
 enable each individual in his family   
group to feel that consecration more    
vividly8 ,that would have constituted a 
real advance in religious development2  
that was the result1 if ,i am not       
mistaken1 of the religion of the ,jewish
 ,state1 which with all the force of a  
powerful hierarchical authority         
addressed its precepts to the mind and  
will of the individual4 ,but at ,rome1  
though the earliest traces and          
traditions of law show a certain        
consecration of morality1 inasmuch as   
the criminal is made over as a kind of  
propitiatory sacrifice to the deity whom
 he has offended1 yet in the ordinary   
course of life1 so far as ,i can        
discern1 the individual was left very   
much where he was1 before the ,state    
arose1 in his relation to the ,divine4  
,in no other ancient ,state that we know

 of did the citizen so entirely resign  
the regulation of all his dealings with 
the ,state's gods to the constituted    
authorities set over him4 ,his          
obligatory part in the religious ritual 
of the ,state was simply nil1 and all   
his religious duty on days of religious 
importance was to abstain from civil    
business1 to make no disturbance4       
,within the household he used his own   
simple ritual1 the morning prayer1 the  
libation to the household deities at    
meals2 and it is exactly here that we   
see a pietas1 a sense of duty           
consecrated by religion1 which seems to 
have had a real ethical value1 and      
reminds us of modern piety4 ,but in all 
his relations with the gods qua citizen1
 he resigned himself to the trained and 
trusted priesthoods1 who knew the       
secrets of ritual and all that was      
comprised in the ius divinum2 and by    
passive obedience to these authorities  
he gradually began to deaden the sense  
of religio that was in him4 ,and this   

tendency was increased by the mere fact 
of life in a city1 which as time went on
 became more and more the rule2 for1 as 
,i pointed out1 the round of religious  
festivals no longer exactly expressed   
the needs and the work of that          
agricultural life in which it had its   
origin4  ,it would be an interesting    
inquiry1 if the material for an answer  
were available1 to try and discover how 
this gradual absorption of religion 7or 
rather religious duties7 by the ,state  
and its authorities affected the        
morality of the individual ,roman4 ,it  
has often been maintained of late that  
religion and morality have nothing in   
common2 and even ,dr4 ,westermarck1#dfd 
who1 unlike most anthropologists1 treats
 the whole subject from a psychological 
point of view1 seems inclined to come to
 this conclusion4 ,for myself1 ,i am    
rather disposed to agree with another   
eminent anthropologist1#dfe that        
religion and morality are really        
elemental instincts of human nature1    

primarily undistinguishable from each   
other2 and if that be so1 then the      
over-elaboration of either the moral or 
religious law1 or of the two combined1  
will tend to weaken the binding force of
 both4 ,if1 as at ,rome1 the citizen is 
made perfectly comfortable in his       
relations with the ,power manifesting   
itself in the universe1 owing to the    
complete mastery of the ius divinum by  
the ,state and its officials1 there will
 assuredly be a tendency to paralyse the
 elemental religious impulse1 and with  
it1 if ,i am not mistaken1 the elemental
 sense of right and wrong4 ,for in the  
life of a state with such a legalised   
religious system as this1 so long at    
least as it thrives and escapes serious 
disaster1 there will be few or none of  
those moments of peril and anxiety in   
which man is brought face to face with  
the eternal realities of existence1#dff 
and when he becomes awakened to a new   
sense of religion and duty4 ,in the life
 of the family1 the critical moments of 

birth1 puberty1 marriage1 and death     
regularly recur1 and keep up the        
instinct1 because man is then brought   
face to face with these eternal facts2  
there is no need of extraordinary       
perils1 such as tempests or pestilences1
 to keep the instinct alive4 ,but in the
 life of the ,state as such there were  
no such continually recurring reminders2
 even the old agricultural perils were  
out of sight of the ordinary citizen4   
,thus the farthest we can go in         
ascribing a moral influence to the      
,state religion is in giving it credit  
for helping to maintain that sense of   
law and order which served to keep the  
life of the family sound and wholesome4 
,that it did to some extent perform this
 service ,i have already pointed        
out2#dfg and it is a remarkable fact    
that the decay of the ,state religion   
was coincident1 in the last two         
centuries ,b4,c41 with the decay of the 
family life and virtues4 ,but on the    
whole1 as we shall see1 the ius divinum 

had rather the effect of hypnotising the
 religious and moral instinct than of   
keeping it awake4 ,it needed new perils 
for the ,state as a whole to re-create  
that feeling which is the root of the   
growth of conscience2 and when the      
craving did at last come upon the       
,roman1 which in times of doubt and     
peril has come upon individuals and     
communities in all ages1 for support and
 comfort from the ,unseen1 it had to be 
satisfied by giving him new gods to     
worship in new ways--aliens with whom he
 had nothing in common1 who had no home 
in his patriotic feeling1 no place in   
his religious experience4#dfh  ,i wish  
to conclude this first part of my       
subject by giving some account of the   
first beginning of this introduction of 
new deities1 di novensiles as they were 
called1#dfi into the old ,roman         
religious world4 ,those1 however1 of    
whom ,i shall speak here were not       
introduced as the result of disaster or 
distress1 but were simply the inevitable

 consequence of the growing importance  
of the city on the ,tiber--of the       
beginnings of her commercial and        
political relations with her neighbours1
 and also of her own development in the 
arts of civilisation4 ,the religious    
system with which ,i have so far been   
dealing was the exclusive property1 we  
must remember1 of those gentes1 with the
 families composing them1 which formed  
the original human material of the      
,state1 and were known as patrician4 ,if
 we had no other reason for being sure  
of this1 the fact that all ,state       
priesthoods were originally limited to  
patrician families would be sufficient  
to prove it2#dgj even down to the latest
 times the rex sacrorum1 the three      
flamines maiores1 and the ,salii were   
necessarily of patrician birth--a fact  
which had much to do with their tendency
 to disappear in the last age of the    
,republic4  ,but in the course of the   
period within which the ,numan calendar 
was drawn up1 this community of         

patrician burghers began to suffer      
certain changes4 ,a population of       
outsiders1 as in so many ,greek cities1 
had gained admittance to the site of    
,rome1 though not into its political and
 religious organism4#dga ,so solid a    
city1 in such an important position1 was
 sure to attract such settlers1 whether 
from the ,latins dwelling about it1 or  
from the ,etruscans on the north1 or the
 ,greek cities along the coast          
southwards and in ,sicily4 ,the ,latins 
were1 of course1 of the same stock as   
the ,romans1 and already in some loose  
political relation to them2 and as each 
,latin city was open1 like ,rome1 to    
,greek and ,etruscan influences1 we     
should probably see in ,latium an       
indirect channel of communication       
between those peoples and ,rome1 to be  
reckoned in addition to the direct and  
obvious one4 ,as ,dr4 ,j4 ,b4 ,carter   
has well said1#dgb the ,latins1 becoming
 rapidly inferior to ,rome1 were enabled
 to do her at least this service1 that  

of absorbing the foreign influences     
which came1 and in certain cases of     
,latinising them1 and thus transmitting 
them to ,rome in a more or less         
assimilated condition4 ,as ,dr4 ,carter 
has been the first to explain the       
arrival of these new religious          
influences to ,english readers1 ,i shall
 in what follows closely follow his     
footsteps4 ,they indicate and also      
reflect a change from agricultural      
economy and habits to a society         
interested in trade and travel3 ,i say  
interested1 because we cannot be quite  
sure how far the old ,romans engaged in 
such pursuits themselves1 as well as    
admitting from outside those who did1   
with their worships4 ,they indicate also
 the growth of an industrial population1
 organised in gilds1 as in the ,middle  
,ages2 here beyond doubt the workers    
were mainly of native birth4 ,lastly1   
they indicate an advance in military    
efficiency and1 as a result of this     
military progress1 some change in the   

relation of ,rome to her                
fellow-communities of ,latium4  ,perhaps
 the first of these new deities to      
arrive was the famous ,hercules ,victor 
or ,invictus of the ara maxima in the   
,forum ,boarium1 who continued for      
centuries to accept the tithes of the   
booty of generals and the profits of    
successful merchants4 ,virgil in the    
eighth ,aeneid#dgc makes ,evander show  
his guest this altar and the celebration
 of its festival1 and tell him the tale 
of ,cacus and the oxen and the cave on  
the ,aventine hard by2 the poet1 like   
every one else until the last few years1
 believed the cult to be primeval and   
,roman4 ,but one of the many gains for  
the history of ,roman religion which    
have recently been secured--even since  
the publication of my ,roman            
,festivals--is the certainty that the   
,italian ,hercules is really the ,greek 
,heracles acclimatised in the sister    
peninsula1 and that the cult of the ara 
maxima1 though that altar was inside the

 sacred boundary of the pomoerium1 was  
not native in ,rome4#dgd ,it seems1     
however1 almost certain that it did not 
come direct from any part of ,hellas1   
though its position1 close to the ,tiber
 and its landing-place1 might naturally 
lead us to think so4 ,it is almost      
impossible to believe that ,heracles    
would have been allowed inside the      
pomoerium1 had he been introduced by    
foreigners in the strict sense of the   
word4 ,no doubt much has yet to be      
learnt about ,hercules in ,italy2 but   
recent painstaking researches have made 
it possible for us to acquiesce in the  
belief that this ,hercules of the ara   
came from a ,latin city1--from that     
,tibur which by tradition was of ,greek 
origin--,tibur ,argeo positum           
colono1--and which1 like its neighbour  
,praeneste1 was curiously receptive of  
foreign influence4#dge ,it is believed  
that the ,greek traders from ,campania  
and ,magna ,graecia made their way      
northwards through ,latium1 and thus    

eventually reached ,rome with the deity 
whom they seem to have always carried   
with them4 ,he was1 in the words of ,dr4
 ,carter1#dgf a deity of whom1 by the   
contagion of commerce1 the ,romans      
already felt a great need1 a god of     
great power from whom came success in   
the practical undertakings of life2 and 
it was quite natural that his shrine    
should be in the busy cattle-market of  
the city1 if we remember that the wealth
 of the early ,romans1 pecunia as they  
called it1 mainly consisted in sheep and
 oxen4 ,as ,heracles in various forms   
was to be met with all over the         
,mediterranean coasts1 it would indeed  
be strange if he were not found in the  
growing city commanding the central     
water-way of ,italy2 and his appearance 
there may be said to have put ,rome in  
touch with the ,mediterranean business  
of that day4 ,there he was destined to  
remain1 with all the honour of an oldest
 cult1 though other cults of the same   
god came in later1 and were established 

quite close to him2 and though never a  
,state deity of much importance1 he     
exercised a wholesome influence in      
matters of trade1 as the god who        
sanctioned your oath1 and who accepted  
the tithe of your gain which you had    
vowed at the outset of an               
enterprise4#dgg  ,in the same period1   
though the traditional date of their    
temple is later1 came the ,twin         
,brethren1 ,castor and ,pollux1 and     
found their way1 like ,hercules1 into   
the city within the pomoerium4 ,the     
famous temple of ,castor 7before whom   
his brother gradually gave way7 was at  
the end of the ,forum under the         
,palatine1 close to the fountain of     
,juturna1 where the ,twins watered their
 horses after the battle of ,lake       
,regillus2 and there the beautiful      
remains of the latest reconstruction of 
it still stand4#dgh ,this position alone
 should make us feel confident that the 
cult did not come direct from ,greek    
sources2 and it had its origin1 perhaps1

 in the period when ,rome was in close  
relation with ,latin cities1 which      
themselves had been gradually absorbing 
the cults and products of the ,greeks of
 ,campania4 ,there is a strong          
probability that it came from ,tusculum1
 with which the legend of the ,regillus 
battle is closely connected1 and where  
the cult had beyond doubt taken strong  
root4#dgi ,like the ,hercules of the ara
 maxima1 the ,twins were no doubt       
brought by the course of trade1 which   
was continually pushing up from the     
south2 for they too were favourites of  
the merchant adventurer1 and throughout 
,hellas were the special protectors of  
the seafarer4 ,their connection with    
horses is well known1 and not as yet    
satisfactorily explained in its ,roman  
aspect2 but ,dr4 ,j4 ,b4 ,carter thinks 
that they first became prominent in     
,greece when the ,homeric use of        
chariots was abandoned for a primitive  
kind of cavalry1 and that the           
,castor-cult moved steadily northward   

7from ,magna ,graecia71 carried1 as it  
were1 on horseback1 and that when it    
reached ,rome it became connected with  
the reorganisation of the cavalry4 ,this
 seems to be almost pure guess-work1    
and1 attractive as it is1 ,i fear we    
cannot put much faith in it4#dhj ,the   
position in the ,forum1 and the         
well-known connection of both twins with
 oaths1#dha seem to me rather to suggest
 a more natural origin in trade4 ,i     
would suggest that the equine character 
of the cult in ,latium was secondary1   
and that the connection of the temple   
and cult with the ,roman cavalry was a  
natural result1 but not a primary       
feature1 of its introduction4 ,i should 
be inclined to look on it as coming in  
with the building of the temple1 which  
was probably of later origin than the   
original introduction of the cult4      
,some time after the calendar was drawn 
up1 a deity was established on the      
,aventine1 i4e4 not within the          
pomoerium1 whose arrival marks a        

development in the organisation of      
handicraft4 ,we cannot indeed prove that
 the settlement of ,minerva on the      
,aventine took place so early1 but we   
have strong grounds for the             
conclusion4#dhb ,this temple was in     
historical times the religious centre of
 trade-gilds2 and these gilds were by   
universal ,roman tradition ascribed to  
,numa as founder1 which simply means    
that they were among the oldest         
institutions of the ,city-state4 ,as    
,minerva does not appear in the         
calendar1 had no flamen1 and therefore  
must have been altogether outside the   
original patrician religious system1 the
 natural inference is that the temple   
was founded1 like the shrines of        
,hercules and the ,twin ,brethren1      
towards the end of the period we are    
dealing with1 and was from the first the
 centre of the gilds4 ,of those         
mentioned by ,plutarch in his life of   
,numa 7ch4 #ag71 we know that the       
following gilds belonged to ,minerva3   

tibicines1 fabri 7carpenters871         
fullones1 sutores2 and it is a          
reasonable guess that the others1       
coriarii1 fabri aerarii1 and aurifices1 
were also under her protection4 ,these  
trades1 as ,waltzing remarks in his     
great work on ,roman gilds1#dhc are all 
in keeping with the rudimentary         
civilisation of primitive ,rome2 they   
are those which were first carried on   
outside of the family4 ,workers in iron 
are not among them2 bronze is still the 
common metal4  ,now of course we must   
not go so far as to assume that none of 
these trades existed before the cult of 
,minerva came to ,rome2 but from her    
close association with them all through 
,roman history1 and from the fact that  
the ,romans were originally an          
agricultural folk1 as the calendar      
shows1 with a simple economy and simple 
needs1 it is legitimate to connect the  
arrival of the goddess with the growth  
of town life and the demand for articles
 once made in rude fashion chiefly on   

the farms1 and with a period of         
improvement in manufacture1 and the use 
of better materials and better methods4 
,whence1 then1 did these improvements   
come8 ,this is only another way of      
asking the question1 ,whence did        
,minerva come8  ,by the common consent  
of investigators she came from the      
semi-,latin town of ,falerii in southern
 ,etruria1 where these arts were        
practised by ,etruscans1 or those who   
had learnt of ,etruscans4#dhd ,her name 
is ,italian1 not ,etruscan2#dhe she was 
an old ,italian deity taken over by the 
invading ,etruscans from the peoples    
whose land they occupied4 ,but while in 
the hands of ,etruscans she had adopted 
,greek characteristics1 especially those
 of ,athene1 the patroness of arts and  
crafts4 ,she soon1 indeed1 appeared with
 some of the character of ,athene       
,polias1 as we shall see at the end of  
this lecture2 but her real importance1  
far down into the period of the ,empire1
 was in the temple on the ,aventine1 and

 in connection with the crafts4 ,the    
dedication day of the temple was ,march 
#ai1 which was known1 as we learn on the
 best authority1 also as artificum      
dies4#dhf  ,there was another famous    
temple on the ,aventine which by        
universal consent is attributed to the  
same period as that of ,minerva4 ,diana 
does not appear in the calendar1 and had
 no flamen2 ,roman tradition ascribed   
her arrival to ,servius ,tullius1 and we
 shall not be far wrong if we place it  
at or towards the end of the age of the 
kingship4 ,the temple was celebrated as 
containing an ancient statue of ,diana1 
the oldest or almost the oldest         
representation of a deity in human form 
known at ,rome1 which was a copy of a   
rude image of ,artemis at ,massilia1 of 
the type of the famous ,greek3 xoanon of
 the ,ephesian ,artemis4#dhg ,it also   
contained a lex templi in ,greek        
characters1 and a treaty or charter of a
 federation of ,latin cities with ,rome 
as their head1 which was seen by        

,dionysius of ,halicarnassus when in    
,rome in the time of ,augustus4#dhh     
,the explanation of the arrival of      
,diana is simple4 ,the dies natalis of  
the temple is the same as that of the   
famous shrine of the same goddess at    
,aricia--the ,ides of ,august4#dhi      
,aricia was at this time the centre of a
 league of cities including ,tusculum   
and ,tibur1 with both of which1 as we   
have just seen1 ,rome was closely       
connected at this time2 a league which  
is generally supposed to have superseded
 that of ,alba1 marking some revolution 
in ,latium consequent on the fall of    
,alba4#dij ,diana was a wood-spirit1 a  
tree-spirit1 as ,dr4 ,frazer has taught 
us1 with some relation to the moon and  
to the life of women2 of late she has   
become familiar to every one1 not as she
 was known later1 in the disguise of    
,artemis1 but as the deity of that      
shrine--pinguis et placabilis ara       
,dianae--of which the priest was the    
,rex ,nemorensis3 he who slew the slayer

 and shall himself be slain4#dia ,but in
 those days it was only the fact that   
she was the chief local deity of        
,aricia1 the leading city of the new    
league1 which brought her suddenly into 
notice4 ,when the strategic position of 
,rome gave her in turn the lead in      
,latium1 ,diana passed on from ,aricia  
to the ,tiber1 entered on a new life1   
and eventually took over the attributes 
of ,artemis1 with whom she had much in  
common4 ,the ,diana whom we know in     
,roman literature is really ,artemis2   
but ,diana of the ,aventine1 when she   
first arrived there1 was the wood-spirit
 of ,aricia1 and her temple was an      
outward sign of ,rome's new position in 
,latium3 it was built by the chiefs of  
the ,latin cities in conjunction with   
,rome1 and is described by ,varro as    
commune ,latinorum ,dianae templum4#dib 
,it was appropriately placed on the only
 ,roman hill which was then still       
covered with wood1 and was outside the  
pomoerium4  ,there was one other        

goddess1 a ,latin one1 who was          
traditionally associated with this      
period1 and especially with king        
,servius ,tullius--,fortuna1 or ,fors   
,fortuna2 she does not appear in the    
calendar1 had no flamen1 and must have  
been introduced from outside4 ,but it   
was long before ,fortuna became of any  
real importance in ,rome1 and ,i shall  
leave her out of account here4 ,she had 
two homes of renown in ,latium1 at      
,antium and ,praeneste1 and was in each 
connected with a kind of oracle1 which  
seems to have been specially resorted to
 by women before and after childbirth4  
,she was also very probably a deity of  
other kinds of fertility2 and in course 
of time she took on the characteristics 
of the ,greek ,tyche1 and became a      
favourite deity of good luck4#dic  ,let 
us pause for one moment to reflect on   
the character of these new deities of   
whom ,i have been speaking3 ,hercules1  
,castor1 ,minerva1 ,diana4 ,it must be  
confessed that1 as compared with the    

great deities of the calendar1 they are 
uninteresting2 with the exception1      
perhaps1 of ,hercules1 they do not seem 
to have any real religious significance4
 ,they are local deities brought in from
 outside1 and have no root in the mind  
of the ,roman people as we have so far  
been studying it4 ,they seem to indicate
 the growth of a population in which the
 true old ,roman religious instinct was 
absent2 they represent commerce1        
business1 handicraft1 or politics1      
pursuits in which the old ,roman and    
,latin farmers were not directly        
interested2 they were suffered to be in 
,rome because the new population and the
 new interests must of necessity have   
their own worships1 but they were not   
taken into the heart and mind of the    
people4 ,so at least it seems to us1    
after we have been examining the        
development of the native religious     
plant from its root upwards4 ,but we    
must remember that of that new          
population1 its life and its needs1 we  

know hardly anything1 and it would not  
be safe to assume that the conception of
 ,minerva had no influence on the       
conscience of the artisan1 or that of   
,hercules no power of binding the trader
 to honest dealing and respect for his  
oath4 ,as for ,diana1 though1 as ,dr4   
,carter says1 she had been introduced as
 part of a diplomatic game1 not because 
,rome felt any religious need of her1   
the fact that the ,latin treaty was kept
 in her temple has a certain moral as   
well as political significance which    
ought not to be overlooked4 ,it is      
impossible to put ourselves mentally in 
the position of the men who brought     
these cults to ,rome1 or of the ,romans 
who granted them admittance2 but we     
shall be on the safe side if we imagine 
the former at least to have had a       
conviction that their dealings at ,rome 
would not prosper unless they were      
carried out with the blessing of their  
own gods4  ,but we now come1 in the last
 place1 to the foundation of a cult of a

 very different kind from these1 and of 
far greater import than any of them in  
the history of ,roman religious         
experience4 ,we have seen that the      
temple of ,diana on the ,aventine meant 
the transference of the headship of the 
,latin league from ,aricia to ,rome4    
,when ,rome took over this headship1 and
 by removing its religious centre to    
,rome--or1 perhaps more accurately1 by  
offering ,diana of ,aricia a new home by
 the ,tiber--removed also any danger of 
a new power growing up in ,latium       
outside her own influence1 she seems to 
have taken another important step in the
 same direction4 ,archaeological        
evidence confirms the tradition that at 
this time the temple of ,jupiter        
,latiaris1 the real and original god of 
the league1 on the ,alban hill1 was     
rebuilt2#did and as the remains of its  
foundation are of ,etruscan workmanship1
 we may believe that the work was       
undertaken at that period of an         
,etruscan dominion in ,rome which no one

 now seriously doubts1 and which is     
marked by the ,etruscan name            
,tarquinius1 and by the old tradition   
that ,servius ,tullius was really an    
,etruscan bearing the ,etruscan name    
,mastarna4#die ,now those in power at   
,rome at this time1 whoever they were1  
not content with rebuilding the ancient 
temple of ,jupiter on the ,alban hill1  
conceived the idea of also building a   
great temple at ,rome1 on the steep rock
 overlooking the ,forum1 to the same    
deity of the heaven who had long        
presided over the ,latin league4 ,the   
tradition was that this temple was vowed
 by the first ,tarquinius1 begun by the 
second1 and finally dedicated by the    
first consul ,horatius in the year      
#eji4dif ,it is quite possible that this
 tradition indicates the truth in       
outline--that it was an ,etruscan who   
conceived the idea of the great work1   
and that the foreign domination gave way
 to a ,roman reaction before the temple 
was ready for dedication4 ,we cannot    

know what exactly was the ,etruscan     
intention as to the cult2 but we know   
that the temple was built in the        
,etruscan style1 that its foundations   
were of ,etruscan masonry1#dig and that 
the deities inhabiting it were three--a 
trias--a feature quite foreign to the   
native ,roman religion4#dih ,jupiter1   
,juno1 and ,minerva had each a separate 
dwelling 7cella7 within the walls of the
 temple1 which1 in order to meet this   
innovation1 was almost as broad as it   
was long4 ,whether this trias was the   
one originally intended by the ,etruscan
 king or kings it is impossible to say2 
but ,i have great doubts of it4 ,i      
confess that ,i have no ground but      
probability to go on when ,i conjecture 
that a long period elapsed between the  
beginning of this great undertaking and 
the final completion1 and that in the   
meantime many things had happened of    
which we have no record2 that when the  
temple was finished it was in ,roman    
hands1 though retaining its ,etruscan   

characteristics1 and especially the     
combination of three deities2 and that  
those three deities were essentially    
,roman in conception4 ,roman1 too1 was  
the idea that one of the three should be
 paramount2 the two goddesses never     
attained to any special significance1   
and the temple always remained          
essentially the dwelling of the great   
,jupiter1 the ,father of heaven4#dii    
,the cult-titles of this ,jupiter1      
,optimus ,maximus1 the best and         
greatest1 seem to raise him to a        
position not only far above his         
colleagues in the temple1 but above all 
other ,jupiters in ,latium or elsewhere1
 and presumably above all other deities4
 ,they thus suggest a deliberate attempt
 to place him in a higher position than 
even the ,jupiter ,latiaris of the ,mons
 ,albanus1 whose temple had been rebuilt
 in the same period4 ,the very novelty  
of such cult-titles betrays both power  
and genius in their originator2 they are
 wholly unlike any we have met with so  

far2 they do not suggest a function or a
 locality or a connection with some     
other deity2 they stand absolutely alone
 in the history of the ,roman religion  
till far on in the ,empire4#ejj ,here is
 no numen needed at a particular season 
to bless some agricultural operation2   
,jupiter ,optimus ,maximus seems hardly 
to be limited by space or season1 and is
 to be always there looking down on his 
people from his seat on the hill which  
was henceforward to be called           
,capitolinus1 because the space which   
had been prepared there for his         
reception bore the name of ,capitolium1 
the place of headship4#eja ,these       
titles1 ,best and ,greatest1 call for   
reflection1 for more thought than we are
 apt to give them2 one wonders whether  
they can be as old as tradition claimed1
 and in fact at least one recent writer 
has been tempted1 without sufficient    
reason1 to date the whole foundation two
 centuries later than the               
,tarquinii4#ejb ,to me they rather      

suggest the hypothesis that the break-up
 of the ,etruscan domination in ,rome   
was the work of a man or men inspired by
 a new national feeling which ascribed  
the revolution to the great god of the  
race1 to whose shrine on the same hill  
the kings had been used to bring the    
spoils of their enemies#ejc2 and that   
they took advantage of the uncompleted  
,etruscan temple1 with its huge         
foundations and underground favissae1 to
 settle there a new ,jupiter1 better and
 greater than any other1 to whom his    
people would be for ever grateful1 and  
in whom they would for ever put their   
trust4 ,all older associations with     
cults of the ,heaven-god were to be     
banished from the ,capitolium1 just as  
all other deities were believed to have 
fled from the spot1 save only ,terminus2
 the ancient priest of ,jupiter1 the    
,flamen ,dialis1 had no special         
connection with this temple and its     
cult1 which were under the immediate    
charge of an aedituus only4#ejd ,here   

was the centre of the public worship of 
the ,state as a whole1 not only of the  
old patrician ,state2 and no such       
ancient curiosity as the ,flamen        
,dialis1 who1 as ,i have suggested1 was 
a survival from some older era of ,latin
 religious history1 was to be supreme   
there4 ,here the ,consul of the free    
,republic was to offer1 on entering     
office1 the victim--the white heifer of 
the ,alban cult--which his predecessor  
had vowed1 and himself to bind his      
successor to a like sacrifice2 and this 
he did on behalf of patrician and       
plebeian alike4 ,here the victorious    
general was to deposit his spoils1      
reaching the temple in the solemn       
procession of the triumphus1 and wearing
 the ornamenta of the deity himself2 for
 here1 contrary to all precedent in the 
worship of ,romans1 there was an image  
of the god wrought in terra cotta and   
brought from ,etruria4#eje ,it is in    
connection with such solemn events as   
these that we may find the origin of    

those imposing processions which for    
centuries were to impress the minds of  
the ,roman people1 and indeed of their  
enemies also1 with the might and        
magnificence of their ,empire2 for apart
 from the triumphal processions with    
which we are all familiar1 the scene at 
the entrance of new consuls on their    
office must have been most impressive4  
,they were accompanied by the other     
magistrates1 the ,senate1 the priests in
 their robes of office1 and by an       
immense crowd of citizens4 ,after the   
ceremony the ,senate met in the temple  
to transact the first religious business
 of the year4 ,here too the tribal      
assembly met for the purpose of         
enrolling the new levies before each    
season of war1 in order that the youths 
who were to fight the battles of ,rome  
might realise the presence of ,rome's   
great protecting deity4 ,even in the    
most degenerate days of the ,roman      
religion1 though ,jupiter had suffered  
from the ridicule of playwrights or the 

speculations of philosophers1 an        
orator's appeal to the ,best and        
,greatest looking down on the ,forum    
from his seat above it1 could not fail  
to move the hearers2 ,ille1 ille        
,iuppiter restitit1 cried ,cicero in the
 peril of the ,catilinarian conspiracy1 
ille ,capitolium1 ille haec templa1 ille
 cunctam urbem1 ille vos omnes salvos   
esse voluit4#ejf  ,nor was it only the  
,state as represented by its officials  
that could and did address itself to the
 worship of this great god4 ,it seems   
probable that the new idea of a single  
guardian deity1 with his two attendant  
goddesses1 for which the ,romans were   
indebted to the genius 7whoever he may  
have been7 who released them from the   
yoke of the ,etruscan1 opened the cult  
to the individual in a way which must   
have been a novelty in the religious    
life of the people4#ejg ,the most       
memorable example of this is in the     
famous story told of ,scipio1 the       
conqueror of ,hannibal1 which is not    

likely to be an invention of the        
annalists4 ,as ,gellius records it1 it  
stands thus3 ,scipio was wont to ascend 
to the temple just before daylight1 to  
order the cella ,iovis to be opened for 
him1 and there to remain alone for a    
long time1 as if taking counsel with the
 god about the affairs of the ,state4   
,the dogs1 it was said1 which guarded   
the entrance1 astonished the            
temple-keepers by treating him always   
with respect1 while they would attack or
 bark at others4#ejh  ,the reader may   
remark1 that during the last few minutes
 ,i have wandered quite away from the   
,roman religion which we have so far    
been trying to understand1 and he will  
be right4 ,i have but just touched on   
this great cult1 which properly belongs 
to ,rome of the ,republic1 in order to  
show how great a change must have taken 
place1 how great a revolution must have 
been consummated1 when this temple arose
 on its ,etruscan substructures4 ,we    
have marked two forward steps in the    

social and political experience of the  
,romans3 the settlement of the family on
 the land and the organisation of the   
,city-state with its calendar4 ,here is 
a third1 the liberation of that ,state  
from a foreign dominion1 and the        
development1 in matters both internal   
and external1 which subjection and      
liberation alike brought with them4 ,in 
regard to religious experience1 the     
first produced the ordered worship of   
the household1 which had a lasting      
effect on the ,roman character2 the     
second produced the ius divinum1 the    
priesthoods and the ritual for the      
service of the various numina which had 
consented to take up their abode in the 
city and its precincts4 ,these two taken
 together changed doubt and anxiety into
 confidence1 stilled the religio natural
 to uncivilised man1 and developed the  
machinery of magic into forms and       
ceremonies which were more truly        
religious4 ,now we note a third great   
social step forward1 which brings with  

it a new conception and expression of   
the religious unity of the ,state2      
henceforward1 alongside of a            
multiplicity of cults and of priests    
attached to them1 we have one central   
worship to which all free citizens may  
resort1 and a trinity of guardian       
deities1 of whom one1 ,jupiter ,best and
 ,greatest1 is the one presiding genius 
of the whole ,state4  ,lastly1 there can
 hardly be a doubt that this new cult   
marks a more extensive communication    
with neighbouring peoples than the      
,state had as yet experienced or        
encouraged4 ,etruria1 ,latium1 and      
,greece1 all seem to have had a hand in 
it4 ,of its relation to the ,latins and 
,etruscans ,i have already spoken4 ,it  
only remains for me to note the fact    
that it was here1 in this ,capitoline   
temple1 according to unanimous          
tradition1 that those legendary         
,sibylline books were deposited which   
came from a ,greek source1 and according
 to the story1 from ,cumae4#eji ,these  

mysterious books were destined to change
 the whole character of the religion of 
the ,romans during the next two         
centuries2 and this is why the          
dedication of the great temple is a     
convenient halting-place on our journey4
 ,i propose to begin the second part of 
my subject by examining the nature of   
this change1 and then to pass on to     
others1 until we have reached the end of
 the religious experience of the genuine
 ,roman people4       ,,notes ,,to      
,,lecture ,x4      #dfd ,origin and     
,development of ,moral ,ideas1 chapters 
l4-lii43 ,gods as guardians of morality4
      #dfe ,crawley1 ,the ,tree of      
,life1 in a remarkable     chapter on   
the function of religion 7ch4 ix471     
especially p4 #bhg foll4 ,morality1 says
 ,mr4 ,crawley1     is one of the       
results of the religious impulse4 ,what 
he means here by morality is not that   
elaborated by     abstract thinkers1 but
 the morality of elemental human        
nature4 ,elemental morality may be a    

somewhat obscure     term2 but ,i think 
it is highly probable that ,mr4 ,crawley
     is1 in part at least1 right in     
ascribing the origin of     morality to 
the religious impulse4      #dff        
,crawley1 op4 cit41 p4 #bfe4      #dfg  
,above1 pp4 #ajg-h4      #dfh ,see the  
author's article in ,hibbert ,journal   
for     ,july #aijg1 p4 #hid4      #dfi 
,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 #ae foll4      #dgj 
,ib4 p4 #dba3 ,aust1 ,religion der      
,roemer1 p4 #dg4      #dga ,i am1 of    
course1 well aware that quite recently  
attempts have been made to explain the  
plebs as the     original inhabitants of
 ,latium1 and the ,romans as            
conquering invaders2 e4g4 by ,prof4     
,ridgeway in his     paper1 ,who were   
the ,romans1 read to the ,british       
,academy1 and by ,binder in his recently
 published volume     ,die ,plebs4 ,the 
theory is a natural one1 and not out    
of harmony with the facts as known2 but 
it has yet to be     further developed  
and tested1 and as those who hold it    

are not as yet in agreement with each   
other1 and as the     evidence which    
alone can prove it is of a very special 
character1 archaeological and           
linguistic1 ,i have     expressed myself
 in terms of the older view4      #dgb  
,the ,religion of ,numa1 p4 #cj4        
#dgc ,aen4 viii4 #ahd foll42 the        
description of the     festival is in   
#bhj foll42 where the interesting points
     are the priests of the gentes      
appointed to look after     the cult    
7the ,potitii only are here mentioned7  
pellibus     in morem cincti1 and the   
,salii populeis evincti     tempora     
ramis4      #dgd ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4    
#bai foll42 ,carter1 ,religion of       
,numa1 p4 #ca foll4 ,the ground had been
 prepared for the     new view by the   
elaborate articles in ,roscher's        
,mythological ,lexicon1 vol4 ii4 pp4    
#bbec foll4 and #bija     foll4 ,of late
 a painstaking discussion by ,j4 ,g4    
,winter     has appeared in the         
,university of ,michigan ,studies for   

#aiaj1 p4 #aga foll42 he mainly confirms
 ,wissowa's     conclusions1 but        
provisionally accepts a suggestion of   
mine 7,r4,f4 #aig7 that the tithe       
practice of the ara     maxima may      
possibly have been of ,phoenician       
origin1 and     points out that ,e4     
,curtius made the same suggestion as    
long ago as #ahde4 ,on p4 #bfi he also  
dwells1 very     properly1 ,i think1 on 
the part which the ,etruscans may       
have had in the dissemination of the    
myth and cult of     the ,greek         
,heracles4 ,wissowa1 however1 stoutly   
maintains     that these are simply     
,greek and of commercial origin4 ,it    
has been ,wissowa's special and valuable
 function to     elucidate the ,greek   
origin of many ,roman cults and         
legends2 but ,i doubt if he has         
adequately considered the     influence 
of other peoples1 and in particular of  
,phoenicians and ,etruscans4 ,certainly 
the ,hercules     question is not       
finally settled by his masterly analysis

     of it in ,r4,k4 p4 #bbj foll4 ,but 
most of what ,i said in     ,r4,f4 about
 the ,hercules of the ara maxima may now
 be     considered obsolete2 and ,i may 
add that my remarks on     the supposed 
connection of ,hercules with ,genius1   
,dius     ,fidius1 and ,jupiter in the  
same work1 p4 #adc foll41 have     lost 
much strength since ,wissowa's book     
appeared4 ,yet ,i     am not prepared to
 accept the view which would deny to    
,hercules on ,italian soil all          
contamination with ,italian     ideas2  
as ,willamowitz-,moellendorf puts it    
7,herakles1     ed4 #b1 vol4 i4 p4 #be71
 ,die ,italiker haben dem ,koerper1     
den sie uebernahmen1 den ,odem ihrer    
eigenen ,seele     eingeblasen3 aber wie
 der ,name ist der ,gestalt des         
,hercules hellenischer ,import4 ,there  
are points in     connection with the   
,roman ,hercules1 e4g4 the nodus        
herculaneus of the bride's girdle1 which
 ,wissowa does     not explain1 and     
which1 so far as ,i can see1 can only be

     explained by assuming that1 as     
might have been expected1     the ,greek
 ,hercules became to some extent        
entangled in     the web of ,italian    
thought4      #dge ,the cult was ,greek 
in detail2 ,graeco ritu1     according  
to ,varro as quoted by ,macrobius iii4  
#f4 #ag2     see also references in     
,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 #bbb1 note #b4         
,following ,r4 ,peter in the articles in
 ,roscher1 ,i     assumed1 in ,r4,f4 p4 
#aid1 that this might be a later        
reconstruction of an originally ,italian
 cult2 but for     the present it is    
safer to look on the ,graecus ritus     
as primitive1 and on the presence of    
,salii1 a genuine     ,italian          
institution1 as brought from ,tibur by  
the gens     ,pinaria1 of which there is
 a trace in that city     7,c4,i4,l4    
xiv4 #ceda74 ,there also ,salii were    
engaged in     the cult of ,hercules    
,victor1 to whom tithes were also       
offered 7,c4,i4,l4 xiv4 #ceda74 ,the    
evidence for the     theory that the    

cult came to ,rome from ,tibur is       
summarised by ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 #bbj4 
#dgf ,op4 cit41 p4 #cg4      #dgg ,for  
the connection of the cult with trade1  
,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 #bbe2 and the story    
told in ,macrobius     iii4 #f4 #aa1    
from ,masurius ,sabinus1 of a tibicen   
who     became a merchant and had an    
interview with the god in a     dream4  
,for the connection with oaths1 ,r4,f4  
p4 #ach4 ,i     may say before leaving  
,hercules that though ,i accept the     
latest hypotheses provisionally1 ,i am  
far from believing     that the last    
word has been said on the subject4      
#dgh ,see1 e4g41 ,lanciani1 ,ruins and  
,excavations of     ,ancient ,rome1 p4  
#bga foll4 ,the date of the temple is   
#dhb ,b4,c41 but it was vowed in #dif   
after the ,regillus     battle4 ,the    
three columns still standing date from  
#g     ,b4,c4      #dgi ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4
 p4 #bag1 who points out that the       
,dioscuri never appear in lectisternia  
at ,rome1 as they     do at ,tusculum1  

which shows that the latter cult was    
more directly ,greek than that at ,rome1
 and that the     ,roman authorities    
admitted it as a ,latin cult without    
the ,greek details4      #dhj ,carter1  
op4 cit4 p4 #ch4 ,there seemed to be    
difficulties in the way of his          
conclusion2 the ,dioscuri     were very 
strong in the ,peloponnese1 yet the     
,spartans     neglected the use of      
cavalry4 ,at any rate the theory        
needs careful historical testing4 ,see  
article ,dioscuri     in                
,pauly-,wissowa1 ,real-,encycl4 ,it     
would seem natural     that when once   
the cult had been introduced by traders 
it might become specially attached to   
the cavalry1 owing     to the ancient   
connection of the ,twins with horses4   
#dha ,ecastor and ,edepol1 which were   
oaths used     especially by women1 who 
were not allowed to swear by            
,hercules1 ,gell4 xi4 #f4      #dhb ,the
 reasoning will be found in full in     
,wissowa1     ,r4,k4 p4 #bjc foll41 and 

in his article ,minerva in the          
,mythological ,lexicon4 ,see also       
,carter1 ,religion of     ,numa1 p4 #de 
foll4 ,for the position of this temple  
and     that of ,diana on the ,aventine1
 a suburb which cannot be     proved to 
have been then within any city wall1 see
     ,carter in ,proceedings of the     
,american ,philosophical     ,society   
for #aiji1 p4 #acf foll4      #dhc      
,waltzing1 ,etude historique sur les    
corporations     romaines1 vol4 i4 pp4  
#fc and #aii4 ,the relation between     
town life and trades is stated with his 
usual insight by     von ,jhering1      
,evolution of the ,aryan1 p4 #ic foll4  
#dhd ,see ,mueller-,deecke1 ,etrusker1  
ii4 #dg2 ,deecke1     ,falisker1 p4 #hi 
foll4      #dhe ,minerva or ,menrva is  
assuredly not ,etruscan1     though     
frequently found on ,etruscan monuments2
 see     ,deecke1 l4c4 p4 #hi foll4     
#dhf ,fasti ,praenestini in ,c4,i4,l4   
i4#b ,march #ai4     ,artificum dies    
7quod ,minervae7 aedis in ,aventino eo  

die     est 7dedicata74 ,this is one of 
those additional notes     in the ,fast4
 ,praen41 which are believed to have    
been the     work of ,verrius ,flaccus3 
see ,roman ,festivals1 p4 #ab4      #dhg
 ,wissowa1 ,gesammelte ,abhandlungen1 p4
 #bhh4 ,we     know the fact from       
,strabo's account of ,massilia1 ,bk4 iv4
     p4 #ahj4      #dhh ,dion4 ,hal4 iv4
 #bf4 ,see ,r4,f4 p4 #aih4      #dhi    
,statius1 ,silvae iii4 #a4 #fj4 ,see    
,wissowa's     article ,diana in        
,pauly-,wissowa1 ,real-,encycl4         
#dij ,wissowa1 l4c4 p4 #ccb4      #dia  
,golden ,bough1 i4 p4 #a foll42 ,early  
,history of     the ,kingship1 ,lecture 
,i4      #dib ,varro1 ,l4,l4 #e4 #dc2   
,carter1 op4 cit4 p4 #ee4      #dic ,see
 on ,fortuna the exhaustive article by  
,r4 ,peter     in the ,mythological     
,lexicon2 ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 #bjf         
foll42 ,r4,f4 p4 #afa foll41 and #bbc   
foll42 ,carter1 op4     cit4 p4 #ej     
foll4 ,dr4 ,carter seems to me to be too
     certain of the absence of any idea 

of luck or chance in     the original   
conception of ,fortuna3 the word fors1  
so     far as we know1 never had any    
other meaning1 and the     deity ,fors  
must be a personification of an         
abstraction1     like ,ops1 ,fides1 and 
,salus4 ,see ,axtell1 ,deification of   
abstract idea in ,roman literature1 p4  
#i1 with whom ,i     agree in rejecting 
the notion of ,marquardt and ,wissowa   
that she was a deity of horticulture4   
,he rightly points     out that she is  
not included in the list of agricultural
     deities in ,varro1 ,r4,r4 i4 #a4   
#f4      #did ,see ,aust in his article 
,jupiter in the ,myth4     ,lex4 p4     
#fhi1 where the evidence for the        
contemporaneous     origin of the temple
 on the ,alban hill and that on the     
,capitol is fully stated4 ,in this case 
excavations have     confirmed the      
,roman tradition1 which ascribed the    
former     temple to one or other of the
 ,tarquinii4 ,jordan1 ,roem4     ,top4  
i4 pt4 #b4 p4 #i4      #die ,see the    

speech of ,claudius the emperor1        
,c4,i4,l4     xiii4 #affh1 printed in   
,furneaux' ,tacitus' ,annals1 vol4      
ii4 ,gardthausen1 ,mastarna1 p4 #dj2    
,mueller-,deecke1     ,etrusker1 i4     
#aaa4 ,for the ,etruscan name ,mastarna1
 see     ,dennis1 ,cities and           
,cemeteries of ,etruria#c1 ii4 #ejf     
foll43 ,gardthausen gives a cut of the  
painting found in     a tomb at ,vulci  
in which he appears with the name       
attached4 ,even the ultra-sceptical     
,pais does not doubt     the fact of an 
,etruscan domination in ,rome2 but he   
does     not believe the ,tarquinii and 
,mastarna to have been     historical   
personages1 and will not date the       
temples     attributed to this age      
earlier than the fourth century         
,b4,c4 ,see his ,ancient ,legends of    
,roman ,history1 ch4     vii42 ,storia  
di ,roma1 i4 #caj foll4 ,but the names  
of     these kings do not concern us1   
except so far as they     connect       
,etruria with ,roman history in the     

sixth century4      #dif ,cic4 ,rep4 ii4
 #bd4 #dd2 ,livy i4 #ch4 and #ee2       
,dionys4 iii4 #fi2 iv4 #ei4 #fa4 ,the   
whole evidence will be     found        
collected in ,jordan1 ,topogr4 i4 pt4   
ii4 p4 #i     foll41 and in ,aust1      
,myth4 ,lex41 s4v4 ,jupiter1 p4 #gjf    
foll4 ,if the date #eji were seriously  
impugned ,roman     chronology would be 
in confusion1 for this is believed      
to be the earliest date on which we can 
rely1 and on it     the subsequent      
chronology hangs3 ,mommsen1 ,roem4      
,chronologie1 ed4 #b1 p4 #aih4      #dig
 ,aust1 p4 #gjg foll42 ,jordan1 op4     
cit41 p4 #i4      #dih i4e4 the         
admission of more than one deity into a 
single building4 ,the word trias is     
sometimes used of     the three old     
,roman deities1 ,jupiter1 ,mars1        
,quirinus     7e4g4 by ,wissowa1 ,myth4 
,lex4 s4v4 ,quirinus71 but     this is  
in a different sense4 ,on the idea of a 
trias     generally1 see ,kuhfeldt1 de  
,capitoliis imperii ,romani1     p4 #hb 

foll42 ,cumont1 ,religions orientales   
dans le     paganisme romain1 p4 #bij1  
note #ea4      #dii ,the technical name 
of the temple was aedes ,iovis     ,opt4
 ,max43 for other indications of        
,jupiter's supremacy     see ,aust1 p4  
#gbj4      #ejj ,on ,oriental           
developments of ,jupiter ,opt4 ,max4 see
     an interesting paper by ,cumont in 
,archiv for #aijf1 p4     #cbc foll4    
7,iuppiter summus exsuperantissimus74 ,a
     relief in the ,berlin ,museum has a
 dedication ,i4,o4,m4     summo         
exsuperantissimo2 but ,prof4 ,cumont    
believes the     deity to have been     
really ,oriental1 introduced by ,greek  
philosophical theologians in the last   
century ,b4,c41 but     probably        
,chaldaean in origin4      #eja ,jordan1
 op4 cit4 p4 #g and note4 ,it is        
uncertain     whether the whole hill had
 any earlier name4 ,the ,mons           
,saturnius of ,varro1 ,l4,l4 v4 #db1    
with the legend of an     oppidum       
,saturnia1 and the ,mons ,tarpeius      

7,rhet4 ad     ,herenn41 iv4 #cb4 #dc2  
,pais1 ,ancient ,legends1 chs4 v4       
and vi47 need not be taken into account4
      #ejb ,pais1 ,ancient ,legends of  
,roman ,history1 ch4 v4      #ejc ,see  
above1 p4 #acj4      #ejd ,this is an   
inference from the fact that this       
,flamen is nowhere mentioned as         
connected with the     ,capitoline cult4
 ,macrob4 i4 #ae1 #af1 speaks of the    
ovis     ,idulis as sacrificed on every 
ides a flamine1 and     this1 it is     
true1 took place on the ,capitolium     
7,aust1 in     ,lex4 s4v4 ,jupiter1     
#fee71 but 7#a7 ,festus1 #bij1          
mentions sacerdotes1 ,ovid1 ,fasti i4   
#ehh1 castus     sacerdos only2 and 7#b7
 this sacrifice may well1 as ,o4        
,gilbert conjectured1 have originally   
taken place in the     ,regia 7,gesch4  
und ,topogr4 ,roms1 i4 #bcf74 ,in any   
case     the ,flamen was not in any     
special sense priest of ,iup4     ,opt4 
,max4      #eje ,the locus classicus for
 this is ,pliny1 ,n4,h4     xxxv4 #aeg4 

,the artist was said to have been one   
,volcas     of ,veii4 ,ovid1 ,fasti i4  
#bja1 says that the god had in     his  
hand a fictile fulmen4 ,varro believed  
this to be     the oldest statue of a   
god in ,rome2 see above1 p4 #adf1       
and ,wissowa1 ,gesammelte ,abhandlungen1
 p4 #bhj1 accepts     his statement as  
probably correct4      #ejf ,cic4       
,catil4 iii4 #i4 #ba4      #ejg ,jordan1
 ,topogr4 i4 #b4 pp4 #ci and #fb1 notes4
 ,the     most convincing passages      
quoted by him are ,suet4 ,aug4     #ei1 
and ,serv4 ,ecl4 iv4 #ej 7of boys taking
 toga virilis     who ad ,capitolium    
eunt72 but was not this to sacrifice    
to ,liber or ,iuventas8 ,r4,f4 p4 #ef4  
#ejh ,gellius vi4 #a4 #f1 from ,c4      
,oppius et ,iulius     ,hyginus4 ,in his
 famous character of ,scipio 7xxvi4 #ai7
     ,livy seems to think that ,scipio  
did this to make people     think him   
superhuman or of divine descent4        
#eji ,ovid1 ,fasti1 iv4 #aeh4 #beg2     
,virg4 ,ecl4 iv4 #d1     ,aen4 vi4 #db2 

,marquardt1 #ceb1 note #g1 for evidence 
that     the books came to ,cumae from  
,erythrae4 ,see also ,diels1            
,sibyllinische ,blaetter1 p4 #hj foll4  
,,lecture ,,xi99  ,,contact ,,of ,,the  
,,old ,,and ,,new ,,in ,,religion   ,i  
said at the beginning of my first       
lecture that ,roman religious experience
 can be summed up in two stories4 ,the  
first of these was the story of the way 
in which a strong primitive religious   
instinct1 the desire to put yourself in 
right relation with the ,power          
manifesting itself in the universe1     
religio as the ,romans called it1 was   
gradually soothed and satisfied under   
the formalising influence of the settled
 life of the agricultural family1 and   
still more so under the organising      
genius of the early religious rulers of 
the ,city-state4 ,this story ,i tried to
 tell in the last few lectures4 ,the    
second story was to be that of the      
gradual discovery of the inadequacy of  
this early formalised and organised     

religion to cope with what we may call  
new religious experience2 that is1 with 
the difficulties and perils met with by 
the ,roman people in their extraordinary
 advance in the world1 and with the new 
ideas of religion and morals which broke
 in on them in the course of their      
contact with other peoples4 ,this story 
,i wish to tell in the present course of
 lectures4 ,it is a long and complicated
 one1 including the introduction of new 
rites and ideas of the divine1 the      
anxious attempts of the religious       
authorities to put off the evil day by  
stretching to the uttermost the capacity
 of the old forms1 and the final victory
 of the new ideas as ,roman life and    
thought became gradually hellenised4    
99 ,this ,lecture was the first of a    
second and separate     course4  ,i     
propose to divide the story thus4 ,in   
the latter part of this first lecture ,i
 will deal with the first introduction  
of ,greek rites into the ,state worship 
under the directions of the so-called   

,sibylline books4 ,then ,i will turn to 
the efforts of the lay priesthoods1     
pontifices and augurs1 to meet the calls
 of new experience by formalising the   
old religion still more completely in   
the name of the ,state1 until it became 
a mere skeleton of dry bones1 without   
life and power4 ,that will bring us to  
the great turning-point in ,roman       
history1 the war with ,hannibal1 to the 
religious history of which ,i shall     
devote my fourth lecture2 and the fifth 
will pursue the subject into the century
 that followed4 ,in the next lecture ,i 
hope to sketch the influence on ,roman  
religious ideas of the ,stoic school of 
philosophy1 and in the seventh to       
discuss1 so far as ,i may be able1 the  
tendency towards mysticism prevalent in 
the last period of the life of the      
,republic4 ,my eighth lecture ,i intend 
to devote to the noble attempt of       
,virgil to combine religion1 legend1    
philosophy1 and consummate art in a     
splendid appeal to the conscience of the

 ,roman of that day4 ,then ,i turn to   
the more practical attempt of ,augustus 
to revive the dying embers of the old   
religion2 and in my last lecture ,i     
shall try to estimate the contribution1 
such as it was1 of the religious        
experience we have been discussing1 to  
the early ,christian church4  ,we shall 
shortly hear so much of petrifaction and
 disintegration1 that it may be as well1
 before ,i actually begin my story1 to  
convince ourselves that the old religion
 was in its peculiar way a real         
expression of religious feeling1 and not
 merely a set of meaningless conventions
 and formulae4 ,it was the positive     
belief of the later ,romans that both   
they and their ancestors were           
religiosissimi mortales1#eaj full to the
 brim1 that is1 of religious instinct1  
and most scrupulous in fulfilling its   
claims upon them2 for the word religio  
had come1 by the time 7and probably long
 before the time7 when it was used by   
men of letters1 to mean the fulfilment  

of ritualistic obligation quite as much 
as the anxious feeling which had        
originally suggested it4#eaa ,cicero1   
writing in no rhetorical mood1 declared 
that1 as compared with other peoples1   
the ,romans were far superior in        
religione1 id est cultu4#eab ,this is in
 his work on the nature of the gods2 in 
an oration he naturally puts it more    
strongly3 ,we have overcome all the     
nations of the world1 because we have   
realised that the world is directed and 
governed by the will of the gods4#eac   
,sallust1 ,livy1 and other ,roman prose 
writers have said much the same         
thing#ead2 the ,aeneid as a whole might 
be adduced as evidence1 and in a less   
degree all the poets of the ,augustan   
age4 ,foreigners1 too1 were struck with 
the strange phenomenon1 in an age of    
philosophic doubt4 ,polybius in the     
second century ,b4,c4 declared his      
opinion that what was reckoned among    
other peoples as a thing to be blamed1  
deisidaimonia1 both in public and       

private life1 was really what was       
holding together the ,roman state4#eae  
,even in the wild century that followed1
 ,posidonius could repeat the assertion 
of ,polybius1 and in the age of         
,augustus1 ,dionysius of ,halicarnassus1
 then resident at ,rome1 looking back on
 the early history of ,rome1 stated his 
conviction that one needed to know the  
pietas of the ,romans in order to       
understand their wonderful career of    
conquest4#eaf ,aulus ,gellius1 in a     
curious passage in which he notes that  
the ,romans had no deity to whose       
activity they could with certainty      
ascribe earthquakes1 describes them as  
in constituendis religionibus atque in  
dis immortalibus animadvertendis        
castissimi cautissimique1--a rhetorical 
but happy conjunction of epithets4 ,he  
means that they would order religious   
rites1 though ignorant of the numen to  
whom they were due4#eag  ,it might be   
argued that these later writers knew    
really little or nothing about the      

primitive ,romans1 and that these       
passages only prove that this people had
 an extraordinary scrupulosity about    
forms and ceremonies in this as in other
 departments of action4 ,but the        
argument will not hold2 the survival of 
all this formalism into an age of       
disintegration really proves beyond a   
doubt that there must have been a time  
when these forms really expressed       
anxieties1 fears1 convictions1 the      
earliest germs of conscience4  ,may we  
not take the constant occurrence in     
literature of such phrases as dis       
faventibus1 dis iuvantibus or           
volentibus1 as evidence of an idea      
deeply rooted at one time in the ,roman 
mind1 that nothing should be undertaken 
until the will of the deities concerned 
had been ascertained and that early form
 of conscience satisfied8 ,let us       
remember that the whole story of the    
,aeneid is one of the bending of the    
will of the hero1 as a type of the ideal
 ,roman1 to the ascertainable will of   

the powers in the universe4  ,and we    
have abundant evidence that as a matter 
of fact the good-will of the divine     
inhabitants of house and city was asked 
for whenever any kind of work was       
undertaken1--even the ordinary routine  
work of the farm or of government4 ,in  
the household every morning some        
offering with prayer was made to the    
,lar familiaris in historical times1 and
 again before the cena1 the chief meal  
of the day4#eah ,on ,kalends1 ,nones1   
,ides1 and on all dies festi a corona   
was placed on the hearth1 and prayer was
 made to the ,lar2 we know that this was
 so in the old ,roman home1 because in  
the second century ,b4,c4 ,cato         
instructs the vilicus to discharge these
 duties on behalf of the absent or      
non-resident owner4#eai ,before the     
flocks were taken out to summer pasture1
 and doubtless when they returned1 some 
religious service 7so we should call it7
 was held1#ebj just as in the ,catholic 
cantons of ,switzerland the blessing of 

,god is asked when the cows first ascend
 to the alpine pastures1 and again when 
they leave them for the valleys4 ,before
 a journey the later ,romans prayed for 
good fortune2#eba in the old times      
travelling was of course unusual1 and   
when it did occur the traveller was     
surrounded by so many spiritual as well 
as material dangers that special        
religious measures must have been taken1
 as by fetials or armies on entering    
foreign territory4 ,the survival of the 
same kind of belief and practice is also
 seen in private life in the religious  
commendations of some authors at the    
outset of their literary work2 ,varro1  
for example1 at the beginning of his    
work on agriculture1 calls on all the   
agrarian deities 7iis deis ad           
venerationem advocatis7 before he goes  
on to mention even the bibliography of  
his subject4#ebb ,livy in the last      
sentence of his preface would fain      
imitate the poets in calling on the gods
 to bless and favour his undertaking4   

,and in all time of their tribulation1  
even if not in all time of their wealth1
 the pious ,romans sought help from the 
deities from whom help might be         
expected2 if1 at least1 the many        
instances occurring in ,roman poetry may
 point to a practice of the ordinary    
individual and family4#ebc ,so too1 if  
we may judge by many passages in the    
plays of ,plautus and ,terence1#ebd--;if
 here we have genuine ,roman usage1 as  
is probable1--the feeling of dependence 
on a ,power manifesting itself in the   
affairs of daily life is shown also in  
the expression of thankfulness which    
followed success or escape from peril4  
,gratitude was not a prominent          
characteristic of the ,roman1 but ,i    
have already remarked on the presence of
 it in the practice of the votum1 and   
there is at least some evidence that it 
was recognised as due to benignant      
deities as well as human beings4#ebe    
,in public life1 throughout ,roman      
history1 the forms of religious rites   

were maintained on all important        
occasions4 ,when ,varro wrote a little  
manual of ,senatorial procedure for the 
benefit of the inexperienced ,pompeius  
when consul in #gj ,b4,c41 he was       
careful to mention the preliminary      
sacrifice and auspicatio1 performed by  
the presiding magistrate1 who also had  
to see that the business de rebus       
divinis came first on the paper of      
agenda4#ebf ,at one time every speaker  
invoked the gods at the beginning of his
 oration1 as well indeed he might in a  
situation so unusual and trying for a   
,roman before the days of ,greek        
education2 and the earliest speeches    
preserved in the literary age1 e4g4     
those of ,cato and the ,gracchi1        
retained the religious exordium4#ebg ,we
 have a trace of the ,gracchan practice 
in a famous passage at the end of the   
work called ,rhetorica ad ,herennium of 
circ4 #hb ,b4,c41 where the death of    
,ti4 ,gracchus is graphically           
described4#ebh ,but there is no need to 

multiply examples of public religious   
formalism on occasions of all kinds1 on 
entering on an office1 founding a       
colony1 leaving ,rome for a provincia1  
and so on2 some of them ,i have already 
mentioned1 others are familiar to all   
classical students4  ,so let us not     
hesitate for a moment to give this      
people credit for their religiousness4  
,true1 their neighbours1 ,greeks like   
,polybius1 approved of it only with an  
ironical smile on their lips1 as we may 
smile at the devoted formalism of       
extreme ,catholic or ,protestant1 while 
we secretly--if we have some sympathy   
with strangely varying human            
nature--admire the confidence and       
regularity that we cannot ourselves     
claim4 ,at the moment where ,i have thus
 paused before beginning my second      
story1 at the end1 that is1 of the regal
 period1 ,i believe that this religious 
system1 though perhaps beginning to     
harden1 still meant a profound belief in
 the ,power thus manifested in many     

forms1 and an ardent and effective      
desire to be in right relation to it4 ,i
 believe that it contained the germ of a
 living and fruitful growth2 but that   
growth was at this very moment arrested 
by the beginning of a process of which  
,i shall have much to say in the next   
two or three lectures4  ,but it is hard 
to realise this better side of the      
religion of a hard and practical people1
 and all the more so since it is the    
worse side that is almost always        
presented to us in modern books4 ,it is 
hard to realise that it was not merely a
 system of insurance1 so to speak1      
against all kinds of material           
evils1--and here again all the more so  
because there is a tendency just now to 
reduce both religion and law to an      
origin in magic1 leaving the religious  
instinct1 the feeling of dependence1 the
 progenitor of conscience1 quite out of 
account4 ,one must indeed be thoroughly 
familiar with ,roman literature and     
antiquities to overcome these           

difficulties1 to discover the spiritual 
residuum in the ,roman character beneath
 all its hardness and utilitarianism4   
,before we pass on to the task before   
us1 let me make two suggestions for the 
help of those who would endeavour to    
find this spiritual residuum4 ,the first
 is that they should consider the       
history and true meaning of three great 
words which ,latin language has         
bequeathed to modern speech1--religio1  
the feeling of awe1 taking practical    
shape in the performance of authorised  
ceremonies2 sacrum1 that which by       
authoritative usage is made over without
 reserve to the divine inhabitants of   
the city2 and last but not least1       
pietas1 the sense of duty to god and man
 alike1 to all divine and human beings  
having an authorised claim upon you4    
,and this word pietas shall introduce my
 second suggestion--that there is no    
better way of getting to understand the 
spirit of the ,roman religion than by   
continual study of the ,aeneid1 where   

the hero is the ideal ,roman1 pius in   
the best and widest sense4 ,what makes  
the ,aeneid so helpful in this way is   
the poet's intimate and sympathetic     
knowledge of the religious ideas of the 
,italians1 in which we may see reflected
 those of the ,roman of the age we are  
now dealing with3 his love too of       
antiquity and of all ancient rites and  
legends2 and his conviction that the    
great work of ,rome in the world had    
been achieved not only by virtus but by 
pietas4 ,what has been won by virtus    
must be preserved by pietas1 by the     
sense of duty in family and             
,state1--that is the moral of the       
,aeneid4 ,in no other work of ,roman    
genius is this idea found in anything   
like the same degree of prominence and  
consistency2 and when a student has     
steeped his mind well in the details of 
the ,roman worship1 and begins to weary 
of what must seem its soulless          
,pharisaism1 let him take up the ,aeneid
 and read it right through for the story

 and the characters4 ,i will venture to 
say that he will think better both of   
the ,romans and their poet than he ever 
did before4 ,but of the ,aeneid ,i shall
 have more to say later on2 at present  
let us turn to the less inspiring topics
 which must occupy us for the next few  
lectures4  ,the last fact of ,roman     
religious history which ,i mentioned    
last year was the building of the great 
,capitoline temple of ,jupiter1 ,juno1  
and ,minerva1 and ,i then explained why 
this constituted a religious revolution4
 ,the next temple of which tradition    
tells us was destined for another trias1
 ,ceres1 ,liber1 and ,libera2 the       
traditional date was #dic ,b4,c41 the   
cause a famine1 and the site was at the 
foot of the ,aventine1 the plebeian     
quarter outside the pomoerium1 close to 
the river where corn-ships might be     
moored4#ebi ,ceres1 ,liber1 and ,libera 
are plainly neither more nor less than  
the three ,greek corn deities1 ,demeter1
 ,dionysus1 and ,persephone1 in a ,latin

 form1#ecj whose worship was prominent  
in ,south ,italy and ,sicily2 and unless
 we throw tradition overboard entirely1 
as indeed has often been done1 the      
inference is obvious that this trias    
came from the ,greeks of the south with 
an importation of corn to relieve a     
famine which pressed especially on the  
plebs4 ,it is a fact that the temple and
 its cult remained always closely       
connected with the plebs2 they were     
under the charge of the plebeian        
aediles1 who also in historical times   
had the care of the corn-supply         
necessary for the city population4#eca  
,thus1 though we need not accept in full
 ,livy's statement that the very next   
year corn was imported from ,etruria1   
,cumae1 and ,sicily1 it cannot be denied
 that there is a strong consensus in the
 various traditions about the temple1   
which taken together suggest a ,greek1  
non-patrician1 and early origin4 ,that  
the cult had at all times a ,greek      
character is undisputed fact4  ,but ,i  

am not so much concerned with the temple
 itself as with the date and the manner 
of its foundation4 ,it was said to have 
been founded in the year #dif1 and      
dedicated in #dic1 in obedience to      
directions found in the ,sibylline      
books1 which books1 according to the    
well-known tradition1 had been acquired 
by the last ,tarquin1 after some        
haggling1 from an old woman1 and placed 
in the charge of duoviri sacris         
faciundis4 ,the story itself is         
worthless in detail2 but the question   
for us is whether it can be taken as    
showing that the ,sibylline influence   
then pervading the ,greek world gained a
 footing at ,rome in any form so early  
as this4 ,was the temple really founded 
in #dif1 or at some time thereabout8    
,and was it founded in obedience to some
 ,sibylline direction8 ,these questions 
are of real importance1 for upon our    
answer to them depends the date of the  
beginning of a gradual metamorphosis of 
the ,roman religious practice4 ,the     

so-called ,sibylline books and their    
keepers were responsible1 as we shall   
see directly1 for the introduction at   
,rome of what was known as the ,graecus 
ritus1--for the foundation of temples to
 deities of ,greek origin1 and for other
 rites which initiated an entirely new  
type of religious feeling4 ,we need to  
be sure when all this began4  ,in the   
first place1 so far as ,i can judge1 it 
is almost impossible to dissociate the  
origin of the temple from ,sibylline    
influence4 ,as we have seen1 the cult   
was ,greek1 and all such ,greek cults of
 later times were introduced by the     
keepers of the ,sibylline books2 and    
further1 the records of temple          
foundations were among the most         
carefully preserved facts in ,roman     
annals4#ecb ,i think it is hardly       
possible to suppose that a cult which   
came1 not from ,latium or southern      
,etruria1 like those of ,diana1         
,minerva1 and the ,capitoline deities1  
but from some ,greek region to the      

south1 and probably from ,sicily1 could 
have been introduced by ,roman          
authorities unaided by ,greek influence4
 ,if that be so1 and if we can show that
 the temple really belongs to this early
 age1 then we have a strong probability 
that the ,sibylline influence gained a  
footing at ,rome at the very beginning  
of the republican period4#ecc  ,there is
 one curious fact in connection with the
 temple that in my opinion goes far to  
prove that the traditional date is not  
far out4 ,pliny tells us explicitly that
 the two ,greek artists who decorated   
the temple1 ,damophilus and ,gorgasus1  
inscribed their names on the walls1 and 
he added that the work of the former    
would be found on the right and that of 
the latter on the left4#ecd ,nothing    
more is known about them2 but ,i am     
assured that the fact that they signed  
their names and added these statements  
suits the character of ,greek art in the
 archaic age #ehj to #dej ,b4,c4 ,no    
signatures of artists are known earlier 

than about #ehj2 then comes a period    
when signatures are found1 sometimes    
with statements such as these4 ,and     
lastly1 about #dej1 we begin to find    
simple signatures without any other     
words4#ece ,thus the presumption is a   
strong one that the temple belongs to a 
time earlier than #dej2 and if that be  
so1 then ,i think the inference holds   
good that the ,sibyl first gained a     
footing at ,rome about the same time4   
,there are indeed some reasons why we   
should not put this event in the period 
of the kings2#ecf but if we accept the  
traditional date of the temple we may   
put it any time between #eji and #dif4  
,i have purposely used vague terms1 such
 as ,sibylline influence1 instead of    
speaking in the old manner of ,sibylline
 books or oracles1 because it is almost 
incredible that at so early a date it   
could have been possible to divulge any 
contents of a store of writings such as 
must have been most carefully treasured 
and concealed4 ,this has been shown     

conclusively to be out of the question  
in ,diels' now famous little book       
,sibylline ,leaves4 ,but we may also    
follow ,diels in assuming that about the
 end of the sixth century some kind of  
,greek oracle or oracular saying did    
actually arrive at ,rome1 purporting to 
be an utterance of the famous ,sibyl of 
,cumae4#ecg  ,but what was this         
,sibylline influence which thus         
penetrated to ,rome1 if ,i am right1 at 
the beginning of the fifth century8 ,it 
is no part of my design to discuss the  
history of ,greek mysticism1 though we  
shall hear something more of it in a    
later lecture4 ,it will be enough to    
remind you that in the sixth century    
,greece was not only full of ,orphism   
and ,pythagoreanism1 but of floating    
oracular dicta believed to emanate from 
a mystic female figure1 a weird figure  
of whom it is hard to say how far she   
was human or divine2 and of whose origin
 we know nothing1 except that her       
original home was1 as we might expect1  

,asia ,minor4 ,she was inspired by      
,apollo1#ech it was said1 like the      
,pythia1 and like her too became ,greek3
 entheos 7possessed7 when uttering her  
prophecies2 this is the earliest fact we
 know about her1 for a famous fragment  
of ,heracleitus represents her as       
uttering sayings with frenzied          
lips1#eci--;a tradition of which ,virgil
 has made good use in the sixth ,aeneid3
                      non vultus1 non   
color unus1   non comptae mansere comae2
 sed pectus anhelum1   et rabie fera    
corda tument4  ,but more to our purpose 
is the sober judgment of ,plato a       
century after the first ,roman          
experience of her1 who in the ,phaedrus 
classes her among those who have wrought
 much good by their inspired            
utterances4#edj ,this passage may help  
us to understand how ready men were at  
that time to turn for aid in tribulation
 to what they believed to be divine     
help1 to an inspired wisdom beyond the  
range of the local deities of their own 

city-states4  ,this ,sibyl became       
gradually localised in certain ,greek   
cities1 and thereby broke up1 as it     
were1 into several ,sibyls4 ,one of     
these ,sibylline homes was at ,cumae in 
,campania1 the oldest ,greek city in    
,italy1 and this enables us to explain  
easily how the name and fame of the     
,sibyl reached ,rome4 ,dim as is all    
early ,roman history1 the one clear fact
 of the sixth century is1 as we have    
seen1 the rapid advance of the          
,etruscans1 their occupation of ,rome1  
,praeneste1 and other ,latin cities1 and
 their conquest of ,campania1 which is  
now ascribed to that same age4#eda      
,legend told in later days how the last 
,etruscan king had taken refuge at      
,cumae after his expulsion from ,rome1  
and it is just possible that it may here
 be founding upon some dim recollection 
of a fact4 ,however this may be1 it is  
plain that it was through the great     
,etruscan disturbance of that period    
that ,rome came to make trial of        

,sibylline utterances4 ,in a moment of  
distress--the famine of which ,i spoke  
just now1 and which ,i take to be       
historical because the remedy1 the      
temple under the ,aventine1 was so      
closely connected with the              
corn-supply--she sent for or admitted an
 utterance of the ,sibyl of ,cumae1 with
 whom she had come into some kind of    
contact through her ,etruscan kings4    
,let us consider that this foreign      
dynasty must have brought a new         
population to the city on the ,tiber1   
the chief strategic point of middle     
,italy1--a new element of plebs1        
whatever the old one may have been4#edb 
,we have seen signs1 even in the        
religious history of this age1 that     
commerce and industry were increasing1  
and that their increase was due to a    
movement from without1 rather than to   
the old patrician gentes4 ,when the     
,etruscan dynasty fell and the old      
patrician influence was restored1 the   
government must have been face to face  

with new difficulties1 and among them   
the supply of corn for an increasing    
population in years of bad harvest4     
,with a fresh source of supply from the 
south came the cult of the ,greek       
corn-deities at the bidding of a        
,sibylline utterance2 and henceforward  
that remedy was available for other     
troubles4 ,but the patrician rulers of  
,rome were true1 it would seem1 as far  
as was possible1 to the old ways1 and   
for a long time they used this foreign  
remedy very sparingly4 ,at what date the
 utterances were collected in books and 
deposited in the ,capitoline temple we  
do not know1 nor have we any certain    
knowledge of their original nature or   
form4 ,tradition said that the          
collection dated from the last king's   
reign1 and that it was placed in the    
care of duoviri sacris faciundis1 as we 
have seen1 who in #cfg ,b4,c4 gave way  
to decemviri1 five of whom might be     
members of the plebs4 ,i am myself      
inclined to conjecture that this        

comparatively late date may be the real 
date of the origin of a permanent       
collection and a permanent college of   
keepers1 and that the earlier duoviri   
were only temporary religious officers1 
sacris faciundis1 i4e4 for the carrying 
out of the directions of ,sibylline     
utterances specially sought for at      
,cumae4 ,they would thus be of the same 
class as other special commissions      
appointed by the ,senate for            
administrative purposes2#edc while the  
decemviri1 though retaining the old     
title1 were permanent religious officers
 appointed to collect and take charge of
 a new and important set of regulations 
for the benefit of the community1 and   
one which concerned the plebs at least  
as much as the patricians4  ,but ,i must
 turn to the more important question how
 far1 down to the war with ,hannibal1   
when ,i shall take up the subject       
afresh1 the ,roman religion was affected
 for good or harm by these utterances   
and their keepers4 ,they took effect in 

two ways3 either by introducing new     
deities and settling them in new        
temples1 or by ordering and organising  
new ceremonies such as ,rome had never  
seen before4  ,the introduction of a new
 deity now and again was not of great   
account from the point of view of       
religion1 except in so far as it        
encouraged the new ceremonies2 the      
,romans had never taken much personal   
interest in their deities1 and the      
arrival 7outside the pomoerium in each  
case7 of ,hermes under the name of      
,mercurius1 or ,poseidon bearing the    
name of the old ,roman water numen      
,neptunus1 or even of ,asclepios with a 
,romanised name ,aesculapius1 would not 
be likely to affect greatly their ideas 
of the divine4 ,these facts have rather 
a historical than a religious           
significance2 ,hermes ,empolaios1 for   
example1 suggests trade with ,greek     
cities1 perhaps in grain1#edd and       
belongs therefore to the same class as  
,ceres1 ,liber1 ,libera1 of whom ,i have

 already spoken4 ,the arrival of        
,poseidon-,neptune may mean1 as ,dr4    
,carter has suggested1 a kind of marine 
insurance for the vessels carrying the  
grain from ,greek ports4#ede ,the       
settling of ,aesculapius in the ,tiber  
island in #bic1 as the result of a      
terrible pestilence1 is interesting as  
being the first fact known to us in the 
history of medicine at ,rome2 the temple
 became a kind of hospital on the model 
of ,epidaurus1 where the god had been   
brought in the form of a snake by an    
embassy sent for the purpose1 and the   
priests who served it were probably     
,greeks skilled in the healing art4#edf 
,this last case is a curious example of 
new ,roman religious experience1 but it 
can hardly be said to have any deep     
significance in the religious history of
 ,rome4 ,of the obliteration of the old 
numen ,neptunus by the ,greek god who   
took his name we know nothing for good  
or ill2 we are ignorant of the real     
meaning of the old numen1 and cannot    

tell whether the loss of him was        
compensated by the usefulness of his    
name in ,roman literature to represent  
the ,greek god of the sea4  ,let us turn
 to the much more important subject of  
the new ceremonies ordered by the       
,sibylline books4 ,the first authentic  
case of such innovation occurred in #cii
 ,b4,c41 during the long and troublesome
 siege of the dangerous neighbour city  
,veii2 ,i call it authentic because all 
the best modern authorities so reckon   
it1 though it occurred before the       
destruction of old records during the   
capture of the city by the ,gauls4 ,the 
circumstances were such as to fix       
themselves in the memory of the people1 
and in one way or another they found    
their way into the earliest annals1     
probably those of ,fabius ,pictor1      
composed during the ,second ,punic      
,war4#edg  ,the previous winter1 ,livy  
tells us1#edh was one of extraordinary  
severity2 the roads were blocked with   
snow1 and navigation on the ,tiber      

stopped by the ice4 ,this miserable     
winter was followed too suddenly by a   
hot season1 in which a plague broke out 
which consumed both man and beast1 and  
continued so persistently that the      
,senate ordered the ,sibylline books to 
be consulted4 ,this persistence is the  
first point we should notice2 ,cuius    
insanabili pernicie quando nec causa nec
 finis inveniebatur1--so wrote ,livy1   
evidently meaning to express an         
extremity of trouble which would not    
give way to ordinary religious remedies4
 ,we may compare his account of the next
 recorded consultation of the books     
7,livy vii4 #b71 when neither the old   
rites nor even the new ones were        
sufficient to secure the pax deorum and 
abate another pestilence1 and recourse  
was had to yet another remedy in the    
form of ludi scenici4 ,the times were   
out of joint1--the peace of the gods was
 broken1 and thus the community was no  
longer in right relation to the ,power  
manifesting itself in the universe4 ,the

 result was a revival of religio1 of the
 feeling of alarm and anxiety out of    
which the whole religious system had    
grown4 ,the old deities might seem to be
 forsaking their functions1 since the   
old rites had ceased to appeal to them4 
,mysterious and persistent pestilence is
 a great tamer of human courage2 it is a
 new experience that man knows not how  
to meet1 and in ancient life it was also
 a new religious experience4  ,the      
remedy was as new as the pestilence1 and
 almost as pernicious4 ,during eight    
days ,rome saw three pairs of deities   
reclining in the form of images on      
couches1 before which were spread tables
 covered with food and drink4 ,whether  
in this first case they were taken out  
of the temples and exposed to view in   
certain places1 e4g4 the forum1 is not  
clear2 later on1 in the days of         
supplicationes1 of which more will be   
said presently1 they were visited in    
procession4 ,the three pairs were       
,apollo and ,latona1 ,diana and         

,hercules1 ,mercurius and ,neptunus2 all
 of them ,greek1 or1 as in the case of  
,diana1 ,mercurius1 and ,neptunus1      
,roman deities in their new ,greek form4
 ,we cannot trace the special           
applicability of all of them to the     
trouble they were thus invoked to       
appease1--another point that suggests a 
complete revolution in the ,roman ways  
of contemplating divine beings4 ,these  
are not functional numina1 but          
foreigners whose ways were only known to
 the manipulators of the ,sibylline     
utterances4 ,they seem like quack       
remedies1 of which the action is unknown
 to the consumer4  ,new also1 but better
 in its effect1 was the publicity of    
these proceedings1 and the part taken in
 them by the whole population1 patrician
 and plebeian1 men1 women1 and children4
 ,if we can trust ,livy's further       
statements1 every one left his door open
 and kept open house1 inviting all to   
come in1 whether known or unknown2 all  
old quarrels were made up1 and no new   

ones suffered to begin2 prisoners were  
freed from their chains1 and universal  
good-will prevailed4 ,these eight days  
were in fact kept as holidays1 and      
doubtless by the novelty of the whole   
scene the astute authorities hoped to   
inspire fresh hope and confidence1 and  
to divert attention from the prevailing 
misery1 just as our soldiers in ,india  
are induced to forget the presence of   
cholera in a station by constant games  
and amusements4 ,that this was really   
one leading object of the whole show is 
not generally recognised by historians2 
but it seems fully explained by the fact
 ,i mentioned just now1 that in the     
similar trouble of #cdi ,b4,c4 recourse 
was had for the first time to ludi      
scenici in order to amuse the people4   
,in the history of the ,hannibalic war  
we shall have plenty of opportunity of  
noting this kind of expedient4 ,the     
,roman people1 we must remember1 were   
getting more and more to be inhabitants 
of a large city1 and1 as such1 to seek  

for entertainment1 like all citizens in 
all ages4 ,the religious rites of the   
old calendar were perhaps by this time  
getting too familiar1 losing their      
original meaning2 whether they had ever 
been very entertaining to a city        
population may be doubted4 ,something   
more showy was needed2 processions had  
always been to the taste of the ,roman1 
and banquets1 such as the epulum ,iovis1
 which ,i have already noticed1 often   
accompanied the processions4  ,now1 this
 love of show and novelty1 of which we  
have abundant evidence later on as a    
,roman characteristic1 taken together   
with the anxiety and alarm--the new     
religio--arising from the pestilence1   
will sufficiently explain the           
lectisternia1 as these shows were       
called4 ,we have here in fact the first 
appearance1 constantly recurring in     
later ,roman history1 of a tendency to  
seek not only for novelty1 but for a    
more emotional expression of religious  
feeling than was afforded by the old    

forms of sacrifice and prayer1 conducted
 as they were by the priest on behalf of
 the community without its active       
participation4 ,those old forms might do
 for the old patrician community of     
farmers and warriors1 but not so well   
for the new and ever-increasing         
population of artisans and other        
workmen1 whether of ,roman or foreign   
descent4 ,it would seem1 indeed1 as if  
the sensitiveness of the human fibre of 
a primitive community increases with its
 increasing complexity1 and with the    
greater variety of experience to which  
it is exposed2 and in the case of ,rome1
 as if the simple ancient methods of    
dealing with the divine inhabitants of  
the city were no longer adequate to the 
needs of a ,state which was steering its
 way to empire among so many            
difficulties and perils4 ,it is not     
indeed certain that the new rites1 or   
some points in them1 may not have had   
their prototypes in old ,italian usage1 
though the lectisternia1 the actual     

display of gods in human form and in    
need of food like human beings1 are     
almost certainly ,greek in origin4#edi  
,but so far as we can guess1 the        
emotional element was wholly new4 ,true1
 ,livy tells us in two passages of his  
third book of occasions when men1 women1
 and children flocked to all the shrines
 7omnia delubra7 seeking for the pax    
deorum at the invitation of the senate2 
but the early date1 the great           
improbability of the senate taking any  
such step1 and the absence of any       
mention of the priesthoods1 makes it    
difficult to believe that these         
assertions are based on any genuine     
record4 ,we must be content to mark the 
first lectisternia in #cii as the       
earliest authentic example of the       
emotional tendency of the ,roman        
plebs4#eej  ,if we can judge of this    
period of ,roman religious history by   
the general tendency of the policy of   
the ,roman government1 we may see here a
 deliberate attempt to include the new  

population in worship of a kind that    
would calm its fears1 engage its        
attention1 and satisfy its emotion1     
while leaving uncontaminated the old    
ritual that had served the ,state so    
long4 ,if this conclusion be a right    
one1 then we must allow that the new    
ceremonial had its use4 ,dr4 ,frazer has
 lately told us in his eloquent and     
persuasive way1 of how much value       
superstition has been in building up    
moral habits and the instinct of        
submission to civil order4 ,his thesis  
might be illustrated adequately from the
 history of ,rome alone4 ,but from a    
purely religious point of view the story
 of the lectisternia is a sad one4 ,the 
old ,roman invisible numen1 working with
 force in a particular department of    
human life and its environment1 was a   
far nobler mental conception1 and far   
more likely to grow into a power for    
good1 than the miserable images of      
,graeco-,roman full-blown gods and      
goddesses reclining on their couches and

 appearing to partake of dinner like a  
human citizen4 ,such ideas of the divine
 must have forced men's religious ideas 
clean away from the ,power manifesting  
itself in the universe1 and must have   
dragged down the ,roman numina with them
 in their corrupting degradation4       
,according to our definition of it1     
religion was now in a fair way to       
disappear altogether2 what was destined 
to take its place was not really        
religion at all4 ,nor did it in any way 
assist the growth of an individual      
conscience1 as perhaps did some of the  
later religious forms introduced from   
without4 ,it was of value for the moment
 to the ,state1 in satisfying a         
population greatly disturbed by untoward
 events2 and that was all4  ,closely    
connected with the lectisternia1 and    
following close upon them in            
chronological order1 were the           
processional ceremonies called          
supplicationes4 ,the historical relation
 between the two is by no means clear2  

but if we conclude1 as ,i am fairly sure
 we may1 that the lectisternia were     
shows of a joyful character1            
accompanied1 as ,livy describes the     
first one1 with private entertainments1 
and meant to keep up the spirits of the 
plebeian population1 and if we then turn
 to the early supplicationes1 in which  
men1 women1 and children1 coronati1 and 
carrying laurel branches1 went in       
procession to the temples1 and there    
prostrated themselves after the ,greek  
fashion1 the women crinibus passis aras 
verrentes1 we shall be disposed to look 
on them as1 in origin at least1 distinct
 from each other4#eea ,we may conjecture
 that the appearance of the gods in     
human form at the doors of their temples
 suggested to the plebeian women a kind 
of emotional worship which was alien to 
the old ,roman feeling1 but familiar    
enough to those 7and they must have been
 many7 who knew the life of the ,greek  
cities of ,italy4 ,it may be that they  
had tried it even in earlier times2 but 

anyhow1 in the fourth and third         
centuries ,b4,c4 advantage was taken of 
the pulvinaria to use them as           
stopping-places in the procession of a  
supplicatio1 and the phrase becomes a   
common one in the annals1 supplicatio ad
 omnia pulvinaria indicta4 ,the         
lectisternia were ordered five times in 
the fourth century2#eeb by that time1 it
 would seem likely1 the supplicationes  
had become an authorised institution1   
and had perhaps embodied the practice of
 lectisternia in the way suggested      
above4 ,we shall meet with them again   
when we come to the religious history of
 the war with ,hannibal4  ,one word more
 before ,i leave this subject for the   
present4 ,in all this innovation we must
 not forget to note the growth of       
individual feeling as distinguished from
 the old worship of civic grouping1 in  
which the individual1 as such1 was of   
little or no account4 ,i pointed out the
 first signs of this individualism when 
speaking of the temple of the           

,capitoline ,jupiter1 and we shall have 
reason to mark its rapid growth further4
 ,we are now1 in fact1 and must realise 
that we are1 in a period in which1      
throughout the ,graeco-,roman world1 the
 need was beginning to be felt of some  
new rule of individualistic morality4   
,the ,roman population1 now recruited   
from many sources1 was but reflecting   
this need unconsciously when it insisted
 on new emotional rites and expiations4 
,the ,roman authorities were forced to  
satisfy the demand2 but in doing so they
 made no real contribution to the       
history of ,roman religious experience4 
,it was impossible that they should do  
so2 they represented the old civic form 
of religion1 bound up with the life of a
 society1 and unable to contemplate the 
individual except as a member of it4#eec
 ,the new forms of worship1 the         
supplicatio and lectisternium1 could not
 be1 as the old forms had in some sense 
been1 the consecration of civic and     
national life4 ,they were to the ,romans

 as the worship of ,baal to the ,jews of
 the time of the ,kings2 and1 unlike    
that poisonous cult1 they could never be
 rooted out4#eedeee       ,,notes ,,to  
,,lecture ,,xi      #eaj ,this is the   
expression of ,sallust1 ,catil4 #ab4 #c4
      #eaa ,see my paper on the ,latin  
history of the word     religio1 in     
,transactions of the ,congress for the  
,history of ,religions1 #aiji1 vol4 ii4 
p4 #agb4 ,w4 ,otto in     ,archiv1      
#aiji1 p4 #ecc foll4      #eab ,cic4 de 
,nat4 ,deorum1 ii4 #h4      #eac ,cic4  
,harusp4 resp4 #ai4      #ead ,livy     
xliv4 #a4 #aa2 ,sallust1 l4c42 ,gellius1
 ,noct4     ,att4 ii4 #bh4 #b4      #eae
 ,polyb4 vi4 #ef4      #eaf ,posidonius 
ap4 ,athenaeum vi4 #bgd ,a2 ,dion4      
,hal4 ii4 #bg4 #c4      #eag ,gell4 ii4 
#bh4      #eah ,marquardt1 iii4 #abf4   
#eai ,cato1 ,r4,r4 #adb4      #ebj      
,calpurnius1 ,eclogue1 v4 #bd4 ,i have  
described a     similar scene in the    
,alps in ,a ,year with the ,birds1      
ed4 #b1 p4 #abf4      #eba ,petronius1  

,sat4 #aag3 ,his ita ordinatis1 quod    
bene feliciterque eveniret precati deos1
 viam     ingredimur4 ,i owe this       
reference1 as others in this            
context1 to ,appel's treatise de        
,romanorum     precationibus1 p4 #ef    
foll4      #ebb ,varro1 ,r4,r4 i4 #a4   
#ebc e4g4 ,virg4 ,aen4 v4 #fhe 7,aeneas 
during the     burning of the fleet72   
,aen4 xii4 #ggf 7,turnus in             
extremity74 ,cp4 ,tibull4 iii4 #e4 #f   
7in sickness74      #ebd ,a good example
 is ,captivi1 #ibb3 ,iovi disque ago    
gratias merito magnas quom te redducem  
tuo patri     reddiderunt1 etc4         
#ebe ,for gratitude to human beings see 
,valerius ,maximus     v4 #b4 ,a good   
example of gratitude to a deity is in   
,gell4     ,n4,a4 iv4 #ah2 but it is    
told of ,scipio the elder1 who     was  
eccentric for a ,roman4 ,when accused by
 a tribune of     peculation in ,asia he
 said1 ,non igitur simus adversum       
deos ingrati et1 censeo1 relinquamus    
nebulonem hunc1     eamus hinc protinus 

,iovi ,optimo ,maximo gratulatum4       
,public gratitude to the gods is        
frequent in later     supplicationes1   
e4g4 ,livy xxx4 #ag4 #f4      #ebf      
,gellius1 ,n4,a4 xiv4 #g4 #i4      #ebg 
,servius ad ,aen4 xi4 #cja 7praefatus   
divos solio     rex infit ab alto74     
#ebh ,this was in a contio3 ,cum        
,gracchus deos     inciperet precari4   
,see above1 ,lecture ,,vii4 note #ac4   
#ebi ,see ,r4,f4 p4 #gd foll42 ,wissowa1
 ,r4,k4 p4 #bdc4     ,for the relation  
of the pomoerium to the wall1 see       
above1 p4 #id4      #ecj ,the process is
 amusingly explained by ,carter in      
,the ,religion of ,numa1 p4 #gb foll4   
#eca ,r4,f4 p4 #ge4      #ecb ,see      
,aust1 ,de aedibus sacris ,p4,r41       
passim4      #ecc ,lately this has been 
denied by ,pais1 ,storia di     ,roma1  
i4 #cci4      #ecd ,pliny1 ,n4,h4 #ce1  
#aed4      #ece ,i owe the information  
to my friend ,prof4 ,percy     ,gardner4
      #ecf ,see ,carter1 op4 cit4 p4    
#ff2 but ,i am not sure     that his    

reasons are conclusive4      #ecg       
,diels1 ,sibyllinische ,blaetter1 p4 #f 
foll41 and     cp4 #gi4      #ech ,it   
should be noted that the cult of ,apollo
 in ,rome     was older than the        
introduction of ,sibylline influence2   
so at least it is generally assumed4    
,wissowa1 however     7,r4,k4 p4 #bci71 
puts it as gleichzeitig4 ,the date of   
the ,apollinar in pratis ,flaminiis1 the
 oldest ,apolline     fanum in ,rome    
7outside pomoerium71 is unknown2 that of
     the temple on the same site was    
#dca 7,livy iv4 #be and     #bi74 ,there
 is little doubt that the ,apollo-cult  
spread     from ,cumae northwards1 and  
was by this time well     established in
 ,italy4 7,the foundation of the temple 
of     #dca1 consisting of opus         
quadratum1 still in part     survives3  
,huelsen-,jordan1 ,rom4 ,topographie1   
iii4 #ece74      #eci ,heracleitus1     
fragm4 xii41 ed4 ,bywater4      #edj    
,phaedrus1 p4 #bdd4      #eda ,so ,korte
 in ,pauly-,wissowa1 ,real-,encycl41    

s4v4     ,etrusker4      #edb ,the      
present tendency is to take the plebs as
     representing an older population of
 ,latium before the     arrival of the  
patricians2 see1 e4g41 ,binder1 ,die    
,plebs1 p4 #ceh foll4 ,but the plebs of 
later days is not     to be explained on
 one hypothesis only4      #edc e4g4 in 
religious matters the duoviri aedi      
dedicandae2 ,mommsen1 ,staatsrecht1 ii4 
#fja foll4      #edd ,carter1 ,religion 
of ,numa1 p4 #gg foll4 ,it is           
uncertain whether there was a ,roman    
,mercurius of earlier     origin1 or    
whether the name ,mercurius 7i4e4       
concerned     in trade7 was a new       
invention to avoid using the ,greek     
name1 as in the case of the trias       
,ceres1 ,liber1 ,libera4      #ede      
,carter1 op4 cit4 #ha4 ,the connection  
of this     ,poseidon-,neptunus and     
,hermes-,mercurius is confirmed by      
the fact that the two were paired in the
 first     lectisternium1 #cii ,b4,c4   
,livy v4 #ac4      #edf ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4

 p4 #bed4      #edg ,see ,diels1 ,sib4  
,blaetter1 p4 #ab1 note #a4      #edh   
,livy v4 #ac4      #edi ,i have         
discussed the possibility of the epulum 
,iovis being an old ,italian rite in    
,r4,f4 p4 #bae foll4     ,for the ,greek
 origin of these shows see ,dict4 of    
,antiquities1 ed4 #b1 s4v4 lectisternia4
      #eej ,livy iii4 #e4 #ad1 and #g4  
#g4      #eea ,the plebeian tendencies  
of the time are suggested1     e4g41 by 
the fact that immediately before the    
first     lectisternium a plebeian was  
elected military tribune     7,livy v4  
#ac74 ,the fourth century is of course  
the period     of plebeian advance in   
all departments1 and ends with     the  
opening of the priesthoods to the plebs 
by the lex     ,ogulnia1 and the        
publication of the ,fasti4 ,plebeian    
too1     ,i suspect1 was the keeping    
open house and promiscuous              
hospitality which is recorded by ,livy  
of the first     lectisternia2 this was 
the practice of the plebs on     the    

,cerealia 7,april #ai71 and was perhaps 
an old custom     connected with the    
supply of corn and the temple of        
,ceres 7see above1 p4 #bee74 ,it was not
 imitated by the     patrician society1 
with its reserve and exclusiveness1     
till the institution of the ,megalesia  
in #bjd ,b4,c4 ,see     ,gellius xviii4 
#b4 #aa4      #eeb ,the expression      
crinibus demissis is found in a     lex 
regia 7,festus1 s4v4 pellices72 the     
harlot who     touches ,juno's altar has
 to offer a lamb to ,juno     crinibus  
demissis4 ,this is therefore ,roman     
practice4      #eec ,for the            
supplicationes see ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 #ceg
     foll42 ,marq4 #dh and #ahh2 and the
 author's article in     ,dict4 of      
,antiquities4 ,the passages already     
referred to     as doubtful evidence    
7,livy iii4 #e4 #ad1 #g4 #g7 describe   
all the features of the supplicatio as  
early as the     first half of the fifth
 century4 ,a list of later     passages 
in ,livy will be found in ,marq4 #di1   

note #d4 ,on     the whole ,i doubt if  
much was made of these rites before     
the third century and the ,punic wars4  
#eed ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 #cef1 note #g4    
#eee ,caird1 ,gifford ,lectures1 vol4   
ii4 p4 #df4     ,,lecture ,,xii  ,,the  
,,pontifices ,,and ,,the                
,,secularisation ,,of ,,religion   ,in  
the last lecture we saw how the new     
experiences of the ,roman people1 during
 the period from the abolition of the   
kingship to the war with ,hannibal1 led 
to the introduction of foreign deities  
and showy ceremonies of a character     
quite strange to the old religion4 ,but 
there was another process going on at   
the same time4 ,the authorities of that 
old religion were full of vigour in this
 same period2 it may even be said1 that 
as far as we can trace their activity in
 the dim light of those early days1 they
 made themselves almost supreme in the  
,state4 ,and the result was1 in brief1  
that religion became more and more a    
matter of ,state administration1 and    

thereby lost its chance of developing   
the conscience of the individual4 ,it is
 indeed quite possible1 as has recently 
been maintained1#eef that it stood      
actively in the way of such development4
 ,i have no doubt that there was a germ 
of conscience1 of moral feeling1 in the 
religio of old days--the feeling of     
anxiety and doubt which originally      
suggested the cura and caerimonia of the
 ,state2 but the efforts of the         
authorities in this period were spent in
 gradually destroying that germ4 ,true1 
they did not interfere with the simple  
religion of the family1 which had its   
value all through ,roman history2 but   
the attitude of the individual towards  
public worship will react on his        
attitude towards private worship1 which 
may also have lost some part of its     
vitality in this period4  ,the religious
 authorities of which ,i speak are of   
course the two great colleges of        
pontifices and augurs4 ,of the latter1  
and of the system of divination of which

 they held the secrets1 ,i will speak in
 the next lecture4 ,here we have to do  
with the pontifices and their work in   
this period1 a thorny and somewhat      
technical subject1 but a most important 
one for the history of ,roman religious 
experience4  ,i have so far assumed that
 this college existed in the age of the 
kings1 and assisted the ,rex in the     
administration of the ius divinum4 ,it  
is legitimate to do this1 but as a      
matter of fact we do not know for       
certain what was the origin of the      
college itself1 or of its mysterious    
name4 ,in the period we have now reached
 we come1 however1 upon a striking fact1
 which is luckily easy to interpret2 the
 king's house1 the ,regia1 has become   
the office of the head of the college1  
the pontifex maximus1 and also the      
meeting-place of the college for        
business4#eeg ,obviously this head1     
whether or no he existed during the     
kingly period1 has stepped into the     
place of the ,rex in the control of the 

ius divinum4 ,again1 we know that in the
 third century ,b4,c41 when written     
history begins1 the pontifices and their
 head had reached a very high level of  
power1 as we shall presently see more in
 detail2 the process of the growth of   
this power must therefore lie in the two
 preceding centuries1 during which ,rome
 was slowly attaining that paramount    
position in ,italy in which we find her 
at the time of the ,punic wars4         
,thirdly1 we know that in that third    
century ,b4,c4 the college was laid open
 to plebeians as well as to members of  
the old patrician gentes1 and that one  
of the most famous of all its many      
distinguished heads was not only not a  
patrician1 but a ,latin from ,cameria1  
,ti4 ,coruncanius4 ,putting these three 
facts together we can divine in outline 
the history of the pontifices during    
these two centuries4 ,with the instinct 
for order and organisation that never   
failed them1 the ,romans have           
constructed a permanent power to take   

charge of their ius divinum1 i4e4 all   
their relations to the deities with whom
 they must maintain a pax2 the          
circumstances of their career during two
 centuries have exalted this power to an
 extraordinary degree of influence1     
direct and indirect1 internal and       
external2 and1 lastly1 in a period which
 saw the gradual amalgamation into a    
unified whole of privileged and         
unprivileged1 patres and plebs1 they    
have with wonderful wisdom thrown open  
to all citizens the administration of   
that ius which was essential to the     
welfare of the united community4 ,these 
are indisputable facts2 and they are    
thoroughly characteristic of the        
practical wisdom of the ,roman people in
 that early age4  ,in order to          
understand how the pontifices attained  
their great position1 the one thing     
needful is to examine the nature of     
their work4 ,this ,i propose to do next1
 and then to attempt to sum up the      
result of their activity on the ,roman  

religious system4  ,it is impossible to 
exaggerate the importance of the college
 in the early history of ,roman law2 and
 for us in particular that importance   
lies in the fact that they were the sole
 depositaries of the religious law in   
the period during which the civil law   
was being slowly disentangled from it4  
,if we look at the so-called leges      
regiae1 which are probably the oldest   
rules of law that have come down to us  
7though they may have been made into a  
collection as late as the very end of   
the ,republic71#eeh we see at once that 
they belong to the ius divinum2 and     
there is little doubt that they were    
extracted from those books of the       
pontifices which ,i shall have to       
explain later on4#eei ,in other words1  
it is the maintenance of the pax deorum 
that they are chiefly concerned with2   
the crime of the citizen is a violation 
of that pax1 and the deity most         
concerned will punish the community     
unless some expiatory step is taken to  

re-establish the right relation between 
the human and divine inhabitants of the 
city4 ,pellex aram ,iunonis ne tangito2 
si tanget1 ,iunoni crinibus demissis    
agnum feminam caedito4 ,si parentem puer
 verberit1 ast olle plorassit1 puer     
divis parentum sacer esto4#efj ,the     
harlot who touches the altar of ,juno1  
the deity of married women1 breaks the  
pax with that deity1 and she must offer 
a piacular sacrifice to renew it2 the   
son who strikes a parent is made over as
 the property of the divi parentum1 i4e4
 those of the whole community1#efa the  
peaceful relation with whom his act has 
imperilled4 ,with such rules as these   
the civil magistrate of the republic can
 have had nothing to do2 they belong to 
an older period of thought and of       
government1 and survived in the books of
 the college which under the republic   
continued to administer the ius divinum2
 for these rules doubtless continued to 
exist side by side with the civil law as
 it gradually developed itself1 and the 

necessary modes of expiation were known 
to the pontifices only4 ,roman society  
was indeed so deeply penetrated for many
 ages with the idea of religio--the     
dread of violating the pax deorum1--that
 the idea of law as a matter of the     
relation of man to man1 as the          
interference of the ,state in the       
passions and interests of humanity only1
 must have gained ground by very slow   
degrees4 ,this primitive religious law  
then1 i4e4 the regulation of the proper 
steps to be taken to avoid a breach of  
the pax deorum1 was entirely in the     
hands of the religious authorities1 the 
,rex at first and then the pontifices1  
as the only experts who could know the  
secrets of the ius divinum2 and from    
their decisions and prescriptions there 
could be no appeal1 simply because there
 was no individual or body in the ,state
 to whom an appeal was conceivable4 ,but
 after the rule of the ,etruscan kings1 
with all its disturbing influences1 and 
after the revolution which got rid of   

them1 there must have been an age of new
 ideas and increased mental activity1   
and also of increasing social           
complexity1 the signs of which in the   
way of trade and industry we have       
already found in certain facts of       
religious history4 ,in the domain of law
 this meant new problems1 new           
difficulties2 and these were met in the 
middle of the fifth century ,b4,c41 if  
the received chronology is to be        
accepted1#efb by the publication of the 
,,xii4 ,tables4  ,in order to get some  
idea of the work of the pontifices at   
this time1 let us consider one or two of
 these difficulties and problems4       
,within the family every act1 every     
relation1 was matter of religion2 the   
numina had to be considered in regard to
 it4 ,the end and aim1 then as          
throughout ,roman history1 was the      
maintenance of the sacra of the family1 
without which it could not be conceived 
as existing--the due worship of its     
deities1 and the religious care of its  

dead4 ,take marriage as an example3 the 
entry of a bride into the household--of 
one who as yet had no lot in the family 
life--meant some straining of the       
relation between the divine and human   
members1#efc and the human part of the  
family must be assured that the divine  
part is willing to accept her before the
 step can be regarded as complete4 ,she 
has to enter the family in such a way as
 to share in its sacra2 and if          
confarreatio was 7as we may believe7 the
 oldest form of patrician marriage1#efd 
the bride was subjected to a ceremony   
which was plainly of a sacramental      
character--the sacred cake of far being 
partaken of by both bride and bridegroom
 in the presence of the highest         
religious authority of the ,state4 ,in  
the simplest form of society there would
 be no call for further priestly        
interference in marriage2 but in a      
society growing more numerous and       
complex1 exceptions1 abnormal conditions
 begin to show themselves1 and new      

problems arise1 which must be solved by 
new expedients1 prescriptions1          
permissions1 devices1 or fictions4 ,for 
these the religious authorities are     
solely responsible2 for what is a matter
 of religious interest to the family is 
also matter of religious interest to the
 ,state1 simply because the ,state is   
composed of families in the same sense  
as the human body is composed of        
cellular tissue4 ,all this1 we believe1 
was once the work of the ,rex1 perhaps  
with the college of pontifices to help  
him2 when the kingship disappeared it   
became the work of that college solely1 
with the pontifex maximus as the chief  
authority4  ,so1 too1 in all other      
questions which concerned the           
maintenance of the family1 and          
especially in regard to the devolution  
of property4 ,i am here only            
illustrating the way in which the       
pontifical college acquired their       
paramount influence by having a quantity
 of new and difficult work forced upon  

them1 and it is not part of my plan to  
explain the early history of adoptions  
and wills2 but ,i may give a single     
concrete illustration for the benefit of
 those who are not versed in ,roman law4
 ,it must constantly have happened1 in  
that disturbed period which brought the 
kingship to an end1 that by death or    
capture in war a family was left without
 male heirs4 ,daughters could not take  
their place1 because the sacra of a     
family could not be maintained by       
daughters1 who would1 in the natural    
order of things1 be sooner or later     
married and so become members of other  
families4 ,hence the expedient was      
adopted of making a filius familias of  
another family a member of your own2 and
 this1 like marriage1 involved a        
straining of the relations between the  
human and divine members of your family1
 and was thus a matter for the religious
 authorities to contrive in such a      
manner as to preserve the pax between   
them4 ,the difficulty was overcome by   

the practical wisdom of the pontifical  
college1 which held a solemn inquiry    
into the case before submitting it to   
the people in specially summoned        
assembly 7comitia calata72#efe and thus 
the new filius familias was enabled not 
only to renounce his own sacra          
7detestatio sacrorum71 but to pass into 
the guardianship of another set of      
sacra1 without incurring the anger of   
the numina concerned with the welfare of
 either4  ,such difficult matters as    
these1 and many more connected directly 
or indirectly with the devolution of    
property1 such as the guardianship of   
women and of the incapable1 the power to
 dispose of property otherwise than by  
the original rules of succession1 the   
law of burial and the care of the       
dead1--all these1 at the time of which  
,i am speaking1 must have been among the
 secrets of the pontifices2 and we can  
also suspect1 though without being sure 
of our facts1 that the great increase of
 the importance of the plebs under the  

,etruscan dynasty offered further       
opportunities for the growth alike of   
the work and influence of the           
college4#eff ,above all1 we must        
remember that this work was done in     
secret1 that the mysteries of adjustment
 were unknown to the people when once   
they had passed out of the ken of family
 and gens1 and that there could have    
been no appeal from the pontifices to   
any other body4 ,nay1 more1 we must also
 bear in mind that this body of         
religious experts was self-electing4    
,until the lex ,domitia of #ajd ,b4,c4  
both pontifices and augurs filled up    
their own colleges with persons whom    
they believed qualified both by         
knowledge and disposition4 ,thus it     
would seem that there was every chance  
that in that early ,rome1 where neither 
in family nor ,state could anything be  
undertaken without some reference to the
 religious authority1 where the pax     
deorum was the one essential object of  
public and private life1 a power might  

be developed apt one day not only to    
petrify religion and stultify its       
worshippers1 but thereby also to cramp  
the energies of the community1 acting as
 an obstacle to its development within  
its walls and without4 ,had ,roman law  
remained entirely in the hands of this  
self-electing college1 one of two things
 must have happened3 either that college
 would have become purely secular in    
character1 or the wonderful legal system
 that we still enjoy would never have   
had space to grow up4 ,but this was not 
to be2 with the publication of the      
,,xii4 ,tables a new era opens4  ,if we 
reject1 as we conscientiously may1 the  
latest attempts of criticism to         
post-date the drawing up of the         
,tables1#efg and in fact to destroy     
their historical value for us1 what is  
their significance for our present      
purpose8 ,it is simply that in the      
middle of the fifth century ,b4,c4 the  
pontifices lost a monopoly--ceased to be
 the sole depositaries of the rules of  

law affecting the pax deorum1 and that  
new rules are being set down in writing1
 on the basis of old custom1 which more 
especially affect the relations between 
the human citizens4 ,for both the ius   
divinum and the ius civile are to be    
found in this collection1 but the latter
 is beginning to assert its             
independence4 ,i think we may say1      
without much hesitation1 that this      
event1 however doubtful its traditional 
details1 did actually save ,rome from   
either of the two consequences to which 
,i alluded just now4 ,the constitution  
developed itself on lay and not on      
ecclesiastical lines1 leaving the       
pontifices other work to do1 and ,roman 
civil law was eventually able to free   
itself from the trammels of the ius     
divinum4  ,but for another century the  
college still found abundant legal work 
to do1 for it was not likely that at    
,rome1 the most conservative of all     
city-states1 it could be quickly set    
aside1 or that the old ideas of law     

could so speedily disappear4 ,what then 
was this work8  ,when rules of civil law
 were written down1 it was still        
necessary to deal with them in two ways 
which were open to the pontifices1 and  
indeed at this early time to no one     
else4 ,first1 it was necessary to make  
their provisions effectual by           
prescribing in each case the proper     
method of procedure 7actio74 ,now it is 
most important to grasp the fact that   
procedure in the ius civile was         
originally of precisely the same nature 
as procedure in the ius divinum1 and    
that precisely the same rigid exactness 
is indispensable in both4 ,action and   
formula in civil law belong to the same 
class of practices as sacrifice and     
prayer in religious law1 and spring from
 the same mental soil4 ,thus1 for       
example1 the most familiar case of      
action and formula in civil law1 the    
sacramentum1 was1 as the name proves1 a 
piece of religious procedure1 i4e4 the  
deposition in a sacred spot of a sum of 

money which the suitor in the case would
 forfeit if he lost it1 together with   
the utterance of a certain formula of   
words which must be correctly spoken4   
,if we choose to go back so far1 we may 
even see in this combination of         
formularised act and speech a survival  
of magical or quasi-magical belief2#efh 
but this is matter rather for the       
anthropologist than the historian of    
religion4 ,the point for us at this     
moment is that these acts and formulae  
7legis actiones1 as they are known in   
,roman law7 could not suddenly or       
rapidly pass out of the hands of that   
body of skilled experts which had so    
long been in sole possession of them2   
the publication of old and new rules of 
law in the ,,xii4 ,tables made no       
immediate difference in this respect4   
,the consuls1 the new civil executive1  
were still in no sense necessarily      
skilled in such matters1 and were       
without the prestige of the former      
executive1 the ,rex2 they were also     

doubtless busy with other work1         
especially in the field4 ,nothing could 
be more natural than that the pontifices
 should continue to provide the         
procedure for the now written law1 just 
as they had formerly supplied it for the
 unwritten4#efi  ,so1 too1 with the     
interpretation of the ,tables2 this was 
the second part of the work that still  
remained to them4 ,writing was in that  
age a mystery to the mass of the        
population1 and doubtless the idea was  
still in their minds that there was     
something supernatural about it4        
,writing1 in fact1 as well as           
formularised action and speech1 may have
 had the flavour of magic about it4     
,however that may be1 there can be no   
doubt that the interpretation of a legal
 document was in those days a much more 
serious1 if a less arduous business1    
than it is now4 ,here again1 then1 it   
seems perfectly natural that there      
should be no rapid or violent change in 
the personnel of those deemed capable of

 such interpretation2 there was no other
 body of experts capable of the work2   
the pontifices remained iuris-consulti1 
i4e4 interpreters and advisers1 and in  
the course of two and a half centuries  
accumulated an amount of material that  
formed a basis for the first published  
system of ,roman law1 the ius ,aelianum 
or tripartita of #bjj ,b4,c4 ,it is most
 useful to remember1 as proof of this1  
that one member of the college was      
selected every year for the special     
purpose of helping the people with      
advice in matters of civil law1 both in 
regard to interpretation and the choice 
of legis actiones2 so we are expressly  
told by ,pomponius1 who adds that this  
practice continued for about a hundred  
years after the publication of the      
,tables1 i4e4 till the election of the  
first praetor in #cff4egj ,after that   
date the ius civile emerges more        
distinctly from the old body of law1    
which included also the ius divinum1 and
 its interpretation was no longer a     

matter purely for religious experts4 ,in
 #ccg we hear of the first plebeian     
praetor--truly a momentous event1       
showing that the old profound belief is 
dying out1 which demanded a religious   
and patrician qualification for all     
legal work4 ,and at the end of the      
fourth century comes the publication1   
not only of the legis actiones1 but of  
the ,fasti1 i4e4 even of that most vital
 part of the ius divinum1 which         
distinguished the times and seasons     
belonging to the numina from those      
belonging to the human citizens4#ega    
,one might well suppose that the power  
of the pontifices was on the wane1 for  
they had lost another monopoly4  ,and   
indeed in one sense this was so4 ,it    
must have been so1 for as the range of  
the ,state's activity increased1 the    
sphere of religious influence became    
relatively less4 ,marriage1 for example1
 though it still needed a religious     
ceremony in common opinion1 ceased to   
need it in the eye of the law--a change 

which is familiar to us in our own age4 
,the pontifex was no longer             
indispensable to the suitor at law1 nor 
to the citizen who wished to know on    
what day he might proceed with his suit4
 ,the college undoubtedly ceased to be  
the powerful secretly-acting body in    
whose hands was the entire religio of   
the citizen1 i4e4 the decision of all   
points on which he might feel the old   
anxious nervousness about the good-will 
of the gods4 ,but now we mark a change  
which gave the old institution new life 
and new work4 ,at the end of this fourth
 century 7#cjj ,b4,c47 it was thrown    
open to plebeians by the lex ,ogulnia2  
and1 as ,i have already mentioned1      
within a few years we come upon a       
plebeian pontifex maximus1 who was not  
even a ,roman by birth1 yet one of the  
most famous in the whole series of the  
holders of that great office4 ,most     
probably1 too1 the numbers of the       
members have already been increased from
 five to nine1 of whom five must be     

plebeian4 ,these members begin to be    
found holding also civil magistracies1  
and the pontifex maximus was often a    
consul of the year4 ,it is quite plain  
then that this priestly office is       
becoming more and more secularised2 it  
expands with the new order of things    
instead of shrinking into itself4 ,it   
leaves religion1 in the proper sense of 
the word1 far behind4 ,the sacrificing  
priests1 the flamines1 etc41 who were   
the humbler members in a technical sense
 of the same college1 go on with their  
proper and strictly religious work under
 the supervision of the pontifex        
maximus1#egb but they steadily become of
 less importance as the greater members 
become secularised in their functions   
and their ambitions4 ,and these greater 
members1 instead of becoming stranded on
 a barren shore of antique religion1    
boldly venture into a new sphere of     
human life1 and add definite secular    
work to their old religious functions4  
,the events of the latter part of the   

fourth century ,b4,c41 culminating in   
the publication of the ,fasti and the   
legis actiones1 probably meant much more
 for the ,romans than we can divine by  
the uncertain light of historical       
imagination4 ,it is the age of          
expansion1 internal and external2 the   
old patrician exclusive rule was gone   
beyond recall2 the plebeians had forced 
their way into every department of      
government1 including at last even the  
great religious collegia2 the old ,latin
 league had been broken up1 and the     
,latin cities organised in various new  
relations to ,rome1 each one being      
connected with the suzerain city by a   
separate treaty1 sealed with religious  
sanctions4 ,after the ,samnite wars and 
the struggle with ,pyrrhus1 further     
organisation was necessary1 and there   
arose by degrees a loose system of union
 which we are accustomed to call the    
,italian confederation4 ,the adaptation 
of all these new conditions to the      
existing order of things at ,rome was   

the work of the senate and magistrates  
so far as it concerned human beings     
only2 but so far as it affected the     
relations of the divine inhabitants of  
the various communities it must have    
been the work of the pontifices4 ,that  
work is indeed almost entirely hidden   
from us1 for ,livy's books of this      
period are lost1 and ,livy is the only  
historian who has preserved for us in   
any substance the religious side of     
,rome's public life4 ,but what we have  
learnt in the course of these lectures  
will have made it plain that no         
political changes could take place      
without involving religious adaptation1 
and also that the only body qualified to
 undertake such adaptation was the      
pontifical college4  ,we may thus be    
quite certain1 that though they had lost
 their old monopoly of religious        
knowledge1 the pontifices found plenty  
of fresh work to do in this period4 ,it 
is my belief that they now became more  
active than they ever had been4 ,from   

this time1 for example1 we may almost   
certainly date their literary or        
quasi-literary activity2 ,i mean the    
practice of recording the leading events
 of each year1 which may have had its   
origin a century earlier1 with the      
eclipse of the sun in or about #djd     
,b4,c4#egc ,i should guess that after   
the admission of the plebeians to the   
college in #cjj ,b4,c41 the new members 
put fresh life and vigour into the old  
work1 and developed it in various       
directions4 ,it is in this period that  
,i am inclined to attribute to the      
college that zeal for compiling and     
perhaps inventing religious formulae of 
all kinds1 which took shape in the libri
 or commentarii pontificum1 and embodied
 that strange manual of the methods of  
addressing deities1 which we know as    
,indigitamenta4 ,and again1 in the      
skilled work of the admission of new    
deities and the dedication of their     
temples1 occasioned by the new          
organisation and condition of ,italy1   

and lastly1 in the supervision of the   
proper methods of expiating prodigia1   
which 7though the habit is doubtless an 
old one7 began henceforward to be       
reported to the ,senate from all parts  
of the ager ,romanus and even beyond1   
their meetings in the ,regia must have  
been fully occupied4 ,our loss is great 
indeed in the total want of detail about
 the life and character of the great    
plebeian pontifex maximus of the first  
half of the third century ,b4,c41 that  
,titus ,coruncanius whom ,i have already
 mentioned as being a ,latin by birth2  
for ,cicero declares that the           
commentarii of the college showed him as
 a man of the greatest ability1#egd     
whose reputation remained for ages as   
one who was ready with wise counsel in  
matters both public and private4        
,coupling him with two other memorable  
holders of the office1 he says that et  
in senatu et apud populum et in causis  
amicorum et domi et militiae consilium  
suum fidemque praestabant4#ege ,this    

passage should be remembered as a       
valuable illustration of the way in     
which the college and its head were     
becoming more and more occupied with    
secular business2 it is worth noting1   
too1 that this great man was himself    
consul in the year #bhj1 and took a     
useful part in the first campaign       
against ,pyrrhus4#egf ,yet ,cicero makes
 it plain that he looked on him also as 
a great figure in religious             
matters--nay1 even as a man whom the    
gods loved4#egg  ,i will finish this    
lecture by illustrating briefly this    
renewed and extended activity of the    
pontifices1 so far as we can dimly trace
 it in this third century ,b4,c4 ,most  
of it is connected more or less directly
 with the ,state religion1 yet with a   
tendency to become more and more secular
 and perfunctory2 the word cura would   
express it better than caerimonia1 and  
caerimonia better than religio4 ,the    
care of the calendar1 for example 7a    
technical matter which lies outside my  

province in these lectures71 was        
originally of religious importance1     
because the oldest religious festivals  
marked operations of husbandry1 and     
these1 when fixed in the calendar1 must 
occur at the right seasons4#egh ,it was 
the duty of the pontifices so to adjust 
the necessary intercalations as to      
effect this object--a duty to which they
 were1 as it turned out1 quite unequal4 
,but continued city life broke the      
connection between the festivals and the
 agricultural work to which they        
originally corresponded1 and what was   
once a cura of religious import became a
 secular matter of which the value was  
not appreciated4 ,so too with another   
duty1 for which both the ,romans and    
ourselves have more reason to be        
grateful to them--the recording of the  
leading events of national history4  ,it
 is uncertain what prompted the college1
 or rather its head1 to begin making    
these records1 though there is no doubt 
about the fact4 ,but it would be natural

 enough that those who had charge of the
 calendar1 which would necessitate some 
record of years for purposes of         
intercalation1 should go on to mark the 
names of the consuls and such striking  
events as would make a year memorable4  
,in any case this was what actually     
happened4 ,the pontifex maximus1 we are 
told with precision1 kept a tabula1 or  
whited board1 on which these events were
 noted down1 with the consuls' names    
attached to them1 or possibly a kind of 
almanac1 made out for the whole year1 on
 which they could append their notes to 
particular days4#egi ,this yearly tabula
 was no doubt at first kept secret1 like
 all the pontifical documents1 but      
sooner or later1 perhaps at the same    
time as the publication of the fasti and
 legis actiones1 it was exposed to      
public view in or at the ,regia4#ehj    
,this went on for at least two          
centuries1 and the records1 which in the
 nature of things must have grown in    
length and detail as events became more 

startling and numerous1 were edited in  
eighty books by the pontifex maximus ,p4
 ,mucius ,scaevola in #abc ,b4,c4--the  
year of the first tribunate of ,c4      
,gracchus4 ,the large number of these   
books has long been a stumbling-block to
 the learned1 for we are expressly told 
that the annales maximi1 as the records 
were called1 were 7in spite of their    
name7 of a very meagre character2 and   
many conjectures have quite recently    
been made to explain it4#eha ,but       
guessing is almost useless1 seeing that 
there are no data for it4 ,the editor   
may have added matter of his own1       
amplifying and adorning after the manner
 of writers of his day2 or he may have  
worked in the contents of other         
pontifical books1 libri or commentarii  
pontificales4 ,the point for us is      
simply the continued activity of the    
pontifex maximus in this work1 which    
must have become almost entirely secular
 in character4 ,the notes may have been 
jejune1 but they were probably accurate1

 and free from the perversions of family
 vanity or such lengthy rhetorical      
ornamentation as became the universal   
fashion among private writers of        
annalistic history4 ,they were1 we may  
suppose1 exactly what our modern        
historical conscience demands4 ,but all 
that is left of them1 or almost all1 is 
the list of consuls 7fasti consulares7  
and of triumphs 7fasti triumphales7     
which in their present form must1 or at 
least may1 have been extracted from     
them4#ehb ,on the whole1 we may reckon  
them as the most valuable work of the   
college2 and they may be taken as       
marking a growing sense of the          
importance of ,rome and her history1 the
 commemoration of which is thus         
committed to an official who1 as an     
individual1 had invariably served the   
,state well1 and in whom all classes had
 perfect confidence4#ehc  ,one important
 part of the work of the college in this
 century must have been the adjustment  
of the civic religion of the ,italian   

communities to that of ,rome4 ,what     
deities were to be made citizens of     
,rome8 ,which were to be left in their  
old homes undisturbed8 ,no doubt many   
other questions must have called for    
attention in religious matters after the
 conquest of ,italy1 but this is the one
 of which we know most4 ,the temple     
foundations of this period have all been
 carefully put together 7chiefly from   
,livy's invaluable records7 by          
,aust1#ehd and show that there was a    
certain tendency to bring in deities    
from outside1 not so much because they  
represented some special need of the    
,romans1 corn or art or industry1 as two
 centuries earlier1 but simply because  
they were deities of the conquered whom 
it might be prudent to adopt4 ,the great
 ,juno ,regina of ,veii was long ago    
induced by evocatio to migrate to ,rome2
 ,fors ,fortuna from ,etruria1 ,juturna 
from ,lavinium1 ,minerva ,capta from    
,falerii1 ,feronia1 a famous ,latin     
goddess from ,capena1 ,vortumnus from   

,volsinii1#ehe all attest the same      
liberal tone in religious matters which 
on the whole marks the secular ,italian 
policy of the ,senate in this period4   
,if we had but more information about   
the former1 we should be able to        
understand the latter far better4 ,we   
should like to know why in some cases   
the chief deity of a community came to  
,rome1 while in others there is not     
trace of migration4 ,the famous ,vacuna 
of ,reate1 for example1 never left her  
home in the ,apennines1 possibly because
 she was a kind of ,vesta1 who could not
 be spared from ,reate1 and was not     
wanted at ,rome4#ehf  ,the list of      
foundations also points to other        
tendencies and experiences of the time4 
,we might guess that there was some     
attempt1 with the aid of pontifical     
skill1 to encourage agriculture or give 
it a fresh start after the invasion of  
,pyrrhus2 for between #bgb and #bfd1 the
 years of the pacification of ,italy1 we
 find temples built to four agricultural

 deities1 three indigenous ,roman ones1 
,consus1 ,tellus1 ,pales1 and one       
,etruscan garden god1 ,vertumnus4#ehg   
,then we have a group of foundations in 
honour of deities connected with        
water--,juturna1 ,fons1 ,tempestates1   
which seem to have some reference to the
 naval activity of the first ,punic war2
 they all fall between #bei and #bda    
,b4,c4#ehh ,lastly1 we notice a fresh   
accession of deified                    
abstractions1--,salus 7an old deity in a
 new form71 ,spes1 ,honos et ,virtus1   
,concordia1 and ,mens4#ehi ,i am glad to
 find that the latest investigator of   
these religious abstractions is at one  
with me in believing that they simply   
mark a developed stage in the religious 
bent of the earliest ,roman4 ,if the old
 ,romans had the habit of spiritualising
 a great variety of material objects1 in
 other words1 if they were in an        
advanced animistic stage1 there seems to
 be no reason why they should not have  
begun to spiritualise mental concepts   

also 7for which they had words1 as for  
the material objects71 even at a very   
early period4 ,the whole psychological  
aspect of such abstractions is most     
interesting1 but ,i must pass it over   
here1 merely suggesting that each of    
these abstractions was doubtless deified
 for some particular reason1 under the  
direction1 or with the sanction1 of the 
pontifices4#eij  ,but we have not as yet
 reached what is1 after all1 for our    
purposes the most instructive part of   
the work of the pontifices--,i mean the 
archives or memoranda 7libri or         
commentarii7 which they kept1 and from  
which1 indirectly1 much of what ,i have 
had to say about the ius divinum has    
been drawn4 ,it is here that we see the 
policy of maintaining the pax deorum    
carried to its highest point4 ,these    
books contained a vast collection of    
formulae for every kind of process in   
which the deities were in any way       
concerned2 here was the complete        
pharmacopoeia of the ius divinum4#eia   

,we must remember that the pontifex     
maximus and his assessors had to be     
ready at any moment with the correct    
formula for all religious acts1 whether 
extraordinary1 like the devotio of      
,decius or the expiation of some        
startling prodigium1 or belonging to the
 ordinary course of city life1 such as  
prayers in sacrificial ritual1 vota both
 public and private1 charters 7leges7 of
 newly founded temples1 and so on4 ,the 
idea that the spoken formula            
7ultimately1 as we saw1 derived from an 
age of magic7 was efficient only if no  
slip were made1 seems to have gained in 
strength instead of diminishing1 as we  
might have expected it to do with       
advancing civilisation2 and the         
pontifices not only responded to its    
importunity1 but actually stimulated it4
 ,vires acquirit eundo are words which  
apply well in all ages to the passion   
for organisation and precision4 ,though 
we cannot prove it1 ,i myself have      
little doubt that the members of the    

college1 or some of them1 collected and 
invented formulae simply for the        
pleasure of doing it1 and that the work 
became as congenial to them as the      
systematisation of the law to ,jewish   
scribes after the captivity1 or as      
casuistry to the confessors of the      
middle ages4 ,when the art of writing   
became familiar to experts1 the natural 
and primitive desire of the ,roman to   
have exactness in the spoken word       
affected him also in his relations with 
the word as written4 ,the scribe and the
 ,pharisee found their opportunity4 ,the
 whole public religion of the ,state1   
and to some extent also the private     
religion of the family1 became a mass of
 forms and formulae1 and never succeeded
 in freeing itself from these fetters4  
,we can best illustrate this superfluity
 of priestly zeal in that strange list  
of forms of invocation called           
,indigitamenta1 which ,i have already   
explained with the help of ,wissowa4#eib
 ,working upon the old ,roman animism1  

and the popular fondness for formulae1  
the pontifices drew up those lists in   
the fourth and third centuries ,b4,c41  
which have so seriously misled scholars 
as to the genuine primitive religious   
ideas of the ,romans4 ,they are in the  
main priestly inventions1 the work of   
ingenious formulators4 ,we may even be  
tempted to look on them as an attempt to
 rivet the yoke of priestly formalism on
 the life of the individual as well as  
on the life of the ,state as a whole4   
,but if ever this was the intention1 it 
was too late4 ,a people that was        
beginning to get into touch with the    
civilisation of ,hellas could not       
possibly bear such a yoke4 ,in the last 
lecture we have already seen a tendency 
towards emotional religion independent  
of the old ,state worship2 the          
philosophy of individualism was to      
complete the work of emancipation in the
 last two centuries ,b4,c4 ,the old     
,state religion remained1 but in stunted
 form and with paralysed vitality2 ,rome

 was the scene of an arrested religious 
development4 ,the feeling1 the religious
 instinct 7religio7 was indeed there1   
though latent2 the ,romans were human   
beings1 like the rest of us4 ,but as we 
go on with the story we shall find that1
 when trouble or disaster brought it out
 of its hiding-place1 it was no longer  
possible to soothe it on ,roman         
principles or by ,roman methods4 ,these 
methods--in other words1 the ius divinum
 as formulated by the authorities--had  
been meant to soothe it1 and had indeed 
so effectually lulled it to sleep1 that 
when at last it awoke again they had    
lost the power of dealing with it4 ,when
 the craving did come upon the ,roman1  
which in time of peril or doubt has come
 upon individuals and communities in all
 ages1 for support and comfort from the 
,unseen1 it had to be satisfied by      
giving him new gods to worship in new   
ways1 gods from ,greece and the ,east1  
some of them concealed under ,latin     
names1 but still aliens1 not citizens of

 his own ,state1 aliens with whom he had
 little or nothing in common1 who had no
 home in his patriotic feeling1 no place
 in his religious experience4#eic ,as ,i
 said at the beginning of the last      
lecture1 we must not underrate the      
religiousness of the ,roman character1  
which was never entirely lost2 but the  
secret of its comparative uselessness   
lies in this--that the natural desire to
 be right with the ,power manifesting   
itself in the universe1 and to know more
 of that ,power1 became weakened and    
destroyed by an over-scrupulous         
attention to the means taken to realise 
it1 and by the introduction of foreign  
methods which had no root in the mental 
fibre of the people1 and reflected no   
part of its experience4 ,religion was   
effectually divorced from life and      
morality4       ,,notes ,,to ,,lecture  
,,xii      #eef ,see ,mulder1 ,de       
notione conscientiae1 quae et     qualis
 fuerit ,romanis1 ,leyden1 #aijh1 cap4  
#b4 ,on p4 #ef     he quotes ,luthard   

7,die antike ,ethik1 p4 #aca71 who says 
of the ,roman religion that it was even 
more an affair of     the ,state than   
with any other people2 hence its        
peculiar     legal character4 ,though   
,mulder overworks his point1 his        
chapter 7especially p4 #fa foll47 is    
full of interest4      #eeg ,wissowa1   
,r4,k4 p4 #dca4 ,the first chapter of   
,ambrosch's ,studien und ,andeutungen1  
in which the     nature and history of  
the ,regia was first really             
investigated1 is still valuable4 ,an    
excellent short     account is given by 
,mr4 ,marindin in his article in the    
,dict4 of ,antiquities1 ed4 #b4 ,it is  
now generally     maintained that the   
,regia in historical times was rather   
a building for sacred purposes than a   
residence for a     man and his family1 
and this ,i hold to be correct2 but     
it may for all that have originally been
 the residence     of the ,rex and of   
the ,pont4 ,max4 when the ,rex had      
disappeared4      #eeh ,see ,schanz1    

,gesch4 der roem4 ,literatur1 i4 #dc1   
where a succinct account is given of    
modern opinion as     to the so-called  
ius ,papirianum4 ,the main argument for 
the late date of the collection is that 
,cicero does not     seem to have known 
of it when he wrote the letter ad       
,fam4 ix4 #ba in #df ,b4,c4 ,this of    
course in no way affects     the        
primitive character of the rules        
themselves4      #eei ,the inference    
that the rules were found in the        
,libri pontificum is inevitable in any  
case1 but seems     proved by the fact  
that one of them1 that relating to      
the spolia opima1 is stated by ,festus1 
p4 #ahi 7s4v4     opima71 to have been  
extracted from those books4      #efj   
,festus1 s4v4 pellices and s4v4 plorare1
     which latter word is interpreted as
  inclamare4      #efa ,the divi        
parentum are here generally taken as    
those of the particular family1 and this
 may have been     so2 but cf4 ,wissowa1
 ,r4,k4 #aib4      #efb ,for the        

attempts of ,pais in ,italy and ,lambert
 in     ,france to date the ,tables at  
the end of the fourth     century or    
later1 see ,schanz1 op4 cit4 i4 #da4 ,in
     ,germany opinion is universally in 
favour of the     traditional date4     
#efc ,see ,social ,life at ,rome in the 
,age of ,cicero1 p4     #ace4      #efd 
,on the religious character of          
confarreatio see     ,de ,marchi1 ,la   
,religione nella vita privata1 i4 p4    
#ade     foll4      #efe ,cic4 de ,domo1
 #ab4 #ad2 ,gellius1 v4 #ai4      #eff  
,see1 e4g4 ,launspach1 ,state and       
,family in ,early     ,rome1 p4 #bef    
foll4 ,the last three chapters of this  
little book1 on ,patria potestas1       
,marriage1 and     ,succession1 will be 
found useful by those who cannot        
enter into the many disputes and        
difficulties which have     arisen out  
of the attempts of writers on ,roman law
 to     adjust legal ideas to the dim   
early history of ,rome4     ,binder1 in 
his work ,die ,plebs1 starts from the   

improbable hypothesis that the plebs was
 the population     of the ,latin part  
of the city as distinct from that       
,sabine part on the ,quirinal1 which he 
believes to have     been the only      
patrician body2 and he further believes 
that the plebs lived originally under   
,mutterrecht1 the     patres under      
,vaterrecht4 ,such a condition of       
society     would1 of course1 have      
greatly added to the pontifical     work
 of religious adjustment2 it would have 
been more     than even the pontifices  
could have successfully     achieved4   
#efg ,see above1 note #g4 ,binder1 ,die 
,plebs1 p4 #dhh     foll41 discusses1   
and in the main rejects1 the arguments  
of ,pais and ,lambert4      #efh ,so    
,huvelin1 in a paper in ,l',annee       
sociologique1     #aije-f1 p4 #a foll41 
criticised by ,hubert et ,mauss1        
,melanges d'histoire des religions1 p4  
xxiii4 foll4      #efi ,from the        
religious point of view the legis       
actiones are best explained in          

,marquardt1 #cah foll4 ,cp4             
,muirhead1 ,roman ,law1 ed4 #ahii1 pp4  
#bdf-g2 ,greenidge1     ,roman ,public  
,life1 index s4v4 legis actio1 and      
especially p4 #hg4      #egj ,the famous
 passage of ,pomponius is in the        
,digest1 i4 #b4 #b1 sec4 #f 7for the    
work of ,aelius1 see     ,dig4 i4 #b4   
#b1 #ch7 ex his legibus 444 actiones    
compositae sunt1 quibus inter se homines
 disceptarent3     quas actiones ne     
populus prout vellet institueret1       
certas sollemnesque esse voluerunt4444  
,omnium tamen     harum et interpretandi
 scientia et actiones apud     collegium
 pontificum erant1 ex quibus            
constituebatur1     quis quoquo anno    
praeesset privatis4      #ega ,livy ix4 
#df civile ius1 repositum in            
penetralibus     pontificum1 evulgavit  
7,cn4 ,flavius71 fastosque circa        
forum in albo proponit1 ut quando lege  
agi posset     sciretur4 ,cp4 ,val4     
,max4 ii4 #e4 #b4 ,civile ius is here   
usually taken as meaning the procedure2 

but this is a     passage which may give
 some countenance to those who     would
 put the publication of the ,,xii4      
,tables later than     the traditional  
date4      #egb ,for the relation of the
 ,flamines1 ,vestals1 and ,rex          
sacrorum to the pontifex maximus1 see   
,wissowa1 ,r4,k4     #dcb foll4         
#egc ,see above1 p4 #bhc4 ,for the      
eclipse1 ,cic4 ,rep4 i4     #af4 #be2   
and for the various scientific          
determinations of     its exact date1   
,schanz1 ,gesch4 der roem4 ,lit4 vol4 i4
     7ed4 #b7 p4 #cg4 ,ex hoc die1      
writes ,cicero1 quem apud     ,ennium et
 in maximis annalibus consignatum       
videmus1     superiores solis           
defectiones reputatae sunt4      #egd   
,cic4 ,brutus1 #ee longe plurimum       
ingenio     valuisse4      #ege ,de     
,orat4 iii4 #cc4 #acd4      #egf ,see   
,dict4 of ,classical ,biography1 s4v4   
,coruncanius4      #egg ,nat4 deor4 ii4 
#afe4 ,coruncanius is mentioned as      
one of those whom the gods love1 if     

indeed they take an     interest in     
human affairs4      #egh ,see above1 p4 
#ajj foll42 and ,roman ,festivals1 p4   
#c4      #egi ,our knowledge of this    
tabula chiefly depends on     a passage 
in the ,danielian scholiast on ,virg4   
,aen4 i4     #cgc3 ita enim annales     
conficiebantur4 ,tabulam dealbatam      
quotannis pontifex maximus habuit1 in   
qua praescriptis     consulum nominibus 
et aliorum magistratum1 digna           
memoratu notare consueverat domi        
militiaeque terra     marique gesta per 
singulos dies4 ,cuius diligentiae       
annuos commentarios in octoginta libros 
veteres     retulerunt1 eosque a        
pontificibus maximis1 a quibus          
fiebant1 annales maximos appellarunt4   
,the explanation     of the name is no  
doubt wrong2 but all the rest of this   
passage can be relied on2 cp4 ,cic4 de  
,orat4 ii4 #ab4     #eb2 ,dion4 ,hal4 i4
 #gc1 #gd2 ,gell4 ii4 #bh4 #f2 ,cic4    
,legg4     i4 #b4 #f4 ,for the idea of  
the almanac1 see ,cichorius in          

,pauly-,wissowa1 ,real-,encycl41 s4v4   
annales maximi4      #ehj ,proponebat   
tabulam domi1 ,cic4 de ,orat4 ii4 #ab4  
#eb4 ,this must refer to the official   
residence of the     ,pont4 ,max42 see  
above1 p4 #bga4      #eha ,these        
attempted solutions of an insoluble     
problem     may be found in brief in    
,schanz1 ,gesch4 der roem4 ,lit4     i4 
#cg4 ,perhaps the boldest is that of    
,cantorelli1 that     the annales were  
constructed not out of the tabula but   
out of the commentarii2 but this is in  
conflict with the     passage in the    
scholiast on ,virgil4 ,to me the        
difficulty     does not seem            
overwhelming2 events occurring domi     
militiaeque1 terra marique1 may have    
filled     considerable space1 and yet  
have been meagre in the eyes     of the 
rhetoricians of the last century ,b4,c4 
#ehb ,schanz1 op4 cit4 p4 #ce4      #ehc
 ,the great authority of the ,pont4     
,max4 is well     shown in the story of 
,tremellius the praetor1 who in the     

middle of the second century ,b4,c4 was 
fined 7by a     tribune87 quod cum ,m4  
,aemilio pontifice maximo     iniuriose 
contenderat1 sacrorumque quam           
magistratuum ius     potentius fuit4    
,livy1 ,epit4 #dg4      #ehd ,de aedibus
 sacris populi ,romani1 p4 #aj foll4    
#ehe ,aust1 op4 cit4 p4 #ad foll4 ,see  
also ,r4,f4 p4     #cdj foll4      #ehf 
,for ,vacuna1 ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 pp4 #dd  
and #abh4 ,she     was later1 but       
probably without good reason1 identified
     with ,victoria4 ,the conjecture    
that she was a hearth     deity rests on
 the lines of ,ovid1 ,fasti1 vi4 #cje1  
which ,i have before referred to in     
another context3        ante focos olim 
scamnis considere longis         mos    
erat et mensae credere adesse deos4     
nunc quoque cum fiunt antiquae sacra    
,vacunae1         ante ,vacunales       
stantque sedentque focos4      #ehg     
,aust1 p4 #ad4 ,for ,vertumnus the locus
 classicus     is ,propert4 v4 #b4 ,it  
is not certain that the connection      

with gardens was primitive4      #ehh   
,r4,f4 p4 #cda4      #ehi ,r4,f4 p4     
#cda4      #eij ,see ,axtell1 ,the      
,deification of ,abstract ,ideas in     
,roman ,literature and ,inscriptions    
7,chicago1 #aijg71 p4     #ei foll41    
where the views of ,mommsen1 ,boissier1 
,marquardt1 and ,wissowa are discussed4 
,axtell's own     conclusion is given on
 p4 #fb foll4 ,in the main it seems     
to agree with that hazarded in my ,roman
 ,festivals1 p4     #aij4      #eia ,for
 the evidence as to the contents of the 
commentarii1 which are now generally    
identified with     the libri1 see      
,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 #cb and #dda2 ,schanz1 
op4 cit4 i4 #cb2 and the article        
,commentarii in     ,pauly-,wissowa1    
,real-,encycl4 ,as ,wissowa remarks 7p4 
#dda1 note #f71 we are greatly in need  
of a complete     collection of all     
fragments of these archives4      #eib  
,see above1 p4 #aei foll4 ,the          
conviction that these     lists are of  
comparatively late and priestly origin1 

which has long been growing on me1 was  
originally     suggested by the learned 
article ,indigitamenta by ,r4     ,peter
 in ,roscher's ,lexicon1 vol4 ii4 p4    
#age foll4      #eic ,i have here       
adopted some sentences from my article  
in the ,hibbert ,journal for #aijg1 p4  
#hed4     ,,lecture ,,xiii  ,,the       
,,augurs ,,and ,,the ,,art ,,of         
,,divination   ,the one great corruption
 to which all religion is exposed is its
 separation from morality4 ,the very    
strength of the religious motive has a  
tendency to exclude1 or disparage1 all  
other tendencies of the human mind1 even
 the noblest and best4 ,it is against   
this corruption that the prophetic order
 from first to last constantly          
protested4444 ,mercy and justice1       
judgment and truth1 repentance and      
goodness--not sacrifice1 not fasting1   
not ablutions1--is the burden of the    
whole prophetic teaching of the ,old    
,testament4#eid  ,the over-formalising1 
or ritualising1 of any religion is sure 

to bring about that result against which
 the ,jewish prophets protested4 ,we saw
 at the end of the last lecture how the 
pontifices contributed to such a result4
 ,we are now to study the contribution  
of the other great college1 the augurs4 
,for instead of developing1 as did the  
wise man or seer of ,israel1 into the   
mouthpiece of ,god in ,his demand for   
the righteousness of man1 the ,roman    
diviner merely assisted the pontifex in 
his work of robbing religion of the idea
 of righteousness4 ,divination seems to 
be a universal instinct of human nature1
 a perfectly natural instinct1 arising  
out of man's daily needs1 hopes1 fears2 
but though it may have had the chance1  
even at ,rome1 it never has been able1  
except among the ,jews1 to emerge from  
its cramping chrysalis of magic and     
become a really valuable stimulant of   
morality4  ,by divination ,i mean the   
various ways and methods by which1 in   
all stages of his development1 man has  
persuaded himself that what he is going 

to do or suffer will turn out well or   
ill for him4 ,it is probably judicious1 
with ,dr4 ,tylor and with the majority  
of recent anthropologists1 to consider  
it as belonging to the region of        
magic2#eie and it is obvious that it    
affords excellent examples of that      
inadequacy which characterises magical  
attempts to overcome the difficulties   
man meets with in his struggle for      
existence4#eif ,it belongs1 like other  
forms of magic1 to a stage in which     
man's idea of his relation to the ,power
 manifesting itself in the universe is  
both rude and rudimentary4 ,but it      
shares with magic the power or property 
of surviving1 in form at least1 through 
the animistic stage into that of        
religion1 and it is largely practised at
 the present day even among highly      
civilised peoples4  ,but ,i must        
observe1 before ,i go on1 that          
divination as an object of              
anthropological inquiry still stands in 
need of a thorough scientific           

examination4 ,at present it seems to    
puzzle anthropologists2#eig and the     
reason probably is that the material for
 studying it inductively has not as yet 
been collected and sifted4 ,strange to  
say1 it does not appear in the index to 
,dr4 ,westermarck's great work1 which ,i
 have so often quoted3 it is hardly to  
be found even in the ,golden ,bough3 nor
 can ,i find a thoroughgoing treatment  
of it in any other books about the early
 history of mankind4 ,and any sort of   
guesswork under these circumstances only
 increases our difficulties4 ,some years
 ago the great ,german philosophical    
lawyer1 von ,jhering1 in an interesting 
work called the ,evolution of the       
,aryan1 made some most ingenious        
attempts to explain the origin of ,roman
 divination4 ,he fancied that the       
practice of examining the entrails of a 
victim1 for example1 began in the course
 of ,aryan migration1 because when you  
encamped in a new region you would catch
 and kill some of the native cattle in  

order to see whether they were wholesome
 enough to tempt you to stay4#eih       
,again1 the study of the flight of birds
 was prompted by the desire to get      
information about the mountain passes   
and the course of great rivers2 and this
 study grew into an elaborate art as the
 leader of the host1 the prototype of   
the ,roman augur1 gained experience by  
constant observation from elevated      
ground4#eii ,such a theory as this last 
might be worth something if it were     
based upon known facts2 as it is1 it is 
only most ingenious guesswork4 ,this    
great legal writer did not know1 as we  
do now1 that divination by both these   
methods is found all over the world1 and
 cannot be explained by any supposed    
needs of migrating ,aryans4  ,whatever  
be the origin of the several forms of   
divination1 the object of the practice  
in ancient ,italy and ,greece is beyond 
doubt--to find out whether the ,power   
with whom you wish to be in right       
relation is favourable to certain human 

operations1 or willing to aid in        
removing certain forms of human         
suffering4 ,according to our definition1
 it was a part of religion1 whether or  
no it belonged originally to magic4 ,it 
was a practical expression of that doubt
 or anxiety to which ,i believe the     
,romans attached the word religio4 ,in  
the agricultural period it must have    
been specially useful and even          
inevitable1#fjj because the tiller of   
the soil is always in need of knowledge 
as to the best times and seasons for his
 operations1 and his out-of-door life   
gives him constant opportunity of       
observing natural phenomena1 diosemeia1 
signs from heaven1 and the utterances   
and movements of birds and other        
animals4 ,it is interesting to reflect  
that these last may often be of real    
service in foretelling the weather1     
which is so important to the farmer4 ,as
 ,i write this on a ,december day ,i    
recall the fact that ,i have myself     
within the last week successfully       

foretold a spell of cold after observing
 a great arrival of winter thrushes from
 the north4 ,this particular branch of  
augury is1 in fact1 neither so          
inadequate nor so absurd as most others4
 ,von ,jhering may turn out to be right 
in his notion that at least some forms  
of divination have their origin in      
practical needs and in the skill of     
uncivilised man in discerning the signs 
of the weather--a skill which it is well
 to remember far exceeds that of the    
house-dweller of modern civilisation4   
,but with the growth of the ,city-state 
and the habits of life in a town1 these 
early instincts and methods of the      
agriculturist came to be caught up into 
a system of religious practice1 adapted 
to the conditions of civil and political
 existence2 thus they gradually lost    
their original meaning and such real    
value as they ever possessed4 ,i have   
pointed out that the ,roman festivals   
and the ritual of the oldest calendar   
gradually got out of relation with the  

agricultural life in which they for the 
most part originated3#fja so it was with
 divination1 which in the hands of the  
,state authorities became formalised    
into a set of rules for ascertaining the
 good-will of the gods1 and obtaining   
their sanction for the operations of the
 community1 which had no scientific     
basis whatever1 no relation to truth and
 fact4 ,of all the methods for putting  
yourself in right relation with the     
,power1 this was the least valuable1 and
 indeed the most harmful2 it came in    
course of time to be a positive obstacle
 to efficiency and freedom of action1 it
 wasted valuable time1 and it often     
served as the means of promoting private
 ends to the detriment of the public    
interest4  ,before ,i go on to consider 
the development of the highly formalised
 system of public divination1 let me    
clear the ground by a few remarks about 
such forms of the practice as were not  
sanctioned by the ,state4 ,that these   
existed throughout ,roman history there 

is no doubt1 as they existed in ,greece1
 among the ,jews1 and elsewhere in the  
,east1 alongside of the advanced and    
organised methods of official and       
authorised experts4  ,our information   
about private divination is scattered   
about in ,roman literature1 and even    
when brought together there is not a    
great deal of it4 ,what is prominent    
both in ,roman literature and ,roman    
history is the divination authorised by 
the ,state and systematised by its      
authorities2 even in ,cicero's treatise 
de ,divinatione1 though the             
subject-matter is of a general kind1    
drawn from ,greece as well as ,rome1 it 
is1 ,i think1 apart from philosophical  
questions1 chiefly the art of augurs and
 haruspices that interests the writer1  
who was himself an augur when he wrote  
it4 ,in ,greek literature exactly the   
opposite is the case2 there we hear     
little of ,state-authorised divination1 
and a great deal of wandering           
soothsayers1 soothsaying families1 and  

oracles which 7except at ,delphi7 were  
not under the direct control of a       
,city-state4#fjb ,the methods of        
divination are much the same in both    
peninsulas1 and indeed vary little all  
the world over2 the difference lies     
simply in this1--that at ,rome the      
adoption and systematisation by the     
,state of certain methods1 especially   
those which dealt with birds and        
lightning1 had the effect of            
discrediting1 if not excluding1 an      
immense amount of private practice of   
this kind4 ,i mean that if the ,state   
strongly sanctions some forms of        
divination1 working them by its own     
officials1 it casts a shadow of         
discredit over the rest4 ,as the ius    
divinum tended to exclude magic and the 
barbarous in ritual1 so did the ius     
augurale1 which was a part of it1       
exclude the quack in divination4 ,and in
 this particular department of human    
delusion the result may be said to have 
been happy2 for though divination       

belongs to religion as having survived  
from an earlier stage into a religious  
one1 yet it is the least valuable1 the  
least fruitful1 part of it4#fjc ,true1  
the augural systematisation1 as we shall
 see1 had a sinister effect on political
 progress2 but even there the very      
emptiness and absurdity of the whole    
business helped to bring contempt on it1
 and1 as ,cicero tells us in a          
well-known passage1 even old ,cato      
declared that he could not imagine why a
 haruspex did not laugh when he met a   
brother of the craft4#fjd ,in ,greece1  
on the contrary1 it might1 ,i believe1  
be shown that the absence of            
systematisation by the ,state only      
served to prolong the credit and        
influence of the professional quack4    
,greece was at all periods full of these
 quacks2 did the sham prophet exist at  
,rome in the period we have now under   
review8 ,later on the ,oriental         
soothsayer found his way there2 of these
 ,chaldaei and mathematici ,i shall have

 a word to say in another lecture1 and  
we shall see how the ,state authorities 
made occasional attempts to exclude     
them4 ,of the frantic type of diviner1  
the ,greek3 entheos1 so common in       
,greece1 we hear nothing in the sober   
,roman annals2 the idea of a human being
 possessed by a spirit of divination    
seems foreign to the ,roman             
character4#fje ,the only soothsayer1 so 
far as ,i know1 who appears in ,roman   
legend in a private capacity is that    
,attus ,navius who gave ,tarquinius     
,priscus the benefit of his knowledge2  
and he is represented as a respectable  
,sabine1 and his art as an augural one  
learnt from the ,etruscans4#fjf ,there  
are1 indeed1 ancient traces of a        
prophetic art at ,rome1 but1 as the     
historian of divination has well        
observed1 they are all connected not    
with human beings1 but with divinities1 
a fact which explains the ,latin word   
divinatio4#fjg ,to take what is perhaps 
the best example1 the ancient deity     

,carmenta1 who had a flamen and a double
 festival in the month of ,january1 may 
very probably represent some dim        
tradition of a numen at whose shrine    
women might gain some knowledge as to   
their fortunes in childbirth1 just as   
outside ,rome1 at ,praeneste and        
,antium1 ,fortuna seems to have had this
 gift in historical times4#fjh ,so ,st4 
,augustine interpreted ,carmenta1#fji   
probably following ,varro2 and to       
,virgil she was the vates fatidica1     
cecinit quae prima futuros ,aeneadas    
magnos et nobile ,pallanteum4  ,but     
,carmenta1 ,picus1 ,faunus1 are dim     
mythical figures which for us can have  
no bearing on ,roman religious          
experience2 it would be more to the     
point to ask what was the original      
meaning and history of the word vates1  
if the question were answerable in the  
absence of an early ,roman literature4  
,all we can say about this is that this 
word had1 as a rule1 a certain dignity  
about it1 which enabled it eventually to

 stand for a poet1 and that it rarely   
has a sinister sense1 unless accompanied
 by some adjective specially used in    
order to give it4#faj ,the real word for
 a quack is hariolus1 and the fact that 
it is comparatively rare suggests that  
the character it expresses was not a    
common one4 ,it occurs here and there in
 fragments of old plays1 where1         
unluckily1 we cannot be quite sure      
whether it represents a ,greek or a     
,latin idea4 ,the following lines from  
the ,telamo of ,ennius shows us the     
hariolus1 as well as the word vates with
 a discreditable adjective attached3    
sed superstitiosi vates impudentesque   
harioli   aut inertes1 aut insani1 aut  
quibus egestas imperat1   qui sibi      
semitam non sapiunt1 alteri monstrant   
viam1   quibu' divitias pollicentur1 ab 
iis drachmam ipsi petunt4#faa  ,a more  
satisfactory bit of evidence as to the  
existence of the quack in the second    
century ,b4,c41 when ,greece and the    
,east were beginning to pour their      

unauthorised religionists into ,italy1  
is the interesting passage in old       
,cato's book on agriculture1 in which he
 urges that the bailiff of an estate    
should not be permitted to consult      
either a haruspex1 augur1 hariolus1 or  
,chaldaeus4#fab ,but on the whole1 such 
little evidence as we possess seems to  
confirm the view ,i hazarded just now1  
that the overwhelming prestige of ,state
 authority at ,rome discouraged and     
discredited the quack diviner both in   
public and private life4 ,his work in   
private life was largely that of        
fortune-telling1 of foretelling the     
future in one sense or another2 and this
 was exactly what the ,state authorities
 never did and never countenanced1 at   
any rate until the stress of the        
,hannibalic war1 and then only in a very
 limited sense4 ,their object was a     
strictly religious one1 to get the      
sanction of the divine members of the   
community for the undertakings of the   
human ones4 ,even the so-called         

,sibylline oracles1 as we saw1 were not 
prophecies2 and the augural art never   
provided an answer to the question1     
,what is going to happen8 but only to   
that much more religious one1 ,are the  
deities willing that we should do this  
or that8#fac  ,but before ,i leave the  
subject of private divination1 ,i must  
note that there was a department of it  
which may be called legitimate1 as      
distinguished from that of the quack4 ,i
 mean the auspicia of the family        
religion1 and also the comparatively    
harmless folklore about omens of all    
sorts and kinds4  ,naturally we have    
little information about legitimate     
auspicia in the life of the family2 but 
we have seen that the religious instinct
 of the ,roman forbade him to face any  
important undertaking or crisis without 
making sure of the sanction of the      
numina concerned1 and among the methods 
of insurance 7if ,i may use a convenient
 word7 the auspicia must have had a     
place from the earliest times4 ,no      

important thing was done1 says ,cicero  
in the de ,divinatione1 nisi auspicato1 
ne privatim quidem4#fad ,valerius       
,maximus says the same in so many words1
 and some other evidence has been       
collected by ,de ,marchi in his work on 
the private religion of the ,romans4#fae
 ,but only in the case of marriage do we
 hear of auspicia in historical times1  
and even there they seem to have        
degenerated into a mere form4 ,auspices 
nuptiarum1 re omissa1 nomen tantum      
tenent--so ,cicero wrote of his own     
time2#faf he seems to be thinking of    
augury by means of birds1 for he adds1  
nam ut nunc extis sic tunc avibus magnae
 res impetrari solebant4 ,as we have    
already seen1 the object of the         
examination of a victim's entrails was  
simply to ascertain its fitness to be   
offered2 but by ,cicero's time the      
,etruscan art of divination by this     
method must have penetrated into private
 life4 ,i think we may conjecture that  
in the life of the family on the land   

the auspicia1 as the word itself        
implies1 were worked chiefly by         
observation of birds4 ,nigidius         
,figulus1 the learned mystic of         
,cicero's time1 wrote a book1 de        
,augurio ,privato1 of which one fragment
 survives which has to do with this kind
 of divination1 and with the distinction
 between omens from birds seen on the   
right or left1 and from high or low     
flyers4#fag ,in the familiar ode of     
,horace beginning1 ,impios parrae       
recinentis omen1#fah the corvus and     
cornix are mentioned besides the parra1 
and in that wholesome old out-of-door   
life of the farm1 as ,i said just now1  
there was a certain basis of truth and  
fact in the observation of such         
presages4 ,but ,horace mentions other   
animals1 wolf1 fox1 and snake1 and some 
at least of the folklore about omens    
which is to be found in ,pliny's        
descriptions of animals may help us to  
appreciate the nature of the old ,roman 
ideas on this subject4 ,the tiller of   

the land and the shepherd on the uplands
 used their eyes and ears1 not wholly   
without advantage to themselves2 but in 
the life of the city such observation   
became gradually formal and meaningless1
 and degenerated into the superstition  
reflected in ,horace's ode4 ,i must     
parenthetically confess to a personal   
feeling of regret that this people1 who 
in their early days had good            
opportunities1 made little or no        
contribution to the knowledge of animals
 and their habits4#fai ,but ,i must pass
 on to the more important subject of    
divination as developed and formalised  
by the authorities of the ,state4  ,in  
explaining the ritual of the ius divinum
 ,i laid stress on the fact that its    
main object was to maintain the pax     
deorum1 the right relation between the  
divine and human citizens4#fbj ,to make 
this pax secure1 it was necessary that  
in every public act the good-will of the
 gods should be ascertained by obtaining
 favourable auspices--it must be done   

auspicato4 ,to take the first           
illustration that occurs1 ,livy         
describes a dictator about to fight a   
battle as leaving his camp auspicato1   
after sacrificing to obtain the pax     
deorum4#fba ,it is for this reason that 
the auspicia have a leading place in the
 foundation legends of the city4 ,we are
 all familiar with the story of the     
auspicia of ,romulus and ,remus1 which  
goes back at least as far as            
,ennius2#fbb and we find them also in   
the foundation of coloniae in historical
 times4#fbc ,i do not know that ,i can  
better express the place which the      
auspicia occupied in the mind of the    
,roman than by quoting the words which  
,livy puts into the mouth of ,appius    
,claudius in #cfg ,b4,c41 when supposed 
to be inveighing against the opening of 
the consulship to plebeians3 ,auspiciis 
hanc urbem conditam esse1 auspiciis     
bello ac pace1 domi militiaeque1 omnia  
geri1 quis est qui ignoret8 ,he goes on 
to argue that these auspicia belong to  

patricians only1 that no plebeian       
magistrate is created auspicato1 that   
the man who wants to allow plebeians to 
become curule magistrates1 tollit ex    
civitate auspicia4 ,nunc nos1 tanquam   
iam nihil pace deorum opus sit1 omnes   
caerimonias polluimus4#fbd ,this is1 of 
course1 only ,livy's rhetoric1 but it   
represents the fundamental ,roman idea  
of the public auspicia4  ,the passage is
 also useful because it alludes to the  
fact that the right of taking the       
auspicia belonged ultimately to the     
whole patrician body of fully qualified 
citizens4#fbe ,but so far as we can     
discern in the dim light of the earliest
 period1 this body entrusted the right  
and duty to its chief magistrate1 the   
,rex1 exactly as it entrusted him with  
the imperium1 the supreme power of      
command in civil matters4 ,thus the     
auspicia and the imperium were          
indissolubly connected2 as ,dr4         
,greenidge says1#fbf they are the divine
 and human side of the same power1 and  

may be found together in a thousand     
passages in ,roman literature and       
inscriptions4 ,but at the side of the   
,rex we find1 according to tradition1   
two helpers or advisers called augures1 
the three together perhaps forming a    
collegium4#fbg ,now there was certainly 
an important difference between the ,rex
 and the augurs2 the latter were aiders 
and interpreters1 but the ,rex only was 
said habere auspicia1 just as the whole 
patrician body had this right1 though   
they delegated it to the ,rex during his
 lifetime1 and on his death received it 
again4 ,the man who habet auspicia has  
the right of spectio1 i4e4 of taking the
 auspices in a particular case1#fbh of  
watching the sky or the conduct of the  
sacred fowls in eating2 this right the  
augurs never had4 ,their power was      
limited to guidance and interpretation4 
,this follows necessarily from the      
fundamental principle that the auspicia 
and the imperium were indissolubly      
connected2 for the augur1 of course1    

never possessed the imperium by virtue  
of his office4 ,it is true that of the  
augur in the regal period we know almost
 nothing2 his art1 as we shall see      
directly1 was kept strictly secret1 and 
he was bound by oath not to reveal      
it4#fbi ,but we may safely argue back in
 general terms from the relation of     
magistrate and augur under the later    
,republic to the relation of augur and  
,rex1 from whom descended the           
magistrate's imperium4 ,the one         
essential thing to remember is that it  
was in all periods the magistrate who   
was responsible1 under the sanction and 
advice of his assistants the pontifices 
and augurs1 for the maintenance of the  
pax deorum4 ,the lay element in the     
actual working of the constitution never
 lost this prerogative4 ,rome was never 
hierarchically governed4  ,it would be  
going beyond the scope of these lectures
 if ,i were to plunge at this point into
 the thorny question of the exact       
relation between magistrate and augur in

 respect of details4 ,nor do ,i propose 
to go into the minutiae of augural lore1
 which are not instructive1 like those  
of sacrifice1 for our survey of ,roman  
religious experience4 ,it will be       
sufficient to state in outline what ,i  
believe to be necessary for our         
purpose4#fcj ,the person who had the    
auspicia1 i4e4 originally the ,rex1 like
 the later magistrate1 had to watch for 
signs from heaven2 in order to do so he 
marked out a templum1 a rectangular     
space1 by noting certain objects1 trees 
or what not1 beyond which1 whether he   
looked at earth or sky1 he need take no 
notice of what he saw4 ,the spot where  
he took up his position for this purpose
 was itself a rectangular space1#fca    
marked out on a similar principle2 in   
each case the space was liberatus       
effatus1 i4e4 freed from previous       
associations by a form of words1 and    
ready1 if need were 7as in the case of  
loca sacra7 to be further handed over to
 the deities as their property2 this    

consecration1 however1 did not1 of      
course1 follow in the ordinary procedure
 of the auspicia4 ,in the urbana        
auspicia all loca effata must be within 
the sacred boundary of the pomoerium4   
,within this the magistrate watched in  
silence at the dead of night for such   
signs as he especially asked for        
7auspicia impetrativa72 those which     
offered themselves without such         
specification 7oblativa7 he was not     
bound to take cognisance of unless some 
one claimed his attention for them4 ,the
 signs were originally in the regal     
period1 if we may guess from the word   
auspicium1 only such as birds supplied1 
and the space in which they were watched
 for was not complicated by the         
divisions of the later augural art4#fcb 
,the business of the augur was1 we may  
suppose1 to see that the details were   
carried out correctly1 and to interpret 
the signs2 but those signs were not sent
 to him1 for he was not the actual      
representative of the ,state in this    

ritual4  ,if the constitutional position
 and duty of the augurs have now been   
made sufficiently clear1 ,i may go on to
 explain briefly1 as in the case of the 
pontifices1 how the office became       
gradually secularised1 and the duty     
formalised1 so that if there ever had   
been anything of a really religious     
character in this art1 any genuine      
belief in the manifestation by the      
,power of his will in matters of ,state 
life1 such character1 such belief1 had  
become by the second century ,b4,c4     
entirely paralysed and destroyed4 ,but  
the history of the augurate is much more
 difficult to follow than that of the   
pontificate4 ,the work of the pontifices
 touched the life of every day1 public  
and private1 at many points1 with the   
result that their secrets ceased to be  
secrets by the end of the fourth century
 ,b4,c4 ,the work of the augurs was     
occasional1 and more technical than that
 of the other college2 it can hardly be 
said to have affected the religion of   

family life1 nor did it continually bear
 upon public life1 as did the pontifical
 knowledge of the ius divinum and the   
calendar4 ,hence the augural lore was   
never published1 under pressure of      
public opinion1 and neither ancient nor 
modern scholars have had to waste their 
time in investigating it4 ,books were   
indeed written about it in later times  
by one or two curious students1 but in  
the time of ,cicero1 who was himself an 
augur1 the neglect of it was general1   
even by members of the college4#fcc     
,this mysterious augural lore was       
preserved in books1 like that of the    
pontifices2 and in all probability these
 books were put together in the same    
period as the latter1 viz41 the two     
centuries immediately following the     
abolition of the kingship4#fcd ,i think 
there is a strong probability that the  
augurate emerged from the age of        
,etruscan rule which marks the latter   
part of the kingly period1 with         
increased importance and fresh activity1

 the result of immediate contact with   
,etruscan methods of divination4#fce ,it
 is likely that they began in this way  
to cultivate the art of divination by   
lightning1 which was peculiarly         
,etruscan1 and to divide their templum  
into regiones1 which1 as ,i said just   
now1 were not apparently needed for the 
observation of omens from birds4 ,how   
far they carried this art we cannot     
tell1 owing to the loss of their books  
and the commentaries upon them2 but     
about the ,etruscan discipline we do    
know something4 ,those who wish to have 
a glimpse of it may consult the first   
chapter of the fourth volume of         
,bouche-,leclercq's ,history of         
,divination1 as a more intelligible     
account than any known to me4#fcf ,but  
all ,i need to insist on now is the     
likelihood that the augurs began the    
,republican period with a power of      
interpretation which was the more       
important because the art was changed2  
it is now the depository not only of the

 old bird lore1 but of the new lightning
 lore4 ,and as this last became the     
peculiar characteristic of the art of   
public divination1 and as the augurs    
were1 like the pontifices1 a close      
self-electing corporation until #ajd    
,b4,c4 and a close self-electing        
patrician body until the lex ,ogulnia of
 #cjj ,b4,c41 holding secret meetings   
every month on the arx1#fcg and         
recording their lore in books which were
 never made public1 they might well have
 grown into a powerful hierarchy1 if    
they had only been possessed of the     
right of spectio4 ,what saved ,rome from
 this fate was simply the fact that the 
college was a body of interpreters only1
 or1 in other words1 the principle that 
the auspicia belonged exclusively to the
 magistrate4 ,the auspicia were in fact 
a matter of public law1 not of religion1
 properly speaking2 the idea on which   
they were based1 that the sanction of   
the deities was needed for every public 
action1 very early lost its true        

significance1 and the process of taking 
them became a mere form1 the religious  
character of which was almost entirely  
forgotten4 ,they ceased to be matter of 
religion just as the amulet or any other
 form of preventive magic fails to be   
reckoned as within the sphere of        
religion2 the feeling was there that    
they must be attended to 7though even   
that feeling lost its strength in course
 of time71 but only as a matter of      
custom1 not because the ,power was      
really believed to sanction an act in   
this way4  ,thus it seems that the      
importance of the augurs belongs to     
,roman public law1 and not to the       
history of ,roman religious experience4 
,it will be found fully explained1 in   
that connection1 in ,mommsen's          
,staatsrecht1 or in ,dr4 ,greenidge's   
volume on ,roman ,public ,life4#fch ,all
 we have to note here is the complete   
secularisation of what was once really a
 part of the ,roman religion2 the augurs
 themselves were public men and could   

hold magistracies1 and their art of     
interpretation came to be used for      
secular and political purposes only4    
,they could declare a magistrate vitio  
creatus1 whether they had been present  
at the taking of the auspices or not2   
they could also on appeal stop the      
proceedings at a public assembly1       
whether for election or legislation2 it 
may be said of them that in one way or  
another they had a veto on every public 
transaction4#fci ,as ,cicero expresses  
it in his ius divinum1 in the second    
book of his work on the constitution3   
,quae augur iniusta nefasta vitiosa dira
 defixerit inrita infectaque sunto1     
quique non paruerit1 capital esto4#fdj  
,but in spite of the fine words iniusta 
nefasta vitiosa1 there was no religious 
principle involved in this solemn       
injunction4 ,when ,bibulus in #ei ,b4,c4
 sought as consul to stop ,caesar's     
proceedings by using his right of       
spectio1 all he had to do was to        
announce that he was going to look for  

lightning 7obnuntiare72 and if there had
 been the smallest remnant of religious 
belief left in the ,roman mind about    
such transactions1 it would quietly have
 acquiesced1 in the conviction that     
,jupiter would send lightning to the    
,roman magistrate who asked for it2 as  
it was1 ,caesar took no notice1 and the 
,roman people only laughed4 ,caesar was 
at the time1 let us note1 the head of   
the ,roman religion1 pontifex maximus4  
,so with the augurs as the interpreters 
of the magisterial spectio2 proud as    
,cicero was of becoming an augur1 with  
all the old surviving elective          
ritual1#fda he never1 we may be sure1   
believed for a moment that he had the   
power of interpreting the will of the   
gods4 ,a century before his augurship   
the whole business of public divination 
had been regulated by statute1 like any 
other secular matter2 and in his own day
 it was an open question with men of    
education whether there were such a     
thing as divination at all4#fdb ,true1  

as we shall see1 the illegitimate forms 
of divination were at this very time    
gaining ground1 as the current of       
superstition increased in strength which
 marks this last period of the republic2
 but the augur's art and the spectio of 
the magistrate were still surviving as  
mere constitutional fossils1 and were   
not destined to share largely in        
,augustus' heroic attempt to put fresh  
life into the ius divinum4 ,vile damnum1
 as ,tacitus said of the foreign quacks 
banished to ,sardinia by ,tiberius2 for 
neither in the sphere of religion nor   
later in that of politics can the art of
 divination be said to have had any     
lasting value4  ,i have not dealt at any
 length with the augurs and the ,state  
system of divination1 but ,i hope ,i    
have said enough to show that1 as ,i    
hinted at the beginning of this lecture1
 it affords an excellent illustration of
 the way in which the religious         
instinct1 the desire to be in right     
relation with the ,power manifesting    

itself in the universe1 was first       
soothed and satisfied1 then hypnotised  
and paralysed1 by the formalisation and 
gradual secularisation of religious     
processes4 ,the desire to obtain the    
sanction of the ,power by seeking for   
favourable signs or omens seems to be a 
universal instinct of human nature1     
though a perverse one2 if left to itself
 it will apparently pass into the region
 of harmless folklore1 where it does not
 seriously interfere with human         
progress1 either secular or religious2  
but where1 as at ,rome1 it is taken up  
into the ritual of a religious system1  
and is further allowed to express itself
 mechanically in the region of public   
law1 it exhausts itself rapidly1 loses  
all its original significance1 and      
becomes a clog on human progress4  ,in  
ancient ,italy this instinct for        
divination was nowhere so strongly and  
so perversely developed into a          
mechanical system as in ,etruria1 and it
 is highly probable that this           

development contributed largely to the  
rapid political and moral decay of the  
,etruscan people4 ,the narrow           
aristocratic constitution of the        
,etruscan cities1 worked by a kind of   
priestly nobility1 seems to have        
afforded great opportunities for the    
cultivation of the perverse art which   
7as we are now beginning to recognise7  
this people had brought with them from  
the ,east4#fdc ,i have already suggested
 that an ,etruscan dominion at ,rome had
 very probably unfortunate results in   
developing and formalising the art of   
the augurs4 ,but the age of the         
,tarquinii was not the only one in which
 the sinister influence of this strange 
people was brought to bear on ,roman    
religious institutions2 and before ,i   
close this lecture ,i must say a very   
few words about a second invasion of    
,etruscan perversity1 which began some  
two centuries and a half later4 ,this   
was the result of that renewed religio1 
that feeling of anxiety and sometimes of

 despair characteristic of the last half
 of the third century ,b4,c41 the       
perilous era of the ,punic wars1 with   
which ,i shall deal more particularly in
 the next lecture4 ,the state religion  
could not soothe it2 neither pontifices 
nor augurs had any sufficient native    
remedy for it1 and as the ritual of     
worship was reinforced from ,greece and 
the ,east1 so the ritual of divination  
was reinforced from ,etruria4  ,the     
,etruscans seem to have educated their  
diviners with care and system4 ,we do   
not know the details of such education1 
but it seems likely that there were     
schools of these prophets1 by means of  
which the art was handed down and       
developed4#fdd ,the word for the person 
thus trained was haruspex in its        
,italian form as known to us1 though it 
had an ,etruscan original4#fde ,the art 
acquired was of three kinds--the        
interpretation of lightning2 the        
explanation and interpretation of the   
entrails of victims1 and especially of  

the liver2 and1 thirdly1 the explanation
 and expiation of portents and          
prodigia4#fdf ,all three departments    
seem to have been carried to an extreme 
degree of perverse development4 ,to give
 an idea of it ,i need but refer to     
recent discussions of the relation      
between the divisions marked on a bronze
 model of a victim's liver 7found in    
#ahgg at ,piacenza71 in which are       
written the ,etruscan names of a great  
number of deities1 and the somewhat     
similar divisions of the templum of the 
heavens as given by ,martianus ,capella 
in explanation of the celestial         
dwellings of the ,italian deities4 ,a   
study of this unprofitable subject1 of  
which the only interest lies in the     
illustration it offers of the           
prostitution of human ingenuity1 will be
 found in a little work by ,carl        
,thulin1 published in the series called 
,religionsgeschichtliche ,versuche und  
,vorarbeiten4#fdg  ,just as the ,roman  
authorities had recourse from time to   

time to the ,sibylline books1 so also   
they occasionally1 though not apparently
 before the ,punic wars1 sought the help
 of the trained ,etruscan diviners4 ,we 
shall come across instances of this in  
the next two lectures1 and ,i need not  
specify them now4 ,they seem to have    
used their art in all its departments2  
and in the most degraded of these1 the  
examination of entrails1 it was found so
 convenient to have their services in a 
campaign that in course of time one at  
least seems to have accompanied every   
,roman army4#fdh ,the complicated art of
 augury might in fact be dispensed with 
if you had a haruspex ready and willing 
at a moment's notice to give you a good 
report of the victim's liver4 ,to keep  
up the supply of experts1 the senate1   
probably in the second century ,b4,c41  
determined to select and train ten boys 
of noble family in each ,etruscan city4 
,this was the last service that the     
degenerate ,etruscan people rendered to 
its conquerors1 and a more degrading one

 it is impossible to imagine4 ,these    
foreign diviners were never admitted to 
the dignity of a collegium2#fdi they    
rather played the part of the domestic  
chaplain kept to say grace before meat4 
,for a moment they attract our attention
 in connection with the persecution of  
,cicero by his political enemies1 and   
the consecratio after his exile of the  
site of his house on the ,palatine      
hill4#fej ,for a moment again we meet   
with them in the reign of ,claudius1 who
 was interested in the ,etruscans and   
wrote a work about them1 and once raised
 the question in the senate of the      
revival of the haruspices and their     
art--such part of it1 at least1 as might
 seem worth preserving--ne vetustissima 
,italiae disciplina per desidium        
exolesceret4#fea ,and strange to say1   
though in fact no part of this ancient  
,italian discipline was in the least    
worth preserving1 it survived in outward
 form into the fourth century of the    
empire4#feb ,we read with astonishment  

in the code of the ,christian emperor   
,theodosius1 that if the imperial palace
 or other public buildings are struck by
 lightning the haruspices are to be     
consulted1 according to ancient custom1 
as to the meaning of the portent4#fec   
,thirteen years after the death of      
,theodosius1 in #djh1 ,etruscan experts 
offered their services to ,pompeianus1  
prefect of ,rome1 to save the city from 
the ,goths4 ,pompeianus was tempted1 but
 consulted ,innocent1 the ,bishop of    
,rome1 who did not see fit to oppose his
 own opinion to the wishes of the people
 at such a crisis1 but stipulated that  
the magic rites should be performed     
secretly4 ,what followed is uncertain4  
,the ,christian historian says that the 
rites were performed1 but were          
unavailing2 the pagan ,zosimus affirms  
that the aid of the ,tuscans was        
declined4#fed ,so hard died the futile  
arts of the most unfruitful of all      
,italian races4       ,,notes ,,to      
,,lecture ,,xiii      #eid ,stanley's   

,jewish ,church 7ed4 #aijf71 vol4 i4 p4 
#cih foll4      #eie ,hist4 de          
divination dans l'antiquite1 vol4 i4 p4 
#g foll42 divination is contemplative1  
magic active4     ,but this learned     
author did not deal with divination     
except as it existed in ,greece and     
,italy2 and in view of     our present  
extended knowledge this differentia is  
not     instructive4      #eif ,see     
,tylor's article in the last edition of 
the     ,encyclopaedia ,britannica1 and 
his ,gifford ,lectures1     ,pt4 ii4 ch4
 iv42 ,haddon1 ,magic and ,fetishism1 p4
 #dj4     ,bouche-,leclercq1 ,hist4 de  
divination dans l'antiquite1     vol4 i4
 p4 #g1 distinguishes divination from   
magic2 but     his knowledge of the     
subject was limited to civilised        
races4      #eig ,mr4 ,marett seems     
doubtful about it3 see his              
,threshold of ,religion1 pp4 #db and    
#hc4 ,in the latter     passage he says 
that it may or may not be treated as a  
branch of magic1 and may be originally  

due to some dim     sort of theorising  
about causes1 the theory engendering    
the practice rather than the practice   
the theory4 ,i     should doubt whether1
 when the facts have been fully         
collected1 this will be the conclusion  
to which they     point4      #eih      
,evolution of the ,aryan1 ,drucker's    
translation1     p4 #cfi4      #eii ,ib4
 pp4 #cfd1 #cgd4      #fjj ,a curious   
survival of divination from the         
agricultural period1 which was taken    
over by the ,state1     but not fixed to
 a day in the calendar1 is the augurium 
canarium4 ,the exta of red puppies which
 had been     sacrificed were consulted1
 apparently with a view to     ascertain
 the probability of the corn ripening   
well     7,festus1 p4 #bhe1 quoting     
,ateius ,capito74 ,see ,r4,f4 p4        
#ij1 and the references there given2    
also ,cic4 de     ,legibus1 ii4 #bj2    
,fest4 #cgi2 and ,wissowa in            
,pauly-,wissowa1 p4 #bcbh4      #fja    
,see above1 p4 #ajb4      #fjb ,see ,dr4

 ,jevons' account in ,gardner and       
,jevons1     ,manual of ,greek          
,antiquities1 ch4 vii4      #fjc        
,bouche-,leclercq in the introduction to
 his first     volume 7p4 #c7 expresses 
a different opinion4 ,he thinks     that
 the benefit conferred by divination in 
the conduct     of life was the most    
valuable part of religion4 ,with        
this ,i entirely disagree4      #fjd    
,cic4 de ,divinatione1 ii4 #ea4         
#fje ,see ,bouche-,leclercq1 iv4 #aai   
foll4 ,in a recently     published      
essay1 ,de antiquorum daemonismo1 by ,j4
     ,tamburnino 7,giessen1 #aiji71 the 
only genuine ,roman     evidence adduced
 of possession is ,minucius ,felix1     
,octavius1 ch4 #bg1 i4e4 it belongs to  
the late second     century ,a4,d4 ,in  
the so-called ,italian oracles there is 
no question of it3 e4g4 the lots at     
,praeneste were     worked by a boy     
7,cic4 de ,div4 ii4 #hf74      #fjf     
,livy i4 #cf2 ,cic4 de ,div4 i4 #ag4 ,it
 is ,dion4 ,hal4     iii4 #gj who says  

that his art was ,etruscan4      #fjg   
,bouche-,leclercq1 iv4 #abj4      #fjh  
,for ,carmenta see ,r4,f4 #afg and #bia 
foll4 ,for     ,fortuna1 ib4 #bbc foll42
 cp4 #agj foll4      #fji ,aug4 de ,civ4
 ,dei1 iv4 #aa2 he uses the plural      
,carmentes2 see ,r4,f4 as above4        
,virgil1 ,aen4 viii4     #ccf4      #faj
 ,as superstitiosi vates in the passage 
of ,ennius     quoted below4 ,in his    
imaginary ius divinum ,cicero uses      
the word for fatidici authorised by the 
,state 7de     ,legg4 ii4 #bj74 ,he is  
perhaps thinking of the     haruspices4 
#faa ,ribbeck1 ,fragm4 tragicorum       
,romanorum1 p4 #ee4 ,for     hariolus   
outside the play-writers1 ,cic4 de ,nat4
 ,deor4     i4 #bj4 #ee1 where it is    
combined with haruspices1     augures1  
vates1 and coniectores 7interpreters of 
dreams74 ,ad ,att4 viii4 #aa4 #c4       
#fab ,cato1 ,r4,r4 ch4 #ed2 cp4         
,columella1 i4 #h and xi4     #a4       
#fac ,see ,p4 ,regell1 ,de augurum      
publicorum libris1 p4     #f ,omnia illa

 auguria quae futurarum rerum aliquid   
predicunt 444 augurum publicorum        
disciplinae abroganda     sunt3 aut     
privati sunt augurii1 aut ,tuscorum     
disciplinae4 ,cp4 ,cic4 de ,har4 ,resp4 
#i4 #ah4      #fad ,cic4 de ,div4 i4    
#af4 #bh2 ,val4 ,max4 ii4 #a4 #a4       
#fae ,la ,religione nella vita          
domestica1 i4 #aec foll42     #bcb foll4
      #faf ,cic4 de ,div4 i4 #af1 #bh4  
#fag ,this fragment is preserved in     
,gellius vii4 #f4 #aj4     ,nigidius may
 be responsible for many of ,pliny's    
omens4     ,regell1 op4 cit4 p4 #h4     
#fah ,hor4 ,odes1 iii4 #bg4 #a foll4    
#fai ,exactly the same misfortune       
occurred in the middle     ages4 ,the   
monks had abundant opportunity of       
observation1     but were occupied with 
other matters1 and have left     behind 
them no works on natural history4       
#fbj ,see above1 p4 #afi foll4      #fba
 ,livy vi4 #ab4      #fbb ,see the      
fragment of ,ennius' ,annales in ,cic4  
de     ,div4 i4 #ajg4      #fbc         

,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 #dej2 ,lex coloniae 
,genetivae1     #ff and #fg4      #fbd  
,livy vi4 #da4      #fbe ,see a good    
account in the ,dict4 of ,antiquities1  
vol4 i4 #beb and #bee2 and ,wissowa in  
,pauly-,wissowa1     s4v4 auspicia4     
#fbf ,roman ,public ,life1 p4 #afb4     
#fbg ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 #dea1 note #b2    
,marq4 #bda4      #fbh ,mommsen1        
,staatsrecht1 i4 #hf4      #fbi         
,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 #dea1 note #g2 ,plut4  
,quaest4 ,rom4     #ii2 ,pliny1 ,ep4 #d4
 #h4 ,plutarch asks why an augur can    
never be deprived of his office1 and    
answers that the     secrecy of his art 
made it impossible4 ,cp4 ,paulus1 #af4  
#fcj ,the latest authoritative account  
of the auspicia     is in               
,pauly-,wissowa1 s4v41 where the        
necessary     literature and material   
will be found for a study of an         
extremely complicated subject4      #fca
 ,the technical term was templum minus1 
in     contradistinction to the templum 
maius1 i4e4 the     space in which he   

was to look for signs4 ,see             
,bouche-,leclercq1 iv4 #aig2 ,fest4     
#aeg4 ,the usual place was     the arx1 
where was the auguraculum1 on which the 
magistrate taking the auspices pitched  
his tent     7tabernaculum71 looking to 
the east1 with the north as     his left
 or lucky side4 ,von ,jhering1 op4 cit4 
p4 #cfd1     makes some ingenious use of
 this procedure to support     his      
theory that the origin of such          
institutions is to be     found in the  
period of migration4      #fcb ,that the
 division of the templum into regiones  
was necessary only for the auguria      
caelestia1 and not     for the          
observation of birds1 is the conclusion 
drawn by     ,wissowa 7,r4,k4 #deg1 note
 #b7 from the words of ,cicero     7de  
,legibus1 ii4 #ba7 in his ius divinum3  
caelique     fulgura regionibus ratis   
temperanto 7i4e4 the     magistrates74  
#fcc ,cicero expressly says that even   
old ,cato     complained of the neglect 
of the auspicia by the     college3 de  

,div4 i4 #ae4 #bh2 above1 in sec4 #be1  
he had     said the same thing of the   
augurs of his own day1 i4e4             
including himself4 ,we know of a work on
 the auspicia     by ,m4 ,messalla1 an  
augur1 from which ,gellius1 xiii4 #ae1  
quotes a lengthy extract 7cp4 ch4 #ad74 
,this man was     consul in #ec ,b4,c42 
,schanz1 ,gesch4 der roem4 ,lit41 ii4   
#dib4 ,just at the same time ,appius    
,claudius1 ,cicero's     predecessor as 
governor of ,cilicia1 wrote libri       
augurales1 to which ,cicero more than   
once alludes in     his correspondence  
with ,appius3 ad ,fam4 iii4 #i4 #c and  
#aa4 #d4 ,it is plain that the old      
augural lore is now     treated only as 
a curiosity1 of which the secrecy need  
no longer be respected4      #fcd ,p4   
,regell1 ,de augurum publicorum libris1 
whose     excellent little work has     
never been superseded1 thinks     7p4   
#ai7 that the libri were the result of  
the neglect     of the art1 i4e4 that it
 was necessary to put it in     writing1

 because otherwise it would be          
forgotten4 ,tota     eius vita1 he says1
 lenta est mors4 ,the lore was          
complete about the time of the          
decemvirate1 but     decreta must have  
been continually added 7p4 #bc74 ,the   
nucleus may be represented in ,cicero1  
de ,legibus1 ii4     #bj4 #ba1 and      
perhaps existed in ,saturnian verse     
7,festus1     #bij74 ,the additions in  
the way of decree or comment     would  
probably range over the fourth and third
 centuries     ,b4,c4 like those of the 
pontifices4 ,no doubt the               
,hannibalic war had the effect of       
diminishing the     importance of the   
lore1 as the next lecture should show4  
,on the whole we may put the great      
period of the college     between the   
decemvirate and the war with ,hannibal4 
#fce ,this is the opinion of            
,bouche-,leclercq1 op4 cit4     vol4 iv4
 p4 #bje foll42 cp4 ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 
#deg4     ,cicero calls the augurs      
interpretes ,iovis ,optimi     maximi   

7de ,legibus1 ii4 #bj71 and herein could
 hardly     have made a mistake1 as he  
was himself an augur4 ,as the     great 
deity was of ,etruscan origin in this   
form1 ,i     should conjecture that the 
college took new ground and     gained  
new influence under the ,etruscan       
dynasty4      #fcf ,cp4 also            
,mueller-,deecke1 ,die ,etrusker1 ii4   
#afe     foll4 ,our knowledge comes     
chiefly from the learned but     obscure
 writer ,martianus ,capella 7ed4        
,eyssenhardt71 who     wrote under the  
later ,empire4      #fcg ,for these     
meetings see ,cic4 de ,div4 i4 #da4 #ij2
     ,regell1 p4 #bc4 ,they were        
obsolete in ,cicero's time1 but     seem
 to have still existed in the time of   
,scipio     ,aemilianus3 ,cic4 ,lael4   
#b4 #g4      #fch ,staatsrecht1 i4 #gc  
foll42 ,greenidge1 ,roman     ,public   
,life1 p4 #agb foll4      #fci ,the best
 account of the constitutional power of 
the augurs is in ,pauly-,wissowa1       
,real-,encyclopaedie1     s4v4 augur1   

vol4 i4 p4 #bccd foll42 cp4 ,wissowa1   
,r4,k4 #deg-h4      #fdj ,de ,legibus1  
ii4 #ba4      #fda ,the outward form of 
co-optatio was still     preserved1 like
 our election of a bishop by a chapter4 
,cicero was co-opted by ,hortensius     
after nomination by     two other       
augurs4 ,see his interesting account of 
this in     his ,brutus1 ch4 i4 ,the    
survival may be taken as     throwing   
light on the original secrecy and       
closeness of     the collegium4         
#fdb ,for the leges ,aelia et ,fufia1   
cf4 ,greenidge1     op4 cit4 p4 #agc4   
,the ,stoics of the last century ,b4,c4 
were divided on this point4 ,see below1 
p4 #cii4 ,in the     second book of his 
de ,divinatione1 following the          
,academic or agnostic school1 he himself
 confutes his     brother ,quintus'     
argument for divination contained in    
,bk4 ,i4      #fdc ,this is the view of 
,thulin1 ,die ,goetter des              
,martianus ,capella und der ,bronzeleber
 von ,piacenza     7,giessen1 #aijf71 p4

 #g foll41 and it seems at present to   
hold the field3 see ,gruppe1 ,die       
mythologische ,literatur     aus den    
,jahren #ahih-aije1 p4 #ccf4      #fdd  
,mueller-,deecke1 vol4 ii4 p4 #g foll4  
#fde ,see ,deecke's note on p4 #ab of   
,mueller-,deecke1 vol4     ii4 ,it is   
possibly connected with hariolus4       
#fdf ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 #dgj1 and      
,mueller-,deecke1 vol4     ii4 #afe     
foll4      #fdg ,see above1 note #ej4   
#fdh ,references to ,livy will be found 
in ,wissowa1     ,r4,k4 p4 #dgc1 note   
#aa4 ,one of these1 to ,livy xxvii4 #af4
     #ad1 is worth quoting as suggesting
 that a haruspex     might give useful  
advice in spite of his art3 ,hostia     
quoque caesa consulenti 7,fabio7 deos   
haruspex1 cavendum     a fraude hostili 
et ab insidiis1 praedixit4      #fdi    
,they were not sacerdotes publici       
,romani1 nor is     a collegium         
mentioned till the reign of ,claudius3  
,tac4     ,ann4 xi4 #ae4 ,the proper    
term seems to have been     ordo1 which 

occurs in inscriptions of the ,empire3  
,marq4 p4 #dae4      #fej typo fixed3   
#ed3 ,see the oration ,de haruspicum    
responsis 7especially #e4 #i71 the      
genuineness of which     is now         
generally acknowledged4 ,asconius quotes
 it as     ,cicero's 7ed4 ,clark1 p4    
#gj73 so also ,quintilian1 v4 #aa4      
#db4      #fea ,tac4 ,ann4 #aa4 #ae4    
#feb ,the haruspices mentioned in       
inscriptions 7above1     note #ef7 were 
not the genuine article2 they were      
,romans     and equites4 ,probably this 
was only one of the many     ways of    
finding dignity or employment for       
persons of     good birth under the     
,empire4      #fec ,cod4 ,theod4 xvi4   
#aj4 #a 7of the year #cba ,a4,d471      
quoted by ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 #dge1 note
 #a4 ,in ix4 #af4 #c4     #e1 however1  
the practice of consulting such experts 
is     strictly prohibited4      #fed   
,the story is told in ,prof4 ,dill's    
,roman ,society     in the ,last        
,century of the ,western ,empire1 ed4   

#a1 p4     #da4     ,,lecture ,,xiv     
,,the ,,hannibalic ,,war   ,we have     
noticed two different1 if not opposing1 
tendencies in ,roman religious          
experience since the disappearance of   
the kingship4 ,first1 there was a       
tendency towards the reception of new   
and more emotional forms of worship1    
under the direction of the ,sibylline   
books and their keepers2 secondly1 we   
have seen how1 in the hands of          
pontifices and augurs1 religious        
practice became gradually so highly     
formularised and secularised that the   
real religious instinct is hardly       
discernible in it1 except indeed in the 
degraded form of scruple as to the exact
 performance of the ritual laid down4   
,there was also1 towards the end of that
 period1 a third tendency beginning to  
show itself1 which was eventually to    
complete the paralysis of the old       
religion--a tendency to neglect and     
despise the old religious forms4 ,this  
need not surprise us1 if we keep in mind

 two facts3 7#a7 that ,rome is now      
continually in close contact with       
,greece and her life and thought2 7#b7  
that it seems to be inevitable in       
western civilisation that a hard and    
fast system of religious rule should    
eventually arouse rebellion in certain  
minds4 ,already there are a few signs   
that the regulations of the ius divinum 
are not invariably treated with respect4
  ,as long ago as #bic ,b4,c4 and the   
last struggle with the ,samnites1 we    
find a trace of this neglect or         
carelessness4 ,one of the               
chicken-keepers 7pullarii7 reported     
falsely to the consul ,papirius that the
 sacred chickens had given good omen in 
their eating3 this was discovered by a  
young nephew of ,papirius1 iuvenis ante 
doctrinam deos spernentem natus1 as     
,livy calls him1 and came to the        
consul's ears4 ,papirius' reception of  
the news was characteristic of the way  
in which a ,roman could combine         
practical common-sense with the formal  

respect claimed by his ius divinum2 he  
declared that the omen had been reported
 to him as good1 and therefore populo   
,romano exercituique egregium auspicium 
est4 ,the umpire had decided favourably 
for him1 and there was an end of the    
matter1 except indeed that that umpire  
was placed in the forefront of the      
battle that the gods might punish him   
themselves1 and there of course he      
died4#fee ,a generation later we have a 
case of far more pronounced contempt in 
the familiar story of ,p4 ,claudius     
,pulcher and his colleague ,junius1 each
 of whom lost a ,roman fleet after      
neglecting the warning of the pullarius3
 of ,claudius it is told that he had the
 sacred chickens thrown into the        
sea4#fef ,another well-known story is   
that of ,flaminius1 the democrat consul 
who1 as we shall learn directly1 was    
defeated and killed at ,trasimene after 
leaving ,rome with none of his religious
 duties performed4#feg ,the famous      
,marcellus of this second ,punic war1   

though himself an augur optimus1        
according to ,cicero1 declined to act   
upon an auspicium ex                    
acuminibus--electric sparks seen at the 
end of the soldiers' spears--and was    
accustomed to ride in his litter with   
blinds drawn1 so that he should not see 
any evil omen4#feh ,assuredly the       
transition from superstition to reason  
had its ludicrous side even in public   
life4  ,but it is not the gradual       
approach of rationalism that is the     
subject of this lecture4 ,for years     
after the death of ,flaminius we have no
 trace of it3 that was no time for      
speculating1 and it would have been     
dangerous4 ,the religious history of the
 time1 as recorded by ,livy1 shows on   
the contrary that religio in the old    
sense of the word is once more occupying
 the ,roman mind--the sense of awe in   
the presence of the ,unknown1 the sense 
of sin or of duties omitted1 or merely a
 vague sense of terror that suggested   
recourse to the supernatural4 ,no       

wonder3 for though ,italy had been      
invaded within the memory of living man1
 it was not then invaded by one who had 
sworn to his father in infancy to       
destroy the enemy root and branch4      
,instinctively both ,romans and loyal   
,italians knew that they were face to   
face with a struggle for life and death4
 ,it is hard for us to realise the      
terror of the situation as it must have 
been in those days of slow communication
 and doubtful news4 ,it is to ,livy's   
credit that he recognised it fully1 and 
all who look on history as something    
more than wars and battles must be      
eternally grateful to him for searching 
the records of the pontifices for       
evidence of a people's emotion and the  
means taken to soothe it4 ,polybius has 
nothing to tell us of this but a few    
generalisations1 drawn from his own     
experience a century later4#fei ,in all 
essential attributes of a ,roman        
historian ,livy is far the better of the
 two4 ,i propose to follow his guidance 

in trying to gain some knowledge of the 
revived religio of the age and the way  
in which it was dealt with by the       
authorities4  ,it is in the winter of   
#bah-ag1 when ,hannibal was wintering in
 north ,italy after his victory at the  
,trebbia1 that ,livy first brings the   
matter before us4#ffj ,he uses the word 
,i have just now and so often used3     
men's minds were moti in religionem1 and
 they reported many prodigia which were 
uncritically accepted by the vulgar4 ,he
 begins with ,rome1 and here it is worth
 noting that these portents issue from  
the crowded haunts of the markets1 the  
forum olitorium1 and the forum boarium1 
both close to the river and the quays4  
,in the latter place1 for example1 an ox
 was said to have climbed to the third  
story of a house1 whence it threw itself
 down1 terrified by the panic of the    
inhabitants--a story which incidentally 
throws light on the housing of the lower
 population at the time4#ffa ,other     
wonders were announced from various     

parts of ,italy1#ffb and the decemviri  
were directed to have recourse to the   
,sibylline books1 except for the        
procuratio of one miracle1 common in a  
volcanic country1 the fall of           
pebble-rain4#ffc ,this had a procuratio 
to itself by settled custom1 the        
novendiale sacrum1#ffd an expiation     
parallel with that which1 in the        
religion of the family1 followed a birth
 or a death4 ,for the rest1 the whole   
city was subjected to lustratio1#ffe    
and1 in fact1 the whole population was  
busy with the work4 ,a lectisternium was
 ordered for ,iuventas1#fff the deity of
 the young recruits1 a supplicatio for  
,hercules at one of his temples1 and    
five special victims were ordered for   
,genius--directions which have been     
variously interpreted4 ,i am disposed to
 think of them as referring to the      
capacity of the ,state to increase its  
male population in the face of military 
peril4 ,that the authorities were       
looking ahead is clear from the fact    

next stated1 that one of the praetors   
had to undertake a special vow if the   
,state should survive for ten years4    
,these measures1 ordered by the books1  
magna ex parte levaverant religione     
animos4 ,unfortunately1 the wayward     
consul ,flaminius spoilt their          
endeavours by wilfully neglecting his   
religious duties at the ,capitol1 and   
also at the ,alban mount1 where he      
should have presided at the ,latin      
festival1 and hurrying secretly to the  
seat of war1 lest his command should be 
interfered with by the aristocrats4     
,spring came on1 and with the immediate 
prospect of a crisis the religio broke  
out afresh4#ffg ,marvels were reported  
from ,sicily and ,sardinia1 as well as  
,italy and ,rome4 ,we need not trouble  
ourselves with them1 except so far as to
 note that one1 at least1 was pure      
invention2 at ,falerii1 where there was 
an oracle by lots1#ffh one tablet fell  
out of the bundle with the words written
 on it1 ,mavors telum suum concutit4    

,the mental explanation of all this is  
lost to us2#ffi it would be interesting 
to know how the reports really          
originated and were conveyed to ,rome4  
,that a widely spread religio is really 
indicated we can hardly doubt4 ,the     
steps taken to soothe it1 the religious 
prescriptions1 are of more value to us4 
,the ,senate received the reports1 and  
the consul then introduced the question 
of procuration4 ,besides decreeing1 no  
doubt with the sanction of the          
pontifices1 certain ordinary measures1  
the ,senate referred the matter to the  
decemviri and the ,sibylline books4 ,a  
fulmen1 weighing fifty pounds1 was      
awarded to ,jupiter1 and gifts of silver
 to his consorts in the ,capitoline     
temple4 ,then follow directions which   
show that the religio of women was to be
 particularly cared for4 ,juno ,regina  
of the ,aventine was to have a tribute  
collected by matrons1 and she and the   
famous ,juno ,sospita of ,lanuvium were 
to have special sacrifices2 and it is   

probable that another ,juno ,regina1 she
 of ,ardea1 was the object of a         
sacrifice1 which the decemviri          
themselves undertook in the forum of    
that city4#fgj ,this prominence of ,juno
 may be a counterpart1 ,i think1 to the 
special attention shown to ,hercules and
 ,genius in the previous winter4#fga    
,and it is interesting to notice that   
the libertinae were directed to collect 
money for their own goddess             
,feronia4#fgb  ,it is evident that      
,livy1 in detailing these directions    
from the books of the pontifices1#fgc   
took them in the chronological order in 
which they were to be carried out2 for  
the day sacred to ,juno ,regina of the  
,aventine is ,september #a1 that of     
,feronia ,november #ac1 and the last    
instruction he mentions is in ,december1
 when ,saturnus was to have a sacrifice 
and lectisternium at his own temple in  
the forum 7prepared by senators71 and a 
convivium publicum4 ,this meant1 we note
 with interest1 the ,graecising of this 

old ,roman cult1 which now took the form
 which is so familiar to us of public   
rejoicing by all classes1 including     
slaves4#fgd ,but long before these dates
 the terrible disaster of ,trasimene had
 forced the ,senate1 at the urgent      
persuasion of the dictator ,fabius1 to  
have recourse to the sacred books       
again4#fge ,never before had they been  
so frequently consulted2 the ordinary   
piacula of the pontifices were not      
thought of2 a consul had grievously     
broken the pax deorum1 and what remedy  
was possible no ,roman authority could  
tell4 ,the prescriptions of the books   
were many and various2 the most         
interesting of them is the famous ver   
sacrum1 an old ,italian custom1 already 
referred to1 but here prescribed by a   
,greek authority4 ,this was submitted to
 the people in ,comitia1 and carried    
with quaint provisions suited to protect
 them against any unconscious mistake in
 carrying out the vow1 such as might    
produce further religio4 ,we will only  

notice that though1 according to the old
 tradition1 it was to ,mars that the    
,italian stocks were wont in time of    
famine and distress to dedicate the     
whole agricultural produce of the year1 
together with the male children born    
that spring1#fgf in this crisis it is to
 ,jupiter that the vow is made4 ,it is  
the ,roman people only who here make the
 vow1 and they make it1 ,i doubt not1 to
 that great ,jupiter of the ,capitol who
 for #cjj years has been their guardian1
 and in whose temple are kept the sacred
 books that ordered it4#fgg  ,but the   
authorities were determined to make now 
a supreme effort to still the alarm1 and
 to restore the people to cheerfulness4 
,they went on to vow ludi magni1 i4e4   
extra games beside the usual yearly ludi
 ,romani1 at a cost of #ccc1ccc and     
one-third asses1 three being the sacred 
number4 ,then a supplicatio was decreed1
 which was attended not only by the     
urban population1 but by crowds from the
 country1 and for three days the        

decemviri superintended a lectisternium 
on a grand scale1 such as had never been
 seen in ,rome before1 in which twelve  
deities in pairs1 ,roman and ,greek     
indistinguishable from each other1 were 
seen reclining on cushions4 ,if ,wissowa
 interprets this rightly1#fgh as ,i     
think he does1 it marks a turning-point 
in the religious history of ,rome4 ,the 
old distinction between di indigetes and
 di novensiles now vanishes for good2   
the showy ,greek ritual is applied alike
 to ,roman and to ,greek deities2 the   
,sibylline books have conquered the ius 
divinum1 and the decemviri in religious 
matters are more trusted physicians than
 the pontifices4 ,the old ,roman ,state 
religion1 which we have been so long    
examining1 may be said henceforward to  
exist only in the form of dead bones1   
which even ,augustus will hardly be able
 to make live4  ,so far1 however1 all   
had been orderly and dignified4 ,but    
after ,cannae we begin to divine that   
the stress of disaster is telling more  

severely on the nervous fibre of the    
people4 ,two ,vestals were found guilty 
of adultery always a suspicious event2  
in such times a wicked rumour once      
spread would have its own way4 ,one     
killed herself2 the other was buried    
alive at the ,colline gate4 ,a scriba   
pontificis1 who had seduced one of them1
 was beaten to death by the pontifex    
maximus4 ,such a violation of the pax   
deorum was itself a prodigium1 and again
 the books were consulted1 and an       
embassy was sent to ,delphi with ,fabius
 ,pictor as leader4#fgi ,greece is      
looming ever larger in the eyes of the  
frightened ,roman4  ,under such         
circumstances it is hardly astonishing  
to read of a new 7or almost new7 and    
horrible rite1 in which a ,greek man and
 woman and a ,gallic man and woman      
7slaves1 no doubt7 were buried alive in 
the forum boarium in a hole closed by a 
big stone1 which had already1 says      
,livy1 been used for human              
victims--minime ,romano sacro4 ,as in   

the case of the ,vestals1 blood-shedding
 is avoided1 but the death is all the   
more horrible4 ,what are we to make of  
such barbarism8 ,technically1 it must   
have been a sacrifice to ,tellus and the
 ,manes1 like the devotio of ,decius1   
and like that also1 it probably had in  
it a substratum of magic4#fhj ,as       
regards the choice of victims it baffles
 us1 for if we can understand the       
selection of a ,gallic pair at a time   
when the ,gauls of ,north ,italy were   
taking ,hannibal's side1 it is not so   
easy to see why the ,greeks were just   
now the objects of public animosity4    
,diels has suggested that ,gelo1 son of 
,hiero of ,syracuse1 deserted ,rome for 
,carthage after ,cannae1#fha and wanting
 a better explanation we may accept     
this1 and imagine1 if we can1 that the  
cruel death of a pair of ,greek slaves  
need not be taken as expressing any     
general feeling of antagonism or hatred 
for things ,greek4 ,but1 after all1 the 
most astonishing fact in the whole story

 is this--that the abominable practice  
lasted into the ,empire2 ,pliny1 at     
least1 emphatically states that his own 
age had seen it1 and heard the solemn   
form of prayer which the magister of the
 quindecemviri used to dictate over the 
victims4#fhb ,pliny1 we may note1 also  
speaks of the forum boarium as the scene
 of the sacrifice1 where also the first 
gladiatorial games were exhibited4#fhc  
,rome was already accustomed to see     
horrors there4  ,as we have now reached 
the climax of the religious panic of    
these years1 ,i may pause here for a    
moment to refer to an interesting matter
 which ,i mentioned in my third lecture4
 ,at this very time1 if we accept       
,wissowa's conjecture1 the twenty-seven 
puppets of straw known as ,argei1 which 
were thrown over the pons sublicius by  
the ,vestals on the ides of ,may1 were  
being substituted as surrogates for the 
sacrifice by drowning of the same number
 of ,greeks 7,argei72 an atrocity which 
he fancies actually took place somewhere

 in the interval between the first and  
second ,punic wars1 under orders found  
in the ,sibylline books4#fhd ,all       
scholars know that there were in the    
four regions of the old city            
twenty-seven 7or twenty-four7 chapels1  
sacella1 which were also called ,argei1 
and have caused great trouble to        
topographers and archaeologists4#fhe ,to
 complete his hypothesis1 ,wissowa      
conjectures that these too date from    
this same age1 and were distributed over
 the city in order to take away the     
miasma caused by some great pestilence  
or other trouble1 of which1 owing to the
 loss of ,livy's second decade1 we have 
no information4 ,but neither have we a  
scrap of information about the building 
of the chapels1 or the drowning of the  
twenty-seven ,greeks1 an atrocity so    
abominable that the only way in which we
 might conceivably account for its      
disappearance in the records would be   
the hypothesis of a conspiracy of       
silence1 an impossible thing at ,rome4  

,the loss of ,livy's second decade      
cannot of itself be an explanation2 such
 an event is just what an epitomator    
would have seized on1 yet there is no   
trace of it in the surviving epitomes1  
nor in any other author who may have had
 ,livy before him4 ,varro knew nothing  
of it1 so far as we can tell2 where he  
refers to the ,argei he makes no mention
 of such an astonishing origin either of
 puppets or chapels4 ,if there had been 
a record in the books of the pontifices1
 it is impossible to imagine that he was
 not aware of it4  ,on the contrary1 he 
quotes no official record1 but a line of
 ,ennius which attributes the origin of 
the ,argei to ,numa3#fhf    libaque     
fictores ,argeos et tutulatos4  ,now    
,ennius was born in #bcifhg ,b4,c41 and 
was1 therefore1 living when the whole   
astonishing business began4 ,how does he
 come to ascribe to ,numa institutions  
which were to himself exactly as the    
building of the ,forth ,bridge might be 
to an ,edinburgh man of middle age8     

,why1 too1 if these institutions were of
 such recent date1 did the ,romans of   
the last two centuries ,b4,c4 invent all
 sorts of wild explanations of them1 at 
which ,wissowa very properly scoffs8 ,it
 is for him to explain why these        
explanations were needed4 ,it is        
inconceivable that in a large city1 with
 colleges of priests preserving         
religious traditions and formulae1 all  
memory of the remarkable origin of      
sacella and puppets should have so      
completely vanished as to leave room for
 the growth of such a crop of           
explanations4 ,these will be found in my
 ,roman ,festivals1 p4 #aab1 and whoever
 reads them will conclude at once1 ,i am
 sure1 that the ,romans knew nothing at 
all about the true history of the       
,argei4 ,we may still class this curious
 ceremony with some of the primitive    
magical or quasi-magical rites of the   
ancient settlement4 ,we are not entitled
 to cite it as an example of the growing
 savagery of this trying period2 and if 

it be argued that it is an example      
rather of humanity1 because for the     
original victims straw puppets were     
substituted1 the answer is that even if 
we were to grant the human sacrifice1   
the surrogation of puppets is a most    
unlikely thing to have happened4#fhh ,it
 is a rare practice2 ,wissowa himself   
judiciously rejects it as an explanation
 of such objects as oscilla and maniae4 
,you cannot adopt it when you choose1 to
 explain a difficulty1 and then reject  
it when you choose4 ,why1 one may ask1  
was this humane method not applied also 
to the two pairs of ,gauls and ,greeks  
just mentioned8 ,but ,i need not pursue 
the subject further2 we may be satisfied
 to reflect that from an anthropological
 point of view the ,argei need never    
have been anything more than            
puppets4#fhi  ,but to return to the     
religious history of the war4 ,it would 
seem that the extraordinary series of   
performances ordered during the         
depression and despair that followed    

,cannae had succeeded for the time in   
quieting the religio4 ,fabius ,pictor   
too had returned from ,delphi1#fij and  
brought home in what seems to be        
hexameter verse instructions as to the  
worship of certain deities1 with        
injunctions to the ,romans to send gifts
 to the ,pythian ,apollo if prosperity  
should return to them1 and ending with  
the significant words1 lasciviam        
7disorderly excitement7 a vobis         
prohibete1 which may be interpreted as  
keep quiet1 and do not get into a       
religious panic4 ,the hexameters were   
,greek1 but were translated for the     
benefit of the people2 and ,fabius      
publicly told how he had himself obeyed 
the voice of the oracle by sacrificing  
to the deities it named1 and had worn   
the wreath1 the sign that he was        
accomplishing religious work1 during the
 whole of his journey home4 ,this wreath
 he now deposited on the altar of       
,apollo4 ,this was in #baf1 and it is   
remarkable that we hear of no new       

outbreak of prodigia1 the normal symptom
 of religio1 till the next year4 ,then  
we have a list2 as ,livy says1#fia      
simplices et religiosi homines were     
ready with them at any time4 ,a panic   
arose in ,rome1 not strictly of a       
religious kind1 which shows the         
nervousness of the population2 a rumour 
went about that an army had been seen on
 the ,janiculum1 but men who were on the
 spot refuted it4 ,in this case the     
,sibylline books were not consulted1 but
 ,etruscan haruspices were called in1   
who simply ordered a supplicatio of the 
new kind1 at the pulvinaria4 ,this is   
the first1 or almost the first instance 
of these experts being consulted2       
earlier statements of the kind are      
probably apocryphal1 as ,i pointed out  
in the last lecture4 ,it is not clear   
why the authorities had recourse to them
 at this moment2 but ,i am inclined to  
think that the old remedies even of the 
,sibylline books and their keepers were 
getting stale1 and that while it was    

thought undesirable to excite the people
 by new rites1 it was felt that the     
familiar ones might gain some new       
prestige by being recommended by new    
experts4 ,the old prescription1 given by
 a new physician1 may gain in authority4
 ,the next year again1 #bac1 brought    
another crop of prodigia1 but ,livy     
dismisses them with the simple words1   
,his procuratis ex decreto              
pontificum4#fib ,it is reasonable to    
suppose that a reaction was taking place
 in the minds of the senators and       
pontifices1 and that they were          
determined to take as little notice as  
possible of disturbing symptoms1 relying
 on the prestige of the ,delphic oracle1
 and acting on its advice to suppress   
lascivia4  ,but in this same year the   
lascivia broke out again with           
unprecedented force4 ,the cause was not 
only1 as ,livy explains it1 the dreary  
continuance of the war with varying     
success2 if we read between the lines we
 may guess that the break-up of family  

life occasioned by the deaths of so many
 heads of houses and their sons1 had    
opened the way for feminine excitement  
and for the introduction of external    
rites such as an old ,roman             
paterfamilias would no more have        
tolerated than the pontifices           
themselves4 ,tanta religio1 says        
,livy1#fic et ea magna ex parte externa1
 civitatem incessit1 ut aut homines1 aut
 dii repente alii viderentur facti2 it  
seemed as if the old religious system1  
in spite of all its highly formalised   
apparatus of expiation1 was being       
deliberately set aside4 ,nec iam in     
secreto modo atque intra parietes       
abolebantur ,romani ritus3 sed in       
publico etiam ac foro ,capitolioque     
7this is the hardest cut of all7        
mulierum turba erat1 nec sacrificantium 
nec precantium deos patrio more4 ,to    
understand such an amazing religious    
rebellion against the ius divinum we    
must remember that #hj1jjj men had      
fallen at ,cannae1 besides great numbers

 in the two previous years1 and that    
therefore the real effective human      
support of that ius had in great part   
given way4 ,private priests and         
prophets1 vermin to be found all over   
the ,graeco-,roman world1 had captured  
for gain the minds of helpless women1   
and of the ruined and despairing        
population of the country now flocking  
into ,rome4 ,the aediles and triumviri  
capitales1 responsible for the order of 
the city1 could do nothing2 the ,senate 
had to commission the praetor urbanus to
 rid the people of these religiones4    
,when in those days the ,senate and     
magistrates took such a matter in hand1 
further rebellion was impossible4 ,all  
we are told is that the praetor issued  
an edict ordering that all who possessed
 private forms of prophecy or prayer1 or
 rules of sacrifice1 should bring them  
to him before the kalends of ,april     
next2 and that no one should sacrifice  
in public with any strange or foreign   
rite4 ,i do not know that the wonderful 

good sense of this decree has ever been 
commented on4 ,to take violent or cruel 
measures would have been dangerous in   
the extreme at such a psychological     
moment4 ,livy tells this story at the   
very end of the year #bac1 and the      
kalends of ,april referred to must be   
those of the next year2 there was1      
therefore1 plenty of time to obey the   
order1 and in the meantime the          
excitement might subside of itself4 ,the
 mischief was not absolutely and        
suddenly stopped2 in private houses the 
new rites were allowed to go on1--a     
policy adhered to in time to come1--but 
the ius divinum of the ,roman ,state1   
the public worship of the ,roman        
deities1 must not be tampered with4     
,this wise policy seems to have         
succeeded for the time2 for even after  
the capture of ,tarentum by ,hannibal1  
and the prospect of an attack in that   
direction from ,macedonia1 we do not    
hear of any renewed outbreak4 ,prodigia 
are reported as usual1 but the remedy   

thought sufficient is only a single     
day's supplicatio and a sacrum          
novendiale4 ,the consuls1 however1 in   
the true ,roman spirit1 devoted         
themselves for several days to religious
 duties before leaving ,rome for their  
commands4  ,this was at the beginning of
 the year #bab4 ,but after the ,latin   
festival at the end of ,april we hear of
 a new religio1 and a very curious      
one4#fid ,it looks as though certain    
,latin oracles1 written in ,saturnian   
verse1 and attributed to an apocryphal  
vates of the suspicious name of         
,marcius1 had got abroad in the panic of
 the previous year1 and had been        
confiscated by the praetor urbanus      
charged1 as we saw1 with the suppression
 of religious mischief4 ,he had handed  
them on to the new praetor urbanus of   
#bab4 ,one of them prophesied the       
disaster of ,cannae which had already   
happened2 the other gave directions for 
instituting games in honour of ,apollo1 
including one which placed the religious

 part of these ludi in the hands of the 
decemviri4 ,i strongly suspect that the 
whole transaction was a plan on the part
 of the ,senate and the religious       
colleges1 in order to quiet the minds of
 the people by a new religious festival 
in honour of a great deity of whose     
prestige every one had heard1 for he had
 been long established in ,rome2 he is  
now to take a more worthy place there1  
to be incorporated in the ius divinum in
 a new sense1 in gratitude perhaps for  
his recent advice given to ,fabius      
,pictor at ,delphi4 ,possibly also he is
 to be regarded here as the ,greek deity
 of healing1 though we do not hear of   
any pestilence at the time2 but four    
years later it was in consequence of an 
epidemic that these ludi were renewed   
and made permanent4 ,the main object of 
the moment was no doubt to amuse the    
people and occupy their minds4 ,the     
whole population took part in the games1
 wearing wreaths as partakers in a      
sacred rite2 the matrons were not left  

out2 and every one kept his house door  
open and feasted before the eyes of his 
fellow-citizens4#fie  ,if it be asked   
why these games in honour of a ,greek   
god should have been suggested by a     
,latin oracle1 the answer is1 ,i think1 
that the latter was used rather as a    
pretext for a pre-conceived plan2 if it 
be true that the ,marcian verses had won
 some prestige among the vulgar1 it was 
an adroit stroke to invent one that     
might be used in this way4 ,this is the 
only way in which we can satisfactorily 
account for the direction to the        
decemviri to undertake the necessary    
sacrifices4 ,the government seizes a    
chance of taking the material of religio
 out of the hands of the vulgar and     
utilising it for its own purposes4 ,it  
was clever too to give the alleged      
,latin oracles the sanction of the      
,graecus ritus2 decemviri ,graeco ritu  
hostiis sacra faciant1 says the oracle4 
,the keepers consulted the sacred books 
as to the projected ludi1 and           

henceforward1 as it would seem1 these   
,latin oracles were placed in their     
keeping to be added to the ,sibylline   
books in the collection on the ,capitol4
 ,the amalgamation of ,roman and ,greek 
religion is complete4 ,if there were any
 doubt of it after the lectisternia to  
the twelve gods which we noticed just   
now1 all such doubt is removed by the   
religious events of this year #bab--that
 famous year in which ,hannibal came    
within sight of ,rome1 and fell away    
again1 never to return4  ,the student of
 ,roman religious history1 and of all   
religious psychology1 as he follows     
carefully the extracts from the priestly
 records which ,livy has embodied in his
 story of the last years of the great   
struggle1 will find much to interest    
him4 ,even little things have here their
 significance4 ,he will still find      
relics of the scruple about the minutiae
 of the ius divinum to which the ,romans
 had become habituated under priestly   
rule--religio in that sense in which it 

is least really religious4 ,he will find
 a ,flamen ,dialis resigning his        
priesthood because he had made a blunder
 in putting the exta of a victim on the 
altar2#fif only too ready1 it may have  
been1 to take an opportunity of getting 
free of those numerous taboos which     
deprived the priest of ,jupiter of all  
possibility of active life4 ,such a     
conjecture finds support in the curious 
fact that his successor was a youth of  
such bad character that his relations   
induced the pontifex maximus to select  
him for the sacred post1 in hopes that  
the restrictive discipline he would have
 to undergo might improve his morals and
 make him a better citizen4#fig ,about  
the later history of this youth ,i may  
have something to say in the next       
lecture4 ,again1 we find religio of the 
scrupulous kind sadly worrying the stout
 old warrior ,marcellus shortly before  
his death#fih3 ,aliae atque aliae       
obiectae animo religiones tenebant4 ,one
 of these religiones was a curious one2 

he had vowed a temple of ,honos and     
,virtus--two deities together2 and the  
pontifices made difficulties1 insisting 
that two deities could not inhabit the  
same cella1 for if it should be struck  
by lightning1 how were you to tell1 in  
conducting the procuratio1 to which of  
them to sacrifice8 ,the difficulty was  
solved by building two temples4 ,such   
quaintnesses of the old type of         
religious idea are thus still found1 but
 they are becoming mere survivals4  ,the
 prodigia continue1 and occasionally1 as
 a new crisis in the war was known to be
 approaching1 became exacerbated4 ,in   
#bjh1 just before the old consul        
,marcellus left the city to meet his    
death1 he and his colleague were        
terribly pestered with them1 and could  
not succeed in their sacrificing        
7litare74 ,for many days they failed to 
secure the pax deorum4#fii ,when it was 
known that ,hasdrubal was on his way    
from ,spain1 and that the greatest peril
 of the war was approaching1 special    

steps were taken to make sure of that   
pax4#gjj ,the pontifices ordered that   
twenty-seven maidens--a number of       
magical significance both in ,greece and
 ,italy#gja--should chant a carmen      
composed by the poet ,livius            
,andronicus2 and in the elaborate ritual
 that followed1 as the result of the    
striking of the temple of ,juno on the  
,aventine by lightning1 the decemviri   
and haruspices from ,etruria also had a 
share4 ,the procession of the maidens1  
singing and dancing through the city    
till they reached the temple of ,juno by
 the ,clivus ,publicius1 was a new      
feature in ritual1 and must have been a 
striking one4 ,doubtless it was all a   
part of a deliberate policy to keep the 
women of the city in good humour1 and in
 touch with the religion of the ,state1 
instead of going after other gods1 as   
they had already gone and were again to 
go with amazing and perilous fervour4   
,for ,juno ,regina of the ,aventine was 
their special deity2 and in this case   

they were authorised--all matronae      
living within ten miles of the city--to 
contribute in money to a noble gift to  
the temple4  ,hasdrubal was defeated and
 killed 7#bjg71 and the danger passed   
away4 ,then1 when the news reached ,rome
 7if ,livy's account may be relied on71 
there followed such an outburst of      
gratitude to the deities as we have     
never yet met with1 and shall not meet  
with again in ,roman history4#gjb ,it   
was not only that the ,state ordered a  
supplicatio of three days thanksgiving2 
men and women alike took advantage of it
 to press in crowds to the temples1 the 
materfamilias with her children1 and in 
her finest robes3 cum omni solutae metu1
 perinde ac si debellatum foret1 deis   
immortalibus grates agerent4 ,i would   
draw attention to the fact that here is 
no mere fulfilment of a vow1 of a       
bargain1 as some will have it2 in this  
moment of real religious emotion the    
first thought is one of thankfulness    
that the pax deorum is restored1 and    

that the ,power manifesting itself in   
the universe1 though in the humble form 
of these dwellers in ,roman temples1    
would permit the long-suffering people  
once more to feel themselves in right   
relation to him4 ,as we go on with our  
studies in the two centuries that       
follow1 let us bear this moment in mind2
 it will remind us that the religious   
instinct never entirely dies out in the 
heart of any people4  ,i would fain stop
 at this point1 and have done with the  
war and its religious troubles2 but     
there is one more event which cannot be 
omitted1--the solemn advent of a new    
deity1 this time neither ,greek nor     
,italian4 ,after the ,metaurus battle1  
the dreaded ,hannibal yet remained in   
,italy1 and so long as he was there the 
,romans could know no security4 ,so far 
as religion could help them every       
possible means had been used2 there     
seemed no expedient left4 ,in #bje a    
pretext for inspecting the ,sibylline   
books was found in an unusual burst of  

pebble-rain2 and there1 as it was given 
out1 an oracle was deciphered1 which    
foretold that ,hannibal would have to   
leave ,italy if the ,magna ,mater of    
,pessinus were brought to ,rome4#gjc ,in
 whose brain this idea originated we do 
not know1 but it was a brilliant one4   
,the eastern cult was wholly unknown at 
,rome1 was something entirely new and   
strange1 a fresh and hopeful            
prescription for an exhausted patient4  
,the project was seized on with avidity1
 and supported by the influence of      
,delphi and of that strange soldier     
mystic the great ,scipio4#gjd ,the best 
man in the ,state was to receive the    
goddess1 and when1 after many months1   
she came to ,italy in the form of a     
black stone1 it was ,scipio who was     
chosen for the duty4 ,for ,attalus1 king
 of ,pergamus1 had consented to let her 
go from her ,phrygian home2 and when she
 arrived at ,ostia1 ,scipio with all the
 ,roman matrons went thither by land2   
alone he boarded the ship1 received the 

goddess from her priests1 and carried   
her to land1 where the noblest women of 
the ,state received her1--received the  
black stone1 that is1--and carried it in
 their arms in turns1 while all ,rome   
poured out to meet her1 and burned      
incense at their doors as she passed by4
 ,and praying that she might enter      
willingly and propitiously into the     
city1 they carried her into the temple  
of ,victory on the ,palatine on the #dth
 of ,april1 henceforward to be a festal 
day1 the popular ,megalesia4  ,this     
,magna ,mater was the first ,oriental   
deity introduced into ,rome1 and the    
last deity introduced by the ,sibylline 
books4 ,it is probable that no ,roman   
then knew much about the real nature of 
her cult and its noisy orgiastic        
character and other degrading features2 
it was sufficient to have found a new   
prescription1 and once more to have     
given the people1 and especially the    
women1 a happy moment of hope and       
confidence4 ,but the truth came out soon

 enough2 and though the goddess must    
have her own priests1 it was ordered by 
a ,senatusconsultum that no ,roman      
should take part in her service4#gje    
,though established in the heart of the 
city1 and ere long to have her own      
temple1 she was to continue a foreign   
deity outside the ius divinum4 ,as such 
she belongs to those worships with which
 ,i am not called upon by the plan of   
these lectures to deal4  ,hannibal      
withdrew at last from ,italy1 and in    
#bjb the war came to an end4 ,looking at
 the divine inhabitants of the city in  
that year1 we may see in them almost as 
much a colluvies nationum as in the     
human population itself4 ,under such    
circumstances neither the old           
,city-state nor its religion could any  
longer continue to exist4 ,the decay of 
the one reflects that of the other2 the 
failure to trust the di indigetes1 the  
constant desire to try new and foreign  
manifestations of divine power1 were    
sure signs that the ,state was passing  

into a new phase4 ,in the next two      
centuries ,rome gained the world and    
lost her own soul4       ,,notes ,,to   
,,lecture ,,xiv      #fee ,the story is 
told in ,livy x4 #dj and #da1 and must  
have been taken by him from the records 
of the     pontifices1 which had almost 
certainly begun by this     date 7see   
above1 p4 #bhc74 ,while on these        
chapters the     reader may also note   
the curious vow of this ,papirius to    
,jupiter ,victor at the end of ch4      
xlii42 and the     description of the   
religious horrors of the ,samnites      
witnessed by the army1 and especially   
the words     respersae fando infandoque
 sanguine arae 7see above1     p4 #aif71
 which clearly indicate a practice      
abhorrent to     ,romans4      #fef     
,val4 ,max4 i4 #e4 #c and #d2 ,cic4 de  
,div4 i4 #af4 #bi2     ,livy1 ,epit4    
xix4      #feg ,the locus classicus is  
,livy xxi4 #fc4      #feh ,cic4 de ,div4
 ii4 #cf4 #gg4 ,i find an illustration  
of this effect of lightning in ,major   

,bruce's ,twenty     ,years in the      
,himalaya1 p4 #acj3 ,directly the       
ice-axes     begin to hum 7in a storm7  
they should be put away4      #fei ,he  
notices it in connection with the war   
only in     iii4 #aab4 #f1 after the    
battle of ,cannae3 a striking           
passage1 but cast in general language4  
#ffj ,livy xxi4 #fb foll4 ,wissowa      
comments on this     passage in ,r4,k4  
p4 #bbc4      #ffa ,see the author's    
,social ,life at ,rome in the ,age      
of ,cicero1 p4 #bh foll4      #ffb ,the 
rule seems to have been that no prodigia
     were accepted1 and procurata by the
 authorities1 which     were announced  
from beyond the ager ,romanus4 ,see     
,mommsen     in ,o4 ,jahn's edition of  
the ,periochae of ,livy's books1     and
 of ,iulius ,obsequens1 preface1 p4     
xviii4 ,but this     does not appear    
from the records of this war2 and1 at   
any rate1 the religious panic was       
,italian as well as     ,roman4         
#ffc ,red sand still occasionally falls 

in ,italy1     brought by a sirocco from
 the ,sahara1 and this accounts     for 
the prodigium1 pluit sanguine1 which is 
often     met with4 ,i have a record of 
it in the ,daily ,mail of     ,march    
#aa1 #aija4 ,but the lapides were       
probably of     volcanic origin4        
#ffd ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 #cbh4      #ffe
 ,this must have been a special         
performance of the     yearly           
,amburbium1 of which unluckily we known 
hardly     anything 7,wissowa1 ,r4,k4   
#acj74      #fff ,r4,f4 p4 #ef1 where   
unfortunately the word is     misprinted
 ,pubertas4 ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 #abf1      
thinks of ,hebe     in a ,latin form2 in
 his view it must be a ,greek deity1    
being brought in by the decemviri and   
the books4 ,but we     shall find that  
these begin now to interfere with ,roman
     cults1 and in such a crisis we need
 not wonder at it4     ,wissowa allows  
that we do not know where this ,hebe can
     have come from1 nor1 ,i may add1   
why she should have     come4 ,that     

there was some special meaning in the   
combination ,juventas1 ,hercules1       
,genius ,i feel sure1 and     ,i        
conjecture that it may be found in the  
urgent need of     a supply of iuvenes4 
,hercules and ,genius seem both to      
represent the male principle of life    
7,r4,f4 #adb foll474     ,juventas      
speaks for herself1 but we may remember 
that     the tirones sacrificed to her  
on the day of the     ,liberalia 7#agth 
,march71 and that ,liber is almost      
certainly another form of ,genius       
7,r4,f4 #ee74      #ffg ,livy xxii4 #a4 
#ffh ,it is only from this passage that 
we know of the     oracle4 ,see         
,bouche-,leclercq1 ,hist4 de divination1
 iv4     #adf4 ,that of ,caere is       
mentioned in ,livy xxi4 #fb4 ,both      
cities were mainly ,etruscan4      #ffi 
,livy xxvii4 #cg betrays some knowledge 
of the     infectious nature of         
prodigy-reporting3 ,sub unius           
prodigii1 ut fit1 mentionem1 alia quoque
 nuntiata4      #fgj ,pliny1 ,n4,h4     

xxxv4 #aae1 where the verses are        
quoted as inscribed on the paintings in 
her temple at     ,ardea4 ,note that    
,juno is here called the wife of        
,jupiter     by a ,greek artist from    
,asia4      #fga ,for ,juno as the      
woman's deity and guardian spirit1      
see above1 p4 #ace4 ,to refer this      
prominence of the     goddess to her    
connection with ,carthage and mythical  
enmity to the ,romans1 as we see it in  
the ,aeneid1 is     premature2 we must  
suppose that each ,juno was still a     
local deity1 and no general conception  
in the later     ,greek sense is as yet 
possible4      #fgb ,for ,feronia1 see  
,r4,f4 #beb foll4      #fgc ,the        
procurationes ordered were doubtless    
recorded in the annales maximi4 ,the    
books of the     decemviri1 we must     
suppose1 were burnt with the oracles    
in #ch ,b4,c4 7,diels1 ,sib4 ,blaetter1 
p4 #f note74      #fgd ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 
#agj2 ,marq4 #ehf foll4      #fge ,livy 
xxii4 #i-aj4      #fgf ,see above1 p4   

#bjd foll42 ,strabo1 p4 #bej2 ,festus1  
p4 #ajf4      #fgg ,if it be asked why  
,jupiter is here without his     titles 
,optimus ,maximus1 the answer is that   
just below1     where ludi magni are    
vowed to him1 as all such ludi     were1
 he is also simply ,jupiter4      #fgh  
,r4,k4 #cef4 ,in his view the new       
amalgam of twelve     gods was known as 
di ,consentes1 an expression of         
,varro's which has been much discussed4 
,see     ,mueller-,deecke1 ,etrusker1   
ii4 #hc2 ,c4,i4,l4 vi4 #ajb2            
,wissowa1 ,gesammelte ,abhandlungen1    
#aij foll4 ,in de ,re     ,rust4 i4 #a1 
,varro speaks of twelve dei consentes1  
urbani1 whose gilded statues stood in   
the forum4      #fgi ,livy xxii4 #eg4   
#fhj ,see above1 p4 #bjg4 ,orosius'     
account of this is     worth reading2 he
 calls it obligamentum hoc magicum      
7iv4 #ac74 ,he mentions a ,gallic pair  
and a ,greek woman1     and dates it in 
#bbf 7#bbg according to ,wissowa1       
,gesammelte ,abhandlungen1 p4 #bbg74    

,cp4 ,plut4 ,marcell4     #c4 ,livy's   
words1 iam ante hostiis humanis1 minime 
,romano sacro1 imbutum1 agree with this4
 ,there must have     been an outbreak  
of feeling and recourse to the          
,sibylline books in the stress of the   
,gallic war4      #fha ,sib4 ,blaetter1 
p4 #hf4      #fhb ,pliny1 ,n4,h4 xxviii4
 #ab and #ac4 ,plutarch1 l4c41          
confirms him4 ,pliny1 it may be noticed1
 is here writing     of spells1 etc41   
among which he classes the precatio     
of this rite4      #fhc ,the first      
gladiatorial show was in #bfd ,b4,c4    
7,val4     ,max4 ii4 #d4 #g74      #fhd 
,the arguments are stated fully in his  
,gesammelte     ,abhandlungen1 #baa     
foll4      #fhe ,the best account of    
these1 or rather of the ,argean         
itinerary1 of which fragments are       
preserved in ,varro1     ,l4,l4 v4 #de  
foll41 is still that of ,jordan in his  
,roemische ,topographie1 ii4 #fjc foll4 
,the extracts seem     to be from a     
record of directions for the passage of 

a     procession round the sacella 7or  
sacraria1 ,varro v4     #dh74 ,though   
quoting these1 ,varro has nothing to say
 of     their origin1 which would be    
strange indeed if they were     of such 
comparatively late date4      #fhf ,in  
,varro1 ,l4,l4 vii4 #dd4 ,there is no   
doubt that     the line is from ,ennius2
 it is also quoted as his in            
,festus1 p4 #cee4      #fhg ,schanz1    
,gesch4 der roem4 ,literatur1 vol4 i4   
ed4     #c1 p4 #aaj4      #fhh ,some    
examples of substitution will be found  
in     ,westermarck1 ,origin and        
,development of the ,moral     ,ideas1  
i4 #dfi4 ,it is of course a well-known  
phenomenon1     but is now generally    
rejected as an explanation of           
oscilla1 maniae1 etc4 7see ,wissowa1    
,r4,k4 p4 #cee1     and ,frazer1 ,g4,b4 
ii4 #cdd74 ,i know of no case of it on  
good evidence at ,rome1 unless it be one
 in the     devotio1 of an effigy for   
the soldier1 7ni moritur1     ,livy     
viii4 #aj74      #fhi ,see ,roman       

,festivals1 p4 #aag1 with references to 
,mannhardt2 ,frazer1 ,g4,b4 ii4 #bef2   
,farnell1 ,cults of     the ,greek      
,states1 v4 #aha4      #fij ,livy xxiii4
 #aa4 ,see also ,diels1 ,sib4 ,blaetter1
     pp4 #aa and #ib4      #fia ,livy   
xxiv4 #aj4      #fib ,ib4 xxiv4 #dd4    
#fic ,ib4 xxv4 #a4      #fid ,ib4 xxv4  
#ab4 ,on the ,marcian oracles and their 
metre1 see ,bouche-,leclercq1 ,hist4 de 
divination1 iv4     #abh foll42         
,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 #dfc note #b2 ,diels1  
op4 cit4     p4 #g foll4      #fie ,see 
above1 ,lect4 xi4 p4 #bfb4 ,for the     
,apolline     games1 ,r4,f4 p4 #agi     
foll4      #fif ,livy xxvi4 #bc4        
#fig ,ib4 xxvii4 #h4      #fih ,ib4     
xxvii4 #be2 ,plut4 ,marcellus1 p4 #bh4  
#fii ,ib4 xxvii4 #bc4      #gjj ,ib4    
xxvii4 #cg4      #gja ,the idea that    
this number was chthonic and a          
monopoly of the ,sibylline utterances   
was started by     ,diels1 ,sib4        
,blaetter1 p4 #db foll41 with imperfect 
anthropological knowledge1 and has led  

,wissowa and     others into wrong      
conclusions1 e4g4 as to the ,argei4     
,see an article criticising ,wissowa in 
,classical ,rev4     #aijb1 p4 #baa4 ,on
 the whole subject of the number three  
and its multiples1 see ,usener1         
,dreizahl1 in     ,rheinisches ,museum  
for #aijc1 and ,goudy1 ,trichotomy in   
,roman ,law 7,oxford1 #aiaj71 p4 #e     
foll4      #gjb ,livy xxvii4 #ea4 ,for  
gratitude among ,romans1 see     above1 
p4 #bjb4 ,a gift of thanksgiving was    
sent to ,delphi     7,livy xxviii4 #de74
      #gjc ,ib4 xxix4 #aj foll4 ,for    
other references see     ,r4,f4 p4 #fi  
foll4      #gjd ,ib4 xxix4 #aj4         
#gje ,dion4 ,hal4 ii4 #ai2 ,r4,f4 p4    
#gj4     ,,lecture ,,xv  ,,after ,,the  
,,hannibalic ,,war    ,the long and     
deadly struggle with ,hannibal ended in 
#bja ,b4,c41 and no sooner was peace    
concluded than the ,senate determined on
 war with ,macedon4 ,this decision is a 
critical moment in ,roman history1 for  
it initiated not only a long period of  

advance and the eventual supremacy of   
,rome in the ,eastern ,mediterranean1   
but also an age of narrow aristocratic  
rule which remained unquestioned till   
revolution broke out with ,tiberius     
,gracchus4 ,but we cannot safely deny   
that it was a just decision4 ,hannibal  
was alive1 and his late ally1 ,philip of
 ,macedon1 now in sinister coalition    
with ,antiochus of ,syria1 might be     
capable of invading exhausted ,italy4   
,to have an enemy once more in the      
peninsula would probably be fatal to    
,rome and ,italy1 and one more effort   
was necessary in order to avert such a  
calamity2 an effort that must be made at
 once1 while ,carthage lay prostrate4   
,it is necessary to grasp fully the     
danger of the moment if we are to       
understand the part played by religion  
7if ,i may use the word7 in bringing    
about the desired result4 ,it was most  
difficult to persuade a people worn out 
by one war that it was essential for    
their safety that they should at once   

face another4 ,historians naturally look
 on the success of the ,senate in this  
task as due to its own prestige1 and to 
the skilful oratory of the ,consul in   
the speech to the people which ,livy has
 reproduced in his own admirable        
rhetoric4 ,but a closer examination of  
the chapters at the beginning of the    
historian's thirty-first book will show 
that religion too was used1 in          
accordance with the experience of the   
late war1 to put pressure on the voters 
and to inspire their confidence4 ,as we 
saw in the last lecture1 they had been  
constantly cheered and braced by        
religious expedients1--their            
often-recurring religio had been soothed
 and satisfied2 now the same means were 
to be used positively rather than       
negatively1 to help in urging them to a 
definite course of action4 ,some sixty  
years later ,polybius1 writing of the   
extreme religiousness of the ,romans1   
expressed his conviction that religion  
was invented for political objects1 and 

only serves as the means of bridling the
 fickle and unreasoning ,demos2 for if  
it were possible to have a ,state       
consisting of wise men only1 no such    
institution would be necessary4#gjf ,the
 philosophic historian is here thinking 
mainly of the way in which religion was 
turned to account by the ,roman         
authorities in his own lifetime4 ,we    
cannot have a better illustration of    
this than the events of the year #bjj   
,b4,c4  ,already1 in the autumn of the  
previous year1 the ground had been      
prepared4 ,to the plebeian games in     
,november there had been added a feast  
of ,jupiter 7,iovis epulum71 as had been
 done more than once during the late    
war4#gjg ,jupiter1 in the form of his   
image in the ,capitoline temple1 lay on 
his couch at the feast of the outgoing  
plebeian magistrates1 with his face     
reddened with minium as at a triumph1   
and ,juno and ,minerva sat each on her  
sella on either side of him2 and to give
 practical point to this show1 corn from

 ,africa was distributed at four asses  
the modius1 or at most one quarter of   
the normal price4 ,when the new consuls 
entered on office on the ides of the    
following ,march1 further religious     
steps were at once taken2 the political 
atmosphere was charged with religiosity4
 ,on the first day of their office the  
consuls were directed by the ,senate1   
doubtless with the sanction of the      
pontifices1 to sacrifice to such deities
 as they might select1 with a special   
prayer for the success of the new war   
which ,senate and people 7the latter by 
a clever anticipation7 are              
contemplating4 ,haruspices from ,etruria
 had been adroitly procured1 and no     
doubt primed1 who reported that the gods
 had accepted this prayer1 and that the 
examination of the victims portended    
extension of the ,roman frontier1       
victory1 and triumph4#gjh ,yet1 in spite
 of all this1 the people were not yet   
willing2 in almost all the centuries1   
when the voting for the war took place1 

they rejected the proposal of the       
,senate4 ,then the consul ,sulpicius was
 put up to address them1 and at the end 
of ,livy's version of his speech we find
 him clinching his political arguments  
with religious ones4 ,ite in suffragium1
 bene iuvantibus dis1 et quae ,patres   
censuerunt1 vos iubete4 ,huius vobis    
sententiae non consul modo auctor est1  
sed etiam di immortales2 qui mihi       
sacrificanti 444 laeta omnia prosperaque
 portendere4 ,thus adjured1 the people  
yielded2 and as a reward1 and to stifle 
any religio that might be troubling     
them1 they are treated to a supplicatio 
of three days1 including an obsecratio  
circa omnia pulvinaria for the happy    
result of the war2 and once more1 after 
the levy was over1--a heavy tax on the  
patience of the people1--the consul made
 vows of ludi and a special gift to     
,jupiter1 in case the ,state should be  
intact and prospering five years from   
that day4#gji  ,exactly the same        
religious machinery was used a few years

 later to gain the consent of the people
 for a war of far less obvious          
necessity1--that with ,antiochus of     
,syria4 ,it was at once successful4 ,the
 haruspices were again on the spot and  
gave the same report2 and then1 solutis 
religione animis1 the centuries         
sanctioned the war4 ,the vow that       
followed1 of which ,livy gives a        
modernised wording1 was for ludi to last
 ten continuous days1 and for gifts of  
money at all the pulvinaria1 where now1 
as we gather from these same chapters1  
the images of the gods were displayed on
 their couches during the greater part  
of the year4#gaj  ,we may realise in    
accounts like these how far we have left
 behind us the old ,roman religion we   
discussed in earlier lectures4 ,that    
religion did not any longer supply the  
material needed2 it was not suited to be
 the handmaid of a political or military
 policy2 it was a real religion1 not    
invented for political purposes1 to use 
,polybius' language1 but itself a part  

of the life of the ,state1 whether      
active in war1 or law1 or politics4 ,in 
the ceremonies ,i have just been        
describing almost all the features are  
foreign1--the pulvinaria1 the           
haruspices1 perhaps even the ,iovis     
epulum2 and we feel that though the     
religio in the minds of the people is   
doubtless a genuine thing1 yet the means
 taken to soothe it are far from        
genuine1--they are mala medicamenta1    
quack remedies4 ,such is the method by  
which a shrewd1 masterly government     
compels the obedience of a populus      
religiosus4 ,after long experience of   
such methods1 can we wonder that        
,polybius could formulate his famous    
view of religion1 or that a great and   
good ,roman lawyer1 himself pontifex    
maximus1 could declare that political   
religion stands quite apart from the    
religion of the poets1 or that of the   
philosophers1 and must be acted on1     
whether true or false8#gaa  ,the        
reporting of prodigia goes on with      

astonishing vigour in this period1 and  
seems to have become endemic4 ,i only   
mention it here 7for we have had quite  
enough of it already7 because the       
question arises whether it is now used  
mainly for political purposes1 or to    
annoy a personal rival or enemy4 ,this  
does not appear clearly from ,livy's    
accounts1 but in an age of personal and 
political rivalries1 as this undoubtedly
 was1 it can hardly have been otherwise4
 ,certain it is that the interests of   
the ,state were grievously interfered   
with in this way4 ,the consuls at this  
time1 and until #aec ,b4,c41 did not    
enter on office until ,march #ae1 and   
they should have been ready to start for
 their military duties as soon as the   
levies had been completed2 instead of   
which1 they were constantly delayed by  
the duty of expiating these marvels4 ,in
 #aii ,flamininus1 whose appointment to 
the command in ,macedonia had of course 
annoyed the friends of the man he was   
superseding1 was delayed in this way for

 the greater part of the year1 and yet  
he is said to have left ,italy at an    
earlier date than most consuls4#gab     
,thus the change to ,january #a for the 
beginning of the consular year1 which   
took place in #aec ,b4,c41 was an       
unavoidable political necessity4 ,even  
the ,sibylline books came to be used for
 personal and political purposes4 ,in   
the year #add the praetor ,marcius ,rex 
was commissioned to repair the ,appian  
and ,aniensian aqueducts and to         
construct a new one4 ,the decemviri     
sacris faciundis1 consulting the books1 
as it was said1 for other reasons1 found
 an oracle forbidding the water to be   
conveyed to the ,capitoline hill1 and   
seem on this absurd ground to have been 
able to delay the necessary work4 ,our  
information is much mutilated1 but the  
real explanation seems to be that there 
was some personal spite against         
,marcius1 who1 however1 eventually      
completed the work4#gac ,nearly a       
century later a ,sibylline oracle1      

beyond doubt invented for the purpose1  
was used to prevent ,pompeius from      
taking an army to ,egypt to restore     
,ptolemy ,auletes to his throne4 ,but   
all students of ,roman history in the   
last two centuries ,b4,c4 are familiar  
with such cases of the prostitution of  
religion or religious processes1 and ,i 
have already said enough about it in the
 lecture on divination4#gad  ,i do not1 
of course1 mean to assert that personal 
and political motives account for all or
 the greater number of prodigia         
reported4 ,there is plenty of evidence  
that the genuine old religio could be   
stirred up by real marvels1 which the   
government were bound to expiate in     
order to satisfy public feeling4 ,thus  
in #aic ,b4,c4 earthquakes were so      
frequent that the ,senate could not     
meet1 nor could any public business be  
done1 so busy were the consuls with the 
work of expiation4 ,at last the         
,sibylline books were consulted and the 
usual religious remedies applied2 but   

the spirit of the age is apparent in the
 edict of the consuls1 prompted by the  
,senate1 that if feriae had been decreed
 to take place on a certain day for the 
expiation of an earthquake1 no fresh    
earthquake was to be reported on that   
same day4#gae ,this delicious edict1    
unparalleled in ,roman history1 caused  
the grave ,livy to declare that the     
people must have grown tired1 not only  
of the earthquakes1 but of the feriae   
appointed to expiate them4  ,let us turn
 to another and more interesting feature
 of this age1 which is plainly visible  
in the sphere of religion1 as in other  
aspects both of private and public life3
 ,i mean the growth of individualism4   
,men1 and indeed women also1 as we shall
 see1 are beginning to feel and to      
assert their individual importance1 as  
against the strict rules and traditions1
 civil or religious1 of the life of the 
family and the ,state4 ,this is a       
tendency that had long been at work in  
,greece1 and is especially marked in the

 teaching of the two great ethical      
schools of the post-,alexandrian period1
 the ,epicureans and ,stoics4 ,the      
influence of ,greece on the ,romans was 
already strong enough to have sown the  
seeds of individualism in ,italy2 but   
the tendency was at the same time a     
natural result of enlarged experience   
and expanding intelligence among the    
upper classes4 ,the second century      
,b4,c4 shows us many prominent men of   
strong individual character1 who assert 
themselves in ways to which we have not 
been accustomed in ,roman history1 e4g4 
,scipio the elder1 ,flamininus1 ,cato1  
,aemilius ,paulus and his son1 ,scipio  
,aemilianus2 and among lesser and less  
honourable men we see the tendency in   
the passionate desire for personal      
distinction in the way of military      
commands1 triumphs1 and the giving of   
expensive games4 ,this is the age in    
which we first hear of statues and      
portrait busts of eminent men2 and      
magistrates begin to put their names or 

types connected with their families on  
the coins which they issue4#gaf  ,in    
religion this tendency is seen mainly in
 the attempts of the individual1 often  
successful1 to shake himself free of the
 restrictions of the old ius divinum4 ,i
 pointed out long ago that it was a weak
 point in the old ,roman religion that  
it did little or nothing to encourage   
and develop the individual religious    
instinct2 it was formalised as a        
religion of family and ,state1 and made 
no appeal1 as did that of the ,jews1 to 
the individual's sense of right and     
wrong4#gag ,the sense of sin was only   
present to the ,roman individual mind in
 the form of scruple about omissions or 
mistakes in the performance of religious
 duties4 ,thus religion lost her chance 
at ,rome as an agent in the development 
of the better side of human nature4 ,as 
an illustration of what ,i mean ,i may  
recall what ,i said in an early lecture1
 that the spirit of a dead ,roman was   
not thought of as definitely            

individualised2 it joined the whole mass
 of the ,manes in some dimly conceived  
abode beneath the earth2 there is no    
singular of the word ,manes4 ,it is only
 in the third century ,b4,c4 that we    
first meet with memorial tombstones to  
individuals1 like those of the ,scipios1
 and not till the end of the ,republican
 period that we find the words ,di      
,manes representing in any sense the    
spirit of the individual departed4#gah  
,in practical life the quarrel of the   
individual with the ius divinum takes   
the form of protest against the         
restrictions placed on the old          
sacrificing priesthoods1 these of the   
,flamines and the ,rex sacrorum1 who1   
unlike the pontifices and augurs1 were  
disqualified from holding a secular     
magistracy4#gai ,these priesthoods must 
be filled up1 and when a vacancy        
occurred1 the pontifex maximus1 who     
retained the power of the ,rex in this  
sphere1 as a kind of paterfamilias of   
the whole ,state1 selected the persons1 

and could compel them to serve even if  
they were unwilling4 ,but the interests 
of public life are now far more         
attractive than the duties of the       
cults1--the individual wishes to assert 
himself where his self-assertion will be
 noted and appreciated4  ,these attempts
 at emancipation from the ius divinum   
were not at first successful4 ,in #bdb a
 flamen of ,mars was elected consul2 he 
hoped to be in joint command with his   
colleague ,lutatius of the naval        
campaign against ,carthage4 ,but the ius
 divinum forbade him to leave ,italy1   
and the pontifex maximus inexorably     
enforced it4#gbj ,of this quarrel we    
have no details2 but in #aij a similar  
case is recorded in full4 ,a flamen     
,quirinalis1 elected praetor1 who had   
,sardinia assigned him as his province1 
was stopped by the ius divinum          
administered by another inexorable      
pontifex maximus2 and it was only after 
a long struggle1 in which ,senate1      
tribunes1 and people all took part1 that

 he was forced to submit4 ,so great was 
his wrath that he was with difficulty   
persuaded not to resign his             
praetorship4#gba ,naturally it became   
difficult to fill these priesthoods1 for
 it was invidious to compel young men of
 any promise to commit what was         
practically political suicide4 ,the     
office of rex sacrorum was vacant for   
two years between #baj and #bjh2gbb and 
in #ahj ,cornelius ,dolabella1 a duumvir
 navalis1 on being selected for this    
priesthood1 absolutely refused to obey  
the pontifex maximus when ordered to    
resign his secular command4 ,he was     
fined for disobedience1 and appealed to 
the people2 at the moment when it became
 obvious that the appeal would fail1 he 
contrived to escape by getting up an    
unlucky omen4 ,religio inde fuit        
pontificibus inaugurandi ,dolabellae2   
and here we have the strange spectacle  
of the ius divinum being used to defeat 
its own ends4 ,such a state of things   
needs no comment4#gbc  ,but the most    

extraordinary story of this kind is that
 of a flamen of ,jupiter1--a story which
 many years ago ,i told in detail in the
 ,classical ,review4 ,here ,i may just  
be allowed to reproduce it in outline4  
,in the year #bji a young ,c4 ,valerius 
,flaccus1 the black sheep of a great    
family1 was inaugurated against his will
 as ,flamen ,dialis by the pontifex     
maximus ,p4 ,licinius4#gbd ,it was      
within the power of the head of the     
,roman religion to use such compulsion1 
but it must have been difficult and     
unusual to do so without the consent of 
the victim's relations4 ,in this case1  
as ,livy expressly tells us1 it was used
 because the lad was of bad             
character1--ob adolescentiam negligentem
 luxuriosamque2 and it is pretty plain  
that the step was suggested by his elder
 brother and other relations1 in order  
to keep him out of mischief4 ,for1 as we
 have seen1 the taboos on this ancient  
priesthood were numerous and strict1 and
 among the restrictions laid on its     

holder was one which forbade him to     
leave his house for a single night4     
,thus we learn not only that this       
priesthood was not much accounted of in 
those days1 but also that for the cura  
and caerimonia of religion a pure mind  
was no longer needed4 ,but it might be  
utilised as a kind of penal settlement  
for a libertine noble2 and it is not    
impossible that a century and a quarter 
later the attempt to put the boy ,julius
 ,caesar into the same priesthood1      
though otherwise represented by the     
historians1 may have had the same       
object4#gbe ,but the strange thing in   
the case of ,flaccus is that this very  
cura and caerimonia1 if ,livy's account 
is to be trusted1 had such a wholesome  
disciplinary effect1 that the libertine 
became a model youth1 the admiration of 
his own and other families4 ,relying on 
his excellent character he even asserted
 the ancient right of this flamen to    
take his seat in the ,senate1 a right   
which had long been in abeyance ob      

indignitatem flaminum priorum2 and he   
eventually gained his point1 in spite of
 obstinate opposition on the part of a  
praetor4 ,some years later1 in #bjj1    
this same man was elected curule        
aedile4#gbf ,this was clearly the first 
example of an attempt to combine the    
priesthood with a magistracy1 for a     
difficulty at once arose and was solved 
in a way for which no precedent is      
quoted4 ,among the taboos on this priest
 there was one forbidding him to take an
 oath2 yet the law demanded that a      
magistrate must take the usual oath     
within five days of entering on         
office4#gbg ,flaccus insisted on        
asserting his individuality in spite of 
the ius divinum1 and the ,senate and    
people both backed him up4 ,the ,senate 
decreed that if he could find some one  
to take the oath for him1 the consuls   
might1 if they chose1 approach the      
tribune with a view to getting a        
relieving plebiscitum2 this was duly    
obtained1 and he took the oath by proxy4

 ,in his year of office as aedile we    
find him giving expensive ludi ,romani2 
and in #ahd he only missed the          
praetorship by an unlucky accident4#gbh 
,in this story we find the              
self-assertion of an individual         
supported by ,senate1 consuls1 and      
people in breaking loose from the       
antiquated restrictions of a bygone age1
 and we cannot but sympathise with it4  
,but ,roman history is full of          
surprises1 and among these ,i know none 
more amazing than the successful attempt
 of ,augustus two centuries later to    
revive this priesthood with all its     
absurdities4#gbi  ,the self-assertion of
 members of the great families against  
the ius divinum was inevitable1 and in  
the instances just noticed the attitude 
of compromise taken up by the government
 was only what was to be expected in an 
age of stress and change and new ideas4 
,but in less than twenty years after the
 peace with ,carthage this government   
found itself suddenly face to face with 

what may be called a religious rebellion
 chiefly among the lower orders1        
including women2 and the authorities    
unhesitatingly reverted to the position 
of conscientious guardians of the       
religious system of the ,city-state4    
,they began to realise that they had    
been holding a wolf by the ears ever    
since the beginning of the ,hannibalic  
war2 that they had a population to deal 
with which was no longer pure ,roman or 
even pure ,italian1 and that even the   
genuine ,romans themselves were liable  
to be moved by new currents of religious
 feeling4 ,during the war they had done 
all that was possible to meet the mental
 as well as the material troubles of    
this population1 even to the length of  
introducing the worship1 under certain  
restrictions1 of the great ,phrygian    
,mother of the gods4 ,but now1 in #ahf1 
the sudden outbreak of ,dionysiac orgies
 in ,italy showed them that all their   
remedies were stale and insufficient1   
and that the wolf was getting loose in  

their hands4  ,dionysus had long been   
housed at ,rome1 under the name of      
,liber1 in that temple of ,ceres1       
,liber1 and ,libera which was discussed 
in detail in my eleventh lecture4#gcj   
,but it is not likely that many ,romans 
recognised the identity of ,liber and   
,dionysus1 and it is quite certain that 
the characteristic features of the      
,dionysiac ritual were entirely unknown 
at ,rome for three centuries after the  
foundation of the temple4 ,that ritual1 
as it existed in ,greece from the       
earliest times1 retaining the essential 
features which it bore in its original  
,thracian home1#gca has lately been     
thoroughly examined and clearly         
expounded by ,dr4 ,farnell in the fifth 
volume of his ,cults of the ,greek      
,states1 and the student of the ,roman  
religious history of this period would  
do well to study carefully his fifth    
chapter4 ,in most ,greek states1 as at  
,athens1 in spite of occasional         
outbreaks1 the wilder aspects of the    

cult had not been encouraged1 but at    
,delphi and at ,thebes1 i4e4 on         
,parnassus and ,cithaeron1 the more     
striking phenomena of the genuine ritual
 are found down to a late period4 ,dr4  
,farnell has summed these up under three
 heads at the beginning of his account3 
,the wild and ecstatic enthusiasm that  
it inspired1 the self-abandonment and   
communion with the deity achieved       
through orgiastic rites and a savage    
sacramental act1 and the prominence of  
women in the ritual1 which in accordance
 with a certain psychic law made a      
special appeal to their temperament4#gcb
 ,it meant in fact exactly that form of 
religious ecstasy which was peculiarly  
abhorrent to the minds of the old       
,romans1 who had built up the ius       
divinum with its sober ritual and its   
practical ideas of the supernatural     
powers around them4 ,we found nothing in
 our studies of this religion to lead us
 to suppose for an instant that it had  
any mental effect such as the           

transcending of the limits of the       
ordinary consciousness and the feeling  
of communion with the divine nature4#gcc
 ,the ,latin language indeed had no     
native words for the expression of such 
emotions4#gcd  ,but it would be a great 
mistake to suppose that there was no    
soil in ,italy1 or even at ,rome1 where 
such emotional rites might take root4   
,we may believe that the dignity and    
sobriety of the ,roman character was in 
part at least the result of the         
discipline of ordered religion in family
 and state2 but this is not to say that 
the ,romans were never capable of       
religious indiscipline1--far from it4   
,the ,italian rural festival1 then as   
now1 was lively and indecorous1 so far  
as we can guess from the few glimpses we
 get of it2 and at ,rome the ancient    
festival of ,anna ,perenna1 in which    
women took part1 was a scene of revelry 
as ,ovid describes it1#gce--of dancing1 
singing1 and intoxication1 and we need  
not wonder that it found no place in the

 ancient calendar of the ius divinum4   
,and we have lately had occasion to     
notice1 in the new ritual instituted    
under the direction of the ,sibylline   
books1 and more especially during the   
great war1 clear indications that the   
natural emotions of women1 even of      
,roman women1 had to be satisfied by    
shows and processions in which they     
could share1 and that the ideal dignity 
of the ,roman matron had often given way
 under the terrible stress of public and
 domestic anxiety and peril4 ,no wonder 
then that when ,roman armies had been   
for years in ,greece1 and ,greeks were  
flocking into ,rome in larger numbers   
every year1 the ,dionysiac rites should 
find their way into ,italy1 and no      
wonder too that they should instantly   
find a congenial soil1 exotics though   
they were4  ,the story of the           
,bacchanalia is told by ,livy in his    
best manner1 and whether or no it be    
literally true in every particular1 is  
full of life and interest4 ,it is the   

fashion now to reject as false whatever 
is surprising2 and the latest historian 
of ,rome dismisses ,livy's account of   
the discovery of the mischief as an     
interesting romance4#gcf ,fortunately we
 are not now concerned with this        
romance1 if such it be2 ,i only propose 
to dwell on one or two points more      
nearly concerned with our subject4      
,first1 let us note that the seeds of   
this evil crop were sown in ,etruria1   
the most dangerous neighbour of the     
,romans from a religious point of view2 
for it is hardly too much to say that   
all ,greek influences that filtered     
through ,etruria on their way to ,rome  
were contaminated in the process4       
,according to the story1#gcg a common   
,greek religious quack 7sacrificulus et 
vates1 as ,livy calls him71 of the type 
held up to scorn by ,plato in the       
,republic1#gch came to ,etruria and     
began to initiate in the rites2         
drunkenness was the result1 and with    
drinking came crime and immorality of   

all kinds4 ,from ,etruria the mischief  
spread to ,rome1 and was there          
discovered accidentally4 ,according to  
the evidence given1 it began with a     
small association of women1 who met     
openly in the daytime only three times a
 year4 ,then it fell under the direction
 of a priestess from ,campania1--,rome's
 other most dangerous neighbour in      
regard to religion and morals1--who gave
 it a sinister turn4 ,the meetings were 
held at night1 and were accompanied not 
only by the characteristic features of  
the old ,thracian ritual1 but1 as in    
,etruria1 by the most abominable        
wickedness4 ,it was said to have        
infected a large part of the population1
 including young members of noble       
families2 for with the true missionary  
instinct1 young people only were        
admitted by the hierophants4 ,we need   
not necessarily believe all this2 but it
 is certain1 from the steps taken by the
 government1 about which there is no    
doubt1 that it is in the main a true    

account4 ,the storm and stress of the   
long war with ,hannibal would be enough 
to account for the phenomena1 even if   
they were not in keeping with well-known
 psychical facts4  ,let us now turn for 
a moment to the attitude of the         
government in this extraordinary episode
 of ,roman religious experience4 ,the   
danger is dealt with entirely by the    
,senate and the magistrates2 the        
authorities of the ius divinum as such  
have nothing to do with it4 ,it is      
characteristic of the age that it is not
 dealt with as a matter of religion     
merely1 but as a                        
conspiracy--coniuratio4#gci ,this is the
 word used by ,livy1 and we find it also
 in the document called                 
,senatusconsultum de ,bacchanalibus1    
part of which has most fortunately come 
down to us4 ,this is the word also used1
 we may note1 of the conspiracy of      
,catiline in the century following1 and 
it always conveys the idea of rebellion 
against the order and welfare of the    

,state4 ,in this case it was rebellion  
against the whole body of the mos       
maiorum1 the ,greek3 ethos of the       
,city-state of ,rome4 ,for it was an    
attempt to supersede the ancient        
religious life of that ,state by externa
 superstitio1 prava religio--prava1     
because deorum numen praetenditur       
sceleribus2 and hence1 as ,livy         
expresses it in the admirable speech put
 into the mouth of the consul1 the      
,roman gods themselves felt their numen 
to be contaminated4#gdj ,all the        
speeches in ,livy1 except perhaps the   
military ones1 are worth careful study  
by those who would enter into the ,roman
 spirit as conceived by an ,augustan    
writer2 and this is one of the most     
valuable of them4  ,lastly1 let us note 
the steps taken by the government in    
this emergency4 ,it is treated as a     
matter of police1 both in ,rome and     
,italy2 the guilty are sought out and   
punished as conspirators against the    
,state1 and a precedent of tremendous   

force is hereby established for all     
future dealings with externa            
superstitio1 which held good even to the
 last struggle with ,christianity4      
,where foreign rites are believed to be 
dangerous to the ,state or to morality1 
they must be rigidly suppressed in the  
,roman world2 when they are harmless    
they may be tolerated1 or even1 like the
 cult of the ,magna ,mater1 received    
into the sacred circle of ,roman        
worships4#gda ,but there is yet another 
lesson to be learnt from the conduct of 
the government at this crisis4 ,who     
would have suspected1 while reading the 
horrible story1 and noting the almost   
arbitrary energy with which the         
coniuratio was stamped out1 that the    
,dionysiac rites would even now be      
tolerated under certain conditions8     
,that this was so is a fact attested not
 only by ,livy1 but by the              
,senatusconsultum itself4#gdb ,the      
government was now forced to recognise  
the fact that there were ,romans for    

whom the ius divinum no longer sufficed1
 and who needed a more emotional form of
 religion4 ,if any one 7so ran in effect
 the ,senatusconsultum7 felt            
conscientiously that he could not wholly
 renounce the new religion1 he might    
apply in person to the praetor urbanus2 
and the praetor would lay the matter    
before a meeting of the ,senate1 at     
which not less than a hundred must be   
present4 ,the ,senate may give leave for
 the worship1 provided that no more than
 five persons be present at it2 and that
 there be no common fund for its        
support1 nor any permanent priest to    
preside at it4 ,these clauses1 says     
,aust1#gdc are a concession to the      
strong spiritual current of feeling     
which sought for something fresher and  
better to take the place of the old     
religion of forms2 and on the whole we  
may agree with him4 ,all religious      
revivals are liable to be accompanied by
 moral evil1 but they all express       
unmistakably a natural and honourable   

yearning of the human spirit4  ,not long
 after this1 in #aha1 the government put
 its foot down firmly on what seems to  
have been another attempt1 though in    
this case a ludicrous one1 to introduce 
strange religious ideas at ,rome4 ,we   
have the story of this on the authority 
not only of ,livy1 but of the oldest    
,roman annalist1 ,cassius ,hemina1 from 
whose work ,pliny has preserved a       
fragment relating to this matter4#gdd   
,cassius must almost certainly have been
 alive in #aha1 and would remember the  
event2#gde and though his account and   
,livy's differ in details1 we may take  
the story as in the main true4 ,a       
secretary 7scriba71 who had land on the 
,janiculan hill1 dug up there a stone   
coffin with an inscription stating that 
the king ,numa was buried in it4 ,no    
remains of a body were found1 but in a  
square stone casket inside the coffin   
were found books written on paper       
7charta7 and supposed to be writings of 
,numa about the ,pythagorean philosophy4

 ,these writings were read by many      
people1 and eventually by a praetor1 who
 at once pronounced them to be          
subversive of religion4 ,that anything  
supposed to emanate from ,numa should   
have this character was of course       
impossible2 and it is plain that the    
writings were believed even at the time 
to be absurd forgeries1 drawn up with   
the idea of investing strange doctrines 
with the authority of ,numa's name2 for 
the legend of a religious connection    
between ,numa and ,pythagoras must have 
been known at the time4 ,the discoverer 
appealed to the tribunes1 who referred  
the matter to the senate2 and the senate
 authorised the praetor to burn the     
books in the ,comitium1 which was done  
in the presence of a large assembly4    
,in a later lecture ,i shall have       
something to say of the revival of      
,pythagoreanism in the time of ,cicero1 
and ,i need not now attempt to explain  
what such a revival might mean4 ,all we 
need to note is that something          

subversive of the ,roman religion was   
believed to be circulating in #aha in   
,roman society under the assumed        
authority of ,numa's name1 and that the 
senate1 warned by recent experience1    
determined to stamp it out at once4     
,they seem to have suddenly become alive
 to the fact that ,greece1 and in this  
instance mainly ,magna ,graecia1 was    
sending clever agents to ,rome for the  
propagation of ideas which might make   
the people less tractable to authority4 
,in the stress of the great war1 indeed 
for years afterwards1 they had probably 
never had leisure to reflect on the     
inevitable result of the writings of a  
man like ,ennius1 who was not improbably
 responsible for the propagation of     
these very ,pythagorean notions4#gdf    
,now a reaction seems to set in against 
the flowing tide of admiration for      
everything ,greek2#gdg but it was too   
late to arrest the flood4 ,all that     
could be hoped for was that in the lives
 and minds of the wiser ,romans the new 

,greek civilisation might so leaven the 
old ,roman ignorance that no permanent  
harm should be done to the instincts of 
virtus and pietas3 and to some extent   
this hope was realised4 ,but for the    
masses there was no such hope4 ,what    
,greek teaching reached their minds was 
almost wholly that of the ludi scenici2 
and ,i must now say a word in conclusion
 about this unwholesome                 
influence--unwholesome1 that is1 so far 
as it affected the old religious ideas4 
,i had occasion1 when dealing with ,dr4 
,frazer's notion that the ,roman        
religion admitted such ideas as the     
marriage of the gods with all its       
natural consequences1#gdh to point out  
that his evidence was almost wholly     
derived from the play-writers of the    
very period on which we are now engaged4
 ,i said that he seems to be justified  
in concluding that there was a popular  
idea of such a kind1 which the ,state   
religion did not recognise2 but that it 
can very easily be explained as the     

natural effect of a degenerate ,greek   
mythology1 popularised by ,greek dramas 
adapted to the ,roman stage1 upon       
certain peculiarities of the ,roman     
theology1 and especially the functional 
combination of male and female divine   
names in ,italian invocations of the    
deities4 ,nothing could be more natural 
than that playwrights should take       
advantage of such combinations to invent
 or translate comic passages to please a
 ,roman audience1 now largely consisting
 of semi-educated men who had lost faith
 in their own religion1 and a host of   
smaller people of mixed descent and     
nationality4 ,we do not know enough of  
the older comedies to be at all sure how
 far they had gone in this direction1   
though we are certain1 to use the words 
of ,zeller1#gdi that it was impossible  
to transplant ,greek poetry to ,roman   
soil without bringing ,greek mythology  
with it2 or1 as ,i should put it1       
without subordinating the old reasonable
 idea of the ,power manifesting itself  

in the universe to the ,greek fancy for 
clothing that ,power in the human form  
and endowing it with human faults and   
frailties4  ,but of the two great       
literary figures of the age we have now 
reached1 ,ennius and ,plautus1 we know  
beyond all doubt that they taught the   
ignorant ,roman of their day not only to
 be indifferent to his deities1 but to  
laugh at them4 ,just at the very time   
when the forged books of ,numa were     
being burnt in the ,comitium1 ,ennius'  
famous translation of the ,sacred       
,history of ,euhemerus was becoming     
known at ,rome1 in which was taught the 
doctrine of the human origin of all     
deities2 and though we have hardly a    
fragment left of the comedies of        
,ennius1 we may presume that he would   
not have hesitated for a moment to make 
the gods ridiculous on the stage4 ,it   
was he who wrote the celebrated lines in
 his tragedy of ,telamo3#gej    ego deum
 genus esse semper dixi et dicam        
caelitum1   sed eos non curare opinor   

quid agat humanum genus1  which 7as ,i  
have said elsewhere7#gea strike a direct
 blow at the efficacy of sacrifice and  
prayer by openly declaring that the gods
 did not interest themselves in mankind4
 ,this is the same ,epicurean doctrine  
afterwards preached by ,lucretius1 and  
,i must return to it in the next        
lecture4 ,at present let us select a    
couple of specimens of the more explicit
 evidence of the extant plays of        
,plautus1 which began to be exhibited at
 ,rome just about the end of the war    
with ,hannibal4  ,here is an example of 
the way in which the family             
relationships of ,greek gods could be   
made amusing under ,roman names4        
,alcesimarchus in the ,cistellaria      
wishes to make a strong asseveration1   
and begins3#geb    at ita me di deaeque1
 superi et inferi et medioxumi1  but    
immediately goes on to specify these    
deities more particularly by their names
 and relationships--and gets the latter 
wrong4 ,melaenis corrects him in a way  

which 7as ,aust notes7#gec could only   
have seemed comical to a ,roman audience
 if they had already some acquaintance  
with the divine family gossip4          
itaque me ,iuno regina et ,iovi' supremi
 filia       itaque me ,saturnus eiius  
patruos--,,me4 ecastor1 pater4   ,,al4  
itaque me ,ops opulenta1 illius         
avia--,,me4 immo mater quidem4  ,perhaps
 it was the fancy of the age for divine 
genealogy that is here being made fun of
 rather than the gods themselves2 but in
 any case the passage shows how         
irrecoverably lost was the real         
impersonal character of the old ,roman  
numen1 and how impossible it must have  
been in such an age to believe that     
anything was really to be gained by the 
once solemn rites of the ius divinum4   
,but the most remarkable evidence is in 
the ,amphitruo1#ged where ,jupiter and  
,mercurius are among the dramatis       
personae4 ,this comedy is extremely     
amusing1 and was quite capable of       
entertaining the ,parisians in the form 

given it by ,moliere2 but for them it   
could hardly have been so funny as for  
the ,greeks in the age of the ,new      
,comedy and their disciples the ,romans 
of ,plautus' day1 who saw ,zeus and     
,hermes1 ,jupiter and ,mercurius1       
brought by their own misdoings into     
absurd and degrading situations4        
,jupiter personates ,amphitruo1 and so  
gains admission to his wife1 ,alkmene6  
,comment is needless1 unless we take the
 last line of the play as a comment3--  
,nunc1 spectatores1 ,iovi' summi causa  
clare plaudite6  ,i do not propose to   
follow further the downfall of the old  
,roman ideas about the objects of       
worship1 or the neglect and decay of the
 ius divinum4 ,they do not fall within  
the scope of my subject--the religious  
experience of the ,roman people4 ,so    
long as there was any life in these     
ideas and in the cult which was the     
practical expression of them1 they      
formed part of that experience4 ,but ,i 
think ,i have sufficiently proved that  

the life has gone out of the ideas1 and 
that the worship has consequently become
 meaningless4 ,ideas about the divine   
may be discussed by philosophers as the 
,romans begin to read and in some degree
 to think2 and the outward forms of the 
cult may be maintained in such          
particulars as most closely concern the 
public life of the community2 but as a  
religious system expressing human       
experience we have done with these      
things4       ,,notes ,,to ,,lecture    
,,xv      #gjf ,polybius vi4 #ef4       
#gjg ,livy xxxi4 #d ad fin41 cp4 xxv4   
#b1 xxvii4 #cf1     etc4 ,for the ,iovis
 epulum see ,r4,f4 #baf foll4 and the   
references there given4 ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4
 foll4 #aaa4 #che     foll4 ,i am not   
sure that ,i am right in limiting the   
human partakers of the epulum of ,nov4  
#ac to the plebeian     magistrates4    
#gjh ,livy xxxi4 #e4 ,the importance of 
the words     prolationem finium does   
not seem to have been noticed     by    
historians4 ,if they are genuine they   

indicate an     undoubtedly aggressive  
attitude4      #gji ,livy xxxi4 #g and  
#h4      #gaj ,livy xxxvi4 #a4      #gaa
 ,augustine1 ,civ4 ,dei1 iv4 #bg3       
,relatum est in     litteras doctissimum
 pontificem ,scaevolam disputasse       
tria genera tradita deorum3 unum a      
poetis1 alterum a     philosophis1      
tertium a principibus civitatis4 ,primum
     genus nugatorium dicit esse1 quod  
multa de diis     fingantur indigna1    
etc4 ,expedire igitur falli in          
religione civitates4      #gab ,livy    
xxxii4 #i1 cp4 #bh4 ,in connection with 
these     prodigia it may be worth      
noting that in xxxii4 #cj we     are    
told that a consul vowed a temple to    
,juno ,sospita1     who had in her      
famous seat at ,lanuvium been a constant
     centre of marvel-mongering4 ,livy  
xxxiv4 #ec places the     building of   
this temple in foro olitorio three years
     later1 if we may read there        
,sospitae instead of the     ,matutae of
 the ,,mss4 with ,sigonius3 7cp4 ,aust1 

de     ,aedibus1 p4 #ba1 and ,wissowa1  
,r4,k4 #aag74 ,this     interesting     
deity had been taken into the ,roman    
worship     in #cch ,b4,c41 but not     
moved from ,lanuvium1 which had         
peculiar religious relations with ,rome4
 ,see ,myth4 ,lex4     vol4 ii4 p4 #fjh1
 where the attributes of this ,juno in  
art are described by ,vogel4 ,the date  
of the temple at     ,rome was #aid4    
,whether the object of it was to        
diminish     the portents at ,lanuvium  
it is impossible to say1 but     judging
 from the records of prodigia in ,julius
     ,obsequens it had that effect4 ,i  
find only four     prodigia reported    
from ,lanuvium after this date4         
#gac ,see the passage in ,frontinus1 de 
,aqueductibus1     i4 #g 7,c4           
,herschel's edition gives the reading of
 the     best ,,ms471 and the mutilated 
passage in the new epitomes     of ,livy
 found by ,grenfell and ,hunt in ,egypt 
7,oxyrrhyncus ,papyri1 vol4 iv4 pp4 #aja
 and #aac74 ,the     general bearing of 

the two passages taken together seems   
to me to be that given in the text4     
#gad ,cic4 ad ,fam4 i4 #a and #b4 ,a    
somewhat similar case     in #aij ,b4,c4
 will be found in ,livy xxxviii4 #de1   
where the     oracle forbade a ,roman   
army to cross the ,taurus range4        
#gae ,livy xxxiv4 #ee4      #gaf ,livy  
xxxviii4 #ef1 mentions statues which    
were     believed to be those of ,scipio
 the elder1 his brother     ,lucius1 and
 ,ennius1 in ,scipionum monumento       
outside the     ,porta ,capena1 and     
another of ,scipio at ,liternum1 where  
he had a villa2 this one ,livy says that
 he saw himself     blown down by a     
storm4 ,on statues and busts at ,rome1  
see     ,pliny xxxiv4 #bh foll42 ,mrs4  
,strong1 ,roman ,sculpture1     p4 #bh  
foll42 ,cambridge ,companion to ,latin  
,studies1 p4     #eej foll42 and for    
coins1 p4 #def4      #gag ,see above1 p4
 #bdj1 for the remarkable exception in  
the case of the elder ,scipio1 whose    
practice when in     ,rome was to go up 

to the ,capitoline temple before        
daybreak and contemplate the statue of  
,jupiter2 the dogs     never barked at  
him1 and the aedituus opened the cella  
,iovis at his summons4 ,i see no good   
ground for     rejecting this story1    
which is not likely to have been        
invented4 ,it can be traced back to two 
writers1 ,oppius1     the friend of     
,caesar1 and ,julius ,hyginus1 the      
librarian     of ,augustus 7,gell4 vi4  
#a4 #a71 and was probably based on      
tradition4 ,livy mentions it in xxvi4   
#ai1 and suggests     that this and     
other ways of ,scipio were assumed to   
impress the multitude4 ,the ,roman mind 
was naturally     averse from such      
individualism in religion2 but ,scipio  
was beyond doubt more familiar than his 
contemporaries     with ,greek ideas4   
,in a chapter on ,idealism in his little
     book on ,religion and ,art in      
,ancient ,greece1 ,professor     ,ernest
 ,gardner writes3 ,the statue 7of       
,athene7 by     ,phidias within the     

,parthenon offered not merely that      
form in which she would choose to appear
 if she showed     herself to mortal    
eyes1 but actually showed her form as   
if she had revealed it to the sculptor4 
,to look upon     such an image helped  
the worshipper as much as--perhaps      
more than--any service or ritual1 to    
bring himself into     communion with   
the goddess1 and to fit himself1 as a   
citizen of her chosen city1 to carry out
 her will in     contributing his best  
efforts to its supremacy in             
politics1 in literature1 and in art4    
,that ,scipio had     some feeling of   
this kind need not be doubted1 though   
the statue was not a great work of art  
like that of     ,phidias4 ,cp4         
,lucretius1 vi4 #ge foll4      #gah ,see
 below1 p4 #chf4      #gai ,marquardt1  
#ccb1 and ,mommsen1 ,staatsrecht1 i4 ed4
     #b1 p4 #dfc foll4      #gbj ,livy1 
,epit4 xix4      #gba ,livy xxxvii4 #ea3
 ,religio ad postremum vicit1 ut        
dicto audiens esset flamen pontifici4   

,here religio is     used in the sense  
of obligation to the ius divinum4       
#gbb ,livy xxvii4 #f2 cp4 #cf4      #gbc
 ,this story is told in ,livy xl4 #db4  
#gbd ,livy xxvii4 #h4 ,for the          
compelling power 7capere7     of the    
,pont4 ,max41 see ,marq4 #cad4 ,the     
story may have     come from the annals 
of the ,valerii ,flacci1 and also       
from those of the pontifices2 it was    
apparently well     known1 as ,valerius 
,maximus knew it 7vi4 #i4 #b74      #gbe
 ,velleius ii4 #dc4      #gbf ,livy     
xxxi4 #ej4      #gbg ,for the oath see  
,lex incerta reperta ,bantiae1     lines
 #af and #ag1 in ,bruns1 ,fontes ,iuris 
,romani4 ,the     oath taboo is         
mentioned by ,gellius #aj4 #ae4 #c42    
,festus     #ajd1 and ,plutarch1        
,quaest4 ,rom4 #aac4      #gbh ,livy    
xxxii4 #g2 xxxix4 #ci4      #gbi ,tac4  
,ann4 iv4 #af4      #gcj ,see above1 p4 
#bee4      #gca ,farnell1 ,cults of the 
,greek ,states1 vol4 v4 p4     #he foll4
 ,very interesting is the modern        

survival of     ,dionysiac rites        
recently discovered in ,thrace by ,mr4  
,dawkins 7,hellenic ,journal1 #aijf1 p4 
#aia74      #gcb ,farnell1 op4 cit4 vol4
 v4 p4 #aej4      #gcc ,quoted by       
,farnell1 p4 #aea1 from ,rohde's        
,psyche4      #gcd ,it is possible that 
superstitio may originally     have had 
some such meaning2 see ,w4 ,otto in     
,archiv fuer     ,religionswissenschaft1
 #aiji1 p4 #edh foll42 ,mayor's         
edition of ,cic4 de ,nat4 ,deorum1 note 
on ii4 #gb foll4      #gce ,ovid1       
,fasti1 iii4 #ebc foll4 ,see also ,roman
     ,society in the ,age of ,cicero1 p4
 #bhi4      #gcf ,see ,mr4 ,heitland's  
,history of the ,roman     ,republic1   
vol4 ii4 p4 #bbi note1 and cp4 ,wissowa 
in     ,pauly-,wissowa1 ,real-,encycl4  
s4v4 ,bacchanalia4      #gcg ,livy      
xxxix4 #h foll4      #gch ,plato1 de    
,rep4 #cfd ,b2 cp4 ,laws1 #icc ,d4      
#gci ,quaestio de clandestinis          
coniurationibus decreta     est1 ,livy  
xxxix4 #h2 so also in chs4 #ad and #ag4 

,cp4     ,sctm4 de ,bacchanalibus1 line 
#ac1 conioura 7se74 ,this     document  
is1 strictly speaking1 a letter to the  
magistrates in agro ,teurano in         
,bruttium embodying the     orders of   
the ,senatus consultum4 ,it will be     
found in     ,bruns1 ,fontes ,iuris     
,romani1 or in ,wordsworth1             
,fragments and ,specimens of ,early     
,latin4      #gdj ,livy xxxix4 #af3     
,omnia1 dis propitiis     volentibusque1
 faciemus1 qui quia suum numen          
sceleribus     libidinibusque           
contaminari indigne ferebant1 etc4      
#gda ,mommsen1 ,strafrecht1 p4 #efg     
foll4      #gdb ,livy xxxix4 #ah ad fin4
 ,sctm4 de ,bacch4 lines #c     foll4   
#gdc ,religion der ,roemer1 p4 #gh4     
#gdd ,livy xl4 #bi seems to have put his
 account together     from ,cassius     
,hemina and other annalists1 so far as  
we     can judge from the reference to  
them in ,pliny1 ,n4,h4     xiii4 #hd2   
,valerius ,antias1 who simply stated    
that the     writings were ,pythagorean 

as well as ,numan1 ,livy     rejects as 
ignorant of the chronological           
impossibility     of making the king    
contemporary with the philosopher4      
,the fragment of ,cassius ,hemina is    
quoted in ,pliny1 sec4     #hf2 ,val4   
,max4 i4 #a1 and ,plutarch1 ,numa #bb1  
add nothing     to our knowledge of the 
incident4      #gde ,see ,schanz1       
,gesch4 der roem4 ,literatur1 i4 #bfh2  
,pliny1 loc4 cit41 calls him            
vetustissimus auctor     annalium1 but  
his work was later than the ,annals or  
,origines of ,cato4      #gdf ,ennius   
came from ,south ,italy 7,rudiae in     
,messapia71     the home of             
,pythagoreanism4 ,for traces of it in   
his     works1 see ,reid on ,cicero1    
,academica priora1 ii4 #ea4      #gdg   
,this is the view taken by ,colin1 ,rome
 et la     ,grece1 #bjj-adf ,b4,c41 p4  
#bfi foll4 ,this reaction was           
probably only a part of the general     
reversion to     conservatism which we  
have been noticing in the action     of 

the government in religious matters4    
#gdh ,see above1 p4 #adi foll4      #gdi
 ,quoted by ,aust1 ,religion der        
,roemer1 p4 #fd4 ,the     passage is in 
,zeller's ,religion und ,philosophie bei
 den     ,roemern1 a short treatise     
reprinted in his ,vortraege und         
,abhandlungen1 ii4 #ic foll4      #gej  
,ribbeck1 ,fragmenta ,tragicorum        
,latinorum1 p4 #ed4      #gea ,social   
,life at ,rome in the ,age of ,cicero1  
p4     #ccd4      #geb ,cistellaria1 ii4
 #a4 #de foll4      #gec ,aust1 op4 cit4
 p4 #ff4      #ged ,see ,schanz1 ,gesch4
 der roem4 ,literatur1 vol4 i4     p4   
#ge4     ,,lecture ,,xvi  ,,greek       
,,philosophy ,,and ,,roman ,,religion   
,i said at the end of the last lecture  
that ideas about the ,divine might be   
discussed at ,rome by philosophers1 as  
the ,romans began to read and in some   
degree to think4 ,at the era we have now
 reached1 the latter half of the second 
century ,b4,c41 this process actually   
began1 and ,i propose in this lecture to

 deal with it briefly4 ,but my subject  
is the ,roman religious experience1 and 
,i can only find room for philosophy so 
far as the philosophy introduced at     
,rome had a really religious side4      
,another reason forbidding me to give   
much space to it is that it was at ,rome
 entirely exotic1 did not spring from an
 indigenous root in ,roman life and     
thought1 and never seriously affected   
the minds of the lower and less educated
 population4 ,and ,i must add that the  
types of ,greek philosophy which concern
 us at all have been fully and ably     
dealt with1 the one in vol4 ii4 of ,dr4 
,caird's lectures on this foundation on 
,the ,evolution of ,theology in the     
,greek ,philosophers1 a work from which 
,i have learnt much1 and the other by   
,dr4 ,masson in his most instructive    
work on the great ,epicurean poet       
,lucretius4  ,we have seen in the two   
last lectures that in that second       
century ,b4,c4 the ,roman was fast      
becoming religiously destitute--a       

castaway without consolation1 and       
without the sense that he needed it4 ,he
 was destitute1 first1 in regard to his 
idea of ,god and of his relation to     
,god2 for if we take our old definition 
of religion1 which seems to me to be    
continually useful1 we can hardly say of
 that age that it showed any effective  
desire to be in right relation with the 
,power manifesting itself in the        
universe4 ,the old idea of the          
manifestation of the ,power in the      
various numina had no longer any        
relation to ,roman life2 the kind of    
life in which it germinated and grew1   
the life of agriculture and warlike     
self-defence1 had passed away with the  
growth of the great city1 the decay of  
the small farmer1 and the extension of  
the empire2 and no new informing and    
inspiring principle had taken its place4
 ,secondly1 he was destitute in regard  
to his sense of duty1 which had been    
largely dependent on religion1 both in  
the family and in the ,state4 ,no new   

force had come in to create and maintain
 conscience4 ,in public life1 indeed1   
the religious oath was still powerful1  
and continued to be so1 though there are
 some signs that its binding force was  
less strong than of yore1 especially in 
the army4#gee ,but in a society so      
complex as that of ,rome in the last two
 centuries ,b4,c4 much more was wanted  
than a bond sanctioned by civil and     
religious law2 there was needed a sense 
of duty to the family1 the slave1 the   
provincials1 the poor and unfortunate4  
,there was no spring of moral action1 no
 religious consecration of morality1 no 
stimulus to moral endeavour4 ,the       
individual was rapidly developing1      
emancipating himself from the ,state and
 the group-system of society2 but he was
 developing in a wrong direction4 ,the  
importance of self1 when realised in    
high and low alike1 was becoming        
self-seeking1 indifference to all but   
self4 ,we have now to see whether       
philosophy could do anything to relieve 

this destitution of the ,romans in      
regard both to ,god and duty4  ,the     
first system of philosophy actually to  
make its appearance at ,rome was that of
 ,epicurus#gef2 but it speedily         
disappeared for the time1 and only      
became popular in the last century      
,b4,c41 and then in its most repulsive  
form4 ,it was indeed destined to inspire
 the noblest mind among all ,roman      
thinkers with some of the greatest      
poetry ever written2 but ,i need say    
little of it1 for it was never really a 
part of ,roman religious experience4    
,though capable of doing men much good  
in a turbulent and individualistic age1 
it did not and could not do this by     
establishing a religious sanction for   
conduct4 ,the ,epicurean gods were      
altogether out of reach of the          
conscience of the individual4 ,they were
 superfluous even for the atomic theory 
on which the whole system was           
pivoted2#geg and what ,epicurus himself 
understood by them1 or any of his       

followers down to ,lucretius1 is matter 
of subtle and perplexing                
disputation4#geh ,one point is clear1   
that they had no interest in human      
beings2#gei and the natural inference   
would be that human beings had no call  
to worship them2 yet1 strange to say1   
,epicurus himself took part in worship1 
and in the worship of the national      
religion of his native city4            
,philodemus1 the contemporary of        
,lucretius1 expressly asserts this1#gfj 
and even insists that ,epicurism gave a 
religious sanction to morality which was
 absent in ,stoicism4#gfa ,lucretius    
himself clearly thought that worship was
 natural and possible4 ,if you do not   
clear your mind of false notions1 he    
says1 nec delubra deum placido cum      
pectore adibis4#gfb ,man might go on    
with his ancestral worship1 but entirely
 without fear1 and as with placid mind  
he took part in the rites of his        
fathers1 a mysterious divine influence  
might enter his mind2 the images of a   

,zeus1 a ,heracles1 an ,athene1 might   
pass in and impress on him the aspect   
and character of each deity1 and carry  
with them suggestions of virtue1 of     
courage1 of wise counsel in             
difficulty4#gfc ,evidently both         
,epicurus and his followers had felt the
 difficulty and the peril of breaking   
entirely with the religious habits of   
the mass of the people1 and had         
conscientiously done their best to      
reconcile their own belief with popular 
practice--an attempt which has its      
parallel in the religious speculation of
 the present day4  ,but for the ,roman  
follower of ,epicurus1 wholly unused to 
such subtle ideas as the passage of     
divine influence into the mind by means 
of religious contemplation1 this lame   
attempt to bring apathetic gods into    
relation with human life must have been 
quite meaningless4 ,cicero well         
expresses the common sense of a ,roman  
at the very beginning of his treatise on
 the ,nature of the ,gods4#gfd ,if they 

are right who deny that the gods have   
any interest in human affairs1 where is 
there room for pietas1 for sanctitas1   
for religio8 ,what1 he adds1 is the use 
of worship1 of honour1 of prayer8 ,if   
these are simply make-believes1 pietas  
cannot exist1 and with it we may almost 
assume that fides and iustitia1 and the 
social virtues generally1 which hold    
society together1 must vanish too4 ,such
 criticism is characteristically ,roman1
 and we may take it as representing     
accurately the feeling of the           
old-fashioned ,roman of ,cicero's day1  
as well as of the ,stoic or ,academic   
critic of ,epicurism4 ,on the other     
hand1 the believing ,epicurean at ,rome 
was not more likely to accept the       
compromise2 he had done with his own    
gods and their worship1 and such a ficta
 simulatio was not likely to attract    
him4 ,even ,lucretius1 whose mind was in
 a sense really religious1 does no more 
in the passage ,i quoted just now than  
allude to actual worship of the gods1   

and he makes it quite clear that the    
tranquillity and happiness coming from  
contemplation1 and the punishment that  
follows misdoing1 are both purely       
subjective2 the gods are not active in  
influencing man's life1 but man         
influences that life himself by opening 
his mind to the contemplation of the    
gods4 ,this passage of ,lucretius 7vi4  
#fh foll47 is1 if ,i am not mistaken1   
the nearest approach to real religion   
that we find in the history of ,roman   
,epicurism2 yet so far as we know it    
bore no fruit4 ,it seems to me to       
express a genuine feeling1 a religio1   
but the expression is blurred by a      
consciousness of inconsistency4  ,the   
fact is that in the system of ,epicurus 
the ,power manifesting itself in the    
universe is not a divine ,power1 but a  
mechanical one2 the gods have nothing to
 do with it1 they cannot be active1     
their perfection is found in repose2    
they are an adjunct1 an after-thought in
 the system4 ,thus all attempts to      

reconcile the ,power with the popular   
religion must inevitably be failures1   
and more especially so in the ,roman    
world4 ,at best the ,epicurean gods     
could but set an example of quietism    
which could not possibly be a force for 
good in that active world of business   
and government4#gfe ,the real force of  
,epicurism1 for the ,roman at least1 if 
,i am not mistaken1 was analogous to a  
religious force1 though far indeed from 
being one in reality--,i mean the       
profound and touching belief in the     
,founder himself as a saviour1 which is 
so familiar to all readers of           
,lucretius4#gff ,and the real legacy of 
,lucretius himself to ,roman religion is
 only indirectly a religious one--,i    
mean the wholesome contempt for         
superstitio and all the baser side of   
religious belief and practice1 old and  
new4#gfg ,if his devotion to the ,master
 had been rooted more in the love of    
goodness and less in the admiration for 
his speculations1 and if his contempt   

for superstitio had been less harshly   
dogmatic1 had he been more sympathetic  
and generous in his attitude to the     
,italian ideas of the divine--the power 
of ,lucretius might possibly have been  
strong and permanent4  ,thus for the    
,roman's destitution in regard to ,god  
,epicurism could find no remedy1 and as 
a consequence it could provide no       
religious sanction for his conduct in   
life4 ,what power it had upon conduct as
 a system of ethics is a question       
outside the range of my subject4 ,no    
doubt a certain type of mind1 naturally 
pure and good1 and apt to retire upon   
itself1 might find in ,epicurism not    
only no harm but even positive help2    
perhaps the best way to appreciate this 
fact1 too often overlooked1 is to read  
the defence of the ,epicurean ethics put
 into the mouth of ,torquatus1 in the   
first book of the de ,finibus1#gfh by   
one who was far from being in sympathy  
with the creed4 ,but for the ,roman of  
that age1 when ideas of duty and        

discipline were losing strength1 this   
enticing faith1 with pleasure as its    
summum bonum1 and with quietism as its  
ideal of human life1#gfi could hardly be
 a real stimulus to active virtue2 the  
,roman needed bracing1 and this was not 
a tonic1 but a sedative4 ,far more      
valuable in every way1 and far better   
suited to the best instincts of the     
,roman character1 was the rival creed of
 ,stoicism1 and ,i must devote the rest 
of this lecture to the consideration of 
its religious aspect4  ,it was most     
fortunate for ,rome that her best and   
ablest men in the second century ,b4,c4 
fell into the hands1 not of ,epicureans1
 but of ,stoics--into the hands1 too1 of
 a single ,stoic of high standing1 fine 
character1 and good sense4 ,for         
destitute as the ,roman was both in     
regard to ,god and to ,duty1 he found in
 ,stoicism an explanation of man's place
 in the universe1--an explanation       
relating him directly to the ,power     
manifesting itself therein1 and deriving

 from that relation a binding principle 
of conduct and duty4 ,this should make  
the religious character of ,stoicism at 
once apparent4 ,it is perfectly true1 as
 the late ,mr4 ,lecky said long ago1#ggj
 that ,stoicism1 taught by ,panaetius of
 ,rhodes1 and soon after by the ,syrian 
,posidonius1 became the true religion of
 the educated classes4 ,it furnished the
 principles of virtue1 coloured the     
noblest literature of the time1 and     
guided all the developments of moral    
enthusiasm4 ,to this ,i only need to add
 that it woke in the mind an entirely   
new idea of ,deity1 far transcending    
that of ,roman numina and of ,greek     
polytheism1 and yet not incapable of    
being reconciled with these2 so that it 
might be taken as an inpouring of sudden
 light upon old conceptions of the      
,power1 glorifying and transfiguring    
them1 rather than1 like the ,epicurean  
faith1 a bitter and contemptuous        
negation of man's inherited religious   
instincts4 ,but before we go on to      

consider this illumination more closely1
 let me say a few words about ,panaetius
 the ,stoic missionary1 and ,scipio     
,aemilianus1 his most famous disciple4  
,scipio1 born #ahd1 was a happy         
combination of the best ,roman          
aristocratic character and the receptive
 intelligence which for a ,roman was the
 chief result of a ,greek liberal       
education4 ,he had been educated by his 
famous father1 ,aemilius ,paulus1 in a  
thoroughly healthy way2 he was no mere  
book-student1 but a practical courageous
 ,roman1 with a solid mental foundation 
of moral rectitude 7pietas7 fixed firmly
 in the traditions and instincts of his 
own family4 ,on this foundation1 as has 
been well said1#gga a superstructure of 
intellectual culture might be built     
securely without destroying it1 and this
 was exactly what did take place1 both  
for ,scipio and for that circle of      
friends of his which has become so      
famous in ,roman history4 ,in very early
 life he became the intimate friend of  

,polybius1 whose account of their first 
unreserved intercourse is one of the    
most delightful passages in all ancient 
literature2#ggb and from ,polybius he   
doubtless learnt to think4 ,he must have
 learnt to understand the real nature of
 the ,roman empire1 to appreciate the   
forces which had called it into         
being1#ggc the qualities which had      
preserved it through the fearful        
struggle with ,hannibal1 and the duty of
 a noble ,roman in regard to it4 ,from  
,polybius1 indeed1 it is not likely that
 he gained much light on matters either 
of religion or morality2 but that       
statesman and historian must inevitably 
have accustomed him1 in the course of   
their long intercourse1 to think more   
deeply than ,roman had ever yet thought1
 about the world in which he lived and  
was to act for many years the leading   
part4 ,thus he was well prepared for the
 friendship of a more spiritual guide4  
,panaetius1 who was probably about the  
same age as ,scipio1 had the advantage1 

as a visitor at ,rome1 of being a       
,rhodian1 i4e4 a citizen of the one     
,greek ,state which had been almost     
continuously on good terms with ,rome1  
and of great value to her4 ,he was also 
a scion of an old and honoured family in
 that city1 and was thus in every way a 
fit friend and companion for a great    
,roman noble4 ,when their friendship    
began we do not know for certain2 but it
 is a fact that he lived for some two   
years1 together with ,polybius1 in the  
house of ,scipio1 and these years were  
probably between #add and #ada ,b4,c41  
after ,scipio's return from the conquest
 of ,carthage4#ggd ,when ,scipio in #ada
 was commissioned by the ,senate to go  
and set things in order in the eastern  
,mediterranean1 he took ,panaetius with 
him1#gge and brought him home to live   
with him again as a guest1 perhaps until
 he left for the ,numantine war in #acd1
 after which it is not likely that they 
met again before ,scipio's sudden death 
in #abi4 ,i am particular about the     

extent of their intimacy1 because ,i    
wish to make it clear that this was no  
ordinary or fleeting friendship between 
a commonplace ,greek philosopher and an 
average ,roman statesman4 ,both         
statesman and philosopher were far above
 the usual level of their kind1 and in  
the course of this long intimacy must   
have had full opportunity of learning   
from each other4 ,from ,scipio          
,panaetius would learn the secrets of   
the ,roman temperament1 and divine the  
right methods of dealing with it1 and   
the result of this was a happy          
modification of the old rigidity of the 
,stoic principles--an adaptation of them
 to the ,roman character which had      
far-reaching consequences4 ,from        
,panaetius ,scipio and his friends would
 learn a new and illuminating conception
 of man's place in the universe1 and of 
his relation to the ,power manifested in
 it4 ,to understand the power of        
,stoicism on the mind of these ,romans  
and their intellectual successors1 it is

 necessary to have a clear idea of this 
illumination4  ,hitherto there had been 
nothing in the religion of ,rome1 or of 
any other city-state1 to make it        
inevitable1 reasonable1 that man should 
worship the ,power1 except tradition and
 self-interest1 involved in the         
tradition and self-interest of the      
family and the city4 ,the gods belonged1
 as we saw1 to family or city as divine 
inhabitants1 and if you neglected them  
they would show their anger against you4
 ,originally it was religio1 the feeling
 of awe for something distinct from man 
and unknown to him1 which forced him to 
propitiate that which he might fear1 but
 had no reason1 except the instinct of  
self-preservation1 to reverence2 and    
later on1 as he came to know his numina 
better1 to make them1 so to speak1 his  
own1 and to formulate the methods of    
propitiating them1 he gradually came    
also to take them for granted1 and to   
worship them as a matter of traditional 
duty4 ,the idea of conforming his life  

to the will of any of these numina      
would1 of course1 be absolutely strange 
to him--the expression would have no    
meaning whatever for him4 ,the help     
which he sought from them was not moral 
help1 but material4#ggf ,but now1 when  
the religio has been hypnotised and     
soothed away1 and when the tradition of 
ceremonial observance was growing dim   
and weak1 when he is left alone with his
 fellow-men1 and without any binding    
reason for right conduct towards them1  
he may learn from ,stoicism that there  
is a ,power above and beyond all his    
numina1 yet involving and embracing them
 all1 to which1 and by the help of      
which1 as a man endowed with reason1 he 
must conform his life4  ,the theology   
held and taught by ,panaetius1 in common
 with all ,stoics at all periods1 was   
based upon two leading thoughts1 in the 
correlation of which lay the kernel of  
the ,stoic ethical system4 ,the first of
 these thoughts is this3 the whole      
universe1 in all its forms and          

manifestations1 shows unmistakably the  
work of ,reason1 of ,mind2 without mind1
 reason1 spiritus1 as ,cicero calls     
it1#ggg the universe could not exist4 ,i
 need not go here into the origin and   
history of this thought2 what is        
important for us is to make clear the   
theological consequences of it4         
,obviously it was natural that the      
,stoic should be led on to the          
conviction that this universe endowed   
with ,reason--with a ,reason far        
transcending all human capacity--must   
itself be ,god4 ,the ,stoic arguments in
 support of this further step are indeed
 lame1 as they inevitably must be2 they 
are well set forth at the beginning of  
,book ii4 of ,cicero's work de ,natura  
,deorum 7based upon one by ,posidonius1 
the successor and disciple of           
,panaetius71 where they seem to us      
rather cold and formal4 ,that step is   
indeed incapable of being made          
convincing by any syllogism2 it is only 
when we try to think with the minds of  

those old thinkers1 living in a world of
 unmeaning worship1 that we begin to    
realise the nobility of a conviction    
which they tried in vain to reduce to a 
syllogism4 ,sapiens a principio mundus1 
et deus habendus est2#ggh these words1  
which sound like an article of a creed1 
suffice for us without the laborious    
arguments of ,cleanthes and ,chrysippus 
which we may read in the fifth and sixth
 chapters of ,cicero's book4 ,cicero has
 added to these a characteristic        
illustration from city life1 which ,i   
may quote as more useful for us4 ,if a  
man enters a house or a gymnasium or a  
forum1 and sees reason1 method1 and     
discipline reigning there1 he cannot    
suppose that these came about without a 
cause1 but perceives that there is      
someone there who rules and is obeyed3  
how much more1 when he contemplates the 
motions and revolutions to be seen in   
the universe 7e4g41 in the heavenly     
bodies71 must he conclude that they are 
all governed by a conscious ,mind6 ,and 

this ,mind can be nothing else but ,god4
  ,this sounds like the ,deism of the   
eighteenth century1 and might be        
described as natural religion2 but the  
,stoics took yet another step1 and      
developed their thought into ,pantheism4
 ,the idea of a personal ,deity1        
distinct from the universe and its      
,creator1 was obnoxious to them2 it     
would have committed them to a dualism  
of ,mind and ,matter which1 from the    
very outset of their history1 they      
emphatically repudiated2 their          
conviction was of a ,unity in all       
things1 and to this they consistently   
held in spite of constant and damaging  
criticism4 ,the theological result of   
this conviction has lately been well    
expressed by ,dr4 ,bussell4#ggi ,he is  
speaking of ,seneca in particular1 but  
what he says applies to all ,stoics     
equally well3 ,though he yearns to see  
,god in 'the moral order of the         
,universe1' he is forced in the         
interests of ,unity to identify ,him    

with every other known force4 ,as ,he is
 everything1 so any name will suit ,him4
 ,he is the sum of existence3 or the    
secret and abstract law which guides it3
 ,he is ,nature or ,fate4 ,the partial  
names of special deities are all ,his1  
and together they make up the fulness of
 the divine title2 but they disappear in
 the immense nothingness1 rather than   
colour or qualify it4 ,this is a point  
of immense importance for the study of  
,stoicism at ,rome2 it was fully        
developed by ,posidonius1 and copied    
from him both by ,cicero and ,varro4    
,god1 says ,cicero in the book ,i have  
been quoting1 pervading all nature      
7pertinens per naturam cuiusque rei71   
can be understood as ,ceres on the land1
 as ,neptune on the sea1 and so on1 and 
may be and should be worshipped in all  
these different forms2 not in           
superstitious fear and grovelling       
spirit--the mental attitude which       
,lucretius had condemned years before   
this treatise was written--but with pure

 heart and mind1 following the one and  
true ,god in all his various            
manifestations4#ghj ,thus the ,stoic    
,pantheism1 in spite of its weak points1
 could find room for the deities of the 
city-state1 and put new illuminating    
life into them4 ,to us it may seem1 as  
it seems to ,dr4 ,bussell1 that they    
would disappear in an immense           
nothingness2 but to the ,roman mind of  
,scipio's age1 if ,i am not mistaken1   
they might1 on the contrary1 save the   
great ,pantheistic idea from so itself  
disappearing4 ,i cannot but think that  
the ,roman's idea of divinity1 the force
 or will-power which he called          
numen1#gha would find here a means of   
reviving its former hold on the ,roman  
mind1 and enabling it to grasp as a     
concrete fact1 and not merely as an     
abstract idea1 the deus pertinens per   
naturam cuiusque rei4 ,in particular the
 ,roman conception of the great         
,jupiter1 the father of heaven1 might   
gain new life for the people who had so 

long been used to call him the ,best and
 ,greatest4 ,almost from the very       
beginning of ,stoicism the school had   
seized upon ,zeus to convey1 under the  
guise of a personality and a name1 some 
idea of the ,reason in the universe2#ghb
 and the same use might just as well1   
perhaps even better1 be made of the     
great deity of the ,capitoline temple1  
whom his people recognised as the open  
heaven with all its manifestations1 the 
celestial representative of good faith  
and righteous dealing1 and the special  
protector of the destinies of ,rome and 
her empire4  ,the second thought which  
lies at the base of the religion or     
theology of ,stoicism1 is this3 that    
,man himself1 alone in all the          
,universe1 shares with ,god the full    
possession of ,reason4 ,in other words1 
,man alone1 besides ,god1 is strictly   
individual1 self-conscious1 capable of  
realising an end and of working towards 
it2 he is so utterly different from the 
animals1 so far above them 7or if we    

call him an animal1 he is1 in ,cicero's 
language1#ghc animal providum1 sagax1   
multiplex1 acutum1 memor1 plenum        
rationis et consilii71 that he must     
surely be of the same nature as ,god4   
,and this is what1 in strict conformity 
with all ,stoic teaching1 ,cicero in    
this same passage expressly says--man is
 generatus a deo4 ,so too in the famous 
hymn of ,cleanthes1#ghd quoted by ,st4  
,paul at ,athens 7,for we are also his  
offspring173--    ,chiefest glory of    
deathless ,gods1 ,almighty for ever1    
,sovereign of ,nature that rulest by    
law1 what name shall     we give thee8  
,blessed be ,thou1 for on ,thee should  
call all things that are mortal4   ,for 
that we are ,thy offspring3 nay1 all    
that in myriad motion   ,lives for its  
day on the earth bears one impress1 ,thy
 likeness1     upon it2   ,wherefore my 
song is of ,thee1 and ,i hymn ,thy power
 for ever4  ,in these splendid lines it 
is plain that not ,man only is thought  
of1 but all living things1 animals      

included with ,man2 and this is in      
accordance with the true ,stoic         
,pantheism4 ,but none the less on this  
account did the ,stoics believe ,man to 
be the one living thing in the universe 
comparable with ,god1 and capable of    
communion with him by virtue of the     
possession of ,reason4 ,as ,cicero says1
 a few lines farther on in the work ,i  
am quoting1 virtus eadem in homine ac   
deo est1 neque ullo alio ingenio        
praeterea4 ,and since every creature    
seeks to maintain and augment its own   
being1 to bring it to perfection1 to    
express it fully1 by an innate law of   
its nature1 ,man being endowed with     
,reason above all other creatures1      
strives1 or should strive1 to bring     
himself to a perfect expression1 by     
identifying himself with the divine     
principle which he shares with ,god4 ,as
 ,dr4 ,caird puts it1#ghe the ruling    
power of ,reason so dominates his nature
 that he cannot be described as anything
 but a self-conscious ego 7i4e4 in      

contrast with other animals72 and just  
because of this1 all his impulses become
 concentrated in one great effort after 
self-realisation4 ,but the self that he 
tries to realise must be his true self1 
not his irrational impulses3 the self   
which is a part of the divine principle4
 ,he must desire to realise himself as  
having ,reason1 and so to come into     
close communion with ,god1 the ,reason  
of the universe4 ,those who are at all  
familiar with the later ,roman ,stoics1 
,seneca and ,marcus ,aurelius1 and      
,epictetus1 if we may include him among 
them1 will recognise in this inspiring  
thought1 vague and impalpable as it may 
seem1 the germ of many beautiful        
expressions of the relation of ,man to  
,god1 which seem to bring ,stoicism into
 closer spiritual connection with       
,christianity than any other doctrine of
 the ancient world4  ,the work of       
,cicero from which ,i have been quoting1
 the first book of his treatise on the  
,laws1 i4e4 the ,roman constitution1 is 

very probably based on one by ,panaetius
 himself1#ghf of whom we are expressly  
told that he used to discuss that       
constitution together with ,polybius and
 ,scipio in the days of their happy     
intimacy at ,rome4#ghg ,in any case we  
may find it helpful1 taken together with
 the earlier fragmentary work de        
,republica1 in trying to form some idea 
of the effect of this second leading    
,stoic thought on the best ,roman minds 
of the last ages of the ,republic4 ,we  
find1 as we might expect1 that it is not
 on ,man simply as individual that      
stress is here laid4 ,man is not thought
 of as hoping to realise his own ,reason
 in isolation2 the ,stoics1 though1 like
 their rivals1 they represent a reaction
 of the individual against the ,state1  
were all along perfectly clear that man 
in isolation would be helpless1 and that
 his own reason bade him realise himself
 in association with his fellow-men4#ghh
 ,it is the position of ,man1 as        
associated1 #a1 with ,god1 #b1 with     

other men1 that is here made prominent2 
and the bond of connection is in each   
case ,law1 which is indeed only one name
 for the ,supreme ,reason and the       
highest ,good4 ,i must say a word about 
these two aspects of ,man's position in 
the world1 in order to explain what ,i  
believe to have been the effect of this 
teaching on the ,roman mind4  #a4 ,in   
explaining the relation of ,man to ,god 
,cicero uses an expression which some   
years before he had developed in a fine 
passage in the ,republic3 true law1 he  
says1 is right reason4#ghi ,in the ,laws
 he takes it up again1 and argues that  
as both ,god and ,man have reason1 there
 must be a direct relation between      
them4#gij ,and as ,law and right reason 
are identical1 we may say that ,law is  
the binding force of that relation4 ,and
 again1 this means that the universe may
 be looked on as one great ,state       
7civitas71 of which both ,god and ,man  
7or gods and men7 are citizens1 or in   
another way as a ,state of which the    

constitution is itself the ,reason1 or  
,god's law1 which all reasonable beings 
must obey4 ,such obedience is itself the
 effort by which ,man realises his own  
reason3 he is a part of a reasonable    
universe1 and he cannot rebel against   
its law without violating his own       
highest instinct4 ,it is not hard to see
 how this way of expressing the ,stoic  
theological principle would appeal to   
the ,roman mind4 ,that mind was wholly  
incapable of metaphysical thinking2 but 
it could without effort understand1 with
 the help of its social and political   
principles and experience1 the idea of  
supreme intelligent rule--a supreme     
imperium1 as it were1 to rebel against  
which would be a moral perduellio1 high 
treason against a supreme ,law1         
unwritten like his own1 and resting1 as 
he thought of his own as resting1 on the
 best instincts1 tradition1 reason1 of  
his community2 from his own constitution
 and laws he could lift his mind without
 much difficulty to the constitution and

 law of the communis deorum et hominum  
civitas4 ,the idea of ,god in any such  
sense as this was indeed new to him2 but
 he could grasp it under the expression 
universal law of right reason when he   
would have utterly failed1 for example1 
to conceive of it as the ,absolute4 ,he 
can feel himself the citizen of a ,state
 whose maker and ruler is ,god1 and     
whose law is the inevitable force of    
,reason2 he can realise his relationship
 to ,god as a part of the same ,state1  
gifted with the same power of discerning
 its legal basis1 nay1 even helping to  
administer its law by rational          
obedience4  #b4 ,reason as thus ruling  
the universe can also provide a basis   
for ,man's reasonable association with  
his fellow-men1 and a religious basis if
 conceived as ,god2 for ,man's          
recognition of the divine law1 the recta
 ratio1 as binding on him1 is followed  
quite naturally by his recognition of   
the application of that law to the world
 he lives in4 ,human law comes into     

existence1 says ,zeller1 explaining this
 point1#gia when man becomes aware of   
the divine law1 and recognises its claim
 on him4 ,here1 again1 it is easy to see
 how illuminating would be this         
conception of law for the ,roman of     
,scipio's time4 ,so far the ,roman idea 
and study of law 7as ,i have elsewhere  
expressed it7#gib had been of a crabbed1
 practical character1 wanting in breadth
 of treatment1 destitute of any         
philosophical conception of the moral   
principles which lie behind all law and 
government4 ,the new doctrine called up 
life in these dry bones1 and started    
,roman lawyers1 many of whom were       
,stoics more or less pronounced1 on a   
career of enlightened legal study which 
has left one of the most valuable       
legacies inherited by the modern world  
from ancient civilisation4 ,in another  
way too it had1 ,i think1 an immediate  
effect on ,scipio himself and his       
circle1 and on their mental descendants1
 of whom ,cicero was the most brilliant3

 it made them look on the law and       
constitution of their ,state as         
eminently reasonable1 and on rebellion  
against it as unreason1 or as the       
,romans call it1 lascivia1 wanton       
disregard of principle4 ,so far as ,i   
know1 no great ,roman lawyer was ever a 
revolutionary like ,catiline or         
,clodius1 nor yet an obstinate          
conservative like ,cato1 whose ,stoicism
 was of the older and less ,romanised   
type2 the two of whom we know most in   
the century following the arrival of    
,panaetius were both wise1 just1 and    
moderate men1 ,mucius ,scaevola and     
,servius ,sulpicius1 of whom it may be  
truly said they contributed as much to  
civilisation as the great military and  
political leaders of the same           
period4#gic  ,there now remains the     
question whether this noble ,stoic      
religion1 as we may fairly call it1 with
 its ideas of the relation of ,man to   
,god and to his fellow-men1 had1 after  
all1 sufficient definiteness for a      

,roman to act as a grip on his          
conscience and his conduct in his daily 
dealings with others4 ,it could deduce  
the existence and beauty of the social  
virtues from its own principles2 if ,man
 partakes of the eternal ,reason1 or1 as
 they otherwise put it1 if he is through
 his ,reason a part of ,god himself in  
the highest sense1 and if ,god and      
,reason are in the highest sense good1  
then in realising his own ,reason1 in   
obeying the voice of the ,god within    
him1#gid he must be himself good by the 
natural instinct of his own being4      
,accordingly1 these social virtues1     
duties1 officia1 as the ,romans called  
them1 were set forth by ,panaetius in   
two books1 which in a ,latinised form we
 still fortunately possess1--the first  
two of ,cicero's work de ,officiis1--and
 without the uncompromising rigidity    
which characterised the original ,stoic 
ethical doctrine inherited from the     
,cynics4#gie ,in the first book he      
treated of the good simply 7honestum71  

in the second of the useful 7utile71 and
 in a third1 which it was left for      
,cicero to execute1 of the cases of     
conflict between these two4 ,in this    
charming work there is much to admire1  
and even much to learn3 the social      
virtues--benevolence1 justice1          
liberality1 self-restraint1 and so on1  
are enlarged upon and illustrated by    
historical examples#gif in perfect      
,latin by ,cicero2 and as we read it we 
cannot but feel that the influence of   
,panaetius upon his educated ,roman     
pupils must have been eminently         
wholesome4  ,but at the same time we    
inevitably feel that there is something 
wanting4 ,what power could such a       
discussion really have to constrain an  
ordinary man to right action8 ,the      
constraint1 such as it is1 seems purely 
an intellectual process1 and this is    
indeed noticeable in the ,stoic ethics  
of all periods4 ,no ,stoic brought his  
doctrine nearer to a religious system   
than ,epictetus2 yet this is how        

,epictetus puts the matter3#gig ,if a   
man could be thoroughly penetrated1 as  
he ought to be1 with this thought1 that 
we are all in an especial manner sprung 
from ,god1 and that ,god is the ,father 
of men as well as gods1 full sure he    
would never conceive aught ignoble or   
base of himself4444 ,those few who hold 
that they are born for fidelity1        
modesty1 and unerring rightness in      
dealing with the things of sense1 never 
conceive aught base or ignoble of       
themselves4 ,he means that1 for the real
 ,stoic1 self-respect is the necessary  
consequence of his intellectual         
conception of his place in the universe1
 and that self-respect must as          
inevitably result in virtue4 ,can this  
intellectual attitude really act as a   
constraining force on the will of the   
average man8 ,this is far too           
complicated a question for me to enter  
upon here1 and ,i can but suggest the   
study of it for anyone who would wish to
 test the actual life-giving moral power

 of this philosophy4 ,suffice it to say 
that their idea of the universe as      
,reason and ,god naturally led the      
,stoics into a kind of ,fatalism1 a     
destined order in the world which       
nothing could effectually oppose2#gih   
and they were naturally in some         
difficulty in reconciling this with the 
freedom of ,man's will4 ,that freedom   
they constantly and consistently        
asserted2 but it comes after all to     
this1 that ,man is free to bring his    
will into conformity1 through knowledge1
 with the ,power and the universal      
,reason2 or1 as ,dr4 ,caird puts it1#gii
 ,man has the choice whether he will be 
a willing or an unwilling servant 7of   
the universal ,reason73 unwilling1 if he
 makes it his aim to satisfy his        
particular self1 an aim which he can    
only attain so far as the general system
 of things allows him2 willing1 if he   
identifies himself with the divine      
reason which is manifested in that      
system4 ,but that identification of     

himself with the divine ,reason is again
 an intellectual process2 it can only be
 realised by minds highly trained in    
thinking2 it could not have the smallest
 grip on the conduct of the ordinary    
ignorant man1 or on the minds of women  
and children4  ,and here we come upon   
another weak point in ,stoicism as      
presented to the ,roman world in this   
last century ,b4,c4 ,it was an age in   
which gentleness1 tenderness1 pity1 and 
the philanthropic spirit were most sadly
 needed1 and it cannot be said of       
,stoicism that it had any mission to    
encourage their growth4 ,the ,stoics    
looked on the mass of men as ignorant   
and wicked1#hjj and it never occurred to
 them that it was a duty of the ,good   
,man to teach and redeem them1--to      
sacrifice his life1 if need be1 in the  
work of enlightenment4 ,they seem to    
have thought even of women and children 
as hardly partaking of ,reason2 their   
ideally good man was virtuous in a      
strictly virile way1#hja and it never   

occurred to them that training in       
goodness must begin from the earliest   
years1 and be gradually developed with  
infinite sympathy and tenderness4 ,if a 
man is to learn that there is something 
within him which partakes of ,god1 and  
which should naturally lead him to right
 conduct1 he must begin to learn this   
truth in his infancy4#hjb ,but the      
absence of a place for emotion and      
sympathy in the ,stoic system1 resulting
 from the purely intellectual nature of 
their central doctrine of ,reason1 meant
 also the absence of any spirit of      
enthusiastic propaganda4 ,their notion  
that emotion or passion is a movement of
 mind contrary to reason and nature1#hjc
 lamed their whole system as a          
progressive force in the world of that  
day4 ,such religious power as it could  
exercise worked simply through the      
radiating influence of a few wise and   
good men1 by nature pure and unselfish1 
who gradually familiarised the educated 
part of society with a nobler idea of   

,god than the old religion had ever been
 able to supply1 and with that other    
inspiring idea of the near relation of  
,man to ,god as partaking of ,his       
nature4 ,but the active enthusiasm of a 
real religion--the effective desire to  
be in right relation with the           
,power--was strange to ,stoicism4 ,in   
one way or another it had many excellent
 results2 it cleared the ground1 for    
example1 for a new and universal        
religion by putting into the shade1 if  
not altogether out of the way1 the old  
local cults with their narrow and       
limited civic force3 it glorified the   
idea of law and order in an age when the
 ,roman world seemed to be forgetting   
what these sacred words meant2 but a    
real active enthusiasm of humanity was  
wanting in it4 ,hence there is a certain
 hopelessness about ,stoicism1 which    
increased rather than diminished as the 
world went on1 and such as is seen in a 
kind of sad grandeur in ,marcus         
,aurelius1 the ,stoic emperor4 ,of him  

it may be said1 both as emperor and     
philosopher1 as has been said of the    
,stoic in general1 that he was          
essentially a soldier left to hold a    
fort surrounded by overpowering hosts of
 the enemy4 ,he could not conquer or    
drive them away1 but he could hold out  
to the last and die at his post4        
,,notes ,,to ,,lecture ,,xvi4      #gee 
,see1 e4g4 ,livy iii4 #bj3 ,sed nondum  
haec1 quae     nunc tenet saeculum1     
neglegentia deum venerat2 nec           
interpretando sibi quisque iusiurandum  
et leges aptas     faciebat1 sed suos   
potius mores ad ea accommodabat4 ,cp4   
,cic4 de ,off4 iii4 #aaa4      #gef ,two
 ,epicureans were expelled from ,rome in
 #agc     7probably71 ,athenaeus1 p4    
#edg4 ,cicero1 ,tusc4 iv4 #c1 #g1       
gives some idea of the later popularity 
of the school in     the first half of  
the last century ,b4,c4      #geg ,so   
,masson1 ,lucretius1 i4 #bfc1 #bga4     
#geh ,see ,masson i4 ch4 xii4 and ii4 p4
 #ada foll42     ,mayor's ,cicero de    

,nat4 ,deor4 vol4 i4 xlviii4 and #ach   
foll42 ,guyau1 ,la ,morale d',epicure   
7ed4 #d71 p4 #aga     foll4      #gei   
,cic4 ,n4,d4 i4 #ai1 #di foll41 and many
 other     passages2 ,diog4 ,laert4 x4  
#ee2 ,zeller1 ,stoics1     ,epicureans1 
and ,sceptics1 p4 #dda foll42 ,masson i4
 #bib1     who aptly quotes ,cotta the  
academic critic in ,cicero's            
dialogue3 ,when ,epicurus takes away    
from the gods the     power of helping  
and doing good1 he extirpates the very  
roots of religion from the minds of men 
7,cic4 ,n4,d4 i4     #de4 #aba74 ,one   
may add with ,dr4 ,masson 7i4 #daf      
foll47     that a machine cannot command
 worship2 the ,natura of     ,lucretius1
 i4e41 was really a machine4      #gfj  
,masson i4 p4 #bhd1 and citations of    
,philodemus     there given4      #gfa  
,mayor's ,cic4 ,n4,d4 vol4 i4 p4 xlix4  
#gfb ,lucr4 vi4 #fh foll4      #gfc     
,masson i4 p4 #bhe4      #gfd ,cic4     
,n4,d4 i4 #b4 #c4      #gfe ,cic4 ,n4,d4
 i4 #cg4 #ajb2 to believe the gods idle 

etiam homines inertes efficit4      #gff
 ,for this profound reverence for       
,epicurus see also     ,cic4 ,n4,d4 i4  
#h4 #ah4 ,it amounted to a faith4 ,in   
this     passage the ,epicurean is      
described as nihil tam verens     quam  
ne dubitare aliqua de re videretur1     
tanquam modo ex     deorum concilio et  
ex ,epicuri intermundiis                
descendisset4 ,see also sec4 #dc and    
,mayor's note2 ,cic4     de ,finibus1 i4
 #e4 #ad2 ,masson i4 #ced-e1 who quotes 
the     most striking passages from     
,lucretius1 e4g4 v4 #h-aj3              
deus ille fuit1 deus1 inclyte ,memmi1   
qui princeps vitae rationem invenit eam 
quae       nunc appellatur sapientia1   
etc4       ,in a paper entitled ,die    
,bekehrung 7conversion7 im              
klassischen ,altertum1 by ,w4 ,a4       
,heidel 7,zeitschrift fuer              
,religionspsychologie1 vol4 iii4 ,heft  
#b71 the author1 an     ,american       
disciple of ,w4 ,james1 argues that the 
exordium     of ,bk4 iii4 indicates a   

psychological conversion of             
,lucretius4      #gfg ,see ,masson's    
chapter 7p4 #cii foll47 on the          
teaching and personality of ,lucretius4 
,social ,life at     ,rome in the ,age  
of ,cicero1 p4 #cbg foll41 and          
references     there given4 ,i may note 
here that the power of ,epicurism     as
 a faith depended also largely on the   
directness1     downrightness1 and      
audacity of its system1 working on      
minds weary of philosophers'            
disputations and political     quarrels4
      #gfh ,cic4 de ,finibus1 i4 viii4  
to end 7translation by     ,j4 ,s4      
,reid1 ,camb4 ,univ4 ,press74 ,the      
following sentence     in ch4 #ah1 sec4 
#eg1 puts the ,epicurean ethics in a    
nutshell3 ,clamat ,epicurus1 is quem vos
 nimis     voluptatibus esse deditum    
dicitis1 non posse iucunde     vivi nisi
 sapienter1 honeste1 iusteque vivatur1  
nec     sapienter1 honeste1 iuste1 nisi 
iucunde4      #gfi ,what this quietism  
might mean for a ,roman may be          

gathered from the following passage in  
,cic4 de     ,finibus1 i4 #ac4 #dc1 in  
which sapientia is practical     wisdom1
 the ,aristotelian ,greek3 phronesis or 
the ars     vivendi1 as ,cicero has     
explained it just before3     ,sapientia
 est adhibenda1 quae1 et terroribus     
cupiditatibusque detractis et omnium    
falsarum opinionum     temeritate       
derepta1 certissimam se ducem praebeat  
ad     voluptatem4 ,sapientia enim est  
una1 quae maestitiam     pellat ex      
animis1 quae nos exhorrescere metu non  
sinat2     qua praeceptrice in          
tranquillitate vivi potest1 omnium      
cupiditatum ardore restincto4           
,cupiditates enim sunt     insatiabiles1
 quae non modo singulos homines1 sed    
universas familias evertunt1 totam etiam
 labefactant     saepe rempublicam4 ,ex 
cupiditatibus odia discidia             
discordiae seditiones bella nascuntur4  
,and so on to the     end of the        
chapter4 ,the message of ,lucretius to  
the     ,roman was practically the same4

 ,the remedy was the wrong     one in   
that age2 though it does not necessarily
 entail     withdrawal from public life 
with all its enticements     and risks1 
it must inevitably have a strong        
tendency to     suggest it2 and such    
withdrawal had1 as a matter of     fact1
 been one of the characteristics of the 
,epicurean     life4 ,see ,zeller1      
,stoics1 etc41 ch4 xx42 ,guyau1 ,la     
,morale d',epicure1 p4 #ada foll4       
#ggj ,history of ,european ,morals      
7#ahii71 vol4 i4 p4     #bbe4 ,the      
treatment of ,stoicism in this work1    
though not1     strictly speaking1      
philosophical1 is in many ways most     
instructive4      #gga ,f4 ,leo1 ,die   
griechische und lateinische             
,literatur1 p4 #ccg4 ,see the author's  
,social ,life at     ,rome in the ,age  
of ,cicero1 p4 #aje4      #ggb ,polybius
 xxxii4 #i-af4      #ggc ,see a         
discussion by the author of the meaning 
of     ,greek3 tyche in ,polybius1      
,classical ,review1 vol4     xvii4 p4   

#dde1 and the passages there quoted     
relating to     the growth of the ,roman
 dominion4      #ggd ,see ,schmekel1    
,die mittlere ,stoa1 p4 #c foll4        
#gge ,ib4 p4 #f1 note #c4      #ggf ,see
 above1 p4 #bea4      #ggg ,cic4 ,n4,d4 
ii41 end of sec4 #ai4 ,he is translating
     the ,greek ,greek3 pneuma1 which in
 ,stoicism is not a     spiritual       
conception1 but a material one1 in      
harmony     with their theory of the    
universe as being itself     material1  
including reason and the soul4 ,this is 
one of     the weak points of the ,stoic
 idea of ,unity4 ,for the     meaning of
 spiritus see ,mayor's note on the      
passage2     it is the ether or warm air
 which penetrates and gives     life to 
all things1 and connects them together  
in one     organic whole4      #ggh     
,cic4 ,n4,d4 ii4 xiii4 #cf ad fin4 ,on  
all this     department of the ,stoic   
teaching see ,zeller1 ,stoics1     etc41
 p4 #ace foll42 ,caird1 ,gifford        
,lectures1 vol4 ii41     ,lectures #af  

and #ag4      #ggi ,marcus ,aurelius and
 the ,later ,stoics1 by ,f4 ,w4         
,bussell p4 #db4      #ghj ,cic4 ,n4,d4 
ii4 ch4 #bh 7secs4 #gj-gb71 with        
,mayor's     commentary2 ,zeller1 op4   
cit4 p4 #cbg foll42 ,mayor1             
introduction to vol4 ii4 of his edition 
of ,cic4 ,n4,d4     xi4 foll42 ,social  
,life at ,rome in the ,age of ,cicero1  
p4 #ccd foll4 ,it is important to note  
the distinction     drawn by ,cicero    
between religion and superstition2 what 
,lucretius called religio as a whole    
,cicero 7and ,varro     too1 cf4 ,aug4  
,civ4 ,dei1 vi4 #i7 thus divided4 ,see  
,mayor's valuable note1 vol4 ii4 p4     
#ahc4 ,some interesting     remarks on  
the ,stoic way of dealing with popular  
mythology will be found in ,oakesmith's 
,religion of     ,plutarch1 p4 #fh foll4
      #gha ,see above1 p4 #aah foll4    
#ghb ,see ,mayor's note on ,cic4 ,n4,d4 
ii4 #ae4 #ci 7vol4     i4 p4 #acj71 with
 quotation from ,philodemus4 ,zeller1   
,stoics1 etc41 p4 #ccg foll4      #ghc  

,cic4 de ,legibus1 i4 #g4 #bb4      #ghd
 ,fragmenta ,philosophorum ,graecorum1  
,paris1 #ahhc4     ,i have borrowed the 
beautiful translation of my friend      
,hastings ,crossley1 printed p4 #ahc    
foll4 of his ,golden     ,sayings of    
,epictetus1 in ,macmillan's ,golden     
,treasury     ,series4      #ghe        
,gifford ,lectures1 ii4 p4 #id4         
#ghf ,so ,schmekel1 ,die mittlere ,stoa1
 p4 #fa foll4 ,the     evidence is not  
conclusive1 and the process of argument 
is one of elimination2 but it raises a  
fairly strong     probability4      #ghg
 ,cic4 de ,rep4 i4 #ba4 #cd4      #ghh  
,see ,zeller1 ,stoics1 etc41 p4 #bid    
foll4      #ghi ,cic4 de ,rep4 iii4 #bb4
 #cc4      #gij ,cic4 de ,legibus1 i4   
#g4 #bb foll43 ,est igitur1     quoniam 
nihil est ratione melius1 eaque in      
homine et in     deo1 prima homini cum  
deo rationis societas4 ,inter quos      
autem ratio1 inter eosdem etiam recta   
ratio communis     est1 etc4      #gia  
,zeller1 ,stoics1 etc41 p4 #bbf foll4   

#gib ,social ,life at ,rome1 p4 #aag4   
#gic ,ib4 p4 #aah foll4      #gid ,i may
 take this opportunity of noting that a 
,roman     might better understand this 
notion of his ,reason as the     voice  
of ,god within him1 or conscience1 from 
his own     idea of his other soul1 or  
genius2 see above1 p4 #ge4     ,but we  
do not know for certain that it was     
presented to     him in this way by     
,panaetius1 though ,posidonius 7ap4     
,galenum1 #dfi7 used the word ,greek3   
daimon in this     sense1 as did the    
later ,stoics2 see ,mulder1 de          
,conscientiae notione1 p4 #ga4 ,seneca1 
,ep4 #da4 #b1 uses     the word         
spiritus3 ,sacer intra nos spiritus     
sedet 444     in unoquoque virorum      
bonorum1 quis deus incertum est1        
habitat deus 7from ,virg4 ,aen4 viii4   
#ceb74 ,cp4 ,marcus     ,aurelius iii4  
#c4 ,seneca uses the word genius clearly
 in     this sense in ,ep4 #aaj foll4   
,on the ,stoic daemon     consult       
,zeller1 ,stoics1 etc41 p4 #ccb foll42  

,oakesmith1     ,religion of ,plutarch1 
ch4 vi4      #gie ,see1 e4g41 ,zeller1  
p4 #bfh4      #gif ,this habit of       
illustrating by historical examples     
had an educational value of its own1 but
 serves well to     show how            
comparatively feeble was the appeal of  
,stoicism     to the conscience4 ,it may
 be seen well in ,valerius     ,maximus1
 whose work1 compiled of fact and       
fiction for     educational purposes1 is
 far indeed from being an     inspiring 
one4 ,see ,social ,life at ,rome1 p4    
#ahi4      #gig ,arrian1 ,discourses1 i4
 #c4 #a-f 7,golden ,sayings     of      
,epictetus1 ,no4 #i74      #gih         
,schmekel1 ,die mittlere ,stoa1 p4 #aij 
foll4     7,panaetius71 and #bdd foll4  
7,posidonius71 ,zeller #afj     foll4   
,this is the ,fate or ,providence on    
which the moral     lesson of the       
,aeneid is based2 see below1 p4 #dji    
foll4 ,aeneas is the servant of         
,destiny4 ,if he had     persisted in   
rebelling against it by remaining at    

,carthage with ,dido1 that would not    
have changed the     inevitable course  
of things1 but it would have ruined     
him4      #gii ,gifford ,lectures1 ii4  
#if4      #hjj ,zeller1 ,stoics1 etc41  
p4 #bee4 ,this1 of course1     did not  
diminish the duty of general            
benevolence1 ib4     p4 #caj and        
references1 where fine passages of      
,cicero and     ,seneca are quoted about
 duties to one's inferiors4 ,but     an 
enthusiasm of humanity was none the less
 wanting in     ,stoicism1 and this was 
largely owing no doubt to their     hard
 and fast distinction between virtue and
 vice1 and     their want of perception 
of a growth or evolution in     society4
 ,see ,caird1 op4 cit4 ii4 #ii2 ,lecky1 
,hist4 of     ,european ,morals1 i4 #aib
 foll42 ,zeller #bea foll4      #hja    
,see some excellent remarks in ,lecky1  
op4 cit4 i4     p4 #bdb foll4      #hjb 
,see above1 note #dj4      #hjc ,zeller1
 ,stoics1 etc41 p4 #bbi4 ,cic4 de       
,finibus1     iii1 #aj1 #ce2 ,tusc4     

,disp4 iv4 #bh1 #fj4     ,,lecture      
,,xvii  ,,mysticism--,,ideas ,,of ,a    
,,future ,,life   ,we have now reached  
the end of the period of the ,republic2 
but before ,i go on to the age of       
,augustus1 with which ,i must bring     
these lectures to an end1 ,i must ask   
attention to a movement which can best  
be described by the somewhat vague term 
,mysticism1 but is generally known to   
historians of philosophy as             
,neo-pythagoreanism4 ,the fact is that  
such tendency as there ever was at ,rome
 towards ,mysticism--which was never    
indeed a strong one till ,rome had      
almost ceased to be ,roman#hjd--seems to
 have taken the form of thinking known  
as ,pythagorean4 ,the ideas at the root 
of the ,pythagorean doctrine1 the belief
 in a future life1 the conception of    
this life as only preparatory to        
another1 the conviction of the need of  
purgation in another life and of the    
preparatory discipline and asceticism to
 be practised while we are here1--these 

are truly religious ideas2 and even     
among ,romans the religious instinct1   
though it might be hypnotised1 could    
never be entirely destroyed4 ,when it   
awoke from time to time in the minds of 
thinking men it was apt to express      
itself in ,pythagorean tones4 ,with the 
ignorant and vulgar it might find a     
baser expression in superstition pure   
and simple1--in the finding of portents1
 in astrology1 in ,dionysiac orgies2 but
 with these ,pythagoreanism must not be 
reckoned4 ,these1 as they appeared on   
the soil of ,italy1 were the bastard    
children of quasi-religious thought4    
,but the movement of which ,i speak     
marks a reaction1 among men who could   
both feel and think1 against the whole  
tendency of ,roman religious experience 
as we have been tracing it2 against the 
extreme formalism1 now meaningless1 of  
the ,roman ,state religion2 against the 
extreme scepticism and indifference so  
obvious in the last century and a half  
of the republican era2 against the      

purely intellectual appeal of the       
ethical systems of which ,i have been   
recently speaking4 ,stoicism indeed1 as 
we shall see1 held out a hand to the new
 movement1 simply because ,stoicism had 
a religious side which was wanting in   
,epicurism4 ,but the thought that our   
senses and our reason are not after all 
the sole fountains of our knowledge1 a  
thought which is the essence of         
mysticism1 was really foreign to        
,stoicism2 and when this thought did    
find a soil in the mind of a thinking   
,roman of this age1 it was likely to    
spring up in a transcendental form which
 we may call ,pythagoreanism4  ,south   
,italy was indeed the true home of the  
,pythagorean teaching4 ,there its       
founder had established it1 and there1  
mixed up with more popular ,orphic      
doctrine and practice1 it must have     
remained latent for centuries4#hje      
,tenuit magnam illam ,graeciam1 says    
,cicero of ,pythagoras1 cum honore      
disciplinae1 tum etiam auctoritate2     

multaque saecula post sic viguit        
,pythagoreorum nomen1 ut nulli alii     
docti viderentur4#hjf ,to ,south ,italy 
,plato is said to have travelled to     
study this philosophy1 and to learn the 
doctrine of the immortality of the soul2
 and the story is generally accepted as 
true4#hjg ,but of any missionary attempt
 of ,pythagoreanism on ,rome we know    
nothing--and probably there was nothing 
to tell--till that mysterious plot to   
introduce it after the ,hannibalic war  
which ,i mentioned in a recent          
lecture4#hjh ,that war brought ,rome    
into close contact with ,tarentum and   
southern ,italy1 and it is likely enough
 that the attempt to connect ,king ,numa
 with the philosopher1 both in the      
familiar legend and in the alleged      
discovery of the stone coffin with its  
forged manuscripts1 had its origin in   
this contact4 ,the ,senate could not    
object to the legend1 but it promptly   
stamped out this grotesque attempt at   
propagandism4 ,then we hear no more of  

the doctrine for a century at least2 but
 in the last century ,b4,c4 we know that
 there appeared a number of ,pythagorean
 writings1 falsely attributed to the    
founder himself or his                  
disciples1#hji--;a method of            
propagandism which1 like that of the    
previous century1 may perhaps be taken  
as marking the religious nature of the  
doctrine1 which needed the ipse dixit of
 the founder or something as near it as 
possible4#haj ,but of the immediate     
influence of these writings we know     
nothing4 ,the person really responsible 
for the tendency to this kind of        
mysticism was undoubtedly the great     
,posidonius1 philosopher1 historian1    
traveller1 who more than any other man  
dominated the ,roman world of thought in
 the first half of the last century     
,b4,c41 and whose writings1 now         
surviving in a few fragments only1 lie  
at the back of nearly all the serious   
,roman literature of his own and indeed 
of the following age4#haa ,panaetius1   

there can be little doubt1 had done     
something to leaven ,stoicism with      
,platonic-,aristotelian psychology1#hab 
the general tendency of which was       
towards a dualism of ,soul and ,body4   
,the ,stoics1 in the strict sense of the
 name1 could not be content with any    
philosophy which divided heaven from    
earth1 the spiritual from the material4 
,they rebelled against the idea of a    
transcendent ,god and a transcendent    
ideal world1 as modern thought has      
rebelled against the supernaturalism of 
mediaeval religion and philosophy4#hac  
,in their passion for unity they would  
not separate soul and body4 ,but when   
once ,panaetius had hinted at a         
reversion to the older mode of thought1 
it was natural and easy to follow his   
lead in a society which had long ago    
abandoned burial for cremation1 and     
bidden farewell to the primitive notion 
that the body lived on under the earth3 
in a society1 too1 which had always     
believed in that other soul1 the ,genius

 of a man1 as distinct from his bodily  
self of this earthly life4#had  ,now as 
soon as this dualism of body and soul   
was suggested1 it was taken up by       
,posidonius into what we may call his   
neo-,stoic system1 and at once gave     
mysticism1--or transcendentalism1 if we 
choose so to call it--its chance4 ,for  
in such a dualistic psychology it is the
 soul that gains in value1 the body that
 loses4 ,life becomes an imprisonment of
 the soul in the body2 the soul seeks to
 escape1 death is but the beginning of a
 new life1 and the imagination is set to
 work to fathom the mysteries of ,man's 
future existence1 nay1 in some more     
fanciful minds1 those of his            
pre-existence as well4 ,this kind of    
speculation1 half philosophic1 half     
poetical1 is the transcendental side of 
the ,platonic psychology1 and in the    
last age of the ,republic was able to   
connect ,platonism and ,pythagoreanism  
without deserting ,stoicism4#hae ,we can
 see it reflected from ,posidonius in   

the ,dream of ,scipio1 the beautiful    
myth1 imitated from those of ,plato1    
with which ,cicero concluded his        
treatise on the ,state1 written in the  
year #ed ,b4,c41 after his retirement   
from political life4 ,in this1 and again
 in the first book of his ,tusculan     
,disputations1 composed nearly ten years
 later1 ,cicero is beyond doubt on the  
tracks of ,posidonius1 and therefore    
also of ,pythagoreanism4#haf ,listen to 
the words put into the mouth of the     
elder ,scipio and addressed to his      
younger namesake3 ,tu vero enitere et   
sic habeto1 non esse te mortalem1 sed   
corpus hoc2 non enim tu es1 quem forma  
ista declarat2 sed mens cuiusque is est 
quisque1 non ea figura quae digito      
demonstrari potest4#hag ,here is the    
body plainly losing1 the soul gaining   
importance4 ,but he goes still further3 
deum igitur te scito esse3 si quidem    
deus est qui viget qui sentit qui       
meminit3 qui providet1 qui tam regit et 
moderatur et movet id corpus cui        

propositus est1 quam hunc mundum ille   
princeps deus1 et ut mundum ex quadam   
parte mortalem ipse deus aeternus1 sic  
fragile corpus animus sempiternus       
movet4#hah  ,with such a view of the    
soul in relation to the body1 we can    
understand how in this myth it is       
described as flying upwards1 released   
from corporeal bondage1 and ascending   
through heavenly stations to pure       
aether1 if at least 7and here we may    
note the characteristic ,roman touch7   
its abode on earth has been the body of 
a good citizen4#hai ,all that is of     
earth earthy1 all old ideas of burial1  
all notions of a gloomy abode below the 
earth1 are here fairly left behind4 ,so 
too in the first book of the ,tusculans1
 written after the death of his beloved 
daughter1 ,cicero would persuade himself
 and others that death cannot be an evil
 if we once allow the soul to be        
immortal3 for from its very nature it   
must rise into aethereal realms1 cannot 
sink like the body into the earth4#hbj  

,into its experiences in the aether ,i  
do not need to go here4 ,enough has been
 said to show that1 as it were1 the     
heavens were opened1 and with the       
psychological separation of soul from   
body the imaginative faculty was        
released also2 not indeed that any      
,roman1 or even ,posidonius himself1    
could revel in cosmological dreams as   
did ,plato1 but they found in him all   
they needed1 and it would seem that they
 made much use of it4 ,plato's ,timaeus 
was made by ,posidonius the subject of a
 commentary1#hba and by ,cicero himself 
it was in part at least translated1     
about the time when he was writing the  
,tusculans1 and still deeply moved by   
his recent loss4 ,of this translation a 
fragment survives2 and in the           
introductory sentences he indicates a   
second stimulus to his ,pythagorean     
tendencies1 besides ,posidonius4 ,he    
tells how he had met at ,ephesus1 when  
on his way to his province of ,cilicia1 
the famous ,pythagorean ,nigidius       

,figulus1 and had enjoyed conversation  
with him4#hbb ,nigidius was an old      
friend1 who had helped ,cicero in his   
consulship2 he was one of those         
polyhistores who are characteristic of  
the age1 like ,posidonius and ,varro1   
and wrote works on all kinds of subjects
 of which but few fragments remain4 ,but
 his reputation as a ,pythagorean       
survived for centuries2#hbc and this    
mention of him by ,cicero is only       
another proof of the direction the      
thoughts of the latter were taking in   
these last two years of his life4       
,clearly1 then1 ,cicero in his          
philosophical writings of these years   
was affected by the current of mysticism
 that was then running4 ,but to me it is
 still more interesting to find it      
moving him in a practical matter of     
which he has himself left the truth on  
record2 for ,cicero is a real human     
being for whom all who are familiar with
 his letters must have something in the 
nature of affection1 and with whom1 too1

 we feel genuine sympathy in the        
calamity which now fell upon him4 ,it   
was early in #de ,b4,c4 that he lost his
 only and dearly loved daughter1 and the
 blow to his sensitive temperament1     
already hardly tried by political       
anxiety1 was severe4 ,we still have the 
private letters which he wrote to       
,atticus after her death from his       
solitude at ,astura on the edge of the  
melancholy ,pomptine marshes2#hbd and   
here1 if our minds are sufficiently     
divested of modern ideas and trained to 
look on death with ,roman eyes1 we may  
be startled to find him thinking of her 
as still in some sense surviving1 and as
 divine rather than human3 as a deity or
 spirit to whom a fanum could be        
erected4 ,he makes it clear to ,atticus1
 who is acting as his business agent at 
,rome1 that he does not want a mere tomb
 7sepulcrum71 but a fanum1 which as we  
have seen was the general word for a    
spot of ground sacred to a deity4 ,i    
wish to have a fanum built1 and that    

wish cannot be rooted out of my heart4  
,i am anxious to avoid any likeness to a
 tomb1 not so much on account of the    
penalty of the law1 as in order to      
attain as nearly as possible to an      
apotheosis4 ,this ,i could do if ,i     
built it in the villa itself1 but 444 ,i
 dread the changes of owners4 ,wherever 
,i construct it on the land1 ,i think   
that ,i could secure that posterity     
should respect its sanctity4#hbe ,the   
word here translated sanctity is        
religio2 we may remember that all burial
 places were loca religiosa1 not        
consecrated by the ,state1 yet hallowed 
by the feeling of awe or scruple in     
approaching them2 but ,cicero is        
probably here using the word rather in  
that wider sense in which it so often   
expresses the presence of a deity in    
some particular spot4#hbf  ,atticus was 
a man of the world and probably an      
,epicurean1 and his friend in two       
successive letters half apologises for  
this strong desire4 ,i should not like  

it to be known by any other name but    
fanum1--unreasonably1 you will perhaps  
say4 ,and again1 you must bear with     
these silly wishes 7ineptiae7 of        
mine4#hbg ,but this only makes the      
intensity of his feeling about it the   
more plain and significant2 he really   
seems to want ,tullia to be thought of  
as having passed into the sphere of     
divinity1 however vaguely he may have   
conceived of it4 ,perhaps he remembered 
his own words in ,scipio's dream1 ,deum 
te esse scito4 ,the ashes of ,tullia    
rested in the family tomb1 but the      
godlike thing imprisoned in her mortal  
body was to be honoured at this fanum1  
which1 strange as it may seem to us1 her
 father wished to erect in a public and 
frequented place4 ,she does not fade    
away into the common herd of ,manes1 but
 remains1 though as a spirit1 the same  
individual ,tullia whom her father had  
loved so dearly4  ,i long ago explained 
the old ,roman idea of ,manes1#hbh a    
vague conception of shades of the dead  

dwelling below the earth1 and hardly1 if
 at all1 individualised4 ,but in        
,tullia's case we meet with a clear     
conception of an individual spirit2 and 
this alone would lead us to suspect a   
,pythagorean influence at work1 such as 
that under which ,virgil wrote the      
famous words ,quisque suos patimur      
,manes1 which simply mean ,each         
individual of us must endure his own    
individual ghosthood4#hbi ,this process 
of individualisation must have been     
gradually coming on1 but the steps are  
lost to us2 we only know that the       
earliest sepulchral inscription which   
speaks to it1 in the vague plural ,di   
,manes so familiar in later times1 is   
dateable somewhere about this very      
time4#hcj ,my friend ,dr4 ,j4 ,b4       
,carter would explain it1 in part at    
least1 by the ,roman conception of      
,genius to which ,i alluded just now1   
and doubtless this must be taken into   
account4 ,for myself ,i would rather    
think of it as the natural result of the

 growth of individualism in the living  
human being during the last two         
centuries ,b4,c4 ,surely it was         
impossible for personality to grow as it
 did in that period without a           
corresponding growth of the idea of     
individual immortality in the minds of  
all who believed in a future life of any
 kind at all4 ,the ,epicureans did not  
so believe2 but ,roman ,stoics          
instructed by ,panaetius and ,posidonius
 might not only believe in immortality  
but in an immortality of the individual4
  ,let me take this opportunity of      
noting that there was1 of course1 no    
sort of restriction on a man's belief   
about this or any other religious       
question4 ,it was perfectly open to     
every one to hold what view best pleased
 him about the state of the dead3 all   
that the ,state required of him was that
 he should fulfil his obligations at the
 tombs of his own kin4 ,no dogma reigned
 in the necropolis1 only duty1          
pietas1--and that pietas implied no     

conviction4 ,the ,parentalia in         
,february were originally1 so far as we 
can discern1 only a yearly renewal of   
the rite of burial on its               
anniversary2#hca this implies           
civilisation and some kind of calendar1 
but not a creed4 ,later on1 in the      
,fasti of the ,city-state1 the day was  
fixed for all citizens without regard of
 anniversaries2 and here the rites      
become a matter of ius1 the ius ,manium1
 to the observance of which the ,manes  
are entitled4 ,still there is no creed1 
though ,cicero speaks of this ius as    
based on the idea of a future life4#hcb 
,as a fact these rites are a survival   
from an age in which the dead man was   
believed to go on living in the grave1  
but that primitive idea was no longer   
held by the educated4 ,each man was free
 in all periods to believe what he      
pleased about the dead1 and as the      
,romans began to think1 this freedom    
becomes easy to illustrate4 ,cicero     
himself is usually agnostic1 as is in   

keeping with his ,academic tendency in  
philosophy2 even in one of these very   
letters he seems to speak of his own    
non-existence after death4#hcc ,so1 too1
 the excellent ,servius ,sulpicius1 in  
the famous letter of condolence written 
to ,cicero at this time from ,athens1   
seems to be uncertain4#hcd ,we all know 
the words of ,caesar 7reported by       
,sallust71 which are often quoted with a
 kind of holy horror1 as though a       
pontifex maximus might not hold any     
opinion he pleased about death1 and as  
though his doubt were not the common    
doubt of innumerable thinking men of the
 age4#hce ,catullus wrote of death as   
nox perpetua dormienda2 ,lucretius1 of  
course1 gloried in the thought that     
there is no life beyond4 ,in the        
following century the learned ,pliny    
could write of death as the relapsing   
into the same nothingness as before we  
were born1 and could scoff at the       
absurdities of the cult of the dead4#hcf
  ,but when a man like ,cicero was      

deeply touched by grief1 his emotional  
nature abandoned its neutral attitude1  
and turned for consolation to mysticism4
 ,as ,i have said1 he was persuading    
himself that ,tullia was still          
living1--a glorified spirit4 ,we can    
gain just a momentary glimpse of what   
was in his mind by turning to the       
fragments of the ,consolatio which he   
was now writing at ,astura4  ,this was a
 ,consolatio of the kind which was a    
recognised literary form of this and    
later times1#hcg though in this case it 
was addressed by the writer to himself2 
to write was for ,cicero second nature1 
and he was sure to take up his pen when 
he had feelings that needed expression4 
,it is unfortunately lost1 all but one  
fragment1 which he quotes himself in the
 first book of his ,tusculans1 and one  
or two more preserved by the ,christian 
writer ,lactantius1 a great admirer of  
,cicero1 who came near to catching the  
beauty of his style4 ,the passage quoted
 by himself is precious4#hch ,it insists

 on the spiritual nature of the soul1   
which can have nothing in common with   
earth or matter of any kind1 seeing that
 it thinks1 remembers1 foresees3 ita    
quicquid est illud1 quod sentit1 quod   
sapit1 quod vivit1 quod viget1 caeleste 
et divinum1 ob eamque rem aeternum sit  
necesse est4 ,and in the concluding     
words he hints strongly at the divinity 
of the soul1 which is of the same make  
as ,god himself1--of the same immaterial
 nature as the only ,deity of whom we   
mortals can conceive4 ,his daughter1    
therefore1 is not only still living in a
 spiritual life1 but she is in some     
vague sense divine2 that word           
apotheosis1 which he twice uses in the  
letters1 has a real meaning for him at  
this moment2 and in a fragment of the   
,consolatio quoted by ,lactantius he    
makes this quite plain2 ,te omnium      
optimam doctissimamque1 approbantibus   
dis immortalibus ipsis1 in eorum coetu  
locatam1 ad opinionem omnium mortalium  
consecrabo4#hci  ,undoubtedly ,cicero is

 here under the influence of the        
,pythagoreans as well as of his own     
emotion4 ,in another chapter ,lactantius
 seems to make this certain2#hdj he     
begins by combining ,stoics and         
,pythagoreans as both believing the     
immortality of the soul1 goes on to deal
 with the ,pythagorean doctrine 7or one 
form of it7 that in this life we are    
expiating the sins of another1 and ends 
by quoting ,cicero's ,consolatio to that
 effect3 ,quid ,ciceroni faciemus8 qui  
cum in principio ,consolationis suae    
dixit1 luendorum scelerum causa nasci   
homines1 iteravit id ipsum postea1 quasi
 obiurgans eum qui vitam poenam non esse
 putet4 ,another lost book1 the         
,hortensius1 which was written          
immediately after the ,consolatio1      
,march to ,may #de1hda shows in one or  
two surviving fragments exactly the same
 tendency of thought and reading4#hdb   
,our conclusion then must be that       
,cicero1 always impressionable1 and in  
his way also religious1 had in this year

 #de a real religious experience4 ,he   
was brought face to face with one of the
 mysterious facts of life1 and with one 
of the great mysteries of the universe1 
and the religious instinct awoke within 
him4 ,how many others1 even in that     
sordid and materialistic age1 may have  
had the like experience1 with or without
 a mystical philosophy to guide their   
thoughts8 ,in the last words of the     
famous ,laudatio ,turiae1 of which ,i   
have written at length in my ,social    
,life in the ,age of ,cicero1#hdc we may
 perhaps catch an echo of a similar     
religious feeling3 ,te di ,manes tui ut 
quietam patiantur atque ita tueantur    
opto 7,i pray that thy divine ,manes may
 keep thee in peace and watch over      
thee74 ,these words1 expressing the hope
 of a practical man1 not of a           
philosopher1 are very difficult to      
explain1 except as the unauthorised     
utterances of an individual4 ,they      
hardly find a parallel either in        
literature or inscriptions4 ,we must not

 press them1 yet they help us to divine 
that there was in this last half-century
 ,b4,c4 some mystical yearning to       
realise the condition of the loved ones 
gone before1 and the relation of their  
life to that of the living4 ,this       
religious instinct1 let us note once for
 all1 is not identical with the old one 
which we expressed by the formula about 
the ,power manifesting itself in the    
universe4 ,the religious instinct of the
 primitive ,roman was concerned only    
with this life and its perils and       
mysteries2 the religious instinct of    
,cicero's time was not that of simple   
men struggling with agricultural perils1
 but that of educated men whose minds   
could pass in emotional moments far     
beyond the troubles of this present     
world1 to speculate on the great        
questions1 why we are here1 what we are1
 and what becomes of us after death4    
,but what of the ordinary ,roman of this
 age--what of the man who was not       
trained to think1 and had no leisure or 

desire to read8 ,what did he believe    
about a future life1 or did he believe  
anything8 ,this brings us to a curious  
question about which ,i must say a very 
few words--did this ordinary ,roman1 as 
,lucretius seems to insist1 believe in  
,hades and its torments8 ,not in one    
passage only does ,lucretius insist on  
this4 ,that fear of ,hell 7so ,dr4      
,masson translates him7 must be driven  
out headlong1 which troubles the life of
 man from its inmost depth1 and         
overspreads everything with the         
blackness of death1 and permits no      
pleasure to be pure and unalloyed4#hdd  
,i need not multiply quotations2        
evidently the poet believed what he     
said1 though he may be using the        
exaggeration of poetical diction4 ,and  
to a certain extent he is borne out by  
the literature of his time4 ,in fact    
,polybius1 writing nearly a century     
earlier of the ,romans and their        
religion1 implies that such notions were
 common1 and that they were invented by 

the ancients to frighten the people into
 submission4#hde ,cicero1 though he of  
course thinks of them as merely the     
fables of poets1 seems to suggest that  
the ordinary man did believe in them2   
thinking of his own recent loss1 he says
 that our misery would be unbearable    
when we lose those we love1 if we really
 thought of them as in iis malis quibus 
vulgo opinantur4#hdf ,of course all     
these fables were ,greek1 not ,roman4   
,there is no reason to believe that the 
old ,romans imagined their own dead     
experiencing any miseries in ,orcus--the
 old name1 as it would seem1 for the    
dimly imagined abode of the ,manes1     
afterwards personified after the manner 
of ,plutus4#hdg ,no doubt they believed 
that the dead were ghosts1 desiring to  
get back to their old homes1 who1 in the
 well-ordered religion of the           
,city-state1 were limited in this strong
 desire to certain days in the civic    
year4#hdh ,but their first acquaintance 
with ,hades and its tortures may        

probably be dated early1 i4e4 when they 
first became acquainted with ,etruscan  
works of art1 themselves the result of a
 knowledge of ,greek art and myth4#hdi  
,early in the second century ,b4,c4     
,plautus in the ,captivi alluded to     
these paintings as familiar2#hej and we 
must not forget that the ,etruscans     
habitually chose the most gruesome and  
cruel of the ,greek fables for          
illustration1 and especially delighted  
in that of ,charon1 one likely enough to
 strike the popular imagination4 ,the   
play-writers themselves were responsible
 for inculcating the belief1 as         
,boissier remarked in his work on the   
,roman religion of the early empire4#hea
 ,in the theatre1 with women and        
children present1 ,cicero says in the   
first book of his ,tusculans1 the       
crowded auditorium is moved as it       
listens to such a grande carmen as that 
sung by a ghost describing his terrible 
journey from the realms of ,acheron2 and
 in another passage of the same book he 

mentions both painters and poets as     
responsible for a delusion which        
philosophers have to refute4#heb ,i need
 not say that the ,roman poets too      
continually use the imagery of          
,tartarus2 but they use it as literary  
tradition1 and in the sixth ,aeneid it  
is used also to enforce the idea of duty
 to the ,state which is the real theme  
of the poem4  ,as ,dr4 ,masson truly    
observes1 we have the literature but we 
have not the folklore of the age of     
,cicero and ,virgil2 and it must be     
confessed that without the folklore such
 scanty literary evidence as ,i have    
just mentioned does not come to much4   
,dr4 ,masson indeed concludes on this   
evidence that the fear of future        
torments played a considerable part in  
the religious notions both of the common
 people and possibly of some of the     
educated4 ,i think it may have been so1 
but on other grounds1 which ,i must     
briefly explain4  ,from all that ,i have
 said in these lectures about the       

religious ideas represented in the      
earliest calendar1 i4e4 those of the    
governing ,romans of the earliest       
,city-state1 it will be plain that a    
gruesome eschatology was an             
impossibility for them4 ,just the same  
may be said of the ,greek ideas         
represented in the ,homeric poems2 for  
with the exception of the ,nekuia of the
 ,odyssey1 which almost all scholars    
agree in attributing to a later age than
 the bulk of the two ,homeric epics1 in 
this poetry il se fait grand jour4#hec  
,this is not the first time that ,i have
 compared the religion of the ,roman    
patricians to that of ,homer2#hed and   
there is a growing conviction among     
experts that we have in each case the   
ideas of a comparatively civilised      
immigrant population1 whose religion1   
though it has developed in very         
different ways1 has the common          
characteristic of cleanness and         
brightness4 ,in ,italy it is practical1 
in ,homer imaginative2 but in both it is

 free from the brutal and the grotesque4
 ,even the eschatology of the eleventh  
,odyssey is not cruel1 it is            
comparatively colourless2 and1 as ,i    
said just now1 this also may be said of 
the ,roman ideas of ,orcus and the      
,manes4  ,in each case it is life1 not  
death1 that is of interest to the       
living2 death is rather a negation than 
anything distinctly realised4 ,the state
 of the dead in ,homer is shadowy and   
triste1 a state not to be desired1 as   
,achilles so painfully expresses it in a
 famous passage2 but the life of the    
,achaean in the poems is vivid--nay1    
such a vivid realisation of life can    
alone account for the production of such
 poems4 ,so1 too1 the immigrant         
population at ,rome1 to whom is due the 
regulation of the religion as we know   
it1 and the inspiring force that made   
for ordered government and warlike      
enterprise1 was too full of practical if
 not of imaginative vitality to be apt  
to dwell upon the possibilities of      

existence after death1 to conceive of   
such existence as either happy or       
miserable1 the reward or the punishment 
for things done in this world4  ,but in 
each peninsula this immigrant race was  
living in the midst of a far more       
primitive population2 and it is perhaps 
to this population that we must look for
 the origin of the more detailed and    
imaginative notions of the life of the  
dead4 ,of the ,greeks in this matter ,i 
have not space here to speak1 nor am ,i 
competent to do so4 ,but the conviction 
is steadily gaining ground that in early
 ,rome we have to recognise the         
existence of two races2 whether the     
older of these was ,ligurian1 as ,prof4 
,ridgeway thinks1 or primitive ,latin1  
i4e4 old ,italic1 as ,binder believes1  
does not matter for our present         
purpose2#hee nor are the arguments drawn
 from religion which these writers have 
used at all convincing to my            
intelligence4 ,but they have not noticed
 what is to me a really valid argument1 

viz4 the double festival of the dead in 
the calendar of ,numa4 ,in ,february we 
find the cheerful and orderly festival  
of the ,parentalia1 the yearly renewal  
of the seemly rite of burial2 in ,may1  
on the other hand1 the student of the   
calendar is astonished to find three    
several days called ,lemuria1 the rites 
belonging to which are never mentioned1 
except where ,ovid treats us to a       
grotesque account of the driving out of 
ancestral spirits from the house4#hef   
,no one doubts1 ,i think1 that the      
,lemuria represents an older stratum of 
thought about the dead than the other   
festival1#heg but no one1 so far as ,i  
know1 has ventured to claim the ,lemures
 and their three days as belonging to   
the religion of the more primitive race4
 ,if ,i make this suggestion now1 it    
must be taken as a hypothesis only1 but 
as a hypothesis it can at least do no   
harm4 ,if ,i am asked why ,lemuria      
should have been admitted into the      
patrician calendar1 ,i answer that ,i   

have long held that a few of the        
non-patrician religious customs were    
absorbed into the religion of the city  
of the four regions1 the ,lupercalia1   
for example2#heh and nothing could be   
more likely than that the old barbarous 
ideas about the dead should win this    
amount of respect1 seeing that by the   
limitation to three days in the year    
order and decency might be brought into 
their service4 ,i may repeat1 with a    
slight addition1 what ,i wrote ten years
 ago about these two ,roman festivals of
 the dead3 ,if we compare ,ovid's       
account of the grotesque domestic rites 
of the ,lemuria with those of ,february1
 which were of a systematic1 cheerful1  
and even beautiful character1 we may    
feel fairly sure that the latter        
represent the organised life of a       
,city-state1 the former the ideas of an 
age when life was wilder and less       
secure1 and the fear of the dead1 of    
ghosts and demons1 was a powerful factor
 in the minds of the people4 ,if we may 

argue from ,ovid's account1 it is not   
impossible that the ,lemuria may have   
been one of those periodical expulsions 
of demons of which we hear so much in   
the ,golden ,bough1 and which are       
performed on behalf of the community as 
well as in the domestic circle among    
savage peoples4 ,it is noticeable that  
the offering of food to the demons is a 
feature common to these practices1 and  
that it also appears in those described 
by ,ovid4#hei ,to this ,i should now add
 the suggestion above made1 that the    
,lemuria represents the ideas of the    
older race that occupied the site of    
,rome1 while the ,parentalia is         
originally the festival of the patrician
 immigrants4  ,but what has all this to 
do with the eschatology which ,lucretius
 attributes to the common people at     
,rome in his own day8 ,simply this1 that
 the ideas at the root of the ,lemuria  
may well have provided the raw material 
for such an eschatology1 while those at 
the root of the ,parentalia could not   

have done this4 ,dr4 ,westermarck has   
recently shown that primitive religions 
do spontaneously generate the idea of   
moral retribution after death1 e4g4 the 
notion that the souls of bad people may 
reappear as evil spirits or obnoxious   
animals4#hfj ,we have no proof whatever 
of the existence of such notions at     
,rome2 but ,i contend that the          
permanence of this type of belief about 
the dead which is represented by the    
,lemuria--a permanence which is attested
 by ,ovid's description--raises a       
presumption that the lower stratum of   
the ,roman population1 if the chance    
were given it1 would the more readily   
understand the pictures of ,etruscan    
artists and the allusions of ,greek     
playwrights1 and the more easily become 
the prey of the eschatological horrors  
which ,lucretius describes as terrifying
 them4 ,the material was there from the 
earliest times1 and all that was needed 
was for ,greeks and ,etruscans to work  
upon it4  ,before leaving this point it 

may be worth while to remember that     
though the well-to-do and educated      
classes cremated their dead1 the poor of
 the crowded city population of the     
period ,i am now dealing with enjoyed no
 such orderly and cleanly funeral rites4
 ,the literary evidence is explicit on  
this point1 and has been confirmed by   
modern excavation on the ,esquiline1    
where we know from ,varro and ,horace   
that the poor and the slaves were thrown
 en masse into puticuli1 i4e4 holes     
where it was impossible that any        
memorial ceremonies could be kept       
up4#hfa ,horace's lines are familiar    
7,sat4 #h4 #h73     huc prius angustis  
eiecta cadavera cellis    conservus vili
 portanda locabat in arca4    hoc       
miserae plebi stabat commune sepulcrum1 
etc4  ,it is dangerous to be too        
confident about the effect on the       
religious imagination of different ways 
of dealing with the dead2 but it is at  
least not improbable that any inherited 
tendency to believe in a miserable      

future for the soul would be confirmed  
and maintained by so miserable a fate   
for the body4 ,the mass of the          
population had little chance of ridding 
itself of eschatological superstition4  
,thus ,i am inclined to come to ,dr4    
,masson's conclusion1 though on somewhat
 different grounds4 ,i think it quite   
possible that the uneducated in the age 
of the poet may have really been        
inoculated with these ideas of cruel    
retribution1 and that in many cases this
 may have resulted in despair or at     
least discomfort4 ,only we must remember
 that in a great city like ,rome1 as in 
,paris or ,london to-day1 both the      
miseries and the enjoyments of life     
would tend to accustom the minds of the 
lower strata to consider the present    
rather than the future2 the necessities 
and pleasures of the moment are with    
them the only material of thought4      
,neither comfort nor remonstrance could 
reach them from pulpit or from          
missioner2 neither fear nor hope could  

largely enter into their lives4 ,in fact
 ,i half suspect that most of them were1
 after all1 so long as they were healthy
 and active1 much what ,lucretius would 
have them be--free from all religious   
scruple2 but1 alas1 utterly destitute of
 the intellectual support which he      
claimed from the study of philosophy4   
,we can well understand how it was among
 the lower population of the great      
cities that early ,christianity found   
its chance4 ,they had no education or   
philosophy to stand between them and the
 gospel of redemption4  ,i must say one 
word about another kind of              
transcendentalism which was pushing its 
way into favour in ,roman society at    
this time--,i mean astrology4 ,one may  
call it transcendental because it was   
based1 in its original home in the      
,east1 on a mystical notion of sympathy 
between the phenomena of the starry     
heavens and the phenomena of human      
life2#hfb and that this notion was      
carefully inculcated by those who taught

 the science at ,rome is shown by the   
long and wearisome poem on astrology    
written by ,manilius in the succeeding  
age4 ,but it is not likely that this    
form of mysticism had become really     
popular before the period of the        
,empire1 and in any case it can hardly  
be called a part of ,roman religious    
experience4 ,i only mention it here as  
helping to illustrate the way in which  
men's minds were now beginning to turn  
with interest to speculations altogether
 beyond the range of that practical     
ethical philosophy which was natural and
 congenial to the ,roman1 altogether    
beyond the horizon of man's daily       
prospect in this world4 ,the growing    
interest in ,fortuna1 both as natural   
force and deity1 which became intense   
under the ,empire1 is another indication
 of the same tendency4#hfc  ,as soon as 
,rome had come into close contact with  
,greece1 which had long before been     
overrun by the eastern astrology--by the
 ,chaldaeans or mathematici1 as they are

 so often called--these experts began to
 appear also in ,italy4 ,we first hear  
of them from old ,cato1 who advises that
 the steward of an estate should be     
strictly forbidden to consult ,chaldaei1
 harioli1 haruspices1 and such          
gentry4#hfd ,in #aci ,b4,c4--a year in  
which there happened to be in ,rome an  
embassy from ,simon                     
,maccabaeus--,chaldaeans were ordered to
 leave ,rome and ,italy within ten days2
 but ,i think there is some evidence    
that these were really ,jews who were   
trying to propagate their own           
religion4#hfe ,for some time we hear    
nothing more of these intruders2 but    
they probably gained ground again in the
 course of the ,mithridatic wars1 which 
were responsible for the introduction of
 much ,oriental religion into ,italy4   
,they are mentioned in #hg1 together    
with ,greek3 thytai and ,sibyllistae1 as
 persuading the ill-fated ,octavius to  
remain in ,rome to meet his death1 as it
 turned out1 at the hands of the        

,marians4#hff ,but no ,roman seems to   
have taken up astrology as a            
quasi-scientific study till that        
,nigidius1 of whom ,i have already said 
a word1 was persuaded thus to waste his 
time and brains4 ,he is said to have    
foretold the greatness of ,augustus at  
his birth in #fc ,b4,c42#hfg and from   
this time forward the taking of         
horoscopes or genethliaca became a      
favourite pursuit at                    
,rome--unfortunately for the people of  
,europe1 who caught the infection and   
kept it endemic for at least fifteen    
centuries4  ,astrology is in no sense   
religion1 and ,i must leave it with     
these few remarks4 ,it represents the   
individual and his personal interests1  
not even the advantage of the community1
 and it was for this reason that the    
,chaldaei were disliked by the ,roman   
government4 ,the individual is not      
satisfied with legitimate ,roman means  
of divination2 he is employing          
illegitimate ways when he entrusts      

himself to these ,orientals1 who1 most  
of them doubtless1 well deserved the    
scathing contempt which ,tacitus has    
contrived to put into six words3 ,genus 
hominum potentibus infidum1 sperantibus 
fallax1 adding1 with no less contempt   
for the ,roman authorities who had to   
deal with them1 that they will always be
 forbidden1 and always will be found at 
,rome4#hfh       ,,notes ,,to ,,lecture 
,,xvii      #hjd ,for the               
,pythagoreanism of the ,neo-platonic    
movement in the third century ,a4,d4    
consult ,bussell1     ,marcus ,aurelius 
and the ,later ,stoics 7,edin4 #aiaj71  
p4     #cj foll41 who explains the      
reaction from ,stoicism to              
,neo-,platonism4 ,see also ,caird1      
,gifford ,lectures1 ii4     #afb foll4  
#hje ,schmekel1 ,die mittlere ,stoa1 p4 
#djc1 says that     it had ceased to    
exist for centuries as a philosophy1    
but cautiously adds in a note that the  
knowledge of it     was not extinct4    
,the famous ,orphic tablets from ,south 

,italy are taken as dating from the     
third and fourth     centuries ,b4,c41  
and if not actually ,pythagorean1 they  
are next door to being so4 ,see ,miss   
,harrison1     ,prolegomena to the      
,study of ,greek ,religion1 p4 #ffj4    
#hjf ,tusc4 ,disp4 i4 #ch4      #hjg    
,see1 e4g41 ,prof4 ,taylor's little book
 on ,plato     7,constable71 p4 #aa4    
#hjh ,see above1 p4 #cdi4      #hji     
,sextus ,empiricus1 adv4 ,physicos1 ii4 
#bha foll4      #haj ,for the devotion  
of the believers to the founder     and 
his ipse dixit1 see ,cicero1 ,nat4      
,deor4 i4 #e4 #aj4      #haa ,the       
relation of ,posidonius to ,roman       
literature has     been much discussed  
of late4 ,see1 e4g41 ,norden1           
,virgil1 ,aen4 vi41 index1 s4v4 ,stoa2  
,schmekel1 ,die     mittlere ,stoa1 #he 
foll41 #bch foll4      #hab ,for        
,panaetius' enthusiasm for ,plato and   
his     teaching1 see ,cic4 ,tusc4      
,disp4 i4 #cb4 #gi2 the whole           
passage indicates1 though it does not   

exactly prove1 an     approach to the   
,platonic psychology4      #hac ,caird1 
,gifford ,lectures1 vol4 ii4 p4 #he4    
#had ,see above1 p4 #ge4 ,the idea that 
the practice of     cremation influenced
 the ideas of the ,roman about the      
soul was first1 ,i think1 suggested by  
,boissier1     ,religion romaine1 i4    
#caj4 ,cicero himself hints at this     
conclusion in ,tusc4 ,disp4 i4 #af4 #cf3
 ,in terram enim     cadentibus         
corporibus1 hisque humo tectis1 e quo   
dictum     est humari1 sub terra        
censebant reliquam vitam agi            
mortuorum4 ,quam eorum opinionem magni  
errores consecuti     sunt2 quos        
auxerunt poetae4      #hae ,this point  
is well put by ,dill1 p4 #dic of ,roman 
,society from ,nero to ,marcus          
,aurelius4 ,see also     ,dieterich1    
,eine ,mithras-,liturgie1 p4 #bjj fol42 
,stewart1 ,myths of ,plato1 #ceb-ec4    
#haf ,schmekel1 ,die mittlere ,stoa1 p4 
#djj foll4      #hag ,de ,rep4 vi4 #bf4 
#hah ,ib4 ,the word providet reminds us 

that this     transcendental philosophy 
supplied the later ,stoics with     an  
explanation of divination4 ,see         
,bouche-,leclercq1     ,hist4 de        
divination1 i4 #fh2 ,dill1 op4 cit4 p4  
#dci2     ,seneca1 ,nat4 ,quaest4 ii4   
#eb1 fully accepted     divination4 ,cp4
 ,cic4 ,tusc4 ,disp4 i4 #cg4 #ff1 where 
he     quotes his own ,consolatio2 see  
above1 p4 #chh4     ,panaetius1 however1
 had courageously denied divination3    
,cic4 ,div4 i4 #c4 #f2 ,zeller1 ,stoics1
 etc41 p4 #ceb4      #hai ,de ,rep4 vi4 
#ae1 #bf1 and #bi4      #hbj ,tusc4     
,disp4 i4 #af4 #cf foll4 ,on the whole  
subject     of the rise of the soul     
after death see ,dieterich1 ,eine       
,mithras-,liturgie1 p4 #agi foll4       
#hba ,schmekel1 op4 cit4 p4 #dch2       
,stewart1 ,myths of     ,plato1 p4 #cjj4
      #hbb ,for ,nigidius1 see ,schanz1 
,gesch4 der roem4     ,literatur 7ed4   
#b71 vol4 ii4 p4 #dai foll4      #hbc   
,nigidius ,figulus ,pythagoreus et magus
 in exilio     moritur is the notice of 

him in ,st4 ,jerome's ,chronicle     for
 the year #de ,b4,c4      #hbd ,these   
letters are in the #abth book of those  
to     ,atticus1 ,nos4 #ab-dj4     #hbe 
,ad ,att4 xii4 #cf4 ,the translation is 
,shuckburgh's4      #hbf ,a good example
 is ,virg4 ,aen4 viii4 #cdi1 but it     
is needless to multiply instances of the
 religio loci4     ,serv4 ad ,aen4 i4   
#cad defines lucus as arborum           
multitudo cum religione4      #hbg ,ad  
,att4 xii4 #cf2 cp4 #ce4 ,he uses the   
,greek word     ,greek3 apotheosis in   
#ce4 #a1 which seems to have come       
into use in his own time2 see ,liddell  
,scott1 s4v4      #hbh ,see above1 p4   
#eh4      #hbi ,aen4 vi4 #gdc4 ,the     
meaning of these words seems     to be  
quite plain1 though commentators have   
worried     themselves over them from   
,servius downwards4 ,the mistake     has
 been in not sufficiently considering   
the force of     quisque1 and puzzling  
too much over the vague word     ,manes4
 ,henry discerned the true meaning in   

our own     time4 ,see his ,aeneidea1   
vol4 iii4 p4 #cig4 ,cp4 the     words   
quoted above from ,somn4 ,scip43 mens   
cuiusque is     est quisque4 ,m4 ,s4    
,reinach 7,cultes1 etc4 ii4 #ace        
foll47 is not far out3 ,nous souffrons  
chacun suivant le     degre de souillure
 de nos ames4      #hcj ,c4,i4,l4 i4    
#fci1 with ,mommsen's note4      #hca   
,see ,r4,f4 p4 #cjh4      #hcb ,tusc4   
,disp4 i4 #ab4 #bg4 ,for the ius        
,manium1 de     ,legibus1 ii4 #bb and   
#ed foll4      #hcc ,ad ,att4 xii4 #ah3 
,longum illud tempus cum non     ero    
magis me movet quam hoc exiguum1 etc4   
,cp4 ,tusc4     i4 ad fin4      #hcd ,ad
 ,fam4 iv4 #e4 #f3 ,quod si quis apud   
inferos     sensus est1 qui illius in te
 amor fuit pietasque in     omnes suos1 
hoc certe illa te facere nonvult4       
#hce ,sall4 ,cat4 ch4 #ea3 ,mortem      
cuncta mortalium     dissolvere1 ultra  
neque curae neque gaudio locum esse4    
,this is the ,epicurean doctrine1 which 
,caesar was said to     hold4      #hcf 

,catull4 #e4 #f2 ,pliny1 ,n4,h4 vii4    
#ahh4 ,the whole     passage is worth   
quoting3 ,post sepulturam vanae ,manium 
ambages4 ,omnibus a supremo die eadem   
quae ante primum1     nec magis a morte 
sensus ullus aut corpori aut animae     
quam ante natalem4 ,eadem enim vanitas  
in futurum etiam     se propagat et in  
mortis quoque tempora sibi vitam        
mentitur1 alias immortalitatem animae1  
alias     transfigurationem1 alias      
sensum inferis dando et ,manes          
colendo deumque faciendo qui iam etiam  
homo esse     desierit1 ceu vero ullo   
modo spirandi ratio ceteris             
animalibus praestet1 aut non diuturniora
 in vita multa     reperiantur quibus   
nemo similem divinat immortalitatem1    
etc4      #hcg ,there is an essay on    
this form of literature in     the      
,etudes morales sur l'antiquite of      
,constant ,martha1     p4 #ace foll4    
#hch ,tusc4 ,disp4 i4 #bg4 #ff4         
#hci ,lact4 ,inst4 i4 #ae4 #bj4         
#hdj ,lact4 iii4 #ah4      #hda ,see    

,schanz1 ,gesch4 der roem4 ,literatur1  
vol4 ii4     p4 #cgf4      #hdb         
,fragments #ed and #ee4      #hdc ,p4   
#aeh foll4      #hdd ,lucr4 vi4 #gfd    
foll4 ,cp4 iii4 #iff foll42 ,masson1    
,lucretius1 i4 p4 #djb4 ,mr4 ,cyril     
,bailey also reminds me     of ,lucr4   
iii4 #ca-ic1 and #ajec to end2 and adds 
a decided     opinion that the poet is  
not here thinking of the common         
,roman1 but of the educated ,roman      
brought up on ,greek and                
,graeco-,roman poetry and philosophy4   
#hde ,polyb4 vi4 #ef4      #hdf ,tusc4  
i4 #df4 #aaa4      #hdg ,see ,roscher's 
,myth4 ,lex4 s4v4 ,orcus2     ,wissowa1 
,r4,k4 p4 #aib4      #hdh ,see above1 p4
 #ajg4      #hdi ,mueller-,deecke1      
,etrusker1 ii4 #ajh foll4               
,illustrations can be seen in ,dennis1  
,cities and     ,cemeteries of ,etruria1
 ed4 #b4      #hej ,captivi1 v4 #d4 #a4 
#hea ,la ,religion romaine d',auguste   
aux ,antonins1 vol4     i4 p4 #caj4     
#heb ,cic4 ,tusc4 i4 #af4 #cg4 ,for the 

eschatology of the     sixth ,aeneid1 a 
curious melange of religion1            
philosophy1 and folklore1 see ,norden's 
work on ,virgil1     ,aeneid1 vi4       
7index1 p4 #dfh74 ,norden believes1 ,i  
may     note1 that the philosophical and
 religious elements in     it are mainly
 derived from ,posidonius4 ,cp4 also    
,glover1     ,studies in ,virgil1 ch4 x4
 7,hades74 ,for popular     beliefs in  
,hades1 etc41 under the ,empire1 see    
,friedlaender's ,sittengeschichte1 vol4 
iii4 last     chapter4      #hec ,weil1 
,etudes sur l'antiquite grecque1 p4 #ab1
     quoted by ,glover1 p4 #bah4        
#hed ,see above1 p4 #aje4      #hee     
,since this lecture was written a most  
interesting     discussion of ,greek    
ideas1 ,achaean and ,pelasgic1 about    
the relation of soul and body after     
death1 has appeared     in ,mr4         
,lawson's ,modern ,greek ,folklore and  
,ancient ,greek     ,religion1          
especially in chapters v4 and vi41      
confirming     me1 to some extent at    

least1 in the conjecture ,i had     here
 hazarded4 ,the working of the          
imagination in regard     to a future   
state is in ,greece1 in his view1       
peculiar to     the older or ,pelasgic  
population2 and if the ,etruscans       
were of ,pelasgic stock1 as is now      
believed by many1     their imaginative 
grotesqueness1 a degraded form perhaps  
of the original characteristic1 acting  
on the ideas of a     still more        
primitive population of which the       
,lemuria is     a survival1 might       
explain the later prevalence of a       
gruesome eschatology at ,rome4 ,but     
whoever studies ,mr4     ,lawson's      
chapters closely will find serious      
difficulties     in the way even of such
 a hypothesis as this4      #hef ,ovid1 
,fasti1 v4 #dcj foll42 ,r4,f4 p4 #aji4  
,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 #aib1 attributes the
 ideas of larvae     7ghosts7 and of    
,orcus1 not to religion1 but to popular 
superstition4 ,if he here means by      
religion the ,state     religion and the

 ,parentalia in particular1 ,i can agree
     with him4      #heg ,dr4 ,carter   
allows this in ,hastings' ,dict4 of     
,religion and ,ethics1 vol4 i4 7,roman  
section of article     ,ancestor        
,worship47      #heh ,see ,r4,f4 p4     
#ccd4      #hei ,r4,f4 p4 #ajg4         
#hfj ,origin and ,development of ,moral 
,ideas1 ii4 #fic     foll4      #hfa    
,varro1 ,l4,l4 v4 #be2 ,paulus p4 #baf2 
,huelsen-,jordan1 ,roem4 ,topogr4 iii4  
p4 #bfh foll4 ,the     remains of these 
puticuli were unluckily very            
imperfectly reported1 and have been lost
 in the building     of the ,rome of    
to-day4 ,on the question of the         
religious     aspect of the two ways of 
disposing of the dead1 burial     and   
cremation1 it is as well to remember    
,dieterich's     warning in ,mutter     
,erde1 p4 #ff1 note3 den ,versuch1 aus  
der ,verbreitung und dem ,wechsel der   
,sitte des     ,verbrennens und         
,begrabens fuer meine ,untersuchung     
,schluesse zu gewinnen1 habe ich voellig

 aufgegeben1 als     ich angesichts der 
ungeheueren ,materialen meines          
,kollegen von ,duhn die ,unmoeglicheit  
solcher ,schluesse     einsehen musste4 
,in ,mr4 ,lawson's book quoted above it 
seems to me to be proved that the object
 of both methods     is the same1 viz4  
to destroy the body as quickly as       
possible in order to prevent the soul   
from re-entering     it and annoying the
 survivors4      #hfb ,this is well     
explained by ,cumont in his ,religions  
orientales dans le paganisme romain1 p4 
#aif foll41     following               
,bouche-,leclercq's work on astrology in
 ,greece4     ,cumont thinks that       
astrology took over the business of     
the augurs and haruspices1 which was now
 dropped1 and     this is true in the   
main as regards the individual1 but     
not as regards the ,state2 see above1 p4
 #cjh foll4      #hfc ,for ,fortuna in  
the writings of ,caesar1 etc41 see      
,classical ,review1 vol4 xvii4 p4 #aec4 
,the locus     classicus for ,fortuna as

 a deity under the early empire     is  
,pliny1 ,n4,h4 ii4 #bb4      #hfd ,cato1
 ,r4,r4 ch4 v4 #d4      #hfe ,val4 ,max4
 i4 #c4 #b1 who no doubt was following  
,livy2 for in the ,epitomes of some lost
 books of ,livy     discovered at       
,oxyrrhyncus by ,grenfell and ,hunt     
7,oxyrrh4     ,papyri1 vol4 iv4 p4      
#aja71 the same fact is alluded to4     
,for the embassy1 ,maccab4 i4 #ad4 #bd2 
xv4 #ae-bd4 ,two     extracts from the  
text of ,valerius1 which is here lost1  
both state that proselytising ,jews were
 at this time     driven from ,rome2 the
 ,jupiter ,sabazius1 whose cult they    
were propagating1 can hardly be other   
than that of     ,jehovah2 see          
,schuerer1 ,jewish ,people in the ,time 
of     ,christ1 pt4 ii4 vol4 ii4 p4 #bcc
 of the ,english     translation4 ,the  
expulsion of ,chaldaei may1 however1    
have been a separate measure of the     
praetor ,hispalus4      #hff ,plutarch1 
,marius1 #db4      #hfg ,suet4 ,aug4 #a4
 ,i have seen a learned work about a    

century old1 now entirely forgotten1 in 
which it is     maintained that         
,virgil's fourth ,eclogue is simply a   
genethliacon of ,augustus2 the          
arguments1 which are     ingenious but  
futile1 are drawn from the poem of      
,manilius4      #hfh ,tacitus1 ,hist4 i4
 #bb4     ,,lecture ,,xviii  ,,religious
 ,,feeling ,,in ,,the ,,poems ,,of      
,,virgil   ,my justification for        
devoting a whole lecture to ,virgil must
 be that this great poet1 more warmly   
and sympathetically than any other      
,latin author1 gives expression to the  
best religious feeling of the ,roman    
mind4 ,and this is so not only in regard
 to the tendencies of religion in his   
own day2 he stands apart from all his   
literary contemporaries in that he sums 
up the past of ,roman religious         
experience1 reflects that of his own    
time1 and also looks forward into the   
future4 ,no other poet1 no historian1   
not even ,livy1 who sprang from the same
 region and in his tone and spirit in   

some ways resembles ,virgil1 has the    
same broad outlook1 the same tender     
interest in religious antiquity1 the    
same all-embracing sympathy for the     
,roman world he knew1 and the same      
confident and cheerful hope for its     
future4 ,each of the ,augustan          
poets--,horace1 ,ovid1 ,propertius1     
,tibullus--has his own peculiar gift and
 charm2 but those who know ,virgil      
through and through will at once        
acknowledge the difference between these
 and the man possessed of spiritual     
insight4 ,they are helpful in various   
ways to the student of ,roman religion1 
and ,tibullus especially has a simple   
reverence for the old religion which has
 inspired a few exquisite descriptions  
of this aspect of ,italian life4 ,but1  
if ,i may use the word1 they had no     
mission2 they were true poets1 yet not  
poets of the prophetic order2 they had  
not thought deeply and reached          
conviction1 like ,lucretius and ,virgil4
 ,a few words from the conclusion of an 

,edinburgh professor's admirable work on
 ,virgil will sufficiently express what 
,i mean4 ,his religious belief1 says    
,sellar1 like his other speculative     
convictions1 was composite and          
undefined2 yet it embraced what was     
purest and most vital in the religions  
of antiquity1 and in its deepest        
intuitions it seems to look forward to  
the belief which became dominant in     
,rome four centuries later4#hfi ,in     
fact1 ,virgil gathers up what was       
valuable in the past of ,rome and adds  
to it a new element1 a new source of    
life and hope4 ,it was this that made it
 possible for a great ,french critic to 
assert that for those who have read     
,virgil there is nothing astonishing in 
,christianity4#hgj ,let us try and      
realise what these writers mean4 ,the   
,scotsman is sober and earnest1 the     
,frenchman epigrammatically             
exaggerating2 but the feeling that      
underlies both utterances is a true one4
  ,we have traced the gradual paralysis 

of the secularised ,state religion4 ,we 
have glanced at the two types of        
philosophical thought which took the    
place of that religion in the minds of  
the cultivated section of ,roman        
society1 neither of which could         
adequately supply the ,roman and        
,italian mind with an expression of its 
own natural feeling1 never wholly       
extinct1 of its relation to the ,power  
manifesting itself in the universe4     
,stoicism came near to doing what was   
needed1 by rehabilitating itself on     
,italian soil and indulging ,roman      
preconceptions of the divine2 but it    
could not greatly affect the mass of    
men1 and its appeal was not to feeling1 
but to reason4 ,epicurism1 though       
perhaps more popular1 was in reality    
more in conflict with what was best in  
the ,italian nature1 and the passionate 
appeal of ,lucretius to look for comfort
 to a scientific knowledge of the rerum 
natura had no enduring power to cheer4  
,lastly1 we have examined the tendency  

of the same age towards mysticism and   
,cicero's doubting and embarrassed      
expression of it1 and we found that this
 tendency rather illustrates a sense of 
something wanting than hopefully        
satisfies it4 ,we may well feel         
ourselves1 now we have arrived at the   
close of the ,republican era1 just as   
the best men of that day felt1 that     
there is something wanting4 ,in their   
minds this feeling almost amounted to   
despair2 in ours1 as we read the story  
of the troublous time after the death of
 ,caesar1 it is pity and wonder4 ,there 
was1 in fact1 more than a sense of      
weariness and discomfort1 moral and     
material1 in the ,roman mind of that    
generation--there was also what we may  
almost call a sense of sin1 such a      
feeling1 though doubtless less real and 
intense1 as that which their prophets1  
from time to time1 awoke in the ,jewish 
people1 and one not unknown in the      
history of ,hellas4 ,it was essentially 
a feeling of neglected duty--of         

neglected duty to the ,power and of     
goodwill wanting towards men4 ,lucretius
 had been unconsciously a powerful      
witness to this feeling1 but had not    
found the remedy4 ,in the early         
,augustan age it is again expressed by  
,horace1 by ,sallust1 and more deeply   
and truly in the beautiful preface to   
,livy's ,history4#hga ,livy there says  
that he devoted himself to the early    
annals of ,rome that he might shut his  
eyes to the evils of his own            
time--tempora quibus nec vitia nostra   
nec remedia pati possumus4  ,this       
something wanting was then a feeling1 a 
religio1 if we can venture to use the   
old word once more in the sense which ,i
 have so often attributed to it4 ,not an
 unreasonable or ungovernable feeling1  
not a superstitio1 but a feeling of     
happy dependence on a higher ,power1 and
 a desire to conform to ,his will in all
 the relations of human life4 ,this is  
the kind of feeling that had always lain
 at the root of the ,roman pietas1 the  

sense of duty to family and ,state1 and 
to the deities who protected them4 ,in  
the jarring of factions1 the cruelty and
 bloodshed of tyrants1 and the luxurious
 self-indulgence of the last two        
generations1 the voice of pietas had    
been silenced1 the better instincts of  
humanity had gone down4 ,we have to see 
what was done by our poet to awake that 
voice again and to put fresh life into  
those instincts4 ,only let us remember  
that more permanent good is done in this
 world by a beautiful nature giving     
itself its natural expression1 than by  
precept or denunciation2 and beware of  
attributing to ,virgil more direct      
consciousness of his mission than he    
really felt4 ,it is the nature of the   
man that is of value to us in our       
studies1 as it was to the ,romans in    
their despair1 a nature ruled by sweet1 
calm feeling1 full of sympathy and full 
of hope4  ,the something wanting in     
others which we find in ,virgil only1 or
 in him more convincingly felt and more 

resonantly expressed1 is a kindly and   
hopeful outlook on the world1 with a    
deep and real sympathy for all sorrow   
and pain4 ,it is not the result of any  
definite religious conviction2 it is in 
the nature of the man1 and is of the    
very fibre of his being2 but it made him
 a better religious teacher than the    
rest1 just because real religion is not 
a matter of reason only1 or of          
convention1 or of art1 but of feeling4  
,this was the true antidote to despair  
or depression--a sympathy with man in   
all he does or suffers1 not an indignant
 cry of remonstrance like that of       
,lucretius4 ,virgil's sympathetic       
outlook includes not only ,man1 but the 
animal world1 and there can be no better
 proof that his feeling was genuine4    
,the nightingale robbed of her          
young1#hgb                              
quem durus arator   observans nido      
implumes detraxit3 at illa   flet       
noctem1 ramoque sedens miserabile carmen
   integrat et maestis late loca        

questibus implet2  the cattle smitten by
 the plague1#hgc the migrating birds    
coming in from the sea1#hgd and many    
another tender touch1 all show us the   
feeling of which ,i am speaking2 for he 
who could so feel towards animals must  
needs have a soul of pity for man4 ,so1 
too1 with the inanimate nature of       
,italy2 the land in which ,virgil's     
shepherds and husbandmen live and work  
is one full of such detailed loveliness 
as might suggest a beneficent ,power    
presiding over it all1 inviting man to  
lift up his heart in gratitude or       
prayer4 ,as ,sellar has well            
remarked1#hge the sense of natural      
beauty is in the ,georgics intertwined  
with the toil of man1 raising1 as it    
were1 the toiler to a higher level of   
humanity as he lifts his eyes from his  
work4 ,and this natural beauty is made  
real for the reader by the life and     
force that everywhere pervades it2 all  
nature is alive and full of feeling2 the
 fruit trees1 for example1 in the second

 ,georgic seem instinct with an almost  
human life4#hgf ,the moment this comes  
home to us we see how it harmonises with
 all we have learnt of the old ,italian 
conception of the divine1 of the        
forceful numina working for man's       
benefit if properly propitiated4 ,and   
even when ,virgil is using the language 
of the ,stoics to explain the life of   
nature1 we feel that behind the         
philosophical theory there lies this    
feeling of the ,italian3                
deum namque ire per omnes   terrasque   
tractusque maris caelumque profundum3   
hinc pecudes1 armenta1 viros1 genus omne
 ferarum4#hgg  ,this is the religious   
spirit of the ,georgics2 the divine     
forces are everywhere1 and a man must   
submit himself to them and seek their   
aid4 ,he finds his true resource rather 
in prayer than in philosophy1 his part  
in the world is laborare et orare4 ,the 
hard lot of the ,hesiodic labourer is   
not that of the agricola of the         
,georgics1 who carries on his campaign  

of toil with a cheerful heart and a     
clear conscience1 for he is in right    
relation with the ,power manifesting    
itself in the life around him4  ,this1  
then1 so far as ,i can describe it      
without going too far into detail1 is   
the feeling1 the religio1 which was     
needed in the ,italy of that day4 ,we   
may1 perhaps1 venture to compare its    
revival in the work of ,virgil with the 
return to nature in the ,english poetry 
of a century ago1 which also brought    
with it a revival of religious fervency4
 ,though ,virgil and ,wordsworth are in 
many ways as unlike as two poets can be1
 they are alike in the possession of    
that gentle and trustful outlook on the 
world of nature which stimulates the    
mind to think of itself in its relation 
to the ,power4 ,we do not need to       
analyse the process or to put it into   
any logical shape2 we may rest content  
with it as a fact in the history of     
,roman religious experience4  ,in       
,virgil's case1 as in ,wordsworth's1    

this feeling had the effect of          
reconciling the poet's mind to the old  
forms of religious worship4 ,reconcile  
is1 perhaps1 hardly the right word2 we  
may doubt whether he had ever quarrelled
 with them4 ,as he believed in the      
,power and its manifestations1 so too he
 believed in the traditional modes of   
propitiating it1 not asking himself the 
raison d'etre of this or that ceremony1 
still less looking on them with pity and
 contempt1 like ,lucretius1 but         
accepting them in his broad humanity as 
part of the life and thought of man in  
,italy4    fortunatus et ille ,deos qui 
novit agrestes4#hgh  ,let us mark the   
word novit4 ,the husbandman has come to 
recognise these emanations of the ,power
 and to know them as friends2 the word  
could not have been used of malignant   
spirits4 ,as ,i said in an early        
lecture1 man advances in his knowledge  
of the ,power as he advances in         
civilisation4 ,so the rural rites have a
 claim on his sympathy no less than the 

men who performed them2 he knew them in 
their detail1 and he knew them in the   
spirit which animated them4 ,he must    
have studied them in detail1 and not    
only the rural cults1 but those of the  
city too2 every gesture in worship has  
an interest for him1 and so great is our
 respect for his accuracy that we accept
 what he tells us even if we cannot     
explain it4#hgi ,his careful learning in
 all these details has been the means of
 preserving for us large sources of     
knowledge2 for ,servius1 ,macrobius1 and
 other commentators accumulated stores  
of it in endeavouring to interpret him4 
,now1 this is not mere antiquarianism in
 ,virgil1 any more than is the detail of
 old life which abounds in ,scott's     
poems and novels4 ,these two men had the
 same wide1 sympathetic outlook on the  
world4 ,scott was interested in         
everything and everybody1 whether living
 or dead long ago1 and in all they did2 
and ,i think we may say the same of     
,virgil1 though he is said to have been 

rather reserved and shy than genial and 
talkative like ,scott4 ,virgil's mind   
was not so much curious1 ,i think1 as   
sympathetic1 and his delight in these   
religious details arises from his love  
of ,italy and all that man did in it4   
,he caught the spirit of the old        
,italian worship1 which1 as we saw1     
demanded that each act should be        
performed accurately according to rules 
laid down4 ,he recognises the necessity1
 and with true ,italian instinct he acts
 upon it as he writes4 ,he knows that   
these acts of cult are one outward      
expression of that quality which had    
made ,rome great--pietas1 the sense of  
duty to family1 ,state1 and ,deity4  ,so
 far ,i have been considering what ,i   
may call the psychological basis of     
,virgil's religion--the man's           
sympathetic nature and wide outlook1    
which included in its love of ,italy    
even the old practical worship of       
,italians4 ,i have now to go on to the  
poet's greatest work1 in which the idea 

of duty was not merely recognised in    
religious acts but exemplified in an    
ideal ,roman4 ,it is mainly in the      
,aeneid that we see him looking forward 
as well as backward1 for it is there    
that we have the chart of the ,roman's  
duty drawn to the scale of his past     
history1 and meant to guide him in the  
future in still more glorious travel4   
,there are two ways in which we may     
contemplate the ,aeneid as a whole and  
the teaching it offered the ,roman of   
that day4 ,we may think of it 7if ,i may
 for a moment use musical language7 as a
 great fugue1 of which the leading      
subject is the mission of ,rome in the  
world4 ,providence1 ,divine will1 the   
,reason of the ,stoics1 or1 in the      
poetical setting of the poem1 ,jupiter1 
the great protecting ,roman deity1 with 
the ,fates behind him somewhat vaguely  
conceived1#hhj had guided the ,state to 
greatness and empire from its infancy   
onwards1 and the citizens of that ,state
 must be worthy of that destiny if they 

were to carry out the great work4 ,this 
mighty theme pervades the whole poem    
and1 like the subject of a fugue1 enters
 and re-enters from time to time in     
thrilling tones4 ,it is given out in the
 prophecy put into the mouth of ,jupiter
 himself at the beginning of the first  
book2 it is heard in still more         
magnificent music from the shade of old 
,anchises in the last moments of the    
hero's visit to ,hades in the sixth     
book1 and again in the description of   
the shield which ,venus gives her       
son4#hha ,though the poem is unequal and
 some parts of it are left without the  
final touches1 yet whenever the poet    
comes upon this great theme the tone is 
that of a full organ4 ,this is1 ,i      
think1 apart from those exquisite       
beauties of detail which are for those  
only who have been initiated in the     
,virgilian mysteries1 what chiefly moves
 the modern reader of ,virgil4 ,there   
are drawbacks which1 for us moderns at  
least1 detract from the general effect3 

the intervention of gods and goddesses  
after the ,homeric manner1 but without  
the charm of ,homer2 the seeming want of
 warm human blood in the hero2 the stern
 decrees of ,fate overruling human      
passions and interests2 but he who keeps
 the great theme ever in mind1 watching 
for it as he reads1 as one watches for  
the new entry of a great fugue-subject1 
will never fail to see in the ,aeneid   
one of the noblest efforts of human     
art--to understand what makes it the    
world's second great epic4  ,but this   
great destiny of ,rome has been         
accomplished by the service of man2 by  
his loyalty1 self-sacrifice1 and sense  
of duty2 by that quality known to the   
,romans as pietas2 and the second lesson
 or reminder of the ,aeneid lies in the 
exemplification of this truth in the    
person and character of the hero4 ,we   
moderns find it hard to interest        
ourselves in the character of ,aeneas4  
,but as ,prof4 ,nettleship remarked long
 ago1#hhb a ,roman reader would not have

 thought him dull or uninteresting2 if  
that had been so1 the poem could hardly 
have become popular from the moment of  
its publication4 ,i am inclined to think
 that the development of the character  
of ,aeneas under stress of perils1 moral
 and material1 was much more obvious to 
the ,roman than it is to us1 and much   
more keenly appreciated4 ,for him it was
 the chief lesson of the poem1 which    
makes it as it were a whole duty of the 
,roman2 and as this lesson is really a  
part of ,roman religious experience ,i  
am going to occupy the rest of this     
lecture with it4  ,the development of   
the character of ,aeneas1 under the     
influence of perils and temptations     
through which he is guided by ,jupiter  
and the ,fates1 is not a subject which  
has received much attention from modern 
criticism4#hhc ,yet to me1 at least1 it 
would be surprising if the leading      
character of the poem were1 so to speak1
 a statue once and for all conceived and
 executed by the artist1 instead of a   

human being subjected to various        
experiences which work upon his         
character as well as his career4 ,there 
were circumstances in ,virgil's time    
which made it natural that a poet of a  
serious and philosophical turn of mind  
should be interested in the development 
of character and make it part of his    
great subject4 ,we have more than once  
had occasion to notice the growth of    
individualism in the last two centuries 
,b4,c4 ,beyond doubt personal character 
had a great interest at this time for   
thinking men1 apart from its            
development2 the world was ruled by     
individuals1 and at no time has so much 
depended on the disposition of          
individuals4 ,men had long begun to take
 themselves very seriously1 and to write
 their own biographies4 ,so entirely had
 the individual emancipated himself from
 the ,state1 that he had almost         
forgotten that the ,state existed and   
claimed his pietas2 he worked and played
 for his own ends4#hhd ,even the armies 

of that melancholy age were known and   
thought of1 not as the servants of the  
,state1 but as ,sullani1 ,pompeiani1 and
 so on4 ,this almost arrogant           
self-assertion of the individual was a  
fact of the time1 and could not be      
suppressed entirely2 it was henceforward
 impossible to return to the old times  
when the ,state was all in all and the  
individual counted for little4  ,but in 
the ,aeneid1 if ,i am not mistaken1     
there is an almost perfect balance      
between the two conflicting interests4  
,the ,state is the pivot on which turns 
all that is best in individual human    
character2 in other words1 ,aeneas is   
not playing his own game1 but fulfilling
 the order of destiny which was to bring
 the world under ,roman dominion4       
,individualism of the wrong type1 that  
of ,dido1 ,turnus1 ,mezentius1 has to be
 escaped or overcome by the hero1 for   
whom the call of duty is that of the    
,state to be2 but1 all the same1 the    
hero is an individual1 and one conceived

 not merely as a type or a force4 ,true1
 he is typical of ,roman pietas1 and    
bears his constant epithet accordingly2 
but if we look at him carefully we shall
 see that his pietas is at first        
imperfect1 and that his individualism   
has to be tamed and brought into the    
service of the ,state with the help of  
the ,state's deities4 ,this is what     
makes the ,aeneid a religious poem2 the 
character of ,aeneas is pivoted on      
religion2 religion is the one sanction  
of his conduct4 ,there is no appeal in  
the ,aeneid to knowledge1 or reason1 or 
pleasure1--always to the will of ,god4  
,pietas is ,virgil's word for religion1 
as it had been ,cicero's in his more    
exalted moments4 ,in the ,dream of      
,scipio we read that piis omnibus       
retinendus est animus in custodia       
corporis3 nec iniussu eius a quo ille   
est vobis datus1 ex hominum vita        
migrandum est1 ne munus humanum         
adsignatum a deo defugisse              
videamini4#hhe ,in these words1 as is   

shown by those that follow1 the munus   
hominum is exactly what it is in the    
,aeneid1 duty to ,man and the ,state1   
and as it is laid down for man by ,god1 
it is also duty to ,him4 ,the ,state    
finds its perfection in the individual  
so long as he thus fulfills the will of 
,god4#hhf  ,let us now go on to watch   
,aeneas as he gradually develops this   
perfect balance of motive4  ,aeneas is  
marked at the very outset of the poem as
 insignem pietate virum2 the key-note of
 his character is sounded here at once  
with skill1 and the key thus suggested  
7to use musical metaphor once more7 is  
maintained steadily throughout it4 ,the 
quality demanded by the gods from every 
true ,roman who would take his part in  
carrying out the divine mission of ,rome
 must be emphasised in the ideal ,roman4
 ,yet1 as we read on1 we soon discover  
that ,aeneas was by no means as yet a   
perfect character4 ,it can hardly be by 
accident that the poet has described him
 as yielding to despair and bewailing   

his fate on the first approach of       
danger--forgetting the mission before   
him and the destiny driving him on1 and 
wishing that he were lying dead with    
,hector under the walls of ,troy 7i4 #ib
 foll474 ,it would have been easy enough
 for ,virgil to have taken up at once   
the heroic vein in the man1 as it was   
left him by ,homer1#hhg and to have made
 him urge his men to bestir themselves  
or to yield bravely to fate4 ,and this  
is precisely what ,aeneas does when the 
storm is over and the danger past 7#aih 
foll472 yet even then he is not         
whole-hearted about it3    talia voce   
refert1 curisque ingentibus aeger   spem
 voltu simulat1 premit alto corde       
dolorem4  ,at the very moment1 that is1 
when he expresses his belief in his     
destiny and the duty of making for      
,italy1 he still has misgivings1 though 
he dare not express them4  ,heinze has  
remarked#hhh that before this1 at the   
sack of ,troy1 he had shown a want of   
self-control1 and yielded to a mad      

passion of desperate fighting that is   
not to be found in the ,aeneas of the   
last six books 7ii4 #cad foll473    arma
 amens capio nec sat rationis in armis4 
,furor and ira drive him headlong2 we   
are reminded of the mad fury of         
,mezentius or ,turnus4  ,again1 after   
the death of ,priam ,venus has to remind
 him of his duty to his father1 wife1   
and son 7ii4 #eid foll471 reproaching   
him for his loss of sanity and          
self-control3    nate1 quis indomitas   
tantus dolor excitat iras8   quid furis1
 aut quonam nostri tibi cura recessit8  
non prius aspicies ubi fessum aetate    
parentem   liqueris ,anchisen1 superet  
coniunxne ,creusa   ,ascaniusque        
puer8#hhi  ,during the wanderings       
narrated in the third book it is        
,anchises who leads1 and who receives   
and interprets the divine warnings2 he  
seems to be the guardian and guide of   
his son3 to that son he is omnis curae  
casusque levamen 7iii4 #gji71 and he is 
felix nati pietate 7iii4 #dhj74 ,he is1 

in fact1 the typical ,roman father1 who1
 unlike ,homer's ,laertes1 maintains his
 activity and authority to the end of   
his life1 and to whom even the grown-up 
son1 himself a father1 owes reverence   
and obedience4 ,as ,boissier has pointed
 out1#hij the death of ,anchises is     
postponed in the story as long as       
possible1 and it is only after his death
 that ,aeneas is exposed to a really    
dangerous temptation2 it is immediately 
after this event that1 as we saw1 he    
loses heart at the first storm1 and     
then1 on landing in ,africa1 falls a    
victim for the moment to the queenly    
charms of ,dido4 ,we may notice that up 
to this point his pietas has been a     
limited one1 hardly called upon for     
exercise beyond the bounds of family    
life and duty2 when he is himself at the
 head1 not only of the family1 but1 so  
to speak1 of the ,state1 it has to take 
a wider range1 and to be put to a severe
 test4  ,to all that has at different   
times been written about ,virgil's      

treatment of the ,dido legend ,i must   
venture here to add another word4       
,heinze has shown#hia that no certain   
origin can be discovered for the form of
 the story as ,virgil tells it2 it may  
have been ,naevius who first took       
,aeneas to ,sicily1 but we do not know  
whether he or any successor of his      
invented the essential point of         
,virgil's story1--the suicide of ,dido  
as a consequence of her desertion by    
,aeneas4#hib ,in any case the question  
arises1 why our poet should have        
deliberately abandoned the current and  
popular version1 and exposed his hero to
 such imminent danger of deserting the  
path which ,jupiter and the ,fates had  
marked out for him1--of sacrificing his 
great mission to the passion of a       
magnificent woman1 and to the prospect  
of illicit ease and unsanctioned        
dominion4 ,heinze is of opinion that    
,virgil's motive was here a purely      
artistic one2 he wanted an opportunity  
to introduce the pathetic element into  

his epic4 ,there was no lack of models2 
the latest bloom of ,greek poetry had   
been in nothing more inventive than in  
dealing with all the phenomena of the   
passion of love1--its agony1 shame1 and 
despair1 and the self-immolation of its 
victims4#hic ,he enforces this view with
 great learning1 and all he writes about
 it is of value2 but ,i must confess    
that he has not convinced me that this  
was ,virgil's chief motive4 ,he seems to
 me to leave out of account two         
important considerations3 first1 that   
though the poet drew freely on every    
available source1 ,greek and ,roman1 for
 the enrichment of his subject and its  
treatment1 yet the whole design and     
purpose of the ,aeneid is ,roman and not
 ,greek1 and the introduction of a      
love-story as such would have been      
foreign to that design1 and also to the 
aims and hopes of ,augustus and the best
 men of the age4 ,secondly1 ,heinze     
seems to forget1 like so many others who
 have written about the ,dido episode1  

that ,virgil had before his very eyes   
facts sufficiently striking1 a romance  
quite sufficiently appalling1 to suggest
 the adoption of the form of the story  
as we have it in the fourth book4 ,twice
 in his own lifetime did a single       
formidable woman work a baleful spell   
upon the destinies of the ,roman empire4
 ,in neither case did the spell take    
fatal effect2 ,julius escaped in time   
from the wiles and the splendour of     
,cleopatra2 ,antony failed indeed to    
escape1 but brought himself and her to  
fortunate ruin4 ,it is to me            
inexplicable1 considering how all       
,virgil's poems abound with allusions to
 the events of his time1 and with       
side-glances at the chief agents in     
them1 that neither ,heinze nor ,norden  
should have even touched on the         
possibility that ,cleopatra was in the  
poet's mind when he wrote the fourth    
book4 ,it is perhaps difficult for one  
who puts the poem on the                
dissecting-board1 and whose attention is

 continually absorbed in the            
investigation of minute points in the   
fibre of it1 to bear in mind the        
extraordinary events of the poet's      
lifetime1--the civil war1 the murder of 
,julius1 the division of the ,roman     
world1 the distraction of ,italy1 the   
attempt of ,antony1 or rather1 indeed1  
of his enslaver1 to set up a rival      
,oriental dominion1 and the rescue of   
,romanism and civilisation by ,augustus4
 ,had ,lucretius himself lived in that  
generation1 he could hardly have escaped
 the influence of these appalling facts4
 ,whoever will turn to the late ,prof4  
,nettleship's essay on the poetry of    
,virgil1 appended to his ,ancient ,roman
 ,lives of ,virgil1#hid can hardly fail 
to be convinced that on the later poet's
 mind they had produced a profound      
impression1 the effects of which are    
traceable throughout the whole mass of  
his work4 ,his ,roman readers1 whose    
state and empire had been brought to the
 verge of ruin by the exaltation of     

individual passions and ambitions1 would
 look for these constant allusions and  
understand them far better than we can4 
,i maintain1 then1 that the poet adopted
 his version of the story of ,dido not  
simply as an affecting and pathetic     
episode1 but 7in keeping with his whole 
design7 to emphasise the great lesson of
 the poem by showing that the growth and
 glory of the ,roman dominion are due1  
under providence1 to ,roman virtus and  
pietas--that sense of duty to family1   
,state1 and gods1 which rises1 in spite 
of trial and danger1 superior to the    
enticements of individual passion and   
selfish ease4 ,aeneas is sorely tried1  
but he escapes from ,dido to perform the
 will of the gods2 it is ,jupiter1 ruler
 of the ,fates and the ,roman destinies1
 who rescues him1 and thus the divine   
care for ,rome1 an idea of which        
,augustus wished to make the most1 is   
carefully preserved in the tale4 ,if for
 us the character of ,aeneas suffers by 
his desertion of ,dido1 that is simply  

because the poet1 seized with intense   
pity for the injured queen1 seems for   
once1 like his own hero1 to have        
forgotten his mission in the poem1 and  
at the very moment when he means to show
 ,aeneas performing the noblest act of  
self-sacrifice1 renouncing his          
individual passion and listening to the 
stern call of duty1 human nature gets   
the better of him1 and what he meant to 
paint as a noble act has come out on his
 canvas as a mean one4  ,in ,virgil's   
story1 then1 we have in contrast and    
conflict the opposing principles of duty
 and pleasure1 of patriotism and        
selfishness1 and the victory of the     
latter in the person of ,aeneas by the  
help of the great god who was the       
guardian of the destinies of ,rome1 and 
of the goddess who was the mother of the
 hero and the reputed progenitor of the 
,julian family4 ,when once this great   
trial is over1 the way is clear for the 
accomplishment of ,aeneas' mission1     
though he still has trials to face1 and 

as yet is not fully equipped for meeting
 them4  ,whoever1 after reading the     
stormy scenes of the fourth book1 will  
go straight on to the fifth1 cannot but 
be struck with a change of tone which   
would have been doubly welcome to a man 
of that true ,roman feeling which       
,virgil was counting on as well as      
inculcating throughout his work--doubly 
welcome1 because he would find it not   
only in the incidents1 but in the       
character of ,aeneas4 ,we here leave    
self and passion behind1 and are        
introduced to scenes where the careful  
performance of religious and family     
duties seems to produce ease of mind and
 the tranquillity that comes of a       
soothed conscience4 ,for the first time 
in the poem we meet with a              
characteristic of that best ,roman life 
which was dear to the heart of          
,augustus1 and with which we may be     
quite certain that the poet himself was 
entirely in sympathy4 ,strange1 indeed1 
it is that this should be the case in a 

book so wholly based for its externals  
on ,greek poetical traditions2 but it is
 none the less true1 and it is a        
striking example of ,virgil's wonderful 
genius for transforming old things with 
new light and meaning4#hie  ,it is not  
only then1 or even mainly1 the          
traditional necessity of describing     
games in an epic poem1 that is the      
raison d'etre of the fifth book2 the    
object was rather1 as ,i understand it1 
to gain the needful contrast to the     
stormy passion of the fourth1 and a     
relief for the mind of the ,roman reader
 before he approached the awful scenery 
and experiences of the sixth1 while at  
the same time there could be            
indicated--and for a ,roman reader more 
than indicated--the first beginning of a
 change in the character of the hero4   
,all this is effected with wonderful    
skill by making ,aeneas perform with    
detailed carefulness the ,roman ritual  
of the ,parentalia as it was known to   
the ,romans of the ,augustan age4 ,the  

,parentalia1 as ,i have said            
elsewhere1#hif were not days of terror  
or ill-omen1 but rather days on which   
the performance of duty was the leading 
idea in men's minds2 that duty was a    
pleasant and cheerful one1 for the dead 
were still members of the family1 and   
there was nothing to fear from them so  
long as the living performed their      
duties towards them under the due       
regulations of the ius divinum4 ,the    
ritual indicates the idea of the yearly 
renewal of the rite of burial1 with the 
propitiation of the departed which was  
necessary for the welfare of the family2
 and when the liturgical nine days were 
over1 the living members met together in
 the ,caristia1 a kind of love feast of 
the family1 at which all quarrels were  
to be forgotten1 and from which all     
guilty members were excluded4 ,in       
families of wealth and distinction in   
,virgil's time the days of mourning     
might be followed by games in honour of 
the departed4 ,thus a ,roman would at   

once recognise the fact that ,aeneas is 
here presented to us for the first time 
as a ,roman father of a family1         
discharging the duties essential to the 
continuance and prosperity of that      
family with cheerfulness as well as with
 gravitas2 and that his pietas here     
takes a definite1 practical1 and truly  
,roman form1 though it is not as yet    
extended to its full connotation as the 
performance of duty towards the ,state  
and its gods4  ,all this is quite in    
keeping with the little touches of      
characterisation which we can also      
notice in this book4 ,in the second line
 ,aeneas pursues his way certus1 even   
while he gazes at the flames of ,dido's 
funeral pyre1 not knowing what they     
meant4 ,he presides at the games with   
the dignity of a ,roman magistrate1 and 
reproachingly consoles the beaten ,dares
 with words which seem to reflect his   
late experience at ,carthage 7v4 #dfe73 
infelix1 quae tanta animum dementia     
cepit8   non vires alias conversaque    

numina sentis8   cede deo4  ,when the   
ships are burnt he does not give way to 
despair1 as in the storm of the first   
book1 but prays for help to the         
omnipotent ,jupiter1 in whose hand were 
the destinies of his descendants 7v4    
#fhg foll474 ,but he is not yet perfect 
in his sense of duty2 he feels the blow 
severely1 and for a moment wavers 7v4   
#gjj foll473                   444 casu 
concussus acerbo   nunc huc ingentis1   
nunc illuc pectore curas   mutabat      
versans1 ,siculisne resideret arvis     
oblitus fatorum1 ,italasne capesseret   
oras4  ,it needs the cheering advice of 
old ,nautes 7quicquid erit1 superanda   
omnis fortuna ferendo est71 and the     
appearance of the shade of ,anchises1 to
 confirm his wavering will with renewed 
sense of his mission4 ,this appearance  
of his father1 omnis curae casusque     
levamen1 with the summons to meet him in
 ,hades1 is1 as ,heinze has seen1#hig a 
turning-point in the fortunes and the   
character of ,aeneas1 and prepares us   

for the final ordeal and initiation     
which he undergoes in the following     
book4  ,i here use the word initiation  
because ,i have no doubt that ,virgil   
had in his mind when writing it the     
,greek idea of initiation into mysteries
 preparatory to a new life4 ,an actual  
initiation was1 of course1 out of the   
question2 on the other hand a catabasis1
 a descent into ,hades1 was part of the 
epic inheritance he derived from ,homer1
 and this1 like the funeral games in the
 fifth book1 he might use with an       
earnestness of purpose wanting in       
,homer1 to work in with the great theme 
of his poem1 not merely as an artistic  
effort4 ,the purpose here was to make of
 ,aeneas a new man1 to regenerate him2  
to prepare him by mystic enlightenment  
for the toil1 peril1 and triumph that   
await him in the accomplishment of his  
divine mission4 ,we must not look too   
closely into the process2 it is a       
strange melange of popular and          
philosophic ideas and scenery1 made at  

once intelligible and magnificent by the
 wonderful resources of the poet2 but we
 may be sure that it has the same       
general meaning as the visions of ,dante
 long afterwards4 ,as ,mr4 ,tozer has   
said1 ,dante's conversion and ultimate  
salvation were the primary object of his
 journey through the three realms of the
 spiritual world4#hih ,in this sense it 
can be called an initiation1 an ordeal1 
a sacrament4  ,so much has been written 
about this wonderful book that ,i do not
 need to dwell upon it here4 ,i will    
content myself with pointing out very   
briefly a fact which struck me when ,i  
last read it4 ,the ordeal of preparation
 is not complete till the very end of   
the book1 when the shade of ,anchises   
has shown his son all the great things  
to come1 the due accomplishment of which
 depends on his sense of duty1 his      
pietas4 ,up to that moment ,aeneas is   
always thinking and speaking of the     
past1 while in the last six books he is 
always looking ahead1 absorbed in the   

work each hour placed before him1 and in
 the prospect of the glory of ,rome and 
,italy4 ,the poet had contrived that his
 hero should himself narrate the story  
of the sack of ,troy and his subsequent 
wanderings1 and narrate them to the very
 person who would have made it          
impossible for him ever again to look   
forward on the path of duty4 ,surely    
this is significant of a moral as well  
as an artistic purpose2 the passionate  
love of the queen urges her to keep his 
mind fixed on the past1 to engage him in
 the story of events that concerned     
himself and not his mission 7i4 #gdh73  
necnon et vario noctem sermone trahebat 
infelix ,dido1 longumque bibebat amorem 
multa super ,priamo rogitans1 super     
,hectore multa1 etc4  ,after the shade  
of ,creusa had told him of his destiny1 
which she was not to share1 the past was
 still in his mind1 and he seems to have
 forgotten the warning2 he calls himself
 an exile 7iii4 #aj73    litora cum     
patriae lacrimans portusque relinquo    

et campos ubi ,troia fuit4 ,feror exsul 
in altum--  ,i find an exception after  
the meeting with ,andromache1 when he   
thinks of the future for a moment1 but  
even then half-heartedly as it seems to 
me1 with a very distinct reluctance to  
face the dangers to come1 and with a    
touching envy of those who could stay at
 home at ease 7iii4 #dic foll474 ,his   
want of faith in the future is again    
shown in ,book v41 in the passage quoted
 just now2 and even in ,book vi4 he is  
at first purposely depicted as slack1 as
 having his attention caught by what is 
for the moment before him1 or with the  
figures of old friends and enemies whom 
he meets1 until the last awakening      
revelation of ,anchises4 ,thus no sooner
 has he landed in ,italy than he is     
attracted by the pictures in the temple 
of ,apollo and incurs a rebuke from the 
priestess 7vi4 #cg foll473    non hoc   
ista sibi tempus spectacula poscit2     
nunc grege de intacto septem mactare    
iuvencos   praestiterit1 etc42  so also 

a little farther on she has to warn him 
again 7#ej foll47 at the entrance to the
 cave3               cessas in vota     
precesque1   ,tros ait ,aenea1 cessas8  
,it may be fancy in me to see even in   
his prayer which follows a leaning to   
think of ,troy and his past troubles    
7#ef foll474 ,but ,i cannot but believe 
that in this book he is meant to take a 
last farewell of all who have shared his
 past fortunes1 have helped him or      
injured him2 he meets ,palinurus1 ,dido1
 ,tydeus1 ,deiphobus1 and the rest1 and 
while meditating over these he has once 
more to be hurried by his guide 7#ech73 
sed comes admonuit breviterque adfata   
,sibylla est3   nox ruit1 ,aenea1 nos   
flendo ducimus horas4  ,when ,anchises  
appears the whole tone changes1 and his 
famous words seem to me to show         
conclusively that hesitation and want of
 fixed1 undeviating purpose had been so 
far his son's chief failing 7#hjf73     
et dubitamus adhuc virtutem extendere   
factis1   aut metus ,ausonia prohibet   

consistere terra8  ,the father's vision 
and prophecy are of the future and the  
great deeds of men to come1 and         
henceforward ,aeneas makes no allusion  
to the past and the figures that peopled
 it1 abandons talk and lamentations1    
virtutem extendit factis4 ,at the outset
 of ,book vii4 we feel the ship moving  
at once2 three lines suffice for the    
fresh start2 ,circe is passed unheeded4 
,maior rerum mihi nascitur ordo1 says   
the poet in line #dc2 maius opus moveo2 
for the real subject of the poem is at  
last reached1 and a heroic character by 
heroic deeds is to lay the foundation of
 the eternal dominion of ,rome4  ,a very
 few words shall suffice about the      
,aeneas of the later books4 ,let us     
freely allow that he is not strongly    
characterised2 that for us moderns the  
interest centres rather in ,turnus1 who 
is heroic as an individual1 but not as a
 pioneer of civilisation divinely led2  
that there is no real heroine1 for      
feminine passion would be here out of   

place and un-,roman1 and the courtship  
of ,lavinia is undertaken1 so to speak1 
for political reasons4 ,the role of     
,aeneas1 as the agent of ,jupiter in    
conquest and civilisation1 would appeal 
to a ,roman rather than to a modern1 and
 it was reserved for the modern critic  
to complain of a lack of individual     
interest in him4 ,so1 too1 it is in     
,jewish history2 we feel with ,esau more
 than with ,jacob1 and with ,david more 
than with ,moses1 who is none the less  
the grandest typical ,israelite in the  
,old ,testament4 ,and1 indeed1 ,virgil's
 theme here is less the development of a
 character or the portraiture of a hero 
than the idealisation of the people of  
the ,italy which he loved so well1 who  
needed only a divinely guided leader and
 civiliser to enter upon the glorious   
career that was in store for them4  ,i  
cannot escape the belief1 as ,i read    
again through these books1 that ,virgil 
did intend to depict in ,aeneas his     
ideal of that ,roman character to which 

the leading writers of his day ascribed 
the greatness of their race4 ,his pietas
 is now confirmed and enlarged1 it has  
become a sense of duty to the will of   
the gods as well as to his father1 his  
son1 and his people1 and this sense of  
duty never leaves him1 either in his    
general course of action or in the      
detail of sacrifice and propitiation4   
,his courage and steadfastness never    
fail him2 he looks ever forward1        
confident in divine protection2 the     
shield he carries is adorned--a         
wonderful stroke of poetic genius--with 
scenes of the future1 and not of the    
past 7viii4 #gbi foll473    talia per   
clipeum ,volcani1 dona parentis1        
miratur rerumque ignarus imagine gaudet 
attollens umero famamque et fata        
nepotum4  ,he is never in these books to
 be found wanting in swiftness and      
vigilance2 when he cheers his comrades  
it is no longer in a half-hearted way1  
but as at the beginning of the eleventh 
book1 with the utmost vigour and        

confidence1 ,arma parate1 animis et spe 
praesumite bellum 7xi4 #ah74  ,his      
humanitas again is here more obvious    
than in his earlier career1 and it is   
plainly meant to be contrasted with the 
heroic savagery of ,mezentius and       
,turnus4 ,so keenly did the poet feel   
this development in his hero's          
character1 that in his descriptions of  
the death of ,lausus and the burial of  
,pallas--noble and beautiful youths whom
 he loved in imagination as he loved in 
reality all young things--his tenderness
 is so touching that even now we can    
hardly read them without tears4 ,and not
 only is the hero heroic and humane1 but
 he is a just man and keeps faith2 when1
 in the twelfth book1 the ,rutulians    
break the treaty1 and his own men have  
joined in the unjust combat 7xii4 #caa73
    at pius ,aeneas dextram tendebat    
inermem   nudato capite atque suos      
clamore vocabat3   quo ruitis8 quove    
ista repens discordia surgit8   o       
cohibete iras2 ictum iam foedus et omnes

   compositae leges3 mihi ius concurrere
 soli4  ,he claims for himself alone1   
under the guiding hand of providence1   
the right to deal with ,turnus1 the     
enemy of humanity and righteousness4    
,and we may note that when it came to   
that last struggle1 though conquering by
 divine aid1 he was ready to spare the  
life of the conquered till he saw the   
spoils of the young ,pallas upon him4   
,the character of ,aeneas1 then1 though 
not painted in such strong light as we  
moderns might expect or desire1 is      
intentionally developed into a heroic   
type in the course of the story--a type 
which every ,roman would recognise as   
his own natural ideal4 ,and this growth 
is the direct result of religious       
influence4 ,it is partly the result of  
the hero's own natural pietas1 innate   
within him from the first1 as it was in 
the breast of every noble ,roman2 partly
 the result of a gradually enlarged     
recognition of the will of ,god1 and    
partly of the strengthening and almost  

sacramental process of the journey to   
,hades1 of the revelation there made of 
the mysteries of life and death1 and of 
the great future which ,jupiter and the 
,fates have reserved for the ,roman     
people4 ,in these three influences      
,virgil has summed up all the best      
religious factors of his day3 the       
instinct of the ,roman for religious    
observance1 with all its natural effect 
on conduct2 the elevating ,stoic        
doctrine which brought man into         
immediate relation with the universal2  
and1 lastly1 the tendency to mysticism1 
,orphic or ,pythagorean1 which tells of 
a yearning in the soul of man to hope   
for a life beyond this1 and to make of  
this life a meet preparation for that   
other4  ,only one word more4 ,we can    
hardly doubt the truth of the story that
 the poet died earnestly entreating that
 this greatest work of his life should  
perish with him1 and this may aptly     
remind us that though ,i have been      
treating the ,aeneid as a poem of       

religion and morals1 yet1 after all1    
,virgil was a poet rather than a        
preacher1 and thought of his ,aeneid1   
not as a sermon1 but as a work of art4  
,had he thought of it as a sermon he    
could hardly have wished to deprive the 
,roman world of it4 ,the true poet is   
never a preacher except in so far as he 
is a poet4 ,if the ,greeks thought of   
their poets as teachers1 says the late  
,prof4 ,jebb1 this was simply a         
recognition of poetry as the highest    
influence1 intellectual and spiritual1  
that they knew4 ,it was not merely a    
recreation of their leisure1 but a power
 pervading and moulding their whole     
existence4 ,surely this is also true of 
,virgil1 and of the best at least of his
 ,roman readers4 ,no one can read the   
sixth ,aeneid1 the greatest effort of   
his genius1 without feeling that poetry 
was all in all to him2 that learning1   
legend1 philosophy1 religion1 whatever  
in the whole range of human thought and 
fancy entered his mind1 emerged from it 

as poetry and poetry only4#hii          
,,notes ,,to ,,lecture ,,xviii      #hfi
 ,sellar1 ,virgil1 p4 #cga4      #hgj   
,sainte-,beuve1 ,etude sur ,virgile1 p4 
#fh4      #hga ,horace1 ,epode #af1     
where1 however1 he is not     quite so  
much in earnest as in ,odes iii4 #f4    
,sallust1     prefaces to ,jugurtha and 
,catiline3 these do not ring     quite  
true4      #hgb ,georg4 iv4 #eaa foll4  
#hgc ,georg4 iii4 #ddj foll4 ,the famous
 lines 7#dih     foll47 about the horse 
smitten with pestilence will     occur  
to every one4      #hgd ,aen4 vi4 #cji4 
#hge ,op4 cit4 p4 #bca4 ,he cites       
,georg4 i4 #ajg and     #ahg foll4      
#hgf ,sellar1 ,virgil1 p4 #bcb4         
#hgg ,georg4 iv4 #bba foll4      #hgh   
,georg4 ii4 #dic4      #hgi ,prof4      
,hardie recently asked me an explanation
 of     the double altar that we meet   
with more than once in     ,virgil in   
connection with funeral rites3 e4g41    
,ecl4     #e4 #ff2 ,aen4 iii4 #cje2 v4  
#gg foll4 ,servius tries to     explain 

this1 but clearly did not understand it4
 ,of     course ,i could offer no       
satisfactory solution4 ,yet we     are  
both certain that there is a            
satisfactory one if we     could only   
get at it4      #hhj ,much has been     
written about the part of the ,fates    
in the ,aeneid and their relation to    
,jupiter4 ,see     ,heinze1 ,vergils    
epische ,technik1 p4 #bhf foll42        
,glover1     ,studies in ,virgil1 #bjb  
and #bgg foll4 ,i may be allowed     to 
refer also to my ,social ,life at ,rome 
in the ,age of     ,cicero1 p4 #cdb     
foll4      #hha ,aen4 i4 #beg foll41 vi4
 #gef foll41 viii4 #fae     foll4       
#hhb ,suggestions preliminary to a      
,study of the     ,aeneid1 p4 #cf4      
#hhc ,it is not likely to strike us     
unless we read the     whole ,aeneid    
through1 without distracting our minds  
with other reading1 and this few of us  
do4 ,i did it some     ten years ago2   
before that the development of character
     had not dawned on me fully4 ,i     

later on found it shortly     but       
clearly set forth in ,heinze's ,vergils 
epische     ,technik1 p4 #bff foll42 and
 this caused me to read the     poem    
through once more1 with the result that 
,i became     confirmed in my view1 and 
read a paper on the subject     to the  
,oxford ,philological ,society1 which ,i
 have in part     embodied in this      
lecture4      #hhd ,this is dwelt on in 
,social ,life at ,rome in the     ,age  
of ,cicero1 p4 #abd foll4      #hhe ,de 
,republica1 vi4 #ae4      #hhf ,it may  
be as well to note here that the actual 
representation of ,god in the ,aeneid is
 its weakest     point4 ,it was an epic 
poem1 and could not dispense with       
the ,homeric machinery3 hence ,jupiter  
is practically the     representative of
 the ,stoic all-pervading deity1 with   
the ,fates behind him4 ,but it is not   
unlikely that ,virgil     may thus have 
actually helped to make the way clear   
for     a nobler monotheistic idea by   
damaging ,jupiter in the     course of  

this treatment2 see ,social ,life at    
,rome in     the ,age of ,cicero1 p4    
#cda foll4      #hhg ,on the ,homeric   
,aeneas there are some good remarks     
in ,boissier's ,nouvelles ,promenades   
archaeologiques 7,horace et ,virgile71  
p4 #acj     foll4 ,of all the ,homeric  
heroes he seems to come     nearest1    
though but slightly sketched1 to the    
,roman     ideal of heroism4      #hhh  
,heinze1 ,vergils epische ,technik1 p4  
#ag4      #hhi ,i should be disposed to 
consider this passage as     decisive of
 the point1 but that it immediately     
follows     upon the doubtful lines     
#efg-ehh1 in which ,aeneas is           
tempted in his mad fury to slay ,helen2 
and if those     lines are not          
,virgil's1 we have not sufficient       
explanation of the rebuke which ,venus  
here administers     to her son4 ,on the
 other hand1 if they were really        
,virgil's1 and omitted 7as ,servius     
declares7 by the     original editors   
,tucca and ,varius1 we should have a    

convincing proof that the poet meant his
 hero1 in these     terrible scenes1 to 
come so short of the true ,roman        
heroic type as to be capable of slaying 
a woman in cold     blood1 and while a  
suppliant at an altar of the gods4      
,into this much-disputed question ,i    
must not go farther1     except to note 
that while ,heinze is absolutely        
confident     that ,virgil never wrote  
these lines1 the editor of the     new  
,oxford text of ,virgil is equally      
certain that he     did4 ,my opinion is 
of no value on such a point2 but ,i am  
disposed to agree with ,mr4 ,hirtzel    
that versus valde     ,vergilianos1 ab  
optimis codicibus omissos1 iniuria      
obleverunt ,tucca et ,varius4 ,they are 
certainly in     keeping with the       
picture of ,aeneas' impotentia which    
is generally suggested in ,book ii4 ,if 
it should be     argued that this       
impotentia1 i4e4 want of                
self-control1 is only put into the mouth
 of ,aeneas in     order to heighten the

 effect of his stirring narrative1      
it will be well to remember the         
remonstrances of ,venus1     which make 
such a hypothesis impossible4      #hij 
,op4 cit4 p4 #bca4      #hia ,vergils   
epische ,technik1 p4 #aac foll4         
#hib ,the original story was1 that      
unable to escape from     an enforced   
marriage with ,iarbas1 she killed       
herself to     mark her unflinching     
faithfulness to her first husband       
,sicharbas4 ,servius quotes ,varro as   
stating that it was     not ,dido1 but  
,anna who committed suicide for love of 
,aeneas 7on ,aen4 iv4 #fhb72 and as     
,varro died before the     ,aeneid was  
begun1 this may be taken as proving that
     ,virgil's version of the love-story
 was not his own     invention4 ,but it 
is quite possible that ,servius here    
only means that ,varro's version        
differed in this point     from that    
which the poet soon afterwards adopted2 
it may     be that the story in the poem
 is thus practically his     own4       

#hic ,op4 cit4 p4 #aaf4      #hid       
,ancient ,lives of ,vergil1 ,clarendon  
,press1 #ahgi4      #hie ,the critics   
have1 ,i think1 been weaker in dealing  
with the fifth book than with any of the
 others4 ,prof4     ,tyrrell is too     
violent in his contempt for it to admit 
of quotation here4 ,heinze has some good
 and acute     remarks on ,virgil's     
motive in placing the book where it     
is1 but seems to me to miss the real    
importance of it     7op4 cit4 #adj     
foll474 ,even ,boissier1 whose          
delightful     account of the scenery of
 ,eryx should be read by every     one  
who would appreciate this book 7op4 cit4
 p4 #bcb71     goes so far as to say    
that it is the one book with which      
we feel we might easily dispense so far 
as the story is     concerned4      #hif
 ,roman ,festivals1 p4 #cjg4      #hig  
,op4 cit4 p4 #bgj4      #hih ,commentary
 on ,dante's ,divina ,commedia1 pp4 #fae
     foll4 ,i am indebted for this      
reference to ,stewart's     ,myths of   

,plato1 p4 #cfg4      #hii ,nettleship  
remarked most truly that there is no    
better way of appreciating the heroic   
,aeneas of these     last books than by 
studying carefully the early part of    
the eleventh4     ,,lecture ,,xix  ,,the
 ,,augustan ,,revival   ,it is a long   
descent from the inspiring idealism of  
,virgil to the cool1 tactical attempt of
 ,augustus to revive the outward forms  
of the old religion4 ,it seems strange  
that two men so different in character  
and upbringing should have been working 
in the same years in the same direction1
 yet on planes so far apart4 ,how far   
the two were directly connected in their
 work we cannot know for certain4 ,it is
 said that the subject of the ,aeneid   
was suggested to ,virgil by ,augustus1  
and it is quite possible that this may  
be true2 but it by no means follows from
 this that the inspiration of the poem  
came from any other source but ,virgil's
 own thought and feeling4 ,we also know 
that ,augustus from the first           

appreciated the ,aeneid1 and that he    
saved it for all time2 but it is by no  
means clear that it inspired him in his 
efforts towards moral and religious     
regeneration4 ,perhaps the truth is that
 both were moved by the wave of mingled 
depression and hope that swept over     
,italy for some years after the death of
 ,julius1 and that each used his        
experience in his own way and according 
to his opportunities4 ,they had at least
 this in common1 that they utilised the 
past to encourage the present age1 and  
that by filling old forms and names with
 new meaning they set men's minds upon  
thinking of the future4#ijj  ,yet the   
revival of the ,state religion by       
,augustus is at once the most remarkable
 event in the history of the ,roman     
religion1 and one almost unique in      
religious history4 ,i have repeatedly   
spoken of that ,state religion as       
hypnotised or paralysed1 meaning that   
the belief in the efficacy of the old   
cults had passed away among the educated

 classes1 that the mongrel city populace
 had long been accustomed to scoff at   
the old deities1 and that the outward   
practice of religion had been allowed to
 decay4 ,to us1 then1 it may seem almost
 impossible that the practice1 and to   
some extent also the belief1 should be  
capable of resuscitation at the will of 
a single individual1 even if that       
individual represented the best         
interests and the collective wisdom of  
the ,state4 ,for it is impossible to    
deny that this resuscitation was real2  
that both pax deorum and ius divinum    
became once more terms of force and     
meaning4 ,beset as it was by at least   
three formidable enemies1 which tended  
to destroy it even while they fed on it1
 like parasites in the animal or        
vegetable world feeding on their        
hosts1--the rationalising philosophy of 
syncretism1 the worship of the ,caesars1
 and the new ,oriental cults1--the old  
religion continued to exist for at least
 three centuries in outward form1 and to

 some extent in popular belief4  ,we    
must remember the tenacious conservatism
 of the ,roman mind3 the emotional      
stimulus of the age of depression and   
despair which preceded this revival3 and
 the conscientious care with which the  
successors of ,augustus1 ,tiberius in   
particular1 carried out his religious   
policy4#ija ,then as we become more     
familiar with the ,corpus of            
inscriptions and the writings of the    
early ,christian fathers1 we begin to   
appreciate the fact that the natural and
 inherited religion of a people cannot  
altogether die1 and that to describe    
this old ,roman religion as dead is to  
use too strong a word4 ,the votive      
inscriptions of the ,empire show us     
overwhelming proof of surviving belief  
in the great deities of the olden time1 
and of the care taken of their temples4 
,antoninus ,pius is honoured ob insignem
 erga caerimonias publicas curam et     
religionem4#ijb ,marcus ,aurelius       
himself did not hesitate in times of    

public distress to put in action the    
whole apparatus of the old religion4#ijc
 ,constantius in ,a4,d4 #cbi was shown  
round the temples when he visited ,rome 
for the first time1 and in spite of his 
,christianity took a curious interest in
 them4#ijd ,that the private worship1   
too1 went on into the fourth century we 
know from the ,theodosian code1 where in
 the interest of ,christianity the      
worship of ,lares ,penates and ,genius  
is strictly forbidden4#ije ,again1 the  
constant ridicule with which the        
,christian writers speak of the minutiae
 of the heathen worship makes it quite  
plain that they knew it as actually     
existing1 and not merely from books like
 those of ,varro4 ,they do not so much  
attack the ,oriental religions of their 
time as the genuine old ,roman cults2   
more especially is this the case with   
,st4 ,augustine1 from whose de ,civitate
 ,dei we have learnt so much about the  
latter4 ,the very necessity under which 
the leaders of ,christianity found      

themselves of suiting their own         
religious character1 and in some ways   
even their own ceremonies1 to the habits
 and prejudices of the pagans1 tells the
 same story4 ,but the question how far  
,latin ,christianity was indebted to the
 religion of the ,romans must be        
postponed to my last lecture2 ,i have   
said enough to indicate in which        
direction we must go for evidence that  
the work of ,augustus was not in vain1  
that it gave fresh stimulus to a plant  
that still had some life in it4  ,if1   
then1 the ,augustan revival was not a   
mere sham1 but had its measure of real  
success1 how are we to account for this8
 ,i think the explanation is not really 
difficult1 if we bring to bear upon the 
problem what we have learnt from the    
beginning about the religious experience
 of the ,romans4 ,let us note that      
,augustus troubled himself little about 
the later political developments of     
religion1 which we have lately been     
examining1--about pontifices1 augurs1   

and ,sibylline books2 these             
institutions1 which had been so much    
used in the republican period for       
political and party purposes1 it was    
rather his interest to keep in the      
background4 ,but in one way or another  
he must have grasped the fundamental    
idea of the old ,roman worship1 that the
 prosperity and the fertility of man1   
and of his flocks and herds and crops on
 the farm1 and the prosperity and       
fertility of the citizen within the city
 itself1 equally depended on the dutiful
 attention 7pietas7 paid to the divine  
beings who had taken up their abode in  
farm or city4#ijf ,the best expression  
of this idea in words is pax            
deorum1--the right relation between man 
and the various manifestations of the   
,power1--and the machinery by which it  
was secured was the ius divinum4#ijg ,we
 shall not be far wrong if we say that  
it was ,augustus' aim to re-establish   
the pax by means of the ius2 but if we  
wished to explain the matter to some one

 who has not been trained in these      
technical terms1 it would be better to  
say that he appealed to a deeply-rooted 
idea in the popular mind1--the idea that
 unless the divine inhabitants were     
properly and continually propitiated1   
they would not do their part in         
supporting the human inhabitants in all 
their doings and interests4 ,this       
popular conviction he deliberately      
determined to use as his chief political
 lever4  ,this has1 ,i think1 been      
insufficiently emphasised by historians1
 who contemplate the work of this shrewd
 statesman too entirely from the        
political point of view4 ,i am sure that
 he had learnt from his predecessors in 
power that reform on political lines    
only was without any element of         
stability1 and that he knew that it was 
far more important to touch a spring in 
the feeling of the people1 than to      
occupy himself1 like ,sulla1 in mending 
old machinery or inventing new4 ,if he  
could but induce them to believe in him 

as the restorer of the pax deorum1 he   
knew that his work was accomplished4    
,and ,i believe that we have what is    
practically his own word for this       
conviction2 not in his ,res ,gestae1 the
 ,monumentum ,ancyranum1 which is a     
record of facts and of deeds only1 but  
in the famous hymn which ,horace wrote  
at his instance and to give expression  
to his ideas1 for use in the ,secular   
,games of #ag ,b4,c41 to which ,i am    
coming presently4 ,ferrero has lately   
described that hymn as a magnificent    
poem1#ijh an opinion which to me is     
incomprehensible4 ,it is neat1 and      
embodies the necessary ideas adequately1
 but it is far too flat to be the       
genuine offspring of such a poet as     
,horace4 ,to me it reads as though      
,augustus had written it in prose and   
then ordered his poet to put it into    
metre2 and assuredly it expresses       
exactly what we should have expected    
,augustus to wish to be sung by his     
youthful choirs4 ,i shall refer to it   

again shortly to illustrate another     
point2 all ,i need say now is that he   
who reads it carefully and thinks about 
it will find there the conviction of    
which ,i have been speaking1 that       
prosperity and fertility1 whether of    
man1 beast1 or crop1 depend on the      
,roman's attitude toward his deities2   
religion1 morality1 fertility1 and      
public concord are the points which the 
astute ruler wished to be               
emphasised4#iji ,that this hymn was a   
really important part of the ceremony is
 certain from the fact that it was given
 to the best living poet to write1 and  
that his name is mentioned as its author
 in the inscription1 discovered not many
 years ago1 which commemorated the whole
 performance3 ,,carmen ,,composuit ,q4  
,,horatius ,,flaccus4#iaj  ,if1 then1 ,i
 am right1 this strange movement was not
 merely a revival of religious          
ceremonies1 but an appeal through them  
to the conscience of the people4 ,a     
revival of religious life it1 of course1

 was not1 for what we understand by that
 term had never existed at ,rome2 but it
 was an attempt to give expression1 in a
 religious form and under ,state        
authorisation1 to certain feelings and  
ideas not far removed in kind from those
 which in our own day we describe as our
 religious experience4 ,whether         
,augustus himself shared in these       
feelings and ideas it is1 of course1    
impossible to conjecture4 ,but as a     
man's religious convictions are largely 
the result of his own experience and of 
that of the society in which he lives1  
and as ,augustus' own experience for the
 twenty years before he took this work  
in hand had been full of trial and      
temptation1 ,i am disposed to guess that
 he was rather expressing a popular     
conviction which he shared himself than 
merely standing apart and administering 
a remedy4 ,and this view seems to me to 
be on the whole confirmed by the tone   
and spirit of the great literary works  
of the age4  ,augustus did not become   

pontifex maximus till the year #ab      
,b4,c41 nineteen years after he had     
crushed ,antony at ,actium2 he waited   
with scrupulous patience until the      
headship of the ,roman religion became  
vacant by the death of ,lepidus4#iaa    
,but this did not prevent him from      
pursuing his religious policy with great
 earnestness before that date1 for he   
had long been a member of the pontifical
 college1 as well as augur and          
quindecemvir4 ,no sooner had he returned
 to ,rome from ,egypt than the work of  
temple restoration began1 the outward   
and visible sign to all that the pax    
deorum was to be firmly re-established4 
,the fact of the restoration he has told
 us in half a dozen words in his own    
,res ,gestae3#iab ,duo et octaginta     
templa deum in urbe ex decreto senatus  
refeci1 adding that not one was         
neglected that needed repair4 ,among    
them was that oldest and smallest temple
 of ,jupiter ,feretrius on the ,capitol 
to which ,i referred in a former        

lecture2#iac and his personal interest  
in the work is attested by ,livy1 who   
says that he himself heard ,augustus    
tell how he had found an inscription1   
relating to the second spolia opima     
dedicated there1 when he went into the  
temple bent on the work of              
restoration4#iad ,it needs but a little 
historical imagination to appreciate the
 psychological importance of all this   
work4 ,we have to think not only of the 
bystanders who watched1 but of the very 
workmen themselves1 rejoicing at once in
 new employment and in the revival of an
 old sense of religious duty4 ,little   
more than twenty years earlier1 no      
workman could be found to lay a hand    
upon the newly-built temple of ,isis1   
when the consul ,aemilius ,paulus gave  
orders for its destruction as a centre  
of superstitio2#iae now abundant work   
was provided which every man's          
conscience would approve4 ,when ,i think
 of the ,rome of that year #bh1 with all
 its fresh hope and confidence taking   

visible shape in this way1 even         
,horace's famous lines seem cold to me  
7,od4 ii4 #f4 #a73    delicta maiorum   
immeritus lues   ,romane1 donec templa  
refeceris     aedesque labentis deorum  
et       foeda nigro simulacra fumo4    
,the restoration of the temple buildings
 implies also a revival of the old      
ritual1 the cura et caerimonia4 ,as to  
this we are very imperfectly            
informed1--we have no correspondence of 
this age1 as of the last1 and the       
details of life in the ,augustan city   
are not preserved in abundance4 ,but    
,ovid comes to the rescue here1 as in   
secular matters1 and on the whole the   
evidence in his ,fasti suggests that the
 old sacrificing priesthoods1 the ,rex  
and the flamines1 were set to their work
 again4 ,he tells us1 for example1 how  
he himself1 as he was returning to ,rome
 from ,nomentum1#iaf had seen the flamen
 ,quirinalis carrying out the exta of a 
dog and a sheep which had been          
sacrificed in the morning in the city1  

to be laid on the altar in the grove of 
,robigus4 ,in spite of all its disabling
 restrictions1 it was possible once more
 to fill the ancient priesthood of      
,jupiter2 and of the ,rex sacrorum and  
the other flamines we hear in the early 
,empire4#iag ,they were in the potestas 
of the pontifex maximus1 and as after   
#ab ,b4,c4 that position was always held
 by the ,princeps himself1 it was not   
likely that they would be allowed to    
neglect their duties4 ,other ancient    
colleges were also revived or confirmed 
by the inclusion of the ,emperor himself
 among their members 7a fact which      
,augustus was careful to record in his  
own words71 e4g4 the ,fetiales1 of whom 
he had made use when declaring war with 
,antony and ,cleopatra2#iah the ,sodales
 ,titienses1 an institution of which we 
have lost the origin and meaning2 the   
,salii1 ,luperci1 and above all the     
,fratres ,arvales1 the brotherhood whose
 duty it had once been to lead a        
procession round the crops in ,may1 and 

so to ensure the pax deorum for the most
 vital material of human subsistence4   
,the corn-supply now came almost        
entirely from ,africa and ,egypt2 the   
inner meaning of this old ritual could  
not be revived1 and we must own that all
 this restoration of the old caerimonia 
must have appealed rather to the eye    
than the mind of the beholder4 ,it was  
necessary to put some new element into  
it to give it life4 ,here we come upon a
 most important fact in the work of     
,augustus1 which will become apparent if
 we take a rapid glance at the work and 
history of the ,fratres1 and then go on 
to find further illustration of the     
curious mixture of old and new which the
 ,roman religion was henceforward to be4
  ,the fortunate survival of large      
fragments of the records of the         
,brotherhood1 dating from shortly after 
the battle of ,actium1 show that it     
continued to work and to flourish down  
to the reign of ,gordian 7,a4,d4 #bda71 
and from other sources we know that it  

was still in existence in the fourth    
century4#iai ,these records have been   
found on the site of the sacred grove1  
at the fifth milestone on the via       
,campana between ,rome and ,ostia1 which
 from the time of this revival onwards  
was the centre of the activity of the   
,fratres4  ,the brethren were twelve in 
number1 with a magister at their head   
and a flamen to assist him2 they were   
chosen from distinguished families by   
co-optation1 the reigning ,emperor being
 always a member4#ibj ,their duties fell
 into two divisions1 which most aptly   
illustrate respectively the old and the 
new ingredients in the religious        
prescriptions of ,augustus1 as they were
 carried out by his successors4 ,the    
first of these is the performance of the
 yearly rites in honour of the ,dea     
,dia1 the goddess or numen without a    
substantival name 7a form perhaps of    
,ceres and ,tellus71 whose home was in  
the sacred grove1 and who was the       
special object of this venerable cult4  

,secondly1 the care of vows1 prayers1   
and sacrifices for the ,emperors and    
other members of the imperial house4 ,i 
must say a few words about each of these
 divisions of duty4  ,the worship of the
 ,dea ,dia took place in ,may on three  
days1 with an interval always of one day
 between the first and second1 according
 to the old custom of the calendar4#iba 
,on the first1 preliminary rites were   
performed at ,rome1 in the house of the 
magister2 on the second was the most    
important part of the whole ceremony1   
which took place at the sacred grove4   
,these rites will give a good idea of   
the old ,roman worship1 and of the      
exactness with which ,augustus sought to
 restore it4 ,at dawn the magister      
sacrificed two porcae piaculares to the 
,dea1 and then a vacca honoraria1 after 
which he laid aside the toga praetexta  
or sacrificial vestment1 and rested till
 noon1 when all the brethren partook of 
a common meal1 of which the porcae      
formed the chief part4 ,then resuming   

the praetexta1 and crowned with wreaths 
of corn-ears1 they proceeded to the     
altar in the grove1 where they          
sacrificed the agna opima1 which was the
 principal victim in the whole          
ceremonial4#ibb ,other rites followed1  
e4g4 the passing round1 from one to     
another of the brethren1 fruits gathered
 and consecrated on the previous day1   
each brother receiving them in his left1
 i4e4 lucky hand1 and passing them on   
with his right2 and the singing of the  
famous ,arval hymn to ,mars and the     
,lares to a rhythmic dance-tune4 ,then  
after another meal and chariot-racing in
 the neighbouring circus1 they returned 
to ,rome and finished the day with      
further feasting4#ibc ,a cynical reader 
of these ,acta might suggest that the   
appetites of the good brethren were made
 more of than their pietas2 but the     
feasting may be just as much a part of  
the ancient practice as any of the other
 curiosities of ritual4  ,the utensils  
employed were of the primitive sun-baked

 clay 7ollae71 and seem to have been    
regarded with a veneration almost       
amounting to worship4#ibd ,long ago ,i  
had occasion to note how the old form of
 piacular sacrifice was used and        
recorded whenever iron was taken into   
the grove1 or any damage done to the    
trees by lightning or other accident4   
,once1 when a tiny fig-tree sprouted on 
the roof of the temple1 piacula of all  
suitable kinds had to be offered to     
,mars1 ,dea ,dia1 ,janus1 ,jupiter1     
,juno1 ,virgines divae1 ,famuli divi1   
,lares1 ,mater ,larum1 sive deus sive   
dea in cuius tutela hic lucus locusque  
est1 ,fons1 ,hora1 ,vesta ,mater1 ,vesta
 deorum dearumque1 ,adolenda ,commolenda
 ,deferunda1--and sixteen divi of the   
imperial families6#ibe ,as the date of  
this extraordinary performance is ,a4,d4
 #ahc1 nothing can better show the      
extent to which the revival of elaborate
 ritual had been carried by ,augustus1  
and the amazing tenacity with which it  
held its ground4  ,the second part of   

the activity of the brethren well       
illustrates the new element which       
,augustus adroitly insinuated into the  
old religious forms3 but ,i shall not   
dwell upon it1 for the worship of the   
,caesars in its developed form is not of
 either ,roman or ,italian origin1 any  
more than the other kinds of cult which 
were now pressing in from the ,east2 and
 it thus lies outside the range of my   
subject4 ,the revival of this old       
priesthood1 and doubtless of others1 the
 ,salii for example1 was turned to      
account to mark the sacred character and
 political and social predominance of   
the imperial family4 ,all events of     
importance in the life of the ,emperor  
himself and his family were the occasion
 of vows1 prayers1 or thanksgivings on  
the part of the ,fratres2 births1       
marriages1 successions to the throne1   
journeys and safe return1 and the       
assumption of the consulship and other  
offices or priesthoods4 ,these rites all
 took place at various temples or altars

 in ,rome1 or at the ,ara ,pacis1       
recently excavated1 which ,augustus had 
built in the ,campus ,martius4 ,here1 by
 way of example of them1 is a votum     
susceptum pro salute novi principis1 on 
his accession4#ibf  ,imperatore ,m4     
,othone ,caesare ,augusto1 ,l4 ,salvio  
,othone ,titiano iterum consulibus1     
,,iii kalendas ,februarias magistro     
,imperatore ,m4 ,othone ,caesare        
,augusto1 promagistro ,l4 ,salvio       
,othone ,titiano3 collegi fratrum       
,arvalium nomine immolavit in ,capitolio
 ob vota nuncupata pro salute           
imperatoris ,m4 ,othonis ,caesaris      
,augusti in annum proximum in ,,iii     
nonas ,ianuarias ,iovi bovem marem1     
,iunoni vaccam3 ,minervae vaccam3       
,saluti publicae populi ,romani vaccam3 
divo ,augusto bovem marem1 divae        
,augustae vaccam3 divo ,claudio bovem   
marem3 in collegio adfuerunt1 etc4      
,this record1 which belongs to the year 
#fi and the accession of ,otho1 shows   
the divi1 i4e4 the deified emperors     

,augustus and ,claudius1 together with  
the deified ,livia1 associated with the 
trias of the ,capitoline temple and the 
,salus publica in the sacrificial rites4
 ,but under the ,flavian dynasty which  
followed this association was           
judiciously dropped4#ibg ,it may serve  
for the moment to illustrate what was to
 come of this new element so subtly     
introduced into the old worship2 how it 
led to practices which are utterly      
repulsive to us1 and repulsive too to an
 honest man even in that day4 ,the noble
 words of ,tiberius1 declining to have  
temples erected to him in ,spain1 have  
been preserved by ,tacitus from the     
senatorial records3#ibh ,ego me1 patres 
conscripti1 mortalem esse fateor2 and he
 added that his only claim to           
immortality lay in the due performance  
of duty4 ,tiberius1 whatever else he may
 have been1 was beyond doubt an honest  
man2 and so too was ,seneca1 the author 
of the famous skit on the deification of
 ,claudius4 ,but the extravagances of   

,caesar-worship are not to be met with  
in ,augustus' time2 for him the new     
element may be defined1 as in ,rome 7and
 in ,italy too1 so far as his own wish  
could limit it7 nothing more than the   
encouragement of the belief in him1 and 
loyalty to him as the restorer of the   
pax deorum4 ,to this end he sought to   
magnify his own achievements as avenger 
of the crime of the murder of ,julius1  
by which the pax had been grievously    
disturbed4 ,i propose to finish this    
lecture by giving some account of the   
way in which he attained this object4   
,let us briefly examine the famous      
ritual of the ,ludi saeculares1 of which
 we have more detailed knowledge than of
 any other ,roman rite of any period2 it
 marks the zenith of his prosperity and 
religious activity1 and belongs to the  
year #ag ,b4,c41 two years after the    
death of ,virgil1--a date which may be  
said to divide the long power of        
,augustus into two nearly equal halves4 
,this famous celebration is an epoch in 

the history of the ,roman religion1 if  
not in the history of ,rome herself4 ,it
 stands on the very verge of an old and 
a new regime4 ,it was the outward or    
ritualistic expression of the idea1     
already suggested by ,virgil in the     
fourth ,eclogue and the ,aeneid1 that a 
regeneration is at hand of ,rome and    
,italy1 in religion1 morals1            
agriculture1 government2 old things are 
put away1 new sap is to run in the      
half-withered trunk and branches of a   
noble tree4 ,the experience of the past1
 as with ,aeneas after the descent into 
,hades1 is to lead to new effort and a  
new type of character1 of which pietas  
in its broadest sense is the inspiring  
motive4 ,henceforward the ,roman is to  
look ahead of him in hope and           
confidence1 virtutem extendere factis4  
,augustus1 the ,aeneas of the actual    
,state1 was firmly established in a     
prestige which extended beyond ,italy   
even to the far ,east2 his faithful and 
capable coadjutor ,agrippa was by his   

side to take his part in the ritual1 and
 no cloud in that year #ag seemed to be 
visible on the horizon4  ,the ,ludi     
saeculares are also unique in respect of
 the records we have of them4 ,by       
wonderful good fortune we can construct 
an almost complete picture of what was  
done in that year on the last days of   
,may and the first three of ,june4 ,we  
have the text of the ,sibylline         
oracle1--how manufactured we do not     
know1 nor does it much matter1--which   
prescribed the ritual1 preserved by     
,zosimus1 a ,greek historian of the     
fifth century ,a4,d41 together with his 
own account4#ibi ,thus the outline of   
the ritual has been known all along1    
together with many details2 and to help 
it out we have also the perfect text of 
the hymn written by ,horace for the     
occasion1 and sung by two choirs of boys
 and girls respectively4 ,but great was 
the delight of the learned world when1  
in ,september #ahij1 workmen employed on
 the ,tiber embankment1 close1 as it    

turned out1 to the spot where the       
nightly rites of the ludi took place1   
came upon a mediaeval wall partly made  
of ancient material1 in which some      
marbles were found covered with         
inscriptions relating to this same      
celebration4#icj ,this treasure was     
badly mutilated1 but the inscription was
 easily decipherable2 it contains a     
letter from ,augustus giving            
instructions1 two decrees of the        
,senate1 and a series of records of the 
,quindecemviri1 who were of course in   
charge of a ritual which had been       
ordered by a ,sibylline oracle4 ,some   
few points were at first puzzling1 but  
have been cleared up since the          
discovery4 ,mommsen1 of course1 took the
 work in hand1 and his exposition is    
still1 and always will be1 the          
starting-point for students4 ,wissowa   
has an excellent popular account of it1 
and recently1 in the fifth volume of his
 ,greatness and ,decline of ,rome1      
,ferrero has utilised it to give an     

animated account of the whole           
ceremony4#ica  ,the ,ludi saeculares    
take their name from the word saeculum2 
and the old ,italian idea of a saeculum 
seems to have been a period stretching  
from any given moment to the death of   
the oldest person born at that          
moment1--a hundred years being the      
natural period so conceived4#icb ,thus a
 new saeculum might begin at any time1  
and might be endowed with special       
religious significance by certain solemn
 ceremonies2 in this way the people     
might be persuaded that a new leaf1 so  
to speak1 had been turned over in their 
history3 that all past evil1 material or
 moral1 had been put away and done with 
7saeculum condere71 and a new period    
entered on of innocence and prosperity4 
,there are faint traces of three early  
celebrations of this kind1 beginning in 
#dfc ,b4,c41 traditionally a disastrous 
year1 and renewed in #cfc and #bfc4 ,but
 in #bdi1 another year of distress and  
peril1 a new saeculum was entered on    

with a new and a ,greek ritual1 ordered 
by a ,sibylline oracle4 ,a subterranean 
altar in a spot by the ,tiber1 near the 
present ,ponte ,st4 ,angelo1 and called 
,tarentum 7possibly to mark the original
 home of the rite71 was dedicated to    
,dis and ,proserpina1 ,greek deities of 
the nether world2 and here for three    
successive nights black victims were    
offered to them4 ,the subterranean altar
 and the use of the word condere 7to put
 away71 might suggest that this rite may
 have had something in common with those
 well-known quasi-dramatic ones in which
 objects are buried or thrown into the  
water1 to represent the cessation of one
 period of vegetation and the beginning 
of another4#icc ,or we may look on it in
 the light of one of those rites de     
passage in which a transition is made   
from one state of things to another1    
without any definite religious idea     
being attached to it4 ,there is no doubt
 some mystical element in the primitive 
idea of the beginning and ending of     

periods of time1 which has not as yet   
been thoroughly investigated4#icd  ,now 
it is easy to see how exactly a rite of 
this kind1 with suitable modifications1 
would fit in with ,augustus' purposes as
 we have explained them4 ,fortunately   
too ,varro had in #db ,b4,c4 published a
 book in which the mystic or            
,pythagorean doctrine was set forth of  
the palingenesis of ,all ,souls after   
four saecula of #aaj years each2 the    
fourth ,eclogue of ,virgil may have been
 influenced by this1 among other        
mystical ideas1 as it was written only  
three years later2 and in any case the  
doctrine was well known4#ice ,but       
,augustus had to wait a while1 until    
peace and confidence were restored4 ,why
 eventually he chose the year #ag is    
quite uncertain2 it does not exactly fit
 in with any calculation of four saecula
 of #aaj years starting from any known  
date4 ,but a saeculum1 as we have seen1 
might begin at any moment2 and in any   
case it was easy to manufacture a       

calculation1 which was now duly         
accomplished by trusty persons1 chief   
among them being the great lawyer1      
,ateius ,capito1 an ardent adherent of  
,augustus and his projects4#icf         
,probably too it was necessary to take  
advantage of the popular feeling of the 
moment1 that a better time had come1 and
 that it should be started on its way in
 some fitting outward form4  ,so an     
elaborate programme was drawn up1 the   
main features of which ,i must now      
explain4 ,on #bfth ,may and the two     
following days 7for the mystic numbers  
three1 nine1 and twenty-seven are       
noticeable throughout the ritual7#icg   
the means of purification               
7suffimenta7--torches1 sulphur1         
bitumen#ich--were distributed by the    
priests to all free persons1 whether    
citizens or not2 for this once1 all in  
,rome at the time1 with the exception of
 slaves1 were to give an imperial       
meaning to the ceremony by their share  
in it4 ,even bachelors1 though forbidden

 to attend public shows under a recent  
law de maritandis ordinibus1 were       
allowed to do so on this occasion4 ,no  
doubt the idea was that the whole people
 were to be purified from all pollution 
of the past2 it is what ,m4 van ,gennep 
calls a rite de separation1 the first   
step in a rite de passage4 ,the next    
three days all the people came to the   
,quindecemviri at certain stated places1
 and made offerings of fruges1 the      
products of the earth1 as we do at our  
harvest festivals2 these were the       
firstfruits of the coming harvest4#ici  
,it may be worth while to recall the    
facts that it was on these same days    
that the procession of the ,ambarvalia  
used to go round the ripening crops1 and
 that in the early days of ,june the    
symbolic penus of ,vesta was being      
cleansed to receive the new grain4#idj  
,that ,augustus wished to emphasise the 
importance of ,italian agriculture is   
beyond doubt1 and is apparent also in   
the hymn of ,horace1 ,fertilis frugum   

pecorisque ,tellus spicea donet ,cererem
 corona1 etc4  ,when the suffimenta had 
been distributed and the offerings made1
 all was ready for the putting away or  
burying of the old saeculum4 ,on the    
night before #ast ,june ,augustus       
himself1 together with ,agrippa1        
sacrificed to the ,greek ,moirae1 the   
,parcae of ,horace's hymn1 perhaps in   
some sense the ,fata of the ,aeneid2 on 
the second night to ,eilithyia1 the     
,greek deity of childbirth2 and on the  
third to ,mother ,tellus4 ,the form of  
prayer accompanying the sacrifice is    
preserved in the inscription2 it is     
,latin in language and form1 as dry and 
concise as any we examined in my        
lectures on ritual1 and contains the    
macte esto which ,i was then at pains to
 explain4 ,augustus prayed for the      
safety and prosperity of the ,state in  
every way1 and also for himself1 his    
house1 and his familia4#ida ,the scene  
on the bank of the ,tiber1 illuminated  
by torches1 must have been most         

impressive4  ,these were the nightly    
ceremonies4 ,but each day also had its  
ritual1 in which the ,roman deities of  
the heaven were the objects of worship1 
not1 as by the ,tiber bank1 ,greek      
deities of the earth and the nether     
world4 ,on the first two days ,augustus 
and ,agrippa offered the proper victims 
to ,jupiter and ,juno respectively on   
the ,capitol2 ,minerva is omitted1 and  
probably the other two are reckoned in  
,greek fashion as a married pair4 ,the  
form of prayer was the same as that used
 by night1 with the necessary           
modifications4 ,thus the great          
,capitoline temple and its deities have 
a full share of attention1 and they go  
too far who think that ,augustus was so 
wanting in tact as to put them in the   
shade4#idb ,but on the third and last   
day the scene changes from the ,capitol 
to the ,palatine1 the residence of      
,augustus1 where he had built his great 
temple of ,apollo2 here for the first   
time in the ceremony ,horace's hymn was 

sung4 ,on all the days and nights there 
had been shows and amusements1 and a    
hundred and ten chosen matrons had taken
 solemn part in the services4#idc ,but  
,i must pass these over and turn in the 
last place to the question1 as          
interesting as it is old and difficult1 
as to how and where ,horace's hymn was  
sung1 and how we are to understand it4  
,the instructions given to the poet by  
,augustus are obvious as we read the    
,carmen in the light of the ceremonial  
of which it was to mark the conclusion4 
,he was to bring into it1 as we have    
already seen1 the ideas which were to be
 revived and made resonant1 of religion1
 morality1 and the fertility of man1    
beast1 and crop2 and they are all there4
 ,he was also to include all the deities
 who had been addressed in prayer both  
by day and night1 by ,tiber bank and on 
the ,capitol1 and to give the most      
prominent place to those who on this    
last day were worshipped on the         
,palatine2 to ,apollo1 for whom         

,augustus had built a great temple close
 to his own house 7in privato solo#idd71
 as his own specially protecting deity  
since ,actium1 and ,diana1 who as       
equivalent to ,artemis1 could not but be
 associated with ,apollo4 ,thus the     
deities of the hymn are both ,latin and 
,greek1#ide and this expresses the      
undoubted fact that the religion of the 
,romans was henceforward to be even in  
outward expression a cosmopolitan or    
,romano-,hellenic one1 in keeping with  
the fact that all free men of every race
 might take part in this great festival4
 ,but it cannot fail to strike every    
careful reader that the great trias of  
the ,capitol is hardly visible in the   
poem1 though ,jupiter and ,juno had been
 the chief objects of worship on the two
 previous days4 ,jupiter is twice       
incidentally named1 but in no connection
 with the ,capitol2#idf and it is only  
when we read between the lines of the   
fourteenth stanza that we discover      
,jupiter and ,juno as the recipients of 

the white oxen which had been sacrificed
 to them there4 ,i have already said    
that we must not make too much of the   
neglect of ,jupiter and ,juno by        
,augustus2 but it is plain that he      
directed ,horace not to make them too   
prominent in this hymn1 and ,i think it 
is quite possible that ,horace a little 
overdid his obedience4  ,the result of  
all this is that the hymn1 in spite of  
its neatness and adequacy1 is wanting in
 spontaneity1 and presents the casual   
reader with an apparently unmeaning     
jumble of ,greek and ,roman gods and    
goddesses4 ,the only way to clear it up 
is by taking it in immediate relation   
with what we know about the places in   
which it was sung4 ,to me at last it has
 become clear enough in all its main    
points2 and ,i will give here my own    
results1 which do not altogether        
coincide with those of other recent     
inquirers4  ,before the discovery of the
 great inscription we knew that this    
hymn was sung before the new temple of  

,apollo on the ,palatine2 we now know   
that it was also sung on the            
,capitol1#idg thus uniting in one       
performance the old religion of         
republican ,rome with the new imperial  
cult of ,apollo4 ,but this new fact has1
 in my opinion1 led to misapprehensions 
both of the manner of singing and the   
order of subjects in the hymn4 ,mommsen 
thought that the first part was sung on 
the ,palatine1 the middle part on the   
,capitol1 and the last again on the     
,palatine1 and he is followed by        
,wissowa2 and both seem to think it     
possible that there may have been       
singing too during the procession from  
the one hill to the other4#idh ,i think 
we need not trouble ourselves about the 
latter point1 for the ,via ,sacra1 by   
which the procession must have gone1 was
 far too narrow and irregular to allow  
fifty-four singers1 with the tibicines  
who must have been accompanying them1 to
 walk and perform at the same time4#idi 
,the inscription1 too1 says plainly that

 the hymn was sung on the ,palatine and 
then on the ,capitol1 and by that plain 
statement of fact we had better abide4  
,now let us note that these two stations
 on the two hills were the best possible
 positions for ,augustus' purpose1 not  
only because of their religious         
importance1 but because they afforded   
the most spacious views of the city1 now
 everywhere adorned with new or restored
 buildings4 ,the temple of ,apollo was  
built upon a large and lofty area at the
 north-east end of the ,palatine4#iej   
,recent excavations have shown it to be 
some hundred yards broad by a hundred   
and fifty in length1 and ,ovid1 in a    
passage of his ,tristia#iea gives us an 
idea of its height3    inde tenore pari 
gradibus sublimia celsis     ducor ad   
intonsi candida templa dei4  ,on this   
area the choirs of boys and girls took  
their station1 facing the marble temple1
 on the fastigium of which was          
represented the ,sun driving his        
four-horse chariot4#ieb ,after singing1 

probably together1 the first two stanzas
 or exordium of the hymn1 they addressed
 this ,sol3    alme ,sol1 curru nitido  
diem qui   promis et celas1 aliusque et 
idem   nasceris1 possis nihil urbe ,roma
     visere maius4  ,as they sang these 
last words1 they would turn towards the 
city that lay behind them1 and look over
 it to the ,tiber and the scene of the  
nightly sacrifices of the ,tarentum2 and
 with the deities of these rites1 who   
must of course be taken before those of 
day and light1 as in the order of the   
festival1 the next five stanzas are     
occupied3#iec ,eilithyia1 the ,moirae   
7,parcae71 and ,tellus or ,ceres4 ,when 
that duty is over they turn once more to
 the temple1 and the ,greek deities of  
the ,tarentum are mentioned no more4    
,three stanzas are devoted to ,apollo   
and ,diana 7,luna71 with a happy        
allusion to the ,aeneid1 and then once  
more the choirs turn1 and this time they
 face the ,capitol2 the hymn is long1   
and these changes of movement would be  

at once a relief to the singers and a   
pleasant sight to the spectators4 ,they 
address the deities of the ,capitol in  
appropriate language3    di probos mores
 docili iuventae1   di1 senectuti       
placidae quietem1   ,romulae genti date 
remque prolemque       et decus omne4   
,the allusion to ,jupiter and ,juno is  
thus veiled3    quaeque vos bobus       
veneratur albis   clarus ,anchisae      
,venerisque sanguis1   impetret1        
bellante prior1 iacentem       lenis in 
hostem4  ,horace has cleverly made      
,augustus himself the leading figure in 
this and the following stanza1 and the  
listeners forget the ,capitoline gods as
 they note the allusion to ,venus1 the  
ancestress of the ,julii1 the prestige  
of ,augustus that has brought envoys to 
him from ,scythia1 ,media1 and ,india1  
and in the next stanza the public       
virtues1 presented here as              
deities--,fides1 ,pax1 ,honos1 ,pudor1  
,virtus--on whose aid and worship the   
new regime is based4#ied  ,at the       

sixteenth stanza the choirs again face  
about to the temple of ,apollo1 and with
 him and ,diana again the next two      
stanzas have to do4 ,only one remains1  
in which as an exodos we may be sure the
 two choirs of boys and girls joined2 it
 sums up the whole body of deities1 but 
with ,apollo and ,diana as the special  
objects of the day's worship3    haec   
,iovem sentire deosque cunctos   spem   
bonam certamque domum reporto1   doctus 
et ,phoebi chorus et ,dianae            
dicere laudes4  ,the performance on the 
,palatine was now over1 and the         
procession streamed down the hill to    
join the ,via ,sacra near the ,regia and
 the ,vesta temple1 and so to make its  
way up to the ,capitol1 where the       
performance was repeated4#iee ,taking   
station at this noble point of view1 he 
who will can again follow its movement  
with the hymn in his hand4 ,the area in 
front of the ,capitoline temple looked  
across to the ,palatine1 and the image  
of ,sol and his quadriga must have been 

in full view2 thus the exordium and the 
next stanza 7alme ,sol7 would be sung   
looking in that direction4 ,equally well
 in view1 if they turned to the right1  
would be the scene of the midnight      
sacrifices across the ,campus ,martius2 
and so on throughout the singing the    
changes of position would be easy and   
graceful1 here as on the ,palatine4     
,here ,i prefer to make an end of the   
performance1 following the text of the  
inscription1 which tells us nothing of a
 return to the ,palatine4 ,it would be  
far more in keeping with ,roman practice
 that the ,capitol should be the scene  
of the conclusion of the processional   
ceremony1 even on a day when ,apollo    
was1 with ,augustus himself1 the        
principal figure4 ,from the musical     
point of view1 too1 a third performance 
is improbable1 for the singers were     
young and tender4  ,and here1 too1 with 
this impressive scene1 which can hardly 
fail to move the imagination of any one 
who has stood on ,palatine and ,capitol1

 ,i will close my account of the        
religious experience of the ,romans4 ,a 
few remarks only remain for me to make  
about its contribution1 such as it was1 
to the ,latin form of ,christianity4    
,,notes ,,to ,,lecture ,,xix       #ijj 
,a summary of the relations between     
,virgil and     ,augustus may be found  
in ,mr4 ,glover's ,studies in           
,virgil1 p4 #add foll4      #ija        
,tiberius added to his ,augustan        
inheritance a     curious and possibly  
morbid anxiety about religious          
matters and details of cult1 of which   
examples may be     found in ,tac4 ,ann4
 iii4 #eh1 vi4 #ab1 among other         
passages4 ,perhaps1 however1 the most   
interesting is that     connected with  
the famous story of the ,great ,pan is  
dead1 told by ,plutarch in the de       
,defectu ,oraculorum1     ch4 xvii4 ,the
 news of this strange story reached the 
ears of ,tiberius1 who at once set the  
learned men about     him to inquire    
into it2 and they came to the no less   

strange conclusion that this was the    
,pan who was born     of ,hermes and    
,penelope4 ,s4 ,reinach has recently    
offered     an explanation of this      
story1 which is at least better     than
 previous ones1 in ,cultes1 mythes1 et  
religions1     vol4 iii4 p4 #a foll4    
#ijb ,c4,i4,l4 vi4 #ajja4      #ijc     
,jul4 ,capitolinus1 #ac4      #ijd      
,symmachus1 ,rel4 #c4      #ije ,cod4   
,theod4 xvi4 #aj4 #b4 ,on this subject  
generally consult ,dill's ,roman        
,society in the ,last     ,century of   
the ,western ,empire1 bk4 i4 chs4 i4 and
 iv4      #ijf ,this idea is exactly    
expressed by ,horace in ,odes     iii4  
#bc1 perhaps addressed to the vilica of 
his own     farm4 ,cp4 ,cato1 ,r4,r4    
#adc1 where the vilica is to     pray to
 the ,lar familiaris pro copia4 ,horace 
mentions     only the ,kalends for this 
rite2 ,cato adds ,nones and     ,ides4  
,cp4 ,tibull4 i4 #c4 #cd2 i4 #aj4 #ae   
foll4      #ijg ,see above1 ,lectures   
iv4 and v4      #ijh ,greatness and     

,decline of ,rome 7,e4,t471 v4 #ic4     
#iji ,see especially lines #de foll4 and
 #ef foll4      #iaj ,c4,i4,l4 vi4      
#cb1cbc1 or ,dessau1 ,inscriptiones     
selectae1 vol4 ii4 part i4 p4 #bhd4     
#iaa ,for this reason the veiled figure 
in one of the     fine sculptures on the
 ,ara ,pacis frieze1 which used to      
be taken as ,augustus ,pont4 ,max41     
cannot be so identified     7see        
,domaszewski1 ,abhandlungen zur         
roemischen ,religion1     p4 #ij foll471
 for the date of the ,ara ,pacis is #ac 
,b4,c41     the year before ,lepidus    
died4 ,the figure can be most           
conveniently seen by ,english students  
in ,mrs4 ,strong's     ,roman           
,sculpture1 plate xi4 p4 #df4 ,it may be
 ,agrippa     acting as ,pont4 ,max4 for
 ,lepidus4      #iab ,monumentum        
,ancyranum1 ed4 ,mommsen 7,lat471 iv4   
#ag4      #iac ,see above1 p4 #abi4     
#iad ,livy iv4 #bj4 #g4      #iae       
,valerius ,maximus1 ,epit4 #c1 #d4      
#iaf ,ovid1 ,fasti1 iv4 #ija foll4      

#iag ,see ,marquardt1 #cbf foll4        
#iah ,dio ,cassius1 l4 #d1 #e4      #iai
 ,henzen1 ,acta ,fratrum ,arvalium1 p4  
xxv4 of the     exordium4      #ibj     
,henzen1 p4 #aed4      #iba ,see above1 
p4 #ih4      #ibb ,henzen1 pp4 #bd1 #bh4
      #ibc ,for the hymn1 ,henzen1 p4   
#bf2 ,dessau1 ,inscr4     select4 ii4   
pt4 i4 p4 #bgf4 ,see also above1 p4     
#ahf4      #ibd ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4     
#dhg1 note #e4      #ibe ,henzen1 #adb  
foll42 ,dessau1 p4 #bgi2 see above1 p4  
#afb4      #ibf ,henzen1 p4 #aje4       
#ibg ,ib4 p4 #ajg4      #ibh ,tac4 ,ann4
 iii4      #ici ,zosimus1 ii4 #e and #f4
 ,the oracle and the extract     from   
,zosimus are printed in ,dr4 ,wickham's 
introduction     to the ,carmen         
saeculare1 and in ,diels1 ,sibyllinische
     ,blaetter1 p4 #aca foll4      #icj 
,c4,i4,l4 vi4 #cb1cbc4 ,ephemeris       
epigraphica1     viii4 #bee foll41      
contains the text and ,mommsen's        
exposition4 ,dessau1 ,inscr4 selectae1  
ii4 pt4 i4 #bhb1     does not give the  

whole document4      #ica ,wissowa1     
,gesammelte ,abhandlungen1 p4 #aib      
foll42     ,ferrero1 vol4 v4 #he foll4  
#icb ,the word was first explained by   
,mommsen1 ,roem4     ,chronologie1 ed4  
#b1 p4 #agb4      #icc ,see1 e4g41      
,golden ,bough1 ed4 #b1 vol4 ii4 p4 #gj 
foll4      #icd ,the religious or       
mystical conception of time is     the  
subject of an interesting discussion by 
,hubert et     ,mauss1 ,melanges        
d'histoire et de religion1 p4 #ahi      
foll42 but the saeculum does not seem to
 have     attracted their attention4    
#ice ,the actual words of ,varro1 from  
his work de gente     ,populi ,romani1  
are quoted by ,st4 ,augustine1 de ,civ4 
,dei1 xxii4 #bh3 ,genethliaci quidam    
scripserunt esse in     renascendis     
hominibus quam appellant ,greek3        
palingenesian ,graeci2 hac scripserunt  
confici in annis     numero             
quadringentis quadraginta1 ut idem      
corpus et     eadem anima1 quae fuerint 
coniuncta in homine aliquando1     eadem

 rursus redeant in coniunctionem4 ,the  
passage well     illustrates the        
mystical tendency of which ,i was       
speaking in the last lecture4      #icf 
,for attempts to explain the difficulty 
see     ,wissowa1 op4 cit4 p4 #bjd4     
#icg ,the cakes offered to ,eilithyia1  
and again to     ,apollo1 are nine in   
number2 see the inscription lines       
#aag and #adc4 ,the choirs of boys and  
girls were each     twenty-seven4       
#ich ,the suffimenta are described by   
,zosimus1 l4c4     ,there is a coin of  
,domitian1 who also celebrated ,ludi    
saeculares1 in which he appears seated  
and distributing     the suffimenta1 as 
the inscription shows4      #ici ,so    
,zosimus1 who says they consisted of    
wheat1     barley1 and beans4      #idj 
,r4,f4 p4 #adh foll4      #ida ,see the 
inscription1 line #ib foll4 ,ferrero    
assumes     that these words were to be 
taken as representing the     families  
of all worshippers present1 who would   
repeat     the words mihi domo familiae4

 ,but this is arbitrary2     the prayer 
follows the old form as we have it1     
e4g41     in ,cato1 ,r4,r4 7see above1  
p4 #ahb71 and as ,cato or any           
landowner would represent the rest of   
the human beings     on the estate1 so  
did ,augustus represent the whole       
community4      #idb ,so ,j4 ,b4        
,carter1 ,religion of ,numa1 p4 #afj4   
#idc ,the matrons1 equal in number to   
the years of the     saeculum1 first    
appear on #bnd ,june in the worship of  
,juno4      #idd ,mon4 ,ancyr4 7,lat471 
iv4 #ba4      #ide ,zosimus1 l4c41 says 
that hymns were sung in     ,greek as   
well as ,latin2 but this is not borne   
out by any     other authority4         
#idf ,line #ca 7et ,iovis aurae71 where 
,jupiter simply     stands for the      
heaven and its influence on the earth2  
and line #gc 7haec ,iovem sentire1      
etc471 where he is     introduced in the
 most general way as head of all        
deities4      #idg ,line #adg of the    
inscription3 ,sacrificioque     perfecto

 pueri ,x ,,xvii quibus denuntiatum erat
 patrimi     et matrimi et puellae      
totidem carmen cecinerunt3     eodemque 
modo in ,capitolio4 ,carmen composuit   
,q4     ,horatius ,flaccus4      #idh   
,eph4 epigr4 viii4 #bef4 ,wissowa1      
,gesamm4     ,abhandl4 p4 #bjf1 note1   
who refers to ,vahlen and ,christ     as
 differing from ,mommsen1 in papers     
which ,i have not     seen4 ,wissowa    
says that the threefold division of the 
hymn springt in die ,augen2 but this has
 never been my     experience4      #idi
 ,apart from the awkwardness for singers
 of the     descent from the ,palatine  
and the steep ascent to the             
,capitol1 we may remember that they     
would have to pass     under the fornix 
,fabianus1 which was not much more than 
nine feet broad 7,lanciani1 ,ruins and  
,excavations1 p4     #bag74      #iej   
,see ,huelsen-,jordan1 ,topographie1    
iii4 #gb and     note4 ,see also map at 
the end of the volume1 ,no4 #a of       
the series4 ,there is1 however1 some    

doubt as to whether     the site was not
 on the side of the ,palatine looking   
towards the ,tiber over the ,circus     
maximus4 ,see my paper     in the       
,classical ,quarterly1 #aiaj1 p4 #ade   
foll4 ,if so1     my explanation of the 
performance of the hymn seems     rather
 to be confirmed than weakened4         
#iea ,ovid1 ,tristia1 iii4 #a4 #ei foll4
      #ieb ,propertius1 iii4 #bh 7#ca73 
,in quo ,solis erat supra     fastigia  
currus4 ,no one seems to have noticed   
the     connection between this and     
,horace's allusion to ,sol1     which is
 otherwise not easy to explain4         
#iec ,i will not enter on the insoluble 
question as to     what stanzas or parts
 of stanzas were sung by the boys       
and girls respectively4 ,that the hymn  
was so sung in     double chorus is     
intrinsically probable1 and stated in   
the oracle1 lines #bj1 #ba4 ,some of the
 schemes which have     been propounded 
are given in ,wickham's ,horace4 ,i     
imagine that the stanzas may have been  

sung alternately     except in the case 
of the first two and the last1 but      
the ninth looks as though it might have 
been divided     between the two choirs4
 ,ferrero has a scheme of his     own1  
p4 #ia foll42 and if he had taken a     
little more     pains might have worked 
out the whole problem                   
satisfactorily4      #ied ,of these     
quasi-deities ,fides is the oldest1 and 
was associated with ,jupiter on the     
,capitol2 ,wissowa1     ,r4,k4 #ajc     
foll4 ,thus we may find a callida       
iunctura     between the thirteenth1    
fourteenth1 and fifteenth     stanzas1  
for ,fides and ,pax would fit in well   
with the     responsa petunt of the     
fourteenth4 ,whether ,pax was           
recognised as a deity at this time is   
not quite certain2     but a few years  
later1 in #i ,b4,c41 an altar of ,pax   
,augusta was dedicated4 ,the ,ara ,pacis
 was begun in #ac     ,b4,c4 ,see       
,axtell1 ,deification of ,abstract      
,ideas     7,chicago1 #aijg71 p4 #cg1   

who may also be consulted for     the   
other deities here mentioned4 ,see also 
above1 p4     #bhe4 ,in ,tibull4 i4 #aj4
 #de foll41 ,pax seems to be on the     
verge of deification1 but not to have   
attained it except     in the poet's    
fancy4      #iee ,the route may be      
followed in the map of the ,via         
,sacra in ,lanciani's ,ruins and        
,excavations1 and in his     chapter    
entitled1 ,a ,walk through the ,sacra   
,via1 or     more shortly in my ,social 
,life in the ,age of ,cicero1     p4 #ah
 foll4      ,note4--,the whole question 
of the singing of     the ,carmen       
saeculare in its relation to the two    
principal sites and to the topography of
 the festival     generally1 is fully   
discussed by the author in              
,classical ,review for #aiaj1 p4 #ade   
foll4     ,,lecture ,,xx  ,,conclusion  
,a time of spiritual awakening1 of a    
calling to higher destinies1 came upon  
the world1 the civilised world which lay
 around the ,mediterranean ,sea1 at the 

beginning of our era4 ,the calling was  
concentrated in the life and death of   
the ,founder of ,christianity4#ief ,the 
writer of these words goes on to point  
out that the beginning of our era was a 
time of general stirring in all the     
higher fields of human activity1 and    
that all such stirring1 all that brings 
higher ideals before the minds of men of
 action1 of imagination1 or of          
reflection1 if not itself religion1 is  
in some sense religious1 and in that age
 must be taken into account as having   
some bearing on the origin of           
,christianity1 the greatest of all      
religious movements4 ,and inasmuch as   
the new spirit of the age seems to have 
put new life into the old religious     
systems1 with the help of philosophy and
 poetry1 as well as of a purer and more 
effective conception of ,man's relation 
to the ,power manifesting itself in the 
universe1 he finds it useful and        
legitimate to show how the ideas and    
characteristics of the leading types of 

religion in the civilised world of which
 he speaks were absorbed or baptized    
into the spirit of ,christianity4 ,in   
other words1 we may ask what was the    
contribution of each of these religious 
types to the formation of the ,christian
 type of religion2 for however new was  
the inspiration which was the essential 
living germ of our religion1 yet that   
germ was of necessity planted in soil   
full of other religious ingredients1    
which found their way into the sap of   
the plant as it grew towards maturity4  
,i have all along wished to bring our   
subject1 the religious experience of the
 ,roman people1 into touch with         
,christianity1 whether by marking points
 of contact1 or of contrast1 or both4   
,in the last few lectures ,i have laid  
stress on certain points likely to be   
useful to us in this last stage of our  
studies1 and these will1 ,i hope1       
furnish us with some amount of material4
 ,but ,i confess that ,i have approached
 this subject with great hesitation4    

,what ,i shall have to say will be      
tentative and suggestive only2 but ,i   
hope that the account that ,i have given
 in these lectures of ,roman religious  
experience may be of use in helping a   
better qualified student to carry on the
 work more adequately4  ,let us glance  
back for a moment at the results of the 
last four lectures1 in which ,i have    
been dealing with ,roman religious      
experience after the paralysis or       
hypnotism of the old religion of the    
,state4 ,we saw1 in the first place1    
that the educated part of ,roman society
 had been brought to the very threshold 
of a new and more elevating type of     
religion1 by ,greek philosophy          
transplanted to ,roman soil1 and chiefly
 by ,stoicism4 ,true1 one great         
,epicurean genius had had his share in  
this process1 by denouncing the weakness
 and wickedness of the ,roman society1  
and the futility of all the religious   
forms and fancies with which they still 
dallied2 but ,lucretius had nothing to  

offer in the place of these forms and   
fancies--nothing1 that is1 which could  
grip the conscience and act as a real   
force upon conduct4 ,the ,roman was in a
 religious sense destitute1 both of a   
real sense of duty to his fellow-men of 
all grades1 and in regard to ,god2 and  
for this destitution ,lucretius' remedy1
 the accurate knowledge of a            
philosophical theory of the universe1   
was wholly inadequate4 ,the first real  
appeal to the conscience of the ,roman  
came from ,stoicism1 the reasonable and 
less austere type of ,stoicism which    
,panaetius preached to the ,scipionic   
circle4 ,from this the ,roman learnt    
that as a part of the divine universe   
,man himself is divine3 that as endowed 
with a portion of that ,reason which    
itself is ,god1 he has a sacred duty to 
perform in using it4 ,thus1 as the      
,universal was revealed1 so the         
,individual was ennobled2 and the only  
thing wanting to make of this a real    
religion was a bond that might unite the

 two more effectually in conduct as well
 as in thought4 ,though a later         
development of ,stoicism did indeed all 
but achieve this union1 that of the     
later ,republic failed to do so1 because
 it inherited the old ,stoic neglect of 
the emotional side of man's nature1 and 
could take little advantage from a      
strong current of mystical feeling that 
was running side by side with it4 ,the  
,stoic ingredient in the soil which was 
being prepared for ,christianity was    
rich and valuable1 but in this one      
respect it was poor4 ,it was            
intellectually beautiful1 but it stirred
 as yet no enthusiasm of humanity4#ieg  
,another ingredient in the soil was that
 imaginative transcendentalism which we 
discussed under the name of ,mysticism1 
in which the soul becomes of greater    
interest than the body1 and a strange   
yearning possesses the mind to speculate
 on the nature of the soul1 its         
existence before this life1 and its lot 
in another world4 ,these imaginative    

yearnings were not native to the ,roman1
 who had never had any very definite    
idea of a future life1 nor had ever     
troubled himself about a previous one2  
they filtered through the ,pythagorean  
and ,platonic philosophy into that type 
of later ,stoicism which attracted him4 
,they were hardly treated in ,roman     
society with real religious earnestness1
 except perhaps in some few moments of  
sorrow and emotion such as ,i dwelt on  
in the experience of ,cicero4 ,but the  
mere fact that they were in the air at  
,rome is of importance for us4 ,they    
stimulated the imaginative faculty in   
religious thought2 they kept alive in   
the minds at least of some men the      
questions why we are here1 what we are1 
and what becomes of us after death4     
,they prepared the ,roman mind for      
,christian eschatology2 and this1 though
 never so important in the ,latin       
,church as in the ,greek1 was yet an    
important part of the teaching of the   
early ,church4 ,st4 ,paul exactly       

expresses the yearning thus dimly       
foreshadowed in the mystical movement of
 which ,i am speaking3 ,we that are in  
this tabernacle do groan1 being         
burdened2 not for that we would be      
unclothed1 but that we would be clothed 
upon1 that what is mortal may be        
swallowed up of life 7#b ,cor4 v4 #d74  
,it was essential that the ,roman should
 be able to understand words like these1
 and to associate them with a religion  
which1 though in its most vital points  
one mainly affecting this life1 was     
also1 like those of ,isis and ,mithras1 
strongly tinged with mysticism4 ,all    
religions of that time1 it has lately   
been said1 were religions of hope4      
,stress was laid on the future3 the     
present time was but for preparation4   
,so in the mysterious cults of          
,hellenism1 whose highest aim is to     
offer guarantees for other worldly      
happiness2 so too in ,judaism1 whose    
legacy has but the aim of furnishing the
 happy life in the kingdom of the       

future4 ,but ,christianity is a religion
 of faith1 the gospel not only giving   
guarantees for the future life1 but     
bringing confidence1 peace1 joy1        
salvation1 forgiveness1                 
righteousness--whatever man's heart     
yearns after4#ieh  ,yet another         
ingredient was that kindly1 charitable1 
sympathetic outlook on the world which  
we found in the poems of ,virgil1 and   
which is associated throughout them with
 the idea of duty and honourable        
service4 ,the husbandman toiling        
cheerfully and doing his simple acts of 
worship1 among the patient animals that 
he loves1 and the scenes of natural     
beauty that inspire him with pure and   
tender thoughts2 and then again in the  
,aeneid the warrior kept true to his    
goal by a sense of duty stimulated by   
supernatural influence3 both these sides
 of the ,virgilian spirit show well how 
the soil is being prepared for another  
and a richer crop4 ,love and ,duty are  
the essentials of ,christian ethics2    

they are both to be found in this poet1 
and through him made their way into the 
ideas of the better ,romans of the next 
generation1 and so into the philosophy  
of ,seneca and ,marcus ,aurelius4 ,to   
minds touched with the same sense of    
life's problems which pervades the      
poetry of ,virgil1 the ideas that came  
from ,galilee brought the rest and peace
 which they could not find              
elsewhere4#iei ,the early ,christian    
writers loved the vates ,gentilium1 and 
,st4 ,augustine in particular is for    
ever quoting him2 but ,i should be going
 beyond the limits of my subject if ,i  
were to follow his gentle influence     
farther down the stream of time4  ,in my
 last lecture we discussed the revival  
of the old religious forms by ,augustus1
 and the consummation of this work of   
his in the splendid ritual of the ,ludi 
saeculares4 ,can it be said that such an
 astute and worldly policy as this had  
any value in the way of preparation for 
,christianity8 ,only1 ,i think1 in one  

way2 it renewed the idea of the         
connection between religion and the     
,state1 and of the religious duties of  
the individual citizen towards the      
,state4 ,it preserved the outward       
features of the old ,state religion1    
such as the calendar1 the ritual1 and   
the terminology or vocabulary1 and      
handed these down to a time when they   
could be of service to a ,latin         
,christian church4#ifj ,had the old     
forms been allowed to go utterly to rack
 and ruin1 as they had been already     
doing for the last two centuries1 the   
,roman ,state would have been as such   
without religion1 or the worship of the 
,caesars would have become disastrously 
powerful and prominent1 or maybe the    
,state would have adopted the religion  
of ,isis or ,mithras or some other      
,oriental cult and belief1 before       
,christianity could lay a firm grasp on 
it4 ,i think it might be shown that the 
continuity of the old religion in its   
connection with the ,state was really of

 value in keeping these growths from    
occupying too much ground3 of value in  
checking too rapid a growth of          
individualism3#ifa of value too in      
cherishing certain really precious      
religious characteristics1 orderliness  
and decency in ritual1 for example1     
which1 as we have seen1 were very early 
developed in the ,roman religious       
system1 and which owed their continued  
vitality to the overwhelming influence  
of the ,roman ,state over all her       
citizens and their ideas4 ,thus when at 
last1 after a period of anxious conflict
 between rival religions1 the ,state    
proclaimed itself ,christian1 and       
henceforward for good or ill extended   
its protection to the ,church1 its      
religious tradition was still one of    
decency and order1 still free from      
almost all that the old ,roman ,state   
knew and dreaded as superstitio4 ,there 
was1 in fact1 a legacy1 not indeed a    
spiritual one1 but yet one of some small
 value1 left by the old ,roman religion 

to the ,latin ,church3 and this ,i will 
turn for a few minutes to examine4  ,as 
an example of the orderly1 sane1 and    
decent character which the ,church      
inherited from the ,roman religion1 ,i  
might recall what ,i said in ,lecture   
,,ix4 about lustratio1 that slow and    
orderly processional movement in which  
the old ,romans delighted1 and which is 
familiar still to all travellers in     
,italy4#ifb ,another is the tender and  
reverential care for the resting-places 
of departed relatives4 ,i am not sure   
that ,prof4 ,gardner is right in        
asserting that the prayers for the dead 
of the ,catholic ,church took the place 
of the worship of the dead in the ,roman
 family2#ifc for it is not easy to say  
how far it is true that the dead were   
ever really worshipped at ,rome1 and the
 idea of prayer for the dead1 if it can 
be traced to ,roman sources at all1 may 
be rather due to those tendencies which 
we discussed under ,mysticism1 than to  
anything inherent in the old ,roman     

attitude to the departed4 ,none the less
 there is in the sacra privata of the   
,parentalia1 and especially of the      
,caristia which concluded it--a kind of 
love-feast of all members of the family1
 where all quarrels and differences were
 to be laid aside1#ifd--something that  
suggests the ,christian attitude towards
 the dead1 and in some dim way too the  
doctrine of the ,communion of ,saints4  
,and we may also notice how closely in  
regard to externals the great events of 
family life1--those critical moments    
when the aid of the numina was most     
needed--the first days of infancy1 the  
eras of puberty and of marriage1 passed 
on in their sober and orderly ritual    
into the baptism1 confirmation1 and     
sacramental wedding of the ,christian   
,church4 ,in such ways the private      
religion of the ,roman family had       
doubtless a real continuity in the new  
era1 though the line of connection is   
difficult to trace4 ,this1 and many     
other examples of survival1 the worship 

of local saints which took the place of 
that of local deities1 the use of holy  
water and of incense as symbolic        
elements in worship1 and the general    
resemblance of the arrangement of       
festivals in the ,calendars1 ,roman and 
,christian1 might be interesting matter 
for a complete course of lectures1 but  
must be omitted here4  ,another point of
 interest1 which might also be widely   
expanded1 is the influence of the ,roman
 religious spirit1 as distinct from the 
outward form1 on ,christian thought and 
literature in the ,western half of the  
,empire4 ,the subtle transcendentalism  
of the ,greek fathers was foreign to    
,latin ,christianity2 the               
characteristics of ,roman life as       
reflected in ,roman worship are plainly 
visible in the ,latin fathers4 ,from    
,minucius ,felix onwards1 the           
,christians who wrote in ,latin1 so far 
from being imaginative and dreamy1 are  
one and all matter-of-fact2 historical1 
abounding in illustration of life and   

conduct2 ethical rather than            
speculative2 legal in their cast of     
thought rather than philosophical2      
rhetorical in their manner of expression
 rather than fervent or poetical4 ,they 
were well versed in the great literature
 of ,rome1 but most of them1 and        
especially the ,african school 7which   
carried ,roman tendencies to an         
extreme71 knew comparatively little of  
,greek4 ,st4 ,augustine1 for example1   
could not bring himself to work at      
,greek with ardour1 nor could he explain
 why this was so4#ife ,of ,augustine1 as
 the type of the literature of ,latin   
,christianity1 ,bishop ,westcott wrote  
with something of an exaggerated        
criticism1 lamenting that he had not the
 ,greek which had so large a place in   
the ,bishop's own training4 ,he looked  
7more particularly in the de ,civitate  
,dei7 at everything from the side of law
 and not of freedom3 from the side of   
,god1 as an irresponsible sovereign1 and
 not of man1 as a loving servant4 ,in   

spite of his admiration for ,plato1 he  
was driven by a passion for system 7how 
this reminds us of the old ,roman       
religious lawyers67 to fix1 to          
externalise1 to freeze every idea into a
 rigid shape4 ,in spite of his genius he
 could not shake off the influence of a 
legal and rhetorical training1 which    
controversy called into active          
exercise4#iff ,the lecture from which ,i
 am quoting is an interesting one1 on   
the work and character of ,origen1 the  
great ,alexandrian of the third century 
,a4,d41 with whom ,augustine is         
contrasted1 as in an earlier age we     
might contrast ,seneca with ,philo2 the 
,latin writers rhetorical1 practical1   
realistic2 the ,greek authors idealistic
 and fervent1 apt to see deep moral     
significance in all human life4 ,and    
this is really the manner and mental    
attitude of all the famous ,latin       
fathers3 of ,lactantius1 the clear1     
precise ,ciceronian1 whose every page   
shows the perennial value of the ,latin 

tongue2 of ,tertullian1 the subtle and  
acute rhetorician1 more gifted with     
imagination than his fellows2 of        
,arnobius1 another ,roman ,african1 the 
reputed teacher of ,lactantius4  ,one of
 the characteristics of these ,latin    
fathers is their fondness for using the 
famous words of the old ,roman religion1
 but in new senses4 ,they inherit that  
,roman love for a strong technical word 
of pregnant meaning which has left us so
 many imperishable legacies in          
terminology4 ,municipium1 colonia1      
imperium1 collegium1 rise in one's mind 
the moment the subject is mentioned2 and
 a few minutes' thought will reveal     
another score of words which in various 
forms pervade all our modern ,european  
terminology4 ,so1 too1 with the language
 of religion4 ,these ,latin advocates of
 ,christian doctrine took the old words 
which we have so often dwelt on in the  
course of these lectures1 and gave them 
new but almost equally clear and        
pregnant meanings4 ,let us glance at    

three or four of these2 for such a      
legacy as this is no mean property of   
the ,christian religion of the ,west4   
,let us take1 to begin with1 the        
greatest of all these words--religio4 ,i
 have maintained throughout these       
lectures that the original sense of this
 word was the natural feeling of man in 
the presence of the supernatural2 and   
though this has actually been questioned
 since ,i began them1#ifg ,i see no good
 reason to alter my conviction4 ,but in 
the age of ,cicero and ,lucretius the   
word begins to take on a different      
meaning1 of great importance for the    
future4 ,though ,cicero as a young man  
had defined religio as the feeling of   
the presence of a higher or divine      
nature1 which prompts man to            
worship1--to cura et caerimonia1#ifh yet
 later on in life he uses it with much  
freedom of that cura et caerimonia apart
 from the feeling4 ,to take a single    
example among many3 in a passage in his 
de ,legibus he says that to worship     

private or strange or foreign gods1     
confusionem habet religionum2#ifi and   
again he calls his own imaginary ius    
divinum in that treatise a constitutio  
religionum1 a system of religious       
duties4#igj ,in many other passages1 on 
the other hand1 we find both the feeling
 which prompts and the cult-acts which  
follow on it equally connoted by the    
word2 for example1 the phrase religio   
sepulcrorum suggests quite as much the  
feeling as the ritual4 ,so it would seem
 that religio is already beginning to   
pass into the sense in which we still   
use it--i4e41 the feeling which suggests
 worship1 and the forms under which we  
perform that worship4 ,in this broad    
sense it is also used by ,lucretius1 who
 included under it all that was for him 
the world's evil and folly1 both the    
feeling of awe which he believed to be  
degrading1 and the organised worship of 
the family and the ,state1 which he no  
less firmly believed to be futile4      
,tantum religio potuit suadere          

malorum4#iga ,the fact is that in that  
age1 when the old local character of the
 cults was disappearing1 and when men   
like ,posidonius1 ,varro1 and ,cicero   
were thinking and writing about the     
nature of the gods and kindred subjects1
 a word was wanted to gather up and     
express all this religious side of human
 life and experience3 it must be a word 
without a definite technical meaning1   
and such a word was religio4  ,thus     
while religio continues to express the  
feeling only or the cult only1 if called
 on to do so1 it gains in the age of    
,cicero a more comprehensive            
connotation1 as the result of the       
contemplation of religion by philosophy 
as a thing apart from itself2 and this  
enabled the early ,christian writers1   
who knew their ,cicero well1 to give it 
a meaning in which it is still in use   
among all ,european nations4  ,but there
 was yet to be a real change in the     
meaning of the word1 one that was       
inevitable1 as the contrast between     

,christianity and other religions called
 for emphasis4 ,the second century      
,a4,d4 was that in which the competition
 was keenest between various religious  
creeds and forms1 each with its own     
vitality1 and each clearly marked off   
from the others4 ,it is no longer a     
question of religion as a whole1        
contemplated by a critical or a         
sympathetic philosophy2 the question is1
 which creed or form is to be the true  
and the victorious religion4 ,our       
wonderful word again adapts itself to   
the situation4 ,each separate religious 
system can now be called a religio4 ,the
 old polytheistic system can now be     
called religio ,deorum by the           
,christian1 while his own creed is      
religio ,dei4 ,in the ,octavius of      
,minucius ,felix1 written about the end 
of the second century1 the word is      
already used in this sense4 ,nostra     
religio1 vera religio1#igb is for him   
the whole ,christian faith and practice 
as it stood then--the depth of feeling  

and the acts which gave it outward form4
 ,the one true religion can thus be now 
expressed by the word4 ,in ,lactantius1 
,arnobius1 ,tertullian1 in the third    
century ,a4,d41 this new sense is to be 
found on almost every page1 but a single
 noble passage of ,lactantius must      
suffice to illustrate it4 ,the heathen  
sacrifice1 he says1 and leave all their 
religion in the temple2 thus it is that 
such religiones cannot make men good or 
firm in their faith4 ,but 'nostra       
religio eo firma est et solida et       
immutabilis1 quia mentem ipsam pro      
sacrificio habet1 quia tota in animo    
colentis est4'#igc  ,here at last we    
come upon a force of meaning which the  
word had never before attained4 ,religio
 here is not awe only or cult only1 but 
a mental devotion capable of building up
 character4 ,the kingdom of ,god is     
within you4 ,surely this is a valuable  
legacy to the ,christian faith from our 
hard1 dry1 old ,roman religion4         
,another legacy in words is that of     

pius4 ,our ,english word pious has      
suffered some damage from the           
sanctimoniousness of a certain type of  
,puritanism2 but piety still remains    
sweet and wholesome1 and1 like its      
,latin original in the middle ages it   
seems to express one beautiful aspect of
 the ,christian life better than any    
other word4 ,in the old ,roman religion 
pius meant the man who strictly conforms
 his life to the ius divinum2 this we   
know from the very definite ancient     
explanations of its contrary1 impius4   
,the impius is the man who wilfully     
breaks the ius divinum and the pax      
deorum2 for him no piaculum was of      
avail4#igd ,such a crime is the nearest 
approach in ,roman antiquity to our idea
 of sin4 ,pius is therefore1 as we saw  
in discussing ,aeneas1 the man who knows
 the will of the gods1 and so far as in 
him lies adjusts his conduct thereto1   
whether in the life of the family or as 
a citizen of the ,state4 ,as applied to 
things1 to a war for example1 the word  

pium is almost equivalent to iustum or  
purum1 i4e41 pium bellum is a war       
declared and conducted in accordance    
with the principles of the ius          
divinum4#ige ,pietas is therefore a     
virtue1 that of obedience to the will of
 ,god as shown in private and public    
life1 and it herein differs from        
religio1 which is not a virtue1 but a   
feeling4 ,but we need not be surprised  
to find that in ,lactantius pietas can  
be used to explain religio2 for religio 
is no longer a feeling only or a cult   
only1 but1 as we saw just now1 a mental 
devotion capable of building up         
character4 ,in one passage he says that 
it is no true philosophy which veram    
religionem1 id est summam pietatem1 non 
habet4#igf ,in another interesting      
chapter he shows plainly enough that he 
uses pietas just as he uses religio1 to 
express the whole ,christian mental     
furniture4#igg ,he begins by scornfully 
pointing to ,aeneas as the typical pius1
 and asking what we are to think of the 

pietas of a man who could bind the hands
 of prisoners in order to slaughter them
 as a sacrifice to the shade of         
,pallas#igh 7little dreaming1 indeed1   
that ,christian piety should ever be    
guilty of such slaughter in the cause of
 the faith72 and ends by asking1 ,what1 
then1 is pietas8 ,surely it is with     
those who know not war2 who keep at     
peace with all men2 who love their      
enemies and count all men their         
brethren2 who can control their anger   
and curb all mental wilfulness4 ,and    
once again1 pietas is the main          
ingredient in iustitia1 that is1 in     
,christian righteousness1 for pietas    
nihil aliud est quam ,dei notio4 ,even  
here it is not so far removed from its  
old meaning2 but in a ,christian writer 
it can mean conformity to the will of   
,god1 based on a real knowledge of ,him1
 in a sense which shows us by a sudden  
illuminating flash the deep gulf set    
between the old religion and the new4   
,another word1 bequeathed in this case  

rather by the ,latin language than the  
,roman religion1 in which it held no    
strictly technical meaning1 is sanctus1 
which has played so large a part in the 
terminology of the ,catholic ,church1   
and passed thence into the language of  
,puritanism for the living ,christian1  
as in ,baxter's famous book1 ,the       
,saints' ,rest4 ,the exact meaning of   
sanctus is extremely difficult to fix1  
and this may be why it was found to be a
 convenient word for a type of character
 negative rather than positive4 ,the    
lawyers defined it as meaning what is   
sancitum by the ,state1#igi without     
tracing it back to a time when the      
,state was a religious as well as a     
civil entity4 ,but there was beyond     
doubt a religious flavour in it from the
 beginning1 as in other old ,italian    
words connected with it2 and thus it    
seems to be able to express a certain   
conjunction of religious and moral      
purity which finally brought it into the
 hands of the ,christian writers4 ,a    

single verse of ,virgil will serve to   
explain what ,i mean4 ,turnus1 before he
 rushes forth to meet his death at      
,aeneas' hand1 and knowing that he is to
 meet it1 asks the ,manes to be good to 
him1 quoniam superis aversa voluntas1   
for--    sancta ad vos anima atque      
istius nescia culpae   descendam        
magnorum haud unquam indignus           
avorum4#ihj  ,he goes to the shades with
 a conscience clear of guilt or of      
impietas2 as the ancient scholiast      
interprets the word1 it is equivalent to
 incorrupta4#iha ,in this sense it      
became one of the favourite superlatives
 to describe in sepulchral inscriptions1
 pagan or ,christian1 the purity of     
departed women and children4#ihb        
,lastly1 we have the great word sacer1  
with its compounds sacrificium and      
sacramentum4 ,the adjective itself has  
no new or special significance1 ,i      
think1 in the language of the early     
,christians1 and in our ,teutonic       
languages the ,roman sense of it1 that  

which is made over to ,god1 is expressed
 by the word holy1 sacred being retained
 in a general sense for that which is   
not common4 ,but sacrificium1 the act of
 making a thing1 animate or inanimate1  
or yourself1 as in devotio1 over to the 
gods1 is indeed a great legacy on which 
,i do not need to dwell4 ,sacramentum1  
on the other hand1 needs a word of      
explanation4  ,sacramentum in ,roman    
public law meant 7#a7 a legal formula   
7legis actio71 under which a sum of     
money was deposited1 originally in a    
temple1#ihc to be forfeited by the loser
 in a suit4 ,the deposition in loco     
sacro gives the word to the process1 and
 helps us to see that it must mean some 
act which has a religious sanction4 ,so 
with 7#b7 its other meaning1 i4e4 the   
oath of obedience taken by the soldier1 
who was iuratus in verba1 that is1 sworn
 under a formula with a religious       
sanction attached4#ihd ,it is tempting  
to suppose that it is through this      
channel that it found its way into the  

,christian vocabulary--the soldier of   
,christ affirming his allegiance in the 
solemn rites of baptism1 marriage1 or   
the ,eucharist4 ,it is a curious fact   
that it seems to be used in this way in 
the religion of ,mithras1#ihe which was 
especially powerful among the ,roman    
legions of the ,empire1 and in which    
there was a grade of the faithful with  
the title of milites4 ,sacramentum was  
here the word for the initiatory rites  
of a grade4 ,in the earliest ,christian 
writers of ,latin it usually means a    
mystery2 thus ,arnobius writes of the   
,christian religion as revealing the    
veritatis absconditae sacramenta2#ihf   
but in another passage the idea in his  
mind seems to be that of military       
service4 ,it is better1 he says1 for    
,christians to break their worldly      
contracts1 even of marriage1 than to    
break the fides ,christiana1 et         
salutaris militiae sacramenta           
deponere2#ihg and ,tertullian more than 
once attaches the same military meaning 

to it3 ,vocati sumus ad militiam ,dei   
vivi iam tunc cum in verba sacramenti   
spopondimus4#ihh ,perhaps we may take it
 that the word1 though of general       
significance for a religiously binding  
force produced by certain mysterious    
rites1 had a special attraction for     
writers of the painful third century    
,a4,d41 as reflecting into the          
,christian life from old ,roman times   
something of the spirit of the duty and 
self-sacrifice of the loyal legionary4  
,in any case we have once more a verbal 
legacy of priceless value4#ihi  ,to sum 
up what ,i have been saying1 there were 
certain ingredients in the ,roman soil1 
deposits of the ,roman religious        
experience1 which were in their several 
ways favourable to the growth of a new  
plant4 ,there were also certain direct  
legacies from the old ,roman religion1  
of which ,christianity could dispose    
with profit1 in the shape of forms of   
ritual1 and1 what was even of greater   
value1 words of real significance in the

 old religion1 which were destined to   
become of permanent and priceless value 
in the ,christian speech of the western 
nations4 ,there were also other points  
in the society and organisation of the  
,roman ,empire which were of great      
importance for the growth of the new    
creed2 but these lie outside my proper  
subject1 and have been dealt with by    
,professor ,gardner in the lecture to   
which ,i alluded at the beginning of    
this lecture1 and most instructively by 
,sir ,w4 ,m4 ,ramsay in more than one of
 his books1 and especially in ,st4      
,paul1 the ,traveller and ,roman        
,citizen4  ,and yet1 all this taken     
together1 so far from explaining        
,christianity1 does not help us much in 
getting to understand even the          
conditions under which it grew into     
men's minds as a new power in the life  
of the world4 ,the plant1 though grown  
in soil which had borne other crops1 was
 wholly new in structure and vital      
principle4 ,i say this deliberately1    

after spending so many years on the     
study of the religion of the ,romans1   
and making myself acquainted in some    
measure with the religions of other     
peoples4 ,the essential difference1 as  
it appears to me as a student of the    
history of religion1 is this1 that      
whereas the connection between religion 
and morality has so far been a loose    
one1--at ,rome1 indeed1 so loose1 that  
many have refused to believe in its     
existence1--the new religion was itself 
morality1#iij but morality consecrated  
and raised to a higher power than it had
 ever yet reached4 ,it becomes active   
instead of passive2 mere good nature is 
replaced by a doctrine of universal     
love2 pietas1 the sense of duty in      
outward things1 becomes an enthusiasm   
embracing all humanity1 consecrated by  
such an appeal to the conscience as     
there never had been in the world       
before--the appeal to the life and death
 of the divine ,master4  ,this is what  
is meant1 if ,i am not mistaken1 by the 

great contrast so often and so vividly  
drawn by ,st4 ,paul between the spirit  
and the flesh1 between the children of  
light and the children of darkness1     
between the sleep or the death of the   
world and the waking to life in ,christ1
 between the blameless and the harmless 
sons of ,god and the crooked and        
perverse generation among whom they     
shine as lights in the world4 ,i confess
 that ,i never realised this contrast   
fully or intelligently until ,i read    
through the ,pauline ,epistles from     
beginning to end with a special         
historical object in view4 ,it is useful
 to be familiar with the life and       
literature of the two preceding         
centuries1 if only to be able the better
 to realise1 in passing to ,st4 ,paul1 a
 ,roman citizen1 a man of education and 
experience1 the great gulf fixed between
 the old and the new as he himself saw  
it4  ,but historical knowledge1         
knowledge of the ,roman society of the  
day1 study of the ,roman religious      

experience1 cannot do more than give us 
a little help2 they cannot reveal the   
secret4 ,history can explain the        
progress of morality1 but it cannot     
explain its consecration4 ,with ,st4    
,paul the contrast is not merely one of 
good and bad1 but of the spirit and the 
flesh1 of life and death4 ,no mere      
contemplation of the world around him   
could have kindled the fervency of      
spirit with which this contrast is by   
him conceived and expressed4 ,absolute  
devotion to the life and death of the   
,master1 apart even from ,his work and  
teaching 7of which1 indeed1 ,st4 ,paul  
says little71 this alone can explain it4
 ,the love of ,christ is the entirely   
new power that has come into the        
world2#iia not merely as a new type of  
morality1 but as a ,divine influence    
transfiguring human nature in a         
universal love4 ,the passion of ,st4    
,paul's appeal lies in the consecration 
of every detail of it by reference to   
the life and death of his ,master2 and  

the great contrast is for him not as    
with the ,stoics1 between the universal 
law of ,nature and those who rebel      
against it2 not as with ,lucretius1     
between the blind victims of religio and
 the indefatigable student of the rerum 
natura2 not1 as in the ,aeneid1 between 
the man who bows to the decrees of fate1
 destiny1 ,god1 or whatever we choose to
 call it1 and the wilful rebel1 victim  
of his own passions2 not1 as in the     
,roman ,state and family1 between the   
man who performs religious duties and   
the man who wilfully neglects           
them--between pius and impius2 but      
between the universal law of love1      
focussed and concentrated in the love of
 ,christ1 and the sleep1 the darkness1  
the death of a world that will not      
recognise it4  ,i will conclude these   
lectures with one practical illustration
 of this great contrast1 which will     
carry us back for a moment to the ritual
 of the old ,roman ius divinum4 ,that   
ritual1 we saw1 consisted mainly of     

sacrifice and prayer1 the two apparently
 inseparable from each other4 ,i pointed
 out that though the efficacy of the    
whole process was believed to depend on 
the strictest adherence to prescribed   
forms1 whether of actions or words1 the 
prayers1 when we first meet with them1  
have got beyond the region of charm or  
spell1 and are cast in the language of  
petition2 they show clearly a sense of  
the dependence of man on the ,power     
manifesting itself in the universe4     
,there was here1 perhaps1 a germ of     
religious development2 but it was       
arrested in its growth by the           
formalisation of the whole ,roman       
religious system1 and no substitute was 
to be found for it either in the        
imported ,greek ritual1 or in the more  
enlightening doctrines of exotic ,greek 
philosophy4 ,the prayers used in the    
ritual of ,augustus' great festival1    
which was almost as much ,greek as      
,roman in character1 seem to us as hard 
and formal as the most ancient ,roman   

prayers that have come down to us4 ,in  
the most emotional moments of the life  
of a ,roman of enlightenment like       
,cicero1 when we can truly say of him   
that he was touched by true religious   
feeling1 as well as by the spiritual    
aspirations of the nobler ,greek        
philosophers1 prayers find no place at  
all4  ,but for ,st4 ,paul and the       
members of the early ,christian         
brotherhood the whole of life was a     
continuous worship1 and the one great   
feature of that worship was prayer4 ,it 
has been said by a great ,christian     
writer of recent times that when the    
attention of a thinking heathen was     
directed to the new religion spreading  
in the ,roman ,empire1 the first thing  
to strike him as extraordinary would be 
that a religion of prayer was           
superseding the religion of ceremonies  
and invocation of gods2 that it         
encouraged all1 even the most           
uneducated1 to pray1 or1 in other words1
 to meditate and exercise the mind in   

self-scrutiny and contemplation of      
,god4#iib ,and1 as the same writer says1
 prayer thus became a motive power of   
moral renewal and inward civilisation1  
to which nothing else could be compared 
for efficacy4 ,and more than this1 it   
was the chief inward and spiritual means
 of maintaining that universal law of   
love1 which1 so far as this life was    
concerned1 was the great secret of the  
new religion4       ,,notes ,,to        
,,lecture ,,xx      #ief ,p4 ,gardner1  
,the ,growth of ,christianity1 #aijg1 p4
     #b4 ,cp4 some remarks of ,prof4    
,conway in ,virgil's     ,messianic     
,eclogue1 p4 #ci foll4      #ieg ,the   
phrase enthusiasm of humanity is1 of    
course1     that of the author of ,ecce 
,homo1 a most inspiring book     for all
 students of religious history1 as      
indeed for all     other readers4       
#ieh ,dobschuetz on ,early ,christian   
,eschatology1 in     ,transactions of   
the ,third ,congress for the ,history of
     ,religions1 vol4 ii4 7,oxford1     

#aijh71 p4 #cbj4      #iei ,the words   
are those of ,mr4 ,glover in the last   
page     of his ,studies in ,virgil4    
#ifj ,it should be understood that these
 legacies1 with     the exception of the
 last 7the vocabulary71 were only       
taken up by the ,church after the first 
two centuries of     its existence4 ,and
 even the vocabulary of the early       
,roman ,church was mainly ,greek        
7,gwatkin1 ,early ,church     ,history1 
ii4 #bac71 and it was not till the rise 
of the     ,african school of writers   
7,tertullian1 ,arnobius1     ,augustine7
 that the ,latin vocabulary really      
established     itself4 ,any real       
assimilation of ,christian and pagan    
forms of worship was not possible until 
the latter were     growing meaningless2
 then the assimilation of               
,christianity to heathenism from the    
third century is     matter of history  
7,gwatkin1 i4 #bfi74      #ifa ,caird1  
,gifford ,lectures1 vol4 ii4 p4 #cec1   
has     some interesting remarks on this

 point4      #ifb ,see above1 p4 #baa4  
#ifc ,growth of ,christianity1 p4 #add4 
#ifd ,see ,roman ,festivals1 p4 #cjh4   
#ife ,confessions1 i4 #ad4      #iff    
,westcott1 ,religious ,thought in the   
,west1 p4 #bdf4     ,gwatkin writes     
7vol4 ii4 #bcf7 that all ,augustine's   
conceptions are shaped by law and       
,stoicism4 ,cp4 p4 #bcg4     ,so1 too1  
of ,tertullian4      #ifg ,by ,w4 ,otto1
 in the ,archiv fuer                    
,religionswissenschaft1 vol4 xii4       
7#aiji7 p4 #ecc foll4      #ifh ,de     
,inventione1 ii4 #afa4      #ifi ,de    
,legibus1 ii4 #aj4 #be4      #igj ,ib4  
#aj4 #bc4      #iga ,lucretius i4 #aja4 
#igb ,e4g4 ,octavius #ch4 #b2 and again 
at the end of     that chapter4         
#igc ,lactantius1 bk4 v4 7de ,iustitia7 
ch4 #ai4 ,i may     note here that the  
paragraph in the text where this is     
quoted was first published in the       
,transactions of the     ,congress for  
the ,history of ,religions 7,oxford1    
#aijh71     vol4 ii4 p4 #agd4 ,i may    

also add that the restricted     sense  
of the word religio as meaning the      
monastic     life is1 of course1        
comparatively late4 ,this restrictive   
use of heathen words1 from the third    
century onwards1 is     the subject of  
some valuable remarks by ,prof4 ,gwatkin
 in     his ,early ,church ,history1    
vol4 i4 p4 #bfh foll4      #igd ,see    
,roman ,festivals1 p4 #bii1 and the     
references     there given4      #ige   
,livy i4 #cb1 ix4 #h4 #f2 ,wissowa1     
,r4,k4 p4 #dgf2     ,greenidge1 ,roman  
,public ,life1 p4 #ef4      #igf        
,lactantius iv4 #c 7de vera sapientia74 
#igg ,ib4 v4 7de ,iustitia7 ch4 #aj4    
#igh ,aen4 xi4 #ha4      #igi           
,marquardt1 #ade1 note #e4      #ihj    
,aen4 xii4 #fdh4      #iha ,servius1 ad 
,aen4 xii4 #fdh4      #ihb ,the original
 meaning of sanctus as applied to       
things1 e4g4 walls and tombs1 was       
probably     inviolable2 ,nettleship1   
,contributions to ,latin                
,lexicography1 s4v4 sanctus1 who also   

suggests a     connection between the   
word and the attitude of the     ,roman 
towards his dead3 thus ,cicero in       
,topica #ij     writes of aequitas as   
consisting of three     parts1--pietas1 
sanctitas1 and iustitia1--meaning       
man's relation to the gods1 the ,manes1 
and his     fellow-men4 ,nettleship also
 quotes ,aen4 v4 #hj 7salve     sancte  
parens71 ,tibull4 ii4 #b4 #f1 and other 
passages1     which show that the word  
was specially used of the dead     and  
their belongings4 ,but when used of     
persons living1     as frequently in the
 last century ,b4,c41 it expresses a    
certain purity of life1 not without a   
religious     tincture1 which could not 
so well be expressed by any     other   
word1 owing to the original meaning     
being that of     religious             
inviolability4 ,thus ,cicero uses it in 
the #ith     ,philippic of his old      
friend ,sulpicius1 one of the best      
and purest men of his time2 and long    
before ,cicero1 ,cato     had used it of

 an obligation at once ethical and      
religious3 ,maiores sanctius habuere    
defendi pupillos     quam clientem non  
fallere4 ,it is interesting to notice   
that it was used later on of ,mithras   
and other oriental     deities 7,cumont1
 ,mon4 myst4 ,mithra1 i4 p4 #ecc2 ,les  
,religions orientales1 p4 #bhi1 note    
#de72 in the case of     ,mithras1 at   
least1 this meant that his life was     
pure1     and that he wished his        
worshippers to be pure also4      #ihc  
,marquardt1 p4 #cah1 note #d2 ,mommsen1 
,strafrecht1     pp4 #ijb1 #ajbf4 ,see  
also ,greenidge1 ,roman ,public ,life1  
p4 #ef2 ,festus1 p4 #cdg4      #ihd     
,greenidge1 op4 cit4 p4 #aed4      #ihe 
,cumont1 ,mysterien von ,mithras1 p4    
#aaf of the     ,german edition4 ,see   
also ,de ,marchi1 ,la ,religione nella  
vita privata1 vol4 ii4 #aad4 ,it may be 
worth noting that     the idea of life  
as the service of a soldier bound to    
obedience by his oath is found also in  
,stoicism2 see     ,epictetus 7,arrian71

 ,discourses1 i4 #ad1 iii4 #bd1         
#ii-aja1 ii4 #bf1 #bh-cj2 7,crossley's  
,golden ,sayings of     ,epictetus1     
,nos4 #cg1 #abe1 #acb1 #acd74      #ihf 
,arnobius1 adv4 ,nationes1 i4 #c4       
#ihg ,ib4 ii4 #f4      #ihh ,tertull41  
ad ,martyr4 c4 #c4 ,cp4 de ,corona      
,militiae1 c4 #aa4      #ihi ,it is     
curious that the word sacerdos did not  
find its way into the ,christian        
vocabulary4 ,apparently     it had its  
chance2 for ,tertullian uses it in      
several     ways1 e4g41 summus sacerdos 
for a bishop 7de ,bapt4     #ag2        
disciplina sacerdotalis1 de ,monog4 #g4 
#ab2 and     for other examples see     
,harnack1 ,entstehung und               
,entwickelung der ,kirchenverfassung und
 des ,kirchenrechts     in den zwei     
ersten ,jahrhunderten1 #aiaj1 p4 #he74  
,but the     words finally adopted for  
the grades of the priesthood     were   
,greek3 bishop1 priest1 and deacon4     
,nevertheless1     the general word for 
the priesthood1 as distinguished        

from the laity1 is ,latin 7ordo72 hence 
ordination     and holy orders4 ,it is  
not of religious origin1 but     taken  
from the language of municipal life1    
ordo et     plebs being contrasted just 
as they were contrasted in     municipia
 as senate 7decuriones7 and all         
non-official persons4 ,see ,harnack1 op4
 cit4 p4 #hb4      #iij ,this is1 of    
course1 in one light1 the legitimate    
development of the union of religion and
 morality in the     ,hebrew mind4 ,for 
the ,israelite morality1 righteousness1 
is simply doing the will of ,god1 which 
from the earliest     age is assumed to 
be ascertainable1 and indeed            
ascertained4 ,the ,law in its simplest  
form was at once     the rule of        
morality and the revealed will of ,god4 
,the     central feature of ,o4,t4      
morality is its religious     character 
7,alexander1 ,ethics of ,st4 ,paul1 p4  
#cd74 ,in     the religious system we   
have been occupied with1     religion   
can only be reckoned as one of the      

factors in     the growth of morality2  
it supplied the sanction for     some   
acts of righteousness1 but 7in          
historical times at     least7 by no    
means for all4      ,prof4 ,gwatkin1 in 
his ,early ,church ,history1 vol4 i4 p4 
#ed1 states the relation of early       
,christianity to     morality thus3     
,christ's person1 not ,his teaching1 is 
the message of the ,gospel4 ,if we know 
anything for     certain about ,jesus of
 ,nazareth1 it is that ,he steadily     
claimed to be the ,son of ,god1 the     
,redeemer of mankind1     and the ruler 
of the world to come1 and by that claim 
the ,gospel stands or falls4 ,therefore1
 the ,lord's     disciples went not     
forth as preachers of morality1 but     
as witnesses of his life1 and of the    
historic     resurrection which proved  
his mightiest claims4 ,their            
morality is always an inference from    
these1 never the     forefront of their 
teaching4 ,they seem to think that if   
they can only fill men with true        

thankfulness for the     gift of life in
 ,christ1 morality will take care of    
itself4 ,i cannot but think that this is
 expressed too     strongly1 or baldly2 
but it is in the main in keeping        
with the impression left on my mind by a
 study of ,st4     ,paul4 ,it must1     
however1 be remembered that the ,pauline
     spirit is not exactly that of early
 ,christianity in     general3 see      
,gwatkin1 vol4 i4 p4 #ih4 ,in the       
,didache1     e4g41 there is no trace of
 ,st4 ,paul's influence 7#ajd74         
#iia ,in a book which had just been     
published when ,i was     delivering    
these lectures at ,edinburgh 7,the      
,ethics of     ,st4 ,paul1 by ,archibald
 ,alexander71 ,i found a very           
interesting chapter on ,the ,dynamic of 
the ,new ,life1 p4     #abf foll4 ,the  
word which for the author best expresses
     that dynamic is faith1 which is the
 spring of all     endeavour1 the       
inspiration of all heroism 7p4 #aej74   
,it     brings the whole life into the  

domain of spiritual     freedom1 and is 
the animating and energising principle  
of all moral purpose4 ,what exactly is  
here understood     by faith is         
explained on p4 #aea to the end of the  
chapter1 of which ,i may quote the      
concluding words3     ,faith in ,christ 
means life in ,christ4 ,and this        
complete     yielding of self and vital 
union with the ,saviour1 this     dying 
and rising again1 is at once man's      
supreme ideal     and the source of all 
moral greatness4      #iib ,doellinger1 
,the ,first ,age of ,christianity and   
the     ,church 7,oxenham's             
translation71 p4 #cdd foll4             
,,appendix ,i  ,,on ,,the ,,use ,,of    
,,huts ,,or ,,booths ,,in ,,religious   
,,ritual   ,this may be taken as an     
addendum to ,lecture ,,ii4 on taboo at  
,rome2 but owing to the uncertainty of  
the explanation given in it1 ,i reserved
 it for an ,appendix4 ,the custom here  
dealt with is found both in the public  
and private worship of the ,romans1 and 

also in ,greece and elsewhere1 but has  
never1 so far as ,i know1 been          
investigated by anthropologists4  ,on   
the ,ides of ,march1 at the festival of 
,anna ,perenna1 a deity explained as    
representing the ring of the year1 whose
 cult is not recognised in the ancient  
religious calendar1 the lower population
 came out of the city1 and lay about all
 day in the ,campus ,martius1 near the  
,tiber4 ,ovid1 fortunately1 took the    
trouble to describe the scene in the    
third book of his ,fasti1 as he had     
witnessed it himself4 ,some of them1 he 
says1 lay in the open1 some constructed 
tents1 and some made rude huts of stakes
 and branches1 stretching their togas   
over them to make a shelter4    plebs   
venit ac virides passim disiecta per    
herbas     potat1 et accumbit cum pare  
quisque sua4   sub ,iove pars durat1    
pauci tentoria ponunt1     sunt quibus e
 ramis frondea facta casa est1   pars1  
ubi pro rigidis calamos statuere        
columnis1     desuper extentas imposuere

 togas4   sole tamen vinoque calent1    
annosque precantur1     quot sumant     
cyathos1 ad numerumque bibunt4#iic  ,it 
appears also from ,ovid's account that  
there was much drunkenness and obscene  
language2 this was1 in fact1 a festa    
very different in character from those  
of the ,numan calendar2 and that there  
was a magical element in the cult of the
 deity seems proved by the mysterious   
allusion to virgineus cruor in          
connection with her grove not far from  
this scene of revelry1 in ,martial iv4  
#fd4 #ag 7cp4 ,pliny1 ,n4,h4 xxviii4    
#gh1 and ,columella x4 #eeh74 ,tibullus 
describes something of the same kind at 
a rustic festival1#iid though he does   
not make it clear what time of year he  
is speaking of2 a few lines before he   
had mentioned the drinking and leaping  
over the fire at the ,parilia1 the      
shepherd's festival in ,april1 though ,i
 cannot feel sure that the following    
lines are also meant to refer to it3--  
tunc operata deo pubes discumbet in     

herba1     arboris antiquae qua levis   
umbra cadit1   aut e veste sua tendent  
umbracula sertis     vincta1 coronatus  
stabit et ipse calix4  ,here it is too  
much to suppose that the umbracula were 
contrived to make up for the want of    
shade in a country so covered with      
woodland as ,italy was then2 and the    
words sertis vincta show that there was 
some special meaning in the practice4 ,i
 think we may guess that in both        
instances the extemporised huts had some
 forgotten religious meaning4 ,yet      
another passage of ,tibullus1 which also
 describes a rural festival1 alludes to 
a similar custom4#iie ,i have given     
reasons in the ,classical ,review for   
thinking that this was a summer         
festival1 accompanied as it was1 like   
many midsummer rites all over ,europe1  
by bonfires and revelry1 though the     
usual interpretation ascribes it to the 
winter4#iif    tunc nitidus plenis      
confisus rusticus agris     ingeret     
ardenti grandia ligna foco1   turbaque  

vernarum1 saturi bona signa coloni1     
ludet et ex virgis exstruet ante casas4 
,the slaves can here hardly be playing  
at building houses of twigs1 like the   
children in ,horace's ,satire1#iig      
unless we are to suppose that ,tibullus 
is thinking of slave children only1     
which is indeed possible2 but even if   
that were so1 how are we to account for 
the popularity of this curious form of  
sport8  ,there was1 however1 at ,rome a 
public summer festival1 included in the 
calendar1 in which we find this same    
custom4 ,at the ,neptunalia1 on ,july   
#bc1 huts or booths were erected1 made  
of the foliage of trees4 ,umbrae        
vocantur ,neptunalibus casae frondeae   
pro tabernaculis1 says ,festus#iih      
7following ,verrius ,flaccus71 where the
 last word is one in regular use for    
military tents4 ,this is the only thing 
that is told us about this festival1 and
 we may assume that even this would not 
have come down to us if it had not been 
a survival rigidly adhered to1 i4e4 the 

construction of shelters from the       
foliage of trees1 instead of using      
tents1 which could easily have been     
procured in the city4 ,as the festival  
was in the hot month of ,july1 we might 
suppose that shelter from the sun was   
the real object here2 but we do not hear
 of it at other summer festivals1 and   
the parallel practices ,i shall now     
mention make the rationalising          
explanation very doubtful4 ,it is       
unlucky that we know hardly anything    
about the older and un-,graecised       
,neptunus1 and nothing about his        
festival except this one fact2 the      
comparative method is here our only     
hope4  ,the ,jewish feast of tabernacles
 will1 of course1 occur at once to every
 one2 this was in the heat of the       
summer1 and the booths were here1 as at 
the ,neptunalia1 made of the branches of
 trees2#iii the explanation given to the
 ,israelites was not that they were thus
 to shelter themselves from the heat1   
but to be reminded of their homeless    

wanderings in the wilderness1 plainly an
 aetiological account1 as in the case of
 the passover4 ,there are distinct      
examples in ,greece of the same         
practice1 e4g4 the ,greek3 skiades at   
the ,spartan ,carneia1#ajjj and tents   
7,greek3 skenai7 in several cases1 as at
 the mysteries of ,andania1 where the   
peculiar regulations for the            
construction of the tents points to a   
ritualistic origin almost               
unmistakably4#ajja ,but perhaps the most
 striking parallel is to be found in the
 famous letter of ,gregory the ,great1  
preserved by ,bede1 about the ,british  
converts to ,christianity1 who were to  
be allowed to use their heathen temples 
as churches3  ,et quia boves solent in  
sacrificio daemonum multos occidere1    
debet iis etiam hac in re aliqua        
solemnitas immutari3 ut die             
dedicationis1 vel natalicii sanctorum   
martyrum quorum illic reliquiae         
ponuntur1 tabernacula sibi circa easdem 
ecclesias quae ex fanis commutatae sunt1

 de ramis arborum faciant1 et religiosis
 conviviis sollemnitatem celebrent3 nec 
diabolo iam animalia immolent1 et ad    
laudem ,dei in esu suo animalia         
occident1 etc4#ajjb  ,why should        
,gregory here take the trouble to       
describe the material out of which these
 huts were to be made8 ,surely because  
the custom was one which had been       
described to him by ,augustine or       
,mellitus as part of the heathen        
practice1 and one which he was willing  
to condone as harmless 7possibly with a 
recollection of the ,jewish feast71     
since the ,britons set great store by   
it4  ,if these examples from ,europe and
 ,palestine are sufficient to suggest   
that there was originally a religious or
 mystic meaning in the custom1 we must  
look for its explanation in             
anthropological research4 ,robertson    
,smith was1#ajjc ,i think1 the first to 
suggest a possible explanation of the   
,feast of ,tabernacles1 by comparing    
with it the rule1 stated in ,numbers    

xxxi4 #ai1 that men might not enter     
their houses after bloodshed3 ,do ye    
abide without the camp seven days3      
whosoever hath killed any person1 and   
whosoever hath touched any slain1 purify
 both yourselves and your captives on   
the third day and on the seventh day4   
,he also pointed out that pilgrims are  
subject to the same rule1 or taboo1 in  
,syria and elsewhere4 ,since then an    
immense mass of evidence has been       
collected showing that all the world    
over persons in a holy or unclean state 
are placed under this or some similar   
restriction2#ajjd and if this be the    
case with pilgrims and warriors after a 
battle1 it may also have been so with   
worshippers at some particular festival1
 even if we are quite unable to recover 
the special character of the worship    
which produced the restriction4#ajje ,in
 the ,feast of ,tabernacles1 which was a
 harvest festival1 the cause seems to   
have been the great sanctity of the     
first-fruits1 which are regarded with   

extreme veneration in many parts of the 
world4 ,in the now famous festival of   
the first-fruits among the ,natchez     
,indians of ,louisiana1 of which the    
details have been recorded with singular
 care and obvious accuracy1#ajjf we find
 that the chief1 the ,great ,sun1 and   
all the celebrators1 have to live in    
huts two miles from their village1 while
 the corn1 grown for the purpose in a   
particular spot1 is sacramentally eaten4
 ,it is quite impossible1 without       
further evidence1 which is not likely   
ever to be forthcoming1 to explain      
either the ,greek1 ,roman1 or ,british  
customs in this way2 we must be content 
with the general principle that the     
holiness of human beings at particular  
times is liable to carry with it the    
practice of renouncing your own dwelling
 and living in an extemporised hut or   
booth4 ,the tents that we hear of in the
 ,greek rites ,i look upon as late      
developments of this primitive practice4
 ,the inscription of ,andania1 which is 

the best ,greek evidence we possess1    
dates only from #ia ,b4,c42 and by that 
time there would have been every        
opportunity for the rude huts to become 
civilised tents4 ,the casae made by the 
vernae in ,tibullus' poem were1 ,i would
 suggest1 a kind of unconscious survival
 of the same feeling and practice1 the  
real religious meaning being almost     
entirely lost4  ,lastly1 ,i will venture
 to suggest that the casae of the ,roman
 custom1 made of branches at the        
,neptunalia and the feast of ,anna      
,perenna1 and of virgae by the slaves on
 the farm1 are a reminiscence of the    
earliest form of ,italian dwelling1     
which survived to historical times in   
the round temple of ,vesta1 and of which
 we have examples in the hut-urns       
discovered in the necropolis at         
,alba4#ajjg ,the earliest form of all   
was probably a round structure made of  
branches of trees stuck into the ground1
 bent inwards at the top and tied       
together4#ajjh ,just as bronze          

instruments survived from an earlier    
stage of culture in some religious rites
 at ,rome1 so1 ,i imagine1 did this     
ancient form of dwelling1 which really  
belongs to an age previous to that of   
permanent settlement and agricultural   
routine4 ,the hut circles of the        
neolithic age1 such as are abundant on  
,dartmoor1 were probably roofed with    
branches supported by a central         
pole4#ajji      #iic ,fasti1 iii4 #ebe  
foll4 ,see ,r4,f4 p4 #ej foll4      #iid
 ,tibull4 ii4 #e4 #hi foll4 ,mr4        
,mackail has pointed     out to me a    
passage in the ,pervigilium ,veneris1   
line     #e1 which seems to contain a   
hint of the same practice     7cp4 line 
#dc74      #iie ,tibull4 ii4 #a4 #a-bd4 
#iif ,classical ,review1 #aijh1 p4 #cf  
foll4 ,my     conclusions were          
criticised by ,dr4 ,postgate in the     
,classical ,quarterly for #aiji1 p4     
#abg4      #iig ,hor4 ,sat4 ii4 #c4     
#bdg4      #iih ,festus1 ed4 ,mueller1  
p4 #cgg4      #iii ,leviticus xxiii4    

#dj-db4 ,cp4 ,plutarch1 ,quaest4        
conviv4 #d4 #b4 ,this was a feast of    
harvest and     first-fruits 7,exodus   
xxiii4 #af74 ,nehemiah viii4 #ac foll4  
gives a graphic account of the revival  
of this festival     after the          
captivity4      #ajjj ,athenaeus iv4    
#da4 #h ,f4 ,cp4 ,farnell1 ,cults of the
     ,greek ,states1 vol4 iv41 p4 #bfj4 
#ajja ,dittenberger1 ,sylloge inscript4 
7ed4 #b71 #fec1     lines #cd foll4 ,cp4
 p4 #bjj 7,teos74      #ajjb ,baeda1    
,hist4 eccl4 i4 #cj 7ed4 ,plummer74     
,there     is a curious case of         
isolation in a hut in a process by      
which the sacrificer of the soma in the 
,vedic religion     becomes divine1     
quoted by ,hubert et ,mauss1 ,melanges1 
p4 #cd4 ,this may possibly afford a clue
 to the mystery4      #ajjc ,religion of
 the ,semites1 notes ,k and ,n at the   
end of the volume4      #ajjd ,see e4g4 
,frazer1 ,g4 ,b4 ed4 #b1 index1 s4v4    
,seclusion4      #ajje ,it has occurred 
to me that the shedding of blood     in 

animal sacrifice may possibly be the    
reason in some     of these rites4 ,the 
last words of the passage quoted        
above from ,baeda suggest this          
explanation in the case of     the      
,britons4 ,in the first-fruits festivals
 the killing     of the corn may be a   
parallel cause of taboo4 ,see ,g4       
,b4 i4 #cgb4      #ajjf ,du ,pratz1     
translated in ,g4 ,b4 ii4 #ccb foll4    
#ajjg ,see e4g4 ,helbig1 ,die ,italiker 
in der ,poebene1     p4 #ej foll4       
,lanciani1 ,ruins and ,excavations of   
,ancient     ,rome1 p4 #acb4 ,it is     
worth noting that in a passage          
quoted by ,helbig1 ,plutarch 7,numa #h7 
uses for some of     the most ancient   
,roman attempts at temple building the  
same word by which he describes the     
booths at the feast     of tabernacles  
7,greek3 kaliades74      #ajjh ,whether 
there was in later days any special     
religious signification in the use of   
green foliage and     branches ,i will  
not undertake to say1 but ,i have been  

struck by the constant use of them in   
cases of     religious seclusion1 even  
where the person is secluded     in some
 part of the house1 and not outside it4 
,see e4g4     ,g4 ,b4 ii4 pp4 #bje-bad4 
#ajji ,prof4 ,anwyl1 ,celtic ,religion  
7,constable's     series71 p4 #aj4 ,mr4 
,baring-,gould told ,mr4 ,anwyl that he 
had seen in some of the ,dartmoor       
circles central holes     which seemed  
meant for the fixing of this pole4 ,i   
will     add here that it has occurred  
to me that these huts     must1 in one  
sense at least1 be a survival 7like     
other     points of ritual71 from the   
days of pastoral life1 and     of the   
migration of the ,aryans4 ,temporary    
huts are     characteristic of pastoral 
as contrasted with     agricultural     
life1 and must have been used during the
     wanderings1 as by the ,israelites4 
,see ,schrader1     ,prehistoric        
,antiquities of the ,aryan ,peoples     
7,eng4     ,trans41 ,london1 #ahij71 p4 
#djd4     ,,appendix ,,ii  ,,prof4      

,,deubner',s ,,theory ,,of ,,the        
,,lupercalia 7,see pp4 #cd and #ajf7    
,in the ,archiv fuer                    
,religionswissenschaft1 #aiaj1 p4 #dha  
foll41 ,prof4 ,deubner has published an 
interesting study of this puzzling      
festival1 to which ,i wish to invite    
attention1 though it has reached me too 
late for use in my earlier lectures4    
,it has long been clear to me that any  
attempt to explain the details of the   
,lupercalia on a single hypothesis must 
be a failure4 ,if all the details belong
 to the same age and the same original  
festival1 we cannot recover the key to  
the whole ceremonial1 though we may     
succeed in interpreting certain features
 of it with some success4 ,is it1       
however1 possible that these details    
belong to different periods1--that the  
whole rite1 as we know it1 with all the 
details put together from different     
sources of knowledge1 was the result of 
an accretion of various features upon an
 original simple basis of ceremonial8   

,prof4 ,deubner answers this question in
 the affirmative1 and works out his     
answer with much skill and learning4    
,he begins by explaining the word       
lupercus as derived from lupus and      
arceo1 and meaning a keeper off of      
wolves4 ,the luperci were originally men
 chosen from two gentes or families to  
keep the wolves from the sheepfolds1 in 
the days when the ,palatine was a       
shepherd's settlement1 and they did it  
by running round the base of the hill in
 a magical circle 7if ,i understand him 
rightly74 ,if that be so1 we need not   
assume a deity ,lupercus1 nor in fact   
any deity at all1 nor need we see in the
 runners a quasi-dramatic representation
 of wolves as vegetation-spirits1 as    
,mannhardt proposed 7see my ,roman      
,festivals1 p4 #caf foll474 ,this view  
has the advantage of making the rite a  
simple and practical one1 such as would 
be natural to primitive ,latins2 and the
 etymology is apparently                
unexceptionable1 though it will         

doubtless be criticised1 as in fact it  
has been long ago4  ,but in course of   
time1 ,prof4 ,deubner goes on1 there    
came to be engrafted on this simple rite
 of circumambulation without reference  
to a deity1 a festival of the rustic god
 ,faunus2 and now there was added a     
sacrifice of goats1 which seem to have  
been his favourite victims 7kids in     
,hor4 ,odes1 iii4 #ah74 ,the luperci1   
who had formerly run round the hill     
quite naked1 as in many rites of the    
kind 7see p4 #dia71 now girt themselves 
with the skins of the goats1 in order to
 increase their religious force in      
keeping away the wolves1 with strength  
derived from the victims4  ,but the     
luperci also carried in their hands1 in 
the festival as we know it1 strips of   
the skins of the victims1 with which    
they struck at women who offered        
themselves to the blows1 in order to    
make them fertile4 ,this1 ,prof4        
,deubner thinks1 was a still later      
accretion4 ,life in a city had          

obliterated the original meaning of the 
rite--the keeping off wolves2 but a new 
meaning becomes attached to it1         
presumably growing out of the use of the
 skins as magical instruments of        
additional force4 ,here1 too1 ,juno     
first appears on the scene as the deity 
of women1 for the strips were known as  
amicula ,iunonis 7,r4,f4 #cba and note74
 ,the strips may have been substituted  
for something carried in the hand to    
drive away the wolves2 the goat1 it     
should be noted1 is prominent in the    
cult of ,juno1 e4g4 at ,lanuvium4 ,the  
mystical meaning of striking or flogging
 has been sufficiently explained in this
 instance by ,mannhardt 7,r4,f4 p4      
#cbj71 and is now familiar to           
anthropologists in other contexts4  ,in 
the period when the fertilisation of    
women became the leading feature of the 
rite1 the ,state took up the popular    
festival1 and it gained admittance to   
the religious calendar1 which was drawn 
up for the city of the four regions 7see

 above1 ,lect4 ,,iv41 p4 #ajf74 ,the    
,state was represented1 as we learn from
 ,ovid1 by the ,flamen ,dialis 7,fasti1 
ii4 #bhb74  ,but we still have to       
account for some strange detail1 which  
has never been satisfactorily explained 
in connection with the rest of the      
ceremony4 ,the runners had their        
foreheads smeared with the blood of the 
victims1 which was then wiped off with  
wool dipped in milk2 after which1 says  
,plutarch 7,romulus1 #ba71 they were    
obliged to laugh4 ,these details1 as    
,prof4 ,deubner remarks1 seem very      
un-,roman2 we have no parallel to them  
in ,roman ritual1 and ,i have remarked  
more than once in these lectures on the 
absence of the use of blood in ,roman   
ceremonial4 ,i have suggested that they 
were allowed to survive in the religion 
of the city-state1 though actually      
belonging to that of a primitive        
population living on the site of ,rome4 
,prof4 ,deubner's explanation is very   
different1 and at first sight startling4

 ,these1 he thinks1 are ,greek cathartic
 details added by ,augustus when he     
re-organised the ,lupercalia1 as we may 
guess that he did from ,suet4 ,aug4 #ca4
 ,they can all be paralleled from ,greek
 religion4 ,we know of them only from   
,plutarch1 who quotes a certain ,butas  
as writing ,greek elegiacs in which they
 were mentioned2 but of the date of this
 poet we know nothing4 ,ovid does not   
mention these details1 nor hint at them 
in the stories he tells about the       
festival4 7,it is certainly possible    
that ,augustus's revision may have been 
made after ,ovid wrote the second book  
of the ,fasti2 it could not have been   
done until he became ,pont4 ,max4 in #ab
 ,b4,c41 and perhaps not till long after
 that1 and the ,fasti was written some  
time before ,ovid's banishment in ,a4,d4
 #i47 ,that ,augustus should insert     
,greek cathartic details in the old     
,roman festival is certainly surprising1
 but not impossible4 ,we know that in   
the ludi saeculares he took great pains 

to combine ,greek with ,roman ritual4   
,the above is a mere outline of ,prof4  
,deubner's article1 but enough1 ,i hope1
 to attract the attention of ,english   
scholars to it4 ,whether or no it be    
accepted in whole or part by learned    
opinion1 it will at least have the      
credit of suggesting a way in which not 
only the ,lupercalia1 but possibly other
 obscure rites1 may be compelled        
ultimately to yield up their secrets4   
,,appendix ,,iii  ,,the ,,pairs ,,of    
,,deities ,,in ,,gellius xiii4 #bc 7see 
page #aej7   ,the first paired deity    
mentioned by ,gellius is ,lua ,saturni1 
also known as ,lua ,mater1 of whom ,dr4 
,frazer writes 7p4 #dab71 ,in regard to 
,lua we know that she was spoken of as a
 mother1 which makes it not improbable  
that she was also a wife4 ,we are not   
surprised to find him claiming that     
because ,vesta is addressed as ,mater in
 the ,acta ,fratr4 ,arv4 7,henzen1 p4   
#adg71 that virgin deity was also       
married4 ,this he does in his lectures  

on ,kingship 7p4 #bbb71 quoting ,ennius 
and ,lactantius as making ,vesta mother 
of ,saturnus and ,titan4 ,no comment on 
this is needed for any one conversant   
with ,graeco-,roman religion and        
literature from ,ennius onward4 ,the    
title ,mater here means simply that     
,vesta was to her worshippers in a      
maternal position3 quamvis virginem1    
indole tamen quadam materna praeditam   
fuisse nuper exposuit ,preunerus1 says  
,henzen1 quoting ,preuner's             
,hestia-,vesta1 an old book but a good  
one 7p4 #ccc74 ,but to return to ,lua3  
,i freely confess that ,i cannot explain
 why she was styled ,mater4 ,we only    
know of her1 apart from the list in     
,gellius and one passage of ,servius1   
from the two passages of ,livy quoted   
without comment by ,dr4 ,frazer4 ,the   
first of these 7viii4 #a71 which may be 
taken from the pontifical books1 seems  
to let in a ray of light on her nature  
and function4 ,in #cch ,b4,c4 the       
,volscians had been beaten1 and armorum 

magna vis was found in their camp4 ,ea  
,luae ,matri se dare consul dixit1      
finesque hostium usque ad maritimam oram
 depopulatus est4 ,that is1 as ,i       
understand the words1 he dedicated the  
enemy's spoils to the numen who was the 
enemy of his own crops4#ajaj ,for if    
,lua be connected etymologically with   
lues1 she may be the hurtful aspect of  
,saturnus1 like ,tursa ,cerfia ,cerfii  
,martii as ,buecheler explains it       
7,umbrica1 p4 #ih74  ,a curious passage 
of ,servius may be quoted in support of 
this view1 in which ,luae is an almost  
certain correction for ,lunae 7see      
,jordan's edition of ,preller's ,rom4   
,mythol4 vol4 ii4 p4 #bb74 ,commenting  
on ,virgil's ,arboribusque satisque lues
 7,aen4 iii4 #aci71 he writes3 quidam   
dicunt1 diversis numinibus vel bene vel 
male faciendi potestatem dicatam1 ut    
,veneri coniugia1 ,cereri divortia1     
,iunoni procreationem liberorum3        
sterilitatem horum tam ,saturno quam    
,luae1 hanc enim sicut ,saturnum orbandi

 potestatem habere4 ,whatever ,lua may  
originally have been1 she seems to have 
been regarded as a power capable of     
working for evil in the crops and in    
women2 if you could get her to work on  
your enemy's crops 7cp4 the excantatio1 
above p4 #eh71 so much the better1 and  
the better would her claim be to the    
title of ,mater 7but ,dr4 ,frazer       
supplies us with examples of a hostile  
spirit being called by a family name1   
e4g41 ,grandfather ,smallpox1 ,g4,b4    
iii4 p4 #ih74 ,when the consul had      
dedicated the spoils to her he proceeded
 to assist her in her functions by      
ravaging the crops of the enemy2 thus   
she became later on a deity of spoils4  
,in the ,macedonian triumph of ,b4,c4   
#afg we find her in company with ,mars  
and ,minerva as one of the deities to   
whom spolia hostium dicare ius fasque   
est 7,livy xlv4 #cc74  ,i may add here  
that ,dr4 ,frazer has another arrow in  
his quiver to prove that ,saturnus was  
married3 if ,lua was not his wife 7which

 no ,roman asserts7 certainly 7he says7 
,ops was4 ,he quotes a few words from   
,macrobius 7i4 #ac4 #ai7 in which these 
two are mentioned as husband and wife4  
,if he had quoted the whole passage1 his
 reader would have been better able to  
judge of the value of the writers of    
whom ,macrobius says that they          
crediderunt that ,ops was wife of       
,saturn4 ,for it appears that some of   
them fancied that ,saturnus was a satu  
dictus cuius causa de caelo est--7a     
desperate attempt to make the old spirit
 of the seed into a heaven-god71 while  
,ops1 whose name speaks for itself1 was 
the earth4 ,but the real companion deity
 to ,ops was not ,saturnus1 but ,consus4
 ,this has been placed beyond all       
reasonable doubt by ,wissowa in his de  
,feriis 7reprinted in ,gesammelte       
,abhandlungen1 p4 #aed foll474 ,see also
 my ,r4,f4 p4 #bab4 ,the names ,ops and 
,consus obviously refer to stored corn1 
and everything in their cult points the 
same way4 ,saturnus' connection with    

,ops is a late and a mistaken one1      
derived from the ,graecising tendency1  
which brought ,cronos and ,rhea to bear 
on them4  ,next a word about ,hora      
,quirini4 ,as this coupling of names is 
followed by ,virites ,quirini1 in the   
characteristic method explained in the  
text 7cp4 ,cic4 ,nat4 ,deor4 ii4 #bg of 
,vesta1 vis eius ad aras et focos       
pertinet71 it is hardly necessary to    
comment on it4 ,hora is perhaps         
connected with ,umbrian ,heris 7cp4     
,buecheler1 ,umbrica1 index71 which with
 kindred forms means will1 willingness4 
,thus in ,nerienem ,mavortis et ,herem  
7,ennius1 fragm4 #gj1 in ,baehrens1     
,fragm4 ,poet4 ,lat47 we may see the    
strength and the will of ,mars 7cp4     
,herie ,iunonis74 ,hora is also         
connected in legend with ,hersilia 7,ov4
 ,met4 #ad4 #hbi71 and this helps to    
show how the ,alexandrian erotic        
legend-making faculty got hold of her4  
,but1 says ,dr4 ,frazer1 ,ennius        
regarded her as wife of ,quirinus3      

,teque ,quirine pater veneror1 ,horamque
 ,quirini 7fragm4 #ga of the ,annales74 
,this is ,dr4 ,frazer's interpretation  
of the words1 but ,ennius says nothing  
of conjugal relations2 and even if he   
had1 his evidence as to ancient ,roman  
conceptions would be worthless4 ,ennius 
was not a ,roman2 he came from ,magna   
,graecia2 and if ,dr4 ,frazer will read 
all that is said about him1 e4g4 in     
,schanz's history of ,roman literature1 
he will allow that every statement of   
such a man about old ,roman ideas of the
 divine must be regarded with suspicion 
and subjected to careful criticism4     
,next we come to ,salacia ,neptuni4 ,of 
this couple ,dr4 ,frazer says that      
,varro plainly implies that they were   
husband and wife1 and that this is      
affirmed by ,augustine1 ,seneca1 and    
,servius4 ,the accumulation of evidence 
seems strong2 but ,varro implies nothing
 of the kind 7,l4,l4 v4 #gb74 ,he is    
indulging in fancy etymologies1 and     
derives ,neptunus from nubere1 quod mare

 terras obnubit ut nubes caelum1 ab     
nuptu id est opertione ut antiqui1 a quo
 nuptiae1 nuptus dictus4 ,if he had     
meant to make ,salacia wife of          
,neptunus1 this last sentence would     
surely have suggested it2 but he goes on
 after a full stop1 ,salacia ,neptuni a 
salo4 ,it is only the later writers1    
ignorant of the real nature of ,roman   
religious ideas1 who make ,salacia into 
a wife4 ,it is worth noting that ,varro 
adds another feminine deity in his next 
sentence1 ,venilia1 whom ,virgil makes  
the mother of ,turnus 7,aen4 x4 #gf72   
and ,servius1 commenting on this line1  
goes one better1 and says she was       
identical with ,salacia4 ,perhaps both  
were sea or water spirits1 connected    
with ,neptunus as famulae or anculae    
7see ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 #ai71 but they 
are lost to us1 and speculation is      
useless4 ,in ,r4,f4 p4 #ahf1 ,i         
suggested an explanation of ,salacia    
which ,i am disposed to withdraw4 ,but  
for anyone wishing to study the         

treatment of old ,roman numina by the   
mythologists and philosophers of the    
,graeco-,roman period1 ,i would         
recommend an attentive reading of the   
whole chapter of ,augustine from which  
,dr4 ,frazer quotes a few words 7,c4,d4 
vii4 #bb72 and further a careful study  
of the ,graeco-,roman methods of        
fabricating myths about ,roman divine   
names1 for which he will do well to read
 the passages referred to by ,wissowa in
 ,r4,k4 pp4 #bej and #bea1 and notes4   
,lastly1 comes ,maia ,volcani4 ,here for
 once we get a fact of cult1 which is a 
relief1 after the loose and reckless    
statements of non-,roman and ,christian 
writers4 ,the flamen ,volcanalis        
sacrificed to ,maia on ,may #ast1 which 
proves that there was a real and not a  
fancied connection between ,volcanus and
 ,maia1 but certainly not that they were
 husband and wife4 ,dr4 ,frazer1        
however1 quotes ,cincius on the ,fasti  
as 7ap4 ,macrob4 i4 #ab4 #ah7 stating   
this1 and refers us to ,schanz's ,gesch4

 der roem4 ,lit4 for information about  
him4 ,in the second edition of that work
 he will find a discussion of the very  
doubtful question as to whether the     
,cincius he quotes is the person whom he
 asserts him to be1 viz41 the annalist  
of the second ,punic ,war4 ,the writer  
of the article ,cincius in              
,pauly-,wissowa ,real-,encycl4 is very  
confident that the one who wrote on the 
,fasti lived as late as the age of      
,augustus4 ,but putting that aside1 what
 are we to make of the fact that another
 annalist1 ,l4 ,calpurnius ,piso 7famous
 as the author of the first lex de      
repetundis1 #adi ,b4,c471 said that the 
wife of ,volcanus was not ,maia1 but    
,maiestas8 ,piso was not a good         
authority 7see above1 p4 #ea71 but he   
seems here to bring the consort of the  
fire-god into line with such expressions
 of activity as ,moles1 ,virites1 and so
 on2 and it seems that as early as the  
second century ,b4,c41 sport and        
speculation with these names were       

beginning4 ,i have quoted the whole     
pedantic passage from ,macrobius in my  
,roman ,festivals1 p4 #ih1 where the    
reader may enjoy it at leisure4 ,i shall
 not be surprised if he comes to the    
conclusion that neither ,macrobius nor  
his learned informers knew anything     
about ,maia4 ,when he reads that she was
 the mother of ,mercurius1 he will      
recollect that ,mercurius was not a     
,roman deity of the earliest period1 and
 did not belong to the di indigetes2 and
 when he finds that she is identified   
with ,bona ,dea1 he must not forget that
 that deity1 as scholars are now pretty 
well agreed1 was introduced at ,rome    
from ,tarentum in the age of the ,punic 
,wars4 ,the one fact we know is the     
sacrifice by the flamen ,volcanalis on  
,may #a4 ,someone went to work to       
explain this and another1 viz4 that the 
,ides of the month was the dedication   
day of the first temple of ,mercurius   
7,b4,c4 #die71 and also the fact that   
the temple of the ,bona ,dea on the     

,aventine was dedicated on the ,kalends4
 ,the result was an extraordinary jumble
 of fancy and myth1 which has been      
recognised as such by those who have    
studied closely the methods of          
,graeco-,roman scholarship4 ,the unwary1
 of course1 are taken in4 ,a student of 
these methods might do well to take as  
an exercise in criticism the three      
specimens of ,roman mythology which ,dr4
 ,frazer says 7p4 #dac7 have survived   
the wreck of antiquity--the loves of    
,vertumnus and ,pomona1 of ,jupiter and 
,juturna1 of ,janus and ,cardea4 ,in the
 last of these especially he will find  
one of the most audacious pieces of     
charming and wilful invention that a    
,latin poet could perpetrate1 in        
imitation of ,hellenistic love tales1   
and to suit the taste of a public whose 
education was mainly ,greek4  ,the above
 lengthy note was written before ,i had 
seen von ,domaszewski's paper on this   
subject 7,festschrift fuer ,o4          
,hirschfeld7 reprinted in ,abhandlungen 

zur roem4 ,religion1 p4 #ajd foll4 cp4  
p4 #afb47 ,his explanations are         
different in detail from mine1 but rest 
on the same general principle that the  
names ,salacia1 etc41 indicate functions
 or attributes of the male deity to whom
 they are attached4      #ajaj ,for the 
taboo on such spoils1 and their         
destruction1 see ,m4 ,s4 ,reinach's     
interesting paper     ,tarpeia1 in      
,cultes1 mythes1 et religions1 iii4 #bba
     foll4     ,,appendix ,,iv          
7,,lecture ,,viii41 ,,page #afi ,,foll47
 ,,ius ,,and ,,fas   ,in historical     
times the two kinds of ius1 divinum and 
humanum1 were strongly distinguished    
7see ,wissowa1 ,r4,k4 p4 #cah1 who      
quotes ,gaius ii4 #b3 summa itaque rerum
 divisio in duos articulos diducitur1   
nam aliae sunt divini iuris1 aliae      
humani74 ,but it is almost certain that 
there was originally no such clear      
distinction4 ,the general opinion of    
historians of ,roman law is thus        
expressed by ,cuq 7,institutions        

juridiques des ,romains1 p4 #ed73 ,le   
droit civil n'a eu d'abord qu'une portee
 fort restreinte4 ,peu a peu il a gagne 
du terrain1 il a entrepris de           
reglementer des rapports qui autrefois  
etaient du domaine de la religion4      
,pendant longtemps a ,rome le droit     
theocratique a coexiste avec le droit   
civil4 7,see also ,muirhead1            
,introduction to ,roman ,law1 ed4       
,goudy1 p4 #ae47 ,possibly the formation
 of an organised calendar1 marking off  
the days belonging to the deities from  
those which were not so made over to    
them1 first gave the opportunity for the
 gradual realisation of the thought that
 the set of rules under which the       
citizen was responsible to the divine   
beings was not exactly the same as that 
under which he was responsible to the   
civil authorities4 ,the distinction took
 many ages to realise in all its        
aspects1 and is not complete even under 
the ,,xii4 ,tables or later1 because the
 sanction for civil offences remained in

 great part a divine one2 on this point 
,jhering is certainly wrong 7,geist des 
roem4 ,rechts1 i4 #bfg foll474 ,as ,cuq 
remarks 7p4 #ed1 note #a71 one          
institution of the ius divinum kept its 
force after the complete secularisation 
of law1 and retains it to this day1 viz4
 the oath4  ,if there was originally no 
distinction between religious and civil 
rules of law1 it follows that there were
 originally no two distinguishing terms 
for them4 ,the earliest passage in which
 they are distinguished as ius divinum  
and humanum 7so far as ,i know7 is      
,cicero's speech for ,sestius 7,b4,c4   
#ef71 sec4 #ia1 quoted by ,wissowa1 p4  
#cai3 domicilia coniuncta quas urbes    
dicimus1 invento et divino iure et      
humano1 moenibus cinxerunt4 ,but by all 
,british writers on ,roman law1 and by  
many foreign ones1 the word fas is used 
as equivalent to the ius divinum1 and   
sharply distinguished from ius4 ,thus   
the late ,dr4 ,greenidge1 in his useful 
work on ,roman public life 7p4 #eb and  

elsewhere71 makes this distinction2 he  
writes of the rex as the chief expounder
 of the divine law 7fas71 and of the    
control exercised by fas over the       
citizen's life4 ,cp4 ,muirhead1 ed4     
,goudy1 p4 #ae foll41 where ,mommsen is 
quoted thus3 ,mommsen is probably near  
the mark when he describes the leges    
regiae as mostly rules of the fas4 ,but 
,mommsen1 like ,wissowa in his ,religion
 und ,kultus1 does not use the word fas1
 but speaks of ,sakralrecht4 ,sohm1 on  
the other hand 7,roman ,law1 trans4     
,ledlie1 p4 #ae1 note71 compares fas    
with ,sanscrit dharma and ,greek themis1
 as meaning unwritten rules of divine   
origin1 which eventually gave way before
 ius1 as in ,greece before ,greek3      
dikaion4 7,cp4 ,binder1 ,die ,plebs1 p4 
#eja47 ,but it is safer in this case to 
leave etymology alone1 and to try to    
discover what the ,romans themselves    
understood by fas1 which is indeed a    
peculiar and puzzling word4 7,for its   
possible connection with fari1 effari   

7ager effatus71 fanum1 and profanum1    
etc41 see ,h4 ,nettleship's             
,contributions to ,latin ,lexicography1 
s4v4 ,fas47  ,fas was at all times      
indeclinable1 and is rarely found even  
as an accusative1 as in ,virg4 ,aen4 ix4
 #if3    mortaline manu factae immortale
 carinae   fas habeant8  ,in the oldest 
examples of its use1 i4e4 in the ancient
 calendar ,,qrcf1 on ,march #bd and ,may
 #bd1 i4e4 quando rex comitiavit fas    
7,varro1 ,l4,l4 vi4 #ca71 and ,q,st,d,f 
on ,june #ae1 i4e4 ,quando stercus      
delatum fas 7,varro1 ,l4,l4 vi4 #cb71 it
 is hard to say whether it is a         
substantive at all1 and not rather an   
adverb like satis4 ,so1 too1 in the     
antique language of the lex templi of   
,furfo 7#eh ,b4,c47 we read1 ,utii      
tangere sarcire tegere devehere defigere
 mandare ferro oeti promovere referre   
fasque esto 7liceat should probably be  
inserted before fasque esto74 ,see      
,,cil4 i4 #fjc1 line #g2 ,dessau1       
,inscript4 ,lat4 selectae1 ii4 #a4      

#dijf1 p4 #bdf4 ,in these examples fas  
simply means that you may do certain    
acts without breaking religious law2 it 
does not stand for the religious law    
itself4 ,to me it looks like a technical
 word of the ius divinum1 meaning that  
which it is lawful to do under it2 thus 
a dies fastus is one on which it is     
lawful under that ius to perform certain
 acts of civil government1 sine piaculo 
7,varro1 ,l4,l4 vi4 #bi74 ,nefas is1    
therefore1 in the same way a word which 
conveys a prohibition under the divine  
law4 ,by constant juxtaposition with    
ius1 fas came in course of time to take 
on the character of a substantive1 and  
so too did its opposite nefas4 ,the     
dictionaries supply many examples of its
 use as a substantive and as paralleled 
with ius1 but the only one ,i can find  
that is earlier than ,cicero is         
,terence1 ,hecyra1 iii4 #c4 #bg1 i4e4 in
 the work of a non-,roman4  ,i cannot   
find that it is so used by ,varro1 where
 we might naturally have expected it4   

,cicero does not call his imaginary ius 
divinum a fas1 but iura religionum1     
constitutio religionum 7de ,legibus ii4 
#aj-bc1 #ag-cb74 ,ius is the word always
 used technically of particular         
departments of the religious law1 e4g4  
ius pontificium1 ius augurale1 and ius  
fetiale 7,,cil4 i4 p4 #bjb1 is preimus  
ius fetiale paravit74 ,the notion that  
fas could mean a kind of code of        
religious law is probably due to        
,virgil's use of the word in ,quippe    
etiam festis quaeddam exercere diebus   
,fas et iura sinunt1 ,georg4 i4 #bfi1   
and to the comment of ,servius1 id est1 
divina humanaque iura permittunt3 nam ad
 religionem fas1 ad homines iura        
pertinent4  ,it is strange to find it   
personified as a kind of deity in the   
formula of the fetiales1 used when they 
announced the ,roman demands at an      
enemy's frontier 7,livy i4 #cb73 ,audi  
,iuppiter1 inquit1 audite ,fines        
7cuiuscunque gentis sunt nominat71      
audiat ,fas4 ,whence did ,livy get this 

formula8 ,we have no record of a book of
 the fetiales2 if this came from those  
of the pontifices1 as is probable1 the  
formula need not be of ancient date1 and
 the personification of ,fines also     
suggests a doubt as to the genuineness  
of the whole formula4     ,,appendix ,v 
,,the ,,worship ,,of ,,sacred ,,utensils
 7page #dcf7   ,there can be no doubt   
that some kind of worship was paid by   
the ,arval ,brethren to certain ollae1  
or primitive vessels of sun-baked clay  
used in their most ancient rites4 ,this 
is attested by two inscriptions of      
different ages which are printed on pp4 
#bf and #bg of ,henzen's ,acta ,fratrum 
,arvalium4 ,after leaving their grove   
and entering the temple in mensa sacrum 
fecerunt ollis2 and shortly afterwards1 
in aedem intraverunt et ollas precati   
sunt4 ,then1 to our astonishment1 we    
read that the door of the temple was    
opened1 and the ollae thrown down the   
slope in front of it4 ,this last act    
seems inexplicable2 but the worship     

finds a singular parallel in the dairy  
ritual of the ,todas of the ,nilghiri   
hills4  ,dr4 ,rivers1 in his work on the
 ,todas 7,macmillan1 #aijf1 p4 #dec71 in
 summing up his impressions of their    
worship1 observes that the attitude of  
worship which is undoubtedly present in 
the ,toda mind is becoming transferred  
from the gods themselves to the material
 objects used in the service of the     
gods4 ,the religious attitude of worship
 is being transferred from the gods     
themselves to the objects round which   
centres the ritual of the dairy4 ,these 
objects are mainly the bells of the     
buffaloes and the dairy vessels2 and an 
explicit account of them1 the reverence 
in which they are held1 and the prayers 
in which they are mentioned1 will be    
found in the fifth1 sixth1 and eighth   
chapters of ,dr4 ,rivers' work1 which1  
as an account of what seems to be a     
religion atrophied by over-development  
of ritual1 is in many ways of great     
interest to the student of ,roman       

religious experience4 ,the following    
sentence will appeal to the readers of  
these ,lectures3--  ,the ,todas seem to 
show us how the over-development of the 
ritual aspect of religion may lead to   
atrophy of those ideas and beliefs      
through which the religion has been     
built up2 and then how1 in its turn1 the
 ritual may suffer1 and acts which are  
performed mechanically1 with no living  
ideas behind them1 may come to be       
performed carelessly and incompletely1  
while religious observances which       
involve trouble and discomfort may be   
evaded or completely neglected4         
,whether the worship of the ollae was a 
part of the original ritual of the      
,brethren1 or grew up after its revival 
by ,augustus1 it is impossible to       
determine4 ,but if we can allow the     
dairy ritual of the ,todas to help us in
 the matter1 we may conclude that in any
 case it was not really primitive1 and  
that it was a result of that process of 
over-ritualisation to which must also be

 ascribed the piacula caused by the     
growth of a fig-tree on the roof of the 
temple1 and the three ,sondergoetter    
,adolenda ,commolenda ,deferunda4 7,see 
above p4 #afa foll41 and ,henzen1 ,acta 
,fratr4 ,arv4 p4 #adg47     ,,index     
,acca ,larentia1 #fg  ,acolytes1 #agg   
,adolenda1 #afb  ,addenda ,commolenda   
,deferunda1 #afb1 #dij  ,aedes ,vestae3 
see ,vesta  ,aediles1 plebeian1 #bee    
,aemilius ,paulus1 #cdj1 #cfb1 #dcc     
,aeneid1 the1 #aai1 #bjf1 #bcj1 #bej1   
#bea2   as a means of understanding the 
spirit of the ,roman religion1 #bed2   a
 poem of religion and morals1 #dji-dbe  
,aesculapius1 #bfj  ,ager paganus3      
lustration1 #hj1 #bac   ,romanus3       
lustration1 #gh1 #ajj  ,agriculture1 the
 economic basis of ,roman life1 #ii2    
festivals1 see ,festivals  ,agrippa1    
#ddb1 #ddc  ,alba ,longa1 #aji1 #abh    
,alban ,mount3 ,latin festival1 #agb2   
temple of ,jupiter ,latiaris1 #bcg1     
#bch1 #bde  ,alexander1 ,archibald1 on  
faith1 #dgb  ,ambarvalia1 procession of 

the1 #bad1 #bah1 #ddb  ,amburbium1 #bad1
 #bah1 #ccb  ,amulets1 #db1 #ei1 #fj1   
#gd1 #hd  ,ancilia1 #ig2   lustration1  
#if1 #bag2   moving1 #cf  ,angerona1    
#aag  ,animism1 #fe1 #abb1 #adh1 #afd1  
#bhg  ,anna ,perenna3 festival1 #fe1    
#aje1 #cdf2   ,ovid's account of1 #dgc  
,antoninus ,pius1 #dbi  ,apollo1 #beg1  
#ddi2   cult of1 #bfh2   associated with
 ,diana1 #ddc1 #ddf2   with ,latona1    
#bfb2   the ,pythian1 #cbc2   temple1   
#ddc-dde2   institution of ,apolline    
games1 #cbf  ,appius ,claudius1 #cjj    
,aquaelicium1 ceremony of the1 #ej1 #eb 
,ara1 meaning of1 #adf  ,ara ,maxima in 
the ,forum ,boarium #bi1 #bcj  ,ara     
,pacis of ,augustus1 #agg1 #dcg1 #ddh   
,argei3 festival1 #cf1 #fe2   puppets   
thrown into the ,tiber1 #ed1 #aje1 #cba1
 #cbb2   chapels called1 #cba1 #cbb     
,armilustrium1 #ig  ,army3 lustration   
of1 #if1 #ajj1 #bae1 #bag  ,arnobius1   
#ea1 #eb1 #dei1 #dfa1 #dfe  ,artemis1   
#bce1 #ddc  ,arval ,brethren3 see       
,fratres ,arvales  ,asclepios1 #bfj     

,astrology1 #cif-cih1 #dja  ,ateius     
,capito1 #dda  ,athene ,polias1 #bcd    
,attalus1 king of ,pergamus1 #ccj       
,atticus1 ,cicero's letters to1 #che    
,attus ,navius1 soothsayer1 #big        
,augurium canarium1 #caj  ,augurs1      
#agd-agf1 #aic1 #bga1 #bgf2   and the   
art of divination1 #bib-cji2   in       
relation to the ,rex1 #cja2   art       
strictly secret1 #cja2   compared with  
pontifices1 #cjc   lore preserved in    
books1 #cjc2   political importance1    
#cje  ,augustus1 #ce1 #acc1 #bac1 #cdd2 
revival of religion1 #dbh-ddg2   his    
connection with ,virgil1 #dbh2          
pontifex maximus1 #dcc2   restoration of
 temples1 #dcc-dcd2   revival of ancient
 ritual1 #dcd-dcf2   restorer of the pax
 deorum1 #dch  ,aurelius1 ,marcus1 #def 
,auspicia1 #age1 #bad2   in life of     
family1 #bii2   in ,state operations1   
#cjj2   indissolubly connected with     
imperuim1 #cja  ,aust1 on religion of   
the family1 #fh2   on ,roman deities1   
#aeg2   on prayer1 #aih2   on reaction  

against the ius divinum1 #cdi           
,aventine3 plebeian quarter1 #bee2      
temples1 #ie1 #adg1 #bcc1 #bcd1 #bcg1   
#bdd1 #dhd  ,axtell1 ,harold ,l41 on    
,fortuna1 #bde   ,bacchic rites1        
introduction of1 #cdd-cdh  ,bailey1     
,cyril1 cited1 #djj  ,beans1 used to get
 rid of ghosts1 #he1 #ajg2   taboo on   
eating1 #ia1 #ih  ,bellona1 connection  
with ,mars1 #aff  ,bibulus1 #cje        
,binder1 ,dr41 on the plebs1 #bc1 #hf1  
#bdb1 #bhi1 #cic  ,birds1 used in       
augury1 #bic1 #bif1 #bii1 #cjb  ,birth1 
spirits invoked at1 #hc1 #hd1 #afd      
,blood3 taboo on1 #cc2   mystic use of1 
#cc1 #cd1 #hb2   not prominent in ,roman
 ritual1 #ahj-aha2   consecration       
through1 #aid2   wine as substitute for1
 #aif  ,boissier1 ,g41 #cia2   on the   
,aeneid1 #dad1 #dbg  ,bona ,dea1 #dhd   
,bouche-,leclercq1 ,m41 on divination1  
#caj  ,boundary festivals3 see          
,terminalia  ,boundary stones1 #ha-hb1  
#bab2   sprinkled with blood of victims1
 #cd1 #hb1 #aif  ,bulla worn by         

children1 #fj1 #gd  ,burial places loca 
religiosa1 #cg1 #che  ,bussell1 ,f4 ,w41
 cited1 #cff1 #cfg   ,caesar1 ,julius3  
belief in spells1 #ei2   calendar1 #ie2 
pontifex maximus1 #cje2   and the       
priesthood1 #cdc  ,caesar-worship1 #dcg1
 #dch1 #def  ,caird1 ,professor1 #ceg2  
on ,reason in man1 #cfh1 #cgc  ,cakes3  
honey1 #hb2   sacred1 #hc1 #acj1 #ada1  
#ahj1 #ahc1 #ahd1 #bgd1 #ddi2   see also
 ,salt-cake  ,calendar1 the ancient     
religious1 #ab1 #ad1 #cd1 #ch1 #ee1 #fe1
 #bag1 #bbe2     described1 #id-aji2    
in relation to agricultural life1       
#ajj-ajb1 #bhb1 #bie2     festivals     
necessarily fixed1 #ajb2     a matter of
 routine1 #ajc2     its psychological   
result1 #ajd-aje2     a document of     
religious law1 #ajf2     exclusion of   
the barbarous and grotesque1 #ajg2      
attributed to ,numa ,pompilius1 #ajh    
,julian1 #ie  ,calpurnius ,piso1 ,l43   
see ,piso  ,camilli and camillae1 #agg1 
#aie  ,campus ,martius1 #cd1 #ddg2      
lustrum of censors1 #bjc1 #baj1 #bae1   

#bai  ,cannae1 religious panic after the
 battle of1 #cai  ,cantorelli1 on the   
annales maximi1 #bij  ,capitolium1 #bch1
 #bci1 #bdf1 #cci2   ,carmen saeculare  
sung1 #ddd-dde2   temples1 #ie1 #aae1   
#adf1 #bjc1 #bci1 #bdb1 #bde1 #bed1     
#bff1 #dcc1 #ddc1 #ddg  ,caprotinae1    
,nonae1 #adc  ,cardea1 #gf2   connection
 with ,janus1 #dhe  ,caristia1 #dah1    
#deg  ,carmen1 meaning of1 #ahf2   used 
at siege of ,carthage1 #bjf1 #bai       
,arvale1 #gh1 #acb1 #ahf1 #ahg1 #dcf    
used by ,attiedii1 #ahg   saeculare1    
#dca1 #dcb1 #dci1 #ddc-ddg1 #dej1 #dea  
,saliare1 #ahf  ,carmenta1 #cf1 #abb1   
#big  ,carmentalia1 #ih  ,carna1 #aag   
,carter1 ,j4 ,b41 on cult-titles1 #aec2 
on the ,latins1 #bbi-bcj2   on          
,castor-cult1 #bcb1 #bdd2   on ,diana1  
#bcf2   on ,fortuna1 #bde2   on         
,hercules1 #bca2   on ,janus1 #ada2   on
 ,juno1 #add2   on the ,manes1 #chf2    
on ,mars1 #acc2   on ,poseidon-,neptune1
 #bfj  ,cassius ,hemina1 #cdi1 #cef     
,castor and ,pollux1 #bca1 #bdd2        

temple1 #bca1 #bdd  ,cato1 the ,censor1 
#aba1 #acb1 #ahb-ahd1 #bea1 #bif1 #bih1 
#cdj  ,catullus1 on death1 #chg         
,censors1 lustrum of the1 #bjc1 #baj1   
#bae1 #bai  ,census1 #bae1 #bah         
,cerealia1 #ajj1 #aba1 #bfi  ,ceres1    
#ajj1 #aba1 #aci1 #afa1 #afb1 #bfj1     
#dce1 #ddf2   temple1 #bee1 #bfi        
,cerfius1 or ,cerus1 #aeh  ,chaldeans1  
#bif2   expelled from ,rome1 #cig1 #djb 
,charms1 #ei-fb2   see also ,amulets    
,chickens1 sacred1 as omens1 #cad1 #cae 
,children3 purificatory rites1 #bh2     
naming of1 #bh-bi1 #db2   amulets and   
bulla worn by1 #db1 #fj1 #gd1 #hd2      
dedication of1 #bjd-bje  ,christianity1 
early3 contributions from the ,roman    
religion1 #deb-dfg2   the ,greek and    
,latin fathers compared1 #deh-dei2   its
 relation to morality1 #dga  ,cicero1   
#eh1 #agh1 #bif1 #cji2   on             
religiousness of the ,romans1 #bdi-bej2 
on ,titus ,coruncanius1 #bha-bhb2   on  
divination1 #bii1 #cab2   on interest of
 the gods in human affairs1 #cfj2   on  

,stoicism1 #cfe-cfh1 #cgg2   on relation
 of man to ,god1 #cgj2   affected by    
revival of ,pythagoreanism1 #cha1 #chc1 
#chi2   turns to mysticism1 #chd1 #chh2 
his letters to ,atticus1 #che2   his    
,somnium ,scipionis1 #chc1 #chf1 #dab2  
belief in a future life1 #chi2          
definition of religio1 #dfj  ,claudius1 
,emperor1 #cji1 #dch  ,claudius         
,pulcher1 ,p41 #cae   ,quadrigarius1 #ci
  ,cleanthes1 hymn of1 #cfh1 #cgg       
,clusius 7or ,clusivius71 cult-title of 
,janus1 #abf  ,coinquenda1 #afb         
,colonia1 religious rites at founding   
of1 #agj  ,compitalia1 #fa1 #gh1 #ha1   
#hh1 #ajb  ,concordia1 #bhe  ,conditor1 
#afa  ,confarreatio1 marriage by1 #hc1  
#acj1 #bgd  ,coniuratio1 #cdg1 #cdh1    
#cef  ,consolatio1 #chh  ,constantius1  
#dcj  ,consualia1 #aja1 #aci  ,consuls1 
annual ceremony at the ,capitoline      
temple1 #bjc1 #bai1 #bci-bdj  ,consus1  
#bhe2   connection with ,ops1 #dhb      
,convector1 #afa  ,conway1 ,professor1  
on ,quirinus and ,quirites1 #adc  ,cook1

 ,a4 ,b41 on ,jupiter1 #abh1 #ada2   on 
,janus1 #adj2   on ,quirinus and        
,quirites1 #adc  ,corn deities1 ,greek1 
#bee1 #bei  ,corpus ,inscriptionum1 #ac1
 #bja  ,coruncanius1 ,titus1 #bga1 #bgi1
 #bha1 #bij  ,coulanges1 ,fustel de1 on 
the ,lar1 #gg  ,crawley1 ,mr41 on the   
fatherhood of gods1 #aeg2   on religion 
and morality1 #bbg1 #bdb  ,cremation1   
#chb1 #cie1 #cih1 #dja  ,crooke1 ,mr41  
on luck in odd numbers1 #ih             
,cult-titles1 invention of1 #aec        
,cumont1 ,professor1 on the religion of 
the ,romans1 #b2   on ,jupiter1 #bdf    
,cunina1 #aei  ,cuq1 on civil and       
religious law1 #dhf  ,cura et           
caerimonia1 ,cicero's expression1 #ha1  
#ajd1 #ajf1 #ajh1 #ade1   #afb1 #agj1   
#bgj1 #bhb1 #cdc1 #dcd1 #dfj  ,curia1   
#ach  ,curiatius1 #abf  ,cynics1 the1   
#cgb   ,days1 lucky and unlucky1 #ch-da2
   see also ,dies  ,de ,marchi1 on      
votive offerings1 #bja1 #bjb  ,dea ,dia1
 #adf2   description of rites1 #dce-dcf2
   veneration for utensils used1 #dcf2  

temple1 #afa1 #dcf  ,dead3 disposal of  
the1 #de1 #hd1 #aba1 #cie1 #dja2   cult1
 #ia1 #ajb1 #deg1 #dgj2   festivals1    
#dj1 #aab1 #dah2   contrast between     
,lemuria and ,parentalia1 #ajg1 #cic-cie
  ,decemviri1 #bei1 #cag1 #cah1 #cbf    
,decius ,mus1 self-sacrifice of1        
#bjf-bjg1 #bbj1 #bhf1 #cbj  ,deities1   
,roman3 see also ,numen and ,spirits2   
sources of our knowledge of1 #aad-aae2  
mental conception of the ,romans        
regarding1 #aae-aag1 #abb-abc1          
#aci-adj1 #ade1 #adg1 #aeg1 #bbd-bbe2   
di indigetes1 #aag1 #aci1 #adi1 #ahj1   
#bad2   functional spirits with         
will-power1 #aai2   the four great gods1
 #abd-acd2   epithets of ,pater and     
,mater applied to1 #acg1 #aee-aeg2   the
 question of marriage1 #adh-aeb1 #aff1  
#cej1 #dha-dhe2   fluctuation between   
male and female1 #adh-adi2              
nomenclature1 #aah1 #adi-aef1 #afc2     
compared with ,greek gods1 #aeh2        
presence of1 at meals1 #agb-agc1 #aic2  
introduction of new1 #if1 #bbi-bdb1     

#bee-bfb2   women's1 see ,women         
,delphic oracle consulted during        
,hannibalic war1 #cbc-cbd1 #cbf         
,demeter1 #bee2   supersession of ,ceres
 by1 #ajj  ,deubner1 ,professor1 his    
theory of the ,lupercalia1 #ach1        
#dgh-dhj  ,devotio1 #bjf-bji1 #bai-bba2 
formula1 #bjg-bjh1 #bbj2   sacrificial  
nature1 #bjg1 #bbj  ,di ,manes3 see     
,manes  ,di ,penates3 see ,penates      
,diana3 associated with ,janus1 #gf1    
#abe1 #aff2   connection with ,artemis1 
#bce1 #ddc2   with ,apollo1 #ddc1 #ddf2 
with ,hercules1 #bfb2   functions1      
#bcd-bcf2   temples1 #ie1 #adg1 #bcd1   
#bcg1 #bdd  ,dies comitiales1 #ajc      
endotercisi1 #aha   fasti1 #ih1 #ajc1   
#aha   lustricus1 #bh1 #db1 #ij         
nefasti1 #ch1 #dj1 #ih1 #ajc1 #aha      
postriduani1 #ci1 #dj   religiosi1      
#ch-dj1 #aje  ,dieterich1 on disposal of
 the dead1 #dja  ,dill1 ,professor1 on  
,roman worship1 #bjj  ,dionysius of     
,halicarnassus1 #acj1 #aic1 #bae1 #bcd1 
#bej  ,dionysus3 identified with ,liber1

 #bee1 #cdd2   ritual1 in ,greece1      
#cdd-cde2   outbreak of ,dionysiac      
orgies in ,italy1 #cdd  ,dis1 black     
victims sacrificed to1 #ddj  ,dius      
,fidius1 connection with ,jupiter1 #acj1
 #adb  ,divination1 #ef1 #ahj2   a      
universal instinct of human nature1     
#bib1 #cjf2   connection with magic1    
#bic1 #caj2   views on the origin of1   
#bic2   formalised by ,state            
authorities1 #bie1 #cjj2   private1     
#bie2   quack diviners1 #bif-bih2       
auspicia of family religion1 #bih-cjj2  
public1 #cja2   duties of the ,rex1     
#cjb2   lore preserved in books1 #cjc2  
divination by lightning1 #ea1 #eb1 #cjd1
 #cje1 #cjg1 #cji2   no lasting value in
 sphere of religion1 #cjf2   a clog on  
progress1 #cjg2   sinister influence of 
,etruscan divination on ,rome1 #cjg     
,dobschuetz1 on ,christianity1 #dee     
,dogs3 sacrifices3 see ,sacrifices      
,dolabella1 ,cornelius1 #cdb            
,doellinger1 ,dr41 on the ,flamen       
,dialis1 #aab2   on prayer1 #dfh        

,domaszewski1 von1 cited1 #ii1 #aaj1    
#aed1 #afg2   definition of numen1 #aai2
   on the cult epithets of ,janus1 #adj2
   on ,juno1 #add2   on evolution of dei
 out of functional numina1 #afe  ,duhn1 
,professor von1 cited1 #ca1 #hi         
,dynamic theory of sacrifice1 #agg1     
#ahd1 #aij1 #aid   ,earthquakes1        
expiation of1 #cci  ,eilithyia1 ,greek  
deity of childbirth1 #ddb1 #ddf1 #ddi   
,ennius1 cited1 #fe1 #aeb1 #ahc1 #bih1  
#cbb1 #cej1 #cea1 #cef  ,epictetus1     
#cfi1 #cgb  ,epicurism1 #ceb1 #ceh1     
#cfj1 #cfa1 #cge1 #cgf1 #cha1 #djd1 #dec
  ,epicurus1 #cei  ,epulum ,iovis3 see  
,jupiter  ,equirria1 #if1 #ii1 #bag     
,eschatology1 ,christian3 preparation of
 the ,roman mind for1 #ded  ,esquiline1 
#hg1 #cie  ,etruscans1 #ag2   domination
 in ,rome1 #bcg1 #bci1 #bde1 #beh2   art
 of divination1 #bii1 #cjd2   sinister  
influence on ,rome1 #cjg1 #cdf1 #cdg1   
#cia  ,evil spirits1 #aa1 #bi1 #ge1 #gf1
 #hd1 #ic2   wolf's fat as a charm      
against1 #ij  ,evocatio1 #eh1 #bjf      

,excantatio1 #eh1 #dhb  ,extipicina1    
,etruscan rite of1 #ahj   ,fabius       
,pictor1 #afa1 #bfa1 #cah1 #cbj1 #cbc1  
#cbf  ,falacer1 #abb  ,family 7familia73
 origin and meaning of1 #gj1 #hf2       
religion in the1 #fh1 #gj1 #gc1 #ib1    
#aaf1 #bbd1 #bbf-bbh1 #bea1 #bgj1 #bgd1 
#bih-cjj2   description of the house1   
#gb-gc1 #hg2   its holy places1 #gc2    
spirits of the household3 see ,spirits2 
the ,lar familiaris1 #gg2   position of 
slaves1 #gh2   religio terminorum1 #hb2 
marriage1 #hc2   childbirth1 #hc2       
burial of the dead1 #gc1 #ib2           
maintenance of the sacra1 #bgd-bge      
,fanum1 meaning of1 #adf  ,far1 sacred  
cakes of1 #de1 #hc1 #acj1 #ada1 #ahj1   
#bgd  ,farnell1 ,dr41 cited1 #ai1 #bg1  
#afj1 #afa1 #bje2   on the vow of the   
ver sacrum1 #bai2   on ,dionysiac       
ritual1 #cde1 #cee  ,farreus1 connection
 with ,jupiter1 #acj  ,fas1 early usage 
of1 #dhg-dhh  ,fasti3 see ,calendar     
,faunalia1 #acg  ,faunus1 #ha1 #hi1     
#big1 #dgi2   connection with           

,lupercalia1 #aag  ,februum1 meaning of1
 #baj1 #bbb  ,feretrius1 cult-title of  
,jupiter3 see ,jupiter  ,feriae ,iovis1 
#abi   ,latinae1 #dj1 #fa1 #agb         
,feronia1 #bhd1 #cah  ,ferrero1 on the  
,carmen saeculare1 #dca1 #dej2   on the 
ludi saeculares1 #ddj  ,fertility1      
customs to produce1 #ajj1 #ajf1 #adc1   
#baj1 #bbb1 #dgi  ,festivals1 #gh-ha1   
#ig1 #aje2   agricultural1 #cd1 #hb1    
#ih1 #ajj1 #abj2   harvest1 #ih1 #aja1  
#aba2   vintage1 #ajj1 #abi2   of the   
dead3 see ,dead2   ,latin festival on   
,alban mount1 #agb2   in calendar1      
necessarily fixed1 #ie1 #ii1 #ajb2      
women's3 see ,women  ,festus1 #cc1 #fa1 
#ada1 #bag  ,fetiales1 #ca1 #acj1 #adc1 
#aeg1 #bea1 #dcd1 #dhh  ,fides1 #aed1   
#ddf1 #dej2   connection with ,jupiter1 
#afg  ,fig-tree3 sprouting of1 on roof  
of temple1 #afb2   piacula offered to   
various deities1 #dcf1 #dij  ,flamen    
,cerealis1 #afa1 #afc   ,dialis1 #cb1   
#aab1 #abd1 #abi1 #aic1 #bci1 #bdf1     
#cbg1 #cdb1 #dgi2     insignia1 #agg2   

taboos on1 #cc-ce1 #dd1 #de1 #ajh1 #aji1
 #cbg1 #cdb1 #cdc   ,martialis1 #abd1   
#aca1 #adb1 #cda   ,quirinalis1 #abd1   
#aca1 #acd1 #aci1 #adb1 #aha1 #aig1     
#cdb1 #dcd   ,volcanalis1 #dhd          
,flamines1 #aac1 #abb1 #abc1 #age1 #aic1
 #bhj1 #cda1 #dcd2   insignia1 #agg2    
personal purity essential1 #agh1 #aie   
,flaminica ,dialis1 #ace1 #add2         
insignia1 #agg2   taboos on1 #ce-cf     
,flaminius1 #cae1 #cag1 #cch1 #cdj      
,flora1 #abb  ,fons1 #aag1 #bhe         
,forculus1 the door spirit1 #gf         
,fordicidia1 #ajj1 #abj1 #aba           
,fornacalia1 #agc  ,fortuna 7,fors      
,fortuna71 #bja1 #bce1 #bde1 #bhd1 #big1
 #cif1 #dja  ,forum ,boarium1 human     
sacrifices1 #aab1 #cbj  ,fratres        
,arvales3 ,acta ,fratrum ,arvalium1     
#afa1 #bac1 #dce2     altar1 #afd2      
carmen1 #gh1 #acb1 #ahf1 #ahg1 #dcf2    
ritual of1 #ce1 #ajj1 #adf1 #adi1 #aeg1 
#afb1 #ahb1 #aia1 #aie1 #bac2           
revived by ,augustus1 #dcd2     duties  
of the ,brethren1 #dce2     worship of  

sacred utensils1 #dhi-dij   ,attiedii1  
#aeg1 #ahg1 #bae  ,frazer1 ,dr4 ,j4 ,g41
 his definition of religion1 #h2   his  
theory of divine kingship1 #ai1 #bj1    
#di1 #ea1 #eb1 #aae1 #abh1 #adj2   on   
totemism1 #be1 #bf2   on taboo1 #cj1    
#cd1 #dg2   on oscilla1 #fa1 #fb1 #fg2  
on the ,parilia1 #ajj1 #bbb2   on       
marriage of gods1 #add1 #adi1 #aej1     
#aeb1 #aee1 #aef1 #afe1 #cej1 #dha-dhe2 
on cult of ,jupiter1 #afg2   on         
appointment of camillae1 #agg1 #aie2    
on ,diana1 #bce2   on superstition1 #bfd
  ,fulgur1 cult-title of ,jupiter1 #abi 
,furrina1 #ah1 #aag1 #abb   ,gallus1    
,aelius1 on religiosum1 #cg  ,games     
instituted to divert attention in times 
of trouble1 #bfb-bfc2    ,apolline1     
#cbf2   see also ,ludi  ,gardner1       
,professor ,e41 cited1 #cee  ,gardner1  
,professor ,p41 on ,christianity1 #deb2 
on prayers for the dead1 #deg2   cited1 
#dfe  ,gellius1 ,aulus1 on the          
conjunction of divine names1 #aej-aeb2  
story of ,scipio1 #bdj2   on            

religiousness of the ,romans1 #bej      
,genius3 the male principle of life1    
#cj1 #ib1 #aed1 #cag1 #ccb2   of the    
paterfamilias1 #cj2   doubtful          
identification of ,hercules with1 #cj2  
in combination with ,hercules and       
,juventas1 #ccb2   ,juno the feminine   
counterpart of1 #hg  ,gennep1 ,m4 van1  
on taboo1 #db1 #dd2   on religious      
ceremonies1 #fe1 #ij1 #ddb2   on        
lustrations1 #baa1 #bab  ,gentes1 #fi1  
#bei  ,georgics1 the religious spirit of
 the1 #djg  ,ghosts1 #ge1 #he1 #ia1 #ib1
 #ajg  ,gilds1 trade1 #bcj  ,glover1    
,mr41 on ,christianity1 #def  ,god1 as  
represented in the ,aeneid1 #dbf  ,gods3
 see ,deities  ,gratitude1 not a        
prominent characteristic of the ,roman1 
#beb1 #bfg  ,greek comedy1 influence on 
,roman religion1 #cea-cec   gods1       
compared with ,roman1 #aeh2             
introduced into ,rome1 #bcj-bdb         
literature1 #bif   philosophy1 influence
 on ,roman religion1 #ceg-cge           
,greenidge1 ,dr41 on the auspicia and   

the imperium1 #cja  ,gregory the ,great1
 #dge  ,gwatkin1 ,professor1 on         
,augustine1 #dfi2   on the relation of  
early ,christianity to morality1 #dga   
,haddon1 ,professor1 on supernaturalism1
 #ba  ,hades1 #cij1 #cia  ,hannibalic   
,war3 revival of religio1 #cae1 #cag2   
,sibylline books consulted1 #caf-cai1   
#cbi2   sacrifices and offerings made to
 deities1 #cah2   religious panic after 
battle of ,cannae1 #cai2   human        
sacrifices1 #cbj2   ,delphic oracle     
consulted1 #cbc1 #cbd1 #cbf2   outbreak 
of lascivia1 #cbd2   institutio#a #b    
,apolline games1 #cbf2   religious      
history of last years1 #cbg-cbi2        
gratitude to deities1 #cbi2   the ,magna
 ,mater of ,pessinus brought to ,rome1  
#ccj  ,hardie1 ,professor1 and the      
double altar in connection with funeral 
rites1 #dbe  ,hariolus1 #big1 #bih1 #caa
  ,harrison1 ,miss1 on covering the head
 at sacrifices1 #aie  ,haruspices1 #bif1
 #cac1 #ccg1 #cch1 #cig2   history of   
the1 #cjg-cji  ,hebe1 #ccb  ,heinze1 on 

the ,aeneid1 #dac-dae1 #dai1 #dbf1 #dbg 
,heitland1 ,mr41 on ,bacchanalia1 #cdf1 
#cef  ,heracleitus1 #beg  ,hercules3    
associated with ,diana1 #bfb2   with    
,juno1 #ag2   in combination with       
,juventas and ,genius1 #cag1 #ccb2      
doubtful identification with ,genius1   
#cj2   identified with the ,greek       
,heracles1 #bcj1 #bdc2   ,victor or     
,invictus1 #bcj1 #bca1 #bcf1 #bdc1 #bdd2
   cult of1 #bca1 #bdd2   festival1     
#bdc2   worship confined to men1 #bi    
,hermes1 #bfj  ,hirtzel1 ,mr41 cited1   
#dbf  ,homer1 religion of1 compared with
 that of ,roman patricians1 #cib  ,honey
 cakes1 #hb  ,honos et ,virtus1 #bhe1   
#ddf2   temple1 #cbh  ,horace1 #ha1     
#bii1 #djc1 #dje2   ,carmen saeculare1  
#dca-dcb1 #dci1 #ddc-ddg1 #dej1 #dea    
,hora ,quirini1 #dhb-dhc  ,horses3      
lustrations1 #if1 #bae2   races1 #ig2   
sacrifice of1 see ,sacrifices  ,howerth1
 ,ira ,w41 his definition of religion1  
#h  ,hubert et ,mauss1 on magic1 #fd1   
#fe2   on sacrifice1 #aij1 #aid1 #aie1  

#aih  ,human sacrifice1 #cc1 #dd1 #ajg1 
#aab1 #bbf1 #cbj1 #ddj  ,hut-urns1      
sepulchral1 #hg1 #dgg  ,huts or booths1 
use of1 in religious ritual1 #dgc-dgg   
,huvelin1 ,m41 on magic1 #fd   ,ides1   
#ci1 #fe1 #ie1 #bea1 #dhd2   sacred to  
,jupiter1 #abi  ,iguvium3 ritual1 #bb1  
#ach1 #aha1 #aig2   lustration of the   
arx1 #ahg1 #bad1 #bae2   of the people1 
#ca1 #bjh1 #bae-baf  ,images and statues
 of gods1 #adf1 #adg1 #afe1 #bci1 #bfb1 
#bfd1 #ccf1 #ccg2   statue of ,athene1  
#cee  ,immortality1 belief in1 #fi1     
#chf-chg1 #chi1 #dbd  ,imporcitor1 #afa 
,inauguratio of the priest-king ,numa1  
#agd-age1 #aic  ,incense1 #afd1 #ahj1   
#ccj1 #deh  ,indigetes1 di1 #aag1 #aci1 
#adi1 #ahj1 #bad  ,indigitamenta1 #gf1  
#hd1 #hh1 #acj1 #ach1 #aec1 #aei-afa1   
#afc1 #afe1 #afh1 #bha1   #bhf1 #bia    
,individualism1 growth of1 #bdj1 #bff1  
#bhg1 #cdj1 #ceh1 #daa1 #def  ,innocent1
 ,bishop of ,rome1 #cji  ,iron1 tabooed 
in religious ceremonies1 #cb1 #ce1 #de1 
#bad  ,isis3 religion1 #dee1 #def2      

temple1 #dcc  ,ius1 early usage of1     
#dhf-dhg   augurale1 #bif   civile1 #e1 
#afi2     and the ius divinum1 #eh1     
#bgf-bgi   divinum1 #ac1 #bd1 #cc1 #ch1 
#di1 #fh1 #ajd1 #ajf1 #ajg1 #abh1 #adf1 
#bbg1 #bbh1     #bda1 #bga-bgc1 #bhf1   
#bhg1 #bif1 #cde2     and the ius       
civile1 #eh1 #bgf-bgi2     ritual1      
#afi-aia1 #dfg2     the pontifical books
 the pharmacopoeia of1 #bhf2     decay  
and neglect1 #bjc1 #cad1 #cbg1 #ceb1    
#cec2     reaction against1 #cbd1       
#cdj-cdd1 #cdh2     ,augustan revival1  
#dbi   hospitii1 #ca1 #cb   ,manium1    
#chg   ,janus3 the door spirit1 #gf1    
#abg1 #adf2   bifrons of the ,forum1    
#gg2   speculations regarding1 #abe1    
#adj1 #ada2   cult-titles1 #abf2        
worship1 #ahc1 #bab2   connection with  
,cardea1 #dhe2   with ,diana1 #gf1 #abe1
 #aff2   with ,juno1 #abf1 #ace2   with 
,vesta1 #adj1 #ade2   temple1 #abf      
,jebb1 ,professor1 on poetry of the     
,greeks1 #dbd  ,jevons1 ,dr41 #ai2   on 
totemism1 #bf2   on taboo1 #bh1 #da2    

on magic1 #dh1 #ahf2   on priests1 #agf 
,jews1 proselytising1 expelled from     
,rome1 #aci ,b4,c41 #cig1 #djb          
,jhering1 von1 on origin of ,roman      
divination1 #bic1 #bid1 #caa  ,jordan1  
,h41 #ac2   on pairing of deities1 #aeb 
,junius1 #cae  ,juno1 #aba1 #dgi2       
,caprotina1 #adc2   ,curitis1 #add2     
,moneta1 #ace2   ,populonia1 #add2      
,regina1 7of ,ardea7 #cah1     7of the  
,aventine7 #cah1 #cbi1     7of ,veii7   
#ace1 #bjf1 #bhd2   ,sospita1 #cah1     
#ced2   connection with ,hercules1 #ag2 
with ,janus1 #abf1 #ace2   with         
,jupiter1 #acf1 #add1 #aff1 #ddc1 #ddd1 
#ddf2   one of the ,etruscan trias1 #id1
 #bcg2   representative of female       
principle1 #ag1 #hg1 #ace1 #add2        
temples1 #ace1 #agb1 #bcg1 #cbh1 #cbi1  
#ced  ,junonius1 cult-title of ,janus1  
#abf  ,jupiter1 #aae1 #aah1 #abd1 #abg1 
#abh1 #ada1 #adc1 #adg1 #aei1 #ahc1     
#bab2   difference between ,jupiter and 
,zeus1 #ada2   connection with ,diana1  
#gf2   with ,dius ,fidius1 #acj1 #adb1  

#afg1 #dej2   with ,juno1 #acf1 #add1   
#aff1 #ddc1 #ddd1 #ddf2   with ,juturna1
 #dhe2   with ,tellus1 #aba2   with     
,terminus1 #hb2   ,capitolinus1 #abj1   
#abi1 #bjd1 #bje1 #bcg1 #bch1 #bdj1     
#bda1 #cah1 #cai1 #ccc1     #cfg2       
,dapalis1 #ada2   ,elicius1 #cf1 #ej-eb1
 #abi1 #acg2   ,fagutalis1 #ada2        
,farreus1 #acj2   ,feretrius1 #abi1     
#dcc2   ,fulgur1 #abi2   ,grabovius1    
#ahg2   ,latiaris1 #bcg1 #bch2          
,lucetius1 #abi2   ,sabazius1 #djb2     
,summanus1 #abi2   one of the ,etruscan 
trias1 #id1 #agb1 #bcg1 #ccf2   cult at 
,praeneste1 #afg2   cult-titles ,optimus
 ,maximus1 #abi1 #bch2   ,ides sacred   
to1 #abi2   worshipped on ,alban ,mount1
 #aji1 #abh1 #agb2   epulum ,iovis1     
#agb1 #bfc1 #bfh1 #ccf1 #cch1 #cec2     
temples1 #ie1 #aae1 #abi1 #adf1 #agb1   
#bcg-bch1 #bda1 #bde1 #bdf1 #bed1 #bff1 
#dcc1 #ddc  ,juturna1 #bhd1 #bhe2       
connection with ,jupiter1 #dhe          
,juventas1 in combination with ,genius  
and ,hercules1 #cag1 #ccb   ,kalends1   

#ci1 #ie1 #abf1 #ace1 #bea1 #dhd        
,kobbert1 ,maximilianus1 on religio1 #df
  ,kronos1 identified with ,saturnus1   
#aah   ,lactantius1 #aef1 #afe1 #chh1   
#dei1 #dfa1 #dfb1 #dfi  ,lang1 ,mr41    
#ai2   cited in connection with the     
calendar of ,numa1 #aje  ,lapis3 see    
,stones  ,laralia3 see ,compitalia      
,larentia1 ,acca1 #fg  ,lar familiaris1 
#gg1 #gh1 #ib1 #bea  ,lares compitales1 
#fa1 #aag1 #acb1 #ahf  ,latin ,festival3
 see ,feriae ,latinae  ,latins1 the1    
#aj1 #bc1 #be1 #hf1 #abc1 #acj1 #agb1   
#aic1 #bbi  ,latona1 associated with    
,apollo1 #bfb  ,laughing1 in ritual of  
,lupercalia1 #ajf1 #aaa  ,laurel        
branches carried in procession1 #bfe    
,lawson1 ,j4 ,c41 on burial and         
cremation1 #ia1 #djj1 #dja  ,leather1   
tabooed in the worship of ,carmenta1 #cf
  ,lecky1 ,mr41 on ,stoicism1 #cfb1 #cgg
  ,lectisternium1 #bfc-bff1 #bfh1       
#cag-cai1 #cbg  ,leges regiae1          
connection with the ius divinum1 #bgb   
,leland1 ,c4 ,g41 #fg  ,lemuria1 #dj1   

#he1 #ih1 #ajg1 #dja2   compared with   
the ,parentalia1 #cic-cie  ,lepidus1    
pontifex maximus1 #dcc1 #dch  ,liber1   
#aeh1 #bfj1 #ccb2   identified with     
,dionysus1 #bee1 #cdd2   temple1 #bee   
,libera1 #bfj2   identified with        
,persephone1 #bee  ,liberalia1 #ccb     
,libitina1 #aei  ,licinius ,imbrex1 #aea
  ,licinius1 ,p41 pontifex maximus1 #cdb
  ,lightning1 divination by1 #ea1 #eb1  
#cjd1 #cje1 #cjg1 #cji  ,limentinus1    
spirit of the threshold1 #gf  ,livius   
,andronicus1 #cbh  ,livy1 cited1 #agj1  
#agd1 #bjd1 #bje1 #baf1 #bag1 #beb1     
#bfa1 #bfd1 #bfi1 #bhj1   #cjj1 #caf1   
#cbd1 #dje2   on ,bacchanalia1 #cdf-cdh 
,lua1 #afe1 #dha1 #dhb  ,lucaria1 #ih   
,lucetius1 cult-title of ,jupiter1 #abi 
,lucilius1 #aef1 #ahc  ,lucretius1      
cited1 #ceb1 #cei1 #cfj1 #cgf1 #chg1    
#cid1 #cif1 #djc-djf1 #dec2   his       
contempt for superstitio1 #cfa1 #cfg2   
on ,roman belief in ,hades1 #cij2   his 
use of religio1 #dfj  ,lucus1 meaning   
of1 #adf  ,ludi1 #dd1 #ie1 #abb1 #bjd3  

see also ,games   magni1 vowed to       
,jupiter during ,hannibalic war1 #cai1  
#ccc   saeculares1 #cd1 #dca1 #dhj2     
prayers used in1 #aih1 #dfh2     ritual 
described1 #dch-ddg2     discovery of   
inscriptions1 #dci   scenici1 #bfa1     
#bfc1 #cej  ,lupercalia1 #bj1 #cd1 #ec1 
#fe1 #ajf1 #aah1 #agi1 #aid1 #baj1 #cic2
   whipping to produce fertility1 #ed1  
#dgi2   ,prof4 ,deubner's theory1 #acg1 
#dgh-dhj  ,luperci1 #cd1 #ed1 #ajf1     
#dcd1 #dgi  ,lupercus1 #dgh             
,lustrations3 meaning of lustrare1      
#bji-baj2   lustration of the ager      
paganus1 #hj1 #bac2   of the ager       
,romanus1 #gh1 #ajj2   of ancilia1 #if1 
#bag2   of the army1 #if1 #ajj1 #bae1   
#bag2   of the arx of ,iguvium1 #ahg1   
#aii2   of cattle and sheep1 #ajj2   of 
the city1 #bad1 #cag2   of the farm1    
#acb1 #bab2   of horses1 #if1 #bae2   of
 people1 #ca1 #baf2   of trumpets1 #if1 
#bae2   animistic conception of1 #baa2  
ultimately adapted by ,roman ,church to 
its own ritual1 #baa1 #bah1 #deg        

,luthard1 on ,roman religion1 #bhh      
,macrobius1 cited1 #bh1 #aif1 #bjf1     
#bjh1 #bai1 #bbj1 #dhd  ,macte esto1    
meaning of the phrase1 #ahb1 #ahc1 #aig1
 #ddb  ,magic3 allied to taboo1 #bg1    
#dg2   contagious and homoeopathic1 #dh2
   and divination1 #bic1 #cji2          
harmless1 #ei2   prayers and            
incantations1 #ahe1 #ahf1 #aih2         
private1 #eg1 #fh2   in purificatory    
processes1 #baj2   and religion1 #dg-di1
 #ef1 #bbd1 #bec2   rigorously excluded 
from ,state ritual1 #di1 #eg1 #aje1     
#ajg1 #bbd2   sympathetic1 #ej1 #ee     
,magna ,mater of ,pessinus1 brought to  
,rome1 #ccj1 #cdd1 #cdh  ,maia1 #afe1   
#aff2   connection with ,volcanus1 #aea1
 #dhd  ,maiestas1 #aea1 #dhd  ,mana1 the
 positive aspect of taboo1 #bg1 #cj1    
#db1 #dh1 #fj  ,manes1 #ci1 #ej1 #ge1   
#he1 #ib1 #ajb1 #ajf1 #aba1 #bjh1 #cbj1 
#cda1 #cia1 #cib2   individualisation   
of1 #chf2   ,di ,manes1 #cda1 #chf      
,mania1 mother of the ,lares1 #fa       
,manilius1 his poem on astrology1 #cif  

,mannhardt1 his theory of the           
,vegetation-spirit1 #ai-bj1 #dgh2   on  
laughing in ritual of the ,lupercalia1  
#aaa-aab  ,marcellus1 #cae1 #cbh        
,marcius1 ,latin oracles supposed to be 
written by1 #cbf  ,marcius ,rex1        
praetor1 #cci  ,marcus ,aurelius1 #cfi1 
#dbi  ,marett1 ,mr41 on taboo1 #db1 #de2
   on sacrificium1 #aib2   on           
divination1 #caj  ,marquardt1 on ,roman 
religion1 #ac1 #af2   on naming of      
children1 #db  ,marriage3 a religious   
ceremony1 #hc1 #agg1 #bgd1 #bgi2        
,tellus an object of worship at1 #aba2  
among deities1 #adh-aeb1 #aff1 #cej1    
#dha-dhe  ,mars1 #abd1 #abi1 #adg1 #bjd1
 #bjh1 #bae1 #bdf1 #cai2   various forms
 of his name1 #aca2   as a married god1 
#aej-aeb1 #aff2   invocations to1 #ahf1 
#bab2   connection with ,bellona1 #aff2 
with ,nerio1 #aej-aea1 #aff2   with     
,quirinus1 #acd1 #aej2   pater1 #bab2   
,silvanus1 #bi1 #acb1 #adb2   cult of1  
#acb-acd2   festival1 #if-ig2   temple1 
#acc  ,martianus ,capella1 #cjh         

,masson1 ,dr41 #ceg1 #cie2   on ,roman  
fear of future torments1 #cia           
,mastarna1 ,etruscan name of ,servius   
,tullus1 #bcg1 #bdf  ,masurius ,sabinus1
 #ij  ,matutinus1 cult-title of ,janus1 
#abf  ,meals1 sacrificial1 #agb1 #agc1  
#aic1 #dcf2   epulum ,iovis3 see under  
,jupiter  ,megalesia1 #ccj  ,mens1 #bhe 
,mercurius 7,hermes71 #bfj1 #bfb1 #bfh1 
#dhd  ,messor1 #afa  ,mildew1 spirit of 
the3 see ,robigus  ,minerva1 one of the 
,etruscan trias1 #id1 #bcg2   name      
,italian1 not ,etruscan1 #bcd1 #bde2    
associated with trade gilds1 #bcc1 #bcd1
 #bcf2   ,capta1 #bhd2   temples1 #agb1 
#bcc1 #bcd1 #bdd  ,minium1 faces painted
 with1 #hb1 #aae1 #ccf  ,minucius       
,felix1 #dfa  ,mithras1 religion of1    
#dee1 #def1 #dfd  ,moirae 7,parcae71    
#ddb1 #ddf  ,mola salsa3 see ,salt-cake 
,moles1 #aej1 #aed1 #aeh  ,mommsen1     
cited1 #bjj1 #ddj2   and the religion of
 the ,romans1 #b2   on the ,fasti anni  
,romani1 #ie1 #if1 #aaa2   on ,carmen   
saeculare1 #ddd  ,mucius ,scaevola3 see 

,scaevola  ,murus1 #id  ,mysticism1     
#chj-cih1 #djd2   in the form of        
astrology1 #cif1 #dja2   not native to  
the ,roman1 #ded   ,neo-,pythagoreanism3
 see ,mysticism  ,neptunalia1 #dgd      
,neptunus1 #aag2   identified with      
,poseidon1 #aah1 #bfj2   connection with
 ,salacia1 #aej1 #dhc2   with           
,mercurius1 #bfb  ,nerio3 connection    
with ,mars1 #aej-aea1 #aff2   meaning of
 ,nerio ,martis1 #aej1 #aed             
,nettleship1 ,professor1 on the phrase  
macte esto1 #aig2   on the character of 
,aeneas1 #daj1 #dbg2   on sanctus1 #dgj 
,nigidius ,figulus1 #bii1 #chd1 #cig    
,nones1 #ci1 #ie1 #bea2   ,nonae        
,caprotinae1 #adc  ,numa ,pompilius1    
priest-king3 ,livy's account of his     
inauguratio1   #agd-age2   legends1     
#ajh1 #aae1 #agj1 #ahj1 #bcc1 #cbb2     
,calendar described1 #ib-aji2   spurious
 books found in stone coffin1 #cdi1 #cha
  ,numbers1 mystic1 #ih1 #cbh1 #ccd1    
#dda1 #ddi  ,numen1 #cd1 #aaa1 #bej1    
#bfd1 #cfd1 #cfe1 #cfg1 #djg2   meaning 

of the word1 #aah2   von ,domaszewski's 
definition of1 #aai2   evolution of dei 
out of functional numina1 #afe2   see   
also ,spirits and ,deities   ,oak-gods1 
#abe1 #abi1 #ada1 #adc  ,oaths3         
connection of ,castor and ,pollux with1 
#bcb2   of ,hercules1 #bca2   of        
,jupiter1 #acj2   taken in open air1    
#ada-adb2   the religious1 in public    
life1 #ceh1 #cge2   used by women1 #bdd2
   taboo on1 #cdc1 #cee  ,oberator1 #afa
  ,october horse1 #bj1 #cd1 #fe1 #ajf2  
sacrifice of1 #de1 #aje1 #agi  ,odd     
numbers1 luck in1 #ih  ,ollae1 worship  
of1 #dhi-dij  ,opalia1 #aja             
,opiconsiva1 #aja  ,ops1 #aef2          
connection with ,consus1 #dhb2   with   
,saturnus1 #dhb  ,oracles1 #cci1 #ced2  
see also ,delphic oracle  ,orcus1 #aff2 
the old name for the abode of the       
,manes1 #cia1 #cib2   sacrifice of      
captives to1 #dd  ,orosius1 #ccc        
,orphic doctrine1 #cha2   tablets1 #cih 
,oscilla1 #fa1 #fg2   ,dr4 ,frazer's    
theory1 #fa2   see also ,puppets  ,otto1

 ,w41 on connection of religio with     
practice of taboo1 #df  ,ovid1 on ,roman
 gods1 #bb2   his picture of the        
,sementivae1 #gi1 #hj2   rite of pagus1 
#hb2   on the ,lemuria1 #ajg1 #aab1     
#cid2   on ,janus1 #abe2   on images of 
gods1 #adg2   on the ,robigalia1 #aha1  
#aif1 #aig1 #dcd2   on meals at         
sacrifices1 #aic2   on the word februum1
 #baj2   on annual ceremony by consuls1 
#bai2   on the festival of ,anna        
,perenna1 #cdf1 #dgc   ,paganalia1 #fa1 
#fb1 #fg1 #ajb  ,pagus3 the familia in  
relation to1 #ga2   meaning of the word1
 #hg2   festival of the ,lar1 #gh2      
other festivals1 #gi2   the religio     
terminorum1 #ha-hb2   lustrations of    
the1 #bac1 #bad  ,pais1 on ,acca        
,larentia1 #fg2   on the ,tarquinii and 
,mastarna1 #bde  ,palatine3 ,carmen     
saeculare sung on the1 #ddc-ddg1 #dej2  
temple of ,apollo1 #ddc-dde  ,pales1    
#abb1 #adi  ,panaetius3 and the         
,scipionic circle1 #cfc-cfd1 #dec2   his
 theology1 #cfe2   and ,platonic        

psychology1 #chb1 #cih  ,pantheism1     
,stoic1 #cff-cfh  ,papirius1 the consul1
 #cad1 #cae1 #cca  ,parentalia1 #dj1    
#ajg1 #chg1 #dja1 #dah1 #deg2   compared
 with the ,lemuria1 #cic-cie  ,parilia1 
#ajj1 #abj1 #aic1 #bbb1 #dgd  ,pater and
 ,mater1 as applied to deities1 #aee-aeg
  ,patricians1 #bei1 #cjd2   religious  
system a monopoly of1 #bbi  ,patulcius1 
cult-title of ,janus1 #abf  ,pax        
7deity71 #ddf1 #dea  ,pax deorum1 #afi1 
#bbd1 #bfa1 #bfd1 #bgb1 #bgf1 #bhf1     
#cjb1 #cbh1 #cbi2   means towards       
maintenance of1 #aga1 #ahj1 #bgc1 #cjj2 
violation of1 #cbj2   re-established by 
,augustus1 #dbi1 #dca1 #dcc             
,pebble-rain1 #caf1 #cbi1 #ccb          
,penates1 #gc1 #gd1 #hf1 #ib1 #aaf1 #aic
  ,persephone1 #bee  ,peter1 ,r41 on    
,indigitamenta1 #afj  ,petronius1 on    
ceremony of the aquaelicium1 #fd        
,philodemus1 #cei1 #cge  ,picus1 #big   
,pietas1 #agd1 #bbg1 #bej1 #bed1 #chg1  
#dje1 #dji-dab1 #dff2   meaning of1     
#dfb-dfc2   ,virgil's word for religion1

 #dab  ,piso1 ,l4 ,calpurnius1 #ea-ec1  
#dhd  ,pius1 #fc1 #dfb2   see ,pietas   
,plague1 ,sibylline books consulted at  
outbreak of1 #bfa  ,plato1 #beh1 #cha   
,plautus1 #aea1 #cea-ceb  ,playwrights1 
their influence on ,roman religion1     
#bdj1 #cea1 #cec  ,plebeians1 #aje1     
#agj2   aediles1 #bee2   the ,plebs as  
the original inhabitants of ,latium1    
#bdb1 #bei1 #bfh1 #bhi2   emotional     
tendency of1 #bfc-bfd2   opening of     
priesthoods to1 #bfh1 #bga1 #bgi2       
increase of importance under the        
,etruscan dynasty1 #bge2   first        
plebeian praetor1 #bgi2   pontifex      
maximus3 see ,coruncanius1 ,titus       
,pliny1 #ea1 #bef2   on spells and      
charms1 #ec1 #eg1 #ei1 #fj1 #fe1 #ff1   
#ij1 #ahf2   on human sacrifice1 #cbj2  
on death1 #chh1 #djj  ,polybius1 cited1 
#bej1 #bec1 #caf1 #cfc1 #cfi1 #cij2   on
 religion1 #ccf  ,pomoerium1 #id1 #bad1 
#bbe1 #bcj1 #bca  ,pomona 7or ,pomunus71
 #abb1 #adi2   connection with          
,vertumnus1 #dhe  ,pompeianus1 prefect  

of ,rome1 #cji  ,pomponius1 #bgh1 #bhi  
,pons sublicius3 no iron used in        
building1 #ce2   ,argei thrown from1    
#ed1 #aje1 #cba  ,pontifex ,maximus1    
#age1 #bga1 #bhj1 #cda2   tabula kept   
by1 #bhc2   compelling power of1 #cdb1  
#cee  ,pontifices1 #abj1 #agg1 #bjj1    
#cda2   share in festivals1 #ajf1 #aci2 
the question of their origin1 #ahj1     
#aie1 #bga2   insignia of1 #aic2        
,college of1 #bga2   open to plebeians1 
#bfh1 #bga1 #bgi2   legal side of their 
work1 #bgb-bgf2   the ,,xii4 ,tables1   
#eh1 #bgf-bgh1 #bhi2   self-elected1    
#bgf2   abolition of legal monopoly1    
#bgi2   work of1 in third century       
,b4,c41 #bhb2   admission of new        
deities1 #bhd2   compilation of annals1 
#bhe2   collection of religious         
formulae1 #bhg2   the ,pontifical books1
 #gf1 #aei1 #ahb1 #aig1 #bhc1 #bhe-bhf  
,porca praecidanea1 rite of the1 #aba1  
#ahc1 #aia  ,portunus1 #aah1 #abb       
,poseidon1 identified with ,neptunus1   
#aah  ,posidonius1 #bej1 #cfe1 #cfg1    

#chb-chd1 #cih  ,prayers1 #gf1 #ajf1    
#abf1 #aec1 #bae1 #bbd1 #bbe1 #bea2   at
 the inauguratio of the priest-king     
,numa1 #age2   at making of new         
clearing1 #afi1 #ahb2   at sacrifices1  
#aha-aia2   at flowering of the         
pear-trees1 #ahb2   when wine is        
offered1 #ahb2   for the ceremony of    
lustration1 #ahc2   form and manner of  
,roman1 #ahe1 #ahi1 #aif2   magical     
survivals in1 #ahh-ahi2   in ritual of  
,ludi saeculares1 #ddb1 #ddi1 #dfh      
,precatio1 #ec1 #aff  ,priests3 see     
,pontifices  ,processions3 of lustratio1
 adapted to the ritual of the ,roman    
,church1 #baa1 #bah1 #deg2   of the     
triumphus1 #bag1 #bci-bdj2   ,roman     
fondness for1 #bfc2   see also          
,lustrations  ,procuratio1 #caf1 #cbh2  
fulminis1 #aae  ,prodigia1 #bha1 #caf1  
#cbd1 #cbe1 #cbh1 #cch1 #cci1 #ced      
,promitor1 #afa  ,propertius1 #bb1 #adg1
 #djc  ,proserpina1 black victims       
sacrificed to1 #ddj  ,pudor1 #ddf       
,pulvinaria1 #ccg1 #cch  ,punic ,war3   

see ,hannibalic ,war  ,puppets3 ,argei  
thrown into ,tiber1 #ed1 #aje1 #cba2    
oscilla1 #fa1 #fg  ,purification3 see   
,lustrations  ,puticuli1 #cie1 #dja     
,pythagoras1 legend of a religious      
connection between ,numa and1 #cdi1 #cha
  ,pythagoreanism1 #cdi1 #chj-cha       
,pythagoreans1 #ih   ,quindecemviri1    
#ddj1 #ddb  ,quinquatrus1 #bag          
,quirinal1 #acd  ,quirinus1 #id1 #aah1  
#abd1 #adc1 #adg1 #bdf2   identified    
with ,mars1 #acd2   with ,romulus1 #ace 
,quirites1 #acd1 #adc   ,rain-making3   
see ,aquaelicium  ,ramsay1 ,sir ,w4 ,m41
 #dfe  ,red colouring in sacred rites   
and its connection with blood1 #hi1     
#agg1   #aid  ,redarator1 #afa  ,regia1 
#de1 #aje1 #ajf1 #bga1 #bhh2   sacrarium
 ,martis in1 #acc1 #bjh  ,regifugium1   
#ii  ,reinach1 ,m4 ,salomon1 cited1 #bf1
 #db1 #aad1 #aca1 #dha  ,religio1 #i1   
#bh1 #cj1 #cf1 #ch1 #gb1 #gf1 #hc1 #he1 
#ic1 #ajd1 #ajf1 #agd1 #bbc1   #bbg1    
#bda1 #bdh1 #bfa1 #bfc1 #bfg1 #bgj1     
#bgc1 #bhb1 #bhg1 #bid1 #cfd1 #dje1     

#djg2   meanings and uses of the word1  
#ba1 #cg1 #da1 #ahf1 #aib1 #aih1 #bdi1  
#bed1     #che1 #dfb1 #dgj2   ,cicero's 
definition of1 #dfj2   and taboo1 #cd1  
#cf1 #dj1 #df2   revival of1 during     
,hannibalic war1 #cae1 #cag1 #ccf-cci   
,religio ,larium1 #gi   terminorum1 #ha1
 #hb  ,religion1 definitions of1 #g-i2  
and magic1 #dg-di1 #ef1 #bbd1 #bec2     
and morality1 #bbg1 #bdb1 #bib1 #dff1   
#dga2   primitive1 #be-bh1 #fc1 #fi2    
real1 a matter of feeling1 #djf  ,roman3
 a highly formalised system1 #c1 #fc1   
#ajc-ajd1 #bjj1 #bbf1 #bdh-bdi1   #cdj2 
compared with ,roman law1 #e2   a       
technical subject1 #f2   its            
difficulties1 #ac2   aid from           
archaeology and anthropology1 #af-bj1   
#be2   primitive survivals in1 #bd1 #cj2
   examples of real magic in1 #ej1      
#ec-ed2   a reality1 #fb-fc1 #ajc1 #bdi2
   in the family1 see ,family2   of the 
,state1 #ic1 #aje1 #bbf-bbh1 #bgj2   the
 ,calendar of ,numa the basis of our    
knowledge of1 #id-aji2   moral influence

 mainly disciplinary1 #ajh1 #bbh2       
,greek influence1 #abj1 #bee-bfb1 #cdf1 
#cej-cec2   ,roman ideas of divinity1   
#aae-aag1 #abb-abc1 #ade-afd2   ritual  
of the ius divinum1 #afi-bbb2   personal
 purity essential in all worshippers1   
#agh2   discouraged individual          
development1 #bbf2   introduction of new
 deities1 #if1 #bbi-bdb1 #bee-bfb2      
priesthoods limited to patrician        
families1 #bbi2   religious instinct of 
the ,romans1 #bdi2   neglect and decay1 
#bfc-bfe1 #bhg1 #cad1 #dbi2   growth of 
individualism1 #bdj1 #bff1 #bhg1 #cdj1  
#ceh1 #daa1 #def2   ,sibylline          
influence1 #bdb1 #bee-bfb2              
secularisation of1 #bgj-bia2   sinister 
influence of ,etruscan divination1      
#cjg-cji1 #cdf2   see ,divination2      
used for political purposes1 #ccf2      
attempt to propagate ,pythagoreanism1   
#cdi-cej1 #cha2   destitution of ,romans
 in regard to idea of ,god and sense of 
duty1     #ceg-ceh2   no remedy in      
,epicurism1 #cfa2   arrival of          

,stoicism3 see ,stoicism and ,mysticism2
   belief in future torments1 #cij2     
religion compared with that of ,homer1  
#cib2   early ,christianity1 #cif2      
religious feeling in ,virgil's poems1   
#djc-dbg2   ,augustan revival1 #dbh-dea2
   contributions to the ,latin form of  
,christianity1 #deb-dgb2   see also     
,prayer and ,sacrifice  ,renan1 cited1  
#ahe  ,renel1 ,m41 cited1 #bf  ,reville1
 ,m4 ,jean1 on the formalism of the     
,roman religion1 #c2   his definition of
 religion1 #h  ,rex ,nemoreusis1 #bce   
sacrorum1 #abh1 #agd1 #age1 #ahj1 #aic1 
#bjg1 #bbi1 #bga1 #bgc1 #cda1 #dcd2     
relation of the ,rex to the augurs1     
#cja-cjb  ,ridgeway1 ,professor1 on the 
,flamen ,dialis1 #aab2   on ,janus1     
#adj2   on original inhabitants of      
,latium1 #bdb1 #cic  ,rivers1 ,dr41 on  
the ritual aspect of religion among the 
,todas1 #dhi-dij  ,robertson ,smith1    
,professor1 #ai1 #bf1 #bg1 #agb1 #bba2  
on the ,feast of the ,tabernacles1 #dgf 
,robigalia1 #aci1 #aif  ,robigus1 #ajj1 

#aag1 #abb1 #adf1 #agi1 #dcd2   ,ovid's 
version of prayer to1 #aig  ,roman      
,church1 survival of old religious      
practices in the1 #be1 #baa1 #bah1      
#def-deh1 #dfi  ,romulus1 #ea1 #acj1    
#ace  ,roscher1 ,dr41 #ada   ,sacellum1 
meaning of1 #adf  ,sacer and            
sacramentum1 #cf1 #bgg1 #dfd  ,sacred   
utensils1 worship of1 #dcf1 #dhi-dij    
,sacrifices1 #bi1 #ij1 #bbd1 #bbe2      
description of the act1 #agi-aha2       
honorific1 #agb1 #agc2   piacular1 #ce1 
#agb1 #agc1 #ahb1 #ahi1 #aia1 #bjh1     
#bgc1 #dcf2   sacramental1 #ada1 #agb2  
vicarious1 #bjh2   dynamic theory of1   
#agg1 #ahd1 #aij1 #aid2   meals in      
connection with1 #agb1 #agc1 #aic1 #dcf2
   mystic use of blood1 #cd1 #hb2       
victim must be acceptable to the deity1 
#agi2   women and strangers excluded    
from rites1 #bi-ca2   prayers at1       
#aha-aia2   sacrifice of cakes1 #hb1    
#hc1 #ahj1 #ahc1 #ahd2   cow1 #ajj1     
#abj1 #dcf2   dog1 #aha1 #aig1 #baf1    
#dcd2   goat1 #ed1 #ajf1 #agi1 #dgi2    

horse1 #cd1 #ig1 #aje1 #agi2   lamb1    
#cg1 #hb1 #dcf2   ox1 #acb1 #agi1 #bab1 
#bae1 #ddd2   pig1 #hb1 #acb1 #agj1     
#agi1 #bab1 #bae1 #dcf2   red dog1 #agi1
 #caj2   salt-cake1 #gc1 #bjg2   sheep1 
#acb1 #agi1 #aha1 #bab1 #bae1 #dcd2     
sow1 #aba1 #ahc2   white heifer1 #agb1  
#agg1 #bci2   wine1 #hb1 #ahj1 #ahb-ahd1
 #aif2   see also ,human sacrifice      
,sacrificium1 meaning of1 #aga1 #dfd    
,sacrum1 #aga1 #bed  ,saeculum1 the old 
,italian idea of a1 #ddj  ,st4          
,augustine1 cited1 #eh1 #gf1 #abj1 #adi1
 #aei1 #afc1 #big1 #dcj1 #deh2   on     
,decius1 #bbj  ,sainte ,beuve1 on       
,virgil1 #djd  ,st4 ,paul1 #dee1        
#dff-dfh  ,salacia1 #afe2   connection  
with ,neptunus1 #dhc  ,salii1 #dj1 #if1 
#aaj1 #acb1 #acc1 #adc1 #agf1 #ahb1     
#bag1 #bbi1 #dcd2   ritual1 #ig         
,collini1 #acd   ,palatini1 #acd        
,sallust1 #dje  ,salt-cake1 #gc1 #bjg   
,salus1 #aed1 #bhe  ,sanctus1 meaning   
of1 #dfc-dfd1 #dgj  ,sarritor1 #afa     
,saturnalia1 #ha1 #ii1 #aja-ajc1 #ajg1  

#aab  ,saturnus1 #aja1 #aaa1 #aah1 #cah2
   identified with ,kronos1 #aah2       
connection with ,consus1 #dhb2   with   
,ops1 #dhb  ,sayce1 ,professor1 #aee    
,scaevola1 ,p4 ,mucius1 #bhc   ,q4      
,mucius1 #gc1 #hf1 #cch1 #cec1 #cga     
,scipio1 the elder1 #bdj1 #bdg1 #bfg1   
#cdj1 #ced2   receives the ,magna ,mater
 at ,rome1 #ccj   ,aemilianus1 #aih1    
#bjc-bjd1 #cdj2     his friendship with 
,polybius and ,panaetius1 #cfb-cfd1     
#cfi1 #cga  ,scott1 ,sir ,walter1       
compared with ,virgil1 #djh  ,sellar1   
,professor1 on ,virgil1 #djd1 #djf      
,sementivae1 festival1 #gi1 #hi         
,senatusconsultum de ,bacchanalibus1    
#cdg1 #cdh1 #cef  ,seneca1 #cfi1 #cgh1  
#dch1 #dee  ,septimontium1 #aaj         
,servius1 cited1 #eh1 #fb1 #aai1 #abj1  
#acd1 #ach1 #adb1 #adc1 #adf1 #ahc1     
#ahd1   #aid1 #baj   ,sulpicius1 #cga1  
#chg   ,tullius1 #bce2     his ,etruscan
 name ,mastarna1 #bcg  ,sibyl of ,cumae1
 #beg-beh  ,sibylline books1 #agc1 #bdb1
 #bee-beg1 #bfa1 #cbc2   consulted      

during the ,hannibalic war1 #caf-cai1   
#cbi2   used for personal and political 
purposes1 #cci  ,silvanus1 #gf1 #ha1    
#hi1 #acb1 #adb  ,slaves1 #ec1 #gh1     
#cie1 #dja1 #dgd2   ,greek1 buried alive
 in the ,forum boarium1 #aab1 #cbj      
,sodales ,titienses1 #dcd  ,sol1 image  
of1 on the ,palatine1 #dde1 #ddg1 #dej  
,sondergoetter1 ,usener's theory of1    
#afa-afd1 #afh  ,spells1 #dh1 #ec1      
#eg-ei1 #bjh1 #bba2   origin of prayer  
in1 #ahe1 #ahi  ,spes1 #bhe  ,spirits1  
#cd1 #eh2   agricultural1 #afa1 #bea1   
#bhe2   dead1 see ,ghosts2   of the     
doorway1 #ge-gf1 #ib1 #abg2   evil1 see 
,evil spirits2   household1 #aa1 #fh1   
#gc1 #gd1 #gg1 #hc1 #hd1 #hf1 #ib1 #ajd1
 #aic2   spring1 #ib2   water1 #bhe2    
woodland1 #gf1 #ha1 #hc1 #ib1 #acb2     
development into dei1 #aaf1 #aag1 #aai1 
#abj1 #abc-abd1 #afa1 #afe2   see also  
,deities and ,numen  ,spolia opima1     
#ach1 #ada1 #bhh2   dedicated at temple 
of ,jupiter ,feretrius1 #acj1 #dcc      
,stanley1 on religion and morality1 #bib

  ,statues and busts at ,rome1 first    
mention of1 #cdj1 #ced2   see also      
,images  ,stoicism1 #cei1 #cgg1         
#cha-chc2   introduced into ,rome1 #cfb2
   its influence on the ,roman mind1    
#cgj-cgb1 #djd1 #dec2   weak points in  
,roman1 #cgb-cgd2   failed to rouse an  
enthusiasm of humanity1 #cge1 #ded      
,stones3 lapis manalis1 #ej2   silex1   
#acj2   stone representing ,magna       
,mater1 #ccj2   see also ,boundary      
stones  ,strangers1 fear of1 #cj-cb     
,stubbs1 ,bishop1 #ajc  ,subrincator1   
#afa  ,subterranean altar1 black victims
 offered at1 #ddj1 #dde  ,suffimenta1   
#dda1 #ddb1 #ddi  ,sulpicius1 consul    
#baa ,b4,c41 #ccg  ,summanus1 cult-title
 of ,jupiter1 #abi  ,suovetaurilia1     
#acb1 #bab1 #bae  ,superstitio1 #ajf1   
#cee1 #cfa1 #dje2   temple of ,isis     
condemned as a centre of1 #dcc          
,supplicatio1 #bfb1 #bfe1 #bfi1 #ccg2   
ordered during ,hannibalic war1 #cag1   
#cai1 #cbc1 #cbe1 #cbi   ,tabernacles1  
,feast of the1 #dge1 #dgf  ,taboo1 #be1 

#hc1 #bbc2   definition of1 #bg2   its  
ethical value1 #bh2   on children1 #bh2 
on women1 #bi2   on strangers1 #cj-cb2  
on criminals1 #cb2   on inanimate       
objects1 #cb2   on places1 #cf2   on    
times and seasons1 #ch-da2   on iron1   
#ce1 #dd1 #bad2   on leather1 #cf2   on 
the ,flamen ,dialis1 #cc-ce1 #dd1 #de1  
#ajh1 #aji1 #cbg1 #cdb1 #cdc2   on the  
,flaminica ,dialis1 #ce  ,tacitus1 #cih 
,tarentum1 sacrifices on subterranean   
altar1 #ddj1 #dde  ,tarquinii1 the1     
#adf1 #bcg1 #bde  ,tellus 7,terra       
,mater71 #ajj1 #abj1 #abb1 #acf1 #ach1  
#aci1 #aef1 #aeh1 #afa1   #afb1 #cbj1   
#dce1 #ddb1 #ddf2   an object of worship
 at marriage1 #aba2   connection with   
,jupiter1 #aba2   temple1 #bhe          
,tempestates1 #bhe  ,temples3 absence   
of1 in earliest ,rome1 #adf2   restored 
by ,augustus1 #cdc2 ,aesculapius1 #bfj2 
,apollo1 on the ,palatine1 #ddc-dde2    
,bona ,dea on the ,aventine1 #dhd2      
,castor1 #bca1 #bdd2   ,ceres1 ,liber1  
and ,libera1 #bee-beg1 #bfi1 #cdd2      

,consus1 #bhe2   ,dea ,dia1 #afa2       
,diana1 on the ,aventine1 #ie1 #adg1    
#bcd1 #bcg1 #bdd2   ,isis1 #dcc2        
,janus1 #abf2   ,juno ,moneta1 #ace1    
#cbh-cbi2   ,juno ,sospita1 #ced2       
,jupiter1 ,juno1 and ,minerva1 #adf1    
#agb1 #bcg-bch1 #bdf1 #bed1 #ddc2       
,jupiter ,feretrius1 on the ,capitol1   
#ie1 #aae1 #abi-acj1 #adf1 #adg1 #bjc1  
#bde1 #bff1 #dcc2   ,jupiter ,latiaris1 
on the ,alban ,hill1 #bcg1 #bch1 #bde2  
,mars1 #acc2   ,minerva1 on the         
,aventine1 #bcc1 #bcd1 #bdd2   ,pales1  
#bhe2   ,tellus1 #bhe2   ,vertumnus1    
#bhe2   ,vesta1 see ,vesta3 aedes       
,terminalia1 #cd1 #aic1 #aif  ,terminus1
 #hb1 #aag1 #bci  ,terra ,mater1 see    
,tellus  ,tertullian1 cited1 #aei1 #afc1
 #dei1 #dfa1 #dfe  ,theodosian code1    
#dcj  ,tiberius1 #dbi1 #dch1 #ddg       
,tibicines1 #ahj1 #aie1 #bcc1 #dde      
,tibullus1 cited1 #bb1 #hj1 #adg1 #agh1 
#djc2   on use of huts at rural         
festivals1 #dgd  ,time1 religious or    
mystical conception of1 #ddj-dda1 #ddi  

,toga praetexta1 worn by priests and    
children1 #bi1 #db1 #ej1 #fa1 #gd1 #hd1 
#age-agg1 #aid-aie1 #dcf   virilis1 #db 
,tombstones1 memorial1 first mention of1
 #cda  ,totemism1 #be-bg  ,toutain1 ,m41
 #bf  ,tozer1 ,mr41 on ,dante1 #dai     
,trade3 deities brought to ,rome by1    
#bcj2   connection of ,hercules with1   
#bca2   gilds1 #bcc  ,trasimene1        
outbreak of religio after the battle of1
 #cah  ,treaties1 ,jupiter's connection 
with1 #acj  ,tripodatio1 #ahg1 #aih     
,tubilustrium1 #if1 #bag  ,turiae1      
,laudatio1 cited1 #chi  ,turnus1 #dhc   
,tylor1 ,dr41 #bf1 #di1 #gd1 #bic       
,usener1 ,h41 #ai1 #ach1 #afj2   his    
theory of the ,sondergoetter1 #afa-afd1 
#afh   ,vacuna of ,reate1 #bhd1 #bij    
,valerius ,antias1 #eb1 #aae1 #acg      
,flaccus1 ,c41 #cdb-cdc1 #cee           
,maximus1 #bjc-bjd1 #bii1 #cgh  ,varro1 
cited1 #af1 #ei1 #gf1 #gi1 #ha1 #hi1    
#ajc1 #abj1 #abe1 #adb1 #adc1 #adi1     
#aef1   #aei1 #afh1 #baj1 #bbb1 #bce1   
#bea1 #cba  ,vates1 meaning of1 #big-bih

  ,vedic ritual1 #ahe                   
,vegetation-spirit1 ,mannhardt's theory1
 #ai1 #bj1 #dgh  ,venilia1 #dhc  ,venus1
 connection with ,volcanus1 #aff  ,ver  
sacrum1 #aif1 #bjd-bje1 #cah            
,verbenarius1 #ca1 #dc  ,verrius        
,flaccus1 #af1 #cj  ,vertumnus1 #adg1   
#bia2   connection with ,pomona1 #dhe2  
temple1 #bhe  ,vervactor1 #afa  ,vesta1 
#gc1 #gd1 #gf1 #ib1 #aaf1 #abf1 #acf1   
#acg1 #adj1 #adg1 #dha2   aedes1 #ci1   
#dj1 #abf1 #acf1 #adf1 #dgg2   penus    
,vestae1 #cf1 #gc1 #aja1 #acf1 #ddb     
,vestal virgins1 #ec1 #aac1 #abj1 #aci1 
#age1 #agg1 #aid1 #cbj2   at the        
ceremony of the ,argei1 #ed1 #ee1 #ajf1 
#cba2   salt-cake baked by1 #gc2        
representative of daughters of the      
family1 #acf2   statues of1 #add        
,vicus1 #ga  ,vilicus1 #gh  ,vinalia1   
#ajj  ,virgil1 on religio1 #cg2   on the
 ,paganalia1 #fb1 #fg2   on lustratio1  
#hj1 #bac1 #bba2   on the ,manes1 #chf1 
#cii2   religious feeling in his poems1 
#djc-dbg1 #dee2   compared with         

,wordsworth1 #djg-djh2 with ,scott1     
#djh2   his idea of pietas1 #dji2   his 
connection with ,augustus1 #dbh2   see  
also ,aeneid  ,virites1 #aej1 #aeh      
,virtus1 #ddf  ,volcanalia1 #ih1 #aja   
,volcanus1 #aah1 #abb1 #abd2            
connection with ,maia1 #aea1 #dhd2      
with ,venus1 #aff  ,volturnus1 #aag1    
#aah1 #abb1 #abd  ,vortumnus1 #afe1 #bhd
  ,vows1 #ahh1 #bbf1 #bhf2   private1   
#bja-bjb2   public1 #bjj1 #bjb-bjd2     
extraordinary1 #bjd-bjh2   see also     
,devotio and ,evocatio   ,waltzing1 on  
,roman trades1 #bcc  ,westcott1 ,bishop1
 on ,augustine1 #deh  ,westermarck1     
,dr41 cited1 #ca1 #dd1 #abc1 #agi2   on 
magic1 #dg2   on religion of primitive  
man1 #fc1 #cid2   on ,roman prayers1    
#ahe2   on religion and morality1 #bbg  
,williamowitz-,moellendorf1 on          
,hercules1 #bdc  ,wine1 used at         
sacrifices1 #hb1 #ahj1 #ahb-ahd2   as a 
substitute for blood1 #aif  ,winter1 ,j4
 ,g41 cited1 #bdc  ,wissowa1 ,georg1    
cited1 #ac1 #ad1 #af-ah1 #cc1 #cf1 #aab1

 #abb1 #adf1 #aic1 #aii1   #cai1 #ddj2  
on dies religiosi1 #ch-dj2   on the     
,argei1 #ed1 #ee1 #fe1 #aaa1 #cba1 #cbb2
   on the ritual of the ,salii1 #ig2    
his list of di indigetes1 #aag1 #aci2   
on ,faunus1 #aah2   on ,janus1 #abf1    
#ada2   on ,mars1 #adb2   on the        
,indigitamenta1 #aei1 #afa-afc1 #afh2   
on cult of ,jupiter1 #afg2   on prayer1 
#aih2   on ,hercules1 #bdc2   on ,hebe1 
#ccb2   on ,carmen saeculare1 #ddd1 #dej
  ,wolf's fat1 used as a charm against  
evil spirits1 #hc1 #ij  ,women1 #bfd1   
#bfe2   taboo on1 #bi2   excluded from  
certain sacrificial rites1 #bi-cj2   at 
the ceremony of the aquaelicium1 #fd2   
rites to produce fertility1 #ed1 #ajf1  
#adc1 #dgi2   oaths used by1 #bdd2      
excitement among1 during ,hannibalic    
war1 #cbd2   rebellion against the ius  
divinum1 #cdd2   festivals1 #adc1 #cdf1 
#ddc1 #dej2   deities1 #ace1 #bce1 #bgb1
 #big1 #cah1 #ccb1 #dgi  ,wordsworth1   
compared with ,virgil1 #djg   ,zeller1  
cited1 #cea1 #cef2   on human law and   

divine law1 #cga  ,zeus1 #cfg  ,zosimus1
 cited1 #cji1 #dci1 #ddi1 #dej    ,,the 
,,end  ,printed by ,r4  ,r4 ,,clark1    
,,limited1 ,edinburgh4  ,,works ,,on    
,,roman ,,history  ,,roman ,,society    
,,during ,,the ,,last ,,century ,,of    
,,the ,,empire ,,of ,,the ,,west4 ,by   
,sir ,,samuel ,,dill1 ,m4,a4 ,new       
,edition1 ,revised4 ,extra ,crown #hvo4 
#hs4 #f;d4 net4  ,,roman ,,society      
,,from ,,nero ,,to ,,marcus ,,aurelius4 
,by ,sir ,,samuel ,,dill1 ,m4,a4 ,second
 ,edition4 #hvo4 #aes4 net4  ,,life ,,in
 ,,the ,,roman ,,world ,,of ,,nero ,,and
 ,,st4 ,,paul4 ,by ,prof4 ,t4 ,g4       
,,tucker1 ,litt4,d4 ,illustrated4 #hvo4 
#abs4 #f;d4 net4  ,,the ,,amazing       
,,emperor ,,heliogabalus4 ,by ,j4       
,,stuart ,,hay1 ,st4 ,john's ,college1  
,oxford4 ,with ,introduction by ,prof4  
,j4 ,b4 ,,bury1 ,litt4,d4 #hvo4 #hs4    
#f;d4 net4   ,by ,prof4 ,,theodor       
,,mommsen4  ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,rome1
 ,,from ,,the ,,earliest ,,times ,,to   
,,the ,,period ,,of ,,its ,,decline4    

,translated by ,,william ,,purdie       
,,dickson1 ,d4,d41 ,,ll4,d4 ,a ,newer   
and ,cheaper ,edition1 ,revised1 and    
embodying all the most recent           
alterations and additions made by ,dr4  
,,mommsen4 ,in ,five vols4 ,crown #hvo4 
#gs4 #f;d4 each4  ,,abridged ,,edition  
,,of ,,the ,,above for the use of       
,schools and ,colleges4 ,by ,c4 ,,bryans
 and ,f4 ,j4 ,r4 ,,hendy4 ,one vol4     
,crown #hvo4 #gs4 #f;d4  ,,the          
,,provinces ,,of ,,the ,,roman ,,empire 
,,from ,,caesar ,,to ,,diocletian4      
,translated by ,dr4 ,w4 ,p4 ,,dickson4  
,second ,impression4 ,revised by ,prof4 
,b4 ,f4 ,,haverfield4 ,two vols4 #hvo4  
#bas4 net4   ,,macmillan ,,and ,,co41   
,,ltd41 ,,london  ,,works ,,on ,,roman  
,,history   ,,roman ,,public ,,life4    
,by ,a4 ,h4 ,j4 ,,greenidge1 ,m4,a4     
,extra ,crown #hvo4 #ajs4 #f;d4   ,,the 
,,roman ,,assemblies ,,from ,,their     
,,origin ,,to ,,the ,,end ,,of ,,the    
,,republic4  ,by ,,george ,,willis      
,,botsford1 ,ph4,d4 #hvo4 #ags4 net4    

,,civil ,,war ,,and ,,rebellion ,,in    
,,the ,,roman ,,empire1 ,a4,d4 #fi-gj4  
,by ,,bernard ,w4 ,,henderson1 ,m4,a4   
,with ,maps and ,illustrations4 #hvo4   
#hs4 #f;d4 net4   ,,religion ,,of       
,,numa1 ,,and ,,other ,,essays ,,on     
,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,ancient ,,rome4 
,by ,,jesse ,,benedict ,,carter4 ,crown 
#hvo4 #cs4 #f;d4 net4   ,,the           
,,influence ,,of ,,wealth ,,in          
,,imperial ,,rome4  ,by ,professor ,w4  
,s4 ,davis4 ,extra ,crown #hvo4 #hs4    
#f;d4 net4   ,,the ,,romans ,,on ,,the  
,,riviera ,,and ,,the ,,rhone4  ,by ,w4 
,h4 ,bullock ,hall1 ,f4,r4,g4,s4        
,illustrated4 #hvo4 #fs4   ,a ,,history 
,,of ,,rome ,,to ,,the ,,battle ,,of    
,,actium4  ,by ,e4 ,s4 ,shuckburgh1     
,m4,a4 ,crown #hvo4 #hs4 #f;d4   ,by ,w4
 ,,warde ,,fowler1 ,m4,a4  #hvo4 #ajs4  
net4   ,,social ,,life ,,at ,,rome  ,,in
 ,,the ,,age ,,of ,,cicero              
,,times4--,in a series of interesting   
and not overcrowded chapters it presents
 this age in its form and habit1 as it  

lived and moved1 its social and         
intellectual atmosphere and the material
 conditions which surrounded it4444     
,there is not a dull page in the book4  
,,oxford ,,magazine4--,a book which will
 be of the highest value to all who wish
 to gain an insight into the reality of 
life and character in the ,rome of      
,cicero's day4  ,,athenaeum4--,a very   
readable as well as learned monograph on
 an attractive subject4444 ,we have     
found the book excellent reading4       
,,daily ,,news4--,a work of brilliant   
scholarship and an admirable piece of   
writing4  ,extra ,crown #hvo4 #fs4      
,,the ,,roman ,,festivals  ,,of ,,the   
,,period ,,of ,,the ,,republic  ,,an    
,,introduction ,,to ,,the ,,study ,,of  
,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,the ,,romans    
,,spectator4--,this work is intended as 
an introduction to the study of the     
religion of the ,romans1 and a very     
faithful and accurate piece of work it  
is1 as indeed might be expected by those
 who know ,mr4 ,fowler's previous       

studies of ancient life4                
,,guardian4--,a delightful volume which 
will attract and interest any educated  
and thoughtful reader4  ,,academy4--,a  
book with which every student of ,roman 
religion will have to make his          
account4444 ,alike as a storehouse of   
critically-sifted facts and as a        
tentative essay towards the synthetic   
arrangement of these facts1 ,mr4        
,fowler's book seems to us to mark a    
very distinct advance upon anything that
 has yet been done4  ,by ,w4 ,,warde    
,,fowler1 ,m4,a4  ,crown #hvo4 #es4     
,,the ,,city-,,state  ,,of ,,the        
,,greeks ,,and ,,romans  ,a ,,survey    
,,introductory ,,to ,,the ,,study ,,of  
,,ancient ,,history  ,,times4--,the     
purpose is excellent1 and ,mr4 ,warde   
,fowler executes it in a very skilful   
and scholarly fashion4  ,,classical     
,,review4--,this little book is         
excellent both in design and in         
execution1 and it supplies a want which 
has been much felt by those engaged in  

teaching ancient history4444 ,a book    
which will have a most stimulating      
effect on the teaching of ancient       
history1 and which ought to become      
familiar to every schoolboy and         
undergraduate4  ,,westminster           
,,gazette4--,it is impossible within any
 available limits to give an adequate   
account of ,mr4 ,fowler's treatment of  
his subject4 ,we can but commend his    
treatise to our readers2 and this we can
 do without reserve4  ,,oxford          
,,magazine4--,one of those charming     
books which by their excellence are able
 to commend themselves to entirely      
different persons4444 ,the man beginning
 work for ',greats' will always be told 
that he must read this2 and if he do so1
 will be rewarded by having the         
relations of the different parts of his 
reading marked out with masterly        
clearness2 and the student who has been 
over most of the ground himself in      
original authorities1 will find with    
pleasure fresh light thrown on many     

points by ,mr4 ,fowler's grace of style 
and power of illustration4444 ,we       
cordially recommend it as at once       
charmingly written1 and accurate1 useful
 and stimulating4  ,,tales ,,of ,,the   
,,birds4 ,illustrated4 ,uniform         
,edition4 ,crown #hvo4 #cs4 #f;d4 ,prize
 ,editions4 ,crown #hvo4 #bs4 #f;d4     
,extra gilt1 gilt edges4 #cs4 #f;d4     
,school ,edition4 ,globe #hvo4 #as4     
#f;d4  ,,more ,,tales ,,of ,,the        
,,birds4 ,illustrated4 ,crown #hvo4 #cs4
 #f;d4  ,a ,,year ,,with ,,the ,,birds4 
,illustrated4 ,crown #hvo4 #cs4 #f;d4   
,prize ,editions4 ,crown #hvo4 #bs4     
#f;d4 ,extra gilt1 gilt edges4 #cs4     
#f;d4  ,,summer ,,studies ,,of ,,birds  
,,and ,,books ,crown #hvo4 #cs4 #f;d4   
,,macmillan ,,and ,,co41 ,ltd41         
,,london4