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-------------------      ,transcriber's 
,note3                                  
,inconsistent hyphenation1 and spelling 
in the original          document have  
been preserved4                         
,obvious typographical errors have been 
corrected in this        text4 ,for a   
complete list1 please see the end of    
this           document4                
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,,the ,,psychology ,,of                 
,,nations                      ,a       
,,contribution ,,to ,,the               
,,philosophy ,,of ,,history             
,,by                          ,g4,e4    
,,partridge                             
,,new ,,york                     ,,the  
,,macmillan ,,company                   
#aiai                                   
,,copyright1 #aiai                      
,,by ,,the ,,macmillan ,,company        

,set up and electrotyped4 ,published1   
,november1 #aiai         99       99    
99       99       99     ,,preface      
,this book contains two closely related 
studies of the consciousness of nations4
 ,it has been written during the closing
 months of the war and in the days that 
have followed1 and is completed while   
the ,peace ,conference is still in      
session1 holding in the balance1 as many
 believe1 the fate of many hopes1 and   
perhaps the whole future of the world4  
,we see focussed there in ,paris all the
 motives that have ever entered into    
human history and all the ideals that   
have influenced human affairs4 ,the     
question must have arisen in all minds  
in1 some form as to what the place of   
these motives and ideals and dramatic   
moments is in the progress of the world4
 ,is the world governed after all by the
 laws of nature in all its progress8 ,do
 ideals and motives govern the world1   
but only as these ideals and motives are
 themselves produced according to       

biological or psychological principles8 
,or1 again1 does progress depend upon   
historical moments1 upon conscious      
purposes which may divert the course of 
nature and in a real sense create the   
future8 ,it is with the whole problem of
 history that we are confronted in these
 practical hours4 ,at heart our problem 
is that of the place of man in nature as
 a conscious factor of progress4 ,this  
is a problem1 finally1 of the philosophy
 of history1 but it is rather in a more 
concrete way and upon a different level 
that it is to be considered here1--and  
somewhat incidentally to other more     
specific questions4 ,but this is the    
problem that is always before us1 and   
the one to which this study aims to make
 some contribution1 however small4  ,the
 first part of the book is a study of   
the motives of war4 ,it is an analysis  
of the motives of war in the light of   
the general principles of the           
development of society4 ,we wish to see 
what the causes of past wars have been1 

but we wish also to know what these     
motives are as they may exist as forces 
in the present state of society4 ,in    
such a study1 practical questions can   
never be far away4 ,we can no longer    
study war as an abstract psychological  
problem1 since war has brought us to a  
horrifying and humiliating situation4   
,we have discovered that our modern     
world1 with all its boasted morality and
 civilization1 is actuated1 at least in 
its relations among nations1 by very    
unsocial motives4 ,we live in a world in
 which nations thus far have been for   
the most part dominated by a theory of  
,states as absolutely sovereign and     
independent of one another4 ,now it     
becomes evident that a logical          
consequence of that theory of ,states is
 absolute war4 ,a prospect of a future  
of absolute war in a world in which     
industrial advances have placed in the  
hands of men such terrible forces of    
destruction1 an absolute warfare that   
can now be carried into the air and     

under the sea is what makes any         
investigation of the motives of war now 
a very practical problem4  ,if the      
urgency of our situation drives us to   
such studies and makes us hasten to     
apply even an immature sociology and    
psychology1 it ought not to prejudice   
our minds and make us1 for example1 fall
 into the error of wanting peace at any 
price--an ideal which1 as a practical   
national philosophy1 might be even worse
 than a spirit of militarism4 ,what we  
need to know1 finally1 in order to avoid
 these errors which at least we may     
imagine1 is what1 in the most           
fundamental way1 progress may be        
conceived to be4 ,if we could discover  
that1 and set our minds to the task of  
making the social life progressive1 we  
might be willing to let wars take care  
of themselves1 so to speak1 without any 
radical philosophy of good and evil4 ,we
 ought at least to examine war fairly1  
and to see what1 in the waging of war1  
man has really desired4 ,a study of war 

ought to help us to decide whether we   
must accept our future1 with its        
possibility of wars1 as a kind of fate1 
or whether we must now begin1 with a new
 idea of conscious evolution1 to apply  
our science and our philosophy and our  
practical wisdom seriously for the first
 time to the work of creating history1  
and no longer be content merely to live 
it4  ,as to the details of the study of 
war--we first of all consider the origin
 and the biological aspects of war2 then
 war as related to the development1 in  
the social life and in the life of the  
individual1 of the motive of power4 ,the
 instincts that are most concerned in   
the development of this motive of power 
are then considered1 and also the       
relations of war to the sthetic impulses
 and to art4 ,nationalism1 national     
honor and patriotism are studied as     
causes of war4 ,the various causes that 
are brought forward as the principles   
fought for are examined2 also the       
philosophical influences1 the moral and 

religious motives and the institutional 
factors among the motives of war4       
,finally the economic and political     
motives and the historical causes are   
considered4 ,the conclusion is reached  
that the motive of power1 as the        
fundamental principle of behavior at the
 higher levels1 is the principle of war1
 but that in so general a form it goes  
but a little way toward being an        
explanation of war4 ,we find the real   
causes of war by tracing out the        
development of this motive of power as  
it appears in what we call the          
intoxication impulse1 and in the idea of
 national honor and in the political    
motives of war4 ,it is in these aspects 
of national life that we find the       
motives of war as they may be considered
 as a practical problem4 ,but we find no
 separate causes1 and we do not find a  
chain of causes that might be broken    
somewhere and thus war be once for all  
eliminated4 ,wars are products of the   
whole character of nations1 so to speak1

 and it is national character that must 
be considered in any practical study of 
war4 ,it is by the development of the   
character of nations in a natural       
process1 or by the education of national
 character1 that war will be made to    
give way to perpetual peace1 if such a  
state ever comes1 rather than by a      
political readjustment or by legal      
enactments1 however necessary as        
beginnings or makeshifts these legal and
 political changes may be4  ,the second 
part of the book is a study of our      
present situation as an educational     
problem1 in which we have for the first 
time a problem of educating national    
consciousness as a whole1 or the        
individuals of a nation with reference  
to a world-consciousness4 ,the study has
 reference especially to the conditions 
in our own country1 but it also has     
general significance4 ,the war has      
brought many changes1 and in every phase
 of life we see new problems4 ,these may
 seem at the moment to be separate and  

detached conditions which must be dealt 
with1 each by itself1 but this is not   
so2 they are all aspects of fundamental 
changes and new conditions1 the main    
feature of which is the new             
world-consciousness of which we speak4  
,whatever one's occupation1 one cannot  
remain unaffected by these changes1 or  
escape entirely the stress that the need
 of adjustment to new ideas and new     
conditions compels4 ,what we may think  
about the future--about what can be done
 and what ought to be done1 is in part1 
and perhaps largely1 a matter of        
temperament4 ,at least we see men1      
presumably having access to the same    
facts1 drawing from them very different 
conclusions4 ,some are keyed to high    
expectations2 they look for revolutions1
 mutations1 a new era in politics and   
everywhere in the social life4 ,for     
them1 after the war1 the world is to be 
a new world4 ,fate will make a new deal4
 ,others appear to believe that after   
the flurry is over we shall settle down 

to something very much like the old     
order4 ,these are conservative people1  
who neither desire nor expect great     
changes4 ,others take a more moderate   
course4 ,while improvement is their     
great word1 they are inclined to believe
 that the new order will grow step by   
step out of the old1 and that good will 
come out of the evil only in so far as  
we strive to make it4 ,we shall advance 
along the old lines of progress1 but    
faster1 perhaps1 and with life attuned  
to a higher note4  ,the writer of this  
book must confess that he belongs in a  
general way to the third species of     
these prophets4 ,there is a natural     
order of progress1 but the good must1 we
 may suppose1 also be worked for step by
 step4 ,the war will have placed in our 
hands no golden gift of a new society2  
both the ways and the direction of      
progress must be sought and determined  
by ideals4 ,the point of view in regard 
to progress1 at least as a working      
hypothesis1 becomes an educational one1 

in a broad sense4 ,our future we must   
make4 ,we shall not make it by politics4
 ,the institutions with which politics  
deals are dangerous cards to play4      
,there is too much convention clinging  
to them1 and they are too closely       
related to all the supports of the      
social order4 ,the industrial system1   
the laws1 the institutions of property  
and rights1 the form of government1 we  
change at our own risk4 ,naturally many 
radical minds look to the abrupt        
alteration of these fundamental         
institutions for the cure of existing   
evils1 and others look there furtively  
for the signs of coming revolution1 and 
the destruction of all we have gained   
thus far by civilization4 ,but at a     
different level1 where life is more     
plastic--in the lives of the young1 and 
in the vast unshaped forms of the common
 life everywhere1 all this is different4
 ,we do not expect abrupt changes here  
nor quick and visible results4          
,experimentation is still possible and  

comparatively safe4 ,there is no one    
institution of this common and unformed 
life1 not even the school itself1 that  
supports the existing structures1 so    
that if we move it in the wrong way1    
everything else will fall4 ,when we see 
we are wrong1 there is still time to    
correct our mistakes4  ,our task1 then1 
is to see what the forces are that have 
brought us to where we stand now1 and to
 what influences they are to be         
subjected1 if they are to carry us      
onward and upward in our course4        
,precisely what the changes in          
government or anywhere in the social    
order should be is not the chief        
interest1 from this point of view4 ,the 
details of the constitution of an       
international league1 the practical     
adjustments to be made in the fields of 
labor1 and in the commerce of nations1  
belong to a different order of problems4
 ,we wish rather to see what the main   
currents of life1 especially in our own 
national life1 are1 and what in the most

 general way we are to think and do1 if 
the present generation is to make the   
most of its opportunities as a factor in
 the work of conscious evolution4  ,the 
bibliography shows the main sources of  
the facts and the theories that have    
been drawn upon in writing the book4    
,some of the chapters have been read in 
a little different form as lectures     
before ,president ,g4 ,stanley ,hall's  
seminar at ,clark ,university4 ,more or 
less of repetition1 made necessary in   
order to make these papers1 which were  
read at considerable intervals1         
independent of one another1 has been    
allowed to remain4 ,perhaps in the      
printed form this reiteration will help 
to emphasize the general psychological  
basis of the study4     ,,contents      
,preface                                
v   ,,part ,i  ,,national               
,,consciousness ,,and ,,the ,,motives   
,,of ,,war  ,,chapter     ,i ,,origins  
,,and ,,biological ,,considerations     
#c    ,,ii ,,unconscious ,,motives1     

,,the ,,reversion ,,theories ,,of ,,war1
      ,,and ,,the ,,intoxication        
,,motive                                
#ag   ,,iii ,,instincts ,,in ,,war3     
,,fear1 ,,hate1 ,,the ,,aggressive      
,,impulse1       ,,motives ,,of ,,combat
 ,,and ,,destruction1 ,,the ,,social    
,,instinct   #ch    ,,iv ,,aesthetic    
,,elements ,,in ,,the ,,moods ,,and     
,,impulses ,,of ,,war       #gj     ,v  
,,patriotism1 ,,nationalism ,,and       
,,national ,,honor                #gh   
,,vi ,,causes ,,as ,,principles ,,and   
,,issues ,,in ,,war                  #ig
   ,,vii ,,philosophical ,,influences   
#aaj  ,,viii ,,religious ,,and ,,moral  
,,influences                            
#aag    ,,ix ,,economic ,,factors ,,and 
,,motives                               
#abh     ,x ,,political ,,and           
,,historical ,,factors                  
#adb    ,,xi ,,the ,,synthesis ,,of     
,,causes                                
#aec   ,,part ,,ii  ,,the ,,educational 
,,factor ,,in ,,the ,,development ,,of  

,,nations     ,i ,,educational          
,,problems ,,of ,,the ,,day             
#afa    ,,ii ,,internationalism ,,and   
,,the ,,school                          
#afh   ,,iii ,,internationalism ,,and   
,,the ,,school ,continued               
#ahd    ,,iv ,,peace ,,and ,,militarism 
#aig     ,v ,,the ,,teaching ,,of       
,,patriotism                            
#baa    ,,vi ,,the ,,teaching ,,of      
,,patriotism ,continued                 
#bbf   ,,vii ,,political ,,education    
,,in ,a ,,democracy                     
#bdb  ,,viii ,,industry ,,and           
,,education                             
#bfi    ,,ix ,,new ,,social ,,problems  
#bij     ,x ,,religion ,,and ,,education
 ,,after ,,the ,,war                    
#cje    ,,xi ,,humanism                 
#cji   ,,xii ,,aesthetic ,,experience   
,,in ,,education                        
#cae  ,,xiii ,,moods ,,and ,,education3 
,a ,,review                             
#cai       ,,bibliography               
#cbg       ,,index                      

#cca     ,,part ,i  ,,national          
,,consciousness ,,and ,,the ,,motives   
,,of ,,war     ,,the ,,psychology ,,of  
,,nations  ,a ,,contribution ,,to ,,the 
,,philosophy ,,of ,,history   ,,chapter 
,i  ,,origins ,,and ,,biological        
,,considerations   ,the simplest        
possible interpretation of the causes of
 war that might be offered is that war  
is a natural relation between original  
herds or groups of men1 inspired by the 
predatory instinct or by some other     
instinct of the herd4 ,to explain war1  
then1 one need only refer to this       
instinct as final1 or at most account   
for the origin and genesis of the       
instinct in question in the animal      
world4 ,some writers express this very  
view1 calling war an expression of an   
instinct or of several instincts2 others
 find different or more complex         
beginnings of war4  ,nusbaum 7#hf7 says 
that both offense and defense are based 
upon an expansion impulse4 ,nicolai     
7#gi7 sees the beginning of war in      

individual predatory acts1 involving    
violence and the need of defense4 ,again
 we find the migratory instinct1 the    
instinct that has led groups of men to  
move and thus to interfere with one     
another1 regarded as the cause of war1  
or as an important factor in the causes4
 ,sometimes a purely physiological or   
growth impulse is invoked1 or vaguely   
the inability of primitive groups to    
adapt themselves to conditions1 or to   
gain access to the necessities of life4 
,le ,bon 7#db7 speaks of the hunger and 
the desire that led ,germanic forces as 
ancient hordes to turn themselves loose 
upon the world4  ,leaving aside for the 
moment the question of the nature of the
 impulses or instincts which actuated   
the conduct of men originally and       
brought them into opposition1 as groups1
 to one another1 we do find at least    
some suggestion of a working hypothesis 
in these simple explanations of war4    
,granted the existence of groups formed 
by the accident of birth and based upon 

the most primitive protective and       
economic associations1 and assuming the 
presence of the emotions of anger and   
fear or any instinct which is expressed 
as an impulse or habit of the group1 we 
might say that the conditions and       
factors for the beginning of warfare are
 all present4 ,when groups have desires 
that can best and most simply be        
satisfied by the exertion of force upon 
other groups1 something equivalent to   
war has begun4  ,if we take the group   
7as herd or pack7 and the instinct as   
the original factors or data of society1
 however1 we probably simplify the      
situation too much4 ,the question arises
 whether the motives are not more       
complex1 even from the beginning1 and   
whether both the tendencies or impulses 
by which the group was formed or held   
together and the motives behind         
aggressive conduct against other groups 
have not been produced or developed in  
the course of social relations1 rather  
than have been brought up from animal   

life1 or at any point introduced as     
instincts4 ,we notice at least that     
animals living in groups do not in      
general become aggressive within the    
species4 ,possibly it was by some       
peculiarity of man's social existence1  
or his superior endowment of            
intelligence or some unusual quality of 
his instincts1 perhaps very far back in 
animal life1 that has in the end made   
him a warlike creature4 ,man does seem  
to be a creature of feelings rather than
 of instincts as far back as we find    
much account of him1 and to be          
characterized rather by the weakness and
 variability of his instincts than by   
their definiteness4 ,it is quite likely1
 too1 that man never was at any stage a 
herd animal2 in fact it seems certain   
that he was not1 and that his instincts 
were formed long before he began to live
 in large groups at all4 ,so he never   
acquired the mechanisms either for      
aggression or defense that some         
creatures have4 ,apparently he inherited

 neither the physical powers nor the    
warlike spirit nor the aggressive and   
predatory instincts that would have been
 necessary to make of him a natural     
fighting animal2 but rather1 perhaps1 he
 has acquired his warlike habits1 so to 
speak1 since arriving at man's estate4  
,endowed with certain tendencies which  
express themselves with considerable    
variability in the processes by which   
the functions of sex and nutrition are  
carried out1 man never acquired the     
definiteness of character and conduct   
that some animals have4 ,he learned more
 from animals1 it may be1 than he       
inherited from them1 and it is quite    
likely that far back in his animal      
ancestry he had greater flexibility or  
adaptability than other animals4 ,the   
aggressive instinct1 the herd instinct1 
the predatory instinct1 the social      
instinct1 the migratory instinct1 may   
never have been carried very far in the 
stock from which man came4 ,all this1   
however1 at this point is only a        

suggestion of two somewhat divergent    
points of view in regarding the         
primitive activities of man from which  
his long history of war-making has taken
 rise4  ,the view is widely held and    
continually referred to by many writers 
on war and politics1 that the most      
fundamental of all causes of war1 or the
 most general principle of it1 is the   
principle of selection--that war is a   
natural struggle between groups1        
especially between races1 the fittest in
 this struggle tending to survive4 ,this
 view needs to be examined sharply1 as  
indeed it has been by several writers1  
in connection with the present war4     
,this biological theory or apology of   
war appears in several forms1 as applied
 to-day4 ,they say that racial stocks   
contend with one another for existence1 
and with this goes the belief that      
nations fight for life1 and that defeat 
in war tends towards the extermination  
of nations4 ,the ,germans1 we often     
hear1 were fighting for national        

existence1 and the issue was to be a    
judgment upon the fitness of their race 
to survive4 ,this view is very often    
expressed4 ,o',ryan and ,anderson 7#e71 
military writers1 for example1 say that 
the same aggressive motives prevail as  
always in warfare3 nations struggle for 
survival1 and this struggle for survival
 must now and again break out into war4 
,powers 7#ge7 says that nations seldom  
fight for anything less than existence4 
,again 7#ae7 we read that conflicts have
 their roots in history1 in the lives of
 peoples1 and the sounder1 and better1  
emerge as victors4 ,there is a selective
 process on the part of nature that     
applies to nations2 they say that       
especially increase of population forces
 upon groups an endless conflict1 so    
that absolute hostility is a law of     
nature in the world4  ,these views      
contain at least two very doubtful      
assumptions4 ,one is that nations do    
actually fight for existence1--that     
warfare is thus selective to the point  

of eliminating races4 ,the other is that
 in warlike conflicts the victors are   
the superior peoples1 the better fitted 
for survival4 ,confusion arises and the 
discussion is complicated by the fact   
that conflicts of men as groups of      
individuals within the same species are 
somewhat anomalous among biological     
forms of struggle4 ,commonly1 struggle  
takes place among individuals1 organisms
 having definite characteristics and but
 slightly variable each from its own    
kind contending with one another1 by    
direct competition or through           
adaptation1 in the first case           
individuals striving to obtain actually 
the same objects4 ,or1 again1 species   
having the same relations to one another
 that individuals have1 contend in a    
similar manner4  ,primitive groups of   
men1 however1 are not so definite2 they 
are not biological entities in any such 
sense as individuals and species are4   
,they are not definitely brought into   
conflict with one another1 in general1  

as contending for the same objects1 and 
it is difficult to see how1 in the      
beginning1 at least1 economic pressure  
has been a factor at all in their       
relations4 ,whatever may have been the  
motive that for the most part was at    
work in primitive warfare1 it is not at 
all evident that superior groups had any
 survival value4 ,the groups that       
contended with one another presumably   
differed most conspicuously in the size 
of the group1 and this was determined   
largely by chance conditions4 ,other    
differences must have been quite        
subordinate to this1 and have had little
 selective value4 ,the conclusion is    
that the struggle of these groups with  
one another is not essentially a        
biological phenomenon4  ,the fact is    
that peace rather than war1 taking the  
history of the human race as a whole1 is
 the condition in which selection of the
 fittest is most active1 for it is the  
power of adaptation to the conditions of
 stable life1 which are fairly uniform  

for different groups over wide areas1   
that tests vitality and survival values1
 so far as these values are biological4 
,it may be claimed that war is very     
often1 if not generally1 a means of     
interrupting favorable selective        
processes1 the unfit tending to prevail 
temporarily by force of numbers1 or even
 because of qualities that antagonize   
biological progress4 ,viewing war in its
 later aspects1 we can see that it is   
often when nations are failing in       
natural competition that they resort to 
the expedient of war to compensate for  
this loss1 although they do not usually 
succeed thereby in improving their      
economic condition as they hope1 or     
increase their chance of survival1 or   
even demonstrate their survival value4  
,it is notorious that nations that      
conquer tend to spend their vitality in 
conquest and introduce various factors  
of deterioration into their lives4 ,the 
inference is that a much more complex   
relation exists among groups than the   

biological hypothesis allows4 ,survival 
value indeed1 as applied to men in      
groups1 is not a very clear concept4    
,there may be several different criteria
 of survival value1 not comparable in   
any quantitative way among themselves4  
,scheler 7#gg7 says that we cannot      
account for war as a purely biological  
phenomenon4 ,its roots lie deep in      
organic life1 but there is no direct    
development or exclusive development    
from animal behavior to human4 ,war is  
peculiarly human4 ,that1 in a way1 may  
be accepted as the truth4 ,warfare as we
 know it among human groups1 as conflict
 within the species is due in some way  
to1 or is made possible by1 the         
secondary differentiations within       
species which give to groups1 so to     
speak1 a pseudo-specific character4 ,and
 these differences depend largely upon  
the conditions that enter into the      
formation of groups1--upon desires1     
impulses and needs arising in the social
 life rather than in instinct as such4  

,these characteristic differences are   
not variations having selective value1  
but are traits that merely differentiate
 the groups as historical entities4     
,these secondary variations have not    
resulted in the elimination of those    
having inferior qualities1 but have     
shared the fortunes of the groups that  
possessed them1--the fortunes both of   
war and of peace4 ,war1 from this point 
of view1 belongs to history rather than 
to biology4 ,it belongs to the realm of 
the particular rather than to the       
general in human life4 ,war has favored 
the survival of this or that group in a 
particular place1 but has probably not  
been instrumental in producing any      
particular type of character in the     
world1 either physical or mental4  ,very
 early in the history of mankind1 in    
fact as far back as we can trace        
history1 we find these psychic          
differentiations1 as factors in the     
production of war4 ,there are           
significant extensions and also         

restrictions of the consciousness of    
kind pertaining to the life of man1 as  
distinguished from animals4 ,animals    
have not sufficient intelligence to     
establish such perfect group identities 
as man does1 and they lack the affective
 motives for carrying on hostilities    
among groups4 ,they remain more clearly 
subjected to the simple laws of         
biological selection1 and are guided by 
instincts which do not impel them to act
 aggressively as groups toward their own
 kind4 ,man proceeds almost from the    
beginning to antagonize these laws1 so  
that it is very likely that the best1 in
 the biological sense1 has always had   
some disadvantage1 in human life1 and   
may still have4 ,the real value that has
 thus been conserved by this human mode 
of life consists in preserving a        
relatively large number of secondary    
types or individual groups1 rather than 
in insuring the predominance of any one 
biologically superior type4 ,man's work 
in the world is to make history4 ,even  

though war were a means of making a     
biologically superior type of man       
prevail we should not be justified in   
saying that it is thus vindicated as a  
method of selection4  ,many writers whom
 we do not need to review in great      
detail have contributed to the          
objections to the biological principle  
as an explanation of war4 ,trotter 7#hb7
 examines the doctrine that war is a    
biological necessity1 and says that     
there is no parallel in biology for     
progress being accomplished as a result 
of a racial impoverishment so extreme as
 is caused by war1 that among gregarious
 animals other than man direct conflict 
between major groups such as can lead to
 the suppression of the less powerful is
 an inconspicuous phenomenon1 and that  
there is very little fighting within    
species1 for species have usually been  
too busy fighting their external        
enemies4 ,mitchell 7#aj7 says that war  
is not an aspect of the natural struggle
 for existence1 among individuals2 that 

there is nothing in ,darwinism that     
explains or justifies wars2 that the    
argument from race is worthless since   
there are no pure races4 ,m',cabe 7#gf7 
maintains that war is not a struggle    
between inferior and superior national  
types4 ,dide 7#bj7 also discusses the   
question of differences of race as      
causes of war1 and the use that has been
 made of this dogma4 ,chapman 7#ci7 says
 that no race question is involved in   
the present war as has been supposed4   
,there is no conflict of economic       
forces1 no nations compelled to seek    
expansion4  ,precisely how warfare      
originated 7assuming that it arose in   
one way7 we shall probably never know1  
since we cannot now reconstruct the     
actual history of man4 ,we think of men 
as living at first in groups containing 
a few individuals1 and presumably for a 
long time these small and isolated      
groups of men prevailed as the type of  
human society4 ,we can already detect   
the elements of conflict in these       

groups1 but whether warfare in the sense
 of deadly conflict originated there we 
cannot know2 or whether it was only in  
the experience of men as large migrating
 hordes which had been formed by the    
amalgamation of smaller groups under the
 influence of hunger or climatic change1
 that warfare in any real sense came    
into the world4 ,we do not know to what 
extent the small groups of men we find  
in conditions of savagery now represent 
primitive conditions4 ,fortunately1     
however1 some of these problems of      
origin are of but little practical      
importance and their interest is chiefly
 antiquarian or historical4  ,the       
assumption that in the behavior of      
original groups of men war arose as a   
natural result of the life of the group 
seems to be an allowable hypothesis4    
,whether warlike conduct came by some   
modification of the habits brought up   
from animal life as instinctive         
reactions1 or whether man invented      
warfare from some strong motive peculiar

 to human life1 and produced it         
intelligently1 so to speak1 under stress
 of circumstances may have to remain an 
open question so far as conclusive      
evidence is concerned4 ,what we lack is 
a knowledge of the type and form of the 
instincts of man in his first stages1   
and the degree and kind of intelligence 
he had4 ,but the reconstructed pre-human
 history of man so far as we can make it
 seems to show1 as we have already      
suggested1 that early man could have had
 no definite herd instincts or pack     
instincts such as some of the animals   
have1 that his habits were plastic and  
guided by intelligence rather than by   
impulse4 ,his social life1 his          
predaceous habits1 the habit of killing 
large game1 his warfare must have been a
 gradual acquisition1 and from the      
beginning have been very different as   
regards motive and development from     
animal behavior which judged externally 
may seem to be like it in character and 
to have the same ends4  ,there are      

already inherent in any group of human  
individuals that fits into such         
knowledge of man past and present as we 
have1 all the necessary motives of      
warfare in some form4 ,there are the    
reactions of anger made to any threat or
 injury1 fear1 the predaceous impulse   
and habit1 originating in hunger1 the   
motives arising in sexual rivalry4      
,these motives are the source of        
behavior toward both members of the     
group and outsiders4 ,there is no       
absolute distinction between these      
objects4 ,it is of the nature of man to 
be both aggressive and social4 ,one     
instinct or motive did not come from the
 other1 since there are emotions and    
desires at every stage that tend1 some  
of them to unite and some to disrupt1   
the group4 ,the sense of difference of  
kind and the fear of the strange on the 
one hand1 and the effect of propinquity 
and practical necessity in the conduct  
in regard to the familiar on the other  
make the reactions different in degree  

in the two spheres but not different in 
kind4 ,there is no aggressive instinct  
or war motive that is directed          
exclusively toward the outsider4        
,certain tendencies toward violence and 
strife1 modified and controlled within  
the group1 become unrestrained when     
directed toward the stranger4 ,among    
these motives are those of sexual       
rivalry1 fear1 anger1 desire1 and the   
play motive as an expression of any     
instinctive habits of aggression that   
may have been phyletically established4 
,since every individual creature has his
 needs that can be satisfied only by    
preying in some way upon other animals  
of his own species or others1 the       
motives for strife are original in      
organic life4 ,every animal lives in a  
world of which he is suspicious1 and    
rightly so4 ,he is suspicious toward the
 members of his own kind and group1 and 
toward all strangers he shows           
watchfulness and fear4 ,there are two   
motives1 therefore1 of a highly         

practical nature that contribute to a   
general state of unfriendliness in      
animal life4 ,both the motives of       
conflict within the group1 the habit of 
aggression and its complement1 fear1 and
 the jealousy and display motive 7the   
display itself probably having          
originated as a show of ferocity on the 
part of males7 must have been           
transferred to relations between groups 
as a natural result of the proximity of 
groups to one another1 although this    
process is not quite so simple as this  
would imply1 since in part the outside  
groups are produced by these very same  
antagonistic motives in the group1 for  
example the driving out of young males  
because of sexual jealousy4 ,the        
presence of other groups must have      
excited all the motives of warfare at a 
very early stage1 and this contrast had 
the effect of stimulating the social    
feeling of the group and developing     
control of impulses on the part of      
individuals within the group toward one 

another4 ,so the motives of combat1 as  
shown within the group and toward       
outsiders1 developed1 so to speak1 by a 
dialectic process4  ,fear and the       
predatory impulse1 the sexual and       
display motive1 play or the hunting     
activity as a pleasure for its own sake1
 with a desire perhaps to practice      
deception and to exercise intelligence1 
presumably introduced some kind and     
degree of definite warfare among        
primitive groups of men at a very early 
stage of human life1 although of course 
such a conclusion can be only           
speculative4 ,increasing intelligence1  
the power of discriminating and of      
reacting to secondary likenesses and    
differences1 and especially the         
recognition of the nature of death1 and 
the advantages of killing rather than   
merely overcoming an enemy1 the         
discovery of the use of weapons1        
introduced warfare into the world4      
,warfare is1 then1 not simply the       
negation of some original principle of  

mutual aid1 nor yet an expression of    
instinctive aggressiveness or cruelty1  
but it is a product of original         
endowment1 of conditions of life1 and of
 intelligence all together4 ,it is      
practical1 but at no stage can it be    
said to be wholly practical4 ,changes   
must have taken place in warfare as in  
other social reactions as men passed    
through a number of stages from         
primitive wandering or a relatively     
unstable life to a stable life1 but the 
motives of conflict cannot have been    
added to in any essential way4 ,through 
all the course of history all the       
motives that originally made individuals
 of a group or the groups as wholes     
antagonistic have remained1 although the
 mental processes have become           
generalized1 fused and transformed4 ,if 
,gumplowicz is right we can still detect
 in any great society to-day all the    
primitive individual and group          
animosities1 tempered down and held in  
check by laws and customs1 but still    

existent and by no means overcome and   
made innocuous4  ,these motives of      
warfare might best be traced out in four
 more or less definite principles of    
conduct1 or four purposes of war that   
appear throughout primitive life4 ,these
 are3 #a7 thievery1 including wife      
capture2 #b7 the fear motive2 #c7       
cannibalism2 #d7 the display motive1    
with the desire to intimidate and to    
display power 7more or less closely     
associated with the play motive1 the    
love of hunting1 gaming and the dramatic
 motive74  ,cannibalism1 of course1 is a
 special expression of the predatory    
motive in general1 or it is mainly that4
 ,cannibalism was certainly established 
early in primitive life1 at least early 
enough to antedate all religion1 and    
although its origin and history are     
shrouded in mystery1 the motive was     
quite certainly practical4 ,evidently it
 was widespread if not universal4       
,whether it was introduced as a result  
of a failure of animal food1 as some    

think1 or has a still more simple       
explanation as a part of the original   
impulse which led men at a certain stage
 of their development to become hunters1
 cannot be determined4 ,we know1        
however1 that the alien human being was 
to some extent included under the same  
concepts as the animal enemy and prey1  
and presumably some of the strongest    
motives that led men to attack animals  
also included man as an object1 since   
the alien group was regarded as in some 
degree different in kind from the       
in-group4 ,it may have been in the great
 migrations when all the aggressive     
motives were increased that cannibalism 
became fixed as a habit4  ,cannibalism  
may well have been the primitive motive 
of warfare as serious deadly combat1 but
 all predatory habits must have         
contributed to establishing a more or   
less habitual state of warfare among all
 groups of men4 ,the predatory raid1    
with the reaction of defense1 when      
carried on as a group activity in any   

form1 is in fact war1 so far as attack  
and defense were serious and deadly1 and
 intelligence and weapons were          
sufficiently developed to make man a    
dangerous opponent4 ,this predatory     
motive1 of course1 extended to all      
desired objects1 and these objects must 
have included all objects that could    
most simply be acquired by stealing4    
,they included food1 women1 and all     
other possessions4 ,the custom of       
driving out young males from the group1 
by the jealousy of the old males1 and of
 preventing males from obtaining females
 within the group must have been one of 
the earliest and one of the strongest   
incentives to predatory warfare4 ,at    
first all property of the group1 for so 
long as groups were wandering1 was to   
some extent common1 and attack and      
defense must have been common4 ,the     
objects of predatory raids which        
produced group combat must have changed 
with the social life4 ,when habitation  
became fixed and property therefore more

 individual1 probably the predatory     
impulse itself became relatively a less 
important factor in combat4  ,two       
motives grow out of the practical       
motives of combat1 which we may assume  
to have been the original motives4      
,these are both emotional rather than   
instinctive4 ,fear and anger1 that is to
 say1 become more or less detached      
motives for attack4 ,fear is increased  
with the increase of intelligence up to 
a certain point at least--with the      
increase of the capacity for            
understanding danger1 and of the powers 
of man to become dangerous4 ,all the    
experience of combat engenders anger and
 hatred1 and these moods of hatred      
toward enemies are cumulative1 absorb   
all the detached motives and feelings of
 antagonism between groups1 preserve and
 give continuity to the memories of     
conflict1 and so produce among groups   
the fear and hate motive4 ,the feeling  
of fear arouses the motive of           
aggression1 and the feeling of anger2   

and these in turn generate more fear1   
until both the moods of anger and fear  
and a perpetual state of animosity and  
warfare are induced among contending    
groups4 ,thus out of primitive motives  
of combat the feud as a more generalized
 and psychical antagonism is produced1  
and these states are possible because of
 the powers of generalization in man    
which extend to the emotions and make   
possible the formation of deep moods4   
,in another direction1 also1 the        
practical motives tend to be superseded 
by more abstract and more subjective    
motives4 ,both in the fear and anger    
reactions and in the motive that        
originates in the sexual                
impulse--display of males1 and combat   
with reference to females--consciousness
 of prowess for its own sake1 and the   
display of it in order to intimidate the
 enemy1 arise4 ,into this motive of war 
there enter all the antagonisms that    
come from self-consciousness1 the whole 
force of the diathesis of developing    

sexuality1 with its jealousy and        
cruelty1 and tendencies to perversion4  
,the force of this motive of prowess    
must at some period of development have 
become very great4 ,it extends out into 
a love of combat for its own sake1      
renforces other motives1 and issues in  
the more abstract motives of honor and  
power that we see playing such a great  
part in modern warfare4  ,these         
primitive motives of war are not merely 
numerous4 ,they fuse1 renforce one      
another1 and almost from the beginning1 
we must suppose1 create complex states  
of consciousness1 and form moods4 ,war  
very early1 we say1 must contain all the
 motives that ever enter into it4 ,the  
predatory impulse1 the love of          
deception1 of conquest1 the love of     
combat for its own sake1 the hunting    
impulse1 the motive of power1 of fear   
and anger1 the impulse of display and   
the more primitive sexual motives1 the  
motives of courage and jealousy1 even a 
beginning of the aesthetic motive1 are  

all there4 ,they become the warlike mood
 or produce war1 in the sense in which  
we now understand it1 only when the     
intelligence gives to the relations     
between groups definite intentions and  
directions1 and out of the many impulses
 that lead to combat1 a distinctive     
motive and mood are derived4 ,so we may 
say with all certainty that the making  
of war is not a mere perpetuation of    
some alleged instinct of murder1        
surreptitiously retained by man in his  
rise from an animal state1 but it is    
quite as much a product of his whole    
social nature4 ,it becomes established  
as life grows more complex1 as specific 
desires increase in number4 ,man is not1
 as thus seen in these genetic views of 
him1 a self-tamed animal4 ,he has not   
arrived at a precarious and unstable    
social condition out of a primitive     
individualism which is the essence of   
his warlike nature4 ,on the other hand1 
he has not degenerated from some ideal  
pacific state4 ,ages ago he was already 

divinely human1 and possessed those     
capacities both for coperation and      
antagonism out of which war is created4 
,,chapter ,,ii  ,,unconscious ,,motives1
 ,,the ,,reversion ,,theories ,,of      
,,war1 ,,and ,,the ,,intoxication       
,,motive   ,there are several           
interesting theories of the causes of   
war1 now in the field1 most of them     
inspired by our recent great conflict1  
all of which 7but no one perhaps        
completely or quite justly7 may be      
described as based upon the view that   
war is an outbreak of1 or reversion to1 
instincts and modes of activity which as
 primitive tendencies remain in the     
individual or in the social life and    
which1 from time to time1 with or       
without social cause1 may break loose1  
so to speak1 and hurl man back into     
savagery4 ,these theories of war show   
us1 in some cases1 human character in   
the form of double personality1 or liken
 civilization to a thin and insecure    
incrustation upon the surface of life1  

beneath which all that is animal-like   
and barbaric still remains smoldering4  
,some of these theories we need to      
review briefly here4  ,bertrand         
,russell1 in answer to the question1    
,why do men fight8 which is the title of
 his book dealing with the causes of    
war1 says1 in substance1 that men fight 
because they are controlled by instinct 
7and also by authority71 rather than by 
reason4 ,men will cease fighting when   
reason controls instinct1 and men think 
for themselves rather than allow their  
thinking to be done for them4 ,this view
 does not explicitly state that war is a
 reversion1 for man may be at no point  
better or more advanced than a creature 
of instinct1 but it lays the blame for  
war upon the original nature of man4    
,man has instincts which presumably he  
has brought with him from his pre-human 
stage1 and some of these instincts are1 
on their motor side1 the reactions of   
fighting4  ,le ,bon 7#db7 speaks of a   
conscious and an unconscious will in    

nations1 and says that the motives      
behind great national movements may be  
beneath all conscious intentions1 and   
may anticipate them4 ,the ,englishman in
 particular lives1 in a sense1 a divided
 life1 since there is a manifest        
inconsistency between what he really is 
and what he thinks4 ,what these         
instincts are1 ,le ,bon does not        
specify2 presumably they may be either  
better or worse than the conscious      
motives4  ,trotter 7#hb7 and also       
,murray 7#ij7 consider war from a       
biological standpoint1 regarding it as a
 herd phenomenon4 ,trotter's view1      
especially his interpretation of        
,germany1 which we are not to consider  
here1 is original and important4 ,war is
 a result of the action of a herd       
instinct1 a specific instinct which is  
peculiar in one respect1 in that it acts
 upon other instincts but has no        
definite motor reactions of its own4    
,war is the result of the action of the 
herd instinct in man upon the old       

instinct of aggression4 ,at least       
aggressive war is4 ,men in all their    
social relations show the play of these 
instincts2 in war it is the old         
aggressive instinct1 the old passion of 
the pack1 that dominates them2 and it is
 the ancestral herd-fears that overcome 
them in their panics4 ,it is the herd   
instinct that makes men in groups so    
highly sensitive to the leader1 whose   
relations to the herd or pack are always
 dependent upon their recognizing him as
 one of the group2 that is1 as acting in
 accordance with the desires of the     
herd4  ,it is by the union of the herd1 
,murray says1 or through the herd       
instinct1 that suppressed unconscious   
impulses are given an opportunity to    
operate2 when the human herd is excited 
by any external stimulus1 the old types 
of reaction are brought into play4      
,curiously1 in such times1 leadership   
may be assumed by eccentric and even    
abnormal members of the group--by those 
who are governed by perverted instincts2

 by men who are touched with the mania  
of suspicion1 or who even suffer from   
homicidal mania4  ,the essential point  
of these biological views is that1 when 
the human herd is subjected to any      
influences that tend to arouse the herd 
instinct--that is1 to unite the herd in 
any common emotion or action1 the old   
instinctive forms of response are likely
 to be brought to the front4 ,whatever  
the stimulus1 the tendency is for the   
herd to fixate its attention upon some  
external object1 which at once is       
reacted to with deep emotion4 ,plainly1 
if this be true1 if herd instinct does  
throw human society from time to time   
and from various causes into attitudes  
of defense and offense with the         
appropriate emotional reactions1 and if 
in such times leaders are likely to     
appear1 having exaggerated instinctive  
tendencies1 there is always close at    
hand and ready a mechanism by which war 
can be produced1 war being precisely of 
the type of mass action1 under strong   

emotion1 of a group closely united under
 spectacular leadership1 with attention 
cramped upon some external object hated 
or feared4  ,nicolai 7#gi71 who believes
 strongly that war is wholly useless1   
compares it to the play we turn to when 
the actions performed in the play are no
 longer in themselves practical4 ,war is
 a great debauch1 perhaps now the last  
the race will experience4 ,war is like  
wine3 in it nations renew their youth4  
,it is not the war itself1 but the mood 
it produces that we crave1 and this mood
 is longed for because in it old and    
sacred feelings of patriotism are       
aroused1 and these feelings are         
themselves survivals1 something         
romantic1 archaic1 no longer needed in  
the present stage of social life4       
,novicow 7#hc7 says something very      
similar to this4 ,war is a survival1    
like the classical languages1 for       
example4 ,men begin to find beauty and  
glory in these things only after the    
activities they represent are useless4  

,the principle of their survival is     
nothing more or less than that of habit4
 ,it is habit that keeps war alive2 wars
 are a concession to our forebears1 a   
following in the footsteps of a dead    
past4  ,we are presenting these views in
 a somewhat loose and illogical order1  
but let us look at still a few more of  
them4 ,patrick thinks of war as         
precisely a plunge into the primeval4   
,war is a reaction1 a regression1 but   
still it is something more than a mere  
slipping of the machinery of life4 ,it  
is craved2 and it is craved because it  
offers relief from the tension of modern
 life4 ,it is not quite clear whether it
 is because we are tired and want rest  
for our over-worked functions1 or are   
merely dull and need renewed life1 but  
in any case1 when the desire has        
accumulated enough1 back we fall into   
the primeval4 ,then all the tensions and
 inhibitions of civilized society       
disappear4 ,society1 relieved of its    
cross-tensions1 is resolved and         

organized into an harmonious and freely 
acting whole1 seeking a definite object4
 ,life is simplified1 and becomes again 
primitive4 ,old and vigorous movements  
take the place of the cramped thinking  
of our civilized life4 ,all that keeps  
us modern and evolved is relaxed4       
,naturally the ,freudians have their own
 explanation of war in terms of         
subconscious wishes1 repressed feelings 
and instincts4 ,freud 7#gh7 himself says
 that war is a recrudescence 7and a     
mastery over us7 of a more primitive    
life than our own4 ,the child and the   
primitive man1 as we have long known    
them in the ,freudian theories1 live    
still in us and are indestructible4 ,we 
have supposed ourselves to have overcome
 these primitive impulses1 but we are   
far from being so civilized as we       
thought4 ,the evil impulses1 as we call 
them1 which we supposed had at least    
been transformed are changed only in the
 sense that they have been influenced by
 the erotic motive1 or have been        

repressed by an outer restraint1 an     
educational factor1 the demands of what 
we call civilized environment4 ,but let 
us not deceive ourselves2 the old       
impulses are still alive2 the number of 
people who have been transformed by     
civilization is less than we supposed4  
,all society is at heart barbaric4      
,judged by our unconscious wishes1 we   
are a band of murderers1 for the        
primitive wish is to kill all who oppose
 our self-interests1 and war is         
precisely a reversion to the method of  
free expression of our desires in       
action4 ,society and the authority of   
government have suppressed these        
primitive reactions in the individual1  
but instead of eliminating them         
altogether from human nature 7which1 of 
course1 no legislation can do in any    
case71 government and society as a whole
 have appropriated all these primitive  
actions to their own use4  ,jones 7#cg71
 the ,freudian1 distinguishes two quite 
different groups of causes of war3 the  

conscious causes1 all expressed in the  
feeling of patriotism2 and the          
unconscious causes1 which grow out of   
the desire to release certain original  
passions--the passions of cruelty1      
destruction1 loot and lust4  ,the       
central thought of all these views1 it  
is plain1 is that war belongs to the    
past4 ,it is a return to something that1
 in a significant sense1 is the natural 
man--is his instinctive and unguarded   
self4 ,it is also plainly implied in    
these views1 here and there1 that modern
 man1 by thus lapsing into war1 is      
renewing his stock of primitive nature4 
,the modern man is in unstable          
equilibrium1 and whatever upsets that   
equilibrium sends him back through the  
ages4 ,mac,curdy 7#cg71 having ,jones   
and ,freud in mind1 protests against    
these views to this extent3 he says that
 the present state of man1 rather than  
the past1 is the natural state1 and that
 at least in reverting to the primitive 
state man becomes unnatural4  ,the      

question upon which our discussion of   
this aspect of war is going to hinge is 
whether1 or in what sense1 the          
activities and the feelings aroused in  
war are reversions4 ,wars1 beyond a     
doubt1 do involve to a greater extent   
than peaceful life certain instinctive  
reactions4 ,wars are so impulsive and so
 persistent that we must suppose very   
deep motives to be engaged in war2 and  
the fact that in all wars1 and on both  
sides of every war1 the feelings and the
 reactions are fundamentally the same1  
indicates that war is something less    
differentiated than the peaceful life4  
,but that war can be explained in terms 
of instinct as such1 or that war can be 
disposed of as a mere recrudescence of  
old impulses and types of conduct buried
 beneath civilization1 is very much to  
be doubted4 ,war1 in the first place1 in
 its moods and passions1 appears to be  
too complex1 too synthetic a process to 
be quite what this view would imply4 ,it
 is too intimately related to everything

 that occurs and exists in present day  
society4 ,it means too much1 concretely 
and with reference to objects           
specifically desired for the future4    
,war is related to the past1 but to a   
great extent1 it may be1 wars represent 
and contain the present and look toward 
the future4 ,the distinctions and       
differences in the interpretation of war
 thus implied1 and the conflicting      
understanding of facts about society and
 individual life cannot be very clear at
 this point1 but that there are involved
 fundamental problems of psychology1 and
 perhaps divergent ways of thinking of  
history and society1 and of such        
principles of philosophy at least as are
 implicated in sthetics1 and finally of 
the practical questions that are of most
 interest in these fields to-day1 may   
begin to be evident4  ,there is one     
aspect of war1 or one question about    
war1 that seems to suggest that its     
problems are more subtle and less simple
 than the instinct-theories imply4 ,war 

has been1 and still is1 the great story 
of the world1 the center of all that is 
dramatic and heroic in life4 ,its       
mood--and that is the essential thing in
 it1 whatever else war may have been1   
and in spite of all its horrors--is     
ecstatic4 ,war produces1 or is produced 
by1 states of mind that affiliate it    
with all the other ecstasies--of love1  
religion1 intoxication1 art4 ,we may    
well doubt whether any explanation of   
war can ever be satisfactory that does  
not take this quality of it fully into  
account4 ,one may say1 of course1 that  
war is ecstatic just because it does    
satisfy instincts1 that the satisfaction
 of all instincts is pleasant1 or that  
pleasure is the satisfaction of         
instincts4 ,but there is more in the    
problem than that4 ,love1 the source of 
the other great romance of the world1 is
 not exhausted by calling it a          
gratification of the sexual instinct1 or
 a primitive tendency of all organic    
life4 ,it is at the other end of the    

process of development of it1 so to     
speak1 its place as a present motive in 
life1 that it is most significant1 and  
it is by no means explained by calling  
it a product of sexuality4  ,so with    
war4 ,made out of instincts1 it may be1 
but it is not explained as the sum of   
instinctive reactions4 ,that1 at least1 
is our thesis4 ,it is the fact that war 
is a great ecstasy of the social life1  
that it holds a high place in art1 that 
history--our selective way of reacting  
upon human experience--is in a large    
measure the story of war1 that its      
representations in dramatic forms are   
almost endless in variety2 it is such   
facts that give us our clew to the      
nature of the problems of war1 and also 
to the practical questions of its       
future4  ,hirschfeld 7#ih71 in a short  
study of war1 has enumerated and briefly
 described some of the forms in which   
the ecstasy of war appears1 or some of  
the ecstasies that appear in war4 ,he   
speaks of the ecstasy of heroism1 and   

the ecstatic sense that accompanies the 
taking part in great events1 the        
consciousness of making history4 ,on a  
little lower plane there is the         
excitement of adventure and of travel   
that gives allurement to the idea of war
 in the mind of the soldier1 and which  
also glorifies the soldier2 the         
sensation hunger2 the cupidus rerum     
novarum2 the ecstasies of nature and    
freedom1 suggested by the very term in  
the field4 ,add to these the ecstasies  
of battle and of victory1 the           
,kampfsrausch and the                   
,siegestrunkenheit1 and the mood of war 
in which acts unlawful for the          
individual become not only lawful but   
highly honorable when done collectively4
 ,there is also in the mood of war the  
social intoxication1 the feeling on the 
part of the individual of being a part  
of a body and the sense of being lost in
 a greater whole4 ,the lusts of         
conquest1 and of looting1 and of combat1
 all contribute to this spirit of war4  

,and finally1 summing up all the other  
ecstasies1 the strong inner movement of 
the soul expressing itself in strong    
external movements1 and in the sense of 
living and dying in the midst of vivid  
and real life4  ,hirschfeld's analysis  
of the ecstasy of war discloses deep and
 powerful motives in the individual mind
 and the social life4 ,we can find this 
ecstasy everywhere in the history of    
war1 sometimes as a national exaltation1
 sometimes as a more restricted         
phenomenon4 ,villard 7#ed71 speaking of 
the first days of the war1 says that in 
,germany then one could see the         
psychology of the crowd at its noblest  
height4 ,the exaltation of a people1    
whatever its content1 or its purpose1 is
 an awe-inspiring spectacle4 ,there can 
be no greater display of the sources of 
human power4 ,in this particular time of
 exaltation we can see in action        
religious ecstasy1 the cult of valor1   
and the stirring of more fundamental and
 more primitive feelings4 ,this         

exaltation has its imaginative side4    
,there is a dream of empire in it4      
,there is an exhibition of the forms of 
royalty1 its display1 its color and its 
dramatic moments4 ,there is the spirit  
of militarism and of great adventure1   
the excitement of chance1 of throwing   
all into the hands of fate1 the sthetic 
and the play motives which are never    
separated from the practical passions in
 times of great exaltation4  ,this mood 
of war differs1 of course1 at different 
times under different circumstances4    
,the ,french people certainly went into 
the great war with no such exaltation4  
,we should have to look elsewhere in    
,french history for the ecstatic war    
spirit1 when the ,french are moved by   
the motives of glory and prestige1 or by
 the vanity and eroticism which ,reuthe 
thinks are the essential qualities of   
the spirit of ,france4 ,but taking      
history as a whole there is no lack of  
ecstasy in the spirit of war4 ,we find  
in this ecstasy exalted social feeling1 

joy of overcoming the pain of death1 the
 exultation of sacrifice1 love of       
display1 feeling of tragedy1 the ecstasy
 of exerting the utmost of power1 love  
of danger1 the gambling motive1 the love
 of battle1 love of all the dramatic    
elements of military life4 ,these       
separate ecstasies1 taken all together1 
make up the exalted mood of war4 ,they  
represent war in its most significant   
moments4  ,in this mood of war instincts
 are exhibited1 but they seem to be in  
some way transformed1 so that the whole 
has a meaning different from the parts4 
,the mood of war is not a mere effect1 a
 reaction to events4 ,it is a           
longing--plastic and indefinite it may  
be--but looking toward the future4 ,it  
is a craving1 not for the release of    
definite instincts1 but is rather a     
force or a desire which1 however        
misguided the expression of this mood or
 this energy may be1 is the essence of  
what individuals and society to-day are4
 ,we may find in this mood1 upon        

superficial examination1 mere emotions1 
but in a final and deeper analysis1 we  
may suppose1 its content and its meaning
 will be found to be specific--purposes 
which constitute what is deepest and    
most continuous in the individual and in
 society1 but which at the same time    
give to this mood its generality of     
direction and of form4  ,it is the      
war-mood1 then1 that must be explained1 
if we wish to understand the motives and
 causes of war4 ,and this war mood1 so  
it appears1 is related to all the other 
great ecstasies--of art1 religion1      
intoxication1 love4 ,it is1 of course1  
then1 a psychological problem1 and one  
having many radiations and deep roots4  
,the view that we are going to take is  
that in the mood of war we have to do   
essentially with what1 relying upon     
previous studies of the principles of   
art and of the motives that are at work 
in society that produce the phenomena of
 intemperance we may call the           
intoxication motive4 ,that this         

intoxication motive is a plastic force1 
a mood containing desires and impulses  
that may be satisfied in a variety of   
ways1 since as a sum of desires it is no
 longer specific and instinctive1 is the
 main implication of this view4 ,it is  
this generic quality and compositeness  
of the purpose of the individual and of 
the spirit of society that obscures the 
meaning of history and often makes      
individual lives so enigmatical1 and    
which also makes these purposes of      
individuals and nations so persistent1  
sometimes so terribly forceful and      
insatiable4  ,as contrasted with        
instincts1 the motive of intoxication we
 say1 is plastic1 and its object--and   
this is one of its most significant     
characteristics--is to produce exalted  
states of consciousness mainly for their
 own sake4 ,at least this experience of 
exaltation is the main or central thing 
sought4 ,it is a tendency to seek       
exalted states1 but at the same time1 we
 should say1 specific instincts gain    

some kind of satisfaction1 although not 
at all necessarily by the performance of
 the external movements appropriate to  
them4 ,they may obtain a certain        
vicarious satisfaction4 ,the mood gives 
conduct a general direction1 it provides
 a motive and the power1 it is the      
source of interest and of desire1 but   
its objects may be indefinite and       
variable4  ,some general aspects of the 
moods that we have to consider have     
already come to light1 and these may    
prove to be valuable clews to a         
psychological analysis of their content4
 ,there is the ecstatic state1 and the  
craving to experience it1 the love of   
excitement1 the desire to have a sense  
of reality1 the impulse to seek an      
abundant life1 the love of power and of 
the feeling of power4 ,these are all    
related1 and at least they have         
something in common1 but it is the last 
mentioned1 the motive of power1 that    
seems to be the most definite and to    
have the clearest biological meaning and

 implications4 ,indeed this motive of   
power 7and we must here again depend    
upon previous studies of the sthetic    
motives and other aspects of ecstasy71  
appears to be fundamental in art1 in    
religion1 and in history4 ,it is a      
concept that gives us a vantage ground  
for the interpretation of some of the   
most significant parts of life4 ,the    
idea of power and the craving for power 
as a general motive1 but also containing
 and exploiting specific purposes and   
desires1 runs through all the history of
 art and religion and also through      
history itself4 ,religion is based upon 
the desire to exert and to feel power1  
and it is the manifest and indeed the   
expressly acknowledged purpose of all   
primitive art1 and is concealed and     
implied in all later art4 ,art is       
practical1 an effort to realize a sense 
of power1 to become a god 7just as in   
his motive of play the child desires    
more than anything else to realize      
himself as a man71 to influence people1 

or objects1 or gods1 to exert magic     
somewhere in the world4 ,in the feeling 
of power which the ecstatic state       
produces1 the belief in the power of art
 is established1 and at the same time   
deep and hidden impulses are exploited4 
,on the feeling side1 and indeed in     
every way1 this ought to explain how    
art1 religion1 and all states of        
intoxication have a common element1 if  
they are not primitively the same4  ,a  
psychology of the war moods must        
undertake to trace the history of the   
motive of power1 considering its        
beginnings as the desire and sense of   
satisfaction connected with the         
performance of definite instinctive     
acts1 and with their physiological      
results1 with the exertion of power and 
the production of effects upon objects4 
,it is in the performance of instinctive
 acts1 in which superiority is inborn1  
that animal and man obtain their        
original sense of power or superiority4 
,as capacities are differentiated and   

multiplied1 the experiences of          
achievement generate a mood and a more  
general impulse1 a desire to exert power
 for its own sake4 ,the sensory or      
organic elements tend to predominate in 
this generalized motive1 simply because 
the specific actions in which the sense 
of power is obtained cannot so readily1 
or cannot at all1 be generalized4 ,such 
an organization of actions and states in
 consciousness demands nothing new in   
principle1 implies nothing different    
from that found on the intellectual side
 when concepts are formed from concrete 
experiences4 ,the associative processes 
and the selective principles everywhere 
present in mental action are all that   
are necessary to be assumed here4 ,we   
may take advantage1 however1 of the     
special investigations of affective     
logic1 and the like1 as giving evidence 
in support of such a conception of the  
formation of moods as is here being     
worked out4 ,we are likely to make the  
mistake of thinking the specific        

instincts and the impulses and pleasure 
states that we find in human            
experiences1 such as ecstasy1 as the    
whole of these experiences1 and to      
overlook the constant process of        
generalization that goes on in all the  
mental activity of the individual4 ,for 
example1 we may think of various plays  
which involve instinctive actions as    
being wholly explained by1 or to be made
 up of1 these instinctive acts alone1   
whereas in most plays that take the form
 of excitement1 abandon or ecstasy1     
there are being employed processes which
 are general in the sense of renforcing 
all the specific acts alike1 and are yet
 specific in the sense that they are    
themselves1 or have been1 practical3    
that is1 they are in reality processes  
that belong to the fundamental strata of
 consciousness--to the nutritional and  
reproductive tendencies4 ,out of these  
tendencies the more complex processes of
 which we speak are made1 but they are  
no mere repetition of old forms4 ,that1 

at least1 is the way these ecstatic     
moods appear from our point of view4    
,it is precisely because ecstatic moods 
are presumably thus general and         
composite1 and involve fundamental      
instincts 7but in such a way that they  
are transformed1 and no longer present  
in body1 so to speak1 but are           
represented by their organic processes  
rather than appearing as specific       
concatenated chains of motor events71   
with their purposes changed and their   
whole meaning determined by the present 
states to which they belong1 that we    
should be inclined to say that to       
explain any great and powerful movement 
in the lives of individuals or nations  
as merely reversions is very inadequate 
and indeed wrong4 ,they are emotional   
forces that are at work1 composite      
feelings and moods rather than          
instincts4 ,they are aspects of the     
continuity of the life of the present1  
rather than of the fragmentary past that
 lives in the individual4 ,these forces 

are plastic1 complex and organized1     
rather than haphazard and suppressed4   
,they are directive1 creative1 but      
incidentally they make amends for and   
satisfy and exploit the past4  ,if these
 principles be valid1 their application 
to the psychology of war seems plain4   
,the central purpose or motive of war   
to-day is a craving for the realization 
of the sense of power4 ,this is the     
subjective side of it1 the unconscious1 
instinctive1 mystical motive so often   
observed4 ,the question of the actual   
power exerted or displayed is not the   
most essential point of this war mood4  
,it is the manipulation and the         
satisfaction of inner factors that make 
the most significant aspect of these    
moods4 ,history1 we should hold1 is in  
great part an unfoldment of this motive4
 ,nations crave1 as collective or group 
consciousness1 the feeling of power4    
,just as we say the child in his plays  
wants to be a man1 and the individual in
 his art feels himself a god1 so nations

 in their wars and in their thoughts of 
wars1 feel themselves more real1 realize
 themselves as world powers1 and as     
supreme and divine4 ,to be first and all
 is indeed the purpose that runs in     
these moods1 and this we believe is     
true1 in its way1 of the most           
insignificant and hopelessly decrepit of
 peoples4 ,this must be taken account of
 in the interpretation of history1 and  
in that larger pedagogy1 the pedagogy of
 nations to which we just now look      
forward4  ,these moods which1           
slumbering1 become the ecstasies of war 
are vague1 even secretive4 ,they contain
 aggressive thoughts that are disavowed1
 vanities that are concealed1 fears that
 present a quiet front4 ,but we must not
 think that the war mood always intends 
war4 ,nations have their subjective     
lives and inner history1 and their      
vicarious satisfactions4 ,a nation in   
arms already feels itself victor by     
reason of its sense of power4 ,otherwise
 few wars would be entered upon4 ,dreams

 and talk of war may incite to war1 but 
they may also satisfy the desire and    
need of war4 ,there is a certain        
narcissism in nations1 and this is due  
precisely to the fact that patriotism as
 a feeling and impulse necessarily lacks
 in the group consciousness the         
mechanisms for externalization1 except  
indeed in war4 ,war is an escape1 for a 
people1 from a kind of subjectivism1    
from the evils of a self-love to perhaps
 the greater evils of self-assertion4   
,nations in war1 and even in the thought
 of war realize their own potentiality1 
take account of stock of their powers1  
and create an ideal1 romantic and dream 
world4 ,they make castles-in-air1 and   
these castles-in-air always take the    
form of empires4 ,war1 precisely like   
art1 is at first more and then less     
practical1 and sought for practical     
purposes4 ,more and more there is a     
craving for glory1 for prestige1 for    
subjective satisfaction and symbols of  
power4 ,nations take lands that they    

cannot use for any good purpose1 inflict
 indemnities that may ruin themselves   
rather than their enemies1 exploit      
economic relations that are dangerous to
 the nations' very existence4 ,it is    
power that they seek1 and it is power   
they thus create1 but it is often       
different in form and in value from what
 the conscious purpose holds4 ,they are 
really seeking general and subjective   
states in part for their own sake4      
,psychologically it is all one and the  
same whether we realize this power by   
actually killing an enemy1 or believe we
 overpower him by the performance of    
some mystic and ecstatic act1 or in some
 more modern way become confident in our
 own power and prestige4 ,national life1
 in order to maintain its integrity1    
must move upon a plane of intense       
feeling4 ,it must have objectives1 but  
these objectives are not necessarily of 
value in themselves4 ,this is the       
delusion and enigma of history4 ,peoples
 enact dramas in their own subjective   

lives1 and these things they do have    
reference to the desires for inner      
experiences4 ,we may say that nations1  
like individuals1 crave for luxuries of 
the emotional life1 but to think of     
these experiences as merely static      
pleasure-states1 after the fashion of a 
certain conception of the emotions1     
would be wholly to misunderstand this   
view which we have been trying to       
present4 ,these subjective states are   
full of meaning and of purpose4 ,they   
are not reactions1 but rather1 in so far
 as these collective lives are normal   
and progressive1 these moods and        
ecstasies are more of the nature of     
crucibles in which old reactions and    
feelings are fused1 given new direction1
 new forms and in a certain way a new   
nature4 ,history is made in these moods 
of war4 ,they are subjective forces1 but
 they are also objectively creative4    
,what is it that nations really desire8 
,what is it1 we might ask1 that an      
individual desires8 ,on the side of     

experience it is an abundant life1 a    
life full of the feeling of power4 ,this
 craving for an abundant life is a      
craving for the satisfaction of many    
desires1 instinctive and acquired1 but  
it is also a craving1 in some sense1 for
 more desire4 ,it is not merely to      
satisfy desires1 but to realize more    
life by creating more desires that      
experience is sought4 ,that is the      
philosophy of the life of the superior  
individual2 it is also the principle of 
the larger individual--the nation4 ,the 
creation and the satisfaction of desire 
are the motives of art4 ,they are also  
the motives of life4  ,in history1 it is
 the intangible value1 the unconscious  
purpose1 the desire to realize empires  
that are only in part material1 the     
desire for glory and prestige and       
opportunity that seem to be the guiding 
motives4 ,there is a general and plastic
 purpose beneath all the special        
tendencies and desires directing        
interest toward specific objects1 and   

also sometimes making the objectives    
sought indefinite and the purposes in   
seeking them seem mystical4 ,it is the  
desire to be a power in the world1 or   
rather to have power over the world1 and
 to experience all the inner exaltation 
these desires inspire that appears to be
 the creative force in history4 ,these  
things1 moreover1 are not the desires   
and impulses of the geniuses among      
nations alone2 they seem to be inherent 
in all national life4  ,study of the    
intoxication motive in the individual   
and as a social phenomenon shows that it
 is not an expression of the need of    
relaxation from strain1 or a reversion1 
or something that occurs by a mere      
release of primitive instincts4 ,it     
occurs in the great periods of history1 
and in the strong years of the life of  
the individual1 rather than in times of 
weakness4 ,it is always a spirit of the 
times rather than of some past reverted 
to4 ,it may occur in times of disorder  
or of repression1 but it is an          

experience in which energy and power are
 expressed4 ,we see it most dominant    
when life is most abundant1 when there  
is also a craving to make life more     
abundant still1 when there is already   
power and more power is longed for4 ,it 
is true1 however1 that two opposite     
conditions may produce the strongest    
manifestations of this intoxication     
motive4 ,something analogous to these   
conditions we see in the lives of       
individuals1 in the phenomena of        
intemperance1 which belong in general to
 the virile years4 ,social ecstasy is   
produced in times when there is already 
a free expression of energy1 but also   
under conditions that cause pain1       
disorder and repression4 ,under the     
latter conditions we think of it not as 
desire for relief from strain but desire
 to be released from obstacles that     
impede the expression of the growth     
force4 ,if all this be true1 we see war 
in a somewhat different light from that 
in which it is ordinarily regarded4 ,it 

is not1 in its typical forms1 a         
reversion to barbarism1 and it is not a 
political mishap4 ,it is rather a       
readjustment of tendencies or forces and
 an expression and product of the living
 and progressive forces of society--not 
necessarily a good or even a normal     
expression of them1 but an awakening and
 a realization of such desires as are   
to-day at work in everything we         
do--forces which for the moment are     
raised to a white heat1 so to speak1 in 
which purposes are for the moment fused 
and it may be confused--but still an    
expression of what1 for better or for   
worse we are1 not of what in some remote
 past time we were4 ,we cannot explain  
war or excuse ourselves for waging wars 
by saying that we lapse for a time into 
barbarism1 but on the other hand the    
heroism we suddenly find in ourselves as
 nations or as individuals1 is not so   
different from that of ordinary life as 
we may have supposed4 ,we have perhaps  
no right to say that all war is thus to 

be characterized4 ,war is a very complex
 and a widely variable phenomenon1 but  
this is the explanation of that aspect  
of the motive of history which in       
general produces war4 ,war may have its 
abnormalities1 if we may speak of a     
worse in that which is already bad      
enough4 ,war may satisfy the desperate  
mind2 it may1 on occasion1 be a narcotic
 to cover up worse pain1 or an evidence 
of decadence2 or even be what those who 
think of it as a reversion believe4 ,but
 all these aspects of war1 if our view  
be sound1 are the eccentricities rather 
than the essence of war4  ,the          
conditions preceding our recent great   
war will doubtless in the course of     
future historical and sociological      
research1 be minutely scrutinized1 in   
the effort to find the causes of the    
war--factors deeper than and different  
from the political and economic causes  
and the personal intrigues that are now 
most emphasized4 ,if we believe that the
 war was made in ,germany rather than   

elsewhere1 we might look there1         
especially for these psychological      
factors of war--for our intoxication    
motives and unconscious impulses and our
 causes of reversion1 but we should     
probably not find anything different in 
kind there from what we should discover 
in other great countries4 ,those who    
have seen in modern industrialism       
dangers of coming disaster1 or who now  
look back upon it as a genuine cause of 
the war were probably not mistaken4     
,industrialism has been producing       
rapidly1 and in an intense form1 what we
 may call the mood of the city1 and this
 mood of the city contains all the      
conditions and all the emotions that    
tend to bring to the surface the        
deep-lying motives of the social life   
that we are trying to point out4 ,there 
are both the joy of the abundant life1  
the craving for new experiences1 and the
 sense of reality1 and also the         
disorganization of interests and        
motives1 the stress and fatigue and     

monotony which prepare the mind for     
culmination in dramatic events4 ,there  
is1 in a word1 a deep stirring of all   
the forces that make for progress and   
expansion1 and also conditions that     
disorganize the individual and the      
social life4 ,lamprecht 7#ei7 of all    
,german writers seems to have           
appreciated this4 ,he has written before
 the war1 describing a condition in     
,germany which he says began in the     
seventies of the preceding century--a   
change of ,german life in which there is
 a great increase of the activities of  
the cities1 with haste and anxiety1     
unscrupulous individual energy1 general 
nervous excitement1 a condition of      
neuro-muscular weakness 7and he might   
have added as another sign1             
over-stimulation of the mind by a great 
flood of morbid literature74  ,in       
,lamprecht's opinion1 this period of    
excitement1 this strong tendency to the 
enjoyment of excitation in general1 is a
 form of socio-psychic dissociation4 ,it

 is a period of relative                
disorganization1 when the individual is 
subjected to a great variety of new     
experiences1 when outside influences    
prevail over the inner impulses of the  
individual1 in which the individual is  
unsettled and there is a tendency toward
 pessimism and melancholia4 ,lamprecht  
thinks of this state as something       
transitory1 and already as he writes 7in
 #aije7 nearing an end4 ,this state of  
continuous excitement1 with its shallow 
pathos of the individual and its        
constant and superficial happiness1 its 
worship of the novel and the            
extraordinary1 the suggestibility and   
the receptivity of the masses1 automatic
 action of the will and the             
emotions--all this ,lamprecht thinks    
will pass4 ,it is a stage in the process
 of a new formation4 ,the very elements 
of dissociation are positively charged1 
so to speak1 and contain creative power4
 ,a new system of morals1 a new         
philosophy1 new religion begin to       

emerge4 ,there is a strong effort to    
reach a new dominant4  ,this is         
,lamprecht's psychological              
interpretation of recent ,german        
history4 ,this view and the various     
aspects of the condition which          
,lamprecht describes1 the relation of   
the materialism1 the pessimism and the  
melancholy of such a time to the        
optimistic trends and the deep forward  
movement need a closer study than we can
 here give it1 but may we not see in it 
the truth that such conditions as these 
are prone to cause wars as a phase of   
the process of the inner adjustment of  
national life8 ,wars occur as forms of  
expression of those impulses which      
appear in the individual life in times  
of rapid growth and relative            
dissociation as outbreaks of            
intemperance and passion--a culmination1
 according to our view and terminology1 
of the intoxication motive4             
,industrialism itself is perhaps but one
 manifestation of deep impulses in the  

life of nations2 it is at once an       
intensification and a formalizing of    
life4 ,hence perhaps its paradoxical    
appearance as an increase of both joy   
and distress4 ,there is nothing in it   
that is wholly satisfying4  ,germany1   
says ,lamprecht1 was seeking1 in this   
transition period1 a new dominant1 a new
 religion and a new philosophy4 ,but    
,germany1 let us help ,lamprecht to say1
 since he does not himself draw this    
conclusion1 has failed to emerge upon   
the level of an exalted ecstasy1 failed 
to produce the philosophical1 the moral 
and religious fruit of its new impulses1
 failed1 in a word1 to find its dominant
 on a high level1 precisely as often the
 promising individual fails and has     
expressed his truly great nature in low 
forms of activity4 ,so ,germany1 and the
 world1 dominated by industrialism and  
all the desires and forces that the     
rapid development of industrialism has  
brought into action1 has come to a      
culmination of its efforts in an        

outbreak unparalleled in history4 ,on   
the side of ,germany we see a nation    
governed by a mood of war in which the  
chief modes of thought and action       
represented are the pseudo-mystical and 
religious longings for new empire1      
romantic love of the past1 militarism1  
and all the motives of the new          
industrialism and the new science4 ,the 
best motives of the old feudalism and   
the new industrialism tried to unite1 as
 we might say1 into a new and very great
 civilization--and they failed4 ,what   
has happened is that the material powers
 and the cynical moods of industrialism 
have combined with the mystical elements
 and the superficial stheticism of the  
old feudalistic rgime to create a       
philosophy of life1 a temporary stage it
 may be1 in which force and fanaticism  
and the uncompromising ideals of        
national honor and brute strength       
prevail over those of a wider efficiency
 and a broader devotion which might have
 inspired a greater and a better        

,germany4 ,convention and political     
motives have done the rest4  ,bergson   
says that in the war spirit of ,germany 
one sees matter arrayed against spirit4 
,one can see some truth in this1 but    
spirit and matter are not two armies    
pitted against one another4 ,in         
,germany1 as we may believe elsewhere1  
the spiritual in the sense of creative  
forces in the subconscious life of      
nations does try to organize the        
practical life1 with its routine and    
convention1 into an onward moving       
progress1 in which1 necessarily1 exalted
 moods 7if energies are to get          
themselves expressed at all7 must       
prevail1 and must be full of            
possibilities1 both of great good and of
 great evil4 ,life in its collective    
form will be abundant1 because that is  
its most fundamental craving4 ,it may be
 terribly and destructively abundant1 or
 benignly1 but progress1 as history     
seems to show us--if reason and         
psychology do not--can never be orderly 

and complacent4 ,order and convention   
must break down to introduce new spirit 
and new desires which are continually   
being created in the inner life4 ,these 
forces may be old instincts which are   
continually upsetting civilized life1   
but the desires they produce and the    
mechanism of their operation seem to be 
different from what our customary       
psychology and interpretation of history
 imply4 ,just as these moods make the   
child play and be wholly unpractical    
when one might suppose he could be      
useful1 and the individual1 as man1 live
 a certain life of adventure rather than
 in security and routine1 so this spirit
 or mood that dominates nations makes   
them imperialistic1 and causes them to  
crave those things which lead toward    
war1 if they do not crave war itself1   
when we might think they ought to be    
most concerned about the economic       
welfare of the world as a whole4        
,whether this spirit of nations be an   
evil to be overcome1 and to suppress1 or

 an untamed force to direct to right    
objects1 or a good that by some logic of
 events which we do not understand works
 out the right course of history1 we do 
not know4 ,but here1 of course1 we come 
to problems1 which1 if they are problems
 at all in any real sense1 are          
philosophical and ultimate4             
,,chapter ,,iii  ,,instincts ,,in ,,war3
 ,,fear1 ,,hate1 ,,the ,,aggressive     
,,impulse1 ,,motives ,,of ,,combat ,,and
 ,,destruction1 ,,the ,,social          
,,instinct   ,we have found that the    
essential1 and we might say1 primary    
psychological datum of war is a         
war-mood1 that the central motive of    
this war-mood is a general impulse which
 we called the intoxication motive1 and 
that this intoxication motive1          
considered generically1 and in regard to
 its specific meaning is a craving for  
power and for the experience of exerting
 and feeling power4 ,the war-mood is not
 a mere collection of instincts2 it is a
 new product1 in which instincts and    

emotions have a place4 ,there are       
several reasons1 practical and          
theoretical1 for regarding it as a      
highly important problem to discover    
what the actual content of this war-mood
 is4 ,this mood1 being one of the       
greatest of all powers of good and evil1
 and one most in need to-day of         
education and re-direction1 it may be1  
it will probably be controlled1 if ever1
 upon the basis of a knowledge of what  
it means as a whole1 and of what its    
elements are which appear in the form of
 fused1 transformed1 truncated1         
generalized and aborted instincts and   
feelings4   ,primitive ,tendencies      
,first of all1 the highly complex       
emotions1 moods and impulses we find in 
the social consciousness as expressed in
 the moods of war1 do contain and revert
 to instincts and feelings that are part
 of the primitive equipment of organic  
life1 and are usually identified as     
nutritional and reproductive tendencies4
 ,the part played in war by the         

migratory impulse1 the predatory impulse
 and the like indicates the connection  
of the war-moods with the nutritional   
tendencies2 and the display elements    
found already in primitive warfare and1 
as we have already inferred1 in all     
forms of ecstasy contain factors that   
are at bottom sexual4 ,we no longer eat 
our enemies1 and we do not bring home   
their heads to our women or practice    
wife stealing1 but it is easy to observe
 the remnants of these old feelings and 
instincts in war4 ,trophy hunting       
continues1 and we may suppose that even 
the moods of primitive cannibalism have 
not entirely been lost4 ,the ready      
habituation of soldiers to some of the  
scenes of the recent war seems to       
suggest a lingering trace of this       
motive1 while the looting impulse which 
plays such a part in war1 and some      
aspects of the destructive impulses and 
the like that are displayed1 are1 with a
 high degree of probability1 closely    
related to instincts that were once     

specifically practical and belong to the
 fundamental nutritional motives4 ,nor  
is it a mere euphemism1 perhaps1 when we
 speak of the greed of nations1 nor     
solely analogical when we compare the   
ambitions of peoples with certain       
adolescent phenomena in the life of the 
individual4 ,plainly the social         
consciousness1 as a collective mood1    
does not command the specific reactions 
connected with sexuality and nutrition1 
but we may observe the presence of these
 instinctive reactions in two phases of 
war4 ,we see them in the tendencies of  
various individuals1 who under the      
excitements of the war moods are        
controlled more or less specifically by 
instinctive reactions4 ,we see also     
fragments of instinctive reactions and  
primitive feeling woven into the total  
states of social consciousness4 ,the    
hunger motive may1 and probably does1   
supply some of the elements of the fear 
and the aggressive moods of war2 just as
 the sex motive provides some of the    

elements of anger and hatred1 and some  
of the qualities of combat itself4      
,the ,aggressive ,instinct  ,a natural1 
but somewhat nave explanation of war is 
that it is a survival of the aggressive 
instinct that man has brought up with   
him from animal life1 in which he       
originated1 and that very early in his  
career was directed toward his fellow   
men4 ,this aggressive instinct as       
expressed in the modern spirit of war   
does not need1 on this view1 to be      
thought of as something reverted to4 ,it
 is still active throughout the social  
life4 ,both the purposes and the methods
 of it remain4 ,we have referred to one 
aspect of this before1 and to the       
objection that can be made that the     
ancestry of man does not show us such an
 aggressive instinct4 ,the nearest      
relatives of man are mainly social      
rather than aggressive in their habits4 
,even the habits of hunting other       
animals and eating animal food appear to
 have been acquired during man's career 

as man1 and he never has had the        
aggressive temper that some creatures   
have had4 ,man has acquired a very      
effectual and very complex adjustment to
 his environment by piecing together1 so
 to speak1 fragments of his original    
conduct1 and developing mechanisms that 
have been produced in the race as a     
means of satisfying fundamental needs4  
,modes of reaction produced originally  
for one purpose have apparently been    
utilized by other motives4 ,of course   
the more specific animal instincts are  
not wholly lacking1 but it is also true 
that man through his social life has    
produced habits that resemble or are    
substitutes for primitive instincts4    
,the love of combat1 especially as it is
 shown in play indicates the presence of
 instinctive roots1 but it does not show
 the existence of a definite instinct of
 aggression4 ,this play is in part an   
off-shoot of the reproductive motive4   
,these fighting plays of children are in
 part sexual plays1 and we see them     

clearly in their true light in some of  
the higher mammals most closely related 
to man4  ,one aspect of the aggressive  
habit of man has been too much          
neglected4 ,it is highly probable that  
aggression in man has been far more     
closely related to the emotion of fear  
than to any assumed predatory instinct4 
,it is a question whether the predatory 
habit of man1 ending in cannibalism and 
the hunting of animals for food1 did not
 originate in the time of the long      
battle man must have had with animals in
 which the animals themselves for the   
most part played the part of aggressors4
 ,it was not for nothing1 at any rate1  
that our animal ancestors took to the   
trees1 and it is certain that the fear  
element in human nature is very strong  
and very deeply ingrained4 ,we see      
throughout animal life fear expressed by
 aggressive movements1 by the show of   
anger1 as well as by flight4 ,this is   
seen especially clearly in the birds4   
,with all their equipment for the       

defensive strategy of flight they       
express fear instinctively by attacking1
 and this is apparently not a result    
merely of the habit of defending the    
young4 ,the great carnivora also attack 
from fear1 and seem normally never to   
attack such animals as they do not hunt 
for prey unless they are frightened4    
,the charge of the rhinoceros and other 
great ungulates is probably always a    
fear reaction4 ,they appear to have no  
other aggressive impulses1 certainly    
none connected with the nutritional     
motives since they are herbivorous in   
habit4  ,the fear motive is probably    
much deeper in human nature1 both in the
 lower and the higher social reactions  
than is commonly supposed1 the          
concealment of fear being precisely a   
part of the strategy of defense4 ,fear  
has created more history than it is     
usually given credit for4 ,the          
aggressive motive alone1 in all         
probability1 would never have made      
history such a story of battles as it   

has been4 ,nations usually attribute    
more aggressive intentions and motives  
to their neighbors than their neighbors 
possess1 and war is certainly often     
precipitated by an accumulation of      
mutual distrust and suspicion4 ,nations 
are always watching one another for the 
least signs of aggression on the part of
 their supposed enemies1 an attitude    
which of course is inspired only by     
apprehension4  ,moods of fear and       
pessimism we say are deeply implanted in
 the consciousness of man1 and we must  
interpret both his optimism1 and all its
 expressions in philosophy and in       
religion1 and also his aggressive       
behavior as in large part the result of 
a conscious or an unconscious effort to 
overcome his fear4 ,the social          
consciousness is full of marks of       
age-long dread and suspicion4 ,fear of  
fate1 fear of losing identity as a      
nation1 fear of being overrun by an     
enemy1 fear of internal disruption1 are 
strong motives in national life4 ,fear  

runs like a dark thread through all the 
life of nations1 and gives to it a      
quality of mysticism1 and a touch of    
sadness which is so characteristic of   
much of the deepest patriotism of the   
world4  ,fear is one of the most        
powerful motives of all aggressive      
warfare in the world4 ,we find it in    
every nation1 even those which are      
naturally most aggressive1 and in them  
perhaps most of all4 ,in the history and
 in the war moods of ,germany the fear  
motive is unmistakable4 ,america is not 
without it4 ,nations conceal their      
fears1 presenting a bold front to the   
foreigner2 but beneath the display one  
can always detect suspicion1 dread and  
intense watchfulness4 ,america has in   
the past feared ,germany1 and ,america  
fears the ,far ,east2 we look furtively 
toward ,asia1 the primeval home of all  
evils and pestilence1 for something that
 may arise and engulf us4 ,small        
countries fear2 large countries with    
their sense of distances1 have their own

 characteristic forms of apprehension4  
,fear is the motive of preventive wars4 
,it makes all nations desire to kill    
their enemies in the egg4 ,it creates   
the death wish toward all who thwart our
 interests or who may in the future do  
so4  ,this fear motive runs through all 
history4 ,parsons says that men fight   
not because they are warlike1 but       
because they are fearful4 ,rohrbach     
thinks that if ,germany and ,england    
could each be sure the other would not  
be aggressive there would be no war     
between them4 ,it is this aspect of the 
foreign as the unknown that especially  
plays upon the motive of fear4 ,this    
fear is like the child's dread of the   
dark2 it is not what is seen1 but what  
is not seen that causes apprehension4   
,it is the stranger whose psychic nature
 we cannot penetrate1 who causes fear4  
,in small countries having only land    
borders1 this attitude of suspicion and 
fear must become an integral part of the
 whole psychic structure of the national

 consciousness4 ,fear becomes morbid2   
nations have illusions and delusions    
based upon fear4 ,there are reasons for 
believing that all aggression contains a
 pessimistic motive1 or background1 and 
that this pessimistic background is     
based upon the emotion of fear4         
,countries that are most positively     
aggressive have such a pessimistic      
strain4 ,pessimism is a shadow that lies
 across the path of progress of modern  
,germany4 ,this fear motive1 the quality
 of the animal that charges when at bay1
 is to be seen throughout all ,german   
history4 ,germany's fear of ,russia must
 certainly be blamed for a great part of
 the pessimistic strain in the          
temperament of ,germany1 and therefore  
as an important factor among the causes 
of the great war4 ,every war appears to 
the people who conduct it as defensive1 
precisely because every war is to some  
extent based upon fear1 and fear in     
national consciousness is a persistent  
sense of living by a defensive strategy4

 ,it is existence that nations always   
think and talk of fighting for2 it is   
existence about which they have         
apprehensions4 ,beneath all group life  
there is this sense of fear1 since fear 
itself was a large factor in creating   
that life4 ,when people live together1  
repress individual desires and          
participate in a common life we may know
 that one of the strongest bonds of this
 social life is fear4 ,the need of      
defense is a more fundamental motive in 
national life than is aggression4 ,a    
shudder runs through a nation about to  
go to battle4 ,the lusts of war are     
aroused later by the overcoming of fear4
  ,germany's inclination to preventive  
wars1 her incessant plea of being about 
to be attacked1 can by no means be      
interpreted as pure deception1 or as an 
effort to make political capital4       
,germany's army was primarily for       
defense1 because a defensive strategy is
 the only strategy that ,germany with   
her position and her temperament can    

adopt4 ,germany's great army was        
,germany's compensation1 in             
consciousness1 for the insignificance of
 her territory4 ,it was for defense4 ,it
 was also a compensation for a feeling  
of inferiority1 in ,adler's sense4      
,fanaticism1 envy1 depreciation of      
others1 aggression1 morbid and excessive
 ambition were all fruits from the same 
stem4 ,the gloom which many have found  
in ,german life1 and the pessimism in   
,german philosophy1 we may explain in   
part by the experiences of ,germany as  
the scene of so many devastating wars4  
,upon the background of fear1 in our    
interpretation of aggressive motives1 is
 erected ,german autocracy1 ,german     
ambition and the conception of the      
absolute ,state1 which may be           
interpreted as almost a specific fear   
reaction4 ,it comes in time to have     
other meanings1 and like many           
instinctive reactions1 it may be put to 
uses for which it was not originally    
produced1 but there is fear concealed in

 the heart of it4 ,how action can be    
both defensive and strongly aggressive1 
then1 is no mystery if we see that      
aggression may be a fear reaction1 that 
even the most ardent imperialism is     
based in part upon fear1 upon the       
consciousness at some time of being weak
 and inferior4  ,fear and suspicion     
cause aggressive wars even when the fear
 may be1 in all reason1 groundless4     
,there is no more dangerous individual  
in the community than the one having    
delusions of persecution1 for his mania 
is naturally homicidal4 ,so with        
nations4 ,fear is a treacherous and     
deceptive passion4 ,we may see this     
fear1 if we choose to look for it1 even 
in the ecstatic mood of war and the     
spiritual exaltation of ,germany during 
the first few weeks or months of the    
war4 ,this exaltation was in part a     
reaction of fear--or a reaction from    
fear4 ,germany was afraid1 feared for   
her existence1 and the exaltation was in
 part a sense of taking a terrible      

plunge into the depths of fate4 ,germany
 was afraid of ,russia and afraid of    
,england1 and that fear had to be       
overcome1 because the presence of the   
fear itself was a matter of life or     
death4 ,but the exaltation did not      
merely succeed the fear4 ,it contained  
it4 ,and why should ,germany1 even with 
all her preparedness and her resources  
not be afraid8 ,an inherited fear is not
 so easily exorcised4 ,germany arrayed  
against all ,russia and all the ,british
 ,empire1 ,germany no larger than our   
,texas experienced a state of           
exaltation1 overcoming fear4 ,but it    
required something more than courage to 
overcome the fear2 and that other       
element was mysticism4 ,to the sense of 
throwing all into the hands of fate     
which1 by all physical signs must be    
adverse1 was added1 as a compensating   
element1 ,germany's mystical belief in  
her security as a chosen nation4 ,fear1 
by its intensity and depth may1 like    
physical pain1 become ecstatic and thus 

be overcome4   ,hatred  ,hatred must be 
considered both as a cause of war1 and  
as an element in the war moods4 ,many   
authors have called hatred one of the   
deepest roots of war4 ,this hatred      
between nations even ,freud says is     
mysterious4 ,but ,pfister1 referring to 
,adler's theory1 says that war must be  
understood precisely as we understand   
enmity among individuals4 ,a sense of   
inferiority is insulted1 and thus       
aggressive feelings are aroused4 ,the   
nation1 like the individual1 is spurred 
on to make good its claim to greatness4 
,it is a feeling of jealousy based upon 
a sense of inferiority that causes      
hatred4 ,o',ryan and ,anderson 7#e71    
military writers1 say there are two     
causes of war3 those based upon an      
assumed necessity1 and those based upon 
hatred4 ,nusbaum 7#hf7 also finds two   
causes of war1 the expansion impulse and
 the egoism of species1 which leads to  
long enmities4  ,history shows that we  
must accept hatred as an underlying     

cause of war4 ,the reaction of deep     
anger which may be aroused by a variety 
of situations that arise among nations1 
especially when it is1 so to speak1 an  
outbreak of a long continued hatred1 is 
a proximate cause of wars4 ,hatred1 the 
reaction of anger prolonged into a mood1
 differs as national or group emotion   
from the anger of the individual in part
 by being subject strongly to group     
suggestion1 and in part because in the  
group consciousness there is only rarely
 a means of expression1 on the part of  
the individuals of the group1 of the    
feelings of hatred4 ,enemies are far    
away and inaccessible4 ,therefore hatred
 may become deep and chronic4  ,hatred  
between nations is usually based upon a 
long series of reprisals and a history  
of invasions4 ,these invasions are      
primarily physical invasions1 but later 
invasions in the sphere of invisible    
values1 offenses to honor and the like  
are added4 ,these ideal values come to  
be regarded as more vital than material 

values4 ,hatred between groups becomes  
chronic and often seems to be groundless
 because the values concerned have thus 
become intangible4 ,the chronic moods of
 hatred and dislike become explosive    
forces1 ready to be excited to action   
whenever any difference arises4 ,veblen 
7#ig7 says wars never occur except when 
questions of honor are involved1 which  
is of course equivalent to saying that  
the reaction of anger is always required
 as an immediate cause of war4 ,veblen  
maintains also that emulation is always 
involved in the patriotic spirit1 that  
patriotism always contains the idea of  
the defeat of an opponent1 and is based 
upon collective malevolence4 ,the range 
of these occasions of crisis is so      
great1 and the feelings of hatred so    
persistent and volatile1 that the       
mechanism for the production of war is  
always present4 ,these causes range all 
the way from violation of property to   
offense to the most abstract ideas of   
national etiquette4 ,violation of       

international law1 of moral principles1 
we see now1 may have very far-reaching  
effects as infringing the sphere of     
honor of nations not directly concerned1
 since the prestige of all nations as   
participants in creating law and        
becoming upholders of it is affected4   
,if hatred and its crises are causes of 
war1 they do not fit into the moods in  
which warfare is generally conducted4   
,hatred belongs to the periods of peace 
and of strained relations1 when the     
cause of war is present1 but the means  
of retaliation are not at hand or not in
 action4 ,the prevalence and persistence
 of hatred in war is a sign of imperfect
 morale4 ,hatred cannot remain in the   
war mood of a nation acting with full   
confidence in its powers4 ,hatred always
 implies inferiority or impotent        
superiority4 ,dide 7#bj7 says that the  
spirit of hatred does not fit into the  
soldier's life4 ,it goes with the desire
 for revenge and is strongest among     
those who stay at home and can do       

nothing4 ,hatred is a phase of          
apprehension4 ,hatred is a product of   
the fear that cannot be taken up into   
the optimistic moods1 and thus be       
transformed4 ,it remains as a foreign   
body and an inhibition4 ,it arises when 
obstacles appear to be too great1 when  
there are reverses1 and the enemy shows 
signs of being able to maintain a long  
and stubborn resistance1 or flaunts     
again the original cause of the         
disagreement4 ,scheler 7#gg7 says that  
revenge1 which is a form of hate1 is not
 a justifiable war motive4 ,we should   
say also that it is not a normal war    
mood1 that it has no sustaining force1  
but causes a rapid expenditure of energy
 which may be effectual in brief        
actions1 but is even there wasteful and 
interferes with judgment and efficiency4
 ,morale based upon hatred is insecure4 
,hatred must have been a very early     
factor in the relations of groups to one
 another1 and presumably we should need 
to go back to animal life and study     

antipathies there in order fully to     
understand the nature of racial and     
national antagonisms1 some of which may 
be based upon physiological traits and  
primitive sthetic qualities4 ,the very  
fact of the existence of groups1        
segregated and well bound together for  
the purposes of offense and defense     
implies already a strong contrast of    
feeling between that of individuals of  
the group toward one another and that   
directed toward the outsider4 ,this     
contrast developed not merely as a      
reaction1 but as a necessity1 for groups
 in the beginning must have had to      
contend against their own feeble social 
cohesion1 and existed only by reason of 
strong emotions of fear and anger felt  
toward the stranger4 ,hatred toward all 
outside the group must at one stage have
 been highly useful as a means of       
cementing the bonds of the group and    
maintaining the necessary attitude of   
defense1 at a time when all outsiders   
were likely to be dangerous4 ,feelings  

of friendliness toward strangers were   
dangerous to the life of the group1 and 
so hatred possessed survival value4     
,the main root of group antipathy is in 
all probability fear4 ,hatred is an     
aspect of the aggressive defensive      
toward the stranger4 ,hatred is a part  
of the aggressive reaction4 ,as an      
expression of ferocity toward all who   
are not known to be friendly1 it belongs
 to the first line of defense4 ,hatred  
is likely to be strong in the female    
because the attitude of the female is   
universally defensive4  ,in the         
beginning1 as ,mac,curdy 7#cg7 says1 the
 contrasts between groups were sharp1   
and these definitely separated groups   
must have felt toward one another not   
only antagonism but a sense of being    
different in kind4 ,intensity of        
feelings of opposition tends to magnify 
small differences into specific         
differences4 ,this sense of specific    
difference is never lost1 not even in   
the consciousness of enlightened nations

 in regard to one another1 and we may   
see it to-day displayed as a mystic     
belief1 on the part of many peoples1 in 
their own superiority4 ,nations are     
always outsiders to one another1 and the
 sense of strangeness perennially       
sustains defensive attitudes and moods  
of hatred4 ,the friendship of nations   
can never be very secure1 because the   
old idea of difference of kind is never 
quite abandoned4 ,some degree of enmity 
seems always to be felt toward the      
foreigner2 that is1 toward all who are  
not interested in the protective        
functions of the group4 ,mac,curdy      
thinks the intensity of suspicion and   
hatred of peoples toward one another    
belongs to the pathological field1 and  
that one expression of this is the      
peculiarity of the mental processes by  
which nations always justify their own  
cause in war4 ,this1 however1 is perhaps
 an exaggeration1 since we can trace    
these states of mind in all the history 
of the race4  ,how deep-seated the      

enmities and the sense of strangeness   
among nations may be is seen in the fact
 that national groups living in close   
proximity to one another tend to become 
less friendly rather than to become     
affiliated4 ,these feelings gradually   
produce conceptual entities1 which stand
 for the reality of the foreign4 ,these 
concepts are deposits1 so to speak1 from
 a great number of affective reactions1 
and they always contain imaginative     
content based upon enmity and suspicion4
 ,this underlying enmity between        
neighboring peoples is not something    
rare in the world4 ,all foreigners1 even
 in the minds of the most intelligent of
 peoples1 are reconstructions1          
caricatures4 ,these feelings and        
attitudes are strong and deep and they  
prevent genuine friendship among        
nations4 ,we tend to think of all       
foreigners as in some degree malicious1 
as designing1 and lacking in the good   
qualities and right habits which we     
ourselves possess4  ,many authors have  

commented upon the entire inability of  
nations to understand one another4      
,there is a deep reason for this1 which 
we have already suggested4 ,they do not 
wish to understand one another4 ,it is a
 part of the archaic system of defense  
to maintain an attitude of distrust and 
misunderstanding and even fear4 ,the    
fear of the enemy is a                  
protection--against invasion from       
without and disruption within4 ,nations 
do not dare to relinquish their fear of 
one another1 and we see something of    
this voluntary cherishing of fear and   
enmity in the present hesitation about  
entering into leagues on the part of    
many nations4 ,nations really wish to   
hate one another1 it would seem4 ,other 
evidence of this we have observed in the
 cult of hate that has been promulgated 
to keep up morale in the recent war4 ,we
 see enmity maintained when the         
differences among the peoples holding it
 are superficial and must indeed be     
exaggerated and caricatured in order to 

make them support feelings of dislike4  
,small differences in the customs of    
closely related peoples are sufficient  
sometimes to maintain intense           
antagonism4 ,as ,collier 7#fh7 says1 it 
is precisely the bad manners of a people
 that cause conflict4 ,these bad manners
 are of course manners that are         
different from our own4  ,germany's     
outburst of hatred and its frequent     
exhibition during the war and its       
promulgation as a cult and a religion   
appear to have excited the interest of  
many writers on the war4 ,as a chapter  
in the psychology of war it has         
suggested new problems and points of    
view1 and it has also appealed to many  
as an interesting problem of national   
psychology4 ,if our explanation of      
hatred as especially related to fear and
 to the sense of inferiority is correct 
,germany of all nations must have been  
affected with a disorder of morale1 or  
some perversion of national             
consciousness4  ,the hatred of ,germany 

for ,england is not the only example of 
international enmity in the world1 but  
its expression in the war has made it   
peculiarly interesting4 ,the grievance  
against ,england is first of all that   
,england is great and prosperous1 and   
lives in comfort upon the unearned      
fruits of empire1 while the ,german has 
toiled hard through the centuries and   
has caught nothing4 ,england is hated   
because in many ways she has stood      
squarely in the path of ,germany's      
progress and because in the history of  
,european diplomacy1 doors leading to   
wider empire have been again and again  
slammed in ,germany's face1 usually by  
the hand of ,england4 ,germany hates    
,england1 according to ,german writers1 
because ,england1 a kindred race1 tried 
to betray western civilization into the 
hands of barbarism4 ,germany hates      
,england because1 to the ,german mind1  
,england is hypocritical4 ,the          
,englishman criticizes in others        
precisely what he does himself2         

,puritanical talk covers a sinful heart4
 ,germany hates ,england because in her 
sea-policy ,england has been high handed
 and arrogant4 ,the ,germans often call 
,england a robber nation1 with the      
morals of a burglar who1 having enriched
 himself by his trade1 and having       
retired from business1 now preaches     
honesty4  ,it is not merely the hatred  
of ,england on the part of ,germany that
 is of interest for a psychology of war 
but the fact that ,germany has taken her
 hate for ,england with a peculiar      
seriousness1 believed it unique1 has    
been to the pains of justifying it      
morally1 has covered it with religious  
exaltation1 made it a cult and even     
expressed it in a formula1 and made it  
an educational program4 ,there are many 
,german writings justifying the hatred  
of ,england and encouraging hate as a   
weapon of righteousness4 ,smith 7#dg7   
7#fd7 has given us the titles of        
forty-four ,german publications in his  
own possession1 having for subject      

,germany's hatred of ,england1 and says 
that there are sixty-five more known to 
him4 ,some of these expressions of      
hatred are extreme4 ,there is1 or was1 a
 pastor in ,hamburg who declared from   
his pulpit that his people were doing   
,god a service in hating ,england and in
 taking every step possible to wipe so  
pestiferous a nation from the face of   
the earth4 ,frau ,reuter says that it is
 impossible now more than ever to love  
our enemies1 that ,england who professed
 love for ,germany and then betrayed her
 love must be hated4 ,stern1 in his     
studies of hate in children found that  
hate may be strong without any clear    
content1 in the minds of ,german        
children4 ,that some of this hatred of  
,england is a direct effect of the      
teachings of ,treitschke can hardly be  
doubted1 when we recall the great       
influence his teachings have had1 and   
the peculiar bitterness of that dramatic
 personage for ,england1 for ,england's 
pretentiousness1 her middle class       

satisfaction1 her insular conceit4  ,the
 further details of the cult of hatred  
in ,germany need not detain us1 since   
the purpose is only to suggest here the 
connection of hatred with the national  
pessimism1 the fear and the inferiority 
motive of ,germany4 ,we see a similar   
attitude in ,austria1 where there is a  
violent race hatred toward the          
,serbians1 which ,le ,bon has regarded  
as the motive from which ,austria went  
to war4 ,ferrero comments upon the fact 
that hatred is conspicuously absent in  
,america1 and says that the greater     
hatred in ,europe is due not only to the
 obvious result of nations being crowded
 together1 but also to the caste system 
which limits the freedom of the         
individual and tends to engender deep   
passions4 ,dide 7#bj7 says that in      
,germany preoccupation with the idea of 
injustice is a cause of war1 and        
,chapman 7#ci7 also remarks that        
,germany had gone mad thinking of her   
wrongs4 ,that jealousy and fear are in  

general the substratum of national      
hatred is deeply impressed upon one in  
studying the psychology of ,germany4    
,all the hate motive of the late war    
might well be found in ,germany's prayer
 ,gott strafe ,england4 ,germany        
appealed to ,god to punish ,england1 of 
course1 because ,germany herself could  
not4 ,both the appeal and the hatred are
 reactions of fear and a sense of       
impotence4 ,germany hated ,england      
because ,england was secure behind her  
navy1 upon her island1 beyond the reach 
of the war machine which is ,germany's  
symbol of power and the compensation for
 her sense of inferiority and weakness4 
,the ,instinct of ,combat  ,we may      
distinguish in the motives of war       
between the aggressive tendency1 which  
we have already discussed as a reaction 
of fear or of anger1 and a more specific
 instinct of combat as a possession of  
the individual1 less subject to         
suggestion1 less closely related to the 
phenomena of the herd4 ,the aggressive  

reaction we associate1 or some writers  
do associate it1 with the predatory     
instinct1 practical in its motive1      
having in part an economic basis4 ,the  
love of combat which appears especially 
as a play motive in the child and the   
youth is expressed as a desire for      
conquest and in the pleasure of         
overcoming an enemy4  ,some see in war a
 recrudescence of the instinct of       
combat1 and indeed think of war as      
mainly such a return to primitive       
instinct4 ,the life of peace represses  
this motive too much1 they think4 ,life 
is too organized and coperative and the 
individual craves release from it4 ,the 
general objections to such an           
interpretation of war we have already   
stated4 ,we think rather of certain     
specific movements as avenues of        
approach to highly complex states of    
ecstasy1 and of these states of ecstasy 
as representing or containing the real  
craving for war1 so far as there is one4
 ,the war mood exploits these movements 

and gives room for instincts to display 
themselves1 and these instincts1 in     
their expression1 are pleasure-toned    
because they are archaic and have once  
been well organized and habitual forms  
of activity having practical objects4   
,but to say that men have a profound but
 concealed desire to kill one another1  
that the fighting impulse remains intact
 in some original animal form1 is a     
travesty upon human nature4 ,it is      
precisely because in war killing is     
depersonalized1 so to speak1 that it is 
a moral duty and is performed under     
conditions in which there is a summation
 of many strong motives leading to the  
act that1 as we see it1 men find joy in 
battle4 ,the instinct of attack1 or the 
hunting instinct that is involved in    
this activity1 can become pleasure-toned
 only because of the presence of other  
motives1 and because the object is      
dehumanized for the time4 ,otherwise we 
should expect all soldiers1 once having 
their aggressive instincts aroused in   

battle1 to become dangerous to the      
community4  ,that there is1 however1 a  
residue of pure love of physical combat 
and a survival of the instinctive       
movements of combat is shown in play1   
although here too the motives are mixed4
 ,the desire to fight1 to kill1 to hunt 
are still present but for the most part 
are sublimated in adult life into desire
 for competition in general1 love of    
danger1 and the hunting and gambling    
impulse4 ,but we can here and there in  
human conduct see certain roots of pure 
instincts having definite cordinated    
reactions4 ,these undoubtedly do play a 
part1 but probably a very small part in 
the present moods of war4 ,so far as    
they remain purely instinctive their    
place as a general motive of war seems  
negligible4 ,it is a question1 in fact1 
whether even in the state of savagery   
any pure instinct for killing ever      
played a considerable part4 ,there were 
already practical motives1 motives of   
fear and anger1 and presumably also     

complex states of pleasure connected    
with beliefs1 customs and ceremonies as 
well as with battle1 so that even then  
men cannot be said to have acted upon   
anything like purely instinctive        
impulses4  ,numerous accounts have come 
from the scenes of the great war about  
men who appear for a time to be         
dominated by irresistible instincts4    
,gibbs 7#hj7 says there are some men in 
every army who like slaughter for its   
own sake4 ,they find an intoxication in 
it4 ,they love the hunting spirit of it 
all4 ,we have the story of a ,french    
soldier of peaceable disposition who    
appeared to experience an ecstasy of    
delight as he lay concealed in a shell  
hole and was able to pick off many of   
the enemy4 ,this was not the            
exhilaration and abandon experienced by 
men while making attack1 when violent   
muscular exertion produces an           
intoxication of mind1 but a dominance of
 the mind by something which seems very 
much like the hunting spirit1 under     

circumstances in which1 we may suppose1 
the enemy had undergone some process of 
dehumanization in the mind of the       
hunter4 ,we may suppose also that there 
are individuals in every army who have  
pathological impulses or perversions1   
which show themselves in instinctive    
reactions of a specific nature and in   
excess of the normal4  ,both the        
,germans and the ,french are accused by 
,french and ,german writers respectively
 with being the real lovers of battle4  
,german writers say that the ,germans   
are peculiarly peace-loving and by      
nature lacking in the battle spirit1 but
 that the ,french love battle for its   
own sake1 and that this is shown clearly
 by their history4 ,others see love of  
conflict1 aggressiveness and cruelty in 
the ,german disposition4 ,boutroux 7#ac7
 wishes to place among the causes of the
 great war the native brutality of the  
,german disposition1 a trait existing   
from long ago1 and now become a         
disciplined cruelty--a zuchtmaessige    

,grausamkeit1 regarded as right and     
meritorious4 ,many think they find this 
love of fighting1 bloodthirst and love  
of destruction in the ,german soul4     
,many attribute pure aggressiveness of a
 pronounced type or an exaggerated      
predatory instinct to the ,germans4     
,chapman 7#ci7 says that the war is a   
flaming forth of passions that have     
covertly been burning in the soul of    
,germany for several decades4 ,he adds  
that with the ,germans war is           
instinctive2 there is no casus belli at 
all4 ,war 'is for war's sake1 and is a  
need of nature with the ,german4 ,smith 
7#fd7 declares that the ,german is      
innately brutal1 and as one proof of    
this he shows the statistics of brutal  
crimes in ,germany4 ,he writes of the   
truculent aggressiveness of the         
,teutonic race1 of the hatred and love  
of destruction displayed by the robber  
knights of the ,middle ,ages1 and       
regards quarrelsome aggressiveness as   
innate in ,german character4 ,dide 7#bj7

 thinks that such aggressive warfare as 
is practiced by the ,germans always goes
 with a pessimistic disposition4 ,thayer
 7#eh7 connects bloodthirstiness with   
the paganism of ,germany1 and says that 
bloodthirstiness crops out again and    
again in ,german history4 ,nicolai 7#gi7
 also refers to the craving for blood in
 the ,german character1 and says that it
 has been shown throughout the history  
of the ,germans4 ,the old sacrifices    
which grew out of cannibalism and are   
due to the persistence of the craving   
for blood show an instinctive desire for
 slaughter1 or at least a confirmed     
habit of killing that dies hard4 ,but in
 all these characterizations of national
 temperament there is no clear          
distinction among various motives of    
conduct4 ,anger and fear reactions1 love
 of combat itself1 the motives of       
display are all intermingled4  ,there   
can of course be no precise way of      
estimating the place of a pure instinct 
of combat among the causes of war1 or in

 the war moods4 ,we have seen reason for
 believing that although these instincts
 remain as fragments in the individual  
and especially are utilized in higher   
processes of the social life1 they are  
less influential in determining motives 
and conduct than is sometimes believed4 
,we cannot at least explain war as a    
sudden release of these instincts4 ,that
 primitive passions for violence1 as    
,mac,curdy 7#cg7 maintains1 renforce the
 herd antagonism1 and in the midst of   
the apprehension at the threat of war1  
give rise to a desire for war1 may be   
true1 but such primitive passions are   
not all of the forces that are at work  
in causing modern wars4 ,to say that in 
the individual of modern society a      
savage still lives is an exaggeration1  
and does not properly express what      
social consciousness is or has done4    
,the social life is not a balance in    
which primitive instincts are held in   
leash by other instincts or feelings1   
but a new product in which there is a   

synthesis of impulses in which the      
original form of the impulses may be    
greatly transformed4 ,we live in        
composite situations to which there     
correspond composite moods4 ,often      
motives which clearly reveal to analysis
 their instinctive character have no    
tendency to express themselves in the   
definite instinctive movements          
corresponding to this instinct-feeling1 
having permanently become dissociated   
from the primitive reactions1 either by 
a process of generalization and fusion  
of states and processes in the          
individual1 or by the inheritance of    
structural changes4 ,there are1 it is   
true1 all degrees of amalgamation of old
 and new elements or of transformation  
of old elements1 but to think of        
instincts as remaining intact and       
unchanged in modern life seems wholly   
wrong4  ,after all man is no longer an  
animal1 and even the distance between   
man as a member of the present complex  
organized society and man as primitive  

or savage is considerable4 ,the         
difference is not entirely in the       
associations themselves but in all that 
the associations have done1 or that they
 represent1 in modifying instincts1     
which no longer exist in their original 
form and distinctness4 ,man is a        
creature of feeling1 but not of instinct
 we say1 and this distinction is        
important in many ways4 ,all analogies  
between animal and human life have an   
element of danger in them4 ,to explain  
human conduct in terms of herd          
instincts--instincts of aggression and  
the like--is misleading1 since the      
instincts that are assumed do not exist 
as such1 and perhaps never did4 ,the    
psychology of the crowd1 and the        
psychology of war1 cannot be contained  
in the psychology of the herd1 however  
attractive the simplicity of these      
concepts may be4 ,that primitive        
instincts may remain as remnants1 that  
the crowd shows some of the             
characteristics of the herd and the pack

 cannot be denied1 and that in the      
spirit of war these fragments and traits
 play a certain part may well be        
believed4 ,but the synthetic and highly 
complex mood we call the war spirit1 and
 the causes of war1 however archaic some
 of their elements may be1 are very     
different from any mere sum of          
instincts4 ,there is no specific craving
 for combat that we can call a cause of 
war1 or that1 in our view1 plays any    
considerable part in the causes of      
war--combat as apart from practical     
motives and the complex moods into      
which1 in its modern form1 it enters4   
,some writers appear to be deceived     
because they assume that war is itself  
primitive1 and do not see that in spite 
of its conventions and its old forms1 it
 is not far behind civilization1 not    
because civilization has made no        
progress1 or is so insecure1 but because
 war1 chaos though it be1 in some       
respects contains all our modern        
feelings4 ,kerr says that war is due to 

a superfluity of animal force that must 
vent itself1 but such explanations of   
war seem certainly to be very far from  
the truth4 ,that theory is far from     
being adequate as an explanation of     
play4 ,it is much less so as an         
explanation of war4 ,the other theory of
 play that is most prevalent and which  
is offered as a theory of war--that play
 and war are reversions to primitive    
instincts1 is also insufficient4 ,war is
 neither an overflow of energy nor a    
reversion to primitive states4 ,rather  
it is caused by and involves all the    
present and active motives of man and   
all his essential human qualities4      
,social ,instincts  ,whatever the       
specific causes of war may be1 war is of
 course possible only because there     
exists a mechanism or instinct or       
feeling1 because of which great groups  
of people act as a unit in the common   
interests of all4 ,we usually speak of  
this collective action as the result of 
social instincts or a general social    

instinct4 ,it is the place of this      
instinct in the causes and moods of war 
that we must consider4 ,war is a social 
phenomenon3 it is a movement directed   
toward an object1 but the force that    
drives the movement is of course social4
  ,several writers1 among them          
,mac,curdy 7#cg71 ,murray 7#ij71 and    
,trotter 7#hb71 have dealt with this    
social aspect of war1 and have          
interpreted war as a herd reaction4 ,all
 these theories are simple4 ,trotter    
maintains that in man there are four    
instincts and no more3                  
self-preservative1 reproductive         
nutritional1 and herd instincts4 ,the   
peculiarity of the herd instinct is that
 it does not itself have definite motor 
expression1 but serves to intensify and 
direct the other instincts4 ,this herd  
instinct is a tendency1 so to speak1    
which can confer instinctive sanction   
upon any other part of the field of     
action or belief4 ,the herd instinct1   
for example1 gives instinctive quality  

to the social organization and social   
proclivities of three different types of
 society1 which appear as national      
characters4 ,these are the wolf1 the    
sheep1 and the bee types4 ,the          
aggressive type of social organization  
is represented by the ,roman and now by 
the ,german civilization4 ,this is a    
declining type1 but it was because moral
 equality could not be tolerated in     
,germany that the rulers were obliged to
 cause ,germany to revert to the        
primitive aggressive form of            
gregariousness4 ,china would be a good  
example of ,trotter's herd of the sheep 
type1 for here the defensive instinct   
seems to be the dominating social       
reaction4 ,war becomes1 in such a herd1 
a great stimulus when1 and only when1 it
 is a threat to the whole nation1 and   
when1 therefore1 the individual fears   
for the whole herd rather than for      
himself4  ,the third type is the bee    
type1 well represented by ,england1     
although still imperfectly4 ,this is the

 type toward which the world as a whole 
tends1 but as yet there is no complete  
form of it4 ,at present the capacity for
 individual reactions to the same       
stimulus has far outstripped the        
capacity for intercommunication4        
,intercommunication in the biological   
sense has been allowed to run at        
haphazard4 ,when once a great gregarious
 unit of this type shall have been      
thoroughly organized1 and be subject to 
conscious direction as a whole1 there   
will appear in the world a new kind of  
social mechanism and a new biological   
form4 ,the interest in war will give way
 to a larger and more dramatic field of 
interest and of conquest than the mere  
taking and re-taking of land4 ,but there
 is as yet no such society4 ,even in    
times of a great war1 there is an       
internal differentiation that cannot be 
overcome1 an individualism that creates 
antagonism1 and a type of leadership    
which is conservative and static rather 
than progressive4  ,if we may safely    

apply ,trotter's generalization to the  
present antagonism among groups 7within 
nations1 and also national groups7 we   
might say that the rapid differentiation
 of the human species has had an effect 
of creating within the species man a    
large number of types of sub-specific   
value1 and in this respect man differs  
greatly from any other species4         
,differences recognized by groups of the
 same species of animals are generally  
not sufficient to create antagonism     
among the groups1 but in the case of man
 these differences have had precisely   
the effect of marking off groups with   
antagonistic interests4 ,the animal     
society dominated by a few instincts    
directed for the most part toward       
external objects preserves a state of   
peace within the species4 ,man by reason
 of his intelligence and his capacities 
for specialization and the great number 
of his desires tends to prey upon his   
own kind4 ,this segregation is in part  
artificial1 becomes conventional and is 

subject to the effects of leadership    
that tends to fixate artificial         
distinctions1 but it is also in part an 
effect of the exigencies of the wider   
life of man1 of his superiority of which
 variability of conduct is an essential 
aspect4 ,this differentiation is one of 
the conditions of a firmer organization 
in the society of man than any animal   
society can attain1 but at the present  
time the two processes of               
differentiation and organization are to 
some extent antagonistic to one another4
  ,trotter maintains that the tendency  
of nature is to increase and maintain   
the homogeneity of the species1 but we  
should say rather that the whole process
 of differentiation and organization is 
upon a level in which the biological    
processes that make for or against      
homogeneity have but little effect4 ,the
 task before man is social4 ,it is not  
so much a consciousness of his destiny  
as a species that man requires1 but of  
his work as an organized group4 ,it is  

due to a rapid differentiation and      
increase in man's desires that he has   
become a species in which there is      
internal warfare4 ,it must be by the    
control of these desires in a conscious 
process of organization that he will    
become1 if ever1 a well-ordered and     
homogeneous group4 ,trotter thinks of   
such a change as a biological           
phenomenon1 as being one of those       
momentous steps which a very few times  
have been taken in the development of   
organic life in the world4  ,we cannot  
discuss fully here these biological     
views1 as they relate to the future     
organization of the world4 ,that the    
explanation of wars within the human    
species this view affords is correct so 
far as it goes one would admit4 ,men    
fight among themselves as animals do    
not1 because of their differences4 ,we  
should prefer to think of these         
differences1 however1 neither as a phase
 of biological differentiation as       
structural change nor as functional     

adaptation by differentiation of        
reactions to the same stimuli1 but as   
the effect of the new consciousness of  
desires that came with the rise of man  
from the animal stage1 and the          
conditions under which these desires    
could and must be realized4 ,it is the  
complexity of interests that has given  
to man his antagonisms and his          
differences1 and these secondary        
differences have been utilized as a     
means of still further developing the   
desires and satisfying them1 or         
justifying their satisfaction4 ,it is   
man's intelligence and his capacity for 
being governed in his conduct by many   
desires that teaches him to make war    
upon his own kind1 and the very same    
qualities make his associations firm and
 lasting4 ,but just in this way the     
human group ceases to be a herd and to  
be dominated by herd instincts4 ,to     
interpret war1 therefore1 as an effect  
of social instinct or herd instinct upon
 the instincts of aggression or of      

self-protection1 or as the effect of    
aroused instincts of aggression and     
self-protection exciting the herd       
instinct1 is unsatisfactory because it  
is too simple1 and erroneously          
undertakes to explain human life in     
terms of instinct and also carries      
biological analogies too far4 ,these    
views1 if we understand them1 seem to   
have the characteristic faults of all   
purely biological sociology4  ,that1    
however1 the herd instinct1 or the      
social feeling or the cohesive force in 
groups1 whatever it may be1 is          
exceedingly strong and persistent is    
shown by the recent war4 ,we see a world
 highly differentiated1 and with wide   
associations which seemed to have become
 permanent becoming at once a world in  
which the lines of cleavage are based   
upon propinquity and political          
organization4 ,all ties1 except national
 ties1 were broken up4 ,the nation1     
conscious of itself1 becomes a unit or  
personality1 and the sense of           

personality of a nation becomes greatly 
intensified in time of war4 ,the        
individual becomes unimportant1 both in 
his own estimation and in the eye of the
 law4 ,it is the life of the nation as a
 whole that is felt to be threatened and
 under this threat the group as a whole 
becomes an object of devotion and       
solicitude4 ,nicolai 7#gi7 comments upon
 this ,massengefuehl and says that1 when
 not counterbalanced by higher elements 
of social consciousness1 it may be a low
 and dangerous element in the           
consciousness of groups4 ,sumner 7#gj7  
also speaks of the extraordinary power  
of gregariousness1 and says that when   
the movement is upon a vast scale1 the  
numbers engaged being very large1 there 
is always an exhilaration connected with
 the movement1 and that if the causes   
involved are believed to be deep and    
holy1 the force of this gregarious mood 
may become demoniacal4  ,there are two  
especially remarkable changes that take 
place in the social life in war or in   

the act of going to war1 and which      
represent the social instinct or feeling
 at its highest point4 ,these phenomena 
are types of social reaction1 but the   
question may be raised whether they do  
not represent something more than       
reactions in the ordinary sense4 ,we see
 in times of war1 first1 a greatly      
increased sensitiveness to leadership1 a
 craving for devotion to a leader1      
indeed1 which is sometimes pathetic in  
its effort to transform really          
commonplace men into religious objects4 
,the leader as a concept and an ideal is
 a product of the social mood itself1   
which does for him precisely what       
romantic love does for its object1      
exerts a creative effect upon him4 ,the 
leader is magnified to heroic size and  
held up before the enemy as a threat4   
,it is plain to be seen that this       
devotion to leader and imaginative      
treatment of him is in part a defensive 
reaction4 ,the individual hides behind  
this colossal figure1 and thus feels    

himself safe4 ,but this protective      
impulse that creates the invincible     
leader is not the only motive2 at least 
it is probably not the only one4 ,the   
leader represents the ideals and the    
ambitions of the people1 and his        
prestige and the forms that surround    
him1 especially everything that is      
aesthetic or suggests the heroic1       
symbolize the craving for power in a    
people4 ,the strength and the peculiar  
abandon and perversity1 one may say1 of 
the affections of a nation toward the   
leader in time of war make the rise of  
such a leader dreaded by the political  
powers in every country4 ,newspapers1 in
 every war1 find some heroic figure whom
 they exploit as a coming dictator1 and 
changes of leadership in the field      
apparently sometimes have reference to  
these popular currents4 ,but a nation in
 love with its leader is strong in      
defense1 and readily becomes aggressive1
 and this relation of mass to leader is 
of course one of the main foundations of

 military morale4  ,the second universal
 social phenomenon of war is the greatly
 intensified feeling of solidarity as   
shown in comradeship and united feelings
 on the part of the people4 ,this too is
 in part1 and only in part1 a protective
 reaction4 ,the individual becomes safe 
by becoming a part of a whole which then
 alone seems to have real existence and 
true value4 ,the individual loses       
himself in the whole1 but the whole     
group also becomes absorbed and taken   
into the sphere of protection and       
interest of the individual4 ,the        
individual becomes highly sensitive to  
everything that happens to the group1   
and peculiarly affected by the social   
mood of comradeship4 ,this spirit of    
comradeship becomes one of the most     
conspicuous qualities of the social life
 in time of war4 ,comradeship in arms is
 of course the highest point of this    
social solidarity4 ,the mass action1 the
 close physical relationship1 subjection
 to the same narrow routine and the     

common experiences of danger1 induce    
social states that represent the most   
complete expression of pure social      
feeling1 and excite moods which1 upon   
occasion may reach the highest degree of
 ecstasy or intoxication and lead to    
acts of the most exalted heroism4       
,these changes in the social life in    
time of war are striking and            
fundamental4 ,to explain them would mean
 to explain social feeling itself4 ,we  
may say that these phenomena of the     
social life are precisely the herd      
reactions the biological writers speak  
of1 but to do so would mean1 from our   
point of view1 to ignore some very      
significant aspects of human social     
life4 ,it would ignore first of all the 
ecstatic quality of the higher social   
life1 which is indeed the essential     
quality of the social spirit of war4    
,instead of saying that this intensity  
of feeling is merely a reflex of an     
instinctive reaction1 we should say that
 it is the expression of1 and in part   

the satisfaction of1 desires that are   
fulfilled in the social experience of   
war4 ,the intense social life is craved1
 not as an instinctive reaction1 but as 
a complex state expressing explicit     
desires4 ,the craving for this social   
solidarity and ecstasy of social feeling
 is a factor in the causes of war4 ,what
 we experience socially in times of     
peace is a society in which social      
feeling is narrow and provincial1 in    
which we are conscious of many          
antagonistic motives4 ,this social life 
fails to satisfy the desires which are  
seeking expression in the social life4  
,that war is in part a creation of the  
social impulse seeking expression may be
 assumed from the nature of the social  
feelings that are excited in war4 ,that 
such social feeling is a creation in the
 sense that it is desired1 we see if in 
no other way in the fact that social    
ecstasy is the most universal form of   
satisfaction of all those impulses which
 fuse in the intoxication impulse1 where

 we recognize it as the craving for an  
abundant or real life4 ,life is most    
real in its intensely dramatic social   
forms4 ,social ecstasy is in part a     
conscious adaptation4 ,it is something  
that is desired and induced1 and        
artificially cultivated in various ways1
 especially by a variety of aesthetic   
social experiences1 and in the cults of 
intoxication4 ,alcohol has been used    
specifically throughout the world and   
from the beginning at least of the      
historical period for the purpose of    
creating social feeling4 ,patriotism is 
in part1 we may say1 a cultivated1      
social emotion1 and in the art of       
manners we see the social life given    
forms which will increase its           
susceptibility to suggestion1 its       
persuasive force and its organized      
expression4 ,such facts show us social  
emotion which is something more than the
 feeling side of an instinctive         
reaction4  ,this is hardly the place to 
try to elucidate the fundamental        

principles of the psychology of the     
social feelings or instincts1 but it may
 be helpful to suggest in outline       
certain divergences in the theory of the
 social life that seem to be in point4  
,we see on one side many writers who    
tend to regard social phenomena as      
mainly the result of instinct1 as the   
expression either of a single instinct  
or of a combination of several specific 
instinctive tendencies4 ,contrasted with
 these views are the theories according 
to which social life is something that  
is mainly created by reason1 based1 so  
to speak1 upon the observation that in  
union there is strength4 ,neither of    
these views seems to be satisfactory4   
,that social feeling is based upon      
instinct is clear1 but that it is also  
something created1 synthetic1 and       
subjected to selective processes seems  
also evident4 ,precisely what the       
instinctive basis of the social life is1
 perhaps one cannot with any certainty  
determine1 nor can we say how many      

specific instincts enter into it4 ,but  
that social feeling in its higher levels
 is a very complex mood1 in which1      
although there are several instinctive  
reactions or feelings1 there is to be   
discovered no social instinct as such1  
is the conclusion which we reach4       
,social behavior is a development of all
 the fundamental tendencies of the      
organism4 ,it has its roots both in the 
reproductive and the nutritional        
motives4 ,these fundamental tendencies  
have issued phylogenetically in specific
 reactions that enter into the social   
life at all its levels1 and in the life 
of the individual these reactions1      
expressing needs and desires1 issue in  
highly complex moods1 in which          
fundamental feelings are present but do 
not constitute the whole of the social  
moods4 ,the individual does various     
specific things with reference to his   
fellows which are of the nature of      
instinctive reactions1 but both in the  
phyletic development and the development

 in the individual1 elements that enter 
into the modern social life as instincts
 have tended to lose their specific     
character1 have become general or merely
 organic1 have been transformed and have
 to some extent lost their original     
significance4  ,the motives of hunger1  
the reactions of the reproductive       
mechanisms1 reactions to visual         
impressions and to sounds1 warmth       
reactions1 the huddling of fear1 the    
influences of suggestion1 susceptibility
 to all the stimuli of the social object
 enter into social feelings1 and remain 
to some extent as instinctive reactions 
in the higher social processes4 ,but we 
do not seem to find any general social  
instinct1 or any specific herd instinct 
or any definite and broadly acting      
protective and aggressive instincts4 ,as
 compared with some other views of the  
social feelings ours assumes in one way 
more and in another less of instinct in 
the social life4 ,there is more instinct
 in the sense that more specific        

instinctive reactions are recognized in 
it1 but less in assuming that these     
reactions are derivatives of primitive  
reactions of the organism1 and also     
because they become transformed and     
fused and lose their original forms4    
,they have come from common sources in  
organic life1 we might say1 and they    
meet again in the general moods which   
they help to create4   ,conclusions  ,it
 is an important point to observe that  
most if not all of the specific         
instinctive reactions and feelings      
engendered in war1 or occurring as an   
incitement to war1 are capable of       
inducing ecstatic states4 ,there are    
several of these movements and states1  
each of which can become1 so to speak1 a
 foundation for the development of      
ecstasy4 ,combat may and must do this1  
and probably war could never be carried 
on at all unless danger and death had   
qualities which arouse ecstatic moods4  
,there is a joy in fighting1 in killing1
 and in the tumult of battle that       

becomes one of the most important of    
military assets1 and is one of the main 
elements of morale in the field4 ,this  
capacity of human nature to make over   
that which is intrinsically painful into
 the pleasurable is one of the paradoxes
 of human life to be explained and taken
 into account in the study of the       
psychology of war4 ,fear itself may     
induce an ecstasy1 both in the          
individual1 as we know from many        
reported cases from the late war1 and as
 a social mood in which the fear        
contributes a quality of intensity and  
ferocity to patriotism4 ,the gambling   
mood1 which is in part a play with fear1
 is another ecstatic reaction seen in   
war1 and it is often the means of       
clearing the way1 so to speak1 for free 
and uninhibited action4  ,of course all 
the purely sthetic elements in the      
social life have this effect of arousing
 exalted moods1 and indeed that is      
precisely their function4 ,all social   
impulses tend in this same direction1   

and there is induced in all intense     
social states an intoxication mood4 ,in 
these social states1 the reproductive   
motive is often clearly discernible1 but
 partly by common consent and           
convention1 and partly because of the   
composite and fused form of impulses in 
the social mood1 robbed of its specific 
reactions and converted into a new      
product1 regarded both as conduct and as
 feeling4  ,all religious states aroused
 in war tend to become ecstatic4 ,their 
work is to overcome the sense of tragedy
 of war1 and it is only by becoming     
intense and voluminous1 so to speak1    
that they can accomplish their work at  
all4 ,either they must end in a         
mysticism which includes or takes the   
form of exalted moods1 or they must1 as 
can be accomplished in some             
temperaments1 become dynamic states by  
inspiring a fatalistic attitude1 which  
is at bottom a sense of throwing oneself
 unreservedly into the hands of fate4   
,we may best think of these complex war 

moods as the forces out of which wars   
are made1 and the spirit in which they  
are conducted1 but not as by their own  
initiative creating wars4 ,these        
intoxication moods or ecstasies are     
forces which contain desires that are   
general1 we say2 they are mental        
processes that act as a means of greatly
 increasing the volume of all social    
actions4 ,when we analyze them we find  
specific desires in them1 and evidences 
of instinct and primitive feeling1 but  
they are not in themselves tendencies   
toward specific reactions and in fact   
the motor tendencies they contain more  
or less inhibit one another4  ,in       
general1 these war moods of which we    
speak are precipitated by definite and  
incisive reactions of fear and anger4   
,these emotions of fear or anger seem to
 be the necessary positive stimuli to   
induce the moods of war4 ,fear and      
anger1 no one can maintain1 are the sole
 causes of war1 and they are far from   
being the sole factors of the war moods1

 but they are the usual precipitants of 
war4  ,fear and anger as social emotions
 cannot sustain organized and effectual 
social activity upon a large scale2 we  
see them always1 in war1 taken up1      
transformed1 absorbed in moods which are
 at once more practical1 and more       
exalted and which1 as complex processes1
 can be sustained over long periods of  
time4 ,but these primitive reactions of 
anger and fear enter into the ecstatic  
moods1 become associated with or induce 
sthetic and religious states of         
consciousness1 gain moral justification 
or religious exploitation1 become       
aspects of directive and dynamic moods  
and so give force and efficiency to     
morale and strategy4  ,war appears as a 
breakdown of certain modes of volition4 
,certain types of conflict are          
abandoned1 and aggressive activities    
become more simple and powerful1 but war
 is no reversion to primitive instinct1 
or to any number of instincts4 ,the     
resulting states of mind are too        

rational as means1 and too exalted and  
ideal to be thus primitive4 ,new content
 is introduced into social consciousness
 and new purposes come to light in these
 ecstasies1 even though the consciously 
sought objectives may be archaic and    
conventional and the mental states      
traceable to more elementary states1 and
 the conduct be similar in purpose and  
type to the simpler forms of conduct we 
find in the animal world ,what we are   
trying to impress here is the well known
 truth that the whole of a thing is not 
necessarily contained in its parts4 ,it 
is the meaning of the war-mood as a     
whole1 as a summation of many factors of
 the mental life1 and as a direction of 
social consciousness as a whole that is 
its most important characteristic4      
,,chapter ,,iv  ,,aesthetic ,,elements  
,,in ,,the ,,moods ,,and ,,impulses ,,of
 ,,war   ,that experiences and motives  
which belong to the field of the        
aesthetic play an important part in war 
can hardly be doubted4 ,the whole       

history of war shows this1 and even in  
the beginning war seems to be an        
activity carried on in part for its own 
sake1 and not entirely for its practical
 results1 and thus has qualities which  
later are explicitly aesthetic4 ,we     
cannot of course separate sharply the   
aesthetic motive from everything else in
 studying so highly complex an object as
 war1 but that war does partake of the  
nature of what we call the beautiful1   
and that the craving for the beautiful  
is a factor in the causes of war seem to
 be certain4 ,the relation of art to war
 is of course no new theme4 ,war has    
often been praised because of its       
aesthetic nature1 and its dramatic      
features4 ,it is called a beautiful     
adventure4 ,it is reproduced in         
pictorial art1 represented in music1 and
 thus glorified and adorned1 showing at 
least that it can readily be made to    
appear beautiful if it does not in      
itself possess beauty4 ,those who think 
of war as related to play also connect  

it with art4 ,nicolai 7#gi71 who        
condemns war1 says that it is when war  
as an instinctive action is no longer   
useful1 but is performed for its own    
sake that it becomes beautiful4  ,we    
cannot undertake to enumerate all the   
aesthetic qualities of war1 or to show  
all the relations of the aesthetic      
aspects to other motives of war in      
detail1 since to do so would mean to    
work out some of the fundamental        
principles of aesthetics4 ,we may begin1
 however1 by saying that war as a whole1
 as a movement in which there is        
complete organization of social forces  
shows already the marks of aesthetic    
experience and of art4 ,as such a       
unification of interest in a strong and 
uninhibited movement1 as a cordinated   
expression of deep desires1 a           
multiplicity of action with a unity of  
purpose1 so to speak1 war is aesthetic  
in form although to mention such very   
general qualities does not go very far  
toward characterizing an object4  ,in   

its meaning as tragedy war contains and 
exerts a strong aesthetic appeal4 ,with 
all its horrors1 war fascinates the     
mind4 ,as fate1 death1 history it       
inspires awe1 and creates a sense of the
 inevitableness of events and of the    
play of transcendental and inexorable   
forces in human life4 ,when1 under any  
influence1 these feelings appear as an  
accepting and willing of evil1 we have  
the tragic movement as we find it in    
art4 ,the death motif in war is the     
center of a variety of states which are 
ecstatic and have aesthetic quality4    
,the religion of valor1 the passion that
 is aroused by abandoning oneself to    
fate1 the absolute devotion of service  
are aesthetic in form as experience1    
whatever else they may be4 ,the relation
 of these motives to love and to the    
reproductive impulses has often been    
noticed4 ,devotion and death appear as  
beautiful2 their representation in art  
is in part a recognition of this fact2  
in part it is an effort to transform    

them into the forms of the aesthetic4   
,art celebrates1 but also creates1 this 
luxury of feeling1 and war also in its  
own dramatic movement transforms ugly   
and plain facts of life by including    
them in ecstatic states1 and surrounding
 them with glory4  ,the ideal of        
glorified death plays a large part in   
the spirit of war4 ,in war the fear of  
death is not only in great part stilled1
 but there is a longing to tempt fate   
and also to experience death itself1 and
 this desire may become ecstatic4 ,here 
we see in effect one of the most        
important functions of the aesthetic1   
which is to carry on a drama of the will
 in which something that is in itself   
painful becomes pleasant and desired4   
,the desire for war is to some extent a 
desire for death1 a longing for a form  
of euthanasia in which the individual   
dies but in a sense lives--lives as     
glorified in death1 and also in the     
continuance of the life of the group and
 of the country into which he has been  

absorbed4 ,it is of course its relation 
to death that more than anything else   
has made it necessary that war should   
appeal to art1 and take an aesthetic    
form1 and without the aid of the        
aesthetic1 war could not maintain itself
 in the world4 ,as a sheer fulfillment  
of duty war could not survive4 ,by the  
strength of its aesthetic appeal war    
must control and overcome the instinct  
of self-preservation4  ,war appeals to  
the human mind as the great adventure of
 life4 ,to the healthy normal man this  
appeal1 under certain circumstances1 may
 be compelling in its power4 ,man feels 
the call of adventure in his blood4 ,war
 may seem at times the natural          
expression of what is most real and most
 essentially masculine in human nature4 
,war is the essence of all the dramatic 
and heroic story of the world4 ,the past
 lives most vividly in this theme of    
war1 and the sense of remoteness in time
 lends an aesthetic coloring to all the 
story of war1 and is in part its        

fascination4 ,the dead heroes of to-day 
are glorified by linking their names    
with the great heroes of the past4  ,to 
the glory of the individual1 which is an
 aesthetic appeal1 is added the still   
stronger appeal of the ideal of national
 glory4 ,the image created in the mind  
which sustains the devotion of the      
individual is also an aesthetic form4   
,it is the idea of a nation transformed 
by story1 symbol and eloquence that is  
established4 ,the dimness and mysticism 
of the long ago1 all dramatic scenes of 
the national life1 the forms of royalty 
are used in transforming reality into an
 ideal4 ,the consciousness of a nation  
is indeed an artist which creates an    
ideal nation1 glorifying and            
transforming the past1 and painting a   
vivid picture of the empire that is to  
be4 ,no little part in the ,german idea 
of the fatherland has been taken by the 
revived image of the old ,german        
,empire1 and the story of ,charlemagne1 
the ,ottonides1 the ,hohenstaufen and   

the ,hohenzollern which has been woven  
into the life of the present and has    
become an aesthetic setting for the idea
 of future greatness4  ,in the religion 
of valor1 also1 we may find aesthetic   
elements4 ,valor represents in this cult
 the spirit of the superior man4 ,it is 
an aristocratic idea4 ,military life is 
full of this theme4 ,the ideals of      
noblesse oblige1 honor1 the spirit of   
sportsmanship1 enter into it1 and all   
these concepts are in part aesthetic in 
nature4 ,it is neither as moral nor as  
practical ideas that they have so deeply
 influenced society1 but because of     
their appeal to the sense of the        
beautiful4 ,all this aspect of war and  
military life1 both in its motives and  
in its forms1 is closely related to the 
pure beauty of art4 ,the play spirit    
also1 which in some of its developments 
at least is aesthetic1 enters into the  
motives of war4 ,war1 we say1 is the    
great adventure4 ,it is the realization 
of power4 ,it is an expression of the   

love of the sense of freedom4 ,it is the
 great game1 in which everything is     
staked4 ,the love of danger and the love
 of gambling with life that it contains 
have roots that are also roots of       
various forms of art4  ,another element1
 aesthetic in motive and form1 obviously
 related to the reproductive functions  
of the individual1 is the display       
motive4 ,this motive of display is      
concerned especially with the idea of   
courage4 ,it is of course a deep desire 
of the male to display courage before   
the female4 ,this display motive must be
 the main motive of the uniform and all 
the other ornamental aspects of military
 life4 ,rank1 titles and decorations    
belong to the same movement4 ,they are  
indications of the advancement of the   
man in those essential qualities of the 
soldier1 the chief of which is courage4 
,the aesthetic forms in which courage is
 represented help to sustain it1 and are
 an important element in morale1 and    
they also serve a purpose in creating or

 adding to the allurement of the service
 and the fascination of war4 ,it is the 
craving for the display of courage1 the 
desire of the man to show the stuff that
 is in him1 that gives to war some of   
its most persistent aesthetic forms1 and
 these aesthetic forms help both to make
 the display of courage effective and to
 create courage4  ,among these aesthetic
 elements of war must be considered of  
course the rhythms1 the forms1 all the  
concerted action1 the marching 7which   
may be regarded as one of the forms of  
the dance71 the parade1 the maneuvering 
and drill that enter into military life4
 ,already in primitive warfare these    
aesthetic forms begin to appear and     
indicate clearly both their practical   
significance as means of affecting the  
will1 and their relations to the        
religious and to the reproductive       
motives4 ,the warrior tries to create in
 his person the appearance of power1 and
 also by the aesthetic forms he         
introduces into his warfare1 the feeling

 of power4 ,he believes indeed that     
through these aesthetic forms he        
actually creates or exerts power4 ,this 
is the motive of the war dance1 which as
 an aesthetic form produces this ecstasy
 of the feeling of power4 ,this power is
 often conceived to be magical2 the     
women dancing at home are supposed to   
exert an influence upon the men in the  
field or upon the enemy1 and the savage 
believes that in his own displays he    
actually overcomes the spirit of his    
enemy4 ,art is here plainly serving a   
purpose4 ,display is a means of creating
 an impression in the minds of the      
enemy4 ,it also has the purpose of      
creating an effect in the mind of the   
soldier himself4 ,the art in military   
life is1 indeed1 to give the impression 
of power to all who must be affected by 
the exhibition of force4  ,all social   
life contains elements that appeal to   
the aesthetic sense1 and these aesthetic
 elements are by no means solely        
ornamental4 ,the universal development  

of etiquette and manners has reference  
to very practical aspects of the social 
life4 ,their function is to influence   
the will4 ,the highly developed         
etiquette of military life is not merely
 to facilitate the military functions1  
and it is no explanation of the         
formalism of the military life to say   
that this is a sign of its archaic      
nature4 ,formalism in this life is one  
of the means taken to cover up all the  
details of militarism that are          
repugnant3 the hardship1 the lack of    
freedom and the like4 ,etiquette acts   
persuasively upon the will1 it helps to 
make military life desired1 and to make 
men submissive under control of absolute
 leaders4 ,all formalism in social life1
 considered in one aspect of it1 is a   
symbol of the resignation of the will of
 the individual4 ,as thus a symbol it   
may either convey or mediate social     
feeling1 and when social feeling is     
absent the art of manners may become a  
substitute for this social feeling1 and 

in both these ways it is a means of     
giving to society cohesion1 order and   
form4  ,such considerations as these    
help to explain the longing for war or  
its equivalent which persists in the    
human heart4 ,it helps us to realize the
 truth of ,cramb's 7#ff7 assertion that 
the whole history of the world shows    
that man has lacked not only the power  
but the will to end war and establish   
perpetual peace4 ,there are still       
motives in the mind of man that make him
 approve of war4 ,war is perpetuated    
because of its heroic form1 as a form of
 experience in which the meaning of life
 is felt to be exploited1 in which life 
is transformed and glorified1 in which  
the tragedy of life1 which in any case  
is inevitable1 becomes a tragedy which1 
because it bears the form of art1 is    
acceptable and even longed for4 ,this is
 the allurement of war1 its persistent  
illusion1 perhaps4 ,the aesthetic forms 
of war take war out of the field of     
reason1 and on occasion make it         

transcend or pervert reason4 ,so we may 
understand why it is true that sometimes
 those who but little understand why    
they are to die on the field of battle  
may display the greatest courage and the
 greatest enthusiasm for war1 and we    
must not say that these causes are      
fatuous because they exist in the realm 
of aesthetic values4  ,if we take war   
too realistically1 with reference to its
 practical motives1 its mere killing and
 looting1 which we may suspect are      
related to the nutritional motive that  
we always find running through human    
conduct1 and leave out of account those 
aspects of war which seem to belong     
mainly to the reproductive motive1 to   
the enthusiasm and intoxication and art 
of the world1 we shall to that extent   
misunderstand it4 ,these motives cannot1
 of course1 be separated definitely from
 one another in analyzing conduct1 but  
we cannot be very wrong in              
differentiating phases of war which     
belong predominantly to the reproductive

 motive4 ,it is because1 at least1 all  
deep tendencies of life are involved in 
war that it is so hard to eliminate it  
from experience4 ,if war were an        
instinctive reaction it might be        
controlled by reason4 ,if it were an    
atavism or a rudimentary organ some     
social surgery or other might relieve us
 of it4 ,but war is a product of man's  
idealism1 misdirected and impracticable 
idealism though it may be1 but still    
something very expressive of what man   
is4 ,it is this idealism of nations1    
leading them to the larger life1 that   
makes them cling to war1 whether for    
good or for evil4 ,it will avail little 
to prove to the world that war is an    
evil1 so long as war is desired1 or so  
long as something which war so readily  
yields is desired4 ,statistics of       
eugenics and proofs that war ruins      
business will not yet cure us of our    
habit of war1 and not at all so long as 
there is a vacancy in life which only   
the dramatic experiences of war can     

fill4 ,when war is abandoned1 it will be
 given up probably not because          
economists and sociologists vote against
 k1 and we see that peace is good1 but  
by the consent of a world which1 once   
for all1 is willing to renounce         
something that is dear to it and held to
 be good1 if for no other reason1       
because it symbolizes what life and     
reality are4 ,the world appears to have 
two minds about war1 or at least it does
 not hold consistently to any one       
attitude toward it4 ,beneath all        
judgments about the evils of war1 there 
is the allurement of these aesthetic    
motives which must be reckoned with in  
any psychology of war1 or in any        
practical plan for eliminating war from 
the future experience of the race4      
,,chapter ,v  ,,patriotism1             
,,nationalism ,,and ,,national ,,honor  
,many authors find in patriotism or in  
national honor the chief or the sole    
cause of war4 ,jones 7#cg71 the         
,freudian1 for example1 says that       

patriotism is the sum of those causes of
 war which are conscious as             
distinguished from the repressed        
motives4 ,nicolai 7#gi7 says that       
patriotism and chauvinism would have no 
meaning and no interest without         
reference to war1 and that for the arts 
of peace one needs no patriotism at all4
 ,hoesch-,ernst 7#cb71 another ,german  
writer1 says that patriotism has made   
history a story of wars4 ,it has        
developed the highest virtues 7and the  
worst vices71 but it creates artificial 
boundaries among peoples1 and gives to  
every fighter the belief that he is     
contending against brute force4 ,veblen 
7#ig7 says that patriotism is the only  
obstacle to peace among the nations4    
,mac,curdy 7#cg7 speaks of the paradox  
of human nature seen in the fact that   
the loyalty we call patriotism1 which   
may make a man a benefactor to the whole
 race1 may become a menace to mankind   
when it is narrowly focussed4 ,novicow  
says that what shall be foreign is a    

purely conventional matter4 ,another    
writer remarks that patriotism is the   
guise under which the instincts of tiger
 and wolf run riot4  ,several writers1  
,powers 7#ge71 and especially ,veblen1  
place questions of national honor among 
the main causes of war4 ,veblen would   
hold that wars never occur unless the   
questions involved are first converted  
into questions of national honor--and   
are then1 but only then1 supported as   
moral issues4 ,other writers are to be  
found who make the same claims for      
honor1 saying that wars are always over 
questions of national honor--honor      
always meaning here1 let us observe1 not
 moral principle but prestige1 dignity1 
analogous to what we call personal pride
 in the individual4  ,broadly speaking1 
we may say that such views of war base  
it upon the fact that nations are       
individuals1 having personality and     
self-consciousness1 and are moved by    
emotions such as dominate the           
individual1 although such analogies     

between individual and group are never  
free from objection4 ,but that the      
consciousness of the group as an        
individual may be exceedingly intense1  
full of aggressiveness1 intolerance and 
pride1 of great sensitiveness to all    
outside the group1 is1 of course1       
obvious from the history of nations4    
,groups thus endowed with a sense of    
solidarity and sensitiveness become     
highly vitalized and persistent         
personalities which stalk through the   
pages of history with tremendous power  
and tenacity of purpose4 ,nations thus  
live intensely1 and in their intense    
feelings and personal attributes there  
are expressed purposes and ideals1      
conscious and unconscious1 analogous to 
those which make the individual also an 
historical entity4  ,there seem to be   
two aspects of group personality that   
need to be investigated in detail in any
 study of war1 and which must be        
distinguished from one another1 as they 
may be by referring to the primitive or 

central emotional quality which each    
has4 ,these are patriotism and the sense
 of honor1 the former1 for our purposes1
 to be regarded as the sum of the       
affections a people has for that which  
is its own2 the second a sum of those   
feelings and attitudes1 the emotional   
root of which is pride4 ,these feelings 
are the affective basis of the idea of  
nationalism4  ,patriotism1 or love of   
country or feeling of loyalty toward    
country1 is a highly complex emotion or 
mood1 and its object1 an ideal          
construction1 is formed by a process of 
abstraction in which certain qualities  
of home1 environment1 social objects    
selected by those feelings are made over
 into a composite whole4 ,patriotism is 
immediately connected with the fact that
 men1 by some biological or other       
necessity are formed into groups1 in    
which the consciousness of the          
individual in regard to the group and   
its members and its habitat is different
 from the consciousness in regard to    

everything outside4 ,patriotism is      
devotion to all that pertains to the    
group as a separate unit1 and its form  
and intensity are dependent upon what   
the group as a unit does4 ,the size and 
organization of the group to which the  
patriotic feeling may go out may1 it is 
obvious1 differ widely4  ,there appear  
to be five more or less distinct and    
different factors in patriotism2 or1 we 
might say1 five or more objects of      
attachment1 the love of which all       
together constitutes patriotism4 ,these 
objects are3 home1 as physical country2 
the group as collection of individuals2 
mores1 the sum of the customs of a      
people2 country as personality or       
historical object1 and its various      
symbols2 leaders or organized government
 or state1 its conventions and          
representations4  ,the deepest of all   
strata in the very complex feeling of   
patriotism1 one which is concerned in   
every relation among nations1 is the    
devotion to1 or habituation to--or we   

might say identity with--the great      
complex of ideals1 feelings1 and the    
like which make up the customs1         
folkways1 mores or ethos of a group4    
,the individual as a conscious person is
 to such an extent created by these     
conscious factors that we find that the 
reality sense is in part produced by    
them4 ,we have already referred to the  
belief on the part of many peoples that 
they alone are real4 ,foreigners with   
different mores probably always seem    
less real than our own people3 they may 
even be looked upon as automata1 as not 
being moved by the feelings and purposes
 that we ourselves have4 ,the language  
of the foreigner1 the uneducated man is 
inclined to think of as having no       
meaning4 ,every group has its own ways1 
and whatever else war may be1 it is in  
every case an argument for the          
superiority of the ways of the group4   
,each group in war feels that its own   
most intimate possessions1 its morality 
and its genius are attacked4 ,it guards 

these instinctively1 and a part of the  
purpose of aggression is the desire to  
make these things prevail in the world1 
because they are felt to be the only    
right1 true and sensible ways4 ,this    
preference for our own ways1 and        
participation in them1 is the basic fact
 of nationality4  ,the feeling of       
patriotism is thus primarily an sthetic 
appreciation 7or at least an immediate  
and intuitive one7 of the totality of   
the life of the group4 ,just as         
standards of normality and artistic form
 in regard to the human person and its  
adornment vary from group to group1 and 
are produced in the consciousness of the
 group1 so there is a reaction of       
pleasure to1 and attachment for1 the    
whole of the life that surrounds the    
individual4 ,this appreciation is wider 
than moral feeling1 which indeed is in  
part based upon it1 and is a sense of   
the fitness of any act to belong to the 
whole of the conduct that promotes the  
welfare of the group4  ,patriotism is   

best known1 or at least it is most      
celebrated1 as an attachment to the     
native land as place4 ,this is the      
poet's patriotism4 ,it is1 however1     
something more than a mere love of the  
homeland as landscape1 and we cannot1   
indeed1 separate out any pure love of   
physical country4 ,the love of country  
seems to be an expansion of the         
attachment to home1 as the place in     
which the family relations are          
experienced4 ,the sense of place is the 
core of the love of home1 but it is     
supplemented and renforced by the       
personal affections4 ,the attachment to 
place has also its biological roots1 the
 sense of familiarity of place being1 of
 course1 as the basis of orientation1 a 
deep element in consciousness4 ,fear of 
the unknown increases the attachment to 
the known4 ,the land as the source of   
livelihood is loved1 and there are also 
older elements in the love of the land  
as is shown by myths and folklore4      
,there is in it the idea of ownership   

but also the idea of belonging to the   
land4 ,so there is both the filial and  
the parental attitude in patriotism4 ,as
 fatherland or motherland country is    
superior to and antecedent to us2 as    
possession it is something to hold and  
to transmit1 to improve and to leave the
 impress of our work upon4 ,as historic 
land there is the idea of sacred soil1  
of land which persists through all time4
 ,ancestor worship enters2 the soil as  
the resting place of forefathers        
acquires not only a religious meaning1  
but there is attached to it such feeling
 of an sthetic nature as is attached to 
everything that is full of tradition4   
,the protective attitude is prominent in
 this patriotic love of land4 ,there is 
in it the fear of invasion1 a sense of  
the sacredness and inviolability of the 
body of a country when it has once been 
established as an historical entity4 ,a 
study of the psychology of invasion and 
of homesickness would no doubt throw    
further light upon the still unknown    

aspects of the intricate moods of home  
love4  ,a third element in patriotism is
 social feeling4 ,this is primitive1 but
 whether it is a herd consciousness or a
 radiation of the social feelings       
connected with blood relationship and   
community of immediate practical        
interests it is not especially important
 to decide in this connection1 except   
that the assumption of a specific herd  
instinct as distinguished from social   
feeling or instinct appears to be       
unnecessary4 ,loyalty of the individual 
to the group1 which is accompanied by or
 is based upon intensified or ecstatic  
feeling is one of the strongest elements
 of patriotism4 ,social feeling as an   
attachment to the widest group1 the     
nation1 is in general a latent feeling  
or an undeveloped one4 ,we see it       
becoming active and intense only under  
circumstances in which the whole group  
is threatened or for some other reason  
is compelled to act as a unit4 ,the     
recent psychology of the soldier shows  

us that absolute devotion to or         
absorption in the whole may be produced 
automatically by the proper stimuli1 and
 may be controlled as the mechanism of  
morale1 and that elementary sensations  
enter into it4 ,the wider social        
consciousness as devotion to the whole  
group1 the nation1 is based upon such   
reactions1 and can probably not be      
fully1 developed without them4  ,this   
transformation of the individual is     
something desired and sought by the     
individual4 ,it comes as a fulfillment  
of impulses that are latent in the      
social life1 and these impulses are     
tendencies to seek exalted states of    
social feeling1 rather than to perform  
specific social functions4 ,war is      
seized upon by the social consciousness1
 so to speak1 as an opportunity to      
extend itself and become more intense1  
and indeed in war we see the social     
consciousness performing a work of      
genius1 overcoming apparently           
insurmountable obstacles and aversions4 

,under such circumstances1 social       
feeling becomes strongly fortified      
against many suggestions that tend to   
break it down4 ,an intense ferocity is  
directed toward any disloyal member of  
the group1 a fictitious character may be
 attributed to the enemy1 and there is  
an imaginative interpretation of all his
 acts in a manner favorable to uniting  
the sentiment of the group4 ,this does  
not appear to be merely a defensive     
reaction or a result of fear1 but an    
awareness of the precarious condition of
 the social feeling itself1 when it is  
widely extended4 ,in its moments of most
 extreme and fanatical intensity it is  
likely to be most unstable4 ,it has been
 said that the surest way to break down 
social feeling is to make it include too
 much4 ,the conditions of war always    
create that danger4 ,patriotism is      
greatly intensified1 but it is in danger
 of collapse4 ,the mild patriotism and  
yet secure cohesion of peace is replaced
 by a social consciousness increased in 

breadth and depth1 but which is liable  
also to sudden contraction4 ,all nations
 when at war appear to be quite as much 
afraid of themselves as they are of the 
enemy4 ,it is in part this              
susceptibility of social feeling to     
rapid and extreme variation that makes  
patriotism so mysterious a force4 ,it   
may be extended in a moment to unite    
supposed incompatibles1 or again        
apparently strongly cemented groups may 
fall into disunion4 ,this seems to be   
due to the fact that social feeling is  
plastic and is subject to control and is
 a force and not merely an instinctive  
reaction4  ,the fourth element of       
patriotism is devotion to leader1 to    
government1 or to the idea of state4    
,devotion to leader must have been one  
of the earliest forms of loyalty4 ,the  
prestige of the leader is acquired as   
the result of any action of the group   
under stimuli that produce either fear  
or anger4 ,just as the necessity for    
strong action creates the leader out of 

average humanity1 so continuation of    
this necessity1 that is the whole       
historical movement of the life of the  
group such as a nation continues to add 
elements of prestige to leadership4 ,the
 exaltation and typically to some extent
 the deification of the leader is a     
natural consequence or aspect of the    
dramatic life of the group4 ,the leader 
becomes symbolic of the group1 and of   
its purposes and meaning1 so that in    
devoting itself to a leader the people  
do more than sustain an emotional       
relation to a superior person4 ,they    
transfer their own individual nature1 so
 to speak1 to the leader so that he     
becomes the essence or the spirit of the
 people4  ,the dynasty is the connecting
 link between the leader as the object  
of devotion of a people and the abstract
 idea of the state as an entity4 ,the   
prestige and all the supernaturalism    
contained in the ideas of divine rights 
and divine descent that have become     
attached to the idea of kings are       

transferred to the government1 or       
extended to the government or state4    
,the illusion of superiority and        
remoteness is kept up by various forms  
and ceremonials4 ,becoming an abstract  
form1 the organization or the office    
remaining while its personnel changes1  
the state acquires the character of a   
religious object4 ,it takes on the      
character of the eternal1 while still it
 retains all the persuasive and         
suggestive qualities that belong to     
individuals4 ,the idea of state thus    
commands a very high degree of loyalty1 
and is in a sense itself a product of   
the feeling of loyalty4 ,once           
established the state becomes a medium  
through which patriotism may be         
subjected to control and also be        
manipulated for political ends4 ,it can 
be extended1 transferred1 contracted    
according to what at any time may be    
subsumed under the government that has  
thus come to be the central and         
coordinating factor in the object of    

patriotism4  ,another element of        
patriotism appears in the form of a deep
 reaction of the mind of the individual1
 usually under the influence of social  
stimuli that take the form of artistic  
or dramatic situations1 to the idea of  
country as a historical personage4 ,this
 stimulus may be symbolic--the flag or  
any other emblem signifying the life or 
the spirit of a country2 or it may be   
concrete1 historic1 a story1 and this   
story1 which is the content of the idea 
of country1 is in general a narrative   
assuming a certain artistic form in     
which facts are treated at least        
selectively1 and usually imaginatively4 
,this work of portrayal of the life of a
 nation by its story is consciously or  
unconsciously an appeal to the will2 it 
is given artistic rather than scientific
 form for this reason4 ,its purpose is  
to present a national spirit1 or ideal1 
or principle1 and also to persuade the  
mind to become loyal to this spirit of  
country4  ,all countries1 as the object 

of the feeling of patriotism1 tend to be
 personified1 and it is thus as a person
 that country commands the deepest      
loyalty of the individual4 ,hence the   
personified representation of country   
whenever the will of the individual is  
appealed to most strongly4 ,redier      
7#cj71 a ,french writer1 illustrates    
this very clearly when he pleads that   
the interest of the motherland must be  
placed first4 ,it is not for liberty1 or
 for the civilization of the world that 
the ,french are fighting1 he says1 but  
for ,france1 that most saintly1 animated
 and tragic of figures4 ,it is by this  
process of personification of country   
that the patriotism of the individual   
becomes most complete4 ,he thus becomes 
loyal to a living reality representing  
an idea1 a spirit4 ,to defend the honor 
and the integrity of this person1 one is
 willing to sacrifice everything that is
 individually possessed1 in causes that 
can affect one materially in no         
important way4 ,the desire for personal 

identity and immortality may be         
transferred to country as thus          
idealized1 and the individual is        
satisfied to lose himself that country  
may live4 ,the common man realizes in a 
simple and concrete way1 in regard to   
country1 the ,hegelian conception of    
state as the reality of mind in the     
world4 ,about this idea of country held 
by the truly patriotic mind1 as we find 
it expressed in history and in          
literature1 there grows up a religious  
sentiment1 which protects from criticism
 the qualities of the ideal personage4  
,a certain pathos of country attaches   
itself to all who as great individuals  
represent country1 and to all its       
portrayals and symbols4 ,all these      
symbols acquire a high degree of        
suggestive force because of the depth of
 sentiment and the richness of the      
content of the ideas that have produced 
them4  ,patriotism1 then1 is a very     
complex idea and feeling which we       
realize as love of country--or1 as we   

might better say1 it is an animation by 
the idea of a very complex object which 
is country4 ,it is a profound           
attachment1 rooted in the most original 
and essential relations1 and appears to 
be natural and necessary to every normal
 mind4 ,the individual consciousness is 
complete only by including the          
attachments1 in narrower and broader    
relations1 to precisely the elements    
that enter into patriotism--to place1 to
 the fundamental ways and appreciations 
of the social surroundings1 to persons1 
to authority1 to traditions4 ,the       
composite effects of these attachments  
may be greater or smaller1 as determined
 by a totality of conditions1 but the   
foundations of patriotism1 whatever its 
object1 are deep in consciousness4  ,the
 presence and persistence of patriotism 
in the world as a deep and intense      
feeling raises questions that are of    
both theoretical and practical          
importance4 ,here we are interested     
mainly in the relation of patriotism to 

war4 ,there is a widespread view that   
may be expressed somewhat as follows4   
,patriotism and internationalism or     
cosmopolitanism are two opposites4      
,patriotism delimits groups1 whether    
rightly or wrongly1 and therefore       
produces antagonism in the world1 and   
either causes wars directly or maintains
 a continual threat of wars4 ,on the    
other hand there is cosmopolitanism1 a  
very little too much of which might     
destroy civilization by removing the    
inspiration that country gives4         
,patriotism1 standing for the integrity 
of historic entities1 makes the world a 
world of nations having separate and    
conflicting wills4 ,thus we have a      
choice of evils--between a world of     
ardent1 quarrelsome1 but efficient      
groups and a world in which the chief   
motive of progress1 the vital principle 
of national growth1 is left out4  ,what 
is the truth about this8 ,what is the   
relation of patriotism to war8          
,confusion and difference of views are  

likely to arise from a failure to       
distinguish in the idea of nationalism  
as a whole1 between two very different  
emotions and purposes4 ,psychologically1
 patriotism is a sum of affections4 ,as 
such1 it has a distinct character1      
constitutes a mood1 the possession of   
which may characterize an individual1   
and dominance by which may be the main  
fact in life4 ,as a devotion to certain 
objects1 this motive of patriotism      
enters into the sphere of motives of    
war1 but it does so mainly1 in our view1
 as a powerful and highly suggestible   
energy which becomes aggressive only    
under the stimulus of threat to its     
objects4 ,patriotism is indeed tolerant 
by nature1 and one may well doubt       
whether a genuine love of country is    
possible without a profound realization 
of the value of other countries as      
objects of devotion1 and of the validity
 of the patriotism of every group4 ,true
 patriotism must always be to some      
extent devotion to patriotism itself as 

a progressive force in the world1 and it
 is1 therefore1 by the very fact of     
becoming intense and pure1 a motive of  
internationalism4  ,such patriotism     
seems to be free from most of the       
delusions of greatness that affect      
national consciousness4 ,its mood is    
optimistic and its spirit tolerant and  
just4 ,we should say that1 instead of   
causing wars1 by any initiative of its  
own1 it is itself caused by wars4 ,it   
grows in a medium of defensive          
attitudes4 ,it may1 of course1 play into
 the hands of all the aggressive motives
 of war2 there are always circumstances 
creating the illusion of danger1 and it 
is possible1 even1 that there would be  
little war if there were no patriotism  
as love of country to support it4 ,but  
on the other hand patriotism itself does
 not seem to be a cause of war4 ,we     
should say1 indeed1 that patriotism1 to 
the extent that it becomes intelligent  
and is a devotion to an ideal of        
country1 and so is not dominated and    

influenced by other motives is a factor 
of peace in the world1 and is moral in  
its principles and its nature4 ,this is 
not the place in which to speak of      
internationalism as an ideal1 but we may
 at least observe how1 conceivably1     
patriotism may be cultivated1 be greatly
 deepened and intensified1 while at the 
same time and indeed because of this    
deepening of patriotism all             
international causes are also served4   
,such patriotism may leave us with the  
danger of wars1 since it leaves us with 
a world of individuals having wills and 
self-interests4 ,but this world1 with   
such a danger of wars1 would be better  
after all than a certain kind of        
cosmopolitanism in a world such as1 for 
example1 might be arranged by an        
unintelligent socialism4   ,national    
,honor  ,there is another aspect of     
nationalism1 which is psychologically   
distinct from patriotism as love of     
country1 because primitively it is based
 upon a different motive4 ,emotionally  

it is expressed finally as national     
pride1 as we use the word mainly with a 
derogatory implication4 ,just as        
patriotic feeling is intensified and    
crystallized by fear1 and is in a sense 
an overcoming of fear1 by devotion1 so  
this motive of pride rests upon a basis 
of jealousy and of hatred1 and is       
essentially a movement in which display 
is used to obtain prestige1 to overcome 
opposition and to defend consciousness  
against a sense of inferiority4 ,as a   
display motive it contains the feeling  
of anger1 and the impulses of combat1   
and its relation to the reproductive    
motive is obvious4 ,it is as an aspect  
of a deeply pessimistic strain in       
national life1 as a process in which an 
original and nave sense of reality and  
superiority1 challenged and attacked and
 brought into the field of opposition   
and criticism and thus negated by a     
feeling of inferiority1 that this motive
 becomes of special interest to the     
psychology of nations and of war4  ,the 

roots of this pride and honor process we
 can find in the impulses which lead    
groups to demonstrate power and prowess 
to one another1 and in the original     
feeling of reality which is accompanied 
by the belief on the part of the group  
that its own ways are normal and right4 
,we might mention as significant the    
widespread belief on the part of very   
primitive peoples that they alone are   
real people1 or are the superior people 
of the world4 ,the ,lapps1 ,sumner 7#gj7
 says1 regard themselves as men as      
distinguished from all other peoples1 a 
form of self-consciousness which lingers
 in all such antitheses as ,jew and     
,gentile1 ,greek and barbarian1 and the 
like4 ,this basic idea of difference in 
reality is not confined to a few        
peoples1 but there is a tendency for    
every group to divide the world into two
 parties3 selves and outsiders1 and this
 feeling of difference readily develops 
into the moods in which there is a      
mystic sense on the part of a people of 

being the chosen people1 and into those 
specific theories of superiority that   
run through the history of most if not  
of all nations4 ,it belongs to the      
psychology of ,greeks1 ,romans1 ,arabs1 
,chinese1 ,japanese1 and also to        
,americans as well as ,germans2 and we  
learn that ,russian books and newspapers
 sometimes discuss the civilizing       
mission of ,russia4  ,that the motives  
of display and pride have been          
peculiarly active in ,germany in the    
last few decades has been maintained by 
many writers4 ,german writers are       
inclined to believe that the motive for 
the attack upon ,germany was jealousy on
 the part of her enemies1 that ,germany 
was supreme in everything and other     
countries could tolerate this no longer4
 ,germany has talked about her virtues1 
her rank1 her coming place in the world4
 ,bergson says that ,germany's energy   
comes from pride4 ,some see the source  
of this alleged conceit of ,germany and 
her excessive self-consciousness in     

,germany's hard experiences--the recent 
slavery1 ,germany's position as the     
battle ground of ,europe1 her late      
arrival among the great nations4        
,germany still lacks1 they say1 the     
quiet assurance that an old culture     
gives4 ,some call ,germany morbid and   
quarrelsome4 ,again we hear the pride of
 ,germany called an adolescent          
phenomenon1 and they say that ,germany  
is fighting not for principle but to see
 who is superior4 ,bosanquet 7#ia7      
thinks that the lack of political       
liberty in ,germany has had the effect  
of producing self-consciousness1 and a  
morbid interest in small distinctions of
 title and rank1 and that it is thwarted
 national ambition that has expressed   
itself in such writers as ,treitschke   
and ,bernhardi4 ,bourdon 7#fg7 thinks   
,germany is jealous of the culture and  
the glory and the political and literary
 prestige of ,france4 ,collier 7#fh7    
says that ,germany is forever looking   
into a mirror rather than out the open  

window and even sees herself a little   
out of focus4 ,the seriousness of the   
,germans1 others think1 is an indication
 that ,germany takes herself too        
seriously4  ,but national vanity1 we    
see1 is certainly not confined to       
,germany4 ,the ,germans at least think  
,france is highly self-conscious1 always
 thinking of her dignity1 glory1        
prestige and of revenge4 ,wundt 7#he7   
feels much the same about the ,english4 
,he says they always want to be first in
 everything1 and to dominate the earth4 
,we know that the ,confederacy of the   
,united ,states1 at the outbreak of the 
,civil ,war1 appealed to the world on   
the ground that it had reached the most 
noble civilization the world had ever   
seen4 ,the ,japanese 7#gc71 we have     
heard1 believe that they are of divine  
descent1 and that they are supreme in   
manliness1 loyalty and virtue4 ,every   
nation presumably has somewhere in the  
back of its mind a belief in its own    
supremacy in something1 and has a sense 

of being or having something that makes 
it unique in the world4  ,we can now see
 in part how the idea of national honor 
arises out of the pride of nations4     
,certain fundamental feelings issue in  
the form of claims of superiority or    
supremacy1 which may be either vague and
 unclear or very definite and           
self-conscious4 ,this claim to          
superiority is precisely what we mean by
 national vanity4 ,with this            
consciousness there goes a knowledge    
that these claims are in general not    
recognized by other nations1 or that the
 prestige which the recognition of this 
superiority presupposes is at least     
insecure4 ,since1 of course1 these      
claims to supremacy cannot all be valid1
 there must be a great amount of        
inferiority parading in the world as    
superiority1 many fictitious and        
presumably half-hearted assumptions that
 must not only be defended against      
outsiders1 but must also be internally  
fortified4 ,the pride and the conceit   

must be justified by the creation of a  
fictitious past1 and of an impossible   
future4 ,the motive of these            
falsifications on the part of race      
consciousness is clear4 ,a nation is    
defending its claim to superiority by   
first establishing the claim in its own 
mind4 ,these claims being really        
unfounded must be placed beyond         
criticism4 ,they must be given a        
religious form4 ,but also external forms
 and relations of an artificial nature  
must be established4 ,nations always    
hide behind barriers of formality4 ,they
 make displays to one another4 ,in this 
way the feeling and the appearance of   
superiority are kept up4 ,everything    
external to the group and not           
participating in its illusion of        
supremacy must be kept external to it4  
,the belief which the nation itself     
assumes in regard to its virtue must be 
demanded from all outsiders with whom   
the nation has relations of any kind4   
,at least the forms of the recognition  

of the claim must be insisted upon4     
,this is the principle of national      
honor4 ,it is a defense of certain ideal
 or fictitious values in which nations  
insist that others should recognize     
these claims and values4 ,national honor
 is an artifice for defending a claim to
 superiority and concealing an actual   
inferiority1 and it relates to values   
which1 in general1 do not exist4 ,its   
work is concerned with the maintenance  
of prestige4  ,these ideal values and   
the integrity of the appearance of      
supremacy1 are sustained by the         
assumption of the forms of empire or the
 imperialistic attitude4 ,empire is     
indeed what is dramatized in the forms  
which nations assume1 and this          
dramatization of imperial form is the   
background of all the ideas of honor4   
,the maintenance of the integrity of the
 imperial form1 as an ideal realization 
of the supremacy a nation assumes1      
becomes more important than even the    
securing of material possessions1 for   

the imperial form is the very reality   
and existence of the nation4 ,it is at  
bottom merely the assertion that its own
 mores are supreme and entitled to be   
universal4 ,to admit that this is not so
 would be to become to some extent      
unreal1 and to lose something essential 
to a sense of personality4 ,therefore1  
there can be thus far no intimate       
relations among nations4 ,they must     
present to one another symbolic         
representations of themselves4 ,it is   
their flag1 the symbol of their place in
 the world and of their military prowess
 and courage2 their ambassadors1 the    
representatives of their dignity and the
 symbol of their pretended friendliness2
 their display of royal forms1 which is 
the sign of their prestige and their    
imperial nature1 about which they are   
most sensitive4 ,offenses to these      
symbols of what a nation assumes itself 
to be and demands that others should    
think it1 tend to be mortal offenses1   
because they invade the sphere of what  

nations hold to be their reality4 ,so   
the relations of nations to one another 
must1 as we say1 always be formal4      
,nations can allow no intimacy4 ,why    
they cannot one can readily see1 for it 
is not difficult to detect the fear1 the
 jealousy1 and the inferiority motive   
behind all this assumption and display4 
,treitschke shows us what national honor
 may mean when it is carried out into a 
philosophy of state4 ,here is the idea  
of national self-consciousness at its   
greatest height4 ,the state must not    
tolerate equals1 or at least it must    
reduce the number of equals as much as  
possible4 ,the state must be absolutely 
independent4 ,the state1 furthermore1   
cannot have too keen a sense of its     
dignity and position4 ,a state must     
declare war if its flag is insulted1    
however slight the circumstances may be4
  ,national honor1 its codes and        
standards and its justification and     
vindication by combat1 present so many  
resemblances to the practice of dueling 

and the idea of personal honor once so  
generally held by the upper class1 and  
still existent where the military spirit
 prevails1 that we ought to study the   
dueling code with reference to the      
psychology of war4 ,there are           
psychological features that appear to be
 identical4 ,the idea of personal honor 
is associated with a feeling of         
superiority that must be defended4 ,any 
offense or affront to the individual was
 a mortal offense4 ,the superiority in  
question was first of all superiority of
 ancestry2 it was this that constituted 
the value of the individual and set the 
standards that he must maintain4 ,this  
superiority was to be judged not so much
 by conduct as by an assertion of it    
represented by certain external forms4  
,the individual by his manners declared 
himself a gentleman1 and laid claim to  
forms and considerations that must not  
be omitted in relations with him4 ,the  
virtues he defended so rigorously did   
not exist as a rule in calculable or    

practical form1 since they did nothing  
objective4 ,they might be ornamental or 
purely fictitious4 ,they existed in the 
form of claims1 and the values assigned 
to them were arbitrary4 ,the man        
declared himself possessed of           
superiority1 and was ready uniformly to 
prove this claim by acts purporting to  
indicate willingness to die4  ,this code
 and belief belonged to a day when      
relations among individuals were simple 
and1 so to speak1 external4 ,they were  
relations that were readily codified and
 made invariable1 since they had no     
essential practical content or function4
 ,manners were significant as           
substitutes for friendly relations1     
since the system was lacking in moral   
and social sentiments4 ,manners were a  
means of fitting together individuals   
who really belonged to no functioning   
whole1 except when1 for example1 they   
might be united in military exploits4   
,everything was unitary and independent 
of everything else in this society4     

,now this code and this philosophy of   
life have declined precisely to the     
extent that the conception of ideal     
human life has changed1 from that of    
something ornamental and personal to    
that of something useful and moral4     
,life has become organized1 and         
relations have become more practical1 so
 that the values of conduct may now be  
estimated1 and one no longer may        
maintain a claim to virtue based upon   
forms expressing intangible or          
subjective or unreal virtues4 ,the      
virtues of a man in a democratic society
 are1 indeed1 more or less obvious and  
open4 ,pride of family1 an ornamental   
mode of life1 and a scorn of death are  
no longer necessary and sufficient      
guarantees of worth4 ,evidence of value 
is both possible and required2 before   
value is admitted it must be shown4     
,self-defense in a legal and moral      
society are in the main superfluous1 and
 the values of individuals are so       
changed that to justify them by the duel

 would seem out of place4 ,its service  
being to defend artificial or arbitrary 
claims to distinction1 it ceases or it  
falls into disuse when the individual's 
reality and value come to depend upon   
his functional place in society4 ,it    
would be highly illogical to put to test
 social values by a process that appears
 to have nothing but anti-social        
elements in it4  ,that nations exhibit  
the same type of relation toward one    
another that we find in dueling and its 
code seems to be clear1 although we must
 always avoid pressing any analogy      
between individual and nation too far4  
,a claim to superiority that is deep and
 irrational1 and which appears on the   
surface as sensitiveness in regard to   
honor and vanity1 keeps nations always  
in defensive attitudes1 quite apart from
 the actual fear of aggression4 ,this   
superficiality or at least externality  
of relations is the source of actual    
conflict4 ,the forms employed to        
maintain these relations are obviously  

ornamental1 are elaborations of the     
forms of courtesy among individuals1 are
 little dramas of friendship1 so to     
speak1 little plays representing        
friendliness1 while the diplomatic      
motives are simply to obtain everything 
possible1 each nation for itself1       
without war1 and to maintain prestige4  
,these relations are substitutes for    
social feelings that do not exist4      
,generally speaking1 nations are never  
friends4 ,they never really share in    
anything4 ,they are all highly conscious
 of their own prestige and dignity1 and 
they always communicate with one another
 in a formal way4 ,in it all1 we see the
 signs of emotions and habits that      
extend far back to the beginnings of    
social life and indeed into animal life4
 ,the display which takes the form of   
social relations among nations1         
represented well by uniformed diplomats1
 is so plainly archaic and its real     
meaning so obvious that we can hardly   
fail to understand what it is all about4

 ,that the attitude is really defensive1
 and the purpose to keep up appearances 
before strangers1 so to speak1 can      
hardly be doubted4  ,the fact that these
 questions of national honor are in some
 respects detached from the main        
realities of political relations1 and   
are1 indeed1 fictitious and exist in the
 region of the imagination1 that they   
pertain to the conventional and         
ornamental sides of national life1 might
 be supposed to indicate that they could
 easily be done away with1 and all these
 fertile causes of war be eliminated4   
,that must not be assumed4 ,vanity has  
deep roots4 ,the ornamental in life     
symbolizes the real4 ,it is the point of
 entrance to the deepest motives4       
,conventional and archaic forms do not  
die out1 just because we discover that  
they are irrational and harmful1 and the
 causes they serve seem to us to be     
unreal4 ,this kind of unreality in the  
consciousness of nations is in fact the 
ideal for which nations live4 ,nations  

play at being great1 and fight to defend
 their prestige--but this play1 as we   
know1 is oftentimes terribly real4      
,,chapter ,,vi  ,,causes ,,as           
,,principles ,,and ,,issues ,,in ,,war  
,the causes for which wars are fought1  
or which are asserted to be the causes1 
make one of the important psychological 
problems of war4 ,sometimes these causes
 are elusive1 sometimes they may give   
occasion for cynicism and a pessimistic 
view of national morals2 again we see   
self-deception1 again ideals seeking for
 light1 peoples trying to find something
 to live for or to die for4 ,we see in  
the recent great war as in other wars1 a
 great variety of causes for which men  
are said to be fighting4 ,some would say
 that the war was entirely a war of     
principles2 some take a purely political
 point of view and say that principles  
are not involved at all1 and others that
 nothing was displayed at all of motives
 except primitive passions which are    
equally devoid of moral issues or any   

principles4  ,it would be interesting   
from the psychological point of view to 
make1 if possible1 a complete collection
 and classification of the causes that  
have been brought forward as the        
fundamental things fought for in the    
late war4 ,many widely different and    
divergent views are held4 ,the forms in 
which the issues of the war have been   
stated are almost innumerable4 ,new     
definitions and new statements of old   
conventional ideas appear continuously4 
,every writer seems to see the war from 
a different point of view from all      
others4 ,eventually1 we may suppose1 all
 this will be clear1 since these causes 
of the war will be one of the great     
themes of future philosophical history4 
,at present we can only formulate such a
 view as may be suggestive with         
reference to general interpretations of 
the place of principles and causes in   
war4  ,let us examine a few of the      
opinions about the issues fought for in 
the recent war4 ,mac,fall 7#ef7 says    

that the whole strategy of the civilized
 world is bent upon creating permanent  
peace4 ,many speak of the war as a war  
to overcome war2 we are told that one of
 the most conscious motives of the      
soldiers in the field has been to make  
the great war the last war the world    
should ever see4 ,something of the same 
idea is involved in the view each nation
 has that it was attacked1 and that the 
purpose of the war was to defeat and    
punish aggressors4 ,apparently every    
nation and every army engaged in the war
 has had the feeling that it was        
fighting in the interests of world      
peace4  ,the ,german explanations of the
 war and of its issues have been very   
numerous and widely varied4 ,the ,german
 has had his own interpretation of the  
white man's burden1 ,tower 7#eg7 calls  
attention to the ,german hybrid word    
,sahibthum1 expressing the mission of a 
people4 ,each nation has its essence1   
which becomes a deep impulse4 ,the      
,german's impulse is translatable in the

 words ,be organized4 ,the ,german has  
been eager to organize the world4       
,he-believed in all seriousness that he 
was fighting the fight of order against 
chaos4 ,it was the fight of the spirit  
against that which is dead and          
inefficient4 ,the ,german believed that 
the systematic exploitation of the world
 was his peculiar mission4 ,ostwald is  
the great apostle of this view4 ,he said
 that the war was a battle of the higher
 life against the lower instincts4      
,germany represents ,european           
civilization4 ,the ,german emperor said 
that ,germany should do for ,europe what
 ,prussia had done for                  
,germany--organize it4 ,in the ,german  
philosophy of life this principle of    
order had become a serious principle4   
,an inefficient and disorderly world had
 need of ,germany4 ,everywhere there was
 waste and stupidity1 and a want of     
reason in the world4 ,system was to be  
the cure4 ,the fundamental fault in all 
this disorder the ,german mind          

recognized as an excessive              
individualism4 ,individual instinct and 
the social order were in eternal        
conflict1 as ,dietzel expressed the     
issue1 and ,germany stood for the social
 order1 for reason1 since reason is     
precisely the denial of the instincts   
and the desires of the individual in the
 interest of a foreseen result4         
,shortly after the beginning of the war1
 we remember1 a manifesto appeared      
signed by three thousand ,german        
university professors and other         
teachers1 saying that they1 the signers1
 firmly believed that the salvation of  
the whole of ,european civilization     
depended upon the victory of ,german    
militarism4 ,hintze 7#di7 said that     
,germany was fighting for the freedom of
 everybody1 meaning presumably according
 to the ,german principle that freedom  
consists in voluntarily submitting to   
order4 ,this freedom is also in         
,hintze's view a principle of freedom   
and equal rights for all nations1 in so 

far as these nations have reached the   
necessary stage of civilization4 ,the   
mission of the coming central management
 of mankind                             
7,menschheitzentralverwaltung7 implied  
in the most ideal theory of ,germany's  
mission is the true ,german burden4     
,haeckel says that the work of the      
,german people to assure and develop    
civilization gives ,germany the right to
 occupy the ,balkans1 ,asia ,minor1     
,syria1 and ,mesopotamia1 and to exclude
 from those countries the races that    
occupy them4 ,schellendorf says that    
,germany must not forget her civilizing 
task1 which is to become the nucleus of 
a future empire of the west4 ,koenig    
says that the spiritual life of ,europe 
is at stake1 ,germany's fight is the    
fight of civilization against           
barbarism--against ,russian barbarism he
 means4 ,this ought to be the cause of  
all ,western ,europe1 but ,england and  
,france have betrayed the western       
civilization into the hands of the      

,east4 ,this belief gave to ,germany's  
cause a deep impulsion 7#ab74  ,another 
way in which ,germany's cause was       
frequently stated was that ,germany was 
a pure1 virile and young race which was 
fighting the older civilizations of the 
world4 ,vigor was assured of victory in 
any case1 but young life had a duty to  
perform--that of clearing the way for   
new growth4 ,this has found numerous    
forms of expression among ,german       
writers1 some of them highly dramatic   
and exaggerated2 as1 for example1 that  
the human race is divided into two      
species or kinds1 the male and the      
female1 assuming that the ,german is the
 male among the national spirits4  ,with
 these views of the nature of the       
,german ideal or cause there have gone1 
of course1 interpretations of the       
conscious motives and principles of     
other nations4 ,in general other nations
 had no principle4 ,german writers have 
tended to believe that both ,england and
 ,america were hypocritical and that    

their pretended democratic cause was at 
heart only party and political          
aspiration4 ,these nations1 they said1  
claimed to desire the world to enjoy the
 rights of democracy1 but each country  
assumed that it itself must be the      
controller of that democratic principle4
 ,another frequently expressed view of  
the purposes of ,england and ,america is
 that they have purely sordid interests1
 that they are capable of fighting only 
for advantage and material gain4  ,many 
of these ,german views of the war imply 
a principle that runs through many      
fields of ,german thought--that values  
are something to be determined          
objectively4 ,it is a scientific        
principle4 ,its conclusions rest upon   
proof1 rather than upon subjective      
principles of valuation4 ,there is      
another argument which is in part based 
upon an interpretation of scientific    
principles1 but is in part also a       
fatalistic doctrine--confidence in the  
issues of battle as a means of testing  

the right and the validity of culture4  
,the right will prevail1 on this theory1
 because the right is the stronger or   
because in some sense strength is the   
right1 and because the method of        
selection of the best by struggle is a  
basic principle1 and may be applied to  
everything that is living or is a       
product of life4  ,if the ,german       
interpretation of the ,german cause has 
been dominated by an ideal of objective 
proof1 we hear on the other side much   
about subjective rights and subjective  
evaluations--the right1 for example1 of 
every people to determine its own life1 
to have its own culture1 to decide upon 
its own nationality4 ,the ,allies have  
believed that they were fighting to     
establish this principle throughout the 
world1 and that this principle is       
diametrically opposed to the ,german    
principle4 ,the thought of              
centralization1 of a hierarchy of       
nations and the like1 is wholly foreign 
to this democratic principle4 ,bergson  

7#ag7 finds in the idea of industry the 
cause of the war and the principle of   
opposition in it4 ,the ,allies1 he says1
 have been fighting against materialism 
with the forces of the spirit4          
,germany's forces are material4 ,a      
mechanism is fighting against a         
self-renewing spirit4 ,the ideal of     
force is met by the force of the ideal4 
,boutroux 7#ac7 says that ,france1 in   
the war1 has had before her eyes the    
idea of humanity2 ,france was fighting  
for the recognition of the rights of    
personality--rights of each nation to   
its own existence4 ,france is a champion
 of freedom2 she wants all the          
legitimate aspirations of peoples to be 
realized4 ,germanism1 with its ideal of 
force1 is contrasted with the ideal of  
,greek and ,christian culture and       
philosophy4 ,a cult of justice and      
modesty is contrasted with the cult of  
power2 in the former1 sentiment and     
feeling have a place as criteria of     
values2 in the latter the appeal is to  

science and to reason4  ,hobhouse 7#cd7 
says that the war is a conflict of the  
spirit of the ,west against the spirit  
of the ,east 7precisely the same as the 
,german view1 we see1 but with a very   
different identification of the         
champions74 ,germany has never felt the 
spirit of the ,west4 ,the war is for    
something far deeper than national      
freedom2 it is a war to justify the     
primary rules of right4 ,burnet 7#ah7   
thinks that the great conflict was a    
conflict between ,kultur as             
nationalistic1 and humanism as something
 international--that ,germany1 in recent
 years1 had abandoned an ideal of       
culture for that of specialization in   
the service of the ,state4 ,england's   
answer to the call was not to the       
specific need and appeal of ,belgium1   
but because ,england felt that there was
 something in ,germany incompatible with
 ,western civilization4  ,le ,bon 7#db7 
says that we must always remember that  
the ,teuton is the irreconcilable enemy 

of the civilization of the ,french and  
of all it stands for1 and that he must  
always be kept at a distance4           
,durkheim's view is that ,germany's     
ambition and energy and will antagonize 
the freedom of the rest of the world1   
and the rest of the world felt this and 
the war was the consequence4 ,dillon    
7#ee7 says that the future for which    
,germany has been striving is a future  
incompatible with those ideals which our
 race cherishes and reveres1 and that we
 must make a definite choice between our
 philosophy and religion and our code on
 one side and those of the ,german on   
the other4 ,drawbridge 7#ai7 says that  
the war has been a conflict between the 
ideals of gentleness and tact1 on one   
side1 and of brutality and ruthlessness 
on the other4 ,it is the ,christian     
spirit against the ,nietzschean4  ,again
 we have been told that the war was     
simply a war of autocracy against       
democracy1 of medivalism against modern 
life1 of progress against stagnation1 of

 militarism and war against peace1 of   
the ,napoleonic against the ,christian  
spirit4 ,occasionally we hear more      
personal and subjective notes4 ,redier  
7#cj7 says that ,france was fighting    
solely to retain mastery of her own     
genius1 in order to draw from it noble  
joys and just profits4  ,the ,american  
point of view has been expressed in     
several forms by the ,president of the  
,united ,states4 ,for example1 he has   
said that we are one of the champions of
 the rights of mankind4 ,the world must 
be made safe for democracy4 ,and again1 
that ,america is fighting for no selfish
 purpose1 but for the liberation of     
peoples everywhere from the aggression  
of autocratic powers4 ,this view that   
the war was remedial1 that it was in the
 interest of progress1 to prevent that  
which is belated in civilization from   
gaining the upper hand1 and that it is  
on the part of ,america a war of        
participation and aid in a cause which  
though supremely good might otherwise be

 lost1 is the prevailing idea4 ,that    
this spirit of the championship of      
causes and of justice to other nations  
is a stronger motive in the             
,anglo-,saxon peoples than in others    
appears to be an opinion that history on
 the whole can confirm4  ,it is         
relatively easy to obtain the opinion of
 philosophers about the causes          
represented in the war2 it would be of  
interest also to know what the millions 
of men in the field think4 ,data are not
 altogether wanting1 but there appear to
 be no general studies4 ,that many men1 
in more than one army1 have no clear    
knowledge of any cause for which they   
have fought1 except as these causes are 
nationalistic is certain4 ,that there is
 ignorance even among the men of our own
 army in regard to the causes and       
purposes of the war has been made       
evident4 ,knowledge and enlightenment   
can hardly have been greater elsewhere4 
,german soldiers are credited with      
believing that they are defending       

,germany from attack4 ,the ,french      
soldier was fighting for ,france4 ,the  
invasion of his country left him no     
doubt and no choice4 ,the ,english      
soldier has often said that he was doing
 it for the women and the children1 and 
one writer says that the deepest motive 
of two thirds of the ,british army was  
to make this war the last4 ,the         
,american soldier1 from the nature of   
the circumstances under which he himself
 entered the war has been more conscious
 of a motive of helpfulness and of      
comradeship with other peoples who are  
in distress and danger4 ,probably the   
idea of ,america's honor1 and the more  
abstract idea still of the cause of     
freedom1 even though this idea has been1
 so to speak1 our watchword1 have not   
been the most influential motives in the
 mind of the individual4 ,germany was   
attacking people who were in distress1  
and the ,american soldier went over to  
make the scales turn in the direction of
 victory for the oppressed4  ,there is1 

of course1 a literature of the war      
produced by the soldier in the field1 in
 which there are expressed high ideals1 
abstract conceptions and firm           
principles4 ,the ,french soldier has    
written about liberty1 the ,german      
soldier has had considerable to say     
about a ,kultur war4 ,an ,american      
volunteer in the ,british army has      
written1 ,i find myself among the       
millions of others in the great allied  
armies fighting for all ,i believe right
 and civilized and humane against a     
power which is evil and which threatens 
the existence of all the right we prize 
and the freedom we enjoy 7#bd74 ,but in 
general the consciousness of the        
soldier1 from all the evidence we have1 
was concerned1 as presumably was that of
 most of us1 mainly with the most       
obvious qualities of opposing forces1   
their concrete actions1 and the personal
 motives of rulers4  ,leaving aside so  
far as one can one's own partisanship   
and mores 7which is not a very easy     

task71 what causes can we say1 with a   
considerable degree of certainty1 have  
actually been issues in the present war8
 ,to some extent what one thinks these  
causes are will remain matters of       
personal opinion and preference4 ,are   
there also principles which1 when once  
observed1 will be accepted as the       
fundamental causes of the war8 ,there   
seem to be three at least which         
characterize wide differences in the    
ideals and the civilization of the      
opposing forces4  ,there is1 first of   
all1 an issue between the ideals of a   
relatively autocratic form of government
 and a relatively more democratic form  
of government4 ,this was a cause of the 
intellectuals1 but it was also a popular
 cause4 ,men in general like the form of
 government under which they live4 ,from
 the standpoint of those who hold that a
 democratic form of government is right1
 the war seemed to be a conflict between
 a modern and progressive rgime and an  
old and vicious one4 ,so far as this    

autocratic principle aimed to suppress  
the rights of individuals1 or to menace 
the liberties of small nations1 so far  
as it was aggressively militaristic and 
had imperial ambitions1 which could be  
achieved only by force1 it stood clearly
 opposed to democracy4 ,democracy and   
autocracy were plainly at war with one  
another1 and yet if we look closely we  
shall see that neither one can offer any
 actual demonstration of its validity as
 the most superior or the final form of 
government4 ,in part they may appeal to 
the observable course of history for    
their justification1 but the final      
source of judgment seems to rest in the 
mass of opinion in the world4 ,questions
 of form and taste are not wholly       
absent4 ,but the believer in democracy  
and the believer in autocracy will both 
assert that deep differences in         
principle are involved4 ,they will not  
admit that democracy and autocracy are  
superficial forms1 and are questions of 
taste1 and they will not agree with     

,munsterberg1 who says that the two     
forms tend inevitably toward a          
compromise1 by a process of alternation 
in which first one and-then the other is
 the dominant form in the world4  ,the  
war1 in another aspect of it1 has been a
 conflict between the idea of           
nationalism and that of                 
internationalism4 ,it is a conflict     
between an ideal of state1 represented  
in the ,german philosophy of state by   
the principle of complete autonomy of   
the individual nation1 and one which    
assumes that states1 while retaining    
their rights of sovereignty are to be   
governed by laws which regulate their   
conduct as functioning members of a     
society of nations4 ,the difference is  
that1 relatively1 between a state of    
anarchy among nations and a state of    
order4 ,to some extent there has been a 
conflict between the idea of rights and 
the idea of duties of nations4 ,this    
internationalism is not merely a        
sociological principle1 something       

academic and scientific1 as a theory of 
state or society2 it is an ethical      
principle1 which contains some          
recognition of justice as a subjective  
principle4 ,it has some roots in theory1
 but it is also based upon the immediate
 recognition of the rights of peoples to
 their own individual lives4 ,its ideal 
is a world containing many nations1     
cordinated by natural processes and not 
a world in which a single nation or a   
few may hold the supreme place1 except  
as this supremacy might come by a       
process of natural development4  ,the   
third conflict of the war was one which 
we may call a psychological conflict4   
,it was a conflict between two ideas of 
life1 one based upon a belief in the    
supremacy of reason1 the other implying 
that the final test of values in life   
remains in the sphere of the feelings1  
or is a matter of appreciation4         
,germany1 in her recent history1 has    
stood conspicuously for the belief that 
human society may and indeed must be    

controlled and regulated by definite    
principles--principles that must be     
determined according to the methods of  
science4 ,these principles take the     
place1 in this philosophy of life1 of   
certain typical human reactions that are
 believed to be demonstrably irrational4
 ,in its visible and most practical form
 the application of this principle is   
through organization4  ,this            
characterization of ,german life reveals
 something very much like a paradox in  
the principles of the war4 ,we see a    
conflict in one direction between a     
certain medivalism in government and    
social forms and a more modern and      
progressive type2 we see also a conflict
 of a modernism of an extreme form1     
represented by a scientific             
civilization1 united with this          
medivalism1 and in opposition to a      
conception of life which is in some     
respects more nave and more primitive4  
,the explanation of this paradox is that
 ,germany offers an illustration of a   

phenomenon of development that has been 
seen before in history1 of an excess of 
development and specialization in a     
direction that appears to be off the    
main line of progress1 or at least is an
 anachronism4 ,germany has shown us the 
effects of rationalism1 some would say a
 morbid and hypertrophied reason4 ,this 
rationalism is certainly in part a      
product of systematic education and     
propaganda1 a conscious exploitation of 
science1 and it is in part              
temperamental4 ,such a result is always 
possible in a small state with a highly 
centralized form of government4 ,it is a
 notorious fact that ,germany's type of 
civilization can be spread neither by   
persuasion nor by force4 ,if we may     
apply a biological analogy we may say   
that ,german ,kultur in its modern form 
cannot survive4 ,that this ,german      
civilization has been felt by the world 
at large to be abnormal and of the      
nature of a monstrosity we can hardly   
doubt1 and that therefore to some extent

 there has been a sense1 on the part of 
the enemies of ,germany1 of fighting to 
root out a dangerous and rank growth4   
,germany1 seeing in her own civilization
 only the appearance of modernism1 has  
been inclined to regard all other       
civilizations as decadent4  ,germany1   
governed by the ideals of rationalism1  
has assumed that history can be made1   
wars conducted1 life regulated in       
accordance with a program4 ,on the other
 side we see a very general acceptance  
of a philosophy of life in which many   
evils of disorder and waste and the     
necessity of an experimental attitude   
toward life are accepted as necessary   
consequences of the life of freedom4 ,we
 see implied in this philosophy of life 
a belief in a morality and a religion   
that are based upon feeling rather than 
upon objective evidences1 and a way of  
judging conduct more or less naively and
 simply or according to methods of      
appreciation that are essentially       
sthetic1 using the term in a wide sense4

 ,this mode of life is accepted in the  
belief that order in due season will    
come out of relative disorder1 by a     
natural process or by a gradually       
increasing organization and voluntary   
adjustment4 ,if we accept the validity  
of this attitude in life we shall be    
inclined to regard rationalism as it is 
manifested to-day in ,german life as an 
evil4 ,we may believe that in the end   
the cure for this rationalism will not  
be less reason but rather more1 but we  
shall see also that it is possible for  
reason to outstrip and pervert life1 and
 indeed involve life in an absurdity1   
simply because as a method of dealing   
with the whole of life it cannot be     
sufficiently comprehensive4  ,are these 
and all such issues that we find in war1
 causes of war8 ,do nations fight for   
principles8 ,opinions certainly differ  
on this point4 ,some think of wars1 we  
say1 as essentially conflicts of        
principles2 some interpret wars wholly  
in terms of political issues4 ,we should

 say that the truth lies between these  
assertions or is the sum of their       
half-truths4 ,wars are not in their     
origin wars of principle4 ,the          
political1 the personal1 the concrete   
aspects of the relations of nations are 
always in the foreground in causing     
wars4 ,wars become wars of principle    
after they have been begun for other    
reasons4 ,sanctions and motives appear  
after the fact4 ,fundamental differences
 of mores which include the raw         
material1 so to speak1 of principles and
 causes are factors in wars in so far as
 they create misunderstanding and       
antipathy1 but in so far as these       
differences of nature and of principle  
do not enter into the sphere of politics
 and of national honor1 they do not as  
such cause wars ,those deep moods which 
accumulate in the minds of peoples and  
enter into the causes of war are not    
convictions about principles4 ,they are 
more generic and natural4 ,history does 
not seem to show us wars caused by pure 

principles4 ,we sometimes say that the  
,civil ,war in our own country was      
fought over a principle1 but that is    
something less than the truth4 ,the     
fundamental question at issue was       
plainly that of the rights of certain   
states at a particular time to be       
independent and free4  ,principles      
emerge in war1 we say1 and then they    
become secondary causes4 ,and it is     
precisely this emergence of principles  
from fields of battle that perhaps      
constitutes the greatest contribution of
 wars to the civilization of the world4 
,we need to reflect upon this deeply1   
since the whole philosophy of history is
 concerned in it4 ,the virtues that     
nations discover in themselves in war   
they elaborate in peace4 ,nations at war
 become conscious of their spiritual    
possessions4 ,since their existence1    
they believe1 is at stake1 it is a part 
of their self-defense to justify their  
value in the world4 ,they discover in   
themselves that which is most           

characteristic of them1 and this becomes
 their principle4 ,the principle of a   
nation is that which the national       
consciousness fixates itself upon as the
 title of the nation to continued       
existence4 ,nations do not go to war    
over their causes1 or about their       
distinctive virtues and missions in the 
world4 ,rather it is their likenesses   
that precipitate wars1--their           
resemblances and identities in being the
 same in ambition1 and having the same  
conceptions of national honor and the   
same motives for war and desiring the   
same objects4 ,nations in general do not
 go to war over principles because they 
are not motivated by principles in their
 historical course4 ,the principles of  
nations are aspects of their inner      
development4 ,the causes of nations at  
war1 according to our view1 are these   
inner qualities of which they have      
become conscious4 ,nations discover them
 in the stress of war1 and it is quite  
natural also that in such times they    

should not always judge them fairly1 and
 that they should often make for        
themselves a fictitious character4      
,,chapter ,,vii  ,,philosophical        
,,influences   ,philosophy1 in the minds
 of many writers1 must be given a high  
place among the causes of war1 and a    
considerable fraction of the literature 
of the late war is devoted to the       
problem of discovering1 in the field of 
abstract thought1 the influences that   
led to the great conflict4 ,nietzsche1  
especially1 seems to have been held     
responsible for the ,european           
conflagration4 ,as the philosopher of   
the ,new ,germany1 as the chief         
expositor of the doctrine of force1 the 
inventor of the super-man and of the    
idea of the beyond-good1 ,nietzsche     
seems to stand convicted of furnishing  
precisely the concepts that have become 
the ,german's gospel of war2 and since  
the ,german is prone to be guided by    
abstractions1 the evidence1 even though 
circumstantial1 seems to many to be     

convincing4  ,schopenhauer1 also1 as the
 great pessimist2 ,hegel1 with his      
doctrine of the supremacy of the ,state 
as the representative of the ,idea on   
earth2 ,kant1 as the discoverer of the  
subjective moral principle2 ,english    
utilitarianism as the doctrine of the   
main chance2 empiricism1 as the         
philosophy of inconsistency and dual    
principles of thought and conduct2 even 
the whole spirit of the ,english        
philosophy1 which ,wundt says is nothing
 but an attempt to reconcile thought    
with the ideas of peace and comfort--all
 these have been charged with being     
instigators of the war4  ,bergson 7#ag7 
takes a different view4 ,he says that   
the desire comes first1 the doctrine    
afterwards4 ,germany1 determined upon   
war1 invokes ,nietzsche or ,hegel4      
,germany in a moral temper would appeal 
to ,kant1 or in still a different mood  
to the ,romanticists4 ,le ,bon 7#db7    
says that nations are pushed forward by 
forces which they cannot understand1 and

 that rational thoughts and desires play
 but a little part in war4 ,that appears
 to be true4 ,we cannot say that        
philosophies do not enter at all into   
the causes of war1 but among these      
causes they must be insignificant as    
compared with other causes that neither 
arise from abstract thought nor are     
greatly modified by reason in any way4  
,consider the influence of ,napoleon    
7himself so little a product of any     
philosophical influence71 as compared   
with ,hegel2 or of ,bismarck as compared
 with ,nietzsche1 and this will be      
apparent4 ,there are in the course of   
the centuries books and men that1 as    
rational forces1 do exert profound      
effect upon the practical life1 but they
 must be rarer than is sometimes        
supposed4 ,it is all too easy to assume 
a relation of cause and effect when     
there is only a similarity between      
thought and subsequent conduct4         
,rousseau may or may not have inspired  
the ,french ,revolution4 ,probably he   

did not4 ,the recent great war1 we might
 say1 has occurred in spite of          
philosophy1 and if ,nietzsche's         
influence gravitated toward war1 it can 
hardly be thought to have had any       
deciding force in turning the scales    
already so overloaded by fate4          
,philosophy failed to prevent war4      
,nietzsche's philosophy did not cause   
it4 ,his philosophy affords a convenient
 phraseology in which to express a      
philosophy of war1 granting sufficient  
misinterpretation of his philosophy4    
,probably what influence he has had has 
been due rather to his literary         
impressiveness than to his thought as a 
contribution to philosophy4  ,darwin1 as
 the great force behind a new and varied
 development of science1 has had the    
fate to be1 in some sense1 a factor in  
the moods and the new habits of life    
that led toward the final issue in the  
great war4 ,it is not so much that his  
principle1 misapplied1 or applied       
uncritically may become a justification 

of war or even its basic principle that 
has made him so great an influence1 but 
precisely because his thought1 by       
becoming one of the great coordinating  
principles of all the natural sciences  
has given power to a movement which has 
had various practical consequences1 not 
all of them good1 or at least not all   
yielding fruit for our own age4         
,darwin's great influence as a force    
turning scholarly interest toward       
naturalism and away from classicism1 as 
a factor in modern materialism and even 
pessimism1 as a background1 if no more1 
for the ,haeckels and ,ostwalds of      
science is no inconsiderable factor in  
the scientific and objective spirit of  
the day4  ,facts must be faced4 ,it is  
not such influences as that of          
,schopenhauer1 who expresses a logical  
or at least an abstract and we might add
 literary form of pessimism1 that in the
 generations just past have transformed 
most of the conceptions of religion1    
with all the effects upon the practical 

life that have followed1 but the force  
of our modern science combining with    
tendencies which it fosters but perhaps 
does not create1 giving momentum to     
industrialism and specialization1--it is
 this change in the ideas of men that we
 must suspect of being implicated in the
 present catastrophe of the world1 if   
any influence from the rational life is 
to be counted at all4 ,hegel and ,kant  
hover in the background4 ,the author of 
the plan for universal peace provides us
 with a subjective principle of morality
 which can be distorted into a          
philosophy of moral independence and    
even of independence from morality1 and 
,hegel must have helped to establish the
 ,german theory of the ,state1 although 
with ,treitschke and with the practical 
state-makers like ,frederick the ,great 
and his followers1 we can hardly believe
 ,hegel indispensable4 ,the causes of   
war are too general1 too old and too    
fundamental to be greatly added to or   
detracted from as yet by philosophy4    

,philosophy is the hope of the world1 it
 may be1 and by no means a forlorn hope1
 but it is not yet one of the great     
powers4 ,when philosophy is a mere      
endorsement by reason of some motive    
that has arisen in the practical life1  
or is a literary expression of views    
about life1 it may give the appearance  
of being a profound force in the world4 
,but this is not real philosophy1 in any
 case4 ,philosophy has not as yet shown 
itself highly creative even in the calm 
fields of education and the moral life4 
,no6 ,philosophy is a factor in the     
motives of war rather by reason of what 
it has not done1 than because of its    
positive teachings4 ,to-day we ought no 
longer to be under illusions on that    
point4 ,neither ,christianity nor       
philosophy can make or prevent wars as  
yet4 ,they have not been able to cope   
with the practical forces of the world  
which make for nationalism1 partisanship
 and personal interests4 ,it would      
require a greater amount both of        

religion and of philosophy than we now  
can bring to bear upon the world to     
offset the influence of ,napoleon alone 
in the practical life of nations4 ,it is
 the ,napoleonic spirit that still      
governs ,europe4 ,philosophy has been   
thus far a science of being an          
explanation of the world after the fact1
 and not even to any great extent a     
science of its progress1 except in so   
far as1 we may say1 beginning with      
,hegel and with ,spencer1 there has been
 some development of the methods and the
 most formal conceptions of such a      
science4 ,it is asking too much of      
philosophy1 in its present stage1 to    
expect it to preach the gospel1 or to   
teach school1 or to direct politics1 and
 for the same reason it is unjust to    
charge philosophy with having created   
the greatest catastrophe of history4 ,if
 philosophy cannot wield any great power
 now in those parts of life that are by 
their nature presumably most amenable to
 reason1 its effect upon those events   

that express the supreme force of human 
passions and the totality of life will  
not be very important4 ,the influences  
of philosophy are academic1 and         
presumably any doctrine of life that    
preaches achievement1 virility and      
unmorality will include in some degree  
war among the interests that it will    
affect1 within the limits of its        
academic nature4 ,but youth is          
inherently warlike1 because above       
everything else it seeks to realize life
 in its fullness1 and war at least does 
symbolize this reality and abundance of 
life4 ,a philosophy which preached peace
 would hardly become a great influence  
with youth4 ,a philosophy advocating the
 cause of war would form a natural      
background for the essential motives of 
youth4 ,if the scales were evenly       
balanced1 it might turn them4 ,it is    
hard at least to see the relations of   
philosophy to the practical life in any 
other light to-day4 ,philosophies are   
tenuous and adaptable things4 ,we see   

them used to support opposite causes1   
and they change color under the         
influence of strong desires4 ,bosanquet 
7#ia7 shows us how ,hegel's noble       
conception of the ,state1 if we but     
substitute for its central thought of   
welfare of the ,state1 that of selfish  
interest1 may be made to change before  
our eyes into the meanest of maxims4    
,this process is1 however1 not unique in
 the history of the relations of thought
 and life4  ,a detailed study of the    
relations of intellectual factors to war
 would need to consider the effects of a
 great number of more or less           
philosophical ideas which throw their   
weight on the side of war4 ,so far as   
these ideas are simple and clear1 and   
especially if they can be conveyed in   
the form of the phrase1 their influence 
cannot wholly be ignored4 ,some we have 
already referred to4 ,the doctrine that 
might makes right1 the conception of    
state as supreme1 the belief in the     
divine right of kings1 the belief in the

 ordained rights of aristocracy1 belief 
in militarism as a social institution1  
the doctrine that life may be controlled
 by reason1 all intellectual pessimism1 
skepticism1 any form of concept-worship1
 whether ,hegelian or other1 acceptance 
of the methods of science and the       
results of science as applicable to all 
the problems of life--all such          
principles which inhabit the region1 so 
to speak1 between philosophy and the    
practical life manifestly have some     
relation to the spirit of war4 ,in a    
very general way they may be counted as 
philosophical factors in war4 ,for the  
most part1 however1 those ideas that    
have been accused of abetting war are   
exaggerations and perversions of        
philosophical ideas4 ,nietzsche1 ,darwin
 and ,hegel have all been exploited and 
made to stand sponsor for specific      
philosophies of war4 ,in the new        
philosophy of life which ,patten thinks 
has greatly influenced ,german conduct1 
and which may be expressed in the words 

,dienst1 ,ordnung1 and ,kraft1 we can   
see both the effects of impulses that   
have grown out of the new life itself1  
and the influences of formal philosophy4
 ,that such ideas have had relatively a 
greater influence in ,germany than      
elsewhere must be admitted1 but that    
either this devotion to ideas or the    
ideas themselves have been derived from 
philosophical interests and from        
philosophies that have played any       
important part in the history of thought
 we may well doubt4 ,we should suspect  
that the same practical interest that   
works unceasingly to distort and        
popularize philosophy would help to     
create such pseudo-philosophy4  ,von    
,blow 7#fe7 says that the ,german people
 have a passion for logic1 and that this
 passion amounts to fanaticism3--that   
when an intellectual form or system has 
been found for anything1 they insist    
with obstinate perseverance on fitting  
realities into the system4 ,durkheim    
7#af7 says that the ,germans' organized 

system of ideas is a cause of war4 ,it  
is also true1 we should say1 that the   
tendency to organize ideas and even the 
fundamental ideas by which the ,germans 
have been guided are deeply rooted in   
temperament1 in history and in the      
social order of the past4 ,boutroux     
7#ac7 says that the ,germans themselves 
regard the war as the culmination of    
their philosophy4 ,we should say on the 
contrary that the whole war philosophy  
of ,europe is almost wholly a product of
 strife and comes from impulses that    
arise irresistibly in the practical     
life4 ,into these movements philosophy  
fits or may be made to fit1 and the     
presence of ideas in a society in which 
the academic life has great prestige1   
ideas which coincide with beliefs       
readily gives an illusion of an order   
governed by the higher reason4 ,the fact
 that ,germany's recent wars had all    
been highly successful1 the fact that   
,germany had learned to depend upon her 
good sword in time of need are the chief

 sources of ,germany's doctrines of war3
 the ,hegelian background in the light  
of what we have learned in recent times 
about the psychology of nations1 must   
seem to be rather of the nature of the  
ornamental4 ,the ideal of the ,prussian 
,state to be a power directed by        
intelligence suggests ,hegel1 but it    
seems highly improbable1 to say the     
least1 that ,hegelian philosophy has had
 much to do with shaping this ideal4    
,behind all this is the necessity of    
shaping ,german life in the form which  
it has taken--necessity if we accept1 at
 least1 ,germany's national temperament 
itself as a necessity4 ,that other      
belief1 widely held by ,german          
intellectuals and officers that war is  
the testing of the validity of national 
cultures would also probably never have 
appeared on the scene had not ,germany  
been secure in the belief that she      
herself had both the right and the might
 on her side4 ,it is possible1 of       
course1 that the war has distorted our  

vision so that the relations of the     
practical life and the life of reason   
have all been thrown out of focus1 but  
when we see what forces have been at    
work1 and what they have done1 it is    
difficult to escape the conviction that 
we have been inclined to believe too    
much in the power of mere ideas4 ,this  
may be the great lesson of the war4 ,we 
may learn from it how to make ideas     
become the power that hitherto they have
 failed to be4     ,,chapter ,,viii     
,,religious ,,and ,,moral ,,influences  
,that war and religion have always been 
closely associated with one another is  
one of the outstanding facts of history4
 ,this is true both of primitive warfare
 and of warfare to-day4 ,yet we cannot  
say that religion as such has been a    
cause of war4 ,religious wars are almost
 invariably also political wars1 and as 
soon as religion and politics are       
separated1 religion no longer appears to
 be a war motive4 ,when religion becomes
 associated with worldly ideas which it 

supports and makes dynamic it may become
 a strong factor in the spirit of war1  
but as a means of segregating men1 and  
giving them unity of action religion can
 no longer be regarded as a power1 if it
 ever was4 ,any motive that will not so 
segregate men and break up all other    
bonds cannot be said to be a very       
fertile cause of war4 ,religion as a    
cause of war belongs to a day in which  
the spirit of nationalism was weak1 and 
when religious empire had a visible and 
political position in the world4        
,nationalism1 growing stronger1 became  
the supreme force dominating the motives
 and interests of men and governing the 
formation of groups1 or at least the    
actions of groups as interrelated units4
 ,in the recent war we have seen how the
 sense of national unity has been able  
to hold in check all other motives4     
,neither religion nor any class or clan 
or guild interests could trace the      
faintest line of cleavage so long as the
 motive of war remained4  ,the mood of  

war always contains a religious element4
 ,not only is this shown in primitive   
wars1 where the relations of religion1  
war and art are indicated in such       
phenomena as the war dance1 which is of 
the nature of a magic weapon1 but we see
 it also in the complex moods of the    
present war spirit of the world4 ,the   
idea and mood of valor have a religious 
significance4 ,cramb says that we can   
trace in ,germany before the war1       
showing through the transient mists of  
industrialism and socialism1 the vision 
of the religion of valor which runs     
through all ,german history4 ,the       
craving for a valorous life1 for        
reality1 the desire to lose one's own   
individuality--these moods of war are   
religious or mystic whatever else they  
may be or contain4 ,the inseparable     
relation of war and death necessarily   
inspires a religious consciousness4     
,without exalted moods which in some way
 contain religious faith--faith on the  
part of the individual in the eternal   

values which he represents and in his   
own security in the hands of fate1 and  
in the immortality of the country which 
he serves1 war could not exist4  ,the   
mood of war always contains a religious 
sanction1 and every important religion  
sanctions war4 ,this explicit relation  
between religion and war is seen very   
early4 ,wherever there is ghost worship1
 and the warriors justify war and       
fortify themselves for it by believing  
that their ancestors still participate  
in the combats of their children1 and   
that in waging war they are doing a duty
 in keeping up the traditional feuds of 
their race there is found the root of   
the relation between war and religion4  
,every war is a holy war2 it is but a   
change in degree from these primitive   
wars in which the ideas of ghosts must  
have had almost the clearness of reality
 to our modern wars with their deeper   
but more indefinite religious sanctions4
 ,since war always creates the need of  
moral justification1 the war mood at all

 times tends to seek religious          
sanctions4 ,christianity1 the doctrine  
of peace and good will1 very readily    
lends its support to war1 since wars are
 almost invariably regarded as defensive
 by all who participate in them4 ,war in
 the service of the weak and endangered 
can always invoke the spirit of         
,christianity4 ,the logical ground for  
this has been laid for us by many       
writers2 ,drawbridge 7#ai71 one of the  
most recent1 finds no support in        
,christianity for the doctrines of      
pacifism4 ,all nations1 when they fight1
 fight for ,god1 for liberty and the    
right1 with the implied belief that     
their own country has a mission in the  
world1 supported by divine authority4   
,all governments have in them a strain  
of theocracy4 ,we see this in many      
degrees and forms1 from the original    
totemistic belief in descent from       
animals that are also gods to the       
vaguest remnants of the habit of        
interpreting national interests as      

guarded by divine powers that we often  
see in the language of practical        
statesmen4 ,the doctrine of the divine  
rights of kings of course had its origin
 in that of divine descent4 ,the most   
striking revelation of the place such   
theories may have1 even in modern times 
and in enlightened nations1 is to be    
seen in the revival and deliberate use  
of the doctrine of divine descent as a  
fundamental principle of the government 
and theory of ,state in the ,new ,japan4
 ,all nations hold something of this    
philosophy2 ,god and ,state are always  
related and all wars1 whatever else they
 may be1 are waged in the service of    
religion and with the sanction of it4   
,this spirit is not wanting even in the 
most modern democracy4 ,the historians  
of ,germany have shown us to what an    
extent the theory of the divinity of    
state and its divine mission may be     
intermingled with practical politics and
 have helped to bring to light the      
psychology of this movement in history4 

,several writers1 but especially ,le    
,bon 7#db71 have written about the      
relation of mysticism to war4 ,le ,bon  
said indeed that the main causes of war1
 including the most recent one1 are     
mystical causes4 ,by mysticism he means 
unconscious factors which are religious 
in quality and which contain a race     
ideal which is both powerful and        
irrational4 ,german mysticism appears to
 have attracted much attention during   
the years of the war4 ,germany has      
presented the picture1 we are told1 of a
 people becoming dangerous by couching  
national ambition and honor in terms of 
religion4 ,this mysticism of the ,german
 contains a powerful belief in race     
superiority1 and in the supremacy of the
 culture of their own nation1 beliefs   
which have the clear marks of mysticism 
about them4 ,the traces of the theory of
 divine origin still cling to them4     
,boutroux 7#ac7 says the ,prussian      
,state is a synthesis of the divine and 
the human4 ,another writer observes that

 the ,germans believe in the altogether 
unique and quasi-divine excellence of   
the ,german race1 and of ,germanism1 and
 that the ,germans have a new religion  
which they believe in spreading by the  
sword4 ,some see in ,germany a serious  
demand for the revival of the religion  
of ,odin and ,thor1 the religion of     
conflict of primeval forces1 and of the 
triumph of might4 ,literary expressions 
of this religion are certainly to be    
found1 and it may fairly be maintained  
that ,germany has never become          
,christianized to the extent that most  
modern nations have4  ,that mysticism   
has been a large factor in the war      
spirit of the ,germans in the late war  
can hardly be doubted1 or at least that 
a religious element of some kind has    
played a great part in it4 ,the war     
began as ,germany's holy war4 ,a cult of
 ,state and of self-worship are involved
 in it4 ,if not1 innumerable expressions
 of ,germany's cause among ,german      
writers are simply literary             

exaggerations4 ,the ,germans have       
believed that they are ,god's chosen    
people1 that they represent ,god1 and   
since the ,german civilization grew up  
in antagonism to the ,graeco-,roman     
civilization1 ,god must have adopted the
 one and discarded the other4 ,one      
,german writer says that we must        
eliminate from our belief the last drop 
of faith in the idea of a progressive   
movement of humanity as a whole4        
,reality is represented in one nation at
 a time1 and the chosen nation is the   
leader of all the rest4  ,while such    
mysticism as this 7if it be mysticism7  
is most conspicuous in aristocratic and 
imperialistic nations1 we find it       
elsewhere4 ,it is a powerful force in   
imperialistic ,japan and in ,russia4 ,we
 find it everywhere in history in some  
form4 ,in ,france it is still the       
saintly figure of ,france that inspires 
the soldier and induces a religious     
mood4 ,there is no longer a vision of an
 empire of the future1 perhaps1 and this

 mysticism of ,france has not in recent 
history shown itself in the form of     
aggression1 but ,french mysticism clings
 to the ideal and the hope of a glorious
 future for a deathless ,france soon to 
be renewed4 ,all peoples that have      
declined or suffered an adverse fate1   
even the pathetic remnants of the       
,american ,indians1 expect the return of
 their lost power4 ,such mysticism is1  
we may think1 the only condition under  
which national life in many cases can   
continue4 ,the religious or the mystical
 mood of nations is created by the need 
of making belief dynamic1 of overcoming 
doubts and fears4 ,hence the exaggerated
 and irrational claims peoples make in  
regard to the value of their culture and
 about their mission on earth4 ,by their
 mysticism nations justify their        
aggressive wars and fortify themselves  
in their defensive wars4 ,thus nations  
acquire a feeling of security4 ,they    
believe in their star of destiny4 ,they 
feel that their life which is of supreme

 value to the world cannot perish4 ,it  
is this spirit that nations take with   
them into battle4 ,it is a mystic force1
 and this mystic force is1 in great     
part1 we may believe1 one of the        
by-products of the tragedy of history4  
,faith and hope have one of their roots 
at least in fear and pessimism4   ,moral
 ,motives and ,war  ,that the attitude  
of nations toward one another is not1   
generally speaking1 an ethical attitude 
and that moral principles do not        
motivate the conduct of peoples we have 
already suggested4 ,sumner 7#gj7 says   
that the whole history of mankind is a  
series of acts open to doubt1 dispute   
and criticism as to their right and     
justice4 ,differences end in force1 and 
the defeated side always protests that  
the results are unjust4 ,and yet wars   
are always conducted with moral         
justification and in the belief that    
moral principles are involved4 ,these   
moral principles1 however1 are not the  
points of difference upon which the     

beginning of wars depends4 ,nations     
never go to war for purely moral        
reasons4 ,moral feeling may coincide    
with the interests of state1 and a      
defensive war may of course be conducted
 in the spirit of deep moral right and  
duty1 but plainly it is never the sense 
of right and duty alone that is the     
motive of defense4 ,perhaps after all   
this question of the moral element in   
the causes of war is a futile one1 and  
leads to casuistry4 ,there are always   
political and other practical questions 
involved1 whenever strain occurs between
 nations1 so that wholly moral issues   
can never arise4  ,if wars are not moral
 in the making they are always justified
 morally1 whatever the motives may have 
been that caused them4 ,without this    
moral sanction it is doubtful whether   
wars could be conducted at all1 although
 this moral sanction may be based upon  
very superficial grounds4 ,the higher   
patriotic feeling runs1 says ,veblen    
7#ig71 the thinner may be the moral     

sanction that satisfies the public      
conscience4 ,on the other hand moral    
sentiment may often be strong and deep  
in the minds of the masses of people in 
a nation1 and the public feeling of     
obligation to enter a war may be strong1
 but in general such moral feeling does 
not lead to war4 ,righteous indignation 
lacks initiative4 ,honor as moral       
obligation requires the aid of honor as 
national pride and dignity4 ,the        
relations among allies may at first     
thought seem to be moral relations1 but 
when we observe closely we see that     
usually nations go to war together      
because their common interests are      
endangered4 ,when their common interests
 are not involved they usually break    
treaties and so do not stay together4   
,actions directed offensively against   
one member of a coalition are usually   
directed against the others1 so that in 
most cases the allies of a nation have  
no choice1 but must defend themselves4  
,the relative importance of moral       

principles in the motives of war may be 
observed by comparing the motives       
assigned by the nations that            
participated in the late war with the   
motives which a study of the history and
 political situations of these countries
 reveals4 ,there are wide disparities   
between these historical causes and the 
assigned causes4 ,these need not1       
however1 lead us to take a cynical view 
of history as many sociologists and     
students of politics do4 ,we have as yet
 no organized world in which moral      
principle can operate4 ,the world1 we   
might say1 is still infantile or        
immature4 ,the world is still unmoral4  
,we cannot say that nationalism as the  
principle of the conduct of nations is a
 wholly selfish principle as contrasted 
with a moral or altruistic motive1 since
 such an analogy with individual        
morality fails to take into account the 
complex nature of nationalism1 and      
overlooks the social qualities of       
patriotism4  ,england's purpose in      

entering the war has been freely        
discussed in ,england4 ,the popular     
impression is that ,england declared war
 upon ,germany in order to defend       
,belgium and to keep her treaty         
obligations4 ,if we consider conduct in 
a certain abstraction from the practical
 setting in which it is performed such a
 conclusion can be drawn4 ,there was a  
moral stirring in ,england1 and several 
writers have commented upon the fact    
that ,england subverted her own         
conscious purposes by her unconscious   
and instinctive morality4 ,there was a  
strong feeling against war1 even a      
widespread moral sense that ,england had
 become too civilized to wage war4      
,there was a shrinking from the economic
 hardships that war would entail4       
,against these strong tendencies there  
prevailed1 at least in popular          
sentiment1 a profound feeling that in   
some way ,germany's civilization was    
incompatible with ,england's1 and this  
feeling was in part of the nature of    

moral aversion4 ,dillion 7#ee71 at      
least1 sees a profound ethical motive in
 ,italy in the late war4 ,after a       
pro-,german party had won out in favor  
of war1 he says1 a deus ex machina in   
the shape of an indignant nation        
descended upon the scene4 ,but after    
making allowance for all moral feeling  
and the unusual and dramatic manner in  
which moral issues1 to a greater degree 
than ever before in modern history1 were
 brought to the front1 we must admit    
that the political and diplomatic       
interests and manners of nations have   
taken their usual course in the war4    
,nations have been governed by the      
motives that have always dominated the  
relations of groups to one another4     
,germany presents the most glaring      
example of the contrast between public  
opinion and expressed motives and       
political facts4 ,such expressions as   
these3 that ,germany's ideal is one that
 does violence to no one2 that humanity 
and all human blessings stand under the 

protection of ,german arms2 that1 where 
the ,german spirit obtains supremacy1   
there freedom reigns2 that in regard to 
,england's downfall1 there can be but   
one opinion--it is the very highest     
mission of ,german culture2 that        
,germany's war is a holy war--such      
expressions as these1 which are         
psychologically explicable without      
questioning their sincerity1 seem out of
 harmony1 to say the least1 with what we
 know of ,germany's political           
aspirations4 ,germany's desire for      
,england's downfall does not appear to  
us to be based upon a moral motive2     
,germany's war seems far from being a   
holy war1 and it is hard to see in it a 
means of spreading culture abroad in the
 world4 ,we cannot give any place in the
 causes of this war to a moral desire to
 make the world better4 ,however much   
,germany may have been convinced that   
,germany was destined to be a civilizing
 force in the world1 the moral          
obligation thus aroused1 we may be sure1

 did not become the real motive of the  
war4  ,the moral justifications of war  
are very numerous1 and that this belief 
in war has some effect upon the spirit  
of war and helps to perpetuate it1 and  
is not a mere reflection of the warlike 
spirit itself1 may of course be         
admitted4 ,many believe that war        
accomplishes work in the world2 war is a
 great organizing force4 ,there is also 
a view that war is good as a moral      
stimulant1 or as a creative moral force4
 ,war is often regarded as the means of 
moral revival of a people that has      
become sordid and dull4 ,schmitz 7#bi7  
says that war gives reality to a        
country4 ,war strengthens national      
character1 some think4 ,it purges       
nations4 ,in war people grow hard but   
pure4 ,irwin 7#be7 says that such war   
philosophy as this is to be heard       
broadly in ,europe1 chiefly in ,germany1
 but also in ,france and in ,england4   
,mach 7#ie7 says that disintegration    
takes place in times of peace4          

,schoonmaker says that war has taught   
men socialization4 ,again we hear that  
wars are just and right because they are
 necessary4 ,redier 7#cj7 says that war 
is a way of giving back courage to the  
men of our times4 ,this praise of war   
which comes from the depths of feelings1
 we must suppose helps to give          
continuity and force to these feelings4 
,institutional ,factors  ,if the spirit 
of war is to any extent educable1 and is
 created in national life and is not    
merely something instinctive1 it is     
presumably modified in one way and      
another by all those institutions that  
are educational in their effect4        
,perhaps one of the most pressing       
problems of education in the near future
 will be that of the relation of        
education to war4 ,we shall need to know
 what the school has done to cause wars1
 what changes should be made in the     
future with reference to this influence 
of education upon the fundamental       
motives of national life4 ,the          

schoolmaster has been indicted among    
other instigators of war4 ,we must see  
how much truth there is in this         
allegation4 ,we must understand also how
 the whole educational process1 as we   
may see it now after the war1 may be    
made if possible to become a greater    
factor in life than it has been in the  
past1 if it is at all an important      
element in the development and the      
control of the psychic powers of        
nations4  ,schmitz 7#bi7 says that the  
eighteenth century and the ,french      
,revolution were dominated by the       
phrase1 the nineteenth by money1 and    
that there was a danger that the        
twentieth century would be dominated by 
the schoolmaster and by the concept1 but
 that this danger is past because life  
has become so full of realities4        
,russell says1 we know1 that men fight  
because they have been governed in their
 beliefs and in their conduct by        
authority4 ,if this be true the         
authority exercised upon the mind of the

 child by all his teachers may be       
suspected of having been in one way or  
another an influence in creating the    
moral attitudes that prevail in regard  
to war and peace4 ,we have heard the    
question raised as to whether in the    
past the teaching of history as the     
story of wars1 and the presentation of  
the facts of history from the           
nationalistic point of view1 have not   
been morally wrong4  ,german schools1   
and the method of public education the  
sinister effects of which we have       
abundantly felt--that is1 the           
propaganda1 show us educational         
phenomena that are psychologically of   
great interest and which are also unique
 from the educational point of view4    
,the influence of schools seems in      
general so negative1 and there is so    
little connection between what is       
learned as fact and conduct in the      
practical life that1 even in the case of
 the ,german teaching of war philosophy 
we must suspect that this teaching has  

been successful only because it has gone
 with the strong tide of feeling in the 
popular mind4 ,that the ,german schools 
have directly and indirectly fostered   
the development of ideas that lead in   
the direction of war there is no doubt4 
,even more influential than the specific
 ideas that have been implanted1 is the 
spirit of these schools3 it is their    
militaristic and routine life1 the great
 authority assumed by the teacher1 the  
specialization1 that has helped to      
nourish the warlike spirit of ,germany1 
quite as much as the fact1 for example1 
that ,daniel's ,geography teaches that  
,germany is the heart of ,europe1       
surrounded by countries that were once a
 part of ,germany and will be again4    
,german education1 we say1 seems to be  
unique in the extent to which it        
influences public sentiment and national
 conduct4 ,in general1 education has    
appeared among the influences that lead 
to war rather by default of positive    
teaching than by anything positive it   

has done4 ,even in ,germany1 we should  
say1 the spirit of war has been made to 
flourish less by the teaching of a      
narrow nationalism1 by inculcating      
hatred1 and implanting wrong conceptions
 of ,german history than by failing to  
provide youth with means of deep        
satisfaction1 by failing to coordinate  
deep desires of the individual1 and to  
organize individuals in a normal social 
life4 ,this is true everywhere4         
,education has not affected life as a   
whole1 and it has not thus far been an  
influence which1 to any appreciable     
extent1 has accelerated the development 
of peoples in their especially national 
aspects and relations4 ,it has nowhere  
fostered any conception of the whole    
world as an object of social feeling4   
,it has everywhere accepted a certain   
provincialism as natural and necessary1 
and has tacitly assumed that national   
boundaries are the horizon of the       
practical life of the child4 ,the school
 has in fact failed to take advantage of

 its unmatched opportunity to use the   
imagination of the child to develop his 
social powers4 ,sociologists say that if
 sociologists had been more diligent in 
spreading abroad information about the  
social life1 the great war would perhaps
 never have happened4 ,that we may      
certainly doubt2 something more profound
 must be done by education than to      
disseminate knowledge1 if it would      
undertake to be a power in the world and
 to do anything more than add its       
influence to the tendencies of the day1 
or perhaps temporarily change the       
direction of these tendencies4          
,,chapter ,,ix  ,,economic ,,factors    
,,and ,,motives   ,thus far we have     
considered the motives of war mainly    
from the psychological point of view1   
discovering its main movement and       
development in the world to be a product
 of the psychic forces in the social    
order4 ,this method1 however1 did not   
exclude the objective facts1 and did not
 ignore the practical motives4 ,we found

 that war is a manifestation of many    
tendencies1 and in fact is related to   
all the deep movements in the life of   
society and of the individual4 ,war     
comes out of the whole of life in a way 
to preclude the interpretation of it in 
terms of any single principle1 or at    
least to prevent our finding a single   
cause of war4 ,we ought to try to see   
now how such a psychological view of war
 stands in relation to certain more     
objective views of it1 which in a very  
general way may be said to be centered  
in two closely related views4 ,one is   
that war is almost exclusively an       
economic phenomenon1 and the other that 
war is the work of individuals4 ,one is 
the economic interpretation of history1 
and the other is the great man view of  
history4  ,we still see a lingering     
theory that war is a result of the      
ancient migratory or expansion          
impulse--that over-population and the   
pressure of various economic conditions 
are the source of the impulses that lead

 to war4 ,we have seen reasons for      
believing1 however1 that war1 even in   
the beginning1 has not been a wholly    
practical matter4 ,hunger1 pressure of  
population1 migratory movements because 
of economic conditions1 will not explain
 the origin and the persistence of wars4
 ,wars are not simple as these views    
would imply1 at any stage4 ,that at the 
present time economic advantage1 whether
 or not it be the motive of war1 is in  
general not gained seems to be very     
clearly indicated4 ,the taking of       
colonies and other lands may be a       
detriment rather than a gain to the     
conquering nation4 ,the industry and the
 finance1 of all concerned in war1 are  
likely to suffer disaster4 ,peace is the
 great producer of wealth4 ,war is a    
terrible destroyer of it4 ,ross says    
that as industry progresses1 wars become
 continually more expensive and less    
profitable1 that the drain is not upon  
man power so much as upon economic      
power2 nations bleed the treasure of one

 another until some one of them is      
exhausted and must yield4  ,the theory  
that war is caused by the pressure of   
population1 especially as applied to the
 recent war1 now appears to have been   
very nave4 ,it was maintained that      
,germany needed more room for her       
growing population1 that ,germany must  
have more land at home and more         
colonies4 ,claes 7#df71 among several   
writers1 shows that this is not true4   
,germany had no pressing need of more   
land1 except for political purposes1 or 
such land as provided the raw materials 
for her military industries4 ,bourdon   
7#fg7 maintains that it is not true that
 ,germany's population was becoming     
excessive4 ,le ,bon 7#db7 says that this
 theory of over-population is a myth4   
,still others have shown that in a      
country that is rapidly becoming        
industrial1 as was ,germany1 where      
population is becoming massed in the    
great cities1 emigration ceases2 and    
that actually1 in ,germany's case1 labor

 was imported every year1 and that there
 are great tracts of arable land in     
,germany still but sparsely populated4  
,nicolai 7#gi7 also attacks the theory  
that war is sought for economic gain and
 says that an economic war among the    
,european states is an absurdity4  ,the 
need of colonies is often put forward as
 a real and also a legitimate motive for
 war4 ,colonies must be provided1 they  
say1 for the overflow of population from
 the homeland2 colonies are the         
foundation of the trade of              
nations--trade follows the flag4 ,they  
think of colonies as the offspring of   
nations1 and nations without colonies   
seem sterile and destined to extinction4
 ,we know that ,germany's desire for    
colonies is one of the causes of the    
,european crisis1 and that the colonial 
question has been a fertile cause of    
trouble in ,europe for many years4 ,and 
yet we have evidence that in the present
 economic stage of the world1 colonies  
do not perform to any great extent      

either of the functions that are claimed
 for them4 ,trade does not in general   
follow the flag2 industrial nations do  
not need colonies either to provide for 
over-population or for commercial       
reasons4 ,the acquisition of colonies   
does not as such benefit the great      
industrial and financial interests4     
,why1 then1 do nations so ardently      
desire colonies2 and why1 without       
colonies1 do they feel themselves       
inferior and at a disadvantage8 ,why1 in
 a stage of industry1 in which it is    
presumably more to their advantage to   
conduct aggressive campaigns in         
countries already densely populated1 are
 nations so willing even to fight to    
obtain colonies8 ,powers 7#ge7 says that
 the desire for colonies comes from the 
idealistic tendencies of nations4 ,this 
appears to be true4 ,correspondingly we 
find that colonies are of more interest 
to general staffs and admiralties than  
to captains of industry4 ,colonies are  
wanted for military reasons1 more than  

for trade reasons4 ,colonies are desired
 as bases of operation in the game of   
empire building by conquest4 ,there is  
still another reason4 ,the race for     
colonies perpetuates an ideal which has 
grown out of an earlier stage of the    
life of nations4 ,colonies were once    
actually the means of the greatness of  
nations4 ,the longing for colonial      
possessions1 for the extension of       
commerce1 the great jealousy and        
apprehension of peoples in regard to    
their trade routes1 and the fear nations
 have for their commerce1 quite out of  
relation to present needs and           
conditions1 hark back to an old romance 
of the sea4 ,the waterways of the world1
 the islands and new continents have a  
traditional appeal1 which comes down to 
us from the days when the small         
countries of ,europe1 one after         
another--,portugal1 ,holland1 ,spain1   
,england--became great in wealth1 and   
grew to be world powers1 by their       
commerce and their colonial possessions4

 ,in those days the expansion of nations
 was not at all due to economic pressure
 at home4 ,the landowners1 the rules1   
the privileged class in general were    
interested in colonies1 because in that 
direction stretched the path to fabulous
 wealth1 and because over the seas were 
the lands of adventure4 ,the seeking of 
colonies was both the business and the  
pleasure of the nations4 ,to-day the    
gaining of colonies may be only a loss  
to nations economically1 but they       
satisfy the craving for visible empire1 
and also a longing that is deep and     
intense because tradition and romance   
are deeply embedded in it4  ,probably no
 one now believes that war among modern 
nations is due to a pure predatory      
instinct or to a migratory instinct     
which is supposed to have led primitive 
hordes to seek new habitats and to prey 
upon other peoples4 ,hunger does not now
 drive people in companies from their   
homes and pour them into other lands1   
although it is true that any threat     

which excites the old hunger-fear tends 
to arouse the war spirit and to stir the
 migratory impulse2 and a deep          
sensitiveness to climatic conditions and
 a claustrophobia of peoples have       
remained long after the need of land    
urged as the main cause of war1 and we  
hear war justified on the ground that   
crowded peoples require more land4 ,this
 land hunger is an old motive and it    
still remains deep in the consciousness 
of peoples long after its economic      
significance has ceased4 ,just as we say
 the threat of hunger is often imagined1
 and the fear of hunger and a deep and  
persistent fear of peoples and the sense
 of danger of being engulfed and        
destroyed by other peoples linger in    
consciousness1 so the consciousness of  
the old struggle for land remains as one
 of the most powerful of traditions1 and
 any threat1 near or remote1 to a       
nation's land arouses all the forces of 
the war spirit1 and the thought of      
aggression as a means of conquest of    

land is always alluring4  ,land was once
 the main possession and the main need4 
,to-day it is the chief symbol of the   
power of a nation4 ,the possession of it
 is desired when it gives nothing in    
return1 certainly when there are no     
valid economic reasons for taking it4   
,this land hunger becomes the excuse of 
nations for their sins of aggression4 ,a
 differentiated society1 so organized   
that only the few1 if any at all1 can by
 any possibility profit by the taking of
 lands still hungers for this primitive 
possession4 ,to a great extent land as a
 national possession has an ideal rather
 than a practical value4 ,it was one of 
the original sources of prestige and    
distinction1 having become the main     
material interest of man as soon as he  
came to have fixed abode4 ,the whole    
historic period of the world has been a 
story of a struggle for land4 ,it is the
 memory of this land struggle1 which is 
one of the deep motives of war1 which   
often determines the strategy of war1   

and the policies of nations4  ,precisely
 how the system of great land ownership 
originated is obscure4 ,sumner 7#gj7    
says that the belief that nobles have   
always held lands1 and are noble by     
reason of this possession1 is false4    
,nobles have in one way and another     
enriched themselves and bought land2 or 
rather having acquired land they have   
succeeded in acquiring titles of        
nobility1 and establishing their lines4 
,in all nations which have retained any 
traces of the feudalistic form1 and to  
some extent everywhere1 land continues  
to be the basis of wealth1 and also of  
power1 and the land-owning classes are  
still mainly the ruling classes4 ,this  
land-owning class is still dominated by 
the old traditions of the landed        
aristocracy4 ,it is the fighting class1 
and supplies great numbers of officers  
for the armies4 ,it upholds the idea of 
national honor in its ancient forms as  
related to private honor2 it provides   
the great number of diplomatic and      

decorative officers4 ,japan1 ,russia1   
,germany and to some extent ,england1 at
 least up to the time of the war1 have  
retained feudalistic institutions1 and  
the land interest still remains as a    
motive of war4 ,in all these nations1   
certainly in those which have remained  
feudalistic in fact1 it is the          
aristocratic and owning class that      
usually represents the war interest4 ,it
 both rules and owns4 ,it sends out the 
peasant and the worker to extend the    
state4 ,it is the protected class4 ,laws
 and constitutions favor it4 ,taxes fall
 lightly upon it4 ,originally this was  
the class that received all the benefits
 of war4 ,to-day it suffers less from   
war than do other classes4 ,even when it
 does not gain by war in a material way1
 it is likely to gain in power 7#ajj74  
,we have seen this system of class rule 
at work in very recent times1 and it is 
a question whether the old ideal of land
 possession did not work to the ruin of 
,germany economically1 and indirectly   

antagonize the industrial interests of  
the nation4 ,german politics had been   
trying to serve two masters1 who were   
not entirely in agreement4 ,germany was 
still a country of landed proprietors1  
and these proprietors always have thrown
 their weight to the side of war4 ,they 
were by no means dominated by a motive  
of pure greed1 and they did not seek war
 entirely for their own advantage1 but  
because1 we might say1 they are ruled   
through and through by motives that can 
be satisfied only in a militaristic     
state of society4 ,their gain from a    
successful war is mainly a gain in      
prestige and distinction4 ,an           
unsuccessful war1 as we have seen1      
threatens their extinction as a class4  
,all democratic movements tend toward   
land division1 or is indeed in part     
precisely this process4 ,aristocracy    
without land cannot maintain itself4    
,the economic theory of war comes to its
 own in the view that industry now      
controls the world1 that industry is the

 power behind politics1 and that        
industrial needs are the real energies  
that make wars4 ,we live in an          
industrial age1 they say1 and industry  
rules4 ,plainly to find the whole truth 
about this relation of industry to war  
is no simple matter4 ,there are at least
 three more or less separate questions  
involved in it4 ,we need to know whether
 an industrial state of society1 or the 
industrial stage of economic            
development1 is especially prone to     
cause wars1 as distinguished from more  
general political and economic          
interests4 ,we need to know whether     
wars1 in an industrial stage1 do really 
serve either the interests of industry  
or countries as a whole4 ,finally1 there
 is the question whether those who      
control industry and finance do actually
 create wars4  ,in the industrial and   
financial stages of economic development
 new conditions arise which certainly   
must be taken into account in any theory
 of war4 ,there are deep changes in     

national life4 ,the moods of the city   
become a new force or a new factor in   
national life4 ,socialistic ideas and   
new aspects of nationalism and          
patriotism appear4 ,there is a spirit of
 unrest2 both pessimistic and optimistic
 tendencies in society are increased2   
the motive of power takes new forms1 and
 there is a deep stirring of fundamental
 feelings and impulses4 ,the crowd      
instincts1 the old hunger motives1 are  
felt beneath the surface of life4 ,this 
is the effect of industrialism upon the 
psychic forces of peoples in their      
collective aspects4 ,nations also become
 as wholes more specialized in the      
industrial life2 they are dependent upon
 one another as never before4 ,all the  
ancient motives of commerce are         
stimulated1 and the minds of nations    
revert to the old fears and the old     
romance connected with the thought of   
the seas4 ,the growing interdependence  
of nations produces a peculiar and      
paradoxical condition4 ,competition in  

regard to markets arises1 with all the  
complications and strains that we have  
seen in recent years4 ,there are new    
motives of aggression1 but at the same  
time the need and motives for peace are 
increased4 ,industries in general thrive
 best in an era of assured peace4 ,they 
live upon the wealth and prosperity they
 themselves create4 ,intrigue1 not      
force1 is their proper weapon4 ,le ,bon 
7#db7 says1 that the desire to create   
markets was not the cause of the great  
war1 because expansion went on very well
 in the time of peace4 ,germany had no  
aggressive designs except commercial    
designs we are told4 ,mach 7#ie7 tells  
us ,germany's whole future1 the success 
of her carefully laid plans for         
industrial development and supremacy1   
depended upon continued peace4  ,that   
such views of the relation of industry  
to war are in the main correct can      
hardly be doubted4 ,industrial relations
 create strains among nations1 but when 
as a result of these strains war occurs 

it must be regarded as a disaster from  
the point of view of the industrial     
interests4 ,industry we say thrives upon
 the wealth that it creates4 ,a war     
which destroys half the wealth of the   
world must be a calamity for all great  
industries except at the most a very few
 having peculiar relations to the       
activities of war4  ,but there is       
another aspect of the relations of      
industry to war4 ,industrialism as a    
great institution and movement of modern
 life becomes in itself a political     
power4 ,howe 7#ajj7 says that with the  
end of ,bismarck's wars personal wars   
and nationalistic wars came to an end4  
,the old aristocracy of the land merged 
with the new aristocracy of wealth and  
this wealth has become the great        
political power in the world4 ,but this 
is only a half truth4 ,industry has     
become a factor in the foreign relations
 of nations1 and has become a power in  
politics1 but the motives and powers we 
call political are exceedingly complex1 

and the interests of business1 industry 
and finance are by no means the whole of
 or coincident with political interests4
 ,there are of course certain industries
 and financial interests which may even 
instigate wars1 and some writers give   
them a high place among the causes of   
war4 ,especially the makers of munitions
 and armaments are credited with a      
baneful influence in the world4 ,with   
their international understandings1     
their influence in legislative bodies1  
their control of newspapers1 they are   
open to the charge of manipulating      
public sentiment1 and bringing influence
 to bear upon governments4 ,they are    
accused of equipping small countries and
 setting them against one another1 of   
deliberately encouraging the race for   
military and naval supremacy4 ,no one   
can doubt that their opportunities for  
trouble-making are many and enticing1   
but to think of these influences as     
anything more than the incidental and   
secondary causes of war seems to be a   

curious way of understanding history    
7#ajj74  ,the inside history of the     
great financiering projects would no    
doubt give us some of the main clews to 
the present diplomatic relations of     
nations to one another4 ,if we take into
 account the various intrigues in       
connection with the building of the     
,bagdad route1 the financing of the     
,balkan ,states in their wars1 the      
bargaining of the ,powers in ,turkey for
 financial concessions1 the great       
business interests involved in the      
,russo-,japanese war1 the loans to      
,china and all the rest of the financial
 history of a few decades we should have
 in hand materials that no one could    
deny the importance of for an           
understanding of current history4       
,diplomacy has had added to its already 
complex duties the art of securing      
financial advantages4 ,in general the   
art of this diplomacy is to secure these
 advantages without war1 but there can  
be no doubt that financial relations    

have multiplied the points of contact   
and strain among peoples1 and that these
 financial relations have become the    
main occasional causes of wars4 ,howe   
7#ajj7 thinks that surplus capital is to
 blame for a great many of the great    
disasters of modern times--that it      
destroyed ,egyptian independence1 led   
,france into ,morocco1 ,germany into    
,turkey1 and into the farther ,east1    
embroiled the ,balkan ,states2 and that 
the great war has been a conflict over  
conflicting interests of ,russia1       
,england and ,germany in ,turkey4 ,under
 the guise of expansion of trade this   
invisible wealth has been exploiting the
 most vital interests of foreign        
countries4 ,veblen would go so far as to
 say that wars are government-made1 that
 patriotism is exploited by governments 
in advance of pre-arranged hostilities  
to produce the spirit of war 7#ig74  ,if
 we hold that these economic causes are 
now the most important causes of wars1  
it is easy to accept the conclusion that

 the most fundamental1 and even perhaps 
the sole cause of war is the evil       
principle of ownership1 as is actually  
maintained by many economists4 ,if men  
in cliques1 and men as individuals did  
not own privately great parts of the    
wealth of the world1 these conflicts in 
which wealth and its distribution are   
the most vital interests would not take 
place4 ,many socialists1 we know1 hold  
these views1 asserting that wars are due
 solely to industrial competition among 
nations1 and to the fact that           
industrialism is based upon the wholly  
wrong principle of private ownership4   
,hullquist1 a socialist1 says that wars 
are likely to become more frequent and  
more violent as the capitalist system of
 production approaches its climax4 ,the 
working classes1 the socialists say1 who
 have nothing permanent1 are the natural
 enemies of war2 the capitalists1 who   
have much and want more1 are constantly 
placing peace in jeopardy4 ,the         
protective system of tariff also        

receives much abuse from these writers4 
,novicow 7#ga7 places the tariff system 
high among the causes of war4 ,the      
belief that it is good to sell and bad  
to buy1 he says1 is the great trouble   
maker in the world4 ,this was also the  
principle of ,cobden the great ,english 
free-trader of the middle of the last   
century4 ,the ,manchester school of     
which he was the leader would do away   
with wars by making the world           
economically a unit4  ,veblen 7#ig7     
charges the price system with being a   
fundamental cause of war1 and says that 
it must now come up for radical         
examination and perhaps modification4   
,the theory of the rights of property   
and contract which have been taken as   
axiomatic premises by economic science  
may itself fail1 or at least be thrown  
open to question4 ,either the price     
system will go1 or there will be wars   
between nations in the future as there  
have been in the past1 because of the   
need of protection of ownership rights1 

and because of the nationalism these    
rights create4 ,to some extent these    
rights of property have been curtailed1 
,veblen remarks2 the old feudalistic    
rights have in large part been annulled1
 and the world is at least owned by more
 people than was once the case4 ,that   
these changes and readjustments of      
property rights will be carried still   
further he thinks there can be no doubt4
  ,stevens draws similar conclusions    
about the evil effects of property      
rights4 ,the great war and all wars1 he 
asserts1 are based upon existing social 
conditions--upon the organization of the
 family1 the school1 the state1 the     
church1 upon the institution of         
property1 with its corollaries of       
foreign markets and other industrial    
relations4 ,protection of trade1 which  
works in the interest of the owner      
classes1 indirect taxes which fall upon 
the consumer1 the labor system by which1
 at the present time1 the laborer       
receives but a small share of the       

profits1 but must become when necessary 
the defender of the interests in which  
he does not share--all these things we  
hear being charged vigorously with being
 the causes of wars1 including the      
recent great conflict4 ,this system is  
blamed not only for our great           
international wars1 but it is looked    
upon as the germ of wars to come1       
internal wars1 when international wars  
shall have ceased1 or temporarily have  
been abated4 ,when1 perhaps1 the        
restrictions that assume that the gain  
of one country is the loss of another   
have satisfactorily been adjusted1 the  
system that maintains that the          
capitalist can prosper only at the      
expense of the laborer will come up for 
final settlement 7#ig74  ,all these     
views1 from a psychological point of    
view1 seem to be open to the criticism  
that they tend to consider the world    
one-sidedly and by a certain            
abstraction4 ,they are dealing with a   
world governed only by economic laws4   

,it is easy to construct these ideal    
worlds4 ,they are simple and they lend  
themselves readily to the purposes of a 
political calculus4 ,finding economic   
motives in individual life1 in the      
social life and in politics1 and in     
history it is tempting both to explain  
the past and plan the future in terms of
 the entities and principles of         
economics4 ,but after all it is only    
when we consider economic motives in    
their relations to all the motives      
behind human conduct that we are likely 
to see the economic motives in history  
in their true light4 ,then we shall very
 much doubt whether property has been in
 any real sense the cause of wars1 or   
that the abrogation of property rights  
will be the means of establishing       
perpetual peace4 ,we shall see that     
economic motives themselves are but     
aspects of deeper motives1 and involve  
desire for objectives that are not      
sought for their material value1 and    
also objectives that are not material at

 all4 ,the process of development of    
present human society1 so far back as we
 can see1 and as far into the future as 
we can with any confidence predict1     
seems to contain as a necessity some    
form and degree of human slavery4 ,this 
appears to be inherent in the fact      
itself of the existence of individual   
wills1 having in any degree individual  
or personal interests as they must1 and 
the impossibility of devising any social
 order or government that will give to  
the individual an ideal freedom1 if such
 a conception be indeed possible at all4
 ,we may conjecture at least that in a  
world in which every trace of an        
economic motive had been removed1 if    
this were possible1 there would still be
 slavery of some kind1 and the          
inexorable logic of individuality would 
in the end produce conflict and war4    
,nations1 like individuals1 live1 and   
they pass through certain stages that   
seem in a general way to be necessary   
phases of their development4 ,during    

this process of development certain     
objects become1 one after another1 of   
the most vital concern because they are 
necessary to the satisfaction of the    
motives which guide the lives of these  
nations4 ,but these objects are never so
 definitely marked off that they become 
to the exclusion of other motives the   
causes of wars4 ,the social life is     
never so simple as this would imply4    
,the past is always involved in the     
present4 ,one after another certain     
types of economic objects-become more or
 less central in the interests of       
nations1 but the minds of nations1 like 
those of individuals1 are always        
influenced by the tradition4 ,objects   
are desired with reference to the       
satisfaction of motives that represent  
complex and general desires4 ,there are 
ideal objects as well as material       
objects2 and the material object is     
often sought because of its possible use
 as a means of satisfying the desire for
 ideal values4 ,first food1 then land1  

then commerce1 then industry1 then      
wealth itself1--this has been the order 
in which economic values have become    
objects for the consciousness of people 
as groups1 and have become involved in  
and more or less completely represent   
the relations among peoples we call     
political4 ,that which is1 relatively   
speaking1 an object of necessity at one 
stage tends to become an ideal or       
romantic object of the next stage4 ,the 
relations of economic objects to the    
desires of nations and to war are       
complex and not precisely what they may 
on the surface appear to be4 ,nations1  
like individuals1 do not know what they 
need1 and they do not even understand   
clearly what they desire4 ,their desires
 are complex3 elementary economic       
motives1 political motives1 personal    
motives1 the motives of industry and    
finance1 the motive of power and the    
craving for certain states of           
consciousness all exist together1 and to
 some extent antagonize one another4    

,the present practical desire is        
confused by the traditional object4 ,the
 will of a nation is a composite will1  
and its history is full of contradictory
 impulses1 and also full of surprises4  
,nations often think they are fighting  
for economic reasons when their real    
motives are plainly to gain military    
distinction4 ,the reputation is quite as
 satisfying as any material prosperity  
gained4 ,there is an illusion and a     
delusion about it all4 ,all these       
economic advantages that nations are    
always seeking have something unreal    
about them4 ,nations seek them long     
after they represent real values4       
,nations seek colonies when1 if business
 is what they want1 it could better be  
obtained nearer home4 ,finance looks for
 advantages overseas1 when there are    
quite as safe investments at home paying
 quite as large profits4 ,nations have  
desires to do great things1 not merely  
to live and prosper4  ,that is the way  
these economic problems of war appear1  

at least when they are examined in      
relation to other aspects of war and of 
society4 ,these economic problems are   
merged into and subordinate to the      
political or the historical problems1   
and economic causes of war must be      
considered with reference to the        
psychological principles that are at the
 bottom of all social development4      
,,chapter ,x  ,,political ,,and         
,,historical ,,factors   ,we think of   
political causes of war mainly as an    
aspect of the fact that nations desire  
always certain geographical objectives4 
,these desires are represented in part  
by the policies of governments and      
leaders1 but we must also think of      
nations as a whole as having desires1   
and as being moved by profound purposes4
 ,at once the question arises whether we
 shall think of these political         
objectives1 and the wars the desires for
 them cause1 as essentially the objects 
and the work of individuals4 ,do        
individuals in any real sense create    

history8 ,this1 of course1 is a profound
 question and involves fundamental      
theories of history4 ,shall we accept   
the great man theory of history1 and say
 that history is mainly the work of a   
few who are able to shape events with   
reference to policies of their own1 or  
shall we think that forces that         
determine history reside rather in the  
instincts or desires of the common life 
of the people8  ,a psychological study  
of history inclines us to the belief    
that the forces that make history are   
mainly forces that do not exist as      
conscious purposes and are therefore not
 essentially political forces4 ,one of  
the conditions of leadership seems to be
 that the leader shall seek his own     
personal ends and realize his own       
purposes for his country only within the
 field of the traditional and common    
objectives which are held by the people 
as a whole as their purpose in history4 
,these are the materials with which the 
leader must work4 ,historically his work

 may seem decisive4 ,psychologically it 
is to be regarded as a complex effect of
 lawfully related social reactions4 ,the
 motives of leader and people must have 
large common factors4 ,the leader holds 
his power and his prestige by embodying 
in his own will and representing in his 
own conscious policies the will of the  
people and their idea of country as an  
historic entity4 ,the leader is leader  
only in so far as he is recognized as   
representing the will of the herd4 ,as  
genius1 this leader is manifestly       
creative1 but the true genius in        
statesmanship is even rarer than genius 
elsewhere4 ,the great leader is an      
artist4 ,he must take certain vague or  
clear ambitions of the people1 must     
accept the nation's historic objectives 
as the foundations of his policies1 and 
working with these objects and desires  
make his own page of history4 ,his glory
 and his prestige depend upon his       
fulfilling deep desires of his people4  
,the forces with which he deals are     

plastic1 but only within narrow limits4 
,leadership at best is a fragile thing4 
,however autocratic the power1 it is    
after all dependent upon the good will  
of the people1 and the acceptance of the
 leader as one who is serving the       
interests of the people4  ,when we      
consider the nature and the objects of  
the ambitions and desires that the      
statesman or leader must fulfill1 we see
 why the relations of ruler to people   
are difficult to understand4 ,nations do
 not know with clearness either what    
they desire or why at heart they desire 
the objectives that seem of most        
importance4 ,people give economic and   
political reasons1 but the consciousness
 of nations is subject to deep moods1   
and is influenced by remote events and  
traditions4 ,nations have generic       
desires as well as specific ones4 ,they 
always crave empire2 they all desire to 
have rank4 ,they are always ambitious1  
jealous and watchful of one another4    
,these general and more or less         

subconscious desires make their desires 
for specific objects intense1 but they  
also make them peculiarly irrational4   
,the heroic examples of history1        
hereditary emotions and the effects of  
specific events in the history of       
peoples complicate their politics1 and  
often make rational politics impossible4
 ,nations will not act in their own best
 interests1 because they are governed by
 irrational motives4 ,in this way       
certain disparities are often produced  
between the people and their practical  
statesmen1 but history seems to show us 
that when these disparities exist in the
 region of fundamental desires and      
policies it is the leader who must      
yield4 ,history seems to show us also   
that wars1 coming in general out of the 
deeper motives of nations1 do not belong
 to such an extent as is often supposed 
to the realm of politics4 ,political    
causes are often incidental causes and  
determine the time and place of wars but
 do not create them4 ,cramb 7#ff7 says  

that wars persist in spite of their     
unreason1 because there is something    
transcendental that supports them1 and  
this transcendental purpose is the      
desire for empire4 ,powers 7#ge7 says   
that nations fight for tangible things  
and also for intangible things4 ,the    
tangible things are existence1 commerce1
 independence1 territory2 nations also  
desire objects that are not useful1 the 
worth of which consists in their        
satisfaction of taste4 ,the ambition to 
own colonies1 ,powers thinks1 is of this
 nature4 ,colonies are quite as much    
ornamental as they are useful4 ,they    
convey the feeling and impression of    
power4  ,that these deep desires of     
nations as expressed in the ambition to 
reach certain geographical objectives   
are exceedingly strong1 often if not    
always irrational1 brutally arrogant and
 tenacious1 the whole course of history 
teaches us4 ,these desires are indeed   
the forces behind historical movements4 
,they create politics and policies4 ,war

 preexists in these irrational purposes4
 ,these purposes are charged with       
emotion1 with prejudice1 and tradition4 
,it is with these motives that all      
practical politics must contend1 and    
these motives are the forces that the   
statesman must use and make more        
rational4  ,the purposes of nations are 
usually if not always we say obscure and
 deep1 existing in the form of ideals   
and tendencies1 and likely to take the  
form of visions of empire wholly        
unrealizable4 ,and yet there are always 
certain perfectly clear objectives upon 
which all the force of these half       
understood motives impinge4 ,these      
objectives may or may not be            
economically rational or morally        
justifiable4 ,we always know with       
certainty certain of these objectives   
for which any nation will if necessary  
fight4 ,these objectives have often a   
long history behind them4 ,they are     
surrounded by tradition1 sincerely and  
even religiously sought4 ,they are ideal

 objects which nations feel they have a 
right to possess4 ,every nation         
apparently believes itself the logical  
possessor of something it does not now  
hold 7#ii74 ,all peoples have their     
longings for these possessions1 which   
are their vision of a greater self4     
,these objects are often desired for    
reasons that are clear enough to all2   
but they are also often but the symbols 
of deeper desires4 ,as such1 nations act
 toward them with almost instinctive    
compulsion4  ,we may suppose that no    
great historical event is ever enacted  
that is not determined more by          
traditional desires than by conscious   
politics4 ,a thousand years of strife   
have provided the motives for the great 
,european war4 ,memories of time-honored
 objectives have arisen in the          
consciousness of many peoples1 and these
 memories cannot be recalled without    
exciting passions that make all rational
 politics unavailing4 ,europe has been  
fighting over again her battles of the  

past1 and at the moment of the present  
writing is carrying them into the       
conference of peace4 ,the plans of      
statesmen and the intrigues of finance  
have but little success in contending   
against these forces4 ,since the leaders
 themselves are not free from the       
prejudices and the compulsion of        
traditions and the unconscious desires  
and deep impulses which move their      
people1 they can with but dubious       
success bring international politics    
into the sphere of reason4 ,they do not 
represent merely the selfish desires of 
their people4 ,they are not merely      
spokesmen of the interests of class or  
individual4 ,they are embodiments of the
 whole history of their nations4  ,all  
history1 and all the present relations  
of nations to one another may1 of       
course1 be considered in terms of the   
desires for specific objectives caused  
by the imperial desires of peoples1     
these desires themselves being regarded 
as a sum of motives1 the effects of past

 political relations1 and containing    
both rational and irrational elements4  
,the world is a vast field of stress in 
which the powers at work are national   
wills rather than political forces as   
the projects of rulers and the          
diplomats4 ,these powers1 when fully    
aroused1 are quite beyond the control of
 statesmen acting in their ordinary     
capacities1 and their final issues no   
historian ought now to try to predict4  
,history has been full of surprises     
because of the nature of the forces     
which create history1 and these         
surprises seem to have been sometimes   
the greatest for those who were most    
intimately concerned in making history4 
,events seldom run smoothly according to
 well laid plans4  ,it would not fall   
within the scope of a psychological     
study of war to describe or analyze the 
complex system of strains that exist in 
the world to-day1 and to point out the  
conditions that led to the great war    
would be for the most part unnecessary1 

since they must be obvious to all4 ,the 
main items in such a study of history1  
however1 may well be recalled to mind4  
,one would need to show the effects of  
,england's irresistible development     
through several centuries2 the struggle 
for the control of the ,mediterranean2  
,germany's efforts to extend her empire 
toward the ,east1 and the closing of    
doors against ,germany's advance2       
,russia's pressure upon the ,teutonic   
peoples1 the ancient and terrible dread 
of ,russia on the part of the nations of
 ,western ,europe1 the shadow under     
which ,turkey1 ,germany1 and ,england   
had lived because of the presence of the
 great ,slavic state1 with its          
mysticism1 its dynastic ambitions and   
its great growth force1 its need of open
 ports1 and vital interest in the       
amalgamation of the ,south ,slavic      
peoples1 and the determination to own   
,constantinople and to succeed to the   
place of the ,turkish ,empire4 ,we      
should need to take into account the    

long history of the struggle for        
colonies1 the colonial trust of ,russia1
 ,england and ,france1 the ambitions of 
,france for empire in ,africa1 the      
operations of ,french finance in the    
,balkans and elsewhere1 ,austria's      
aggressive hatred of ,serbia1 and her   
effort to prevent the revival of        
,poland1 the conflicts of ,germany and  
,austria with ,italy in regard to the   
gean and the ,adriatic and their shores1
 the fierce irredentism of ,italy1 and  
the ambitions of ,italy that have       
brought her into conflict with the      
,teutonic powers and with ,turkey1 all  
the conflicting purposes and ambitions  
of ,greece1 ,roumania1 ,bulgaria1 and   
,serbia1 and the added strain in the    
,balkans because of the vital interests 
of all the ,great ,powers there1 and    
many other conflicts and causes of      
conflicts4 ,these conflicts we see      
repeated in kind in the relations of    
,japan1 ,china and ,russia and the other
 powers interested in the geography of  

,asia1 and in the waters of the         
,pacific1 and once more in the growing  
strains between the ,east and the ,west 
7#ii74  ,taking our world as we find it1
 and viewing the nature of nations in   
the light of their history and of their 
persistent antagonisms1 one might       
readily believe that the causes of war  
and war itself will continue into a far 
future4 ,no war1 the pessimist might    
well argue1 will destroy national       
vitality or neutralize the many points  
of strain4 ,there may be great          
coalitions and even ,leagues of         
,nations1 but these may only make wars  
more terrible when they come4 ,the      
friendship of nations will still be     
insecure and shifting4 ,the great       
strategic points of the world will      
remain4 ,small countries will continue  
to be ambitious and jealous of one      
another4 ,island countries will still be
 faced by coasts that contain           
possibilities of danger4 ,the           
,constantinoples and the ,gibraltars    

will remain2 ,suez and ,panama will be  
left1 and ,verdun will still be         
something more than a historic memory   
7#ii74  ,that these objectives might all
 be brought into a permanent state of   
equilibrium1 by some ideal world        
politics1 that nations ought to abandon 
their ideas of empire or at least see   
how crude these ideas are1 how out of   
relation to our modern ideas of value1  
and how out of place in a practical     
world--all this we can readily          
understand1 but who will expect nations 
to become very different from what they 
are now1 and who shall say how many     
imperial eggs there are in the world yet
 to be hatched8 ,there are many ways of 
justifying these ambitions--,germany    
justifies hers by reason1 and the       
researches of her great historians--the 
,treitschkes and the ,mommsens2 ,russia 
bases her claims upon her religion and  
her ethos2 ,japan brings her divinity   
and her traditions1 her vitality and her
 intelligence2 ,england offers her      

justice and above all her proved genius 
for government as a justification of    
empire4 ,but after all1 these desires   
for empire lie deeper than proof and    
reason can go4 ,poetic1 dramatic and    
religious elements enter into them4     
,there are geniuses among nations4 ,the 
creative force in a nation is its life  
force1 its essence and its reality4 ,in 
some sense the desire to be an empire is
 the whole meaning of a nation1 for     
without the ambition to be supreme1     
peoples1 some of them1 would be nothing4
 ,it is the vision of empire1 however   
forlorn and hopeless1 that keeps many   
nations alive1 perhaps all4 ,nations    
seek to express in visible form the     
evidence of their inner and potential   
greatness4 ,the historic and            
time-honored art of empire-building is  
the only art they know4 ,whether this is
 the tragedy of history1 the world's    
fate and the condemnation of it to      
perpetual warfare--or is but a term in  
the logic by which nations rise to other

 and higher forms2 or finally is a crime
 or a mistake which it is within the    
power of the will of man to abandon or  
amend--these are problems of the        
philosophy of history4   ,historical    
,causes  ,historical causes of war are  
in part the sequences of events that the
 political causes of war produce        
7political as the causes inherent in the
 wills of nations71 and we must suppose 
they are mainly this4 ,history1 from    
this point of view1 is the working out  
of the motives or the desires contained 
in these national wills4 ,the causes of 
our late war1 for example1 are to be    
sought mainly in the wills of the great 
powers that are concerned in it4        
,economic forces1 the laws of the growth
 of nations 7both psychological and     
physical laws71 the conditions of the   
geographical distributions of peoples   
over the earth--all these are involved  
in the cause of wars4 ,there are also   
great personages whose actions must to  
some extent be considered apart from    

these general laws2 these personages    
contribute factors to the causation of  
any given war that are not entirely     
inherent in the laws of growth or the   
psychology of nations4 ,shall we say    
also that there are fortuitous factors1 
historical causes that are not contained
 in any logic of human desires8 ,can we 
say1 perhaps1 that these fortuitous     
causes are indeed the main causes--in a 
word that wars are not desired1 mainly1 
but are the product1 indeed1 either of  
the mere logic of chance1 or of a design
 that transcends human will altogether8 
,are wars willed1 or are they the       
results of the complex1 the illogical   
and uncontrollable factors of the       
world's existence and movement8 ,these  
may not be practical problems1 but they 
are serious problems1 since in the end  
they implicate the whole of philosophy4 
,what place shall we give1 in the laws  
of history1 to the sudden and chance    
turn of affairs2 to the quick shift of  
the wheels of fortune2 to the incidents1

 the accidents1 the mis-judgments of    
rulers and the slips of the diplomats8  
,are wars after all a product of the    
logic of life1 or are they mere         
fortuitous syntheses of events which in 
their particular combination make a     
total that is not involved1 either as   
desire or as tendency1 in the sum of the
 particulars that enter into the whole8 
,how completely1 in a word1 do the      
interests and purposes of nations       
determine wars8 ,may we speak of motives
 that always tend to produce wars1 but  
never seem to will them8  ,history seems
 to show us that wars are less directly 
willed than we have sometimes supposed1 
and perhaps that there is a large       
element of chance in them as regards a  
given war at any time and in any place4 
,war in general is inherent in1 or is a 
natural effect of1 the laws of          
development of nations4 ,wars as        
historical events are not completely    
describable in terms of these laws4 ,it 
is the old contrast between the         

historical and the scientific           
explanation of things that appears here4
 ,nations have deep and vague desires1  
we say4 ,they want satisfaction of their
 honor2 they crave a dramatic life1 even
 military prestige and glory1 but we do 
not often find war itself definitely    
willed4 ,the desires of nations1 we     
repeat1 tend to be too fundamental to be
 specific4 ,their specific desires are  
indeed and for that reason likely to be 
contradictory4 ,they desire both war and
 peace at the same time1 and have       
interests that may be served by both4   
,they live in indecision like           
individuals4 ,motives conflict4 ,they   
hesitate1 and doubt1 and fear4 ,they    
shrink from taking the plunge4 ,it      
requires the sharp and clear event1 the 
chance event1 most often1 to precipitate
 them into wars4 ,it is always to-morrow
 that they are to wage wars4 ,so wars do
 not usually occur by the rational plans
 and devices of any man or any          
historical sequences of men1 we may     

believe1 and it is a question whether   
wars are very often intended in a real  
sense by any one4 ,wars occur as crises 
in events4 ,the strains that produce    
them are certainly inherent in the      
relations of nations at all times1 and  
even in the motives of personal         
politics1 but in general these relations
 as consciously governed relations are  
in the direction of seeking the greatest
 advantage with the least show of force4
 ,the conditions must all be present1   
both the match and the powder1 before   
war can take place4 ,there must be a    
condition of strain1 having certain     
psychological features none of which can
 be missing1 the condition being        
something complex and not readily       
analyzable1 at any given time4 ,in      
addition to these strains events must   
take place which1 in all their          
appearances1 are fortuitous4  ,one might
 argue from this that the cure of war   
consists in eternal watchfulness to see 
that the match does not touch the       

powder1 that we must watch these events 
that precipitate wars and safeguard     
peoples from being affected by them4    
,this1 of course1 is more or less the   
method of diplomacy2 to some minds the  
league of nations is a device for doing 
this on a larger and more systematic    
scale4 ,but when we study history and   
see what these war-causing incidents    
are1 how numerous and how variable1 we  
can see that diplomacy and statesmanship
 undertake an impossible task when they 
try to steer the world along its narrow 
historical course1 with only historical 
landmarks for guides4  ,the war that is 
so vividly in mind now furnishes us with
 an illustration of the complexity of   
the causes of war1 and allows us to see 
clearly contrasting views of the causal 
factors in great wars in general4 ,we   
see here a closely fitting series of    
events1 each in itself having but little
 reference to the great crisis1 all     
fitting together1 and for want of any   
one of which1 if one takes the purely   

historical view1 we might suppose the   
war would never have happened1 or might 
have been postponed indefinitely4 ,if   
,venezelos1 to go back no further than  
that1 had remained in ,crete and had    
been content to be an island politician1
 would not the course of events in the  
,balkans have been very different8 ,out 
of his course came events which no one  
could have foreseen1 but which1 without 
similar actions on the part of          
individuals producing other links in the
 chain1 would not have taken place4 ,if 
some diplomat or some foreign office had
 made a decision slightly different from
 what was actually decided2 if the three
 emperors had had a little more reliable
 information about one another2 if the  
statisticians of the ,german service had
 computed a little better ,england's    
resources1 and had put the moral factor 
into the sum--would the war have        
happened at all8  ,in this direction1 of
 course1 lies the chaos of history and  
its madness--and also its philosophy4   

,we may be driven on the one hand to    
think of all history as a matter of the 
chance relations of individuals and of  
detached particular events1 having      
significance as a series but never      
planned or controlled as a whole1 or we 
may resort to the opposite way of       
thinking1 and say that all of history1  
in every particular and detail1 is      
divinely planned and prearranged1 and   
each event fits into a rational whole4  
,this1 of course1 is our final problem  
of history1 we say1 as it is the final  
problem of every question that considers
 life as concrete events having value   
precisely as the particular sequence    
that it is--when we view life           
historically1 in a word1 rather than by 
the methods of the quantitative         
sciences1 or by the genetic methods such
 as are used mainly in the psychological
 sciences1 and which we may say stand   
between history and the sciences of     
matter4     ,,chapter ,,xi  ,,the       
,,synthesis ,,of ,,causes   ,it appears 

to be no very difficult matter to       
discover causes of war1 and indeed a    
considerable number of causes4 ,in fact 
the problem seems to yield an           
embarrassment of riches1 especially if  
our chief interest happens to be a      
practical one1 and we wish to find the  
causes of war in order to see how they  
may be controlled4 ,we might even have  
discovered all the causes of war and    
still be as far as before from any real 
understanding of the cause of war4      
,unless one can know the relative       
importance of the causes1 and the manner
 in which the causes combine to produce 
wars2 unless the results give in some   
way a synthetic view of the causes of   
war1 show dominating causes1 or reveal a
 total cause which is not merely a      
summation of stimuli1 but is both a     
necessary and a sufficient situation for
 the production of war2 unless we have  
shown some fundamental cause and        
movement in the social order1 we are    
still left in search of the cause of    

war4  ,we have1 indeed1 found a number  
of causes of war1 but at the same time  
the causes have not appeared to exist as
 separate causes4 ,we are always        
catching sight of a movement in the     
development of nations and of the       
world--of certain fundamental motives1  
the most basic of all1 the most general1
 being the motive of power4 ,these      
causes of war do not appear1 however1 to
 be of the nature of a chain1 giving us 
the impression that in order to break   
the habit of war1 all we need do is to  
discover the weakest link in the chain  
of causes1 break the chain there1 and so
 interrupt the whole mechanism of       
war-making in the world4 ,above all1    
although fortuitous events as causes of 
war must not be overlooked1 war is not  
continually being made anew by the      
appearance again and again of accidental
 situations1 which are thus to be       
regarded as the cause of war4  ,war is1 
first of all1 a natural expression of   
the social life1 resting primarily upon 

the fact of the existence1 universally1 
of groups of individuals acting as      
units4 ,but here cause and effect are   
lost in one another4 ,conflict cements  
the group1 and the existence of the     
group1 again1 is the cause of conflict4 
,war is an aspect of the social         
solidarity of the group acting under    
certain conditions1 and these conditions
 are the presence of deep desires that  
can1 in general1 be satisfied only by   
the exertion of force on the part of    
communities acting as wholes4  ,these   
primitive motives and moods of war that 
we find in the nature of the social     
group itself1 emerge finally in three   
aspects of the life of nations1 and it  
is these aspects of the life of nations 
that appear to us as the causes of war4 
,they are not separate and independent  
features of the social life1 and it is  
in part only for the sake of convenience
 that they are sharply separated at all4
 ,they are all at bottom manifestations 
of the motive of power that runs through

 all history1 and all the social and    
individual life4 ,on one side this      
motive appears in moods and impulses    
that we called the intoxication moods   
and impulses4 ,national honor was found 
to be another effect of it4 ,the        
political motives of war are its        
concrete expression4 ,these motives all 
together--all being but phases of a     
deep1 powerful energy and purpose1 are  
the source of the main movement in      
history out of which war comes4 ,in this
 movement all the motives of the social 
life are always present and active at   
the same time4 ,the good and the bad of 
national life are phases of a single    
purpose and are not two contrasted      
principles or moments4 ,the past is     
always contained in the present4  ,war1 
then1 is the result of certain motives  
which are fundamental to the group life4
 ,it is a natural form in which1 given a
 certain degree of intelligence and of  
complexity of the social life1 these    
motives express themselves4 ,all the    

motives and forms of expression are     
present in germ at least from the       
beginning of the development of the     
social life4 ,considering the whole     
history of war we see that it is a part 
of a very complex movement in human     
society1 and yet that no war appears to 
be the final term of a process of       
inexorable logic4 ,taking history as a  
whole1 we see that the natural laws     
involved and the nature of the social   
consciousness make a state of war from  
time to time highly probable1 but war is
 not a necessary consequence of any     
natural law4 ,nations are self-conscious
 personalities4 ,perhaps in the future  
they may change their ways1 abandon     
voluntarily their desires1 subject      
themselves to discipline1 or            
deliberately invent a plan of           
international relations that will have  
the effect of eliminating war from their
 lives altogether4  ,it is always       
dangerous1 but at the same time it is   
always tempting to try to explain       

national life1 or all life and history1 
in terms of the individual and his      
experience4 ,once more1 however1 we may 
yield to that temptation and say that   
the world to-day is in a stage of       
development which has many traits that  
show its relation in some very          
significant ways to certain undeveloped 
conditions found in individuals1 which  
in fact always appear as phases of the  
life of all individuals in some degree  
and form4 ,nations have acquired a high 
degree of subjectivism1 partly on       
account of the geographical conditions  
under which they have lived1 and the    
many barriers between nations due to    
difference of origin and of language1   
and the fundamental emotions of fear and
 jealousy which1 as we have seen1 play  
so large a part in the life and conduct 
of groups4 ,nations1 however close to   
one another1 have remained isolated in  
spirit2 they have lacked both the       
initiative and the means for becoming   
definitely related to one another in    

purposive and sustained activities4     
,therefore all their relations have     
remained highly emotional1 subjective1  
influenced by mysticism1 filled with    
hatred and fear1 hero worship and       
illusion4 ,nations have lacked both the 
power1 and we might say1 the organs1 for
 externalizing their spirit4 ,they have 
dreamed dreams and played plays1 and    
followed their illusions of empire4     
,even their wars have not1 until perhaps
 now1 become wholly real and serious in 
a measure commensurate with their powers
 and resources4 ,the present war more   
than any other1 and more than any other 
event in history1 represents an escape  
on the part of nations from their       
subjectivism1 and a beginning1 it may   
be1 of the realization of a more mature1
 or shall we say more normal conception 
of the world4 ,nations have played at   
being great and have really produced but
 little true greatness4 ,now1 let us    
say1 their dream is over4 ,we see that  
these nations can no longer play4 ,their

 wooden weapons have at last been turned
 to steel4 ,they can fight no longer    
indeed without destroying one another4  
,they must now live in practical and    
moral relations1 give up their bright   
dreams of empire after the old heroic   
order1 and be content to be imperial 7if
 they are born to be imperial7 by       
performing distinguished service in the 
world1 by their own genius of           
leadership4 ,there is work in the world 
for nations to do2 there are empires of 
the spirit1 it may be1 greater than have
 yet been dreamed of in the nations'    
childish philosophies of life4 ,the     
consciousness of nations contains1 it   
may be1 unsuspected powers1 suppressed  
in the past by narrow nationalism1 by   
fear1 habit and convention4 ,these      
powers may now1 if ever1 blossom forth2 
they have been wasted too long in       
patriotic feeling and in idle dreamery4 
,they must now show what they can do in 
a practical world that will have no more
 of mere assertions4  ,the world stands 

to-day balanced between two ideals4     
,human spirit1 the spirit of nations1 is
 a free and plastic force2 it is also a 
sum of motives and desires2 but most    
fundamentally of all it is a growing1   
living1 creative and personal spirit4   
,it still clings to its luxuries of     
feeling1 to its provincial life1 it is  
still fascinated by its beautiful       
romance of empire4 ,on the other hand we
 see the stirring of a new idea4 ,a new 
world arises1 less dramatic in its      
appeal than the old world1 but a world  
appealing by its practical problems both
 to the will and to the intellect4      
,shall we yield to the fascination of   
the old romance and go back to our hero 
worship2 or shall we be inspired now by 
this vision of a new and greater social 
order1 create out of our own powers of  
imagination the forms this world must   
assume if it is to appeal to the deepest
 feelings of all peoples1 and make this 
new world real by our own intelligence  
and determination8  ,we stand to-day at 

a dramatic moment in history2 a more    
dramatic moment than when the victory   
itself hung in the balance4 ,perhaps our
 sense of responsibility for the future 
is an illusion2 perhaps we are driven by
 an inexorable logic of history1 and we 
do not after all choose what our world  
shall be4 ,but certainly the sense of   
human power in the world has never been 
greater than now nor seemed better      
justified2 nor1 if we are deceived1 has 
the reality ever been more out of       
harmony with the ambitions of man4      
,,part ,,ii  ,,the ,,educational        
,,factor ,,in ,,the ,,development ,,of  
,,nations     ,,chapter ,i              
,,educational ,,problems ,,of ,,the     
,,day   ,education1 like all other      
institutions1 has been charged1 we know1
 with having contributed its share to   
the causes of the war4 ,the ,prussian   
school system1 we have been told1 was   
mainly a school of war2 all the emotions
 and ideas necessary to produce morbid  
nationalism1 distorted views of history1

 and a belief in and a love of war were 
there fostered and deliberately         
cultivated4 ,there is1 of course1 some  
truth in this2 it is a truth that is    
deceiving1 however1 if we regard it as  
at all indicating the true relation     
between education and practical affairs4
 ,if the school was a factor in the late
 war1 such a creative effect of         
education appears to be rare in history4
 ,in general it is the negative effect  
of the school that is most conspicuous4 
,it is what the school has not done to  
prevent war1 what it has failed to do in
 not bringing nations out of their      
perverted nationalism into a life of    
more practical relationship with one    
another that really best characterizes  
the school4  ,it is difficult or        
impossible for us now1 of course1 to    
perceive what the war has done--in what 
way1 all in all1 the future will be     
different from the past4 ,it is very    
easy and natural to look at everything  
dramatically now1 see revolution        

everywhere and believe that all         
institutions are now to be radically    
changed4 ,or1 going to the other        
extreme1 we may become cynical1 and say 
that1 human nature being unchangeable1  
we shall soon settle down into the old  
routine and we shall see presently that 
nothing revolutionizing has transpired4 
,some will say1 and indeed are saying   
that education must now be entirely     
remodeled2 some will think that         
education had best go on as before--that
 nothing has happened certainly to      
require any new philosophy of the       
school1 or any profound change in its   
form4 ,we see these two tendencies in   
many phases of our present situation3 in
 politics1 in education1 and in the     
business world4  ,it is impossible1 we  
may repeat1 to make wholly safe         
judgments now about the future1 but     
still something must in the meantime be 
done4 ,we must either stand still or go 
forward--or backward2 we must act either
 with a theory or without one4 ,the     

school is involved in this necessity4   
,there is a new content of history that 
we cannot ignore1 but must in some way  
teach4 ,we must say something about the 
war2 current events can hardly be kept  
out of the school1 and to understand    
current events there must be a wider    
content of history than we have had in  
the past4 ,there are new1 or at least   
disturbed1 conditions in the industrial 
and in all the social life1 and these   
conditions cannot fail to have some     
effect upon the school4 ,the school must
 adjust itself to them1 and it must     
surely take into account new needs that 
have arisen4 ,patriotism may need to be 
taught now1 or taught in a different    
manner4 ,there is a problem of war and  
peace1 the question of what ideals of   
national life we are to convey4         
,internationalism demands some          
recognition on the part of the school4  
,it seems probable1 therefore1 and even 
necessary that a new interest in the    
function of education will be felt and  

must be aroused4 ,must we not indeed now
 examine once more all the foundations  
upon which our ideas about education    
rest8 ,certainly there will never be a  
more favorable time1 or more reasons for
 such a task4  ,it is the impending     
internationalism1 or the idea of        
internationalism now so vividly put     
before us all1 that most incites new    
thought about education1 and about all  
the means of controlling the ideas and  
feelings of the people4 ,we hear much   
about reconstruction and readjustment1  
and these terms obviously imply the old 
ways and the old institutions4 ,but     
internationalism is something new1      
having many possibilities2 it means new 
relations among peoples2 it opens up new
 practical fields and new phases of     
sociology and economics4 ,it is because 
of this new phase of the social life and
 social consciousness of man1 we might  
suppose1 that education is most likely  
to be affected in its foundations1 so   
that no mere readjustment will be       

enough4 ,a new politics and a new       
science of nations appear1 and we cannot
 fail to see that there is at the       
present time something decidedly lacking
 in education2 that there is a larger   
life perhaps for which our present ways 
of educating children would not         
sufficiently prepare1 and that to       
prepare for this larger life something  
more would be needed than an added      
subject in the curriculum4 ,this is     
because internationalism is not simply  
more of something we have already2 it is
 a turn in the road1 and a turn which1  
it can hardly be denied1 will finally   
affect all institutions4 ,if            
internationalism has come to stay1 it   
will need1 and it must have1 powerful   
support from all educational forces4 ,it
 will need something more than support2 
education must produce creative habits  
of mind1 which shall make and nourish   
new relations in the world1 and it must 
make people intelligent1 so that they   
can understand what the new and larger  

relations mean and what must be         
accomplished by them4  ,a casual        
observation of the educational situation
 might indicate that education is       
limited in two ways1 so far as being a  
means of meeting our present needs is   
concerned4 ,it is lacking in power2 it  
treats children and youths still in a   
fragmentary way1 and the process of     
learning is somewhat detached from the  
totality of living4 ,there is a lack of 
richness of content1 and a lack of      
responsiveness in the school to the     
stirring life outside the school4 ,if we
 may say that history now turns a new   
page1 and that society stands at a      
change of tide1 education is also in a  
peculiar and interesting position4 ,the 
school may1 from now on1 if our view of 
it be at all just1 be expected to do one
 of two things3 it may settle down to a 
relatively successful work1 in a limited
 sphere of usefulness1 training children
 well1 especially fitting them to enter 
into our present social order2 or1 on   

the other hand1 the school may now      
become a much greater power1 and may    
seize hold upon fundamental things in   
life and society under the stimulus of  
new conditions--find a way to a deeper  
philosophy1 a more consistent theory1   
attain a more exalted mood and higher   
purpose1 and become a far more potent   
factor in civilization4  ,that education
 will remain unaffected in profound ways
 by the war1 is difficult to believe4   
,one may very readily1 as we say1 see   
these impending changes in too dramatic 
a way1 and begin to talk about profound 
upheavals and ideals that certainly will
 never be realized 7and we ought to     
guard against this easy idealizing1     
which leaves human nature out of the    
reckoning72 still we cannot but feel    
that in some way a new dimension has    
been added to the social life as a      
result of the war1 and that education1  
in dealing with this greater society1   
must itself be raised to a higher power4
 ,if we think1 educationally speaking1  

in terms of a world at all1 rather than 
in terms of individuals1 or communities1
 families and nations1 we are quickly   
impressed by the sense of living in a   
new order of educational problems1 and  
possessing1 it may be1 a new variety of 
self-consciousness4 ,nations in this new
 view are thought of as parts of a      
world1 as having many external          
relations1 whereas formerly almost all  
education has had reference at the most 
to the internal life of nations4        
,patriotism has been the expression of  
its most distant horizon4  ,if we       
believe that anything new is about to be
 realized in education1 it might seem   
natural to begin to think about changes 
from the standpoint and in the terms of 
the old chapters and topics4 ,we might  
ask what this or that subject of the    
curriculum means or must produce that it
 did not mean and did not produce       
before2 or we might consider the old and
 the new requirements in the education  
of the feelings1 the will1 the          

intellect2 or we might take any other of
 the educational categories as a basis  
for a discussion of the philosophy of   
the school4 ,these programs1 however1 do
 not seem to be very inspiring4 ,would  
it not be better now to try to          
distinguish the main fields of life and 
the main interests in regard to which   
new questions and new needs have arisen1
 and see what changes in our educational
 thought are really demanded by them8   
,on such a plan1 internationalism itself
 would first demand attention1 and      
indeed most of all4 ,in a sense all     
questions about education must now be   
considered with reference to            
internationalism in some way4 ,then     
there are the problems already raised   
during the war and widely discussed1    
about the teaching of patriotism4       
,patriotism becomes a new educational   
problem1 a chapter in our theory of     
education1 in which we become conscious 
of ourselves in a new way1 and are aware
 of our larger field and changed        

conditions4 ,there are questions1 too1  
about the teaching of the lessons of the
 war1 what we shall think about war in  
general as a good or an evil1 how we    
shall conceive peace and its values4    
,changes are taking place in government1
 and in our ideas of government1 and    
governments are being put to new tests4 
,political education can hardly fail to 
be now one of our most serious concerns4
 ,democracy appears to be our great     
word2 the control and education of the  
democratic forces and the democratic    
spirit becomes an urgent need4 ,industry
 acquires new meanings2 we must take up 
again all the theory of industrial      
education1 for we have seen of late that
 industry contains possibilities of evil
 we did not before understand4 ,social  
problems arise in changed forms4 ,the   
new world-idea or world-consciousness   
becomes an educational problem of the   
social life4 ,class difference can never
 again be ignored as it has been in the 
past in the schools4 ,moral1 religious  

and sthetic education seems to have a   
different place in the school1 just to  
the extent that all life has become more
 serious on account of the war4 ,these  
demands made upon the deepest elements  
of the psychic life suggest the need    
once more of a new philosophy of        
education1 or1 at the least1 a greatly  
increased recognition and application of
 the philosophy we already have4        
,before the war there was a sense of    
security and the feeling that our       
education was adequate to meet all      
demands4 ,we were proud of our          
educational system4 ,our democratic     
ideals1 people said1 were safe in the   
hands of the public school4 ,industrial 
education was meeting fairly well the   
needs of the industrial life4 ,there    
were no very pressing class problems4   
,the troubles of capital and labor1     
although always threatening1 seemed to  
demand no educational interference4 ,the
 religious problem was temporarily not  
acute4 ,aesthetic forms had been        

attended to in the curriculum           
sufficiently to meet the demands of the 
day4 ,hygiene and physical education and
 individual attention seemed to be      
making rapid advances4 ,all of these had
 been influenced by the scientific      
methods of treating educational         
questions4 ,on the whole we seemed to   
have a good school4 ,but now the        
question must be asked whether this     
school of yesterday will be adequate to 
meet the needs of to-morrow2 whether new
 conditions do not call for new thought1
 new philosophy1 new schools4 ,these    
things of course cannot be had for the  
asking4 ,we cannot give orders to genius
 to produce them for us4 ,but a         
generation that does not hope for them1 
we might suspect of not having realized 
what the war has cost4 ,for so great a  
price paid have we not a right to expect
 much in return1 especially if we are   
willing to regard the war as a lesson   
rather than as a debt to us1 and bend   
all our energies to make it count for a 

better civilization8  ,we may already   
see in a general way what the effect of 
the war is to be upon the mind of the   
educator4 ,the journals begin to be     
filled with plans for the participation 
of the school in the work of            
reconstruction4 ,there are many         
suggestions for the improvement of the  
school4 ,industrial education1 the      
classics1 history1 military education1  
social education are all being          
discussed4 ,evidently many minds are at 
work4 ,some of them1 indeed many of     
them1 are apparently most concerned     
about what changes we shall make at once
 in the day's work of the school4 ,many 
wish to know what we are going to do now
 with ,latin1 or history1 and how we can
 improve the method of teaching in this 
or that particular4 ,but there are some 
deeper notes4 ,thinkers are asking      
elementary questions about the whole of 
human nature4 ,they wish to know what   
the original nature of man is1 and what 
the limits of our control over human    

nature are4 ,such books as ,hocking's   
,human ,nature and its ,re-making and   
,russell's ,principles of ,social       
,reconstruction1 which grapple with the 
basic problems of human life1 are signs 
of the times4 ,no one can yet predict   
what the final result of the increased  
intellectual ardor that has come out of 
the war will be1 but it seems certain   
that that striving of the mind which has
 made the literature of the war so      
remarkable a page in the history of the 
human spirit will continue1 and in the  
field of education as elsewhere in the  
practical life there will be new        
vitality and earnestness4     ,,chapter 
,,ii  ,,internationalism ,,and ,,the    
,,school   ,if we take a serious and an 
optimistic view of education as a social
 institution1 and think of it at all as 
standing in functional relationships    
with the social life as a whole1 we must
 conclude that internationalism as a new
 movement and idea1 and the school as an
 institution in which changes in the    

social order are reflected 7but in which
 also changes in the social order are   
created7 are closely related4           
,adjustment is a relatively easy matter2
 it is the conception of the school as a
 creative factor that challenges our    
best efforts4 ,let us think of the      
school as a workshop in which there must
 be created the forces by which we must 
make a desired and an otherwise         
unrealizable future come to pass and we 
have a new and inspiring view of        
education4 ,the school perhaps must do  
even more than educate the forces2 it   
must help even to create the vision     
itself by which the future is to be     
directed4 ,the school becomes1 so to    
speak1 the working hypothesis of        
civilisation4 ,in it the ideas and the  
desires by which nations live must be   
made to take shape4  ,the idea of       
internationalism implies certain changes
 in the external relations of nations   
which1 whatever the form                
internationalism will take on its       

political side1 are not difficult to    
perceive4 ,these in turn imply internal 
changes4 ,we might readily outline or   
psychologically analyze what could be   
called the mood of internationalism1 in 
order to see its relations to education4
 ,it contains a number of factors1 more 
or less related to one another4 ,first1 
there is a recognition of a world of    
growing1 living historical entities     
which we call nations2 and this         
recognition implies new understanding   
and an enrichment of knowledge4 ,second1
 there is a change in the consciousness 
of nations1 slow but visible1 by which  
they become more willing to investigate 
freely and fairly their own place in    
history1 understand their own desires1  
functions1 virtues1 faults1 the value of
 their culture and civilization4        
,without such an attitude all talk of   
internationalism in any real sense is   
idle4 ,third1 there is a new and        
different practical interest4 ,we begin 
to conceive our world as a world of     

complex practical relations1 and this   
idea of a practical world is likely to  
become one of the leading thoughts of   
the future4 ,fourth1 by extending1 so to
 speak1 this idea of a world of         
practical relations1 we idealize a world
 in which there is a common interest in 
great international achievements1--a    
world devoted more than it is now to    
cordinated efforts to accelerate        
progress1 more conscious of the needs of
 a distant future1 perhaps1 or even of  
an ideal of universal efficiency as a   
means of realizing some one world       
purpose or many good purposes4 ,this is 
not now1 as it once might have been     
called1 merely an ,utopian dream4 ,in   
some slight degree it is already being  
accomplished4 ,fifth1 social and moral  
feelings are widened in scope1 and must 
be still further extended2 it is in the 
form of the democratic spirit1 that     
these feelings must find expression4    
,and this democratic spirit is on one   
side practical1 but it is also something

 more than the emergence of the common  
mind2 it is the aristocratic idea       
carried out universally that we look    
forward to1 an enthusiasm for all true  
values1 a mood and activity in which all
 people participate4 ,sixth1 there is a 
necessary attitude toward world         
organization or world government1       
according to which we think of world    
government or world organization as a   
means of accomplishing results which    
fulfill fundamental desires and purposes
 of the peoples of the earth2 as a      
growing structure1 something to be added
 to and improved4 ,seventh1 if so       
general a tendency and demand may be    
made clear1 there is a philosophical    
mood1 which must be made a part of the  
ideal and the attitude of the future1 if
 that future is to realize even the     
practical hopes of the world4 ,this     
philosophical attitude is first of all a
 way of living comprehensively and more 
universally1 in the world both of facts 
and of ideas4 ,it means a less          

provincial and a more widely enriched   
life for all4 ,it means also an ability 
to choose the good not according to     
preconceptions and narrow principles1   
but according to the wisdom contained in
 the experience and the selective powers
 of mankind as a whole4 ,this means a   
life in which men live1 so to speak1    
more collectively4  ,these factors of   
the idea of internationalism1 whatever  
we may think of the possibility of their
 realization1 make in their totality an 
educational problem3 they are           
specifications1 so to speak1 laid before
 us for the making of a new educational 
product4 ,if we say that it is useless  
to think of such things1 we are saying  
merely that it is useless to hope to be 
a factor in conscious evolution1 or that
 the world as a whole has no purpose and
 no goal4 ,if we believe education has  
any function in the larger work of the  
world1 educational philosophy must take 
these things into account1 see how they 
may be created or sustained1 and how    

they can be made to work together to    
help bring to pass the kind of future   
men are talking so much about4   ,i4    
,the ,essential ,world ,idea  ,our      
present situation has plainly made it   
necessary for us to understand the world
 in which we live far better than we    
have in the past1 and to be willing to  
make more dispassionate judgments about 
it4 ,for better or for worse we have    
entered upon a new stage of history1 in 
which heavy responsibilities fall upon  
all peoples1 and upon none more than    
upon ourselves4 ,enlightenment beyond   
all our present understanding is a      
necessity4 ,we have been peculiarly     
isolated and separated from the world's 
affairs2 now we are peculiarly involved4
 ,we have1 however1 one great and       
unusual advantage4 ,in our case it is   
ignorance rather than prejudice that we 
must overcome in ourselves4 ,the world  
feels this and recognizes the unusual   
place this gives us4 ,we have no        
thousand years of continuous strife to  

distort our historical perspective4 ,we 
out to be able to be just interpreters  
of the history of the world4 ,our       
universities ought to be the greatest   
centers of historical learning1 and as a
 people we should feel ourselves called 
upon above all other people to know the 
world4  ,as a nation we pass out of a   
local into a broader political field4   
,we become citizens of a world1 but this
 world is no mere habitation of         
individuals who are to be affiliated    
with one another4 ,it is a world of     
national wills4 ,internationalism is    
first of all a recognition of the       
legitimate desires of nations4 ,but such
 a recognition of the legitimate desires
 of nations cannot be effected merely by
 spreading abroad good will4 ,a         
widespread education in the meaning of  
history must first be made the          
foundation of international justice in  
the minds of the people4 ,current       
history and future events seen in the   
light of all history1 of history as the 

science and story of all human          
experience1 become our chief            
intellectual interest to-day4 ,the war  
has taught us how little the people in  
the world know bout the world as a      
whole4 ,all history thus far has been   
local history4 ,everywhere there tends  
to be the prejudice in some degree that 
comes from the private need of using    
history for political ends4 ,unless we  
can now put history1 real history1 at   
the head of our sciences1 the war will  
have failed of a great result1 whatever 
in particular1 in a political way1 it   
may have accomplished4  ,with such an   
understanding of what is to be meant by 
history we say1 if that seems an        
adequate way of expressing it1 that the 
teaching of history becomes one of the  
fundamental problems of the educational 
work of the day4 ,it might be better to 
say that living in the historical spirit
 is demanded as a way of salvation of   
the world4 ,however1 adding geography   
and economics to history we have a      

content that must somehow be taught in  
the schools4 ,history1 as the most      
concrete science of the actual world in 
which we live1 now seems to have become 
a new center for the curriculum4        
,hitherto we have tended to regard      
history too lightly1 as the story of the
 world2 now there must be a deeper view 
of it4 ,we must have an understanding of
 the motives and the desires of peoples2
 history must not only be broader and   
more comprehensive but more penetrating 
and psychological4 ,it is the purposes  
of nations1 working themselves out in   
their history1 that we must understand4 
,there must no longer be great unknown  
places on the earth4 ,germany1 ,russia1 
,japan must not continue to be          
mysteries4 ,national psychology must be 
made a part of historical               
interpretation4 ,this new history must  
be the means of showing us our world in 
a more total view than we have thus far 
had of it1 so that we may better discern
 the continuity1 if there be one1 behind

 the detached movements and multiplicity
 of facts presented by the world's      
story2 for perhaps1 in this way1 we     
should better understand what the future
 is to produce1 and what1 more important
 still1 it ought to be made to produce4 
,the need first of all is for a         
continuation of the interest inspired by
 the war--an interest showing itself in 
the form of an universal interest in all
 history1 and an intensive investigation
 of history4 ,we need now1 indeed1 the  
most comprehensive study of the world   
that has ever been conceived or dreamed 
of by man4 ,this is the duty of the     
historians4 ,this new history must show 
us what nations are at heart1 what they 
desire1 what they can do4 ,such an      
understanding of nations is1 we say1 the
 real beginning of internationalism4 ,it
 is a necessary foundation for it1 if   
internationalism is to be anything more 
than a merely practical1 prudential or  
political arrangement among nations4 ,in
 the school-room eventually1 and indeed 

beginning now1 there is demanded a      
readjustment of interest by which       
history takes a new and more central    
place4 ,we must endeavor to give the new
 generation a world-idea4 ,and upon the 
nature and clearness of this world-idea 
much1 in the future1 will depend4  ,such
 a demand upon the school opens once    
more1 of course1 all the old problems of
 the teaching of history4 ,all the      
dreary questions of the precise order in
 which history should be taught--whether
 backwards or forwards1 local first or  
the reverse1 may be brought up if one   
chooses to do so4 ,but after all1 these 
questions are not very fruitful4 ,what  
we need most is the historical spirit4  
,we want a dramatic presentation of the 
world's whole story1 by which the true  
meaning of history is conveyed4 ,the    
methods of art must be added to the     
methods of fact4 ,a persuasive use of   
the materials of history must be made4  
,this means a change finally1 perhaps1  
not only in the methods of teaching     

history1 but in the whole mood and      
spirit of the school4 ,methods are      
likely to adapt themselves to necessity4
 ,certainly the slow methods of         
presenting facts1 sometimes if not      
generally employed1 the tedious         
lingering upon details1 seems wholly out
 of place4 ,we need a broader outlook in
 history4 ,even the young child must    
have a more comprehensive world-idea1   
some sense of the whole of the great    
world in which he lives4 ,this is one of
 the instances1 it may be1 in which we  
must set about breaking up any          
recapitulatory order1 natural to the    
child1 which suggests an advance from   
the local to the more general and wider 
knowledge4 ,the universal interests of  
the day so strongly affect the child1   
the social consciousness so dominates   
the individual consciousness that even  
the natural law of development must to  
some extent yield if necessary4 ,this   
social consciousness1 the interests and 
purposes expressed in the child's social

 environment1 present the experience of 
the adult world dramatically and        
intensively1 exerting as we might say1 a
 creative power upon the mind4 ,that    
indeed is precisely what the higher     
teaching1 whether in the form of art1 or
 in the form of vivid experience1       
conveyed though the practical life does 
everywhere in education4  ,we do not yet
 know what history1 taught thus         
dramatically and intimately1 under the  
stimulus of the greatest events of all  
time might do for the mind of the child 
or for all the future of the world4 ,we 
have never had the most favorable       
conditions for the teaching of universal
 history4 ,we have been obliged to      
create interest4 ,history has been      
taught externally1 from the standpoint  
of a far-away observer4 ,now history may
 and must be taught more as it is lived4
 ,the world has become more real to     
every one2 this sense of reality of a   
world of historical entities must be    
made to persist4 ,we must not go back to

 our unreal and intellectualized        
history4 ,the spirit of the nations must
 be made to live again1 so to speak1 in 
the minds of the coming generation4     
,what each nation stands for1 its ethos1
 its personality1 must be made clear4   
,powers says that all governments and   
all nations are sincere4 ,it is the soul
 of nations1 then1 their own realization
 of themselves that must be made the    
real object of history4 ,we must go back
 of the individual and the event at     
least1 to the desires that have made    
history what it is2 we must see why     
events have taken place1 and while      
sacrificing nothing of our own          
principles and standards1 understand and
 feel what the principles and the nature
 of these widely differing nations      
really are4 ,for the actual teaching of 
history1 it is likely that the story1   
carried to its highest point of art1    
will still be the chief method4 ,but    
pictorial art must be heavily drawn     
upon1 and all the resources of symbolic 

art1 as we pass from the lower to the   
higher stages in education1 or1 we had  
perhaps better say1 as we try more and  
more to convey moods and the spirit of  
nations and epochs and to appeal to the 
deep motives in the subconscious life of
 the individual4 ,plainly there is much 
work to do in the investigation and the 
teaching of history for every grade and 
department of the educational system1   
from the government and the higher      
universities to the teacher of the young
 child4 ,it is an age of history1 a day 
in which all sciences have as one of    
their tasks to aid in the understanding 
of history4 ,in the broader world and   
the universal life which the idea and   
the reality of internationalism has     
opened up to us1 all must live in some  
way1 if only in imagination4 ,history is
 a part of the necessary equipment for  
that life4   ,,ii4 ,the ,reducation of  
,national ,desires  ,the second factor  
in internationalism is also1 on its     
educational side1 related to a knowledge

 of history4 ,this is the attitude which
 peoples must take toward their own     
purposes and ambitions4 ,we must begin  
to speak of the education of national   
consciousness4 ,this process of the     
education of nations must be such as    
will teach peoples to surrender certain 
visions most of them have in regard to a
 future which cannot now be realized4   
,the content of the desires of nations  
must now be changed4 ,the future of many
 peoples will depend upon the extent to 
which they can remain progressive and   
enthusiastic without the stimulus of    
imperialistic ambitions4  ,considering  
our own situation in ,america1 it seems 
plain that we have confronting us a     
serious educational problem1 that of    
imparting to the rising generation and  
of acquiring for ourselves1 a better    
understanding of the meaning and place  
of our country in the world1 and a more 
earnest interest in its functions and   
its welfare4 ,this requires something   
more than a teaching of ,american       

history4 ,it is time for us to take     
stock of all our material and all our   
spiritual possessions4 ,we need perhaps 
to discover what our ideals really are  
and what the ideas and the forces are   
that have made our history what it has  
been2 and what in the future we are     
likely to do and to be1 and ought to do 
and be4 ,we must question deeply at this
 time our own soul2 we must look to our 
institutions1 our literature and our art
 for an understanding of ourselves4     
,this more profound knowledge of        
ourselves must be made the basis of our 
especial educational philosophy4 ,here  
is the most urgent of all our           
educational problems4 ,education is1 or 
should be1 a process by which national  
character is constantly being molded4   
,in the school the nation must learn    
much that cannot be read in books4 ,it  
must learn to believe things that cannot
 be proved1 or perhaps even definitely  
formulated as truth4 ,the soul of the   
nation must be subjected1 in a word1 to 

some kind of spiritual leadership4      
,constructive statesmanship must be felt
 as an influence in the school4 ,the    
problem is really nothing less than that
 of educating and forming national      
character4 ,now that we stand less alone
 as a nation our character cannot safely
 be left so much to chance and to the   
effects of our favorable environment and
 our original stock of virtues4 ,we     
cannot continue to be so nave and so    
unconscious of our country as we have   
been4 ,what we are and what we must do  
as a people1 we say1 ought to be better 
understood4 ,we should bring these      
ideals of ours out of the mists of      
partisan thinking and give them more    
definite shape1 and at the same time    
translate them into the language of     
sincere living4 ,national honor ought to
 be made a clearer idea4 ,we ought at   
least to be sure it contains the idea of
 honesty4 ,such prejudices as our       
history has encouraged in us must be    
recognized1 and computed in our personal

 equation4 ,these prejudices we         
certainly harbor--in regard to our own  
particular type of government1 our      
culture and education1 our freedom and  
our democracy and our security4 ,every  
nation appears to have its own idols1   
its concealments and its                
self-deceptions1 its belief in its own  
supremacy and divine mission1 and its   
innocent faith in its own mores4 ,to    
overcome such narrowness and perversion 
without introducing worse faults is a   
difficult problem of education4 ,in     
either direction there appear to be real
 dangers4 ,a nation steeped in          
provincial ways1 plunged as we are now  
into the midst of world politics1 has   
difficulties lying before it compared to
 which contributing a decisive military 
power is small4 ,there are dangers in   
standing aloof from other peoples4 ,but 
if we surrender too readily our         
prejudices and homespun ways1 and too   
rapidly absorb influences from without1 
we shall be no safer1 for carried too   

far1 that would mean to lose our mission
 and our vision4 ,there appears to be1  
moreover1 no safe and easy middle course
 which we can follow4 ,our only course  
seems to be clearly to understand       
ourselves1 rise above our limitations   
and difficulties1 turn our faults into  
virtues1 and make ourselves secure by   
our own inner worth and power4  ,plainly
 there are difficult problems ahead of  
the teachers of ,american history4 ,they
 must not inculcate suspicion and fear1 
but they must not present our security  
in a false light4 ,they must not inspire
 the war-like spirit and imperialistic  
ambitions1 but they must do nothing to  
lessen our seriousness of purpose and   
enthusiasm for the future4 ,they must   
not teach national vanity1 but they must
 not on the other hand encourage a      
spirit which is in any way over-critical
 and cynical or supercilious4 ,there    
must be political wisdom on the part of 
the people but not a sophisticated state
 of mind4 ,these teachers must inspire a

 wholesome pride1 without creating an   
inflamed sense of honor such as has     
caused so many wars4 ,they must make    
clear the virtue and the individuality  
of our own national life1 but in doing  
this they must not disparage the foreign
 and give rise to prejudice and         
antagonism4 ,how to establish us still  
more firmly in our own essential traits 
and philosophy of life without making us
 conceited and closed to good influences
 from without2 how to give us a strong  
sense of solidarity without the         
attendant sense of opposition to        
everything outside the group is a part  
of our educational work which1 in a     
broad sense1 falls to the teacher of    
history4  ,the central problem of the   
education of national consciousness1 in 
our view1 is to make desires more       
conscious and to subject them to        
discipline and the influence of the best
 ideals of ,american life4 ,mac,curdy   
says that by making instincts conscious 
we take a great step in advance4 ,that  

we should say is true1 if we make them  
conscious in the right way1 and do not  
try to substitute rational principles   
for them4 ,but we need to go further2 we
 must not only understand and control   
the impulses of aggression1 jealousy1   
fear and the like that have played such 
a sinister part in history1 but we must 
know more about those complex and       
subtile things we call moods1 which are 
really the main forces in modern life4  
,these moods are accumulations and      
repositories of interests and desires1  
and they must be appreciated by all who 
as educators1 undertake to direct the   
forces in our national life4 ,these     
desires must be made more definitely    
conscious everywhere1 and be subjected  
to influence and education4 ,it is not  
simply institutions1 organizations and  
factions that must be watched and       
controlled1 just because these are the  
more obvious and most easily affected   
expressions of tendencies and desires1  
but all the subtile feelings or moods   

which are the raw materials1 so to      
speak1 of future conduct1 ideals1 and   
institutions4  ,here comes to view1 of  
course1 our whole problem of            
assimilation of heterogeneous elements4 
,favored by our geographical position1  
and by the fortunate success and the    
great suggestive power of the ideal of  
liberty with which our history began1   
,america has had1 as we all realize1    
thus far an unusual career4 ,we have    
been able to assimilate foreign elements
 with great rapidity4 ,we may not be so 
fortunate in the future4 ,distances     
which have severed our new peoples from 
their old ties have become strangely    
shortened by the war4 ,our problems of  
adjustment have become more subtile and 
complex4 ,the necessity of succeeding in
 unifying our population is more urgent4
 ,therefore our future development1 as a
 nation1 becomes to a greater extent a  
process of conscious direction2 what we 
have done navely and by sheer force of  
our powers of growth1 we must do now1 it

 is likely1 more deliberately and       
efficiently4  ,we have before us in     
,america the highly important and by no 
means easy task of harmonizing1 under   
new conditions1 all sorts of forces and 
desires by directing them in ways and   
toward ends which cannot now be wholly  
determined4 ,there is both a            
psychological and a pedagogical aspect  
of the situation4 ,psychology must      
perform for ,american life something    
very much like a psycho-analysis2 we    
should expect to see as a result of the 
war a greatly increased interest1 on the
 part of the ,american people1 in       
themselves2 self-understanding and      
self-interpretation1 we should suppose1 
would be advanced2 all the sciences of  
human nature we should think would be   
called upon to help us to make a new    
,american history and to formulate the  
purposes of our national life4  ,on the 
pedagogical side we might expect        
reasonably to see a deepened sincerity  
on the part of all who in any way stand 

in the position of teachers4 ,we are    
dependent upon leaders in a democratic  
country1 and all leaders in whatever    
place in society would now1 one might   
hope1 feel a heightened sense of duty1  
both to understand and to influence     
,american life1 to represent in their   
own persons and teachings the highest   
ideals1 and indeed to become truly      
creative forces in society4 ,boutroux   
says that ,germany is a product of an   
external phenomenon--education4         
,america1 we should say1 must become    
more and more a product of an internal  
phenomenon--education4 ,that is1 the    
forces that will continue to shape our  
country must be in the form of          
leadership growing out of the best      
impulses and the true meaning of our    
civilization4 ,no forces will make of us
 something we are not by nature2 our    
strength must continue to come from     
within1 but it is the aristocratic      
spirit1 the aristocracy of genius in the
 fields of intellect1 morality and art  

that must of course have the fullest    
opportunity to influence all our        
institutions1 even the school room4  ,so
 to organize our educational system that
 it shall be thrown wide open to all new
 and good influences2 so to conduct the 
school that it shall be immediately     
responsive to these influences1 is one  
of the most urgent needs of the internal
 life of the nation4 ,this1 rather than 
the introduction of any new content into
 the school is now our chief need4 ,some
 of these influences must be personal1  
belonging to the present4 ,some belong  
to the past4 ,we must make ,american    
history1 poetry1 oratory1 science1 art  
and philosophy serve more completely    
than they do now the ideals and the     
right ambitions of the nation4 ,this is 
the way we must both bring the past to  
fuller realization and also create new  
life which shall make amends for the    
deficiencies of the past4   ,,iii4      
,practical ,interests  ,the foundation  
of internationalism1 in our view1 is the

 recognition of the legitimate desires  
and needs of peoples4 ,the desires of   
peoples when educated should become     
interests in the performance of all     
normal functions of national life4 ,the 
functions are practical2 they take the  
form of many commonplace and daily      
activities4 ,the recognition of the     
legitimacy of the desires of nations    
implies1 or at least naturally leads to1
 coperation in their accomplishment4 ,it
 is very probable1 therefore1 and it    
appears to be required in any           
internationalism that is more than a    
name1 that there shall be in the future 
wide coperation in the performance of   
various activities by international     
organizations and agreements4 ,if this  
is to be the order of the future1 new   
educational efforts will be demanded1   
and there must be different methods and 
different points of view in several     
phases of our educational system1 for   
now all education is devised with       
reference to an autonomous state of the 

nation4  ,if practical coperation       
becomes a part of our plan of           
international organization in the       
future1 we shall see many problems in   
applied economics and industry taken up 
for far more serious consideration than 
has been possible hitherto4 ,some of    
these problems1 attacked even on a      
national scale1 have seemed hopeless1   
but when viewed in their international  
aspects and with a prospect of          
international interest and effort they  
seem very different4 ,there are many    
such problems toward the solution of    
which education must contribute a large 
part4 ,we might mention the food problem
 of the world as typical1 and point to  
the present world-wide interest and     
coperation as an indication of what may 
come in the future in regard to all the 
problems of production and distribution 
of necessities1 if we really mean       
anything by our internationalism4       
,apparently we hold within our hands the
 means of alleviating most1 if not all1 

the destitution of the world4           
,organization and education in          
efficiency are the necessary and the    
sufficient weapons4  ,so we may conclude
 that an efficient method of educating  
peoples in the work of food production1 
and in the habit of conserving          
necessities would make a wide change in 
the economic condition of the world4    
,organization which shall include in    
some way the service of all children1   
will add still more to efficiency1 and  
will contribute an educational factor of
 great importance4 ,in such ways we may 
to an unlimited extent increase the     
available energies of the world1 and    
make possible1 if we will1 the further  
increase and expansion of the human     
race4 ,such a possibility and such an   
ideal give a totally new meaning to much
 of the fundamental work of education4  
,all our departments and accessories of 
the educational system that have        
anything to do with the elemental       
occupations acquire a new interest and  

importance from this point of view4     
,the whole field of industry offers now1
 indeed1 a broader educational          
opportunity4 ,children's hands are ready
 to do many things that will increase   
the happiness and the powers of the     
children themselves and at the same time
 add to the world's prosperity4         
,children must1 of course1 not be       
exploited in tasks that belong to the   
adult1 but there is a proper place for  
practical organization of children in   
the world's work1 and a potential       
helpfulness in children in the larger   
affairs of society that has not yet been
 drawn upon1 although surely we have    
seen1 during the years of the war1 what 
children might accomplish4 ,it is above 
all in its relations to universal social
 feeling that such practical education  
and use of childhood are most           
significant4 ,out of the practical      
activities1 moral results could hardly  
fail to come4 ,it is not too much to    
expect that the children of the world   

may sometime be so organized that the   
power of childish enthusiasm1 raised to 
we know not what degree by the          
suggestive force of such world-wide     
relations as are now possible1 may      
quickly be turned to the accomplishment 
of great tasks1--doing its part in the  
service1 the conservation1 the self     
denial1 that any serious interest in    
internationalism will in the future with
 but little doubt make necessary4       
,education that shall take into account 
the principles of efficiency and economy
 as applied to universal problems will  
be a great advance upon any teaching    
hitherto done in the interest of        
internationalism4 ,it is through        
practical activity and interest1        
suggesting and requiring restraint and  
coperation1 arousing imagination and the
 dramatic impulses1 that fruitful and   
permanent social affiliations of nations
 with one another will be likely to be  
made4 ,we may safely assume1 in fact1   
that firm affiliations can be made only 

in some such way4 ,internationalism1    
from this point of view1 is at bottom   
not a political problem1 but an         
educational problem4 ,the world will be 
united only through the mediation of its
 daily practical needs4 ,the motives for
 such union are themselves commonplace4 
,moral intentions are represented also1 
and world crises make the conditions    
ripe for such cordination of interests1 
but they do not alone produce the       
definite organization without which the 
world will continue to be1 as ,dickinson
 calls ,europe1 a society in the state  
of anarchy4     ,,chapter ,,iii         
,,internationalism ,,and ,,the ,,school 
7continued7   ,,iv4 ,the ,higher        
,industry  ,it is in the higher forms of
 practical coperative activity and in   
the intellectual processes1 the         
interests and social feelings           
accompanying them that we should expect 
to see elaborated and made more ideal   
the internationalism that has first been
 put to work in the service of the world

 at a lower level4 ,there is work to do 
that appeals to profound motives and    
feelings4 ,the great engineering        
projects that await us1 the work of     
exploring1 colonizing and the like in   
which universal interest and coperation 
are necessary fascinate the mind4 ,these
 things satisfy the dramatic instinct1  
and they may prove to be in the future  
an actual substitute for war1 as ,james 
hoped4 ,the educational opportunities of
 this theme1 at least1 are great4 ,any  
nation that expects to play a great part
 in the world's politics must expect to 
do much in the world's service4 ,these  
nations must be prepared in every       
possible way to contribute greatly to   
the material improvement of the earth4  
,to this end technical education1 all   
along the line1 must be kept at a high  
point of efficiency4 ,inventive thought 
in all mechanical fields will certainly 
be a large factor in the culture values 
of peoples in the future4 ,when we see  
what four years of war have accomplished

 in the way of giving us control over   
material forces1 we may realize what1   
with the continuation of a powerful     
incentive1 might be done in the arts of 
peace4 ,these great practical needs have
 also1 as we say1 their power of appeal 
to all the profound motives of the      
social life4 ,we must make use of this  
appeal4 ,all the power of the strong    
story of the day's work must be turned  
upon this educational problem4 ,all     
industry1 indeed1 must be made more     
dramatic1 as it can be under the        
inspiration of the larger industrial    
life which the idea of internationalism 
opens up before us4 ,industry must be   
made more satisfying to the fundamental 
motives of the individual1 while at the 
same time it is made more efficient1 and
 more social4 ,the new generation must  
be filled with the romance of the       
world's work4 ,only by presenting to    
young and plastic minds the ideal       
features of work shall we be able to    
harmonize the individual and the social 

will4 ,only so1 perhaps1 in an          
industrial age shall we be able to      
escape from being destroyed by          
industrialism4 ,anything that will      
introduce art and imagination into work1
 anything that will even brighten a     
little the dull moods of toil will help 
both to prepare the way for the wider   
world relations we talk about1 and to   
prevent the most destructive elements   
and moods of industrialism gaining the  
upper hand4   ,v4 ,the ,democratic      
,spirit  ,we must eventually think of   
internationalism on its educational side
 as most fundamentally a question of    
developing in the world the             
international spirit4 ,we might quite   
naturally think of this as the education
 of social feeling or of the social     
instinct4 ,this is1 however1 not the    
most productive attitude toward the     
situation1 in our view1 simply because  
when we think of the education of the   
feelings we are likely to be satisfied  
with the principles of an old static    

philosophy of life and of the school4   
,moral and social feelings1 we believe1 
grow best in a practical medium4 ,we    
cannot expand social feeling at will1 or
 produce a democratic spirit by some    
simple process of education4 ,when we   
try to extend social feeling too far we 
make the moral life insincere4 ,to try  
to expand social feeling and moral      
interest so as to make it include the   
foreign1 to try to love our enemies in  
advance of all sthetic and practical    
relations with the foreign seems futile4
 ,distance must first be eliminated by  
imagination4 ,social and moral codes    
must be founded upon intimate relations4
 ,external and distant relations among  
peoples make for diplomatic forms and a 
hypocritical morality4 ,these are       
substitutes for social feeling4 ,these  
purely social relations of nations 7like
 those of individuals7 always hide      
enmity and jealousy4 ,we cannot expect1 
therefore1 to create a moral spirit in  
the relations of peoples to one another 

by teaching alone4 ,we cannot hope to   
change individualism to altruism merely 
by exciting feeling4 ,our main effort   
must be directed toward establishing    
ethical relations1 rather than to       
stimulating moral sentiments4  ,it seems
 useless to preach universal brotherhood
 either to the child who lacks entirely 
the content of experience to make such  
sentiments real1 or to the working      
masses who now lack enthusiasm in all   
the social relations4 ,at least to      
depend upon such teaching to create     
international spirit is futile4 ,love   
for mankind is too ideal and too remote1
 as yet1 to arouse deep and sincere     
impulses and feelings4 ,all teaching1   
therefore1 whether in the school or     
elsewhere that is directed exclusively  
or especially to the moral aspects of   
peace1 altruistic behavior and          
internationalism1 seems to-day1 to say  
the least1 peculiarly inadequate4 ,our  
spirit in education must be broadly     
humanistic1 and must indeed lay deep    

foundations for all moral and social    
relations1 but in so far as it ends in  
being cultural and hortatory it can have
 no deep and lasting effect4  ,the      
teaching of international morality and  
universal interests1 and the development
 of a world-consciousness depend        
fundamentally1 we may suppose1 upon     
experiences which are perhaps not       
specifically moral in form at all4 ,it  
is rather even by the aesthetic         
experience than the moral that the      
social consciousness will best be       
expanded and made to encircle the world4
 ,if we can make the world seem vividly 
real to the child we shall have the     
intellectual content for the making of  
moral feelings4 ,the unmoral nature of  
international relations and of the      
feelings of peoples for one another are 
due in great part precisely to the lack 
of power of imagination and of that     
concrete knowledge and experience which 
would make the foreign seem real4 ,that 
which is remote from us and different in

 appearance seems shadowy and           
ghost-like4 ,the internal meaning of    
that which is thus far away in space    
cannot be perceived4 ,everything that is
 foreign tends to belong in our         
categories merely to the world of       
objects4 ,moral feeling towards objects 
is manifestly impossible4 ,international
 law fails to have moral force because  
nations are in general aware of one     
another only in these external ways4    
,the world of foreign objects must be   
changed to a world of persons having    
history and internal meaning4 ,when we  
can interpret and understand            
international law in terms of relations 
within human experience and as affecting
 individuals1 it will begin perhaps to  
seem real and hence morally obligatory4 
,there is another aspect of the work of 
creating and directing the wider social 
consciousness and giving it ethical     
purpose and form1 which is still more   
fundamental1 and at the same time1 to   
casual thought1 perhaps still more      

remote from definite moral improvement  
in the world and from all the           
immediately practical problems of       
internationalism4 ,it is the mood of our
 social life which we call the          
democratic spirit1 and which1 made      
universal1 is the substratum of         
internationalism that most of all needs 
to be controlled and educated4 ,at the  
same time this democratic spirit is     
least of all susceptible to definite and
 routine discipline1 of all the factors 
of internationalism4 ,this democratic   
spirit contains possibilities of the    
greatest good and of the greatest evil4 
,out of it may grow international order1
 or international anarchy and internal  
disruption4 ,how to keep this democratic
 spirit progressive and constructive in 
its temper1 broad in sympathy and full  
of enthusiasm1 how to free it from      
infection by all the poisons that are   
prone to attack the popular             
consciousness is one of our great       
problems of education4  ,this democratic

 spirit is the real power behind        
internationalism4 ,it is as the mood of 
the city1 the whole spirit of the modern
 urban life1 that it is most            
significant4 ,the mood of the city      
contains on one side the possibility of 
an internationalism which is nothing    
more than a surrender of all patriotism1
 and is at heart only a mass interest in
 rights and needs4 ,on the other hand   
all the interests and impulses that make
 internationalism necessary and possible
 seem to have their origin in the city4 
,the city represents1 with all its evil1
 the higher life and the line of        
progress4 ,progress passes through the  
city4 ,the city is the symbol of        
creativeness and achievement4           
,industrialism1 the essential spirit of 
the city1 is the condition1 normal and  
necessary we must conclude1 out of which
 the necessity of international order   
arises4 ,it is a phase of the process by
 which nations become dependent upon one
 another by being specialized and       

becoming densely populated4 ,it is also 
a factor in the cause of wars without   
and revolutions within4  ,the mood of   
the city is thus in a sense the essence 
of life1 but it is also the source of   
disease and death in the national life4 
,it is the price that is paid for       
civilization that the city tends to     
become the hardened artery of national  
life4 ,the control of the city moods by 
educational forces we may believe is one
 of the most fundamental of all the     
problems of conscious evolution4 ,it is 
the control at the fountain-head of the 
forces out of which internationalism is 
to be made that we undertake when we try
 to educate the life of the city1 with  
reference to its good and its evil4 ,the
 too rapid urbanizing of the life of    
nations1 the production1 in the cities1 
of powers too great and too rapidly     
growing to be controlled by the         
civilizing forces in a country is the   
great danger in modern life4 ,so great  
indeed are the dangers in the           

accelerated growth of industrialism in  
all the great countries and the         
increased specialization in the         
industrial life1 that something radical 
must be done1 in our view1 to           
counterbalance this movement1 and       
especially to control and to raise to   
higher levels the psychic factors of    
city life4  ,our educational work is    
serious4 ,we are trying to save         
democracy from itself--from being       
destroyed by forces which accumulate in 
the cities4 ,we must keep life from     
becoming sophisticated before its time4 
,we must prevent enthusiasm from        
degenerating into mob spirit1 and from  
becoming attached to wholly material    
interests4 ,there must be found1 in some
 way1 means of causing counter-currents 
to set in against the tide that flows so
 strongly from country to city4         
,germany's fate should teach us the     
dangers of this city life1 and show us  
how the forces that gather in the great 
cities can be turned in the direction   

either of fanatical nationalism or      
toward the lowest of all forms of       
internationalism1 in which all form of  
government is thrown down4 ,it must     
teach us also how to catch the note of  
new dominants that are concealed in the 
roar of city life1 and to make these    
prevail4  ,the control of the formation 
of the city moods1 and the direction and
 utilization of the great energies      
contained in them1 now require1 if ever 
anything were demanded of conscious     
creative effort1 more power on the part 
of all our educational factors4 ,the    
school appears now to be at the parting 
of the ways1 we say1 when it must either
 settle down to its routine and limited 
occupation of preparing children for    
life1 or become a far greater power in  
the world than it has as yet been4 ,we  
must decide whether the school is to    
control1 or to be controlled by1 the    
political and industrial forces of the  
day4 ,we must see whether the school is 
going to reflect the culture and the    

moods of the environment1 or whether the
 school shall exert a creative influence
 upon its surroundings4  ,it is plain   
that nothing less than a radical change 
in the school can now greatly alter its 
position1 and release it from its       
bondage to politics and from the        
overwhelming influences of its          
environment1 and prevent the leveling   
downward and the stereotyping process   
that is taking place in the school1 both
 as regards its intellectual and moral  
product and the training and selection  
of teachers4 ,nothing less than a       
movement which shall break up some of   
the deepest and most firmly rooted      
habits and conventions of the school and
 throw the school back1 so to speak1    
upon more generic and primitive motives 
than those that now control it will be  
sufficient4 ,the school needs more than 
anything else a change of scene--a      
change of venue1 if a legal term be     
allowed4 ,the school everywhere1 but    
especially the school of the city1 is   

surrounded by influences that prejudice 
it to fixed habits of thought and keep  
it true to a type which has long since  
ceased to be necessary4 ,the school is  
causing an in-breeding of the city      
spirit in all the great industrial      
countries4  ,no single change in any    
institution1 in our view1 could strike  
closer to the roots of our whole        
educational problem of the future than  
the bodily transfer of the city school  
far out into the open country4 ,such a  
move seems wholly practicable1 economic 
from every point of view1 even the      
financial1 and it would place the school
 in a position in which profound changes
 in its whole plan and organization     
could hardly fail to follow almost      
automatically4 ,with our present        
facilities for transportation1 the daily
 exodus of children from the            
surroundings in which are being produced
 the elements of our civilization that  
are hardest to control would be entirely
 possible4 ,the effects upon the whole  

of education1 and upon all the future   
life of countries like our own could    
hardly fail to be profound4 ,the        
fundamental moods of childhood would be 
changed1 and everything contained in    
child life would be more amenable to    
control4 ,schools would become more     
variable and more experimental1 and new 
selective influences would be exerted   
upon teachers presumably in the         
direction of raising the social and     
intellectual average of the profession4 
,a much larger field would be opened up 
for all those methods of work in        
education that may be designated as     
sthetic--that is1 that contain qualities
 of freedom1 activity and creativeness4 
,,vi4 ,idea of ,world ,organization     
,some form of organization of nations   
having definite representation1         
constitution1 and laws1 and with a      
certain degree of centralization and    
embodiment in visible institutions and  
locations will exist1 we may suppose1   
for all future time in the world4 ,the  

existence1 even in idea1 of such        
organization presents to us inevitable  
educational problems4 ,instruction in a 
general way and universally in world    
politics1 familiarizing all with the    
meaning of these laws and political     
bodies1 is but a part1 although a       
necessary part1 of the work4 ,our       
democratic principle demands that more  
and more interest and participation in  
all forms of government be acquired by  
the people1 that peoples and not merely 
governments shall be the units which are
 brought together1 that there be more   
organizations of the people performing  
group functions4 ,if the loyalty of     
nations to one another is to be secured1
 as seems necessary1 by establishing    
practical relations among them1 the     
education of the coming generations in  
these relations and organizations and in
 all practical affairs seems            
unavoidable4 ,the people must have a    
proper appreciation of common interests 
as implying common work1 and not be     

encouraged to believe that rights of    
representation are their chief concern4 
,all must know the power of             
organization4 ,all must see that the    
international structures of our own day1
 however complete in form1 are but a    
beginning and basis of function1 and    
that there must be put behind these     
forms all the energies of the people1   
young and old1 made effective through   
organization for practical efforts4  ,it
 is through participation in activities 
that are international in scope that1 in
 our opinion1 the best education in the 
idea of internationalism will be        
obtained4 ,this is the way to the good  
will without which political ideas will 
be likely to remain nationalistic in    
fact whatever political cordinations may
 exist among nations4 ,it is as a       
practical idea that internationalism    
needs now to be impressed upon the minds
 of all4 ,an international organization 
must be looked upon as something useful1
 which will remain only if it performs  

functions in which all are interested   
and in which all can in some way take   
part4 ,it is a sense of living in the   
world rather than of belonging          
exclusively to one locality that must be
 taught4 ,it is the idea of a world of  
nations in organic unity rather than a  
world of nations attached to one another
 by political bonds that we need to     
convey4  ,it is active participation in 
the business of a world that must be    
regarded as the necessary basis for     
education in the idea of                
internationalism4 ,world government must
 be conceived in terms of world         
functions4 ,but we must also provide for
 the most dramatic possible             
representation of everything contained  
in the idea of internationalism and     
represented in its laws and forms4 ,the 
most vivid possible presentation must be
 made of everything that is done        
internationally1 if we wish to keep     
alive the spirit which now prevails in  
the world4 ,we must lose no opportunity 

to make current history impressive2 we  
must bring out all its dramatic features
 in order to fixate once for all the    
idea of the organic unity of the race1  
and its necessary cordination in        
tangible forms4 ,international law must 
be made intelligible to very young      
minds1 and now that we are to have an   
international seat of congresses and    
courts the utmost must be made of its   
existence to give reality to the idea of
 internationalism4  ,those who plan for 
the future of the international idea    
will do well to take into account these 
pedagogical aspects of it4 ,it is quite 
as important to make the international  
idea pedagogically persuasive as to make
 it politically sound4 ,such an idea    
must have a place and an embodiment if  
it is to seize hold upon the popular    
mind4 ,an international city seems      
indispensable1 and the further the      
thought of it can be removed from that  
of existing countries the more readily  
will it aid the young mind in making the

 abstractions necessary to conceive the 
true interests of all nations or all    
humanity as distinct from the interests 
of one nation4 ,in this we are making   
beginnings to be realized perhaps in a  
far distant future4 ,we want no         
unnatural and sentimental               
internationalism1 but there is every    
reason now for wishing to plant the seed
 of a higher and more organic life than 
at the present time exists in the world4
  ,the question of the possibility of an
 universal language arises again4 ,the  
invention of a new language1 if we may  
judge at all by the past1 is not        
practicable4 ,but the extension         
universally of some living language     
seems possible4 ,this seems to be       
demanded in the interest of the         
international idea4 ,it is desirable and
 quite possible to make all civilized   
peoples bilingual1 for of course we     
should not expect anywhere to see a     
foreign language supplant the native    
tongue4 ,it is not alone to facilitate  

intercourse and give a sense of         
solidarity that the possession of an    
universal language is to be desired4 ,we
 think quite as much of the impetus thus
 given to the production of an universal
 literature1 in which there will be     
expressed not only ideas about the      
world1 but moods which will not be found
 expressed in national literatures at   
all4 ,this literature might be the      
beginning of a solidarity in the world  
which is not now definitely conceivable4
 ,such an extension of language1        
however1 we should hardly expect to take
 place except in the course of          
development of practical relations which
 first stimulate the desire for such    
common language4   ,,vii4 ,the          
,philosophical ,attitude  ,there is an  
element in the idea and mood of         
internationalism which we can call      
nothing else but philosophic4 ,the      
ideality and universality of            
internationalism itself are expressions 
of the philosophic spirit4              

,internationalism1 we might say1 is a   
philosophic idea1 although this might   
mean to some that we place it among the 
unrealizable and ,utopian plans4 ,but   
this is not the case4 ,the philosophic  
spirit is1 in our view1 the most        
practical of moods1 since it is the     
creative1 liberal1 and progressive      
attitude and the source of the most     
profoundly right judgments even in      
practical affairs4 ,the philosophic     
spirit is a background1 we may say1 for 
all the more specific moods1 thoughts   
and activities that enter into the idea 
of internationalism4  ,and yet1 real and
 important as the philosophic spirit is1
 we cannot readily discuss it as a      
definite aspect of education4 ,the      
reason is that it involves the          
educational foundations themselves4 ,the
 spirit1 the method and the content of  
the school are all involved in it4 ,we  
can1 however1 find some concrete        
manifestations of this philosophic      
attitude4 ,in the first place we might  

say that it is a religious mood in      
education4 ,it is demanded of any school
 that hopes to play a large part in the 
affairs of the world that1 in a broad   
sense1 its whole spirit be religious4   
,the school must be deeply touched by   
the sense of a spiritual world4 ,the    
history of the world must be felt to be 
real--that is1 as an unfoldment of      
purpose in the world4 ,the values and   
the meaning of everything are to be     
appreciated and understood1 according to
 this view1 through a process of        
enrichment of the mind under the        
influence of the highest social ideals  
expressed in the most persuasive forms4 
,education thus centers in the work of  
developing the power to appreciate      
values in all experience4 ,anything1    
too1 that sustains optimistic moods     
helps to create the philosophical       
spirit1 and one function of this        
philosophic spirit is to forestall the  
cynical moods and the narrow and        
prejudiced ways of thinking which are   

among the most dangerous tendencies of  
the times4 ,the tendency to form        
judgments upon insufficient evidence and
 to act according to narrow and         
one-sided principles is incompatible    
with the philosophic attitude4  ,it is  
of course by no means the actual        
teaching of philosophy to every one1 or 
the spreading broadcast of any          
particular philosophical principle that 
one would advocate as a preventive      
culture or to cure existing evils4 ,it  
is rather a mode of living and of       
thinking throughout society and in all  
the educational process that is wanted4 
,what we need is a better quality of    
mental product1 more capacity to        
penetrate into the heart and substance  
of experience1 greater responsiveness to
 good influences1 greater ability to    
judge values1 and a more plastic and    
more freely flowing mental life4 ,these 
are of course large demands and imply   
faith and an interest in a remote       
future4 ,but a school which is religions

 through and through in its attitude    
toward life and is deeply touched by the
 influence of art in all its ways of    
dealing with the child will go a long   
way toward fulfilling the requirements  
of an education in the spirit of        
philosophy4  ,such conclusions as these 
might at least serve1 we should suppose1
 as a working hypothesis1 upon the basis
 of which we may consider in detail a   
variety of questions of the day4 ,new   
problems have arisen before the eyes of 
the teacher1 and indeed obtrude         
themselves upon all who must take part  
in the practical life of others4 ,some  
of these problems are due to changed    
external relations of countries to one  
another4 ,some are problems of internal 
adjustment and reconstruction4 ,at least
 they may so be classified for purposes 
of discussion4 ,in reality all changes  
are too closely bound up with one       
another to allow us to treat them       
practically as independent4 ,no nation  
any longer stands alone4                

,internationalism is an idea that       
penetrates all other practical ideas4   
,and no internal problems of any nation 
can be wholly local4 ,the world is in a 
peculiar but also an inspiring way at   
the present time a single field of labor
 for the educational thinker and indeed 
the teacher in every field of human     
life4     ,,chapter ,,iv  ,,peace ,,and 
,,militarism   ,among the many          
pedagogical questions raised and given  
new significance by the war1 is that of 
the teaching about war and about peace4 
,this is a question of ideals1 and of   
values and the teaching of history4     
,there are practical and superficial    
questions to be considered4 ,there are  
also more profound problems1 since all  
our teaching of good and evil is        
implicated4 ,shall we continue1 in one  
moment1 to assume that war is the       
greatest glory in the world1 and in the 
next to condemn it as the greatest of   
evils8 ,shall we as teachers take the   
standpoint of pacifism8 ,or shall we be 

still apostles of the heroic order8     
,this is really no simple matter1 and it
 is not one to be laid aside1 directly  
it begins to disturb us1 as unimportant4
 ,no one passing through the experiences
 of the past four years can have wholly 
escaped this dilemma1 or can have kept  
himself entirely aloof from the doubts  
and perplexities that must always be    
attached to religious and philosophical 
problems of good and evil4 ,these doubts
 and hesitations are necessarily        
increased when we try to become         
consistent teachers and wise counselors 
of the young4  ,it would be of          
psychological interest at least to      
collect all the arguments and opinions  
that have been put forth about the good 
and evil of war4 ,there is a tendency   
for moralists to go to extremes4 ,the   
writers on war are likely to be either  
ardent pacifists or strong militarists4 
,they do not try to strike a balance    
between good and evil1 but war is either
 a great blessing upon mankind or the   

greatest curse of the ages4 ,in general 
they do not seek to base their          
conclusions upon ultimate philosophical 
principles1 but rather upon moral or    
biological principles1 or1 again1 upon  
preferences for the activities of war or
 the arts of peace4 ,how very different 
the good and evil of war and peace may  
seem from different points of view is   
well shown by the following excerpt from
 a daily newspaper3                     
,a ,,deadly ,,parallel   ,,this ,,is    
,,the ,,way ,,germany ,,talks     ,,this
 ,,is ,,what ,,the ,,scout  ,,to ,,young
 ,,boys ,,of ,,scout ,,age              
,,organization ,,teaches ,,american     
,,boys                                  
,from the ,handbook for ,boys1          
#agth edition1 page #ded4               
,war is the noblest and           ,the  
movement is one for  holiest expression 
of human       efficiency and           
patriotism4 ,it  activity4 ,for us1 too1
 the        does not try to make        
soldiers  glad great hour of battle     

of boy scouts1 but to make  will strike4
 ,still and deep       boys who will    
turn out as men  in the ,german heart   
must live     to be fine citizens1 and  
who  the joy of battle and the          
will if their country needs  longing for
 it4 ,let us            them make better
 soldiers for  ridicule to the utmost   
the        having been scouts4 ,no one  
old women in breeches who         can be
 a good ,american unless  fear war and  
deplore it as        he is a good       
citizen1 and  cruel and revolting4 ,no2 
war      every boy ought to train  is   
beautiful4 ,its august          himself 
so that as a man he  sublimity elevates 
the human      will be able to do his   
full  heart beyond the earthly and      
duty to the community4 ,i want  the     
common4 ,in the cloud          to see   
the boy scouts not  palace above sit the
 heroes1      merely utter fine         
sentiments1  ,frederick the ,great and  
but act on them1 not merely  ,blucher   
and all the men of        sing ',my     

,country1 ',tis of  action--the ,great  
,emperor1        ,thee1' but act in a   
way that  ,moltke1 ,roon1 ,bismarck are 
will give them a country to  there as   
well1 but not the        be proud of4   
,no man is a good  old women who would  
take away     citizen unless he so acts 
as  our joy in war4 ,when here on       
to show that he actually uses  earth a  
battle is won by          the ,ten      
,commandments1 and  ,german arms and the
 faithful      translates the ,golden   
,rule  dead ascend to ,heaven1 a        
into his life conduct--and ,i  ,potsdam 
lance corporal will       don't mean by 
this  call the guard to the door        
exceptional cases under  and ',old      
,fritz' 7,frederick        spectacular  
circumstances1  the ,great71 springing  
from        but ,i mean applying the    
,ten  his golden throne1 will give      
,commandments and the ,golden  the      
command to present arms4      ,rule in  
the ordinary affairs  ,that is the      
,heaven of ,young       of everyday     

life4 ,i hope the  ,germany4            
boy scouts will practice                
truth and square dealing and  ,because  
only in war all the      courage and    
honesty1 so that  virtues which         
militarism          when as young men   
they begin  regards highly are given a  
taking a part not only in  chance to    
unfold1 because         earning their   
own livelihood1  only in war the truly  
heroic      but in governing the  comes 
into play1 for the          community1  
they may be able  realization of which  
on earth     to show in practical       
fashion  militarism is above all        
their insistence upon the  concerned2   
therefore1 it          great truth that 
the eighth  seems to us who are filled  
and ninth commandments are  with the    
spirit of militarism     directly       
related to everyday  that war is a holy 
thing1 the     life1 not only between   
men as  holiest on earth1 and this      
such in their private  high estimate of 
war in its       relations1 but between 

men  turn makes an essential            
and the government of which  ingredient 
of the military        they are a part4 
,indeed1 the  spirit4 ,there is nothing 
that     boys1 even while only boys1    
trades-people complain of so      can   
have a very real effect  much as that we
 regard it as      upon the conduct of  
the  holy4                              
grown-up members of the                 
community1 for decency and              
square dealing are just as              
contagious as vice and                  
corruption4  ,the praise of war takes   
many forms1 and invokes many fundamental
 principles--ethical1 sthetic1          
biological1 sociological4 ,from         
,leibnitz' saying that perpetual peace  
is a motto fit only for a graveyard to  
,moltke's that peace is only a dream and
 not even a beautiful dream1 there is a 
long list of defenses of war4 ,this     
philosophy of war is by no means        
peculiarly ,german1 although ,german    
writers seem to have been the most      

ardent apologists of war in recent      
times4 ,treitschke1 ,schmitz 7#bi71     
,scheler 7#gg71 ,nusbaum 7#hf71 ,arndt1 
,steinmetz1 ,lasson1 ,engelbrecht1      
,schoonmaker1 all sing the praises of   
war as the most glorious work of man1 or
 as performing for civilization some    
noble good4 ,even ,hegel said that wars 
invigorate humanity just as the storm   
preserves the sea from putrescence4     
,but this praise of war1 we say1 is by  
no means exclusively ,german4           
,thucydides thought war a noble school  
of heroism1 the exercise ground of the  
nations4 ,to ,mohammed and his ,arabs   
war seemed not only in itself a heroism1
 we are told1 but a divine act4 ,this   
belief in war as divine is an idea that 
is very wide-spread among primitive     
peoples4 ,cramb1 the ,english writer1   
says that it is very easy to demonstrate
 that the glory of battle is an         
illusion1 but by the same argument you  
may demonstrate that all glory and life 
itself is an illusion and a mockery4    

,redier says that the war has brought us
 all the noble joys so necessary to     
stimulate mankind1 and one no longer    
finds happiness1 therefore1 in sleeping 
comfortably1 but only in living bravely4
  ,there is no lack1 indeed1 of         
recognition of the heroic motive in war4
 ,sometimes the argument appeals to     
religion1 sometimes to art1 sometimes to
 morality4 ,sometimes the advocates of  
war are thinking of war as the great    
adventure4 ,war and the thought of war  
induce an ecstasy1 a glow of the        
feelings4 ,war is thought of as an      
expression of normal1 healthy life1 as  
making life more abundant and more      
beautiful4 ,war brings out fundamental  
virtues in the individual2 it also      
destroys the weaker and the meaner race 
and leaves the strong and the virtuous4 
,struggle1 they say1 is the method of   
civilization4 ,again1 it is urged that  
war is always just in its issues4 ,like 
the old ordeal which always registered  
the decrees of heaven1 war is the just  

arbiter of fate4 ,the saving of the     
world through bloodshed1 the uniting of 
the world through war1 war as the great 
teacher of mankind1 war as the creator  
of great personalities--all these are   
persistent themes in the literature of  
war4 ,there is no place for the pacifist
 in the minds of these apologists of the
 heroic order4 ,the crises of war are   
historic necessities2 they come when it 
is time to release people from the      
bondage of the past and to bring        
individualistic generations back to the 
sense of duty and of loyalty to great   
causes4 ,this is the belief of many1    
even now4  ,on the other side we find   
the great variety of pacifistic minds4  
,war to the pacifists is wrong1 unholy1 
morally sinful1 biologically and        
economically and in every other way     
evil4 ,the conscientious objector's     
point of view is very simple4 ,war      
antagonizes some principle which is     
religiously or morally supreme for him4 
,therefore there can be no justification

 of war whatever1 and it ought to be    
abolished at any price4 ,when you ask   
the objector to go to war1 you invite   
him to commit a flagrant sin4 ,the      
,english literature of pacifism is full 
of this moral and religious protestation
 against war which in the minds of the  
objectors becomes a finality beyond     
which it is futile to ask them to go4   
,the psychological and the biological   
pacifists are hardly less emphatic in   
their condemnation of war4 ,the         
biological thinker undertakes to refute 
the theory that war is selective4 ,he   
counts the cost of war in terms of human
 life and of racial vitality1 and       
produces a condemning document4 ,that   
war indeed selects but selects          
unfavorably and in an adverse direction 
is the conclusion of many1 among them   
,savorgnan in his book ,la ,guerra e la 
,populazione1 in which he calls war     
dysgenic4 ,the psychologist tends to see
 in war a reversion1 a lapse to         
barbarism4 ,war is a product of the     

original savage in man1 whom            
civilization has never tamed1 as ,freud 
would say4 ,war lingers because of man's
 love of old institutions4 ,we cling to 
old habits and customs1 which take on a 
semblance of the sthetic1 because of    
their antiquity and old associations4   
,this is the explanation by ,nicolai4   
,russell thinks men fight because they  
are still ignorant and despotic4        
,patrick thinks of war as a slip in the 
psychic machinery4 ,mac,curdy 7#cg7 and 
others think of war as a mental or a    
social disease4  ,upon the hardships of 
war1 its economic futility and its sheer
 senselessness1 when looked at from the 
standpoint of any rational desire1 many 
base their conclusion that war is evil4 
,the working man and all the masses are 
likely to concur in this opinion4 ,when 
they examine war they see that they     
themselves as they think are used in the
 interest of the few1 that they shed    
their blood for a glory in which they do
 not share4 ,they say1 all men are      

brothers1 and so why should they kill   
one another4 ,men seem more real to them
 than do boundaries of countries which  
they never see1 and the interests of    
wealth that is also invisible4  ,such   
thought as this has behind it some of   
the most powerful minds1 as we know4 ,it
 is ,tolstoi's philosophy1 and it is the
 argument of such men as ,novicow4 ,the 
professional economist and the student  
of history add their protests4 ,they say
 that military peoples fade away1 while 
the peaceful live and prosper1 that the 
country whose military power is         
irresistible is doomed4 ,these are the  
words of ,roberts4 ,some try to         
demonstrate that nothing is gained      
economically by war2 that all the work  
of war is destructive1 to every one     
engaged in it4 ,it is argued that the   
nation that is suited to live will      
prevail without wars2 and that without  
this inner superiority1 war will avail  
nothing4 ,war is bad business1 in the   
opinion of these economic thinkers4 ,war

 is like setting the dog on the customer
 at the door1 the practical man in      
,england complained at the beginning of 
the present war4 ,as to war being       
associated with intelligence and with   
virtue in nations1 or as to its ever    
producing either intellectual or moral  
qualities1 many would flatly deny that  
war ever has such a result4 ,the        
opposite would seem nearer the truth to 
them4 ,military nations are             
unintelligent nations1 and militarism is
 always brutalizing4  ,such pacifism and
 the dream of universal peace are no new
 ideas in the world4 ,like the          
philosophy of war pacifism has a long   
history4 ,there have been pacifists     
everywhere and presumably at all times1 
since pacifism is quite as much a       
temperament as it is an idea or a       
philosophy4 ,cramb tells us that all    
recent centuries have had their         
doctrines of pacifism1 each century     
having its own characteristic variety4  
,in the time of the ,marlborough wars1  

there appeared the book of ,abb de ,st4 
,pierre denouncing all wars4 ,in the    
middle of the nineteenth century there  
is the doctrine of the ,manchester      
school1 maintaining that the peace of   
,europe must be secured not by religion1
 but by the coperation of the industrial
 forces of the continent4 ,finally1 says
 ,cramb1 we see the characteristic      
thought of the twentieth century in the 
position that war is bad because it is  
contrary to social well-being and is    
economically profitless1 alike to the   
victor and the vanquished4 ,this is the 
pacifism of the socialist who holds that
 the ties of common labor and economic  
state are fundamental1 and divisions    
into nationality are secondary and      
unimportant2 and that militarism belongs
 to the pernicious state of society     
which perpetuates capitalism and        
privilege and to government as a        
function of the favored classes4  ,this 
is certainly not the place to try to put
 order into this conflicting mass of    

opinion about war and peace by working  
out the principles of a philosophy of   
good and evil1 since this would mean to 
attack one of the most fundamental of   
all problems of philosophy4 ,it seems to
 be plain1 however1 that neither upon   
biological grounds nor by ethical       
principles1 nor by finding any consensus
 in the desires and opinions of thinkers
 can we reach any hard and fast         
conclusions about the good and evil of  
war4 ,it is rather by a broad           
interpretation of the world and of      
history and the nature of national      
consciousness1 by some genetic view of  
national life1 that we are most likely  
to see our way toward a practical view  
of the present good and evil of war4    
,war is a phase of the whole process of 
social development of nations4 ,we think
 of nations as living and growing1 and  
of a world which is gradually maturing4 
,war obtains a natural explanation on   
sociological and psychological          
principles1 not as a disease1 but as a  

natural consequence and condition of the
 formation of nations1 or of any type of
 horde or group4 ,in the course of the  
development of nations we see           
psychological factors coming more and   
more to the front4 ,desires which are   
more or less consciously avowed become  
the motives of history4 ,it is in the   
play of these desires3 their fixation1  
their generalization1 and               
transformation1 the manner in which they
 become attached to specific objects1   
that we seek the explanation of wars and
 of the especial psychology of nations4 
,nations have lived secluded and guarded
 lives1 because of the nature of the    
desires which were most fundamental in  
their lives1 and the objects upon which 
these desires have become directed4 ,now
 nations show some signs of emerging    
from their seclusion1 of abandoning     
their ambitions of empire1 and leading a
 more complex and more practical life4  
,in this progress we see the possibility
 of the final disappearance of war4 ,but

 we have no right to pervert either     
history or education in the effort to   
eliminate war1 or even to pass judgments
 upon war prematurely or upon the basis 
of personal preferences1 or the moods of
 any moment4 ,the whole world might1    
conceivably1 be brought together and be 
made to declare solemnly that there     
should be no more war4 ,nations would   
thereby voluntarily relinquish their    
aggressive thoughts1 put aside the love 
they have for the heroic and take       
justice and peace as their watchwords4  
,and all this would seem ideal4 ,but if 
the elimination of war should mean that 
we have no longer anything for which men
 are willing to die1 if merely to escape
 from war we voluntarily sacrifice good 
that more than counterbalances the evil 
we overcome1 we should say that peace   
had been bought at too high a price4    
,terrible as war is1 it cannot be judged
 by itself alone4 ,we have a right to   
look forward to a time when there shall 
be no more war1 just as everywhere it   

seems to be instinctive for us to try to
 gain good without its attendant trouble
 and evil4 ,in the meantime the world   
had best busy itself1 mainly1 in our    
view1 with creating those things that   
are best1 rather than in destroying     
those things that are worst4 ,nations1  
like individuals1 must lead bravely     
hazardous lives1 without too much       
thought of dangers4 ,peace as a sole    
program for the making of history       
appears to be too narrow1 and especially
 too unproductive4 ,internationalism    
that is merely a combination of peoples 
to prevent war is not very inspiring1   
especially since it is doubtful whether 
it even leads to peace4 ,a broad        
historical view that will enable us just
 now to make good come out of the evil  
of war will be a better organ of        
conscious evolution than a philosophy of
 peace can possibly be4  ,such views as 
these give us at least some clews to the
 educational and pedagogical problems of
 war and peace4 ,we can distinguish     

between an education which deals        
specifically with such problems1        
endeavoring to treat them sharply and   
with finality1 making clear moral       
decisions1 and an education which by    
enriching the mind and by educating all 
the selective faculties leads to an     
appreciation of all great practical and 
moral questions as aspects of the whole 
of history and of life4  ,let us see    
what the specific teaching of peace may 
and may not include4 ,first of all we   
cannot1 for educational purposes1 judge 
everything in the lives of nations by   
moral principles4 ,the ideal of         
universal brotherhood and coperation1 of
 sacrifice and altruism1 cannot be      
realized in the present stage of        
history4 ,on the other hand1 the stern  
picture of justice is one that fits into
 the present mood of the world4 ,justice
 is the natural link between            
individualism and altruism4 ,a world    
determined upon seeing justice done1 a  
world which1 without setting absolute   

values upon peace and war1 does         
distinguish between just and unjust     
wars1 between the demands and the needs 
of peoples1 leans toward the moral life4
 ,it has little to say about duties as  
yet1 or comparatively little1 but it has
 a strong conception of rights4 ,a deep 
enough interest in justice1 by its own  
momentum1 introduces duties into the    
practical life4 ,in time the world will 
perhaps not be satisfied with seeing and
 recognizing justice1 and ensuring it in
 great crises2 it will make justice as a
 matter of course4  ,this idea of       
justice seems1 on the whole1 to be the  
best basis for the teaching now of      
international morality4 ,the teaching of
 pacifism1 enlarging upon the biological
 waste of war1 trying to present the    
realism of war in its worst light in    
order to overcome the warlike spirit and
 to assist the doctrines of             
internationalism to take effect upon the
 mind seems to be the wrong way of      
teaching peace4 ,we seem to be obligated

 to teach war as it is4 ,we cannot      
conceal its heroic side for fear of     
perpetuating war1 and we must not       
conceal the brutality of war for fear of
 destroying morale and the fighting     
spirit4 ,and it is to be much doubted   
whether it is ever necessary to teach   
history unfairly and one-sidedly in     
times either of war or of peace4 ,we    
depend upon larger effects and deeper   
judgments than can be produced by       
selecting and distorting the facts4     
,nothing is meaner in national life than
 dishonest history4  ,education in the  
ideal of peace1 which we may hope to be 
the state of the world in the future1   
will be an adjustment of the mind to new
 and practical modes of life rather than
 the establishing of a principle4 ,the  
educated attitude of mind which will    
best safeguard the peace of the world   
must include an intelligent knowledge of
 all the agencies proposed to aid in    
establishing this state of harmony      
toward which we look forward4 ,we must  

all know about arbitration1 leagues of  
nations1 courts of honor1 understand    
diplomacy better and the arguments for  
disarmament1 understand the economic and
 the industrial situation1 the          
possibilities of coperation1 reduction  
of the rights and privileges of classes1
 democratic movements4 ,the inculcation 
of such knowledge is an education for   
peace4 ,there is little that is abstruse
 in any of these ideas1 and the very    
young child is not too young to know    
something of these wider aspects of the 
social life4 ,all these may be presented
 in a concrete form as a part of the    
work of conveying a knowledge of current
 history4  ,we may think of various     
cures for war1 and various efforts that 
might be made educationally to prevent  
war4 ,peace might effectually be        
cultivated by an educational propaganda4
 ,but after all it is not such cures of 
war as this that we are most concerned  
about in the work of education4 ,we     
might even tend to establish in this way

 a peace which would be detrimental to  
the higher interests of civilization4 ,a
 true educational philosophy1 at any    
rate1 is not to be dislodged from its   
purpose of keeping education            
constructive rather than inhibitory4    
,this institution of education must not 
be too much influenced by the temporary 
moods of the day1 by the present gloomy 
evidences of the devastation of war4 ,we
 must teach and prepare for an abundant 
life in which there is glory and wide   
opportunity1 and in which the motives of
 power may be satisfied4 ,then peace can
 take care of itself4 ,but this abundant
 life must be a life of activity1 not of
 mere patriotism and subjective         
glorification and nationalistic         
interest4 ,vanity1 the low order of     
enthusiasms1 the glory of display1 can  
no longer have a place in this national 
life4  ,there appears to be a           
pedagogical lesson in the contrast      
between the heroic and the moral view of
 teaching war and peace illustrated by  

the ,german philosophy of war and the   
ideal of the ,boy ,scout organization4  
,deducting something for literary       
exaggeration1 we may say that education 
cannot afford to neglect either of these
 attitudes1 but must indeed in some way 
combine them4 ,the exaggeration consists
 on one side in praising the specific   
act of war2 but on the other side there 
is plainly lacking something of the     
dramatic appeal which any ideal life for
 the young must have4 ,war is an evil1  
but the spirit that makes war is by no  
means an evil4 ,the philosophy of war   
proves its failure by ignoring the moral
 ideal altogether1 or regarding morality
 as something solely national1 but the  
other1 it may be1 puts the moral ideal  
in a pedagogically impossible position4 
,both the content and the form must be  
taken into account in any educational   
plan that hopes to exert power or to be 
influential in any important way now1   
and it is the form which1 more than     
anything else1 is still lacking in our  

whole procedure of education4           
,preparedness and ,military ,training   
,military training has now of course    
become a practical question with us and 
with every nation4 ,it is the military  
use of military education that must     
first of all be considered4 ,for that   
reason it must primarily be a problem   
upon which political authorities and    
military experts must decide4 ,these    
experts must be competent to tell us    
what military equipment is necessary at 
any time to meet the requirements of our
 political situation1 and they must be  
able to advise about the amount and kind
 of actual military training necessary  
to make this physical equipment most    
effective4 ,all this1 plainly1 must be  
provided whether it be good or bad from 
a general educational standpoint4 ,but  
preparedness and national defense mean1 
of course1 more than the possession of  
guns and more than military training as 
such4 ,and there can be no hard and fast
 line between military preparedness and 

the wider technical preparedness in     
which all the equipment and skill of    
scientific and mechanical activities of 
the country are always ready to be      
mobilized in the defense of it2 or      
between these and the still more general
 preparedness through the organization  
and control of the human factor in ways 
that are not specifically military or   
mechanically technical at all4  ,if     
preparation for defense is by no means  
exhausted by military training1 on the  
other hand not all military training is 
intended for defense4 ,decision about   
the actual amount and kind of military  
training1 we say1 may be left to the    
expert1 but it is for the psychologist  
and the educator to decide whether we   
need a mere minimum of such training or 
a general military training for         
educational purposes4 ,after all1       
however1 this is perhaps more a matter  
of taste in educational practices than  
of learning4 ,there is plenty of opinion
 at least on both sides4 ,some maintain 

that military discipline is of very     
great benefit to the man and to society4
 ,from the ,german point of view it is  
the equivalent of hygiene for the       
individual4 ,it is a national regimen   
for physical and mental health4 ,it is  
also the symbol and the expression of   
social solidarity4 ,many believe that   
the discipline of soldiering would be   
especially good for all ,american boys4 
,but there is no dearth of evidence on  
the other side--that military training  
in so far as it is really conducted in  
the military manner is brutalizing4     
,after all1 we say this may be a matter 
of preference4 ,some like military      
discipline in the schools and           
everywhere2 some do not4 ,the present   
writer for one will confess that he does
 not4 ,it is not the danger of making a 
people warlike that one sees in it1 so  
much as the certainty of introducing    
into all the daily life a spirit that is
 inconsistent with our stage of         
civilization and with the most wholesome

 spirit of education4 ,it savors of the 
unprogressive4 ,it means1 in our        
opinion1 the introduction into the      
school1 in a far too easy and simple    
way1 and consequently at far too low a  
level1 something that ought to be put   
into education in a different manner4   
,the sense of solidarity and the        
idealism which the ,german has found in 
his military discipline we must express 
in some other way4 ,it is especially the
 unproductiveness of military life1 and 
the constant suggestion of that which is
 archaic without either the practical   
setting or the ornamental life to which 
such things belong1 that are especially 
to be charged against militarism4  ,we  
ought to ask1 rather1 how peace morale1 
and the essentials of the warlike spirit
 may be maintained without military     
training4 ,is it not rather by way of   
the more general and untechnical        
processes of education which make for   
physical expertness1 by fundamental     
social education1 by giving attention to

 our foundations of religious education1
 that we shall be able to create and    
sustain the most efficient morale8 ,the 
best foundation for all necessary       
military activities of a free people    
appears to be a by-product1 so to speak1
 of peaceful life sustained at a high   
point of efficiency and enthusiasm4     
,military training disconnected from its
 immediate use and application in war   
must appear to some and indeed to many  
as a misfit in modern civilized life4   
,this is not an argument for pacifism1  
however4 ,the war has taught us that    
militarism and military capacity in high
 degree may spring up from very peaceful
 soil1 and also that military training1 
however perfect1 is no substitute for   
the generic virtues out of which courage
 and patriotism grow4 ,in the long run  
will it not be the country that can do  
without military training that will have
 the advantage8 ,or the country in which
 military preparedness is so merged in  
everything else as to be                

indistinguishable from the rest of life8
 ,is there not1 in a word1 a            
preparedness that will make a country   
superior and safe both in war and in    
peace8     ,,chapter ,v  ,,the          
,,teaching ,,of ,,patriotism   ,it would
 be hard to find a word 7unless it be   
democracy7 about which so many questions
 gather as now cling to the word        
patriotism4 ,patriotism is praised as   
the highest virtue2 it is also cursed as
 the cause of war4 ,some think of it as 
the sole cause of war4 ,some would like 
to see it disappear for the reason that 
they believe it at best an old and      
out-lived social virtue1 now having     
become merely ornamental and an obstacle
 to the true socialization of the world4
 ,some think patriotism still the center
 of the moral and the social life4      
,this is not the place to attempt a     
psychological analysis of patriotism1   
but we may at least try to enumerate the
 principal factors in it1 and say what  
we think patriotism as a virtue--or a   

vice--is4 ,patriotism in our view is    
normally loyalty to country as a        
functioning unit in a world of nations4 
,it is devotion to all the aspects and  
functions of a country as an historical 
entity4 ,we must think of these         
historical entities1 moreover1 as       
leading lives in which1 although their  
own ambitions for honor and greatness   
are legitimate1 there must be a         
practical recognition of the legitimacy 
of similar interests on the part of all 
other nations1 and in which the         
recognition of the common interests of  
nations is also freely made4 ,since     
nations perform no one single function  
and have no single motive of life in    
their normal state1 patriotism can be no
 devotion to a single purpose or cause4 
,such patriotism as this1 we may say1   
does not antagonize internationalism4   
,loyalty to country is loyalty to the   
functions and interests that properly   
belong to country4 ,the individual1 the 
family1 the country and all intervening 

groups and entities are natural         
formations4 ,to each of these entities  
there is due a loyalty precisely        
measured by the character of the        
functions which these entities perform4 
,this view of patriotism is plainly1    
both in its theoretical aspect and its  
practical consequences1 widely different
 from those that end in pure            
internationalism4 ,its essential feature
 is that it recognizes the validity of  
all entities and groups about which deep
 feeling has grown up4 ,this means1 of  
course1 that as criteria of social      
values these feelings are placed ahead  
of certain logical or scientific        
considerations4 ,pure internationalism  
of the intellectual type recognizes the 
validity only of the whole world group4 
,nicolai1 for example1 says that there  
is a morality and there are rights      
pertaining to the individual and to the 
whole of humanity1 but all intervening  
groups are temporary and artificial4    
,that1 certainly1 we should not agree   

with4 ,the coming greater cordination of
 the world we may suppose will deepen   
and intensify patriotism1 rather than   
diminish it4 ,the homogeneity toward    
which the biologists tell us we are     
tending and ought to approach is one in 
which1 it is likely1 still sharper      
national outlines may well appear4 ,the 
ambitions1 the functions1 and the       
culture of nations ought to be made     
clearer rather than be lost in the      
coming internationalism4 ,we shall still
 in the ,hegelian sense find our reality
 in and through the state4 ,an aroused  
sense of the function and worth of      
country will be the basis of patriotism4
 ,advancement toward internationalism   
will be made by a generalized patriotism
 rather than by outgrowing patriotism4  
,that is1 it is by passing from a       
deepened loyalty to country through a   
sense of the validity and right of the  
patriotism of all peoples that          
international social consciousness will 
be developed4  ,so all those very       

numerous views of patriotism which      
assert that it is only through a decline
 of patriotism that a rational          
international order can ever be         
established1 appear to be wrong4 ,a     
fundamental question is at issue here4  
,it concerns in part the criteria of    
valuation in the field of the social    
life4 ,the kind of cosmopolitanism and  
internationalism that demands the final 
abrogation of the sentiment of          
patriotism is1 as we have intimated1 a  
rationalistic doctrine4 ,it is an       
attempt to extend objective principles  
into the realm of social values4 ,reason
 tells us1 they say1 that we ought to   
organize universally and obliterate     
national lines4 ,reason tells us we     
should make no distinction between      
ourselves and strangers1 between enemies
 and allies4 ,but by the same           
rationalism we may break up any loyalty4
 ,patriotism is an inner1 a spiritual   
force1 and it has its roots in moods and
 forms of appreciation which have a     

certain finality about them1 for the    
reason that they are deposits from the  
whole course of human history4 ,veblen  
says it is a matter of habit to what    
particular nationality a man will become
 attached on arriving at years of       
discretion4 ,that is true1 and it is of 
course the whole secret of loyalty4 ,but
 it is not a matter of unimportance     
whether a man shall become attached to  
any country4 ,it is the dynamic power of
 loyalty that is in question1 if we     
consider its practical value4 ,loyalty  
grows because it has a use1 which is    
related to the most basic feelings4 ,it 
is not a product of reason1 and cannot  
justly be judged on purely rational     
grounds4  ,any political ideal1 or any  
plan for a world order1 that would      
minimize patriotism is unnatural4 ,the  
forms of socialism that do this and the 
laissez faire tendencies appear to have 
left out of the reckoning some of the   
modes of evaluating experience which are
 most basic4 ,we may recognize all the  

excess of provincialism in the native   
patriotism of the peasant1 and all the  
egoistic motives in the patriotism of   
the aristocrat and the militarist1 but  
still we see no place in the world for  
the man without a country4 ,it is not   
yet the workmen of the cities1 who say  
that all men are brothers1 who can lead 
us to a better social order4 ,patriotism
 must be educated1 modernized1 made more
 productive1 but certainly its work is  
not yet done4 ,it cannot be cast aside  
as something archaic and only a part of 
the ornamental and useless encumbrances 
of life4 ,it is not by weakening loyalty
 to country1 but by strengthening it1   
that internationalism will be made      
secure4 ,if patriotism fits into modern 
life like sand in the machinery1 as     
,veblen says1 we must see how patriotism
 may be made to do better service4      
,some views about patriotism which thus 
disparage it seem to be based upon a    
biological conception of it4 ,not a few 
writers apparently think of patriotism  

as a fixed trait of the human organism1 
even as a kind of mendelian character   
unrelated to other social qualities4    
,this trait antagonizes social progress1
 but it is preserved because of         
secondary values which it represents1   
such as moral or sthetic values4        
,according to these views patriotism may
 be complex1 but it acts like a unitary 
character4 ,it is subject1              
theoretically1 to selection1 but as a   
matter of fact it remains a strong      
factor in the temperament of nearly all 
races4  ,but in our view patriotism is  
something less precise than all this    
would imply4 ,it is a form in which the 
most fundamental and general of desires 
are expressed1 in becoming fixated upon 
their most natural and necessary        
objects4 ,it is an aspect of the whole  
process of development of the affective 
life4 ,leaving out patriotism 7if such a
 thing were possible7 would mean a break
 in the continuity of the social life4  
,it would leave one group of functions  

without their natural support in desire4
 ,economists sometimes seem to leave out
 of account the profound emotional      
forces and the irresistible tendencies  
which make social groups4 ,they want    
organizations without the moods and     
impulses by which alone social bodies   
are formed or sustained2 and they expect
 to see organization broken up or       
interest in it lost while all the       
conditions that keep alive the passion  
for it are intact4 ,patriotism and the  
existence of nations seem1 however1 to  
be the opposite sides of the same fact4 
,and we may assume that so long as      
nations exist1 at any rate1 patriotism  
will exist1 and one of the most         
necessary functions of public education 
will be the regulation of the motives   
and feelings which are contained in this
 sentiment4  ,patriotism is first of all
 to be considered1 then1 as a phase of  
the social life as a whole1 rather than 
as an unique emotion or a special       
variety of loyalty4 ,it is a way in     

which the sum of tendencies that enter  
into the social life become fixated upon
 certain qualities of the environment1  
or upon certain objects4 ,patriotism    
will best be understood in a practical  
way by observing its objects4           
,patriotism is a total mood2 country is 
a total object4 ,but the mood of        
patriotism expresses varied desires1 and
 the object of patriotism is a highly   
complex and variable object4 ,in being  
loyal to or devoted to country in the   
sense which we usually mean when we say 
one is patriotic1 we are devoted to at  
least the following objects3 #a7        
physical country as home2 #b7 the ways1 
customs1 standards and beliefs of the   
country2 #c7 the group of people        
constituting the nation2 and here race1 
social solidarity1 ideal constructions  
of an united people having common       
purposes and possessions enter2 #d7     
leaders2 #e7 country as an historical   
entity having rights and interests--a   
living being having experiences1 ideals 

and characteristics4 ,the educational   
problem is of course the regulation of  
the attachment of the individuals of a  
nation to these objects4 ,in one sense  
this educational problem of patriotism  
is nothing less than that of developing 
social consciousness itself4 ,it is     
precisely the task of fostering or      
creating in the child the basis of all  
loyalty4 ,given a loyal mind in the     
child and a normal environment1 we need 
to be concerned but little about the    
causes and the groups upon which that   
loyalty will expend itself1 for the     
conditions are all present for forming  
an attachment to every natural group4   
,considered generically and             
psychologically there is no patriotism1 
we say1 marked off from everything else1
 and there is no one object that excites
 patriotic loyalty4 ,all educational    
influences that strengthen attachment to
 home1 all social feeling1 devotion to  
the ways of any group and obedience to  
its standards1 respect for all law and  

authority1 all appreciation of historic 
relations1 help to develop patriotism1  
merely because country1 in these        
aspects1 is an omnipresent object to    
which the feelings thus engendered will 
automatically become to some extent     
attached4  ,the first task in the       
teaching of patriotism 7first at least  
as regards the obviousness of the need7 
is to give all children a vivid sense of
 country as physical object1 and a deep 
aesthetic appreciation of this          
object--although of course this idea of 
physical country cannot be detached from
 everything else4 ,each country has its 
different problem4 ,ours is to create a 
total country1 in the imagination of the
 young4 ,a ,german writer not long ago  
predicted that the future of ,america   
lay in the direction of breaking up into
 a little ,england1 a little ,ireland1  
and a little of the other nationalities 
here represented4 ,that particular      
danger may seem remote enough1 but in   
another way we do continue to be lacking

 in unity4 ,our patriotism has been too 
local1 and ,america1 even after the     
great war1 is to some extent still a    
collection of geographical regions4 ,new
 ,england1 the ,south1 the ,coast are   
more real to many than country as a     
whole4 ,our great distances1 and the    
impossibility of clearly imagining them 
have necessarily presented obstacles    
thus far to a unified image of country4 
,the time may come1 and perhaps soon1   
when such a divided consciousness of    
country will be a grave flaw in our     
national life4  ,it must be a serious   
function of some kind of geography to   
give reality to the idea of country1    
although of course we cannot separate   
entirely geographical from historical   
idea of country4 ,the teaching of the   
geography of the native land must be    
different from other geography4 ,native 
land must have a warmth and home feeling
 about it that other countries do not   
have1 but as yet the psychological      
conditions for this have apparently not 

been worked out4 ,with our present      
facilities in pictorial art1 the        
geographical element in the idea of     
country seems controllable4 ,the minds  
of children are exceedingly             
impressionable in this direction4       
,intensity of feeling and vividness of  
imagination are at the disposal of the  
educator4 ,the love of color1           
especially1 must be used to make lasting
 impressions upon the mind4 ,we need to 
notice also that the idea of physical   
country that enters most into patriotic 
feeling is not an idea of city streets  
but of the open country4 ,it is the     
country that inspires the strongest home
 feeling1 and it is the country that is 
the basis of the sense of changelessness
 and eternity of native land1 that is a 
strong element in patriotic sentiment4  
,this element of patriotism1 it is      
plain1 is something aesthetic4 ,it is   
not so much a moral loyalty to country  
that is inspired by the everlasting     
hills1 as an aesthetic love of it as the

 home land4 ,this aesthetic love of the 
home land is a response to such stimuli 
as the beautiful arouses everywhere4 ,it
 is susceptible1 therefore1 to all the  
influences of art--of music1 picture1   
symbol2 these must all be employed in   
teaching patriotism4 ,the theme of home 
is especially sensitive to the effects  
of music4 ,it is this idea of home1     
enlarged and enriched by pictorial      
representation of country1 deeply       
impressed and influenced by music1 and  
unified and imbued with the feeling of  
personal possession by the story of     
country that is the core of patriotic   
feeling4 ,it is the function of art1    
especially of music1 to help to make the
 home feeling of the child normal and   
enthusiastic--to raise it above the     
stage of being an anxiety of animal     
life1 as ,nicolai terms the primitive   
love of home4 ,art must help to remove  
the fears and depressions that may lurk 
in the idea of home1 which are great    
obstacles to the development of the     

higher devotions4 ,it is the lack of    
normal love of home in the city1 we     
should say1 that makes socialism and all
 forms of internationalism that breed so
 rapidly there such dangerous moods in a
 democracy4 ,without true home love1 we 
may conclude1 the wider loyalties can   
never be quite wholesome1 although they 
may be intense and fanatical4  ,the     
second element in patriotism we identify
 as the love of1 or loyalty to1 the sum 
of the customs1 beliefs1 and standards  
that make up the mores of a people4 ,a  
peculiarly perplexing educational       
problem arises1 since there are two     
opposite evils to be avoided ,we may too
 readily cultivate a spirit which either
 takes the form of a narcissistic love  
of one's own ways1 or which1            
extraverted1 so to speak1 becomes a     
fanatical ambition to impose one's own  
culture upon the world2 or1 on the other
 hand we might become too self-critical1
 too cosmopolitan1 and too receptive    
toward all foreign culture4 ,national   

conceit1 complacency and destinism face 
us in one direction1 the danger of      
losing our identity and our             
individuality and our mission in the    
other4 ,these problems of course        
confront all nations2 they are          
especially urgent in ,america1 because  
of the composite nature of our national 
life and the rapid changes that take    
place in it1 and also because of the    
ideal nature of the bond that holds us  
together4 ,we are still a somewhat      
inchoate and flowing mass of social     
elements1 imperfectly cordinated1       
manifestly1 yet deeply united by ideals 
which appeal to very deep emotions4 ,our
 work is to maintain social solidarity1 
preserve and educate certain fundamental
 qualities of our national life which   
are our real claims to individuality as 
a people4 ,these essential traits1      
perhaps because of our newness as a form
 of civilization1 appear to be less     
clearly defined1 less definitely        
represented in institutions1 and to be  

more abstract than the qualities that   
make up the essential character of other
 peoples4  ,our educational problem is1 
naturally1 different from all others4   
,we are committed to an idea of liberty4
 ,we make this principle of freedom the 
dominant in all our national life4 ,we  
have not tried1 and cannot consistently 
attempt to centralize our educational   
institutions very much1 or even allow   
our culture to become crystallized into 
a definite type1 for this would be      
almost as bad as denying our principle  
of religious freedom4 ,but we cannot1 in
 the other direction1 become too        
diversified intellectually1 and still   
less in regard to more fundamental      
aspects of life1 for this would break up
 our unity altogether1 or determine it  
more and more in the direction of       
political coercion4 ,thus far1 it       
appears1 it has been our great virtue as
 a people that we have remained united  
by emotional forces1 or by the          
suggestive power of an idea4 ,sooner or 

later we shall need to see whither our  
present tendencies lead1 and education  
must in all probability be put to work  
to control and regulate the elements    
that make for unity and for disruption  
in our life4 ,our work as educators will
 be to maintain a working harmony in the
 affective and instinctive life of the  
people4 ,we need now1 and we shall need 
more and more1 religious1 moral and     
aesthetic unity in our life as a        
nation--not a forced and superficial    
agreement1 but a deep harmony of ideals 
and moods4 ,this purpose must never be  
lost sight of by the educator4 ,it must 
be made to pervade all our educational  
philosophy and all our plans for the    
school4 ,this educational problem exists
 of course everywhere in some degree1   
and in regard to all manner of social   
groups4 ,but ,american life as a whole  
is peculiarly a growth in which diverse 
and even divergent elements must        
continue to be brought together and held
 together through the power of ideas    

which are subject to many influences4   
,diversity and differentiation are added
 as fast as the process of assimilation 
can be carried on4 ,there can be no     
closing up of differences in a final    
perfection and security4  ,must we not1 
then1 make the education of instincts   
and feelings1 and the control of the    
basic moods1 rather than the development
 and stimulation of specialization and  
differentiation our first and chief     
concern8 ,must we not do this even at a 
loss of efficiency in some directions1  
if necessary8 ,certainly we must not go 
too fast nor too far towards            
industrialism4 ,to control any tendency 
to over differentiation and             
industrialism that is now likely to     
occur we must have a broad              
humanitarianism and a humanistic ideal  
of culture 7by which we do not mean     
classicism74 ,the sharing of all        
experiences that represent our spirit   
and purpose and ,american ideas1 and    
equal opportunity to realize them1 must 

be our thought in planning our          
educational work4 ,the future of        
,america may well depend upon our power1
 or upon the power of our original idea1
 to hold people together by the         
essential moods in which our ,american  
ideas are represented4 ,the production1 
out of these elemental moods1 of common 
interests on a high level will be1 we   
take it1 the only preventive in the end 
of the growth of common interests on a  
low level1 which is always threatened in
 democracies1 and is the way democracies
 tend to destroy themselves by their    
democracy4 ,education in the            
fundamentals of industrial life1 in     
social relations1 in play and in art1 in
 religion1 is what we most need--the    
latter1 we may conclude1 most of all4   
,we must have in some way a greater     
religious unity and more religion1 not  
by attempting an impossible amalgamation
 of creeds as was promulgated by some of
 the founders of the ,new ,japan1 but by
 an education that includes and brings  

forth all that is common in religion4   
,that at least is the only kind of unity
 that offers hope finally of making a   
world safe with democracy in it4 ,this  
is not a plea for a back-to-nature      
movement1 for the simple life1 for a    
life which tends away from              
industrialism4 ,industrialism will go   
on1 if for no other reason1 because     
pastoral or agricultural peoples would  
soon be at a disadvantage in an         
industrial world as it is organized now1
 for want of rapid increase in          
population4 ,but it is implied that     
industry itself must be made suitable   
for the democratic life4 ,it means that 
we must go back of the identities of    
language and obedience to common laws1  
and take as our educational foundations 
that which ,american life is in truth   
based upon3 physical power and motor    
freedom1 the sense of liberty1 the      
colonial spirit of comradeship and      
devotion to common cause1 the ideal of  
an abundant and enthusiastic life4      

,merely becoming conscious of these and 
observing their meaning and their place 
in our national life is in itself a     
large contribution to the sources out of
 which patriotism may be drawn4 ,when   
our patriotism is sincere enough so that
 we shall be milling to sacrifice for   
country our religious intolerance and   
bigotry1 our social antipathies1 and our
 industrial advantages1 we shall have a 
morale which for peace or for war will  
be wholly sufficient4  ,must our        
ambition be to teach ,american children 
that ,american ways are the best1 and   
that these ways ought to be established 
in the world8 ,there is both an evil and
 a good1 both an absurdity and a sublime
 loyalty in the view which all nations  
have1 that their own culture and life   
are the best4 ,this conceit is in part a
 product of isolation1 and is pure      
provincialism4 ,but it is also of the   
very essence of the reality feeling and 
the sense of solidarity of peoples and  
of their loyalty to country4 ,it must   

not be dealt with too ruthlessly4 ,there
 is a primitive stratum of it that must 
remain in all peoples4 ,nations1 however
 benighted1 will not be dispossessed of 
this idea1 but experience and education 
will make nations more discriminating so
 that they can at least see what is     
essential and what is superficial in    
their own characteristics4 ,certainly   
whatever is ethical in our foundations  
we1 and all other peoples1 will be      
expected to hold to4 ,we feel it a duty 
to spread our moral truth abroad and our
 mores are necessarily right for us1 and
 this idea of rightness of mores must   
imply a desire to make them prevail in  
the world4 ,we may recognize1           
abstractly1 other standards of conduct1 
but there is something in moral belief  
which1 of course1 cannot voluntarily be 
changed1 and which must stand for the   
ultimately real in consciousness so long
 as it is held to be so by the mass of  
the people4 ,this must extend also to   
sthetic standards1 and to all final     

judgments of values to some extent4     
,for these reasons we must suppose that 
the spirit of competition among nations1
 certainly so far as it concerns the    
ambition for empires of the spirit1 must
 remain4 ,belief on the part of a people
 in the superiority of their own culture
 cannot and should not be eliminated4   
,by this spirit the good1 we may be     
sure1 will prevail1 but prevail only    
through opposition and competition4     
,there can be no real compromise in the 
field of these moral possessions and    
appreciations4 ,we must be ,americans1  
and react with ,american ideas4 ,true   
nationalists everywhere appear to       
recognize and to be guided by this      
truth4 ,we cannot voluntarily lay aside 
our own beliefs nor help believing they 
are right1 although we may see that were
 we differently situated we might change
 them4  ,there are three things at      
least1 as regards our mores that cannot 
be accomplished4 ,for this we may take  
our evidence and our warning from       

,germany4 ,culture cannot be spread by  
force1 since force does not conquer     
spirit4 ,devotion to the basic          
principles of one's civilization cannot 
rationally nor safely be extended to    
include all customs and manners1 so that
 we may assume that there is a right way
 in everything which is ours and a wrong
 way which is foreign4 ,the mores of a  
people cannot be changed or manipulated 
by education and propaganda without     
uprooting the moral structures of       
society4 ,when we begin to practice a   
,social-politik we enter upon dangerous 
ground4  ,are we not1 then1 to take the 
attitude in education that our culture  
is an experimental culture and          
represents an experimental civilization8
 ,although for us our ways and beliefs  
are final criteria of values in conduct1
 and we cannot hope or wish to free     
ourselves from them or to be guided by  
objective data1 still we put them       
forward in the spirit of the enquirer1  
rather than as eternal principles4 ,if  

this be right1 we are not to guard our  
civilization jealously1 hedge it about  
with national jealousy and bigotry but  
rather send our culture abroad on a     
mission4 ,we are to understand and to   
teach the culture of every other nation 
sympathetically1 trusting to our own    
foundations to hold firm4 ,we must be so
 fortified in our own virtue that we    
shall not be afraid to send our spirit  
abroad to compete with whatever it shall
 meet in the old world or the new4 ,this
 impulse to extend one's culture and    
philosophy is a deep one1 and we believe
 it to be well-grounded4 ,it has been   
said that the deepest impulse of        
,british imperialism has been to extend 
,english ways of thought throughout the 
world4 ,there is truth in this4 ,we may 
conclude also that unless a nation can  
feel sincerely that it is founded upon  
something that ought to endure and at   
least to have an opportunity to become  
universal1 it lacks a growth principle  
and its civilization is not very secure4

 ,certainly it lacks a great pedagogical
 advantage in all the internal work of  
education4  ,the work of the            
intellectual leaders of a people is to  
uncover this kernel of sincere belief   
and worth1 and strip nationalism at the 
same time of its encrustations of vanity
 and deception4 ,there are1 we may      
suppose1 at the bottom of every nation's
 consciousness such sincere principles  
which are entitled to a fair field in   
the competition of the civilizations and
 the cultures of the world4 ,we may be  
sure that there is ,americanism that    
needs to be taught both for the sake of 
the world and for our own sake2         
something which constitutes our best    
contribution to an experimental world in
 which the over-emphasis of all sincere 
principles can ultimately do no harm4   
,americanism1 with all the errors it may
 contain1 and all the limitations it may
 have as a universal principle is better
 for us and for all1 we may believe1    
than any dispassionate and well         

considered intellectualism1 or a        
cosmopolitanism that is based upon a    
fear of provincialism4 ,let us be       
prepared1 therefore1 to go forth not to 
conquer but to participate in the life  
of the world4  ,as regards materials by 
means of which we are to teach a        
patriotism that shall be a strong       
devotion to the mores of the nation1    
there appear to be three important      
elements4 ,we have1 first1 a literature 
which contains in part at least the     
spirit of our national life1 although it
 does so only in part4 ,secondly1 we    
have a beginning at least of an         
interpretation of ,american life through
 an ,american history that is to be     
something more than a history of        
political events1 and shall be a true   
history of the ,american people4 ,this  
history must include the history of our 
ideas and our ideals1 our literature1   
institutions1 art1 and be indeed a true 
social history4 ,this history must be   
the main source book for teaching what  

our country has meant to those who have 
lived in it1 and what these people have 
really been and done4 ,this is national 
character study4 ,character study1 a    
truly psychological and interpretative  
history1 should teach us what we are    
likely to do and what we ought to do in 
all typical situations with which we are
 likely to be confronted4 ,how far we   
are as yet from such a general knowledge
 in regard to ourselves needs hardly to 
be suggested4 ,the third element in this
 aspect of the teaching of patriotism is
 something more tangible and more       
immediately practical4 ,our ideals have 
to some extent at least been            
crystallized in our institutions1 where 
they will still further be elaborated4  
,the participation on the part of all in
 some way in these institutions is a    
part of our required training for good  
,american life4 ,a book knowledge of    
institutions is1 of course1 better than 
none at all1 but there is no reason why 
knowledge should end there4 ,all people1

 especially those now being educated1   
ought to have more direct and more      
intimate part in all the representative 
institutions of our country1 even in the
 political institutions1 and perhaps in 
them most of all4 ,americanism1 whatever
 else it may be1 must be a practical    
,americanism4 ,it must have ideals and  
clear visions1 it goes without saying1  
but it is the making and shaping of     
institutions by living in and through   
them that must be the main feature of   
our social life and of our education4   
,when the individual and the social form
 are molded and developed together1     
patriotism will be a natural phase of   
mental growth4     ,,chapter ,,vi  ,,the
 ,,teaching ,,of ,,patriotism           
7continued7   ,patriotism we thought to 
be1 in the third place1 devotion to the 
group4 ,here the problem of the teaching
 of patriotism becomes specifically a   
question of social education4 ,the      
question arises as to precisely what the
 objects of the devotion we call loyalty

 to the group are1 and what factors in  
group-consciousness need most to be     
emphasized or educated as patriotism4   
,is it race or manners or the pure fact 
of propinquity or herd contact or all   
together that are the objects of social 
desire and the feeling of solidarity8   
,race has been emphasized as the prime  
interest in group loyalty1 but there    
seems to be doubt about this4 ,at least 
there are difficulties in isolating     
anything we can call love of race4 ,we  
can never separate race from            
propinquity1 for example1 or from mores1
 or from the bonds due to common        
possession of causes4 ,race loyalty     
appears to be a primitive feeling4 ,when
 races were pure1 groups small and      
possession common1 all the elements of  
loyalty to group were present at once   
and coextensive4 ,as civilization       
progressed the bond of pure race        
lessened4 ,all races have now become    
mixed1 we are told1 and kinship in a    
group has ceased to be a fact4 ,nicolai 

maintains that race patriotism has grown
 out of family instinct1 as something   
quite separate from herd instinct1 but  
it seems likely that common interests1  
organization under necessity1 or the    
social attraction resulting from any    
common cause must have been stronger    
than any consciousness of kinship1 or   
any herd instinct as such--which may    
indeed not have existed at all4  ,it is 
this more conscious bond of function and
 propinquity at least that must be taken
 into account in the education of       
patriotism--certainly ,american         
patriotism4 ,we in ,america can hardly  
emphasize race patriotism1 without      
producing internal disruption4 ,it is   
common function that is the             
distinguishing mark of the individuals  
of a group1 rather than common origin4  
,common function1 especially subsumption
 under one ordered government1          
particularly if the purpose be that of  
securing common protection1 can plainly 
overcome all loyalty to race4 ,common   

religion antagonizes race consciousness1
 and we see therefore within nations    
races splitting up along lines of       
religious difference4 ,we see within    
races also greater antagonism and       
greater lack of common interest between 
classes than between the same classes as
 found in different races4 ,aristocrats 
everywhere1 for example1 appear to have 
greater mutual sympathy and sense of    
nearness than do the upper and lower    
classes of the same race4  ,one of our  
own urgent educational problems is that 
of overcoming race differences and of   
utilizing racial bonds for practical    
ends4 ,we try to put loyalty to group   
first1 and we assume that race          
patriotism can be supreme only among    
those who have no country worth being   
loyal to4 ,loyalty to race1 however1 has
 a pedagogical use4 ,we see it being    
employed to extend social feeling beyond
 the point to which propinquity and     
common cause can carry it4 ,it was used1
 we know1 in the propaganda and         

educational campaign by which ,german   
statesmen and historians hoped to       
develop a wider ,german consciousness4  
,the racial object in this case is      
apparently purely fictitious4 ,we see   
the same concept being used now to      
create or expand social feeling         
throughout the ,anglo-,saxon race4 ,what
 we mean mainly by ,anglo-,saxon race is
 really ,english speaking peoples1      
having common or similar mores and      
ideals4 ,it is1 of course1 by           
emphasizing and participating in common 
functions that loyalty either to an     
,anglo-,saxon union or to the total     
group in our own nation will be         
developed4 ,our own type of patriotism1 
in which there can be little or no      
racial loyalty as such1 must be built   
upon more ideal and abstract conceptions
 than that of race4 ,it is loyalty to   
group having a common idea1 we say1     
which must be the basis of ,american    
group loyalty4 ,this we must regard as  
higher than any race patriotism4 ,all   

nations are now1 as ,boutroux remarks1  
to a greater or less extent             
psychological races4 ,the factors that  
have produced them are the factors that 
have caused men to become functioning   
units4  ,this gives us a clew at least  
to a practical principle for the        
education of social loyalty4 ,we must   
secure participation on the part of the 
individual in every function that       
belongs to each group to which the      
individual himself is attached4 ,thus   
all degrees and kinds of loyalty may be 
made to exist in the same mind without  
conflict or confusion1 precisely because
 the loyalty desired is loyalty to      
people as groups or organizations having
 causes1 not to collections of          
individuals as such4  ,the teaching of  
loyalty to any cause appears to be a    
lesson in patriotism4 ,so far as        
teaching of patriotism is centered      
directly upon the production of loyalty 
to the whole group which constitutes the
 nation1 the first object must be to    

create a sense of reality of the group  
in the mind of the individual4 ,we may  
expect to do this in part by the        
teaching of geography and history in an 
adequate way1 but we must also instill  
such patriotism by inducing individuals 
to participate in nation-wide           
organizations1 which are capable of     
realizing dramatic effects4 ,the        
experiences of the war have taught us to
 see this4 ,it is organization or       
coperation for practical ends1 under    
conditions in which deep feeling is     
aroused1 that most quickly and          
effectually creates the sense of        
solidarity in great groups of           
individuals4 ,we must study the         
psychological side of this matter1 and  
see how the power and momentum that are 
so readily gained in time of need can be
 better controlled for all the routine  
purposes of education and the practical 
daily life4 ,the organization of        
national activities by means of         
voluntary associations will be likely to

 be one of the main educational methods 
of the future4 ,if we are far-seeing we 
shall try to utilize the powers of      
organization1 coperation and            
communication to overcome many          
antagonisms now existing in society4    
,war temporarily suspends class         
distinctions and many other forms of    
social dualism4 ,the reaction after the 
war may be in the direction of          
increasing all the former antagonisms4  
,to attain a strong morale and unity in 
times less dramatic than those of war is
 an educational problem1 in a wide      
sense1 but it is also a problem of the  
practical organization of all the social
 life4  ,all nation-wide affiliations of
 children which in any way cross-section
 classes or antagonistic interests of   
any kind tend to create materials out of
 which patriotic sentiment is made4 ,the
 school itself has tended to produce    
social unity1 but it has also tended to 
level downward1 and also to mediate     
associations which do not touch upon the

 activities and interests and           
differences of society4 ,our schools are
 democratic by default of social        
interest in them1 so to speak4 ,we need 
organizations that shall level upward   
and to a greater extent involve the     
home4 ,then we shall see how democratic 
and how unified our social life really  
is4 ,these organizations must be both   
democratic and practical4 ,they must    
engage the interests of all classes4 ,we
 know little as yet about the potential 
power1 both for practical accomplishment
 and for the building of a higher type  
of loyalty and patriotism1 there may be 
in wide organization4 ,here we can best 
combine the initiative and spirit that  
usually come from the upper classes with
 the great powers of achieving aggregate
 results inherent in the people as a    
whole4 ,if we are to have a nation which
 shall be a unit1 the people as a whole 
must have practical interests that      
require daily exertion and attention4   
,they must be not merely united in      

spirit as a people1 but united in common
 tasks that are definite and real4      
,devotion to the functions of the people
 is loyalty to the nation4 ,this we     
should say is but an elaboration of the 
old colonial spirit of coperation1 when 
merely living in a community meant a    
certain daily service to all the        
community4 ,we must continue to do now  
more consciously and with more          
technique1 so to speak1 what was once   
done more spontaneously and in a more   
primitive way4 ,it is thus that the idea
 of neighbor might extend throughout the
 country as a whole4 ,all the materials 
are at hand for an unlimited development
 of the practical life4 ,the sense of   
solidarity and the comradeship and      
helpfulness that grow naturally in a    
small community1 where conditions are   
hard and dangers imminent1 we must still
 maintain in a great nation by          
organization4 ,this is at heart an      
educational problem4 ,it is a work of   
national character building4 ,it is     

training in patriotism4  ,in this1 as in
 all other phases of education now1 we  
must consider how the great energies    
hidden in the sthetic experiences can be
 put to use4 ,the sthetic1 especially in
 its dramatic form1 is a power to be    
reckoned with4 ,interest1 organization1 
moral obligation do not control or      
release all the energies contained in   
the social life4 ,we need the high moods
 of dramatic situations to reach the    
most fundamental motives4 ,the teacher  
must not only present ideas2 he must    
generate power4 ,and this is true of all
 efforts to employ for any end the      
interests of the people1 old or young4  
,the social life1 if it is to be        
effective1 must constantly be brought   
under the influence of dramatic stimuli4
 ,dillon1 a political writer1 earnestly 
pleads for an extension and deepening of
 the sympathies of children1 and says   
that patriotic sentiment must be        
engrafted upon the sensitive soul of the
 child4 ,no one could refuse to admit   

this4 ,the question1 however1 is of ways
 and means4 ,in our view it is mainly   
through play1 or better1 art1 that the  
soul of the child is thus made          
sensitive4 ,a dramatic social life must 
be the main condition upon which we     
depend for thus extending and deepening 
the sympathies of the child4  ,among    
these dramatic social effects we seek1  
the use of national holidays1 all       
methods of symbolizing events1 causes1  
or functions which are nationally       
significant are of course not to be     
ignored1 but after all it is through    
practical activity made social and      
raised to dramatic expression or        
feeling1 either by its own inherent idea
 and suggestive power1 or by the        
addition of sthetic elements1 that      
loyalty to the greater group and its    
functions will best be educated4 ,it is 
precisely the lack of these dramatic    
elements and these mass effects in the  
social life that now leaves the social  
sense in its national aspects weak1 and 

allows the various dividing lines       
throughout society to make even the most
 necessary activities to a greater or   
less degree ineffectual4  ,the          
educational problem itself is plain4    
,unity of public interests1 which can   
apparently now be obtained only under   
threat to national existence1 must be   
maintained1 not artificially1 but       
voluntarily4 ,we want the morale of war 
and the social solidarity of war in the 
times and activities of peace--in those 
activities that represent service to    
country and also those which consist of 
the service of country in the           
performance of its broader functions as 
a member of a family or society of      
nations4  ,a fourth factor in patriotism
 we recognize as loyalty to government1 
to state1 or to leader4 ,the place of   
such loyalty in a truly democratic      
country as contrasted with an           
autocratically governed country seems   
plain4 ,it is not only sovereignty but  
statesmanship as well that must reside  

in the people4 ,the people must not only
 have the power but the wisdom to rule4 
,even the ideals of the country must    
come out of the common life1 or there at
 least be abundantly nourished4 ,the    
,german writers protest that the purely 
native ideals of the people do not      
represent the meaning and purpose of the
 ,state4 ,the natural feelings of the   
people lack purpose and definiteness4   
,the ,state is something very different 
from the sum of the people and the      
representation of their will4 ,the      
native sense of solidarity is not at all
 like the organization that comes       
through the ,state4 ,but this abstract  
conception of the ,state as a being     
different from the people is precisely1 
in the view of such writers as          
,dickinson1 the cause of wars4 ,upon    
this point ,dickinson sees now a wide   
parting of the ways4 ,we must have      
either one kind of world or the other4  
,we must continue our warlike habits1   
and make the ,god-state the object of   

our religion1 or abandon all this for a 
thorough-going democracy4 ,it is the    
special interest that is assumed to     
inhere in the ,god-state that is the    
menace to peace everywhere4 ,the        
abstract theory of ,state inspires      
far-seeing policies1 democracy lives    
more by its natural instincts and       
feelings4 ,the theory of necessary      
expansion1 the right to grow and to     
intrude1 is a natural deduction from the
 conception of the ,god-state2 loyalty  
to the ,state demands ever increasing   
lands and population in order to have   
more military power4  ,the democracy1 of
 course1 can harbor no such conception  
of ,state4 ,loyalty1 in the democracy1  
must be to state and to statesmen rather
 as leaders of the people4 ,the first   
and most necessary factor in patriotism 
as loyalty to authority is that         
authority must represent interests of   
country and people and must for that    
reason deserve loyalty4 ,educationally1 
the problem is quite the reverse of the 

educational problem of the autocracy4   
,the people are not to be trained in    
obedience and subservience to the state1
 but we have mainly to create in the    
minds of all people the capacity to     
recognize true leaders4 ,it is not      
loyalty to authority as such1 we say1   
that is wanted1 but loyalty to leader   
who has no power at all except the power
 of the good and its forceful           
presentation4 ,a democracy is a society 
in which the aristocrats rule by        
persuasion1 although we must think of   
this aristocracy as an aristocracy of   
intellect and morality rather than of   
birth and wealth4 ,the ideal1 we        
suppose1 toward which our definition of 
democracy leads is a state in which     
authority as represented in the         
institutions of government1 and         
leadership represented in natural       
superiority coincide4 ,it is a ,state in
 which the good and the great shall     
govern4 ,but in general1 parliaments    
cannot now be the sources of moral and  

intellectual leadership of the people4  
,they are subjected to too many         
conflicting interests4 ,the time may    
come1 we say1 when authority and        
superiority will coincide1 when laws    
will be made and executed by those who  
ought to do these things rather than by 
those who merely have the power to gain 
opportunity to do so4 ,at any time and  
place we may1 of course1 behold great   
leadership combined with great          
authority4 ,a true democracy is a state 
in which such coincidence will be       
inevitable4  ,the minds of men are now  
full of these themes4 ,they ask how     
nations may become unified without      
injustice and autocracy4 ,trotter says  
that national unity is what is wanted   
most of all things now in ,england4     
,england must become conscious of       
itself1 he says1 and infuse into public 
affairs a spirit that will carry leaders
 far beyond their own personal          
interests4 ,england has survived until  
now in spite of a strong handicap of    

discord4 ,he speaks of the imperfect    
morale of ,england1 shown in the war1   
which arose from the preceding social   
discord1 and shows that the only perfect
 morale is that which is based upon     
social unity in the nation4 ,all this is
 true also of ourselves4 ,we also have  
our problem of creating loyalty to      
government and a national unity upon    
which a perfect morale both for peace   
and for war may be assured1 by inspiring
 an ideal of honor1 honesty1 and        
efficiency in all public service1 and   
also by arousing an intense interest in 
public service and deep appreciation of 
what public service and leadership mean1
 on the part of all the people4 ,this is
 plainly not merely a work of cleaning  
politics4 ,it is a work of public       
education4 ,the attitude of a people    
toward authority and leadership is      
something more than a susceptibility to 
leadership and influence4 ,there is a   
desire for the experience of ecstatic   
social moods1 the craving to be active  

and to be led4 ,we make a great mistake 
if we think all that democracy means is 
an instinct of individual independence1 
a desire to take part in the government 
as an individual4 ,it is also a social  
craving that is involved4 ,the presence 
of the great leader1 even in times of   
peace1 stimulates social feeling1 and   
raises it to a productive level4 ,this  
social feeling1 we say1 is not a mere   
reaction4 ,it is the expression of a    
desire and readiness on the part of the 
people to participate in social         
activities1 and to attach themselves to 
worthy leaders1 or to those now who     
appeal to the most dominant selective   
faculties4  ,it is precisely at this    
point that the educational problem comes
 into view4 ,we are likely to think of  
the public education required in a      
democracy as too exclusively political  
education1 education that will enable   
the individual to assert himself--to    
know1 to criticize1 to vote1 to take an 
active part in politics4 ,this spirit is

 especially prominent in ,english life4 
,it is all very good in itself and      
necessary4 ,but we need to educate      
ourselves also so that we may have a    
capacity to be led1 in the right        
direction4 ,to increase sensitiveness to
 leadership1 but also to make that      
sensitiveness selective of true values1 
is one of the great educational problems
 of a democracy4  ,it seems to be a part
 of the work of education to create     
popular heroes1 to do upon a higher     
level what the public press does in its 
own way1 but mainly partisanly and too  
often from wholly unworthy motives--make
 reputations4 ,we must do more in the   
teaching of history and biography than  
to glorify the lives of dead heroes4 ,we
 need to be quite as much concerned     
about coming heroes4 ,we must excite the
 imagination of the young and prejudice 
the public mind through educational     
channels1 in favor of sincere and true  
leaders4 ,the opportunity of the story  
teller is large1 in this work1 and we   

need also to develop to a very high     
degree of excellence the educational    
newspaper4 ,one of our great needs in   
education in this country is a daily    
newspaper for all schools--one that     
shall be both informing and influential1
 appealing by every art to the selective
 faculties1 governed absolutely by      
ethical1 or at least not by political   
and partisan motives4 ,the power of such
 a press might be very great indeed4 ,as
 an unifying influence and a ready means
 of communication1 and an instrument of 
use in the organization of all children1
 the function of this press would be a  
highly important one4  ,all means of    
creating political ideals from within1  
of forging the links between leader and 
people in the plastic minds of children 
and youths1 will be an education in one 
of the fundamental elements of          
patriotism4 ,such an education would be 
very different1 however1 from the state 
planned and authorized education that   
has been carried on under autocratic    

regimes4 ,the difference is one of      
spirit and result1 rather than of       
method4 ,in one case the ,state becomes 
a kind of ,nirvana1 in the thought of   
which personality and individuality are 
negated4 ,patriotism produced in the    
minds of the young under the influence  
of a democratic spirit tends to become a
 creative force rather than a blind     
devotion to an accepted order4          
,institutions are made and advanced     
rather than merely obeyed and defended  
in this educational process4 ,the widest
 scope and the freest opportunity are   
allowed for superior qualities of       
leaders and for right principles to have
 an effect upon society 7and the result 
we invite indeed is a profound hero     
worship on the part of the young71 but  
the conditions would be such that no    
other kind of authority would be able to
 exert a wide influence4 ,to secure     
these conditions is1 of course1 one of  
the chief tasks of all the              
administrative branches of our          

educational service4  ,the final factor 
of patriotism1 according to our         
analysis1 is loyalty to country as an   
historical object4 ,the ideas and the   
feelings centering about the conception 
of country as personal1 as living1 as   
having rights and experience1 duties and
 individuality are likely to be vivid   
and intense4 ,they are the inspirers of 
supreme devotion to country1 and also at
 times1 of morbid national pride and    
fanatical country-worship4 ,the         
education of this idea of country we    
should suppose would be one of the      
fundamental problems of the development 
of patriotism4 ,presumably we are not to
 try to destroy this idea of country    
that all people seem to have1 or to show
 it as one of the illusions of          
personification4 ,country is1 of course1
 different from the mere sum of the     
people4 ,it has continuity and it       
performs functions and it is an historic
 entity4 ,modernize and reform this     
idea1 we must1 but we cannot do away    

with it as something archaic and        
superstitious4 ,country is real1 the    
concepts of honor and right belong to   
it1 and country is something to which   
the mind must do homage4  ,boutroux says
 that a nation is a person1 and has a   
right to live and to have its           
personality recognized as its own4      
,granting this to be true1 and that we  
must think of country as personal and   
active1 the question arises whether this
 concept of country is something that   
requires in any definite way educational
 interference4 ,we should say that if   
countries are essentially living        
historic entities having as such a high 
degree of reality1 this reality-sense   
will be an important element in the     
practical life of peoples4 ,there can be
 no thought in our historical era of    
breaking up these entities we call      
nations4 ,it is a day of intensified    
rather than of diminished nationalism4  
,the sense of reality of nations must1  
we might think1 be made more intense2   

pride of country must remain2 we may    
find some place even for the idea of the
 divine nature of country1 which is an  
element in the patriotic spirit         
everywhere4 ,that this conception of    
country is a very necessary element in  
the morale of a country in war seems    
clear2 that the morale of peace must be 
founded upon the same personal and      
religious sentiments we can hardly      
doubt4  ,ambition for country is a      
normal result of the acceptance of the  
idea of country as personal1 and        
ambition for country appears to be the  
very essence of any patriotic sentiment 
that is sincere4 ,still ambition for    
country has been1 in some of its forms1 
a cause of wars4 ,what other conclusion 
can we come to1 then1 than that ambition
 for country must be subjected to       
radical educational influences8 ,this is
 the reverse side of political progress4
 ,ambition must be given new content and
 new direction4 ,all the power and the  
sentiment of the old imperialistic      

motive must remain1 but all peoples must
 now be educated to see that the        
maintenance of its position in the world
 on the part of any nation is now a far 
more difficult and far more complex task
 than ever before4 ,the building of     
empire must be shown to have been far   
easier and far less heroic1 and much    
less a test of the superiority of a     
nation than we have supposed4 ,we can   
show that military virtues are much more
 nearly universal than has often been   
assumed1 and that nations that are      
inherently superior must abandon        
voluntarily their ambitions of          
aggression1 if they wish to remain      
superior and to have a place of honor in
 the world4  ,this implies no teaching  
of pure internationalism4 ,we still     
recognize as fundamental the whole      
spirit of nationalism4 ,country must    
remain first after all4 ,all must indeed
 learn to take in some way the          
statesman's point of view in regard to  
country--with its sense of the future1  

of wide relations and long periods of   
time1 and its practical vision4 ,it is  
futile to think of this future as one   
wholly without struggle and competition4
 ,we must teach history also far more   
with the forward view4 ,history has     
dealt too exclusively even in ,america  
with the past4 ,national ambition that  
has as its aim to realize1 with         
independence and power1 all the good    
that an enlightened nation contains1 but
 at the same time to act with justice   
and with the thought of the nation as a 
part of a cordinated world must take    
this point of view4  ,it is a median    
course between merely nave and day by   
day living1 such as ,lehmann 7#ae7      
complains about as the natural tendency 
of uneducated patriotism1 and the kind  
of program making that takes into       
account only the purposes of a single   
nation that we must follow in teaching  
this forward view of national history4  
,there is a danger in either extreme4   
,we may remain a nature people1 without 

a true historic sense1 and be conscious 
only of a dramatic past which appeals to
 sentiment and a still more ambiguously 
glorious future2 or1 on the other hand  
we may become too definitely ambitious  
and too conscious of some special       
mission in the world4 ,a nation with a  
program1 a nation that does not         
recognize the experimental nature of    
history1 is a dangerous element in the  
society of nations1 even though its     
ambitions be not purely selfish4        
,excessive rationalism in national      
consciousness is itself a menace4 ,we   
must live by our historic sense1 by some
 ideal of a future for our nation2 the  
people must have some vision of a       
glorious future1 and not be expected to 
see only an unending vista of problems  
and labors1 but this history must be    
understood and taught intimately and    
appreciatively and not merely           
objectively and logically4 ,we must take
 an interest in the careers of all      
nations1 and understand history         

psychologically and be willing to judge 
it ethically4 ,so far we have had the   
opposite view in most of our teaching   
and writing of history4 ,we must take a 
fair and tolerant view of the power     
motive that exists in all nations1 and  
try to understand what it means to be of
 another nationality and to have        
ambitions like our own4 ,without such an
 attitude1 we should argue1 no one can  
be truly patriotic1 if patriotism means 
having at heart the true interests of   
one's own country4  ,it is not only     
possible and fair1 therefore1 but       
necessary that patriotism be            
enlightened4 ,it is possible to be      
devoted each one first of all to his own
 country1 to have few illusions about   
its values1 and at the same time to have
 tolerance for all other nations4 ,what 
other spirit is there1 in fact1 in which
 our history can now be taught8 ,it     
seems absurd to say that such a spirit  
is weak4 ,it implies consciousness of   
strength1 of being able to hold one's   

own in a fair field1 to have the dignity
 and sense of maturity that come from   
contact with a real world4 ,with such a 
spirit it would not be necessary to     
accept as inevitable the brutality of   
all national development1 to use the    
words of ,mach1 a recent writer4 ,we    
need no longer believe that war is the  
only thing that can prevent national    
disintegration1 as many maintain4       
,national consciousness certainly makes 
progress even without such dramatic and 
tragic events as have recently taken    
place4 ,boutroux says that in ,france1  
after the ,dreyfus affair1 although     
strong nationalistic feeling was        
stirred1 there was also a new vision of 
the destiny of the ,french people as not
 only defenders of their own country but
 as champions of the rights of all      
nationalities4 ,german writers have not 
failed to notice this1 and have been    
inclined to regard this spirit of       
,france as a sign of degeneration and   
decay of the national life4 ,we see now 

that generosity and justice are far from
 being evidences of weakness1 and also  
that in the larger logic of history     
these weaknesses generate strength2 at  
least they bring powerful friends in    
time of need4  ,once ,germany herself   
was affected by such ideals of history4 
,in the time of ,goethe1 ,cramb reminds 
us1 mankind1 culture and humanity were  
the great words4 ,but upon this love of 
humanity and culture and love of the    
homeland a political spirit was         
engrafted1 and this new spirit of       
,germany has manifestly now led to her  
downfall4 ,no6 there is no threat to    
national existence and no disloyalty to 
country in the form of internationalism 
that now is before us4 ,as social       
consciousness widens and social         
relations become more intricate and more
 practical1 national lines are not lost1
 but indeed become clearer4 ,these      
national boundaries are not temporary or
 artificial or imaginary lines1 for they
 represent and define activities and    

interests that engage the most          
fundamental and the most persistent of  
human motives4  ,it is in this spirit   
that loyalty to country as historic     
object should1 we believe1 be taught4   
,this idea we teach of course through   
history1 in part1 but history alone in  
any ordinary sense1 as we might think of
 it as a subject in the curriculum of a 
school1 is not enough4 ,these ideas must
 be made persuasive and dynamic4 ,for   
this as we see over and over again1 art 
is the true method4 ,the object to be   
presented and which must inspire        
devotion is an ideal object4 ,it is     
complex and it performs practical       
functions1 but it is through and through
 such an object as appeals most deeply  
to the sthetic feelings4 ,the image of  
this object must be made impressive4    
,since the ideal of our country is more 
abstract than that of most countries1 as
 an object still less vivid and less    
personal1 since it lacks some of the    
means of appeal to the feelings that    

imperialistic countries have1 there is  
all the more need of art to make the    
figure of ideal country stand out       
sharply before us4 ,as we pass beyond   
the patriotism which is only a love of  
home1 or a devotion to a political unit1
 to a patriotism that is a loyalty to a 
more abstract and more intangible idea1 
the art by which the idea of country is 
conveyed would1 we should suppose1 also 
become more abstract4 ,hocking says that
 it is through symbols that the mind    
best gropes its way to the realization  
of ideas4 ,feeling and imagery1 we know1
 are very susceptible to the influences 
of the symbol1 and also to the phrase   
which is a lower order of symbol4       
,dramatic representation1 all pageantry1
 pictorial art1 music1 even the art of  
the poster artist and the cartoonist    
have a place in the work of portraying  
country as an ideal object1 and         
inspiring devotion to it and its causes4
 ,a far-seeking educational policy will 
scorn none of these in its effort to    

crystallize the concept of country and  
give it power and reality4  ,finally    
this idea of country must be put to work
 in every mind and in every life4       
,otherwise all education of patriotism  
will tend toward inevitable jingoism1   
and arouse all the violent and          
introverted feelings that have made     
history a long story of wars without    
end4 ,this idea of country has been too 
aristocratic4 ,it must now become       
accustomed to a life of daily toil1 and 
not merely expend itself in enthusiasm  
and in self-sacrifice in crises such as 
war4 ,country as an idol of the         
aristocratic patriotism has always been 
too far removed from practical affairs4 
,this patriotism has been too personal  
and too exclusive4 ,glory1 honor and    
fame have played too large a part in it4
 ,on the other hand1 the common idea of 
country needs to be made more vivid and 
more glorious4 ,this spirit is          
accustomed to toil but not to have      
enthusiasm4 ,it certainly needs more of 

art in its patriotism as well as in its 
daily life4 ,we all need historical     
perspective4 ,we must have through      
education what tradition has failed to  
give us4 ,it is just by lacking the     
patriotism that a vivid sense of country
 as historic personage gives1 by lacking
 imagination and the ability to detach  
themselves from the reality and the     
surroundings of the daily life that the 
working classes are so likely to be     
affected by influences that tend to     
break down all patriotism4  ,we shall   
have a true patriotism1 we should say1  
only when country is an idea that is    
worked for by all classes2 when it is an
 idea that is woven into the daily lives
 of the people2 when it makes the daily 
toil lighter and touches it with glory1 
and when it enters into all the         
enthusiasm of the more favored classes  
and inspires it with the spirit of daily
 service4     ,,chapter ,,vii           
,,political ,,education ,,in ,a         
,,democracy   ,one of the results of the

 war has been to raise in the minds of  
all peoples1 to an extraordinary degree1
 the most earnest questions about the   
nature and validity of government4 ,the 
political sense of all peoples has been 
stimulated4 ,we see on every hand new   
conceptions of government and demands   
for more and better government1 but also
 the most radical criticism and the     
denial of all government4 ,the          
determination in very fundamental ways  
of what government is1 and must be1 what
 ideas must prevail1 what must be       
suppressed1 what an ideal government is1
 if such an ideal can be formed1 the    
question of evils inherent in the idea  
of government itself 7if such evils     
there be71 the laws of development of   
government in all their practical       
aspects--all these questions now come up
 for examination1 and will not be       
repressed4 ,if we do not take them at   
one level we must upon another4 ,naively
 or scientifically1 philosophically or  
radically1 the nature of government must

 be dealt with4  ,government is now     
being examined1 we all see1 from points 
of view not hitherto taken4 ,the        
conscientious objector raises the       
question of the ultimate basis of the   
right of the many to control the lives  
of individuals1 and he asks especially  
whether there is any ground for the     
assumption that in this sphere1 more    
than in any other1 might makes right4   
,conscription1 in fact1 has driven us to
 consider the meaning of liberty and the
 foundations upon which the right to it 
rests4 ,this stern fact of conscription1
 the realization that in a moment the   
most democratic governments in the world
 are capable of bringing to bear1 quite 
constitutionally1 absolute control over 
the most basic possessions of the       
individual1 has led many to ask         
seriously whether government is after   
all a good in itself1 or is merely a    
necessity having many attendant evils4  
,they wish to know whether there is in  
the principle of government something   

that takes precedence over all the      
assumed rights of the individual4 ,does 
government1 they inquire1 have a right  
to the individual2 or is it only in     
serving the individual that it is       
entitled to exercise authority that     
limits the individual8  ,these are      
questions1 manifestly1 that involve the 
whole foundation of sociology1 but we   
need not be unduly dismayed at that4    
,this is a time when nave thinking and  
exact science must make compromises with
 one another4 ,for better or for worse  
we must find some working hypothesis    
upon which a fair adjustment may be made
 in the practical life of the present   
moment4 ,this working hypothesis must   
also serve--and perhaps that is after   
all its main function--as something to  
guide us1 something having solidity upon
 which we can stand1 in performing our  
work as educators4  ,what we need1 what 
we believe all feel now the need of1 is 
a conception of government satisfying to
 the multitude of common people4 ,we    

wish to know whether we live for the    
state1 we say1 or whether the state     
lives for us4 ,we wish to understand    
what the basic rights and duties of the 
individual are4 ,as average individuals1
 willing to give service in any cause   
that seems good1 we do not ask so much  
to have determined for us precisely what
 type of government best satisfies the  
requirements of science or philosophy1  
but what the best working basis for     
harmonious adjustment in the social life
 of the future is to be4 ,these         
enquiring moods on the part of the      
people are a part of the temperament    
that has issued from the war4 ,we shall 
make a mistake if we regard it as a mere
 passing effect1 however2 it means a    
deep stirring of the political          
consciousness of people throughout the  
world4  ,significant differences may be 
observed in the general attitude toward 
government among the people in the great
 nations of the world4 ,each nation     
appears to have its own political       

temperament1 and this quite apart from  
the views represented especially by     
political parties and the like1 and     
quite independently of the scientific   
and philosophical conceptions of        
government and its functions of which   
there are a great number1 and among them
 certainly no agreement upon the main   
issues and values4  ,taking public      
opinion as a whole1 ,germany1 ,england1 
,france and ,america seem to represent  
distinctly different attitudes toward   
government4 ,the ,state in the ,german  
philosophy of life1 as every one is now 
aware1 is all2 the individual derives   
his reality and his value1 so to speak1 
from the idea of the supreme state4     
,individuality and freedom in this      
philosophy of life do not refer to      
political individuality and freedom at  
all4 ,in ,england1 and perhaps to some  
extent in all democratic countries1 the 
prevailing thought seems to be that the 
government that governs the least is1 on
 the whole1 the best government4 ,the   

,english government is supposed to be   
the servant of the people1 and the      
individual has been in the habit of     
looking to the government for many      
services4 ,the individual1 free and     
self-determined1 is the unit of value   
and of society1 and the regulation of   
his conduct by government is at best a  
necessary evil4 ,it came as a surprise  
to the ,englishman when he realized that
 the state could command the most       
personal service and the most complete  
surrender of the property rights of the 
individual4  ,le ,bon says that the     
,frenchman1 too1 thinks of the state as 
something to be kept at a minimum and to
 a certain extent to be opposed4        
,opposition to the government is a part 
of the ,frenchman's plan of life4       
,boutroux says the same--that in ,france
 the habit of thinking of the government
 and of society as two rivals has not   
been overcome4  ,our own idea of        
government is certainly somewhat        
different from these4 ,we are watchful  

of individual right1 but we do not tend 
to think of government either as        
opponent or as servant4 ,we do not ask  
the government to take care of us as    
individuals1 and we do not feel in the  
public attitude the resistance to       
government that the ,french writers     
observe in ,france4 ,the ,american      
expects on the whole to look out for his
 own interests and he has never felt the
 pressure and over-powering force of    
government--until perhaps now4 ,mabie   
says that the ,american has conceived of
 his government as existing to keep the 
house in order while the family lived   
its life freely1 every individual       
following the bent of his own genius4   
,these temperamental attitudes toward   
government1 we said1 seem quite apart   
from scientific and philosophic         
conceptions of state4 ,we see1 however1 
something of the temperament reflected  
in the philosophies4 ,philosophers do   
not wholly detach themselves from the   
mores of their race4 ,the monarchy of   

,germany1 ,munsterberg says1 appeals to 
the moral personality and the sthetic   
imagination4 ,its main function1        
however1 is to safeguard the ,german    
people4 ,its faults are the faults of   
its virtues4 ,other ,german writers     
praise the ,german government especially
 for its efficiency1 for its            
incomparable body of officials--indeed  
for its very clock-work perfection that 
,bergson hates in ,prussian life4       
,lehmann goes so far as to say that the 
,german state had reached the perfect   
balance between individualism and       
communism4 ,these writers see plenty of 
self-realization in ,german society1 and
 quite enough of participation1 on the  
part of the individual1 in the          
government4 ,schmoller 7#ea7 denies that
 ,germany ever lacked the spirit of free
 institutions1 and even compares        
,germany with ancient ,attica1 which he 
thinks was great not because of the rule
 of the demos1 but because the people   
followed their aristocratic leaders4    

,troeltsch tries to show that the       
,german idea of freedom is different    
from1 and indeed superior to1 that of   
all other peoples4 ,the ,french1 he     
says1 rest their idea of freedom upon   
the doctrine of the equality of all     
citizens1 but in reality lawyers and    
plutocrats prevail4 ,the ,english idea  
of freedom comes from ,puritanic ideas2 
the individual's independence of the    
state is based upon the idea of natural 
rights1 and upon the theory of the      
creation of the state by the individual4
 ,but ,german freedom is something      
entirely different4 ,here freedom is in 
education1 and in the spiritual content 
of individuality4 ,german freedom is the
 freedom that comes from the spontaneous
 recognition of rights and duties4      
,parliaments are good in their place1   
but after all they are not the essence  
of freedom4  ,totally different         
conceptions of state are easily found4  
,consider1 for example1 the views of    
,russell4 ,through every page of his    

book there shines the determined belief 
in the inalienable rights of the        
individual4 ,self-expression of the     
individual through creative activity is 
the basic value1 or at least the        
fundamental means of realizing values4  
,russell sees nothing sacred or final in
 any form of existing government4 ,he   
would like to see government expanded in
 some directions and contracted in      
others1 for the functions of government 
cannot all be vested in one body or     
organization4 ,for defense the nation is
 not large enough4 ,for all civic       
government the nation is too large4 ,in 
its internal control it treats the      
individual too ruthlessly4 ,wasteful and
 in large part even unnecessary1 it     
antagonizes the free development of the 
individual4 ,government should cease its
 oppression1 it should no longer support
 unnatural property rights1 or interfere
 with the personal affairs of           
individuals4 ,at the present time1      
however1 we should not expect a radical 

cure for all the evils of government4   
,if only we can find the right direction
 in which to make advance1 we should be 
satisfied with something less perfect   
than an ideal4  ,the state in ,russell's
 view1 instead of being an ideal        
institution1 is even harmful in many    
ways and terribly destructive4 ,it      
promotes war4 ,it makes the individual  
helpless1 and crushes him with a sense  
of his unimportance4 ,it abets the      
injustice of capitalism4 ,it excludes   
citizens from any participation in      
foreign affairs4 ,we must indeed not let
 this incubus of state overwhelm us4 ,we
 must keep it in its proper place1 even 
in performing its necessary functions1  
such as preserving public health4 ,it is
 better to take some risk1 even in such 
matters1 than to override too much the  
individual's personal rights4 ,all the  
functions of the state must be made to  
center more about the welfare of the    
individual1 and in doing this the state 
must plainly regard as fundamental the  

right of the individual to free growth  
and the development of all his powers4  
,we must learn to think more in terms of
 individual welfare and less in terms of
 national pride4  ,in syndicalism in    
some form ,russell sees the most promise
 for reform of government4 ,some type of
 government at least which does not make
 the geographical unit the basis of     
everything must be the government of the
 future4 ,this would lead in the end to 
a higher state than that based primarily
 upon law1 for it would be a government 
in which free organization would be the 
first principle4  ,plainly we are to-day
 in a time of flux in which ideas and   
institutions are unsettled1 and there is
 a great variety of political theories  
of all kinds4 ,we can hope to find no   
agreement among theorists and certainly 
no common ground for the reconciliation 
of conflicting parties4 ,still1 even for
 the most practical daily life we must  
find some guiding principles4 ,we must  
look for some means of bringing order   

out of the present diversity and        
conflict4 ,some valuation of government1
 some idea of the ultimate purpose of   
government ought to be agreed upon1 if  
for no other reason that we may have    
some principle which will give us       
continuity in our educational work4     
,consider the varieties of political    
creed now offered us1 and there can be  
little doubt both of the difficulty and 
the necessity of finding guiding        
principles for the practical life and to
 preserve sanity of mind4 ,the          
monarchical idea still lingers2 there is
 a variety of conceptions of democracy1 
differing widely2 there are             
socialists--state socialists1 ,marxian  
socialists of the old line1             
,bolshevists1 regionalists1             
syndicalists1 and others--and anarchists
 of pure blood4 ,of internal and party  
differences1 policies1 and plans there  
is no end4 ,through all these we have to
 thread our way1 and reach what         
conclusions we can4  ,no ,american can  

of course be expected to see the        
question of government otherwise than   
through ,american eyes4 ,he is to some  
extent prejudiced and bound to the ideas
 of liberty1 individualism1 and         
democracy1 whatever his variety of party
 politics be4 ,democracy he may regard  
as an assumption1 but it will seem now  
even more than ever a necessary         
assumption upon which to build a working
 conception of government4  ,we have to 
look somewhere in actual life for the   
elements and principles of government4  
,why should we not look for them in     
,american life1 where government has    
grown up comparatively free from        
traditions and prejudices and where it  
has been by all the ordinary tests      
successful8 ,there has been something   
both ideal and generic in ,american     
life4 ,whatever personal equation may be
 involved in saying this1 the point of  
view has some objective justification4  
,it is a genetic method1 at least4 ,in  
early ,american life society was simple1

 and life was earnest1 and we see       
government and the individual in their  
essential relations to one another4  ,in
 this primitive and yet modern society  
we see the individual as a collection of
 functions1 so to speak1 existing in a  
group4 ,the individual also has various 
desires1 which do not appear to be      
wholly in agreement with his social     
functions4 ,some of these desires of    
individuals are strongly antagonistic to
 society4 ,in this society1 government  
is plainly the means of protecting the  
individual or the group1 by the         
suggestion or the exertion of lawful    
force1 from the threat of lawless force4
 ,law is a means of enabling and also   
compelling the individual to perform the
 various functions which belong to him  
as an individual or as a member of the  
group4 ,to some extent the law also aids
 the individual in performing his       
functions4 ,but this simple social order
 already shows certain basic            
disharmonies4 ,it is an experimental    

regulation of the individual4 ,every    
restriction the individual helps to put 
upon other individuals by participating 
in or acquiescing in the establishment  
of government and law reacts to limit   
his own freedom1 in ways which he cannot
 wholly predict4 ,freedom of the        
individual1 even in the simplest social 
order1 becomes greatly limited1 if not  
necessarily1 at least naturally--and    
indeed necessarily1 since the only      
choice appears to be between lawful and 
lawless limitation of freedom4 ,from the
 beginning1 therefore1 there can be no  
perfect satisfaction of individual      
desires or of either general or         
individual needs1 in the ordered social 
life4 ,society as a whole regulates the 
conduct of the individual both by aiding
 and by inhibiting his activities1 and  
must do so4 ,in doing this1 it is plain1
 it promotes all or most of the         
functions of the individual4 ,ordered   
society widens the total sphere of      
action of the individual4 ,the          

individual left to himself tends to     
become an end-in-himself4 ,law makes him
 to a greater extent a means4 ,in doing 
this it serves him and it also uses him1
 and there can never be any guarantee1  
in any individual case1 of what the sum 
of these services and restraints shall  
be4 ,society uses the individual in     
part1 but not exclusively1 in his own   
service4 ,the good and the evil1 the    
necessity and the dilemma of all        
government are outgrowths of this       
primitive service of the social         
organization and this original          
disharmony among the wills of           
individuals and the will of the group to
 serve the individual and also at the   
same time certain general purposes which
 may not in any given case coincide with
 either the desire or the need of the   
individual4 ,for this reason we conclude
 that there can be no perfect           
government4 ,all government is          
experimental and exists by compromise4  
,what1 then1 in the most general way1   

can we say is the legitimate function or
 purpose of government8 ,hocking says   
that government is the means of assuring
 the individual that his achievements   
will be permanent4 ,to this end it puts 
order into the structure of society4 ,in
 our view something similar1 but not    
identical with this1 is true4 ,we can   
say that in its complex forms it is in  
principle only what we found it to be in
 its primitive or simple forms4         
,government is ideally a means of aiding
 all the functions of every individual4 
,functions1 let us observe and not      
primarily desires are served4 ,these    
functions are such functions as the     
individual has as a member of every     
group to which he naturally belongs4    
,government1 then1 so to speak1 has no  
standing of its own4 ,its proper        
function is to facilitate all other     
functions4 ,neither individuals nor     
governments have any rights as          
abstracted from the sum of functions    
which they essentially are4  ,if this be

 true1 we can certainly define no one   
best and eternal type of government1 any
 more than a fixed and perfect plan of  
life for an individual can be defined4  
,government might be supposed properly  
to change according to the functions    
which from time to time were most       
important for the society in question4  
,social life1 under government1 differs 
from a free and unorganized social life 
mainly in that a certain objectivity is 
acquired in regard to the functions of  
the individual4 ,the individual becomes 
a creature of functions rather than of  
desires and needs4 ,common interests1 or
 the interests of the group are served1 
we say2 in doing this the individual is 
made to serve his own interests1        
perhaps1 but the most outstanding fact  
is that in this organized life the      
immediate desires of the individual are 
likely to be thwarted4 ,regularity is   
put into conduct1 and conduct is made to
 serve multiple and distant ends4 ,the  
functions of the individual1 left to the

 desire of the individual1 will seldom  
be harmoniously performed4 ,they will   
lack precisely objective consideration4 
,but in the organized social life there 
will also be no perfect order and       
harmony1 no final balance of functions4 
,everything is still relative and       
experimental4 ,government is a system in
 which any one individual at any moment 
may gain or may lose4 ,but on the whole1
 under the good government1 both more   
freedom for the individual and better   
conditions and better life for the      
individual will presumably be obtained  
than in any possible disordered or      
unorganized society4 ,but government    
will really add nothing that does not   
already belong to the functions that    
naturally develop in any social group4  
,the actual functions of governments    
are1 therefore1 highly complex1 because 
it is in some way involved in all the   
functions of the individuals themselves4
 ,governments will be judged good or bad
 in two particulars3 according to the   

completeness with which they include all
 the social functions1 and as regards   
their efficiency in facilitating these  
functions4 ,we must not make the mistake
 of judging a government merely by its  
form4 ,under the same constitution and  
holding the same ideals1 there is room  
for widely different forms of activity  
on the part of the government1 and great
 differences in efficiency and in the   
functions performed4 ,the same functions
 may be performed and the same degree of
 efficiency reached apparently with     
different organizations4 ,cleveland     
shows1 for example1 how our own         
government might become much more       
efficient and make radical changes in   
the mechanism of the legislative and    
executive functions without sacrificing 
any principle we hold to1 and perhaps   
without any change in our constitution4 
,it is this idea of the proper functions
 of government and the relative adequacy
 of existing governments to perform them
 that seems to be deeply questioned4    

,life has suddenly grown more complex4  
,the individual is brought face to face 
with new demands upon him4 ,he becomes1 
it may be1 a member of new groups1      
having new functions4 ,government also1 
and correspondingly1 expands4 ,the      
question is not now of the efficiency of
 government in doing what it has        
hitherto undertaken2 we wish to feel    
sure that government is adequate to meet
 the requirements of a rapidly changing 
social order4 ,that just now is indeed a
 very vital question4 ,governments1 we  
say1 may be obliged to adapt themselves 
to entirely new tasks4 ,society assumes 
new external relations1 and therefore we
 should expect that new organs would be 
needed for performing these new         
functions4  ,in all this we have been   
making objective valuations of          
government4 ,an ideal or a definition of
 government in terms of its functions   
and the degree of efficiency in the     
performance of them might still1 we     
ought to observe1 leave a wide scope for

 preference in regard to forms1 and     
other subjective valuations4 ,even      
between aristocratic and democratic     
forms1 there may be still room for valid
 appreciations on sthetic or moral      
grounds4 ,our objective valuations of   
government must in fact in various ways 
impinge upon fundamental questions in   
which no purely scientific              
considerations will be wholly decisive4 
,we can certainly find no precise way of
 valuing in detail or in their totality 
existing or proposed forms of           
government4 ,our most valid method1     
however1 appears to be to refer at every
 step the functions of government back  
to the functions of the individuals who 
make up society4 ,every phase of        
legitimate government must thus go back 
to the individual1 and his desires and  
functions4 ,if we do this we shall see  
again why in national life we have the  
same kind of experimental problem that  
we have in the life of the individual4  
,there can be no perfect adjustment     

among the acts of an individual1 and no 
final valuation of them4 ,there is no   
perfect balance between present use and 
future good1 between individual and     
social values1 between desires or needs 
and functions4 ,the reason for this1 we 
say1 is that life is so complicated and 
made up of so many functions and of so  
many conflicting desires that it cannot 
be conducted according to any single    
principle or combination of principles4 
,if we think of government as only a    
phase of the widest social living1 and  
so as being through and through of the  
nature of the life of the individual1 we
 ought to have the right point of view  
for all practical consideration of it4  
,we must not expect consistency or      
perfection in government1 and we can    
have no hope of passing absolute and    
final judgments upon it4 ,radical       
politics1 in our present situation1 must
 be regarded as one of our greatest     
dangers4  ,democracy has become the     
great idea of the age4 ,it is our own   

fundamental principle1 so we of all     
people ought to be able to understand   
and to defend it--and to define it4 ,yet
 many writers complain and more imply   
that the idea of democracy has never    
been very clear1 and perhaps not even   
very sincere4 ,sumner says that         
democracy is one of the many words of   
ambiguous meaning that have played such 
a large part in politics4 ,democracy1 he
 says1 is not used as a parallel word to
 aristocracy1 theocracy1 autocracy1 and 
the like1 but is invoked as a power from
 some outside origin which brings into  
human affairs a peculiar inspiration and
 an energy of its own4  ,democracy has  
apparently meant quite different things 
to different people4 ,to some it is     
essentially a form of government in     
which control is represented as in the  
hands of the majority of the people4    
,some seem to have no further interest  
in democracy1 if only they see that the 
democratic form in government is        
preserved and jealously guarded and the 

majority by its ballot rules4 ,to some  
it is the aspect of democracy as        
individualism that has appealed         
most--freedom of the individual even    
from the restraint of law and custom--or
 again equality of opportunity4 ,these  
perhaps think of freedom as a supreme   
value in itself4 ,some think of         
democracy more in terms of its internal 
conditions or its results4 ,they think  
of freedom as a means of accomplishing  
good1 not as merely being a good4 ,they 
believe that the good of the individual 
is not necessarily represented by the   
satisfaction of his desires1 and so     
perhaps think of the law and order of   
the democratic community1 the control   
and regulation of the individual in his 
daily life by the will of all1 as the   
essential feature of a democracy4  ,here
 in ,america1 taking our history and our
 life as a whole1 it seems certain that 
the dominating mood has been the love of
 individual freedom4 ,our democracy is  
founded upon the idea of the rights of  

the man4 ,but these rights and          
privileges of the man can be secured    
only by social organization that        
immediately takes away some of them4 ,so
 our national life1 just because of the 
strong individualism with which it      
began1 also began with a firm principle 
of law and order modifying the idea of  
freedom4 ,some would say it began thus  
in a paradox or a delusion4 ,even to be 
morally free was not allowed4 ,the      
group1 in the ,puritan society at least1
 exercised strict supervision over the  
moral life of the individual4 ,giddings 
says1 in fact1 that this experiment in  
moral control on the part of the people 
over all individuals is one of the chief
 characteristics of ,american life4     
,our history is the story of an         
experiment in freedom1 in which         
according to some we have more and more 
suppressed the individual4 ,grabo says  
that the history of democracy here is   
the story of a dream rather than an     
accomplishment4 ,such views1 however1 do

 not appear to be true representations  
of the case4 ,they assume that the      
independence of the individual is more  
real or more realizable than it can be  
in any society4 ,is it not rather true  
that our apparent relinquishment of the 
idea of freedom is the reverse side1 so 
to speak1 of the persistence throughout 
our history of an impossible ideal of   
independence of the individual8 ,it is  
individualism1 rather than control1 that
 has increased4 ,the original freedom   
was a freedom such as comes from the    
willing participation of the individual 
in an order in which the control was    
immediate and vested in the whole4      
,control has become more definite and   
precise as the individual has become    
further removed from the direct         
influence of the social environment4 ,we
 have developed relatively too much our 
original idea of independence1 and from 
time to time elements have been added to
 our national life that represent an    
ideal of radical individualism1 as for  

example ,jacksonian democracy4          
,willingness to participate freely in   
the functions of society1 and desire on 
the part of the individual to perform   
all his functions1 have been relatively 
too slight4 ,even in politics it is not 
so much by the desire to participate in 
government that we have shown our       
democratic spirit as by the desire not  
to be individually governed4 ,the old   
colonial spirit of coperation and       
neighborliness with which we started has
 been 7speaking relatively again7       
neglected4 ,we have developed toward    
individualism and control rather than   
toward free association under           
leadership4 ,we have lacked ability as  
individuals to see ourselves from the   
standpoint of the whole of society4     
,now1 therefore1 we are faced by the    
apparent still further decline of our   
principle of freedom1 because we see    
that we may have efficiency only by     
increasing authority4  ,the question may
 fairly be asked whether we are not at a

 parting of the ways1 when our          
democratic idea must be more clearly    
defined1 and we must decide whether we  
shall change toward autocracy2 or now1  
at the end of our stage of primitive    
democracy1 enter upon a plane of higher 
democracy4 ,sumner says that always in a
 democracy it is a question what class  
shall rule1 that the control in a       
democracy always tends to remain either 
in the hands of the upper class or the  
lower class1 and that the great middle  
class1 the seat of vast powers1 is never
 organized to rule4 ,such conditions    
show1 again1 the effects of the         
individualism that prevails--national   
unity and the capacity for free         
organization without individual or      
special motives are wanting4  ,cramb has
 stated a fundamental truth1 from our   
point of view1 in saying that hitherto  
democracy has been more interested in   
its rights than in its duties4 ,it is   
very true that the subjective state of  
freedom has been the real attraction and

 appeal in our social life4 ,it has     
brought to our shores vast numbers of   
people who would otherwise never have   
crossed the seas4 ,perhaps it has       
brought us too many1 and those with too 
keen a love of freedom4 ,at any rate1   
the question is now whether as a people 
we shall be able to take a more advanced
 view of the individual1 a more         
functional view1 so to speak1 a new and 
enlarged conception of the meaning and  
place of the individual man in society4 
,democracy1 in a word1 must henceforth1 
certainly if it is to be a world state  
or order and not a condition of         
world-wide anarchy1 go beyond the       
negative idea of freedom1 justice and   
equality1 to a more positive idea of    
service1 in which we think of           
individuals as having more complex1 more
 free and more internal relations among 
themselves4  ,in this idea of democracy1
 freedom is seen to mean first of all   
freedom to perform all the functions    
which belong to an individual as a part 

of a highly organized society4 ,it does 
not include1 however1 freedom not to    
perform these functions4 ,it is freedom 
to lead a normal life1 in a word1 not   
freedom to lead an abnormal life4       
,whether1 in this democracy1 the        
performance of these functions will be  
more or less under compulsion1 whether  
the individual will voluntarily         
surrender certain rights assumed to be  
inherent in the principle of freedom1 or
 whether these rights will be taken away
 by the show of force on the part of    
authority1 seems to depend now mainly   
upon two things3 whether in this society
 superior leadership will have an       
opportunity and be strong enough to     
exert deep influence upon the people2   
and whether1 in general1 such an        
educational program can be carried on as
 will make men susceptible to such      
leadership1 capable of judging its      
values and able also to organize freely 
for the accomplishment of the purpose   
and functions of the social life4 ,in   

such a democratic society as this1 it is
 plain1 the evils of individualism and  
also the evils of control will tend to  
disappear4 ,perfect identity of         
individual and social will we should not
 expect to be attained anywhere4  ,the  
evils of our present democratic         
society--the individualism1 party       
politics and class rule--appear in sharp
 relief when we compare existing        
institutions and the present spirit with
 what is required in a true democracy4  
,the old idea that the will of the      
majority must prevail is seen to be     
inadequate1 if we mean by will of the   
majority the average or the sum of the  
desires and opinions of the majority4   
,these do not necessarily represent the 
good1 and indeed under existing         
conditions1 they cannot4 ,we want the   
will of the superior man to prevail1 but
 to prevail not by force1 but by the    
power of influence4 ,the politicians    
talk about the soundness of the         
instincts of the people ,something more 

than instinct is wanted in a democracy4 
,instincts are not progressive4         
,individualism1 the pleasure of the     
moment1 and mediocrity are represented  
too much by instincts and in every      
expression of the mere will of the      
majority4 ,people in the mass are       
governed too much by impulse4 ,conduct  
and purpose are too discontinuous and   
fragmentary2 or perhaps we had better   
say that the stimuli of the moment are  
too likely to control conduct4 ,whereas 
social life under the influence of the  
highest type of leadership is governed  
by more complex states of consciousness1
 by moods1 which are more original and  
creative1 and in which desires and      
impulses are no longer the controlling  
factors in conduct4  ,this view of      
democracy shows that democracy is       
something still to come4 ,it is not an  
achieved social order or a well-founded 
doctrine that must merely be exploited  
and spread abroad over the world4       
,democracy is experimental civilization4

 ,we do not know whether it represents  
the ultimate good in government and     
society or not1 and whether it is       
destined to continue and to prevail4    
,that will depend1 we suppose1 upon what
 we make it4 ,we have our evidences of  
history1 but after all democracy is     
still based upon assumptions4 ,it is an 
experimental order1 we say1 in which we 
try to realize many desires and to      
harmonize many functions4 ,the final    
justification of democracy must be in   
the far future4 ,it must be judged then 
by its fruits1 rather than by rationally
 testing the validity of its principle4 
,thus far it is a working hypothesis4   
,the precise form which government in a 
democracy ought to take is1 from our    
present point of view1 of secondary     
importance4 ,democracy is a spirit1 an  
idea1 a social quality1 first of all4 ,a
 monarchial government1 though it might 
be otherwise out of date1 might be      
entirely democratic in spirit2 and      
republics1 we know1 may be anything but 

democratic4 ,where control is in the    
hands of the people and not of a class1 
but of the people subject to the best   
leadership--a leadership that is based  
upon influence rather than upon any     
excess of authority or show of force1   
there is democracy1 and of this1 of     
course1 the ballot itself is by no means
 the only test4 ,but where thus far     
shall we find any democratic society    
that is so sound that it can offer      
itself as a model to the rest of the    
world8  ,most of the political questions
 of the day appear to be relative and   
conditioned questions4 ,the question of 
governmental control of industry is an  
example4 ,this seems to be a question of
 expediency1 and to be conditional upon 
local needs and the status of particular
 governments4 ,it is certainly no       
fundamental question of the social      
order4 ,those who make socialism a      
supreme and universal principle also    
appear to be too radical4 ,sellars says 
that socialism is a democratic movement1

 the purpose of which is to secure an   
economic organization of society that   
will give a maximum of justice1 liberty 
and efficiency4 ,drake1 in ,democracy   
,made ,safe1 says that socialism implies
 equality everywhere2 more than that1 it
 means social1 political1 economic and  
legal equality throughout the earth4    
,one cannot but feel that these         
enthusiastic writers are making the     
mistake of undertaking to do by         
political mutation1 so to speak1 that   
which can be accomplished1 we may       
suppose1 only by a slow process of      
experimentation in government1 and the  
still slower but more certain method of 
education1 in which all people are      
trained in fundamental social relations4
 ,radical and venturesome change in so  
great and complex an organism as a great
 nation is now dangerous1 because only a
 part of the conditions can be taken    
into account1 and the result1 therefore1
 must be conjectural4  ,radical         
socialism that threatens to throw       

political power into the hands of a     
political class1 or of any social or    
economic class1 bolshevism which ,dillon
 7speaking of ,russia especially7 says  
is doomed to failure because of its     
sheer economic impossibility1 any plan  
which tends to concentrate authority in 
any class is threatening to our future4 
,the democratic spirit must hold fast   
against the rising tide from the lower  
classes1 just as it has been obliged to 
contend against autocracy4 ,democracy   
has on one side to assimilate           
aristocracy1 and not overturn it4 ,so it
 resists the rise of the proletariat1   
not to turn this force back1 even if    
this were possible1 but to control it4  
,it is precisely because of the deep    
movement of the people--the world       
revelation and the world revolution1 as 
,weyl calls it--that we must make all   
political institutions flexible and     
adjustible1 and also throw into the     
balance all the powers of education and 
thus save democracy from itself4  ,these

 dangers to democracy are not to be     
taken too lightly4 ,democracy indeed    
faces two dangers4 ,hobson in ,democracy
 ,after the ,war has stated one of them4
 ,he says that the war will result in no
 easy victory for democracy1 for the    
system of caste and bureaucracy is very 
likely to become fixed4 ,democracy      
therefore must be worked for1 and to    
that end there must be a union of all   
types of reformers4 ,we must play off   
the special interests against one       
another1 says ,hobson1 work for         
industrial democracy1 educate the       
people4 ,on the other hand there is that
 danger from the rising of the masses   
which ,weyl heralds4 ,this war          
underneath and after the war is as ,weyl
 sees it1 the war of the poor and       
exploited against all the exploiters4   
,these elements are at heart            
antagonistic to government4 ,democracy1 
if all this be true1 is neither well    
defined as an idea nor well established 
in the world4 ,an unjust and privileged 

class above and an unwise and uneducated
 class beneath threaten it4 ,but the    
case seems by no means hopeless4 ,indeed
 the remedies and the way of escape seem
 in a general way plain4 ,political     
changes on one side and political       
education on the other must become1 we  
should suppose1 the order of the day4   
,of the actual political changes        
impending and those that ought to be    
advocated this is not the place to      
speak1 except to say that they must by  
their nature be tentative and           
experimental4 ,the radical mind is      
to-day one of the most dangerous        
elements in society1 just because all   
the world over men are very ready to be 
influenced and are eager for change and 
are uncritical4 ,cleveland in an essay  
entitled ,can ,democracy be ,efficient8 
exhibits a type of thinking about       
political questions that ought to appeal
 to all practical thinkers4 ,it is his  
method rather than1 in this connection1 
his conclusions that one should notice4 

,cleveland would study all countries    
with reference to the efficiency of     
their governments in fulfilling what    
seem to him to be the proper and        
essential functions of a government1    
working under our present conditions4   
,germany1 ,france1 ,england and         
,america1 he observes1 have all adopted 
different ways of conducting the work of
 government4 ,these essentials of       
government he reduces to five3 #a7      
,strong executive leadership2 #b7 a well
 disciplined line organization2 #c7 a   
highly specialized staff organization2  
#d7 adequate facilities for inquiry1    
criticism1 and publicity by a           
responsible personnel independent of the
 executive2 #e7 means of effective      
control in the hands of the people and  
their representatives4 ,of these        
principles1 ,germany used only the first
 three1 ,england left out the second and
 the third1 ,france used all 7but was   
late in seeing the need71 ,america has  
left out all of them4  ,this is the type

 of thought1 we suggest1 that seems best
 adapted to meet present requirements   
for a practical theory of government4   
,analysis of the functions of           
government1 critical examination of the 
needs of the present time1 and a plan of
 modifying what already exists1 rather  
than of making revolutionary changes1   
seem to be the right direction of       
progress4  ,if the source of power in   
the future is to be vested in the       
people1 the education of the people with
 reference to their function as rulers  
will naturally be one of the most vital 
and permanent of the requirements of the
 social life4 ,dickinson says that the  
time has gone by for entrusting the     
destinies of nations to the wisdom of   
experts4 ,if this be true1 and popular  
opinion is to supersede the wisdom of   
the experts1 if the people are really to
 have power1 and be competent critics of
 good government1 or merely to become   
good material in the hands of           
constructive statesmanship1 education   

must include or be essentially political
 education4 ,the people must be educated
 for democracy1 but also made competent 
to create democracy4  ,of course        
everything we do in the school1 the     
intention of the school to represent    
what is best in civilization1 and to be 
a center in which creative forces come  
together has some reference to education
 for the democratic life1 but there are 
also more definite and more specifically
 political things to be taught4 ,and    
yet1 if what we have said before has any
 truth in it1 it seems certain that no  
educational policy at the present time  
can include the teaching of specific    
political doctrines1 or try to prejudice
 the minds of children or the people to 
any political creed4 ,we are in a       
position in regard to political teaching
 very similar to that in which we stand 
about religion3 we must not teach creed1
 but we may and must teach natural      
religion4 ,we cannot teach politics as  
such1 but we must teach natural         

democracy1 or at least the fundamental  
social habits and functions4  ,there are
 two essential educational problems of  
democracy that have especial reference  
to the political aspects of it4 ,the    
first is to teach universally in as     
practical a manner as possible the      
materials out of which political wisdom 
may be derived4 ,we maintain that the   
lack of political education and         
experience is one of the most serious   
defects of the ,german people4 ,these   
people are at first submissive to an    
extraordinary degree and then they      
become dangerously revolutionary4 ,the  
lack of political competence is shown in
 both cases4 ,we wish1 of course1       
neither of these excesses in our own    
country4 ,and yet we do have to cope at 
the present time with both a tendency to
 fanaticism1 radicalism and intense     
partisanship1 and with indifference and 
ignorance of the nature and purpose of  
our institutions and government4 ,both  
the indifference and the partisanship   

play into the hands of party politics1  
and no advantages gained by the balance 
of parties in opposition to one another 
can compensate for the loss of energy   
and the encouragement of inefficient    
service the system fosters4  ,to help   
offset these tendencies it must be      
possible to give to all youths1 and of  
course we mean both sexes1 through our  
educational system and otherwise an     
education in politics1 and besides this 
some practical experience in public     
service in institutions and in          
organizations4 ,this is a vital spot in 
education in a democracy2 we have tried 
too much to reform or make progress in  
government from within the political    
system itself1 and too little by going  
back to the ultimate sources of social  
life and educating the people as a whole
 with reference to playing their part in
 political life4  ,the work of education
 in the field of politics is not merely 
to give information1 but to establish   
what we may best call morale4 ,we need  

an attitude and spirit throughout the   
public life of the nation in which there
 shall be constantly displayed the same 
qualities which we see so quickly coming
 to light in time of war4 ,enthusiasm1  
seriousness of purpose1 devotion of the 
individual to common purpose are the    
essential elements of this war spirit4  
,to produce and sustain this in the     
activities of peace is an educational   
problem4 ,the first task is presumably  
to establish the causes and the         
organizations through which they may be 
served1 but political education itself  
consists largely in the production of   
public spirit4 ,the correction of evils 
in the political system is of course but
 a small part of the work of political  
reform4 ,dowd says that it is the low   
personal idealism of mankind that       
creates our multitudinous social        
problems and strews the path of history 
with wreck and ruin4 ,that is of course 
true4 ,raising the quality of the       
personal idealism of the people is the  

real work of political education4       
,political thought which is most        
concerned as it is now with securing    
advantage for party1 class and          
individual must be superseded by a wider
 interest in government as a means of   
aiding the performance of the functions 
of the individual and the group4 ,it is 
the purpose to be accomplished by       
government1 not its form1 and certainly 
not the interest of the few or of any   
class that must be emphasized1 until    
partisan politics no longer dominates   
our political life4 ,to accomplish this 
change means1 we say1 raising the       
quality of the personal idealism of the 
people4 ,this may seem an ideal and     
impossible task1 but we have some of our
 experiences of the war at least to give
 us encouragement4  ,if we wish to      
consider details1 we may notice that in 
an educational process having such ends 
as we have suggested1 the teaching of   
civics1 for example1 becomes more       
functional1 the teaching of what an     

individual in a community and what all  
governments do1 rather than analyzing   
the structure of government4 ,such      
civics teaches the meaning of           
individuals as having functions which   
are represented and fulfilled in the    
institutions and organizations of       
society1 including every department of  
government4 ,it is not the intention to 
enter here into the special problems in 
regard to the content and method of     
teaching civics in the schools1 although
 it is evident that this subject must   
have an increased place in the future4  
,we already see advances both in the    
purpose and the plan of civics teaching 
and in the literature prepared for the  
schools4 ,dunn1 for example1 makes      
fundamental in all the teaching of      
civics the question1 ,what are the      
common interests which people in        
communities are seeking8 ,tufts also    
tries to deal with the fundamental ideas
 upon which government is based4        
,presentation of facts is surely a      

necessary part of all education1 for it 
is an indispensable means of giving the 
content of experience upon which wisdom 
as a selective appreciation of          
experience is based4 ,but erudition is  
only a part of education4 ,we must hold 
firmly now to the principle which is    
indeed an aspect of the democratic ideal
 itself1 that participation is also a   
necessary part of education4            
,institutions become real to the child  
through the child's association with    
them in some active way4 ,we shall      
probably see the idea of free           
organization carried far1 and in every  
organization and every institution1     
private and public1 there must1 we      
believe1 be some place for the services 
and the interest of all4 ,let us take   
the position that there is nothing in   
government1 in any of its branches1 that
 is outside the sphere of the practical 
life of the individual and we shall have
 the right point of view even for the   
work of the school room4 ,government1 in

 a word1 is not a specialization of     
function in which the few are involved1 
but it is a generic function1 the means1
 we assert1 of carrying to completion   
all the projects of individuals in all  
their social relations4 ,therefore all1 
not merely those who just now are       
included among voters1 but all women and
 children1 must have a part in the      
general education for democracy and also
 have a part in some way in the         
institutions of government4 ,from first 
to last government must be thought of   
and understood in terms of what it does1
 as a phase of the total social life of 
the nation1 not as something outside the
 social order4 ,government is a         
collective activity4 ,it is as an aspect
 of the day's work of the nation1 that  
government must be impressed upon       
all--both legal citizens and citizens in
 the making4  ,the second phase of the  
educational problem in regard to        
government is perhaps after all only the
 first in another form4 ,if we hope to  

have a democratic civilization in any   
real sense anywhere1 we must secure     
efficiency and superiority both in      
individual and in social conduct1 not   
mainly by the exertion of authority     
7except as a temporary make-shift7 but  
by making all the people of a nation    
susceptible to the influences of the    
best life and thought the nation        
contains4 ,this means the voluntary and 
intentional development of leadership4  
,this we have spoken of as a general    
need2 it is also a phase of political   
education4 ,the genius1 the leader1 must
 of course himself be produced in part  
by education4 ,we must have such        
conditions as shall allow natural       
leadership to come to the surface1 and  
every spark of genius must be carefully 
nourished4 ,but there must be also      
opportunity for what the genius produces
 to work its effect upon all1 as a      
stimulating and directing force1 in turn
 arousing the creative activities of the
 people4 ,democracy seems to be wholly  

dependent upon what seems now the       
accident of genius for raising it above 
the mediocrity of the average1 or even  
preventing a decline in its             
civilization4 ,it is this idea of the   
relation of the best to the average that
 ,james evidently thought to be the     
fundamental point in education4         
,education consists in his view in the  
development of ability to recognize the 
good in every department of life1 the   
ability to recognize all sham and       
inferiority and the habit of responding 
to and choosing the best4 ,applied to   
the problems of government1 this means  
such a method of educating the young as 
will make all susceptible to and        
appreciative of the superior qualities  
of mind and character that may be       
exhibited in public life4 ,such         
responsiveness being itself creative and
 a powerful factor in producing and     
bringing to the front the superior man1 
it must be regarded as one of the most  
necessary and fundamental qualities of a

 democracy4  ,we might single out the   
teaching of history and biography as the
 best means of educating the            
appreciative powers in regard to values 
in human life1 and the best means of    
facilitating the emergence of the best  
individuals and the best principles1 and
 of making their influence powerful1 but
 after all it is something more than any
 or all teaching that is required4 ,most
 fundamentally1 no one can refuse to    
admit it is such an organization of the 
whole educational situation as will     
allow1 or rather cause and encourage1   
precisely the total of the good and     
progressive life of the world to play   
upon the mood and the spirit of the     
school4 ,assuredly the school is not    
to-day so fortunately situated4 ,it is  
too much removed from some influences   
and far too closely joined to others4   
,much of the good of society is walled  
out from the school by barriers that    
arise in politics1 ,city ways1 all the  
bad life of the streets1 the trivial    

interests of the day1 affect the school 
too much4 ,we are greatly at fault in   
all this1 because we do not take        
education as yet seriously enough4      
,there must be now a decision4 ,either  
the school must be content to remain    
what it is now1 a local institution     
performing a very limited service1 or it
 must arise to quite new heights1 and   
mean far more as a civilizing and       
creative force than it has thus far4    
,the school must occupy more hours of   
the day and more days in the year4 ,it  
must claim the child more completely4   
,it must extend its influences further1 
and draw its life from a deeper soil4   
,we certainly shall never allow the     
school to become a great evil in        
society1 but it is almost as bad morally
 to leave it but a feeble good4 ,let no 
one speak any longer of good schools4   
,our schools were good for yesterday1   
perhaps4 ,but of to-morrow's needs they 
are not yet even fully aware4 ,the      
school has yet to learn with certainty  

to lay hold upon the fundamental things 
in the nature of the child1 and to      
appreciate the child's real and greatest
 needs4 ,continuity and creativeness are
 still for the most part beyond the     
powers of the school4  ,but perhaps     
after all we are asking the impossible4 
,perhaps the forces needed cannot be    
brought to bear upon the child4 ,perhaps
 conditions are too unfavorable1 and an 
educational situation cannot be devised 
that will be greatly superior to what we
 have already4 ,perhaps the time is too 
short4 ,perhaps worst of all the nature 
of the child himself is too trivial and 
unpromising4 ,but if we believe this1 we
 certainly at the same time conclude    
that democracy is a failure and is not  
in any true sense possible at all4      
,democracy cannot be created by forces  
from without1 for this would be indeed a
 negation of its nature4 ,democracy is  
self-creative4 ,it grows from within4   
,but how can it grow from within unless 
the new life which enters into it be    

creative2 and how can this life be      
creative and progressive unless it be so
 lived that it shall absorb all the good
 the old life has in it1 and also be    
inspired to go beyond it in every       
possible way8 ,unless democracy is      
merely a product and natural direction  
of growth in society1 democracy and     
education are not unrelated to one      
another4 ,if democracy is a good that   
can be obtained only by conscious       
effort1 we may suppose that one of the  
greatest factors in producing it will be
 education4     ,,chapter ,,viii        
,,industry ,,and ,,education   ,we have 
as yet no deep philosophy of industry4  
,for better or for worse work came into 
the world as a result of desire4 ,men   
did not desire work1 but they desired   
that which could be obtained only by    
work4 ,these desires multiplied and the 
modern industrial world is the result4  
,when material objects alone were       
desired1 the motive of work was         
relatively simple2 but as we pass from  

the desire for goods to the desire for  
wealth1 and to the desire for wealth as 
a means of gaining power and prestige1  
the industrial movement becomes more    
complex4 ,we go on and on1 producing    
ever greater wealth and generating more 
and more power1 and we do this we say   
with no deep purpose and with no        
philosophy of life4 ,for the            
justification of it all1 if it be under 
our control at all1 we can only say that
 through industry we realize an abundant
 and enriched life4  ,the good and evil 
of work put upon us some of the most    
perplexing of our problems4 ,industry1  
we say1 is the way to the rich and the  
abundant life4 ,it makes life more      
complex4 ,the relations of life are     
multiplied by it4 ,it represents and it 
achieves man's conquest over nature4 ,it
 puts force into his hands4 ,it has its 
ideal side and its romance4 ,it gives   
scope to pure motives of creativeness4  
,but the industrial life has also its   
dark side4 ,it has created the city with

 all its good and its evil4 ,it has     
created great nations1 but see what the 
added populations consist of4 ,it brings
 on the old age of nations4 ,it stands  
for struggle that is often fruitless and
 unproductive4 ,it engenders moods and  
arouses interests and powers that lead  
to wars and revolutions4 ,it fosters    
sordid interests1 and has made almost   
universal the necessity of an excess of 
toil in order barely to live4 ,the great
 majority of workers do not live in     
their work1 because they produce nothing
 that is in itself satisfying4 ,the     
spirit remains outside their daily life4
 ,life is divided into a period of toil 
without deep interest and motive1 and   
play which may be only a narcotic to    
kill the sense of monotony and fatigue4 
,individuals have specialized at the    
expense of a whole life4 ,men have been 
exploited and used like material things4
 ,bergson says that by industry man has 
increased his physical capacities1 but  
now it is likely that his soul will     

become mechanized rather than that his  
soul will become great like his new     
body4 ,industry1 worst of all1 has      
become an end in itself1 rather than a  
means to higher ends4 ,to live1 on the  
one hand1 to gain wealth on the other1  
men give all there is in them to toil4  
,we saw all this before the war1 but one
 important result of the war has been   
that we now see that this industrial    
life which has so rapidly created new   
institutions1 and which grips the world 
almost like a physical law1 is not in   
all its ways so fixed and inevitable as 
we had perhaps thought4 ,in regard to   
the industrial life1 more than in any   
other department of life1 we see new and
 radical thought1 and the possibility of
 conscious effects1 although it must be 
admitted that some of the proposed      
changes may well cause apprehension4    
,we had hoped1 even before the war1 to  
see industry and art become gradually   
more closely related1 and to see        
industry become more socialized4 ,its   

physical hardships were to some extent  
already being ameliorated4 ,we hoped to 
separate the great industrial interests 
from politics1 and to curb the powers   
industry has that make it a trouble     
producer in the world4 ,but now1 after  
the war1 we see possibilities of more   
fundamental changes in the industrial   
order than these improvements implied4  
,our thoughts now touch upon the whole  
theory of the industrial life4 ,we see  
that by a cordinated effort and common  
understanding which it is no longer     
chimerical to hope for1 the conditions  
of the industrial life might be very    
different4 ,in the first place we are   
convinced that the world could produce  
vastly more and could use its products  
with far greater economy than now4 ,we  
see that much greater return for less   
labor could be gained4 ,even the desires
 themselves upon which many of the evils
 of industrialism are based have shown  
themselves to be controllable4 ,it is no
 longer idle to believe that the        

restraint and coperation necessary to   
eliminate most of the poverty from the  
world are possible to be attained4 ,the 
isolation of the individual worker1     
which has made his struggle so hard1    
seems about to be relieved to some      
extent at least4 ,we even hope for      
permanently better relations between the
 capitalist and the laborer1 and to see 
some of the evils of competition1 even  
the industrial competition among        
nations1 lessened4  ,although the       
interest here is in the relations of    
industry to education1 rather than in   
the practical changes pending in the    
industrial world1 we must think of the  
two as related4 ,changes that take place
 in political and industrial conditions 
will be likely to be temporary and      
ineffectual unless they are supported by
 changes in the field of education4 ,the
 reformer and the educator must work    
together4  ,noyes says that the most    
fundamental change that has occurred    
during the war has been the world-wide  

assertion of public control of industry 
by the government4 ,perkins says that   
centralization is the order of the day1 
and that the government now properly    
takes on many functions that once       
belonged to the states1 and that this   
process of centralization naturally     
extends to international relations4     
,smith speaks of the growing            
interdependence of government and       
industry which will especially give     
security to investment in productive    
enterprises4 ,hesse says that there must
 be national team work in all           
industries1 and that in a democracy     
everything that autocracy can accomplish
 must be repeated1 but upon a basis of  
voluntary coperation4 ,in ,france it has
 been proposed by ,alfassa that there   
shall be established a department of    
national economy1 to bring about a      
closer coperation than there has been in
 the past among private interests1 and  
to centralize industry4 ,wehle thinks   
that in ,america1 even before the war1  

industrial concentration was leading to 
political concentration and that the    
states were losing their relative       
political importance4 ,the grappling of 
states individually with large          
industrial problems is now1 he says1 at 
an end4 ,dillon has expressed the view  
that ,england ought to adopt industrial 
compulsion4 ,clementel1 the ,french     
minister of commerce1 thinks ,france    
ought to substitute for liberty without 
restraint in the industrial field1      
liberty organized and restricted4       
,there can be no doubt that the world is
 thoroughly awake to the need of more   
effectual coperation in industry1 and it
 is natural that the first thoughts     
should turn to government control as the
 simplest and readiest method of        
securing it4 ,when we examine these     
suggestions about the cordination and   
centralization of industries it becomes 
evident that most writers have been     
strongly influenced by ,germany's       
remarkable success1 both in peace and   

war1 under the system of governmental   
control of industries4 ,the manner in   
which the ,german government turned all 
the country into one great industrial   
plant has appealed to the imagination1  
and many writers see in centralization  
under the control of government the     
means of curing most of the evils of    
industrialism4 ,there are many          
proposals1 all the way from the plan to 
introduce cabinet ministers with limited
 power to have oversight over industry  
to the total abolishment of the         
capitalistic system and all the rights  
of property4 ,many of course1 while     
still believing in concentration and    
coperation1 cling to the system of      
private and individual ownership1 and   
believe that the best results will be   
obtained in the end without any radical 
change in the relations between         
government and industry1 and without    
resorting to any socialistic reform4    
,another phase of the problem of        
industry in which we may expect to see  

great changes in the future concerns the
 status of labor and its relation to    
capital4 ,the rising of the laboring    
class is certainly the greatest internal
 result of the war4 ,here again the     
question is whether the changes will    
take place by coperation or by          
compulsion--either on the part of       
government or of some organized class4  
,will labor and capital continue to be  
antagonistic1 or will they find common  
interest2 or will the only solution be  
again some radical change involving     
change of government or abrogation      
entirely of our present system of       
ownership8 ,that the position of labor  
has become stronger as a result of the  
war no one can doubt4 ,perkins says we  
are just entering upon a period of      
copartnership1 when the tool-user will  
be part tool-owner1 and capital and     
labor will share more equally in the    
profits4 ,increase in wages will not be 
the remedy1 but only profit sharing4    
,others think the same2 they see that   

the laborer's discontent is not all a   
protest against his hard physical       
conditions4 ,he wants more social       
equality1 more equality of status in the
 industrial world4 ,he objects not so   
much to what the capitalist has as to   
what he is4  ,there has no more         
illuminating document come out of the   
war than the report on reconstruction   
made by a subcommittee of the ,british  
,labor ,party4 ,this report calls for a 
universal minimum wage2 complete state  
insurance of the workers against        
unemployment2 democratic control of     
industries2 thorough participation by   
the workers in such control on the basis
 of common ownership of the means of    
production2 equitable sharing of the    
proceeds by all who engage in           
production2 state ownership of the      
nation's land2 immediate nationalization
 of railroads1 mines1 electric power1   
canals1 harbors1 roads and telegraph2   
continued governmental control of       
shipping1 woolen1 leather1 clothing1    

boots and shoes1 milling1 baking1       
butchering1 and other industries2 a     
system of taxation on incomes to pay off
 the national debt1 without affecting   
the living of those who labor4          
,although such a document as this could 
hardly up to the present time have been 
produced by ,american workmen1 since    
here political doctrines of socialism   
have never obtained a strong hold upon  
the laboring classes1 in ,england these 
radical demands are nothing surprising4 
,they have the support at many points of
 so keen a thinker as ,russell4 ,russell
 does not1 it is true1 believe that     
,marxian socialism is the solution of   
the problem of capital and labor1 but he
 does believe in the state ownership of 
all land1 that the state therefore      
should be the primary recipient of all  
rents1 that a trade or industry must be 
recognized as a unity for the purposes  
of government1 with some kind of home   
rule such as syndicalism aims at        
securing4 ,industrial democracy1 as     

planned in the coperative movement1 or  
some form of syndicalism1 appears to him
 to be the most promising line of       
advance4  ,that such demands and        
proposals as these are significant signs
 of the times can hardly be doubted4    
,that from now the status of the workman
 will be changed and changed in         
directions more satisfactory to the     
workman we may accept as one of the     
chief results of the war4 ,politically  
the laborer is prepared to assert his   
independence4 ,both his social and his  
industrial status are likely to be      
improved4 ,he will be better safeguarded
 against unemployment4 ,wages in the old
 form and the old tradition that the    
worker has no contract with his employer
 will1 in all probability1 be less      
generally acceptable4 ,work1 if these   
new conditions are realized1 will mean  
more to the worker4 ,his own interests  
and the purposes of his work will be    
more harmoniously related4 ,the         
individual made more secure in his work1

 protected more by law and participating
 more in the affairs of business and    
government1 will have a sense of playing
 a more dignified part in the social    
economy4 ,conceal as we may the         
inferiority of the laborer's position   
under the pretenses of democracy and    
liberty and equality1 this inferiority  
of position exists and the inequality   
that prevails in democratic society is  
certainly one of the fertile sources of 
evil in the world to-day4 ,we have still
 to see to what extent the workman1 his 
lot ameliorated in many ways1 and his   
position changed1 will himself become a 
new and different man1 and thus make the
 world itself a different place in which
 to live4 ,all that is thus suggested we
 have a right at least to hope for now4 
,if it is also worked for with          
intelligence and good will1 why should  
it not come to pass8  ,the third idea   
which is beginning to make great changes
 in the whole field of the industrial   
life and throughout all the practical   

life is the idea of economy4 ,this means
 that in many ways questions of the     
values1 the purposes1 and the ways and  
means of what is done in the world are  
being sharply examined4 ,labor has been 
uncritical of its purposes1 and lavish  
and wasteful of its energies1 however   
watchful it may have been of its rights4
 ,production has been governed too much 
by desire1 too little by careful        
consideration of need4 ,distribution has
 been carelessly conducted1 allowing    
large losses of time and material4      
,consumption has been quite as careless 
as the rest1 and has been thoroughly    
selfish as well4 ,the war has changed   
many of our ideas4 ,thrift has become a 
word with a new meaning4 ,we see what   
industry at its worst might do in the   
world1 and on the other hand what wise  
control of all the motives and processes
 that enter into labor and all the      
economic life might accomplish4  ,some  
of these changes are coming from        
readjustment in the cordination of      

industrial processes themselves4 ,we    
hear much of standardization and        
stabilization4 ,an economic technique   
and the control of fluctuating          
conditions might do much to increase the
 efficiency of industry in every way4   
,this idea of the application of        
scientific procedure to life we see     
extending to the control of the energies
 of the human factor4 ,we have already  
spoken of guarantees that affect the    
spirit and the morale of labor4 ,we hear
 of the prevention of unemployment1 the 
removal of the bugbear of losing the    
job4 ,most advance of all is being made 
in the application of the principles of 
mental and physical hygiene and of      
scientific management to the actual     
details of movement and the whole       
process of expenditure of energy1       
counting costs in terms of time and     
energy1 in much the same way as all the 
items of value that enter into          
production are estimated4 ,some writers1
 for example ,gilbreth1 see in this     

movement a great advance4 ,it is a way  
of giving equal opportunity to all4     
,economy becomes a factor in freedom1   
since it helps to eliminate the drudgery
 and depression of toil4  ,plainly1     
then1 economy or thrift has a much wider
 meaning than mere saving4 ,it is       
many-sided1 and the study of economy in 
the use of essentials is but a part of  
it4 ,the war has1 of course1 emphasized 
this1 and this idea of saving has served
 the purpose of awakening an interest in
 the whole theory and purpose of work4  
,there is a better understanding of     
values1 and of the difference between   
the essential and the unessential1 and  
we see that not all labor that commands 
pay is useful labor4 ,many things that  
the public knew but little about before 
are becoming better understood4         
,industry1 finance1 business1 taxes1    
transportation1 have all to some extent 
become popular subjects4 ,the present   
high cost of living raises questions in 
the theory of the economic aspect of    

life that have compelled the attention  
of the public4 ,the theory of money1    
interest1 savings1 foreign investments1 
the place of gold in the world's economy
 is carried a step further and is       
popularly more extended4 ,we hear all   
sorts of proposals about the production1
 the distribution and the consumption of
 goods1 which are intended to make      
living easier and less expensive4       
,increased production of staples and    
more direct route from producer to      
consumer are urged upon all1 and the    
economists have many suggestions for    
increasing our prosperity3 while        
financiers try to direct to the best    
purpose our investments at home and     
abroad4 ,fisher attacks the whole theory
 of costs at what he believes its root1 
suggesting a plan of stabilizing the    
dollar itself by using the index numbers
 of standard articles as units of value1
 and regulating the weight of gold in   
the dollar according to the fluctuations
 of these4 ,all these plans1 hasty and  

narrowly conceived as many of them seem 
to be1 are of interest and have value1  
for they indicate a serious             
determination to solve the fundamental  
problems of the practical life4  ,any   
educational theory that could hope to   
deal adequately with the needs and the  
impending changes in the industrial     
situation of to-day must take into      
consideration the basic facts both of   
the individual and the social life4     
,teaching of industry and all attempts  
to teach vocation must be seen by all   
now to be but a small part of education 
with reference to the industrial life4  
,we must do much more fundamental things
 than these4 ,we must plan far ahead and
 seek to lay a firm foundation for the  
idea of coperation which appears to be  
the leading thought of industrialism    
to-day4 ,every individual1 we should    
say1 ought to be educated in the        
fundamentals of labor1 so that he may   
understand for himself what labor means4
 ,finally the idea of thrift in all its 

implications must be made a part of the 
educational program4 ,all this may seem 
too ideal and impracticable to think of 
in connection with industrial education1
 but if we consider industry and        
industrialism as the center of our whole
 civilization1 as it appears to be now1 
what less ideal educational foundation  
will be sufficient as preparation for   
and control of the industrial life8 ,no 
teaching of trades1 we assert1 will be  
enough4 ,we shall need to apply1 in     
industrial education or in an           
educational plan that takes industry    
into account1 all the methods of        
teaching3 those that employ industry    
itself1 but also art1 erudition1 and    
play4  ,it is first with industrialism  
as a world condition that education is  
concerned4 ,industrialism has been1 as  
all must recognize1 too individualistic4
 ,it has motives and moods and products1
 and it grows in social conditions1 that
 are full of danger for society4        
,industrialism lacks a soul1 as ,bergson

 would say4 ,yet it is a movement that  
sweeps on with almost irresistible      
force4 ,its most characteristic product 
is not what it turns out in shops1 but  
city life itself4 ,many would agree with
 ,russell in saying that all the great  
cities are centers of deterioration in  
the life of their nations4 ,education1  
then1 must undertake to control         
industrialism4 ,this does not mean1     
necessarily1 that it must try to check  
it1 but that the motives in individual  
and social life that produce            
industrialism must in some way be under 
the control of educational forces4      
,first of all it seems certain that no  
political arrangement1 and no change    
taking place entirely within the        
industrial system itself1 and no simple 
and direct educational procedure will   
give us control over the forces of      
industrialism4 ,it is mainly by         
preventing the city spirit or mood from 
developing too fast and thus engulfing  
the children of the nation that we can  

introduce a conscious factor strong     
enough to hold industrial development   
within bounds4 ,this means1 we must     
earnestly demand1 turning back the flow 
of life from country to city by         
educating all children in the           
environment of the country4 ,this would 
have a double effect upon the           
industrialism of the day4 ,it would     
break up the present inevitable         
inheritance by the city child of all the
 ideals and moods of the city1 and it   
would give opportunity for training in  
the activities that are basic to all    
industry1 which alone1 in our view1 can 
give to industry a solid and normal     
foundation4 ,by such effects1 in such a 
general way1 upon the children of an    
industrial nation1 we might reasonably  
hope to prevent the evil effects upon   
our national life from the fatigue1 the 
routine1 and the deadening of the spirit
 which even under improved conditions   
cannot be overcome in an industrial life
 that is left to its monotonous grind   

and its morbid excitements and          
exaggerations4  ,another work that      
education must in the end do for the    
industrial life is to infuse into it an 
ideal and a purpose4 ,industry is too   
individualistic1 we say4 ,it works for a
 living1 for power1 from necessity4 ,it 
lacks through and through as yet the    
spirit of free and intelligent          
coperation for common and remote ends4  
,coperation in the industrial world1 we 
have seen reason to believe1 is likely  
to be the great word of the future4 ,it 
is precisely the work of education to   
make the future of industry an          
expression of free activity1 to make it 
democratic1 and to such an extent1 we   
might hope1 that socialism1 whether as a
 governmental interference or as a class
 system1 would not be necessary--or     
possible4 ,in trying to give            
industrialism an ideal1 we must         
presumably go back to elemental mental  
processes4 ,we must1 in the beginning1  
present the world's work dramatically to

 the child4 ,we must give work interest1
 and it is certainly one of the chief   
purposes of that nondescript subject we 
call geography thus to give the child a 
deep appreciation of the world as a     
world of men and women engaged in work4 
,we must show industry as a world-wide  
purpose1 not as something essentially   
individual and competitive4 ,we must    
show it as an adventure on the part of  
man in which he goes forth to seek      
conquest over the physical world2 we    
must think of it as a means to an end1  
of fulfilling purposes not all of which 
perhaps can as yet be foreseen1 but     
which certainly can be no mere          
satisfaction of the individual's desires
 of the day4 ,this is what we mean by   
putting a soul into industry4 ,soul     
means purpose--purpose which includes   
more than the desires of the individual1
 and in which the interests of the world
 as a whole are involved4 ,industry that
 has thus a purpose1 and that is imbued 
with a spirit of freedom takes its place

 among the psychic forces and becomes a 
part of the mechanism of mental         
evolution4 ,it is this idealism of      
industry1 toward the production of which
 we must turn every educational         
resource1 that must offset its          
materialism4 ,this is1 in part1 the work
 of the sthetic experiences1 the        
dramatic presentation of the day's work 
to the child2 but art can of course work
 only upon the soil of experience2 the  
child must see the world teeming with   
human activity1 but he must observe it  
in a detached way1 rather than as a     
participant in its realism and its dull 
and its unwholesome moods4 ,then we     
shall have a content upon which the     
sthetic motives can work4 ,in this      
idealized industrial experience1 we try 
to make visible the real motives which  
in the future must dominate the world's 
work4  ,all this may seem too general   
and too ideal1 but if we do not begin   
with broad plans1 and if we do not take 
a far look ahead1 we shall fail now at a

 vital point of the social development  
of man4 ,the result at which we aim is  
the socialisation of the motives of     
industry4 ,we make work voluntary by    
bringing into it persuasively and       
insidiously deep motives and interests  
which represent social purposes and     
ideals4 ,given these motives and the    
beginning of a change from the          
relatively more individualistic to the  
relatively more social spirit in        
industry1 the actual means of coperation
 would not be far to seek4 ,work would  
become by its own inner development     
under such conditions1 something        
different from an unwilling service of  
the individual1 a compulsory service to 
family or state4 ,everything we can do  
to give to children and to all workers  
an intelligent appreciation of the      
social meaning and purpose of work is   
both industrial training and an         
education in basic social relations4    
,this socialization of the moods of work
 and the founding of them upon the      

necessary experiences1 is as important  
as anything education is at the present 
time called upon to do4 ,given this     
foundation1 precisely the form          
industrial education1 in the ordinary   
sense1 shall take1 seems to be of       
secondary importance4  ,turning now to  
another phase of the industrial problem 
on its educational side1 one cannot     
escape the conviction that the rising   
tide of the powers of labor presents    
urgent problems to the educator4 ,the   
common man1 as we call him1 is to take a
 greater part in the affairs of business
 and state1 and the education of the    
common man with reference to the        
especial capacity1 as worker1 in which  
he seeks this new position1 becomes     
highly important4 ,this education of the
 people with specific reference to work 
is of course something more than        
teaching vocation4 ,education1 indeed1  
with any explicit attention to labor    
itself1 whether in its industrial or its
 political implications1 is but a part  

of the educational problem4 ,all        
education for the democratic life is    
involved in it4 ,the whole problem of   
specialization comes up1 and indeed all 
questions of social education in one    
form or another4  ,specialization1 in   
particular1 can no longer be treated    
with the indifference that has so far   
characterized our industrial education4 
,the ideal of fitting the boy for work  
is as nave in one way as that of our    
generalized education is in another4 ,if
 the war has taught us anything beyond a
 doubt1 it is that specialization must  
never be such a differentiation as shall
 infringe upon the common ground of     
human nature4 ,we must take this into   
consideration in all our vocational     
training4 ,we must preserve an identity 
in all the fundamental experiences4 ,in 
a democracy this appears to be wholly   
necessary1 and to outweigh all          
considerations of efficiency4 ,the      
individual must be kept whole and       
generic1 so that each individual is an  

epitome1 so to speak1 of the virtues and
 the ideals of the nation4 ,the humanity
 of the man must be first1 and his      
special function secondary4 ,this does  
not imply that we must not give to all  
children individual and vocational      
training4 ,all must be directed towards 
life work4 ,we may even carry vocational
 training further than it has been      
extended anywhere as yet1 but we must   
see that industry occupies the right    
place in the school1 and in all         
educational processes4 ,it is neither   
the whole method and purpose of the     
school1 nor something simply added to   
the curriculum4 ,it is a phase of the   
life of the school1 both in its active  
and its receptive states4 ,the child    
must live in an atmosphere in which both
 present and future usefulness are      
assumed and provided for4 ,the idea of a
 life of work must be made early an     
accepted plan of the child1 and it must 
be one of the entirely general tasks of 
the school to see that the tendency of  

the child in the school is toward       
occupation4 ,occupation must in fact be 
made to grow naturally out of the life  
the child leads in the school4  ,all    
those disharmonies in our industrial    
countries such as the prevalent discord 
between working and capitalistic classes
 seem1 we have said1 to be social rather
 than economic in nature4 ,social       
education1 then1 is the main cure for   
them1 if we wish to attack them at their
 root4 ,the motives of pride and the    
sense of inferiority have to be dealt   
with in a practical manner4 ,we         
sometimes quite overlook the importance 
of habitual moods or states of feeling  
in society and in the school4 ,these    
moods are powers which motivate conduct4
 ,any form of education in which the    
poorer and less favored are given an    
opportunity to acquire the experiences1 
and through these the moods1 that       
especially distinguish the more favored 
class1 strikes at the general disparity 
in society which takes form in such     

antagonisms as that between capital and 
labor4 ,it is not difference in degree  
but difference in kind of experience    
that appears to separate the classes    
from one another4 ,the difference seems 
to lie in those parts of life which are 
sometimes believed to be the            
unessentials and which indeed our whole 
educational policy assumes apparently to
 be trivial4 ,the fundamental           
differences between the poor and the    
rich1 the favored and the common people1
 is in the sphere of the sthetic4       
,distinction of manner and an           
environment rich in sthetic qualities   
are the main advantages of the few1 as  
compared with the many4 ,social         
experience is what is most needed by the
 many1 but of course this experience can
 never be gained by making the          
educational institutions merely         
democratic1 and especially social       
experience cannot be gained in a school 
in which all situations are studiously  
avoided in which really significant     

social relations are likely to be       
experienced4 ,we gain no social         
experience in the nave and the highly   
special activities of the school which  
for the most part is arranged in such a 
way as to exclude organized social      
relations4 ,this is a process in which  
such leveling as there is tends to be   
downward1 whereas what we need is for   
all the truly aristocratic elements in  
our national life to have an opportunity
 to propagate themselves and to extend  
to the many4 ,leaving aside the need of 
a differently organized social life in  
the school1 we might say that there is  
hardly a greater need in democratic     
countries now than that of recruiting   
the rank and file of teachers from a    
socially superior class4 ,these socially
 favored individuals have given         
themselves loyally to the service of    
country in a time of war1 for two if no 
more of their deepest motives have been 
appealed to--the dramatic interest and  
the spirit of noblesse oblige4 ,there   

are duties in times of peace which are  
quite as important1 but which as yet    
appeal to no strong motive1 and have not
 even been presented in the form of     
obligation4 ,once these common tasks    
were made to appear a part of the       
fulfillment of duty to country1 the way 
to finding deep satisfaction in them    
might be opened4 ,social and dramatic   
elements would be introduced as a matter
 of course4  ,another need throughout   
our whole effort to educate all in and  
for a life of work1 one which has       
appealed to many writers in recent      
years1 is the need of making all the    
experience of work more creative or more
 free and animated or joyous in mood4   
,this means1 again1 that in all         
industrial education the mood must be   
social and the form sthetic or dramatic4
 ,social values must be felt through    
social activity1 and the sense of worth 
in labor and of value of the product    
which is felt in the social mood must be
 enhanced by the dramatic form of the   

activity and the artistic quality of the
 product4 ,this is also the condition   
for creative activity4 ,some writers    
apparently now see in this need of      
making the activity of all those who    
work more creative1 more free and more  
joyous the crucial problem of education 
and of social adjustment4 ,this is      
,russell's constant theme4 ,helen ,marot
 in ,creative ,industry says that our   
problem is to develop an industrial     
system that shall stimulate and satisfy 
the native impulse for creative         
production4 ,it is difficult to see how1
 by any other educational process than  
one which is essentially sthetic and    
social1 we can make much headway toward 
changing the conception of work from the
 now prevalent one of a means of making 
a living1 more or less under compulsion1
 to that of a voluntary social act done 
both for its utility from the standpoint
 of the individual and also because of  
its social value1 and performed to some 
extent1 however humble the work1 in the 

spirit of the creative artist4  ,for the
 adult generation that now works 7and   
for how many generations to come we do  
not know71 we cannot hope to make ideal 
conditions4 ,work will still be work1   
with its evil implications1 as toil     
without complete inner satisfaction1 and
 without sufficiently free motives4 ,but
 the direction in which practical       
changes should be made seems clear4     
,there must still be a lessening of the 
hours of routine labor1 until there are 
perhaps no longer more than six or five 
devoted to vocation4 ,the remainder of  
life is not for idleness but must be in 
part productive or the lessened hours of
 routine will not be possible4 ,there   
must be possibility of both practical   
and recreational activities outside the 
regular day's work1 as well as for      
educational work1 all of these in part  
at least publicly provided for4 ,this   
activity may serve many purposes and    
accomplish a variety of results4 ,as    
educational it ought to open up new     

opportunities2 it must fulfill the      
desire for creative activity2 it must be
 a socializing power2 it must lead to an
 appreciation of the nature and value of
 skill and efficiency2 it must introduce
 all to the higher world of art and the 
intellectual life4 ,above all it must   
impress deeply the truth that growth in 
the normal life is never ended4  ,the   
third phase of industrial education     
which is to be emphasized now is the    
teaching of what we have called thrift4 
,this idea of thrift1 for pedagogical   
purposes1 is equivalent to the broad    
principle that purposes in this world   
are achieved by the expenditure of      
force--by the control of energies which 
are not unlimited in amount as now      
controlled and which are subject to     
definite laws4 ,since objects which are 
to be secured by the expenditure of     
energy differ in value it is a part of  
this education in thrift1 indeed an     
important and necessary part1 to give to
 all such knowledge and powers of       

appreciation as will enable them to     
recognize that which is essential1 and  
to give the essential and the           
unessential their proper places in the  
whole economy of life4  ,it will never  
be right of course to inspire a         
parsimonious spirit in regard either to 
goods or to energies4 ,life itself and  
all its energies must be given freely2  
material goods must not be evaluated too
 minutely4 ,the miserly life is not what
 we wish to teach4 ,still there is a    
wise attitude toward all material things
 and toward all values which recognizes 
goods as means to ends1 which places    
true values high and demands economy in 
the use of all things that must be      
conserved in order to attain them4  ,it 
must be a part of the work of           
physiology1 which thus branches out into
 psychology1 to teach to all the        
efficient use of human energies4 ,these 
energies are the precious things in the 
world2 they must be valued and respected
 as the source of all efficiency4 ,the  

idea of economy of movement1 from this  
standpoint1 has an important place in   
all motor or industrial or manual       
training4 ,processes must be regarded as
 definite series of acts in which we may
 approach perfection4 ,technique in     
motor operations is not to be regarded  
lightly as a mere finish applied to     
useful acts4 ,it is the expression of an
 ideal of efficiency and economy4       
,children recognize the value of        
technique in games2 its wider and more  
practical application needs to be       
impressed4  ,in the same way knowledge  
of the precise values and uses of       
material things ought to be imparted4   
,the war has had the effect of showing  
all of us the values of materials and   
the relations of materials to one       
another4 ,it has given us a sense of the
 great powers of natural wealth1 and    
also of its limitations and the weak    
points that exist now in our economy4   
,the war has proved to us how closely   
related the things we use lavishly and  

wastefully may be to the most ideal     
possessions4 ,it has shown that the     
production1 the distribution and the use
 of wealth of all kinds are parts of the
 accomplishment of the main purposes of 
life and that all these things belong to
 the sphere of duty2 and that no        
individual can escape obligations in    
regard to economy4  ,education1         
therefore1 must lay foundations both for
 an understanding of economy and for the
 practice of it4 ,first of all1 every   
individual1 we may assume1 ought to have
 some experience in the production of   
the elementary forms of material goods1 
and in the conversion of them into      
higher values and in their conservation4
 ,we looked carefully to some of these  
activities as a war measure4 ,it is     
hardly less necessary in times of peace4
 ,we should teach these things1 not     
simply because the practice of them is  
educational1 but because the practice of
 them is useful1 and is a necessary     
service1 on the part of every           

individual1 to the world4 ,adding to the
 world's store of goods and             
consciousness of the need of doing this 
directly or indirectly should be        
regarded as a fundamental duty and      
habit4 ,to establish both the habit and 
the sense of duty1 we may suppose1 a    
stage is necessary in which the         
individual's contribution shall be      
direct and tangible4 ,hence the value of
 those educational activities that deal 
with foods and their conservation4  ,on 
a little higher plane1 and in a little  
different way we can apply the same     
thoughts to the whole cycle of material 
things4 ,the distribution of wealth is  
of course in part a technical and a     
theoretical problem4 ,it is also a      
practical and a general one4 ,all at    
least ought to be judges of the waste   
that now goes on in the industrial life 
because the middleman has occupied such 
a place of vantage in the economic      
order4 ,in teaching occupation and in   
all preparation for vocation ought we   

not to take this into consideration8    
,occupations that are purely            
distributive and which involve a great  
waste of human energies and of materials
 have been unduly emphasized1 at least  
by default of more positive preparation1
 by the school4 ,because they are easy  
and untechnical and have a little       
elegance about them1 in some cases1 they
 fit in very well with the generality   
and bookishness and detachment from real
 life that the school sometimes         
represents4  ,the occupations that are  
more creative1 both in the field of     
material things and of ideas1 have1     
relatively speaking1 been neglected4    
,inventiveness especially seems to be a 
quality that we have supposed to be a   
gift of the gods1 and we have given but 
little attention to producing it1 or    
even giving it an opportunity to display
 itself4 ,have we not gained from the   
war new impressions both about the      
powers of the human mind in producing   
new thoughts and in controlling both    

material and psychic forces1 and also   
about the necessity for developing      
originality and independence8 ,is it too
 much to expect now that greater        
ingenuity be displayed in education     
itself to the end of producing more     
originality8 ,this is a hackneyed       
request to make of the school1 but it   
seems certain that we do not succeed in 
obtaining through our educational       
processes the highest possible degree of
 productiveness of mind1 as regards     
either quantity or quality4 ,it is      
because indeed we seem to be very far   
from our limit in these respects1 and   
because better results might perhaps so 
easily be gained that it seems necessary
 to make this plea so often4 ,more      
activity1 more art1 greater enrichment  
of the mind1 ought to have the desired  
result1 especially if the environment of
 the school could be so changed that its
 moods would be more joyous and intense4
 ,these changes are at any rate demanded
 for so many other reasons that if they 

fail to make the intellect more         
productive1 they will not be completely 
a failure4  ,education in the use of    
wealth must now be regarded as a part of
 moral education4 ,in ,america we have  
ignored the necessity of thrift1 and the
 idea of thrift has certainly had no    
part in education4 ,the proper use of   
everything we produce or own is a       
fundamental part of conduct1 and it     
ought to be a persistent theme in       
education4 ,we have now the interest and
 incentive that have come from the war1 
we say1 for we have felt1 if only       
remotely1 what poverty means1 and we    
have seen that no amount of natural     
wealth and no degree of civilization can
 wholly insure us against famine and    
disaster4 ,we need throughout our       
national life now1 again1 something like
 the old ,new ,england conscience in the
 uses of things1 applied in a different 
way1 of course1 and now made more       
effectual by our broader science4 ,the  
encouragement of this spirit will       

perhaps make the difference in the end  
between having a world seriously engaged
 in progressive tasks with its material 
forces well in hand1 and a world which  
in all its practical affairs1 large and 
small1 is operated according to the     
principle or the lack of principle of a 
laissez faire attitude throughout life4 
,saving in a good cause1 and with a     
clear conscience and determined purpose1
 is one of the elements of the higher   
life and is far removed from            
miserliness4 ,it is a principle of      
adaptation of means to ends1 and that   
any school which trains this power is   
reaching fundamental principles of the  
practical life needs hardly to be said4 
,the higher uses and appreciation of    
wealth which we are wont to call plain  
living and high thinking1 the moral idea
 of philanthropy1 the sthetic values and
 hygienic implications of the right kind
 of simplicity must not be omitted from 
the educational idea of thrift4 ,to     
impart something of the spirit of       

restraint and generosity1 and to make   
the child feel what living simply1 and  
with definite purpose1 and making means 
serve one's real ends in life imply1 to 
teach the joys of the higher uses of    
common things1 is no mean achievement4  
,but can we indeed do these things which
 after all have their main virtue in    
being general and social1 and a part of 
a program8 ,all we can say is that if we
 are to have a better order1 and if we  
think education has any place in it1    
economy in its broadest sense1 but      
economy also as applied to the details  
of daily life must also have a place in 
it4 ,it is both fatuous and insincere to
 talk about good things to come1 and not
 be willing to pay the price in labor   
and in sacrifice necessary to obtain    
them honestly4 ,especially when the     
price of these things is in itself no   
demand for the sacrificing of any real  
good1 but quite to the contrary is a    
summons to a more joyous life1 we should
 be glad to pay it4     ,,chapter ,,ix  

,,new ,,social ,,problems   ,the social 
problems of education that have arisen  
because of our new world relations and  
new internal conditions in our own      
country are of course only special      
phases of social education as a whole1  
and social education cannot indeed be   
separated sharply from other educational
 questions4 ,there are1 however1 new    
demands and new evidences1 and new      
points of view from which we see social 
education 7or better1 education in its  
social aspects71 in a somewhat new and  
different light1 as compared with our   
ideas of the school in the days before  
the war4 ,we have discussed some of     
these social problems4 ,now we must     
consider them both in their general     
significance1 and also in their more    
specifically pedagogical aspects4       
,there appear to be two things that     
social education needs especially to do 
now3 create and sustain a firmer unity  
at home--a wider and deeper loyalty on  
the part of the individual to all the   

causes and to all the groups to which he
 is attached2 and to make our           
world-consciousness a more productive   
state of mind4 ,it is perhaps because   
such educational proposals as these are 
generally left in the form of ideals and
 things hoped for in a distant future1  
and are not examined to see whether they
 may be made definite programs1 and are 
legitimate demands to be made now1 that 
we are likely to regard all suggestions 
of this nature as impracticable4 ,and   
yet the production of morale at home and
 a social consciousness adequate for our
 new relations abroad seems to be a     
proper demand to make even upon the     
school4 ,in part1 of course1 and perhaps
 largely1 the need is first of all for  
practical relations1 but we must        
consider educationally also the         
fundamental and creative factors of the 
psychic process itself which must in the
 end sustain the relations that we have 
established at such cost and shall now  
begin to elaborate as practical         

functions4  ,the greatest work of social
 education to-day is to infuse into all 
the social relations a new and more     
ardent spirit4 ,it is the elevation of  
the social moods to a more productive   
level1 we might say1 that is wanted4    
sthetic elements1 imagination1 and the  
harmonizing of individual and social    
motives are needed4 ,war has shown us   
the possibilities of exalted social     
moods2 what we ought to do now is to    
consider how we may make our morale of  
peace equal in efficiency and in power  
to our war morale4 ,this is in great    
part a problem of social education4     
,every nation has its own especial      
social problems which must become       
educational problems1 and be dealt with 
in some way according to the methods    
available in schools4 ,in ,england the  
social questions seem to be more in mind
 and to be better understood than here4 
,they are more conscious there of social
 disharmony and of living a socially    
divided life than we are4 ,they have    

seen at close range the dangers of class
 interests and individual interests4    
,individualism1 class distinction and   
party politics and the independence of  
labor came near proving the ruin of     
,england4 ,the ,bishop of ,oxford has   
expressed himself as believing that the 
blank stupid conservatism of his        
country1 as he calls it1 is really      
broken and that a new sense of service  
is actually dawning in all directions4  
,trotter says 7and he too is thinking of
 ,england7 that a very small amount of  
conscious and authoritative direction1 a
 little sacrifice of privilege1 a slight
 relaxation in the vast inhumanity of   
the social machine might at the right   
moment have made a profound effect in   
the national spirit4 ,generalizing1 and 
now thinking of social phenomena in     
terms of the psychology of the herd1 he 
says that the trouble in modern society 
is that capacity for individual         
reaction--that is for making different  
reactions to the same stimulus--has far 

outstripped the capacity for            
intercommunication4 ,society has grown  
in complexity and strength1 but it has  
also grown in disorder4  ,such          
disharmony of the social life of course 
exists also in ,america4 ,we have not   
the sharp division of classes and       
interests and the demonstrative and     
protesting individualism that are to be 
found in ,england 7our individual rights
 are taken more for granted perhaps7 but
 for that very reason1 it may well be1  
our disharmonies are all the more       
dangerous and difficult to overcome4    
,the tension of the individual and the  
social will 7using ,mac,curdy's         
expression7 is great4 ,we are highly    
individualistic in our mode of life1 as 
is shown both in domestic and in public 
affairs4 ,specialization and an intense 
interest in occupations that bring      
individual distinction and large        
financial returns have certainly taken  
precedence over the more fundamental and
 common activities and interests4  ,it  

is these fundamental and common         
activities and interests and sympathies 
that ought to be the chief concern of   
social education1 or perhaps we had     
better say that all our educational     
processes ought so to be socialized as  
to broaden sympathies and make          
activities common4 ,education must      
constantly strive to make the common    
background of our national life more    
firm and strong4 ,more important to-day 
than any further education in the       
direction of specialization of life in  
,america is the securing of a strong    
cohesion throughout society by means of 
common interests and moods4 ,it is true 
that specialization carried out in some 
ideal way may provide just the          
conditions needed for the best social   
order1 but this can be only in so far as
 individuals become specialized within  
the whole of society1 so to speak1 in   
which individuals continue to have a    
common life4 ,individuals as wholes must
 not be differentiated and left to find 

their own means of cordination and      
association1 or be brought together     
artificially by law or convention4      
,specialization must be made the reverse
 side1 as it were1 of a social process  
in which at every point cordination is  
also provided for4 ,at the present time1
 it is the latter rather than the former
 that is of most importance to us4      
,social education in a democratic       
country must always be a matter of the  
greatest concern4 ,in autocratic        
societies the cohesive force exists in  
traditions or can at any moment be      
generated executively4 ,the autocratic  
country can be held together in spite of
 social antagonism4 ,in a democracy this
 cannot be4 ,we voluntarily accept some 
degree of incordination and confusion   
for the sake of our ideals of freedom4  
,we do not wish cohesion based upon any 
form of pessimism or fear--fear of      
enemies without or of powers within4 ,to
 secure unity in our own national life  
we must work for it incessantly1 and we 

ought to be willing to1 for unity means 
so much to us4 ,it is not cohesion at   
any price that we want1 but voluntary   
and natural union1 and to secure that we
 should not hesitate to make our        
educational institutions broad enough to
 include the education of the most      
fundamental relations of the individual 
to society4 ,we want neither a healthy  
egoism nor a morbid self-denying spirit 
that is only a step removed from        
slavery--neither instinctive            
independence nor an artificial and      
enforced social organization4 ,we must  
not be deceived either by a vague and   
false idea of liberty or by the equally 
vicious ideal of militarism with its    
superficiality of social relations and  
its pedagogical simplicity4 ,both these 
ideas represent social life on a low    
plane4 ,healthy individualism1 even with
 its strong sense of tolerance and      
comradeship and its respect for law and 
order1 is not the kind of social ideal  
that we should now cultivate1 for it is 

too primitive a state to fit into our   
already complex social life1 or to be a 
basis for the firm solidarity we need   
for the future4 ,as for militarism1 it  
may become a mere shell1 giving the     
appearance of social unity when its     
bonds are mere shreds and the last drop 
of moral vitality has gone out of it4   
,our need and problem are plain enough4 
,we wish to develop social cohesion and 
unity upon a natural and permanent basis
 of social feeling expressed in1 and in 
turn produced by1 social organization1  
voluntarily entered into for practical  
and for ideal purposes4 ,such solidarity
 can neither be made nor unmade by      
external forces4 ,we must form and      
sustain it by creating internal bonds4  
,we live1 in any great society1 always  
over smoldering fires1 however highly   
civilized the society1 and we are always
 threatened with the eruption of        
volcanic forces4 ,it is fatuous to      
ignore this1 and to make a fool's       
paradise of our democracy4 ,our problem 

is to produce such a social life as     
shall keep us safe through all          
dangers--dangers from enemies without1  
and within1 and underneath4 ,a          
democracy1 or indeed any society after  
all and at its best1 contains the       
makings of the crowd and the mob4       
,organized as it is1 it is always an    
order made of material units which may  
enter into disorder4 ,society is based  
upon social consciousness1 upon the     
consciousness of kind1 but it also has  
collective force4 ,the crowd and the    
collective force are always contained in
 society4 ,however far human nature is  
removed from its primitive form1 the    
social order is always fragile4 ,mental 
operations that are not intelligent and 
are not emotional in the ordinary sense1
 but which consist1 so to speak1 of     
common factors among primitive feelings1
 may gain and for a time hold the       
ascendancy4 ,eruptions in the social    
consciousness are of the nature of      
morbid phenomena1 and are rare and      

exceptional expressions of the          
collective life1 but we are never free  
entirely from the menace of them4       
,social order1 we say1 is always        
fragile4 ,we must not overlook that     
fact4 ,it is this characteristic of the 
social life1 the potentiality of mob    
spirit and the forces of primitive anger
 and fear1 that lead some writers to    
think1 wrongly we believe1 that this is 
the psychological basis of wars in      
general4 ,war comes out of the order of 
society4 ,the higher ecstatic states and
 the ideals of man enter into them4     
,these things we speak of are of the    
nature of disorder1 or are only the     
order of pure momentum4 ,but whatever   
the truth may be about the relation of  
instinct to war and however remote the  
dangers to ourselves from the forces    
which in society make for disorder1 it  
is the work of social education to      
control1 transform and utilize all      
social and collective forces1 the       
primitive emotions and instincts1 the   

moods of intoxication and all the higher
 ecstasies of the social life1 and it is
 only1 we suppose1 by thus consciously  
and with premeditation controlling these
 forces that in any real sense we can   
make democracy safe for the world4  ,it 
is the idea of society cordinated by    
intelligence and by common interests and
 moods that we must always hold before  
us4 ,trotter says that civilization has 
never brought a well-cordinated society1
 and that a gregarious unit consciously 
directed would be a new type of         
biological organism4 ,if this be so1 the
 time seems peculiarly ripe to make     
advance toward this better social       
solidarity4 ,both the promise and the   
need seem greatest in the great ,english
 speaking countries now4 ,there is      
waiting1 we may truly think1 a larger   
sphere of life for all democratic       
countries4 ,if it be conscious direction
 alone that can bring about the change1 
education has a long and a hard task    
before it1 to make the democratic       

peoples capable of such conscious       
direction4 ,this must come in part by   
the development of the idea of          
leadership1 and by the production of all
 the conditions that make leadership    
possible4 ,in part it must come by the  
clear perception of definite tasks to be
 performed by nations and by all        
organizations within nations--tasks     
which have all grown out of the         
relations existing within society4 ,in  
part it means cultivating intelligent   
appreciation of social values1 and      
developing in every possible way all the
 social powers4  ,what we appear to need
 most in our social education just now  
is a conception of what the individual  
is and what the social life is in terms 
of the desires and the functions they   
embody4 ,these are the raw materials    
with which we work4 ,we should then     
treat all our social problems in a      
somewhat different way from that in     
which they are mainly dealt with now4   
,we should try especially to make       

harmony in society not by maneuvering so
 that we might have peace and good      
feeling for their own sakes1 but by     
coordinating the functions which are    
expressed in the life of the individual 
and in all social relations4 ,that is   
precisely what is not being done now1 in
 our present stage of society1 either in
 the life of the individual1 or in the  
wider life of society4 ,people live     
without deep continuity in their lives1 
and we are not conscious enough of the  
ideal relationships individuals should  
have with one another1 in order to make 
the social life productive4 ,in a word  
we do not sufficiently take account of  
the purposes to be achieved1 but are too
 conscious of states of feeling4 ,we do 
not yet appear to see all the           
possibilities contained in the social   
life1 what voluntary unions are         
necessary1 and what kind of community   
life must be developed before we can    
have a really democratic order4  ,we    
must not be content1 certainly1 with a  

merely superficial and external         
solidarity or the purely practical      
gregariousness of the shops or the      
artificial forms of the conventional    
social life4 ,society must more and more
 accomplish results by the social life4 
,coordination in the performance of a   
few obvious functions1 and enthusiasm   
for a few partisan causes1 will not be  
enough4 ,nor will such order as         
militarism represents suffice4 ,is it   
not plain1 indeed1 that democracy must  
rest upon deeper and far more complex   
cordinations than we have now1 and that 
social feelings or moods must be made   
more creative8 ,it is the desire to     
accomplish ends through social          
organization1 rather than the desire to 
possess and enjoy1 that must be made to 
dominate it4 ,to effect such changes in 
the social life must be in great part   
the work of education4  ,social         
education in our present time and       
conditions might very well be considered
 in terms of the antinomies which exist 

in society4 ,these antinomies represent 
the obstacles to national unity4 ,they  
stand for inhibitions which are         
expressed in feelings that are wholly   
unproductive4 ,each one of them is a    
measure of so much waste1 so much       
failure and lack of momentum1 so much   
disorder and disorganization4 ,a program
 of social education1 we say1 might be  
based upon a consideration of these     
antinomies4 ,it would consider mainly   
how the waste and obstruction of these  
conflicting purposes of the social life 
might be overcome by giving desires more
 harmonious and more positive direction4
 ,a complete account of social education
 from this standpoint would need to take
 notice of many disharmonies now very   
evident in our life as a nation4 ,among 
them would be found sectional           
antagonisms1 party opposition1 frictions
 of social classes and industrial       
classes1 religious differences1         
disharmony between the sexes1 racial    
antipathies4 ,some of these we have     

already touched upon briefly4 ,some     
others seem to require further mention  
in the present connection4  ,the lack of
 understanding and sympathy between     
lower and upper classes in society plays
 a larger part in democratic ,america   
than we are usually inclined to admit4  
,there are divided interests1 divergent 
mores1 lack of unity and cordination in 
some of the most urgent duties because  
of the antagonism of classes and the    
lack of understanding1 on the part of   
one1 of the ways of another4 ,especially
 in civic life the unproductiveness of  
the situation is very apparent4 ,what   
money and advantage on one side combined
 with willing hands on the other might  
do is left undone4  ,in part this       
antagonism of classes is merely the     
result of difference in manners4 ,there 
are manners and forms that constitute a 
common bond among the members of a class
 everywhere4 ,ought we not to take      
advantage of this example and use the   
suggestion it offers for bridging over  

the differences that we complain of8 ,we
 have seen during the war1 also1 how    
well common tasks can unite all classes4
 ,does not our educational institution  
afford us opportunity to continue this  
advantage1 and make common service lead 
more directly to understanding and      
appreciation1 not for the sake of the   
sympathy alone1 but because of all the  
practical consequences and the          
opportunities for the future that are   
thus opened up8 ,we assume that social  
feeling may be created through social   
organization4 ,mabie says that ,america 
is distinguished by its capacities for  
forming helpful organizations4 ,we must 
make the most of this habit1 which      
presumably is derived from the          
neighborliness and comradeship of our   
original colonial life4 ,we need many   
group causes1 not artificially planned  
as trellises upon which to grow social  
feelings1 but1 first of all certainly1  
in order to accomplish those things that
 can be done effectively only socially4 

,the secret of harmony among classes is 
presumably not to allow any class to    
have vital interests which are          
exclusively its own1 since to have an   
exclusive vital interest means of course
 to live defensively or to carry on     
offensive strategy4 ,the chief interest 
of the great working class at the       
present time is plainly to secure a     
living1 and it is the sense of isolation
 in this struggle which in part at least
 is the cause of many unfavorable       
conditions in our present social order4 
,ought not education to prepare the way 
for a different attitude in which all   
should become vitally interested in the 
economic problems of all8 ,this does not
 mean an education directed toward      
enlarging the spirit of philanthropy2 it
 means mainly organization to serve     
common purposes4  ,these social problems
 are very numerous4 ,they are both      
national and local4 ,any city which will
 undertake to solve in its civic        
relations this problem of securing      

greater social unity in social causes   
will provide an object lesson which will
 be of the greatest value4 ,it is in    
these local groups perhaps that some of 
the best experimental social work may be
 done4 ,here the educational and the    
political modes of attack can best be   
cordinated1 results can be made most    
tangible1 and the primitive and simple  
forms of solidarity most nearly         
realized4 ,it is indeed by going back to
 these simpler forms of social life and 
seeking means of coordinating the group 
in fundamental activities that the      
greatest headway will be made in the    
solution of wider social problems4      
,another of the disharmonies which      
social education must from now on       
undertake to control is the disharmony  
and the inequality of the sexes1 not so 
much as this appears in the domestic    
life as in the broader relations of the 
social life4 ,brinton says that the     
ethnic psychologist has no sounder maxim
 than that uttered by ,steinthal1 that  

the position of women is the cardinal   
point of all social relations4 ,every   
one1 of course1 now recognizes the fact 
that the position of women is to-day in 
a transitional and experimental stage4  
,conflicting motives are at work1 and on
 the part of neither sex do the highest 
motives seem to prevail1 nor is there a 
full realization anywhere of the values 
that are at stake4 ,men are thinking of 
the question of the position of women   
too much from the standpoint of         
expediency1 and are scrutinizing too    
closely the immediate future4 ,women    
perhaps are thinking too much just now  
of their rights4 ,there is a decadent   
form of chivalry or at least a sexuality
 that perpetuates conventions and       
interests that on the whole seem to     
interfere with progress4 ,jealousy and  
in general the tense emotional relations
 between the sexes obscure larger       
issues4 ,thus misunderstanding or       
antagonism1 or at least disharmony1     
prevails in relations in which there    

should be perfect harmony of ideals and 
purposes1 and productive activities of  
the highest nature4 ,the education of   
women1 whether for the domestic life or 
for the life outside the home is plainly
 but a part of the educational problem4 
,the sexes have different desires1 and  
it is precisely the work of harmonizing 
these desires1 and regulating and       
coordinating activities and functions1  
that is the most important part of      
social education in regard to the sexes4
  ,it is not at all difficult to see    
what the basic need is4 ,it is not so   
easy to find practical means of applying
 the remedy in the form of education1   
because the whole system of living of   
the sexes must in some way be affected4 
,the generalized principle on the       
practical side seems clear4 ,all classes
 or groups in society must learn to     
think and to act not in terms of and    
with reference to the desires of their  
class alone1 but with regard to wider   
tasks and values that are not fully     

realized by the most natural and the    
conventional activities of the class4   
,the question is not one of making a    
moral change--converting individuals or 
classes from a spirit of selfishness to 
that of altruism4 ,what we need is an   
educational process and a social life in
 which the nature of the individual and 
of the class is revealed as social1 as  
best represented and satisfied in       
situations in which both the individual 
and the wider social idea work together4
  ,practically1 we should say1 the      
problem of education of the sexes with  
reference to one another and to a wider 
social life consists first of all in    
actually educating them together not    
merely in juxtaposition but in relations
 of a practical character4 ,the         
relations of the sexes have evidently   
been mainly domestic and emotional1 or  
in cases where they are practical the   
position of women has been little better
 than servitude4 ,of social cordination 
there has been little4 ,education of the

 sexes through situations in which the  
special abilities of each sex are       
brought into action1 doing for the wider
 social life what the natural and       
instinctive differentiation of          
activities has accomplished in its way  
for the domestic life seems to be the   
main principle now to be employed in the
 education of the sexes4 ,women must be 
made to see that the ideal of           
independence which is uppermost at the  
present time is only the mark of a      
transitional stage1 and that cordination
 in which of course competition of      
various kinds cannot be entirely        
eliminated will be the final adjustment4
 ,we should have no fear of placing the 
sexes1 in their educational situations1 
in positions where competition is       
necessary1 since through competition    
fundamental desires may be brought to   
the surface and regulated4 ,provided we 
admit at all that a new social          
adjustment is needed between the sexes1 
we can hardly fail to see that it is    

primarily in a practical life lived     
together that both education for the new
 order will best be conducted and the   
new order itself realized4  ,the details
 of method of what we have called social
 education for democracy we can only    
suggest here and of course in a very    
imperfect and tentative way4 ,all       
aspects of education and every          
department of the school are involved2  
and every available method employed in  
education must in some way be turned to 
the purpose of developing social        
relations4 ,in a very general way we    
think of these specific processes of the
 school as methods of learning1 methods 
of art1 and methods of activity1        
although of course in reality there can 
be no such sharp separation of them as  
this might imply4  ,there must be some  
place in the school now for a subject   
which in a general way might be         
designated as social history4 ,we must  
teach the whole story of the social life
 of our country in such a way as to     

reveal the motives of classes1 parties1 
sections1 and of all organizations1     
institutions and principles4 ,such      
teaching should have the effect of      
bringing to light the causes of the     
disharmonies of society1 and it should  
also be a means of conveying the        
feelings and moods as well as the ideas 
that govern the conduct of all groups   
that make up our national life4 ,we must
 teach sympathetically what the desires 
and intentions of all are1 on the       
assumption that behind all conduct there
 are natural causes and essentially     
sound instincts4 ,by showing the desires
 of groups in their relation to one     
another1 their disharmony and their     
possible harmony1 we indicate what      
society as a functioning whole may be1  
and we may say that it is the chief end 
to be gained by the intellectual        
treatment of the social life to make    
clear what the ideal of social unity for
 practical life is1 and what the main   
obstacles are that now stand in the way 

of it4 ,by this social history we do not
 mean1 moreover1 something abstruse and 
academic suited for the college alone4  
,wherever the social antagonism is      
experienced1 at whatever age1 there is  
the opportunity to begin to set the mind
 at work about it1 and to prevent the   
formation of prejudice and resentment4  
,these states of mind begin very early  
indeed1 and they are hard to eradicate4 
,a very large part in the work of social
 education is played by methods of      
education that we may call sthetic4     
,this must mean not only the inclusion  
of the methods of art in presenting     
facts1 but we must bring to bear all    
kinds of sthetic influences upon the    
social life4 ,social life in which there
 is introduced the dramatic moment is   
one of the main objectives of all       
education4 ,it is in the recreational   
life that some of the best conditions   
for the realization of social moods in  
dramatic or sthetic form are obtained4  
,in the recreational experience the     

social states must be made productive of
 social harmony1 as they themselves tend
 to be4 ,in these experiences the       
conflicting motives of the individual   
and society1 and of individual with     
individual1 and the opposing desires of 
the individual are harmonized by means  
of ideal experiences in which the       
desires are exploited4 ,since we here   
touch upon the whole theory of the      
sthetic in its practical application1 we
 cannot be very explicit and clear1 but 
the main service of the sthetic social  
life experienced typically in the form  
of recreational activities1 ought to be 
plain4 ,recreation is a means of giving 
the common experience so much needed in 
democratic countries like our           
own--common feelings1 common activities 
and interests4 ,this store of common    
life1 containing exalted social         
feelings1 expressed in play and         
art--languages which all nationalities  
can understand--must constantly be      
increased4 ,all institutions that       

control the leisure hours of the people 
must be made educational as means of    
raising the social life to a higher     
level and making it more harmonious and 
productive of common interests4 ,it is  
indeed one of the functions of the      
recreational activities and institutions
 to create and sustain public morale4   
,in the recreational experiences under  
control of the school we have the       
opportunity to educate the deepest and  
most powerful of motives4 ,play and art 
we should suppose1 therefore1 ought to  
have a greater part and more serious    
recognition in the school4 ,we cannot of
 course accomplish much merely by       
crowding more arts and plays and games  
into the curriculum4 ,it is something   
larger and more transforming that is    
wanted4 ,we need to make the school take
 a greater place in the life of the     
child2 it must reach a deeper level of  
human nature1 in which the motives of   
play and art lie1 and there must be a   
broader exposure of all young life to   

those influences of the social life     
everywhere which contain our highest    
social ideals4 ,the place of art and to 
some extent of play as the methods and  
the spirit of the school is to convey   
persuasively to the child this larger   
and better life in which we expect him  
to take part4  ,neither erudition nor   
art nor both together can1 of course1   
fulfill all the requirements for a      
social education suited to our present  
needs4 ,it is presumably in the social  
life itself1 in the form of a practical 
activity1 that social education will in 
great part be gained4 ,this educational 
social life1 which is also practical1   
will1 however1 be one in which every    
opportunity is taken to show the social 
life in its historical perspective1 and 
to make clear its purposes and meaning2 
and in which sympathetic moods and      
intense social states are realized by   
conducting this social life1 so far as  
possible1 so that it will be subjected  
to the influences of what we may call in

 a broad way art4     ,,chapter ,x      
,,religion ,,and ,,education ,,after    
,,the ,,war   ,the war1 which has left  
no field of human interest untouched1   
has raised many questions about religion
 that must be dealt with in new         
ways--about its validity1 its power1 its
 future4 ,the impression the whole      
experience of the war seems to convey is
 that religion has failed to be either a
 great creative force or a great        
restraining power1 although to express  
this as a failure of religion may imply 
more than we have a right to expect of  
it4 ,religion did not cause the war1 but
 it certainly did not prevent it4 ,it   
had no power to make peace4 ,yet we see 
that now religion is needed more than   
ever1 and that if the social life be not
 deeply infused with the religious      
spirit1 and if we do not live as a world
 more in the religious spirit1 something
 fundamental and necessary will be      
wanting which may be the most essential 
factor of progress and civilization4    

,the war leaves us with the feeling1    
perhaps1 that until now the world has   
had far too many religions and too      
little religion4 ,there has been too    
much of creed and too little of deep and
 sustaining religious moods4 ,perhaps1  
as ,russell says1 we are to be convinced
 that religion has been too             
professional2 there has been too much   
paid service1 and too little voluntary  
service4  ,such conclusions of course   
have in them all the reservation that   
personal reactions must have1 but it is 
easy to believe that in the life of such
 a nation as our own1 and indeed in the 
world1 no practical unity will ever be  
permanently reached unless there be a   
firm basis in a common religious        
foundation4 ,this we might say is made  
probable by the truth that religion is  
the most fundamental thing in life1 and 
if there be no unity and common         
understanding in that sphere1 there can 
be none in reality anywhere in life4    
,differences in creed mean little1      

except in so far as they conceal basic  
agreement and make artificial barriers2 
differences in the way of understanding 
and valuing the world mean everything4  
,we want a common religious             
faith--common in the possession at least
 of the moods which make a harmonious   
social life possible1 and of the spirit 
in which the world's work can1 we may   
believe1 alone be done4  ,upon such     
grounds one might maintain that a very  
important part of the work of education 
everywhere is to teach now more natural 
religion1 or rather perhaps that the    
school must be everywhere conducted to a
 greater extent in the spirit of        
religion4 ,then we might hope to see    
religion becoming actually a power in   
the social life1 helping to transform   
the crude forces and purposes of the day
 into higher ones4 ,with such a         
religious basis we might begin to see   
the working of ,god in history and in   
the world as a whole1 and we should feel
 in the history of the world and in the 

world that is before us the presence of 
reality4 ,then we should have a common  
ground for the sympathy and             
understanding without which not even the
 most practical affairs can be conducted
 efficiently4 ,that ideal in education1 
often expressed by the educator1 which  
holds that the purpose of all teaching  
is to convey the meaning of the world to
 the child1 to make the world live in   
epitome1 so to speak1 in the soul of    
every child1 is religious and nothing   
else1 and quite satisfies the demands of
 our present day4  ,if such a standpoint
 be the right one1 certainly the        
ambition of any nation 7or indeed of any
 group7 to have a religion peculiar to  
itself and an outgrowth of its own      
culture is unfortunate1 and indeed comes
 from the very essence of morbid        
nationalism4 ,in such desires there is  
thinly veiled the hope that through     
religion the old claim of nations to the
 right to temporal supremacy may be     
vindicated4 ,lagarde1 in about #ahgd1   

was probably the first to say that      
,germany must have a national religion1 
but during the war this hope has been   
expressed again and again--,germany must
 have a new religion1 befitting a great 
independent people1 and must no longer  
be dependent for its religion upon an   
old and inferior race4 ,whether this    
longing for a new religion has not been 
in reality a longing to be upheld again 
by the old pagan faith1 which was a     
fitting cult for the nationalistic      
temper1 with its ideal of force1 may    
justly be asked4 ,it is interesting to  
remember that in ,japan also1 in recent 
times1 there has been a demand for a    
national religion that should unite all 
the creeds in one4 ,that this idea of a 
national religion1 as contrasted with an
 universal religion1 is opposed to the  
spirit of ,christianity is plain1 and   
the claim that ,germany has not been    
able to understand the key-note of      
,christianity1 as it is revealed in     
humanity and justice1 may therefore be  

said to have some foundation in truth4  
,can we say that the work of education1 
in the religious life1 is that of       
inculcating and extending ,christianity8
 ,it might indeed so be interpreted1 and
 with a liberal enough understanding of 
,christianity we should say that this is
 true4 ,but after all1 it is            
,christianity as the vehicle of certain 
fundamental religious moods and ideals  
that1 from an educational point of view 
at least1 is of the greatest concern4   
,it is the optimistic mood1 the ideal of
 justice and humanity1 the recognition  
of the worth of the soul of the         
individual1 the ideal of service--it is 
these qualities of ,christianity rather 
than its specific doctrines that we must
 now emphasize in our wider social life1
 and such religion is natural religion1 
or philosophy or ,christianity as we may
 choose to call it4 ,any experience1    
indeed1 that fosters such moods and     
ideals has a place in religious         
education4 ,who can doubt that such     

religion must henceforth have a large   
place in the world8 ,it will be the test
 in the end of the possibility of       
sincere internationalism4 ,unless we can
 have common religious moods we can have
 no universal morality that is founded  
upon secure feeling and principles1 and 
unless we can include the whole world in
 our religion1 we shall certainly not be
 able to include it in any sincere way  
in our politics4  ,no religion1 finally1
 will be profound enough and have great 
enough power to be thus a support of a  
future world-consciousness unless it be 
a religion of feeling rather than       
primarily of ideas--a religion in fact  
capable of inspiring ecstatic moods4    
,and this ecstasy of feeling can never  
in our modern world be a prevailing     
quality of the religious life unless    
religion be something that extends over 
all life and draws its power from all   
the energies and capacities of the      
psychic life4 ,the religion of our new  
era1 we may be sure1 if it be in any    

real sense a religion of the world1 will
 not be something apart from and above  
other experiences4 ,it will be a secular
 religion and a democratic religion1 a  
quality and spirit of life as a whole4  
,experience referred to what we believe 
is real and universal1 and subjected    
sincerely to all the capacities and     
criteria of appreciation that we possess
 is religious experience4 ,religion1    
educationally considered1 is a means of 
giving to life a sense of reality and of
 value4 ,that spirit should pervade and 
inspire all we do in the work of        
education4     ,,chapter ,,xi           
,,humanism   ,there has much been said  
during the war to the effect that the   
great struggle was essentially a        
conflict between the spirit of humanism 
and some principle or other which was   
conceived to be the opposite of         
humanism4 ,humanism is said to be       
opposed to rationalism1 or to           
nationalism1 or specialization1 or      
paganism1 or ,germanism as a whole1     

humanism often being thought of as the  
spirit of ,greek or ,christian thought  
and philosophy4  ,there is truth1 we    
should say1 in these views4 ,humanism in
 a broad sense emerged from all the     
purposes of the war as the principle of 
the greater part of the world1 as       
opposed to the idea of ,germanism4 ,this
 spirit of humanism1 however1 is no     
single motive or feeling4 ,it is a      
complex mood1 so to speak1 and it is not
 to be regarded as strange that it has  
been felt and described in various ways1
 and that it is not yet clearly         
understood4 ,humanism appears to be most
 deeply felt as the appreciation of the 
common and fundamental things in human  
nature4 ,it inclines toward the         
employment of feeling1 or at least to   
subjective rather than to purely        
objective principles in the             
determination of fundamental values in  
life4 ,humanism includes an interest in 
personality1 which is of course the most
 basic of the common possessions of man1

 and it is therefore interested in      
justice and in freedom4 ,humanism as    
thus an appreciation of fundamental     
values in life by feeling rather than by
 principle1 belongs to the deeper       
currents of life1 those that flow in the
 subconscious--it is close to instinct1 
to moods1 and the religious and the     
aesthetic experiences4  ,the later      
,german philosophy of life we might     
mention as a denial of much that        
humanism asserts4 ,here we see a        
doctrine of force1 an ideal of life     
based upon the elevation of conscious   
will to its first principle4 ,if we seek
 concrete contrasts to this             
anti-humanism we might mention our own  
national life1 governed by an idea of   
free living1 which has made possible the
 assimilation of many stocks1 in a life 
in which common human nature is regarded
 as the supreme value4 ,extreme         
specialization1 rational principles1    
objective standards are watchwords of   
the plan of life that is most opposed to

 humanism4 ,in this life instincts and  
values determined by feelings are       
brought out into the clear light of     
consciousness and are there judged with 
reference to their fitness to serve ends
 determined by reason4 ,it is all       
noon-day glare in this rational         
consciousness4 ,collectivism is based   
upon coercion and upon calculation of   
the value of order in serving practical 
purposes1 themselves determined by a    
theory of society1 instead of upon      
social feeling or upon a natural process
 of assimilation of the different and   
the individual into a common life4      
,specialization also1 in this           
philosophy1 is a result of calculation  
rather than of a belief in the value of 
the individual1 and is gained by the    
sacrifice of those experiences which1 if
 we hold to the humanistic ideal1 we    
regard as essential to the life of the  
individual and to society4 ,this        
calculus of values extends1 of course1  
into the field of international life4   

,here too conduct is based upon         
estimation of effects1 freedom is       
relative to and subordinate to economic 
values4 ,a theory of the state takes    
precedence over all subjective ethical  
principles1 and there must be a         
disavowal of all native sentiments and  
judgments as regards justice which issue
 from an appreciation of the worth of   
personality and other fundamental human 
values and possessions2 and all common  
human sentiments which would stand in   
the way of carrying out the decisions of
 reason and state-theory or any         
political policy must of course also be 
denied4  ,this contrast1 however        
inadequate our analysis of the spirit of
 humanism and its opposite may be1 will 
at least show that the idea of justice1 
which in the humanistic ideal grows     
directly out of the appreciation of the 
value of personality is the central     
practical principle of humanism1 and it 
is exactly as an opponent of the idea of
 justice on the ground of its alleged   

weakness1 that the rationalistic or the 
nationalistic philosophy is best        
conceived4  ,it is upon this question of
 justice that we must take our stand for
 or against humanism4 ,if we are        
humanists we believe in the rights of   
individuals1 whether men or nations1 to 
their own life and independence1 which  
they are entitled to preserve through   
all forms of social processes4 ,justice 
means recognition of the right of       
individuals to perform all their        
functions as individuals1 and humanism  
is precisely an appreciation of the     
values of the individual as such a      
functioning whole4 ,if we are humanists 
we believe that this principle of       
justice1 and this feeling of justice    
ought to be cultivated and made         
world-wide4 ,this is the ideal of equal 
rights to all human values4 ,hence it is
 the mortal enemy of all philosophies of
 life which place any principle above   
that of justice and its moral           
implications1 ,whether in the narrower  

or the wider social life4 ,this is      
humanism4  ,there are various ways of   
interpreting humanism as a practical    
philosophy or principle of education4   
,burnet says1 perhaps not very          
completely expressing what he means1    
that the humanistic ideal of education1 
as contrasted with the merely formal1 is
 that the pupils should above all be led
 to feel the meaning and worth of what  
they are studying4 ,we should say that  
the meaning of humanism in education is 
that the child should understand and    
appreciate the meaning and worth of all 
human life4 ,this requires that         
education should so be conducted that   
the child may learn to see--rather to   
feel and appreciate--the inner rather   
than the merely external nature of all  
life that is presented to him1 and in   
which he participates4 ,not language1   
but thought2 not history1 but           
experience1 is his field4 ,justice      
depends wholly upon an ability to come  
upon reality in the realm of human      

nature4 ,this implies not only          
intellectual penetration1 but a form of 
sympathy which consists of putting      
oneself as completely as possible into  
the life of that which is studied4  ,all
 this means1 it is plain1 a power in the
 educational process1 a spirit and a    
mood in all education which we have not 
yet in any very large measure attained4 
,what is required is indeed that        
children should live more intimately    
with reality1 so to speak1 and that we  
should not be satisfied when they have  
merely learned about it4 ,we shall not  
be content1 however1 with an educational
 process which1 in fulfilling these     
requirements for more life1 becomes     
merely active4 ,life must also be       
dramatic and intense and abundant4 ,all 
the mental processes--the feelings1 the 
intellectual functions and not the will 
alone must participate in this active   
life4  ,we shall soon see1 no doubt1 and
 in fact we are beginning already to see
 a renewed interest in all the arguments

 for and against a humanistic as opposed
 to a scientific culture and curriculum 
for our schools4 ,it is the humanistic  
side from which1 it is likely1 we shall 
now hear the most pleas1 for the war has
 ended1 they say1 in victory for        
humanity and for humanism--hence for the
 humanities4 ,it is the ,christian and  
the ,grco-,roman civilization that has  
prevailed4 ,victorious ,france1 whose   
culture is founded upon that of the     
,greek and the ,roman1 has vindicated   
the supreme value of that culture4 ,on  
the other hand we hear that our present 
age has become an age of science4 ,if   
science has been a factor in causing the
 war1 science has also won it4 ,if      
industrialism involved the world in     
disaster1 the world will be saved by    
more and better work1 more practical    
living1 wider organization for the      
production of goods and of wealth4      
,therefore our curriculum must become   
more practical4 ,we must have more of   
business and industry1 more vocational  

training1 more training that sharpens   
the intelligence4  ,there is a truth    
which cannot be overlooked in the claim 
of the humanists1 but the acceptance of 
it as it stands as a philosophy of      
education is not without its serious    
dangers4 ,what we may well apprehend is 
a reactionary philosophy of education1  
and of all culture4 ,we begin to hear   
very strong pleas1 for example1 for a   
school in which language1 literature1   
and perhaps history become the center4  
,west#a asks for a wider recognition of 
the humanities after the war4 ,moore#b  
says that the war is a victory of the   
civilization finally established by the 
,romans on the basis of law1 over the   
barbaric ideas of power4 ,seeing this he
 is led to plead for a closer union now 
between ,latin and modern studies1      
binding civilization of to-day with the 
thought and feeling of old ,rome4       
,butler#c says that we are surely coming
 back to the classical languages and    
literature4  ,such conclusions as these 

raise many questions and perhaps doubts 
and apprehension4 ,the ideal they       
express of penetrating the heart of     
civilization and experiencing in the    
educational process the inner life      
rather than the outer form of life1 must
 indeed appeal to all1 and we should all
 as humanists agree that this ideal     
expresses what humanism means and is the
 center of a true philosophy of         
education--but whether this ideal can be
 realized by any school that clings to  
the old classical learning1 even in     
spirit1 is quite another matter4        
,to-day1 if ever1 we need to go forward 
in education4 ,our spirit must be that  
of the searcher for new truth1 and for a
 better life4 ,the old will not satisfy 
us either as a model and ideal or as a  
method4 ,no already accumulated culture 
material will be adequate for our new   
school4  ,our schools of to-morrow1 we  
should conclude1 must still be inspired 
by the scientific spirit1 but what we   
need is science humanised1 and science  

in the service of moral principles4 ,one
 may well ask whether it is not now the 
most opportune time to leave our        
classical learning behind1 and try to   
find a more adequate culture in which to
 convey the spirit of our new humanism4 
,if we have won a victory for humanity1 
as we think1 and have kept alive the    
,christian spirit by means of a meager  
culture1 we need not still cling to that
 culture if we can find something       
better4 ,even if modern ,germany has    
misused science and brought it to       
reproach1 we need not be prejudiced     
against science4 ,we need more science  
but we need to bring science into closer
 relation to the whole of human life4   
,we need more of all the psychological  
sciences as an aid to our appreciation  
of history as the story and a revelation
 of the meaning of spirit in the        
world--and it is this way rather than   
through language that we must undertake 
to know and to explain life4 ,on the    
other hand1 it is for the business of   

practical1 social living that the       
material sciences should have most      
significance in education4 ,there is no 
science1 not even mathematics1 that     
cannot be taught as a phase of the      
adventure of spirit in the world1 and   
none that cannot in some way be made to 
aid spirit in finding and keeping its   
true course in the future4 ,such use of 
all culture is what we mean by humanism4
 ,the secret of the difference in the   
educational ideals of those whom we may 
call the old humanists and the new is   
that to one education means             
predominantly learning1 and to the other
 it means mainly living4 ,living1 for   
the child1 means growing into the life  
of the world by participating in spirit 
and in body1 according to the child's   
needs and capacities1 in the activities 
of the world4 ,to gain a consciousness  
of the meaning of those activities      
through a knowledge of their history and
 by an appreciation of their purpose is 
indeed the main purpose of learning4    

,,footnotes3  ,footnote #a3 ,educational
 ,review1 ,february1 #aiai4  ,footnote  
#b3 ,educational ,review1 ,february1    
#aiai4  ,footnote #c3 ,teachers ,college
 ,record1 ,january1 #aiai4     ,,chapter
 ,,xii  ,,aesthetic ,,experience ,,in   
,,education   ,throughout this study we 
have again and again been led to        
consider the relations of the aesthetic 
experiences to the practical life4 ,it  
is as the repository of deep desires and
 as the appreciation of values that the 
aesthetic may be most readily seen to be
 practical1 but it performs other       
functions4 ,as ecstatic experience it is
 the source of power in the conscious   
life1 and it was indeed the belief in   
art as a means of attaining power that  
has given art its place in the world4   
,the aesthetic experience is the form   
also in which desires are brought into  
relation to one another1 harmonized and 
transformed1 or transferred to new      
objects4 ,so the aesthetic is the type  
of adaptation in the inner life4  ,we   

have asserted that all life1 and        
certainly the educational process1 must 
have its dramatic moments1 since the    
dramatic experience1 as ecstasy of the  
social life1 is the expression of social
 feeling in its highest form4 ,the      
aesthetic experience is the central     
point of experience1 so to speak1 at    
which social ideals impinge upon and    
influence and mold pure nature4 ,art is 
the form in which play1 representing    
biological forces1 is carried to a      
higher stage1 and made a factor in      
conscious evolution4 ,the aesthetic     
experience is a practical attitude in   
another way4 ,it is by our aesthetic    
appreciation1 more than we commonly     
understand1 that we judge life as a     
totality1 that we estimate the fitness  
of its parts to belong to the whole1 and
 that indeed we guide life when we judge
 it not according to principles which so
 often are seen to be inadequate1 but   
when we try to bring to bear our utmost 
of powers of appreciation and to find   

ultimate values4  ,such a recognition of
 the relation of art or the aesthetic to
 life we see often expressed in the     
literature of the day4 ,it is a sign of 
the times--of an effort to attain higher
 powers1 to take more comprehensive     
views of life1 and to gain deeper       
insight into it4 ,it is a phase of the  
seriousness of purpose which the war has
 aroused in us4 ,dide speaks of a deep  
but obscure need that drives all human  
beings to put themselves in harmony with
 the universal1 and says that this is   
the end and purpose of the aesthetic    
tendencies4 ,this phase of the place of 
the aesthetic is seen and expressed in  
various ways4 ,some think of it as a    
significant change in the attitude of   
life which is to bring about an era of  
peace4 ,clutton-,brook1 an ,english     
writer1 says that unless we attain to   
some kind of beauty and art1 we shall   
have no lasting peace4 ,we shall never  
have freedom from war until we have a   
peace that is worth living4 ,some see in

 the humanistic spirit an essentially   
aesthetic principle4 ,the fairness and  
justice of the ,french1 the spirit of   
the ,english that expresses itself in   
their ideal of sportsmanship1 some      
attribute to the aesthetic spirit4  ,all
 this is in keeping with our new        
experiences of life in all its dynamic  
expressions4 ,it becomes easier for us  
to see the truth about the nature of the
 aesthetic and of all other powers of   
consciousness1 since consciousness has  
revealed itself to us as itself so great
 a power4 ,the aesthetic experience may 
no longer appear to be only a joy1      
something subjective1 but1 indeed1 as a 
practical force in the world4 ,the      
aesthetic is a feeling of power1 but it 
is also an experience in which mental   
power is generated1 and it must be      
employed to such an end4 ,the aesthetic 
mood is a mood of happiness1 but it is  
also a mood of persuasion1 in which     
something is being done to the will1 and
 in which desires are being turned      

continually toward new objects1 and     
composite feelings are being formed     
which will direct the course of future  
experience4 ,so art and the aesthetic   
experience are not things apart from    
life1 but may even be thought of as the 
method and the quality of life in some  
of its most dynamic forms4 ,they are not
 added to life as an ornament or a      
luxury1 but are the spirit in which life
 is lived when it is indeed most        
productive4  ,when we make specific     
analyses of aesthetic experience we find
 represented in it all the deep motives 
and tendencies1 of life4 ,this gives us 
our clew to the practical application of
 the aesthetic in the business of life4 
,all it contains1 all the art and the   
play of the world must be put to work1  
although this is a conclusion that might
 readily be misunderstood4 ,we do not   
expect to harness the powers of         
childhood to the world's tasks1 or      
expect industry to become fine art1 but 
we do expect art and play to be         

something more than passive and         
unproductive states4 ,we expect them to 
sustain and to create the energies by   
which the world's work is to be carried 
on4 ,we would utilize them to give more 
power to life at every point1 and to    
make all activities of the practical    
life more free and creative4 ,and was   
there ever a time when power was more   
greatly needed--in industry1 in         
political life and in every phase of    
life both of the individual and of      
society8  ,but it is not only in        
creating and doing that the world needs 
art to-day1 in the sense in which we    
mean to define it4 ,an aroused world is 
called upon to feel to the depths of    
reality1 and to draw from these depths  
new and more profound valuations4 ,we   
stand at a point where many things in   
life must be tested and judged anew1    
where the danger of perverting and      
misjudging many things is great4 ,it is 
by the powers of appreciation gained in 
dynamic states of consciousness1 we may 

believe1 rather than by discoveries and 
an accumulation of data that we shall be
 most certain of finding true values1   
and the way of extrication from our     
present grave doubts4  ,can one hesitate
 to conclude1 then1 that in all our     
educational experiences1 we must try not
 only to train these powers that we call
 aesthetic1 but to give opportunity at  
every point for the exercise of them as 
selective functions1 and as a means of  
creating and expressing power in the    
mental life8     ,,chapter ,,xiii       
,,moods ,,and ,,education3 ,a ,,review  
,in the philosophy of education it is   
with moods that in our view1 we have    
most of all to deal4 ,man1 we have a    
right to say1 is a creature of feeling1 
not of instinct or of reason4 ,it is not
 the instinct as a definite reaction to 
stimulus or as an inner necessity1 nor  
emotion as a subjective response to this
 stimulus that is the driving force of  
conduct1 but rather the more lasting and
 deeper and more complex states or      

processes that we can call by no other  
name than moods4 ,since it is in the    
moods that the most profound longing or 
tendency or desire is represented1 we   
say that moods are the object of chief  
concern in a practical philosophy of    
life4 ,these moods are the repositories1
 so to speak1 of instinct1 impulse1     
tendency1 desire1 and it is therefore by
 the control and education of moods that
 the individual in all his social and in
 all his personal aspects will be most  
fundamentally educable if he is educable
 at all4  ,it is as the seat of the will
 to power1 we might say1 that the moods 
which are the main sources of human     
energy are to be conceived4 ,the craving
 for power1 as a generalization of more 
primitive desires1 comes to take the    
position of the main motive in life4    
,the craving for power is a desire1 as  
we see when we analyze it1 that         
expresses itself as a longing for       
ecstatic or intense states of           
consciousness1 and an abundant life4 ,it

 is a craving to be possessed by strong 
desire and also for the satisfaction of 
many desires--often vicariously1 since  
the objects desired may be confused and 
general4 ,so this motive of power and   
the ecstatic states in which it is      
expressed or realized is no instinct and
 no pure emotion4 ,it is an outgrowth   
and culmination of instincts1 a fusion  
of them into a new product4  ,it would  
be going too far afield to try to       
summarize here the psychology of moods  
or of the motive of power in the        
individual and in society1 but the main 
fact needed for the moment seems plain4 
,in this motive and its expression in   
feeling and conduct there is a very     
general tendency which is the source of 
many forms of interest and enthusiasm1  
of ambition1 of the spirit of war1 of   
various kinds of excitement1 and to some
 extent of morbid and criminal          
tendencies4 ,the spirit of war we think 
of as a summation of the same forces as 
those which in other ways appear as the 

energies behind various enterprises     
having quite different objectives4 ,war 
is an anachronism1 we may believe1 a    
wrong direction taken by the forces of  
the social life1 an archaic expression  
now1 let us say1 of the will to power   
which might and ought to have different 
objectives4 ,in the life and the mood of
 the great city we see a very varied    
expression of the motive of power4 ,the 
city life is still a crude life4 ,it    
satisfies deep desires1 but in it       
desires for we know not what are        
aroused4 ,it is indeed as the seat of   
eager1 unsatisfied desire that the city 
is best of all characterized4 ,these    
desires readily take shape in the city  
as the spirit of war and as a craving   
for excitement of various kinds4  ,these
 same forces re-directed or finding     
different objects and working under     
different conditions appear in moral1   
religious1 or aesthetic forms4 ,in these
 higher experiences and more progressive
 moments in history or in the life of   

the individual1 the forces which at     
other levels emerge in different forms  
and in search of different objects we   
may think of as transformed1 or given   
new direction2 but to suppose them      
annihilated or suppressed is to         
misunderstand1 according to our view1   
the whole process of the development of 
spirit4 ,life is not a process in which 
instincts are balanced1 or in which good
 motives stand in sharp contrast to bad 
motives1 or in which an original        
selfishness is opposed and gradually    
overcome by an altruistic motive4 ,we   
think rather of very complex processes  
in which many desires1 gathered into    
moods1 find many forms of expression4   
,there are prevailing moods--of war and 
of peace--and these moods are deep      
forces1 containing both the desires and 
the sources of energy1 so to speak1 out 
of which our future will be made4 ,the  
ecstatic states of the social life1 the 
moods of war and the enthusiasm of the  
periods of rapid change are conditions  

in which energies and purposes are      
deeply stirred4 ,these are the moods of 
intoxication1 if we wish to describe    
them by pointing out one of their chief 
common characteristics4 ,peace is a     
reverie1 we may say1 in which the       
purposes and the results expressed and  
attained in the more dramatic moments   
are elaborated and fulfilled1 and in    
which new impulse is gathered of which  
the dramatic moment is itself the       
expression4 ,but throughout the whole   
course of history and through all the   
life of the individual1 the same motives
 are at work4 ,life in its fundamental  
movements and motives1 we should argue1 
is both simple and continuous4 ,it is   
fragmentary and complex only on its     
surface4  ,the whole problem of the     
nature of education of course resolves  
itself1 from this point of view1 into   
the question whether progress is        
something inherent in nature1 or is     
something controlled by man4 ,or if we  
cannot make so sharp a contrast between 

nature and will1 shall we say that      
progress is in the main and in all      
essential ways one or the other8 ,does  
conscious effort1 the having of ideals1 
exert any profound effect upon the      
history of spirit8 ,does it accelerate1 
give direction1 provide energy8 ,is the 
course of history inevitable or is the  
making of it in our hands8 ,we can see  
what1 in a general way1 so far as       
regards the transformation of the       
fundamental motives of life1 the order  
of development has been--how the        
original and basic desires or instincts 
have become merged and confused in the  
more general desires and moods1 how the 
motive of power has emerged1 finding so 
varied expression as we see in the whole
 movement of art and play in the world1 
how out of these motives of art and play
 more controlled enthusiasms have       
arisen4 ,but the part in this movement  
played by conscious direction does not  
thus far appear to have been great4 ,a  
movement of and within consciousness it 

has been1 and no mere biological or     
physical development1 but when we speak 
of conscious will or any ideals         
controlling the course of spirit in     
essential ways1 we find as yet only a   
beginning4 ,and yet1 this does not      
indicate that in the future conscious   
direction may not be even the greatest  
factor in evolution4 ,it is difficult to
 see how we can know with certainty that
 we have such powers2 but to refrain    
from acting as though we had is also    
difficult1 and indeed impossible4  ,as a
 working hypothesis1 at least1 we seem  
to be allowed to assume that much will  
depend1 in the future1 upon the extent  
to which conscious factors are brought  
to bear upon the world's progress as a  
whole1 upon the form in which the       
world-idea shapes itself1 and the power 
which is put behind that world idea by  
the educational forces of the world4    
,the world appears now to stand balanced
 at a critical moment1 its future       
depending upon whether old ideals and   

primitive emotions shall prevail1 or    
whether a new spirit which is perhaps   
after all but a sense of direction      
growing out of the old order shall      
become the dominating influences4       
,whether the consciousness of nations   
shall be creative and progressive seems 
to depend now upon the extent to which  
the whole life of feeling is influenced 
by ideas which1 although they are       
products1 as we say1 of the primitive   
biological processes that underlie      
history1 are also outside these         
processes1 as definite purposes1        
desires1 visions1 ideals4 ,at least we  
seem to depend now upon these superior  
influences for many things that we      
regard as good--for the rate at which we
 shall make progress1 and for the       
certainty of making progress at all4    
,upon these conscious factors directing 
and shaping the plastic forces          
represented in the moods of our time1 we
 shall assume1 the course of history    
will depend4  ,we are no longer to be   

satisfied with natural progress4 ,we    
have gone too far and too long1 let us  
say1 upon a rising tide of biological   
forces1 and we have not yet realized    
what conscious evolution might mean4 ,we
 have been too well satisfied with the  
physical resources and the psychic      
energies that seemed sufficient for the 
need of the day4 ,a world in which      
democracy is going to prevail can no    
longer live in this way4 ,it will not   
grow of itself in a state of nature4    
,its principle1 on the other hand1      
forbids program-making after the manner 
of autocratic societies4 ,democracy1 as 
the form in which the youthful and      
exuberant spirit of the world now makes 
ready for creating the next stage of    
civilization1 will advance1 we may      
suppose1 neither by nature nor by force4
 ,it is the main work of our day to find
 for ourselves a new and better mode of 
shaping history1 by bringing to bear    
upon all the social motives of the day  
the best and strongest influences4 ,our 

whole situation is from this point of   
view an educational problem4 ,probably  
there was never a greater need than that
 the democratic forces of the world now 
have great leadership4 ,it is a         
practical world1 a world of politics and
 of business1 but it is also a world    
exceedingly sensitive to many           
influences1 good and bad1 a world in    
which1 we may think1 nothing great and  
permanent can be accomplished unless    
moral1 religious and sthetic influences 
prevail and give to our civilization its
 new dominant4  ,it will depend upon    
these conscious forces--upon our efforts
 to make progress and upon the clarity  
of our vision--it must depend upon      
these--whether in the future our great  
war shall be looked back upon as after  
all an upheaval of primitive forces and 
a debauch of instincts1 or as the       
beginning of a new life4 ,it is for us  
to create out of the war the foundation 
of a better order4 ,we cannot go back to
 the old rgime4 ,our enthusiasms will   

either be directed to better things1 or 
the emotions aroused by the war will run
 riot and finally settle into habits on 
a low plane1 and destroy1 it may be1 all
 that civilization has thus far gained4 
,all things seem possible1 in this      
critical time4  ,stated in the broadest 
possible way1 the educational problem of
 our times seems plain4 ,we must lay    
hold upon and set to work for a higher  
civilization the motives and purposes   
that in the past have worked            
obstructively1 and now destructively4 ,a
 great work of our day is to understand 
these motives and forces that were the  
main factors in the cause of the war1   
and make them count for progress4 ,that 
they are powerful forces we can have no 
doubt4 ,they are not for that reason    
hard to direct1 at least not necessarily
 so4 ,we see that1 whether in war or in 
peace1 we need greater power in the     
social life4 ,life must be made to      
satisfy the longing for intensity and   
abundance of experience4 ,but this      

abundant life that we now seek cannot be
 something merely subjective and        
emotional4 ,to see this is indeed the   
crucial test4 ,this subjective life     
cannot remain an ideal in a world       
determined to become democratic1 to make
 progress1 to be a practical and        
well-cordinated world4 ,abundant life   
must now be sought in the performance of
 functions which express themselves in  
practical aims and consequences4 ,the   
prevailing mood and form of this life   
may still be dramatic1 and indeed it    
must be dramatic4 ,the possession of    
this quality is the test of its power4  
,such views1 of course1 imply that our  
practical educational problem is        
something very different from that of   
finding an outlet for emotions4 ,for    
example1 to search for a substitute for 
war now is a superficial way of looking 
at the problem of the control and       
education of the social consciousness4  
,we think of the motives that have      
caused the war1 according to these older

 views1 as bad instincts or evil        
emotions1 as we are usually asked to    
think of the motives behind             
intemperance1 and the habits of gambling
 and the like4 ,by some form of         
katharsis we hope to drain off these    
emotions 7unless we undertake merely to 
suppress them74 ,this we say is a narrow
 view of the problem1 merely because the
 motives that underlie the conduct we   
deplore are not bad instincts1 or indeed
 instincts as such at all1 but rather   
feelings or moods which are variable in 
their expression1 complex1 and educable4
 ,they have no definite object of which 
they are in search1 so that we may think
 the only way to thwart them is to find 
some object closely resembling theirs   
which may surreptitiously be substituted
 for them4 ,these motives are indeed    
broad and general4 ,we must do with them
 what education must do all along the   
line1 find the fundamental desires they 
contain and utilize the energies        
expressed in these desires in the       

performance of functions--these         
functions being the purposes most       
fundamentally at work in the social life
 or representing our social ideals4     
,such an ideal of education invites us  
to work beneath the political and all   
formal1 institutional and merely        
practical affairs and to lay our        
foundations in the depths of human      
nature4 ,there we shall begin to        
establish or to lay hold upon           
continuity1 and there bring together the
 fragments of purpose which we find in  
the life we seek to direct4 ,this which 
one can so easily say in a sentence is1 
of course1 the whole problem of         
education4 ,these things are what we    
must work for in establishing and       
sustaining our democracy1 for we must1  
to this end1 make forces work together1 
instead of separately and               
antagonistically as they themselves tend
 to do4 ,it is the same problem1 at     
heart1 in the education of the          
individual--to harmonize desires1 and to

 create a higher synthesis of energies  
than nature itself will yield4 ,and in  
the new and wider field of international
 life that opens up before us1 the      
problem is still educational4 ,the      
educational forces of the world must    
begin now the gigantic task of national 
character building4 ,the spirit of the  
nations1 the divergent motives of power1
 of glory1 of comfort and               
pleasure-seeking that are said to       
dominate nations1 the justice1 and      
loyalty1 and steadfastness and truth    
which at least they put upon their      
banners and into their songs must be    
made to work together in a practical and
 progressive world1 or to make such a   
world possible4  ,the ,germans like to  
interpret the tricolor of their flag as 
signifying ,durch ,nacht und ,blut zur  
,licht4 ,but plainly the night and      
bloodshed do not always lead to light1  
and of themselves they cannot4 ,nor1    
must we think1 need the world continue  
always to seek its way toward light only

 through the blackness and guilt of wars
 and revolutions4 ,in some distant day1 
let us think1 justice and morality will 
have been bred into all the social life1
 and life will be lived more in the     
spirit of art and religion4 ,then they  
will see that1 under the influence of   
these forces we call now educational1 an
 old order will have given way to a new 
by imperceptible degrees1 and it will be
 no longer through darkness and         
bloodshed that the world must make its  
way to light1 but need only go through  
light to greater light4                 
,,bibliography   ,the following list    
contains the titles of a few books and  
articles that have contributed data or  
suggestions to this study4 ,it is       
neither complete nor systematic4        
,numbers in the text refer to this list4
    #a4 ,a4,w4 ,small1 ,general         
,sociology4    #b4 ,c4 ,andler1         
,frightfulness in ,theory and ,practice4
    #c4 ,w4,e4 ,walling1 ,the           
,sociologists and the ,war4    #d4 ,h4  

,hauser1 ,germany's ,commercial ,grip of
 the ,world4    #e4 ,j4,f4 ,o',ryan and 
,w4,d4,a4 ,anderson1 ,the ,modern ,army 
in ,action4    #f4 ,r4 ,dunn1 ,five     
,fronts4    #g4 ,mrs4 ,henry ,hobhouse1 
,i ,appeal ,unto ,csar4    #h4 ,f4,h4   
,giddings1 ,the ,western ,hemisphere in 
the ,world of      ,to-morrow4    #i4   
,o4,h4 ,kahn1 ,prussianized ,germany4   
#aj4 ,c4 ,mitchell1 ,evolution1 and the 
,war4   #aa4 ,a4 ,wehrmann1 ,deutsche   
,aufsaetze ,ueber den ,weltkrieg1 etc4  
#ab4 ,j4,p4 ,bang1 ,hurrah and          
,hallelujah4   #ac4 ,e4 ,boutroux1      
,philosophy and the ,war4   #ad4 ,m4,a4 
,morrison1 ,sidelights on ,germany4     
#ae4 ,r4 ,lehmann1 ,was ,ist ,deutsch8  
7,in ,vom kommenden ,frieden47   #af4   
,durkheim1 ,germany ,over ,all4   #ag4  
,h4 ,bergson1 ,the ,meaning of the ,war4
   #ah4 ,j4 ,burnet1 ,higher ,education 
and the ,war4   #ai4 ,c4,l4 ,drawbridge1
 ,the ,war and ,religious ,ideals4      
#bj4 ,m4 ,dide1 ,les ,emotions et la    
,guerre4   #ba4 ,d4,g4 ,brinton1 ,the   

,basis of ,social ,relations4   #bb4    
,ernesta ,r4 ,bullitt1 ,an ,uncensored  
,diary from the ,central      ,empires4 
#bc4 ,hundert ,briefe ,aus dem ,felde4  
#bd4 ,mrs4 ,denis ,o',sullivan1 ,harry  
,butters ,an ,american ,citizen4   #be4 
,w4 ,irwin1 ,men1 ,women and ,war4      
#bf4 ,g4 ,roethe1 ,von ,deutscher ,art  
and ,kultur4   #bg4 ,j4,w4 ,gerard1 ,my 
,four ,years in ,germany4   #bh4 ,w4,r4 
,roberts1 ,patriotic ,poetry3 ,greek and
 ,english4   #bi4 ,schmitz1 ,das        
,wirkliche ,deutschland4   #cj4 ,redier1
 ,comrades in ,courage4   #ca4          
,igglesden1 ,out ,there4   #cb4 ,madame 
,lucy ,hoesch-,ernst1 ,patriotismus und 
,patriotitis4   #cc4 ,w4,e4 ,ritter1    
,war1 ,science and ,civilization4   #cd4
 ,hobhouse1 ,the ,world in ,conflict4   
#ce4 ,g4,s4 ,fullerton1 ,germany of     
,to-day4   #cf4 ,a4 ,pinchot1 ,war and  
the ,king ,trust4   #cg4 ,j4,t4         
,mac,curdy1 ,the ,psychology of ,war4   
#ch4 ,e4,l4 ,fox1 ,behind the ,scenes in
 ,warring ,germany4   #ci4 ,j4 ,chapman1

 ,deutschland ,ueber ,alles4   #dj4 ,g4 
,blondel1 ,les ,embarras de             
l',allemagne4   #da4 ,p4 ,bigelow1 ,the 
,german ,emperor and ,his ,eastern      
,neighbors4   #db4 ,g4 ,le ,bon1 ,the   
,psychology of the ,great ,war4   #dc4  
,t4,a4 ,cook1 ,kultur and ,catastrophe4 
#dd4 ,cheradame1 ,the ,german ,plot     
,unmasked4   #de4 ,j4,b4 ,booth1 ,the   
,gentle ,cultured ,german4   #df4 ,j4   
,claes1 ,the ,german ,mole4   #dg4      
,t4,f4,a4 ,smith1 ,the ,soul of         
,germany4   #dh4 ,w4,n4 ,willis1 ,what  
,germany ,wants4   #di4 ,hintze1 ,the   
,meaning of the ,war4 7,modern          
,germany47   #ej4 ,zitelmann1 ,the ,war 
and ,international ,law4 7,modern       
,germany47   #ea4 ,schmoller1 ,origin   
and ,nature of ,german ,institutions4   
7,modern      ,germany47   #eb4 ,hintze1
 ,germany and the ,world ,powers4       
7,modern ,germany47   #ec4 ,f4          
,meinecke1 ,kultur ,policy of ,power and
 ,militarism4 7,modern      ,germany47  
#ed4 ,o4,g4 ,villard1 ,germany          

,embattled4   #ee4 ,e4,j4 ,dillon1      
,ourselves and ,germany4   #ef4 ,r4     
,mac,fall1 ,germany at ,bay4   #eg4 ,c4 
,tower1 ,changing ,germany4   #eh4      
,w4,r4 ,thayer1 ,germany vs4            
,civilization4   #ei4 ,lamprecht1 ,what 
,is ,history8   #fj4 ,b4,t4 ,curtin1    
,the ,land of ,deepening ,shadows4      
#fa4 ,p4 ,bigelow1 ,prussian ,memories4 
#fb4 ,e4 ,troeltsch1 ,the ,spirit of    
,german ,kultur4 7,modern ,germany47    
#fc4 ,a4 ,guilland1 ,modern ,germany and
 ,her ,historians4   #fd4 ,t4,f4,a4     
,smith1 ,what ,germany ,thinks4   #fe4  
,von ,blow1 ,imperial ,germany4   #ff4  
,j4,a4 ,cramb1 ,germany and ,england4   
#fg4 ,g4 ,bourdon1 ,the ,german ,enigma4
   #fh4 ,p4 ,collier1 ,germany and      
,germans4   #fi4 ,h4,b4 ,swope1 ,inside 
the ,german ,empire4   #gj4 ,sumner1    
,folkways4   #ga4 ,j4 ,novicow1 ,les    
,luttes ,entre ,socites ,humaines en    
,leur ,phases      ,successives4   #gb4 
,h4 ,gibson1 ,a ,journal from ,our      
,legation in ,belgium4   #gc4 ,a4,m4    

,pooley1 ,japan at the ,cross-,roads4   
#gd4 ,f4,j4 ,adkins1 ,the ,war4   #ge4  
,h4,e4 ,powers1 ,the ,things ,men ,fight
 ,for4   #gf4 ,j4 ,m',cabe1 ,the ,soul  
of ,europe4   #gg4 ,scheler1 ,der       
,genius des ,krieges und der ,deutsche  
,krieg4   #gh4 ,s4 ,freud1 ,reflections 
on ,war and ,death4   #gi4 ,nicolai1    
,die ,biologie des ,krieges4   #hj4 ,p4 
,gibbs1 ,the ,soul of the ,war4   #ha4  
,t4 ,roosevelt1 ,america and the ,world 
,war4   #hb4 ,w4 ,trotter1 ,instincts of
 the ,herd in ,peace and ,war4   #hc4   
,j4 ,novicow1 ,der ,krieg und ,seine    
,angeblichen ,wohltaten4   #hd4         
,g4,r4,s4 ,taylor1 ,the ,psychology of  
the ,great ,war4   #he4 ,w4 ,wundt1 ,die
 ,nationen und ,ihre ,philosophie4      
#hf4 ,nusbaum1 ,der ,krieg im ,lichte   
der ,biologie4   #hg4 ,edith ,wharton1  
,fighting ,france4   #hh4 ,crile1 ,a    
,mechanistic ,view of ,war and ,peace4  
#hi4 ,eleanor ,m4 ,sidgwick1 ,the       
,morality of ,strife in ,relation to the
      ,war4 7,the ,international        

,crisis47   #ij4 ,g4 ,murray1 ,herd     
,instinct and the ,war4 7,the           
,international      ,crisis47   #ia4    
,bosanquet1 ,patriotism in the ,perfect 
,state4 7,the ,international            
,crisis47   #ib4 ,a4,g4 ,bradley1       
,international ,morality4 7,the         
,international      ,crisis47   #ic4    
,l4,p4 ,jacks1 ,the ,changing ,mind of a
 ,nation at ,war4 7,the                 
,international ,crisis47   #id4 ,g4,f4  
,stout1 ,war and ,hatred4 7,the         
,international ,crisis47   #ie4 ,e4     
,mach1 ,what ,germany ,wants4   #if4 ,f4
 ,peil1 ,der ,weltkrieg4   #ig4 ,t4     
,veblen1 ,the ,nature of ,peace4   #ih4 
,hirschfeld1 ,kriegsbiologisches4   #ii4
 ,h4,a4 ,gibbons1 ,the ,new ,map of     
,europe4  #ajj4 ,f4,c4 ,howe1 ,why ,war8
     ,,index   sthetic1 elements in war1
 #gj-gg2   in education1 #bcj1 #cae-cah 
,aggressive instinct1 #dj-de  ,american 
life1 #bdh2   mores1 #bba  ,anger1 #ad  
,autocracy and democracy1 #ajd          
,bergson1 #cf1 #aja1 #aaj  ,biological  

principles1 #c ff4  ,bourdon1 #ij1 #abi 
,boutroux1 #ee1 #aja1 #bcf  ,boy        
,scouts1 #aih  ,british ,labor ,party1  
#bgc  ,burnet1 #caa   ,cannibalism1     
#ac-ad  ,causes in war1 #ig-aji         
,chapman1 #eb  ,christianity1 #cjg      
,city1 moods1 #ahh1 #bgh2   school1 #aij
  ,civics1 #bfd  ,claes1 #abi           
,cleveland1 #bfj  ,cobden1 #acg         
,collier1 #ij  ,colonies1 #abi  ,combat1
 instinct of1 #ec-eh  ,conscientious    
objectors1 #bjj  ,consciousness of kind1
 #h  ,cramb1 #ge1 #bef  ,creative       
activity1 #bhc   ,darwin1 #aaa  ,death1 
#ga  ,democracy1 #bcb1 #bec ff42        
spirit of1 #ahe-aia  ,dickinson1 #bfa   
,dide1 #eb  ,dillon1 #ajb1 #bgb         
,display1 #gd  ,dominant1 #ce           
,drawbridge1 #ajb  ,duelling1 #ic       
,durkheim1 #aae   ,economic factors1    
#abh-ada  ,economy1 #bge  ,ecstasy1 #bc1
 #fd  ,educational problems1 #afa-afg   
,empire1 #adh  ,england1 #abc1 #bdd     
,fear1 #ad1 #da  ,ferrero1 #eb          
,feudalism1 #ce  ,finance1 #acd         

,french1 ,the1 #bd1 #ee1 #bdd           
,freudians1 #bj  ,future1 ,the1 viii    
,germany1 #cd1 #dc1 #ej1 #ee1 #hi1 #ih1 
#ajf1 #aae1 #abd1 #abf1 #aih1 #bci1 #bde
  ,gibbs1 #ed  ,government1 #bdb ff42   
functions of1 #bea   ,hatred1 #df-eb    
,herd1 ,the1 #d1 #aj1 #ah1 #eg1 #fb     
,heroes1 #bcd  ,hintze1 #ii             
,hirschfeld1 #bc  ,historical causes in 
war1 #adi  ,history1 teaching of1 #agc1 
#bff  ,hobhouse1 #aja  ,hobson1 #bfj    
,hocking1 #afg  ,home-love1 #ha1 #baf   
,homogeneity of species1 #fj  ,howe1    
#ace1 #acf  ,hullquist1 #acg  ,humanism1
 #cji1 #cad  ,humanities1 #cab          
,industrialism1 #cc1 #acd1 #bbj         
,industry1 and education1 #bfi-bhi2     
the higher1 #ahd  ,instincts1 #d-e1 #bh1
 #ch-fi  ,institutional factors in war1 
#abe  ,international law1 #aib          
,internationalism1 #afh-aif             
,intoxication motive1 #ca   ,james1 #bff
  ,japanese1 #ij1 #aai  ,jones1 #ba     
,justice1 #bje1 #caa   ,lamprecht1 #cd  
,land hunger1 #aca  ,leadership1 #hd1   

#adb1 #agf  ,le ,bon1 #c1 #ah1 #ajb1    
#aaa1 #aai1 #abi1 #ace1 #bdd  ,lehmann1 
#bcg  ,loyalty1 #bbh2   to leaders1 #bca
   ,m',cabe1 #i  ,mac,curdy1 #dh1 #ef1  
#eh1 #bja  ,mach1 #ace  ,marot1 #bhd    
,militarism1 #aig ff4  ,military        
training1 #bjh-baj  ,mitchell1 #i       
,moods1 in education1 #cai  ,moral      
influences in war1 #aag-abg  ,murray1   
#ah  ,mysticism1 #abj   ,napoleon1 #aac 
,national1 character study1 #bbd2       
desires1 #age2   honor1 #hh-if          
,nationalism1 #gi-if2   and             
internationalism1 #aje  ,nicolai1 #c1   
#ai1 #ef1 #gj1 #gh1 #abi1 #bag          
,nietzsche1 #aaj  ,novicow1 #ai1 #acg   
,noyes1 #bga  ,nusbaum1 #de             
,nutritional motive1 #ch   ,objectives1 
#adj1 #adc  ,o',ryan and ,anderson1 #de 
,ostwald1 #ih   ,pacifists1 #bjj        
,patriotism1 #gi-if1 #baa-bda2          
elements of1 #hj1 #bae  ,patten1 #aae   
,peace1 #aig ff42   ideals of1 vi1 #bje 
,pessimism1 #dc  ,pfister1 #de          
,philosophical1 attitude1 #aid2         

influences in war1 #aaj-aaf  ,political1
 education1 #bdb-bfh2   factors1        
#adb-aeb2   ideals1 #bce  ,power1 motive
 of1 #bi1 #acj  ,powers1 #acj           
,practical interests1 #ahj-ahc  ,praise 
of war1 #aii  ,preparedness1 #bjh-baj   
,president of the ,united ,states1 #ajb 
,pressure of population1 #abi           
,preventive wars1 #dd  ,primitive       
tendencies1 #ch  ,progress1 v1 #cba     
,property1 #ach  ,prophets1 viii-ix     
,psycho-analysis1 #agi   ,race          
patriotism1 #bbf  ,rationalism and      
humanism1 #ajg  ,recreational life1 #cjc
  ,redier1 #he  ,religion and education1
 #cje-cjh  ,religious influences in war1
 #aag-abg  ,reproductive motive1 #ch1   
#ff1 #gc1 #gf  ,reuter1 ,frau1 #ea      
,reversion theories of war1 #ag-bc      
,russell1 #ag1 #afg1 #bdf1 #cje         
,savorgnan1 #bja  ,scheler1 #g1 #dg     
,sciences1 #cad  ,scientific movement1  
#aab  ,selection1 #e ff4  ,sexes1 #bii  
,smith1 #ea  ,social1 education1 #bhb   
ff4 #bij-cjd2   feeling1 #hb2   history1

 #cja2   instincts1 #eh2   solidarity1  
#fc  ,socialism1 #bei  ,specialization1 
#bha  ,stevens1 #ach  ,sumner1 #aba1    
#acb  ,synthesis of causes1 #aec-aeg    
,thayer1 #ef  ,thrift1 #bhe  ,tower1 #ih
  ,tragedy1 #ga  ,trotter1 #i1 #ah1 #eh1
 #bcc1 #bia1 #bie   ,unconscious        
motives1 #ag ff4  ,universal language1  
#aic   ,veblen1 #df1 #gh1 #acg          
,venezelos1 #aea  ,von ,blow1 #aae      
,war1 as dramatic story1 #bb2   motives 
of1 vii1 #ac1 #ae2   moods1 #be ff41 #gj
 ff42   origin of1 #c ff4  ,world1 idea1
 #agj2   organization1 #aia  ,wundt1 #ij
         99       99       99       99  
99                                      
----------------------------------------
-------------------      ,typographical 
errors corrected in text3               
,page  #ec3 cooperative replaced with   
coperative                 ,page #bcj3  
cooperation replaced with coperation    
,page #beb3 artistocratic replaced with 
aristocratic              ,page #bgb3   
cooperation replaced with coperation    

,the author's inconsistent spelling of  
'aesthetic' 7#gj7          versus       
'sthetic' 7#ci7 has been retained4      
----------------------------------------
-------------------         99       99 
99       99       99