,bibliotheque nationale de ,france 7,bn,f_/,gallica7 at http3_/_/gallica4bnf4fr7 ,transcriber's ,note3 ,this file was produced from images generously made available by the ,bibliotheque nationale de ,france 7,bn,f_/,gallica7 at http3_/_/gallica4bnf4fr4 ,,handbooks ,,on ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,religions ,,edited ,,by ,,morris ,,jastrow1 ,jr41 ,,ph4,d4 ,professor of ,semitic ,languages in the ,university of ,pennsylvania ,,volume ,,ii ,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,babylonia ,,and ,,assyria ,,by ,,morris ,,jastrow1 ,jr41 ,,ph4,d4 7,,leipzig7 ,,professor ,,of ,,semitic ,,languages ,,in ,,the ,,university ,,of ,,pennsylvania ,,ginn ,,company ,,boston 4 ,,new ,,york 4 ,,chicago 4 ,,london ,,copyright1 #ahic ,by ,,morris ,,jastrow1 ,jr4 ,,all ,,rights ,,reserved #ce4aa ,the ,athenaeum ,press ,,ginn ,,company 4 ,,proprietors ,,boston 4 ,,usa ,,to ,h4 ,b4 ,j4 ,,my ,,faithful ,,collaborator ,,preface4 ,it requires no profound knowledge to reach the conclusion that the time has not yet come for an exhaustive treatise on the religion of ,babylonia and ,assyria4 ,but even if our knowledge of this religion were more advanced than it is1 the utility of an exhaustive treatment might still be questioned4 ,exhaustive treatises are apt to be exhausting to both reader and author2 and however exhaustive 7or exhausting7 such a treatise may be1 it cannot be final except in the fond imagination of the writer4 ,for as long as activity prevails in any branch of science1 all results are provisional4 ,increasing knowledge leads necessarily to a change of perspective and to a readjustment of views4 ,the chief reason for writing a book is to prepare the way for the next one on the same subject4 ,in accordance with the general plan of this ,series#a of ,handbooks1 it has been my chief aim to gather together in convenient arrangement and readable form what is at present known about the religion of the ,babylonians and ,assyrians4 ,the investigations of scholars are scattered through a large variety of periodicals and monographs4 ,the time has come for focusing the results reached1 for sifting the certain from the uncertain1 and the uncertain from the false4 ,this work of gathering the disjecta membra of ,assyriological science is essential to future progress4 ,if ,i have succeeded in my chief aim1 ,i shall feel amply repaid for the labor involved4 ,in order that the book may serve as a guide to students1 the names of those to whose researches our present knowledge of the subject is due have frequently been introduced1 and it will be found1 ,i trust1 that ,i have been fair to all4#b ,at the same time1 ,i have naturally not hesitated to indicate my dissent from views advanced by this or that scholar1 and it will also be found1 ,i trust1 that in the course of my studies ,i have advanced the interpretation of the general theme or of specific facts at various points4 ,while1 therefore1 the book is only in a secondary degree sent forth as an original contribution1 the discussion of mooted points will enhance its value1 ,i hope1 for the specialist1 as well as for the general reader and student for whom1 in the first place1 the volumes of this series are intended4 ,the disposition of the subject requires a word of explanation4 ,after the two introductory chapters 7common to all the volumes of the series7 ,i have taken up the pantheon as the natural means to a survey of the field4 ,the pantheon is treated1 on the basis of the historical texts1 in four sections3 7#a7 the old ,babylonian period1 7#b7 the middle period1 or the pantheon in the days of ,hammurabi1 7#c7 the ,assyrian pantheon1 and 7#d7 the latest or neo-,babylonian period4 ,the most difficult phase has naturally been the old ,babylonian pantheon4 ,much is uncertain here4 ,not to speak of the chronology which is still to a large extent guesswork1 the identification of many of the gods occurring in the oldest inscriptions1 with their later equivalents1 must be postponed till future discoveries shall have cleared away the many obstacles which beset the path of the scholar4 ,the discoveries at ,telloh and ,nippur have occasioned a recasting of our views1 but new problems have arisen as rapidly as old ones have been solved4 ,i have been especially careful in this section not to pass beyond the range of what is definitely known1 or1 at the most1 what may be regarded as tolerably certain4 ,throughout the chapters on the pantheon1 ,i have endeavored to preserve the attitude of being 'open to conviction'--an attitude on which at present too much stress can hardly be laid4 ,the second division of the subject is represented by the religious literature4 ,with this literature as a guide1 the views held by the ,babylonians and ,assyrians regarding magic and oracles1 regarding the relationship to the gods1 the creation of the world1 and the views of life after death have been illustrated by copious translations1 together with discussions of the specimens chosen4 ,the translations1 ,i may add1 have been made direct from the original texts1 and aim to be as literal as is consonant with presentation in idiomatic ,english4 ,the religious architecture1 the history of the temples1 and the cult form the subject of the third division4 ,here again there is much which is still uncertain1 and this uncertainty accounts for the unequal subdivisions of the theme which will not escape the reader4 ,following the general plan of the series1 the last chapter of the book is devoted to a general estimate and to a consideration of the influence exerted by the religion of ,babylonia and ,assyria4 ,in the transliteration of proper names1 ,i have followed conventional methods for well-known names 7like ,nebuchadnezzar71 and the general usage of scholars in the case of others4 ,in some cases ,i have furnished a transliteration of my own2 and for the famous ,assyrian king1 to whom we owe so much of the material for the study of the ,babylonian and ,assyrian religion1 ,ashurbanabal1 ,i have retained the older usage of writing it with a b1 following in this respect ,lehman1 whose arguments#c in favor of this pronunciation for the last element in the name ,i regard as on the whole acceptable4 ,i have reasons to regret the proportions to which the work has grown4 ,these proportions were entirely unforeseen when ,i began the book1 and have been occasioned mainly by the large amount of material that has been made available by numerous important publications that appeared after the actual writing of the book had begun4 ,this constant increase of material necessitated constant revision of chapters2 and such revision was inseparable from enlargement4 ,i may conscientiously say that ,i have studied these recent publications thoroughly as they appeared1 and have embodied at the proper place the results reached by others and which appeared to me acceptable4 ,the work1 therefore1 as now given to the public may fairly be said to represent the state of present knowledge4 ,in a science that grows so rapidly as ,assyriology1 to which more than to many others the adage of dies diem docet is applicable1 there is great danger of producing a piece of work that is antiquated before it leaves the press4 ,at times a publication appeared too late to be utilized4 ,so ,delitzsch's important contribution to the origin of cuneiform writing#d was published long after the introductory chapters had been printed4 ,in this book he practically abandons his position on the ,sumerian question 7as set forth on p4 #bb of this volume7 and once more joins the opposite camp4 ,as far as my own position is concerned1 ,i do not feel called upon to make any changes from the statements found in chapter i41 even after reading ,weissbach's ,die ,sumerische ,frage 7,leipzig1 #ahih71--the latest contribution to the subject1 which is valuable as a history of the controversy1 but offers little that is new4 ,delitzsch's name must now be removed from the list of those who accept ,halevy's thesis2 but1 on the other hand1 ,halevy has gained a strong ally in ,f4 ,thureau-,dangin1 whose special studies in the old ,babylonian inscriptions lend great weight to his utterances on the origin of the cuneiform script4 ,dr4 ,alfred ,jeremias1 of ,leipzig1 is likewise to be added to the adherents of ,halevy4 ,the ,sumero-,akkadian controversy is not yet settled1 and meanwhile it is well to bear in mind that not every ,assyriologist is qualified to pronounce an opinion on the subject4 ,a special study is required1 and but few ,assyriologists have made such a study4 ,accepting a view or a tradition from one's teacher does not constitute a person an authority1 and one may be a very good ,assyriologist without having views on the controversy that are of any particular value4 ,lastly1 ,i desire to call attention to the ,bibliography1 on which much time has been spent1 and which will1 ,i trust1 be found satisfactory4 ,in a list of addenda at the end of the book1 ,i have noted some errors that slipped into the book1 and ,i have also embodied a few additions4 ,the copious index is the work of my student1 ,dr4 ,s4 ,koppe1 and it gives me pleasure to express my deep obligations to him for the able and painstaking manner in which he has carried out the work so kindly undertaken by him4 ,the drawing for the map was made by ,mr4 ,j4 ,horace ,frank of ,philadelphia4 99 99 99 99 99 ,to my wife more thanks are due than ,i can convey in words for her share in the work4 ,she copied almost all of the manuscript1 and in doing so made many valuable suggestions4 ,without her constant aid and encouragement ,i would have shrunk from a task which at times seemed too formidable to be carried to a successful issue4 ,as ,i lay down my pen after several years of devotion to this book1 my last thought is one of gratitude to the beloved partner of my joys and sorrows4 ,,morris ,,jastrow1 ,jr4 ,university of ,pennsylvania1 ,june1 #ahih4 ,,footnotes3 #a ,set forth in the announcement of the series at the back of the book and in the ,editor's ,prefatory ,note to ,volume ,i4 #b ,in the ,index1 however1 names of scholars have only been introduced where absolutely necessary to the subject4 #c ,in his work1 ,shamassum-ukin ,koenig von ,babylonien1 pp4 #af-ba4 ,hence1 ,i also write ,ashurnasirbal4 #d ,die ,entstehung des aeltesten ,schriftsystems 7,leipzig1 #ahig74 ,,corrections ,,and ,,additions4 ,transcriber's ,note3 ,these changes and additions are printed only here2 the main text is as it was in the original4 ,page1 ,line4 #bb4 ,see ,preface4 #ce1 #aj4 ,isin or ,nisin1 see ,lehmann's ,shamash-shumukin1 ,i4 #gg2 ,meissner's ,beitraege zum altbabylonischen ,privatrecht1 p4 #abb4 #fa4 ,bau also appears as ,nin-din-dug1 i4e41 'the lady who restores life4' ,see ,hilprecht1 ,old ,babylonian ,inscriptions1 ,i4 #b1 ,nos4 #ie1 #ajf1 #aaa4 #gd4 ,on ,a1 see ,hommel1 ,journal of ,transactions of ,victoria ,institute1 ,,xxviii4 #ce-cf4 #ii1 #bd4 ,ur-shul-pa-uddu is a ruler of ,kish4 #ajb1 #ac4 ,for ,ku-anna1 see ,,iiir4 #fg1 #cb c-d4 #ajb1 #bd4 ,for another ,u-mu as a title of ,adad1 see ,delitzsch1 ,das ,babylonische ,weltschoepfungsepos1 p4 #abe1 note4 #aaa1 #b4 ,nisaba is mentioned in company with the great gods by ,nebopolassar 7,hilprecht1 ,old ,babylonian ,inscriptions1 ,i4 #a4 ,pl4 #cb1 col4 ,,ii4 #ae74 #afe4 ,note #b4 ,on these proper names1 see ,delitzsch's ,assyriologische ,miscellen 7,berichte der phil4-hist4 ,classe der kgl4 saechs4 ,gesell4 d4 ,wiss41 #ahic1 pp4 #ahc seq474 #dhh4 ,note #a4 ,see now ,scheil's article ,recueil de ,travaux1 etc41 ,,xx4 #ee-ei4 #ebi4 ,the form ,di-ib-ba-ra has now been found4 ,see ,scheil's ,recueil de ,travaux1 etc41 ,,xx4 #eg4 #ehi4 ,note #c4 ,see now ,hommel1 ,expository ,times1 ,,viii4 #dgb1 and ,baudissin1 ib4 ,,ix4 #dj-de4 ,,contents4 ,,chapter ,,page ,i4 ,introduction #a ,,ii4 ,the ,land and the ,people #bf ,,iii4 ,general ,traits of the ,old ,babylonian ,pantheon #dh ,,iv4 ,babylonian ,gods ,prior to the ,days of ,hammurabi #ea ,v4 ,the ,consorts of the ,gods #ajd ,,vi4 ,gudea's ,pantheon #ajf ,,vii4 ,summary #aab ,,viii4 ,the ,pantheon in the ,days of ,hammurabi #aaf ,,ix4 ,the ,gods in the ,temple ,lists and in the ,legal and ,commercial ,documents #afe ,x4 ,the ,minor ,gods in the ,period of ,hammurabi #aga ,,xi4 ,survivals of ,animism in the ,babylonian ,religion #ahj ,,xii4 ,the ,assyrian ,pantheon #ahh ,,xiii4 ,the ,triad and the ,combined ,invocation of ,deities #bce ,,xiv4 ,the ,neo-babylonian ,period #bci ,,xv4 ,the ,religious ,literature of ,babylonia #bde ,,xvi4 ,the ,magical ,texts #bec ,,xvii4 ,the ,prayers and ,hymns #bid ,,xviii4 ,penitential ,psalms #cab ,,xix4 ,oracles and ,omens #cbh ,,xx4 ,various ,classes of ,omens #ceb ,,xxi4 ,the ,cosmology of the ,babylonians #djg ,,xxii4 ,the ,zodiacal ,system of the ,babylonians #ded ,,xxiii4 ,the ,gilgamesh ,epic #dfg ,,xxiv4 ,myths and ,legends #eah ,,xxv4 ,the ,views of ,life ,after ,death #eef ,,xxvi4 ,the ,temples and the ,cult #fab ,,xxvii4 ,conclusion #fij ,illustration3 ,,map ,,of ,,babylonia ,,and ,,assyria4 7,from a drawing by ,mr4 ,j4 ,,horace ,,frank47 ,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,babylonia ,,and ,,assyria4 ,,chapter ,i4--,,introduction4 ,,sources ,,and ,,methods ,,of ,,study4 ,i4 ,until about the middle of the #aith century1 our knowledge of the religion of the ,babylonians and ,assyrians was exceedingly scant4 ,no records existed that were contemporaneous with the period covered by ,babylonian-,assyrian history2 no monuments of the past were preserved that might1 in default of records1 throw light upon the religious ideas and customs that once prevailed in ,mesopotamia4 ,the only sources at command were the incidental notices--insufficient and fragmentary in character--that occurred in the ,old ,testament1 in ,herodotus1 in ,eusebius1 ,syncellus1 and ,diodorus4 ,of these1 again1 only the two first-named1 the ,old ,testament and ,herodotus1 can be termed direct sources2 the rest simply reproduce extracts from other works1 notably from ,ctesias1 the contemporary of ,xenophon1 from ,berosus1 a priest of the temple of ,bel in ,babylonia1 who lived about the time of ,alexander the ,great1 or shortly after1 and from ,apollodorus1 ,abydenus1 ,alexander ,polyhistor1 and ,nicolas of ,damascus1 all of whom being subsequent to ,berosus1 either quote the latter or are dependent upon him4 ,of all these sources it may be said1 that what information they furnish of ,babylonia and ,assyria bears largely upon the political history1 and only to a very small degree upon the religion4 ,in the ,old ,testament1 the two empires appear only as they enter into relations with the ,hebrews1 and since ,hebrew history is not traced back beyond the appearance of the clans of ,terah in ,palestine1 there is found previous to this period1 barring the account of the migrations of the ,terahites in ,mesopotamia1 only the mention of the ,tigris and ,euphrates among the streams watering the legendary ,garden of ,eden1 the incidental reference to ,nimrod and his empire1 which is made to include the capitol cities of the ,northern and ,southern ,mesopotamian districts1 and the story of the founding of the city of ,babylon1 followed by the dispersion of mankind from their central habitation in the ,euphrates ,valley4 ,the followers of ,abram1 becoming involved in the attempts of ,palestinian chieftains to throw off the yoke of ,babylonian supremacy1 an occasion is found for introducing ,mesopotamia again1 and so the family history of the ,hebrew tribes superinduces at odd times a reference to the old settlements on the ,euphrates1 but it is not until the political struggles of the two ,hebrew kingdoms against the inevitable subjection to the superior force of ,assyrian arms1 and upon the fall of ,assyria1 to the ,babylonian power1 that ,assyria and ,babylonia engage the frequent attention of the chronicler's pen and of the prophet's word4 ,here1 too1 the political situation is always the chief factor1 and it is only incidentally that the religion comes into play1--as when it is said that ,sennacherib1 the king of ,assyria1 was murdered while worshipping in the temple dedicated to a deity1 ,nisroch2 or when a prophet1 to intensify the picture of the degradation to which the proud king of ,babylon is to be reduced1 introduces ,babylonian conceptions of the nether world into his discourse4#e ,little1 too1 is furnished by the ,book of ,daniel1 despite the fact that ,babylon is the center of action1 and what little there is bearing on the religious status1 such as the significance attached to dreams1 and the implied contrast between the religion of ,daniel and his companions1 and that of ,nebuchadnezzar and the ,babylonians1 loses some of its force by the late origin of the book4 ,the same applies1 only in a still stronger degree1 to the ,book of ,judith1 in which ,nineveh is the center of the incidents described4 ,the rabbinical literature produced in ,palestine and ,babylonia is far richer in notices bearing on the religious practices of ,mesopotamia1 than is the ,old ,testament4 ,the large settlements of ,jews in ,babylonia1 which1 beginning in the sixth century ,b4,c41 were constantly being increased by fresh accessions from ,palestine1 brought the professors of ,judaism face to face with religious conditions abhorrent to their souls4 ,in the regulations of the ,rabbis to guard their followers from the influences surrounding them1 there is frequent reference1 open or implied1 to ,babylonish practices1 to the festivals of the ,babylonians1 to the images of their gods1 to their forms of incantations1 and other things besides2 but these notices are rendered obscure by their indirect character1 and require a commentary that can only be furnished by that knowledge of the times which they take for granted4 ,to this difficulty1 there must be added the comparatively late date of the notices1 which demands an exercise of care before applying them to the very early period to which the religion of the ,babylonians may be traced4 ,coming to ,herodotus1 it is a matter of great regret that the history of ,assyria1 which he declares it was his intention to write1#f was either never produced1 or if produced1 lost4 ,in accordance with the general usage of his times1 ,herodotus included under ,assyria the whole of ,mesopotamia1 both ,assyria proper in the north and ,southern ,mesopotamia4 ,his history would therefore have been of extraordinary value1 and since nothing escaped his observant eye and well-trained mind1 the religious customs of the country would have come in for their full share of attention4 ,as it is1 we have only a few notices about ,babylonia and ,assyria1 incidental to his history of ,persia4#g ,of these1 the majority are purely historical1 chief among which is an epitome of the country's past--a curious medley of fact and legend--and the famous account of the capture of ,babylon by ,cyrus4 ,fortunately1 however1 there are four notices that treat of the religion of the inhabitants3 the first1 a description of an eight-storied tower1 surmounted by a temple sacred to the god ,bel2 a second furnishing a rather detailed account of another temple1 also sacred to ,bel1 and situated in the same precinct of the city of ,babylon2 a third notice speaks1 though with provoking brevity1 of the funeral customs of the ,babylonians2 while in a fourth he describes the rites connected with the worship of the chief goddess of the ,babylonians1 which impress ,herodotus1 who failed to appreciate their mystic significance1 as shameful4 ,we have no reason to believe that ,ctesias' account of the ,assyrian monarchy1 under which he1 like ,herodotus1 included ,babylonia1 contained any reference to the religion at all4 ,what he says about ,babylonia and ,assyria served merely as an introduction to ,persian history--the real purpose of his work--and the few fragments known chiefly through ,diodorus and ,eusebius1 deal altogether with the succession of dynasties4 ,as is well known1 the lists of ,ctesias have fallen into utter discredit by the side of the ever-growing confidence in the native traditions as reported by ,berosus4 ,the loss of the latter's history of ,babylon is deplorable indeed2 its value would have been greater than the history of ,herodotus1 because it was based1 as we know1 on the records and documents preserved in ,babylonian temples4 ,how much of the history dealt with the religion of the people1 it is difficult to determine1 but the extracts of it found in various writers show that starting1 like the ,old ,testament1 with the beginning of things1 ,berosus gave a full account of the cosmogony of the ,babylonians4 ,moreover1 the early history of ,babylonia being largely legendary1 as that of every other nation1 tales of the relations existing between the gods and mankind--relations that are always close in the earlier stages of a nation's history--must have abounded in the pages of ,berosus1 even if he did not include in his work a special section devoted to an account of the religion that still was practiced in his days4 ,the quotations from ,berosus in the works of ,josephus are all of a historical character2 those in ,eusebius and ,syncellus1 on the contrary1 deal with the religion and embrace the cosmogony of the ,babylonians1 the account of a deluge brought on by the gods1 and the building of a tower4 ,it is to be noted1 moreover1 that the quotations we have from ,berosus are not direct1 for while it is possible1 though not at all certain1 that ,josephus was still able to consult the works of ,berosus1 ,eusebius and ,syncellus refer to ,apollodorus1 ,abydenus1 and ,alexander ,polyhistor as their authorities for the statements of ,berosus4 ,passing in this way through several hands1 the authoritative value of the comparatively paltry extracts preserved1 is diminished1 and a certain amount of inaccuracy1 especially in details and in the reading of proper names1#h becomes almost inevitable4 ,lastly1 it is to be noted that the list of ,babylonian kings found in the famous astronomical work of ,claudius ,ptolemaeus1 valuable as it is for historical purposes1 has no connection with the religion of the ,babylonians4 ,,ii4 ,the sum total of the information thus to be gleaned from ancient sources for an elucidation of the ,babylonian-,assyrian religion is exceedingly meagre1 sufficing scarcely for determining its most general traits4 ,moreover1 what there is1 requires for the most part a control through confirmatory evidence which we seek for in vain1 in biblical or classical literature4 ,this control has now been furnished by the remarkable discoveries made beneath the soil of ,mesopotamia since the year #ahdb4 ,in that year the ,french consul at ,mosul1 ,p4 ,e4 ,botta1 aided by a government grant1 began a series of excavations in the mounds that line the banks of the ,tigris opposite ,mosul4 ,the artificial character of these mounds had for some time been recognized4 ,botta's first finds of a pronounced character were made at a village known as ,khorsabad1 which stood on one of the mounds in question4 ,here1 at a short distance below the surface1 he came across the remains of what proved to be a palace of enormous extent4 ,the sculptures that were found in this palace--enormous bulls and lions resting on backgrounds of limestone1 and guarding the approaches to the palace chambers1 or long rows of carvings in high relief lining the palace walls1 and depicting war scenes1 building operations1 and religious processions--left no doubt as to their belonging to an ancient period of history4 ,the written characters found on these monuments substantiated the view that ,botta had come across an edifice of the ,assyrian empire1 while subsequent researches furnished the important detail that the excavated edifice lay in a suburb of the ancient capitol of ,assyria1 ,nineveh1 the exact site of which was directly opposite ,mosul4 ,botta's labors extended over a period of two years2 by the end of which time1 having laid bare the greater part of the palace1 he had gathered a large mass of material including many smaller objects--pottery1 furniture1 jewelry1 and ornaments--that might serve for the study of ,assyrian art and of ,assyrian antiquities1 while the written records accompanying the monuments placed for the first time an equally considerable quantity of original material at the disposal of scholars for the history of ,assyria4 ,all that could be transported was sent to the ,louvre1 and this material was subsequently published4 ,botta was followed by ,austen ,henry ,layard1 who1 acting as the agent of the ,british ,museum1 conducted excavations during the years #ahde-eb1 first at a mound ,nimrud1 some fifteen miles to the south of ,khorsabad1 and afterwards on the site of ,nineveh proper1 the mound ,koyunjik1 opposite ,mosul1 besides visiting and examining other mounds still further to the south within the district of ,babylonia proper4 ,the scope of ,layard's excavations exceeded1 therefore1 those of ,botta2 and to the one palace at ,khorsabad1 he added three at ,nimrud and two at ,koyunjik1 besides finding traces of a temple and other buildings4 ,the construction of these edifices was of the same order as the one unearthed by ,botta2 and as at the latter1 there was a large yield of sculptures1 inscriptions1 and miscellaneous objects4 ,a new feature1 however1 of ,layard's excavations was the finding of several rooms filled with fragments of small and large clay tablets closely inscribed on both sides in the cuneiform characters4 ,these tablets1 about #cj1jjj of which found their way to the ,british ,museum1 proved to be the remains of a royal library4 ,their contents ranged over all departments of thought1--hymns1 incantations1 prayers1 epics1 history1 legends1 mythology1 mathematics1 astronomy constituting some of the chief divisions4 ,in the corners of the palaces1 the foundation records were also found1 containing in each case more or less extended annals of the events that occurred during the reign of the monarch whose official residence was thus brought to light4 ,through ,layard1 the foundations were laid for the ,assyrian and ,babylonian collections of the ,british ,museum1 the parts of which exhibited to the public now fill six large halls4 ,fresh sources of a direct character were thus added for the study1 not only of the historical unfolding of the ,assyrian empire1 but through the tablets of the royal library1 for the religion of ancient ,mesopotamia as well4 ,the stimulus given by ,botta and ,layard to the recovery of the records and monuments of antiquity that had been hidden from view for more than two thousand years1 led to a refreshing rivalry between ,england and ,france in continuing a work that gave promise of still richer returns by further efforts4 ,victor ,place1 a ,french architect of note1 who succeeded ,botta as the ,french consul at ,mosul1 devoted his term of service1 from #ahea to #ahee1 towards completing the excavations at ,khorsabad4 ,a large aftermath rewarded his efforts4 ,thanks1 too1 to his technical knowledge and that of his assistant1 ,felix ,thomas1 ,m4 ,place was enabled more accurately to determine the architectural construction of the temples and palaces of ancient ,assyria4 ,within this same period 7#aheb-ahed7 another exploring expedition was sent out to ,mesopotamia by the ,french government1 under the leadership of ,fulgence ,fresnel1 in whose party were the above-mentioned ,thomas and the distinguished scholar ,jules ,oppert4 ,the objective point this time was ,southern ,mesopotamia1 the mounds of which had hitherto not been touched1 many not even identified as covering the remains of ancient cities4 ,much valuable work was done by this expedition in its careful study of the site of the ancient ,babylon1--in the neighborhood of the modern village ,hillah1 some forty miles south of ,baghdad4 ,unfortunately1 the antiquities recovered at this place1 and elsewhere1 were lost through the sinking of the rafts as they carried their precious burden down the ,tigris4 ,in the south again1 the ,english followed close upon the heels of the ,french4 ,j4 ,e4 ,taylor1 in #ahed1 visited many of the huge mounds that were scattered throughout ,southern ,mesopotamia in much larger numbers than in the north1 while his compatriot1 ,william ,k4 ,loftus1 a few years previous had begun excavations1 though on a small scale1 at ,warka1 the site of the ancient city of ,erech4 ,he also conducted some investigations at a mound ,mugheir1 which acquired special interest as the supposed site of the famous ,ur1--the home of some of the ,terahites before the migration to ,palestine4 ,of still greater significance were the examinations made by ,sir ,henry ,rawlinson1 in #ahed1 of the only considerable ruins of ancient ,babylonia that remained above the surface1--the tower of ,birs ,nimrud1 which proved to be the famous seven-staged temple as described by ,herodotus4 ,this temple was completed1 as the foundation records showed1 by ,nebuchadnezzar ,,ii41 in the sixth century before this era2 but the beginnings of the structure belong to a much earlier period4 ,another sanctuary erected by this same king was found near the tower4 ,subsequent researches by ,hormuzd ,rassam made it certain that ,borsippa1 the ancient name of the place where the tower and sanctuaries stood1 was a suburb of the great city of ,babylon itself1 which lay directly opposite on the east side of the ,euphrates4 ,the scope of the excavations continued to grow almost from year to year1 and while new mounds were being attacked in the south1 those in the north1 especially ,koujunjik1 continued to be the subject of attention4 ,rassam1 who has just been mentioned1 was in a favorable position1 through his long residence as ,english consul at ,mosul1 for extracting new finds from the mounds in this vicinity4 ,besides adding more than a thousand tablets from the royal library discovered by ,layard1 his most noteworthy discoveries were the unearthing of a magnificent temple at ,nimrud1 and the finding of a large bronze gate at ,balawat1 a few miles to the northeast of ,nimrud4 ,rassam and ,rawlinson were afterwards joined by ,george ,smith of the ,british ,museum1 who1 instituting a further search through the ruins of ,koujunjik1 ,nimrud1 ,kalah-,shergat1 and elsewhere1 made many valuable additions to the ,english collections1 until his unfortunate death in #ahgf1 during his third visit to the mounds1 cut him off in the prime of a brilliant and most useful career4 ,the ,english explorers extended their labors to the mounds in the south4 ,here it was1 principally at ,abu-,habba1 that they set their forces to work4 ,the finding of another temple dedicated to the sun-god rewarded their efforts4 ,the foundation records showed that the edifice was one of great antiquity1 which was permitted to fall into decay and was then restored by a ruler whose date can be fixed at the middle of the ninth century ,b4,c4 ,the ancient name of the place was shown to be ,sippar1 and the fame of the temple was such1 that subsequent monarchs vied with one another in adding to its grandeur4 ,it is estimated that the temple contained no less than three hundred chambers and halls for the archives and for the accommodation of the large body of priests attached to this temple4 ,in the archives many thousands of little clay tablets were again found1 not1 however1 of a literary1 but of a legal character1 containing records of commercial transactions conducted in ancient ,sippar1 such as sales of houses1 of fields1 of produce1 of stuffs1 money loans1 receipts1 contracts for work1 marriage settlements1 and the like4 ,the execution of the laws being in the hands of priests in ancient ,mesopotamia1 the temples were the natural depositories for the official documents of the law courts4 ,similar collections to those of ,sippar have been found in almost every mound of ,southern ,mesopotamia that has been opened since the days of ,rassam4 ,so at ,djumdjuma1 situated near the site of the ancient city of ,babylon1 some three thousand were unearthed that were added to the fast growing collections of the ,british ,museum4 ,at ,borsippa1 likewise1 ,rawlinson and ,rassam recovered a large number of clay tablets1 most of them legal but some of them of a literary character1 which proved to be in part duplicates of those in the royal library of ,ashurbanabal4 ,in this way1 the latter's statement1 that he sent his scribes to the large cities of the south for the purpose of collecting and copying the literature that had its rise there1 met with a striking confirmation4 ,still further to the south1 at a mound known as ,telloh1 a representative of the ,french government1 ,ernest de ,sarzec1 began a series of excavations in #ahgg1 which1 continued to the present day1 have brought to light remains of temples and palaces exceeding in antiquity those hitherto discovered4 ,colossal statues of diorite1 covered with inscriptions1 the pottery1 tablets and ornaments1 showed that at a period as early as #cejj ,b4,c4 civilization in this region had already reached a very advanced stage4 ,the systematic and thorough manner in which ,de ,sarzec1 with inexhaustible patience1 explored the ancient city1 has resulted in largely extending our knowledge of the most ancient period of ,babylonian history as yet known to us4 ,the ,telloh finds were forwarded to the ,louvre1 which in this way secured a collection from the south that formed a worthy complement to the ,khorsabad antiquities4 ,lastly1 it is gratifying to note the share that our own country has recently taken in the great work that has furnished the material needed for following the history of the ,mesopotamian states4 ,in #ahhg1 an expedition was sent out under the auspices of the ,university of ,pennsylvania1 to conduct excavations at ,niffer1--a mound to the southeast of ,babylon1 situated on a branch of the ,euphrates1 and which was known to be the site of one of the most famous cities in this region4 ,the ,rev4 ,john ,p4 ,peters 7now in ,new ,york71 who was largely instrumental in raising the funds for the purpose1 was appointed director of the expedition4 ,excavations were continued for two years under ,dr4 ,peters' personal supervision1 and since then by ,mr4 ,john ,h4 ,haynes1 with most satisfactory success4 ,a great temple dedicated to the god ,bel was discovered1 and work has hitherto been confined chiefly to laying bare the various parts of the edifice4 ,the foundation of the building goes back to an earlier period than the ruins of ,telloh4 ,it survived the varying fortunes of the city in which it stood1 and each period of ,babylonian history left its traces at ,niffer through the records of the many rulers who sought the favor of the god by enlarging or beautifying his place of worship4 ,the temple became a favorite spot to which pilgrims came from all sides on the great festivals1 to offer homage at the sacred shrines4 ,votive offerings1 in the shape of inscribed clay cones1 and little clay images of ,bel and of his female consort1 were left in the temple as witnesses to the piety of the visitors4 ,the archives were found to be well stocked with the official legal documents dating chiefly from the period of #agjj to #abjj ,b4,c41 when the city appears to have reached the climax of its glory4 ,other parts of the mound were opened at different depths1 and various layers which followed the chronological development of the place were determined4#i ,after its destruction1 the sanctity of the city was in a measure continued by its becoming a burial-place4 ,the fortunes of the place can thus be followed down to the ninth or the tenth century of our era1 a period of more than four thousand years4 ,already more than #bj1jjj tablets have been received at the ,university of ,pennsylvania1 besides many specimens of pottery1 bowls1 jars1 cones1 and images1 as well as gold1 copper1 and alabaster work4 ,from this survey of the work done in the last decades in exploring the long lost and almost forgotten cities of the ,tigris and of the ,euphrates ,valley1 it will be apparent that a large amount of material has been made accessible for tracing the course of civilization in this region4 ,restricting ourselves to that portion of it that bears on the religion of ancient ,mesopotamia1 it may be grouped under two heads1 7#a7 literary1 and 7#b7 archaeological4 ,the religious texts of ,ashurbanabal's library occupy the first place in the literary group4 ,the incantations1 the prayers and hymns1 lists of temples1 of gods and their attributes1 traditions of the creation of the world1 legends of the deities and of their relations to men1 are sources of the most direct character2 and it is fortunate that among the recovered portions of the library1 such texts are largely represented4 ,equally direct are the dedicatory inscriptions set up by the kings in the temples erected to the honor of some god1 and of great importance are the references to the various gods1 their attributes1 their powers1 and their deeds1 which are found at every turn in the historical records which the kings left behind them4 ,many of these records open or close with a long prayer to some deity2 in others1 prayers are found interspersed1 according to the occasion on which they were offered up4 ,attributing the success of their undertakings--whether it be a military campaign1 or the construction of some edifice1 or a successful hunt--to the protection offered by the gods1 the kings do not tire of singing the praises of the deity or deities as whose favorites they regarded themselves4 ,the gods are constantly at the monarch's side4 ,now we are told of a dream sent to encourage the army on the approach of a battle1 and again of some portent which bade the king be of good cheer4 ,to the gods1 the appeal is constantly made1 and to them all good things are ascribed4 ,from the legal documents1 likewise1 much may be gathered bearing on the religion4 ,the protection of the gods is invoked or their curses called down2 the oath is taken in their name2 while the manner in which the temples are involved in the commercial life of ancient ,babylonia renders these tablets1 which are chiefly valuable as affording us a remarkable insight into the people's daily life1 of importance also in illustrating certain phases of the religious organization of the country4 ,most significant for the position occupied by the priests1 is the fact that the latter are invariably the scribes who draw up the documents4 ,the archaeological material furnished by the excavations consists of the temples of the gods1 their interior arrangement1 and provisions for the various religious functions2 secondly1 the statues of the gods1 demigods1 and the demons1 the altars and the vessels2 and thirdly1 the religious scenes1--the worship of some deity1 the carrying of the gods in procession1 the pouring of libations1 the performance of rites1 or the representation of some religious symbols sculptured on the palace wall or on the foundation stone of a sacred building1 or cut out on the seal cylinders1 used as signatures#aj and talismans4 ,large as the material is1 it is far from being exhausted1 and1 indeed1 far from sufficient for illustrating all the details of the religious life4 ,this will not appear surprising1 if it be remembered that of the more than one hundred mounds that have been identified in the region of the ,tigris and ,euphrates as containing remains of buried cities1 only a small proportion have been explored1 and of these scarcely more than a half dozen with an approach to completeness4 ,the soil of ,mesopotamia unquestionably holds still greater treasures than those which it has already yielded4 ,the links uniting the most ancient period--at present1 c4 #djjj ,b4,c4--to the final destruction of the ,babylonian empire by ,cyrus1 in the middle of the sixth century ,b4,c41 are far from being complete4 ,for entire centuries we are wholly in the dark1 and for others only a few skeleton facts are known2 and until these gaps shall have been filled1 our knowledge of the religion of the ,babylonians and ,assyrians must necessarily remain incomplete4 ,not as incomplete1 indeed1 as their history1 for religious rites are not subject to many changes1 and the progress of religious ideas does not keep pace with the constant changes in the political kaleidoscope of a country2 but1 it is evident that no exhaustive treatment of the religion can be given until the material shall have become adequate to the subject4 ,,iii4 ,before proceeding to the division of the subject in hand1 some explanation is called for of the method by which the literary material found beneath the soil has been made intelligible4 ,the characters on the clay tablets and cylinders1 on the limestone slabs1 on statues1 on altars1 on stone monuments1 are generally known as cuneiform1 because of their wedge-shaped appearance1 though it may be noted at once that in their oldest form the characters are linear rather than wedge-shaped1 presenting the more or less clearly defined outlines of objects from which they appear to be derived4 ,at the time when these cuneiform inscriptions began to be found in ,mesopotamia1 the language which these characters expressed was still totally unknown4 ,long previous to the beginning of ,botta's labors1 inscriptions also showing the cuneiform characters had been found at ,persepolis on various monuments of the ruins and tombs still existing at that place4 ,the first notice of these inscriptions was brought to ,europe by a famous ,italian traveler1 ,pietro della ,valle1 in the beginning of the seventeenth century4 ,for a long time it was doubted whether the characters represented anything more than mere ornamentation1 and it was not until the close of the #ahth century1 after more accurate copies of the ,persepolitan characters had been furnished through ,carsten ,niebuhr1 that scholars began to apply themselves to their decipherment4 ,through the efforts chiefly of ,gerhard ,tychsen1 professor at ,rostock1 ,frederick ,muenter1 a ,danish scholar1 and the distinguished ,silvestre de ,sacy of ,paris1 the beginnings were made which finally led to the discovery of the key to the mysterious writings1 in #ahjb1 by ,georg ,friedrich ,grotefend1 a teacher at a public school in ,goettingen4 ,the observation was made previous to the days of ,grotefend that the inscriptions at ,persepolis invariably showed three styles of writing4 ,while in all three the characters were composed of wedges1 yet the combination of wedges1 as well as their shape1 differed sufficiently to make it evident1 even to the superficial observer1 that there was as much difference between them as1 say1 between the ,english and the ,german script4 ,the conclusion was drawn that the three styles represented three languages1 and this conclusion was strikingly confirmed when1 upon the arrival of ,botta's finds in ,europe1 it was seen that one of the styles corresponded to the inscriptions found at ,khorsabad2 and so in all subsequent discoveries in ,mesopotamia1 this was found to be the case4 ,one of the languages1 therefore1 on the monuments of ,persepolis was presumably identical with the speech of ancient ,mesopotamia4 ,grotefend's key to the reading of that style of cuneiform writing which invariably occupied the first place when the three styles were ranged one under the other1 or occupied the most prominent place when a different arrangement was adopted1 met with universal acceptance4 ,he determined that the language of the style which1 for the sake of convenience1 we may designate as ,no4 #a1 was ,old ,persian1--the language spoken by the rulers1 who1 it was known through tradition and notices in classical writers1 had erected the series of edifices at ,persepolis1 one of the capitols of the ,old ,persian or1 as it is also called1 the ,achaemenian empire4 ,by the year #ahdj the decipherment of these ,achaemenian inscriptions was practically complete1 the inscriptions had been read1 the alphabet was definitely settled1 and the grammar1 in all but minor points1 known4 ,it was possible1 therefore1 in approaching the ,mesopotamian style of cuneiform1 which1 as occupying the third place1 may be designated as ,no4 #c1 to use ,no4 #a as a guide1 since it was only legitimate to conclude that ,nos4 #b and #c represented translations of ,no4 #a into two languages1 which1 by the side of ,old ,persian1 were spoken by the subjects of the ,achaemenian kings4 ,that one of these languages should have been the current speech of ,mesopotamia was exactly what was to be expected1 since ,babylonia and ,assyria formed an essential part of the ,persian empire4 ,the beginning was made with proper names1 the sound of which would necessarily be the same or very similar in both1 or1 for that matter1 in all the three languages of the ,persepolitan inscriptions4#aa ,in this way1 by careful comparisons between the two styles1 ,nos4 #a and #c1 it was possible to pick out the signs in ,no4 #c that corresponded to those in ,no4 #a1 and inasmuch as the same sign occurred in various names1 it was1 furthermore1 possible to assign1 at least tentatively1 certain values to the signs in question4 ,with the help of the signs thus determined1 the attempt was made to read other words in style ,no4 #c1 in which these signs occurred1 but it was some time before satisfactory results were obtained4 ,an important advance was made when it was once determined1 that the writing was a mixture of signs used both as words and as syllables1 and that the language on the ,assyrian monuments belonged to the group known as ,semitic4 ,the cognate languages--chiefly ,hebrew and ,arabic--formed a help towards determining the meaning of the words read and an explanation of the morphological features they presented4 ,for all that1 the task was one of stupendous proportions1 and many were the obstacles that had to be overcome1 before the principles underlying the cuneiform writing were determined1 and the decipherment placed on a firm and scientific basis4 ,this is not the place to enter upon a detailed illustration of the method adopted by ingenious scholars1--notably ,edward ,hincks1 ,isidor ,loewenstern1 ,henry ,rawlinson1 ,jules ,oppert1--to whose united efforts the solution of the great problems involved is due2#ab and it would also take too much space1 since in order to make this method clear1 it would be necessary to set forth the key discovered by ,grotefend for reading the ,old ,persian inscriptions4 ,suffice it to say that the guarantee for the soundness of the conclusions reached by scholars is furnished by the consideration1 that it was from small and most modest beginnings that the decipherment began4 ,step by step1 the problem was advanced by dint of a painstaking labor1 the degree of which cannot easily be exaggerated1 until to-day the grammar of the ,babylonian-,assyrian language has been clearly set forth in all its essential particulars3 the substantive and verb formation is as definitely known as that of any other ,semitic language1 the general principles of the syntax1 as well as many detailed points1 have been carefully investigated1 and as for the reading of the cuneiform texts1 thanks to the various helps at our disposal1 and the further elucidation of the various principles that the ,babylonians themselves adopted as a guide1 the instance is a rare one when scholars need to confess their ignorance in this particular4 ,at most there may be a halting between two possibilities4 ,the difficulties that still hinder the complete understanding of passages in texts1 arise in part from the mutilated condition in which1 unfortunately1 so many of the tablets and cylinders are found1 and in part from a still imperfect knowledge of the lexicography of the language4 ,for many a word occurring only once or twice1 and for which neither text nor comparison with cognate languages offers a satisfactory clue1 ignorance must be confessed1 or at best1 a conjecture hazarded1 until its more frequent occurrence enables us to settle the question at issue4 ,such settlements of disputed questions are taking place all the time2 and with the activity with which the study of the language and antiquities of ,mesopotamia is being pushed by scholars in this country1 in ,england1 ,france1 ,austria1 ,germany1 ,italy1 ,norway1 and ,holland1 and with the constant accession of new material through excavations and publications1 there is no reason to despair of clearing up the obscurities1 still remaining in the precious texts that a fortunate chance has preserved for us4 ,,iv4 ,a question that still remains to be considered as to the origin of the cuneiform writing of ,mesopotamia1 may properly be introduced in connection with this account of the excavations and decipherment1 though it is needless to enter into it in detail4 ,the ,persian style of wedge-writing is a direct derivative of the ,babylonian1 introduced in the times of the ,achaemenians1 and it is nothing but a simplification in form and principle of the more cumbersome and complicated ,babylonian4 ,instead of a combination of as many as ten and fifteen wedges to make one sign1 we have in the ,persian never more than five1 and frequently only three2 and instead of writing words by syllables1 sounds alone were employed1 and the syllabary of several hundred signs reduced to forty-two1 while the ideographic style was practically abolished4 ,the second style of cuneiform1 generally known as ,median or ,susian1#ac is again only a slight modification of the ,persian4 ,besides these three1 there is a fourth language 7spoken in the northwestern district of ,mesopotamia between the ,euphrates and the ,orontes71 known as ,mitanni1 the exact status of which has not been clearly ascertained1 but which has been adapted to cuneiform characters4 ,a fifth variety1 found on tablets from ,cappadocia1 represents again a modification of the ordinary writing met with in ,babylonia4 ,in the inscriptions of ,mitanni1 the writing is a mixture of ideographs and syllables1 just as in ,mesopotamia1 while the so-called ,cappadocian tablets are written in a corrupt ,babylonian1 corresponding in degree to the corrupt forms that the signs take on4 ,in ,mesopotamia itself1 quite a number of styles exist1 some due to local influences1 others the result of changes that took place in the course of time4 ,in the oldest period known1 that is from #djjj to #cjjj ,b4,c41 the writing is linear rather than wedge-shaped4 ,the linear writing is the modification that the original pictures underwent in being adapted for engraving on stone2 the wedges are the modification natural to the use of clay1 though when once the wedges became the standard method1 the greater frequency with which clay as against stone came to be used1 led to an imitation of the wedges by those who cut out the characters on stone4 ,in consequence1 there developed two varieties of wedge-writing3 the one that may be termed lapidary1 used for the stone inscriptions1 the official historical records1 and such legal documents as were prepared with especial care2 the other cursive1 occurring only on legal and commercial clay tablets1 and becoming more frequent as we approach the latest period of ,babylonian writing1 which extends to within a few decades of our era4 ,in ,assyria1 finally1 a special variety of cuneiform developed that is easily distinguished from the ,babylonian by its greater neatness and the more vertical position of the wedges4 ,the origin of all the styles and varieties of cuneiform writing is1 therefore1 to be sought in ,mesopotamia2 and within ,mesopotamia1 in that part of it where culture begins--the extreme south2 but beyond saying that the writing is a direct development from picture writing1 there is little of any definite character that can be maintained4 ,we do not know when the writing originated1 we only know that in the oldest inscriptions it is already fully developed4 ,we do not know who originated it2 nor can the question be as yet definitely answered1 whether those who originated it spoke the ,babylonian language1 or whether they were ,semites at all4 ,until about fifteen years ago1 it was generally supposed that the cuneiform writing was without doubt the invention of a non-,semitic race inhabiting ,babylonia at an early age1 from whom the ,semitic ,babylonians adopted it1 together with the culture that this non-,semitic race had produced4 ,these inventors1 called ,sumerians by some and ,akkadians by others1 and ,sumero-,akkadians by a third group of scholars1 it was supposed1 used the cuneiform as a picture or 'ideographic' script exclusively2 and the language they spoke being agglutinative and largely monosyllabic in character1 it was possible for them to stop short at this point of development4 ,the ,babylonians however1 in order to adapt the writing to their language1 did not content themselves with the 'picture' method1 but using the non-,semitic equivalent for their own words1 employed the former as syllables1 while retaining1 at the same time1 the sign as an ideograph4 ,to make this clearer by an example1 the numeral '#a' would represent the word 'one' in their own language1 while the non-,semitic word for 'one1' which let us suppose was ash1 they used as the phonetic value of the sign1 in writing a word in which this sound occurred1 as e4g41 ash-es4 ,since each sign1 in ,sumero-,akkadian as well as in ,babylonian1 represented some general idea1 it could stand for an entire series of words1 grouped about this idea and associated with it1 'day1' for example1 being used for 'light1' 'brilliancy1' 'pure1' and so forth4 ,the variety of syllabic and ideographic values which the cuneiform characters show could thus be accounted for4 ,this theory1 however1 tempting as it is by its simplicity1 cannot be accepted in this unqualified form4 ,advancing knowledge has made it certain that the ancient civilization1 including the religion1 is ,semitic in character4 ,the assumption therefore of a purely non-,semitic culture for southern ,babylonia is untenable4 ,secondly1 even in the oldest inscriptions found1 there occur ,semitic words and ,semitic constructions which prove that the inscriptions were composed by ,semites4 ,as long1 therefore1 as no traces of purely non-,semitic inscription are found1 we cannot go beyond the ,semites in seeking for the origin of the culture in this region4 ,in view of this1 the theory first advanced by ,prof4 ,joseph ,halevy of ,paris1 and now supported by the most eminent of ,german ,assyriologists1 ,prof4 ,friedrich ,delitzsch1 which claims that the cuneiform writing is ,semitic in origin1 needs to be most carefully considered4 ,there is much that speaks in favor of this theory1 much that may more easily be accounted for by it1 than by the opposite one1 which was originally proposed by the distinguished ,nestor of cuneiform studies1 ,jules ,oppert1 and which is with some modifications still held by the majority of scholars4#ad ,the question is one which cannot be answered by an appeal to philology alone4 ,this is the fundamental error of the advocates of the ,sumero-,akkadian theory1 who appear to overlook the fact that the testimony of archaeological and anthropological research must be confirmatory of a philological hypothesis before it can be accepted as an indisputable fact4#ae ,the time however has not yet come for these two sciences to pronounce their verdict definitely1 though it may be added that the supposition of a variety of races once inhabiting ,southern ,mesopotamia finds support in what we know from the pre-historic researches of anthropologists4 ,again1 it is not to be denied that the theory of the ,semitic origin of the cuneiform writing encounters obstacles that cannot easily be set aside4 ,while it seeks to explain the syllabic values of the signs on the general principle that they represent elements of ,babylonian words1 truncated in this fashion in order to answer to the growing need for phonetic writing of words for which no ideographs existed1 it is difficult to imagine1 as ,halevy's theory demands1 that the ideographic style1 as found chiefly in religious texts1 is the deliberate invention of priests in their desire to produce a method of conveying their ideas that would be regarded as a mystery by the laity1 and be successfully concealed from the latter4 ,here again the theory borders on the domain of archaeology1 and philology alone will not help us out of the difficulty4 ,an impartial verdict of the present state of the problem might be summed up as follows3 #a4 ,it is generally admitted that all the literature of ,babylonia1 including the oldest and even that written in the ideographic style1 whether we term it ,sumero-,akkadian or hieratic1 is the work of the ,semitic settlers of ,mesopotamia4 #b4 ,the culture1 including the religion of ,babylonia1 is likewise a ,semitic production1 and since ,assyria received its culture from ,babylonia1 the same remark holds good for entire ,mesopotamia4 #c4 ,the cuneiform syllabary is largely ,semitic in character4 ,the ideas expressed by the ideographic values of the signs give no evidence of having been produced in non-,semitic surroundings2 and1 whatever the origin of the system may be1 it has been so shaped by the ,babylonians1 so thoroughly adapted to their purposes1 that it is to all practical purposes ,semitic4 #d4 ,approached from the theoretical side1 there remains1 after making full allowance for the ,semitic elements in the system1 a residuum that has not yet found a satisfactory explanation1 either by those who favor the non-,semitic theory or by those who hold the opposite view4 #e4 ,pending further light to be thrown upon this question1 through the expected additions to our knowledge of the archaeology and of the anthropological conditions of ancient prehistoric ,mesopotamia1 philological research must content itself with an acknowledgment of its inability to reach a conclusion that will appeal so forcibly to all minds1 as to place the solution of the problem beyond dispute4 #f4 ,there is a presumption in favor of assuming a mixture of races in ,southern ,mesopotamia at an early day1 and a possibility1 therefore1 that the earliest form of picture writing in this region1 from which the ,babylonian cuneiform is derived1 may have been used by a non-,semitic population1 and that traces of this are still apparent in the developed system after the important step had been taken1 marked by the advance from picture to phonetic writing4 ,the important consideration for our purpose is1 that the religious conceptions and practices as they are reflected in the literary sources now at our command1 are distinctly ,babylonian4 ,with this we may rest content1 and1 leaving theories aside1 there will be no necessity in an exposition of the religion of the ,babylonians and ,assyrians to differentiate or to attempt to differentiate between ,semitic and so-called non-,semitic elements4 ,local conditions and the long period covered by the development and history of the religion in question1 are the factors that suffice to account for the mixed and in many respects complicated phenomena which this religion presents4 ,having set forth the sources at our command for the study of the ,babylonian-,assyrian religion1 and having indicated the manner in which these sources have been made available for our purposes1 we are prepared to take the next step that will fit us for an understanding of the religious practices that prevailed in ,mesopotamia1--a consideration of the land and of its people1 together with a general account of the history of the latter4 ,,footnotes3 #e ,isaiah1 xlv4 ,for the ,babylonian views contained in this chapter1 see ,alfred ,jeremias1 ,die ,babylonisch-,assyrischen ,vorstellungen vom ,leben nach dem ,tode1 pp4 #aab-aaf4 #f ,book i4 sec4 #ahd4 #g ,book ,i4 7,clio71 secs4 #ie1 #ajb1 #agh-bjj4 #h ,an instructive instance is furnished by the mention of a mystic personage1 ,homoroka1 which now turns out to be--as ,professor ,j4 ,h4 ,wright has shown--a corruption of ,marduk4 7,see ,zeitschrift fuer ,assyriologie1 x4 #ga-gd47 #i ,the excavations are still being continued1 thanks to the generosity of some public-spirited citizens of ,philadelphia4 #aj ,the parties concerned rolled their cylinders over the clay tablet recording a legal or commercial transaction4 #aa ,besides those at ,persepolis1 a large tri-lingual inscription was found at ,behistun1 near the city of ,kirmenshah1 in ,persia1 which1 containing some ninety proper names1 enabled ,sir ,henry ,rawlinson definitely to establish a basis for the decipherment of the ,mesopotamian inscriptions4 #ab ,the best account is to be found in ,hommel's ,geschichte ,babyloniens und ,assyriens1 pp4 #eh-acd4 ,a briefer statement was furnished by ,professor ,fr4 ,delitzsch in his supplements to the ,german translation of ,george ,smith's ,chaldaean ,genesis 7,chaldaeische ,genesis1 pp4 #beg-bfb74 ,a tolerably satisfactory account in ,english is furnished by ,b4 ,t4 ,a4 ,evetts in his work1 ,new ,light on the ,bible and the ,holy ,land1 pp4 #gi-abi4 ,for a full account of the excavations and the decipherment1 together with a summary of results and specimens of the various branches of the ,babylonian-,assyrian literature1 the reader may be referred to ,kaulen's ,assyrien und ,babylonien nach den neuesten ,entdeckungen 7#eth edition74 #ac ,the most recent investigations show it to have been a ',turanian' language4 ,see ,weissbach1 ,achaemeniden ,inschriften sweiter ,art1 ,leipzig1 #ahic4 #ad ,besides ,delitzsch1 however1 there are others1 as ,pognon1 ,jaeger1 ,guyard1 ,mc,curdy and ,brinton1 who side with ,halevy4 #ae ,see now ,dr4 ,brinton's paper1 ,the ,protohistoric ,ethnography of ,western ,asia 7,proceed4 ,amer4 ,philos4 ,soc41 #ahie71 especially pp4 #ah-bb4 ,,chapter ,,ii4 ,,the ,,land ,,and ,,the ,,people4 ,i4 ,the ,babylonians and ,assyrians with whom we are concerned in this volume dwelt in the region embraced by the ,euphrates and the ,tigris1--the ,babylonians in the south1 or the ,euphrates ,valley1 the ,assyrians to the northeast1 in the region extending from the ,tigris into the ,kurdish ,mountain districts2 while the northwestern part of ,mesopotamia--the northern half of the ,euphrates district--was the seat of various empires that were alternately the rivals and the subjects of either ,babylonia or ,assyria4 ,the entire length of ,babylonia was about #cjj miles2 the greatest breadth about #abe miles4 ,the entire surface area was some #bc1jjj square miles1 or about the size of ,west ,virginia4 ,the area of ,assyria1 with a length of #cej miles and a breadth varying from #agj to #cjj miles1 covered #ge1jjj square miles1 which would make it somewhat smaller than the state of ,nebraska4 ,in the strict sense1 the term ,mesopotamia should be limited to the territory lying between the ,euphrates and the ,tigris above their junction1 in the neighborhood of ,baghdad1 and extending northwards to the confines of the ,taurus range2 while the district to the south of ,baghdad1 and reaching to the ,persian ,gulf1 may more properly be spoken of as the ,euphrates ,valley2 and a third division is represented by the territory to the east of the ,tigris1 from ,baghdad1 and up to the ,kurdish ,mountains2 but while this distinction is one that may be justly maintained1 in view of the different character that the southern valley presents from the northern plain1 it has become so customary1 in popular parlance1 to think of the entire territory along and between the ,euphrates and ,tigris as one country1 that the term ,mesopotamia in this broad sense may be retained1 with the division suggested by ,george ,rawlinson1 into ,upper and ,lower ,mesopotamia4 ,the two streams1 as they form the salient traits of the region1 are the factors that condition the character of the inhabitants and the culture that once flourished there4 ,the ,euphrates1 or1 to give the more correct pronunciation1 ,purat1 signifies the 'river' par excellence4 ,it is a quiet stream1 flowing along in majestic dignity almost from its two sources1 in the ,armenian mountains1 not far from the town of ,erzerum1 until it is joined by the ,tigris in the extreme south4 ,as the ,shatt-el ,arab1 i4e41 ,arabic ,river1 the two reach the ,persian ,gulf4 ,receiving many tributaries as long as it remains in the mountains1 it flows first in a westerly direction1 as though making direct for the ,mediterranean ,sea1 then1 veering suddenly to the southeast1 it receives but few tributaries after it once passes through the ,taurus range into the plain1--on the right side1 only the ,sadschur1 on the left the ,balichus and the ,khabur4 ,from this point on for the remaining distance of #hjj miles1 so far from receiving fresh accessions1 it loses in quantity through the marsh beds that form on both sides4 ,when it reaches the alluvial soil of ,babylonia proper1 its current and also its depth are considerably diminished through the numerous canals that form an outlet for its waters4 ,of its entire length1 #aghj miles1 it is navigable only for a small distance1 cataracts forming a hindrance in its northern course and sandbanks in the south4 ,in consequence1 it never became at any time an important avenue for commerce1 and besides rafts1 which could be floated down to a certain distance1 the only means of communication ever used were wicker baskets coated within and without with bitumen1 or some form of a primitive ferry for passing from one shore to another4 ,an entirely different stream is the ,tigris--a corrupted form of ',idiklat4' ,it is only #aadf miles in length1 and is marked1 as the native name indicates1 by the 'swiftness' of its flow4 ,starting1 like the ,euphrates1 in the rugged regions of ,armenia1 it continues its course through mountain clefts for a longer period1 and joined at frequent intervals by tributaries1 both before it merges into the plain and after doing so1 the volume of its waters is steadily increased4 ,even when it approaches the alluvial soil of the south1 it does not lose its character until well advanced in its course to the gulf4 ,advancing towards the ,euphrates and again receding from it1 it at last joins the latter at ,korna1 and together they pour their waters through the ,persian ,gulf into the great ocean4 ,it is navigable from ,diabekr in the north1 for its entire length4 ,large rafts may be floated down from ,mosul to ,baghdad and ,basra1 and even small steamers have ascended as far north as ,nimrud4 ,the ,tigris1 then1 in contrast to the ,euphrates1 is the avenue of commerce for ,mesopotamia1 forming the connecting bond between it and the rest of the ancient world1--,egypt1 ,india1 and the lands of the ,mediterranean4 ,owing1 however1 to the imperfect character of the means of transportation in ancient and1 for that matter1 in modern times1 the voyage up the stream was impracticable4 ,the rafts1 resting on inflated bags of goat or sheep skin1 can make no headway against the rapid stream1 and so1 upon reaching ,baghdad or ,basra1 they are broken up1 and the bags sent back by the shore route to the north4 ,the contrast presented by the two rivers is paralleled by the traits distinguishing ,upper from ,lower ,mesopotamia4 ,shut off to the north and northeast by the ,armenian range1 to the northwest by the ,taurus1 ,upper ,mesopotamia retains1 for a considerable extent1 and especially on the eastern side1 a rugged aspect4 ,the ,kurdish mountains run close to the ,tigris' bed for some distance below ,mosul1 while between the ,tigris and the ,euphrates proper1 small ranges and promontories stretch as far as the end of the ,taurus chain1 well on towards ,mosul4 ,below ,mosul1 the region begins to change its character4 ,the mountains cease1 the plain begins1 the soil becomes alluvial and through the regular overflow of the two rivers in the rainy season1 develops an astounding fertility4 ,this overflow begins1 in the case of the ,tigris1 early in ,march1 reaches its height in ,may1 and ceases about the middle of ,june4 ,the overflow of the ,euphrates extends from the middle of ,march till the beginning of ,june1 but ,september is reached before the river resumes its natural state4 ,not only does the overflow of the ,euphrates thus extend over a longer period1 but it oversteps its banks with greater violence than does the ,tigris1 so that as far north as the juncture with the ,khabur1 and still more so in the south1 the country to both sides is flooded1 until it assumes the appearance of a great sea4 ,through the violence of these overflows1 changes constantly occur in the course that the river takes1 so that places which in ancient times stood on its banks are to-day removed from the main river-bed4 ,another important change in ,southern ,babylonia is the constant accretion of soil1 due to the deposits from the ,persian ,gulf4 ,this increase proceeding on an average of about one mile in fifty years has brought it about that the two rivers to-day1 instead of passing separately into the ,gulf1 unite at ,korna--some distance still from the entrance4 ,the contrast of seasons is greater1 as may be imagined1 in ,upper ,mesopotamia than in the south4 ,the winters are cold1 with snowfalls that may last for several months1 but with the beginning of the dry season1 in ,may1 a tropical heat sets in which lasts until the beginning of ,november1 when the rain begins4 ,assyria proper1 that is1 the eastern side of ,mesopotamia1 is more affected by the mountain ranges than the west4 ,in the ,euphrates ,valley1 the heat during the dry season1 from about ,may till ,november1 when for weeks1 and even months1 no cloud is to be seen1 beggars description2 but strange enough1 the ,arabs who dwell there at present1 while enduring the heat without much discomfort1 are severely affected by a winter temperature that for ,europeans and ,americans is exhilarating in its influence4 ,from what has been said1 it will be clear that the ,euphrates is1 par excellence1 the river of ,southern ,mesopotamia or ,babylonia1 while the ,tigris may be regarded as the river of ,assyria4 ,it was the ,euphrates that made possible the high degree of culture1 that was reached in the south4 ,through the very intense heat of the dry season1 the soil developed a fertility that reduced human labor to a minimum4 ,the return for sowing of all kinds of grain1 notably wheat1 corn1 barley1 is calculated1 on an average1 to be fifty to a hundred-fold1 while the date palm flourishes with scarcely any cultivation at all4 ,sustenance being thus provided for with little effort1 it needed only a certain care in protecting oneself from damage through the too abundant overflow1 to enable the population to find that ease of existence1 which is an indispensable condition of culture4 ,this was accomplished by the erection of dikes1 and by directing the waters through channels into the fields4 ,assyria1 more rugged in character1 did not enjoy the same advantages4 ,its culture1 therefore1 not only arose at a later period than that of ,babylonia1 but was a direct importation from the south4 ,it was due to the natural extension of the civilization that continued for the greater part of the existence of the two empires to be central in the south4 ,but when once ,assyria was included in the circle of ,babylonian culture1 the greater effort required in forcing the natural resources of the soil1 produced a greater variety in the return4 ,besides corn1 wheat and rice1 the olive1 banana and fig tree1 mulberry and vine were cultivated1 while the vicinity of the mountain ranges furnished an abundance of building material--wood and limestone--that was lacking in the south4 ,the fertility of ,assyria proper1 again1 not being dependent on the overflow of the ,tigris1 proved to be of greater endurance4 ,with the neglect of the irrigation system1 ,babylonia became a mere waste1 and the same river that was the cause of its prosperity became the foe that1 more effectually than any human power1 contributed to the ruin and the general desolation that marks the greater part of the ,euphrates ,valley at the present time4 ,assyria continued to play a part in history long after its ancient glory had departed1 and to this day enjoys a far greater activity1 and is of considerable more significance than the south4 ,,ii4 ,in so far as natural surroundings affect the character of two peoples belonging to the same race1 the ,assyrians present that contrast to the ,babylonians which one may expect from the differences1 just set forth1 between the two districts4 ,the former were rugged1 more warlike1 and when they acquired power1 used it in the perfection of their military strength2 the latter1 while not lacking in the ambition to extend their dominion1 yet1 on the whole1 presented a more peaceful aspect that led to the cultivation of commerce and industrial arts4 ,both1 however1 have very many more traits in common than they have marks of distinction4 ,they both belong not only to the ,semitic race1 but to the same branch of the race4 ,presenting the same physical features1 the languages spoken by them are identical1 barring differences that do not always rise to the degree of dialectical variations1 and affect chiefly the pronunciation of certain consonants4 ,at what time the ,babylonians and ,assyrians settled in the district in which we find them1 whence they came1 and whether the ,euphrates ,valley or the northern ,tigris district was the first to be settled1 are questions that cannot1 in the present state of knowledge1 be answered4 ,as to the time of their settlement1 the high degree of culture that the ,euphrates ,valley shows at the earliest period known to us1--about #djjj ,b4,c41--and the indigenous character of this culture1 points to very old settlement1 and makes it easier to err on the side of not going back far enough1 than on the side of going too far4 ,again1 while1 as has been several times intimated1 the culture in the south is older than that of the north1 it does not necessarily follow that the settlement of ,babylonia antedates that of ,assyria4 ,the answer to this question would depend upon the answer to the question as to the original home of the ,semites4#af ,the probabilities1 however1 are in favor of assuming a movement of population1 as of culture1 from the south to the north4 ,at all events1 the history of ,babylonia and ,assyria begins with the former1 and as a consequence we are justified also in beginning with that phase of the religion for which we have the earliest records--the ,babylonian4 ,,iii4 ,at the very outset of a brief survey of the history of the ,babylonians1 a problem confronts us of primary importance4 ,are there any traces of other settlers besides the ,semitic ,babylonians in the earliest period of the history of the ,euphrates ,valley8 ,those who cling to the theory of a non-,semitic origin of the cuneiform syllabary will1 of course1 be ready to answer in the affirmative4 ,sumerians and ,akkadians are the names given to these non-,semitic settlers who preceded the ,babylonians in the control of the ,euphrates ,valley4 ,the names are derived from the terms ,sumer and ,akkad1 which are frequently found in ,babylonian and ,assyrian inscriptions1 in connection with the titles of the kings4 ,unfortunately1 scholars are not a unit in the exact location of the districts comprised by these names1 some declaring ,sumer to be in the north and ,akkad in the south2 others favoring the reverse position4 ,the balance of proof rests in favor of the former supposition2 but however that may be1 ,sumer and ,akkad represent1 from a certain period on1 a general designation to include the whole of ,babylonia4 ,professor ,hommel goes so far as to declare that in the types found on statues and monuments of the oldest period of ,babylonian history--the monuments coming from the mound ,telloh--we have actual representations of these ,sumerians1 who are thus made out to be a smooth-faced race with rather prominent cheek-bones1 round faces1 and shaven heads4#ag ,he pronounces in favor of the highlands lying to the east of ,babylonia1 as the home of the ,sumerians1 whence they made their way into the ,euphrates ,valley4 ,unfortunately1 the noses on these old statues are mutilated1 and with such an important feature missing1 anthropologists1 at least1 are unwilling to pronounce definitely as to the type represented4 ,again1 together with these supposed non-,semitic types1 other figures have been found which1 as ,professor ,hommel also admits1 show the ordinary ,semitic features4 ,it would seem1 therefore1 that even accepting the hypothesis of a non-,semitic type existing in ,babylonia at this time1 the ,semitic settlers are just as old as the supposed ,sumerians2 and since it is admitted that the language found on these statues and figures contains ,semitic constructions and ,semitic words1 it is1 to say the least1 hazardous to give the ,sumerians the preference over the ,semites so far as the period of settlement and origin of the ,euphratean culture is concerned4 ,as a matter of fact1 we are not warranted in going beyond the statement that all evidence points in favor of a population of mixed races in the ,euphrates ,valley from the earliest period known to us4 ,no positive proof is forthcoming that ,sumer and ,akkad were ever employed or understood in any other sense than as geographical terms4 ,this one safe conclusion1 however1 that the ,semitic settlers of ,babylonia were not the sole occupants1 but by their side dwelt another race1 or possibly a variety of races1 possessing entirely different traits1 is one of considerable importance4 ,at various times the non-,semitic hordes of ,elam and the mountain districts to the east of ,babylonia swept over the valley1 and succeeded1 for a longer or shorter period1 in securing a firm foothold4 ,the ease with which these conquerors accommodated themselves to their surroundings1 continuing the form of government which they found there1 making but slight changes in the religious practices1 can best be accounted for on the supposition that the mixture of different races in the valley had brought about an interchange and interlacing of traits which resulted in the approach of one type to the other4 ,again1 it has recently been made probable that as early at least as #bjjj1 or even #bejj ,b4,c41 ,semitic invaders entering ,babylonia from the side of ,arabia drove the native ,babylonian rulers from the throne2#ah and at a still earlier period intercourse between ,babylonia and distant nations to the northeast and northwest was established1 which left its traces on the political and social conditions4 ,at every point we come across evidence of this composite character of ,babylonian culture1 and the question as to the origin of the latter may1 after all1 resolve itself into the proposition that the contact of different races gave the intellectual impetus which is the first condition of a forward movement in civilization2 and while it is possible that1 at one stage1 the greater share in the movement falls to the non-,semitic contingent1 the ,semites soon obtained the intellectual ascendency1 and so absorbed the non-,semitic elements as to give to the culture resulting from the combination1 the homogeneous character it presents on the surface4 ,,iv4 ,our present knowledge of ,babylonian history reaches back to the period of about #djjj ,b4,c4 ,at that time we find the ,euphrates ,valley divided into a series of states or principalities1 parcelling ,north and ,south ,babylonia between them4 ,these states group themselves around certain cities4 ,in fact1 the ,babylonian principalities arise from the extension of the city's jurisdiction1 just as the later ,babylonian empire is naught but the enlargement1 on a greater scale1 of the city of ,babylon4 ,of these old ,babylonian cities the most noteworthy1 in the south1 are ,eridu1 ,lagash1#ai ,ur1 ,larsa1 ,uruk1 ,isin2 and in the north1 ,agade1 ,sippar1 ,nippur1 ,kutha1 and ,babylon4 ,the rulers of these cities call themselves either 'king' 7literally 'great man'7 or 'governor1' according as the position is a purely independent one1 or one of subjection to a more powerful chieftain4 ,thus the earliest rulers of the district of ,lagash1 of whom we have inscriptions 7c4 #cbjj ,b4,c47 have the title of 'king1' but a few centuries later ,lagash lost its independent position and its rulers became 'patesis1' i4e41 governors4 ,they are in a position of vassalage1 as it would appear1 to the contemporaneous kings of ,ur1 though this does not hinder them from engaging in military expeditions against ,elam1 and in extensive building operations4 ,the kings of ,ur1 in addition to their title as kings of ,ur1 are styled kings of ,sumer and ,akkad4 ,whether at this time1 ,sumer and ,akkad included the whole of ,babylonia1 or1 as seems more likely1 only the southern part1 in either case1 ,lagash would fall under the jurisdiction of these kings1 if their title is to be regarded as more than an empty boast4 ,again1 the rulers of ,uruk are known simply as kings of that place1 while those of ,isin incorporate in their titles1 kingship over ,ur as well as ,sumer and ,akkad4 ,for this early period1 extending from about #djjj ,b4,c4 to #bcjj1 the chronology is as yet uncertain4 ,beyond the titles of the rulers over ,babylonian states1 there are but few safe indications for determining the succession of dynasties4 ,so much1 however1 is now certain1--that simultaneous with the governors of ,lagash and the older kings of ,ur1 there was an independent state in ,northern ,babylonia with its seat at ,agade4 ,indeed the history of this state can now be traced back six centuries beyond that of ,lagash4 ,two rulers of ,agade1 ,naram-,sin 7c4 #chjj ,b4,c47 and ,sargon 7or to give his fuller name1 ,shargani-shar-ali#bj71 are the earliest rulers as yet known4 ,these kings of ,agade extended their jurisdiction as far north1 at least1 as ,nippur on the one side and ,sippar on the other4 ,the city of ,babylon itself1 if it existed at this period1 was therefore included within the territory of these kings2 and it follows that if there existed rulers of ,babylon at this time1 which is doubtful 7since the city is not mentioned71 they were in the same position of dependency upon the rulers of ,agade as the 'governors' of ,lagash were upon some greater power4 ,it is not until about the middle of the third millennium before this era1 that ,babylon comes into prominence4 ,in the south1 as already intimated1 the rulers of ,lagash and the dynasty of ,ur are the earliest of which we have any record4 ,there is every reason to believe that further excavations at ,mugheir will bring to light the names of older kings1 and the presumption is in favor of regarding the southern states1 or at least some of them1 earlier than any in the north4 ,the climax in the power of the kings of ,ur1 the period when they exerted1 in fact as well as in name1 the sovereignty over all ,sumer and ,akkad may be fixed approximately at #cjjj ,b4,c4 ,how far we shall be able to go beyond that1 for the beginnings of this state1 must1 for the present1 remain doubtful1 with the chances in favor of a considerably earlier date2 and it may be that prior to ,ur and ,lagash there were dynasties established elsewhere1--at ,eridu1 perhaps1--the existence of which will be revealed by future discoveries4 ,an independent state with its seat at ,uruk follows upon the culminating period of the glory of ,ur1 and may be regarded1 indeed1 as an indication that the rulers of ,ur had lost their control over the whole of ,southern ,babylonia4 ,isin1 whose site has not yet been determined1 but which lay probably to the north of ,uruk1 was another political center4 ,its rulers1 so far as we know them1 curiously assign the fourth place to the title 'king of ,isin1' giving precedence to their control over ,nippur1 ,eridu1 and ,uruk4 ,we may conclude from this1 that at the time when ,isin extended its supremacy1 the greater luster attaching to the old towns of ,nippur and ,uruk1 was emphasized by the precedence given to these centers over ,isin1 although the ,isin kings are only 'shepherds' and 'merciful lords' over ,nippur and ,uruk1 and not kings4 ,at a subsequent period1 the kings of ,ur appear to have regained the supremacy1 which was wrested from them by ,isin2 and the rulers of the latter acknowledge their dependence upon the kings of ,ur4 ,this so-called second dynasty of ,ur includes ,nippur4 ,the kings are proud of calling themselves the guardians of the temple of ,bel in ,nippur1 nominated to the office by the god himself1 and reviving an old title of the kings of ,agade1 style themselves also 'king of the four regions4' ,another change in the political horoscope is reflected in the subjection of ,ur to a district whose center was ,larsa1 not far from ,ur1 and represented by the mound ,senkereh4 ,there are two kings1 ,nur-,ramman 7i4e41 light of ,ramman7 and ,sin-iddina 7i4e41 ,sin judges71 who call themselves guardians of ,ur and kings of ,larsa1 showing that the center of this principality was ,larsa1 with ,ur as a dependent district4 ,that these rulers take up the dominion once held by the kings of ,ur is further manifest in the additional title that they give to themselves1 as 'kings of ,sumer and ,akkad1' whereas the omission of the title 'king of the four regions' indicates apparently the exclusion of ,agade and ,nippur2 and with these1 probably ,north ,babylonia in general1 from their supremacy4 ,the power of ,larsa receives a fatal check through the invasion of ,babylonia by the ,elamites 7c4 #bcej ,b4,c474 ,these variations in official titles are a reflection of the natural rivalry existing between the various ,babylonian states1 which led to frequent shiftings in the political situation4 ,beyond this1 the inscriptions of these old ,babylonian rulers1 being ordinarily commemorative of the dedication to a deity1 of some temple or other construction--notably canals--or of some votive offering1 a cone or tablet1 unfortunately tell us little of the events of the time4 ,pending the discovery of more complete annals1 we must content ourselves with the general indications of the civilization that prevailed1 and of the relations in which the principalities stood to one another1 and with more or less doubtful reconstructions of the sequence in the dynasties4 ,in all of this period1 however1 the division between ,north and ,south ,babylonia was kept tolerably distinct1 even though occasionally1 and for a certain period1 a ,north ,babylonian city1 like that of ,agade and ,nippur1 extended its jurisdiction over a section bordering on the south and vice versa4 ,it remained for a great conqueror1 ,hammurabi1 the sixth king of a dynasty having its seat in the city of ,babylon itself1 who about the year #bcjj ,b4,c4 succeeded in uniting ,north and ,south ,babylonia under one rule4 ,with him1 therefore1 a new epoch in the history of the ,euphrates ,valley begins4 ,henceforth the supremacy of the city of ,babylon remains undisputed1 and the other ancient centers1 losing their political importance1 retain their significance only by virtue of the sanctuaries existing there1 to which pilgrimages continued to be made1 and through the commercial activity that1 upon the union of the various ,babylonian districts1 set in with increased vigor4 ,attention was directed a few years ago by ,pognon and ,sayce to the fact that the name of ,hammurabi1 as well as the names of four kings that preceded him1 and of a number that followed1 are not ,babylonian4 ,sayce expressed the opinion that they were ,arabic1 and ,professor ,hommel has recently reenforced the position of ,sayce by showing the close resemblance existing between these names and those found on the monuments of ,southern ,arabia4#ba ,while no evidence has as yet been found to warrant us in carrying back the existence of the ,minean empire in ,southern ,arabia beyond #aejj ,b4,c41 still since at this period1 this empire appears in a high state of culture1 with commercial intercourse established between it and ,egypt1 as well as ,palestine1 the conclusion drawn by ,hommel that ,babylonia was invaded about #bejj ,b4,c4 by an ,arabic-speaking people is to be seriously considered4 ,elam1 as we have seen1 was constantly threatening ,babylonia from the ,east1 and shortly before ,hammurabi's appearance1 succeeded in putting an end to the dynasty of ,larsa4 ,it now appears that the inhabitants of the ,euphrates ,valley were also threatened by an enemy lodged somewhere in the southwest4 ,though ,hommel's hypothesis still needs confirmation1 and may perhaps be somewhat modified by future researches1 still so much seems certain3 that the great union of the ,babylonian states and the supremacy of the city of ,babylon itself was achieved not by ,babylonians but by foreigners who entered ,babylonia from its western 7or southwestern7 side4 ,the dynasty of which ,hammurabi is the chief representative comes to an end c4 #bajj1 and is followed by another known as ,shish-,kha1#bb whose rulers likewise appear to be foreigners2 and when this dynasty finally disappears after a rule of almost four centuries1 ,babylonia is once more conquered by a people coming from the northern parts of ,elam and who are known as the ,cassites4#bc ,these ,cassites1 of whose origin1 character1 and language but little is known as yet1 ruled over ,babylonia for a period of no less than #egf years2 but adapting themselves to the customs and religion of the country1 their presence did not interfere with the normal progress of culture in the ,euphrates ,valley4 ,we may therefore embrace the period of ,hammurabi and his successors1 down through the rule of the ,cassite kings1 under one head4 ,it is a period marked by the steady growth of culture1 manifesting itself in the erection of temples1 in the construction of canals1 and in the expansion of commerce4 ,active relationships were maintained between ,babylonia and distant ,egypt4 ,this movement did not suffer an interruption through the invasion of the ,cassites4 ,though ,nippur1 rather than ,babylon1 appears to have been the favorite city of the dynasty1 the course of civilization flows on uninterruptedly1 and it is not until the growing complications between ,babylonia and ,assyria1 due to the steady encroachment on the part of the latter1 that decided changes begin to take place4 ,about #aejj ,b4,c4 the first traces of relationship between ,babylonia and the northern ,mesopotamian power1 ,assyria1 appear4 ,these relations were at first of a friendly character1 but it is not long before the growing strength of ,assyria becomes a serious menace to ,babylonia4 ,in the middle of the thirteenth century1 ,assyrian arms advance upon the city of ,babylon4 ,for some decades1 ,babylon remains in subjection to ,assyria1 and although she regains her independence once more1 and even a fair measure of her former glory1 the power of the ,cassites is broken4 ,internal dissensions add to the difficulties of the situation and lead to the overthrow of the ,cassites 7#aaea ,b4,c474 ,native ,babylonians once more occupy the throne1 who1 although able to check the danger still threatening from ,elam1 cannot resist the strong arms of ,assyria4 ,at the close of the twelfth century ,tiglathpileser ,i4 secures a firm hold upon ,babylonia1 which now sinks to the position of a dependency upon the ,assyrian kings4 ,v4 ,in contrast to ,babylonia1 which is from the start stamped as a civilizing power1 ,assyria1 from its rise till its fall1 is essentially a military empire1 seeking the fulfillment of its mission in the enlargement of power and in incessant warfare4 ,its history may be traced back to about #ahjj ,b4,c41 when its rulers1 with their seat in the ancient city of ,ashur1 first begin to make their presence felt4 ,the extension of their power proceeds1 as in ,babylonia1 from the growing importance of the central city1 and soon embraces all of ,assyria proper4 ,they pass on into the mountain regions to the east1 and advancing to the west1 they encounter the vigorous forces of ,egypt1 whose ,asiatic campaigns begin about the same time as the rise of ,assyria4 ,the ,egyptians1 abetted by the ,hittites--the possessors of the strongholds on the ,orontes-- successfully check the growth of ,assyria on this side1 at least for a period of several centuries4 ,in the meanwhile1 the ,assyrian king gathers strength enough to make an attack upon ,babylonia4 ,the conflict1 once begun1 continues1 as has been indicated1 with varying fortunes4 ,occasional breathing spells are brought about by a temporary agreement of peace between the two empires1 until at the end of the twelfth century1 ,assyria1 under ,tiglathpileser ,i41 secures control over the ,babylonian empire4 ,her kings add to their long list of titles that of 'ruler of ,babylonia4' ,they either take the government of the south into their hands or exercise the privilege of appointing a governor of their choice to regulate the affairs of the ,euphrates ,valley4 ,from this time on1 the history of ,babylonia and ,assyria may be viewed under a single aspect4 ,the third period of ,babylonian history--the second of ,assyrian history--thus begins about #aajj ,b4,c41 and continues till the fall of ,assyria in the year #fjf ,b4,c4 ,these five centuries represent the most glorious epoch of the united ,mesopotamian empire4 ,during this time1 ,assyria rises to the height of an all-embracing power4 ,with far greater success than ,egypt1 she securely established her sovereignty over the lands bordering on the ,mediterranean4 ,after severe struggles1 the ,hittites are overcome1 the names of their strongholds on the ,orontes changed1 in order to emphasize their complete possession by the ,assyrians1 and the principalities of ,northern ,syria become tributary to ,assyria4 ,phoenicia and the kingdom of ,israel are conquered1 while the southern kingdom of ,judah purchases a mere shadow of independence by complete submission to the conditions imposed by the great and irresistible monarchy4 ,far to the northeast ,assyria extends her sway1 while ,babylonia1 though occasionally aroused to a resistance of the tyrannical bonds laid upon her1 only to be still further weakened1 retains a distinctive existence chiefly in name4 ,the culture of the south is the heritage bequeathed by old ,babylonia to the north4 ,babylonian temples become the models for ,assyrian architecture4 ,the literary treasures in the archives of the sacred cities of the south are copied by the scribes of the ,assyrian kings1 and placed in the palaces of the latter4 ,meanwhile1 the capital of ,assyria moves towards the north4 ,ashur gives way under the glorious reign of ,ashurnasirbal to ,calah1 which becomes the capitol in the year #hhj ,b4,c42 and ,calah1 in turn1 yields to ,nineveh1 which becomes1 from the time of ,tiglathpileser ,,ii41 in the middle of the eighth century1 the center of the great kingdom4 ,under ,ashurbanabal1 who rules from #ffh to #fbf ,b4,c41 the climax of ,assyrian power is reached4 ,he carries his arms to the banks of the ,nile1 and succeeds in realizing the dreams of his ancestors of a direct control over the affairs of ,egypt4 ,a patron of science and literature1 as so many great conquerors1 ,ashurbanabal succeeds in making ,nineveh a literary as well as a military center4 ,a vast collection of the cuneiform literature of ,babylonia is gathered by him for the benefit of his subjects1 as he is at constant pains to tell us4 ,the city is further embellished with magnificent structures1 and on every side he establishes his sovereignty with such force1 that the might of ,assyria appears invincible4 ,the fatal blow1 dealt with a suddenness that remains a mystery1 came from an unexpected quarter4 ,a great movement of wild northern hordes1 rather vaguely known as the ,cimmerians and ,scythians1 and advancing towards the south1 set in shortly after the death of ,ashurbanabal1 and created great political disturbances4 ,the vast number of these hordes1 their muscular strength1 and their unrestrained cruelty1 made them a foe which ,assyria found as hard to withstand1 as ,rome the approach of the ,vandals and ,goths4 ,the sources for our knowledge of the last days of the ,assyrian empire are not sufficient to enable us to grasp the details1 but it is certain that the successful attempt of the ,babylonians to throw off the ,assyrian yoke almost immediately after ,ashurbanabal's death1 was a symptom of the ravages which the hordes made in reducing the vitality of the ,assyrian empire4 ,her foes gained fresh courage from the success that crowned the revolt of ,babylonia4 ,the ,medes1 a formidable nation to the east of ,assyria1 and which had often crossed arms with the ,assyrians1 entered into combination with ,babylonia1 and the two making several united assaults upon ,nineveh1 under the leadership of ,kyaxares1 at last succeeded in effecting an entrance4 ,the city was captured and burned to the ground4 ,with the fall of ,assyria1 a feeling of relief passed over the entire eastern world4 ,a great danger1 threatening to extinguish the independence of all of the then known nations of the globe1 was averted4 ,the ,hebrew prophets living at the time of this downfall1 voice the general rejoicing that ensued when they declared1 that even the cedars of ,lebanon leaped for joy4 ,the province of ,assyria proper1 fell into the hands of the ,medes1 but ,babylonia1 with her independence established on a firm footing1 was the real heir of ,assyria's spirit4 ,her most glorious monarch1 ,nebuchadnezzar ,,ii4 7#fjd-efa ,b4,c471 seems to have dreamed of gaining for ,babylon the position1 once held by ,nineveh1 of mistress of the world4 ,taking ,ashurbanabal as his model1 he carried his arms to the west1 subdued the kingdom of ,judah1 and1 passing on to ,egypt1 strove to secure for ,babylon1 the supremacy exercised there for a short time by ,assyrian monarchs4 ,in addition to his military campaigns1 however1 he also appears in the light of a great builder1 enlarging and beautifying the temples of ,babylonia1 erecting new ones in the various cities of his realm1 strengthening the walls of ,babylon1 adorning the capital with embankment works and other improvements1 that gave it a permanent place in the traditions of the ancient world as one of the seven wonders of the universe4 ,the glory of this second ,babylonian empire was of short duration4 ,its vaulting ambition appears to have overleaped itself4 ,realizing for a time the ,assyrian ideal of a world monarchy1 the fall was as sudden as its rise was unexpected4 ,internal dissensions gave the first indication of the hollowness of the state4 ,nebuchadnezzar's son was murdered in #efj ,b4,c41 within two years after reaching the throne1 by his own brother-in-law1 ,neriglissar2 and the latter dying after a reign of only four years1 his infant child was put out of the way and ,nabonnedos1 a high officer of the state1 but without royal prerogative1 mounted the throne4 ,in the year #eej news reached ,babylon that ,cyrus1 the king of ,anzan1 had dealt a fatal blow to the ,median empire1 capturing its king1 ,astyages1 and joining ,media to his own district4 ,he founded what was afterwards known as the ,persian empire4 ,the overthrow of the ,medes gave ,cyrus control over ,assyria1 and it was to be expected that his gaze should be turned in the direction of ,babylonia4 ,nabonnedos recognized the danger1 but all his efforts to strengthen the powers of resistance to the ,persian arms were of no avail4 ,civil disturbances divided the ,babylonians4 ,the cohesion between the various districts was loosened1 and within the city of ,babylon itself1 a party arose antagonistic to ,nabonnedos1 who in their short-sightedness hailed the advance of ,cyrus4 ,under these circumstances1 ,babylon fell an easy prey to the ,persian conqueror4 ,in the autumn of the year #eci ,cyrus entered the city in triumph1 and was received with such manifestations of joy by the populace1 as to make one almost forget that with his entrance1 the end of a great empire had come4 ,politically and religiously1 the history of ,babylonia and ,assyria terminates with the advent of ,cyrus2 and this despite the fact that it was his policy to leave the state of affairs1 including religious observances1 as far as possible1 undisturbed4 ,a new spirit had1 however1 come into the land with him4 ,the official religion of the state was that practiced by ,cyrus and his predecessors in their native land4 ,the essential doctrines of the religion1 commonly known as ,mazdeism or ,zoroastrianism1 presented a sharp contrast to the beliefs that still were current in ,babylonia1 and it was inevitable that with the influx of new ideas1 the further development of ,babylonian worship was cut short4 ,the respect paid by ,cyrus to the ,babylonian gods was a mere matter of policy4 ,still1 the religious rites continued to be practiced as of old in ,babylonia and ,assyria for a long time1 and when the religion finally disappeared1 under the subsequent conquests of the ,greeks1 ,romans1 and ,arabs1 it left its traces in the popular superstitions and in the ineradicable traditions that survived4 ,but so far as the history of this religion is concerned1 it comes to an end with the downfall of the second ,babylonian empire4 99 99 99 99 99 ,the period1 then1 to be covered by a treatment of the religion of the ,babylonians and ,assyrians extends over the long interval between about #djjj ,b4,c4 and the middle of the sixth century4 ,the development of this religion follows closely the course of civilization and of history in the territory under consideration4 ,the twofold division1 accordingly1 into ,babylonia and ,assyria1 is the one that suggests itself also for the religion4 ,the beginning1 as is evident from the historical sketch given1 must be made with ,babylonia4 ,it will be seen that1 while the rites there and in ,assyria are much the same1 the characters of the gods as they developed in the south were quite different from those of the north2 and1 again1 it was inevitable that the ,assyrian influence manifest in the second ,babylonian empire should give to the religion of the south at this time1 some aspects which were absent during the days of the old ,babylonian empire4 ,in ,babylonia1 again1 the political changes form the basis for the transformation to be observed in the position occupied by the deities at different periods2 and the same general remark applies to the deities peculiar to ,assyria1 who must be studied in connection with the course pursued by the ,assyrian empire4 ,the division of the subject which thus forces itself upon us is twofold1 7#a7 geographical1 and 7#b7 historical4 ,it will be necessary to treat first of the beliefs and pantheon developed during the first two periods of ,babylonian history1 down to the practical conquest of ,babylonia by ,assyria4 ,then1 turning to ,assyria1 the traits of the pantheon peculiar to ,upper ,mesopotamia will be set forth4 ,in the third place1 the history of the religion will be traced in ,babylonia during the union of the ,babylonian-,assyrian empire2 and1 lastly1 the new phases of that religion which appeared in the days of the second ,babylonian empire4 ,turning after this to other aspects of the religion1 it will be found that the religious rites were only to a small degree influenced by political changes1 while the literature and religious art are almost exclusively products of ,babylonia4 ,in treating of these subjects1 accordingly1 no geographical divisions are called for1 in setting forth their chief features4 ,the general estimate to be given at the close of the volume will furnish an opportunity of making a comparison between the ,babylonian-,assyrian religion and other religions of the ancient world1 with a view to determining what foreign influences may be detected in it1 as well as ascertaining the influence it exerted upon others4 ,,footnotes3 #af ,i may be permitted to refer to a publication by ,dr4 ,brinton and myself1 ,the ,cradle of the ,semites 7,philadelphia1 #ahhi71 in which the various views as to this home are set forth4 #ag ,it has been suggested that since the statues of ,telloh are those of the priest-kings1 only the priestly classes shaved their hair off4 #ah ,see an interesting discussion of the question by ,professor ,hommel1 ,arabia according to the ,latest ,discoveries and ,researches4--,sunday ,school ,times1 #ahie1 nos4 #da and #dc4 #ai ,also known as ,shirpurla which ,jensen 7,keils ,bibl4 #c1 #a1 #e7 thinks was the later name4 #bj ,see ,hilprecht1 ,old ,babylonian ,inscriptions1 i4 #af-ah4 ,naram-,sin signifies 'beloved of the god ,sin' 7the moon-god72 ,shargani-shar-ali-- 'the legitimate king1 king of the city4' ,the excavations of the ,university of ,pennsylvania have cast new light upon this most ancient period of ,babylonian history4 ,it is now known that the temple of ,bel at ,nippur antedates the reign of ,naram-,sin1 and in the further publications of the ,university1 we may look for material which will enable us to pass beyond the period of ,sargon4 #ba ,sunday ,school ,times1 #ahie1 no4 #da4 #bb ,for various views regarding the name and character of this dynasty see ,winckler1 ,geschichte1 pp4 #fg1 #fh1 #cbh2 ,hilprecht1 ,assyriaca1 pp4 #be-bh1 #ajb1 #ajc2 ,winckler1 ,altorientalische ,forschungen1 ,i4 #bge-bgg1 and ,rogers1 ,outlines1 #cb1 note4 #bc ,see ,delitzsch1 ,die ,sprache der ,kossaer4 ,,chapter ,,iii4 ,,general ,,traits ,,of ,,the ,,old ,,babylonian ,,pantheon4 ,the ,babylonian religion in the oldest form known to us may best be described as a mixture of local and nature cults4 ,starting with that phase of religious beliefs known as ,animism1 which has been ascertained to be practically universal in primitive society1 the ,babylonians1 from ascribing life to the phenomena of nature1 to trees1 stones1 and plants1 as well as to such natural events1 as storm1 rain1 and wind1 and as a matter of course to the great luminaries and to the stars--would1 on the one hand1 be led to invoke an infinite number of spirits who were supposed to be1 in some way1 the embodiment of the life that manifested itself in such diverse manners2 and yet1 on the other hand1 this tendency would be restricted by the experience which would point to certain spirits1 as exercising a more decisive influence upon the affairs of man than others4 ,the result of this would be to give a preponderance to the worship of the sun and moon and the water1 and of such natural phenomena as rain1 wind1 and storms1 with their accompaniment of thunder and lightning1 as against the countless sprites believed to be lurking everywhere4 ,the latter1 however1 would not for this reason be ignored altogether4 ,since everything was endowed with life1 there was not only a spirit of the tree which produced the fruit1 but there were spirits in every field4 ,to them the ground belonged1 and upon their mercy depended the success or failure of the produce4 ,to secure the favor of the rain and the sun was not sufficient to the agriculturist2 he was obliged to obtain the protection of the guardian spirits of the soil1 in order to be sure of reaping the fruit of his labors4 ,again1 when through association1 the group of arable plots grew into a hamlet1 and then through continued growth into a town1 the latter1 regarded as a unit by virtue of its political organization under a chief ruler1 would necessarily be supposed to have some special power presiding over its destinies1 protecting it from danger1 and ready to defend the rights and privileges of those who stood immediately under its jurisdiction4 ,each ,babylonian city1 large or small1 would in this way obtain a deity devoted to its welfare1 and as the city grew in extent1 absorbing perhaps others lying about1 and advancing in this way to the dignity of a district1 the city's god would correspondingly increase his jurisdiction4 ,as it encroached upon the domain of other local deities1 it would by conquest annihilate the latter1 or reduce them to a subservient position4 ,the new regime would be expressed by making the conquered deity1 the servant of the victorious1 or the two might be viewed in the relation of father to son2 and again1 in the event of a peaceful amalgamation of two cities or districts1 the protecting deities might join hands in a compact1 mirroring the partnership represented by the conjugal tie4 ,in this way1 there arose in ,babylon a selection1 as it were1 out of an infinite variety of personified forces1 manifest or concealed1 that at one time may have been objects of worship4 ,the uniformity of the spirit world1 which is the characteristic trait of primitive ,animism1 gave way to a differentiation regulated by the political development and the social growth of ,babylonia4 ,the more important natural forces became gods1 and the inferior ones were1 as a general thing1 relegated to the secondary position of mere sprites1 like the jinns1 in ,arabic beliefs4 ,only in the case of the guardian spirit of an entire city or district1 would there result--and even this not invariably--an elevation to the grade of deity1 in the proper sense of the word4 ,in many cases1 however1 this guardian deity might be a heavenly body1 as the moon or sun or stars1 all of which were supposed to regulate the fate of mankind or some force of nature1 as the rain or the storm2 and even if this were not originally the case1 the protecting deity might1 in the course of time1 become identified with one of the forces of nature2 and1 if for no other reason1 simply because of the prominence which the worship of the force in question acquired in the place4 ,as a consequence1 the mixture of local and nature cults is so complete that it is often impossible to distinguish the one from the other4 ,it is hard in many cases to determine whether the deity which is identified with a certain city was originally a mere local spirit watching over a certain restricted territory1 or a personification of a natural force associated in some way with a certain section of ,babylonia4 ,,chapter ,,iv4 ,,babylonian ,,gods ,,prior ,,to ,,the ,,days ,,of ,,hammurabi4 ,with these preliminary remarks1 we may turn1 as the first part of our subject1 to a consideration of the oldest of the ,babylonian gods4 ,our main sources are the inscriptions of the old ,babylonian rulers1 above referred to4 ,these are1 in most cases1 of a dedicatory character1 being inscribed on statues1 cylinders1 or tablets1 placed in the temples or on objects--cones1 knobs1 stones--presented as votive offerings to some god4 ,besides the inscriptions of the rulers1 we have those of officials and others4 ,many of these are likewise connected directly or indirectly with religious worship4 ,the advantage of the historical texts over the purely religious ones consists in their being dated1 either accurately or approximately4 ,for this reason1 the former must be made the basis for a rational theory of the development of the ,babylonian pantheon through the various periods above instanced4 ,the data furnished by the religious texts can be introduced only1 as they accord with the facts revealed by the historical inscriptions in each period4 ,taking up the group of inscriptions prior to the union of the ,babylonian ,states under ,hammurabi1 i4e41 prior to #bcjj ,b4,c41 we find these gods mentioned3 ,bel1 ,belit1 ,nin-khar-sag1 ,nin-girsu1 also appearing as ,shul-gur1 ,bau1 ,ga-tum-dug1 ,ea1 ,nin-a-gal1 ,nergal1 ,shamash1 under various forms ,a1 who is the consort of ,shamash1 ,nannar or ,sin1 ,nana1 ,anunit1 ,ishtar1 ,innanna or ,ninni1 ,nina1 ,nin-mar1 ,dun-shagga1 ,gal-alim1 ,anu1 ,nin-gish-zida1 ,nin-si-a1 ,nin-shakh1 ,dumu-zi1 ,lugal-banda and his consort ,nin-gul1 ,dumuzi-zu-aba1 ,nisaba1 ,ku787anna1 ,lugal-erima7871 ,dagan1 ,ishum1 ,umu1 ,pa-sag1 ,nin-e-gal1 ,nin-gal1 ,shul7or ,dun7-pa-uddu1 and ,nin-akha-kuddu4 ,regarding these names1 it may be said at once that the reading1 in many cases1 is to be looked upon as merely provisional4 ,written1 as they usually are1 in the ideographic style1 the phonetic reading can only be determined when the deity in question can be identified with one1 whose name is written at some place phonetically1 or when the ideographs employed are so grouped as to place the phonetic reading beyond doubt4 ,the plan to be followed in this book will be to give the ideographic reading#bd as provisional wherever the real pronunciation is unknown or uncertain4 ,the ideographic designation of a deity is of great value1 inasmuch as the ideographs themselves frequently reveal the character of the god1 though of course the additional advantage is obvious when the name appears in both the ideographic and the phonetic writing4 ,it will1 therefore1 form part of a delineation of the ,babylonian pantheon to interpret the picture1 as it were1 under which each deity is viewed4 ,en-lil or ,bel4 ,taking up the gods in the order named1 the first one1 ,bel1 is also the one who appears on the oldest monuments as yet unearthed--the inscriptions of ,nippur4 ,his name is1 at this time1 written invariably as ,en-lil4 ,in the ,babylonian theology1 he is 'the lord of the lower world4' ,he represents1 as it were1 the unification of the various forces whose seat and sphere of action is among the inhabited parts of the globe1 both on the surface and beneath1 for the term 'lower world' is here used in contrast to the upper or heavenly world4 ,such a conception manifestly belongs to the domain of abstract thought1 and it may be concluded1 therefore1 that either the deity belongs to an advanced stage of ,babylonian culture1 or that the original view of the deity was different from the one just mentioned4 ,the latter is the case4 ,primarily1 the ideograph ,lil is used to designate a 'demon' in general1 and ,en-lil is therefore the 'chief demon4' ,primitive as such a conception is1 it points to some system of thought that transcends primitive ,animism1 which is characterized rather by the equality accorded to all spirits4 ,the antiquity of the association of ,en-lil with ,nippur justifies the conclusion that we have before us a local deity who1 originally the protecting spirit merely1 of a restricted territory1 acquires the position of 'chief demon' as the town of ,nippur grows to be the capitol of a large and powerful district4 ,the fame and sanctity of ,nippur survives political vicissitudes2 and1 indeed1 in proportion as ,nippur loses political prestige1 the great deity of the place is released from the limitations due to his local origin and rises to the still higher dignity of a great power whose domain is the entire habitable universe4 ,as the 'lord of the lower world1' ,en-lil is contrasted to a god ,anu1 who presides over the heavenly bodies4 ,the age of ,sargon 7#chjj ,b4,c471 in whose inscriptions ,en-lil already occurs1 is one of considerable culture1 as is sufficiently evidenced by the flourishing condition of art1 and there can therefore be no objection against the assumption that even at this early period1 a theological system should have been evolved which gave rise to beliefs in great powers whose dominion embraces the 'upper' and 'lower' worlds4 ,it was because of this wide scope of his power that he became known as ,bel1 i4e41 the lord par excellence2 and it is equally natural to find his worship spread over the whole of ,babylonia4 ,in the south1 the patron deity of ,lagash is designated by ,gudea as the mighty warrior of ,bel1 showing the supremacy accorded to the latter4 ,a temple to ,en-lil at ,lagash1 and known as ,e-adda1 'house of the father1' by virtue of the relationship existing between the god of ,nippur and ,nin-girsu1 is mentioned by ,uru-kagina4 ,the temple is described as a lofty structure 'rising up to heaven4' ,in the north1 ,nippur remains the place where his worship acquired the greatest importance1 so that ,nippur was known as the land of ,bel4 ,the temple sacred to him at that place was a great edifice1 famous throughout ,babylonian history as ,e-,kur1 i4e41 mountain house1 in the construction of which1 a long line of ,babylonian rulers took part4 ,from ,naram-,sin1 ruler of ,agade1 on through the period of ,cassite rule1 the kings of ,nippur proudly include in their titles that of 'builder of the ,temple of ,bel at ,nippur1' measuring their attachment to the deity by the additions and repairs made to his sacred edifice4#be ,besides the kings of ,agade1 the rulers of other places pay their devotions to ,bel of ,nippur4 ,so1 a king of ,kish1 whose name is read ,alu-usharshid by ,professor ,hilprecht1#bf brings costly vases of marble and limestone from ,elam and offers them to ,bel as a token of victory2 and this at a period even earlier than ,sargon4 ,even when ,en-lil is obliged to yield a modicum of his authority to the growing supremacy of the patron deity of the city of ,babylon1 the highest tribute that can be paid to the latter1 is to combine with his real name1 ,marduk1 the title of ,bel1 which of right belongs to ,en-lil4 ,we shall see how this combination of ,en-lil1 or ,bel1 with ,marduk reflects political changes that took place in the ,euphrates ,valley2 and it is a direct consequence of this later association of the old ,bel of ,nippur with the chief god of ,babylon1 that the original traits of the former become obscured in the historical and religious texts4 ,dimmed popular traditions1 which will be set forth in their proper place1 point to his having been at one time regarded as a powerful chieftain armed with mighty weapons1 but engaged in conflicts for the ultimate benefit of mankind4 ,on the whole1 he is a beneficent deity1 though ready to inflict severe punishment for disobedience to his commands4 ,we must distinguish1 then1 in the case of ,en-lil1 at least four phases3 #a4 ,his original role as a local deity2 #b4 ,the extension of his power to the grade of a great 'lord' over a large district2 #c4 ,dissociation from local origins to become the supreme lord of the lower world2 and #d4 ,the transfer of his name and powers as god of ,nippur to ,marduk1 the god of ,babylon4 ,the last two phases can best be set forth when we come to the period1 marked by the political supremacy of the city of ,babylon4 ,it is sufficient1 at this point1 to have made clear his position as god of ,nippur4 ,nin-lil or ,belit4 ,the consort of ,en-lil is ,nin-,lil1 the 'mistress of the lower world4' ,she is known also as ,belit1 the feminine form to ,bel1 i4e41 the lady par excellence4 ,she1 too1 had her temple at ,nippur1 the age of which goes back1 at least1 to the first dynasty of ,ur4 ,but the glory of the goddess pales by the side of her powerful lord4 ,she is naught but a weak reflection of ,bel1 as in general the consorts of the gods are4 ,another title by which this same goddess was known is ,nin-khar-sag4#bg which means the 'lady of the high or great mountain4' ,the title may have some reference to the great mountain where the gods were supposed to dwell1 and which was known to ,babylonians as the 'mountain of the lands4' ,bel1 as the chief of the gods1 is more particularly associated with this mountain4 ,hence his temple is called the 'mountain house4' ,from being regarded as the inhabitant of the mountain1 he comes to be identified with the mountain itself4 ,accordingly1 he is sometimes addressed as the great mountain1#bh and his consort would therefore be appropriately termed 'the lady of the great mountain4' ,besides the temple at ,nippur1 ,belit1 as ,nin-khar-sag1 had a sanctuary at ,girsu1 one of the quarters at ,lagash 7see under ,nin-girsu71 the earliest mention of which occurs on an inscription of ,ur-,bau4 ,the latter calls the goddess 'the mother of the gods1' which further establishes her identity with the consort of ,bel4 ,entemena1 another governor of ,lagash1 places his domain under the protection of ,nin-khar-sag4 ,the worship at ,nippur1 however1 remained most prominent4 ,the continued popularity of her cult is attested by the fortress ,dur-zakar1 which a later king1 ,samsu-iluna 7c4 #bbjj71 erected in her honor4 ,nin-girsu4 ,in the inscriptions of ,gudea and of his time1 the god most prominently mentioned is the ,lord of ,girsu4 ,girsu itself1 as the inscriptions show1 is one of the four sections into which the capitol city of ,lagash was divided4 ,it was there that the temple stood which was sacred to the patron deity1 and we may conclude from this that ,girsu is the oldest part of the city4 ,afterwards1 ,lagash became the general name for the capitol through being the quarter where the great palace of the king was erected4 ,that ,girsu was once quite distinct from ,lagash is also evident from the title of king of ,girsu1 with which a certain ,uru-kagina1 who is to be placed somewhat before ,gudea1 contents himself4 ,the other three quarters1 all of which were originally independent cities1 are ,uru-azagga1 ,nina1 and apparently ,gish-galla4#bi ,nin-girsu is frequently termed the warrior of ,bel1--the one who in the service of the 'lord of the lower world1' appears in the thick of the fight1 to aid the subjects of ,bel4 ,in this role1 he is identical with a solar deity who enjoys especial prominence among the warlike ,assyrians1 whose name is provisionally read ,nin-ib1 but whose real name may turn out to be ,adar4#cj ,the rulers of ,lagash declare themselves to have been chosen for the high office by ,nin-girsu1 and as if to compensate themselves for the degradation implied in being merely patesis1 or governors1 serving under some powerful chief1 they call themselves the patesis of ,nin-girsu1 implying that the god was the master to whom they owed allegiance4 ,the temple sacred to him at ,girsu was called ,e-ninnu1 and also by a longer name that described the god as the one 'who changes darkness into light1'--the reference being to the solar character of the god ,nin-ib with whom ,nin-girsu is identified4 ,in this temple1 ,gudea and other rulers place colossal statues of themselves1 but temper the vanity implied1 by inscribing on the front and back of these statues1 an expression of their devotion to their god4 ,to ,nin-girsu1 most of the objects found at ,tell-loh are dedicated2 conspicuous among which are the many clay cones1 that became the conventional objects for votive offerings4 ,there was another side1 however1 to his nature1 besides the belligerent one4 ,as the patron of ,lagash1 he also presided over the agricultural prosperity of the district4 ,in this role he is addressed as ,shul-gur or ,shul-gur-an1 i4e41 the god of the corn heaps2 ,entemena and his son ,enanna-tuma in erecting a kind of storehouse which they place under the protection of ,nin-girsu1 declare that their god is ,shul-gur2#ca and an old hymn#cb identifies him with ,tammuz1 the personification of agricultural activity4 ,such a combination of apparently opposing attributes is a natural consequence of the transformation of what may originally have been the personification of natural forces1 into local deities4 ,each field had its protecting spirit1 but for the city as a whole1 a local deity1 whose rule mirrored the control of the human chief over his subjects1 alone was available4 ,to him who watched over all things pertaining to the welfare of the territory coming under his jurisdiction1 various attributes1 as occasion required1 were ascribed1 and quite apart from his original character1 the god could thus be regarded1 as the warrior and the peaceful husbandman at the same time4 ,bau4 ,perhaps the most prominent of the goddesses in the ancient ,babylonian period was ,bau4 ,one of the rulers of ,lagash has embodied the name of the goddess in his name1 calling himself ,ur-,bau4 ,it is natural1 therefore1 to find him more especially devoted to the worship of this deity4 ,he does not tire of singing her praises1 and of speaking of the temple he erected in her honor4 ,still1 ,ur-,bau does not stand alone in his devotion2 ,uru-kagina1 ,gudea1 and others refer to ,bau frequently1 while in the incantation texts1 she is invoked as the great mother1 who gives birth to mankind and restores the body to health4 ,in the old ,babylonian inscriptions she is called the chief daughter of ,anu1 the god of heaven4 ,among her titles1 the one most frequently given is that of 'good lady4' ,she is the 'mother' who fixes the destinies of men and provides 'abundance' for the tillers of the soil4 ,gudea calls her his mistress1 and declares that it is she who fills him with speech1--a phrase whose meaning seems to be that to ,bau he owes the power he wields4 ,locally1 she is identified with ,uru-azagga 7meaning 'brilliant town'71 a quarter of ,lagash2 and it was there that her temple stood4 ,as a consequence1 we find her in close association with ,nin-girsu1 the god of ,girsu4 ,we may indeed go further and assume that ,girsu and ,uru-azagga are the two oldest quarters of the city1 the combination of the two representing the first natural steps in the development of the principality1 afterwards known as ,lagash1 through the addition of other quarters#cc4 ,she is indeed explicitly called the consort of ,nin-girsu2 and this relation is implied also1 in the interesting phrase used by ,gudea1 who presents gifts to ,bau in the name of ,nin-girsu1 and calls them 'marriage gifts'4#cd ,it is interesting to find1 at this early period1 the evidence for the custom that still prevails in the ,orient1 which makes the gifts of the bridegroom to his chosen one1 an indispensable formality4#ce ,these gifts were offered on the ,new ,year's ,day1 known as ,zag-muk1 and the importance of the worship of ,bau is evidenced by the designation of this day1 as the festival of ,bau4 ,the offerings1 themselves1 consist of lambs1 sheep1 birds1 fish1 cream1 besides dates and various other fruits4 ,when ,uru-azagga becomes a part of ,lagash1 ,bau's dignity is heightened to that of 'mother of ,lagash4' ,as the consort of ,ningirsu1 she is identified with the goddess ,gula1 the name more commonly applied to the 'princely mistress' of ,nin-ib1 whose worship continues down to the days of the neo-,babylonian monarchy4 ,it is quite certain1 however1 that ,bau is originally an independent goddess1 and that the association of ,uru-azagga and ,girsu#cf lead to her identification with ,gula4 ,regarding her original nature1 a certain index is her character as daughter of ,anu4 ,anu being the god of heaven1 ,bau must be sought in the upper realm of personified forces1 rather than elsewhere2 but exactly which one she is1 it is difficult to say4 ,hommel1 indeed1#cg is of opinion that she is the personified watery depth1 the primitive chaos which has only the heavens above it2 but in giving this explanation1 he is influenced by the desire to connect the name of ,bau with the famous term for chaos in ,genesis1 ,tohu-wa-bohu4 ,there is1 however1 no proof whatsoever that ,bau and ,bohu have anything to do with one another4 ,a goddess who can hardly be distinguished from ,bau is ,ga-tum-dug4#ch ,indeed1 from the fact that she is also the 'mother of ,lagash1' it might seem that this is but another name for ,bau4 ,however1 elsewhere1 in two lists of deities invoked by ,gudea 7,inscr4 ,b1 col4 ii4 #ag71 ,ga-tum-dug is given a separate place by the side of ,bau1 once placed before and once after the latter2 and it is clear therefore that she was originally distinct from ,bau4 ,for ,gudea1 ,ga-tum-dug is the mother who produced him4 ,he is her servant and she is his mistress4 ,lagash is her beloved city1 and there he prepares for her a dwelling-place1 which later rulers1 like ,entena1 embellish4 ,she is called the 'brilliant' 7,azag71 but as this title is merely a play upon the element found in the city1 ,uru-azagga1 sacred to ,bau1 not much stress is to be laid upon this designation4 ,unfortunately1 too1 the elements composing her name are not clear1#ci and it must be borne in mind that the reading is purely provisional4 ,so much1 at least1 seems certain3 that ,bau and ,ga-tum-dug are two forms under which one and the same natural element was personified4 ,bau is called in the incantation texts1 the mother of ,ea4 ,the latter being distinctly a water god1 we may conclude that in some way1 ,bau is to be connected with water as a natural element4 ,the conjecture may be hazarded that she personifies originally the waters of the upper realm--the clouds4 ,since ,ea1 who is her son1 represents the waters of the lower realm1 the relation of mother and son reflects perhaps a primitive conception of the origin of the deep1 through the descent of the upper waters4 ,when we come to the cosmogony of the ,babylonians1 it will be seen that this conception of a distinction between the two realms of waters is a fundamental one4 ,this character as a spirit of the watery elements is shared by others of the goddesses appearing in the old ,babylonian inscriptions4#dj ,en-ki or ,ea4 ,this god1 who1 as we shall see1 becomes most prominent in the developed form of ,babylonian theology1 does not occupy the place one should expect in the early ,babylonian inscriptions4 ,ur-,bau erects a sanctuary to ,ea1 at ,girsu4 ,another of the governors of ,lagash calls himself1 priest of ,ea1 describing the god as the supreme councillor4 ,from him1 the king receives wisdom4#da ,a ruler1 ,rim-,sin1 of the dynasty of ,larsa1 associates ,ea with ,bel1 declaring that these great gods entrusted ,uruk into his hands with the injunction to rebuild the city that had fallen in ruins4 ,the ideograms1 with which his name is written1 ,en-ki1 designate him as god of that 'which is below1'--the earth in the first place2 but with a more precise differentiation of the functions of the great gods1 ,ea becomes the god of the waters of the deep4 ,when this stage of belief is reached1 ,ea is frequently associated with ,bel1 who1 it will be recalled1 is the 'god of the lower region1' but who becomes the god of earth par excellence4 ,when1 therefore1 ,bel and ,ea are invoked1 it is equivalent1 in modern parlance1 to calling upon earth and water2 and just as ,bel is used to personify1 as it were1 the unification of the earthly forces1 so ,ea becomes1 in a comprehensive sense1 the watery deep4 ,ea and ,bel assume therefore conspicuous proportions in the developed ,babylonian cosmogony and theology4 ,in the cosmogony1 ,bel is the creator and champion of mankind1 and ,ea is the subterranean deep which surrounds the earth1 the source of wisdom and culture2 in the theology1 ,ea and ,bel are pictured in the relation of father and son1 who1 in concert1 are appealed to1 when misfortune or disease overtakes the sons of man2 ,ea1 the father1 being the personification of knowledge1 and ,bel1 the practical activity that 'emanates from wisdom1' as ,professor ,sayce1#db adopting the language of ,gnosticism1 aptly puts it2 only that1 as already suggested1 ,marduk assumes the role of the older ,bel4 ,confining ourselves here to the earlier phases of ,ea1 it seems probable that he was originally regarded as the god of ,eridu1--one of the most ancient of the holy cities of ,southern ,babylonia1 now represented by ,abu-,shahrein1 and which once stood on the shores of the ,persian ,gulf4 ,ur-,bau expressly calls the god the 'king of ,eridu4' ,the sacredness of the place is attested by ,gudea1 who boasts of having made the temple of ,nin-girsu as sacred as ,eridu4#dc ,it is over this city that ,ea watches4 ,the importance of the ,persian ,gulf to the growth of the city1 would make it natural to place the seat of the god in the waters themselves4 ,the cult of water-deities arises1 naturally1 at places which are situated on large sheets of water2 and in the attributes of wisdom which an older age ascribed to ,ea1 there may be seen the embodiment of the tradition that the course of civilization proceeds from the south4 ,the superiority of the ,persian ,gulf over the other waters of ,babylon--over the two great rivers with their tributary streams and canals--would be another factor that would lead to the god of the ,persian ,gulf being regarded as the personification of the watery element in general4 ,for the ,babylonians1 the ,persian ,gulf1 stretching out indefinitely1 and to all appearances one with the great ocean whose ulterior shores could not be reached1 was the great ',okeanos1' that flowed around the earth and on which the earth rested4 ,ea1 accordingly 7somewhat like ,en-lil71 was delocalized1 as it were1 and his worship was maintained long after the recollection of his connection with ,eridu had all but disappeared4 ,at the same time1 for the very reason that he was cut loose from local associations1 no place could lay claim to being the seat of the deity4 ,ur-,bau1 when erecting a sanctuary to ,ea at ,girsu1 significantly calls the god 'the king of ,eridu4' ,the sanctuary is not1 in this case1 the dwelling-place of the god4 ,we are justified1 therefore1 in going back many centuries1 before reaching the period when ,ea was1 merely1 the local god of ,eridu4 ,whether ,ea is to be regarded as the real name of the god1 or is also an ideograph like ,en-ki1 is again open to doubt4 ,if ,ea is the real pronunciation1 then the writing of the name is a play upon the character of the deity1 for it is composed of two elements that signify 'house' and 'water1'--the name thus suggesting the character and real seat of the deity4 ,a point in favor of regarding ,ea as the real name1 albeit not decisive1 is the frequent use of the unmistakable ideographic description of the god as ,en-ki4 ,the consort of ,ea who is ,dam-kina also occurs in the historical texts of the first period4 ,the origin of ,babylonian civilization at the ,persian ,gulf1 together with the dependence of ,babylonia for her fertility upon the streams and canals1 account for the numerous water-deities to be found in the ancient ,babylonian pantheon1 some of which have already been discussed4 ,we will meet with others further on4 ,every stream1 large or small1 having its special protecting deity1 the number of water-deities naturally increases as the land becomes more and more dissected by the canal system that conditioned the prosperity of the country4 ,ea1 as we shall see1 appears under an unusually large number of names4#dd ,one of these is ,nin-a-gal1 which1 signifying 'god of great strength1' is given to him as the patron of the smith's art4#de ,a god of this name is mentioned by ,ur-,bau1#df who speaks of a sanctuary erected in honor of this deity4 ,but since the king refers to ,ea 7as ,en-ki7 a few lines previous1 it would appear that at this period ,nin-agal is still an independent deity4 ,the later identification with ,ea appears to be due to the idea of 'strength' involved in the name of ,nin-agal4 ,in the same way1 many of the names of ,ea were originally descriptive of independent gods who1 because of the similarity of their functions to those of the great ,ea1 were absorbed by the latter4 ,their names transferred to ,ea1 are frequently the only trace left of their original independent existence4 ,nergal4 ,nergal1 the local deity of ,cuthah 7or ,kutu71 represented by the mound ,tell-,ibrahim1 some distance to the east of ,babylon1 was of an entirely different character from ,ea1 but his history in the development of the ,babylonian religion is hardly less interesting4 ,the first mention of his famous temple at ,cuthah is found in an inscription of ,dungi 7to be read ,ba'u-ukin1 according to ,winckler#dg7 who belongs to the second dynasty of ,ur 7c4 #bgjj ,b4,c474 ,its origin1 however1 belongs to a still earlier period4 ,such was the fame of the temple known as ,e-shid-lam1 and the closeness of the connection between the deity and his favorite seat1 that ,nergal himself became known as shid-lam-ta-ud-du-a1 i4e41 the god that rises up from ,e-shid-lam4 ,it is by this epithet that the same ,dungi describes him in one of his inscriptions4#dh ,down to the latest period of ,assyro-,babylonian history1 ,nergal remains identified with ,kutu1 being known at all times as the god of ,kutu4#di ,when ,sargon1 the king of ,assyria1 upon his conquest of the kingdom of ,israel 7c4 #gbb ,b4,c471 brought people from ,babylon1 ,cuthah1 ,ava1 and so forth1 across to the lands of the ,jordan to take the place of the deported ,israelites1 the ,hebrew narrator 7,,ii ,kings1 xvii4 #bd-ce7 tells us in an interesting manner of the obnoxious foreign worship which these people brought to the land1 each division bringing the gods of their place with them4 ,the men of ,cuthah1 he adds 7v4 #cj71 made a statue of ,nergal4 ,singamil1 of the dynasty1 having its capital at ,uruk 7c4 #bgej ,b4,c471 likewise testifies to his devotion to ,nergal by busying himself with improvements and additions to his temple at ,cuthah4 ,his worship1 therefore1 was not confined to those who happened to reside at ,cuthah2 and closely as he is identified with the place1 the character of the god is a general and not a special one4 ,the full form of his name appears to have been ,ner-unu-gal1 of which ,nergal1 furnished by the ,old ,testament passage referred to1 would then be a contraction or a somewhat corrupt form4 ,the three elements composing his name signify the mighty one of the great dwelling-place1 but it is1 again1 an open question whether this is a mere play upon the character of the god1 as in the name of ,ea 7according to one of the interpretations above suggested71 or whether it is an ideographic form of the name4 ,the ,old ,testament shows1 conclusively1 that the name had some such pronunciation as ,nergal4 ,jensen1 from other evidences1 inclines to the opinion that the writing ,ner-unu-gal is the result of a species of etymology1 brought about by the prominence given to ,nergal as the god of the region of the dead4 ,it is in this capacity that he already appears in the inscription of ,singamil1 who calls him 'king of the nether world4' ,the great dwelling-place1 therefore1 is clearly the dominion over which ,nergal rules1 and when we come to the cosmogony of the ,babylonians1#ej it will be found that this epithet for the nether world--the great dwelling-place--accords with their conception of the life after death4 ,but while ,nergal1 with a host of lesser demons about him1 appears as the ,babylonian ,pluto1 particularly in the religious texts1 his functions are not limited to the control of the dead4 ,he is the personification of some of the evils that bring death to mankind1 particularly pestilence and war4 ,the death that follows in his path is a violent one1 and his destructive force is one that acts upon large masses rather than upon the individual4 ,hence1 one of the most common ideographs used to express his name is that which signifies 'sword4' ,war and pestilence are intimately associated in the mind of the ,babylonians4 ,among other nations1 the sword is1 similarly1 the symbol of the deity1 as the plague-bringer as well as the warrior4 ,to this day1 a pestilence is the general accompaniment of war in the ,east1 or follows in its wake4 ,different from ,nin-ib1 who is also a god of war1 ,nergal symbolizes more particularly the destruction which accompanies war1 and not the strong champion who aids his subjects in the fight4 ,nergal is essentially a destroyer1 and the various epithets applied to him in the religious texts1 show that he was viewed in this light4 ,he is at times the 'god of fire1' again 'the raging king1' 'the violent one' 'the one who burns'2 and finally identified with the glowing heat of flame4 ,often1 he is described by these attributes1 instead of being called by his real name4#ea ,dr4 ,jensen has recently shown in a satisfactory manner1 that this phase of his character must be the starting-point in tracing the order of his development4 ,as the 'glowing flame1' ,nergal is evidently a phase of the sun1 and ,jensen proves that the functions and aspects of the sun at different periods being differentiated among the ,babylonians1 ,nergal is more especially the hot sun of midsummer or midday1 the destructive force of which was the chief feature that distinguished it4 ,the hot sun of ,babylonia1 that burns with fierce intensity1 brings pestilence and death1 and carries on a severe contest against man4 ,from being the cause of death1 it is but a step1 and a natural one1 to make ,nergal preside over the region1 prepared for those whom he has destroyed4 ,the course taken by ,babylonian theology is responsible for the prominence given to the latter role of ,nergal1 which finally overshadows his other phases to the extent of suggesting the fanciful interpretation of his name as the 'ruler of the great dwelling place for the dead4' ,in the light of the facts set forth1 another explanation for his name must be looked for that would connect the god with solar functions4 ,the name may in fact be divided into two elements1 the first having the force of chief or ruler1 the second 'great4' ,the combination would be an appropriate designation for the sun1 in the role of a destructive power4 ,but ,nergal1 after all1 represents only one phase of the sun-god4 ,the god who was worshipped as the personification of the sun par excellence and the sun as a whole1 was ,shamash4 ,written with an ideograph that describes him as the 'god of the day1' there is no deity whose worship enjoys an equally continued popularity in ,babylonia and ,assyria4 ,beginning at the earliest period of ,babylonian history1 and reaching to the latest1 his worship suffers no interruption4 ,shamash1 moreover1 maintains his original character with scarcely any modification throughout this long period4 ,for all that1 he bears a name which signifies 'attendant' or 'servitor1' and which sufficiently shows the subsidiary position that he occupied in the ,babylonian pantheon4 ,one of the rulers belonging to the dynasty of ,isin calls the sun-god1 the offspring of ,nannar1--one of the names of the moon-god1--and the last king of ,babylonia1 ,nabonnedos1 does the same4 ,in combination with the moon-god1 the latter takes precedence of ,shamash1#eb and in the enumeration of the complete pantheon1 in the inscriptions of both ,assyrian and ,babylonian kings1 the same order is preserved4 ,other evidence that points to the superior rank accorded to ,sin1 the moon-god over the sun deity in ,babylonia1 is the reckoning of time by the moon phases4 ,the day begins with the evening1 and not with sunrise4 ,the moon1 as the chief of the starry firmament1 and controlling the fate of mankind1 was the main factor in giving to the orb of night1 this peculiar prominence4 ,the 'service1' accordingly implied in the name of ,shamash appears to have been such as was demanded by his subsidiary position to the moon-god4 ,beyond the general recognition1 however1 of this relationship between the two1 it does not appear that the worship paid to ,shamash1 was at all affected by the secondary place1 that he continued to hold in the theoretically constructed pantheon4 ,less than is the case with the other gods1 is he identified with any particular city1 and we therefore find in the most ancient period1 two centers of ,southern ,babylonia claiming ,shamash as their patron saint1--,larsa1 represented by the mound of ,senkereh1 and ,sippar1 occupying the site of the modern ,abu-,habba4 ,it is difficult to say which of the two was the older2 the latter1 in the course of time1 overshadowed the fame of the former1 and its history can be traced back considerably beyond the sun-worship at ,larsa1 the first mention of which occurs in the inscriptions of rulers of the second dynasty of ,ur 7c4 #bijj ,b4,c474 ,since ,ur1 as we shall see1 was sacred to the moon-god1 it is hardly likely that the ,shamash cult was introduced at ,larsa by the rulers of ,ur4 ,the kings of ,ur would not have forfeited the protection of ,sin1 by any manifestation of preference for ,shamash4 ,when ,ur-,gur1 therefore1 tells us that he 'built' a temple to ,shamash at ,larsa1 he must mean1 as ,sin-iddina of the dynasty of ,larsa does1 in using the same phrase1 that he enlarged or improved the edifice4 ,what makes it all the more likely that ,ur-,gur found sun-worship at ,larsa in existence is1 that in the various places over which this ruler spread his building activity1 he is careful in each case to preserve the status of the presiding deity4 ,so at ,nippur1 he engages in work at the temples of ,en-lil and of ,nin-lil2 while at ,uruk he devotes himself to the temple of ,nana4 ,in thus connecting their names with the various sacred edifices of ,babylonia1 the rulers emphasized1 on the one hand1 their control of the territory in which the building lay1 and on the other1 their allegiance to the deity of the place1 whose protection and favor they sought to gain4 ,the mention of a temple to ,shamash at ,sippar reverts to a still earlier period than that of its rival4 ,nabonnedos tells us that it was founded by ,naram-,sin4 ,sargon has put his name on some object#ec that he dedicates to the sun-god at ,sippar4 ,that there was an historical connection between the two temples may be concluded from the fact that the name of the sacred edifices was the same in both1--,e-babbara1 signifying the 'house of lustre4' ,such a similarity points to a dependence of one upon the other1 and the transfer or extension of the worship directly from one place to the other2 but1 as intimated1 we have no certain means of determining which of the two is the older4 ,in view of the general observation to be made in what pertains to the religion of the ,babylonians1 that fame and age go hand in hand1 the balance is in favor of ,sippar1 which became by far the more famous of the two1 received a greater share of popular affection1 and retained its prominence to the closing days of the neo-,babylonian monarchy4 ,we shall have occasion in a succeeding chapter to trace the history of the sun-temple at ,sippar so far as known4 ,it is interesting to note that ,nabonnedos1 feeling the end of his power to be near1 undertakes1 as one of the last resorts1 the restoration of this edifice1 in the hope that by thus turning once more to the powerful ,shamash1 he might secure his protection1 in addition to that of ,marduk1 the head of the later ,babylonian pantheon4 ,in ,ur itself1 ,shamash was also worshipped in early days by the side of the moon-god4 ,eannatum1 of the dynasty of ,isin 7c4 #bhjj ,b4,c471 tells of two temples erected to him at that place2 and still a third edifice1 sacred to both ,nannar 7the moon god7 and ,shamash at ,ur1 is referred to by a king of the ,larsa dynasty1 ,rim-,sin 7c4 #bcjj ,b4,c474 ,the titles given to ,shamash by the early rulers are sufficiently definite to show in what relation he stood to his worshippers1 and what the conceptions were that were formed of him4 ,he is1 alternately1 the king and the shepherd4 ,since the kings also called themselves shepherds1 no especial endearment is conveyed by this designation4 ,in the incantations1 ,shamash is frequently appealed to1 either alone1 or when an entire group of spirits and deities are enumerated4 ,he is called upon to give life to the sick man4 ,to him the body of the one who is smitten with disease is confided4 ,as the god of light1 he is appropriately called upon to banish 'darkness' from the house1 darkness being synonymous with misfortune2 and the appeal is made to him more particularly as the 'king of judgment4' ,from this1 it is evident that the beneficent action of the sun1 was the phase associated with ,shamash4 ,he was hailed as the god that gives light and life to all things1 upon whose favor the prosperity of the fields and the well-being of man depend4 ,he creates the light and secures its blessings for mankind4 ,his favor produces order and stability2 his wrath brings discomfiture and ruin to the state and the individual4 ,but his power was1 perhaps1 best expressed by the title of judge--the favorite one in the numerous hymns that were composed in his honor4 ,he was represented as seated on a throne in the chamber of judgment1 receiving the supplications of men1 and according as he manifested his favor or withdrew it1 enacting the part of the decider of fates4 ,he loosens the bonds of the imprisoned1 grants health to the sick1 and even revivifies the dead4 ,on the other hand1 he puts an end to wickedness and destroys enemies4 ,he makes the weak strong1 and prevents the strong from crushing the weak4 ,from being the judge1 and1 moreover1 the supreme judge of the world1 it was but natural that the conception of justice was bound up with him4 ,his light became symbolical of righteousness1 and the absence of it1 or darkness1 was viewed as wickedness4 ,men and gods look expectantly for his light4 ,he is the guide of the gods1 as well as the ruler of men4 ,while there are no direct indications in the historical texts known at present1 that this conception of the sun-god existed in all its details before the days of ,hammurabi1 there is every reason to believe that this was the case2 the more so1 in that it does not at all transcend the range of religious ideas that we have met with in the case of the other gods of this period4 ,nor does this conception in any way betray itself1 as being due to the changed political conditions that set in1 with the union of the states under ,hammurabi4 ,still1 the age of the religious texts not being fixed1 it is thus necessary to exercise some caution before using them without the basis of an allusion in the historical texts4 ,utu4 ,it but remains1 before passing on1 to note that the same deity appears under various names4 ,among these are ,utu#ed and apparently also ,babbar#ee in the old ,babylonian inscriptions4 ,for the latter1 a ,semitic etymology is forthcoming1 and we may therefore regard it as representing a real pronunciation1 and not an ideographic writing4 ,babbar1 a contracted form from ,barbar1 is the reduplication of the same stem bar#ef that we have already met with1 in the name of the temple sacred to ,shamash4 ,like ,e-babbara1 therefore1 ,babbar is the brilliantly shining one1--a most appropriate name for the sun1 and one frequently applied to him in the religious texts4 ,as to ,utu1 there is some doubt whether it represents a real pronunciation or not4 ,my own opinion is that it does1 and that the underlying stem is atu1 which in ,babylonian has almost the same meaning as bar or baru1 viz41 'to see4' ',utu' would thus again designate the sun as 'that which shines forth4' ,it will be recalled1 that other instances have been noted of the same god appearing under different names4 ,the most natural explanation for this phenomenon is1 that the variation corresponds to the different localities where the god was worshipped4 ,the identification would not be made until the union of the various ,babylonian states had been achieved4 ,such a union would be a potent factor in systematizing the pantheon4 ,when once it was recognized that the various names represented1 in reality1 one and the same deity1 it would not be long before the name1 peculiar to the place where the worship was most prominent1 would set the others aside or reduce them to mere epithets4 ,it may well be that ,shamash was the name given to the god at ,sippar1 whereas at ,ur he may have been known as ,utu4 ,ur-,bau 7of the first ,ur dynasty7 calls him ,utu also1 when speaking of the temple at ,larsa1 but it would be natural for the kings of ,ur to call the sun-god of ,larsa by the same name that he had in ,ur4 ,that ,hammurabi1 however1 calls the sun-god of ,larsa1 ,utu1 may be taken as an indication that1 as such he was known at that place1 for since we have no record of a sun-temple at ,babylon in these days1 there would be no motive that might induce him to transfer a name1 otherwise known to him1 to another place4 ,the testimony of ,hammurabi is therefore as direct as that of ,sargon1 who calls the sun-god of ,sippar1 ,shamash4 ,it is not always possible to determine1 with as much show of probability1 as in the case of the sun-god1 the distribution of the various names1 but the general conclusion1 for all that1 is warranted in every instance1 that a variety of names refers1 originally1 to an equal variety of places over which the worship was spread1--only that care must be exercised to distinguish between distinctive names and mere epithets4 ,a4 ,a consort of the sun-deity1 appearing frequently at his side in the incantation texts1 is ,a4 ,it is more particularly with the ,shamash of ,sippar1 that ,a is associated4 ,she is simply the 'beloved one' of the sun-deity1 with no special character of her own4 ,in the historical texts1 her role is quite insignificant1 and for the period with which we are at present concerned she is only mentioned once by a ,north ,babylonian ruler1 ,ma-an-ish-tu-su1#eg who dedicates an object to her4 ,the reading of the ideogram ,a1 or ,nin-,a 7i4e41 ,lady ,a71 is doubtful4 ,malkatu 7mistress or queen7 is offered as a plausible conjecture4#eh ,lehman 7,keils ,bibl4 iii4 ,i1 #bjb7 suggests ,a-,ja1 but on insufficient grounds4 ,in any case ,a has the force of mistress1 and ,nin-,a simply designates the goddess as the lady1 mistress1 or queen4 ,it is likely that ,a was originally an independent deity1 and one of the names of the sun-god in a particular locality4 ,it occurs in proper names as a title of ,shamash4 ,instead1 however1 of becoming identified with ,shamash1 ,a degenerated into a pale reflection of ,shamash1 pictured under the relationship of consort to him4 ,this may have been due to the union of ,shamash with the place where ,a was worshipped4 ,if1 as seems likely1 that near ,sippar1 there was another city on the other side of the ,euphrates1 forming a suburb to it 7as ,borsippa did to ,babylon71 the conclusion is perhaps warranted that ,a was originally the sun-god worshipped at the place which afterwards became incorporated with ,sippar4#ei ,such an amalgamation of two originally male deities into a combination of male and female1 strange as it may seem to us1 is in keeping with the lack of sharp distinction between male and female in the oldest forms of ,semitic religions4 ,in the old cuneiform writing the same sign is used to indicate lord or lady when attached to deities4 ,ishtar appears among ,semites both as a male#fj and as a female deity4 ,sex was primarily a question of strength4 ,the stronger god was viewed as masculine2 the weaker as feminine4 ,nannar and ,sin4 ,nannar1 a reduplicated form like ,babbar1 with the assimilation of the first r to n 7nar-nar nannar71 has very much the same meaning as ,babbar4 ,the latter1 as we have seen1 is the lustrous one1 the former1 the one that furnishes light4 ,the similarity in meaning is in keeping with the similarity of function of the two deities1 thus named3 ,babbar being the sun and ,nannar1 the moon4 ,it was under the name of ,nannar that the moon-god was worshipped at ,ur1 the most famous and probably the oldest of the cities over which the moon-god presided4 ,the association of ,nannar with ,ur is parallel to that of ,shamash with ,sippar1--not that the moon-god's jurisdiction or worship was confined to that place1 but that the worship of the deity of that place eclipsed others1 and the fame and importance at ,ur led to the overshadowing of the moon-worship there1 over the obeisance to him paid elsewhere4 ,what further motives led to the choice of the moon-god as the patron of ,ur1 lies beyond the scope of our knowledge4 ,due allowance must be made for that natural selection1 which takes place in the realm of thought as much as in the domain of nature4 ,attention has already been called to the predominance given by the ,babylonians to the moon over the sun4 ,the latter is expressly called the offspring of the lord of brilliant beginning1 that is1 the moon-god 7,delitzsch1 ,assyr4 ,hdw41 p4 #bcd a74 ,it is needless1 therefore1 to do more1 at this place1 than to emphasize the fact anew4 ,the moon serving much more as a guide to man1 through the regular character of its constant changes1 than the sun1 was connected in the religious system with both the heavenly and the terrestrial forces4 ,in view of ,nannar's position in the heavens1 he was called the heifer of ,anu4 ,anu1 it will be recalled1 was the god of heaven 7and heaven itself71 while the heifer#fa is here used metaphorically for offspring1 the picture being suggested probably by the horn that the moon presents at a certain phase4 ,this 'horn' constitutes his crown1 and he is frequently represented on seal cylinders with a crescent over his head1 and with a long flowing beard1 that is described as having the color of lapislazuli4 ,a frequent title is the 'lord of the crown4' ,on the other hand1 by virtue of its influence on the earth1 regulating1 as the ancients observed1 the tides1 the moon was connected by the ,babylonians with the reckoning of time4 ,because of this connection with the 'lower world1' it seems1 he was also regarded as the first-born of ,bel4 ,his sacred edifice at ,ur was one to which all rulers of the place devoted themselves4 ,ur-,gur1 ,nur-,ramman1 ,sin-iddina1 and ,kudur-mabuk tell of their embellishment of the temple1 each one appropriating to himself the title of 'builder1' in which they gloried4 ,so close1 again1 was the identification of the city with the deity1 that the latter was frequently known simply as the god of ,ur1 and the former1 as the city of ,nannar4 ,another name of the moon-god was ,sin1--the meaning of which escapes us4 ,at the side of ,ur1 ,harran is the place most celebrated by reason of its moon-worship1 and there is every reason to believe that the name ,sin was originally attached to ,harran4 ,the migrations of the ancient ,hebrews were connected as we now know with political movements in ,babylonia4 ,they proceed from ,ur--or ,ur-,kasdim1 i4e41 ,chaldean ,ur--northward to ,harran1 which1 by virtue of its position1 became a town of much importance4 ,this association of ,ur with ,harran furnishes an indication for historical relations of some sort1 existing between the two places4 ,it is therefore not accidental1 that the patron deity of both places was the same4 ,as yet1 no excavations have been made at ,harran1 and we are1 therefore1 dependent upon incidental notices for our knowledge of its history4 ,these sufficiently show that the place continued through a long period to preserve its sacred character4 ,the old temple there1 was one of the many that stirred up the religious zeal of ,nabonnedos2 and previous to this1 we find several ,assyrian kings occupied in embellishing and restoring the structure4 ,an interesting reference to ,harran1 bearing witness to its ancient dignity1 is found in an inscription of ,sargon ,,ii4 of ,assyria 7#gbb-gjf ,b4,c471 who enumerates among his claims to the favor of the gods1 that he restored the laws and customs of ,harran1 by which he evidently means that he was instrumental in giving the place1 the dignity it once enjoyed4 ,a curious feature connected with ,sin1 is the occurrence of the name in ,mount ,sinai1 in the wilderness of ,sin1 as well as in an inscription of ,southern ,arabia4 ,may not this be a further testimony to the association of ,harran with ,sin1 since it is from ,harran that the departure of the ,hebrews for the west took place8 ,what more natural than that in the migrations which carried the ,hebrews to the west1 the worship of ,sin should have been transferred to ,arabia8#fb ,important as ,ur and ,harran are as sacred towns1 politically they do not retain their prominence after the days of ,hammurabi4 ,the amalgamation of ,nannar with ,sin1 and the almost exclusive occurrence of the latter name in later times1 does not of necessity point to a preponderating influence of ,harran over ,ur1 but may be due to the greater fame which the former place acquired as the goal of religious pilgrimages4 ,the situation of ,harran--the name itself signifies 'road'--as the highway leading to the west1 must have been an important factor1 in bringing this about4 ,however this may be1 ,sin and ,nannar are as thoroughly identical in the period following ,hammurabi1 as ,babbar and ,shamash4 ,the attributes of the one are transferred to the other so completely1 that a separation of the two is no longer possible4 ,the ideographs with which the name of ,sin is written show him to have been regarded as the god of wisdom1 but while wisdom and light may be connected1 it is ,nannar's character as the illuminator that becomes the chief trait of the god4 ,no doubt the preeminence of ,ea in this respect1 who is the personification of wisdom1 par excellence1 made it superfluous to have another deity possessing the same trait4 ,it is1 accordingly1 as the god of light1 that ,sin continues to be adored in the ,babylonian religion2 and when he is referred to1 in the historical texts and hymns1 this side of his nature is the one dwelt upon4 ,through his light1 the traps laid by the evil spirits1 who are active at night1 are revealed4 ,in later times1 apparently through ,assyrian influence1 the reckoning of time was altered to the extent of making the day begin with sunrise1 instead of with the approach of night2 and this1 together with the accommodation of the lunar cycle to the movements of the sun1 brought about a partial change of the former conditions1 and gave somewhat greater prominence to ,shamash4 ,as a consequence1 the role of ,sin is not as prominent in the hymns that belong to a later period as in those of earlier days4 ,the oracles of the ,assyrian kings are addressed to ,shamash1 and not to ,sin4 ,moreover1 the personal factor in the case of ,sin1 if one may express oneself thus1 is not as strong as in that of some other gods4 ,his traits are of a more general kind4 ,he is supreme2 there is none like him1 and the spirits are subservient to his will4 ,but terms of endearment are few1 while on the mythological side1 comparatively little is made of him4 ,he is strong and he is holy4 ,he is called upon to clothe the evil-doer with leprosy1 as with a dress4 ,in a robe1 befitting his dignity1 he stalks about4 ,without him1 no city is founded1 no district restored to former glory4 ,sin is called the father of the gods1 but in a metaphorical rather than in a real sense4 ,the only one of his children who takes an important part in the later phases of ,babylonian-,assyrian worship is his daughter ,ishtar4 ,she seems to have taken to herself some of the traits of right belonging to ,sin1 and the prominence of her worship may be regarded as an additional factor in accounting for the comparative obscurity to which ,sin gradually is assigned4 ,at all events1 ,sin is a feature of the earlier period of the ,babylonian religion rather than of the later periods4 ,innanna4 ,the secondary position held by the female deities in the ,babylonian pantheon has been repeatedly referred to4 ,this trait of the religion finds an illustration not only in the 'shadowy' character of the consorts of the gods1 but also in the manner in which goddesses1 originally distinct from one another and enjoying an existence independent of any male consort1 lose their individuality1 as it were1 and become merely so many forms of one and the same deity4 ,indeed1 as we approach the moment when the gods of the ,babylonian pantheon are ranged into a system1 the tendency becomes pronounced to recognize only one goddess1 representative of the principle of generation--one 'great mother1' endowed with a variety of traits according to the political and social conditions prevailing at different times in ,babylonia and ,assyria4 ,in the earliest period which we are now considering1 we can still distinguish a number of goddesses who afterwards became merged into this one great goddess4 ,these are ,ninni 7or ,innanna71 ,nana1 and ,anunit4 ,ninni and ,innanna are names that appear to have a common origin4#fc ,both embody the notion of 'ladyship4' ,the worship of this goddess centers in the district of ,lagash4 ,ur-,bau 7c4 #cjjj ,b4,c471 who addresses her as 'glorious and supreme1' builds a temple in her honor at ,gishgalla1 and ,gudea refers to a temple known as ,e-anna1 i4e41 heavenly house in ,girsu4#fd ,for ,gudea1 ,ninni is the mistress of the world4 ,another ruler of ,lagash whose name is doubtfully read as ,e-dingir-ra-na-gin1#fe but who is even earlier than ,ur-,bau1 declares that he has been 'called' by ,innanna to the throne4 ,she is mentioned by the side of ,nin-khar-sag4 ,we are still in the period where local associations formed a controlling factor in ensuring the popularity of a deity1 and while the goddesses attached to the gods of the important centers are still differentiated1 the tendency already exists to designate the female consorts simply as the 'goddess1'--to apply to all1 the traits that may once have been peculiar to one4 ,as we pass from one age to the other1 there is an increasing difficulty in keeping the various local 'goddesses' apart4 ,even the names become interchangeable2 and since these goddesses all represented essentially the same principle of generation and fertility1 it was natural that with the union of the ,babylonian states they should become merged into one great mother-goddess4 ,a 'local' goddess who retains rather more of her individuality than others1 is ,nana4 ,her name is again playfully interpreted by the ,babylonians--through association with ,nin--as 'the lady' par excellence4 ,she was the chief goddess of the city of ,uruk4 ,her temple at ,uruk is first mentioned by ,ur-,gur1 of the second dynasty of ,ur4 ,it is restored and enlarged by ,dungi1 the successor of ,ur-,bau1 and so thoroughly is she identified with her edifice known as ,e-anna 7again a play upon her name71 that she becomes known as the ,lady of ,e-anna4#ff ,she appears to have had a temple also at ,ur1 and it is to this edifice that later rulers of ,larsa--,kudur-,mabuk and ,rim-,sin1 as well as the kings of the ,isin dynasty1 ,gamil-,ninib1 ,libit-,ishtar1 and ,ishme-,dagan--refer in their inscriptions4 ,the members of the ,isin dynasty pride themselves upon their control over ,uruk1 and naturally appear as special devotees to ,nana1 whose chosen consort they declare themselves to be1 wielding the sceptre1 as it were1 in union with her4 ,already at this period1 ,nana is brought into connection with the moon-god1 being called by ,kudur-,mabuk the daughter of ,sin4 ,the relationship in this case indicates1 primarily1 the supremacy exercised by ,ur1 and also a similarity in the traits of the two deities4 ,in the fully developed cosmology1 ,nana is the planet ,venus1 whose various aspects1 as morning and evening star1 suggested an analogy with the phases of the moon4 ,venus1 like the moon1 served as a guide to man1 while her inferiority in size and importance to the former1 would naturally come to be expressed under the picture of father and daughter4 ,in a certain sense1 all the planets appearing at the same time and in the same region with the moon were the children of the latter4 ,sin1 therefore1 is appropriately called the father of gods1 just as ,anu1 the personification of the heaven itself1 is the supreme father of ,sin and ,shamash1 and of all the heavenly bodies4 ,the metaphorical application of 'father' as 'source1' throughout ,oriental parlance1 must be kept in mind in interpreting the relationship between the gods4 ,still another name of the goddess is ,anunit1 which appears to have been peculiar to the ,north ,babylonian city ,agade1 and emphasizes her descent from ,anu1 the god of heaven4 ,her temple at ,agade1 known as ,e-ul-mash1 is the object of ,sargon's devotion1 which makes her1 with ,bel and ,shamash1 the oldest triad of gods mentioned in the ,babylonian inscriptions4 ,but the name which finally displaces all others1 is ,ishtar4 ,where the name originated has not yet been ascertained1 as little as its etymology1#fg but it seems to belong to ,northern ,babylonia rather than to the south4 ,in time1 all the names that we have been considering--,innanna1 ,nana1 and ,anunit--became merely so many designations of ,ishtar4 ,she absorbs the titles and qualities of all1 and the tendency which we have pointed out finds its final outcome in the recognition of ,ishtar as the one and only goddess endowed with powers and an existence independent of association with any male deity1 though even this independence does not hinder her from being named at times as the associate of the chief god of ,assyria--the all-powerful ,ashur4 ,the attempt has been made by ,sayce and others to divide the various names of ,ishtar among the aspects of ,venus as morning and evening star1 but there is no evidence to show that the ,babylonians distinguished the one from the other so sharply as to make two goddesses of one and the same planet4 ,it is more in accord with what1 as we have seen1 has been the general character of the ,babylonian pantheon1 to account for the identification of ,ninni1 ,nana1 and ,anunit with ,ishtar on the supposition that the different names belonged originally to different localities4 ,ishtar was appropriately denominated the brilliant goddess4 ,she is addressed as the mother of gods1 which signals her supreme position among the female deities4 ',the mistress of countries' alternating with 'the mistress of mountains1'#fh is one of her common titles2 and as the growing uniqueness of her position is one of the features of the ,babylonian-,assyrian religion1 it is natural that she should become simply the goddess4 ,this was especially the case with the ,assyrians1 to whom ,ishtar became a goddess of war and battle1 the consort1 at times1 of the chief god of the ,assyrian pantheon4 ,at the same time it is important to note that the warlike character of the goddess goes back to the time of ,hammurabi 7,keils ,bibl4 #c1 #a1 #aac71 and is dwelt upon by other ,babylonian kings 7e4g41 ,nebuchadnezzar ,i41 c4 #aacj ,b4,c47 prior to the rise of the ,assyrian power4 ,how ,ishtar came to take on so violent a character is not altogether clear4 ,there are no indications of this role in the incantation texts1 where she is simply the kind mother who is appealed to1 to release the sufferer from the power of the disease-bringing spirits4 ,in the prayers1 as will be shown in the proper place1 she becomes the vehicle for the expression of the highest religious and ethical thought attained by the ,babylonians4 ,on the other hand1 in the great ,babylonian epic1#fi dealing with the adventures of a famous hero1 ,gilgamesh1 ,ishtar1 who makes her appearance at the summer solstice1 is a raging goddess who smites those who disobey her commands with wasting disease4 ,starting with this phase of the goddess' character1 one can at least understand the process of her further development into a fierce deity presiding over the fortunes of war4 ,the epic just referred to belongs to the old ,babylonian period4 ,it embodies ancient traditions of rivalry between the ,babylonian principalities1 though there are traces of several recastings which the epic received4 ,the violent ,ishtar1 therefore1 is a type going back to the same period as the other side of her character that is emphasized elsewhere4 ,since1 moreover1 the ,ishtar in the ,gilgamesh epic is none other than the chief goddess of ,uruk1 all further doubt as to the union of such diverging traits in one and the same personage falls to the ground4 ,in this same epic1 ,ishtar appears as sympathizing with the sufferings of mankind1 and bewailing the destruction that was at one time decreed by the gods4 ,it is noteworthy that the violent ,ishtar appears in that portion of the epic which1 on the assumption of a zodiacal interpretation for the composition1 corresponds to the summer solstice1 whereas1 the destruction which arouses her sympathy takes place in the eleventh month4 ,it is quite possible1 therefore1 that the two aspects of ,venus1 as evening and morning stars1 corresponding1 as they do1 to the summer and winter seasons1 are reflected in this double character of the goddess4 ,we are not justified1 however1 in going further and assuming that her double role as daughter of ,sin and daughter of ,anu is to be accounted for in the same manner4 ,in the ,gilgamesh epic1 she is found in association with ,anu1 and to the latter she appeals for protection as her father1 and yet it is as the daughter of ,sin that she enters the world of the dead to seek for the waters that may heal her bridegroom1 ,tammuz4#gj ,evidently1 the distinction between ,ishtar as the daughter of ,anu and as the daughter of ,sin is not an important one1 the term daughter in both cases being a metaphor to express a relationship both of physical nature and of a political character4 ,of the various forms under which the goddess appears1 that of ,anunit--a feminine form indicating descent from and appertaining to ,anu--attaches itself most clearly to the god of heaven1 and it may be that it was not until the assimilation of ,anunit and ,nana with ,ishtar that the goddess is viewed as at once the daughter of ,anu and of ,sin4 ,if this be so1 there is surely nothing strange in the fact that a planet like ,venus should be regarded in one place as the daughter of heaven and in another brought into relationship with the moon4 ,she actually belongs to both4 ,just as in ,babylonia1 so in ,assyria1 there were various ,ishtars1 or rather various places where the goddess was worshipped as the guardian spirit1 but her role in the north is so peculiar that all further consideration of it must be postponed until we come to consider1 in due time1 the ,assyrian pantheon4 ,there will be occasion1 too1 when treating of the ,gilgamesh epic1 to dwell still further on some of her traits4 ,all that need be said here is to emphasize the fact that the popularity of the ,babylonian ,ishtar in ,assyria1 as manifested by ,esarhaddon's zeal in restoring her temple at ,uruk1 and ,ashurbanabal's restoration of ,nana's statue 7c4 #fce ,b4,c47 which had been captured by the ,elamites #afce years before ,ashurbanabal's reign1 is largely due to the effected identity with the goddess who1 for the ,assyrians1 was regarded chiefly as the goddess of war and strife4 ,in worshipping the southern ,ishtars1 the ,assyrian kings felt themselves to be showing their allegiance to the same deity to whom1 next to ,ashur1 most of their supplications were addressed1 and of whom as warriors they stood in dread4 ,nina4 ,a goddess who1 while sharing the fate of her sister goddesses in being overshadowed by ,ishtar1 yet merits a special treatment1 is one whose name is plausibly conjectured to be read ,nina4 ,the compound ideogram expressing the deity signifies 'house of the fish4' ,the word 'house' in ,semitic parlance is figuratively extended to convey the idea of 'possessing or harboring4' ,applied to a settlement1 the ideogram would be the equivalent of our ',fishtown4' ,it is with this same ideogram that the famous capitol of ,assyria1 ,nineveh1 is written in the cuneiform texts1 and since the phonetic reading for the city1 ,ni-na-a1 also occurs1 it is only legitimate to conclude that the latter is the correct reading for the deity as well4 ,as a matter of course1 if the goddess bears a name identical with that of a city1 it cannot be the ,assyrian city which is meant in the old ,babylonian inscriptions1 but some other place bearing the same name4 ,such a place actually occurs in the inscriptions of ,gudea4 ,it is1 in fact1 one of the three towns that combined with ,shirpurla to create the great capitol bearing the latter name2 and ,jensen#ga has called attention to a passage in one of ,gudea's inscriptions in which the goddess is brought into direct association with the town1 so that it would appear that ,nina is the patron of ,nina1 in the same way that ,nin-girsu is the protector of ,girsu4 ,in keeping with this we find the mention of the goddess limited to the rulers of ,lagash4 ,several of them--,en-anna-tuma1 ,entemena1 and ,gudea--declare themselves to have been chosen by her4 ,she is said to regard ,gudea with special favor4 ,she determines destinies4 ,another king1 ,ur-,nina1 embodies the name of the goddess in his own1 and devotes himself to the enlargement of her temple4 ,from the manner in which she is associated with ,nin-girsu1 aiding the latter in guarding his temple ,e-ninnu1 and uniting with the god in granting the sceptre to ,gudea1 one is tempted to conclude that the two towns1 ,girsu and ,nina1 were amalgamated before their absorption into ,lagash1 so that the god and goddess acquired the relationship to one another of husband and consort4 ,as for the connection between this ,babylonian ,nina and the late ,assyrian capital1 it is quite possible that the origin of the latter is to be traced to a settlement made by inhabitants of the former1 although it should be added that there is no positive evidence that can be adduced in support of this proposition4 ,it accords1 however1 with the northward movement of culture and civilization in ,mesopotamia4 ,if this connection between the two ,ninevehs be accepted1 the question suggests itself whether1 in time1 ,nina did not become merely another form of ,ishtar4 ,the ,assyrian capital is frequently spoken of as the 'beloved city' of ,ishtar1 and unless it be supposed that this epithet simply reflects the comparatively late popularity of the distinctively ,assyrian ,ishtar1 the most natural explanation would be to propose the equation ,nina ,ishtar4 ,in the incantation texts1 ,nina is frequently appealed to as the daughter of ,ea1--the god of the deep4 ,this relationship1 as well as the interpretation of the ideogram above set forth1 points to the original character of the goddess as a water-deity4 ,this goddess1 therefore1 would be of an entirely different form from the ones discussed in the previous paragraphs4 ,instead of being a member of the heavenly pantheon1 her place is with the kingdom over which ,ea presides1 and whose dwelling-place is the watery deep4 ,in any case1 ,nina is originally distinct from ,ishtar1 ,nana1 and ,anunit2 and she retains an independent existence to a later period than most of the other great goddesses that have been discussed4 ,in an inscription of the days of ,belnadinaplu 7c4 #aajj ,b4,c471 published by ,hilprecht1#gb ,nina appears as the patron deity of ,der1--a city of ,southern ,babylonia4 ,there too she is called the 'daughter of ,ea1' the creator of everything4 ,she is 'the mistress of goddesses4' ,attached to her temple there are lands that having been wrongfully wrested from the priests are returned upon royal command1 under solemn invocation of the goddess4 ,how her worship came to be transferred to ,der we do not know4 ,she appears in the inscription in question by the side of a goddess who--following ,hommel--is none other than ,bau4 ,der is called the city of the god ,anu1 and we can only suppose that it must at one time have risen to sufficient importance to harbor in its midst a number of deities4 ,it is presumably#gc the place whence ,nebuchadnezzar ,i4 sets out in the twelfth century to drive the ,cassites off the throne of ,babylonia4 ,may it be that1 during the days of the foreign rule1 priests attached to the service of various of the old gods and goddesses transferred the worship of these deities to places more secure from interference8 ,be this as it may1 if our ,nina has any connection with the goddess of ,nineveh1 it is certain that ,ishtar has retained none of ,nina's traits4 ,the fusion in this case has been so complete that naught but the faintest tradition of an original and independent ,nina has survived in the ,north4 ,anu4 ,this god1 who1 from a theoretical point of view 7as will be shown in a subsequent chapter71 was regarded as standing at the head of the organized ,babylonian pantheon1 figures only incidentally in the inscriptions prior to the days of ,hammurabi4 ,ur-,gur of the second dynasty of ,ur1 in invoking ,nannar1 calls the latter 'the powerful bull of ,anu4' ,the reference is interesting1 for it shows that already in these early days the position of ,anu1 as the god of the heavenly expanse1 was fixed4 ,the moon appearing in the heavens1 and the resemblance of its crescent to a bull's horn1#gd are the two factors that account for the expressive epithet used by ,ur-,bau4 ,that the worship of the god of heaven par excellence should not have enjoyed great popularity in the early days of the ,babylonian religion might seem strange at first sight4 ,a little reflection1 however1 will make this clear4 ,a god of the heavens is an abstract conception1 and while it is possible that even in an early age1 such a conception may have arisen in some minds1 it is not of a character calculated to take a popular hold4 ,as we proceed in our attempt to trace the development of the ,babylonian religion1 we will find the line of demarcation separating the theological system1 as evolved by the schoolmen1 from the popular phases of the religion1 becoming more marked4 ,in the inscriptions of the old ,babylonian rulers1 comparatively little of the influence of the ,babylonian theologians is to be detected4 ,even the description of the moon as the bull of heaven falls within the domain of popular fancy4 ,it is different in the days after ,hammurabi1 when political concentration leads to the focussing of intellectual life in the ,euphrates ,valley1 with all the consequences that the establishment of a central priesthood1 with growing powers over ever-increasing territory1 involves4 ,it is to be noted1 moreover1 that the manner in which in the old ,babylonian inscriptions ,anu is written1#ge indicates that the abstraction involved in the conception of a god of heaven had not yet been reached1 though some measure of personification was of course inevitable at a time when animistic notions still held sway4 ,a direct indication of this personification of heaven without the deification appears in the epithet 'child of ,anu1' bestowed upon the goddess ,bau4 ,the reference to the heavens in this connection is an allusion to ,bau's position as the patroness of that quarter of ,lagash known as the 'brilliant town1'#gf and where ,bau's temple stood4 ,the transference of the quality of 'brilliancy' from the town to the goddess would be expressed by calling the latter the offspring of that part of visible nature which is associated in the mind with 'brilliancy4' ,somewhat mysterious1 and still awaiting a satisfactory explanation1 is the title 'sacrificer1' or 'priest of ,anu1' which one of the rulers of ,lagash1 ,ur-,nin-girsu1 assumes4 ,it is scarcely possible that the god of heaven can be meant2 and1 on the other hand1 if we are to assume merely a personification of heaven1 we encounter fresh difficulties4 ,it seems to me that the use of ,anu#gg here is purely metaphorical for 'high' or 'lofty1' and that the king merely wishes to emphasize the dignity of his station by declaring himself to be the heavenly priest1 somewhat as we should say 'priest by divine grace1' or 'supreme priest4' ,nin-si#gh-;a4 ,ur-,bau and ,gudea alone of the ancient rulers refer to this god4 ,the former erects a temple in honor of the god in some quarter of his capitol city1 while the latter emphasizes the strength that the god has given him4 ,these references1 however1 show that the god must have been of considerable importance1 and in this case1 his disappearance from the later pantheon is probably due to the absorption of his role by the greater god of ,lagash1--,nin-girsu4 ,like ,nin-girsu1 ,nin-si-a was a god of war1 and his worship1 imported perhaps from some ancient site to ,lagash1 falls into desuetude1 as the attribute accorded to him becomes the distinguishing trait of the chief deity of the place4 ,gal-alim4 ,among the various deities to whom ,gudea gives praise for the position and glory which he attains is ,gal-alim4#gi ,from him he has received great rule and a lofty sceptre4 ,the phrase is of a very general nature and reveals nothing as to the special character of the god in question4 ,an earlier king1 ,uru-kagina1 refers to the temple of the god at ,lagash4 ,gal-alim may have been again a merely local deity belonging to one of the towns that fell under ,gudea's rule1 and whose attributes again were so little marked that this god too disappeared under the overshadowing importance of ,nin-girsu4 ,he and another god1 ,dun-shagga1 are viewed as the sons of ,nin-girsu4 99 99 99 99 99 ,coming to some of the deities that we may designate as minor1 it is to be noted that in the case of certain ones1 at least1 it will be found that they may be identified with others more prominent1 and that what seem to be distinct names are in reality descriptive epithets of gods already met with4 ,this remark applies more particularly to such names as begin with the element ,nin1 signifying either 'lord' or 'lady1' and which1 when followed by the name of a place1 always points to its being a title1 and1 when followed by an ideographic compound1 only diminishes that probability to a slight degree4 ,we have already come across several instances2 thus ,nin-girsu1 the lord of ,girsu1 has been shown to be a form of ,ninib1 itself an ideogram1 the reading of which1 it will be recalled1 is still uncertain2 and again1 ,nin-khar-sag has been referred to1 as one of the titles of the great goddess ,belit4 ,similarly1 ,nin-gish-zida1 whose name signifies 'the lord of the right-hand 7or propitious7 sceptre1' becomes a title and not a name1 and when ,gudea speaks of this god as the one who leads him to battle1 and calls him 'king1' he is simply describing the same god who is elsewhere spoken of as ,nin-girsu4 ,by the side of ,nin-girsu and ,nin-gish-zida appears ,nin-shakh1 who1 as ,oppert#hj has shown1 is like ,nin-girsu the prototype of the well-known god of war1 ,ninib4 ,however1 ,nin-shakh occupies1 in contradistinction to ,nin-gish-zida and others1 a position in the old ,babylonian pantheon of an independent character1 so that it is hardly justifiable1 in such a case1 to identify him completely with ,ninib1 and place the name on a par with the epithets just referred to4 ,the dividing line between the mere title and an independent god thus becomes at times very faint1 and yet it is well to maintain it whenever called for4 ,in the following enumeration of the minor gods of the old ,babylonian pantheon1 the attempt will be made to bring out this distinction in each instance4 ,beginning with ,nin-shakh the element ,nin1 as has several times been mentioned1 points to an ideographic form4 ,the second element signifies 'wild boar1' and from other sources we know that this animal was a sacred one in ,babylonia1 as among other ,semitic nations4#ha ,its flesh1 on certain days of the ,babylonian calendar1 was forbidden to be eaten1 from which we are permitted to conclude that these days were dedicated to the animal1 and the prohibition represents perhaps the traces of some old religious festival4 ,may ,nin-shakh therefore have been a 'swine deity1' just as ,nergal is symbolized by the 'lion'8 ,in both cases the animal would be a symbol of the violent and destructive character of the god4 ,the ferocious character of the 'swine' would naturally result in assigning to ,nin-shakh warlike attributes2 and as a matter of fact he is identified at times with ,ninib4 ,his subordinate position1 however1 is indicated by his being called the 'servant1' generally of ,en-lil1 occasionally also of ,anu1 and as such he bears the name of ,pap-sukal1#hb i4e41 'divine messenger4' ,rim-,sin builds a temple to ,nin-shakh at ,uruk1 and from its designation as his 'favorite dwelling place' we may conclude that ,rim-,sin only restores or enlarges an ancient temple of the deity4 ,in the light of this1 the relationship above set forth between ,nin-girsu1 ,nin-gish-zida1 and ,nin-shakh becomes somewhat clearer4 ,the former1 the local deity of ,girsu1 would naturally be called by the kings 'the lord of the true sceptre1' while the subordination of ,girsu as a quarter of ,lagash finds its reflection in the relationship of master and servant pictured as existing between ,en-lil and ,nin-girsu4 ,again1 the warlike character of the patron deity of ,girsu would lead to an identification with ,nin-shakh of ,uruk1 possessing the same traits2 and the incorporation of ,uruk as a part of the same empire which included ,lagash and its quarters1 would be the last link bringing about the full equation between the three4 ,with ,ninib--the solar deity--coming into prominence as the god of war1 all three names1 ,nin-girsu1 ,nin-gish-zida1 and ,nin-shakh1 would be regarded by a later age as merely descriptive of one and the same god4 ,dun-shagga4 ,gudea makes mention in one of his inscriptions1 by the side of ,nin-gish-zida1 of a god ,dun-shagga1#hc whose name signifies the 'chief hero1' but the phonetic reading of which it is impossible to determine4#hd ,like ,nin-gish-zida1 he is a warlike god1 and from that one might suppose that he too is only another form of ,nin-girsu-,ninib4 ,at all events1 he did not differ materially from the latter4 ,it is from him1 that ,gudea again declares his power to be derived1 just as elsewhere he accords to ,nin-girsu this distinction4 ,the element ',dun1' which is very much the same as ',nin1' speaks in favor of regarding ,dun-shagga as a title2 but1 in default of positive evidence1 it will not be out of place to give him an independent position1 and to regard his identification with ,nin-girsu as a later phase due to the extension of ,nin-girsu's jurisdiction and his corresponding absorption of a varying number of minor gods4 ,this tendency on the part of the greater gods to absorb the minor ones is as distinctive a trait in the development of the ,babylonian religion1 as is the subordination of one god to the other1 whether expressed by making the subordinate god the consort1 the chief1 or the servant of a superior one4 ,we have seen that such terms of relationship correspond to certain degrees of political conditions existing between the conquering and the conquered districts4 ,amalgamation of two cities or districts is portrayed in the relation of the two patron deities as husband and wife1 the stronger of the two being the former1 the more subservient pictured as the latter4 ,the more pronounced superiority of the one place over the other finds expression in the relation of father to child1 while that of master and servant emphasizes the complete control exercised by the one over the other4 ,lastly1 the absorption of one deity into another1 is correlative either with the most perfect form of conquest1 or the complete disappearance of the seat of his worship in consequence of the growing favor of one possessing sufficiently similar qualities to warrant identification with the other4 ,lugal-banda4 ,sin-gashid of the dynasty of ,uruk makes mention of this deity at the beginning of one of his inscriptions4 ,to him and to his consort1 ,nin-gul1 a temple as 'the seat of their joy' at that place is devoted4 ,this association of the god with the town points again to a local deity1 but possessing a character which leads to the absorption of the god in the solar god1 ,nergal1 whom we have already encountered1 and who will occupy us a good deal when we come to the period after ,hammurabi4 ,the identification of the two is already foreshadowed in an inscription of another member of the same dynasty1 ,sin-gamil1 who places the name of ,nergal exactly where his predecessor mentions ,lugal-banda4 ,the first element in his name signifies 'king1' the second apparently 'strong1' so that in this respect1 too1 the god comes close to ,nergal1 whose name likewise indicates 'great lord4' ,the consort of ,lugal-banda is ,nin-gul4 ,her name signifies 'the destructive lady1'--an appropriate epithet for the consort of a solar deity4 ,it is ,sin-gashid again who associates ,ningul with ,lugal-banda1 and emphasizes his affection for the goddess by calling her his mother4 ,in one inscription1 moreover1 ,sin-gashid addresses himself exclusively to the goddess1 who had an equal share in the temple at ,uruk4 ,dumuzi-zu-aba4 ,among the deities appealed to by ,ur-,bau appears one whose name is to be interpreted as the 'unchangeable child of the watery deep4' ,the great god of the deep we have seen is ,ea4 ,dumuzi-zu-aba therefore belongs to the water-deities1 and one who1 through his subordinate rank to ,ea1 sinks to the level of a water-spirit4 ,ur-,bau declares himself to be the darling of this deity1 and in the town of ,girsu he erects a temple to him4 ,girsu1 however1 was not the patron city of the god1 for ,ur-,bau gives ,dumuzi-zu-aba1 the appellation of 'the lord of ,kinunira1'#he a place the actual situation of which is unknown4 ,dumuzi-zu-aba1 accordingly1 is to be regarded as a local deity of a place which1 situated probably on an arm of the ,euphrates1 was the reason for the watery attributes assigned to the god4 ,the comparative insignificance of the place is one of the factors that accounts for the minor importance of the god1 and the second factor is the popularity enjoyed by another child of the great ,ea1 his child par excellence1 ,marduk1 who is best known as the patron god of the city of ,babylon4 ,by the side of ,marduk1 the other children of ,ea1 the minor water-deities1 disappear1 so that to a later generation ,dumuzi-zu-aba appears merely as a form of ,marduk4 ,with ,dumuzi-zu-aba1 we must be careful not to confuse ,dumu-zi1 who in the old ,babylonian inscriptions is mentioned once by ,sin-iddina1#hf in connection with the sun-god4 ,dumu-zi1 signifying 'child of life1' has a double aspect--an agricultural deity and at the same time a god of the lower world4 ,he plays an important part in the eschatological literature of the ,babylonians1 but hardly none at all in the historical and incantation texts4 ,a fuller treatment may therefore be reserved for a future chapter4 ,lugal-erima4 ,a purely local deity1 if the reading and interpretation offered by ,jensen1 ',king of the city ,erim1' is correct4 ,the mention of the deity in an inscription of ,ur-,bau1 who calls himself the 'beloved servant' of this god1 would be due to the circumstance that the district within which the city in question lay was controlled by the rulers of ,lagash4 ,to invoke as large a number of deities as possible was not only a means of securing protection from many sides1 but was already in the early days of ,babylonian history indulged in by rulers1 as a means of emphasizing the extent and manifold character of their jurisdiction4 ,nin-e-gal and ,ningal4 ,a temple was erected to ,nin-e-gal by the wife of ,rim-,sin1 of the dynasty ruling in ,larsa4 ,her name as interpreted in the tablet dedicated to her1 signifies again1 as in several cases already noted1 'great lady4' ,she was probably therefore only the consort of some patron deity2 and ,nannar being the most prominent god invoked by ,rim-,sin1 it would seem that the goddess to whom the queen pays her respects is again one of the consorts of the moon-god4#hg ,this conclusion is supported by the direct association of ,nannar of ,ur and ,ningal in an inscription emanating from an earlier member of the same dynasty to which ,rim-,sin belongs4 ,nur-,ramman speaks of building temples to these deities in the city of ,ur4 ,hence the goddess is also represented as interceding with ,sin on behalf of those who appeal to her4 ,the form ,nin-e-gal is but a variant of ,nin-gal1 so that the identification of the two lies beyond doubt1 and it may very well be that the temple erected by the consort of ,rim-,sin is the same as the one referred to by ,nur-,ramman4 ,in a land where polygamy was a prevailing custom1 the gods too might be represented as having a number of consorts4 ,there would of course be1 just as in human relations1 one chief consort1 but there might be others ranged at the side of the latter4#hh ,some of these may have been consorts of other minor deities1 worshipped in the same district1 and who were given to the more important divinity as he gradually overshadowed the others4 ,in this way1 we may account for the large variety of 'ladies' and 'great ladies' met with in the ,babylonian pantheon1 and who1 being merely 'reflections' of male deities1 with no sharply marked traits of their own1 would naturally come to be confused with one another1 and finally be regarded as various forms of one and the same goddess4 ,a member of the dynasty ruling in ,isin1 ,en-anna-tuma1 earlier even than ,nur-,ramman1 invokes ,nin-gal in an inscription found in the ancient capital1 ,ur4 ,here1 too1 the goddess appears in association with ,nannar2 but1 curiously enough1 she is designated as the mother of ,shamash4 ,it will be borne in mind that in the city of ,ur1 the sun-god occupied a secondary place at the side of the moon-god4 ,this relationship is probably indicated by the epithet 'offspring of ,nin-gal1' accorded to ,shamash in the inscription referred to4 ,the moon being superior to the sun1 the consort of the moon-god becomes the mother of the sun-god4 ,reference has several times been made to ,nin-gish-zida1 who1 originally a distinct solar deity1 becomes scarcely distinguishable from ,nin-girsu1 and is eventually identified with the great ,nin-ib4#hi ,it is noticeable that these four deities1 ,nin-girsu1 ,nin-shakh1 ,nin-gish-zida1 and ,nin-ib1 who are thus associated together1 all contain the element ,nin in their names1--a factor that may turn out to be of some importance when more abundant material shall be forthcoming for tracing their development in detail4 ,one of ,gudea's inscriptions#ij begins with the significant statement1 ',nin-gish-zida is the god of ,gudea'2 and elsewhere when speaking of him1 he is 'my god1' or 'his god4' ,none of the ancient ,babylonian rulers make mention of him except ,gudea1 though in the incantation texts he is introduced and significantly termed 'the throne-bearer' of the earth4 ,the purely local character of the deity is1 furthermore1 emphasized by the reference to his temple in ,girsu1 on a brick and on a cone containing dedicatory inscriptions1 inscribed by ,gudea in honor of the god4#ia ,shul 7or ,dun7-pa-uddu4 ,the wife of the famous ,gudea1 ,gin-,shul-pa-uddu1 bears a name in which one of the elements is a deity1 the phonetic reading of whose name is still uncertain4#ib ,the elements comprising it1 namely1 'lord' 7871 'sceptre1' and 'radiant1' leave little doubt as to the solar character of the god4 ,besides ,gudea's wife1 a ruler1 ,ur-,shul-pa-uddu1#ic belonging apparently to a somewhat earlier period1 embodies this deity in his name4 ,the worship of the deity1 therefore1 belongs to a very early epoch1 and appears at one time to have enjoyed considerable popularity within a certain district of ,babylonia4 ,to what region of ,babylonia he belongs has not yet been ascertained4 ,judging from analogous instances1 he represented some phase of the sun worshipped in a particular locality1 whose cult1 with the disappearance of the place from the surface of political affairs1 yielded to the tendency to concentrate sun-worship in two or three deities1--,shamash and ,ninib more especially4 ,in the astronomy of the ,babylonians the name survived as a designation of ,marduk-,jupiter4#id ,nin-,mar4 ,a local deity1 designated as the lady of ,mar1 is invoked by ,ur-,bau1 from whom we learn that she was the daughter of ,nina4 ,mar1 with the determinative for country1 ,ki1 appears to have been the name of a district extending to the ,persian ,gulf4#ie ,the capital of the district is represented by the mound ,tel-,id1 not far from ,warka4 ,her subsidiary position is indicated in these words1 and we may conclude that ,nin-,mar at an early period fell under the jurisdiction of the district in which ,nina was supreme4 ,for all that1 ,nin-,mar1 or the city in which her cult was centralized1 must have enjoyed considerable favor4 ,ur-,bau calls her the 'gracious lady1' and erects a temple1 the name of which1 ,ish-gu-tur1#if i4e41 according to ,jensen's plausible interpretation1 'the house that serves as a court for all persons1' points to ,mar as a place of pilgrimage to which people came from all sides4 ,gudea1 accordingly1 does not omit to include 'the lady of ,mar' in his list of the chief deities to whom he pays his devotions2 and on the assumption of the general favor in which the city of ,mar stood as a sacred town1 we may account for the fact that a much later ruler1 ,dungi1 of the dynasty of ,ur1#ig erects a temple to her honor4 ,pa-sag4 ,a deity1 the phonetic reading of whose name is unknown1 or at all events uncertain1#ih is mentioned once by ,gudea in the long list of deities that has been several times referred to4 ,the ideographs with which his name is written designate him as a chief of some kind1 and in accord with this1 ,gudea calls him 'the leader of the land4' ,pa-sag is mentioned immediately after the sun-god ,utu1 and in view of the fact that another solar deity1 ,i-shum1 whom we shall come across in a future chapter1 is designated by the same title#ii as ,pa-sag1 it seems safe to conclude that the latter is likewise a solar deity1 and in all probability1 the prototype of ,i-shum1 if not indeed identical with him4 ,nisaba 7or ,nidaba74 ,in a dream which the gods send to ,gudea1 he sees among other things1 a goddess1 whose name may be read ,nisaba or ,nidaba4#ajj ,nina1 who interprets the dream to the ruler of ,shirpurla1 declares that ,nisaba is her sister4 ,in a text belonging to a still earlier age1 the deity is mentioned as the begetter of a king whose name is read ,lugal-zaggisi4#aja ,from the manner in which the name of the goddess is written1 as well as from other sources1 we know that ,nisaba is an agricultural deity4 ,in historical texts she plays scarcely any role at all1 but in incantations she is often referred to2 and from the fact that ,nisaba is appealed to1 to break the power of the demons in conjunction with ,ea1 it would appear that the position once occupied by her was no insignificant one4 ,nin-girsu1 it will be recalled1 has also traits which connect him with agricultural life1 and ,nina being the daughter of ,nin-si-a1 one of the forms under which ,ningirsu-,ninib appears1 we may connect ,nisaba directly with the cults of which ,lagash formed the center4 ,nisaba must have been the consort of one of the agricultural gods1 whose jurisdiction falls within ,gudea's empire4 ,lugal-zaggisi1 as the king of ,uruk1 assigns to the goddess a first place4 ,her origin must1 therefore1 be sought in this region4 ,in later days the name of the goddess is used to describe the fertility of the soil in general4 ,so ,ashurbanabal1 describing the prosperity existing in his days1 says that grain was abundant through the 'increase of ,nisaba4'#ajb ,,ku787-,anna4 ,a goddess of this name--reading of the first sign doubtful--is mentioned by ,ur-,bau1 who builds a temple to her in ,girsu4 ,if ,amiaud is correct in his reading of the first sign1 the goddess was identified at one time by the ,babylonians with the consort of ,ramman--the storm-god4 ,this would accord with the description that ,ur-,bau gives of the goddess4 ,she is the one who deluges the land with water--belonging therefore to the same order as ,bau4 ,in a list of deities enumerated by a ruler of ,erech1 ,lugal-zaggisi1#ajc are found 7#a7 a local goddess1 ,umu1 designated as the 'priestess of ,uruk1'#ajd and occupying an inferior rank to 7#b7 a goddess1 ,nin-akha-kuddu1#aje who is called 'the mistress of ,uruk4' ,the importance of ,erech in the early history of ,babylonia is emphasized by the inscriptions from ,nippur1 recently published by ,dr4 ,hilprecht4 ,it is natural1 therefore1 to find several deities of a purely local type commemorated by kings who belong to this region4 ,the goddess ,umu is not heard of again4 ,the great goddess of ,uruk1 ,nana1 absorbs the smaller ones1 and hence ,nin-akha-kuddu survives chiefly in incantation texts as 'the lady of shining waters1' of 'purification1' and of 'incantations4'#ajf 99 99 99 99 99 ,lastly1 a passing reference may be made to several deities to whom sanctuaries are erected by ,uru-,kagina in the great temple of ,bau at ,uru-azaga1 and whom ,amiaud regards as sons of ,bau4 ,uru-,kagina enumerates three1 ,za-za-uru1 ,im-pa-ud-du1 and ,gim-nun-ta-ud-du-a4#ajg ,the element ud-du in the last two names signifies 'radiant' or 'rising up'2 while pa-ud-du 7like in ,shul-pa-ud-du1 p4 #ii7 means 'radiant sceptre4' ,if to this1 we add that ,im is 'storm1' it will appear plausible to see in the second name a form of a raging solar deity and perhaps also in the third2 gim nun in the latter name may mean 'creating lord4' ,to these ,amiaud#ajh adds from other sources1 ,khi-gir-nunna1 ,khi-shaga1 ,gurmu1 and ,zarmu4 ,he takes these seven deities as sons of ,bau1 but he offers no conclusive evidence for his theory4 ,some of these deities may turn out to be synonymous with such as have already been met with4 ,,footnotes3 #bd ,indicated by separating the syllables composing the name4 #be ,at the period when the kings of ,ur extend their rule over ,nippur1 they1 too1 do not omit to refer to the distinction of having been called to the service of the great god at his temple4 #bf ,the name signifies1 ',he has founded the city1' the subject of the verb being some deity whose name is omitted4 #bg ,jensen1 ,keils ,bibl4 #c1 #a1 p4 #bc1 proposes to read ,nin-,ur-sag1 but without sufficient reason1 it seems to me4 ,the writing being a purely ideographic form1 an epitheton ornans1 the question of how the ideographs are to be read is not of great moment4 #bh ,we may compare the poetic application 'rock' to ,yahweh in the ,old ,testament1 e4g41 ,job #a4 #ab1 and frequently in ,psalms1--lxii4 #c1 #g2 xcii4 #af1 #ah1 etc4 #bi ,reading doubtful4 ,jensen suggests ,erim4 ,hommel 7,proc4 ,soc4 ,bibl4 ,arch4 xv4 #cg seq47 endeavored to identify the place with ,babylon1 but his views are untenable4 ,if ,gish-galla was not a part of ,lagash1 it could not have been far removed from it4 ,it was ,amiaud who first suggested that ,shir-pur-la 7or ,lagash7 was the general name for a city that arose from an amalgamation of four originally distinct quarters4 7,sirpurla in ,revue ,archeologique1 #ahhh47 ,the suggestion has been generally1 though not universally accepted4 #cj ,that ,ninib is only an ideographic form is sufficiently clear from the element ,,nin-1 lord4 ,the proof1 however1 that ,ninib is ,adar1 is still wanting4 ,see ,jensen1 ,kosmologie der ,babylonier1 pp4 #deg1 #deh4 #ca ,from the context 7,de ,sarzec1 ,decouvertes1 pl4 #f1 no4 #d1 ll4 #ac-ba1 and pl4 #ca1 no4 #c1 col iii4 ll4 #b-f71 there can be no doubt that ,shul-gur 7or ,shul-gur-ana7 is an epithet of ,nin-girsu4 ,the ideographs descriptive of the edifice suggest a corn magazine of some kind4 ,one is reminded of the storehouses for grain in ,egypt4 ,see ,jensen's ,notes1 ,keils ,bibl4 #c1 #a1 pp4 #ae1 #ah1 #gc4 ,a comparison of the two texts in question makes it probable that ,ab-gi and ,e-bi-gar are synonymous4 #cb ,rawlinson1 iv4 #bg1 no4 #f2 #aa1 #de-df4 #cc ,it is noticeable that there is no mention made of a special god of ,lagash1 which points to the later origin of the name4 #cd ,inscr4 ,d1 col4 li4 #ac2 ,g1 col4 ii4 ll4 #a-h2 iii4 #d seq4 #ce ,see ,gen4 xxiv4 #ec4 ,burkhardt1 ,notes on the ,bedouins1 i4 #aji1 gives an example of the custom4 #cf ,the two names are used by ,gudea 7,inscr4 ,g1 col4 iii4 #ab7 in a way to indicate that they embrace the whole district of ,lagash4 #cg ,semit4 ,voelker1 p4 #chb4 #ch ,see ,jensen1 ,keils ,bibl4 #c1 #a1 #bh1 note #b4 #ci ,the first signifies 'to make1' the third means good1 favorable1 but the second1 upon which so much depends1 is not clear4 ,amiaud reads tum instead of sig4 #dj ,e4g41 ,nina 7see below74 #da ,de ,sarzec1 pl4 #g1 col4 i4 #ab4 #db ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #ajd4 #dc ,inscr4 ,d1 col4 iv4 ll4 #g1 #h4 #dd ,in ,rawlinson1 ii4 #eh1 no4 #f1 there is a list of some seventy names4 #de ,rawlinson1 ii4 #eh1 no4 #f1 #eh4 #df ,de ,sarzec1 pl4 #h1 col v4 ll4 #d-f4 #dg ,keils ,bibl4 #c1 #a1 #hj1 note #c4 #dh ,rawlinson1 iv4 #ce1 no4 #b1 #a4 #di ,see a syllabary giving lists of gods1 ,rawlinson1 ii4 #fj1 #ab4 ,dungi1 indeed1 calls ,nergal once the king of lawful control over ,lagash 7,rawlinson1 iv4 #ce1 no4 #b1 ll4 #b1 #c74 ,the exact force of the title is not clear1 but in no case are we permitted to conclude as ,amiaud does 7,rec4 of the ,past1 ,n4,s41 i4 #ei7 that ,shid-lam-ta-udda is identical with ,nin-girsu4 #ej ,see ,jensen1 ,kosmologie der ,babylonier1 pp4 #dgf-hg4 #ea ,see ,jensen1 ,kosmologie der ,babylonier1 pp4 #dgf-hg4 #eb ,so in the inscription of ,rim-,sin 7,keils ,bibl4 #c1 #a1 p4 #ig74 #ec ,perhaps the knob of a sceptre4 ,proc4 ,soc4 ,bibl4 ,arch4 viii4 #fh4 #ed ,e4g41 ,hammurabi 7,revue d',assyriologie1 ii4 col4 i4 #ba72 but also ,gudea and a still earlier king4 #ee ,so ,amlaud2 and there seems some reason to believe that the name was used by the side of ,utu1 though perhaps only as an epithet4 #ef ,compare birbiru1 'sheen1' and the stem baru1 'to see1' etc4 #eg ,see ,keils ,bibl4 #c1 ,i1 #ajj4 ,reading of name uncertain4 #eh ,suggested by ,rawlinson1 ii4 #eg1 #aj4 ,see ,schrader1 ,zeits4 f4 ,assyr4 iii4 #cc seq4 #ei ,on ,sippar1 see ,sayce1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 etc41 #afh-afi1 who finds in the ,old ,testament form ,sepharvayim a trace of this double ,sippar4 ,dr4 ,ward's suggestion1 however1 in regard to ,anbar1 as representing this 'second' ,sippar1 is erroneous4 #fj ,e4g41 in ,southern ,arabia4 ,see ,w4 ,robertson ,smith1 ,the ,religion of the ,semites1 ,i4 #ei4 #fa ,in ,rabbinical literature1 the moon is compared to a 'heifer' 7,talmud ,babli ,rosh-hashana #bb b74 #fb ,that the name of ,sin should have been introduced into ,mesopotamia through the ',arabic' dynasty 7see above1 p4 #ci7 is less probable1 though not impossible in the light of recent discoveries4 #fc ,innanna may be separated into ,in lord or lady1 and nanna2 in and nanna would then be elements added to lady1 conveying perhaps the idea of greatness4 ,see ,jensen's remarks1 ,keils ,bibl4 #c1 ,i1 #bj1 note #d4 #fd ,rec4 of the ,past1 ,n4,s41 ii4 p4 #ajd4 #fe ,keils ,bibl4 #c1 ,i1 #af4 ,see ,jensen's note on the reading of the name4 #ff ,the fame of this temple outlasts the political importance of the place1 and as late as the days of the ,assyrian monarchy is an object of fostering care on the part of the kings4 #fg ,that the name is ,semitic is no longer seriously questioned by any scholar4 ,the underlying stem suggests etymological relationship with the god ,ashur4 ,if this be so1 ,ishtar may mean 'the goddess that brings blessing' to mankind1 but all this is tentative1 as are the numerous other etymologies suggested4 #fh ,the ideographs for 'country' and 'mountain' are identical ,assyrian4 ,the alternation in the title of ,ishtar must not be taken to point to a mountainous origin of the goddess4 #fi ,a full account of this epic will be given at its proper place4 #gj ,again1 in the incantation texts she appears only as the daughter of ,anu1 cooerdinate with ,sin and ,shamash4 #ga ,keils ,bibl4 #c1 #a1 #gb1 note4 ,some scholars1 as ,hommel 7,gesch4 d4 alt4 ,morgenlandes1 p4 #fh71 propose to identify this place with the ,assyrian ,nineveh1 but the conjecture lacks proof and is altogether improbable4 #gb ,old ,babylonian ,inscriptions1 ,i4 pls4 #cj1 #ca4 7,see now ,peiser1 ,keils ,bibl4 #d1 pp4 #fd-ff47 #gc ,questioned by ,peiser1 ib4 #gd ,among many nations the moon is pictured as a horned animal4 ,see ,robert ,brown's interesting monograph on ,the ,unicorn1 pp4 #bg seq4 et passim2 also above1 p4 #gf4 #ge ,simply the sign ,,an 7 god1 heaven7 and the phonetic complement na4 #gf ,see above1 p4 #ei4 #gg ,written ,an-na1 without the determinative for deity4 ,de ,sarzec1 ,decouvertes en ,chaldee1 pl4 #cg1 no4 #h4 #gh ,the second element may also be read dar4 ,see ,jensen1 ,keils ,bibl4 #c1 #a1 p4 #bd1 note #a4 #gi ,inscription ,b1 col4 ii4 #ai4 #hj ,see ,hommel1 ,semitische ,kulturen1 p4 #chi4 #ha ,for the sacred character of the swine among the ,semites1 see ,w4 ,robertson ,smith's ,the ,religion of the ,semites1 pp4 #bja1 #bgb1 #ccb1 #deg4 ,rawlinson1 iii4 #fh1 #bb1 occurs a deity1 'swine of the right hand1' i4e41 propitious4 #hb ,rawlinson1 ii4 #ei1 #bc4 ,the second element in ,pap-sukal is the common ,babylonian word for 'servant1' or 'messenger2' other deities therefore standing in a subsidiary position are also called ,pap-sukal4 ,so e4g41 ,nebo and ,nusku4 ,see further on and compare ,hommel1 ,semiten1 pp4 #dgi1 #dhj4 #hc ,inscription ,b1 col iii4 #b4 #hd ,uru-kagina1 earlier than ,gudea 7de ,sarzec1 pl4 #cb71 appears to have built a temple to ,dun-shagga1 but the passage is not altogether clear4 ,the element also appears in the name of the ruler of ,ur1 ,dungi1 i4e41 'the legitimate hero1' as ,sargon is the 'legitimate king4' #he ,signifying1 according to ,jensen1 ,keils ,bibl4 #c1 #a1 p4 #be1 'fighting-place'4 #hf ,published by ,delitzsch1 ,beitraege zur ,assyr4 ,i4 #cja-caa4 #hg ,so also ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 p4 #ad1 note #c4 #hh ,so ,anu appears to have concubines4 #hi ,see above1 pp4 #ib1 #ic4 #ij ,inscription ,c4 #ia ,de ,sarzec1 pl4 #cg1 no4 #e2 ,trans4 ,soc4 ,bibl4 ,arch4 vi4 #bgi4 #ib ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 p4 #abg1 proposes to read ,umun-pauddu4 #ic ,hilprecht1 ,old ,babylonian ,inscriptions1 i4 #b1 no4 #ic4 ,the name also appears in syllabaries as ,shul-pa-ud-du-a4 ,for the element pa-udda1 see p4 #ajc4 ,in ,nergal's name ,shid-lam-ta-uddu-a 7p4 #fe71 the same final elements are found which appear to be characteristic epithets of solar deities4 ,the first element in the name has also the value ,dun 7as in ,dun-gi74 #id ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 pp4 #abe1 #abf4 #ie ,see ,journal ,asiatique1 ,september-,october1 #ahie1 p4 #cic4 #if ,de ,sarzec1 pl4 #h1 col4 v4 ll4 #h-ab4 #ig ,,ir4 pl4 #b1 no4 #d4 #ih ,jensen regards ,pa-sag as a possible phonetic form1 but his view is hardly tenable4 #ii ,see ,zimmern1 ,busspsalmen1 pp4 #fj1 #fa4 #ajj ,cylinder ,a1 cols4 iv4 and v4 ,amiaud read the name ,nirba4 #aja ,just published by ,hilprecht1 ,old ,babylonian ,inscriptions1 i4 #b1 pls4 #ch-dg4 ,cf4 p4 #eb #ajb ,,vr4 col4 i4 #dh4 #ajc ,see at close of chapter vi4 #ajd ,hilprecht1 ib4 no4 #hg1 col i4 #cj4 #aje ,ib4 i4 #cb4 ,hilprecht reads ,nin-a-gid-kha-du1 but this can hardly be correct4 #ajf ,the two ideas1 'water' and 'incantation1' are correlated4 ,the 'waters' meant are those used for purification purposes in connection with the magic formulas4 #ajg ,de ,sarzec1 pl4 #cb1 col4 ii4 #i-aa4 #ajh ,records of the ,past1 ,n4,s41 i4 #ei4 ,amiaud reads the second name ,im-ghud-ena and the third ,gim 7or ,ur7-nun-ta-ena4 ,the publication in ,de ,sarzec favors my readings4 ,,chapter ,v4 ,,the ,,consorts ,,of ,,the ,,gods4 ,attention has already been directed to the comparatively small number of female deities that appear in the inscriptions of the first period of ,babylonian history4 ,we must1 however1 not conclude from this1 that such deities did not exist in larger numbers4 ,on the contrary1 we may feel certain that every god had his consort1 and in some cases more than one4 ,several instances of such consorts have been furnished in this chapter2 but if the consorts of the larger number of these gods are unknown1 it is because of the insignificant role that these consorts played4 ,the goddesses of ,babylonia1 with few exceptions1 become mere shadowy reflections of the gods1 with but little independent power1 and in some cases none at all4 ,they owe what popularity they enjoyed to their association with their male companions4 ,in consequence of this inferior role played by the female deities1 the tendency becomes more pronounced1 as we pass from the first to the second period of ,babylonian history1 to reduce by assimilation the small number that have independent attributes1 until we reach a condition in which we have practically only one goddess1 appearing under many forms4 ,it is only in the religious texts1 and in some phases of the popular beliefs1 that goddesses retain a certain degree of prominence4 ,so1 a goddess ,allat1 as we shall see1 plays an important part as the chief goddess of the subterranean cave that houses the dead4 ,allat appears to have been originally a consort of the famous ,bel of ,nippur1 but through association with ,nergal1 who becomes the chief god of the lower world1 almost all traces of the original character of the goddess disappear4 ,again1 ,gula1 the consort of ,nin-ib1 while occasionally mentioned in the historical texts of the second and third period1 and under the form ,ma-ma1 as an element in a proper name belonging to the oldest period1#aji is more frequently invoked in incantations as the healer of disease4 ,the same is the case with other goddesses2 so that we may conclude that from the earliest times1 the ,babylonian religion shared the trait so marked in all ,semitic cults1 of a combination of the male and female principle in the personification of the powers that controlled the fate of man4 ,in part1 no doubt1 the minor importance of women1 so far as the outward aspects of social and political life were concerned1 is a factor in the altogether secondary importance attaching to the consorts of the gods2 but we may feel certain that there was no god1 however restricted in his jurisdiction1 or however limited in the number of his worshippers1 who had not associated with him a female companion1 who follows him as the shadow follows the substance4 ,,footnotes3 #aji ,according to ,hilprecht1 ib4 p4 #dh1 note #f4 ,for ,ma-ma and ,me-me1 as names of ,gula1 see chapter viii4 ,,chapter ,,vi4 ,,gudea',s ,,pantheon4 ,gudea manifests a fondness for giving to his pantheon as large a compass as possible4 ,in this respect1 he follows earlier examples1 and also sets an example which is followed by many of the rulers of ,babylonia and ,assyria1 who felt that the larger the number of gods invoked by them1 the more impressive would their own position appear in the eyes of their subjects4 ,moreover1 by incorporating in their pantheon the gods associated with districts that they controlled1 they would not only secure the protection of these deities1 but would emphasize their own claim to an extended sovereignty4 ,the beginning and the close of dedicatory and commemorative inscriptions were the favorite opportunities1 seized upon by the kings1 for parading the list of the powers under whose patronage they wished to appear4 ,these lists are both interesting and valuable1 as furnishing in a convenient form a summary of the chief gods included in the ,babylonian pantheon at the various historical periods4 ,at the close of one of his inscriptions1#aaj ,gudea furnishes a list of no less than eighteen deities4 ,in rapid succession he enumerates ,anu1 ,en-lil 7,bel71 ,nin-khar-sag1 ,en-ki 7,ea71 ,en-zu 7,sin71 ,nin-girsu1 ,nina1 ,nin-si-a1 ,ga-tum-dug1 ,bau1 ,ninni1 ,utu 7,shamash71 ,pa-sag1 ,gal-alim1 ,dun-shagga1 ,nin-,mar1 ,dumuzi-zuaba1 ,nin-gish-zida4 ,these deities may be taken as indicative of the territorial extent of ,gudea's jurisdiction4 ,they are called upon to punish him who attempts to alter the decrees of the ruler1 or to efface the memory of his deeds4 ,again1 at the beginning of one of his inscriptions1 he appeals to ,nin-girsu1 ,en-lil1 ,nina1 ,bau1 ,ga-tum-dug1 ,gal-alim1 and ,dun-shagga4 ,he recounts what he has done to promote the cults of these deities1 and upon his conduct he grounds his hope that they will aid him in his undertakings4 ,the lists1 as will be observed1 vary in the number and in the order of the gods enumerated4 ,in the second list1 the position of ,nin-girsu at the head is due to the fact that the inscription commemorates the dedication of a sanctuary to that god4 ,but ,nin-girsu1 despite his rank as the chief god of ,lagash1 belongs to a second class of deities4 ,standing far above him is the triad1 ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea1 the gods that personify1 as we have seen1 the great divisions of the universe1--heaven1 earth1 and water4 ,these gods1 accordingly1 take precedence of ,nin-girsu in the first list4 ,in a succeeding chapter1 the significance of this triad for the ,babylonian religion will be fully set forth4 ,for the present1 it is sufficient to note that the systematization of popular beliefs1 involved in the distinctions thus emphasized in the groupings of deities into classes1 begins at so early a period4 ,this systematization1 however1 has not yet assumed final shape4 ,true1 the moon-god has already been given the place1 immediately following upon the triad1 that he will hold in the developed form of ,babylonian theology2 but while1 as we have seen1 ,sin properly takes precedence of the sun-god1 the latter should follow in the wake of his associate4 ,not only1 however1 does ,nin-girsu precede1 but two other deities who are closely related in general character to the 'warrior deity' of ,gudea's dominion4 ,then1 the two great goddesses1 ,bau and ,ninni1 are introduced1 and it is not until they are disposed of that the sun-god1 together again with ,pa-sag as a kind of lieutenant1#aaa is invoked4 ,in the arrangement of the five remaining deities1 no special principle can be recognized4 ,they1 evidently1 occupy a minor rank4 ,it is possible1 then1 to distinguish no less than four classes in the old ,babylonian pantheon3 7#a7 the great triad1 ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea2 7#b7 a second group1 as yet incomplete1 but which will eventually include ,sin1 ,shamash1 and ,ramman1 representing the great powers of nature--moon1 sun1 and storm2 7#c7 the great gods1 the patron deities of the more important political centers of the country2 and 7#d7 the minor ones1 representing the local cults of less important places4 ,naturally1 the dividing line between the two last-named classes is not sharply marked1 and in accordance with the ever-varying political kaleidoscope1 local deities will rise from the rank of minor gods to a higher place in the pantheon2 while such as once enjoyed high esteem will1 through decline in the political fortunes of their worshippers1 be brought down from the higher to an inferior rank4#aab ,it is this constant interaction between the political situation and the relationship of the gods to one another1 that constitutes one of the most striking features of the religion of ,babylonia and ,assyria4 ,in the course of time1 as an organized pantheon leads to greater stability in the domain of theological speculation1 the influence of the politics of the country on the religion becomes less marked1 without1 however1 disappearing altogether4 ,the various classes into which the gods are divided1 are definitely fixed by the schools of theology that1 as we shall see1 take their rise in the ,euphrates ,valley4 ,the rivalry1 on the one hand1 between the ,babylonian empire united under one head1 and the ,assyrian empire on the other1 alone remains to bring about an occasional exchange of places between the two gods who stand at the head of the great gods of the ,babylonian and ,assyrian pantheon respectively4 ,the attempt has been made by ,amiaud#aac to arrange the pantheon of this oldest period in a genealogical order4 ,in ,gudea's long list of deities1 he detects three generations1--the three chief gods and one goddess1 as the progenitors of ,sin1 ,shamash1 ,nin-girsu1 ,bau1 and others4 ,the gods of this second division give rise to a third class1 viewed again as the offspring of the second4 ,professor ,davis1 taking up this idea of ,amiaud1 has quite recently maintained#aad that the family idea must form our starting-point for an understanding of the pantheon of ,lagash4 ,the theory1 however1 does not admit of consistent application4 ,there are gods1 as ,amiaud recognized1 who cannot be brought under his scheme1 so far at least as present testimony is concerned2 and others can only by an arbitrary assumption be forced into accord with the theory4 ,moreover1 we should expect to find traces of this family idea in the later phases of the ,assyro-,babylonian pantheon4 ,such1 however1 is not the case4 ,a more reasonable and natural explanation of the relationship existing between many--not all--of the gods of ,gudea's pantheon has already been suggested4 ,in part1 we must look to the development of a theological system of thought in the ,euphrates ,valley to account for the superior position accorded to certain gods1 and in part1 political conditions and political changes afford an explanation for the union of certain deities into a family group4 ,so far1 indeed1 ,amiaud is correct1 that the relationship existing between the various deities1 was as a rule expressed in terms applicable to human society4 ,the secondary position occupied1 e4g41 by ,sin when compared with a god whose domain is the entire 'lower regions1' would be aptly expressed by calling the moon-god the eldest son of ,en-lil or ,bel2 and1 similarly1 a goddess like ,bau would be called the daughter of ,anu4 ,it is a mistake1 however1 to interpret the use of 'daughter' and 'son' literally4 ,such terms are employed in all ,semitic languages in a figurative sense1 to indicate a dependent position of some sort4 ,again1 we have seen that the union of a number of cities or states under one head would be followed by a union of the deities proper to these cities or states4 ,that union would be expressed1 according to circumstances1 either by placing the deities on a footing of equality--in which case they would be consorts1 or brothers and sisters1 offsprings therefore of one and the same god--or1 the superior rank of one patron god would be indicated by assigning to the god of a conquered or subordinate territory the rank of offspring or attendant4 ,in studying such a list as that presented by ,gudea1 we must1 therefore1 make due allowance for what may be called local peculiarities and local conditions4 ,it is only by comparing his list with others that we can differentiate between the general features of ,babylonian cults and the special features due to political and local associations4 ,we are in a position now to institute this comparison for a period which is certainly some centuries earlier than ,gudea4 ,the date of the reign of ,lugal-zaggisi1 king of ,uruk1 who has been several times referred to in a previous chapter1 is fixed by ,hilprecht at c4 #dejj ,b4,c41 but it is doubtful whether so high an age will be accepted by scholars4 ,the chronology for the period beyond ,gudea is still in a very uncertain condition4 ,lugal-zaggisi1 in a long list of deities at the beginning of an important inscription1 enumerates in succession ,anu1 the goddess ,nisaba1 the gods ,en-lil 7or ,bel71 ,en-ki 7,ea71 ,en-zu 7,sin71 ,utu 7the sun-god71 the goddess ,ninni 7or ,nana78771 ,nin-khar-sag1 ,umu1 and ,nin-akha-kuddu4 ,as for ,anu1 the king introduces the name1 as ,ur-,ningirsu of ,lagash does 7see above1 p4 #ij71 in calling himself 'priest of ,anu1' and which1 according to the explanation suggested1 means simply 'divine priest4' ,bel1 ,ea1 ,sin1 and ,shamash 7or ,utu7 are common to ,gudea and ,lugal-zaggisi4 ,these constitute1 then1 the great gods whose worship is no longer limited to any particular district4 ,they have become common property1 in part through the sanctity attached to the places where the gods were worshipped1 in part through the antiquity of these places1 and in part1 no doubt1 as the result of a political development lying behind the period under consideration4 ,the prominence given by ,lugal-zaggisi to ,nisaba is rather surprising4 ,he calls himself and also his father1 'hero' of ,nisaba4 ,if1 however1 it be borne in mind that of the goddesses at least two1 ,umu and ,nin-akha-kuddu1 are of a local character1 the conclusion appears justified that ,nisaba was a goddess associated more particularly with the district in which ,uruk lay4 ,the goddess ,ninni 7written simply as 'the goddess'7 is no doubt identical with the great ,nana of ,uruk1 and ,nin-khar-sag is introduced as the consort of ,en-lil4 ,as a result of this comparison1 we may note the tendency towards a general recognition of certain great gods1 which is more fully developed in the period of ,hammurabi4 ,at the same time1 the loyalty of the rulers to the gods1 peculiar to their own district1 is manifested by the prominent place assigned in the several cases to gods who otherwise play an insignificant role1 and who eventually are absorbed by others2 and lastly1 as between ,lugal-zaggisi and ,gudea1 the observation may be made of the disposition to emphasize local gods1 less for their own sake1 than because of the eclat furnished by the enumeration of a large pantheon1 which shall be coequal in extent and dignity to the district claimed by the rulers and to the rank assumed by them4 ,,footnotes3 #aaj ,inscr4 ,b1 cols4 viii4 ix4 #aaa ,see above1 p4 #aja4 #aab ,see ,winckler's excellent remarks on the relationship between the city and the god in ancient ,babylonia 7,altorientalische ,forschungen1 ,,iii4 #bcb-bce74 #aac ,records of the ,past1 ,n4,s41 i4 #eg-ei4 #aad ,in a paper on ,the ,gods of ,shirpurla1 read before the ,american ,oriental ,society in ,april1 #ahie4 7,proceedings1 ccxiii-ccxviii47 ,,chapter ,,vii4 ,,summary4 ,we have thus passed in review the old ,babylonian pantheon1 so far as the discovered texts have revealed their names and epithets4 ,the list does not claim to be exhaustive4 ,that future texts will add to its length1 by revealing the existence at this early period of many known to us at present only from later texts or from the religious literature1#aae is more than likely4 ,the nature of the old ,babylonian religion entails1 as a necessary consequence1 an array of gods that might be termed endless4 ,local cults would ever tend to increase with the rise of new towns1 and while the deities thus worshipped would not rise to any or much importance1 still their names would become known in larger circles1 and a ruler might1 for the sake of increasing his own lustre1 make mention of one or more of them1 honoring them at the same time by an epithet which might or might not accurately define their character4 ,as long as the various districts of ,babylonia were not formally united under one head1 various local cults might rise to equally large proportions1 while the gods worshipped as the special patrons of the great centers1 as ,lagash1 ,ur1 ,uruk1 ,nippur1 and the like1 would retain their prominence1 even though the political status of the cities sacred to them suffered a decline4 ,the ruler of the district that claimed a supremacy over one that formerly occupied an independent position1 would hasten to emphasize this control by proudly claiming the patron deity as part of his pantheon4 ,the popularity of ,sin at ,ur suffered no diminution because the supremacy of ,ur yielded to that of ,uruk4 ,on the contrary1 the god gained new friends who strove to rival the old ones in manifestations of reverence2 and when1 as happened in several instances1 the patron deities were personifications of natural phenomena1 whose worship through various circumstances became associated with particular localities1 there was an additional reason for the survival1 and1 indeed1 growing importance of such local cults1 quite independent of the political fortunes that befell the cities in which the gods were supposed to dwell4 ,as a consequence1 there are a considerable number of deities who are met with both at the beginning and at the end of the first period of ,babylonian history--a period1 be it remembered1 that1 so far as known1 already covers a distance of #b1jjj years4 ,these are of two classes1 7a7 deities of purely local origin1 surviving through the historical significance of the places where they were worshipped1 and 7b7 deities1 at once local in so far as they are associated with a fixed spot1 but at the same time having a far more general character by virtue of being personifications of the powers of nature4 ,the jurisdiction of both classes of deities might1 through political vicissitudes1 be extended over a larger district than the one to which they were originally confined1 and in so far their local character would tend to be obscured4 ,it would depend1 however1 upon other factors1 besides the merely political ones1 whether these cults would take a sufficiently deep hold upon the people to lead to the evolution of deities1 entirely dissociated from fixed seats1 who might be worshipped anywhere1 and whose attributes would tend to become more and more abstract in character4 ,such a process1 however1 could not be completed by the silent working of what1 for want of a better name1 we call the genius of the people4 ,it requires the assistance1 conscious and in a measure pedantic1 of the thinkers and spiritual guides of a people4 ,in other words1 the advance in religious conceptions from the point at which we find them when the union of the ,babylonian states takes place1 is conditioned upon the infusion of the theological spirit into the mass of beliefs that constituted the ancient heritage of the people4 ,on the other hand1 various circumstances have already been suggested that cooeperated1 already prior to the days of ,hammurabi1 in weeding out the superfluity of deities1 at least so far as recognition of them in the official inscriptions of the rulers were concerned4 ,deities1 attached to places of small and ever-diminishing importance would1 after being at first adopted into the pantheon by some ruler desirous of emphasizing his control over the town in question1 end in being entirely absorbed by some more powerful god1 whose attributes were similar to those of his minor companion4 ,especially would this be the case with deities conceived as granting assistance in warfare4 ,the glory of the smaller warrior gods would fade through the success achieved by a ,nin-girsu4 ,the names and epithets would be transferred to the more powerful god1 and1 beyond an occasional mention1 the weaker would entirely pass out of consideration4 ,again1 the worship of the moon or of the sun1 or of certain aspects of the sun1--the morning sun1 the noonday sun1 and the like1--at localities of minor importance1 would yield to the growing popularity of similar worship in important centers4 ,as a consequence1 names that formerly designated distinct deities or different phases of one and the same deity1 would1 by being transferred to a single one1 come to be mere epithets of this one4 ,the various names would be used interchangeably1 without much regard to their original force4 ,all the essential elements of the ,babylonian religion are already to be found in the conditions prevailing during the period that we have been considering4 ,some new deities are met with in the periods that followed1 but there is no reason to believe that any profound changes in the manner of worship1 or in the conceptions regarding the gods1 were introduced4 ,the relations1 however1 which the gods bear to one another are considerably modified1 their attributes become more sharply defined1 the duties and privileges pertaining to each are regulated4 ,hand in hand with this systematization1 the organization of the cult becomes more perfect1 the ritual enters upon further phases of development1 speculations regarding the unknown have their outcome in the establishment of dogmas4 ,finally the past1 with its traditions and legends1 is viewed under the aspect of later religious thought4 ,the products of popular fancy are reshaped1 given a literary turn that was originally foreign to them1 and so combined and imbued with a meaning as to reflect the thoughts and aspirations of a comparatively advanced age4 ,what may be called the flowering of the theological epoch in the history of the ,babylonian religion1 viewed as a unit1 is so directly dependent upon the political union of the ,babylonian states1 brought about by ,hammurabi 7c4 #bcjj ,b4,c471 that it may be said to date from this event4 ,,footnotes3 #aae ,quite recently there have been found at ,telloh some thirty thousand clay tablets1 chiefly lists of sacrifices1 temple inventories1 and legal documents4 ,these tablets will probably furnish additional names of deities1 and perhaps throw further light on those known4 ,further excavations at ,nippur will likewise add to the material4 ,but after all1 for our main purpose in this chapter1 which is the illustration of the chief traits of the ,babylonian pantheon in early days1 these expected additions to the pantheon will not be of paramount significance4 ,,chapter ,,viii4 ,,the ,,pantheon ,,in ,,the ,,days ,,of ,,hammurabi4 ,marduk4 ,the immediate result of ,hammurabi's master-stroke in bringing the various states of the ,euphrates ,valley under a single control1 was the supremacy secured for his capital1 of the city of ,babylon over all other ,babylonian cities1 and with this supremacy1 the superior position henceforth assumed by the patron deity of the capital1 ,marduk4#aaf ,it is needless for our purposes to enter upon the question as to the age of the city of ,babylon1#aag nor as to its political fortunes prior to the rise of the dynasty of which ,hammurabi was the sixth member4 ,that its beginnings were modest1 and that its importance1 if not its origin1 was of recent date in comparison with such places as ,eridu1 ,nippur1 ,lagash1 ,ur1 and the like1 is proved by the absence of the god ,marduk in any of the inscriptions that we have been considering up to this point4 ,the first mention of the god occurs in the inscriptions of ,hammurabi1 where he appears distinctly as the god of the city of ,babylon4 ,no doubt the immediate predecessors of ,hammurabi regarded ,marduk in the same light as the great conqueror1 so that we are justified in applying the data1 furnished by the inscriptions of ,hammurabi to such of his predecessors1 of whom records are still lacking4 ,it is to ,marduk1 that ,hammurabi ascribes his success4 ,the king regards himself as the beloved of ,marduk4 ,the god rejoices his heart and gives him power and plenty4 ,even when paying his homage at the shrines of other deities1 he does not forget to couple the name of ,marduk with that of the deity whose protection he invokes4 ,so at ,sippar1 sacred to ,shamash1 and where the king deposits a cylinder recording the improvements that he instigated in the city1 he associates the sun-god with ,marduk1 whereas in contradistinction to the rulers of the old ,babylonian cities or states1 when addressing ,marduk1 he does not find it necessary to make mention at the same time of an entire pantheon4 ,marduk's protection suffices for all purposes4 ,this1 of course1 does not exclude the worship of other gods4 ,a reference has already been made to the king's care for the city of ,shamash4 ,in this respect1 he was but following the example of his predecessors1 who1 while regarding ,babylon as their capital1 were zealous in doing honor to ancient centers of worship4 ,so one of these predecessors1 ,zabu1 restores the temple of ,shamash at ,sippar1 and that of ,anunit at ,agade4 ,hammurabi1 besides his work at ,sippar1 builds a temple to ,innanna at ,hallabi4#aah ,babylon1 however1 is the beloved city of ,marduk1 and upon its beautification and improvement ,hammurabi expends his chief energy4 ,such are the endearing terms in which he speaks of his god1 as to give one the impression that1 when thinking of ,marduk1 the king for the moment loses sight of the existence of other gods4 ,the most striking tribute1 however1 that is paid to ,marduk in the period of ,hammurabi is his gradual assumption of the role played by the old ,en-lil or ,bel of ,nippur1 once the head of the ,babylonian pantheon4 ,this identification is already foreshadowed in the title belu rabu1 i4e41 'great lord1' which ,hammurabi is fond of bestowing upon ,marduk4 ,it is more clearly indicated in an inscription of his son1 ,samsu-iluna1 who represents ,bel1 'the king of heaven and earth1' as transferring to ,marduk1 the 'first-born son of ,ea1' rulership over 'the four regions1'--a phrase that at this time had already assumed a much wider meaning than its original portent4 ,in the religious literature of this age1 which reflects the same tendency1 ,bel expressly transfers his title 'lord of the lands'#aai to ,marduk1 while ,ea likewise pays homage to his son1 declaring that the latter's 'name' shall also be ,ea4 ,the transference of the name1 according to ,babylonian notions1 is equivalent to a transference of power4 ,as a consequence1 ,bel and ,marduk are blended into one personage1 ,marduk becoming known as ,bel-,marduk1 and finally1 the first part of the compound sinking to the level of a mere adjective1 the god is addressed as 'lord ,marduk1' or ',marduk1 the lord4' ,the old ,bel is entirely forgotten1 or survives at best in conventional association with ,anu and ,ea1 as a member of the ancient triad4 ,it has been satisfactorily shown#abj that ,marduk was originally a solar deity4 ,his association with ,babylon1 therefore1 must be viewed in the same light as the association of ,sin1 the moon-god1 with the city of ,ur1 and the association of ,shamash1 the sun-god1 with ,larsa and ,sippar4 ,just as in the latter places1 other cults besides that of the patron deity prevailed1 so in ,babylon it was merely the prominence which1 for some reason1 the worship of the sun-god acquired1 that led to the closer identification of this particular deity with the city1 until he became viewed as the god par excellence of the city1 and the city itself as his favorite residence4 ,as long as ,larsa and ,sippar retained a prominence overshadowing that of ,babylon1 the sun cult at the latter place could attract but little attention4 ,only as ,babylon began to rival1 and finally to supersede1 other centers of sun-worship1 could ,marduk be brought into the front rank of prevailing cults4 ,it may appear strange1 in view of this original character of ,marduk1 that neither in the inscriptions of ,hammurabi1 nor in those of his successors1 is there any direct reference to his qualities as a solar deity4 ,however1 in the ideographs composing his name1 which are to be interpreted as 'child of the day1'#aba and in the zodiacal system1 as perfected by the ,babylonian scholars1 there lurk traces of the god's solar origin1 and beyond this1 perhaps1 in certain set phrases1 surviving in prayers addressed to him4 ,the explanation for this absence of solar traits is to be sought in the peculiar political conditions that resulted in bringing ,marduk into such prominence4 ,hammurabi was preeminently a conquering king4 ,he waged war on all sides1 and carried on his campaigns for many years4 ,when he finally succeeded in bringing both ,north and ,south ,babylonia under his sway1 it still required constant watching to keep his empire together4 ,his patron god1 therefore1 the protector of the city1 whose jurisdiction was thus spread over a larger extent of territory than that of any other deity1 must have appeared to ,hammurabi and his followers1 as well as to those vanquished by him1 essentially as a warrior4 ,it is he who hands over to kings the land and its inhabitants4 ,the fact that he was a solar deity would become obscured by the side of the more potent fact that1 as god of the city of ,babylon1 his sway was supreme4 ,he therefore became ,marduk1 the 'great lord4' ,the epithets bestowed upon him naturally emphasized the manner in which he manifested himself1 and these epithets1 therefore1 referred to his power1 to his supremacy over other gods1 to his favor shown to his worshippers by granting them unprecedented glory2 and since the political supremacy remained undisputed for many centuries1 no opportunity was afforded for ever reverting to the attributes of the god as a solar deity4 ,he remained--if one may so express it--a political deity4 ,the political significance of ,babylon permitted only one phase of his nature to be brought forward4 ,in the religious texts1 however1 preserving as they do the more primitive conceptions by the side of the most advanced ones1 some traces of other attributes besides prowess in war are found4 ,by virtue of his character as a solar deity1 ,marduk1 like the orb personified through him1 is essentially a life-giving god4 ,whereas ,shamash is viewed as the 'judge of mankind1' ,marduk becomes the god who restores the dead to life1 though he shares this power with ,shamash1 ,gula1 ,nebo1 and ,nergal4 ,but after all1 even in the religious texts1 his more prominent role is that of a ruler1--a magnified king4 ,he protects the weak1 releases the imprisoned1 and makes great the small4 ,he controls by his powerful hand the mountains and rivers and fountains4 ,he is the counsellor who guides the decrees1 even of the great gods1 ,anu and ,bel4 ,on his head rests a crown with high horns1 as the symbol of rulership4 ,as the supreme ruler1 life and death are in his hands4 ,blessings flow from him2 and of awe-inspiring appearance1 his wrath inflicts severe punishment on the evil-doer4 ,it is a noteworthy circumstance1 and characteristic of the phase of the ,babylonian religion which we are considering1 that the extension of ,marduk's political sway did not lead to the establishment of ,marduk cults outside of ,babylon4 ,one reason for this was that1 in accordance with the political conceptions1 dwelt upon in the introductory chapter1 the empire of ,babylonia was regarded simply as an extension of the city of ,babylon4 ,babylonia1 therefore1 being identified in theory with the city of ,babylon1 there was no need of emphasizing the power of ,marduk by establishing his cult elsewhere4 ,within the limits of ,babylon1 however1 there might be more than one shrine to ,marduk1 and accordingly1 when the city was extended so as to include the place known as ,borsippa1 a temple to ,marduk was also erected there4 ,the temple on the east side of the ,euphrates1 known as ,e-,sagila1 'the lofty house1' was the older1 and dates probably from the beginnings of ,babylon itself2 that in ,borsippa1 known as ,e-,zida1 'the true house1' seems to have been founded by ,hammurabi4#abb ,while it was not in accord with the dignity attaching to ,marduk that his cult should be established outside of the precincts of the city of ,babylon1 it would only add to his glory to have the worship of other deities grouped around his own sanctuary4 ,such a course would emphasize the central position of ,marduk among the gods1 and accordingly1 we find that the chief gods of ,babylonia are represented by shrines within the sacred precincts of his great temples at ,babylon and ,borsippa4 ,first among these shrines is that of ,marduk's consort1 ,sarpanitum4 ,neither ,hammurabi nor his immediate successor make mention of ,sarpanitum1 and at no time does she appear independently of ,marduk4 ,the glory of ,marduk did not permit of any rival1 and so his consort becomes merely his shadow1--less significant than most of the consorts of the male deities4 ,her name1 signifying the 'silvery bright one1' evidently stands in some connection with the solar character of her consort4 ,popular etymology1 by a play upon the name1 made of ,sarpanitum 7as though ,zer-banit7 the 'offspring-producing' goddess4 ,she had her shrine within the precincts of the great temple ,e-,sagila1 but we are not told of any special honors being paid her1 nor do we find her invoked to any extent in incantations or in votive inscriptions4 ,agumkakrimi1 or ,agum 7as he is also called71 who rules about five centuries after ,hammurabi1 speaks of having recovered the image of ,sarpanitum1 and that of ,marduk1 out of the hands of a mountainous people living to the northwest of ,babylonia1 in the district between the ,bay of ,iskenderun and the ,euphrates4 ,the capture of the statues of the patron gods points to a great humiliation which ,babylon must have encountered4 ,upon receiving a favorable omen from the sun-god1 ,agum undertakes the task of bringing ,marduk and ,sarpanitum back to their seats4 ,their temples1 too1 at ,babylon appear to have suffered damage during the invasion of the city1 and accordingly the statues are placed in the temple of ,shamash pending the restoration of ,e-,sagila4 ,agum dwells at length upon the handsome garments and head-dress1 studded with precious stones1 that he prepared for the god and his consort4 ,in all this description1 one feels that it is ,marduk for whom the honors are intended1 and that ,sarpanitum is of less than secondary importance1--shining merely by the reflected glory of her great liege1 whose presence in ,babylon was essential to a restoration of ,babylon's position4 ,there are reasons for believing1 however1 that ,sarpanitum once enjoyed considerable importance of her own1 that prior to the rise of ,marduk to his supreme position1 a goddess was worshipped in ,babylon1 one of whose special functions it was to protect the progeny while still in the mother's womb4 ,a late king of ,babylon1 the great ,nebuchadnezzar1 appeals to this attribute of the goddess4 ,to her was also attributed the possession of knowledge concealed from men4 ,exactly to what class of deities she belonged1 we are no longer able to say1 but it is certain that at some time1 probably about the time of ,hammurabi1 an amalgamation took place between her and another goddess known as ,erua1#abc--;a name that etymologically suggests the idea of 'begetting4'#abd ,she is represented as dwelling in the temple of ,e-,zida at ,borsippa1 and was originally the consort of ,nabu1 the chief god of this place4#abe ,a late ruler of ,babylon--,shamash-shumukin--calls her the queen of the gods1 and declares himself to have been nominated by her to lord it over men4 ,a factor in this amalgamation of ,erua and ,sarpanitum was the close association brought about in ,babylon between ,marduk and a god whose seat was originally at the ,persian ,gulf--,ea4 ,the cult of this god1 as we shall see1 survived in ,babylonia through all political vicissitudes1 and so did that of some other minor water-deities that belong to this region4 ,among these was ,erua1 whose worship centered in one of the islands in or near the gulf4 ,wisdom and the life-giving principle were two ideas associated in the ,babylonian mind with water4 ,as inferior in power to ,ea1 ,erua appears to have been regarded as the daughter of ,ea1 and such was the sway exercised by ,ea over men's minds1 that even the ,babylonian schoolmen did not venture to place ,marduk over ,ea1 but pictured him as ,ea's son4 ,erua1 however1 was not prominent enough to become ,marduk's mother1 and so she was regarded as his consort4 ,in this capacity she was associated with ,sarpanitum1 and the two were merged into one personality4 ,it rarely happens that all the links in such a process are preserved1 but in this case1 the epithets borne by ,sarpanitum-,erua1 such as 'lady of the deep1' 'mistress of the place where the fish dwell1' 'voice of the deep1' point the way towards the solution of the problem involved in the amalgamation of ,erua and ,sarpanitum4#abf ,nabu4 ,the god ,nabu 7or ,nebo7 enjoys a great popularity in the ,babylonian cult1 but he owes his prestige to the accident that1 as god of ,borsippa1 he was associated with ,marduk4 ,indeed1 his case is a clear instance of the manner in which ,marduk overshadows all his fellows4 ,only as they are brought into some manner of relationship with him do they secure a position in the pantheon during this second period of ,babylonian history4 ,since ,nabu's position in the pantheon1 once established1 incurs but little change1 it will be proper1 in treating of him1 to include the testimony furnished by the historical records of the ,assyrian kings4 ,the most prominent attribute of ,nabu1 at least in the later phases of the ,babylonian religion1 is that of wisdom4 ,he is the wise1 the all-knowing4 ,he embodies in his person all the wisdom of the gods4 ,to him the ,assyrian kings are particularly fond of ascribing1 not merely the understanding that they possess1 but the thought of preserving the wisdom of the past for future ages2 and in doing this the ,assyrians were but guided by examples furnished by the south4 ,wisdom being associated1 in the minds of the ,babylonians1 with the watery deep1 one is tempted to seek an aqueous origin for ,nabu4 ,such a supposition1 although it cannot be positively established1 has much in its favor4 ,it is not necessary1 in order to maintain this proposition1 to remove ,nabu from ,borsippa4 ,the alluvial deposits made by the ,euphrates yearly have already demonstrated that ,babylon lay much nearer at one time to the ,persian ,gulf than it does at present4 ,the original seat of ,ea1 whose worship continued through all times to enjoy great popularity at ,babylon1 was at ,eridu1 which1 we know1 once lay on the ,persian ,gulf1 but does so no longer4 ,the similarity of the epithets bestowed in various texts upon ,ea and ,nabu point most decidedly to a similar starting-point for both2 and since in a syllabary#abg we find the god actually identified with a deity of ,dilmun1--probably one of the islands near ,bahrein1--there are grounds for assuming that a tradition survived among the schoolmen1 which brought ,nabu into some connection with the ,persian ,gulf4 ,sayce#abh has already suggested that ,borsippa may have originally stood on an inlet of the ,persian ,gulf4 ,nabu is inferior to ,ea1 and were it not for the priority of ,marduk1 he would have become in ,babylonian theology1 the son of ,ea4 ,since this distinction#abi is given to ,marduk1 no direct indication of an original relationship to ,ea has survived4 ,but besides being the god of wisdom and intelligence1 ,nabu is a patron of agriculture1 who causes the grain to sprout forth4 ,in religious and historical texts1 he is lauded as the deity who opens up the subterranean sources in order to irrigate the fields4 ,he heaps up the grain in the storehouses1 and on the other hand1 the withdrawal of his favor is followed by famine and distress4 ,jensen#acj would conclude from this that he was originally 7like ,marduk1 therefore7 a solar deity4 ,this1 however1 is hardly justified1 since it is just as reasonable to deduce his role as the producer of fertility from his powers as lord of some body of water4 ,however this may be1 in the case of ,nabu1 there are no grounds for supposing that he represents the combination of two originally distinct deities4 ,a later--chiefly theoretical--amalgamation of ,nabu with a god ,nusku will be discussed in a subsequent chapter4#aca ,hammurabi and his immediate successors1 it is noteworthy1 do not make mention of ,nabu4 ,a sufficient number of inscriptions of this period exists to make it probable that this omission is not accidental4 ,this dynasty was chiefly concerned in firmly establishing the position of ,marduk4 ,other deities could1 indeed1 be tolerated at his side1 provided they were subservient to him2 but ,nabu1 the god of a place so near ,babylon1 might prove a dangerous rival because of this proximity4 ,the city on the west bank of the ,euphrates was probably as old as that on the east1 if not1 indeed1 older4 ,it did not seem consistent with this devotion to ,marduk that ,hammurabi and his successors should also recognize ,nabu4 ,policy dictated that ,nabu should be ignored1 that the attempt must be made to replace his worship1 even in ,borsippa1 by that of ,marduk4 ,viewed in this light1 ,hammurabi's establishment of the ,marduk cult in ,borsippa assumes a peculiar significance4 ,it meant that ,borsippa was to be incorporated as part of ,babylon1 and that ,marduk was henceforth to take the place occupied by ,nabu4 ,in order to emphasize this1 ,hammurabi actually transfers the name of ,nabu's temple in ,borsippa1 ,e-,zida1 to the one erected by him at that place to ,marduk4 ,did he perhaps entirely suppress the worship of ,nabu at ,borsippa8 ,it would almost appear so from ,agum's utter omission of ,nabu4 ,only the statues of ,marduk and ,sarpanitum seem to have been robbed by the ,hani4 ,not a word is said as to ,nabu4 ,either there was no statue at the time at ,borsippa1 or the cult was of such insignificance that the capture of the god was not considered of sufficient moment to occupy the thoughts of the enemy1 as little as it did that of the rulers of ,babylon at the time4 ,in the inscription in which ,hammurabi recounts the building of ,e-,zida in ,borsippa1 there are certain expressions which go to substantiate the proposition that ,nabu is intentionally ignored4#acb ,he calls ,marduk the lord of ,e-,sagila and of ,e-,zida2 he speaks of ,borsippa as the beloved city of ,marduk1 just as though it were ,babylon4 ,taking unto himself the functions of ,nabu1 he even appears to play upon the name1 which signifies 'proclaimer1' and styles himself the nabiu ,anu1 'the proclaimer of ,anu4' ,however this may be1 the attempt to suppress ,nabu did not succeed1--a proof that in early times he had gained popular favor4 ,he had to be readmitted into the ,babylonian pantheon1 though in a subordinate position to ,marduk4 ,he took his place in the theological system as the son of ,marduk1 and on the great festival--the ,new ,year's day--celebrated in honor of the great god of ,babylon1 the son shared some of the honors accorded to the father4 ,in time1 his sanctuary at ,borsippa was again recognized4 ,the former rivalry gave way to a cordial entente4 ,nabu was even granted a chapel in ,e-,sagila at ,babylon1 to which likewise the name of ,e-,zida was given4 ,every ,new ,year's day the son paid a visit to his father1 on which occasion the statue of ,nabu was carried in solemn procession from ,borsippa across the river1 and along the main street of ,babylon leading to the temple of ,marduk2 and in return the father deity accompanied his son part way on the trip back to ,e-,zida4 ,in this way1 due homage was accorded to ,marduk1 and at the same time the close and cordial bonds of union between ,babylon and ,borsippa found satisfactory illustration4 ,e-,sagila and ,e-,zida become1 and remain throughout the duration of the ,babylonian religion1 the central sanctuaries of the land around which the most precious recollections cluster1 as dear to the ,assyrians as to the ,babylonians4 ,the kings of the northern empire vie with their southern cousins in beautifying and enlarging the structures sacred to ,marduk and ,nabu4 ,in view of the explanation offered for the silence maintained by ,hammurabi and his successors regarding ,nabu1 we are justified in including ,nabu in the ,babylonian pantheon of those days4 ,in later times1 among the ,assyrians1 the ,nabu cult1 as already intimated1 grows in popularity4 ,the northern monarchs1 in fact1 seem to give ,nabu the preference over ,marduk4 ,they do not tire of proclaiming him as the source of wisdom4 ,the staff is his symbol1 which is interpreted in a double sense1 as the writer's stylus and as the ruler's sceptre4 ,he becomes1 also1 the bestower of royal power upon his favorites4 ,without his aid1 order cannot be maintained in the land4 ,disobedience to him is punished by the introduction of foreign rule4 ,political policy may have had a share in this preference shown for the minor god of ,babylon4 ,the ,assyrian kings were always anxious to do homage to the gods of ,babylon1 in order to indicate their control over the southern districts4 ,they were particularly proud of their title 'governor of ,bel4'#acc ,on the other hand1 they were careful not to give offence to the chief of the ,assyrian pantheon1--the god ,ashur1--by paying too much honor to ,marduk1 who was in a measure ,ashur's rival4 ,in consequence1 as ,hammurabi and his successors endeavored to ignore ,nabu1 the ,assyrian rulers now turned the tables by manifesting a preference for ,nabu2 and obliged as they were to acknowledge that the intellectual impulses came from the south1 they could accept a southern god of wisdom without encroaching upon the province of ,ashur1 whose claims to homage lay in the prowess he showed in war4 ,marduk was too much like ,ashur to find a place at his side4 ,nabu was a totally different deity1 and in worshipping him who was the son of ,marduk1 the ,assyrian kings felt that they were paying due regard to the feelings of their ,babylonian subjects4 ,the cult of ,nabu thus became widely extended in ,assyria4 ,statues of the god were erected and deposited in shrines built for the purpose1 although the fact was not lost sight of that the real dwelling-place of the god was in ,borsippa4 ,at the end of the ninth century ,b4,c4 this cult seems to have reached its height4 ,we learn of a temple at ,calah1 and of no less than eight statues of the god being erected in the days of ,ramman-nirari ,,iii41 and the terms in which the god is addressed might lead one to believe that an attempt was made to concentrate the cult in ,assyria on him4#acd ,this1 however1 was an impossibility4 ,as long as ,assyria continued to play the role of the subduer of nations1 ,ashur--the god of war par excellence--necessarily retained his position at the head of the ,assyrian pantheon4 ,the popularity of ,nabu1 which continued to the end of the ,assyrian empire1 and gained a fresh impetus in the days of ,ashurbanabal1 who1 as a patron of literature1 invokes ,nabu on thousands of the tablets of his library as 'the opener of ears to understanding1' reacted on his position in the ,babylonian cult4 ,in the new ,babylonian empire1 which continued to so large a degree the traditions of ,assyria1 it is no accident that three of the kings--,nabupolassar1 ,nebuchadnezzar1 and ,nabonnedos--bear names containing the deity as one of the elements4 ,while paying superior devotion to ,marduk1 who once more became the real and not merely the nominal head of the pantheon1 they must have held ,nabu in no small esteem2 and indeed the last-named king was suspected of trying actually to divert the homage of the people away from ,marduk to other gods1 though he did not1 as a matter of course1 go so far as to endeavor to usurp for the son1 the position held by the father4 ,it is probably due to ,assyrian influence that even in ,babylonia1 from the eighth century on1 ,nabu is occasionally mentioned before ,marduk4 ,so ,marduk-baladan ,,ii4 7#gba-gaj7 calls himself the worshipper of ,nabu and ,marduk1 and similarly others4 ,in official letters likewise1 and in astronomical reports1 ,nabu is given precedence to ,marduk1 but this may be due to ,nabu's functions1 as the god of writing and the patron of science4 ,the ,neo-,babylonian kings are not sparing in the epithets they bestow on ,nabu1 though they emphasize more his qualities as holder of the 'sceptre' than as lord of the 'stylus4' ,so ,nebuchadnezzar declares that it is he 'who gives the sceptre of sovereignty to kings to rule over all lands4' ,in this capacity he is 'the upholder of the world1' 'the general overseer1' and his temple is called 'the house of the sceptre of the world4' ,his name signifies simply the 'proclaimer1' or herald1 but we are left in doubt as to what he proclaims1--whether wisdom or sovereignty4 ,sometimes he appears as the 'herald' of the gods4 ,in this role he receives the name of ,papsukal 7i4e41 supreme or sacred messenger71 and it may be that this function was a very old one4 ,but1 again1 as god of fertility he could also be appropriately termed the 'proclaimer4' ,the question must1 accordingly1 be left open as to the precise force of the attribute contained in his name4 ,finally1 an interesting feature connected with ,nabu1 that may be mentioned here1 is that in the name borne by a famous mountain in ,moab1 ,nebo1 where ,moses--himself a 'proclaimer'#ace--;died1 there survives a testimony that the worship of this popular deity extended beyond the ,euphrates and the ,tigris1 to ,semites living considerably to the west4 ,to ,nabu1 as to ,marduk1 a consort was given4 ,her name was ,tashmitum4 ,the name ,tashmitum appears for the first time in the days of ,hammurabi4 ,attention has already been called to the king's ignoring of the god of ,borsippa4 ,while his attempt to suppress the cult of ,nabu was not successful1 he did succeed in causing the old consort of ,nabu to disappear4 ,this consort appears to have been no other than ,erua4 ,it will be recalled that up to very late times the tradition survived that her dwelling-place was ,borsippa4#acf ,this is never said of ,sarpanitum4 ,despite1 therefore1 the amalgamation of ,sarpanitum and ,erua1 the association of the latter with ,nabu's dwelling-place remains impressed upon the memory of the ,babylonian scholars1 at least4 ,nabu's consort having thus been transferred to ,marduk1 a new mate had to be found for the former1 when once his rivalry was no longer to be dreaded1 and his cult again rose to prominence4 ',tashmitum' is an abstract noun in ,assyrian1 signifying 'revelation4' ,as such1 it is bestowed in historical texts upon ,nabu himself1 who is called itu tashimeti1 'god of revelation4' ,nabu is1 above all1 a 'revealing' god1--revealing knowledge1 the art of writing1 and the method of ruling4 ,the appellation is therefore a most appropriate one1 and there seems little reason to question that ,tashmitum was originally nothing but one of the terms by which ,nabu was designated1 just as he was called ,papsukal in his role as 'messenger' of the gods1--the messenger of his father ,marduk and of his grandfather ,ea1 in particular4 ,but ,tashmitum1 being feminine in gender1 as an abstract noun1 seemed appropriate as the designation of a goddess4 ,it would appear1 then1 that ',revelation1' from being so constantly associated with ,nabu1 was personified1 dissociated from him1 as it were1 through the conception of a distinct goddess bearing the name of ',tashmitum4' ,this process of thought1 in giving rise to a new goddess1 may have been1 in part1 a popular one4 ,the translation of a metaphor into reality is a phenomenon that may be observed in almost all religions of antiquity4 ,but the process1 whatever its course in detail may have been1 was not uninfluenced by the theological dogma whereby a god was supposed to have a 'reflection' who was pictured as his consort4 ,through this conception1 as we have already seen1 many a goddess once ruling in her own right1 and enjoying an independent existence1 degenerated into a mere shadow of some male deity1 though1 on the other hand1 it must be borne in mind that these female deities would have disappeared altogether but for the opportunity thus afforded them of becoming 'attachees' to some male deity4 ,this theory of the quasi-artificial character and origin of ,tashmit finds support in the manner in which the mention of her name is entwined with that of ,nabu4 ,sarpanitum1 bound up as the goddess is with ,marduk1 has at least a shrine of her own1 and occasionally she is spoken of in the texts without her husband ,marduk4#acg ,the mention of ,tashmitum1 however1 invariably follows that of ,nabu4 ,it is always ',nabu and ,tashmitum1' and it is never ,tashmitum without ,nabu4 ,while the creation of ,tashmitum may be a product of ,babylonian religious thought1 it is in ,assyrian texts that her name is chiefly found4 ,the great ,ashurbanabal1 in the conventional subscript attached to his tablet1 is particularly fond of coupling ,tashmitum with ,nabu1 as the two deities who opened his ears to understanding and prompted him to gather in his palace the literary treasures produced by the culture that flourished in the south4 ,tashmit has no shrine or temple1 so far as known1 either in ,borsippa or in any of the places whither the ,nabu cult spread4 ,she has no attributes other than those that belong to ,nabu1 and1 what is very remarkable1 the later ,babylonian kings1 such as ,nebuchadnezzar ,,ii41 when they deem it proper to attach a consort to ,nabu call her ,nana1#ach i4e41 simply the lady1 and not ,tashmitum1 a proof1 how little hold the name had taken upon the ,babylonian populace4 ,if to this it be added1 that in by far the greater number of instances1 no reference whatsoever to a consort is made when ,nabu is spoken of1 an additional reason is found for the unreal1 the shadowy character of this goddess4 ,ea4 ,in treating of the position occupied by ,ea in the oldest period of ,babylonian history 7see above1 pp4 #fa-fd71 it has already been mentioned that he grows to much larger proportions under the influence of a more fully developed theological system4 ,indeed1 there is no god who shows such profound traces of having been submitted to a theological treatment1 and indirectly1 therefore1 furnishes so distinct a proof of the existence of theological schools in the ancient centers of ,babylonian culture1 as ,ea4 ,the question may with propriety be here discussed1 to what period we are to attribute the completion of the process1 which1 to summarize his position1 made ,ea the special god of humanity1 the father of ,marduk1 the third in a great triad1 of which the other two members were ,anu1 the god of heaven1 and ,bel1 the god of earth4 ,already1 in the days preceding the union of the ,babylonian states under one head1 we have had occasion to see traces of an attempt to systematize the relations existing between the gods4 ,a high degree of culture1 such as the existence of a perfected form of writing1 an advanced form of architecture1 and commercial enterprise reflect1 cannot be dissociated from a high degree of activity in the domain of philosophic or religious thought4 ,accordingly1 we are in no danger of attributing too great an antiquity to the beginnings of theological speculation in ,babylonia4 ,be it remembered that from the earliest to the latest days1 the priests were the scribes and that in their capacity as writers of the texts1 they would be enjoying the advantages of an intellectual impulse4 ,but they were also the composers of the texts1 as well as the writers1 and the prominence given to the gods in texts of whatever description1 would inevitably lead their thoughts to speculations regarding the attributes of the gods4 ,the attempt would at an early period be made to find some unifying principles in the tangled mass of gods4 ,by the time that ,hammurabi appears on the scene1 we have every reason to believe that some of the ancient libraries of the south1 whither ,ashurbanabal sent his scribes1 were already well stocked1 and that a goodly portion of the ,babylonian literature known to us already existed4 ,what these portions were1 we will have occasion to point out when we come to discuss the literature of ,babylonia4 ,on the other hand1 this literature would not only necessarily increase as long as any degree of intellectual activity existed in the country1 but this activity would also manifest itself in transforming this literature1 so as to adapt it to the thoughts and aspirations of a later age4 ,especially would this be the case in the purely religious divisions of literature4 ,the ancient traditions1 legends1 and myths1 once committed to writing1 would serve as a point of departure for further speculations4 ,the existence of a text to which any measure of value is attached1 is bound to give rise to various attempts at interpretation1 and if this value be connected with the religion of a people1 the result is1 invariably1 that the ancient words are invested with a meaning conformable to a later age4 ,each generation among a people characterized by intellectual activity has a signature of its own1 and it will seek to give to the religious thoughts of the time its own particular impress4 ,since1 however1 the material upon which any age works is not of its own making1 but is furnished by a preceding one1 it follows that much of the intellectual activity of an age manifests itself in a transformation of its literary or speculative heritage4 ,this process was constantly going on in ,babylonia1 and had we more material--and older material--at our disposal1 we would be able to trace more clearly than we can at present1 the various stages that led to the system of theology1 as embodied in the best productions of the ancient ,babylonian schoolmen4 ,the days of ,hammurabi1 as they were politically of great importance1 also appear to have ushered in a new era in the religious life of the people4 ,stirring political events are always apt to bring in their wake intellectual movements1 and in a country like ,babylonia1 where politics react so forcibly on religious conditions1 the permanent establishment of the supremacy of the city of ,babylon would be fraught with important consequences for the cult4 ,the main change brought about by this new epoch of ,babylonian history was1 as we have seen1 the superior position henceforth accorded in the pantheon to ,marduk as the patron deity of ,babylon2 but this change entailed so many others1 that it almost merits being termed a revolution4 ,in order to ensure ,marduk's place1 the relations of the other deities to him had to be regulated1 the legends and traditions of the past reshaped1 so as to be brought into consistent accord with the new order of things1 and the cult likewise to be1 at least in part1 remodelled1 so as to emphasize the supremacy of ,marduk4 ,this work1 which was an inevitable one1 was primarily of an intellectual order4 ,we are justified1 then1 in looking for traces of this activity in the remains that have been recovered of ancient ,babylonian literature4 ,we know from direct evidence that the commercial life of ,babylonia had already1 in the period preceding ,hammurabi1 led to regulated legal forms and practices for the purpose of carrying out obligations and of settling commercial and legal difficulties4 ,the proof has been furnished by ,dr4 ,meissner#aci that syllabaries prepared for the better understanding of the formulas and words employed in preparing the legal and commercial tablets1 date1 in part1 from the period which we may roughly designate as that of ,hammurabi1--covering1 say1 the three centuries #bcjj to #bjjj ,b4,c4 ,with this evidence for the existence of pedagogues devoted to the training of novices in the art of reading and writing1 in order to fit them for their future tasks as official scribes1 we are safe in assuming that these same schoolmen were no less active in other fields of literature4 ,if1 in addition to this1 we find that much of the religious literature1 in the shape that we have it1 reflects the religious conditions such as they must have shaped themselves in consequence of the promotion of ,marduk to the head of the pantheon1 the conclusion is forced upon us that such literary productions date from this same epoch of ,hammurabi4 ,this influence of the schoolmen while centering1 as repeatedly pointed out1 around the position of ,marduk1 manifests itself in a pronounced fashion1 also1 in the changed position henceforth accorded to the god ,ea4 ,it will be recalled that in the earliest period of ,babylonian history1 ,ea does not figure prominently4 ,at the same time we must beware of laying too much stress upon the negative testimony of the historical texts4 ,besides the still limited material of this character at our disposal1 the non-mention of a deity may be due to a variety of circumstances1 that may properly be designated as accidental4 ,the gods to whom the kings of the ancient ,babylonian states would be apt to appeal would be1 in the first instance1 the local deities1 patrons of the city that happened to be the capital of the state2 in the second instance1 the gods of the vanquished towns2 and thirdly1 some of the great deities worshipped at the sacred centers of the ,euphrates valley1 and who constituted1 as it were1 the common heritage of the past4 ,ea1 as the god of the ,persian gulf1 the region which forms the starting-point of ,babylonian culture1 and around which some of the oldest and most precious recollections center1 would come within the radius of the third instance1 since1 in the period we have in mind1 ,eridu no longer enjoyed any political importance4 ,we may be sure1 then1 despite the silence of the texts1 that ,ea was always held in great esteem1 and that even the absence of temples in his honor1 did not affect the reverence and awe that he inspired4 ,as for the epoch of ,hammurabi1 the historical spirit that is never absent in a truly intellectual age would be certain to restore ,ea to his proper prestige1 assuming that a previous age had permitted him to fall into neglect4 ,next to ,marduk1 there is no deity who is given such distinction in ,babylonia1 after the union of the ,babylonian states1 as ,ea4 ,in the religious literature1 moreover1 as reshaped by the schoolmen of the time1 his role is even more prominent than that of ,marduk4 ,as a water-god1 and more particularly as the god to whom the largest body of water known to the ,babylonians was sacred1 ,ea was regarded as the source and giver of wisdom4 ,fountains everywhere were sacred to him2 and so he becomes also the giver of fertility and plenty4 ,berosus tells us of a mystic being1 half man1 half fish1 who spent his nights in the waters of the gulf1 but who would come out of the waters during the day to give instruction to the people1 until that time steeped in ignorance and barbarism4 ,this ',oannes1' as ,berosus is said#adj to have called him1 was none other than ,ea4 ,as the great benefactor of mankind1 it is natural that ,ea should have come to be viewed as the god whose special function it is to protect the human race1 to advance it in all its good undertakings1 to protect it against the evil designs of gods or demons4 ,in this role1 he appears in the religious literature--in the epics1 the cosmogony1 and the ritual--of ,babylonia4 ,there is no god conceived in so universal a manner as ,ea4 ,all local connection with ,eridu disappears4 ,he belongs to no particular district4 ,his worship is not limited to any particular spot4 ,all of ,babylonia lays claim to him4 ,the ethical import of such a conception is manifestly great1 and traces of it are to be found in the religious productions4 ,it impressed upon the ,babylonians the common bond uniting all mankind4 ,the cult of ,ea must have engendered humane feelings1 softening the rivalry existing among the ancient centers of ,babylonian power1 and leading the people a considerable distance1 on the road to the conception of a common humanity4 ,when the gods decide to destroy mankind1 it is ,ea who intercedes on behalf of humanity2 when the demon of disease has entered a human body1 it is to ,ea that1 in the last resort1 the appeal is made to free the sufferer from his pain4 ,ea is the god of the physicians4 ,nay1 more1 it is ,ea who presided at the birth of humanity1 so that his protection reaches far back1 beyond even the beginnings of civilization1 almost to the beginning of things4 ,lastly1 as the god of civilization1 it is to him that the great works of art are ascribed4 ,he is the god of the smithy1 the patron of the gold and silversmiths1 of workers in lapis-lazuli1 and all kinds of precious stones4 ,he is the god of sculpture4 ,the great bulls and lions that guarded the approaches to the temple and palace chambers1 as well as the statues of the gods and kings1 were the work of his hands4 ,furthermore1 he is the patron of weavers1 as of other arts4 ,this conception may have been perfected in a general way1 and in all probability was perfected before the days of ,hammurabi1 though perhaps not prominently brought forward2 but important modifications were introduced into it1 through the compromise that had to be arranged between the position of ,ea and that of ,marduk4 ,of course1 neither the rulers nor the priests of ,babylon could have permitted the reverence for ,ea to have gone to the length of throwing ,marduk into the shade4 ,many of the functions assigned to ,ea seemed to belong of right to ,marduk1 who1 as the patron of ,babylon1 presided over the destinies of what to the ,babylonians was the essential part of mankind1--namely1 themselves4 ,moreover1 ,babylon being the seat of culture as well as of power1 in the period following upon ,hammurabi1 ,marduk was necessarily conceived as possessing the same wisdom that distinguishes ,ea4 ,as a consequence1 the attributes of ,ea were transferred in a body to ,marduk4 ,an amalgamation of the two1 however1 such as took place in the case of other deities1 was neither possible1 nor1 indeed1 desirable4 ,it was not possible1 because of the antiquity of the ,ea cult and the peculiar position that he1 as a common heirloom of all ,babylonia1 occupied2 nor was it desirable1 for to do so would be to cut off completely the bond uniting ,babylon to its own past and to the rest of ,babylonia4 ,the solution of the problem was found in making ,ea1 the father of ,marduk--the loving and proud father who willingly transfers all his powers and qualities to his son1 who rejoices in the triumph of his offspring1 and who suffers no pangs of jealousy when beholding the superior honors shown to ,marduk1 both by the gods and by men4 ,ea and ,marduk4 ,the combination of the two gods is particularly frequent in the so-called incantation texts4 ,marduk becomes the mediator between ,ea and mankind4 ,the man smitten with disease1 or otherwise in trouble1 appeals to ,marduk for help1 who promptly brings the petition to his father ,ea4 ,the latter1 after modestly declaring that there is nothing that he knows which his son ,marduk does not know1 gives ,marduk the necessary instructions1 which in turn are conveyed to the one crying for divine succor4 ,it is clear that these texts have been reshaped with the intention of adding to the glory of ,marduk4 ,they must1 therefore1 have been remodelled at a time when the ,marduk cult was in the ascendancy4 ,this was after the days of ,hammurabi1 and before the subjugation of ,babylonia to ,assyrian rule4 ,the limits thus assigned are1 to be sure1 broad1 but from what has above been said as to the intellectual activity reigning in the days of ,hammurabi1 we need not descend far below the death of the great conqueror to find the starting-point for the remodelling of the texts in question4 ,not all of them1 of course1 were so reshaped4 ,there are quite a number in which ,ea is alone and directly appealed to1 and these form a welcome confirmation of the supposition that those in which ,ea is joined to ,marduk have been reshaped with a desire to make them conform to the position of ,marduk in the ,babylonian pantheon4 ,again1 there are incantations in which the name of ,marduk appears without ,ea4 ,such are either productions of a later period1 of the time when ,marduk had already assumed his superior position1 or what is also possible1 though less probable1 old compositions in which the name of ,ea has been simply replaced by that of ,marduk4 ,an especially interesting example of the manner in which ancient productions have been worked over by the ,babylonian theologians1 with a view to bringing their favorite ,marduk into greater prominence1 appears in one of the episodes of the ,babylonian cosmogony4 ,prior to the creation of man a great monster known as ,tiamat had to be subdued4 ,the gods all shrink in terror before her4 ,only one succeeds in conquering her4 ,in the form of the story1 as we have it1 this hero is ,marduk1 but it is quite evident#ada that the honor originally belonged to an entirely different god1 one who is much older1 and who stands much higher than the god of ,babylon4 ,this was ,bel1--the old god of ,nippur who was conceived as the god of earth par excellence1 and to whom therefore the task of preparing the earth for the habitation of mankind properly belonged4 ,how do the ,babylonian theologians1 who stand under the influence of the political conditions prevailing in ,babylonia after the union of the ,babylonian states1 reconcile this older and true form of the episode with the form in which they have recast it8 ,the gods who are called the progenitors of ,marduk are represented as rejoicing upon seeing ,marduk equipped for the fray4 ,in chorus they greet and bless him1 ,marduk be king4 ,they present him with additional weapons1 and encourage him for the contest4 ,upon hearing of his success the gods vie with one another in conferring honors upon ,marduk4 ,they bestow all manner of glorious epithets upon him2 and1 to cap the climax1 the old ,bel1 known as 'father ,bel1' steps forward and transfers to him his name1 bel matati1#adb 'lord of lands4' ,to bestow the name was equivalent to transferring ,bel's powers to ,marduk2 and so ,marduk is henceforth known as ,bel4 ,but ,ea must be introduced into the episode4 ,it is not sufficient that ,bel1 the original subduer of ,tiamat1 should pay homage to ,marduk2 ,ea also greets his son1 and bestows his name upon him1#adc--that is1 transfers his powers to his son4 ,there is a special reason for this4 ,the overthrow of ,tiamat is followed by the creation of man4 ,this function properly belongs to ,bel1 both as the god of earth and as the subduer of ,tiamat4 ,according to one--and probably the oldest--version of this part of the ,babylonian cosmogony which was embodied in the work of ,berosus#add1 it is ,bel who creates mankind4 ,the substitution of ,marduk for ,bel necessitated the transference of the role of creator to ,marduk likewise1 and yet the latter could not take this upon himself without the consent of his father ,ea1 who had become the god of humanity par excellence4 ,ea could interpose no objection against ,bel being replaced by ,marduk in vanquishing the monster1 but when it came to drawing the conclusion and replacing ,bel by ,marduk also in the creation of man1 the case was different4 ,if ,bel was to be replaced1 ,ea had a prior claim4 ,marduk could only take the new functions upon himself after receiving the powers of ,ea4 ,that is the force of ,ea's saying that ,marduk's name also shall be ,ea just as his4 ,this transference of the name of ,ea to ,marduk is in itself an indication that there must have existed a second version in ,babylonia--probably of later origin than the other--of the creation of man1 according to which ,ea1 and not ,bel1 was the creator4 ,we shall have occasion to see1 in a future chapter1 that there were at least two different versions current in ,babylonia of the creation of the gods and of the universe4 ,the opening chapters in ,genesis form an interesting parallel to show the manner in which two different versions of one and the same subject may be combined4 ,there is1 therefore1 nothing improbable in the supposition that a later version1 reflecting a period when ,bel had sunk into comparative insignificance1 made ,ea the creator of mankind instead of ,bel1 and that still later a solution of the apparent inconsistency involved in transferring only part of ,bel's powers to ,marduk was found by securing ,ea's consent to the acknowledgment of ,marduk not merely as creator of mankind but of the heavenly vault as well4 ,jensen#ade has brought other evidence to show that ,ea was once regarded as the creator of mankind4 ,one of his titles is that of 'potter1' and mankind1 according to ,babylonian theories1 was formed of 'clay4' ,moreover1 in a ,babylonian myth that will be set forth in its proper place1 ,ea expressly figures in the role of creating a mysterious being1 ,uddushu-na-mir1 whose name signifies 'his light shines4' ,such a proper name1 too1 as ,ea-bani1 i4e41 ',ea creates1' points in the same direction4 ,in other literary productions of ,babylonia1 such as1 e4g41 the so-called ,izdubar epic1 ,ea again appears without ,marduk1 showing that this story has not been remodeled1 or that the later version1 in which the traces of a recasting may have been seen1 has not been discovered4 ,in the deluge story1 which forms part of the ,izdubar epic1 ,ea alone is the hero4 ,it is he who saves humanity from complete annihilation1 and who pacifies the angered ,bel4 ,marduk's name does not appear in the entire epic4 ,we have found it necessary to dwell thus at length upon these evidences of the recasting of the literary products of ancient ,babylonia under the influence of changed conceptions of the gods and of their relations to one another1 for upon the understanding of these changes1 our appreciation of the development of religious beliefs in ,babylonia1 and all connected with these beliefs1 hinges4 ,the epoch of ,hammurabi was a crucial one for ,babylonia from a religious as well as from a political point of view4 ,damkina4 ,the consort of ,ea figures occasionally in the historical texts of ,hammurabi's successors4 ,agumkakrimi invokes ,ea and ,damkina1 asking these gods1 who 'dwell in the great ocean' surrounding the earth1 to grant him long life4 ,in addition to this1 the antiquity of the literary productions in which her name appears justifies us in reckoning her among the gods of ,babylonia of ,hammurabi's time4 ,her name signifies 'lady of the earth1' and there is evidently a theoretical substratum to this association of ,ea1 the water-god1 with an earth-goddess4 ,the one forms the complement to the other2 and ,marduk1 as the son of water and earth1 takes his place in the theory as the creator of the world4 ,in this form the 'natural philosophy' of ,babylonia survived to a late period4 ,nicolas of ,damascus still knows 7probably through ,berosus7 that ,ea and ,damkina#adf had a son ,bel 7i4e41 ,marduk74 ,the survival of the name is a proof that1 despite the silence of the historical texts1 she was a prominent personage in ,babylonian mythology1 even though she did not figure largely in the cult4 ,she appears in the magical texts quite frequently at the side of ,ea4 ,in a hymn#adg where a description occurs of the boat containing ,ea1 ,damkina his wife1 and ,marduk their son1 together with the ferryman and some other personages sailing across the ocean1 we may see traces of the process of symbolization to which the old figures of mythology were subjected4 ,shamash4 ,passing on1 we find ,hammurabi as strongly attached to the worship of the old sun-god as any of his predecessors4 ,next to ,babylon1 he was much concerned with making improvements in ,sippar4 ,the ,temple of ,shamash at ,larsa also was improved and enlarged by him4 ,hammurabi's example is followed by his successors4 ,agumkakrimi invokes ,shamash as 'warrior of heaven and earth'2 and it is likely that the precedent furnished by these two kings1 who considered it consistent with devotion to ,marduk to single out the places sacred to ,shamash for special consideration1 had much to do in maintaining the popularity of sun-worship in ,babylonia and ,assyria4 ,kara-indash1 of the ,cassite dynasty 7c4 #adej ,b4,c471 restores the temple of ,shamash at ,larsa1 and ,mili-shikhu1 two centuries later1 assigns to ,shamash the second place in his pantheon1 naming him before ,marduk4 ,foreign rulers were naturally not so deeply attached to ,marduk as were the natives of ,babylon4 ,in the ,assyrian pantheon ,shamash occupies the third place1 following immediately upon the two special deities of ,assyria4 ,one of the greatest of the northern kings erects a temple in honor of the god1 and the later ,babylonian kings vie with one another in doing honor to the two oldest sanctuaries of ,shamash1 at ,sippar and ,larsa4 ,perhaps the pristine affinity between ,marduk1 who1 as we saw1 was originally a sun-deity1 and ,shamash1 also had a share in ,hammurabi's fondness for coupling these two gods4 ,when describing his operations at ,sippar he speaks of himself as 'doing good to the flesh of ,shamash and ,marduk4' ,hammurabi felt himself to be honoring ,marduk1 through paying homage to a deity having affinity with the patron protector of ,babylon4 ,innanna4 ,we have already come across a deity of this name in a previous chapter4#adh ,hammurabi tells us1 in one of his inscriptions1 that he has restored the temple in honor of ,innanna at ,hallabi--a town near ,sippar4#adi ,innanna1 or ,ninni1 signifying merely 'lady1' or 'great lady1' appears to have become a very general name for a goddess1 hence the addition 'of ,hallabi1' which ,hammurabi is careful to make4 ,at the same time the designation 'lady of ,hallabi' points to her being a consort of a male deity who was the patron of the place4 ,may this have been the moon-god again1 as in the case of the other ,innanna8 ,our knowledge of this goddess is confined to what the king tells us about her4 ,for him she is the mistress whose glory fills heaven and earth1 but when he adds that she has placed in his hands the reins of government1 this only means that the goddess recognizes his right to supreme authority over the ,babylonian states--not that he owes his power to her4 ,it is after he has succeeded in making ,babylon the capital of a great kingdom that he proceeds to improve the temple of ,innanna4 ,bel and the ,triad of ,babylonian ,theology4 ,among the literary remains of ,hammurabi's days we have a hymn in which the chief gods worshipped by the king are enumerated in succession4 ,the list begins with ,bel1 and then mentions ,sin1 ,ninib1 ,ishtar1 ,shamash1 and ,ramman4 ,we should expect to find at the head of the list ,marduk4 ,the hymn may be older than ,hammurabi1 who1 perhaps1 is quoting or copying it1 and since the ,bel who is here at the head of the pantheon is the god of ,nippur1 the hymn may originally have belonged to the ritual of that place4 ,for ,hammurabi the highest ',bel1' or lord1 is ,marduk1 and there is hardly room for doubt that in using this hymn as a means of passing on to singing his own praises1 with which the inscription in question ends1 ,hammurabi has in mind the patron god of ,babylon when speaking of ,bel4#aej ,it is this amalgamation of the old ,bel with ,marduk that marks1 as we have seen1 the transition to the use of ,bel's name as a mere title of ,marduk4 ,elsewhere1 however1 ,hammurabi uses ,bel to designate the old god4 ,so when he calls himself the proclaimer of ,anu and ,bel#aea the association with ,anu makes it impossible that ,marduk should be meant4 ,at times he appears to refer in the same inscription1 now to the old ,bel and again to ,bel-,marduk1 under the same designation4 ,when ,kurigalzu1 a member of the ,cassite dynasty 7c4 #adjj ,b4,c471 speaks of ',bel1 the lord of lands1' to whom he erects a temple in the new city1 ,dur-,kurigalzu-- some forty miles to the northeast of ,babylon--it is the old ,bel who is again meant4 ,while acknowledging ,marduk as one of the chief gods1 these foreign rulers in ,babylonia--the ,cassites--did not feel the same attachment to him as ,hammurabi did4 ,they gave the preference to the old god of ,nippur1 and1 indeed1 succeeded in their attempt to give to the old city of ,nippur some of its pristine glory4 ,they devoted themselves assiduously to the care of the great temple at ,nippur4 ,there are some indications of an attempt made by them to make ,nippur the capital of their empire4 ,in the case of ,hammurabi's immediate successor1 as has been pointed out1 the equation ,bel-,marduk is distinctly set down1 but1 for all that1 the double employment of the name continues even through the period of the ,assyrian supremacy over ,babylonia4 ,the northern rulers now use ,bel to designate the more ancient god1 and1 again1 merely as a designation of ,marduk4 ,tiglathpileser ,i4 7see note #a1 below7 expressly adds 'the older' when speaking of ,bel4 ,when ,sargon refers to ,bel1 'the lord of lands1 who dwells on the sacred mountain of the gods1' or when ,tiglathpileser ,i4 calls ,bel 'the father of the gods1' 'the king of the group of spirits' known as the ,anunaki1 it is of course only the old ,bel1 the lord of the lower region1 or of the earth1 who can be meant2 but when1 as is much more frequently the case1 the kings of ,assyria1 down to the fall of the empire1 associate ,bel with ,nabu1 speak of ,bel and the gods of ,akkad 7i4e41 ,babylonia71 and use ,bel1 moreover1 to designate ,babylonia1#aeb it is equally clear that ,marduk is meant4 ,in the ,neo-,babylonian empire ,marduk alone is used4 ,the continued existence of a god ,bel in the ,babylonian pantheon1 despite the amalgamation of ,bel with ,marduk1 is a phenomenon that calls for some comment4 ,the explanation is to be found in the influence of the theological system that must have been developed in part1 at least1 even before the union of the ,babylonian states4#aec ,bel1 as the god of earth1 was associated with ,anu1 as the god of heaven1 and ,ea1 as the god of the deep1 to form a triad that embraced the entire universe4 ,when1 therefore1 ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea were invoked1 it was equivalent to naming all the powers that influenced the fate of man4 ,they embraced1 as it were1 the three kingdoms of the gods1 within which all the other gods could be comprised4 ,the systematization involved in the assumption of a triad of gods controlling the entire pantheon can hardly be supposed to have been a popular process4 ,it betokens an amount of thought and speculation1 a comprehensive view of the powers of nature1 that could only have arisen in minds superior to the average intelligence4 ,in other words1 the conception of the triad ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea is again an evidence of the existence of schoolmen and of schools of religious thought in the days of the ancient empire4 ,so far1 however1 as ,hammurabi is concerned1 he only refers to a duality--,anu and ,bel--which1 for him1 comprises all the other gods4 ,he is the 'proclaimer of ,anu and ,bel4' ,it is ,anu and ,bel who give him sovereignty over the land4 ,in the texts of the second period the triad does not occur until we come to the reign of a king1 ,mili-shikhu1 who lives at least eight centuries after ,hammurabi4 ,ea1 in fact1 does not occur at all in those inscriptions of the king that have as yet been discovered4 ,if any conclusion is to be drawn from this omission1 it is certainly this1--that there are several stages in the development of the ancient theological system of ,babylonia4 ,at first a duality of kingdoms--the kingdom of what is above and below--was conceived as comprising all the personified powers of nature1 but this duality was replaced by a triad through the addition of the god who stands at the head of all water-deities4 ,of course the assumption of a duality instead of a triad may have been due to a difference among existing schools of thought4 ,at all events1 there seems to be no political reason for the addition of ,ea1 and it is difficult to say1 therefore1 how soon the conception of a triad standing at the head of the pantheon arose4 ,we have found it in ,gudea's days1 and it must1 therefore1 have existed in the days of ,hammurabi1 without1 perhaps1 being regarded as an essential dogma as yet4 ,a direct and natural consequence of ,bel's position in the triad was that1 by the side of ,bel-,marduk1 the older ,bel continued to be invoked in historical inscriptions4 ,since ,anu and ,ea were appealed to by themselves1 the former occasionally1 the latter more frequently1 there was no reason why a ruler should not at times be prompted to introduce an invocation to ,bel1 without the direct association with ,anu and ,ea4 ,the confusion that thus ensues between the two ,bels was not of serious moment1 since from the context one could without difficulty determine which of the two was meant2 and what we1 with our limited knowledge of ancient ,babylonia1 are able to do1 must have been an easy task for the ,babylonians themselves4#aed ,it is tempting to suppose that the first command of the ,decalogue 7,exodus1 xx7 contains an implied reference to the ,babylonian triad4 ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea4 ,the theory of the triad succeeds in maintaining its hold upon ,babylonian minds from a certain period on1 through all political and intellectual vicissitudes4 ,to invoke ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea becomes a standing formula that the rulers of ,babylonia as well as of ,assyria are fond of employing4 ,these three are the great gods par excellence4 ,they occupy a place of their own4 ,the kings do not feel as close to them as to ,marduk1 or to ,ashur1 or even to the sun-god1 or to the moon-god4 ,the invocation of the triad partakes more of a formal character1 as though in giving to these three gods the first place1 the writers felt that they were following an ancient precedent that had more of a theoretical than a practical value for their days4 ,so among ,assyrian rulers1 ,ashur-rish-ishi 7c4 #aaej ,b4,c47 derives his right to the throne from the authority with which he is invested by the triad4 ,again1 in the formal curses which the kings called down upon the destroyers of the inscriptions or statues that they set up1 the appeal to ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea is made4 ,ashurnasirbal calls upon the triad not to listen to the prayers of such as deface his monuments4 ,sargon has an interesting statement in one of his inscriptions1 according to which the names of the months were fixed by ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea4 ,this 'archaeological' theory illustrates very well the extraneous position occupied by the triad4 ,the months1 as we shall see1 are sacred1 each to a different god4 ,the gods thus distinguished are the ones that are directly concerned in the fortunes of the state1--,sin1 ,ashur1 ,ishtar1 and the like4 ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea are not in the list1 and the tradition1 or rather the dogma according to which they assign the names is evidently an attempt to make good this omission by placing them1 as it were1 beyond the reach of the calendar4 ,in short1 so far as the historical texts are concerned which reflect the popular beliefs1 the triad represents a theological doctrine rather than a living force4 ,in combination1 ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea did not mean as much1 nor the same thing1 to a ,babylonian or an ,assyrian1 as when he said ,marduk1 or ,nabu1 or ,ashur1 or ,sin1 as the case might be4 ,it was different when addressing these gods individually1 as was occasionally done4 ,the ,assyrians were rather fond of introducing ,anu by himself in their prayers1 and the ,babylonians were prompted to a frequent mention of ,ea by virtue of his relationship to ,marduk1 but when this was done ,anu and ,ea meant something different than when mentioned in one breath along with ,bel4 ,belit4 ,one might have supposed that when ,bel became ,marduk1 the consort of ,bel would also become ,marduk's consort4 ,such1 however1 does not appear to be the case1 at least so far as the epoch of ,hammurabi is concerned4 ,when he calls himself 'the beloved shepherd of ,belit1' it is the wife of the old ,bel that is meant1 and so when ,agumkakrimi mentions ,bel and ,belit together1 as the gods that decree his fate on earth1 there is no doubt as to what ,belit is meant4 ,in later days1 however1 and in ,assyria more particularly1 there seems to be a tendency towards generalizing the name 7much as that of ,bel7 to the extent of applying it in the sense of 'mistress' to the consort of the chief god of the pantheon2 and that happening to be ,ashur in ,assyria accounts for the fact1 which might otherwise appear strange1 that ,tiglathpileser ,i4 7c4 #aadj ,b4,c47 calls ,belit the 'lofty consort and beloved of ,ashur4' ,ashurbanabal 7#ffh-fbf ,b4,c47 does the same1 and even goes further and declares himself to be the offspring of ,ashur and ,belit4 ,on the other hand1 in the interval between these two kings we find ,shalmaneser ,,ii4 7#hfj-hbe ,b4,c47 calling ,belit 'the mother of the great gods' and 'the wife of ,bel1' making it evident that the old ,belit of the south is meant1 and since ,ashurbanabal on one occasion also calls the goddess 'the beloved of ,bel1'#aee it follows that in his days two ,belits were still recognized1 or perhaps it would be more accurate to say two uses of the term1--one specifically for the consort of the ,babylonian ,bel1 the god of the earth1 with his ancient seat at ,nippur2 the other of a more general character1 though still limited as 'lady' to the consort of the chief gods1 just as ',bel1' while acquiring the general sense of 'lord1' was restricted in actual usage to the greatest 'lords' only4 ,an indication of this distinction1 somewhat parallel to the addition of ,dagan to ,bel1 to indicate that the old ,bel was meant1#aef appears in the sobriquet 'of ,babylonia1'#aeg which ,ashurbanabal gives to the goddess in one place where the old ,belit is meant4 ,under the influence of this ,assyrian extension of the term1 ,nabopolassar1 in the ,neo-,babylonian period1 applies the title to the consort of ,shamash at ,sippar1 but he is careful to specify ',belit of ,sippar1' in order to avoid misunderstanding4 ,besides being applied to the consorts of ,ashur and of ,shamash1 ',belit1' in the general sense of 'mistress1' is applied only to another goddess1 the great ,ishtar of the ,assyrian pantheon--generally1 however1 as a title1 not as a name of the goddess4 ,the important position she occupied in the ,assyrian pantheon seemed to justify this further modification and extension in the use of the term4 ,occasionally1 ,ishtar is directly and expressly called ',belit4' ,so1 ,ashurbanabal speaks of a temple that he has founded in ,calah to ',belit mati1'#aeh 'the ,belit 7or lady7 of the land1' where the context speaks in favor of identifying ,belit with the great goddess ,ishtar4 ,again ,ashurbanabal1 in a dedicatory inscription giving an account of improvements made in the temple of ,ishtar1 addresses the goddess as ,belit 'lady of lands1 dwelling in ,e-mash-mash4'#aei ,anu and ,anatum4 ,in the second period of ,babylonian history the worship of the supreme god of heaven becomes even more closely bound up with ,anu's position as the first member of the inseparable triad than was the case in the first period4 ,for ,hammurabi1 as has been noted1 ,anu is only a half-real figure who in association with ,bel is represented as giving his endorsement to the king's authority4#afj ,the manner in which ,agumkakrimi introduces ,anu is no less characteristic for the age of ,hammurabi and his successors4 ,at the beginning of his long inscription1#afa he enumerates the chief gods under whose protection he places himself4 ,as a ,cassitic ruler1 he assigns the first place to the chief ,cassite deity1 ,shukamuna1 a god of war whom the ,babylonian scholars identified with their own ,nergal4#afb ,shukamuna is followed by the triad ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea4 ,marduk occupies a fifth place1 after which comes a second triad1 ,sin1 ,shamash the mighty hero1 and ,ishtar#afc the strong one among the gods4 ,the inscription is devoted to the king's successful capture of the statues of ,marduk and ,sarpanitum out of the hands of the ,khani1 and the restoration of the shrines of these deities at ,babylon4 ,at the close1 the king ,agumkakrimi appeals to ,anu and his consort ,anatum1#afd who are asked to bless the king in heaven1 to ,bel and ,belit who are asked to fix his fate on earth1 and to ,ea and ,damkina1 inhabiting the deep1#afe who are to grant him long life4 ,as in the beginning of the inscription1 the thought of the triad--,anu1 ,bel1 ,ea--evidently underlies this interesting invocation1 but at the same time the association of a consort with ,anu brings the god into closer relationship with his fellows4 ,he takes on--if the contradiction in terms be permitted--a more human shape4 ,his consort bears a name that is simply the feminine form to ,anu1 just as ,belit is the feminine to ,bel4 ',anu1' signifying 'the one on high1'--a feminine to it was formed1 manifestly under the influence of the notion that every god must have a consort of some kind4 ,after ,agumkakrimi no further mention of ,anatum occurs1 neither in the inscriptions of ,babylonian nor of ,assyrian rulers4 ,we are permitted to conclude1 therefore1 that ,anatum was a product of the schools1 and one that never took a strong hold on the popular mind4 ,among the ,assyrian kings who in other respects also show less dependence upon the doctrines evolved in the ,babylonian schools1 and whose inscriptions reflect to a greater degree the purely popular phases of the faith1 we find ,anu mentioned with tolerable frequency1 and in a manner that betrays less emphasis upon the position of the god as a member of the triad4 ,still1 it is rather curious that he does not appear even in the inscriptions of the ,assyrian kings by himself1 but in association with another god4 ,thus ,tiglathpileser ,i4 7c4 #aacj ,b4,c47 gives an elaborate account of an old temple to ,anu and ,ramman in the city of ,ashur that he restores to more than its former grandeur4#aff ,this dedication of a temple to two deities is unusual4 ,ramman is the god of thunder and storms1 whose seat of course is in the heavens4 ,he stands close1 therefore1 to ,anu1 the supreme god of heaven4 ,in the religious productions1 this relationship is expressed by making ,ramman the son of ,anu4 ,from a passage descriptive of this temple it would appear that the old temple founded by ,king ,samsi-,ramman1 who lived several centuries before ,tiglathpileser1 was dedicated to ,ramman4 ,it looks1 therefore1 as though the association of ,anu with ,ramman was the work of the later king4 ,what his motive was in thus combining ,anu with ,ramman it is difficult to say1 but in his account of the restoration of the sanctuary1 he so consistently mentions ,anu and ,ramman together1#afg designating them unitedly as 'the great gods my lords1' that one gains the impression that the two were inseparable in his mind1 ,ramman being perhaps regarded simply as a manifestation of ,anu4 ,the supposition finds some support in the closing words of the inscription1 where1 in hurling the usual curses upon those who should attempt to destroy his monuments1 he invokes ,ramman alone1 whom he asks to punish the offender by his darts1 by hunger1 by distress of every kind1 and by death4 ,elsewhere ,anu appears in association with ,dagan1 of whom we shall have occasion to speak in the chapter on the ,assyrian pantheon4 ,suffice it to say here that ,dagan in this connection is an equivalent of ,bel4 ,when1 therefore1 ,ashurbanabal and ,sargon call themselves 'the favorite of ,anu and ,dagan1' it is the same as though they spoke of ,anu and ,bel4 ,apart from this1 ,anu only appears when a part or the whole of the ,assyrian pantheon is enumerated4 ,thus we come across ,anu1 ,ramman1 and ,ishtar as the chief gods of the city of ,ashur1#afh and again ,anu1 ,ashur1 ,shamash1 ,ramman1 and ,ishtar4#afi ,finally1 ,sargon who names the eight gates of his palace after the chief gods of the land does not omit ,anu1 whom he describes as the 'one who blesses his handiwork4' ,otherwise we have ,anu only when the triad ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea is invoked4 ,once ,ramman-nirari ,i4 7c4 #acbe ,b4,c47 adds ,ishtar to the triad4 ,after ,sargon we no longer find ,anu's name at all among the deities worshipped in ,assyria4 ,on the whole1 then1 ,anu's claim to reverence rests in ,assyria as well as in ,babylonia upon his position in the triad1 and while ,assyria is less influenced by the ancient system devised in ,babylonia whereby ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea come to be the representatives of the three kingdoms among which the gods are distributed1 still ,anu as a specific deity1 ruling in his own right1 remains a rather shadowy figure4 ,the only temple in his honor is the one which he shares with ,ramman1 and which1 as noted1 appears to have been originally devoted to the service of the latter4 ,one other factor that must be taken into account to explain the disappearance of ,anu is the gradual enforcement of ,ashur's claim to the absolute headship of the ,assyrian pantheon4 ,either ,anu or ,ashur had to be assigned to this place1 and when circumstances decided the issue in favor of ,ashur1 there was no place worthy of ,anu as a specific deity4 ,ashur usurps in a measure the role of ,anu4 ,so far as ,babylonia was concerned1 there was still in the twelfth century ,b4,c4 a city ',der' which is called the 'city of ,anu4' ,the city is probably of very ancient foundation1 and its continued association with ,anu forms an interesting survival of a local conception that appears to have been once current of the god4 ,in the religious literature1 especially in that part of it which furnishes us with the scholastic recastings of the popular traditions1 ,anu is a much more prominent figure than in the historical texts4 ,from being merely the personification of the heavens1 he is raised to the still higher dignity of symbolizing1 as ,jensen puts it1#agj the abstract principle of which both the heavens and earth are emanations4 ,all the earliest gods conceived of by popular tradition as existing from the beginning of things are viewed as manifestations of ,anu1 or of ,anu and ,anatum in combination4 ,he gives ear to prayers1 but he is not approached directly4 ,the gods are his messengers1 who come and give him report of what is going on4#aga ,he is a god for the gods rather than for men4 ,when his daughter ,ishtar is insulted she appeals to her father ,anu2 and when the gods are terrified they take refuge with ,anu4 ,armed with a mighty weapon whose assault nothing can withstand1 ,anu is surrounded by a host of gods and powerful spirits who are ready to follow his lead and to do his service4 ,ramman4 ,with ,ramman we reach a deity whose introduction into the ,babylonian pantheon and whose position therein appears to be entirely independent of ,marduk4 ,the reading of the name as ,ramman 7or ,rammanu7 is provisional4 ,the ideograph ,im with which the name is written designates the god as the power presiding over storms2 and while it is certain that1 in ,assyria at least1 the god was known as ,ramman1 which means 'the thunderer1' it is possible that this was an epithet given to the god1 and not his real or his oldest name4 ,it is significant that in the ,el-,amarna tablets 7c4 #aejj ,b4,c471 where the god ,im appears as an element in proper names1 the reading ,addu is vouched for1 and this form has been justly brought into connection with a very famous solar deity of ,syria1--,hadad4 ,the worship of ,hadad1 we know1 was widely spread in ,palestine and ,syria1 and there is conclusive evidence that ,hadad 7or ,adad71 as a name for the god ,im1 was known in ,babylonia4 ,professor ,oppert is of the opinion that ,adad represents the oldest name of the god4 ,quite recently the proposition has been made that the real name of the deity was ,immeru4#agb ,the ideograph in this case would arise through the curtailment of the name 7as is frequently the case in the cuneiform syllabary71 and the association of ,im with 'storm' and 'wind' would be directly dependent upon the nature of the deity in question4 ,the material at hand is not sufficient for deciding the question4 ,besides ,immeru1 ,adad1 and ,ramman1 the deity was also known as ,mer--connected apparently with ,immeru4#agc ,so much is certain1 that ,ramman appears to have been the name currently used in ,assyria for this god4 ,adad may have been employed occasionally in ,babylonia1 as was ,mer in proper names1 but that it was not the common designation is proved by a list of gods 7published by ,bezold#agd7 in which the foreign equivalent for ,im is set down as ,adad4 ,we may for the present1 therefore1 retain ,ramman1 while bearing in mind that we have only proof of its being an epithet applied to the god1 not necessarily his real name and in all probabilities not the oldest name4 ,we meet with the god for the first time in the hymn to which reference has already been made1#age and where the god is mentioned together with ,shamash4 ,if the suggestion above thrown out is correct1 that the hymn is older than the days of ,hammurabi1 ,ramman too would be older than his first mention in historical texts4 ,however1 it is worthy of note that in this hymn each of the other gods mentioned receives a line for himself1 and that ,ramman is the only one who is tacked on to another deity4 ,it is not strange that in making copies of older texts1 especially those of a religious character1 the scribes should have introduced certain modifications4 ,at all events1 the god does not acquire any degree of prominence until the days of ,hammurabi2 so that whatever his age and origin1 he belongs in a peculiar sense to the pantheon of ,hammurabi rather than to that of the old ,babylonian period4 ,the successor of ,hammurabi1 ,samsu-iluna1 dedicates a fort1 known as ,dur-padda1 to ,ramman whom he addresses as his 'helper'1 along with several other gods4 ,despite this fact1 his worship does not appear to have been very firmly established in ,babylonia1 for ,agumkakrimi1 who follows upon ,samsu-iluna1 does not make mention of ,ramman4 ,during the reign of the ,cassite dynasty1 however1 the worship of ,ramman appears to have gained a stronger foothold4 ,several kings of this dynasty have incorporated the name of this deity into their own names1 and in an inscription dealing with events that transpired in the reign of one of these kings1 ,ramman occupies a prominent place4 ,immediately after the great triad1 ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea1 there is enumerated a second1 ,sin1 ,shamash1 and ,ramman1 and only then there follows ,marduk4#agf ,more than this1 ,ramman is introduced for a second time in conjunction with ,shamash1 as in the hymn of ,hammurabi4 ,the two are appealed to as 'the divine lords of justice4' ,the conqueror of the ,cassites1 ,nebuchadnezzar ,i41 also holds ,ramman in high esteem4 ,for him1 ,ramman is the god of battle who in companionship with ,ishtar abets the king in his great undertakings4 ,he addresses ,ramman as the great lord of heaven1 the lord of subterranean waters and of rain1 whose curse is invoked against the one who sets aside the decrees of ,nebuchadnezzar or who defaces the monument the king sets up4 ,while acknowledging the supremacy of ,marduk1 upon whose appeal he proceeds to ,babylonia to rid the country of its oppressors1 ,nebuchadnezzar nevertheless shows remarkable partiality for ,ramman1 perhaps as a matter of policy to offset the supposed preference shown by ,ramman towards the previous dynasty4 ,ramman with ,nergal and ,nana are also enumerated as the special gods of ,namar--a ,babylonian district which caused the king considerable annoyance1 and which may have been one of the strongholds whence the ,cassitic kings continued their attacks upon ,nebuchadnezzar4 ,in order to determine more precisely the nature of this deity1 it is necessary to turn to ,assyria1 where his worship dates from the very earliest times1 and where he appears consistently in a single role1--that of the god of storms1 more particularly of thunder and lightning4 ,the oldest ,assyrian ruler known to us is ,samsi-,ramman 7c4 #ahej ,b4,c471 whose name1 containing the god as one of its elements1 points to the antiquity of the cult of ,ramman in the north4 ,another king who has frequently been mentioned1 ,ramman-nirari 7i4e41 ,ramman is my helper71 bears evidence to the same effect1 and ,tiglathpileser ,i4 speaks of a temple to ,ramman whose foundation carries us back several centuries beyond the period of these two kings--almost to the days of ,hammurabi4 ,the theory has accordingly been advanced that the worship of ,ramman came to ,babylonia from the north1 and since the cult of this same god is found in ,damascus and extended as far south as the plain of ,jezreel1 the further conclusion has been drawn that the god is of ,aramaic origin and was brought to ,assyria through ,aramaic tribes who had settled in parts of ,assyria4 ,the great antiquity of the ,ramman cult in ,assyria argues against a foreign origin4 ,it seems more plausible to regard the ,ramman cult as indigenous to ,assyria2 but reverting to a time when the population of the north was still in the nomadic state of civilization1 the cult may have been carried to the west by some of the wandering tribes who afterwards established themselves around ,damascus4 ,up to a late period ,aramaic hordes appear from time to time in western ,assyria2 and in a higher stage of culture1 contact between ,aramaeans and ,assyrians was maintained by commercial intercourse and by warfare4 ,since the earliest mention of ,ramman's cult is in the city of ,ashur1 it may be that he was originally connected with that place4 ,as already intimated1 he was essentially a storm-god1 whose manifestation was seen in the thunder and lightning1 and the god was known not merely as 'the thunderer1' but also as ,barku1 i4e41 lightning4 ,perhaps it was because of this that he was also brought into association with the great light of heaven1--the sun-god4 ,in many mythologies1 the sun and lightning are regarded as correlated forces4 ,at all events1 the frequent association of ,shamash and ,ramman cannot have been accidental4 ,this double nature of ,ramman--as a solar deity representing some particular phase of the sun that escapes us and as a storm-god--still peers through the inscription above noted from the ,cassite period where ,ramman is called 'the lord of justice1'--an attribute peculiar to the sun-god2 but in ,assyria his role as the thunder-and storm-god overshadows any other attributes that he may have had4 ,there are two aspects to rainstorms in ,babylonia4 ,the flooding of the fields while committing much havoc is essential to the fertility of the soil4 ,ramman is therefore the carrier of blessings to the cities1 the one who supplies wells and fields with water2 but the destructive character of the rain and thunder and lightning are much more strongly emphasized than their beneficent aspects4 ,even though the fields be flooded1 ,ramman can cause thorns to grow instead of herbs4 ,the same ideograph ,im that signifies ,ramman also means distress4 ,when the failure of the crops brings in its wake hunger and desolation1 it is the 'god of the clouds1' the 'god of rain1' the 'god of the overflow1' whose wrath has thus manifested itself4 ,it is he who 7as a hymn puts it7 'has eaten the land4' ,no wonder that the 'roar' of the god is described as 'powerful1' and that he is asked to stand at the right side of the petitioner and grant protection4 ,when ,ramman lets his voice resound1 misfortune is at hand4 ,it was natural that he who thus presided over the battle of the elements should come to be conceived essentially as a god of war to a people whose chief occupation grew to be conquest4 ,as such he appears constantly in the inscriptions of ,assyrian kings1 and to such a degree as to be a formidable rival1 at times1 to the head of the ,assyrian pantheon4 ,the final victory of the ,assyrian arms is generally attributed to ,ashur alone1 but just before the battle and in the midst of the fray1 ,ramman's presence is felt almost as forcibly as that of ,ashur4 ,he shares with the latter the honor of invocations and sacrifices at such critical moments4 ,in this capacity ,ramman is so essentially an ,assyrian god that it will be proper to dwell upon him again in the following chapter1 when the specially ,assyrian phases of the religion we are investigating will be taken up4 ,the consort of ,ramman also1 the goddess ,shala1 will best be treated of in connection with the ,assyrian phases of the ,ramman cult4 ,of the other gods whose names occur in the inscriptions of ,hammurabi1 but little of a special character is to be noted4 ,the attributes that he gives them do not differ from those that we come across in the texts of his predecessors4 ,it is sufficient1 therefore1 to enumerate them4 ,the longest list is furnished by the hymn which has already been referred to4 ,the text is unfortunately fragmentary1 and so we cannot be sure that the names embrace the entire pantheon worshipped by him4 ,the list opens with ,bel 7who1 as we have seen1 is the old ,bel of ,nippur72 then follow ,sin1 ,ninib1 ,ishtar1 ,shamash1 ,ramman4 ,here the break in the tablet begins and1 when the text again becomes intelligible1 a deity is praised in such extravagant terms that one is tempted to conclude that ,hammurabi has added to an old hymn a paean to his favorite ,marduk#agg4 ,to ,bel is given the honor of having granted royal dignity to the king4 ,sin has given the king his princely glory2 from ,ninib1 the king has received a powerful weapon2 ,ishtar fixes the battle array1 while ,shamash and ,ramman hold themselves at the service of the king4 ,with this list1 however1 we are far from having exhausted the pantheon as it had developed in the days of ,hammurabi4 ,from the inscriptions of his successors we are permitted to add the following3 ,nin-khar-sag1 ,nergal1 and ,lugal-mit-tu1 furnished by ,samsu-iluna2 ,shukamuna1 by ,agumkakrimi2 and passing down to the period of the ,cassite dynasty1 we have in addition ,nin-dim-su1 ,ba-kad1 ,pap-u1 ,belit-ekalli1 ,shumalia4#agh ,during the ,cassitic rule1 ,marduk does not play the prominent part that he did under the native rulers1 but he is restored to his position by ,nebuchadnezzar ,i41 who1 it will be recalled1 succeeds in driving the ,cassites out of power4 ,but besides ,marduk1 ,nebuchadnezzar invokes a large number of other deities4 ,for purposes of comparison with the pantheon of ,hammurabi1 and of his immediate successors1 ,i give the complete list and in the order mentioned by him in the only inscription that we have of this king4 ,they are ,ninib1 ,gula1 ,ramman1 ,shumalia1 ,nergal1 ,shir1 ,shubu1 ,sin1 ,belit of ,akkad4 ,moreover1 ,anu is referred to as the especial god of ,der1 and a goddess ,eria#agi is worshipped in ,elam4 ,passing still further down1 we obtain as additional names1 ,malik and ,bunene1 from the inscription of ,nabubaliddin 7c4 #hhc-heb ,b4,c474#ahj ,we may divide this long period from ,hammurabi down to the time that the governors of ,babylonia became mere puppets of the ,assyrian rulers into three sections3 7#a7 ,hammurabi and his successors1 7#b7 the ,cassite dynasty1 7#c7 the restoration of native rulers to the throne4 ,a comparison of the names furnished by the inscriptions from these three sections shows that the gods common to all are ,marduk1 ,bel1 ,shamash1 ,ramman4 ,but1 in addition1 our investigations have shown that we are justified in adding the following as forming part of the ,babylonian pantheon during this entire period3 ,sarpanitum1 ,belit1 ,tashmitum1 ,sin1 ,ninib1 ,ishtar1 ,nergal1 ,nin-khar-sag1 and the two other members of the triad1 ,anu and ,ea1 with their consorts1 ,anatum and ,damkina4 ,all these gods and goddesses are found in the texts from the first and third section of the period1 and the absence of some of them from texts of the second section is simply due to the smaller amount of material that we have for the history of the ,cassite dynasty in ,babylonia4 ,some of the deities in this list1 which is far from being exhaustive1#aha are foreign1 so e4g41 ,shukamuna and ,shumalia1 who belong to the ,cassitic pantheon2 others are of purely local significance1 as ,shir and ,shubu4#ahb ,as for ,sin1 ,ninib1 and ,ishtar1 the worship of none of these deities assumes any great degree of prominence during this period4 ,no doubt the local cult was continued at the old centers much as before1 but except for an occasional invocation1 especially in the closing paragraphs of an inscription1 where the writers were fond of grouping a large array of deities so as to render more impressive the curses upon enemies and vilifiers1 with which the inscriptions usually terminated1 they do not figure in the official writings of the time4 ,of ,sin1 it is of some importance to note that under the ,cassite dynasty he stands already at the head of a second class of triads which consists of ,sin1 ,shamash1 and ,ramman1 or ,ishtar 7see note #c on page #aeb71 and that through the inscription of ,nebuchadnezzar ,i41 we learn of an additional district of ,babylonia1--that of ,bit-,khabban1 where in association with ,belit of ,akkad1 the consort of the older ,bel1 he was worshipped as the patron deity4 ,nebuchadnezzar himself does not enumerate ,sin among the chief gods4 ,ninib appears in the familiar role as a god of war4 ,after ,hammurabi he is only mentioned once in inscriptions of the ,cassitic period and then again in the days of ,nebuchadnezzar ,i41 who assigns a prominent place to him4 ,it is ,ninib who1 with the title 'king of heaven and earth1' leads off in the long list of gods whose curses are invoked upon the king's opponents4 ,similarly1 the belligerent character of ,ishtar is the only phase of the goddess dwelt upon during this period4 ,while for ,agumkakrimi1 she still occupies a comparatively inferior rank1 coming seventh in his list1 ,nebuchadnezzar places her immediately after ,anu and before ,ramman and ,marduk4 ,this advance foreshadows the superior role that she is destined to play in the pantheon during the period of ,assyrian supremacy4 ,the cult of ,nergal does not figure prominently during this period4 ,in fact1 so far as the historical texts go1 he disappears from the scene till the time of ,nebuchadnezzar ,i41 when he is incidentally invoked in a group with ,ramman and ,nana as the gods of a district in ,babylonia known as ,namar4 ,exactly where ,namar lay has not yet been ascertained4 ,since ,nergal1 as was shown in the previous chapter1 was the local patron of ,cuthah1 it may be that the latter city was included in the ,namar district4 ,at all events1 we may conclude from the silence of the texts as to ,nergal1 that ,cuthah played no conspicuous part in the empire formed of the ,babylonian states1 and that the cult of ,nergal1 apart from the association of the deity in religious texts with the lower world1 did not during this entire period extend beyond local proportions4 ,lastly1 it is interesting to note that ,samsu-iluna1 the son of ,hammurabi1 refers to ,belit of ,nippur as ,nin-khar-sag1 which we have seen was one of her oldest titles4 ,,footnotes3 #aaf ,the name is also written ,ma-ru-duk1 which points to its having been regarded 7for which there is other evidence7 as a compound of maru1 'son1' and an element1 duk7u71 which in religious and other texts designates the 'glorious chamber' in which the god determines the fate of humanity4 ,such an 'etymology' is1 however1 merely a play upon the name1 similar to the plays upon proper names found in the ,old ,testament4 ,the real etymology is unknown4 ,the form ,marduk is ,semitic1 and points to an underlying stem1 rdk4 ,marduk appears under a variety of names which will be taken up at their proper place4 ,see ,schrader's ,assyrisch-,babyl4 ,keilschriften1 p4 #abi2 and the same author's ,cuneiform ,inscrip4 and the ,o4 ,t4 7p4 #dbb7 for other etymologies4 #aag ,hommel's view that ,gish-galla1 in ,gudea's inscriptions1 is ,babylon lacks convincing evidence1 but the city may be as old as ,gudea's days for all that4 #aah ,near ,sippar4 #aai ,bel matati4 #abj ,sayce1 ,religion of the ,ancient ,babylonians1 pp4 #ih seq42 ,jensen1 ,kosmologie der ,babylonier1 p4 #hh4 #aba ,so ,delitzsch1 ,beitraege sur ,assyriologie1 ii4 #fbc4 ,the first part of the name is also used to designate the 'young bullock1' and it is possible1 therefore1 that the god was pictured in this way1 as both ,anu and ,sin are occasionally called 'bulls4' #abb ,louvre ,inscription ,,ii1 col ii4 ll4 #ab-ag4 #abc ,there is also a goddess ,eria worshipped in ,elam1 who may be identical with ,erua4 ,the scribes in the days of ,nebuchadnezzar 7c4 #aadj ,b4,c471 at least1 appear to have thought so1 for they associate her with ,bel1 just as ,sarpanitum is associated with ,del-,marduk4 7,see the ,inscription ,,vr4 #eg1 col4 ii4 ll4 #aa1 #ab47 #abd ,whether1 however1 this was the real meaning of the name is doubtful1 for the name of the goddess is also written ,aru and ,arua1 which points to a different verbal stem4 #abe ,see below under ,tashmitum4 #abf ,there are indications also of an arrested amalgamation of ,erua-,sarpanitum with ,tashmitum1 the wife of ,nabu4 7,see ,sayce1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #aab47 #abg ,rawlinson1 ii4 #fj1 #cj4 #abh ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #aag4 #abi ,see further on1 sub ,ea4 #acj ,kosmologie1 p4 #bci4 #aca ,sub ,nusku1 chapter xiii4 #acb ,tiele1 ,geschichte d4 ,religion i4 ,alterthum1 i4 #aga and #ahh1 is of the opinion that ,nabu is a late deity whose worship dates from a period considerably subsequent to ,hammurabi4 ,this conclusion from the non-occurrence of the god in early inscriptions is not justified4 ,there is no reason why ,nabu should have been added as a deity in later times1 and in general we must be on our guard against assuming new deities subsequent to ,hammurabi4 ,it is much more plausible to assume the restored popularity of very old ones4 #acc ,bel being ,marduk1 the title was equivalent to that of 'governor of ,babylonia4' #acd ,so1 ,tiele1 ,geschichte d4 ,religion i4 ,alterthum1 i4 #aia4 #ace ,the ,hebrew word for prophet1 nabi1 is of the same stem as the ,assyrian ,nabu1 and the popular tradition is placing the last scene in the life of ,moses on ,mt4 ,nebo is apparently influenced by the fact that ,moses was a nabi4 #acf ,see above1 p4 #abc4 #acg ,so in the cylinder of ,shamash-shum-ukin 7,lehmann's publication1 pls4 viii4 seq474 #ach ,e4g41 in the so-called ,grotefend ,cylinder1 col4 ii4 #cd4 #aci ,wiener ,zeitschrift fuer die ,kunde d4 ,morgenlandes1 iv4 #cja-cjg4 #adj ,we only know the name through ,eusebius' extract from ,alexander ,polyhistor's digest of ,berosus4 ,the form1 therefore1 cannot be vouched for4 ,the various modern attempts to explain the name have failed 7see e4g41 ,lenormant's ,magic und ,wahrsagekunst der ,chaldaer1 #b;d ,german edition1 pp4 #cgf-cgi74 ,there may be some ultimate connection between ,oannes and ,jonah 7see ,trumbull in ,journal of ,bibl4 ,liter4 xl4 #eh1 note74 #ada ,for fuller proof1 see the chapter on ,the ,cosmology of the ,babylonians4 #adb ,this1 it will be remembered 7see above1 p4 #aah71 is one of the titles of ,marduk in one of ,hammurabi's inscriptions1--an important point for the date of the episode in its present form4 #adc ,literally1 ',ea shall be his name1 his as mine4' #add ,according to ,syncellus4 ,in cuneiform texts the old ,bel is at times invoked as the creator of mankind4 #ade ,kosmologie1 pp4 #bic1 #bid4 #adf ,aos and ,dauke4 #adg ,rawlinson1 iv4 #be4 #adh ,see p4 #gi4 #adi ,see ,jensen1 ,keils ,bibl44 #c1 #a1 p4 #ajh1 note #e4 ,tiele1 ,gesch4 p4 #abf1 apparently identifies ,innanna of ,hallabi with ,tashmit1 but1 so far as ,i can see1 without sufficient reason4 #aej ,here written ,en-lil1 as the ,bel of ,nippur4 #aea ,attached to the name here 7,rawlinson1 i4 #d1 no4 xv-#i71 which is written ideographically ,en-,lil1 is the designation da-gan-ni1 which has occasioned considerable discussion4 ,see ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 pp4 #ddi-def4 ,it seems to me that the addition which emphasizes this identity of ,bel with another god1 ,dagan1 is to indicate that the ,bel of the triad1 and not ,bel-,marduk1 is here meant4 ,somewhat in the same way ,tiglathpileser ,i4 7,rawlinson1 i4 #ad1 vi4 #hg7 distinguishes the older ,bel by calling him ',bel latura1' i4e41 ',bel the older4' #aeb ',governor of ,bel' for governor of ,babylonia1 and 'subjects of ,bel' for subjects of ,babylonia4 #aec ,see p4 #hi and chapter vii4 #aed ,occasionally a king 7so e4g4 ,nabubaliddin1 c4 #hhc ,b4,c47 associates ,anu with ,ea1 and omits ,bel 7,rawlinson1 v4 #fj1 ii4 #ba71 as though with the intent of avoiding confusion4 #aee ,rassam1 ,cylinder ix4 #ge4 #aef ,see chapter xii41 ,the ,assyrian ,pantheon1 p4 #bjh4 #aeg ,rassam1 ,cylinder viii4 #ih1 #ii4 ',belit of ,babylonia1 honored among the great gods4' #aeh ,annals1 iii4 #ace4 #aei ,the name of the temple4 ,see ,,iir4 #ff1 ll4 #a and #aj4 ,the title 'belit matati1' 'lady of the lands' is evidently introduced in imitation of 'bel matati1' 'lord of lands1' belonging to ,bel and then to ,marduk4 #afj ,sayce's view 7,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #ahf71 according to which ,anu was originally the local god of ,erech1 is erroneous4 #afa ,,vr4 pl4 #cc4 #afb ,delitzsch1 ,die ,kossaer1 pp4 #be1 #bg4 #afc ,the omission of ,ramman here1 though invoked at the close of the inscription1 is noticeable4 ,ishtar takes the place that in the more developed system belongs to the god of storms1 who with the moon-god and sun-god constitutes a second triad4 ,see p4 #afc4 #afd ,written with the sign ,an1 and the feminine ending tum1 but probably pronounced ,anatum4 ,the form ,anat 7without the ending7 is used by many scholars1 as ,sarpanit and ,tashmit are used instead of ,sarpanitum and ,tashmitum4 ,i prefer the fuller forms of these names4 ,anum similarly is better than ,anu1 but the latter has become so common that it might as well be retained4 #afe ,,vr4 #cc1 vii4 #cd-dd4 #aff ,,ir4 pl4 #ae1 col4 vii4 #ga-pl4 #af1 col4 viii4 #hh4 #afg ,no less than nine times4 #afh ,tiglathpileser ,i4 #afi ,ramman-nirari ,i4 #agj ,kosmologie1 p4 #bgd4 #aga ,see the list ,,iiir4 #fh1 #bf seq4 #agb ,thureau-,dangin1 ,journal ,asiatique1 #ahie1 pp4 #che-cic4 ,the name of this deity has been the subject of much discussion4 ,for a full discussion of the subject with an account of the recent literature1 see an article by the writer in ,the ,american ,journal of ,semitic ,languages and ,literatures1 xii4 #aei-afb4 #agc ,arising perhaps after ,im came into use as the ideographic form4 #agd ,proc4 ,soc4 ,bibl4 ,arch41 xi4 #agc-agd and pl4 #a1 col4 i4 #g4 #age ,see p4 #ade and also p4 #afa4 #agf ,belser in ,haupt and ,delitzsch1 ,beitraege sur ,assyriologie1 ii4 #ahg seq41 col4 vi4 i4 #c seq4 #agg ,the character of this part of the hymn is quite different from that which precedes4 #agh ,for further notices of these gods1 see chapter x4 #agi ,see above1 p4 #abb4 #ahj ,one might include in the list also ,nin-igi-nangar-bu1 ,gushgin-banda1 ,nin-kurra1 ,nin-zadim 7from ,nabubaliddin's ,inscription71 but these are only so many epithets of ,ea or various forms under which the god came to be worshipped4 ,see p4 #agg4 #aha ,we may now look forward to finding many more gods in the rich material for this period unearthed by the ,university of ,pennsylvania ,expedition to ,niffer4 #ahb ,see chapter x4 ,,chapter ,,ix4 ,,the ,,gods ,,in ,,the ,,temple ,,lists ,,and ,,in ,,the ,,legal ,,and ,,commercial ,,documents4 ,besides the historical texts in the proper sense1 there is another source for the study of the ,babylonian pantheon4 ,both for the first and for the second periods we now have a large number of lists of offerings made to the temples of ,babylonia and of thousands of miscellaneous legal documents4 ,de ,sarzec found a number of such documents at ,telloh some years ago1 and quite recently some thirty thousand tablets of the temple archives have come to light4#ahc ,at ,tell-,sifr1 ,abu-,habba1 and elsewhere1 many thousands also have been found1 belonging chiefly to the second period4 ,a feature of these documents is the invocation of the gods1 introduced for various purposes1 at times in connection with oaths1 at times as a guarantee against the renewal of claims4 ,again1 certain gods are appealed to as witnesses to an act1 and in the lists of temple offerings1 gods are constantly introduced4 ,since many of the commercial transactions recorded in these documents1 moreover1 concern the temples of ,babylonia1 further occasions were found for the mention of a god or gods4 ,the proper names occurring in these documents1 compounded as these names in most cases are with some deity1#ahd furnish some additions to the pantheon of ,babylonia4 ,naturally1 a distinction is to be made between deities introduced in temple lists and in the course of legal proceedings1 and such as are merely known through forming an element in proper names4 ,the former constitute a part of what might be called the 'active' pantheon of the time4 ,deities that are actually invoked by contracting parties for whatever purpose are such as are endowed with real significance2 and if any of these are not mentioned in the historical texts proper1 the omission is due to the lack of material4 ,the testimony of the legal documents in this respect is fully as valid as is that of the historical texts4 ,in proper names the case is different4 ,custom being a prominent1 if not a controlling1 factor in the giving of names1 it may happen that the deity appearing as an element in a name is one who1 for various reasons1 is no longer worshipped1 or whose worship has diminished in significance at the time we meet with the name4 ,again1 deities of very restricted local fame1 deities that occupy the inferior rank of mere spirits or demons in the theological system of the ,babylonians1 may still be incorporated in proper names4 ,lastly1 in view of the descriptive epithets by which some deities are often known1 as much as by their real names1 it frequently happens in the case of proper names that a deity otherwise known is designated by one of his attributes4 ,thus we find in legal documents of the second period a goddess1 ,da-mu-gal1 who is none other than the well-known ,gula1 the great healing deity2 ,ud-zal1 who is identical with ,ninib1 and so written as the god of 'the rising sun'2#ahe and ,mar-tu 7lit41 'the west god'71 which is a designation of ,ramman4#ahf ,bearing in mind all these considerations1 we find in the tablets of the first period1 so far as published1#ahg the same deities that are met with in the historical inscriptions3 ,en-lil1 ,bau1 ,en-zu 7or ,sin71 ,nin-girsu1 ,nin-gish-zida1 ,nin-mar1 ,nana1 ,nina1 ,shul-pa-uddu1 and others4 ,no doubt a complete publication of the ,telloh archives will furnish some--not many--new deities not occurring in the historical texts of this period4 ,a rather curious feature1 illustrated by these temple archives1 and one upon which we shall have occasion to dwell1 is the divine honors that appear to have been paid towards the end of the first period of ,babylonian history to some of the earlier rulers1 notably ,gudea and ,dungi4#ahh ,alongside of wine1 oil1 wheat1 sheep1 etc41 offered to ,bau1 ,nin-gish-zida1 and ,shul-pa-uddu1 the great kings and patesis of the past are honored4 ,more than this1 sanctuaries sacred to these rulers are erected1 and in other respects they are placed on a footing of equality with the great gods of the period4 ,passing on to the lists and the legal documents of the second period1#ahi we may note that the gods in whose name the oath is taken are chiefly ,marduk1 ,shamash1#aij ,a1 ,ramman1 and ,sin4 ,generally two or three are mentioned1 and often the name of the reigning king is added to lend further solemnity to the oath4 ,other gods directly introduced are ,nana1 ,ishtar1 ,nebo1 ,tashmitum1 and ,sarpanitum1 after whom the years are at times designated1 probably in consequence of some special honors accorded to the gods4 ,the standing phrase is 'the year of the throne1' or simply 'the year' of such and such a deity4 ,nin-mar appears in the days of ,hammurabi as the daughter of ,marduk4 ,among gods appearing for the first time are ,khusha#aia1 ,nun-gal1 and ,zamama4 ,mentioned in connection with the gates of the temple where the judges held court1 the association of ,khusha with ,marduk1 ,shamash1 ,sin1 and ,nin-mar points to a considerable degree of prominence enjoyed by this deity4 ,of his nature and origin1 however1 we know nothing4 ,nun-gal signifies the 'great chief4' ,his temple stood in ,sippar1#aib and from this we may conclude that he was one of the minor gods of the place whose original significance becomes obscured by the side of the all-powerful patron of ,sippar--the sun-god4 ,a syllabary describes the god as a 'raging' deity1 a description that suggests solar functions4 ,nun-gal appears1 therefore1 to be the ideograph proper to a deity that symbolized1 like ,nergal1 ,ninib1 and ,a1 some phase of the sun4 ,the disappearance of the god would thus be naturally accounted for1 in view of the tendency that we have found characteristic of the religion1 whereby powerful gods absorb the functions of weaker ones whose attributes resemble their own4 ,but while the god disappears1 the name survives4 ,nun-gal with the plural sign attached becomes a collective designation for a group of powerful demons4#aic ,in this survival and use of the name we have an interesting example of the manner in which1 by a species of differentiation1 local gods1 unable to maintain themselves by the side of more powerful rivals1 sink to the lower grade of demons1 either beneficent or noxious4 ,in this grade1 too1 distinctions are made1 as will be pointed out at the proper place4 ,there is a 'pantheon' of demons as well as of gods in the ,babylonian theology4 ,nun-gal accordingly recovers some of his lost dignity by becoming an exceptionally powerful demon--so powerful as to confer his name upon an entire class4 ,the god ,zamama appears in connection with a date attached to a legal document of the days of ,hammurabi4 ,the building of a sanctuary in honor of this deity and his consort was of sufficient importance to make the year known by this event4 ,zamama is occasionally mentioned in the religious hymns4 ,he belongs to the deities that form a kind of court around ,marduk4 ,from syllabaries1 we learn that he was a form of the sun-god1 worshipped in the city of ,kish in northern ,babylonia1 and it also appears that he was identified at one period with ,ninib4 ,the temple to ,zamama--perhaps only a shrine--stood in the city of ,kish1 which was remodeled by ,hammurabi4 ,the shrine1 or temple1 bore the significant name 'house of the warrior's glory4' ,the warrior is of course the god1 and the name accordingly shows clearly the character of the god in whose honor the sanctuary was built4 ,elsewhere1 he is explicitly called a 'god of battle4' ,associated with ,zamama of ,kish was his consort1 who1 however1 is merely termed again in a general way1 ',ninni1' i4e41 'the lady4' ,in the case of such a deity as ,zamama1 it is evident that the absence of the name in historical texts is accidental1 and that we may expect to come across it with the increase of historical material4 ,in the proper names1 all of the prominent deities discussed in this and the previous chapters are found1 though with some notable exceptions4 ,anu1 e4g41 is not met with as an element in proper names1 but among those occurring may be mentioned ,shamash1 ,a1 ,ishtar1 ,ramman 7also under the forms ,im-me-ru and ,mar-tu71 ,marduk1 sometimes called ,sag-ila after his temple in ,babylon1 ,nabu1 ,ishum1 ,shala1 ,bau1 ,nin-ib1 ,nin-girsu1 ,sin1 ,bunene1 ,annuit1 and ,ea4 ,among gods appearing for the first time in connection with the names1 it is sufficient to record a goddess ,shubula1 who from other sources#aid we know was the local patron of the city ,shumdula1 a goddess ,bashtum1#aie a goddess ,mamu 7a form of ,gula71 ,am-na-na1 ,lugal-ki-mu-na1 ,e-la-li 7perhaps an epithet for the fire-god ,gibil71 ,ul-mash-shi-tum1 and a serpent god ,sir4 ,most of these may be safely put down as of purely local origin and jurisdiction1 and it is hardly likely that any of them embody an idea not already covered by those which we have discussed4 ,from the lists of gods prepared by the ,babylonian scholars1 it is clear that the number of local deities whose names at least survived to a late period was exceedingly large1 ranging in the thousands2 and since1 as seems likely1 these lists were prepared 7as so much of the lexicographical literature7 on the basis of the temple lists and of the commercial and legal documents1 we may conclude that all1 or at any rate most1 of these deities were in use as elements in proper names1 without1 however1 having much importance beyond this incorporation4 ,,footnotes3 #ahc ,the museums of ,europe and ,america have secured a large proportion of these through purchase4 #ahd ,the longer names consist of three elements3 subject1 verb1 and object4 ,the deity is generally the subject2 e4g41 ,sinacherib,sin-akhe-irba1 i4e41 may the god ,sin increase the brothers4 ,but there are many variations4 ,so the imperative of the verb is often used1 and in that case1 the deity is in the vocative case4 ,instead of three elements1 there are frequently only two1 a deity and a participle or an adjective2 e4g41 ,sin-magir1 i4e41 ,sin is favorable1 or a person is called 'the son' or 'the servant' of a god4 ,the name of the deity alone may also constitute a proper name2 and many names of course do not contain the mention of a deity at all1 though such names are often abbreviations from longer ones in which some god was introduced4 #ahe ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 p4 #deh4 #ahf ,arnold1 ,ancient ,babylonian ,temple ,records1 p4 #e1 is of the opinion that ,id-nik-mar-tu is also a designation of ,ramman4 ,his view is plausible1 but it still remains to be proved4 #ahg ,scheil1 ,le ,culte de ,gudea sous le ,,iie ,dynastie d',ur 7,recueil des ,travaux1 etc4 xviii4 #fd-gd74 ,w4 ,r4 ,arnold1 ,ancient ,babylonian ,temple ,records 7,new ,york1 #ahif74 ,the ,telloh tablets appear to be largely lists of offerings made to the temples at ,lagash1 and temple accounts4 7,see now ,reisner1 ,tempelurkunden aus ,telloh 7,berlin1 #aija747 #ahh ,see besides ,scheil's article 7above71 ,lehmann's note1 ,zeits4 fuer ,assyr4 x4 #cha4 #ahi ,our knowledge of the documents of this period is due chiefly to ,strassmaier and ,meissner4 #aij ,at times under rather curious forms1 e4g41 ,shush-sha2 ,strassmaier1 ,warka1 no4 #cj1 l4 #ba4 ,the form ,sha-ash-sha also occurs in nos4 #dc and #aje 7cf4 ,meissner's note1 ,beitraege zum ,altbabylonischen ,privatrecht1 p4 #aef74 #aia ,meissner1 no4 #db4 ,also in a proper name1 ,khusha-ilu1 i4e41 ',khusha is god4' #aib ,meissner1 nos4 #dj and #aah4 #aic ,see chapter xi4 #aid ,,iir4 #fj1 #ah;a4 ,pinches 7,journal ,victoria ,institute1 xxviii4 #cf reads ,shu-gid-la2 ,hommel1 ib4 #cf1 ,shu-sil-la74 #aie ,for this deity1 see a paper by the writer1 ,the ,element ,bosheth in ,hebrew ,proper ,names1 in the ,journal of ,bibl4 ,liter4 xiii4 #bj-cj4 ,,chapter ,x4 ,,the ,,minor ,,gods ,,in ,,the ,,period ,,of ,,hammurabi4 ,coming back now to the historical texts and placing the minor deities together that occur in the inscriptions of ,hammurabi and his successors down through the restoration of native rulers on the throne of ,babylonia1 we obtain the following list3 ,zakar1 ,lugal-mit-tu 7871 ,nin-dim-su1 ,ba-kad1 ,pap-u1 ,belit-ekalli1 ,shumalia1 ,shukamuna1 ,gula1 ,shir1 ,shubu1 ,belit of ,akkad1 ,malik1 ,bunene1 ,nin-igi-nangar-bu1 ,gushgin-banda1 ,nin-kurra1 ,nin-zadim4 ,in view of the limited amount of historical material at our disposal for the second period of ,babylonian history1 the list of course does not permit us to form a definite notion of the total number of minor gods that were still occasionally invoked by the side of the great gods4 ,by comparison1 however1 with the pantheon so far as ascertained of the first period1 the conclusion is justified that with the systematization of cults and beliefs characteristic of the ,hammurabi1 a marked tendency appears towards a reduction of the pantheon1 a weeding out of the numerous local cults1 their absorption by the larger ones1 and the relegation of the minor gods of only local significance to a place among the spirits and demons of the ,babylonian religion4 ,brief statements of these minor gods will suffice to indicate their general character4 ,of most of the gods in this list there is but little we know as yet beyond the name4 ,some of them will occur again in the ,assyrian and ,neo-,babylonian historical texts1 others in the hymns and incantations2 some are only found in the period we are considering1 though with the material constantly increasing we must beware of drawing any conclusions from the fact of a single mention4 ',zakar1' signifying1 probably1 'heroic1' appears to have been worshipped in ,nippur1 where a wall known as the 'wall of ,zakar' was built by ,samsu-iluna4 ,from the fact that this wall was sacred to ,nin-khar-sag or ,belit1 we may1 perhaps1 be permitted to conclude that ',zakar' stood in close relationship to ,bel and ,belit of ,nippur1--possibly a son1--or1 at all events1 belonged to the inner circle of deities worshipped in the old city sacred to the great ,bel4 ,another wall in ,nippur was dedicated by this ,samsu-iluna to a god whose name is provisionally read by ,winckler1 ,lugal-mit-tu4#aif ,lugal1 signifying 'king1' is an element that enters as an ideograph in the composition of the names of several deities4 ,thus we have ,lugal-edinna1 'king of the field1' which is the equivalent of ,nergal1 and again for the same god1 the combination ,lugal-gira1 which is1 as ,jensen#aig has shown1 'raging king1' and a title of ,nergal in his character as the god of pestilence and war4 ,nin-dim-su1 ,ba-kad1 ,pap-u1 ,belit-ekalli1 ,shumalia1 and ,shukamuna occur at the close of the inscription of ,melishikhu1 among the gods asked to curse the transgressors of the royal decree4#aih ,that some of these are ,cassite deities imported into ,babylonia1 and whose position in the pantheon was therefore of a temporary character1 there seems little reason to question4 ,ba-kad may1 and ,shumalia quite certainly does1 belong to this class4 ,as for ,shukamuna1 the fact that ,agumkakrimi1 who places his title1 'king of ,cassite land1' before that of ,akkad and ,babylon1 opens his inscription with the declaration that he is the glorious offspring of ,shukamuna1 fixes the character of this god beyond all doubt2 and ,delitzsch has shown#aii that this god was regarded by the ,babylonian schoolmen as the equivalent of their own ,nergal4 ,shukamuna1 accordingly1 was the ,cassite god of war1 who1 like ,nergal1 symbolized the mid-day sun1--that is1 the raging and destructive power4 ,shumalia is the consort of ,shukamuna#bjj1 and is invoked as the 'lady of the shining mountains4' ,nin-dim-su is a title of ,ea1 as the patron of arts4 ,belit-ekalli--i4e41 ,belit of the palace--appears as the consort of ,ninib1 the epithet 'ekalli' being added to specify what ,belit is meant1 and to avoid confusion with the consort of ,bel4 ,at the same time it must be confessed that the precise force of the qualification of ',belit of the palace' 7or temple7 escapes us4 ,ninib's consort1 as we know from other sources1 was ,gula4#bja ,this name is in some way connected with an ,assyrian stem signifying 'great1' and it is at least worthy of note that the word for palace is written by a species of punning etymology with two signs1 ehouse and gallularge4 ,the question suggests itself whether the title ',belit-ekalli' may not have its rise in a further desire to play upon the goddess's name1 just as her title ,kallat-,eshara 7bride of ,eshara1 or earth7 rests upon such a play4 ,such plays on names are characteristic of the ,semites1 and indeed in a measure are common to all ancient nations1 to whom the name always meant much more than to us4 ,every nomen1 as constituting the essence of an object1 was always and above all an omen4 ,it is1 therefore1 plausible to suppose that titles of the gods should have been chosen in part under the influence of this idea4#bjb ,a further suggestion that ,i would like to offer is that 'ekallu1' as temple or palace 7lit41 large house71 may be one of the numerous names of the nether world4 ,a parallel would be furnished by ,ekur1 which signifies both 'temple' and 'earth1'#bjc and is also one of the names of the gathering-place of the dead4 ,gula1 being the goddess of the nether world who restores the dead to life1 would be appropriately called 'the lady of the nether world4' ,one should like to know more of ,pap-u 7the phonetic reading unknown71 who is called the offspring of ,eshara1 and 'the lord of the boundary4' ,eshara1 as ,jensen has shown1#bjd is a poetical name for earth4 ,the god ,ninib1 in his capacity as a god of agriculture1 is called the 'product of ,eshara4'#bje ,pap-u1 therefore1 must be a god somewhat of the same character--a conclusion which is borne out by the description given of him as the protector of the boundary4 ,he is probably one of the numerous forms of boundary gods that are met with among all nations4 ,that we do not encounter more in ,babylonia is due to the decided tendency that has been noted towards a centralization of power in a limited number of deities4 ,instead of gods of boundaries1 we have numerous demons and spirits in the case of the developed ,babylonian religion1 into whose hands the care of preserving the rights of owners to their lands is entrusted4 ,symbols of these spirits--serpents1 unicorns1 scorpions1 and the like--are added on the monuments which were placed at the boundaries1 and on which the terms were specified that justified the land tenure4 ,to this class of monuments the name of ',kudurru1' or 'boundary' stones1 was given by the ,babylonians themselves4 ,the inscription on which the name of ,pap-u occurs belongs to this class2 and he is invoked1 as already said1 along with many other gods--in fact1 with the whole or a goodly portion of the pantheon4 ,it would seem1 therefore1 that we have in ,pap-u a special boundary god who has survived in that role from a more primitive period of ,babylonian culture4 ,he occupies a place usually assigned to the powerful demons who are regarded as the real owners of the soil4#bjf ,perhaps the most interesting of the minor deities during this second period is ,gula4 ,as has just been stated1 she is the consort of ,ninib4 ,she is not mentioned in any of the inscriptions of this period till we come to the days of ,nebuchadnezzar ,i41 who invokes her as the bride of ,eshara1--i4e41 of the earth4#bjg ,we also meet with her name in that of several individuals1 ,balatsu-,gula#bjh and ,arad-,gula1#bji and we have seen that she is also known as ,damu and ,mamu1 or ,meme4 ,we have a proof1 therefore1 of her cult being firmly established at an early period of ,babylonian history4 ,her role is that of a 'life-giver1' in the widest sense of the word4 ,she is called the 'great physician1' who both preserves the body in health and who removes sickness and disease by the 'touch of her hand4' ,gula is the one who leads the dead to a new life4 ,she shares this power1 however1 with her husband ,ninib4 ,her power can be exerted for evil as well as for good4 ,she is appealed to1 to strike the enemy with blindness2 she can bring on the very diseases that she is able to heal1 and such is the stress laid upon these qualities that she is even addressed as the 'creator of mankind4' ,but although it is the 'second' birth of mankind over which she presides1 she does not belong to the class of deities whose concern is with the dead rather than the living4 ,the ,babylonians1 as we shall have occasion to point out1 early engaged in speculations regarding the life after death1 and1 as a result1 there was developed a special pantheon for the nether world4 ,gula occupies a rather unique place intermediate1 as it were1 between the gods of the living and the gods of the dead4 ,of the other deities occurring in the inscription of this same ,nebuchadnezzar ,i4 it is sufficient to note that two1 ,shir and ,shubu1 are enumerated among the gods of ,bit-,khabban4 ,they were1 therefore1 local deities of some towns that never rose to sufficient importance to insure their patrons a permanent place in the ,babylonian pantheon4 ',belit of ,akkad1' whom ,nebuchadnezzar invokes1 is none other than the great ,belit1 the consort of ,bel4 ',akkad' is here used for ,babylonia1 and the qualification is added to distinguish her from other 'ladies1' as1 e4g41 ',belit-ekalli1' who1 we have seen1 was ,gula4 ,malik and ,bunene4 ,upon reaching so late a period as the days of ,nabubaliddin 7c4 #hej ,b4,c471 it becomes doubtful whether we are justified in including the additional deities occurring in his inscription among the ,babylonian pantheon of the second period4 ,the occurrence of some of these gods in the religious literature is a presumption in favor of regarding them as ancient creations1 rather than due to later influences4 ,certainly this appears to be the case with ,malik and ,bunene1 who1 with ,shamash1 form a triad that constitutes the chief object of worship in the great temple ,e-babbara at ,sippar1 to whose restored cult ,nabubaliddin devotes himself4 ,both names1 moreover1 occur as parts of proper names in the age of ,hammurabi4 ,malik--i4e41 ruler--is one of the names frequently assigned to ,shamash1 just as the god's consort was known as ,malkatu1 but for all that ,malik is not the same as ,shamash4 ,accompanying the inscription of ,nabubaliddin is a design#baj representing the sun-god seated in his shrine4 ,before him on a table rests a wheel1 and attached to the wheel are cords held by two figures1 who are evidently directing the course of the wheel4 ,these two figures are ,malik and ,bunene1 a species of attendants1 therefore1 on the sun-god1 who drive the fiery chariot that symbolized the great orb4 ,bunene1 through association with ,malik1 becomes the latter's consort1 and it is interesting to observe the extent to which the tendency of the ,babylonian religion to conceive the gods in pairs goes4 ,bunene is not the only instance of an originally male deity becoming through various circumstances the female consort to another4 ,originally1 ,malik may have been a name under which the sun-god was worshipped at some place1 for the conception that makes him the chariot-driver to ,shamash appears to be late4 ,the absorption by the greater sun-cults 7at ,sippar and ,larsa more particularly7 of the lesser ones leads to the complete transfer of the names of minor sun-deities to the great ,shamash1 but in some instances the minor deities continue to lead a shadowy existence in some role of service to the greater ones4 ,nin-igi-nangar-bu1 ,gushgin-banda1 ,nin-kurra1 and ,nin-zadim4 ,we have seen that ,ea1 among other powers assigned to him1 was regarded as the god of fine arts1--in the first instance as the god of the smithy1 because of the antiquity and importance of the smith's art1 and then of art in general1 including especially the production of great statues4 ,in accordance with this conception1 ,nabubaliddin declares that it was through the wisdom of ,ea that he succeeded in manufacturing the great image of ,shamash that was set up by him in the temple at ,sippar4 ,but in the days of ,nabubaliddin the arts had been differentiated into various branches1 and this differentiation was expressed by assigning to each branch some patron god who presided over that section4 ,in this way1 the old belief that art comes to men from the gods survived1 while at the same time it entered upon new phases4#baa ,accordingly1 ,nabubaliddin assigns several deities who act the part of assistants to ,ea4 ,the names of these deities point to their functions4 ,nin-igi-nangar-bu is the 'lord who presides over metal-workers'2 ,gushgin-banda1 'brilliant chief1' is evidently the patron of those skilled in the working of the bright metals2 ,nin-kurra1 'lord of mountain1' the patron of those that quarried the stones2 while ,nin-zadim is the patron of sculpture4 ,ea stands above these as a general overseer1 but the four classes of laborers symbolized by gods indicate the manner of artistic construction in the advanced state of ,babylonian art1 and of the various distinct professions to which this art gave birth4 ,in a certain sense1 of course1 these four gods associated with ,ea belong to the ,babylonian pantheon1 but not in the same sense in which ,ea1 for example1 or the other gods discussed in this chapter1 belong to it4 ,they cannot even be said to be gods of a minor order--they are hardly anything more than personifications of certain phenomena that have their source in the human intellect4 ,in giving to these personified powers the determinative indicative of deity1 the ,babylonian schoolmen were not conscious of expressing anything more than their belief in the divine origin of the power and skill exercised by man4 ,to represent such power as a god was the only way in which the personification could at all be effected under the conditions presented by ,babylonian beliefs4 ,when1 therefore1 we meet with such gods as ,nin-zadim1 'lord of sculpture1' it is much the same as when in the ,old ,testament we are told that ,tubal-cain was the 'father' of those that work in metals1 and where similarly other arts are traced back to a single source4 ',father' in ,oriental hyperbole signifies 'source1 originator1 possessor1 or patron1' and1 indeed1 includes all these ideas4 ,the ,hebrew writer1 rising to a higher level of belief1 conceives the arts to have originated through some single personage endowed with divine powers2#bab the ,babylonian1 incapable as yet of making this distinction1 ascribes both the origin and execution of the art directly to a god4 ,in this way1 new deities were apparently created even at an advanced stage of the ,babylonian religion1 but deities that differed totally from those that are characteristic of the earlier periods4 ,the differentiation of the arts1 and the assignment of a patron to each branch1 reflect the thoughts and the aspirations of a later age4 ,these views must have arisen under an impulse to artistic creation that was called forth by unusual circumstances1 and ,i venture to think that this impulse is to be traced to the influence of the ,assyrian rulers1 whose greatest ambition1 next to military glory1 was to leave behind them artistic monuments of themselves that might unfold to later ages a tale of greatness and of power4 ,sculpture and works in metal were two arts that flourished in a special degree in the days when ,assyria was approaching the zenith of her glory4 ,nabubaliddin's reign falls within this period2 and we must1 therefore1 look from this time on for traces of ,assyrian influence in the culture1 the art1 and also to some extent in the religious beliefs of the southern district of ,mesopotamia4 ,,footnotes3 #aif ,the text is defective at the point where the god's name is mentioned4 ,see ,keils ,bibl4 #c1 #a1 p4 #acc4 ,king reads1 ,lugal-diri-tu-gab4 #aig ,kosmologie1 pp4 #dha seq4 #aih ,belser1 ,beitraege zur ,assyr4 ii4 #bjc1 col4 vi4 #aii ,kossaer1 pp4 #be-bg4 #bjj ,delitzsch1 ,kossaer1 p4 #cc4 #bja ,see above1 p4 #aje4 #bjb ,examples of punning etymologies on names of gods are frequent4 ,see ,jensen's discussion of ,nergal for examples of various plays upon the name of the god4 ,kosmologie1 pp4 #ahe seq4 #bjc ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 pp4 #ahe seq4 and p4 #bah4 #bjd ,kosmologie1 p4 #aie4 #bje ,rawlinson1 i4 #bi1 #af4 #bjf ,this notion that the ground belongs to the gods1 and that man is only a tenant1 survives to a late period in ,semitic religions4 ,the belief underlies the ,pentateuchal enactments regarding the holding of the soil1 which is only to be temporary4 ,see ,w4 ,r4 ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 pp4 #ia seq4 #bjg ,in ,babylonian1 ,kallat ,eshara1 with another play upon her name4 ,see above1 p4 #agc4 #bjh ,i4e41 7,protect7 his life1 ,o ,gula4 #bji ,servant of ,gula4 #baj ,see ,v4,r4 pl4 #fj4 #baa ,to this day in the ,orient1 fine productions of man's skill are attributed to the influence of hidden spirits1 good or bad1 as the case may be4 #bab ,this position does not1 of course1 exclude the fact that in the original form of the tradition1 ,tubal-cain1 ,naamah1 and other personages in the fourth chapter of ,genesis were deities4 ,,chapter ,,xi4 ,,survivals ,,of ,,animism ,,in ,,the ,,babylonian ,,religion4 ,the ,assyrian influence however was only one factor1 and a minor factor at that1 in maintaining the belief in countless spirits that occupied a place of more or less importance by the side of the great and lesser gods4 ,that conservatism which is a distinguishing trait of the popular forms of religion everywhere1 served to keep alive the view that all the acts of man1 his moods1 the accidents that befell him1 were under the control of visible or invisible powers4 ,the development of a pantheon1 graded and more or less regulated under the guidance of the ,babylonian schoolmen1 did not drive the old animistic views out of existence4 ,in the religious literature1 and more especially in those parts of it which reflect the popular forms of thought1 the unorganized mass of spirits maintain an undisputed sway4 ,in the incantation texts1 which will be discussed at length in a subsequent chapter1 as well as in other sections of ,babylonian literature embodying both the primitive and the advanced views of the ,babylonians regarding the origin of the universe1 its subdivisions1 and its order of development1 and1 thirdly1 in the legends and epics1 hundreds of spirits are introduced1 to which some definite function or functions were assigned4 ,in many1 indeed in the majority of cases1 the precise character of these functions still escapes us4 ,the material at our disposal is as yet inadequate for any satisfactory treatment of this phase of ,babylonian belief1 and we must content ourselves for the present with some generalizations1 or at the most with some broad classifications4 ,besides the texts themselves1 we have proper names containing a spirit as an element1 and also lists of those spirits prepared by the schoolmen on the basis of the texts4 ,when1 as sometimes happens1 these lists contain explanatory comments on the spirits enumerated1 we are able to take some steps forward in our knowledge of the subject4 ,in the first place1 then1 it is important to bear in mind that the numerous spirits1 when introduced into the religious and other texts1 are almost invariably preceded by a sign--technically known as a determinative--which stamps them as divine4 ,this sign being the same as the one placed before the names of the gods1 it is not always possible to distinguish between deities and spirits4 ,the use of a common sign is significant as pointing to the common origin of the two classes of superior powers that thus continue to exist side by side4 ,a god is naught but a spirit writ large4 ,as already intimated in a previous chapter1 a large part of the development of the ,babylonian religion consists in the differentiation between the gods and the spirits1--a process that1 beginning before the period of written records1 steadily went on1 and in a certain sense was never completed4 ,in the historical texts1 the gods alone1 with certain exceptions1 find official recognition1 and it is largely through these texts that we are enabled to distinguish between the two classes of powers1 the gods and the spirits2 but as a survival of a primitive animism1 the demons1 good1 bad1 and indifferent1 retain their place in the popular forms of religion4 ,several hundred spirits occur in the incantation texts1 and almost as many more in other religious texts4 ,we may distinguish several classes4 ,in the first place1 there are the demons that cause disease and all manner of physical annoyances4 ,the chief of these will be considered when we come to the analysis of the incantation texts4 ,against these demons the sufferer seeks protection by means of formulas1 the utterance of which is invested with peculiar power1 and again by means of certain rites of an expiatory or purificatory character4 ,next1 we have the demons supposed to inhabit the fields1 and to whom the ground is supposed to belong4 ,these were imaged under various animal forms1 serpents and scorpions being the favorite ones4 ,when possession was taken of the field1 the spirits inhabiting it had to be propitiated4 ,the owner placed himself under their protection1 and endeavored to insure his rights against wrongful encroachment by calling upon the demons to range themselves on his side4 ,it was customary1 especially in the case of territory acquired by special grant of the monarch1 or under extraordinary circumstances1 to set up a so-called boundary stone1#bac on which the owner of the field detailed his right to possession1 through purchase or gift1 as the case may be4 ,this inscription closed with an appeal to various gods to strike with their curses any intruder upon the owner's rights4 ,in addition to this1 the stones are embellished with serpents1 scorpions1 unicorns1 and various realistic or fantastic representations of animal forms4 ,these1 it would seem1 symbolize the spirits1 the sight of which1 it was hoped1 might act as a further and effectual warning against interference with the owner's rights4#bad ,a special class of demons is formed by those which were supposed to infest the resting-places of the dead1 though they stand in a certain relationship to the demons that plague the living4 ,a remarkable monument found a number of years ago1 and which will be fully described in a subsequent chapter1 affords us a picture of some of these demons whose sphere of action is more particularly in the subterranean cave that forms the gathering-place of the dead4 ,they are represented as half human1 half animal1 with large grotesque and terror-inspiring features4#bae ,their power1 however1 is limited4 ,they are subject to the orders of the gods whose dominion is the lower world1 more particularly to ,nergal and his consort ,allatu4 ,in the advanced eschatology of the ,babylonians the demons play a minor part4 ,it is with the gods that the dead man must make his peace4 ,their protection assured1 he has little to fear2 but the demons of the lower world frequently ascend to the upper regions to afflict the living4 ,against them precautions must be taken similar to the means employed for ridding one's self of the baneful influence of the disease-and pain-bringing spirits4 ,reference has already been made to the spirits that belong to the higher phases of ,mesopotamian culture1--those that have a share in the production of works of skill and art4 ,we have seen that in accounting for these we are justified in assuming a higher phase of religious belief4 ,the dividing line between god and spirit becomes faint1 and the numerous protecting patrons of the handicrafts that flourished in ,babylonia and ,assyria can hardly be placed in the same category with those we have so far been considering4 ,still1 to the popular mind the achievements of the human mind were regarded as due to the workings of hidden forces4 ,strange as it may seem1 there was an indisposition to ascribe everything to the power of the gods4 ,ea and ,nabu1 although the general gods of wisdom1 did not concern themselves with details4 ,these were left to the secondary powers1--the spirits4 ,hence it happens that by the side of the great gods1 we have a large number of minor powers who preside over the various branches of human handiwork and control the products of the human mind4 ,reserving further details regarding the several classes of demons and spirits enumerated1 it will suffice to say a few words about one particular group of spirits whose role was peculiarly prominent in both historical1 liturgical1 and general religious texts4 ,the tendency to systematize the beliefs in spirits manifests itself in ,babylonia1 equally with the grouping of the gods into certain classes4 ,in consequence of this general tendency1 the conception arose of a group of spirits that comprised the associated secondary powers of earth and heaven1 somewhat as ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea summed up the quintessence of the higher powers or gods4 ,this group was known as the ,anunnaki and ,igigi4 ,regarding these names it may be said that the former has not yet been satisfactorily interpreted4 ,on the assumption that the union of the syllables ,a-nun-na-ki#baf represents a compound ideograph1 the middle syllable nun signifies 'strength1' whereas the first is the ordinary ideograph for 'water4' ,hommel#bag proposed to interpret the name therefore as 'gods of the watery habitation4' ,the artificiality of this manner of writing points1 as in several instances noted1 to a mere 'play' upon the real name4 ,anunna reminds one forcibly of the god ,anu and of the goddess ,anunit1 and the element ak is quite a common afformative in ,babylonian substantives1 conveying a certain emphatic meaning to the word4 ,if therefore we may compare ,anun with the name of the god of heaven1 the name ,anunnak embodying1 as it does in this case1 the idea of power1 would be an appropriate designation for the spirits1 or a group of spirits collectively4 ,be it understood that this explanation is offered merely as a conjecture1 which1 however1 finds support in the meaning attached to the term ',igigi4' ,this1 as ,halevy and ,guyard have recognized1 is a formation of a well-known stem occurring in ,babylonian1 as well as in other ,semitic languages1 that has the meaning 'strong4' ,the ideographic form of writing the name likewise designates the spirits as 'the great chiefs4' ,the ',igigi1' therefore1 are 'the strong ones1' and strength being the attribute most commonly assigned to the ,semitic deities1#bah there is a presumption1 at least1 in favor of interpreting ,anunnak1 or ,anunnaki1#bai in the same way4 ,the ',igigi' are at times designated as the seven gods1 but this number is simply an indication of their constituting a large group4 ,seven is a round number which marked a large quantity4 ,at an earlier period five represented a numerical magnitude1 and hence the ,anunnaki are at times regarded as a group of five4#bbj ,the ,anunnaki and ,igigi appear for the first time in an historical text in the inscription of the ,assyrian king ,ramman-nirari ,i41 who includes them in his appeal to the great gods4 ,he designates the ,igigi as belonging to heaven1 the ,anunnaki as belonging to the earth4 ,the manner in which he uses the names shows conclusively that1 at this early period1 the two groups comprehended the entire domain over which spirits1 and for that matter also the gods1 exercised their power4 ,indeed1 it would appear that at one time the two names were used to include the gods as well as the spirits4 ,at least this appears to be the case in ,assyria1 and the conclusion may be drawn1 from the somewhat vague use of the terms1 that the names belong to a very early period of the religion1 when the distinction between gods and spirits was not yet clearly marked4 ,however that may be1 in ,babylonian hymns and incantations the ,igigi and ,anunnaki play a very prominent part4 ,anu is represented as the father of both groups4 ,but they are also at the service of other gods1 notably of ,bel1 who is spoken of as their 'lord1' of ,ninib1 of ,marduk1 of ,ishtar1 and of ,nergal4 ,they prostrate themselves before these superior masters1 and the latter at times manifest their anger against the ,igigi4 ,they are sent out by the gods to do service4 ,their character is1 on the whole1 severe and cruel4 ,they are not favorable to man1 but rather hostile to him4 ,their brilliancy consumes the land4 ,their power is feared1 and ,assyrian kings more particularly are fond of adding the ,igigi and ,anunnaki to the higher powers--the gods proper--when they wish to inspire a fear of their own majesty4 ,at times the ,igigi alone are mentioned1 but generally the ,igigi and ,anunnaki appear in combination4 ,to the latest period of ,babylonian history these two groups continue to receive official recognition4 ,nebuchadnezzar ,,ii4#bba dedicates an altar1 which he erects at the wall of the city of ,babylon1 to the ,igigi and ,anunnaki4 ,the altar is called a structure of 'joy and rejoicing1' and on the festival of ,marduk1 who is the 'lord of the ,anunnaki and ,igigi1' sacrifices were offered at this altar4 ,in the great temple of ,marduk there was a fountain in which the gods and the ,anunnaki1 according to a ,babylonian hymn1 'bathe their countenance'2 and when to this notice it be added that another hymn praises them as the 'shining chiefs' of the ancient city of ,eridu1 it will be apparent that the conceptions attached to this group span the entire period of ,babylonian-,assyrian history4 ,besides the ,igigi and ,anunnaki there is still a third group of seven spirits1 generally designated as the 'evil demons1' who represent the embodiment of all physical suffering to which man is subject4 ,they appear1 however1 only in the incantation texts1 and we may1 therefore1 postpone their consideration until that subject is reached4 ,the point to be borne in mind1 and which ,i have attempted to emphasize in this place1 is the close relationship existing in the popular forms of the ,babylonian religion between the gods and the spirits4 ,the latter belong to the pantheon as much as the former4 ,primitive animism continues to enchain the minds of the people1 despite the differentiation established between the higher and the secondary powers1 and despite the high point of development reached by the schoolmen in their attempts to systematize and1 in a measure1 to purify the ancient beliefs4 ,,footnotes3 #bac ,the technical name for this class of monuments was ,kudurru1 i4e41 mark1 and then used like the ,german word ,mark both for boundary and for the territory included within the bounds4 ,a notable contribution to the interpretation of the ,kudurru monuments was made by ,belser1 in the ,beitraege zur ,assyriologie1 ii4 #aaa-bjc4 #bad ,the question has been raised 7see ,belser1 ib4 p4 #aaa7 by ,pinches whether these representations are not the symbols of the zodiac1 but1 as ,belser justly remarks1 the attempt to interpret the pictures in this way has not been successful4 ,it still seems most plausible to regard the pictures as symbols of spirits or demons4 ,such an interpretation is in accord with the ,babylonian and general ,semitic view of land ownership4 ,at the same time it must be confessed that we are still in the dark as to the motives underlying the choice of the animals portrayed4 ,there may be some ultimate connection with some of the signs of the zodiac1--so ,hommel believes1--but such connection would have to be judged from the earlier forms that animism takes on1 and not in the light of an advanced theology such as appears in the zodiacal system of the ,babylonians4 #bae ,see ,perrot and ,chiplez1 ,history of ,art in ,chaldaea and ,assyria1 ,i4 #cea4 #baf ,the element ki is sometimes omitted4 ,the force of na is not clear1 unless it be a phonetic complement merely4 #bag ,semitische ,voelker1 p4 #cfi4 #bah ,very many of the names of the ,semitic gods and heroes signify strong1 e4g41 ,el1 ,adon1 ,baal1 ,etana1 ,kemosh1 etc4 #bai ,the final vowel i would1 on the basis of the explanation offered1 be paralleled by the i of ,igigi--an indication of the plural4 ,see ,delitzsch1 ,assyr4 ,gram4 ,sec4 #fg1 #a4 #bbj ,the ,igigi are designated ideographically as v plus ii1 and ,hommel 7,semitische ,voelker1 p4 #dia7 properly suggests that this peculiar writing points to an earlier use of five as constituting the group4 ,hommel1 however1 does not see that neither five nor seven are to be interpreted literally1 but that both represent a large round number1 and1 therefore1 also a holy one4 #bba ,,ir4 #ee1 col4 iv4 ll4 #g-ac4 ,,chapter ,,xii4 ,,the ,,assyrian ,,pantheon4 ,we have now reached a point where it will be proper to set forth the phases that the ,babylonian religion assumed during the days of ,assyrian supremacy4 ,an enumeration of the gods occurring in the inscriptions of the rulers of ,assyria from the earliest days to the close of the empire1 so far as published1 will show better than any argument the points of similarity between the ,babylonian and the ,assyrian pantheon4 ,these gods are in alphabetical order3#bbb ,anu1 ,ashur1 ,bel1 ,belit1 ,gaga1 ,gibil1 ,gamlat1 ,gula1 ,dibbarra1 ,dagan1 ,damkina1 ,ea1 ,ishtar1 ,kadi1 ,khani1 ,marduk1 ,nabu1 ,nana1 ,nin-gal1 ,nergal1 ,ninib1 ,nusku1 ,ramman1 ,sin1 ,shala1 ,shalman1 ,shamash1 ,shanitka7871 ,tashmitum4 ,of these quite a number are only mentioned incidentally1 and in a manner that indicates that they do not belong to the pantheon in the strict sense4 ,others1 like ,khani#bbc and ,gamlat1--i4e41 'the merciful one1'#bbd--may turn out to be mere epithets of deities otherwise known2 and it would hardly be legitimate to extend the list by including deities that have not yet been identified1#bbe and which may similarly be only variant forms1 descriptive of such as are already included4 ,but however much this list may be extended and modified by further publications and researches1 the historical material at hand for the ,assyrian period of the religion is sufficient to warrant us in setting up two classes of the pantheon1--one class constituting the active pantheon1 the other1 deities introduced by the kings merely for purposes of self-glorification1 or to give greater solemnity to the invocations and warnings that formed a feature of all commemorative and dedicatory inscriptions1 as well as of the annals proper4 ,the future additions to the list1 it is safe to assert1 will increase the second class and only slightly modify1 if at all1 the first class4 ,bearing in mind this distinction we may put down as active forces in ,assyria the following3 ,anu1 ,ashur1 ,bel1 ,belit1 ,gula1 ,dagan1 ,ea1 ,khani1 ,ishtar1 ,marduk1 ,nabu1 ,nergal1 ,ninib1 ,nusku1 ,ramman1 ,sin1 ,shala1 ,shamash1 ,tashmitum4 ,comparing both the fuller and the restricted list with the ,babylonian pantheon during the two periods treated of in the preceding chapters1 we are struck by three facts3 7#a7 the smaller compass of the ,assyrian pantheon2 7#b7 the more restricted introduction of what1 for want of a better term1 we may call minor deities2 and 7#c7 the small number of new deities met with4 ,to take up the latter point1 the only gods in the above list that are not found in ,babylonian inscriptions are ,ashur1 ,gibil1 ,gamlat1 ,dibbarra1 ,kadi1 ,nusku1 ,shala1 ,shanitka4 ,of these it is purely accidental that ,gibil1 ,dibbarra1 ,nusku1 and ,shala are not mentioned1 for1 except those that are foreign importations1 they belong to ,babylonia as much as to ,assyria and fall within the periods of the ,babylonian religion that have been treated of4 ,kadi is a foreign deity4#bbf ,shanitka787 may only be a title of some goddess1 and ,shalman 7or ,shalmannu7 occurs only in proper names1 and may likewise be only a title of some god4#bbg ,there remains1 as the only god peculiar to ,assyria1 the god ,ashur4 ,but for this god1 the ,babylonian and the ,assyrian pantheon are identical4 ,when we come1 however1 to the position held by the gods in the pantheon1 their relationship to one another1 and the traits which secured for them popular and royal favor1 the differences between the ,babylonian and the ,assyrian phases of the religion will be found to be more accentuated4 ,as for the smaller compass of the ,assyrian pantheon1 we may recognize in this a further advance of the tendency already noted in the second period of the ,babylonian religion4 ,there1 too1 we found the minor local cults yielding to the growing influence and favor of certain gods associated with the great centers of ,babylonian life1 or possessing attributes that accorded more with the new political order and the general advance of culture4 ,one of the chief factors in this tendency towards centralization was1 as we saw1 the supremacy accorded to ,marduk in the new empire as the patron god of the capital1 and that not only led to his absorbing the role of other deities1#bbh but resulted also in strengthening the belief that there were only a limited number of deities upon whose power and willingness to aid dependence could be placed4 ,this tendency was in a measure offset by the pride that the rulers of the second ,babylonian period still took in parading at times1 as large a number as possible of deities under whose protection they claimed to stand4 ,as we pass from one age to the other1 the number of minor deities thus invoked also tends to diminish1 and the occasions likewise when they are invoked become limited to the more solemn invocations at the beginning and the close of inscriptions4 ,now1 in ,assyria we have much the same political conditions as in ,babylonia1 only intensified4 ,here1 too1 we have one god towering above the others1 only to a still greater degree even than ,marduk in ,babylonia4 ,marduk1 while absorbing the role of the old ,bel1 is still bound to acknowledge the fathership of ,ea4 ,for a time he has to fear the rivalry of ,nabu1 and we have seen that during the ,cassitic rule1 the glory of ,marduk is somewhat dimmed4 ,the god who comes to stand at the head of the ,assyrian pantheon--,ashur--suffers from none of these restrictions4 ,he is independent of other gods and is under no obligations to any of his fellows1 and his rule once acknowledged remains supreme1 with1 perhaps1 one short period excepted1#bbi throughout all the vicissitudes that the empire undergoes4 ,as a consequence of this unique position1 ,ashur is so completely identified with ,assyria1 that with the fall of the empire he1 too1 disappears1--whereas the ,marduk cult survives the loss of ,babylonian independence1 and is undisturbed even by the final absorption of ,babylonia into the empire of ,cyrus4 ,the tendency towards centralization of the cult is even more pronounced1 therefore1 in ,assyria than in ,babylonia4 ,marduk is a leader who has many gods as followers1 but all of whom have their distinct functions4 ,ashur is a host in himself4 ,he needs no attendants4 ,his aid suffices for all things1 and such is the attachment of his subjects to him that it would almost appear like an insult to his dignity to attach a long array of minor gods to him4 ,for the ,assyrian kings the same motives did not exist as for the ,babylonians to emphasize their control over all parts of their empire by adding the chief gods of these districts to the pantheon4 ,assyria was never split up into independent states like ,babylonia before the days of ,hammurabi4 ,the capital1 it is true1 changed with considerable frequency1 but there was always only one great center of political power4 ,so far as ,assyrian control over ,babylonia was concerned1 it was sufficient for the purposes of the ,assyrian rulers to claim ,marduk as their patron and protector1 and1 as we shall see1 they always made a point of emphasizing this claim4 ,hence we have only 'great gods1'#bcj and no minor deities1 in the train of ,ashur4 ,these 'great gods' could not be expunged from the pantheon without a complete severance of the ties that bound the ,assyrians to their past4 ,kings of great empires seldom favor religious revolutions4 ,but by the side of ,ashur these great gods pale1 and in the course of time the tendency becomes more marked to regard them merely as formal members of a little court with few functions of their own1 beyond that of adding by their presence to the majesty and glory of ,ashur4 ,one receives the impression that in ,assyria only a few of the gods invoked by the kings at the side of ,ashur exert any real influence on the lives of the people2 and such as do1 gain favor through possessing in some measure the chief attribute that distinguished ,ashur1--prowess in war4 ,they are little ,ashurs1 as it were1 by the side of the great one4 ,the position of ,ashur in the ,assyrian pantheon accounts for the general tendencies manifested by the religion of the northern empire1 and upon a clear conception of the character of ,ashur depends our understanding of the special points that distinguish the other gods from what we have learned of their character and traits in the southern states4 ,the beginning1 therefore1 of an account of the ,assyrian pantheon is properly to be made with ,ashur4 ,ashur4 ,the starting-point of the career of ,ashur is the city of ,ashur1 situated on the west bank of the ,tigris1 not far from the point where the lower ,zab flows into the ,tigris4 ,ashur is therefore distinctly a local deity1 and so far as the testimony of the texts goes1 he was never regarded in early days in any other light than as the local patron of the city to which he has given his name4 ,he was never worshipped1 so far as can be ascertained1 as a manifestation of any of the great powers of nature1--the sun or the moon2 though1 if anything1 he was originally a solar deity4#bca ,nor was he a symbol of any of the elements1--fire or water4 ,in this respect he differs from ,sin1 ,shamash1 ,nusku1#bcb and ,ea1 whose worship was localized1 without affecting the quasi-universal character that these deities possessed4 ,as a local deity his worship must have been limited to the city over which he spread his protecting arm2 and if we find the god afterwards holding jurisdiction over a much larger territory than the city of ,ashur1 it is because in the north1 as in the south1 a distinct state or empire was simply regarded as the extension of a city4 ,ashur became the god of ,assyria as the rulers of the city of ,ashur grew in power1--in the same way that ,marduk1 upon the union of the ,babylonian states under the supremacy of the city of ,babylon1 became the god of all ,babylonia4 ,but a difference between the north and the south is to be noted4 ,whereas ,marduk1 although the god of ,babylonia1 was worshipped only in the city of ,babylon where he was supposed to have his seat1 temples to ,ashur existed in various parts of the ,assyrian empire4 ,the god accompanied the kings in their wars1 and wherever the rulers settled1 there the god was worshipped4 ,so in the various changes of official residences that took place in the course of ,assyrian history from ,ashur to ,calah1 and from ,calah to ,nineveh1 and from ,nineveh to ,khorsabad1 the god took part1 and his central seat of worship depended upon the place that the kings chose for their official residence4 ,at the same time1 while the cult in the various temples that in the course of time were erected in his honor probably continued without interruption1 there was always one place--the official residence--which formed the central spot of worship4 ,there the god was supposed to dwell for the time being4 ,one factor1 perhaps1 that ought to be taken into consideration in accounting for this movable disposition of the god was that he was not symbolized exclusively by a statue1 as ,marduk and the other great gods were4 ,his chief symbol was a standard that could be carried from place to place1 and indeed was so made that it could be carried into the thick of the fray1 in order to assure the army of the god's presence4 ,the standard consisted of a pole surrounded by a disc enclosed within two wings1 while above the disc stood the figure of a warrior in the act of shooting an arrow4#bcc ,the statues of the gods were deposited in shrines1 and after being carried about1 as was done on festive days or other occasions1 they would be replaced in their shrines4 ,the military standard1 however1 followed the camp everywhere1 and when the kings chose to fix upon a new place for their military encampment--and such the official residences of the ,assyrian warrior-kings in large measure were--the standard would repose in the place selected4 ,how this standard came to be chosen1 and when1 is another question1 and one more difficult to answer4 ,it may be that the representation of the god by a standard was a consequence of the fondness that the rulers of ,ashur manifested for perpetual warfare2 or1 in other words1 that the god ,ashur was represented by a standard so that he might be carried into the battle and be moved from place to place4 ,at all events1 the two things--the standard and the warlike character of the subjects of ,ashur--stood in close relationship to one another1 and the further conclusion is justified that when a military standard came to be chosen as the symbol of ,ashur1 the god was recognized distinctly as a god of war4 ,the symbols accompanying the standard are of importance as enabling us to determine something more regarding the character of ,ashur4 ,in the first place1 the fact that it contained a figure may be taken as an indication that the god was at one time represented by a statue1--as indeed we know from other evidence1#bcd--;and that the change of his symbol from a statue to a standard is a result of the military activity of the ,assyrians4 ,the winged disc is so general a symbol of the sun in the religious system of various ancient nations#bce that one cannot escape the conclusion that the symbol must be similarly interpreted in the case before us4 ,is it possible1 therefore1 that in a period lying beyond that revealed by the oldest inscriptions at our disposal1 ,ashur was worshipped as a solar deity8 ,one is bound to confess that the evidence does not warrant us in regarding ,ashur as anything but the patron of the city of ,ashur4 ,nowhere do we find any allusion from which we are justified in concluding that he originally represented some elemental power or phenomenon4 ,tiele#bcf is of the decided opinion that ,ashur was at his origin a nature god of some kind1 and he goes so far as to suggest1 though with due reserve1 the possible identification of ,ashur with ,sin4 ,no doubt ,tiele is prompted to this view by the example of the great god of the south1 ,marduk1 who is originally a solar deity1 and by all the other great gods who represent1 or represented1 some power of nature4 ,analogy1 however1 is not a sufficiently reliable guide to settle a question for the solution of which historical material is lacking4 ,so much1 however1 may be said1 that if we are to assume that ,ashur personified originally some natural power1 the symbol of the winged disc lends a strong presumption in favor of supposing him to have been some phase of the sun4 ,so much1 then1 for the general character of ,ashur4 ,before passing on to a specification of his role and his traits1 as revealed by the historical texts1 a word remains to be said as to the etymology and form of the name4 ,ashur is the only instance that we have of a god expressly giving his name to a city1 for the name of the city can only be derived from that of the god1 and not vice versa4 ,the identification of the god with his favorite town must have been so complete that the town1 which probably had some specific name of its own1 became known simply as the 'city of the god ,ashur4' ,from such a designation it is but a small step to call the city simply1 ,ashur4 ,the difference between the god and the city would be indicated by the determinative for deity1 which was only attached to the former1 while the latter was written with the determinative attached to towns4 ,when this city of ,ashur extended its bounds until it became coequal with the domain of ,assyria1 the name of the god was transferred to the entire northern district of ,mesopotamia1 which1 as the country of the god ,ashur1 was written with the determinative for country4#bcg ,the ideographs which the ,assyrian scribes employed in writing the name of the god reveal the meaning they attached to it4 ,he is described ideographically as the 'good god4' ,this interpretation accords admirably with the general force of the verbal stem underlying the name4 ,in both ,hebrew and ,assyrian a-sh-r signifies 'to be gracious1 to grant blessing1 to cause to prosper4' ,ashur1 therefore1 is the god that blesses his subjects1 and to the latter he would accordingly appear as the 'good god' par excellence4 ,if the tempting etymology of our own word 'god1' which connects it with 'good1' be correct1 'god' would be almost the perfect equivalent of ,ashur4 ,it is not necessary to conclude1 as ,tiele does1#bch that ,ashur1 as the 'good one1' is an ethical abstraction1 but certainly a designation of a god as 'a good one' sounds more like a descriptive epithet than like a name4 ,the supposition that ,ashur was not1 therefore1 the original name of the god receives a certain measure of force from this consideration4 ,moreover1 there are indications that there actually existed another form of his name1 namely1 ,anshar4#bci ,this form ,anshar would1 according to the phonetic laws prevailing in ,assyria1 tend to become ,ash-shar4#bdj ,ashur--the 'good one'--would thus turn out to be an epithet of the god1 chosen as a 'play' suggested by ,ash-shar1 just as we found ,gula called the lady of ,ekalli1 and again ,kallat 7bride74#bda ,the etymology of ,anshar is as obscure as that of most of the ancient gods of ,babylonia1--as of ,sin1 ,marduk1 ,ishtar1 and many more4 ,but before leaving the subject1 it will be proper to call attention to the role that a god ,anshar plays in the ,babylonian-,assyrian cosmological system4 ,anshar and ,kishar are the second pair of deities to be created1 the first pair being ,lakhmu and ,lakhamu4 ,in the great fight of the gods against the monster ,tiamat1 it would appear that1 according to one version at least1 ,anshar sends ,anu1 ,ea1 and finally ,bel-,marduk1 in turn to destroy the monster4 ,he appears1 therefore1 to have exercised a kind of supremacy over the gods4 ,assuming the correctness of the deductions1 according to which ,ashur is an epithet arising by a play upon ,ash-shar 7from an original ,anshar71 it is hardly open to doubt that this ,anshar is the same as the one who appears in the cosmology4 ,on the other hand1 it is difficult to suppose that ,anshar should have played so significant a part in ,babylonian traditions and yet find no mention in the text of the rulers of ,babylonia4 ,bearing in mind what has been said as to the manner in which ancient traditions and myths were remodeled by the schoolmen to conform to later ideas1--we have seen how in this process the popularity of ,marduk led to his assuming the role originally played by ,bel1--may not the recognition given to ,anshar be a concession1 made at the time that ,assyria had begun her glorious career 7c4 #adjj ,b4,c471 to the chief god of the northern empire8 ,that such tendencies to glorify ,ashur may justly be sought for in part of the religious literature is proved by a version of one of the series of tablets giving an account of the creation1 and which assigns to ,anshar the work of building ,esharra1--i4e41 the earth1--that1 according to another version1 belongs to ,marduk4#bdb ,evidently1 then1 just as the ,babylonian theologians sought to glorify ,marduk at the expense of ,bel1 so ,assyrian theologians1 or such as stood under ,assyrian influences1 did not hesitate to replace ,marduk by their own favorite1 ,anshar4 ,in the chapter on the ',cosmology' we will have occasion to come back to this point4 ,for present purposes it is sufficient to have shown that the position of ,anshar in the remodeled traditions is an argument in favor of regarding ,anshar as the real name of the god who stands at the head of the ,assyrian pantheon4 ,in the oldest ,assyrian inscription known to us1 the god ,ashur is mentioned4 ,samsi-,ramman1 who does not yet assume the title of king1 but only patesi1--i4e41 'religious chief1'#bdc--prides himself upon being 'the builder of the temple of ,ashur4' ,the phrase does not mean that he founded the temple1 but only that he undertook building operations in connection with it4 ,the date of this ruler may be fixed roughly at #ahej ,b4,c41 and since the two inscribed bricks that we have of ,samsi-,ramman were found in the ruins of ,kalah-,shergat1--the site of the ancient city of ,ashur1--there can1 of course1 be no doubt that the temple at that place is referred to4 ,the rulers of ,assyria1 even after they assumed the title of 'king' 7c4 #aejj ,b4,c471 were still fond of calling themselves the 'priest' of the god ,ashur1 and frequently gave this title the preference over others4 ,in the fourteenth century the temple of ,ashur seems to have suffered at the hands of the ,cassites1 who attempted to extend their power to the north4 ,this plan was1 however1 frustrated by ,ramman-nirari ,i41 who forces the ,cassites to retreat1 successfully opposes other enemies of ,assyria1 and restores the injured parts of ,ashur's temple4 ,from this time on1 and for a period of several centuries1 ,assyria assumes an aggressive attitude1 and as a consequence the dependency upon the god is more keenly felt than before4 ,the enemies against whom the kings proceed are called 'the enemies of ,ashur1' the troops of the king are the troops of ,ashur1 and the weapons with which they fight are the weapons of ,ashur4 ,it is he who causes the arms of ,tiglathpileser ,i4 to strike down his foes4 ,the nations cannot endure the awful sight of the god4 ,his brilliancy--the reference being no doubt to the shining standard as it was carried into the fray--inspires on every side a terror that casts all enemies to the ground4 ,all warfare is carried on in the name of ,ashur4 ,the statement may be taken literally1 for an oracle was sought at critical moments to determine the course that was to be pursued4 ,the fight itself takes place with the help of the god1--again to be taken literally1 for the god1 represented by his symbol1 is present on the battlefield4 ,the victory1 accordingly1 belongs to the god in the first instance1 and only in a secondary degree to the king4 ,the nations are vanquished by ,ashur1 the conquered cities become subject to ,ashur1 and when the tribute is brought by the conquered foe1 it is to ,ashur that it is offered by the kings4 ,proud and haughty as the latter were1 and filled with greed for glory and power1 they never hesitated to humble themselves before their god4 ,they freely acknowledged that everything they possessed was due to ,ashur's favor4 ,it was he who called them to the throne1 who gave them the sceptre and crown1 and who firmly established their sovereignty4 ,through ,ashur1 who gives the king his invincible weapon1--the mighty bow1--the kingdom is enlarged1 until the kings feel justified in saying of themselves that1 by the nomination of ,ashur1 they govern the four quarters of the world4 ,nay1 the rulers go further and declare themselves to be the offspring of ,ashur4 ,it is not likely that they ever desired such an assertion also to be interpreted literally4 ,the phrase is rather to be taken as the strongest possible indication of the attachment they felt for their chief god4 ,everything that they possessed coming directly from their god1 how could this be better expressed than by making the god the source of their being8 ,the phrase1 at all events1 is interesting as showing that the element of love was not absent in the emotions that the thought of ,ashur aroused in the breasts of his subjects4 ,the kings cannot find sufficient terms of glorification to bestow upon ,ashur4 ,tiglathpileser ,i4 calls him 'the great lord ruling the assembly of gods1' and in similar style1 ,ashurnasirbal invokes him as 'the great god of all the gods4' ,for ,ramman-nirari ,,iii41 he is the king of the ,igigi--the heavenly host of spirits4 ,sargon lovingly addresses him as the father of the gods4 ,sennacherib calls him the great mountain or rock1--a phrase that recalls a ,biblical metaphor applied to the deity1--and ,esarhaddon speaks of him as the 'king of gods4' ,frequently ,ashur is invoked together with other gods4 ,he is 'the guide of the gods4' ,there is only one instance in which he does not occupy the first place4 ,ramman-nirari ,i41 to whom reference has above been made1 gives ,anu the preference over ,ashur in a list of gods1#bdd to whom conjointly he ascribes his victories4 ,we have already had occasion 7see pp4 #aec-aee7 to note the antiquity of ,anu worship in ,assyria1 the foundation of whose temple takes us beyond the period of ,samsi-,ramman4 ,ashur's importance begins only with the moment that the rulers of his city enter upon their career of conquest4 ,before that1 his power and fame were limited to the city over which he presided4 ,those gods who in the south occupied a superior rank were also acknowledged in the north4 ,the religion of the ,assyrians does not acquire traits that distinguish it from that of ,babylonia till the rise of a distinct ,assyrian empire4 ,here1 as in ,babylonia1 the religious conceptions1 and in a measure the art1 are shaped by the course of political events4 ,anu1 accordingly1 takes precedence to ,ashur previous to the supremacy of the city of ,ashur4 ,this superior rank belongs to him as the supreme god of heaven4 ,ramman-nirari's reign marks a turning-point in the history of ,assyria4 ,the enemies of ,ashur1 who had succeeded for a time in obscuring the god's glory through the humiliation which his land endured1 were driven back1 but neither the people nor the rulers had as yet become conscious of the fact that it was solely to ,ashur that the victory was due4 ,hence1 other gods are associated with ,ashur by ,ramman-nirari1 and the old god ,anu is accorded his proper rank4 ,after the days of ,ramman-nirari1 however1 ,ashur's precedence over all other gods is established4 ,whether associated with ,bel or with ,ramman1 or with ,shamash and ,ramman1 or with a larger representation of the pantheon1 ,ashur is invariably mentioned first4 ,from what has been said of the chief trait of ,assyrian history1 it follows1 as a matter of course1 that the popularity of ,ashur is due to the military successes of the ,assyrian armies2 and it follows1 with equal necessity1 that ,ashur1 whatever he may originally have been1 becomes purely a god of war1 from the moment that ,assyria enters upon what appeared to be her special mission4 ,all the titles given to ,ashur by the kings may be said to follow from his role as the god who presides over the fortunes of the wars4 ,if he is the 'ruler of all the gods1' and their father1 he is so simply by virtue of that same superior strength which makes him the 'law-giver' for mankind1 and not because of any ancient traditions1 nor as an expression of some nature-myth4 ,he lords it over gods and spirits1 but he lords it solely because of his warlike qualities4 ,ashur is the giver of crown and sceptre1 and the kings of ,assyria are the patesis of the god1 his lieutenants4 ,he is the god that embodies the spirit of ,assyrian history1 and as such he is the most characteristic personage of the ,assyrian pantheon--in a certain sense the only characteristic personage4 ,so profound is his influence that almost all the other gods of the pantheon take on some of his character4 ,whenever and wherever possible1 those phases of the god's nature are emphasized which point to the possession of power over enemies4 ,the gods of the ,assyrian pantheon impress one as diminutive ,ashurs by the side of the big one1 and in proportion as they approach nearer to the character of ,ashur himself1 is their hold upon the royal favor strengthened4 ,ishtar4 ,second in rank to ,ashur during the most glorious part of ,assyrian history stands the great goddess ,ishtar4 ,that the ,assyrian ,ishtar is identical with the great goddess of the ,babylonian pantheon is beyond reasonable doubt4 ,she approaches closest to ,nana1--the ,ishtar of ,erech2 but just as we found the ,babylonian ,ishtar appearing under various names and forms1 so there are no less than three ,ishtars in ,assyria1 distinguished in the texts as ,ishtar of ,nineveh1 ,ishtar of ,arbela1 and ,ishtar who presides over the temple known as ,kidmuru and who for that reason is generally called 'the queen of ,kidmuru4' ,the seat of the latter was in ,nineveh1 as was of course also the seat of ,ishtar of ,nineveh4 ,the third ,ishtar had her cult at ,arbela1#bde a town lying to the east of ,calah about midway between the upper and lower ,zab4 ,it is not easy to determine which of these three ,ishtars is the oldest4 ,the ,assyrians themselves seem to have been aware of the ,babylonian origin of ,ishtar1 for ,tiglathpileser ,i4 is at pains to emphasize that the temple he builds to ,ishtar in his capital is dedicated to the ',assyrian ,ishtar4'#bdf ,this being the oldest mention of ,ishtar in ,assyrian texts1 we are perhaps warranted in concluding that the cult of the goddess was transferred with the seat of government to ,nineveh4 ,this would not necessarily make ,ishtar of ,nineveh the oldest of the three1 but accounts for the higher rank that was accorded to her1 as against the other two4 ,ishtar of ,arbela and the queen of ,kidmuru do not make their appearance so far as the historical texts are concerned till the time of ,esarhaddon 7#fha1 ,b4,c47--a comparatively late date4 ,tiele#bdg suggests that ,arbela became the seat of a school of prophets in the service of ,ishtar4 ,the curious name of the place1 the 'four-god' city1 certainly speaks in favor of supposing ,arbela to have been a great religious center1 but until excavations shall have been conducted on the modern site of the town1 the problems connected with the worship of ,ishtar of ,arbela cannot be solved4 ,it is quite possible1 if not probable1 that the three ,ishtars are each of independent origin4 ,the 'queen of ,kidmuru1' indeed1 ,i venture to think1 is the indigenous ,ishtar of ,nineveh1 who is obliged to yield her place to the so-called ',assyrian ,ishtar' upon the transfer of the capitol of ,assyria to ,nineveh1 and henceforth is known by one of her epithets to distinguish her from her formidable rival4 ,the cult of ,ishtar at ,arbela is probably1 too1 of ancient date2 but special circumstances that escape us appear to have led to a revival of interest in their cults during the period when ,assyria reached the zenith of her power4 ,the important point for us to bear in mind is that no essential distinctions between these three ,ishtars were made by the ,assyrians4 ,their traits and epithets are similar1 and for all practical purposes we have only one ,ishtar in the northern empire4 ,next to ,ashur1 or rather by the side of ,ashur1 ,ishtar was invoked as the great goddess of battle and war4 ,this trait1 however1 was not given to her by the ,assyrians4 ,hammurabi views the goddess in this light1#bdh and in the ,izdubar or ,gilgamesh epic1 as already pointed out1 she appears at times in the role of a violent destroyer4 ,the warlike phase of the goddess's nature is largely accentuated in the ,assyrian pantheon and dwelt upon to the exclusion of that softer and milder side which we have seen characterized her as 'the mother of mankind4' ,her role as the goddess of war grows in prominence as the ,assyrian rulers proceed in their triumphal careers4 ,ashurrishishi 7c4 #aaej ,b4,c47 invokes her simply as the superior goddess1 but for ,tiglathpileser ,i4 and from his days on1 she is primarily the lady of war1 who arranges the order of battle and encourages her favorites to fight4 ,she appears in dreams at critical moments1 and whispers words of cheer to ,king ,ashurbanabal4 ,when danger threatens1 it is to her that the great king spreads his hands in prayer4 ,she is not merely the goddess of the kings1 but of the people as well4 ,the latter are instructed to honor her4 ,no deity approaches her in splendor4 ,as ,ashur rules the ,igigi1 so ,ishtar is declared to be 'mighty over the ,anunnaki4' ,her commands are not to be opposed4 ,her appearance is that of a being clothed with fiery flames1 and streams of fire are sent down by her upon the enemies of ,ashurbanabal--a description that expresses admirably the conception formed by the ,assyrians of a genuine goddess of war4 ,like ,ashur1 she is given a supreme rank among the gods4 ,shalmaneser ,,ii4 calls her the first-born of heaven and earth1 and for ,tiglathpileser ,i41 she is the first among the gods4 ,her milder attributes as the gracious mother of creation1 the giver of plenty1 and the hearer of the supplications of the sinner1 so prominent in the religious literature1#bdi are not dwelt upon in the historical texts4 ,still1 an element of love also enters into the relationship with her subjects4 ,ashurnasirbal 7#hhe-hfj ,b4,c47 speaks of her as the lady who 'loves him and his priesthood4' ,sennacherib similarly associates ,ishtar with ,ashur as the lover of his priesthood4 ,as a goddess of war she is of course 'perfect in courage1' as ,shalmaneser ,,ii4 declares4 ,temples are erected to her in the city of ,ashur1 in ,nineveh and ,arbela4 ,ashurbanabal distinguishes carefully between the two ,ishtars1--the one of ,nineveh and the one of ,arbela2 and1 strange enough1 while terming ,nineveh the favorite city of ,ishtar1 he seems to give the preference to ,ishtar of ,arbela4 ,it is to the latter#bej that when hard pressed by the ,elamites he addresses his prayer1 calling her 'the lady of ,arbela'2 and it is this ,ishtar who appears to the royal troops in a dream4 ,the month of ,ab--the fifth month of the ,babylonian calendar--is sacred to ,ishtar4 ,ashurbanabal proceeds to ,arbela for the purpose of worshipping her during this sacred period4 ,something must have occurred during his reign1 to bring the goddess of ,arbela into such remarkable prominence1 but even ,ashurbanabal does not go so far as to place ,ishtar of ,arbela before ,ishtar of ,nineveh1 when enumerating the gods of the pantheon4 ,one point still remains to be mentioned before passing on4 ,ashurbanabal calls ,ishtar--he is speaking of ,ishtar of ,nineveh--the wife of ,bel4#bea ,now ,ishtar never appears in this capacity in the ,babylonian inscriptions4 ,if there is one goddess with whom she has nothing in common1 it is ,belit of ,nippur4 ,to account for this curious statement on the part of the ,assyrian scribes1 it is only necessary to bear in mind that the name ,belit signifies 'lady1' and ,ishtar is constantly spoken of as the ,belit or lady of battle4 ,much the same train of thought that led to regarding ,bel in the sense of 'lord1' merely as a title of ,marduk1 gave rise to the use of ',belit1' as the title of the great 'lady' of the ,assyrian pantheon4#beb ,from this it is but a small--but of course erroneous--step1 to speak of ,belit-,ishtar as the consort of ,bel4 ,whether the error is due only to the scribe1 or whether it actually made its way into the ,assyrian system of theology1 it is difficult to say4 ,probably the former2 for the distinguishing feature of both the ,babylonian and the ,assyrian ,ishtar is her independent position4 ,though at times brought into close association with ,ashur1 she is not regarded as the mere consort of any god--no mere reflection of a male deity1 but ruling in her own right on a perfect par with the great gods of the pantheon4 ,she is coequal in rank and dignity with ,ashur4 ,her name becomes synonymous with goddess1 as ,marduk becomes the synonym for god4 ,the female deities both native and foreign come to be regarded as so many forms of ,ishtar4 ,in a certain sense ,ishtar is the only real goddess of the later ,assyrian pantheon1 the only one taking an active part in the religious and political life of the people4 ,at the same time it is to be noted that by the side of the ,assyrian ,ishtar1 the ,babylonian ,ishtar1 especially the one associated with ,erech 7or ,warka7 is also worshipped by the monarchs of the north4 ,esarhaddon devotes himself to the improvement of the old temple at ,erech1 and ,ashurbanabal prides himself upon having rescued out of the hands of the ,elamites a statue of ,ishtar or ,nana of ,erech that had been captured #afce years previous4#bec ,anu4 ,reference has already been made to the antiquity of the ,anu cult in ,assyria1 and that prior to the time that the city of ,ashur assumes the role of mistress of the northern district1 ,anu stood at the head of the pantheon1 just as theoretically he continued to occupy this place in the pantheon of the south4 ,what is especially important1 he had a temple in the very city of ,ashur1 whose patron god succeeded in usurping the place of the old 'god of heaven4' ,the character of ,anu in the north differs in no way from the traits assigned to him in the south4 ,he is the king of the ,igigi and ,anunnaki1 that is1 of all the heavenly and earthly spirits1 and he is this by virtue of being the supreme god of heaven4 ,his cult1 however1 appears to have suffered through the overshadowing supremacy of ,ashur4 ,even in his old temple at ,ashur1 which ,tiglathpileser ,i4 on the occasion of his rebuilding it1 tells us was founded #fda years before this restoration1#bed he is no longer accorded sole homage4 ,ramman1 the god of thunder and of storms1 because correlated to ,anu1 is placed by the side of the latter and permitted to share the honors with ,anu4#bee ,anu survives in the ,assyrian as in the ,babylonian pantheon by virtue of being a member of the theological triad1 composed as we have seen of ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea4 ,tiglathpileser ,i4 still invokes ,anu as a deity of practical importance4 ,he associates him with ,ramman and ,ishtar as the great gods of the city of ,ashur or with ,ramman alone1 but beyond an incidental mention by ,ashurnasirbal1 who in a long list of gods at the beginning of his annals emphasizes the fact of his being the favorite of ,anu1 he appears only in combination with ,bel and ,ea4 ,the same degree of reverence1 however1 was shown to the old triad in ,assyria as in ,babylonia4 ,the three gods are asked not to listen to the prayers of the one who destroys the monuments set up by the kings4 ,sargon tells us that it is ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea who fix the names of the months1#bef and this same king when he comes to assign names to the eight gates of his great palace1 does not forget to include ,anu in the list of deities1#beg describing him as the god who blesses his handiwork4 ,dagan4 ,coequal in antiquity with the cult of ,anu in ,assyria is that of ,dagan4 ,although occurring in ,babylonia as early as the days of ,hammurabi1 and indeed earlier1#beh it would appear that his worship was imported from the north into the south4#bei ,at all events1 it is in the north that the cult of ,dagan rises to prominence4 ,the name of the god appears as an element in the name of ,ishme-,dagan 7the father of ,samsi-,ramman ,,ii471#bfj whose date may be fixed at the close of the nineteenth century ,b4,c4 ,the form ,dagan is interesting as being almost identical with the name of the chief god of the ,philistines1 ,dagon1#bfa who is mentioned in the ,book of ,judges4 ,the resemblance can hardly be entirely accidental4 ,from other sources we know that ,dagan was worshipped in ,palestine as early as the fourteenth or fifteenth century1 and the form ,dagan1 if derived from ,dag1 contains an afformative element which stamps the word as non-,assyrian4 ,the proposition has much in its favor which regards ,dagan as a god whose worship was introduced into ,assyria at a very early period through the influence of ,aramaean hordes1 who continue throughout ,assyrian history to skirt the eastern shores of the ,tigris4 ,once introduced1 however1 into ,assyria1 ,dagan assumes a different form from the one that he receives among the ,philistines4 ,to the latter he is the god of agriculture1 while in ,assyria he rises to the rank of second in the pantheon1 and becomes the associate of ,anu4 ,the latter's dominion being the heavens1 ,dagan is conceived as the god of earth4 ,hence1 there results the fusion with the ,babylonian ,bel1 which has already been noted1#bfb and it is due to this fusion that ,dagan disappears almost entirely from the ,assyrian pantheon4 ,ashurnasirbal invokes ,dagan with ,anu4 ,two centuries later1 ,sargon1 whose scribes1 as ,jensen has noticed1 manifest an 'archaeological' fondness for the earlier deities1 repeats the phrase of ,ashurnasirbal1 and also calls his subjects 'troops of ,anu and ,dagan'2 but it is important to observe that he does not include ,dagan among the deities in whose honor he assigns names to the gates of his palace4 ,we may1 therefore1 fix upon the ninth century as the terminus for the ,dagan cult in ,assyria4 ,proper names compounded with ,dagan do not occur after the days of ,ashurnasirbal4#bfc ,shamash4 ,besides the testimony furnished by the name of the king1 ,samsi-,ramman1 we have a proof for the antiquity of the ,shamash cult in ,assyria in the express statement of ,pudilu 7c4 #acej ,b4,c47 that he built a temple to the sun-god in the city of ,ashur4 ,he calls ,shamash the 'protecting deity1' but the protection vouchsafed by ,shamash is to be understood in a peculiar sense4 ,shamash does not work by caprice4 ,he is1 as we have seen1 preeminently a god of justice1 whose favors are bestowed in accordance with unchangeable principles4 ,so far as ,assyria is concerned1 the conceptions regarding ,shamash reach a higher ethical level than those connected with any other deity4 ,ashur and ,ishtar are partial to ,assyria1 and uphold her rulers at any cost1 but the favors of ,shamash are bestowed upon the kings because of their righteousness1 or1 what is the same thing1 because of their claim to being righteous4 ,for ,tiglathpileser ,i41 great and ruthless warrior as he is1 ,shamash is the judge of heaven and earth1 who sees the wickedness of the king's enemies1 and shatters them because of their guilt4 ,when the king mercifully sets certain captives free1 it is in the presence of ,shamash that he performs this act4 ,it is1 therefore1 as the advocate of the righteous cause that ,tiglathpileser claims to have received the glorious sceptre at the hands of ,shamash2 and so also for the successors of ,tiglathpileser1 down to the days of ,sargon1 ,shamash is above all and first of all the judge1 both of men and of the gods4 ,there is1 of course1 nothing new in this view of ,shamash1 which is precisely the one developed in ,babylonia2 but in ,assyria1 perhaps for the reason that in ,shamash is concentrated almost all of the ethical instinct of the northern people1 the judicial traits of ,shamash appear to be even more strongly emphasized4 ,especially in the days of ,ashurnasirbal and ,shalmaneser ,,ii4--the ninth century--does the sun-cult receive great prominence4 ,these kings call themselves the sun of the world4 ,the phrase1#bfd indeed1 has so distinctly an ,egyptian flavor1 that1 in connection with other considerations1 it seems quite plausible to assume that the influence of ,egyptian reverence for ,ra had much to do with the popularity of the sun-cult about this time4 ,shalmaneser bestows numerous epithets upon ,shamash4 ,he is the guide of everything1 the messenger of the gods1 the hero1 the judge of the world who guides mankind aright1 and1 what is most significant1 the lord of law4 ,the word used for law1 tertu1 is identical with the ,hebrew term tora that is used to designate the ,pentateuchal legislation4 ,no better testimony could be desired to show the nature of the conceptions that must have been current of ,shamash4 ,sargon1 again1 who is fond of emphasizing the just principles that inspire his acts1 goes to the length of building a sanctuary#bfe for ,shamash far beyond the northern limits of ,assyria4 ,but the kings1 in thus placing themselves under the protection of the great judge1 were not oblivious to the fact that this protection was particularly desired on the battlefield4 ,war being uppermost in their thoughts1 the other side of ,shamash's nature--his power and violence--was not overlooked4 ,tiglathpileser invokes him also as the warrior1--a title that is often given to ,shamash in the religious literature4 ,there can be little doubt that a nation of warriors whose chief deities were gods of war1 was attracted to ,shamash not merely because he was the judge of all things1 but also1 and in a large degree1 because he possessed some of the traits that distinguished ,ashur and ,ishtar4 ,ramman4 ,the association of ,ramman with ,shamash in the name of the old ruler of ,assyria1 ,samsi-,ramman1 is not accidental or due to mere caprice4 ,only such deities are combined in proper names that are1 or may be1 correlated to one another4 ,ramman1 as the god of storms1 is naturally viewed as a power complementary to the great orb of light4#bff ,the two in combination1 viewed as the beneficent and the destructive power1 constitute the most powerful elements of nature1 whose good will it was most important1 especially for a nation of warriors1 to secure4 ,some such thought surely underlies this association of ,shamash with ,ramman4 ,the ,assyrian ,ramman differs in no way from the ,ramman of ,babylonia1 but he is much more popular in the north than in the south4 ,the popularity of the god is but a reflection of the delight that the ,assyrians took in military pursuits4 ,ramman is hardly anything more than another ,ashur4 ,tiglathpileser ,i41 who once calls the god ,mar-tu1 i4e41 the ,west god1#bfg has left us an admirable description of him4 ,he is the hero who floods the lands and houses of the country's enemies4 ,the approach of the ,assyrian troops is compared to an onslaught of ,ramman4 ,his curses are the most dreadful that can befall a nation or an individual1 for his instruments of destruction are lightning1 hunger1 and death4 ,reference has several times been made to the manner in which ,tiglathpileser honors ,ramman by making him a partner of ,anu in the great temple of the latter at ,ashur4 ,but the successors of ,tiglathpileser are no less zealous in their reverence for ,ramman4 ,it is to ,ramman that the kings offer sacrifices during the campaign1 and when they wish to depict in the strongest terms the destruction that follows in the wake of an onslaught of the ,assyrian troops1 they declare that they swept over everything like ,ramman4 ,it is natural1 in view of this1 that ,ramman should have been to the ,assyrians also the 'mightiest of the gods4'#bfh ,through the ,assyrian inscriptions we learn something of the consort of ,ramman4 ,shala4 ,sennacherib tells us that in the course of his campaign against ,babylonia he removes out of the city of ,babylon1 and replaces in ,ekallate#bfi the statues of ,ramman and ,shala4 ,this1 he says1 he did #dah years after the time that they had been carried captive from ,ekallate to ,babylon by ,marduknadinakhi4#bgj ,we know nothing more of this ,ekallate except that it lay in ,assyria1--probably in the southern half1--and that ,ramman and ,shala are called the gods of the city4 ,the name ',shala' appears to signify 'woman4' ,it reminds us1 therefore1 of 'lady' 7,ninni1 ,nana1 etc471 which we have found to be the designation for several distinct goddesses4 ,it is possible that ,shala1 likewise1 being a name of so indefinite a character1 was applied to other goddesses4 ,a ',shala of the mountains1' who is stated to be the wife of ,marduk1 is mentioned in a list of gods4#bga ,the wife of ,bel1 too1 is once called ,shala1 though in this case the confusion between ,marduk and ,bel may have led to transferring the name from the consort of one to the consort of the other4 ,too much importance must not be attached to the data furnished by these lists of gods4 ,they represent in many cases purely arbitrary attempts to systematize the ,babylonian and ,assyrian pantheon1 and in other cases are valuable only as reflecting the views of the theologians1 or rather of certain schools of theological thought1 in ,babylonia4 ,in the religious hymns1 too1 the consort of ,ramman finds mention1 and by a play upon her name is described as the 'merciful one4' ,the attribute given to her there is the 'lady of the field1' which puts her in contrast to ,ramman1 rather than in partnership with him4 ,since we hear little of her worship in ,assyria1 beyond the notices of ,sennacherib1 we may conclude that1 like so many goddesses1 ,shala dwindled to the insignificant proportions of a mere pale reflection of the male deity4 ,nin-ib4 ,another god1 who by virtue of his violent traits enjoys the favor of the ,assyrian rulers1 is the old ,babylonian deity whose name is provisionally read ,nin-ib4 ,in the very first mention of him1 in the inscription of ,ashurrishishi 7c4 #aaej ,b4,c471 he is called the 'mighty one of the gods4' ,through the protection of ,nin-ib1 ,ashurrishishi secures victory over his enemies on all sides4 ,similarly1 other of the ,assyrian rulers emphasize the strength of ,nin-ib4 ,tiglathpileser ,i4 calls him the courageous one1 whose special function is the destruction of the king's enemies4 ,in doing so he becomes the god 'who fulfills the heart's desire4' ,the unmistakable character of the god as a god of war is also shown by his association with ,ashur4#bgb ,if ,ashur is the king of ,igigi and ,anunnaki1 ,nin-ib is the hero of the heavenly and earthly spirits4 ,to him the rulers fly for help4 ,of all the kings1 ,ashurnasirbal seems to have been especially devoted to the service of ,nin-ib4 ,the annals of this king1 instead of beginning1 as is customary1 with an invocation of all or many of the gods1 starts out with an address to ,nin-ib1 in which the king fairly exhausts the vocabulary of the language in his desire to secure the favor of this powerful deity4 ,almost all the attributes he assigns to him have reference to the god's powers in war4 ,dwelling in the capital ,calah1 he is 'the strong1 the mighty1 the supreme one1' the perfect hero1 who is invincible in battle1 the 'destroyer of all opposition1 who holds the lock of heaven and earth1 who opens the deep2 the strong one1 endowed with youthful vigor1 whose decree is unchangeable1 without whom no decision is made in heaven or on earth1 whose attack is like a flood1 who sweeps away the land of his enemies1' and so forth1 through a bewildering array of epithets4 ,the inscriptions of the ,assyrian kings1 especially in the introductions1 manifest little originality4 ,one king1 or rather his scribe1 frequently copies from earlier productions1 or imitates them4 ,hence1 it happens that the grandson of ,ashurnasirbal1 ,shamshi-,ramman 7c4 #hbe-hab ,b4,c471 furnishes us with an almost equally long array of epithets1 exalting the strength and terror of ,nin-ib4 ,like ,ashurnasirbal1 he declared himself to have been chosen by this god to occupy the throne4 ,a comparison of the two lists makes it evident that the later one is modeled upon the earlier production4 ,the conclusion is justified that in the century covered by the reigns of ,ashurnasirbal#bgc and ,shamshi-,ramman1 the cult of ,nin-ib must have acquired great popularity1 though suffering1 perhaps1 an interruption during the reign of ,shalmaneser ,,ii41--midway between these two kings1--whose favorite we have seen was ,shamash4 ,the great temple of ,nin-ib stood in ,calah1 which ,ashurnasirbal chose as his official residence1 and it was in this temple that the king deposited a long inscription commemorating his deeds4 ,in the temple1 he also places a colossal statue of the god4 ,upon the completion of the edifice1 he dedicates it with prayer and sacrifices4 ,the special festivals of the god are fixed for the months of ,shabat and ,ulul1--the eleventh and sixth months1--and provision is made for the regular maintenance of the cult4 ,it must1 of course1 not be supposed that1 because ,nin-ib appears to be a favorite of the king1 the latter concentrates his attentions upon this god4 ,he appears to have been specially fond of temple building1 and1 besides the one to ,nin-ib1 he tells us of sanctuaries to ',belit of the land1' i4e41 ,ishtar1#bgd ,sin1 ,gula1 ,ea1 and ,ramman1--that he erects or improves4 ,one might be led to regard it as strange that a god like ,nin-ib1 or ,shamash1 should claim so large a share of the attention of the ,assyrian rulers1 to the apparent neglect of ,ashur1 but it must be borne in mind that the position of ,ashur was so assured as to be beyond the reach of rivalry4 ,the fact also that ,ashur's popular symbol was the movable standard was no doubt a reason why so few temples were erected to him4 ,he did not stand in need of temples4 ,for the very reason that ,ashur was the universally acknowledged master of everything1 the kings felt called upon to choose1 by the side of ,ashur1 some additional deity1--a patron under whose special protection they placed themselves4 ,the natural desire for novelty--together with other circumstances that escape us--led one to choose ,ramman1 another ,nin-ib1 a third ,shamash1 and a fourth1 as we shall see1 ,nabu4 ,in doing so they were not conscious of any lack of respect towards ,ashur1 of whose good will they always felt certain4 ,besides the service rendered by ,nin-ib in war1 his aid was also invoked by the kings in their recreations1 which partook of the same violent character as their vocation4 ,their favorite sport was hunting1 especially of lions1 wild horses1 elephants1 stags1 boars1 and bulls4 ,they either proceeded to districts where these animals were to be found1 or they had large parks laid out near their residences1 which were then stocked with material for the chase4 ,ashurnasirbal does not shun a long journey to distant mountainous regions to seek for sport1 and it is ,nin-ib whom he invokes1 together with ,nergal4 ,these two1 he declares1 who1 like ,ashur and ,ishtar1 love his priesthood1 are the ones that convey into his hands the hunting spoils4 ,tiglathpileser ,i4 was especially fond of lion and elephant hunting4 ,he declares that on one occasion he killed #aj elephants and #ibj lions in various parts of northwestern ,mesopotamia2 and he ascribes his success to ,nin-ib1 who loves him1 and who1 again1 in association with ,nergal1 and ,ashur1 has placed in the king's hands the mighty weapons and the glorious bow4 ,after the days of ,shamshi-,ramman we hear of ,nin-ib chiefly in the formal lists of gods which the later kings of ,assyria1 from ,sargon#bge on1 are fond of placing at the beginning and end of their inscriptions4 ,these lists1 again1 copied the one from the other1 are of value only as indicating the chief gods of the pantheon1 but warrant no conclusions as to the activity reigning in the cults of the gods there mentioned4 ,before leaving ,nin-ib a few words need be said as to his relations to the other gods4 ,in the chapter on the pantheon before ,hammurabi1#bgf the identity of ,nin-ib with the chief god of ,gudea's district1 ,nin-girsu1 has been pointed out4 ,the solar character of the latter being clear1 it follows that ,nin-ib1 too1 is originally a personification of the sun1 like ,nin-gish-zida and ,nin-shakh1 whose roles are absorbed by ,nin-ib4#bgg ,this has long been recognized1 but it is the merit of ,jensen#bgh to have demonstrated that it is the east sun and the morning sun which is more especially represented by ,nin-ib4 ,on this supposition1 some of the titles given to him in the inscriptions of ,ashurnasirbal and ,shamshi-,ramman become perfectly clear4 ,like ,marduk1 who1 it will be remembered1 is also originally a phase of the solar deity1 ,nin-ib is called the first-born of ,ea2 and as the rising sun he is appropriately called the offspring of ,ekur1--i4e41 the earth1--in allusion to his apparent ascent from a place below the earth4 ,ekur and ,eshara being employed as synonyms1 ,shamshi-,ramman replaces ,ekur by ,eshara1 and since ,bel is the lord of ,ekur-,eshara1 ,nin-ib also becomes the first-born son of ,bel4 ,other epithets1 such as 'the light of heaven and earth1' 'the one who pursues his path over the wide world1'#bgi are all in keeping with the solar character of the deity1 and date1 therefore1 from a period when the more purely 'nature' phases of the god were dwelt upon4 ,but just as in the case of ,shamash and ,nergal 7also1 as we have seen1 a solar deity71 so in that of ,nin-ib1 the violent1 fiery1 and destructive character that the sun has in a climate like that of ,babylonia brought it about that ,nin-ib was viewed as a destructive force1 whose assistance was of great value in military strife4 ,he becomes the god of the cloud storm1 before whom1 as he passes along1 heaven and earth tremble4 ,by his strong weapon he humiliates the disobedient1 destroys the enemies of the kings1 and grants all manner of protection to his favorites4 ,only in the religious literature are other qualities dwelt upon1 such as his 'holiness4'#bhj ,for ,hammurabi1 it will be recalled1 ,nin-ib is already the god of war1 and it is natural that in a country like ,assyria this side of the god's nature should become accentuated to the point of obscuring all others1 until nothing more is left of his solar character than is indicated by stray bits of mythological phrases1 perhaps only half understood1 and introduced to add to the imposing array of epithets that belong to the terrible god of war4 ,as the consort of ,nin-ib1 the ,assyrians recognized ,gula4 ,she is only occasionally invoked by the ,assyrian rulers4 ,a sanctuary to ,gula1 as the consort of ,nin-ib1 is erected by ,ashurnasirbal1 and a festival in honor of the goddess is referred to by ,ashurbanabal4 ,nergal4 ,nergal not only shares with ,nin-ib1 as already mentioned1 the honor of being the god under whose auspices the royal chase is carried on1 but he is also1 like ,nin-ib1 invoked in that other sport of which the ,assyrian rulers were so fond1--war4 ,he is scarcely differentiated from ,nin-ib4 ,like the latter he is the perfect king of battle1 who marches before the monarch together with ,ashur1 and he is pictured as carrying the mighty weapons which ,ashur has presented to the king4 ,in an inscription of ,shalmaneser ,,ii4#bha there is an interesting reference to the city sacred to ,nergal--,cuthah4 ,the king1 who in the course of his campaign against ,babylonia reaches ,cuthah1 brings sacrifices to ,nergal1 whom he speaks of as 'the hero of the gods1 the supreme raging sun4' ,a later king1 ,sargon1 also honors the god by giving a fortress in the distant land of ,nairi1 to the northeast of ,assyria1 the name of ,kar#bhb-,nergal4 ,it would seem as though1 through the influence of ,sargon1 a revival of the ,nergal cult took place4 ,his successor1 ,sennacherib1 erects a temple in honor of the god at ,tarbisu1 a suburb to the north of ,nineveh proper1 and ,ashurbanabal1 who dwells at ,tarbisu for a while1 is engaged in adding to the beauty of the edifice1--an indication of the honor in which the god continued to be held4 ,nergal's consort is ,laz1 but she is not referred to by the ,assyrian rulers4 ,sin4 ,the old ,babylonian moon-god plays a comparatively insignificant role in ,assyria4 ,ashurnasirbal speaks of a temple that he founded in ,calah--perhaps only a chapel--in honor of ,sin4 ,it could not have been of much importance1 for we learn nothing further about it4 ,sargon1 too1 who manifests a great fondness for reviving ancient cults1 erects sanctuaries to ,sin along with a quantity of other gods in his official residence at ,khorsabad and beyond the northeastern confines of ,assyria at ,magganubba4 ,but when invoked by the kings1 ,sin shows traces of the influence which the conceptions current about ,ashur exerted upon his fellow deities4 ,he takes on1 as other of the gods1 the attributes of the war-god4 ,instead of being merely the lord of the crescent1 as in ,babylonia1 and one of the sources of wisdom because of the connection of astrology with lunar observations1 he is pictured as capable of inspiring terror4 ,at the same time he is also the lord of plenty1 and in his capacity as the wise god he is regarded as the lord of decisions4 ,but by the side of new epithets that are attached to him in the ,assyrian inscriptions1 there is one which1 just as in the case of ,nin-ib1 connects the ,assyrian ,sin cult with the oldest phase of moon-worship in the south4 ,it is one of the last kings of ,assyria1 ,ashurbanabal1 who calls ,sin 'the firstborn son of ,bel4' ,he appears in this relationship to ,bel in the religious texts of ,babylonia4 ,the ,bel here meant can only be the great god of ,nippur1 and the title 'son of ,bel' accordingly shows that the moon-worship of ,assyria is ultimately derived from that which had its seat in the south4 ,sin's secondary position is indicated by making him a son of ,bel4 ,the rise of the science of astronomy in connection with astrology1 was1 as already suggested1 an important factor in spreading and maintaining the ,sin cult in the south1 while the lack of intellectual originality in ,assyria would equally account for the comparatively subordinate position occupied by ,sin in the ,assyrian pantheon4 ,nusku4 ,that ,nusku is a ,babylonian god1 meriting a place in the pantheon of ,hammurabi1 if not of the days prior to the union of the ,babylonian states1 is shown by the fact 7#a7 that he had a shrine in the great temple of ,marduk at ,babylon1 along with ,nebo1 ,tashmiyum1 and ,ea2#bhc and 7#b7 that he appears in the religious texts4 ,in view of this it might appear strange that we find no reference to the god in historical texts till we reach the ,assyrian period4 ,the reason1 or at least one reason1 is that ,nusku is on the one hand amalgamated with ,gibil1 the fire-god1 and on the other identified with ,nabu4 ,the compound ideogram with which his name is written includes the same sign--the stylus or sceptre--that is used to designate ,nabu1 the second part of the ideogram adding the idea of 'force and strength4' ,whether this graphical assimilation is to be regarded as a factor in bringing about the identification of ,nusku and ,nabu1 or is due to an original similarity in the traits of the two gods1 it is difficult to say4 ,hardly the latter1 for ,nusku is a solar deity1 whereas1 as we have tried to show1 ,nabu is originally a water-deity4#bhd ,but however we may choose to account for it1 the prominence of ,nusku is obscured by ,nabu4 ,as a solar deity1 it is easy to see how he should have been regarded as a phase of the fire-god1 and if the various other solar deities were not so regarded1 it is because in the course of their development they were clothed with other attributes that1 while obscuring their origin1 saved them from the loss of their identity4 ,apart from the formal lists of gods drawn up by ,sargon and his successors1 ,shalmaneser ,,ii4 and ,ashurbanabal are the only kings who make special mention of ,nusku4 ,the former calls him the bearer of the brilliant sceptre1 just as ,nabu is so called2 and again1 just as ,nabu1 he is termed the wise god4 ,the two phases of the ideogram used in his name--the sceptre and the stylus--are thus united in the personage of ,nusku precisely as in ,nabu4 ,on the other hand1 the manner in which ,ashurbanabal speaks of him reflects the mythological aspect of ,nusku4 ,in the religious literature ,nusku is the messenger of ,bel-,marduk1 who conveys the message of the latter to ,ea4 ,from being the messenger of ,bel1 he comes to be viewed as the messenger of the gods in general1 and accordingly ,ashurbanabal addresses him as 'the highly honored messenger of the gods1' but1 combining with the mythological the more realistic aspect of ,nusku1 refers to him also as the one who glorifies sovereignty and who1 at the command of ,ashur and ,belit1 stands at the king's side to aid in bringing the enemies to fall4 ,as for the fire-god ,gibil1 with whom ,nusku is identified1 we have merely a reference to a month of the year sacred to the servant of ,gibil in a passage of the inscriptions of ,sargon4#bhe ,bel-,marduk4 ,from the time that the ,assyrian rulers claimed a greater or small measure of control over the affairs of ,babylonia1 that is1 therefore1 from about the twelfth century1 they were anxious to make good their claim by including in their pantheon the chief god of ,babylonia4 ,the ,assyrian inscriptions prove that1 as early as the twelfth century1 the theoretical absorption on the part of ,marduk1 of the role taken by the old god ,bel of ,nippur1 which was enlarged upon in a preceding chapter1#bhf had already taken place4 ,marduk is not only frequently known as ,bel1 but what is more1 ,babylonia is the country of ,bel1 or simply ,bel1 and the ,babylonians are referred to as 'the subjects of ,bel1' or the 'humanity of ,bel4' ,there can be no doubt that in all these cases ,bel-,marduk is meant and not the older ,bel4 ,in the days of ,ashurrishishi we already come across the title 'governor of ,bel1' that to the latest days remains the official designation for political control over the southern empire4 ,so general is this use of ,bel for ,marduk that the latter name does not occur until we reach ,shalmaneser ,,ii41 i4e41 the ninth century4 ,there seems to be no reason to question1 therefore1 that even when ,tiglathpileser ,i4 applies to ,bel titles that certainly belong to the older ,bel1 such as 'father of the gods1' 'king of all the ,anunnaki1' 'who fixes the decrees of heaven and earth1' he means ,marduk1 a proof for which may be seen in the epithet bel matati1 'lord of lands1' which follows upon these designations and which1 as we saw1 is a factor in the evolution of ,marduk into ,bel-,marduk4#bhg ,the importance that ,tiglathpileser ,i41 and therefore also his successors1 attached to their control over the old southern district1 is shown by his according to ,bel the second place in the pantheon1 invoking him at the beginning of his inscriptions immediately after ,ashur4 ,the control over ,babylonia was an achievement that stirred the pride of the ,assyrian rulers to the highest degree4 ,its age and its past inspired respect4 ,besides being the source of the culture that ,assyria possessed1 ,babylonia had sacred associations for the ,assyrians1 as the original dwelling-places of most of the gods worshipped by them4 ,the old sacred centers like ,ur1 ,nippur1 ,uruk1 ,sippar1 with their great temples1 their elaborate cults1 their great storehouses of religious literature1 and their great body of influential priests and theologians and astrologers were as dear to the people of the north as to those of the south2 and in proportion as these old cities lost their political importance1 their rank as sacred centers to which pilgrimages were made on the occasion of the festivals of the gods was correspondingly raised4 ,hence the value that the ,assyrian rulers attached to the possession of ,babylonia4 ,they do not like to be reminded that they rule the south by force of arms4 ,they prefer1 as ,tiglathpileser ,i4 declares1 to consider themselves 'nominated by the gods to rule over the land of ,bel4' ,they want to be regarded as the favorites of ,bel1 and they ascribe to him the greatness of their rule4 ,it is he who fulfills the wishes of the kings2 and when the kings enter upon a campaign against ,babylonia1 as they frequently did to quell the uprisings that were constantly occurring in the one or the other of the southern districts1 they emphasize1 as ,shalmaneser ,,ii4 does1 that he enters upon this course at the command of ,marduk4 ,they set themselves up as ,marduk's defenders1 and it must be said for the ,assyrian rulers that they were mild and sparing in their treatment of their southern subjects4 ,they do not practise those cruelties--burning of cities1 pillage1 and promiscuous slaughter--that form the main feature in their campaigns against the nations to the northeast and northwest1 and against ,elam4 ,they accord to the ,babylonians as much of the old independence as was consistent with an imperial policy4 ,the internal affairs continue for a long time to be regulated by rulers who are natives of ,babylonia1 and it is not until a comparatively late day--the time of ,sennacherib--that in consequence of the endless trouble that these native rulers gave the ,assyrians through their constant attempt to make themselves independent1 it became customary for the ,assyrian kings to appoint a member of the royal house--a son or brother--to the lieutenancy over ,babylonia4 ,as for the cult1 the ,assyrian kings were at great pains to leave it undisturbed1 or where it had been interrupted to restore it1 and thus secure the favor of the southern gods4 ,so ,shalmaneser ,,ii4 upon the completion of his campaign enters ,marduk's great temple at ,babylon1 ,e-sagila1 and offers prayers and sacrifices to ,bel and ,belit1 i4e41 ,marduk and ,sarpanitum4 ,from ,e-sagila he crosses over to ,borsippa1 and pays homage to ,nabu and to ,nabu's consort1 whom he calls ,nana4#bhh ,the kings are fond1 especially when speaking of the ,babylonian campaigns1 of slipping in the name of ,marduk after that of ,ashur4 ,with the help of ,ashur and ,marduk their troops are victorious4 ,marduk shares ,ashur's terrible majesty4 ,at times ,shamash1 or ,shamash and ,ramman1 are added to form a little pantheon whose assistance is invoked in the ,babylonian wars4 ,from being used in restricted application to ,babylonian affairs1 ,ashur and ,marduk came to be invoked in a general way4 ,esarhaddon expressly sets up the claim of being the savior of ,marduk's honor1 as a kind of apology for proceeding against ,babylonia with his armies4 ,sargon1 to emphasize his legitimate control over ,babylonia as well as ,assyria1 says that he has been called to the throne by ,ashur and ,marduk1 but ,ashurbanabal goes further even than his predecessors4 ,he proceeds to ,babylon on the occasion of the formal installation of his brother ,shamash-shumukin as viceroy of the district1 enters the temple of ,marduk1 whom he does not hesitate to call 'the lord of lords1' performs the customary rites1 and closes the ceremonies by a fervent prayer to ,marduk for his continued good will and blessing4#bhi ,the great gods ,nergal1 ,nabu1 and ,shamash come from their respective shrines to do homage to ,marduk4 ,ashurbanabal's brother ,shamash-shumukin1 when he attempts as governor of ,babylon to make himself independent of his brother1 endeavors by means of sacrifices and other devices to secure the favor of ,marduk1 well aware that in this way he will also gain the support of the ,babylonians4 ,on another occasion1 incidental to a northern campaign1 ,ashurbanabal mentions that the day on which he broke up camp at ,damascus was the festival of ,marduk1--an indication that the ,babylonian god was in his thoughts1 even when he himself was far away from ,babylonia4 ,esarhaddon and ,ashurbanabal1 when approaching the sun-god to obtain an oracle1 make mention of ,marduk by the side of ,shamash4 ,there are1 however1 a number of passages in the ,assyrian inscriptions in which when ,bel is spoken of1 not ,marduk but the old god ,bel is meant4 ,bel4 ,tiglathpileser ,i4 tells us that he rebuilt a temple to ,bel in the city of ,ashur1 and he qualifies the name of the god by adding the word 'old' to it4 ,in this way he evidently distinguished the god of ,nippur from ,bel-,marduk1 similarly as ,hammurabi in one place adds ,dagan to ,bel1#bij to make it perfectly clear what god he meant4 ,again1 it is ,sargon who in consistent accord with his fondness for displaying his archaeological tastes1 introduces ,bel1 the 'great mountain1' 'the lord of countries1' who dwells in ,e-khar-sag-kurkura1 i4e41 the sacred mountain on which the gods are born1 as participating in the festival that takes place upon the dedication of the king's palace in ,khorsabad4 ,the titles used by the king are applicable only to the old ,bel1 but whether he or his scribes were fully conscious of a differentiation between ,bel and ,bel-,marduk1 it is difficult to say4 ,bel is introduced in the inscription in question#bia immediately after ,ashur1 and one is therefore inclined to suspect that ,sargon's archaeological knowledge fails him at this point in speaking of the old ,bel1 whereas he really meant to invoke the protection of ,bel-,marduk as the chief god of his most important possession next to ,assyria4#bib ,besides this1 the old ,bel is of course meant1 when associated with ,anu1 as the powers that1 together with ,belit1 grant victory1#bic or as a member of the old triad1 ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea1 whose mention we have seen is as characteristic of the ,assyrian inscriptions as of the ,babylonian4 ,lastly1 ,sargon calls one of the gates of his palace after ,bel1 whom he designates as the one who lays the foundation of all things4 ,in this case1 too1 the old ,bel is meant4 ,belit4 ,in the case of ,belit a curious species of confusion confronts us in the ,assyrian inscriptions4 ,at times ,belit appears as the wife of ,bel1 again as the consort of ,ashur1 again as the consort of ,ea1 and again simply as a designation of ,ishtar4#bid ,to account for this we must bear in mind1 as has already been pointed out1 that just as ,bel in the sense of lord came to be applied merely as a title of the chief god of ,babylonia1 so ,belit as 'lady' was used in ,assyria to designate the chief goddess4 ,this was1 as the case may be1 either ,ishtar or the pale 'reflection' associated with ,ashur as his consort4 ,now this ,belit1 as the wife of ,ashur1 absorbs the qualities that distinguish ,belit1 the wife of ,bel-,marduk4 ,the temple in the city of ,ashur1 which ,tiglathpileser ,i4#bie enriches with presents consisting of the images of the deities vanquished by the king1 may in reality have been sacred to the ,belit of ,babylonia1 but ,tiglathpileser1 for whom ,bel becomes merely a designation of ,marduk1 does not feel called upon to pay his devotions to the ,babylonian ,sarpanitum1 and so converts the old ,belit into 'the lofty wife1 beloved of ,ashur4' ,sargon1 on the other hand1 who calls one of the gates of his palace ,belit ilani 'mistress of the gods1' seems to mean by this1 the consort of ,ea4#bif ,similarly1 ,ashurbanabal regards ,belit as the wife of ,ashur1 and himself as the offspring of ,ashur and ,belit4 ,at the same time he gives to this ,belit the title of 'mother of great gods1' which of right belongs to the consort of the ,babylonian ,bel4 ,in the full pantheon as enumerated by him1 ,belit occupies a place immediately behind her consort ,ashur4 ,ashurbanabal1 however1 goes still further1 and1 influenced by the title of ',belit' as applied to ,ishtar1 makes the latter the consort of ,ashur4 ,this at least is the case in an inscription from the temple of ,belit at ,nineveh1#big known as ,e-mash-mash1 and in which ,ashurbanabal alternately addresses the goddess as ,belit and as ,ishtar1 while elsewhere#bih this same ,belit1 whose seat is in ,e-mash-mash1 is termed the consort of ,ashur4 ,how ,ashurbanabal or his scribes came to this confusing identification we need not stop to inquire4 ,in part1 no doubt1 it was due to the general sense of 'goddess1' which ,ishtar began to acquire in his days4#bii ,at all events1 ,ashurbanabal's conception marks a contrast to the procedure of ,shalmaneser ,,ii41 who correctly identifies the mother of the great gods with the wife of ,bel4#cjj ,on the other hand1 the confusion that took place in ,ashurbanabal's days is foreshadowed by the title of ',belit mati1' i4e41 'mistress of the land1' by which ,ashurbanabal appears to designate some other than ,ishtar4#cja ,lastly1 it is interesting to note that ,ashurbanabal recognizes by the side of ,belit-,ishtar1 the wife of ,ashur1 the older ,belit1 the wife of the ,bel of ,nippur1 to whom1 in association with ,anu and ,bel1 he attributes his victory over the ,arabs4#cjb ,sarpanitum4 ,the consort of ,marduk is only incidentally referred to3 once by ,sargon1#cjc who groups ,bel with ,sarpanitum and ,nabu and ,tashmitum1 at the head of the gods of ,babylonia2 and similarly by ,tiglathpileser ,,iii41 on the occasion of his enumerating the chief gods of the ,babylonian pantheon4 ,nabu4 ,the intimate association of ,nabu with ,marduk in the city of ,babylon leads as a natural consequence to a similar association in ,assyria1 when once the ,marduk cult had for political reasons become established in the north4 ,the kings invoke the favor of ,bel 7meaning ,marduk7 and ,nabu1 especially when dealing with the affairs of ,babylonia1#cjd as they invoke ,ashur and ,ishtar4 ,just as we have certain kings devoted to ,nin-ib and ,shamash by the side of ,ashur1 so there are others whose special favorite is ,nabu4 ,in the days of ,ramman-nirari ,,iii4 7#hab-ghc ,b4,c47 the ,nabu cult reached its highest point of popularity in ,assyria4 ,from the manner in which the king speaks of the god1 one might draw the conclusion that he attempted to concentrate the whole ,assyrian cult upon that god alone4 ,he erects a temple to the god at ,calah1 and overwhelms the deity with a great array of titles4 ,the dedicatory inscription which the king places on a statue of ,nebo closes with the significant words1 ',o ,posterity6 trust in ,nabu4 ,trust in no other god4'#cje ,still we must not press such phrases too hard4 ,ramman-nirari ,,iii4 had no intention of suppressing ,ashur worship1 for he mentions the god elsewhere1 and assigns to him the same rank as the other kings do1 but so much we are justified in concluding1 that next to ,ashur and ,ishtar he feels most strongly attached to ,nabu4 ,that the ,babylonian ,nabu is meant1 is clear from such designations as 'the offspring of ,e-sagila1 the favorite of ,bel1' 'he who dwells at ,e-zida1' which appear among the epithets bestowed upon the god2 and the temple in ,calah1 which one of the last kings of ,assyria1 ,ashuretililani1#cjf is engaged in improving1 bears the same name ,e-zida1 as ,nabu's great temple at ,borsippa4 ,we have already set forth the reasons#cjg for the popularity of the ,nabu cult in ,assyria4 ,suffice it to recall that the peculiar character of the god as the patron of wisdom placed him beyond the reach of any jealousy on the part of the other members of the pantheon4 ,so ,ramman-nirari ,,iii4 extols ,nabu as the protector of the arts1 the all-wise who guides the stylus of the scribe1 and the possessor of wisdom in general4 ,he is not merely the originator of writing1 but the source of all wisdom1 and for this reason he is spoken of as the son of ,ea4 ,attributes of mere brutal force are rarely assigned to ,nabu1 but as befits a god of wisdom1 mercy1 nobility1 and majesty constitute his chief attractions4 ,by virtue of his wisdom1 ,sargon calls him 'the clear seer who guides all the gods1' and when the last king of ,assyria--,saracus1 as the ,greek writers called him--invokes ,nabu as the 'leader of forces1' he appears to have in mind the heavenly troops rather than earthly armies4 ,such patrons of learning as ,sargon and ,ashurbanabal were naturally fond of parading their devotion to ,nabu4 ,the former significantly calls him the 'writer of everything1' and as for ,ashurbanabal1 almost every tablet in the great literary collection that he made at ,nineveh closes with a solemn invocation to ,nabu and his consort ,tashmitum1 to whom he offers thanks for having opened his ears to receive wisdom1 and who persuaded him to make the vast literary treasures of the past accessible to his subjects4 ,tashmitum4 ,the consort of ,nabu was permitted to share the honors in the temple of ,nabu at ,calah1 but beyond this and ,ashurbanabal's constant association of ,tashmitum with ,nabu in the subscript to his tablets1 she appears only when the kings of ,assyria coming to ,babylonia as they were wont to do1#cjh in order to perform sacrifices1 enumerate the chief gods of the ,babylonian pantheon4 ,ea4 ,ea takes his place in the ,assyrian pantheon in the double capacity of god of wisdom and as a member of the old triad4 ,ashurnasirbal makes mention of a sanctuary erected to the honor of ,ea in ,ashur4 ,a recollection of the role that ,ea plays in ,babylonian mythology survives in the titles of 'creator' and 'king of the ocean1' which ,shalmaneser gives him1#cji and of the 'one who opens the fountains' as ,ashurbanabal declares4#caj ,he is also1 as in ,babylonia1 the one who determines the fates of mankind4 ,as the one who has a care for the arts1 he is the wise god1 just as ,nabu1 and under various titles1 as ,nu-gim-mud1#caa ,nin-igi-azag1 and ,igi-dug-gu1#cab all emphasizing his skill1 he is the artificer who aids the kings in their building operations4 ,the similarity of the roles of ,nabu and ,ea1 as gods of wisdom and the arts1 might easily have led to a confusion4 ,fortunately1 the grandiloquent and all-embracing titles accorded to the former did not alter his character as essentially the god who presides over the art of writing1 while ,ea retains the control over the architectural achievements1--the great colossi1 in the first instance1 that guarded the approach of palaces1 the images of the gods in the second1 and the temples and palaces in general as his third function4 ,damkina4 ,of the consort of ,ea1 it is sufficient to note that she is occasionally referred to in the historical texts of the ,assyrian period4 ,in the inscriptions of ,sargon she appears under the rather strange title of ',belit ilani1' i4e41 the mistress of the gods4#cac ,this 'mistress' cannot be1 as might at first blush appear1 ,ishtar or the old ,belit1 for elsewhere#cad ,ishtar1 ,belit1 and ,belit ilani occur side by side4 ,sargon declares that he owes his wisdom to ,ea and ,belit ilani4 ,in naming the gates of his palace1 he again associates ,ea with 'the mistress of the gods1' from which it is clear that the epithet is used of ,ea's consort4 ,nin-gal4 ,a sanctuary to the old ,babylonian goddess ,nin-gal is included by ,sargon among the holy edifices erected by him in his official residence4#cae ,dibharra4 ,we have pointed out in a previous chapter how faint the dividing line sometimes becomes between gods and spirits4 ,among the minor deities1 ranking hardly above demons1 is the plague-god1 whose name may provisionally be read ,dibbarra4#caf ,the god plays a role in some of the ancient legends of ,babylonia4 ,remains have been found of a kind of epic in which ,dibbarra is the chief personage4#cag ,in the historical texts he is once incidentally mentioned by ,ashurbanabal1 who in the course of his campaign against ,babylonia#cah describes how the corpses of those killed by ,dibbarra1 i4e41 through hunger and want1 filled the streets of the cities4 ,evidently ,dibbarra here is a mere personification of the dreadful demon of want that so often follows in the wake of a military destruction4 ,still there can be no doubt that at one time he was regarded as a real deity1 and not merely a spirit or demon4 ,dibbarra is identified in the theological system of ,babylonia with ,nergal4 ,damku1 ,sharru-ilu1 and ,sha-nit787-ka4 ,in an interesting passage recounting the restoration of the city ,magganubba1 ,sargon#cai says that he prayed to ,damku1 i4e41 'grace1' ,sharru-ilu1 i4e41 'king-god1' and ,sha-nit787-ka4 ,the two former he calls the judges of mankind4 ,that ,damku and ,sharru-ilu are titles and not names is evident from the meaning of the words1 but at present it is impossible to say what gods are meant4#cbj ,perhaps that these are the translations of names of the old deities of ,magganubba4 ,we have at least one other example of a foreign deity introduced into the ,assyrian pantheon4 ,at ,dur-ilu1 a town lying near the ,elamitic frontier1 there flourished the cult of ,ka-di1#cba evidently a god imported into the ,assyrian pantheon from ,elam or some other eastern district4 ,sargon's scribes are fond of translating foreign names and words1 and they may have done so in this case1 and thus added two new deities to the glorious pantheon protecting their royal chief4 ,as for ,sha-nit787-ka1#cbb were it not that she is called the mistress of ,nineveh1 one would also put her down as a foreign goddess4 ,in view of this1 however1 it may be that ,sha-nit787-ka is an ideographic designation of ,ishtar4 ,before leaving the subject1 a word needs to be said regarding the relation between the active ,assyrian pantheon and the long lists of deities prepared by the schoolmen of ,babylonia and ,assyria4 ,reference has already been made to these lists4#cbc ,they vary in character4 ,some of them furnish an index of the various names under which a god was known1#cbd or the titles assigned to him4 ,these names and titles are frequently indications that some great god has absorbed the attributes of smaller ones1 whose independence was in this way destroyed4 ,other lists#cbe are simple enumerations of local deities1 and when to these names some indications are added1 as to the locality to which the gods belong1#cbf their importance is correspondingly increased4 ,there can be no doubt that most of these lists were prepared on the basis of the occurrence of these gods in texts1 and it seems most plausible to conclude that the texts in question were of a religious character4 ,references to local cults are numerous in the incantations which form a considerable proportion of the religious literature1 while in hymns and prayers1 gods are often referred to by their titles instead of their names4 ,in some respects1 however1 these lists of gods are still obscure4 ,it is often difficult to determine whether we are dealing with gods or spirits1 and the origin and meaning of many of the names and epithets assigned to gods are similarly involved in doubt4 ,use has been made of these lists in determining the character of the gods included in this survey of the ,babylonian and ,assyrian pantheon1 but it would be manifestly precarious to make additions to this pantheon on the basis of the lists alone4 ,despite the tendency towards centralization of divine power in a limited number of gods1 local cults1 no doubt1 continued to enjoy some importance in ,assyria as well as ,babylonia2 but1 in the present stage of our knowledge1 we have no means of determining either the number or the character of these local cults4 ,while1 therefore1 a complete treatment of the pantheon of ,babylonia and ,assyria would include all the minor local cults1 we may feel quite certain that these local cults furnish few1 if any1 additions to the concepts connected with these gods which we have discussed4 ,i have therefore contented myself with some illustrations1 in each of the three divisions under which the pantheon has been surveyed1 of some of the minor deities chosen1 such as actually occur in historical1 commercial1 or religious texts4 ,for the ,assyrian pantheon1 we may place ,nin-gal and most of the consorts of the gods among the minor gods1 and also such deities as ,ka-di1 ,khani1 ,gaga1 ,dibbarra1 ,sherua1 and ,azag-sir1 who are merely incidentally referred to4#cbg ,these illustrations suffice for placing clearly before us the distinction to be made in the pantheon between gods whose worship was actively carried on1 and those who occupy more of a theoretical position in the system perfected by the schoolmen1 standing under the political and social influences of their days4 ,with this distinction clearly impressed upon us1 we will be prepared for such modifications of our views of the ,babylonian-,assyrian pantheon as further researches and discoveries may render necessary4 ,,footnotes3 #bbb ,semitic alphabet4 #bbc ,a form of ,nebo1 according to ,meissner-,rost1 ,bauinschriften ,sanherib's1 p4 #aje4 #bbd ,see ,meissner-,rost1 ib4 p4 #ajh4 #bbe ,as e4g41 ,en-e-in-pal 7,meissner-,rost1 ib4 p4 #gf74 ,sherua and ,arag-sir 7ib4 p4 #aja74 ,for further lists of deities1 see pp4 #bcd1 #bch4 #bbf ,the ,assyrian kings are fond of mentioning foreign deities1 and of adding them to their pantheon4 ,in his annals 7,,vr4 col4 vi4 ll4 #cj-dc7 ,ashurbanabal gives a list of twenty ,elamitic deities captured by him4 #bbg ,tiele 7,babyl4-,assyr4 ,geschichte1 p4 #eai7 suggests ,ea4 #bbh ,an interesting example of this tendency is furnished by a tablet published by ,t4 ,g4 ,pinches 7,journal of the ,victoria ,institute1 xxviii4 #h-aj71 in which the name ,marduk is treated almost as a generic term for deity4 ,nergal is called 'the ,marduk of warfare'2 ,nebo1 'the ,marduk of earthly possessions'2 ,ninib1 'the ,marduk of strength'2 ,en-lil1 'the ,marduk of sovereignty'2 and so on1 in a long enumeration1 the gods are regarded as so many forms of ,marduk4 ,pinches' conclusion that the list points to monotheistic beliefs is1 however1 unwarranted4 ,the list only illustrates a tendency towards a centralization of divine powers in ,marduk1 that accompanies the political centralization of the period4 #bbi ,see below1 pp4 #bbh1 #bbi4 #bcj ,so the gods of the ,assyrian pantheon are generally termed in the inscriptions of the kings4 #bca ,see below1 p4 #aie4 #bcb ,see below1 p4 #bbj4 #bcc ,a description of this symbol occurs in a text of ,sennacherib 7,meissner-,rost1 ,bauinschriften ,sanherib's1 p4 #id74 ,the symbol itself is found on sculptured slabs and on seal cylinders4 #bcd ,so ,sennacherib still speaks of ,images of ,ashur1 and of the great gods erected by him 7,meissner-,rost1 ,bauinschriften ,sanherib's1 p4 #id74 #bce ,see ,stevenson1 ,the ,feather and the ,wing in ,mythology1 ,oriental ,studies of the ,phila4 ,oriental ,club1 pp4 #bcf-bci4 #bcf ,babyl4-,assyr4 ,geschichte1 p4 #ecc4 #bcg ,for the sake of convenience it is customary to distinguish between ,ashur the god1 and the country by writing the latter with a double sh--,ashshur4 #bch ,geschichte1 p4 #ecc4 #bci ,see ,jensen ,zeits4 fuer ,assyr4 i4 #a seq4 and ,delitzsch1 ,das ,babylonische ,weltschoepfungsepos1 p4 #id4 #bdj ,by the assimilation of the n to the following consonant4 #bda ,see above1 pp4 #agc1 #age4 #bdb ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 p4 #bge4 #bdc ,the combination of religious supremacy with political power1 which characterizes the social state of ancient ,babylonia and ,assyria1 gives to the title patesi a double significance4 ,in ,babylonia1 moreover1 it acquires the force of vassal-king4 #bdd ,the full list is ,anu1 ,ashur1 ,shamash1 ,ramman1 and ,ishtar4 #bde ,more precisely ,arba-ilu1 signifying 'city of the fourfold divinity' or 'four-god' city4 ,cf4 the ,palestinian form ,kiryath-,arba1 four city1--originally perhaps1 likewise1 a city of four gods1 rather than four roads or four quarters1 as commonly explained4 #bdf ,,ir4 #ad1 l4 #hf4 #bdg ,babyl4-,assyr4 ,geschichte1 p4 #he4 #bdh ,see above1 p4 #hc4 #bdi ,see above1 pp4 #hc1 #hd4 #bej ,cylinder ,b1 col4 v4 ll4 #cj seq42 elsewhere 7,rassam ,cylinder1 col4 ii4 ll4 #aae seq47 he prays to ,ashur and ,ishtar4 #bea ,rassam ,cylinder1 col4 viii4 l4 #ib4 ,elsewhere1 ,cylinder ,b1 col4 v4 #ag1 ,ishtar is called the daughter of ,bel4 ,this1 however1 must be an error2 either ,sin must be read for ,bel1 or khirat 7consort7 for marat 7daughter74 #beb ,see above1 p4 #aea4 #bec ,see ,barton1 ,the ,semitic ,ishtar ,cult 7,hebraica1 x4 #i-ab74 #bed ,i4e41 c4 #ahjj ,b4,c4 #bee ,see p4 #aed4 #bef ,see above1 p4 #adi4 #beg ,see below1 p4 #bcg4 #beh ,a king of ,nippur 7c4 #bejj ,b4,c47 bears the name ,ishme-,dagan4 #bei ,see above1 p4 #aed2 ,tiele1 ,geschichte der ,religion im ,alterthum1 i4 #agb4 #bfj ,see ,hommel1 ,geschichte1 p4 #dij4 ,how much earlier ,samsi-,ramman ,i4 reigned is not known--perhaps only #dj or #ej years4 #bfa ,the d of ,dagon would be represented by d in cuneiform writing4 #bfb ,see p4 #aed4 #bfc ,an eponym in his days bears the name ,daganbelusur4 #bfd ,in the ,el-,amarna tablets 7c4 #adjj ,b4,c47 the governors of the ,palestinian states generally address their ,egyptian lord as 'my sun'4 #bfe ,exactly of what nature we do not know4 ,the ,assyrian word used1 ,cylinder1 l4 #dc1 is obscure4 #bff ,see p4 #afj4 #bfg ,,ir4 #h1 col4 i4 #he4 ,see above1 p4 #aff4 #bfh ,ashurnasirbal calls him so in his annals1 e4g41 col4 iii4 #a4 #acj4 #bfi ,bavian ,inscription1 ll4 #dh-ej4 ,see also ,meissner-,rost1 ,bauinschriften ,sanherib's1 p4 #ajb4 ,the reading of the name of the city is not certain4 ,it signifies 'city of palaces4' #bgj c4 #aabj ,b4,c4 #bga ,,ii ,rawlinson1 #eg1 #cc4 #bgb ,so ,tiglathpileser associates ,ashur and ,nin-ib1 as those 'who fulfill his desire4' #bgc ,ashurnasirbal's father bears the name ,tukulti-,ninib4 #bgd ,see above1 pp4 #aea1 #bjf4 #bge ,one of the gates of ,sargon's palace is called after ,nin-ib4 #bgf ,see above1 p4 #eg4 #bgg ,see above1 pp4 #ib-id4 #bgh ,kosmologie1 pp4 #deg-dge4 #bgi ,he is also called the offspring of a goddess1 ,ku-tu-shar1 but this reference is not clear4 ,see ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 p4 #dfh1 note #e4 #bhj ,in a religious text he is addressed as 'holy1 holy1 holy4' #bha ,balawat1 col4 v4 ll4 #d1 #e4 #bhb ,kar fortress4 #bhc ,see ,sayce1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #dch1 and ,jensen's important note1 ,kosmologie1 pp4 #dib-did4 #bhd ,see pp4 #abd1 #abe4 #bhe ,cylinder1 l4 #fa4 #bhf ,see pp4 #aag seq4 #bhg ,we may therefore expect1 some day1 to come across the name ,marduk in ,assyrian texts earlier than the ninth century4 #bhh ,see p4 #aca4 #bhi ,so also ,shalmaneser ,,ii41 ,obelisk1 l4 #agi1 unless ,marduk here is an error for ,ramman1 cf4 l4 #age4 #bij ,see above1 p4 #adf4 #bia ,the so-called ,prunkinschrift1 ll4 #agd seq4 #bib ,note the frequent use of ,ashur and ,bel for ,assyria and ,babylonia4 #bic ,ashurbanabal1 ,rassam ,cylinder1 col ix4 ll4 #gf1 #gg4 #bid ,see above1 p4 #bje4 #bie ,,ir4 ,,ii4 col4 iv4 ll4 #cd1 #ce4 #bif ,see below1 pp4 #bca1 #bcg4 #big ,rawlinson1 ii4 #ff4 #bih ,rassam ,cylinder1 col4 x4 ll4 #be-bg4 #bii ,see ,tiele1 ,babyl4 ,assyr4 ,geschichte1 p4 #abg4 #cjj ,obelisk1 l4 #eb4 #cja ,annals1 col4 ii4 l4 #ace4 #cjb ,rassam ,cylinder1 col4 x4 l4 #ge4 #cjc ,prunkinschrift1 l4 #adc4 #cjd ,esarhaddon1 ,,ir4 #df1 col4 ii4 l4 #dh2 ,rawlinson1 iii4 #af1 col4 iii4 l4 #bd4 #cje ,,ir4 #ce1 no4 #b1 l4 #ab4 #cjf ,,ir4 #h1 no4 #c1 ll4 #e seq4 #cjg ,see above1 p4 #abf4 #cjh ,e4g41 ,tiglathpileser ,,iii41 ,nimrud inscription 7,layard1 pl4 #ag1 l4 #ab74 #cji ,obelisk1 l4 #e4 #caj ,rassam ,cylinder1 col4 i4 l4 #de4 #caa ,delitzsch 7,das ,babylonische ,weltschoepfungsepos1 p4 #ii7 questions whether ,nu-gim-mud 7or ,nu-dim-mud7 was originally a designation of ,ea4 ,nu-dim-mud being an epithet might1 of course1 be applied to other gods1 but there can be no doubt that it was used to designate more particularly ,ea as the artificer4 ,see my remarks1 pp4 #ach1 #agg seq4 #cab ,meissner-,rost1 ,bauinscriften ,sanherib's1 p4 #aje4 #cac ,cylinder1 l4 #dh1 ideographically as ,nin-men-an-na1 'lady of the heavenly crown4' ,in the parallel passage1 however1 as ,lyon 7,sargontexte1 p4 #ga7 points out1 ,belit ilani is used4 #cad ,cylinder1 l4 #gj4 #cae ,cylinder1 l4 #fh4 #caf ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 p4 #dde1 reads the name ,gira4 ,see pp4 #ebg-bh4 #cag ,see the author's work on ,a ,fragment of the ,dibbarra ,epic4 7,ginn ,co41 ,boston1 #ahia74 #cah ,rassam ,cylinder1 col4 lv4 ll4 #gi seq4 #cai ,cylinder1 ll4 #dd-ec4 #cbj ,delitzsch's supposition 7see ,lyon1 ,sargontexte1 p4 #ga7 that ,sharru-ilu is ,izdubar is untenable4 #cba ,babyl4 ,chronicle1 col4 iii4 l4 #dd4 #cbb ,may also be read ,sha-ush-ka4 #cbc ,see above1 pp4 #ac1 #agj4 #cbd ,e4g41 ,,iir4 #eh1 no4 #e1 titles of ,ea2 ,,iir4 #fj1 no4 #b1 titles of ,nabu4 #cbe ,e4g41 ,,iir4 #fj1 no4 #a4 #cbf ,e4g41 ,,iiir4 #ff1 lists of gods worshipped in various temples of ,assyria and also of ,babylonia4 #cbg ,see pp4 #ahi1 #bch4 ,,chapter ,,xiii4 ,,the ,,triad ,,and ,,the ,,combined ,,invocation ,,of ,,deities4 ,the ,assyrian kings1 in imitation of the example set by their ,babylonian predecessors1 are fond of introducing into their inscriptions1 a series of gods under whose protection they place themselves4 ,they do not do this as the earlier ,babylonian rulers did1 to emphasize the extent of their jurisdiction by adding to their pantheon the deities of towns or districts vanquished by them4 ,the day of independent states being over1 the importance of merely local deities had ceased4 ,the theological system evolved in ,babylonia in combination with the popular instinct had led to a selection out of the mass of deities of a limited number1 each with tolerably definite attributes1 and who together embraced all the forces under whose power mankind stood4 ,of these deities again1 as we have seen1 some acquired greater favor in ,assyria than others1 but for all that1 the kings especially of the later period of ,assyrian history were fond of including in an enumeration of the pantheon1 even those who had no special significance4 ,policy and the meaningless imitation of earlier examples played an equal part in thus giving to the lists an aspect of formality that deprives them of the impression that they might otherwise make4 ,the combined invocations are found usually at the beginning and at the end of the inscriptions--at the beginning for invoking the aid of the gods1 at the close for invoking their curses upon those who would attempt to destroy the ambitious monuments set up by the kings4 ,often1 however1 the narrative is interrupted for the purpose of making acknowledgment to a larger or smaller series of gods for victory1 granted or hoped for4 ,in these combined references a separate place belongs to the triad1 ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea4 ,while not occupying the prominent position they have in ,babylonian inscriptions1 still the kings often mention ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea separately1 or ,anu and ,bel alone1 ascribing victory to them1 putting them down as the originators of the calendar system1 and declaring themselves to have been nominated by them to rule over ,assyria4 ,sargon1 with his antiquarian zeal1 appears to have made an effort to reinstate the triad as a special group in the pantheon4 ,in general1 however1 they take their place with other gods4 ,so ,ramman-nirari ,i4 invokes the curse of ,ashur1 ,anu1 ,bel1 ,ea1 and ,ishtar1 together with the ,igigi and ,anunnaki2 but1 what is more important1 already at an early period the triad disappears altogether from the pantheon1 except for the artificial attempts of ,sargon to revive interest in them4 ,in both the longer and shorter lists of gods enumerated by the kings from the time of ,tiglathpileser1 the triad is conspicuous for its absence4 ,as for the other gods1 it is to some extent a matter of caprice which ones happen to be invoked1 though just as frequently we see the motive for selecting certain ones of the pantheon4 ,thus1 when proceeding to ,babylonia for war or sacrifices1 the gods of ,babylonia are invoked1 either ,marduk and ,nabu alone1 as the chief gods1 or ,bel 7i4e41 ,marduk71 ,sarpanitum1 ,nabu1 ,tashmitum1 ,nana1 ,nergal1 with ,ashur1 or ,ashur and ,marduk1 or ,marduk and ,nabu in combination with ,ashur4 ,at other times it depends upon the gods to whom certain kings may be especially attached1 or with whom they may have special dealings in their inscriptions4 ,thus ,tiglathpileser ,i41 when speaking of the temple of ,anu and ,ramman1 contents himself with invoking these two gods alone at the close of his great inscription4 ,elsewhere1 when referring to the special gods of his city1 he combines ,anu and ,ramman with ,ishtar2 but again1 for no special reason1 his prayer is addressed to ,ashur1 ,shamash1 and ,ramman4 ,the pantheon of ,ramman-nirari ,i4 consists either of the longer one above enumerated1 or of ,anu1 ,ashur1 ,shamash1 ,ramman1 and ,ishtar4 ,as we proceed down the centuries1 the formal lists at the beginning of inscriptions have a tendency to grow larger4 ,ashurnasirbal's pantheon consists of ,bel and ,nin-ib1 ,anu and ,dagan1 ,sin1 ,anu1 ,ramman1 and1 of course1 ,ashur1 though on special occasions1 as when speaking of his achievements in the chase1 he contents himself with a mention of ,nin-ib and ,nergal4 ,he loves1 too1 to vary the style of his inscriptions by naming various groups of deities in pairs3 now ,ashur and ,shamash1 again ,ashur and ,nin-ib1 or ,ashur and ,bel2 then ,shamash and ,ramman1 or a group of three deities1 ,ashur1 ,shamash1 and ,ramman1 or ,sin1 ,anu1 and ,ramman4 ,his successors imitate this example1 though each one chooses his own combinations4 ,shalmaneser ,,ii4's pantheon embraces ,ashur1 ,anu1 ,bel1 ,ea1 ,sin1 ,shamash1 ,nin-ib1 ,nergal1 ,nusku1 ,belit1 and ,ishtar--eleven in all4 ,sargon's practice varies4 ,the best list is furnished by his account of the eight gates of his palace and of two walls1 which he names after the gods in the following order3#cbh ,shamash1 who grants victory4 ,as the names for the ,ramman1 who brings superabundance4 eastern gates4 ,bel1 who lays foundations4 ,for the northern gates4 ,belit1 who brings fertility4 ,anu1 who blesses handiwork4 ,for the western ,ishtar1 who causes the inhabitants to flourish4 gates4 ,ea1 who unlocks fountains4 ,for the southern gates4 ,belit ilani1#cbi who increases the offspring4 ,ashur1 who permits the king to grow old1 and protects the troops4--,for the inner wall4 ,nin-ib1 who lays the foundations of the city4--,for the outer wall4 ,the order here is dictated by the directions of the gates4 ,elsewhere he sets up the group ,ea1 ,sin1 ,shamash1 ,nabu1 ,ramman1 ,nin-ib1 and their consorts4 ,sennacherib's fuller group consists of ,ashur1 ,sin1 ,shamash1 ,bel 7i4e41 ,marduk71 ,nabu1 ,nergal1 ,ishtar of ,nineveh1 and ,ishtar of ,arbela--only eight4 ,but at the close of one of his building inscriptions#ccj he invokes some twenty deities1 adding to these eight1 ,nusku1 ,khani1 ,gaga1 ,sherua1 ,nin-gal1 a god ,azag-sir1 and ,nin-ib under three different forms2 but it is evident that most of these are added to give effect and solemnity4 ,they do not form part of the active pantheon4 ,his successor1 ,esarhaddon1 sets up various groups4 ,at one time he enumerates ,ashur1 ,sin1 ,shamash1 ,nabu1 ,marduk1 ,ishtar of ,nineveh1 ,ishtar of ,arbela2 at another he prefers different combinations of these gods4 ,ashurbanabal is more consistent than most of the ,assyrian rulers1 and furnishes at the same time the best list4 ,while he1 too1 frequently mentions only a few deities1 grouping three or four together1 his longer series consists1 with but one or two exceptions1 invariably of the following1 and who always occur in the same order3 ,ashur1 ,belit1 ,sin1 ,shamash1 ,ramman1 ,bel 7i4e41 ,marduk71 ,nabu1 ,ishtar of ,nineveh1 the queen of ,kidmuru1 ,ishtar of ,arbela1 ,nin-ib1 ,nergal1 and ,nusku--thirteen in all4 ,of these1 as we have seen1 only some were actively worshipped at all times in ,assyria2 as for the others1 the popularity of their cult varied from age to age1 now being actively carried on under the stimulus afforded by the erection or improvement of an edifice sacred to the god1 and again falling into comparative insignificance2 but formally1 at least1 all these gods were regarded at all times as forming part of the pantheon of the 'great gods4' ,the testimony of ,ashurbanabal thus becomes valuable as a proof that to the latest days of the ,assyrian monarchy1 the attachment to these gods was still strong enough to merit the formal acknowledgments of the king to them on all occasions1 and that through their combined aid the glorious achievements of the past and present were attained4 ,,footnotes3 #cbh ,cylinder1 ll4 #fg-gc4 #cbi ,ea's consort2 see above1 p4 #bca4 #ccj ,meissner-,rost1 ,bauinschriften ,sanherib's1 p4 #ii4 ,,chapter ,,xiv4 ,,the ,,neo-,,babylonian ,,period4 ,when upon the fall of the ,assyrian empire1 in #fjf ,b4,c41 ,babylonia regained her full measure of independence1 ,marduk once more obtained undisputed sway at the head of the pantheon4 ,true1 so far as ,babylonia was concerned1 ,marduk was always the acknowledged head1 but during the period that ,assyria held ,babylonia in a more or less rigid form of subjection it was inevitable that ,ashur should lower the prestige of ,marduk4 ,when the kings of ,assyria paid their respects to ,marduk1 it was always as second in rank to ,ashur2 and1 what is more1 they claimed ,marduk and the other gods of ,babylonia as their own1 and as upholders of their own sovereignty4 ,when the kings feel impelled to invade the southern districts1 they not only claim to be under the protection of the ,babylonian gods1 but they carry these gods with them into the land to be invaded4 ',bel and the gods of ,akkad leave ,assyria and go to ,babylonia' is the official term in which a campaign against ,babylonia is described4#cca ,in the eyes of the ,babylonians such a haughty assumption on the part of the ,assyrians must have been regarded as humiliating to ,marduk1 ,nabu1 and their associates4 ,the state of affairs changed when ,nebopolassar at the end of the seventh century once more claimed independent control over ,babylonia4 ,marduk triumphs over ,ashur4 ,he is once more the great god1 lord of gods1 supreme king of the ,igigi1 the father of the ,anunnaki--all titles that the ,assyrians were fond of heaping upon ,ashur4 ,one feels the anxiety of ,nebopolassar to emphasize the new order of things by attributing once more to ,marduk what was formerly claimed for ,ashur4 ,the successor of ,nebopolassar1 the great ,nebuchadnezzar1 continues the policy of his father4 ,he neglects no opportunity for exalting ,marduk as the king1 the creator1 the leader of the gods1 the lord of everything1 the merciful one1 the light of the gods1 the all-wise4 ,nabu shares the honors with ,marduk4 ,nebopolassar1 indeed1 accords to ,nabu an equal share1 and he does not hesitate at times to place the name ,nabu before that of ,marduk4#ccb ,he does not speak of ,nabu as the son of ,marduk1 and seems to be at particular pains to emphasize the equality of ,nabu with ,marduk4 ,in this respect ,nebopolassar presents a contrast to ,hammurabi1 who1 it will be recalled1 made an attempt to suppress the ,nabu cult4#ccc ,nebopolassar1 however1 does not go to the extent of endeavoring to make ,nabu supersede ,marduk4 ,he contents himself with manifesting his partiality for the former1 and it is probably no accident that both his official name and that of his son contain the god ,nabu as one of their elements1 and not ,marduk4 ,one is inclined to suspect that this popularity of the ,nabu cult is a trace of ,assyrian influence4 ,but whatever may have been ,nebopolassar's intention in exalting ,nabu at the cost of ,marduk1 ,nebuchadnezzar restores the old relationship between the two4 ,for him ,nabu is again merely the son of ,marduk1 and he honors ,nabu in this capacity4 ,like the ,assyrian ,nabu1 the god places the sceptre in the king's hands1 but he is1 after all1 only the supreme messenger of ,marduk4 ,in the closing days of the ,babylonian monarchy a more serious attempt1 it would appear1 was made to displace ,marduk4 ,nabonnedos formed the design of replacing both ,marduk and ,nabu by the cult of ,shamash4 ,he incurs the ill-will of the priests by paying much more attention to the restoration of the various ,shamash temples in ,babylonia than would appear to be consistent with devotion to ,marduk4 ,cyrus1 therefore1 in his conquest of ,babylonia1 sets up the claim of being the savior of ,marduk's honor4#ccd ,the ,neo-,babylonian period may properly be designated as a religious age4 ,the rulers1 anxious to manifest their gratitude to the gods1 and prompted in part1 no doubt1 by the desire to emulate the glorious architectural achievements of the ,assyrian monarchs1 devote themselves assiduously to the improvement of the great temples of the city of ,babylon1 and to the restoration or enlargement of those scattered throughout the country4 ,nebopolassar sets the example in this respect1 which is considerably improved upon by ,nebuchadnezzar4 ,over forty temples and shrines are mentioned in the latter's inscriptions as having been improved1 enlarged1 or restored by him2 and the last king of ,babylonia1 ,nabonnedos1 endeavors to continue this royal policy of temple-building4 ,in this respect the ,neo-,babylonian rulers present a contrast to the ,assyrian rulers1 who were much more concerned in rearing grand edifices for themselves4 ,while the gods were not neglected in ,assyria1 one hears much more of the magnificent palaces erected by the kings than of temples and shrines4 ,in fact1 as compared with ,babylonia1 ,assyria was poor in the number of her temples4 ,the chief sanctuaries to which the ,neo-,babylonian kings devoted themselves were1 in the first instance1 ,e-sagila of ,babylon and ,e-zida of ,borsippa4 ,nebopolassar and his successors are fond of giving themselves the title of 'beautifier of ,e-,sagila and ,e-zida4' ,in these great temples sacred to ,marduk and ,nebo1 there were shrines to ,sarpanitum1 ,tashmitum1 ,nusku1 ,ea and others1 which also engaged the energies of the rulers4 ,after ,babylon came the old sanctuaries in the ancient religious centers of the south1--the temples to ,shamash and his consort at ,sippar and ,larsa1 the temples to ,sin at ,ur and ,harran1 to the old ,ishtar or ,anunit at ,agade1 to ,nana in ,erech4 ,thirdly1 the cities of ,babylon and ,borsippa1 to which the kings1 especially ,nebuchadnezzar1 are deeply attached1 were enriched with many sanctuaries more or less imposing1 sacred to a variety of deities4 ,so ,shamash1 ,sin1 ,nin-makh1--i4e41 the great lady1 or ,ishtar1--,nin-khar-shag1 ,gula1 also appearing as ,nin-,karrak1#cce have their temples in ,babylon1 while ,ramman has one in ,borsippa1 and ,gula no less than three sanctuaries--perhaps only small chapels--in ,borsippa4 ,fourthly1 there are sanctuaries of minor importance in other quarters of ,babylonia4 ,among these we find mention of the improvement of sanctuaries to the local deity of ,marad1 whom ,nebuchadnezzar simply calls ,lugal-,marada1 i4e41 king of ,marad1 to ,bel-sarbi1 or ,shar-sarbi1 in ,baz1--perhaps a title of ,nergal1--to ,nin-ib in ,dilbat1 to ,ramman in ,kumari7874 ,most of these sanctuaries are referred to in the inscriptions of ,nebuchadnezzar--a circumstance which1 in connection with the many other gods whom he invokes on various occasions1 points to a great revival of ancient cults in his days4 ,some of these cults had never reached any degree of importance prior to his time4 ,hence it happens that we come across deities in his inscriptions of whom no mention is found elsewhere4 ,it is probable that such gods were purely local deities1 some of them1 if not many1 being at the same time personifications of the powers or phenomena of nature1 while others may be familiar gods1 masquerading under strange attributes4 ,unfortunately most of these gods are written in ideographic fashion1 so that we cannot be certain of the reading of their names4 ,among these are ,nin-lil-anna1 a goddess called by ,nebuchadnezzar 'the lady who loves me1'#ccf and ,tur-lil-en1#ccg a god who is described as 'breaking the weapons of enemies4' ,as for ,bel-sarbi1 or ,shar-sarbi1 the god of ,baz1#cch they appear to be titles rather than names4 ,dibbarra1 ,nergal and his consort ,laz1 and ,zamama are also included in the pantheon of ,nebuchadnezzar4 ,in regard to none of these deities do we find any conceptions different from those developed in the period of ,hammurabi1 any more than in the conceptions of those gods who occupy a more prominent place in the pantheon4 ,shamash is the judge1 ,sin is the wise one1 ,ramman the thunderer1 and so on throughout the list4 ,it was not a period favorable to the production of new religious thought1 but only to the more or less artificial revival of old cults4 99 99 99 99 99 ,with the conquest of ,babylonia by ,cyrus in #eci ,b4,c41 we reach the close of the period to be embraced in a history of the ,babylonian-,assyrian religion4 ,true1 the ,marduk and ,nabu cults were upheld by the ,persian rulers1 and the policy of the latter in not disturbing the religious status was continued by the ,greeks when they in turn succeeded the ,persians in their control of ,babylonia1 but the presence of strange civilizations with totally different religious trains of thought was bound to affect the character of the old faith1 and in time to threaten its existence4 ,at all events1 it ceases to have any interest for us4 ,there are no further lines of development upon which it enters4 ,the period of decay1 of slow but sure decay1 has set in4 ,the cuneiform writing continues to be used till almost the beginning of our era1 and so the religious cults draw out their existence to a late period2 but as the writing and the civilization yield before new forces that entirely alter the character of ,oriental culture1 so also the religion1 after sinking ever lower into the bogs of superstition1 disappears1 much as the canals and little streams of the ,euphrates valley1 through the neglect which settled over the country1 become lost in the death-breeding swamps and marshes4 ,,footnotes3 #cca ,babylonian ,chronicle ,b1 col4 iv4 ll4 #cd1 #ce4 #ccb ,zeitschrift fuer ,assyriologie1 ,,ii4 #gb1 col4 i4 ll4 #b1 #c4 #ccc ,see above1 p4 #abg4 #ccd ,see a paper by ,tiele1 on ,cyrus and the ,babylonian ,religion1 in the ,proceedings of the ,amsterdam ,academy1 #ahif4 #cce ,for the identity of ,nin-,karrak and ,gula1 see the ',shurpu' ,incantation ,series1 iv4 l4 #hf 7ed4 ,zimmern71 where the former is called the 'great physician1'--the epithet peculiar to ,gula4 #ccf ,east ,india ,house ,inscription1 col4 iv4 l4 #dd4 #ccg ,,vr4 #cd1 col4 ii4 l4 #bf1 or simply ,tur-lil 7,east ,india ,house ,inscription1 col4 iv4 l4 #di1 not ,tur-e1 as ,winckler1 ,keils ,bibl4 #c1 #b1 #ah1 reads74 #cch ,i4e41 king or lord of ,sarbi4 ,pognon 7,les ,inscriptions ,babyloniennes de ,wadl ,brissa71 p4 #df1 is of the opinion that sarbi is the palm1 but he fails to bring sufficient proof1 and his theory is improbable4 ,the stem sarabu means to burn1 and the fiery lord is certainly an epithet belonging to some solar deity4 ,,chapter ,,xv4 ,,the ,,religious ,,literature ,,of ,,babylonia4 ,the pantheon of a religion presents us with the external phases of the religion in question4 ,in order to penetrate further towards the core of the religion1 and to see it at its best1 the religious thought as manifested in the national literature constitutes our most valuable guide4 ,the beginnings of ,babylonian literature are enveloped in obscurity4 ,we have seen that we are justified in passing beyond the period of ,hammurabi#cci for these beginnings1 but exactly when and precisely how the literary spirit first manifested itself in ,babylonia will probably remain for a long time1 if not for always1 a matter of conjecture4 ,the great political and religious centers of ,babylonia1 such as ,ur1 ,sippar1 ,agade1 ,eridu1 ,nippur1 ,uruk1 perhaps also ,lagash1 and later on ,babylon1 formed the foci of literary activity1 as they were the starting-points of commercial enterprise4 ,this intimate connection of religion with literature left its impress upon all branches into which the ,babylonian literature was in the course of time differentiated4 ,in a certain sense all the literature of ,babylonia is religious4 ,even the legal formulas1 as embodied in the so-called contract tablets1 have a religious tinge4 ,the priests being the scribes1 a contract of any kind between two or more parties was a religious compact4 ,the oath which accompanied the compact involved an invocation of the gods4 ,the decree of the judges in a disputed suit was confirmed by an appeal to the gods4 ,the terms in which the parties bound themselves consisted largely of religious phrases1 and finally the dating of the tablet often contained a reference to some religious festival or to some event of religious import--such as the building of a sanctuary4 ,science1 so far as it existed in ,babylonia1 never loosened the leading-strings that bound it to the prevailing religious thought4 ,the observation of the stars was carried on under the belief of the supposed influence exerted by the heavenly bodies upon the fate of man2 and surprising as we find the development of astronomical calculations and forecasts to be1 mathematics does not pass beyond the limits of astrology4 ,medicine was likewise the concern of the priests4 ,disease was a divine infliction supposed to be due to the direct presence in the body1 or to the hidden influence1 of some pernicious spirit4 ,the cure was effected by the exorcising of the troublesome spirit through prescribed formulas of supposed power1 accompanied by symbolical acts4 ,there is indeed no branch of human knowledge which so persistently retains its connection with religious beliefs among all peoples of antiquity as the one which to-day is regarded as resting solely upon a materialistic basis4 ,as a consequence the ,babylonians1 although they made some progress in medicinal methods1 and more especially in medical diagnosis1 never dissociated medicinal remedies from the appeal to the gods4 ,the recital of formulas was supposed to secure by their magic force the effectiveness of the medical potions that were offered to the sufferer4 ,as for the historical texts1 the preceding chapters have illustrated how full they are of religious allusions1 how at every turn we meet with the influence exerted by the priests as the composers of these texts4 ,almost all occurrences are given a religious coloring4 ,that these texts furnish us with such valuable material1 and such a quantity of it1 is indeed to be traced directly to the fact that the historical literature is also the direct production of the religious leaders and guides of the people1 acting at the command of rulers1 who were desirous of emphasizing their dependence upon the gods of the country1 and who made this dependence the basis of the authority they exerted4 ,such being the general aspect of ,babylonian literature1 it is not always possible to draw a sharp line separating religious productions from such as may properly be termed secular4 ,for example1 the zodiacal system of the ,babylonians1 which we shall have occasion to discuss1 although presenting a scientific aspect1 is in reality an outcome of the religious thought2 and so at other points it is necessary to pass over into the region of secular thought for illustrations of the religious beliefs4 ,bearing this in mind1 we may set up a fivefold division of the religious literature of the ,babylonians in the stricter sense3 7#a7 the magical texts1 7#b7 the hymns and prayers1 7#c7 omens and forecasts1 7#d7 the cosmology1 7#e7 epics and legends4 ,it will be apparent that the first three divisions represent a practical part of the literature1 while the two latter are of a more purely literary character4 ,the magical texts1 as well as the hymns and prayers and omens1 we can well imagine were produced as circumstances called them forth1 and one can also understand how they should1 at an early age1 have been committed to writing4 ,the incantations serving the practical purpose already referred to of securing a control over the spirit1 it will be readily seen that such as had demonstrated their effectiveness would become popular4 ,the desire would arise to preserve them for future generations4 ,with that natural tendency of loose custom to become fixed law1 these incantations would come to be permanently associated with certain temples4 ,rituals would thus arise4 ,the incantation would be committed to writing so that one generation of priests might be certain of furnishing orthodox instruction to the other2 and1 once written1 they would form part of the temple archives1 finding a place in these archives by the side of the contract tablets1 for which the sacred edifices of the country also served as depositories4 ,the large quantity of incantation texts that have been found in ,ashurbanabal's library1#cdj as well as the variations and contrasts they present when compared with one another1 are probably due to the various sources whence the scribes of the king1 who were sent to the libraries of the south1 collected their material4 ,it is only reasonable to suppose that each great temple acquired in the course of time a ritual of its own1 which1 while perhaps not differing in any essential points from that introduced in another place1 yet deviated from it sufficiently to impart to it a character of its own4 ,in the case of some of the texts that have been preserved1 it is still possible to determine through certain traits that they exhibit in what religious center they were produced4 ,with considerable more guarantee of accuracy can this be done in the case of the hymns and prayers4 ,addressed as the latter were to certain deities1 it stands to reason that they were written for use in the temples sacred to those deities1 or1 if not to be used1 at least composed in honor of certain sanctuaries that contained the images of the deities thus exalted4 ,again1 in the historical inscriptions of the ,assyrian and ,neo-,babylonian periods1 prayers are introduced1 and we are as a general thing expressly told on what occasion they were composed and in what sanctuary they were uttered4 ,we may therefore conclude that those which have been preserved independently also served a practical purpose1 and were written1 not merely for certain occasions1 but for certain places4 ,the practical purpose served by texts containing omens and forecasts derived from the observation of the planets and stars1 from monstrosities--human and animal--from strange occurrences1 accidents1 and the like1 is too obvious to require demonstration4 ,but while duly emphasizing the practical purpose that gave rise to the incantation texts1 the hymns1 the prayers and omens1 we must be careful not to press this point too far4 ,the rituals of the various temples once being fixed1 the impulse to literary composition would still go on in an age marked by intellectual activity4 ,the practical purpose would be followed by the pure love of composition4 ,the attachment to certain sanctuaries or certain deities would inspire earnest and gifted priests to further efforts4 ,accordingly1 while we cannot be certain that among the actual remains of magical texts and hymns we may not have specimens that belong to this class1 there is no reason to question that such must have been produced4 ,the guarantee for this hypothesis is furnished by the compositions that reflect the cosmological beliefs1 the epics and legends that form the second half of the religious productions of ,babylonia4 ,speculation regarding the origin of the universe belongs to an early period in the development of culture4 ,there are few people1 however primitive their culture1 who are not attracted by the spirit of curiosity to seek for some solution of the mysteries which they daily witness2 but the systematization of these speculations does not take place until a body of men arises among a people capable of giving to the popular fancies a logical sequence1 or the approach at least to a rational interpretation4 ,this process1 which resulted in producing in ,babylonia compositions that unfold a system of creation1 is one of long duration4 ,it proceeds under the influence of the intellectual movements that manifest themselves from time to time with the attendant result that1 as the conceptions become more definite and more elaborate1 they reflect more accurately the aspirations of the various generations engaged in bringing these conceptions to their final form4 ,when finally these beliefs and speculations are committed to writing1 it is done in part for the purpose of assuring them a greater degree of permanence1 and in part to establish more definitely the doctrines developed in the schools--to define1 as it were1 the norm of theological and philosophical thought4 ,in examining1 therefore1 the cosmological speculations of the ,babylonians as they appear in the literary productions1 we must carefully distinguish between those portions which are the productions of popular fancy1 and therefore old1 and those parts which give evidence of having been worked out in the schools4 ,in a general way1 also1 we must distinguish between the contents and the form given to the speculations in question4 ,we shall see in due time that a certain amount of historical tradition1 however dimmed1 has entered into the views evolved in ,babylonia regarding the origin of things1 inasmuch as the science of origins included for the ,babylonians the beginning1 not merely of gods1 men1 animals1 and plants1 but also of cities and of civilization in general4 ,still more pronounced is the historical spirit in the case of the epics and legends that here1 as everywhere else1 grew to even larger proportions1 and were modified even after they were finally committed to writing4 ,the great heroes of the past do not perish from the memory of a people1 nor does the recollection of great events entirely pass away4 ,in proportion as the traditions of the past become dimmed1 the more easily do they lend themselves to a blending with popular myths regarding the phenomena of nature4 ,to this material popularly produced1 a literary shape would be given through the same medium that remodeled the popular cosmological speculations4 ,the task would have a more purely literary aspect than that of systematizing the current views regarding the origin and order of things1 since it would be free from any doctrinal tendency4 ,the chief motive that would prompt the literati to thus collect the stories of favorite heroes and the traditions and the legends of the past would be--in addition1 perhaps1 to the pure pleasure of composition--the desire to preserve the stories for future generations1 while a minor factor that may have entered into consideration would be the pedagogical one of adding to the material for study that might engage the attention and thoughts of the young aspirants to sacred and secular lore4 ,while the ultimate aim of learning in ,babylonia remained for all times a practical one1 namely1 the ability to act as a scribe or to serve in the cult1 to render judicial decisions or to observe the movements of the stars1 to interpret the signs of nature and the like1 it was inevitable that through the intellectual activity thus evoked there would arise a spirit of a love of learning for learning's sake1 and at all events a fondness for literary pursuits independent of any purely practical purposes served by such pursuits4 ,in this way we may account for the rise of the several divisions of the religious literature of ,babylonia4 ,before turning to a detailed exposition of each of these divisions1 it only remains to emphasize the minor part taken in all these literary labors by the ,assyrians4 ,the traditions embodied in the cosmological productions1 the epics and legends of ,babylonia1 are no doubt as much the property of the ,assyrians as of their southern cousins1 just as the conceptions underlying the incantation texts and the hymns and prayers and omens1 though produced in the south1 are on the whole identical with those current in the north4 ,whatever differences we have discovered between the phases of the ,babylonian-,assyrian religion1 as manifested in the north and in the south1 are not of a character to affect the questions and views involved in the religious literature4 ,the stamp given to the literary products in this field1 taken as a whole1 is distinctly ,babylonian4 ,it is the spirit of the south that breathes through almost all the religious texts that have as yet been discovered4 ,only in some of the prayers and oracles and omens that are inserted in the historical inscriptions of ,assyrian kings1 or have been transmitted independently1 do we recognize the work of ,assyrian literati1 imbued with a spirit peculiar to ,assyria4 ,perhaps1 too1 in the final shape given to the tales connected with the creation of the gods and of men we may detect an ,assyrian influence on ,babylonian thought1 some concession made at a period of ,assyrian supremacy to certain religious conceptions peculiar to the north4 ,but such influences are of an indirect character1 and we may accept the statement of ,ashurbanabal as literally true that the literature collected by him is a copy of what was found in the great literary archives of the south--and not only found1 but produced there4 ,in imitation of the example set by the south1 schools were of a certainty established in ,nineveh1 ,arbela1 and elsewhere for the education of priests1 scribes1 and judges2 but we have no evidence to show that they ever developed to the point of becoming intellectually independent of ,babylonian models1 except perhaps in minor particulars that need not enter into our calculations4 ,this relationship between the intellectual life of ,babylonia and ,assyria finds its illustration and proof1 not merely in the religious literature1 but in the religious art and cult which1 as we shall see1 like the literature1 bear the distinct impress of their southern origin1 though modified in passing from the south to the north4 ,,footnotes3 #cci ,see above1 pp4 #gb1 #aad1 #acc seq4 #cdj ,see pp4 #ab-ad4 ,,chapter ,,xvi4 ,,the ,,magical ,,texts4 ,turning to the first subdivision of ,babylonian religious literature1 we find remains sufficient to justify us in concluding that there must have been produced a vast number of texts containing formulas and directions for securing a control over the spirits which were supposed at all times to be able to exercise a certain amount of power over men4 ,by virtue of the aim served by these productions we may group them under the head of magical texts1 or incantations4 ,we have already indicated the manner in which these incantations grew into more or less rigid temple rituals4 ,this growth accounts for the fact that the incantations generally framed in by ceremonial directions1 prayers1 and reflections1 were combined into a continuous series 7or volume1 as we would say7 of varying length1 covering nine1 ten1 a dozen1 twenty tablets or more4 ,it has been generally assumed that these incantation texts constitute the oldest division of the religious literature of the ,babylonians4 ,the assertion in an unqualified form is hardly accurate1 for the incantation texts1 such as they lie before us1 give evidence of having been submitted to the influences of an age much later than the one in which their substance was produced4 ,conceptions have been carried into them that were originally absent1 and a form given to them that obliges us to distinguish between the underlying concepts1 and the manner in which these concepts have been combined with views that reflect a later and1 in many respects1 a more advanced period4 ,the incantation texts are certainly no older than texts furnishing omens4 ,some of the incantation texts indeed may not be any older than portions of the creation epic1 and in the latter1 as in other parts of the religious literature1 there are elements as ancient and as primitive as anything to be found in the omens or incantations4 ,so much1 however1 is true1 that the incantations represent the earliest ritual proper to the ,babylonian cult1 and that the conceptions underlying this ritual are the emanation of popular thought1 or1 if you choose1 of popular fancy of a most primitive character4 ,it is also true that1 on the whole1 the incantation texts retain more traces of primitive popular thought than other divisions of the religious literature with the exception of the omens4 ,the remodeling to which they were subjected did not destroy their original character to the extent that might have been expected--a circumstance due in the first instance to the persistency of the beliefs that called these texts forth4 ,many of the texts containing incantations were found by the modern explorers in so mutilated a condition1 that one can hardly hazard any generalizations as to the system followed in putting the incantations together4 ,from the fact1 however1 that in so many instances the incantations form a series of longer or shorter extent1 we may1 for the present at least1 conclude that the serial form was the method generally followed2 and at all events1 if not the general method1 certainly a favorite one4 ,deviating from the ordinary custom of calling the series according to the opening line of the first tablet1 the incantation texts were given a distinct title1 which was either descriptive or chosen with reference to their general contents4 ,so one series which covered at least sixteen tablets was known by the very natural name of the 'evil demon'2 the incantations that it contained being intended as a protection against various classes of demons4 ,another is known as the series of 'head sickness1' and which deals1 though not exclusively1 with various forms of derangements having their seat in the brain4 ,it covered no less than nine tablets4 ,two others bear names that are almost synonymous1--,shurpu and ,maklu1 both signifying 'burning1' and so called from the chief topic dealt with in them1 the burning of images of the sorcerers1 and the incantations to be recited in connection with this symbolical act4 ,the ,maklu series embraced eight tablets and contained1 according to ,tallqvist's calculations1#cda originally about #a1eej lines1 or upwards of #i1jjj words4 ,the ,shurpu series1 although embracing nine tablets1 appears to have been somewhat shorter4 ,in view of the extensive character of these series we are justified in speaking of incantation 'rituals4' ,the texts were evidently prepared with a practical purpose in view4 ,the efficacy of certain formulas having been demonstrated1 it was obviously of importance that their exact form should be preserved for future reference4 ,but a given formula was effective only for a given case1 or at most for certain correlated cases1 and accordingly it became necessary to collect as many formulas as possible to cover all emergencies4 ,the priests1 acting as exorcisers1 would be the ones interested in making such collections1 and we may assume1 as already suggested1 that each temple would develop a collection of its own1--an incantation code that served as a guide for its priests4 ,the natural tendency would be for these codes to increase from generation to generation1 perhaps not rapidly1 but steadily4 ,new cases not as yet provided for would arise1 and new formulas with new instructions would be produced2 or the exorcisers at a certain temple would learn of remedies tried elsewhere1 and would embody them in their own special code4 ,in short1 the growth of these incantation 'rituals' was probably similar to the manner in which1 on the basis of actual practice1 religious codes grew up around the sanctuaries of ancient ,israel1--a process that terminated in the production of the various codes and rituals constituting the legal documents embodied in the ,pentateuch4 ,the prominence given to ,ea and to his favorite seat1 the city of ,eridu1 in the incantations suggests the theory that many of our texts are to be ultimately traced to the temple of ,ea1 that once stood at ,eridu4 ,in that case an additional proof would be furnished of the great antiquity of the use of incantations in ,babylonia4 ,we must sharply distinguish however1 as already emphasized1 between the origin and the present form of the rituals4 ,again1 those parts of a ritual in which ,gibil1 or ,nusku1 appears prominently would most naturally be produced by priests connected with a temple sacred to the one or the other of these gods4 ,the practice of incantation1 however1 being common to all parts of ,babylonia1 we can hardly suppose that any temple should have existed which did not have its exorcising formulas4 ,in the combination of these formulas into a ritual1 due consideration would naturally be had to the special gods invoked1 the obvious result of which would be to produce the long lists of deities that are often embodied in a single incantation4 ,the details of this process can of course no longer be discerned1 but the inevitable tendency would be towards increasing complications4 ,the effort would be made to collect everything1 and from all known quarters4 ,hence the heterogeneous elements to be detected in the texts1 and which1 while adding to their interest1 also increase the difficulty of their interpretation4 ,in consequence of the presence of such heterogeneous elements1 it is difficult to determine within an incantation series any guiding principles that prompted the collectors4 ,still we can often distinguish large groups in a series that belong together4 ,so we have whole series of addresses to the fire-god ending with incantations1 and again a series of descriptions of the group of seven spirits serving a similar purpose as introductions to incantations1 but we cannot see on what grounds the transition from one subject to the other takes place4 ,indeed the transitions are generally marked by their abruptness4 ,the only legitimate inference is that the main purpose of the collectors of incantation texts was to exhaust the subject so far as lay in their power4 ,they included in their codes as much as possible4 ,the exorciser would have no difficulty in threading his way through the complicated mass4 ,he would select the division appropriate to the case before him without much concern of what preceded or followed in the text4 ,moreover1 these divisions in the texts were clearly marked by dividing lines1 still to be seen on the clay tablets4 ,these divisions correspond so completely to divisions in the subject-matter that the purely practical purpose they served can hardly be called into question1 while at the same time they furnish additional proof for the compiled character of the texts4 ,as for the date of the composition of the texts1 the union of the ,babylonian states under ,hammurabi1 with its necessary result1 the supremacy of ,marduk1 that finds its reflection in the texts1 furnishes us with a terminus a quo beyond which we need not proceed for final editing4 ,on the other hand1 there are indications in the language which warrant us in not passing below #bjjj ,b4,c4 as the period when many of the incantation texts received their present form1 and the editions were completed from which many centuries afterwards the ,assyrian scribes prepared their copies for their royal masters4 ,there is1 of course1 no reason for assuming that all our texts should be of one age1 or that the copying and1 in part1 the editing should not have gone on continually4 ,necessity for further copies would arise with the steady growth of the temples4 ,priests would be engaged in making copies for themselves1 either for their edification as a pious work1 or for real use2 and accordingly1 in fixing upon any date for the texts1 one can hardly do more than assign certain broad limits within which the texts1 so far as their present contents are concerned1 may have been completed4 ,the copies themselves may of course belong to a much later period without1 for that reason1 being more recent productions4 ,attention must also be directed to the so-called 'bilingual' form1 in which many of the incantation texts are edited2 each line being first written in the ideographic style1 and then followed by a transliteration into the phonetic style4#cdb ,the use of the ideographic style is a survival of the ancient period when all texts were written in this manner1 and the conservatism attaching to all things religious accounts for the continuation of the ideographic style in the religious rituals down to the latest period1 beyond the time when even according to those who see in the ideographic style a language distinct from ,babylonian1 this supposed non-,semitic tongue was no longer spoken by the people1 and merely artificially maintained1 like the ,latin of the ,middle ,ages4 ,the frequent lack of correspondence in minor points between the ideographic style and the phonetic transliteration shows that the latter was intended merely as a version1 as a guide and aid to the understanding of the 'conservative' method of writing4 ,it was not necessary for a transliteration to be accurate1 whereas1 in the case of a translation1 the greatest care would naturally be taken to preserve the original sacred text with all nicety and accuracy1 since upon accuracy and nicety the whole efficacy of the formulas rested4 ,the redaction of the incantation texts in the double style must not be regarded as a necessary indication of high antiquity1 but only as a proof that the oldest incantation texts were written in the ideographic style1 and that for this reason the custom was continued down to the latest period4 ,on the other hand1 the addition of the transliteration points to a period when the old style could no longer be read by the priests with facility without some guide1 and incidentally proves again that the texts have gone through an editing process4 ,but in the course of time1 additions to the ritual were made1 written in the phonetic style2 and then it would happen1 as a concession to religious conservatism1 that the text would be translated back into the ideographic form4 ,we would then have a bilingual text1 consisting of ,babylonian and an artificial ,sumero-,akkadian4 ,that incantations were also composed in pure ,babylonian without reference to any ,sumero-,akkadian original is conclusively shown by the metrical traits frequently introduced4 ,many of the sections--by no means all--can be divided into regular stanzas of four1 six1 or eight lines1 and frequently to the stanza is added a line which forms what ,professor ,d4 ,h4 ,mueller#cdc calls the response4 ,the same metrical traits being found in other parts of the ,babylonian literature1--so1 e4g41 in the creation epic1--their occurrence in the incantation texts is of course not accidental4 ,when1 therefore1 we come across a ritual as the ,maklu series1 written exclusively in the phonetic style1 and giving evidence of being in part a metrical composition1 we are justified in assuming this to have been the original form4 ,again1 in the case of another series1--the ,shurpu1 in part ,babylonian1 in part bilingual1#cdd--since the ,babylonian section shows the metrical form1 it is likely that the ideographic style represents a transliteration of a phonetic1 or pure ,babylonian1 original4 ,the chief value of the incantation texts lies1 naturally1 in the insight they afford into the popular beliefs4 ,as among other nations1 so among the ,babylonians1 the use of certain formulas to secure release from ills1 pains1 and evils of any kind1 either actual or portending1 rests upon the theory that the accidents and misfortunes to which man is heir are due largely to the influence of more or less powerful spirits or demons1 acting independently or at the command of higher powers1--the gods4 ,through the incantation rituals we are enabled to specify the traits popularly ascribed to these demons and the means employed to rid oneself of their baneful grasp4 ,demons4 ,the demons were of various kinds and of various grades of power4 ,the names of many of them1 as utukku1 shedu1 alu1 gallu1 point to 'strength' and 'greatness' as their main attribute2 other names1 as lilu1 'night-spirit1' and the feminine form lilitu1 are indicative of the moment chosen by them for their work2 while again1 names like ekimmu1 the 'seizer1' akhkhazu1 the 'capturer1' rabisu1 'the one that lies in wait1' labartu1 'the oppressor1' and labasu1 'the overthrower1' show the aim that the demons have in view4 ,putting these names together1 we may form a general idea of the conceptions connected with the demons4 ,they lurk in hidden or remote places1 in graves1 in the shadow of ruins1 on the tops of mountains1 in the wilderness4 ,their favorite time of activity is at dead of night4 ,they glide noiselessly like serpents1 entering houses through holes and crevices4 ,they are powerful1 but their power is directed solely towards evil4 ,they take firm hold of their victims and torture them mercilessly4 ,to these demons all manner of evil is ascribed4 ,their presence was felt in the destructive winds that swept the land4 ,the pestilent fevers that rise out of the marshes of the ,euphrates valley and the diseases bred by the humid heat of summer were alike traced to demons lurking in the soil4 ,some of these diseases1 moreover1 were personified1 as ,namtar1 the demon of 'plague1' and ,ashakku1 the demon of 'wasting disease4' ,but the petty annoyances that disturb the peace of man--a sudden fall1 an unlucky word1 a headache1 petty quarrels1 and the like--were also due to the instigation of the demons2 while insanity and the stirring up of the passions--love1 hatred1 and jealousy--were in a special sense indicative of the presence and power of the demons4 ,men and women stood in constant danger of them4 ,even the animals were not safe from their attacks4 ,they drive the birds out of their nests1 strike down lambs and bulls4 ,it was impossible to forestall their attacks4 ,they enter a man's dwelling1 they wander through the streets1 they make their way into food and drink4 ,there is no place1 however small1 which they cannot invade1 and none1 however large1 that they cannot fill4 ,in a text which furnishes the sacred formulas by means of which one can get rid of the demoniac influence1 a description is given of the demons which may serve as an illustration of what has just been said4 ,the incantation is directed against a variety of the demons3#cde ,the utukku#cdf of the field and the utukku of the mountain1 ,the utukku of the sea and the one that lurks in graves1 ,the evil shedu1 the shining alu4 ,the evil wind1 the terrible wind1 ,that sets one's hair on end4 ,against these the spirits of heaven and earth are invoked4 ,the text proceeds3 ,the utukku that seizes hold of a man1 ,the ekimmu that seizes hold of a man1 ,the ekimmu that works evil1 ,the utukku that works evil4 ,and after invoking against these demons1 likewise1 the spirits of heaven and earth1 the text passes on to an enumeration of a long list of physical ills3 sickness of the entrails1 of the heart1 of the head1 of the stomach1 of the kidneys1 of the limbs and muscles1 of the skin1 and of the senses1 which are all ascribed to the influence of the demons4 ,apart from the demons that are naught but the personification of certain diseases1 it does not appear that the demons were limited in their power to one specific kind of action4 ,in other words1 sharp distinctions between the demons do not appear to have been drawn4 ,as appears from the extracts above translated1 the utukku1 shedu1 alu1 and ekimmu were grouped together1 and hardly regarded as anything more than descriptive epithets of a general class of demons4 ,at the same time it appears likely that at one time they were differentiated with a greater degree of preciseness4 ,so the ekimmu appears to be the shadowy demon that hovers around graves1 a species of ghost or vampire that attacks people in the dead of night and lays them prostrate4 ,lilu and lilitu are the spirits that flit by in the night4 ,of a specific character likewise are the conceptions connected with a demon known as ardat lili1 'maid of the night1' a strange female 'will-o'-the-wisp1' who approaches men1 arouses their passions1 but does not permit a satisfaction of them4 ,great importance being attached by the ,babylonians to dreams1 the belief in a 'maid of the night' was probably due to the unchecked play of the imagination during the hours of sleep4 ,bad dreams came at the instigation of the demons1 and such a demon as the rabisu or the labartu appears to have been especially associated with the horrible sensations aroused by a 'nightmare4'#cdg ,again the utukku is represented at times as attacking the neck of man2 the gallu attacks the hand1 the ekimmu the loins1 the alu the breast4 ,but these distinctions count for little in the texts4 ,utukku becomes a general name for demon1 and gallu1 alu1 and shedu are either used synonymously with utukku or thrown together with the latter in a manner that clearly shows the general identity of the conceptions ultimately connected with them4 ,the same is the case with the rabisu and gallu1 with the labartu1 akhkhazu1 and ekimmu4 ,the demons were always given some shape1 animal or human1 for it was a necessary corollary of the stage of religious thought to which the belief in demons belongs1 that the demon must not only be somewhere1 though invisible to mankind1 but also in something that manifests life4 ,among animals1 those calculated to inspire terror by their mysterious movements were chosen1 as serpents appearing and disappearing with startling suddenness1 or ugly scorpions1 against whom it was difficult to protect oneself1 or the fabulous monsters with which graves and pestiferous spots were peopled4 ,regions difficult of access--the desert1 the deep waters1 the high mountains--were the favorite haunts of the demons4 ,some of these demons were frequently pictured in the boundary stones between fields1 in order to emphasize the curses hurled upon the head of him who should trespass on the lawful rights of the owner of the land4#cdh ,it is to such demons embodied in living form that epithets such as the 'seizer1' the 'one that lurks1' and the like apply with peculiar aptness4 ,in a tablet belonging to a long series of incantations1#cdi we find references to various animals--the serpent1 the scorpion1 monsters--that are regarded as the embodiment of demons4 ,in the distinctively religious art1 the evil spirits are often pictured as ugly monsters that were to inspire terror by their very aspect4 ,depicted on the monuments1 singly or in groups1#cej the shape of wild animals was given to the head1 while the remainder of the body was suggestive of a human form4 ,with gaping mouths and armed with some weapon1 they stand ready to make an attack4 ,the ,assyrian kings1 up to the latest period1 acknowledged the power of the demons by making huge representations of them1 which they placed at the approaches1 entrances1 and divisions of their temples and palaces1 in the hope of thus securing their protection4 ,the great bulls and lions with human heads--so familiar to every one--are but another form of the same idea4 ,these colossal statues were actually known by the name shedu1 which we have seen is one of the general terms for 'demon4' ,but as a general thing1 this personal phase of the demon's existence is lost sight of4 ,even though embodied in animal form1 the demons could make themselves invisible to man2 and since most of their actions were performed in secret1 so that people were totally at their mercy1 the differentiation of the demons became a factor of minor importance4 ,with so large a quantity of demons at command1 it was difficult to hit upon the one who was manifesting himself by some evil at any given moment4 ,accordingly1 instead of a single mention1 a number or a group were enumerated1 and the magic formulas pronounced against them in concert4 ,we have one such group of seven to whom quite a number of references are found in the incantation texts4 ,a section in one of these texts gives a vivid description of them3#cea ,seven are they1 they are seven1 ,in the subterranean deep1 they are seven1 ,perched 787 in the sky1 they are seven1 ,in a section of the subterranean deep they were reared1 ,they are neither male nor are they female1 ,they are destructive whirlwinds1 ,they have no wife1 nor do they beget offspring4 ,compassion and mercy they do not know1 ,prayer and supplication they do not hear1 ,horses bred on the mountains1 are they ,hostile to ,ea#ceb are they1 ,powerful ones among the gods are they4 ,to work mischief in the street they settle themselves in the highway4 ,evil are they1 they are evil1 ,seven are they1 they are seven1 seven1 and again seven#cec are they4 ,these seven spirits1 who are elsewhere compared to various animals1 have power even to bewitch the gods4 ,the eclipse of the moon was attributed to their baneful influence4 ,the number seven is probably not to be taken literally4 ,as among so many nations1#ced seven had a sacred significance for the ,babylonians2 but largely1 if not solely1 for the reason1 as ,i venture to think1 because seven was a large number4 ,in the ,old ,testament seven is similarly used to designate a large number4 ,a group of seven spirits1 accordingly1 meant no more than a miscellaneous mass of spirits1 and we may therefore regard this 'song of the seven' as a general characterization of the demons who1 according to this view1 appear to move together in groups rather than singly4 ,elsewhere#cee we are told of this same group of spirits 'that they were begotten in the mountain of sunset1' i4e41 in the west1 'and were reared in the mountain of sunrise1' i4e41 the east2 'that they dwell in the hollow of the earth1 and that they are proclaimed on the mountain tops4' ,evidently a description of this kind is intended to emphasize the universal presence of the spirits4 ,there is no place where they are not found2 and when we are furthermore told 7apparently in contradiction to what has just been said7 'that neither in heaven nor earth is their name pronounced 7i4e41 are they known to be71 that among the gods of the earth 7i4e41 the pantheon7 they are not recognized1 that neither in heaven nor earth do they exist1' this is but the reverse of the picture intended to illustrate the capability of the spirits to disappear without leaving any trace of their presence4 ,they are everywhere and yet invisible4 ,they come and they go1 and no one knows their place4 ,nothing is proof against their approach4 ,of all the demons it is true1 as of this group1 that they slip through bolts and doorposts and sockets1 gliding1 as we are told1 'like snakes4' ,such are the demons against whom man must seek to protect himself4 ,the relationship of the demons or spirits to the gods of the pantheon has been touched upon in a previous chapter4#cef ,it is sufficient here to emphasize the fact that the dividing line between the two becomes at times exceedingly faint4 ,a deity1 we have seen1 is a spirit writ large2 but often the demon assumes dimensions and is clothed with power that makes him 'little short of divine4' ,strength is the attribute of the demons as it is the chief feature of the gods4 ,both classes of powers influence man's career4 ,the names of the demons are preceded by the same determinative that is used for the gods4 ,as a matter of fact1 many of the spirits were originally worshipped as local deities in some restricted territory1 which1 losing its importance1 bequeaths the name of its protective genius to posterity4 ,in the realm of religious belief1 as in the domain of nature1 absolute loss of something that once had existence does not take place4 ,something remains4 ,hundreds of old local gods of ,babylonia thus survived in the literature as spirits or demons4 ,the tendency towards making a selection out of the great mass of gods goes hand in hand with the multiplication of spirits that might1 as occasion presented itself1 be invoked4 ,in general1 the larger affairs of life were consigned into the hands of the gods2 the petty annoyances--accidents1 pains1 ill luck1 and the like--were put down to the account of the spirits4 ,the gods were1 on the whole1 favorably disposed towards man4 ,they were angry at times1 they sent punishments1 but they could be appeased4 ,the spirits were1 on the whole1 hostile2 and although the ,babylonians also invoked favorable and kind spirits1 when a spirit was hostile there was only one method of ridding oneself of the pernicious influence1--to drive it out by means of formulas1 and with the help of a priest acting as exorciser4 ,sorcerers and ,sorceresses4 ,a widespread and apparently very ancient belief among the ,babylonians and ,assyrians was that certain human beings possessed demoniac power1 and could exercise it for evil purposes over whomsoever they pleased4 ,this belief may have originated in the abnormal appearance presented by certain individuals in consequence of physical deformities or peculiarities4 ,the uncanny impression made by dwarfs1 persons with misshapen limbs1 with a strange look in their eyes1 and1 above all1 the insane would give rise to the view that some people1 for the very reason of their variation from the normal type1 possessed peculiar powers4 ,but by the side of such as were distinguished by bodily defects1 those who outranked their fellows by virtue of their prowess or of natural gifts1 by keenness of intellect or cunning1 would also be supposed to have received their power through some demoniac source4 ,with the giant and the artificer there would thus be associated ideas of sorcery and witchcraft1 as with dwarfs1 the deformed1 and insane4 ,the sorcerers might be either male or female1 but1 for reasons which are hard to fathom1 the preference was given to females4 ,accordingly1 it happens that among the ,babylonians1 as in the ,middle ,ages1 the witch appears more frequently than the male sorcerer4 ,the witches have all the powers of the demons1 and in the incantation texts the two are often thrown together4 ,just as the demons1 so the witches take away the breath of man1 defile his food and drink1 or close up his mouth4 ,they are able to penetrate into the body of men1 and thus produce similar physical and mental disturbances as the animalic demons4 ,in view of this close relationship between witches and demons1 we are justified in regarding the two as varying aspects of one and the same belief4 ,the witch appears to be merely the person through whom the hitherto 'invisible' demon has chosen to manifest itself4 ,from being identical in character with the demons1 the witches reached a stage which made them superior to the former4 ,they could not only do everything that the demons did1 but they could also control the latter1 whereas the demons had no power over witches4 ,witches could invoke the demons at their will and bring such persons as they chose within the demons' power4 ,various means were at their disposal for bringing this about4 ,the glance of a witch's 'evil eye' was supposed to have great power4#ceg ,terrible were the sufferings of the one on whom a witch threw the glance that kept the person under her spell4 ,the 'evil word1' as it was called1 and by which the use of certain magic formulas was meant1 was another effective means at her command for inflicting all manner of evil4 ,magical potions1 too1 compounded of poisonous weeds1 appear to have been prepared by them1 and which1 entering the body of those whom they desired to punish1 had a disastrous effect4 ,such means might be denominated as direct4 ,there were others indirect which were even more effective1 and which rested upon the principle commonly known as 'sympathetic magic4'#ceh ,under the notion that the symbolical acts of the sorcerers would have their effect upon the one to be bewitched1 the male sorcerer or the witch1 as the case might be1 would tie knots in a rope4 ,repeating certain formulas with each fresh knot1 the witch would in this way symbolically strangle the victim1 seal his mouth1 wrack his limbs1 tear his entrails1 and the like4 ,still more popular was the making of an image of the desired victim of clay or pitch1 honey1 fat1 or other soft material1#cei and either by burning it inflict physical tortures upon the person represented1 or by undertaking various symbolical acts with it1 such as burying it among the dead1 placing it in a coffin1 casting it into a pit or into a fountain1 hiding it in an inaccessible place1 placing it in spots that had a peculiar significance1 as the doorposts1 the threshold1 under the arch of gates1 would prognosticate in this way a fate corresponding to one of these acts for the unfortunate victim4 ,the ,exorcisers4 ,as a protection against the demons and witches1 small images of some of the protecting deities were placed at the entrances to houses1 and amulets of various kinds were carried about the person4 ,tablets1 too1 were hung up in the house1--probably at the entrance1--on which extracts from the religious texts were inscribed4 ,these texts by virtue of their sacred character assured protection against the entrance of demons4#cfj ,but when once a person had come under the baneful power of the demons1 recourse was had to a professional class of exorcisers1 who acted as mediators between the victims and the gods to whom the ultimate appeal for help was made4 ,these exorcisers were of course priests1 and at an early period of ,babylonian culture it must have been one of the main functions of priests to combat the influence of evil spirits4 ,it was for this purpose chiefly that the people came to the temples1 and in so far we are justified in regarding incantation formulas as belonging to the oldest portion of the ,babylonian temple rituals4 ,in the course of time1 as the temples in the great religious centers developed into large establishments1 the priests were divided into classes1 each with special functions assigned to them4 ,some were concerned with the sacrifices1 others presided over the oracles1 others were set aside for the night and day watches which were observed in the temple1 and it is likely that the scribes formed a class by themselves4 ,to this age of differentiation in priestly functions belongs the special class who may be regarded as the forerunners of the eastern magi or magicians1 and who by powers and methods peculiar to them could ward off the dangerous attacks of the demons and witches4 ,the means employed by them may in general be described as forming the complement to those used by the witches1--the reverse side of the picture1--only that they were supposed to be effective against sorcerers1 witches1 and demons alike4 ,against the incantation formulas of the witches1 incantations of superior force were prescribed that might serve to overcome the baneful influence of the former4 ,the symbolical tying of knots was offset by symbolical loosening1 accompanied by formulas that might effect the gradual release of the victim from the meshes of both the witches and the demons2 or the hoped-for release was symbolized by the peeling of the several skins of an onion4 ,corresponding to the images made by the witches1 the exorcising priests advised the making of counter images of the witches1 and by a symbolical burning1 accompanied by certain ceremonies and conciliatory gifts to the gods1 hoped to destroy the witches themselves4 ,since1 moreover1 the favorite time chosen by the demons and witches for their manifestations was the night1 the three divisions of the nights--evening1 midnight1 and dawn--that correspond to the temple watches were frequently selected as the time for the incantations and the symbolical acts4 ,the address was often made to the gods of night4 ,a series of incantation formulas begins3 ,i call upon you1 gods of the night1 ,with you ,i call upon the night1 the veiled bride1#cfa ,i call at evening1 midnight1 and at dawn4 ,the formulas themselves1 as we shall see1 are characterized by their large number rather than by any elements that they have in common4 ,at times they constitute a direct appeal to some god or gods1 to some particular spirit1 or to the associated spirits of heaven and earth1 together with a direct indication of what is desired4 ,an incantation addressed to ,nusku1 the god of fire1 closes3 ,fire-god1 mighty and lofty one of the gods1 ,who dost overpower the wicked and the hostile1 ,overpower them 7the witches7 so that ,i be not destroyed4 ,let me thy servant live1 let me unharmed stand before thee1 ,thou art my god1 thou art my lord1 ,thou art my judge1 thou art my helper1 ,thou art my avenger4 ,preceding the direct appeal1 there is usually a recital more or less detailed of the woes with which one is afflicted4 ,the victim tells of the pains which torture him4 ,says one bewitched3 ,i stand upright1 and cannot lie down1 neither night nor day4 ,the witches have filled my mouth with their knots4 ,with the aid of upuntu weed1#cfb they have stuffed up my mouth4 ,the water that ,i drink have they diminished1 ,my joy is changed to pain1 my pleasure to sorrow4 ,this recital1 which is often wearisome by its length1 may or may not end in a direct appeal to some god or gods4 ,the narrative of woes1 however1 is merely introductory to the incantation itself4 ,to prescribe the formula to be used to the one appealing for help1 is the special function of the priest acting as exorciser4 ,he recites the formula1 which is then repeated by the communicant4 ,instead of an appeal to the gods for help1 the incantation often embodies threats hurled in the name of the gods at the demons or witches in case they do not release their victim4 ,such incantations appear to derive their power chiefly through the personage of the exorciser1 who believes himself to be able to control the evil spirits4 ,so in one case1 after the sufferer has poured out his troubles1 the exorciser replies1 threatening the witches with the same evils that they have inflicted3#cfc ,they have used all kinds of charms to entwine me as with ropes1 to catch me as in a cage1 to tie me as with cords1 to overpower me as in a net1 to twist me as with a sling1 to tear me as a fabric1 to fill me with dirty water as that which runs down a wall 787 to throw me down as a wall4 ,at this point the exorciser takes up the thread and declares3 ,but ,i by command of ,marduk1 the lord of charms1 by ,marduk1 the master of bewitchment1 ,both the male and female witch as with ropes ,i will entwine1 as in a cage ,i will catch1 as with cords ,i will tie1 as in a net ,i will overpower1 as in a sling ,i will twist1 as a fabric ,i will tear1 with dirty water as from a wall ,i will fill1 as a wall throw them down4 ,accompanying these threats1 the actions indicated were symbolically performed by the exorciser on effigies of the witches made1 in this case1 of bitumen covered with pitch4 ,corresponding again to the potions prepared by the witches1 the priests prepared draughts compounded of various weeds and herbs that were given to the victim1 or concoctions that were poured over his body4 ,this constituted the medicinal phase of the priest's labors1 and marks the connection between magic and medicine4 ,naturally such herbs and weeds were chosen as through experience had proved effective4 ,the ,gods of the ,incantation ,texts4 ,a feature of the incantation texts is the appeal to the gods1 which is seldom1 if ever1 wanting4 ,just as the kings sought1 by the enumeration of a large pantheon1 to secure the protection of as large a number of powers as possible1 so the priests endeavored to strengthen their magic formulas by including the mention of all the chief and a varying number of the minor deities4 ,this invocation of groups of deities1 as the invocation of groups of spirits1 became more or less conventional1 so much so that1 instead of mentioning the gods individually1 the scribe would content himself with an indication1 at the proper point1 of the number of gods to be appealed to1--six1 ten1 fifteen1 as the case may be1 to as many as fifty4#cfd ,precisely what gods he had in mind we are no longer in a position to know1 but no doubt the chief members of the pantheon were included in the first place4 ,lists of these deities are often added4 ,the superior triad1 ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea1 head the list1 at times accompanied by their consorts1 at times standing alone4 ,the second class of triads1 ,sin1 ,shamash1 and ,ramman1 follow1 and then the other great gods1 ,nin-ib1 ,marduk1 ,nergal1 ,nusku1 and ,gibil2 and finally the chief goddesses are added1 notably ,ishtar1 ,nin-karrak1 or ,gula1 and ,bau4 ,but besides the chief deities1 an exceedingly large number of minor ones are found interspersed through the incantation texts4 ,some are well known1 as ,nin-girsu1 ,zamama1 and ,papsukal4 ,many of them are found in other branches of the religious literature or in invocations attached to historical texts1 commemorative of some work undertaken and completed by the kings2 but a large proportion of these powers1 not often distinguishable from mere spirits1 only appear once in the literary remains of ,babylonia4 ,it is manifestly impossible1 under such circumstances1 to specify their traits4 ,in most cases1 indeed1 the phonetic reading is unknown or uncertain4 ,while a considerable proportion may be put down as local gods1 enjoying an independent1 albeit obscure1 existence1 at least an equal number will turn out to be mere epithets of gods already known4 ,in all cases where the god's name actually appears as an epithet1 we may be certain that such is the case4 ,so when a god is called simply ,dainu1 i4e41 ,judge1 there can be little doubt that ,shamash1 the sun-god1 is meant2 a god1 'great mountain1' is none other than ,bel2 and similarly1 such names as 'merciful1' 'hearer of prayer1' 'conqueror of enemy' are manifestly titles belonging to certain well-known deities1 and used much as among the ,greeks the gods were often referred to by the traits1 physical or moral1 that distinguished them4 ,as for the residue1 who are independent deities1 while of course our knowledge of the ,babylonian religion would be increased did we know more of them than their names1 it is not likely that the worship of these gods1 nor the conceptions connected with them1 involved any new principle4 ,a mere enumeration would of course be of little use4 ,moreover1 such an enumeration would not be exhaustive1 for new deities are found in almost every additional text that is published4 ,already this list counts considerably over two hundred4 ,at most1 such an enumeration would merely illustrate what we already know1--the exceedingly large number of local cults that once existed in ,babylonia and ,assyria1 and disappeared without leaving any trace but the more or less accidental preservation of the name of the deity1 who was once regarded as the patron of the place4 ,lastly it is to be noted that1 besides gods1 stars are invoked1 as well as rivers1 temples1 and even towns1--in short1 anything that has sacred associations4 ,on a different level from the gods enumerated in groups stand those deities who are introduced into the incantation texts at essential points individually and for a special reason4 ,such deities are comparatively few1--hardly more than half a dozen4 ,these gods may be called the gods of the incantation texts par excellence4 ,their help is essential to ensure the effectiveness of the exorciser's task4 ,they stand in close and direct connection with the troubles from which relief is prayed for4 ,for physical ills1 they act as healers4 ,if the evil for which the individual or the country suffers is due to some natural phenomena1--an eclipse of the moon1 of which people stood in great terror1 or a deluge or a famine1--the moon-god1 the storm-god1 some phase of the sun-deity1 or an agricultural god would naturally be implored2 while in a general way the heads of the pantheon1 ,marduk in ,babylonia and ,ashur in ,assyria1 come in for a large share of attention4 ,as already intimated in a previous chapter1#cfe the god who plays perhaps the most prominent role in the incantation texts is ,ea4 ,he occupies this rank primarily by virtue of his being the god of humanity2 but another factor which enters into consideration1 though in an indirect fashion1 is his character as a water-god4 ,water1 being one of the means of purification frequently referred to in the texts1 acquires a symbolical significance among the ,babylonians1 as among so many other nations4 ,ea1 therefore1 as the water-god of the ancient sacred town1 ,eridu1 acquires additional popularity through this circumstance4 ,the titles that he receives in the texts emphasize his power to heal and protect4 ,he is the great physician who knows all secret sources whence healing can be obtained for the maladies and ills caused by the demons and sorcerers4 ,he is therefore in a peculiar sense 'the lord of the fates' of mankind1 the chief exorciser1 the all-wise magician of the gods1 at whose command and under whose protection1 the priest performs his symbolical acts4 ,not only does humanity turn to ,ea3 the gods1 too1 appeal to him in their distress4 ,the eclipse of the moon was regarded by the popular faith as a sort of bewitchment of the great orb through the seven evil spirits4 ,all the heavenly bodies are affected by such an event4 ,anu is powerless4 ,it is only through ,ea that ,sin is released1 just as though he were a human individual4 ,but ,ea is rarely approached directly4 ,at his side stands his son ,marduk1 who acts as a mediator4 ,marduk listens to the petition addressed to him by the exorcising priest on behalf of the victim1 and carries the word to ,father ,ea4 ,the latter1 after first declaring ,marduk to be his equal in knowledge1 proceeds to dictate the cure4 ,marduk1 accordingly1 is given the same titles as his father1 ,ea4 ,he1 too1 is the lord of life1 the master of the exorcising art1 the chief magician among the gods4 ,the importance thus given to ,marduk is an indication of a later period1 and must be taken in connection with the supremacy accorded to the god after the union of the ,babylonian states4 ,originally1 ,ea is the god to whom the direct appeal was made4 ,marduk is an afterthought that points to the remodeling of the ancient texts after the period of ,hammurabi4 ,damkina1 the consort of ,ea1 is occasionally invoked1 but it is significant that ,sarpanitum1 the consort of ,marduk1 is rarely mentioned4 ,the burning of images and witches1 or of other objects1 being so frequently resorted to as a means of destroying baneful influences1 the god of fire occupies a rank hardly secondary to ,ea4 ,here1 too1 the mystical element involved in the use of fire adds to the effectiveness of the method4 ,water and fire are the two great sources of symbolical purification that we meet with in both primitive and advanced rituals of the past4#cff ,the fire-god appears in the texts under the double form of ,gibil and ,nusku4 ,the former occurs with greater frequency than the latter1 but the two are used so interchangeably as to be in every respect identical4 ,the amalgamation of the two may indeed be due to the growth of the incantation rituals of ,babylon4 ,in some districts ,gibil was worshipped as the special god of fire1 in others ,nusku1 much as we found the sun-god worshipped under the names of ,shamas and ,utu1 and similarly in the case of other deities4 ,on the supposition that the incantation rituals are the result of a complicated literary process1 involving the collection of all known formulas1 and the bringing of them into some kind of connection with one another1 this existence of a twofold fire-god finds a ready explanation4 ,at ,babylon we know ,nusku was worshipped as the fire-god4 ,gibil belongs therefore to another section1 perhaps to one farther south4 ,he is in all probability the older god of the two1 and the preponderating occurrence of his name in the texts may be taken as a proof of the ancient origin of those parts in which it occurs4 ,there being no special motive why he should be supplanted by ,nusku1 his preeminence was not interfered with through the remodeling to which the texts were subjected4 ,while bearing in mind that ,gibil and ,nusku are two distinct deities1 we may1 for the sake of convenience1 treat them together under the double designation of ,gibil-,nusku4 ,gibil and ,nusku are called 'sons of ,anu'2 ,gibil1 indeed1 is spoken of as the first-born of heaven1 and the image of his father4 ,the conception is probably mythological1 resting upon the belief in the heavenly origin of fire held by all nations4 ,gibil-,nusku is exalted as the 'lofty one' among the gods1 whose command is supreme4 ,he is at once the great messenger of the gods and their chief counsellor4 ,clothed in splendor1 his light is unquenchable4 ,a large variety of other attributes are assigned to him1 all emphasizing his strength1 his majesty1 his brilliancy1 and the terror that he is able to inspire4 ,the importance of fire to mankind made ,gibil-,nusku the founder of cities1 and in general the god of civilization4 ,as the fire-god1 ,gibil-,nusku is more especially invoked at the symbolical burning of the images of the witches4 ,with a raised torch in one hand1 the bewitched person repeats the incantation recited by the exorciser4 ,frequently the instruction is added that the incantation is to be recited in a whisper1 corresponding to the soft tones in which the demons1 witches1 and ghosts are supposed to convey their messages4 ,the incantations in which the fire-god is exalted in grandiloquent terms belong to the finest productions of this branch of the religious literature4 ,the addresses to ,gibil-,nusku are veritable hymns that are worthy of better associations4 ,one of these addresses begins3 ,nusku1 great god1 counsellor of the great gods1#cfg ,guarding the sacrificial gifts#cfh of all the heavenly spirits1 ,founder of cities1 renewer of the sanctuaries1 ,glorious day1 whose command is supreme1 ,messenger of ,anu1 carrying out the decrees of ,bel1 ,obedient to ,bel1 counsellor1 mountain#cfi of the earthly spirits1 ,mighty in battle1 whose attack is powerful1 ,without thee no table is spread in the temple4 ,without thee1 ,shamash1 the judge executes no judgment4 ,i1 thy servant so and so1 the son of so and so1#cgj ,whose god is so and so1 and whose goddess so and so1#cga ,i turn to thee1 ,i seek thee1 ,i raise my hands to thee1 ,i prostrate myself before thee4 ,burn the sorcerer and sorceress1 ,may the life of my sorcerer and sorceress be destroyed4 ,let me live that ,i may exalt thee and proudly pay homage to thee4 ,this incantation1 we are told1 is to be recited in a whisper1 in the presence of an image of wax4 ,the image is burnt as the words are spoken1 and as it is consumed the power of the witch is supposed to wane4 ,the reference to the indispensable presence of the fire-god in the temple is rather interesting4 ,sacrifice always entailed the use of fire4 ,to whatever deity the offering was made1 ,gibil-,nusku could not in any case be overlooked4 ,the fire constituted the medium1 as it were1 between the worshipper and the deity addressed4 ,the fire-god is in truth the messenger who carries the sacrifice into the presence of the god worshipped4 ,even ,shamash1 though himself personifying fire1 is forced to acknowledge the power of ,gibil-,nusku1 who1 we are told elsewhere1 is invoked1 even when sacrifices are made to the sun-god4 ,besides being the son of ,anu1 ,gibil-,nusku is brought into association with the two other members of the triad1 ,bel and ,ea4 ,he is the messenger of ,bel and the son of ,ea4 ,the former conception is again mythical4 ,fire is also the instrument of the gods1 and ,nusku is particularly called the messenger of ,bel because ,bel is one of the highest gods4 ,in reality he is the messenger of all the gods1 and is frequently so designated4 ,his connection with ,ea1 on the other hand1 seems to be the result of the systematizing efforts of the schoolmen4 ,ea occupying the chief rank in the incantations1 the subsidiary role of ,gibil-,nusku is indicated by making him1 just as ,marduk1 the son of ,ea4 ,in this way1 too1 the two great means of purification--water and fire--are combined under a single aspect4 ,the combination was all the more appropriate since the fire-god1 as the promoter of culture1 shared with ,ea the protection of humanity4 ,accordingly1 all the titles of ,ea are bestowed in one place or the other upon ,gibil-,nusku4 ,but1 after all1 ,gibil-,nusku is merely a phase of the solar deity1#cgb and hence by the side of this fire-god1 ,shamash and the other solar deities1 though in a measure subsidiary to ,gibil-,nusku1 are frequently invoked4 ,shamash1 as the great judge1 was a personage especially appropriate for occasions which involved a decision in favor of the bewitched and against the witches or demons4 ,gibil-,nusku1 like ,shamash1 is exalted as the great judge who comes to the aid of the oppressed4 ,similarly1 the fire-god receives the attributes belonging to ,ninib1 ,nergal1 and the various phases of the latter1 such as ,lugal-edinna1 ,lugal-gira1 and ,alamu4 ,these gods1 then1 and their consorts1 because of their relationship to the fire-god1 are introduced into the incantations1 and what is more to the point1 the various phases of ,nergal and ,ninib are introduced without any trace of the distinctions that originally differentiated them from one another4#cgc ,besides the great solar deities1 minor ones1 as ,nin-gish-zida#cgd and ,i-shum1 are frequently added in long lists of protecting spirits to whom the appeal for help is directed4 ,the attempt is also made to illustrate their relationship to the great fire-god4 ,so ,i-shum becomes the messenger of ,nusku1 while ,nin-gish-zida 7though in the days of ,gudea a male deity#cge7 appears to be regarded1 as ,tallqvist has suggested1 as the consort of ,nusku4 ,night being a favorite time for the recital of the incantations1 it was natural that the orb of night1 the god ,sin1 should be added to the pantheon of the exorciser4 ,though playing a minor role1 the moon-god is never omitted when a long series of protecting spirits is invoked4 ,but there are occasions when ,sin becomes the chief deity invoked4 ,reference has already been made to the general terror that moon eclipses inspired4 ,the disappearance of the moon was looked upon as a sign of the god's displeasure or as a defeat of the moon in a conflict with other planets4 ,disaster of some kind--war1 pestilence1 internal disturbances--was sure to follow upon an eclipse1 unless the anger of the god could be appeased or his weakness overcome4 ,in the case of such general troubles affecting the whole country1 it is the kings themselves who seek out the priests4 ,rituals were prepared to meet the various contingencies4 ,the king begins the ceremony by a prayer addressed to ,sin4 ,one of these prayers begins3#cgf ,o ,sin1 ,o ,nannar6 mighty one 444 ,o ,sin1 thou who alone givest light1 ,extending light to mankind1 ,showing favor to the black-headed ones1#cgg ,thy light shines in heaven 444 ,thy torch is brilliant as fire2 ,thy light fills the broad earth4 444 ,thy light is glorious as the ,sun 444 ,before thee the great gods lie prostrate2 ,the fate of the world rests with thee4 ,an eclipse has taken place1 portending evil to the country1 and libations have been poured out on days carefully selected as favorable ones4 ,the king continues3 ,i have poured out to thee1 with wailing1#cgh a libation at night2 ,i have offered thee a drink-offering with shouts2 ,prostrate and standing erect#cgi ,i implore thee4 ,with the prayer to ,sin1 appeals to other gods and also goddesses are frequently combined1--to ,marduk1 ,ishtar1 ,tashmitum1 ,nabu1 ,ramman1 and the like4 ,the incantations themselves1 consisting of fervent appeals to remove the evil1 actual or portending1 are preceded by certain ceremonies1--the burning of incense1 the pouring out of some drink1 or by symbolical acts1 as the binding of cords2 and the god is appealed to once more to answer the prayer4 ,again1 just as ,gibil-,nusku entails the invocation of a large variety of solar deities1 so ,ea1 as the water-god1 leads to the introduction of various water-gods and spirits4 ,perhaps the most prominent of these is the god ,naru1 whose name1 signifying 'river1'#chj is clearly the personification of the watery element1 though of the minor bodies of water4 ,next in order comes the goddess ,nin-akha-kuddu4#cha ,she is invoked as 'goddess of purification4' ,from her association in several passages with the great deep1 and with the city of ,eridu--metaphorically used for the great deep--one may be permitted to conclude that she1 too1 was conceived of as a water-god or a water-spirit4 ,she is 'the lady of spells1' who is asked to take possession of the body of the sufferer1 and thus free him from the control of demons or witches4 ,by the side of this goddess1 ,gula1 'the great physician1' is often appealed to4 ,again1 the demons being in some cases the ghosts of the departed1 or such as hover around graves1 ,nin-kigal1 or ,allatu1 the mistress of the lower world1 is an important ally1 whose aid is desired in the struggle against the evil spirits4 ,lastly1 it is interesting to note that ,izdubar1 or ,gilgamesh1 the famous hero of the great ,babylonian epic1 occurs also in incantations#chb--;a welcome indication of the antiquity of the myth1 and the proof1 at the same time1 that the epic is built on a foundation of myth4 ,from the mythological side1 ,gilgamesh appears to be a solar deity4 ,the connection of a solar god with fire would account for his appearance in the magical texts4 ,however obscure some of the points connected with the gods of the incantation texts may be1 so much is certain1 that the two factors of water and fire1 and the part played by these elements in the ceremonies1 control and explain the choice of most of the gods and goddesses introduced1 though--be it expressly noted--not of all occurring in the magical texts4 ,the ,ritual and ,formulas4 ,coming to the incantations themselves1 they can best be characterized as appeals interspersed with words of a more or less mystic character4 ,the force and efficacy of the incantation lie not so much in the meaning of the words uttered1 as in the simple fact that they are to be uttered4 ,these incantations were combined into a ritual1 and indications were given of the occasions on which the incantations were to be used4 ,an analysis of one of these rituals will serve to illustrate this branch of the religious literature of the ,babylonians4 ,i choose for this purpose the series known as ,maklu1 i4e41 ,burning1#chc the interpretation of which has been so considerably advanced by ,dr4 ,tallqvist's admirable work4 ,the first tablet of the series opens with an invocation to the gods of night4 ,after complaining of his sad condition1 the bewitched individual continues as follows3 ,arise ye great gods1 hear my complaint2 ,grant me justice1 take cognizance of my condition4 ,i have made an image of my sorcerer and sorceress2 ,i have humbled myself before you and bring to you my cause ,because of the evil they 7i4e41 the witches7 have done1 ,of the impure things which they have handled1#chd ,may she#che die6 ,let me live6 ,may her charm1 her witchcraft1 her sorcery 787 be broken4 ,may the plucked sprig 787 of the binu tree purify me4 ,may it release me2 may the evil odor#chf of my mouth be scattered to the winds4 ,may the mashtakal herb#chg which fills the earth cleanse me4 ,before you let me shine like the kankal herb4 ,let me be as brilliant and pure as the lardu herb4 ,the charm of the sorceress is evil2 ,may her words return to her mouth1#chh her tongue be cut off4 ,because of her witchcraft1 may the gods of night smite her1 ,the three watches of the night#chi break her evil charm4 ,may her mouth be wax#cij 7871 her tongue honey4 ,may the word causing my misfortune that she has spoken dissolve like wax 7874 ,may the charm that she has wound up melt like honey1 ,so that her magic knot be cut in twain1 her work destroyed1 ,all her words scattered across the plains ,by the order that the gods have given4 ,the section closes with the ordinary request of the exorciser to the victim3 ,recite this incantation4 ,it will be seen how closely the principle of sympathetic magic is followed4 ,the individual having been bewitched by means of certain herbs concocted probably into potions1 other herbs are prepared by the exorciser as an antidote4 ,the emphasis laid upon purification1 too1 is noteworthy4 ,there are numerous synonyms employed for which it is difficult to find the adequate equivalent in ,english4 ,the terms reach out beyond the literal to the symbolical purification4 ,the victim wishes to become pure1 cleansed of all impurities1 so that he may be resplendent as the gods are pure1 brilliant1 and glorious1 pure as the water1 brilliant and glorious as the fire4 ,the length of the formulas varies4 ,often they consist only of a few lines4 ,so the one immediately following appeals to ,gilgamesh in these words3 ,earth1 ,earth1 ,earth1 ,gilgamesh is the master of your witchcraft4 ,what you have done1 ,i know2 ,what ,i do1 you know not4 ,all the mischief wrought by my sorceresses is destroyed1 dissolved-- is gone4 ,at times the conditions under which the witches are pictured as acting are very elaborate4 ,they are represented as dwelling in places with which mythological conceptions are connected2 they are ferried across the river separating their city from human habitations2 they are protected against attacks by the walls which surround their habitations4 ,to effect a release1 the exorcisers1 it would appear1 made representations by means of drawings on clay of these habitations of the witches4 ,they thereupon symbolically cut off the approaches and laid siege to the towns4 ,this1 at least1 appears to be the meaning of an incantation beginning3 ,my city is ,sappan1#cia my city is ,sappan2 ,the gates of my city ,sappan are two1 ,one towards sunrise1 the other towards sunset4#cib ,i carry a box1 a pot with mashtakal herbs2 ,to the gods of heaven ,i offer water2 ,as ,i for you secure your purification1 ,so do you purify me6 ,the victim imitates the conduct of the witch1 goes about as she does1 with a pot in which the potions are made1 performs the symbolical act which should purify him of the evil that is in him1 and hopes1 in this way1 to obtain his own release4 ,the description continues3 ,i have kept back the ferry1 have shut off the wall1#cic ,have thus checked the enchantment from all quarters4 ,anu and ,anatum have commissioned me4 ,whom shall ,i send to ,belit of the field8#cid ,into the mouth of the sorcerer and sorceress cast the lock4#cie ,recite the incantation of the chief of gods1 ,marduk4#cif ',let them#cig call to thee but answer them not1 ,let them address thee1 but hearken not to them4 ,let me call to thee1 and do thou answer me1 ,let me address thee1 and do thou hearken unto me4' ,by the command of ,anu1 ,anatum1 and ,belit1 recite the incantation4 ,the hymns to the fire-god1 ,nusku 7or ,girru71 of which the ',maklu' series naturally furnishes many specimens1#cih are all pretty much alike4 ,i choose one which illustrates in greater detail the symbolical burning of the image of the witch3#cii ,nusku1 great offspring of ,anu1 ,the likeness of his father1 the first-born of ,bel1 ,the product of the deep1 sprung from ,ea1#djj ,i raise the torch to illumine thee1 yea1 thee4 ,the sorcerer who has bewitched me1 ,through the witchcraft by means of which he has bewitched me1 do thou bewitch him4 ,the sorceress who has bewitched me1 ,through the witchcraft by means of which she has bewitched me1 bewitch thou her4 ,the charmer who has charmed me1 ,through the charm with which he has charmed me1 charm thou him4 ,the witch who has charmed me1 ,through the charm with which she has charmed me1 charm thou her4 ,those who have made images of me1 reproducing my features1 ,who have taken away my breath1 torn my hairs1 ,who have rent my clothes1 have hindered my feet from treading the dust1 ,may the fire-god1 the strong one1 break their charm4 ,just as the witches were burnt in effigy1 so also the demons were supposed to be similarly dispelled4 ,immediately following the incantation comes one directed against the demons3 ,i raise the torch1 their images ,i burn1 ,of the utukku1 the shedu1 the rabisu1 the ekimmu1 ,the labartu1 the labasi1 the akhkhasu1 ,of lilu and lilitu and ardat lili1 ,and every evil that seizes hold of men4 ,tremble1 melt away1 and disappear6 ,may your smoke rise to heaven1 ,may ,shamash destroy your limbs1 ,may the son of ,ea i4e41 may the fire-god1 ,the great magician1 restrain your strength 7874 ,the witch who has caused the evil may be unknown4 ,for such a case one of the incantations runs3#dja ,who art thou1 sorceress1 who bears her evil word within her heart1 ,through whose tongue my misfortune is produced1 ,through whose lips ,i have been poisoned1 ,in whose footsteps death follows8 ,sorceress1 ,i seize thy mouth1 seize thy tongue1 ,i seize thy searching eyes1 ,i seize thy ever-moving feet1 ,i seize thy knees ever active1 ,i seize thy hands ever stretched out1 ,i tie thy hands behind thee4 ,may ,sin 444 destroy thy body1 ,may he cast thee into an abyss of fire and water4 ,sorceress1 as the circle of this seal-ring1#djb ,may thy face grow pale and wan4 ,of the same character as this1 are a variety of other incantations1 all applicable to cases in which the sorceress is unknown4 ,as the last specimen of the ',maklu' series1 ,i choose an incantation addressed to the demons1 which is interesting because of the direct character of the commands it contains3 ,away1 away1 far away1 far away1 ,for shame1 for shame1 fly away1 fly away1 ,round about face1 go away1 far away1 ,out of my body1 away1 ,out of my body1 far away1 ,out of my body1 away for shame1 ,out of my body1 fly away1 ,out of my body1 round about face1 ,out of my body1 go away1 ,into my body1 come not back1 ,towards my body1 do not approach1 ,towards my body1 draw not nigh1 ,my body torture not4 ,by ,shamash the mighty1 be ye foresworn4 ,by ,ea1 the lord of everything1 be ye foresworn4 ,by ,marduk1 the chief magician of the gods1 be ye foresworn4 ,by the fire-god1 be ye foresworn4 ,from my body be ye restrained6 ,repetition and variation in the use of certain phrases make up1 as will be seen from the specimens given1 a large part of the incantation4 ,a curious illustration of the importance attributed to such repetition is furnished by the eighth and last tablet of the ',maklu' series4 ,it consists of seven divisions1 each beginning with a repetition of the headlines of the various sections of the preceding seven tablets2 and only after the headlines of each of the tablets have been exhausted1 does the real incantation begin4 ,this eighth tablet contains therefore a kind of summary of all the others1 the purpose of which is to gather together all the power and influence of the seven others4 ,the ',maklu' ritual deals so largely with the fire-god that a specimen from another series1 to illustrate the position of ,ea and ,marduk in the incantations1 seems called for4 ,the ',shurpu' series introduces ,ea and ,marduk more particularly4 ,the fifth tablet of this series begins3#djc ,the evil curse rests like a gallu upon the man1 ,the pain-giving voice#djd has settled upon him1 ,the voice that is not good has settled upon him1 ,the evil curse1 the charm that produces insanity1 ,the evil curse has killed that man as a sheep1 ,his god has departed from his body1#dje ,his goddess has 444 taken her place outside1#djf ,the pain-giving voice covers him as a garment and confuses him4 ,marduk sees him1 ,and proceeds to the house of his father ,ea and speaks3 ,my father1 the evil curse as a demon has settled on the man4 ,he says it for a second time4 ,what that man should do1 ,i do not know2 by what can he be cured8 ,ea answers his son ,marduk3 ,my son1 can ,i add aught that thou dost not know8 ,marduk1 what can ,i tell thee that thou dost not know8 ,what ,i know1 also thou knowest4 ,my son ,marduk1 take him to the overseer of the house of perfect purification1 ,dissolve his spell1 release him from the charm1 and from the troublesome bodily disease4 ,whether it be the curse of his father1 ,or the curse of his mother1 ,or the curse of his brother1 ,or the curse of an unknown1#djg ,may the bewitchment through the charm of ,ea be peeled off like an onion4 ,may it be cut off like a date4 ,may it be removed like a husk4 ,o power of the spirit of heaven1 be thou invoked6 ,o spirit of earth1 be thou invoked6 ,the purification by water1 which is here only incidentally referred to1 is more fully touched upon in other incantations1 where ,ea tells ,marduk that the victim must take ,glittering water1 pure water1 ,holy water1 resplendent water1 ,the water twice seven times may he bring1 ,may he make pure1 may he make resplendent4 ,may the evil rabisu depart1 ,may he betake himself outside1 ,may the protecting shedu1 the protecting lamassu1 ,settle upon his body4 ,spirit of heaven1 be thou invoked6 ,spirit of earth1 be thou invoked6#djh ,still other methods of magical cure besides the use of water and of potions were in vogue4 ,in a tablet of the same ritual to which the last extract belongs1 and which is especially concerned with certain classes of diseases produced by the demons1 the sick man is told to take ,white wool1 which has been spun into thread1 ,to attach it to his couch#dji in front and at the top1 ,black wool which has been spun into thread ,to bind at his left side4 ,then follows the incantation which he is to recite3 ,the evil ulukku1 alu1 ekimmu1 ,the evil gallu1 the evil god1 rabisu1 ,labartu1 labasu1 akhkhazu1 ,lilu and lilit and ardat lili1 ,sorcery1 charm1 bewitchment1 ,the sickness1 the cruel artifice1 ,their head against his head1 ,their hand against his hand1 ,their foot against his foot1 ,may they not place1 ,may they never draw nigh4 ,spirit of heaven1 be thou foresworn6 ,spirit of earth1 be thou foresworn6 ,it is interesting to note the introduction of ethical ideas into these texts1 despite the primitive character of the beliefs upon which the incantations repose4 ,the possibility was considered that the attack of the demons was a punishment sent in some way for committed sins4 ,the incantation series ',shurpu' furnishes us with a long list of wrongs for which a person may be held enthralled in the power of the demons or sorcerers4 ,the exorciser in petitioning that the ban may be relieved1 enumerates at length the various causes for which the evil may have been sent3#daj ,has he sinned against a god1 ,is his guilt against a goddess1 ,is it a wrongful deed against his master1 ,hatred towards his elder brother1 ,has he despised father or mother1 ,insulted his elder sister1 ,has he given too little1#daa ,has he withheld too much1 ,for no said yes1 ,for yes said no8#dab 444 ,has he used false weights8 444 ,has he taken an incorrect amount1 ,not taken the correct sum1 ,has he fixed a false boundary1 ,not fixed a just boundary1 ,has he removed a boundary1 a limit1 or a territory1 ,has he possessed himself of his neighbor's house1 ,has he approached his neighbor's wife1 ,has he shed the blood of his neighbor1 ,robbed his neighbor's dress8 444 ,was he frank in speaking1 ,but false in heart1 ,was it yes with his mouth1 ,but no in his heart8#dac ,in this way the exorciser proceeds to enumerate an exceedingly long list of sins--no less than one hundred--most of which are ethical misdemeanors1 while others are merely ceremonial transgressions4 ,in the third tablet of this series#dad there is even a longer list of causes for the ban which ,marduk1 the chief exorciser among the gods1 is called upon to loosen4 ,here again we find an equal proportion of moral transgressions placed on a par with errors in performing religious rites or unwillful offences in neglecting conventional methods of doing things4 ,the ethical features of the texts can1 without much question1 be put down as the work of the later editors4 ,they belong to a period when already an advanced conception not only of right and wrong1 but also of sin had arisen among the religious leaders of the people1 and perhaps had made its way already among the masses1 without1 however1 disturbing the confidence in the traditional superstitions4 ,the strange combination of primitive and advanced religious beliefs is characteristic1 as we shall have occasion to see1 of various divisions of the ,babylonian religious literature4 ,the lapse from the ethical strain to the incantation refrain is as sudden as it is common4 ,the priest having exhausted the category of possible sins or mishaps that have caused the suffering of the petitioner1 proceeds to invoke the gods1 goddesses1 and the powerful spirits to loosen the ban4 ,there is no question of retribution for actual acts of injustice or violence1 any more than there is a question of genuine contrition4 ,the enumeration of the causes for the suffering constitutes in fact a part of the incantation4 ,the mention of the real cause in the long list--and the list aims to be exhaustive1 so that the exorciser may strike the real cause--goes a long way towards ensuring the departure of the evil spirit4 ,and if1 besides striking the real cause1 the exorciser is fortunate enough in his enumeration of the various gods1 goddesses1 and spirits to call by name upon the right god or spirit1 the one who has the power over the demon in question1 his object is achieved4 ,speaking the right words and pronouncing the right name1 constitute1 together with the performance of the correct ceremony and the bringing of the right sacrifice1 the conditions upon which depends the success of the priest in the incantation ritual4 ,hence the striking features of these texts1 the enumeration of long lists of causes for misfortune1 long lists of powers invoked1 and a variety of ceremonies prescribed1 in the hope that the priest will hit it at one time or the other4 ,incantations and ,prayers4 ,the incantations naturally shade off into prayers4 ,frequently they are prayers pure and simple4 ,powerful as the sacred formulas were supposed to be1 the ultimate appeal of the sufferer is to the gods4 ,upon their favor it ultimately depends whether the mystic power contained in the sacred words uttered shall manifest itself to the benefit of the supplicant or not4 ,while it is proper1 therefore1 to distinguish incantations from prayers1 the combination of the two could scarcely be avoided by the priests1 who1 rising in a measure superior to the popular beliefs1 felt it to be inconsistent with a proper regard for the gods not to give them a superior place in the magical texts4 ,the addition1 to the sacred formulas1 of prayers directly addressed to certain gods may be put down as due to the adaptation of ancient texts to the needs of a later age2 and1 on the other hand1 the addition of incantations to what appear to have been originally prayers1 pure and simple1 is a concession made to the persistent belief in the efficacy of certain formulas when properly uttered4 ,such combinations of prayers and incantations constituted1 as would appear1 a special class of religious texts2 and1 in the course of further editing1#dae a number of prayers addressed to various deities were combined and interspersed with incantation and ceremonial directions which were to accompany the prayers4 ,the incantations accordingly lead us to the next division in the religious literature of the ,babylonians1--the prayers and hymns4 ,,footnotes3 #cda ,die ,assyrische ,beschwoerungsserie1 ,maqlu1 p4 #ad4 #cdb ,there are some preserved solely in the ideographic style1 and others of which we have only the phonetic transliteration4 #cdc ,die ,propheten in ihrer urspruenglichen ,form1 pp4 #a1 #f4 ,this work is a valuable investigation of the oldest form of the poetic compositions of the ,semites4 #cdd ,the fifth and sixth tablets of the series4 ,it is probable that several editions were prepared1--some wholly ,babylonian1 others bilingual4 #cde ,haupt1 ,akkadische und ,sumerische ,keilschrifttexte1 p4 #hc4 col4 ,i4 ll4 #a-aj4 #cdf ,wherever feasible1 the ,babylonian name of the demon will be used in the translations4 #cdg ,our word 'nightmare' still embodies the same ancient view of the cause of bad dreams as that found among the ,babylonians4 #cdh ,see above1 p4 #ahb4 #cdi ,,iv ,r4 pl4 #e4 #cej ,see ,perrot and ,chiplez1 ,history of ,art in ,chaldaea and ,assyria1 i4 #fa1 #fb2 ii4 #ha for illustrations4 #cea ,,iv ,r4 #b1 col4 v4 ll4 #cj-fj4 #ceb ,the god of humanity4 ,the phrase is equivalent to saying that the spirits are hostile to mankind4 #cec ,literally1 'to their second time1' i4e41 repeat 'seven are they4' #ced ,see ,hopkins1 ,the ,holy ,numbers in the ,rig-,veda 7,oriental ,studies71 pp4 #add-adg4 #cee ,,iv ,r4 #ae1 col4 ll4 #ba seq4 #cef ,see chapter xi4 #ceg ,for the general views connected with the evil eye among all nations1 see ,elworthy's recent volume1 ,the ,evil ,eye4 7,london1 #ahif47 #ceh ,for illustrations taken from various nations1 see ,fraser1 ,the ,golden ,bough1 ii4 #i-ab2 ii4 #he-hi4 #cei ,see for illustrations of similar practices among ,egyptians and ,greeks1 ,budge1 ,life and ,exploits of ,alexander the ,great 7,london1 #ahif71 pp4 xii-xvii4 #cfj ,mr4 ,l4 ,w4 ,king describes 7,zeits4 fuer ,assyr4 xl4 #ej-fb7 interesting fragments of the ,dibbarra 7or 'plague-god'7 legend found on tablets which were evidently intended to be hung up4 ,mr4 ,king suggests that such tablets were hung up in the houses of the ,babylonians whenever a plague broke out4 ,one is reminded of the mezuzoth1 the metallic or wooden cases1 attached to the doorposts of their houses by the ,jews1 and which originally served a similar purpose4 #cfa ,tallqvist1 ,assyr4 ,beschwoerungsserie ,maklu1 p4 #aae1 suggests that the 'veiled bride' may be a name of some goddess of the night4 ,this is improbable4 ,it sounds more like a direct personification of the night1 for which an epithet as 'veiled bride' seems appropriate4 ,the name may have arisen in consequence of mythological conceptions affecting the relationship between day and night4 #cfb ,a magic potion compounded of this plant4 ',maklu' series1 i4 ll4 #h-ab4 #cfc ',maklu' series1 ii4 ll4 #adh-afh4 #cfd ,see ,relsner1 ,sumerisch-,babylonische ,hymnen 7,berlin1 #ahif71 p4 #ae4 #cfe ,see p4 #acg4 #cff ,robertson ,smith1 ,religion of the ,semites1 p4 #ceb4 ,grimm1 ,deutsche ,mythologie1 i4 #ejh-eif4 ,tylor1 ,primitive ,culture1 ii4 #chc seq4 ,see also the article ,hestia in ,roscher's ,ausfuehrliches ,lexikon der ,griechischen und ,roemischen ,mythologie4 #cfg ',maklu' series1 ii4 ll4 #a-ag4 #cfh ,a reference to the sacred action of the fire in the burnt offerings4 #cfi ,a favorite title of several gods1 ,bel1 ,sin1 etc41 that emphasizes their strength4 #cgj ,here the seeker for help inserts his name4 #cga ,here the names of special deities are to be inserted4 #cgb ,see above1 ,nusku1 p4 #bbj4 #cgc ,see p4 #fg4 #cgd ,a form of ,nusku1 according to ,tallqvist1 ,assyr4 ,beschwoer4 p4 #adf4 ,it would be more accurate to say a form of ,ninib4 ,see p4 #ib4 #cge ,see p4 #ia4 #cgf ,king1 ,babylonian ,magic1 p4 #c4 #cgg ,humanity4 #cgh ,the reference is to the formal lamentations on the occasion of the death of any one4 ,the moon-god1 having disappeared1 is bewailed as though dead4 #cgi ,i4e41 under all conditions and at all times4 #chj ,the reading ,naru is not altogether certain1 but probable4 ,see ,tallqvist1 ,assyr4 ,beschwoer4 pp4 #aca1 #acb1 whose suggestion1 however1 that ,naru may be a female deity1 is not acceptable4 ,elitti is probably a scribal error4 #cha ,see above p4 #ajc4 #chb ,tallqvist1 ,i4 l4 #ch4 #chc ,see above1 p4 #bed4 #chd ,to bewitch me4 #che ,the witch4 #chf ,from which he suffers through the witches4 #chg ,the identification of the many herbs mentioned in the texts is as yet impossible4 ,the subject awaits investigation at the hands of one versed in botanical lore4 #chh ,i4e41 be ineffective4 #chi ,i4e41 the gods presiding over the watches4 #cij ,her words dissolve like wax and honey4 #cia ,supposed to be situated at the northern point of the heavens4 #cib ,the vault of heaven was pictured as having two gates4 #cic ,so that the witch cannot leave her habitation4 #cid ,with the order 'to cast the lock1' etc4 #cie ,to prevent her from uttering her charms4 #cif ,the following four lines constitute the incantation4 #cig ,i4e41 the witches4 #cih ,see above1 p4 #bgh1 where one has been given4 #cii ,maklu1 ,i4 #abb-adc4 #djj ,the fiery element belongs to all three divisions of the universe1--to heaven1 earth1 and water4 #dja ,maklu1 ,,iii4 ll4 #hi-ajc4 #djb ,many of the seals used by the ,babylonians were of white stone or bone4 #djc ,zimmern's edition1 pp4 #be-bi4 #djd ,i4e41 the evil word4 #dje ,his protecting deity has deserted him4 #djf ,of his body4 #djg ,i4e41 whoever may have invoked the evil demon to settle upon him4 #djh ,the translation of these lines follows in all but some minor passages the correct one given by ,sayce1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #ddf4 #dji ,of the sick man4 #daj ,zimmern1 ,die ,beschwoerungstafeln ,shurpu1 pp4 #e1 #f4 #daa ,in mercantile transactions4 #dab ,i4e41 lied4 #dac ,i4e41 did he say one thing1 but mean the contrary8 #dad ,zimmern1 ib4 pp4 #ac-bj4 #dae ,for details as to the manner in which this editing was done1 see ,king's admirable remarks in the ,introduction to his ,babylonian ,magic and ,sorcery1 pp4 xx-xxiv4 ,,chapter ,,xvii4 ,,the ,,prayers ,,and ,,hymns4 ,from what has just been said1 it follows that the step from magical formulas to prayers and hymns is but a small one1 and does not1 indeed1 carry with it the implication of changed or higher religious conceptions4 ,while the incantation texts in their entirety may be regarded as the oldest fixed ritual of the ,babylonian-,assyrian religion1 there were occasions even in the oldest period of ,babylonian history when the gods were approached in prayer without the accompaniment of magic formulas4 ,such occasions were the celebration of festivals in honor of the gods1 the dedication of temples or of sacred statues1 and the completion of such purely secular undertakings as the building of a canal4 ,gudea1 we are told1 upon completing a statue to his god ,nin-girsu1 prayed3 ',o ,king1 whose great strength the land cannot endure 7872 ,nin-girsu6 grant to ,gudea1 who has built this house1 a good fate4'#daf ,as in the earliest1 so in the latest1 period1 the ,babylonian kings approach the gods in prayer upon completing their great sacred edifices4 ,the prayers of ,nebuchadnezzar are particularly fine--remarkable1 indeed1 for their diction and elevation of thought4 ,upon completing the restoration of a temple to ,nin-karrak or ,gula in ,sippar1 he prays3#dag ,nin-karrak1 lofty goddess1 look with favor upon the work of my hands1 ,mercy towards me be the command of thy lips1 ,long life1 abundance of strength1 ,health1 and joy1 grant to me as a gift4 ,in the presence of ,shamash and ,marduk cause my deeds to be regarded with favor1 ,command grace for me4 ,a prayer of the same king addressed to ,shamash1 upon restoring the great temple at ,sippar1 ,e-babbara1 runs3#dah ,o ,shamash1 great lord1 upon entering joyfully into thy glorious temple ,e-babbara1 ,look with favor upon my precious handiwork1 ,mercy towards me be thy command2 ,through thy righteous order1 may ,i have abundance of strength4 ,long life1 and a firm throne1 grant to me4 ,may my rule last forever6 ,with a righteous sceptre of blissful rulership1 ,with a legitimate staff1 bringing salvation to mankind1 adorn my sovereignty forever4 ,with strong weapons for the fray1 protect my soldiers2 ,then1 ,o ,shamash1 by oracle and dream1 answer me correctly6 ,by thy supreme command1 which is unchangeable1 ,may my weapons advance1 and strike and overthrow the weapons of the enemies4 ,nebuchadnezzar's inscriptions are characterized by the prayer with which they almost invariably close4 ,whether erecting a sanctuary or building a canal or improving the walls of ,babylon1 he does not fail to add to the description of his achievements a prayer to some deity1 in which he asks for divine grace and the blessings of long life and prosperity4 ,there were other occasions1 too1 in which1 both in ancient times and in more modern periods1 prayers were sent up to the gods4 ,kudur-mabuk1 of the second dynasty of ,ur1 informs us that he built a temple1 ,e-nun-makh1 to ,sin in gratitude to the god for having hearkened to his prayer4 ,the ,assyrian kings pray to ,ashur or ,ishtar before the battle1 and offer thanks after the victory has been gained4 ,o goddess of ,arbela6 says ,ashurbanabal1#dai ,i am ,ashurbanabal1 the king of ,assyria1 the product of thy hands1 created by thee in the house of my father4 ,to renew the sanctuaries of ,assyria1 and to enlarge the cities of ,babylonia1 444 have ,i devoted myself to thy dwelling-places1 and have steadfastly worshipped thy sovereignty4444 ,hearken unto me6 ,o thou mistress of mistresses1 supreme in battle1 mistress of the fray1 queen of the gods1 444 who speakest good things in the presence of ,ashur1 the father1 that produced thee4 ,teumman1 king of ,elam1 has arrayed his army and fixed upon battle1 brandishes his weapons to proceed against ,assyria4 ,do thou now1 ,o warrior1 like 444 drive him into the midst of the fray1 pursue him with a storm1 with an evil wind4 ,ishtar1 the narrative tells us1 hearkened to the fervent words of the king4 ,be not afraid1 says the goddess to her royal subject4 ,elsewhere the same king prays more briefly to ,ashur and ,ishtar4 ,may his corpse viz41 of a certain enemy be cast before his enemy i4e41 before ,ashurbanabal1 and his remains be carried off4#dbj ,upon ascending the throne1 we find ,nebuchadnezzar addressing a fervent prayer to the great god ,marduk3 ,o ,eternal ,ruler6 ,lord of the ,universe6 ,grant that the name#dba of the king whom thou lovest1 ,whose name thou hast mentioned1#dbb may flourish as seems good to thee4 ,guide him on the right path4 ,i am the ruler who obeys thee1 the creation of thy hand4 ,it is thou who hast created me1 ,and thou hast entrusted to me sovereignty over mankind4 ,according to thy mercy1 ,o lord1 which thou bestowest upon all1 ,cause me to love thy supreme rule4 ,implant the fear of thy divinity in my heart1 ,grant to me whatsoever may seem good before thee1 ,since it is thou that dost control my life4 ,the curses also with which so many of the historical texts of ,babylonia and ,assyria close may be regarded as prayers4 ,we are also justified in assuming that the offering of sacrifices1 which formed at all times an essential feature of the cult1 both in ,babylonia and ,assyria1 was always accompanied by some form of prayer addressed to some deity or to a group of deities4 ,in view of all this1 no sharp chronological line1 any more than a logical one1 can be drawn marking off the incantation formulas from the hymns and prayers pure and simple4 ,the conceptions formed of the gods in the incantation texts are precisely those which we have found to be characteristic of them in the period when this phase of the religion reached its highest development4 ,ea is the protector of humanity1 ,shamash the lord of justice2 and1 if certain ideas that in the prayers are attached to the gods--as wisdom to ,sin--are absent from the incantations1 it may be regarded rather as an accident than as an indication of any difference of conception4 ,the pantheon too1 barring the omission of certain gods1 is the same that we find it to be in the historical texts1 and the order in which the gods are enumerated corresponds quite closely with the rank accorded to them in the inscriptions of the kings4 ,what variations there are are not sufficiently pronounced to warrant any conclusions4 ,all this points1 as has been emphasized several times1 to the subsequent remodeling of the texts in question4 ,it is true that we find more traces of earlier and purely mythological notions in the incantations than in the hymns and prayers1 but such notions are by no means foreign to the latter4 ,even in those religious productions of ,babylonia which represent the flower of religious thought1 we meet with views that reflect a most primitive mode of thought4 ,the proper view1 therefore1 to take of the prayers and hymns is to regard them as twin productions to the magical texts1 due to the same conceptions of the power of the gods1 an emanation of the same religious spirit1 and produced at the same time that the incantation rituals enjoyed popular favor and esteem1 and without in any way interfering with the practice of the rites that these rituals involved4 ,this position does not of course preclude that among the prayers and hymns that have been preserved there are some betraying a loftier spirit1 a higher level of religious thought1 and more pronounced ethical tendencies than others4 ,indeed1 the one important result of the dissociation of the address to the gods from the purely practical magic rites was to produce the conditions favorable to a development of higher religious thought4 ,an offering of praise to the gods1 whether it was for victory granted or for a favor shown1 called forth the best and purest sentiments of which the individual was capable4 ,freed from all lower associations1 such an act proved an incentive to view the deity addressed from his most favorable side1 to emphasize those phases which illustrated his affection for his worshippers1 his concern for their needs1 his discrimination1 and not merely his power and strength4 ,in short1 the softer and the more humane aspects of the religion would thus be brought out4 ,the individual would address his god in terms betraying his affection1 and would couple with him attributes that would reflect the worshipper's rather than the god's view of the purpose and aim of existence4 ,whatever powers of idealization there lay in the worshipper's nature would be brought into the foreground by the intellectual effort involved in giving expression to his best thoughts1 when aiming to come into close communion with a power upon which he felt himself dependent4 ,for an understanding1 therefore1 of the ethical tendencies of the ,babylonian religion1 an appreciation of the prayers and hymns is of prime importance2 and we shall presently see that1 as a matter of fact1 the highest level of ethical and religious thought is reached in some of these hymns4 ,the prayers of ,nebuchadnezzar represent1 perhaps1 the best that has been attained in this branch of religious literature4 ,returning1 for a moment1 to the dedication prayer to ,marduk1 addressed by the king on the occasion of his mounting the throne1#dbc one cannot fail to be struck by the high sense of the importance of his station with which the king is inspired4 ,sovereignty is not a right that he can claim--it is a trust granted to him by ,marduk4 ,he holds his great office not for purposes of self-glorification1 but for the benefit of his subjects4 ,in profound humility he confesses that what he has he owes entirely to ,marduk4 ,he asks to be guided so that he may follow the path of righteousness4 ,neither riches nor power constitute his ambition1 but to have the fear of his lord in his heart4 ,such a plane of thought is never reached in the incantation texts4 ,for all that1 the original dependence of the prayers and hymns upon incantation formulas1 tinges even the best productions4 ,some of the finest hymns1 in which elevated thoughts are elaborated with considerable skill1 reveal their origin by having incantations attached to them4 ,again1 others which are entirely independent productions are full of allusions to sickness1 demons1 and sorcerers1 that show the outgrowth of the hymns from the incantations2 and none are entirely free from traces of the conceptions that are characteristic of the incantation texts4 ,the essential difference between these two classes of closely related texts may be summed up in the proposition that the religious thought which produced them both is carried to a higher point of elaboration in the hymns4 ,the prayers and hymns represent the attempt of the ,babylonian mind to free itself from a superstitious view of the relationship of man to the powers around him2 an attempt1 but--it must be added--an unsuccessful one4 ,it is rather unfortunate that many of the hymns found in the library of ,ashurbanabal are in so fragmentary a condition4 ,as a consequence we are frequently unable to determine more than their general contents4 ,the colophons generally are missing1--at least in those hymns hitherto published1#dbd--so that we are left in the dark as to the special occasion for which the hymn was composed4 ,without this knowledge it is quite impossible to assign to it any definite date except upon internal evidence4 ,in the course of time1 the hymnal literature of the great temples of ,babylonia must have grown to large proportions1 and1 in collecting them1 some system was certainly followed by the priests engaged in this work4 ,there is evidence of a collection having been made at some time of hymns addressed to ,shamash4 ,some of these were intended as a salute upon the sun's rising1 others celebrated his setting4 ,these hymns convey the impression of having been composed for the worship of the god in one of his great temples--perhaps in ,e-babbara1 at ,sippar4 ,we have several hymns also addressed to ,marduk1 and one can well suppose that at the great temple ,e-sagila1 in ,babylon1 a collection of ,marduk hymns must have been prepared1 and so for others of the great gods4 ,but1 again1 many of the hymns convey the impression of being merely sporadic productions--composed for certain occasions1 and without any reference to a possible position in a ritual4 ,of the hymns so far published1 those to ,shamash are probably the finest4 ,the conception of the sun-god as the judge of mankind lent itself readily to an ethical elaboration4 ,accordingly1 we find in these hymns justice and righteousness as the two prominent themes4 ,a striking passage in one of these hymns reads3#dbe ,the law of mankind dost thou direct1 ,eternally just in the heavens art thou1 ,of faithful judgment towards all the world art thou4 ,thou knowest what is right1 thou knowest what is wrong4 ,o ,shamash6 ,righteousness has lifted up its neck7872 ,o ,shamash6 ,wrong like a ---- has been cut7872 ,o ,shamash6 ,the support of ,anu and ,bel art thou2 ,o ,shamash6 ,supreme judge of heaven and earth art thou4 ,after a break in the tablet1 the hymn continues3 ,o ,shamash6 ,supreme judge1 great lord of all the world art thou2 ,lord of creation1 merciful one of the world art thou4 ,the following lines now reveal the purpose of the hymn4 ,it is a prayer for the life of the king3 ,o ,shamash6 on this day purify and cleanse the king1 the son of his god4 ,whatever is evil within him1 let it be taken out4 ,the next few lines are a distinct echo of the incantation formulas1 and show how readily prayer passes from a higher to a lower stage of thought3 ,cleanse him like a vessel ----#dbf ,illumine him like a vessel of ----#dbf ,like the copper of a polished tablet1#dbg let him be bright4 ,release him from the ban4 ,the same incantation occurs at the close of another hymn to ,shamash1 addressed to the sun upon his rising4#dbh ,the colophon furnishes the opening line of the next tablet1 which also begins with an address to ,shamash4 ,we have here a clear indication of a kind of ,shamash ritual extending1 perhaps1 over a number of tablets1 and to which1 in all probability1 the hymn just quoted also belongs4 ,the opening lines of the second hymn read3 ,o ,shamash6 out of the horizon of heaven thou issuest forth1 ,the bolt of the bright heavens thou openest1 ,the door of heaven thou dost open4 ,o ,shamash6 over the world dost thou raise thy head4 ,o ,shamash6 with the glory of heaven thou coverest the world4 ,it would be difficult to believe1 but for the express testimony furnished by the hymn itself1 that a production giving evidence of such a lofty view of the sun-god should1 after all1 be no more than an incantation4 ,the same is the case1 however1 with all the ,shamash hymns so far published4 ,they either expressly or by implication form part of an incantation ritual4 ,evidently1 then1 such addresses to ,shamash are to be viewed in no other light than the exaltation of ,nusku in the ',maklu' series1#dbi and which we have found were in many cases elaborate1 beautiful in diction1 and elevated in thought4 ,so--to give one more example--a hymn addressed to the sun-god at the setting1 and which is especially interesting because of the metaphors chosen to describe the sun's course1 is proved by the colophon to be again an incantation4 ,it belongs to a series--perhaps1 indeed1 to the same as the specimens furnished3#dcj ,o sun-god in the midst#dca of heaven at thy setting1 ,may the enclosure of the pure heaven greet thee1#dcb ,may the gate of heaven approach thee1 ,may the directing god1 the messenger who loves thee1 direct thy way4 ,in ,e-babbara1 the seat of thy sovereignty1 thy supremacy rises like the dawn4 ,may ,a1 the wife whom thou lovest1 come before thee with joy2 ,may thy heart be at rest1#dcc ,may the glory of thy divinity be established for thee4 ,o ,shamash6 warrior hero1 mayest thou be exalted2 ,o lord of ,e-babbara1 as thou marchest1 may thy course be directed1 ,direct thy path1 march along the path fixed for thy course 7874 ,o ,shamash6 judge of the world1 director of its laws art thou4 ,in the previous chapter1 the hymns addressed to the moon-god in connection with eclipses have been referred to and short specimens given4 ,a more elaborate hymn to ,sin will further illustrate the conceptions current about this deity3#dcd ,o lord1 chief of the gods1 who on earth and in heaven alone is exalted4 ,father ,nannar1#dce lord of increase1 chief of the gods1 ,father ,nannar1 heavenly lord1 ,father ,nannar1 moon-god1 chief of the gods1 ,father ,nannar1 lord of ,ur1 chief of the gods1 ,father ,nannar1 lord of ,e-gish-shir-gal1#dcf chief of the gods1 ,father ,nannar1 lord of the brilliant crescent1 chief of the gods1 ,father ,nannar1 whose sovereignty is brought to perfection1 chief of the gods1 ,father ,nannar1 who passes along in great majesty1 ,o strong ,bull1#dcg great of horns1 perfect in form1 with long flowing beard#dch of the color of lapus-lazuli4 ,powerful one1 self-created1 a product 787 beautiful to look upon1 whose fullness has not been brought forth1#dci ,merciful one1 begetter of everything1 who among living things occupies a lofty seat1 ,father1 merciful one and restorer1 whose weapon 787 maintains the life of the whole world4 ,lord1 thy divinity1 like the distant heaven and the wide ocean1 is full 787 of fear4 ,ruler of the land1 protector of sanctuaries1 proclaimer of their name4 ,father1 begetter of the gods and of men1 establishing dwellings and granting gifts1 ,calling to sovereignty1 giving the sceptre1 who decreest destinies for distant days4 ,strong chief1 whose wide heart embraces in mercy all that exists1 444 beautiful1 whose knees do not grow weary1 who opens the road 787 for the gods1 his brothers1 444 who1 from the foundation of heaven till the zenith1 ,passes along in brilliancy 7871 opening the door of heaven1 ,preparing the fate 787 of humanity4 ,father1 begetter of everything1 444 ,lord1 proclaiming the decisions of heaven and earth1 ,whose command is not set aside1 444 and granting water#ddj for all that has life4 ,no god reaches to thy fullness4 ,in heaven who is exalted8 ,thou alone art exalted4 ,on earth who is exalted8 ,thou alone art exalted4 ,thy strong command is proclaimed in heaven1 and the ,igigi prostrate themselves4 ,thy strong command is proclaimed on earth1 and the ,anunnaki kiss the ground4 ,thy strong command on high1 like a storm in the darkness1 passes along1 and nourishment streams forth4 ,when thy strong command is established on the earth1 vegetation sprouts forth4 ,thy strong command stretches over meadows and heights1 and life is increased4 ,thy strong command produces right and proclaims justice to mankind4 ,thy strong command1 through the distant heavens and the wide earth1 extends to whatever there is4 ,thy strong command1 who can grasp it8 ,who can rival it8 ,lord1 in heaven is thy sovereignty1 on earth is thy sovereignty4 ,among the gods1 thy brothers1 there is none like thee4 ,o ,king of ,kings1 who has no judge superior to him1 whose divinity is not surpassed by any other6#dda ,a more perfect idealization of the mythological notions connected with the moon-god can hardly be imagined4 ,the old metaphors are retained1 but interpreted in a manner that reflects higher spiritual tendencies4 ,the moon is still figured as a bull1 but it is the idea of strength that is extracted from the picture and dwelt upon4 ,the writer still thinks of the moon as an old man with flowing beard1 but he uses the figure to convey the impression of the brilliancy of the great orb4 ,the influence of the moon upon the change of seasons1 upon vegetation1--a belief which the ,babylonians shared with other nations1--leads the writer to extol the benign feelings of the god towards mankind4 ,the sun-god1 through the glowing heat that he develops1 becomes1 as we have seen1 the warrior and even the destroyer1 the consuming force4 ,the moon-god is the benefactor of mankind who restores the energies of man weakened from the heat of the day4 ,nannar-,sin becomes the giver of life1 whose mercies are extended to all4 ,the gods and the spirits follow the example of mankind in prostrating themselves before the great orb of night4 ,the independence of the course that he pursues in the heavens places him beyond the control of the great judge of the world1 the mighty ,shamash4 ,there is no one superior to ,sin1 no one to whose command he must bend4 ,with all this1 there is a total absence of any allusion to his power of removing the influence of demons and witches4 ,we have here a hymn purified from all association with the incantation texts1 and there is every reason to believe that it was composed for use in the great temple at ,ur1 which is mentioned in the opening lines4 ,in the alternating question and answer we have also a valuable indication of the manner in which the hymn was to be recited or sung4 ,the whole production appears to be arranged in a dialogue form1 the lines to be alternately read by the reciting priest and the chorus of priests or worshippers4 ,the same method is followed in other productions1 while in some1 as we shall see1 the dialogue does not proceed in alternate lines1 but is distributed among a varying number of sections4 ,we may see in this style of composition one of the natural outcomes of the method pursued in the incantation texts1 where1 as will be remembered1 the priest first recites the formulas1 and then calls upon the individual before him to repeat it once1 twice1 or oftener1 as the case may be4 ,such a custom leads to recital and responses in the hymns4 ,not many of the hymns rise to such a height as the one just quoted4 ,there were certain gods only1 and after all not many1 whose nature was such as to make an ethical development of the conceptions formed of them possible4 ,besides ,shamash and ,sin1 ,ea as the god of humanity and ,nebo as the god of wisdom belong to this class4 ,of ,ea1 however1 no hymns have as yet been found4 ,this may of course be accidental1 and still1 if one bears in mind that in the later periods of ,babylonian history ,ea enjoyed a theoretical popularity rather than a practical one1 the absence of ,ea hymns might be explained as due to the lack of a fixed ritual in the ,ea temples outside of the incantation texts4#ddb ,ea's position1 like that of ,nusku1 was too marked in the magical texts to encourage a conception of them entirely independent of their power to release victims from the grasp of the demons4 ,a hymn to ,nebo1 which unfortunately is preserved only in part1 illustrates the extent to which polytheistic conceptions may be spiritualized3#ddc 444 ,lord of ,borsippa1 444 son of ,e-sagila4#ddd ,o ,lord6 ,to thy power there is no rival power1 ,o ,nebo6 ,to thy power1 there is no rival1 ,to thy house1 ,e-zida1 there is no rival1 ,to thy city1 ,borsippa1 there is no rival1 ,to thy district1 ,babylon1 there is no rival4 ,thy weapon is ,u-sum-gallu1#dde from whose mouth the breath does not issue1 blood does not flow4#ddf ,thy command is unchangeable like the heavens4 ,in heaven thou art supreme4 ,there are still plenty of mythological allusions in this hymn that take us back to a primitive period of thought1 but it is a hymn prompted by the love and reverence that ,nebo inspired4 ,its direct connection with the ,nebo cult is shown again by the complementary character of each two lines4 ,the whole hymn was probably adapted in this way to public worship4 ,marduk1 by virtue of his relationship to ,ea1 and by his independent position as the supreme god of ,babylon1 occupies a middle ground between ,shamash1 ,ea1 and ,nusku on the one side1 and such gods as ,sin and ,nebo on the other4 ,some of the hymns addressed to him end in incantations2 others form part of the cult arranged for solemn occasions1 when the praises of the god were sung in connection with sacrificial offerings4 ,in confirmation of the theory as to the relationship between magical texts and hymns above advanced1 we find scarcely any difference in the grade of religious thought between these two classes of ,marduk hymns4 ,both are equally distinguished by their fine diction4 ,a hymn which celebrates ,marduk as the restorer of the dead to life1 and yet forms part of an incantation text1 reads3#ddg ,o merciful one among the gods6 ,o merciful one who loveth to give life to the dead6 ,marduk1 king of heaven and earth1 ,king of ,babylon1 lord of ,e-sagila1 ,king of ,e-zida1 lord of ,e-makh-tila1 ,heaven and earth are thine4 ,the whole of heaven and earth are thine1 ,the spell affording life is thine1 ,the breath of life is thine1 ,the pure incantation of the ocean#ddh is thine1 ,mankind1 the black-headed race1#ddi ,the living creatures1 as many as there are1 and exist on earth1 ,as many as there are in the four quarters1 ,the ,igigi of the legions of heaven and earth1 ,as many as there are1 ,to thee do they incline 7874 ,thou art the shedu1 thou art the lamassu4 ,thou restorest the dead to life1 thou bringest things to completeness 7874 ,o merciful one among the gods6 ,one scarcely detects any difference between such a hymn and those to ,sin and ,nebo4 ,the lines are adapted1 like the other specimens1 for recitation by two parties4 ,the last line forms a solemn close to a section of this hymn4 ,in the section that follows1 the same character is maintained till we approach the close1 when the exorciser steps in and asks ,marduk to ,expel the disease of the sick man1 ,the plague1 the wasting disease 444 and the various classes of demons1 utukku1 alu1 etc41 are introduced4 ,compare this now with some passages in a prayer addressed to ,marduk3#dej ,a resting-place for the lord 7of ,e-sagila7 is thy house4 ,a resting-place for the lord of ,e-makh-tila is thy house4 ,e-sagila1 the house of thy sovereignty1 is thy house4 ,may the city speak 'rest'#dea to thee--thy house4 ,may ,babylon speak peace to thee#deb--thy house4 ,may the great ,anu1 the father of the gods1 tell thee when there will be rest4 ,may the great mountain1 the father of the gods1#dec tell thee when there will be rest4 444 ,look favorably upon thy house1 ,look favorably upon the city1 ,o lord of rest6 ,may he restore to his place the bolt ,babylon1 the enclosure ,e-sagila1 the edifice ,e-zida1#ded ,may the gods of heaven and earth speak to thee1 ,o lord of rest4 ,here we have specific references to ,marduk4 ,everything about the city of ,babylon is associated with the god4 ,the great gods pay homage to ,marduk4 ,the whole hymn1 conceived as a royal prayer to the god1 clearly formed part of the ritual prepared for the great ,marduk temple at ,babylon4 ,the hymn closes1 as so many others1 with a prayer on behalf of the king4 ,the god is asked ,to establish firmly the foundation of the throne of his sovereignty1 ,so that he may nourish 787 mankind to distant days4 ',rest1' in the liturgical language1 implied cessation of anger4 ,marduk1 as the 'lord of rest1' was the pacified deity2 and since it was a necessary condition in obtaining an answer to petitions that the god should be free from anger1 the city1 the temple1 and the gods are represented as unitedly speaking to him--appealing to him to be at 'rest4' ,the production might1 therefore1 be called a 'pacification hymn4' ,the god has shown his anger by bringing on misfortune of some shape4 ,his divine associates are no less anxious than his human subjects to pacify the mighty god4 ,passing on to another god1 a hymn to the storm-god1 ,ramman1 enables us to specify the great terror that the god1 as the general source of disturbances in the heavenly phenomena1 inspired4 ,the god is addressed#dee as ,the lord who in his anger holds the heavens in his control1 ,ramman in his wrath the earth has shaken4 ,the mighty mountain--thou dost overturn it4 ,at his anger1 at his wrath1 ,the gods of heaven mount up to heaven1#def ,the gods of earth enter the earth4 ,into the foundation of heaven ,shamash#deg enters4 ,the illustrations adduced will suffice to show the manner in which the ,babylonians conceived the relationship between mankind and the gods4 ,the element of fear alternated with that of love1 and no matter how near the gods were felt to be1 one was never certain of their good will4 ,another feature of some of these hymns which calls for special mention is the introduction of the deity as himself or herself taking part in the dialogue4 ,a hymn addressed to ,ishtar1 as the morning and evening star1#deh belongs to this class4#dei ,it begins with a glorification of the goddess as the source of light1 of being1 and of earthly blessings4 ,the worshipper speaks3 ,o light of heaven who arises like fire over the earth1 who art fixed in the earth1 ,thou art exalted in strength like the earth4 ,as for thee1 a just path be graciously granted to thee ,when thou enterest the house of man4 ,a hyena on the hunt for a young lamb art thou1 ,a restless lion art thou4 ,a destructive handmaid1 the beauty of heaven1 ,a handmaid is ,ishtar1 the beauty of heaven1 ,who causest all being to emanate1 ,o beauty of heaven1 ,associate 787 of the sun1 ,o beauty of heaven6 ,at this point the goddess speaks1 through the officiating priest1 who acts as the mediator3 ,for determining oracles#dfj ,i have been established1 in perfection have ,i been established4 ,for determining oracles of my father ,sin1 ,i have been established1 in perfection have ,i been established4 ,for determining oracles of my brother ,shamash1 ,i have been established1 in perfection have ,i been established4 ,me has my father ,sin fixed1 to determine oracles ,i have been established1 ,shining anew in heaven1 for determining oracles ,i have been established1 in perfection have ,i been established4 ,from the regular repetition of the refrain at the end of each line1 one is tempted to conclude that these utterances of the goddess were to be recited by an officiating priest with the assistance of a chorus of priests1 to whom the refrain was assigned1 or it may be that the lines were alternately recited by the priest and the chorus4 ,in the section that follows1 this alternative character of the lines is more clearly indicated3 ,full of delight is my majesty1 full of delight is my supremacy1 ,full of delight do ,i as a goddess walk supreme4 ,ishtar1 the goddess of morning am ,i1 ,ishtar1 the goddess of evening am ,i1 7,i am7 ,ishtar1--to open the lock of heaven belongs to my supremacy4 ,heaven ,i destroy1 earth ,i devastate1#dfa--such is my supremacy4 ,the destroyer of heaven1 the devastator of the earth1--such is my majesty4 ,to rise up out of the foundation of heaven1 ,whose fame shines among the habitation of men1--such is my supremacy4 ,queen of heaven that on high and below is invoked1--such is my supremacy4 ,the mountain ,i sweep away altogether1--such is my supremacy4 ,the destroyer of the mountain walls am ,i1 their great foundation am ,i1--such is my supremacy4 ,the hymn closes with a prayer that the anger of the god be appeased3 ,may thy heart be at rest1 thy liver#dfb be pacified4 ,by the great lord ,anu1 may thy heart be at rest4 ,by the lord1 the great mountain ,bel1 may thy liver be pacified4 ,o goddess1 mistress of heaven1 may thy heart be at rest4 ,o supreme mistress of heaven1 may thy liver be pacified4 ,o supreme mistress of the ,e-anna1#dfc may thy heart be at rest4 ,o supreme mistress of the land of ,erech1 may thy liver be pacified4 ,o supreme mistress of the shining ,erech1 may thy heart be at rest4 ,o supreme mistress of the mountain of the universe1 may thy liver be pacified4 ,o supreme mistress1 queen of ,e-tur-kalama1#dfd may thy heart be at rest4 ,o supreme mistress1 queen of ,babylon1 may thy liver be pacified4 ,o supreme mistress1 whose name is ,nana1 may thy heart be at rest4 ,o mistress of the house1 lady of the gods1 may thy liver be pacified4 ,,footnotes3 #daf ,inscription ,d1 col4 v4 ll4 #b-g4 #dag ,abel-,winckler1 ,keilschrifttexte1 p4 #cc1 col4 iii4 ll4 #eb-eh4 #dah ,ball1 ,proc4 ,soc4 ,bibl4 ,arch4 xi4 #abd seq4 #dai ,annals1 ,cylinder ,b1 col4 v4 ll4 #cj-df4 #dbj ,without proper burial1--the greatest misfortune that could happen to the dead4 #dba ,i4e41 life4 #dbb ,i4e41 called to the throne4 #dbc ,see p4 #bif4 #dbd ,the prayers and hymns of the ,babylonians are only beginning to receive the attention they deserve at the hands of scholars4 ,sayce1 e4g41 in the specimens attached to his ,hibbert ,lectures1 pp4 #dgi-ebj1 does not even distinguish properly between pure hymns and mere incantations4 ,now that ,dr4 ,bezold's great catalogue of the ,koujunjik collection of the ,british ,museum is completed1 the opportunity is favorable for some one to study the numerous unpublished fragments of hymns in the ,british ,museum1 and produce in connection with those that have been published a comprehensive work on the subject4 ,knudtzon's ,assyrische ,gebete an den ,sonnengott may serve as a model for such a work4 #dbe ,,ivr4 #bh1 no4 #a4 #dbf ,some specification of the kind of vessel meant4 #dbg ,inscriptions were written on various metals1--gold1 silver1 antimony1 lead1 copper1 etc4 #dbh ,,ivr4 #bj1 no4 #b4 #dbi ,see above1 p4 #bhf4 #dcj ,published by ,bertin in the ,revue d',assyriologie1 no4 #d1 and translated by ,sayce1 ,hibbert ,lectures1 p4 #egc4 ,i adopt ,sayce's translation1 ,bertin's publication being inaccessible to me4 #dca ,probably 'horizon4' #dcb ,lit41 speak to thee of peace4 #dcc ,i4e41 may thy anger depart4 #dcd ,,ivr4 #i4 #dce ',the illuminator1' one of the names of ,sin4 ,see above1 p4 #ge4 #dcf ,the name of ,sin's temple at ,ur4 #dcg ,a metaphor descriptive of the moon1 because of the resemblance of the crescent to a horn4 #dch ,the moon-god is pictured with a long beard on the seal cylinders4 ,see p4 #gf4 #dci ,i4e41 unlike other products1 the moon's fullness is self-created4 #ddj ,a reference perhaps to the supposed influence of the moon on the tides4 #dda ,the rest of the hymn--some dozen lines--is too fragmentary to warrant translation4 #ddb ,we have1 however1 a list 7,,iir4 #eh1 no4 #e7 giving many titles and names of ,ea that must have been prepared on the basis of ,ea hymns4 #ddc ,,ivr4 #bj1 no4 #c4 #ddd ,i4e41 of ,marduk4 #dde ,this weapon plays a part in some of the ,babylonian myths4 #ddf ,the weapon is miraculous--,it kills instantly1 but without causing blood to flow4 ,the reference is to the lightning stroke4 #ddg ,,ivr4 #bi1 no4 #a4 #ddh ,perhaps a reference to ,ea4 #ddi ,name for the inhabitants of ,babylonla1 and then used in general for mankind4 ,cf4 p4 #bha4 #dej ,,ivr4 #ah1 no4 #b4 ,badly preserved4 #dea ,i4e41 call upon thee to be pacified4 #deb ,i4e41 salute thee4 #dec ,bel4 #ded ,the strongly fortified city of ,babylon is compared to a bolt and the temple to an enclosure4 #dee ,,ivr4 #bh1 no4 #b4 #def ,i4e41 fly to a safe place4 #deg ,i4e41 the sun is obscured4 #deh ,see above1 p4 #hd4 #dei ,delitzsch1 ,assyrische ,lesestuecke 7#c;d edition71 pp4 #acd-acf4 #dfj ,the portents taken through observation of the position of ,ishtar or ,venus in the heavens were of especial value4 #dfa ,phrases introduced to illustrate the power1 not the function1 of ,ishtar4 #dfb ,the liver as the seat of the emotions4 #dfc ,i4e41 house of heaven4 ,name of ,ishtar's temple at ,erech4 #dfd ,i4e41 court of the universe4 ,name of one of ,ishtar's temples4 ,,chapter ,,xviii4 ,,penitential ,,psalms4 ,it will be recalled that both in the ,ishtar hymn and in the one to ,marduk above quoted1 great stress is laid upon pacifying the deity addressed4 ,starting from the primitive conception that misfortunes were a manifestation of divine anger1 the ,babylonians never abandoned the belief that transgressions could be atoned for only by appeasing the anger of the deity4 ,but within this limitation1 an ethical spirit was developed among the ,babylonians that surprises us by its loftiness and comparative purity4 ,instead of having recourse merely to incantation formulas1 the person smitten with disease or pursued by ill fortune would turn in prayer to some god at whose instigation the evil has come and appeal for the pacification of the divine wrath4 ,but while the origin of the so-called penitential psalms is thus closely bound up with the same order of thought that gave rise to the incantation texts1 no less significant is the divorce between the two classes of compositions that begins already at an early stage of the literary period4 ,the incantations1 it is true1 may be combined with compositions that belong to a higher order of religious thought4 ,we have seen that they have been so combined1 and yet the dividing line between the two is also sharply marked4 ,zimmern1 to whom1 more than to any one else1 the interpretation of these penitential psalms is due1 has suggested#dfe that national misfortunes rather than private grievances may have given an impetus to this class of literary productions4 ,it is true that historical references are found in some of the hymns1 and it is also significant that not only do these psalms occasionally embody a prayer for the king1--thus giving to them a national rather than a personal character1--but the kings are called upon in times of distress to accompany their libations to the gods with the recitation of a 'lament to quiet the heart1'#dff as the ,babylonians called this class of hymns4 ,one can easily see how such events as defeat in war would be ascribed to divine wrath1 and not to the workings of evil spirits or witches2 and while the personal tone that pervades most of the penitential psalms makes them applicable to conditions affecting the individual as well as the nation1 the peculiar fitness of such psalms for occasions of national importance was a powerful factor in bringing about their sharp separation from the incantation formulas4 ,just as in the hymns we found that the mere contemplation of the attributes of the gods1 apart from the manifestation of these attributes in any particular instance1 led to a loftier interpretation of the relationship existing between the gods and mankind1 so the thought that evil was due in the last instance to the anger of some god led to greater emphasis being laid upon this relationship4 ,the anger of the god prompted both the individual and the nation to greater zeal in securing the deity's love4 ,to an even greater extent than in the hymns is the element of love introduced into the penitential psalms1 and when not directly expressed1 is so clearly implied as to form the necessary complement to the conception of the divine wrath4 ,these psalms indeed show the religious and ethical thought of ,babylonia at its best4 ,their ethical phase manifests itself more particularly in the conception of sin which is unfolded in them4 ,the misfortunes of life1 more especially those which could not so readily be ascribed to the presence of evil spirits1 filled the individual with his sense of guilt4 ,in some way1 known or unknown to him1 he must have offended the deity4 ,the thought whether the deity was justified in exercising his wrath did not trouble him any more than the investigation of the question whether the punishment was meted out in accordance with the extent of the wrong committed4 ,it was not necessary for the deity to be just2 it was sufficient that some god felt himself to be offended1 whether through the omission of certain rights or through an error in the performance of rites or what not4 ,the two facts which presented themselves with overpowering force to the penitent were the anger of the deity and the necessity of appeasing that anger4 ,beyond this conclusion the ,babylonians and ,assyrians did not go1 but this reasoning also sufficed to bring the conviction home to him that his misfortunes were the result of some offence4 ,the man afflicted was a sinner1 and the corollary to this position was that misfortunes come in consequence of sin4 ,through the evils alone which overtook one1 it became clear to an individual that he had sinned against the deity4 ,within this circle of ideas the penitential psalms of ,babylonia move4 ,they do not pass wholly outside of the general ,semitic view that sin is a 'missing of the mark1'--a failure1 whether voluntary or involuntary1 to comply with what was demanded by the deity under whose protection one stood4 ,but one became conscious of having 'missed the mark' only when evil in some form--disease1 ill luck1 deluge1 drought1 defeat1 destruction1 storms1 pecuniary losses1 family discords1 the death of dear ones--came to remind the individual or the nation of the necessity of securing the favor of the deity again4 ,still within this sphere there were great possibilities of ethical progress1 and some of the ,babylonian psalms breathe a spirit and are couched in a diction that have prompted a comparison with the ,biblical psalms4#dfg ,thrown1 as the sinner felt himself to be1 upon the mercy of the angry deity1 it mattered little what had called forth this wrath or whether the deity was conceived as acting in accordance with just ideas4 ,the thought that would engage the entire attention of the penitent would be the appeasement of his god4 ,to effect this1 he would not stop short at exaggerating his own guilt4 ,he would manifest a contrition of spirit that would not be the less sincere for being1 perhaps1 out of proportion to the character of his sin when judged by our standards4 ,corresponding to the humiliation of mind to which he would be brought1 his longing to be reconciled to the offended deity would be intensified4 ,he would address this deity in terms of strong endearment1 magnify his or her powers1 as the case may be1 and belittle himself and his own worth4 ,the result of such a mental discipline could not but react healthfully on the mind of the penitent4 ,the penitent would arise from his prayer with a more spiritual conception of the relationship existing between himself and his god4 ,not appealing for any material benefits for the time being1 but concerned only with appeasing the divine wrath1 the single burden of his prayer that the heart of the offended god might be 'at rest' would be marked by an intensity all the stronger for being at least comparatively pure of grosser associations4 ,all these features combined serve to make the penitential psalms the flower of the religious literature of ,babylonia4 ,the productions not only represent the highest stage which religious thought reached in the ,euphrates ,valley1 but1 in a certain sense1 constitute the only productions in cuneiform literature that have a permanent literary value4 ,we find these compositions marked by a third feature which1 however1 as we have already seen1 is not peculiar to them1--the dialogue form4 ,in order to bring about a reconciliation with an angered god1 three personages were necessary in the drama1--the god1 the penitent1 and1 thirdly1 the priest1 acting as mediator between the sinner and his deity4 ,the deity1 according to ,babylonian notions1 could not be approached directly1 but only through his chosen messengers1--the priests4 ,this idea of mediation1 as against the immediate approach1 was so pronounced as to lead1 as we have seen1 to the frequent association with a god of a second divine personage1--his son or his servant1--through whom the petitions of mankind were brought to the throne of grace4#dfh ,the priest was similarly conceived as the messenger of the god1 and1 by virtue of this office1 endowed with a certain measure1 at least1 of divine power4 ,he was1 in the full sense1 the god's vicar on earth1--his representative1 who could1 as we saw in the ,ishtar hymn1 speak in the first person on behalf of the god4#dfi ,the more manifest mission of the priest1 however1 was to intercede on behalf of the mass of mankind4 ,accepting the sacrifices offered by the laity1 it was he that secured their gracious acceptance on the part of the deity4 ,it was the priest1 as we have seen1 who instructed the individual to pronounce the magic formulas that would be appropriate to his case2 and just as in the incantation texts the priest accompanied the recitation of the formulas with an appeal of his own1 so in the penitential psalms1 he stood at the penitent's side1 instructing him what to say1 and emphasizing the confessions of the penitent by an assurance to the deity of the sincerity of the penitent1 coupled with a fervent request that the prayer for 'appeasement1' which involved all that we mean by forgiveness1 be graciously answered4 ,it is unfortunate that the text of none of the penitential psalms is perfectly preserved4 ,we must1 therefore1 content ourselves in our illustrations with more or less imperfect extracts4 ,it is to be noted1 too1 that often the exact meaning of the lines escapes us1 owing to the obscurity of terms employed or to the gaps in the texts themselves4 ,with few exceptions the psalms appear in the double style characteristic of so large a section of the religious literature of the ,babylonians1 the 'ideographic' composition being accompanied by a phonetic transliteration4 ,the fact1 however1 that we have at least one text 7,,ivr4 #ei1 no4 #b7 in the phonetic style alone1 is sufficient to show that no special weight is to be attached to the supposed 'bilingual' character of the others4 ,this double style is not a feature that need be taken into account in determining the age of this class of compositions4 ,the historical references in some of them have prompted ,zimmern to give his partial assent to the opinion which would assign them1 or some of them1 to the age of ,hammurabi4 ,beyond such references1 which are not as clear as they might be1 we have no data through which their age can be determined2 but so far as the ideas which they convey and the religious spirit manifested in them are concerned1 there is no reason why they should not be assigned to as early a period as some of the incantation texts4 ,it is characteristic of the ,babylonian1 as1 in a measure1 of all religions1 that the old and the new go hand in hand2 that more advanced conceptions1 so far from setting aside primitive ones1 can live and thrive in the same atmosphere with the latter4 ,we may1 therefore1 assume that penitential psalms existed as early as #bjjj ,b4,c4 ,whether any of these that have been preserved go back to that period is another question4 ,one gains the impression from a careful study of them that most of these1 if not all1 belong to a somewhat later period1 nearer to the first millennium than to the second millennium before our era4 ,the ,assyrians adopted these psalms1 as they did the other features of the religious literature of the ,babylonians1 and enriched the collection by productions of their own which1 however1 follow closely the ,babylonian models4 ,a particularly beautiful psalm1 judging from the portion preserved1 represents the penitent addressing his goddess--probably ,ishtar--as follows3#dgj ,i1 thy servant1 full of sighs1 call upon thee2 ,the fervent prayer of him who has sinned do thou accept4 ,if thou lookest upon a man1 that man lives4 ,o all-powerful mistress of mankind1 ,merciful one1 to whom it is good to turn1 who hears#dga sighs6 ,at this point the priest takes up the thread to emphasize the appeal of the penitent by adding to it his own4 ,he prays to the goddess3 ,his god and goddess being angry with him1 he calls upon thee1 ,turn towards him thy countenance1 take hold of his hand4 ,the penitent continues3 ,besides thee1 there is no guiding deity4 ,i implore thee to look upon me and hear my sighs4 ,proclaim pacification1#dgb and may thy soul be appeased4 ,how long1 ,o my mistress1 till thy countenance be turned towards me4 ,like doves1 ,i lament1 ,i satiate myself with sighs4 ,the priest once more sums up the penitent's prayer3 ,with pain and ache1 his soul is full of sighs2 ,tears he weeps1 he pours forth lament 7874 ,a trait which appears in many of these psalms is the anonymity beneath which the offended deity is veiled4 ,his or her name is often not mentioned1 the deity being simply referred to as god or goddess1 and at times it is left doubtful whether the sinner has 'sinned' against the demands of a god or a goddess1 or against several deities4 ,this feature is not without significance4 ,in some cases1 no doubt1 the name of the specific deity was to be added by the penitent1#dgc but in others this does not appear to be indicated4 ,the anonymity is the natural result of the conception of sin involved in these productions4 ,the sinner1 becoming conscious of his guilt only as a conclusion drawn from the fact of his suffering from some misfortune1 could only surmise1 but never be entirely certain1 wherein his offence consisted or what deity he had offended4 ,in the case of the recital of incantation formulas1 the question as to the offended deity was a minor one1 and may indeed1 at an earlier stage of thought1 not have entered into consideration at all4 ,this anonymity1 therefore1 which characterized the penitential psalms was not due to any advance in thought1 but one can easily see how it led to such an advance4 ,what may be called the personal aspects of the gods were less accentuated4 ,the very fact that no particular god could in many cases be specified entailed1 as a consequence1 that the views held of the gods gained in abstractness4 ,the general thought of one's dependence upon these supernatural powers1 without further specification1 superinduced a grouping of the gods under a common aspect1 as the directors of man's fate4 ,in short1 the notion of deity1 not indeed as a unit1 but as a collective idea1 begins to dawn in ,babylonia4 ,at the same time we must beware of exaggerating the force that this notion acquired4 ,there is not the slightest trace of any approach to real monotheism in ,babylonia1 nor can it even be said that the penitential psalms constitute a bridge leading to such an approach4 ,the strong hold that astrology at all times1 and up to the latest periods1 had upon both the popular and the educated mind was in itself sufficient to prevent the ,babylonians from passing1 to any considerable degree1 beyond the stage in which the powers of nature were personified and imbued with real life4 ,the penitential psalms presuppose this belief as much as any other branch of the religious literature2 they merely illustrate this belief in the purest form of which1 in the course of its development1 it was capable4 ,a psalm in which this anonymity of the offended god is more strongly brought out begins as follows4#dgd ,the penitent prays3 ,o that the wrath of my lord's heart return to its former condition1#dge ,o that the god who is unknown be pacified1 ,o that the goddess unknown be pacified1 ,o that the god known or unknown#dgf be pacified1 ,o that the goddess known or unknown be pacified1 ,o that the heart of my god be pacified1 ,o that the god or goddess known or unknown be pacified6 ,the penitent1 it will be seen1 does not know whether it is a god or a goddess whom he has offended4 ,he therefore appeals to both4 ,he goes on to say that he is not even aware of the sin that he has committed3 ,the sin that ,i have committed ,i know not4 ,and yet he must have sinned or he would not suffer as he does4 ,in addition to his confession1 he imposes the hardship of fasting upon himself by way of penance3 ,food ,i have not eaten2 ,clear water ,i have not drunk4 ,the reference to fasting occurs so frequently in these psalms that one is tempted to conclude that such a bodily castigation was demanded by the ritual of the ,babylonians3#dgg ,an offence have ,i unwittingly committed against my god1 ,a sin against my goddess unwillingly been guilty of1 ,o lord1 my sins are many1 great are my transgressions1 ,o my god1 my sins are many1 great are my transgressions1 ,o my goddess1 my sins are many1 great are my transgressions1 ,known or unknown god1 my sins are many1 great are my transgressions4 ,again the sinner protests his innocence of the wrong he has done4 ,he only knows that ,the lord has looked upon me in the rage of his heart1 ,a god has visited me in his wrath1 ,a goddess has become angry with me and brought me into pain1 ,a known or unknown god has oppressed me1 ,a known or unknown goddess has brought sorrow upon me4 ,i seek for help1 but no one takes my hand4 ,i weep1 but no one approaches me4 ,i call aloud1 but no one hears me4 ,full of woe1 ,i grovel in the dust without looking up4 ,to my merciful god ,i turn1 speaking with sighs4 ,the feet of my goddess ,i kiss imploringly 7874 ,to the known or unknown god do ,i speak with sighs1 ,to the known or unknown goddess do ,i speak with sighs4 ,o lord1 look upon me1 accept my lament1 ,o goddess1 look upon me1 accept my lament1 ,o known or unknown goddess1 look upon me1 accept my lament6 ,in this strain he proceeds for some time1 until he is interrupted by the priest1 who briefly adds3 ,o lord1 do not cast aside thy servant1 ,overflowing with tears1#dgh take him by the hand6 ,the penitent closes the prayer by another and still more earnest appeal3 ,the sin ,i have committed change to mercy1 ,the wrong ,i have done1 may the wind carry off4 ,tear asunder my many transgressions as a garment4 ,my god1 my sins are seven times seven1#dgi forgive me my sins4 ,my goddess1 my sins are seven times seven1 forgive me my sins1 ,known or unknown god1 my sins are seven times seven1 forgive me my sins4 ,known or unknown goddess1 my sins are seven times seven1 forgive me my sins4 ,forgive me my sins and ,i will humble myself before thee4 ,may thy heart be glad#dhj as the heart of the mother that has given birth1 ,may thy heart be glad as that of a mother who has given birth1 as that of a father who has begotten a child4 ,the proportions between the parts taken by the priest and penitent vary considerably4 ,in the one quoted1 the priest is only incidentally introduced2 in others1#dha it is the penitent who plays the minor part4 ,the penitential ritual varied accordingly2 but since we cannot discover here1 as we could in the case of the incantation texts1 the special occasions for the variations1 except for those that contain historical references1 one must suppose that they could be used indifferently at the choice of the penitent or the priest4 ,it is probable that at one time a large collection of such psalms was made in ,babylonia1 and that those we have represent compositions made from the rituals of various temples4 ,in one psalm we have a distinct statement from which we may conclude that it belonged to the ,e-sagila temple at ,babylon4 ,only a portion of it is preserved4#dhb ,it is interesting1 also1 because of a reference to a dream that it contains1 and which the god of ,babylon is called upon to convert into a favorable sign for the petitioner4 ,zimmern is of the opinion that the hymn may have been an evening prayer1 but it seems more satisfactory to place it merely in the general category of penitential psalms1 with a request for a sign that the deity has been appeased4 ,the sinner1 after describing his woeful state1-- ,instead of food1 ,i eat bitter tears1 ,instead of date-wine1 ,i drink the waters of misery1 ,for my drink ,i have bitter waters1 ,instead of clothes1 ,i am enveloped in sin1#dhc-- proceeds to a fervent appeal3 ,o my god who art angry with me1 accept my prayer1 ,o my goddess who art wroth with me1 accept my appeal1 ,accept my appeal1 may thy liver be at rest6 ,my lord in mercy and compassion look upon me8 ,who guides the span of life against the encroachments 787 of death1 accept my prayer6 ,o my goddess1 look upon me1 accept my appeal2 ,may my sins be forgiven1#dhd my transgressions be wiped out4 ,may the ban be loosened1 the chain broken1 ,may the seven winds carry off my sighs4 ,let me tear away my iniquity1 let the birds carry it to heaven1 ,let the fish take off my misfortune1 the stream carry it off4 ,may the beasts of the field take it away from me1 ,the flowing waters of the stream wash me clean4 ,let me be pure like the sheen of gold4 ,as a ring 787 of precious stone1 may ,i be precious before thee4 ,remove my iniquity1 save my soul4 ,thy temple court ,i will watch1 thy image 787 ,i will set up4#dhe ,grant to me that ,i may see a favorable dream1 ,the dream that ,i see1 let it be favorable1 ,the dream that ,i see1 let it be unfailing1 ,the dream that ,i see1 turn it to a favorable issue4 ,the god ,makhir 7871 the god of dreams stand at my head4 ,let me enter into ,e-sagila1 the temple of the gods1 the house of life4 ,commend me to ,marduk1 the merciful one1 for favor1 ,i will be subservient to thy greatness1 ,i will exalt thy divinity4 ,there follows a line from which one may further conclude that the psalm is one composed for the royal chief of ,babylonia4 ,it is evidently only a ruler who can assure the deity that ,the inhabitants of my city1#dhf may they glorify thy power4 ,we know from the historical texts that previous to a military engagement the kings were particularly desirous of some sign from the deity that might serve to encourage the soldiery4 ,such a sign was ordinarily a dream4 ,the circumstances1 therefore1 seem to point to our psalm being a royal prayer for forgiveness of transgressions1 uttered before some impending national crisis1 in the hope of securing1 with the divine pardon1 the protection of the deity who1 up to this point in the campaign1 must have manifested his displeasure rather than his favor4 ,more distinct references to national events are found in another royal penitential psalm3#dhg ,how long1 ,o my mistress1 will the mighty foe oppress thy land1 ,in thy great city ,erech famine has settled1 ,in ,e-ulbar1 the house of thy oracle1 blood is poured out like water1 ,throughout thy districts he has kindled conflagrations1 and poured fire over them in columns 7874#dhh ,o my mistress1 ,i am abundantly yoked to misfortune1 ,o my mistress1 thou hast encompassed me1 thou hast brought me into pain1 ,the mighty foe has trodden me down as a reed1 ,i have no judgment1 ,i have no wisdom1 ,like a 'dry field' ,i am desolate night and day1 ,i thy servant beseech thee1 ,may thy heart be at rest1 thy liver be pacified4 ,at times specific requests are inserted into these hymns1 such as release from physical ills4 ,sickness being1 as any other evil1 due to divine anger1 the sick man combines with his prayer for forgiveness of the sin of which he is guilty1 the hope that his disease1 viewed as the result of his sin1 may be removed4 ,a hymn addressed to ,ishtar of ,nineveh by ,ashurnasirbal1 a king of ,assyria1#dhi is of this character4 ,it begins by an adoration of the goddess1 who is addressed as ,the producer1 the queen of heaven1 the glorious lady1 ,to the one who dwells in ,e-babbara 444 who hath spread my fame1 ,to the queen of the gods to whom has been entrusted the commands of the great gods1 ,to the lady of ,nineveh 444 ,to the daughter of ,sin1 the twin-sister of ,shamash1 ruling over all kingdoms1 ,who issues decrees1 the goddess of the universe1 ,to the lady of heaven and earth1 who receives prayer1 who hearkens to the petition1 who accepts beseeching1 ,to the merciful goddess who loves righteousness4 ,the king calls upon ,ishtar to listen to his prayers3 ,look upon me1 ,o lady1 so that through thy turning towards me the heart of thy servant may become strong4 ,ashurnasirbal appeals to the goddess on the ground of what he has done to promote the glory of the goddess in his land4 ,he has devoted himself to the service of the goddess4 ,he has observed the festivals in her honor4 ,he has repaired her shrines4 ,no less than fourteen images of the goddess were set up by the king4 ,nay1 more1 he claims that before his days ,ishtar was not properly worshipped4 ,i was without understanding1 and did not pray to thy ladyship1 ,the people of ,assyria also lacked judgment1 and did not approach thy divinity2 ,but thou1 ,o ,ishtar1 mighty weapon of the great gods1 ,by thy grace#dij thou didst instruct me1 and didst desire me to rule4 ,the statement that the ,ishtar cult was introduced or even reinstated by ,ashurnasirbal can hardly be taken literally2 but it distinctly points to a movement in the days of the dynasty to which the king belonged1 that brought the worship of the goddess into great prominence4 ,in return for all that he has done to the house of ,ishtar1 the king pleads3 ,i1 ,ashurnasirbal1 full of affliction1 thy worshipper1 ,who takes hold of thy divine staff1 ,who prays to thy sovereignty1 ,look upon me and let me appeal to thy power6 ,may thy liver be appeased for that which has aroused thy anger2 ,let thy whole heart be strong towards me4 ,make my disease come forth and remove my sin1 ,let thy mouth1 ,o lady1 proclaim forgiveness4 ,the priestly vassal who worships thee without change1 ,grant him mercy and cut off his affliction4 ,the historical references found in the penitential psalms are valuable indications1 not only for determining the age of these compositions1 but for ascertaining the occasions on which they were employed4 ,neither the ,babylonian nor the ,assyrian rulers ever reveal to us in their official annals or dispatches any check that they may have encountered in their careers or any misfortune that may have occurred to them or to the state4 ,these psalms tell their own story4 ,they point to seasons of distress1 when recourse had to be taken to appeals to the gods1 accompanied by the confession of wrongs committed4 ,as against the incantations which are the outcome of the purely popular spirit1 and which are the natural expression of popular beliefs1 the penitential psalms seem to represent a more official method of appealing to the gods4 ,the advance in religious thought which these productions signal may1 therefore1 be due1 in part at least1 to a growing importance attached to the relationship existing between the gods and the kingdom as a whole1 as against the purely private pact between a god and his worshippers4 ,the use of these psalms by ,assyrian rulers1 among whom the idea of the kingdom assumes a greater significance than among the ,babylonians1 points in this direction4 ,it is significant1 at all events1 that such psalms were also produced in ,assyria2 and while they are entirely modeled upon the earlier ,babylonian specimens1 the contribution to the religious literature thus made in the north must be regarded1 not as the outcome of the extension of the literary spirit prevailing in ,babylonia1 but as prompted by a special significance attached to the penitential ritual in removing the obstacles to the advancement of the affairs of state4 ,despite1 therefore1 the elevated thought and diction found in these psalms1 there is a close bond existing between them and the next branch of the religious literature to be taken up1--the oracles and omens1 which similarly stand in close contact with affairs of state1 and to which1 likewise1 additions1 and indeed1 considerable additions1 to the stock received from ,babylonia were made by the ,assyrian literati4 ,,footnotes3 #dfe ,babylonische ,busspsalmen1 pp4 #a1 #b4 #dff ,i4e41 of the deity4 #dfg ,see an article by ,francis ,brown1 ,the ,religious ,poetry of ,babylonia1 ,presbyterian ,review1 #ahhh4 #dfh ,compare the relationship existing between ,ea and ,marduk1 noted above1 p4 #bgf4 ,similarly1 ,nusku was the messenger to ,bel4 ,see p4 #bgi4 #dfi ,on the wider aspects of this conception of the priest among ancient nations1 see ,frazer1 ,the ,golden ,bough1 passim4 #dgj ,zimmern1 no4 #a2 ,,ivr4 #bi1 no4 #e4 #dga ,lit41 'accepts4' #dgb ,in the original appears a phrase which signifies literally 'when at last1'--an abbreviation for 'when will there be rest1' and which has become a kind of technical phrase to indicate1 again1 the hoped-for pacification of the deity4 #dgc ,the colophon to one of them 7,,ivr4 #aj1 ,reverse #eb7 declares that the production in question is a penitential psalm for any god whatsoever4 #dgd ,,ivr4 #aj4 ,zimmern1 no4 #d4 #dge ,i4e41 be pacified4 #dgf ,i4e41 'whoever he may be1' as we would say4 #dgg ,among many nations fasting is resorted to as a means of atonement4 ,it must have been common among the ,hebrews during the period of the ,babylonian exile--perhaps through ,babylonian influence4 ,see ,isaiah1 lviii4 #c4 #dgh ,lit41 rushing water4 #dgi ,i4e41 very numerous4 #dhj ,be pacified4 #dha ,e4g41 ,,ivr4 #fa4 #dhb ,ib4 #ei1 no4 #b4 #dhc ,delitzsch1 ,assyr4 ,woerterbuch1 p4 #cgh4 ,in another psalm the penitent says similarly1 ,food ,i have not eaten1 weeping is my nourishment1 water ,i have not drunk1 tears are my drink4 #dhd ,lit41 'released4' ,the underlying metaphor represents the individual held fast by sin1 just as the demons seize hold of a man4 #dhe ,a somewhat puzzling line1 but which appears to convey the promise on the part of the penitent that if forgiven he will observe the rites demanded by the deity4 #dhf ,babylon4 #dhg ,,ivr #ai1 no4 #c2 ,zimmern1 no4 #e4 #dhh ,like a column4 ,the metaphor is the same as in the ,biblical phrase1 column of smoke4 #dhi ,published by ,bruennow1 ,zeits4 f4 ,assyr4 v4 #ff seq4 ,the king mentions his father1 ,shamshi-,ramman1 in the hymn4 ,if this is ,shamshi-,ramman ,,iii41 the date of the hymn would be c4 #aajj ,b4,c4 #dij ,lit41 'lifting up of thy eyes4' ,,chapter ,,xix4 ,,oracles ,,and ,,omens4 ,a strong element of magic1 we have seen1 was always present in the hymns and prayers of the ,babylonians1 and even in such as contained religious sentiments of an elevated and pure character4 ,the finest prayer has almost invariably tacked on to it an incantation1 or constitutes in itself an incantation4 ,accompanying the prayer were offerings to the deity addressed1 or certain symbolical rites1 or both1 and the efficacy of the prayer was supposed to reside partly in the accompanying acts and partly in the mystic power of the words of the prayer as such4 ,in large measure this indissoluble association of prayer and incantation is due to the circumstance that both ,babylonians and ,assyrians addressed their deities only when something was desired of the latter1--the warding off of some evil or the expectation of some favor4 ,even in the penitential psalms1 that merit the term 'sublime1' the penitent pours out his soul at the shrine of grace in order to be released from some misfortune that has come over him or that is impending4 ,mere praise of the gods without any ulterior motive finds no place in the ,babylonian or ,assyrian ritual4 ,the closest approach to this religious attitude may perhaps be seen in the prayers attached by the kings to their commemorative or dedicatory inscriptions4 ,one feels that the rulers are impelled to do this from a certain sense of love and devotion to their protecting deities4 ,nebuchadnezzar's prayers form a conspicuous example of the strength which pure love and attachment to the gods acquired in ,babylonia2 but even in these specimens1 a request of some kind--usually for long life and prosperity--is made4 ,the spiritualization of the ,babylonian religion has in this way most definite limitations imposed upon it4 ,there is a point beyond which it could not go without giving rise to a totally changed conception of the gods and their relationship to men4 ,prayer in its higher form1 as the result of an irresistible prompting of the emotions1 without any other purpose than the longing to come into closer communion with a superior ,power1 involves such a change in religious conceptions1 and hence is conspicuous in the ,babylonian ritual by its absence4 ,a request of some kind being thus the motive that lies behind the ,babylonian prayers1 it follows that the means taken to ascertain the will or intention of the gods with regard to that request formed an essential feature of the ritual4 ,indeed1 to ascertain the will of a deity constituted one of the most important functions of the priest--perhaps the most important function4 ,the prayer was of no use unless it was answered1 and the priest alone could tell whether the answer was afforded4 ,the efforts of the priest were accordingly directed towards this end--the prognostication of the future4 ,what was the intention of the deity8 ,would the hoped-for deliverance from evil be realized8 ,would the demon of disease leave the body8 ,would the symbolical acts1 burning of effigies1 loosening of knots1 and the like1 have the desired effect8 ,upon the success of the priest in performing this function of prognostication everything depended1 both for himself and for the petitioner4 ,the natural and indeed necessary complement to the priest as exorciser is the priest as the forecaster of the future4 ,since no one1 not even the king1 could approach a deity directly1 the mediation of the priest was needed on every occasion of a religious import4 ,the ordinary means at the disposal of the priest for ascertaining the divine will or caprice were twofold1--directly through oracles or indirectly by means of omens derived from an examination of the sacrifices offered4 ,a complete ,babylonian ritual therefore required1 besides the appeal made by the petitioner through the priests or with their assistance1 an incantation introduced in some form1 an offering1 certain symbolical acts and omens4 ,the offerings and the symbolical acts1 as a matter of fact1 appear to have preceded#dia the prayer and the incantation1 but in the prayers they are referred to again1 and generally just before the interpretation of the omens4 ,the omens constituted the ulterior end in view4 ,because of the looked-for omens the offering was brought1 the symbolical acts performed1 the incantations recited4 ,all these rites formed the preparation for the grand finale4 ,the worshipper waited anxiously for the decision of the priest4 ,attached1 therefore1 to the prayers we frequently find directions intended for the priests as to the signs to which his attention should be directed1 certain peculiarities exhibited in parts of the animal sacrificed from which certain conclusions may be drawn4 ,the observation of these signs grows to the dimensions of a science equal in extent to the observation of the heavenly bodies whose movements1 as indeed the whole of the natural world1 were supposed to exert an influence over the fate of mankind4 ,it does not of course follow that in the case of every prayer an elaborate ritual was observed4 ,many of the prayers to the gods in their present form do not embody omens1 as indeed many contain no reference to offerings or symbolical acts4 ,while no conclusion can be drawn from this circumstance1 since the omission may be due to the point of view from which in a given case a collection of prayers was made by the priest1 still we may well believe that for the exorcising of evil spirits the utterance of sacred formulas was often considered quite sufficient4 ,in the earlier stages of the ,babylonian religion the priest's function may have ended when he had exorcised the demons by means of magic words4 ,the demons were forced to yield4 ,if they nevertheless held out1 so much the worse for them or--for the priest1 who1 it was concluded1 must have lost his power over the spirits through some error committed by him4 ,the resort to omens has wider aspects1 as will presently be shown1 than the connection with prayers and offerings1 and a most reasonable view is that omens were first introduced into prayers on occasions when a worshipper wished to ascertain the will of a deity for a certain purpose1 and to regulate his own conduct accordingly4 ,in petitioning the deity a sacrifice was naturally offered4 ,through the sacrifice1 which was rendered acceptable to the deity by the mediation of the priest1 the desired answer to a question was obtained4 ,from being resorted to in such instances1 omens would naturally come to form part of the ritual for almost any occasion when a deity was appealed to1 both in connection with incantations and symbolical acts when the omens would form a supplement to the magic element in the ritual1 as well as in cases where no specific incantations are introduced4 ,in both cases the omens would constitute the means resorted to for ascertaining whether the petitioner might look for a favorable reply to a request proffered or1 in a more general way1 find out anything that it may be important for him to know4 ,the occasions for consulting the deity would be of a public or private character4 ,how far it became customary for the general public to secure the mediation of a priest for securing aid from the gods in matters appertaining to personal welfare we have no means of definitely determining4 ,we find1 for example1 a son consulting an oracle on behalf of his father in order to ascertain what day would be favorable for undertaking some building operation1#dib and he receives the answer that the fourth of the month will be propitious2 and so there are other occasions on which private individuals consult the priests1 but in general it was only on occasions of real distress that an individual would come to the sanctuary1--to seek relief from bodily ills1 to ward off blows of adversity1 to pacify a deity who has manifested his or her displeasure4 ,the expense involved--for the worshipper was not to appear empty-handed--would of itself act as a deterrent against too frequent visits to a sanctuary4 ,the public welfare occupied a much larger share in the ,babylonian worship4 ,in order to ensure the safety of the state1 occasions constantly arose when the deities had to be consulted4 ,it is no accident that so many of the prayers--the hymns and psalms--contain references to kings and to events that transpired during their reigns4 ,in these references the occasions for the prayers are to be sought4 ,remarkable as is the expression which the consciousness of individual guilt finds in the religious literature of ,babylonia1 the anger of the deity against his land is much more prominently dwelt upon than the manifestation of his wrath towards an individual4 ,it could not be otherwise1 since the welfare of the state conditioned to so large an extent the happiness of the individual4 ,the startling phenomena of nature1 such as an eclipse1 a flood1 a storm1 while affecting individuals were not aimed directly at them1 but at the country viewed as the domain of a certain god or of certain gods4 ,blighted crops1 famine1 and pestilence had likewise a public as well as a private aspect4 ,on all such occasions the rulers would proceed to the sanctuaries in order1 with the assistance of the priests1 to pacify the angered god4 ,it was not sufficient at such times to pronounce sacred formulas1 to make fervent appeals1 but some assurances had to be given that the words and the symbolical acts would have the desired effect4 ,omens were sought for from the animals offered4 ,there were other occasions besides those stated1 when for the sake of the public welfare oracles were sought at the sanctuaries4 ,if a public improvement was to be undertaken1 such as the building of a palace1 or of a temple1 of a canal1 or a dam1 it was of the utmost importance to know whether the enterprise was acceptable to the deity4 ,a day had to be carefully chosen for laying the foundations1 when the god would be favorably disposed towards his subjects1--the kings under whose auspices such work was carried on4 ,similar precautions had to be taken to select a favorable day for the dedication4 ,this again was determined by means of omens either derived from offerings or in some other way4 ,the ,babylonians and ,assyrians believed1 as did the ,jews upon their return from the ,babylonian exile1 that 'unless the lord assists1 the builders work in vain4' ,when we come to military campaigns where the individual disappears altogether in the presence of the majestic figure of the state1 the will and disposition of the gods had to be consulted at every step1--regarding the plans of the enemy1 at the enemy's approach1 before the battle1 in the midst of the fray1 and at its termination4 ,the frequency with which the gods were approached in the interests of the state and the public weal1 plied with questions upon which the fate of the land depended1 is shown by the stereotyped form which such official solicitations in the course of time acquired4 ,dating from the reigns of ,esarhaddon and ,ashurbanabal we have an elaborate series of prayers addressed to the sun-god1 all dealing with questions of a political import4 ,these prayers1 so admirably edited and analyzed by ,knudtzon1#dic are all arranged according to a single pattern4 ,each one opens with a question or series of questions which ,shamash1 the sun-god1 is asked to answer4 ,the god is then implored not to be angry1 but to lend his aid against any errors unwittingly committed in the sacrificial rites4 ,for a second time the same question is put in a somewhat varying form4 ,another appeal is made1 and the various omens derived from the inspection of animals are interpreted as a guide to the priests4 ,according to the application of these omens to the sacrifice before the priest1 a decision is rendered4 ,it will be sufficient for our purposes to present a single specimen of such a fixed ritual4#did ,esarhaddon1 being hard pressed by a group of nations to the northeast of ,assyria1 led by a certain ,kashtariti1 and among whose followers the ,gimirrites1 the ,medes1 and ,manneans are the most prominent1 asks for an oracle from ,shamash as to the outcome of the situation4 ,the priest1 acting as mediator1 addresses#die the god3 ,o ,shamash6 great lord6 ,as ,i ask thee1 do thou in true mercy answer me4 ,from this day1 the #c;d day of this month of ,iyar#dif to the #aath day of the month of ,ab#dig of this year1 a period of one hundred days and one hundred nights is the proscribed term for the priestly activity4#dih ,will within this period1 ,kashtariti1 together with his soldiery1 will the army of the ,gimirrites1 the army of the ,medes1 will the army of the ,manneans1 or will any enemy whatsoever succeed in carrying out their plan1 whether by strategy 787 or by main force1 whether by the force of weapons of war and fight or by the ax1 whether by a breach made with machines of war and battering rams#dii or by hunger1 whether by the power residing in the name of a god or goddess1#ejj whether in a friendly way or by friendly grace1#eja or by any strategic device1 will these aforementioned1 as many as are required to take a city1 actually capture the city ,kishassu1 penetrate into the interior of that same city ,kishassu1 will their hands lay hold of that same city ,kishassu1 so that it falls into their power8 ,thy great divine power knows it4#ejb ,the capture of that same city1 ,kishassu1 through any enemy whatsoever1 within the specified period1 is it definitely ordained by thy great and divine will1 ,o ,shamash6 ,will it actually come to pass8#ejc ,it will be observed that1 much as in a legal document1 all contingencies are enumerated4 ,in other prayers1 still more are mentioned4 ,a definite answer is required1 and care is taken not to leave any loophole open by means of which the deity may escape from the obligation imposed upon him to manifest his intention4 ,shamash might answer that the city will not be captured1 with the mental reservation that it will surrender1 or he might throw ,esarhaddon off his guard by announcing that not by might nor by strength will the city be taken1 and the king may be surprised some morning to learn that the catastrophe has been brought about through the power residing in the 'word4' ,these precautions were taken1 not so much because it was supposed that the gods and priests were tricky1 but because all conditions had to be carefully fulfilled in order to ensure an answer1 and1 if at all possible1 of course a favorable answer4 ,to the same end1 great care had to be taken that in the preparation of the offering which accompanied the prayer no mistake should be made4 ,the sacrificial animal--in the case before us a lamb--had to be guarded against all imperfections1 impurities1 and contaminations4 ,the priest had to be careful to put on the proper dress1 to speak the proper words1 and to be himself free from any ritualistic impurity4 ,before proceeding to the inspection of the animal1 in order to forecast the future1 the priest had to take care that nothing might happen to interfere with the proper observation of the rites4 ,this section of the prayer is characterized by the word ezib repeated at the beginning of every line1 and which conveys the appeal that what follows may be precluded from happening4#ejd ,the priest first prays to ,shamash3 ,preclude that after the specified period the catastrophe may not come to pass1 ,preclude whatever they i4e41 the enemies may plan may not be carried out 7871 ,preclude them from making a slaughter and from plundering4444 ,whether the decision of this day be good or bad1 ward off a stormy day with pouring rain4 ,this last phrase1 which is somewhat obscure1 seems to be a request made in the contingency of an unfavorable omen being received4 ,the sun-god is asked1 at all events1 not to hide his countenance under clouds and rain on the decisive day of battle4 ,coming after these preliminary requests to the sacrifice1 the priest continues3 ,prevent anything unclean from defiling the place of inspection1#eje ,prevent the lamb of thy divinity1 which is to be inspected1 from being imperfect and unfit4 ,guard him who takes hold of the body of the lamb1 who is clothed in the proper sacrificial dress1 from having eaten1 drunk1 or handled anything unclean4 ,the priest thereupon repeats his question to the sun-god3 ,i ask thee1 ,o ,shamash6 great lord6 whether from the #c;d day of this month of ,iyar1 up to the #aath day of the month of ,ab of this year1 ,kashtariti1 with his soldiers1 whether the ,gimirrites1 the ,manneans1 the ,medes1 or whether any enemy whatsoever will take the said city1 ,kishassu1 enter that said city1 ,kishassu1 seize said city1 ,kishassu1 with their hands1 obtain it in their power4 ,the various terms used in describing the taking of a city are once more specified1 so as to fulfill all the demands of definiteness in the question4 ,the priest is now ready to proceed with an examination of the animal before him4 ,a varying list of omens are introduced into the prayers under consideration4 ,that they are so introduced is a proof of the official character of these texts4 ,the omens were not1 of course1 intended to be recited4 ,they are enumerated as a guide to the priests4 ,the various signs that may be looked for are noted1 and according to what the priest finds he renders his decision4 ,knudtzon has made the observation#ejg that in the prayers published by him1 the signs found on the animal are noted but not interpreted4 ,this rather curious omission is again naturally accounted for on the assumption that these prayers in their present form are part of a ritual compiled solely for the benefit of priests attached to a ,shamash sanctuary4 ,full directions were not required4 ,all that the priest needed was to know what to look for4 ,for the rest1 he depended upon tradition or his own knowledge or judgment4 ,the omens themselves1 or rather the signs1 refer to the condition in which certain parts of the animal are found or to peculiarities in the composition of the animal4 ,the priest is instructed to observe whether 'at the nape on the left side' there is a slit2 whether 'at the bottom on the left side of the bladder' some peculiarity#ejh is found or whether it is normal2 whether 'the nape to the right side' is sunk and split or whether the viscera are sound4 ,the proportions1 too1 in the size of the various parts of the body appear to have been of moment2 and in this way1 a large number of points are given to which the priest is to direct his attention4 ,from a combination of all peculiarities and signs in a given instance1 he divines the disposition of the god addressed1 whether it is favorable or not4 ,the whole ceremony is brought to a close by another appeal to the god to send an answer to the question put to him4 ,the priest prays3 ,by virtue of this sacrificial lamb1 arise and grant true mercy1 favorable conditions of the parts of the animal1 a declaration favorable and beneficial be ordained by thy great divinity4 ,grant that this may come to pass4 ,to thy great divinity1 ,o ,shamash6 great lord6 may it#eji be pleasing1#eaj and may an oracle be sent in answer6 ,in some of the prayers a second series of omen indications are given4 ,what the oracle announced we are1 of course1 not told4 ,the ritual is not concerned with results4 ,from the analysis just given it will be seen that the consultation of a deity was often entailed with much ceremony4 ,no doubt the priests did all in their power to add to the solemnity of such an occasion4 ,the kings on their side showed their lavishness in furnishing victims for the sacrifice4 ,again and again does ,esarhaddon solicit ,shamash to reveal the outcome of the military campaigns in which the king was engaged4 ,the same individual1 ,kashtariti1 and the ,gimirrites1 ,medes1 etc41 are mentioned in many other prayers prepared in the course of the campaign2 and elsewhere other campaigns are introduced4 ,what ,esarhaddon did1 no doubt his successors also did1 as he himself followed the example set by his predecessors4 ,we are justified1 then1 in concluding that a regular 'oracle and omen ritual' was developed in ,babylonia and ,assyria--how early it is of course impossible to say4 ,there is every reason to believe that in some form such a ritual existed in ,babylonia before the rise of ,assyria1 but it is also evident that in a military empire like ,assyria1 there would be more frequent occasion for securing oracles than in ,babylonia4 ,the ritual may therefore have been carried to a greater degree of perfection in the north4 ,the ,assyrian conquerors1 if we may judge from examples1 were fond of asking for an oracle at every turn in the political situation4 ,the king intends to send an official to a foreign land1 but he is uncertain as to the wisdom of his decision4 ,accordingly1 he puts the case before the god4 ,if this decision is taken1 he asks1 ,will the envoy carry out the orders of the king8 ,thy great divinity knows it4 ,is it commanded and ordained by thy great divinity1 ,o ,shamash8 ,is it to come to pass8#eaa ,in a similar way1 questions are asked with reference to the course of a campaign4 ,will the ,assyrian king encounter the king of ,ethiopia1 and will the latter give battle8 ,will the king return alive from the campaign8 is a question frequently asked4 ,even for their quasi-private affairs1 the kings sought for an oracle4 ,before giving his daughter in marriage to a foreign potentate1 ,esarhaddon desires to know whether the one seeking this favor1 ,bartatua1 the king of ,ishkuza1#eab is to be trusted1 will he fulfill his promises1 will he observe the decrees of ,esarhaddon1 the king of ,assyria1 and execute them in good faith8 ,again1 when the king is about to associate his son with himself in the government1 he first inquires whether this is agreeable to the deity4#eac ,the king fears lest his son may cause trouble1 may provoke dissensions4 ,past experience prompts him to be careful before following his inclination4 ,is the entrance of ,siniddinabal1 the son of ,esarhaddon1 the king of ,assyria1 whose name is written on this tablet1 into the government in accord with the command of thy great divinity8 ,is it to come to pass8 ,the reference to the writing of the name is interesting4 ,it would appear that the question is actually written by the priest and placed before the deity4 ,the ,greeks similarly put their questions to the ,delphian oracle in writing4 ,may it be that among the ,babylonians the answer of the god was at times also handed down on a tablet1 as the ,greek and ,roman oracles were communicated in writing on the leaves of a tree8 ,if sickness entered the royal house1 an oracle was likewise sought4 ,the king is sick4 ,is it ordained that he will recover8 ,we are told in one case that#ead ,nika1 the mother of ,esarhaddon1 the king of ,assyria1 is sick4 ,she sees the hand of the goddess ,nana of ,uruk laid heavily upon her4444 ,is it ordained that this hand will be lifted off from the sufferer8 ,the occasions1 it is evident1 were exceedingly numerous when the ,assyrian rulers appealed to the priests for oracles4 ,naturally1 this appeal was not in all cases made with the elaborate formality illustrated by ,esarhaddon's petitions to ,shamash4 ,at times the monarch1 as the individual1 would content himself with sending to the priest for an answer to a question1 and the priest would reply in an equally simple and direct manner4 ,quite a number of such messages1 sent by priests to their master1 are included in the valuable publication of ',assyrian ,letters1' begun by ,professor ,r4 ,f4 ,harper4#eae ,the king's son wishes to set out on a journey4 ,the father sends to the astrologers ,balasi and ,nabu-akheirba1 and receives the reply3#eaf ,as for ,ashur-mukinpalea1 about whom the king1 our lord1 has sent to us1 may ,ashur1 ,bel1 ,nabu1 ,sin1 ,shamash1 and ,ramman bless him4 ,may the king1 our lord1 witness his welfare 7874 ,conditions are favorable for the journey4 ,the second day is favorable1 the fourth day very favorable4 ,similarly1 the astrologers send reports regarding the appearance and position of the moon and the stars1 and of various phenomena that had to be taken into account in moments where decisive action had to be taken4 ,before leaving the subject1 it may be of interest to point out that among the literary remains of the ,assyrian period there are blank formulas for oracles1 the names in each instance to be filled out by the officiating priest4 ,such formulas were prepared1 no doubt1 for cases of common occurrence4 ,thus ,esarhaddon1 before appointing a person to a responsible position1 took the precaution of ascertaining from some deity whether the appointment was a wise one4 ,the name of the individual being written down1 the priest asks the deity in a general way3#eag ,will the man whose name appears on this tablet1 and whom he the king is about to appoint to such and such a position1 keep good faith1 or will he manifest hostility towards the king1 inciting to rebellion8 ,esarhaddon may have had a special reason for using precautions against his officials1 and even his sons4 ,he came to the throne during a rebellion which involved the assassination of his father4 ,esarhaddon's own brothers were the murderers4 ,we may well suppose that he trembled at every step he took1 but his position is after all characteristic of the ,assyrian rulers in general1 many of whom came to the throne by violence and maintained themselves through force4 ,other texts enable us to study the form of the oracles themselves4 ,as yet1 no oracle texts have been found belonging to the older ,babylonian period1 but we have again every reason to believe that what holds good for the days of ,assyrian power applies to a much earlier period1 though at the same time the greater frequency with which ,assyrian rulers were wont to ply their gods with questions would increase the number of those whose special business it was to pronounce the oracles4 ,the manifold duties of the priesthood would tend towards a differentiation of the priests into various classes4 ,the priest1 as exorciser1 would become distinct from the priest as the inspector of omens2 and the latter different again from the pronouncer of oracles4 ,from the fact that ,marduk was regarded as the special god of oracles by the ,assyrians as well as the ,babylonians1#eah we may conclude that this differentiation of the priestly classes took place already in the south1 or at all events that oracle-giving as a distinct priestly function was recognized in ,babylonia and carried over to the northern empire4 ,if we may draw a general conclusion from the state of affairs in ,esarhaddon's days1 this function was largely in the hands of women4 ,we know from other evidence that women were attached to the temple service from ancient times4#eai ,as sorceresses1 too1 they occupied a quasi-priestly position1 since their help could be invoked in driving evil spirits into the person of one's enemy4 ,the oracle-giver and the sorcerer or sorceress are correlated personages in religion4 ,for various reasons--in part1 perhaps1 because of her physical differences from man--woman was invested with a certain mystery by ancient nations4#ebj ,hence the fact that among so many nations witchcraft is associated with woman1 and similarly among many nations women perform the functions of the oracle4 ,in a series of eight oracles addressed to ,esarhaddon1#eba six are given forth by women4 ,these oracles1 it so happens1 all issue from the goddess ,ishtar of ,arbela4 ,the cult of this goddess at ,arbela stood in high favor in the eighth century ,b4,c4 ,an influential body of priests congregated there1 and the eight oracles in question appear to be a part of a more extensive collection made by the theologians of ,arbela1 of whose intellectual activity there are other traces4 ,arbela appears to have developed a special school of theology1 marked by the attempt to accord a superior position to the great goddess ,ishtar4 ,the one who pronounces the oracle speaks on behalf of ,ishtar1 and therefore employs the first person4 ,the oracles all have reference to political events4 ,they cannot1 of course1 be the answers to the questions asked in the prayers analyzed above1 since these were addressed to the sun-god2 but we may feel certain that the oracles of the ,shamash priests or priestesses were much of the same order1 varying only in minor particulars4 ,the goddess invariably encourages the king4 ,the priest1 it would appear1 hears the voice of the deity in the wind4 ,fear not6 ,the wind which speaks to thee-- ,comes with speech from me1 withholding nothing4#ebb ,thine enemies1 like the 444 of ,siwan1#ebc ,at thy feet will be poured out4 ,the great mistress am ,i4 ,i am ,ishtar of ,arbela1 who forces thine enemies to submission4 ,is there any utterance of mine that ,i addressed to thee upon which thou couldst not rely8 ,i am ,ishtar of ,arbela4 ,thine enemies1 the ,ukkites 7871 ,i give to thee1 even ,i1 ,ishtar of ,arbela4 ,in front and behind thee ,i march4 ,fear not6 ,this oracle1 we are told in the subscript1 was pronounced by a certain ,ishtar-la-tashiat1 a son i4e41 a native of ,arbela4 ,the dignity of the diction is very marked4 ,the very frequent assurance 'fear not' and the solemn repetition of ',i am ,ishtar' lend impressiveness to the message4 ,the oracle1 it will be seen1 deals in general phrases4 ,this indefiniteness characterizes most of them2 and the more impressive the diction1 the greater vagueness in the statements made4 ,so an oracle1 coming from ,ishtar and ,nabu and uttered by a woman ,baya1 a native of ,arbela1 announces3 ,fear not1 ,esarhaddon1 ,i1 the lord1 to thee do ,i speak4 ,the beams of thy heart ,i strengthen as thy mother1#ebd ,who gave thee life4 ,sixty great gods are with me#ebe ,drawn up to protect thee4 ,the god ,sin is on thy right1 ,shamash on thy left4 ,sixty great gods are round about thee ,drawn up in battle array in the center of the citadel4 ,on men do not rely4 ,lift up thine eyes to me4 ,look up to me6 ,i am ,ishtar of ,arbela4 ,ashur is gracious to thee4 ,thy weakness ,i will change to strength 7874 ,fear not6 glorify me6 ,is not the enemy subdued ,who has been handed over to thee8 ,i proclaim it aloud1 ,what has been will be4#ebf ,i am ,nabu1 the lord of the willing tablet1 ,glorify me4 ,a message of this kind could hardly have been satisfactory except as a general encouragement4 ,the popularity of the ,nabu cult in ,assyria1 it will be recalled1 is an offset against the supremacy of ,marduk in the south4 ,the ,assyrian kings found it to their interest to incorporate as much of the ,babylonian cult as was possible into their own religious ritual4 ,to ,shamash they assigned the role played by ,marduk4 ,there was no danger in paying homage to ,nabu1 the son of ,marduk4 ,ishtar they regarded as their own goddess quite as much as ,ashur4 ,these four deities1 therefore1 ,ishtar1 ,shamash1 ,nabu1 and ,ashur1 are the special gods of oracles recognized by the ,assyrian rulers4 ,marduk1 who is the chief source of oracles in the south1 is more rarely appealed to in the north1 though of course recognized as powerful4 ,he could not be expected to regard with favor an empire that so seriously threatened his supremacy in the pantheon4 ,the occasion when an oracle was announced was often one of great solemnity4 ,just as the prayers in which the questions of the kings were embodied were carefully written out1 so that the priest in reciting them might not commit any mistakes1 so the answer to the prayers were transmitted to the king in writing4 ,among the oracles of the days of ,esarhaddon1 there is one coming from ,ashur in which the ceremonies accompanying the deliverance are instanced4#ebg ,the oracle deals with the ,gimirrites1 the same people in regard to whom ,esarhaddon so often consults the sun-god4 ,it is marked by the more definite character of its announcements when compared with others4 ,the text is in the form of a communication made to the king1 and1 like other official documents1 it begins with a salutation4 ,the gods give ,esarhaddon greeting4#ebh ,ashur has given him the four ends of the earth4 ,in the house where he shines and is great1#ebi the king has no rival4 ,like the rising sun he shines4 ,this is the greeting from ,bel ,tarbasi#ecj and the assembled gods4 ,the god ,ashur himself now addresses the king3 ,as for those enemies that plot against thee1 that force thee to march out1 ,thou didst open thy mouth saying1 ,verily ,i implore ,ashur4 ,i have heard thy cry4 ,out of the great gate of heaven ,i proclaim aloud1 ',surely ,i will hasten to let fire devour them4 ,thou shall stand among them4 ,in front of thee ,i shall rise up4#eca ,up onto the mountain ,i bring them4 ,there to rain down upon them destructive stones4 ,thine enemies ,i hew down1 ,with their blood ,i fill the river4 ,let them behold and glorify me1 ,for ,ashur1 the lord of gods1 am ,i4' ,this important and striking message1 coming direct from ,ashur we are told1 is to be formally presented and read in the presence of the king4 ,instructions are added to the priests to pour out a libation of precious oil4 ,sacrifices of animals and waving of incense are to accompany the presentation4 ,the oracle1 as the god's answer to the king's questions1 thus gave rise to a ritual as elaborate as the rites connected with the preparations for the answer4 ,the oracles were not always trustworthy1 as we can well believe1 and often they were not definite enough4 ,if we may judge from an expression in one of the divine messages to ,esarhaddon1 the king appears to have entered a complaint against a former oracle1 which was not to his liking4 ,ishtar accordingly sends the following message3#ecb ,the former word which ,i spoke to thee1 ,on it thou didst not rely4 ,now1 then1 in the later one you may have confidence4 ,glorify me6 ,clearly1 the ,assyrian kings believed that the oracles existed to announce what they wanted to hear4 ,they probably did not hesitate to follow their own judgment whenever they considered it superior to the advice given to them by the gods4 ,there would1 of course1 be no difficulty in accounting for failures brought about through obedience to the oracles4 ,the priests1 hemmed in on every side by minute ceremonial observances1 forfeited their power as mediators by the slightest failure in the observance of these rites4 ,an error or a mishap would entail most serious consequences4 ,a misleading oracle1 therefore1 and to a certain extent1 unfavorable omens1 would be the fault of the priests4 ,the deity would send 'a lying message'#ecc or bring about unfavorable omens as a sign of his or her displeasure4 ,on the other hand1 the priests in turn would not hesitate--speaking of course in the name of the gods--to accuse the kings of neglecting ,ishtar or ,nabu or ,shamash1 as the case may be4 ,in an oracle addressed to ,esarhaddon1#ecd ,ishtar of ,arbela is represented as complaining that the king has done nothing for her1 although she has done so much for him4 ,such a state of affairs cannot go on4 ,since they do nothing for me1 ,i will not give anything to thee4 ,the king promptly responds by copious offerings1 and the goddess appears to be pacified4 ,there is another feature connected with the oracles that must be touched upon before passing on4 ,the oracles stand obviously in close relationship to the penitential psalms4 ,it was1 naturally1 in times of political distress that the kings would be particularly zealous in maintaining themselves on good terms with the powerful gods4 ,without their aid success could not be expected to crown any efforts4 ,guiding their steps by frequent consultations of the priests1 the appeals of the kings would increase in earnestness and fervor as the campaign progressed and assumed more serious aspects4 ,when disaster stared them in the face1 they would be forced to conclude that the gods were angered1 and there was only one way left of averting the divine wrath--a free confession of sins1 accompanied1 of course1 by offerings and magic rites4 ,the ,assyrian kings do not tell us in their annals of discomfitures that they encountered4 ,the penitential psalms supply this omission4 ,we have such a psalm written in the days of ,ashurbanabal1#ece in which that proud monarch humbles himself before the great god ,nabu1 and has the satisfaction in return of receiving a reassuring oracle4 ,he prays3 ,i confess to thee1 ,nabu1 in the presence of the great gods1 ,many#ecf 787 are my sins beyond endurance8#ecg ,lord 787 of ,nineveh1 ,i come before thee1 the warrior among the gods1 his brothers4 ,prolong 787 the life of ,ashurbanabal for a long period4 444 ,at the feet of ,nabu ,i prostrate myself4 ,the god reassures the king3 ,i will grant thee life1 ,o ,ashurbanabal1 even ,i1 ,nabu1 to the end of days ,thy feet shall not grow weary1 nor thy hands weak 7871 ,these lips of thine shall not cease to approach me1 ,thy tongue shall not be removed from thy lips1 ,for ,i give thee a favorable message4 ,i will raise thy head1 ,i will increase thy glory in the temple of ,e-babbara4#ech ,the reference to the temple of ,shamash at ,sippar reveals the situation4 ,babylonia was the cause of much trouble to ,ashurbanabal1 owing chiefly to the intrigues of his treacherous brother ,shamash-shumukin4#eci ,ashurbanabal at one time was not merely in danger of losing control over the south1 but of losing his life in the rebellion organized by his 'faithless brother4' ,a successful rebellion is a clear sign of a god's displeasure4 ,marduk1 as we have seen1 was not often appealed to by the ,assyrian kings1 but ,nabu seemed always ready to help them4 ,hence the king confesses his sins and makes an appeal to the great ,babylonian god and not to ,ashur4 ,he is encouraged by the promise that his life will be spared1 and that his supremacy will be recognized in ,babylonia4 ,the great sanctuary of ,sippar is here employed figuratively for the temples of ,babylonia in general4 ,to be glorified in that famous temple was equivalent to a recognition of royal authority4 ,that these oracles served a practical purpose is definitely proved by the manner in which they are introduced by the kings in their annals4 ,ashurbanabal tells us that in the course of one of his campaigns against ,elam1 he addressed a fervent prayer to ,ishtar of ,arbela1 and in reply the message comes1 as in the texts we have been considering1 ,fear not2 and she adds1 ,thy hands raised towards me1 and thy eyes filled with tears1 ,i look upon with favor4#edj ,dreams4 ,it is1 of course1 not necessary to assume that the oracles of the gods were always delivered in the same formal manner1 accompanied by elaborate ceremonies4 ,the gods at times reveal themselves in a more direct manner to their favorites4 ,in visions of the night they appear to encourage the ,assyrian army by an oracle4 ,on one occasion1 when the army of ,ashurbanabal approached a rushing stream which they were afraid to cross1 ,ishtar makes her appearance at night1 and declares1 ,i walk in front of ,ashurbanabal1 the king who is the creation of my hands4#eda ,the army1 thus reassured1 crosses the river in safety4 ,on another occasion1 ,ashurbanabal1 when threatened by the king of ,elam1 receives a message from ,ishtar revealed to a seer in a dream at night4 ,the seer--no doubt a priest--reports to the king3#edb ',ishtar1 dwelling in ,arbela1 came with quivers hung on her right and left side1 with a bow in her hand1 and girded 787 with a pointed1 unsheathed sword4 ,before thee i4e41 the king she stood1 and like the mother that bore thee4#edc ,ishtar1 supreme among the gods1 addressed thee1 commanding3 ,be encouraged#edd for the fray4 ,wherever thou art1 ,i am4' ,in connection with the importance that the ,babylonians and ,assyrians1 in common with all ancient nations1 attached to dreams1 divine messages thus revealed had a special significance fully on a par with the oracles that were formally delivered with an accompaniment of elaborate rites4 ,a god appearing to one in a dream was a manifestation1 the force of which could not be disputed4 ,it mattered little to whom the dream was sent4 ,ashur1 on one occasion1 chose to reveal himself to an enemy of ,ashurbanabal with a message4 ,he appears in a dream before ,gyges1 the king of ,lydia1 and tells him1#ede ,pay homage to ,ashurbanabal1 the king of ,assyria1 and by the power of his name conquer thine enemies4 ,gyges obeys and sends a messenger to the ,assyrian monarch to inform him of the dream4 ,occasionally in this way a deity might appear to a king1 but in general it was to the professional 'dreamer' rather than to the laity to whom oracles were thus sent4 ,the message was not necessarily delivered in person by the deity4 ,sin1 the moon-god1 on one occasion writes his message on the moon's disc3 ,against all who have evil designs ,and hostile sentiments towards ,ashurbanabal1 the king of ,assyria1 ,will ,i send a miserable death4#edf ,every dream was of course sent by some god1 but the dreams of others than those who acted as mediators between the gods and men were of a different character4 ,they were omens4 ,the gods would reveal themselves indirectly by means of pictures or symbols1 and it would require the services of a priest again to interpret such symbols or omens4 ,the gods were asked to send such dreams as might receive a favorable interpretation1#edg and when a dream came unsolicited1 the gods were implored to convert the dream into a favorable omen4 ,in the case of dreams1 it will be apparent1 the dividing line between oracles proper and omens becomes exceedingly faint and it is very doubtful whether the ,babylonians or ,assyrians recognized any essential difference between the two4 ,the suggestion has already been thrown out that there is a wider aspect to omens in the ,babylonian religion than their employment in connection with sacrificial offerings4 ,we have reached a point when it will be proper to take up this wider aspect4 ,,footnotes3 #dia ,see ,king1 ,babylonian ,magic1 p4 xxx4 #dib ,harper's ,assyrian ,letters1 no4 #bai4 #dic ,assyrische ,gebete an den ,sonnengott fuer ,staat und ,koenigliches ,haus 7,leipzig1 #ahic1 #b vols474 #did ,knudtzon1 no4 #a4 #die ,that the priest recites the prayer and not the king is shown by the frequent introduction of the king's name in the #c;d person4 ,see1 e4g41 ,knudtzon1 nos4 #dj-dg4 #dif #b;d month4 #dig #eth month4 #dih ,i4e41 the priest is only asked for an oracle regarding the events of the next one hundred days4 #dii ,various machines are mentioned4 ,the precise meaning of the technical terms employed is not known4 #ejj ,by invoking the assistance of the gods4 #eja ,peacefully1 by mutual agreement and the promise of favors4 #ejb ,one is reminded of the ,arabic phrase ,allah alone knows it1 so frequently introduced in ,mohammedan writings4 #ejc ,lit41 ',seen will it be seen1 heard will it be heard8' ,the emphatic construction is identical with the one frequently employed in ,biblical ,hebrew4 #ejd ,knudtzon 7p4 #be7 did not grasp the negative force of ezib4 ,the word is a request that something might not happen4 #eje ,where the animal is to be inspected1 probably the altar itself4 #ejf ,in the ,jewish ritual and many others1 stress is laid upon pronouncing the words of a prayer clearly and deliberately1 especially such words as have a particularly sacred value4 #ejg ,assyrische ,gebete1 p4 #ej4 #ejh ,exactly of what nature cannot be ascertained4 ,the text 7,knudtzon1 no4 #bi1 rev4 #ae7 is defective at this point4 #eji ,the prayer or the lamb4 #eaj ,lit41 'proceed4' #eaa ,knudtzon1 no4 #ff4 ,other examples are furnished in ,george ,smith's ,history of ,ashurbanabal1 pp4 #ahd1 #ahe4 #eab ,a district to the northeast of ,assyria2 ,knudtzon1 no4 #bi4 #eac ,ib4 no4 #ajg4 #ead ,ib4 no4 #aja4 #eae ,four volumes comprising several hundred letters have already appeared under the title1 ,assyrian ,letters of the ,k4 ,collection 7,london1 #ahif74 ,for a good summary of the character of the ,assyrian epistolary literature1 see ,johnston's article in the ,journal of the ,american ,oriental ,society1 xviii4 #a1 pp4 #abe-acd4 #eaf ,harper1 no4 #gg4 #eag ,e4g41 ,knudtzon1 no4 #abd4 #eah ,zimmern1 ,busspsalmen1 p4 #cb4 ,the popularity of the sun-cult in ,assyria in connection with omens and oracles is probably due also in part to the influence of ,marduk1 who was1 as we have seen1 a solar deity4 #eai ,lehman1 ,samassumukin1 p4 #db4 #ebj ,see ,ploss1 ,das ,weib1 pp4 #eid-fjf2 also above1 p4 #bfg4 #eba ,,ivr4 pl4 #fa4 #ebb ,i4e41 ,ishtar sends the wind with a clear message4 #ebc #c;d month4 #ebd ,perhaps a proverbial phrase1 having the force of ',i nurture thee as thy own mother did4' #ebe ,constituting the host of ,ishtar1 which is elsewhere referred to1 e4g41 ,,ivr4 #b;d ,ed4 pt4 #fa1 col4 i4 #bg4 #ebf ,lit41 'the future or later things like the former4' #ebg ,published by ,s4 ,a4 ,strong1 ,beitraege zur ,assyriologie1 ii4 #fbg-cc4 #ebh ,the opening lines1 containing a reference to the ,gimirrites1 are imperfectly preserved4 #ebi ,i4e41 he is the greatest scion of the reigning dynasty4 #ecj ',lord of the court'--a title of ,ashur4 #eca ,as a protection1 just as ,jahwe appears in a pillar of cloud to protect his people4 #ecb ,,ivr4 #b;d ,ed4 #fa1 col4 vi4 #dg-eb4 #ecc ,see ,i ,kings1 xxii4 #bc4 #ecd ,strong1 ,beitraege zur ,assyriologie1 ii4 #fbh1 #fbi4 #ece ,published and translated by ,s4 ,a4 ,strong1 ,transactions of the ,ninth ,international ,oriental ,congress 7#ahic71 ii4 #aii-bjh4 #ecf ,supplied from the context1 through comparison with similar compositions4 #ecg ,lit41 'my soul cannot overcome4' #ech ,the composition continues in this strain1 ,ashurbanabal and ,nabu speaking alternately4 #eci ,see ,tiele1 ,babyl4-,assyr4 ,geschichte1 pp4 #cga seq4 #edj ,george ,smith1 ,annals of ,ashurbanabal1 p4 #aba4 #eda ,rassam ,cylinder1 ,,vr4 col4 v4 ll4 #ie-ajc4 #edb ,george ,smith1 ,annals of ,ashurbanabal1 pp4 #aai-aba4 #edc ,with maternal kindness4 #edd ,lit41 'look up4' #ede ,rassam ,cylinder1 col ii4 ll4 #ih seq4 #edf ,ib4 col4 iii4 ll4 #abb-abd4 #edg ,e4g41 ,,ivr4 #ei1 no4 #b1 #ba;b4 ,,chapter ,,xx4 ,,various ,,classes ,,of ,,omens4 ,there is a close connection between the various branches of the religious literature of ,babylonia and ,assyria that we have hitherto been considering4 ,the magic incantations are1 as we have seen1 a form of prayer4 ,on the other hand1 prayers1 whether hymns or confessions of sin with an appeal for relief from suffering or distress1 or embodying the petition for a divine response to some question or questions1 are never entirely dissociated from incantations1 and are invariably based upon the same beliefs that give to the element of magic such a prominent place in the religion4 ,the omens form part of this same order of beliefs4 ,the connecting link between incantations and omens is the sense of mystery impressed upon man by two orders of phenomena--the phenomena of his own life and the phenomena of the things about him4 ,in his own life1 nothing was more mysterious to him than the power of speech4 ,it is doubtful whether he recognized that the animals communicated with one another by means of the sounds that they emitted2 but even if he did1 the great gap separating such means of communication from the power residing in the combination of sounds1 of which he could avail himself1 must have been all the more impressive4 ,in view of this1 it is not difficult to understand that a magic force was attributed to words as such4 ,of course1 a somewhat advanced degree of culture must have been reached before such a belief would be given a definite form of expression2 but even in the simplest form of social organization the notion of authority necessarily exists1 and authority is inseparable from words4 ,the chief commands1 and the conclusion is naturally drawn that the words he utters are imbued with the power to force obedience4 ,these two factors--the mystery of speech and the practical demonstration of the power residing in words--are sufficient to account for the part played by incantations among all nations at a certain stage of their religious development2 and once introduced1 the conservatism attaching to religious rites would ensure their continuance even after the popular religious beliefs had passed far beyond the stage in question4 ,the modifications introduced into the incantations would be nigh endless4 ,there would develop a tendency to greater complications in the combination of words4 ,at the same time their literary form would be improved4 ,prayers and hymns reflecting advanced religious sentiments would be produced1 but the magic element connected with the words as such would not for that reason be lost sight of4 ,the efficacy of such prayers would still depend upon their being uttered in the right manner and--what is equally to the point--by the right person4 ,corresponding to the chief in secular affairs--who alone can pronounce words that give evidence of their power by the results produced--is the priest in religious affairs to whom1 as the mediator between the gods and men1 the secret is entrusted of uttering the right words in the right way1 so as to produce the desired results1 to force1 as it were1 obedience from the gods1 as a chief forces obedience from his subjects4 ,in a more advanced stage of religious culture1 the position of the priest is no less powerful and important4 ,when incantations yield to prayers in the proper sense1 or are combined with prayers1 it is only the priests who can make the prayers effective by their interceding in some way with the gods1 whether by adding their appeal to that of the supplicant1 or by the performance of the rites accompanying prayer1 or by their aid in leading the worshipper into the presence of the deity and standing with him before the throne of grace4 ,when man turns from a contemplation of self to the things around him1 there is added to the sense of the mysterious which is aroused in him1 the feeling of his own weakness which is borne in upon him with overpowering force4 ,he cannot fail to realize how dependent he is upon the sun1 the moon1 the rain1 and the storm4 ,at every step he takes dangers beset his path4 ,the animal world is at times hostile1 at times friendly2 but whether the one or the other1 it is essential for him to carefully note all that is going on around him4 ,every happening or sight of an unusual character arouses now his sense of fear1 and again his hope4 ,he learns to attach special importance to deviations from the normal course of things4 ,there must be a reason for the exception from the rule4 ,it betokens something1 and1 concerned as man primarily is for his own welfare1 he naturally comes to connect both the regular phenomena of nature as well as the deviations1 the normal traits and habits of the animal world as well as peculiar features occasionally occurring1 with his own fate4 ,to forestall the future was his only safeguard against the dangers in store for him4 ,it was of the utmost importance to him to know what was coming or1 at all events1 to be on the lookout for something1 in order to be in a proper frame to receive either the benefits or to meet the difficulties of the situation4 ,his powers of observation--upon which man in a primitive state depended almost entirely for his sustenance--were thus further strengthened by the necessity of protecting himself1 so far as possible1 against the uncertainties of the future4 ,nothing would escape him4 ,the movement of the stars and planets1 their position at different seasons and periods1 the appearance of the clouds1 an eclipse1 the conditions of the streams1 an earthquake1 the direction of the winds1 storms1 the flight of birds1 the barking of dogs1 the movements of snakes and serpents1 peculiar marks on the bodies of children1 of adults and animals1 monstrosities among mankind or the brute creation1 the meeting with certain persons or animals1 the rustling of leaves1 the change of seasons1 the lustre of precious stones1 all attracted man's attention4 ,whatever he saw might portend something to him1 in fact did portend something2 hence the one great aim and ideal of his life was to see everything4 ,seeing meant foreseeing1 and the man who could see everything--the seer par excellence1 who could also understand what he saw--held in his hands the key that would unlock the secrets of the future4 ,he possessed the means of forecasting events4 ,apart1 then1 from the interpretation of omens in connection with sacrifices and incantations1 the individual had to be on the outlook at all times for signs and portents4 ,to neglect them would entail serious consequences4 ,this wider aspect of omens accounts for the extensive omen literature that arose in ,babylonia and ,assyria4 ,fully one-fourth of the portion of ,ashurbanabal's library that has been discovered consists of omens1#edh tablets of various size in which explanations are afforded of all physical peculiarities to be observed in animals and men1 of natural phenomena1 of the position and movements of the planets and stars1 of the incidents and accidents of public and private life1--in short1 of all possible occurrences and situations4 ,as yet but a small proportion of this literature has been published1 and a thorough understanding of it is impossible until systematic publications shall have been issued4 ,meanwhile it is safe to assert that1 as in the case of incantations and prayers1 the omens were generally combined into series by the ,babylonian and ,assyrian scribes4 ,omens ,from ,planets and ,stars4 ,ihering observes#edi that the stars were observed by the ,babylonians in the interest of navigation4 ,while this is true1 yet the chief motive in the development of astronomy in the ,euphrates ,valley was the belief that the movements of the heavenly bodies portended something that was important for man to know4 ,that the stars served as guides to the mariner was only an additional reason for attaching great importance to the heavenly phenomena4 ,scientific observations were but means to an end2 and the end was invariably the derivation of omens from the movements and position of the planets and stars4 ,when1 therefore1 we find the astronomers sending reports to their royal masters apparently of a purely scientific character1 we may be certain that although no omens are mentioned1 both parties had omens in mind4 ,the astronomical reports1 of which quite a number have already been published1#eej may therefore be reckoned as part of the omen literature4 ,the vernal equinox was a period of much significance4 ,the astronomer royal accordingly reports3#eea ,on the sixth day of ,nisan1#eeb ,day and night were balanced4 ,there were six double hours of day1 ,six double hours of night4 ,may ,nabu and ,marduk ,be gracious to the king1 my lord4 ,on another occasion the equinox took place on the #aeth of ,nisan1#eec and accordingly this is reported4 ,again1 the appearance of the new moon was anxiously looked for each month1 and the king is informed whether or not it was seen on the #bith or #cjth day of the month4#eed ,a watch we kept ,on the twenty-ninth day1 ,the moon we saw4 ,may ,nabu and ,marduk ,be gracious to the king1 my lord4 ,from ,nabua of the city of ,ashur4 ,an extraordinary event1 such as an eclipse1 is made the subject of a more elaborate report4 ,the ,babylonian astronomers had developed their scientific attainments to the point of calculating the time when an eclipse of the sun or the moon would take place4 ,as this period approached1 they watched for the eclipse4 ,we have an interesting specimen of a report in which the astronomer announces that an expected eclipse for which a watch was kept for three days did not appear4#eee ,another addressed to an official reads3#eef ,to the ,agriculturist1#eeg my lord1 ,thy servant ,nabushumiddin1 ,an officer of ,nineveh1 ,may ,nabu and ,marduk be gracious ,to the ,agriculturist1 my lord4 ,the fourteenth day we kept a watch for the moon4 ,the moon suffered an eclipse4 ,the reports pass over into indications of omens with an ease which shows that the observations of the astronomers were made with this ulterior motive in view4 ,a report which forms a supplement to one above translated furnishes the interpretation given to the vernal equinox3#eeh ,the moon and sun are balanced1 ,the subjects will be faithful1#eei ,the king of the land will reign for a long time4 ,the complement1 then1 to the purely scientific observations is furnished by these official communications to the kings and others1 setting forth in response1 no doubt1 to commands or inquiries1 the meaning of any particular phenomenon1 or of the position of the planets1 or of any of the stars at any time1 or of their movements4 ,of such communications we have a large number4 ,they illustrate the great attention that was paid to details in the observation of the heavenly bodies4 ,the moon as the basis of the calendrical system occupies the first place in these reports4 ,its movements were more varied than those of the sun4 ,through its phases1 its appearance and disappearance at stated intervals1 a safe point of departure was obtained for time calculations4 ,while the sun through its daily course regulated the divisions of the day1 the moon by its phases fixed the division of weeks and months4 ,the moon never appeared quite the same on two successive nights nor in the same part of the heavens4 ,the more variety1 the more significance--was a principle of general application in the interpretation of omens4 ,whether the ,babylonians also recognized an influence of the moon on the tides1 we have no certain means of determining1 but it is eminently likely that trained as their astronomers were in careful observation1 this was the case4 ,but apart from this1 there were many events in public and private affairs that appeared to them to stand in close connection with the movements of the orb of night4 ,nothing that occurred being regarded as accidental1 the conclusion was forced upon the ,babylonians that the time when something was undertaken was of significance4 ,the fact that certain undertakings succeeded1 while others failed1 was most easily explained upon the theory that there were periods favorable for the action involved and periods unfavorable4 ,the gathering of past experience thus becomes a guiding principle in the interpretation of the movements of the moon2 and what applies to the moon applies1 of course1 to the other planets and to the stars4 ,no doubt other factors are involved1 such as association of ideas2 but it is evident from a careful study of the omen literature that conclusions drawn from what appears to us as the accidental relation of past occurrences to the phenomena presented by the planets and stars constituted fully three-fourths of the wisdom of the ,euphratean augurs4 ,the same report1 of which a portion has already been quoted1#efj continues after interpreting the meaning of the equinox with a diagnosis of other concurrent conditions3#efa ,sun and moon are seen apart1#efb ,the king of the country will manifest wisdom4#efc ,on the fourteenth day sun and moon are seen together1 ,there will be loyalty in the land1 ,the gods of ,babylonia are favorably inclined1 ,the soldiery will be in accord with the king's desire1 ,the cattle of ,babylonia will pasture in safety4#efd ,from ,ishtar-shumeresh4 ,the same conditions appearing on another day may portend precisely the reverse4 ,so another report informs the king3#efe ,on the fifteenth day the sun and moon are seen together1 ,a powerful enemy raises his weapons against the land1 ,the enemy will smash the great gate of the city1 ,the star ,anu appears bright1 ,the enemy will devastate4 ,it is quite evident that such reports must have been sent in response to royal orders asking for the meaning of existing conditions or of conditions that may be observed on certain days4 ,at times the prognostications assume a remarkable degree of definiteness which forms a striking contrast to the general vagueness of the oracles4 ,an official1 ,balasi1 reports#eff on one occasion regarding the significance of the moon appearing unexpectedly3 ,the moon is seen out of season1 ,crops will be small4 ,on the twelfth day the moon is seen together with the sun4#efg ,contrary to the calculated time1 ,the moon and sun appear together1 ,a strong enemy will devastate the land4 ,the king of ,babylonia will be forced to submit to his enemy4 ,on the twelfth day1 the moon with the sun is seen1 ,on the twelfth day is seen4 ,evil is in store for ,babylonia4 ,it is a favorable sign for ,elam and the west land1 ,but surely unfavorable for ,babylonia4 ,the reports were not always concerned with political affairs4 ,frequently there is a reference to lions and hyenas that might be expected to make their appearance because of certain natural phenomena4 ,often crops are referred to1 and according as the conditions are favorable or not1 fertility or famine is predicted in the official reports4 ,on other occasions the astrologers venture the very safe prognostication that male children will be born or that there will be miscarriages1 though it seems likely that in such cases the forecast is intended for the affairs of the palace alone4 ,we have seen#efh what great importance was attached by the ,babylonians to eclipses4 ,it will be appropriate1 therefore1 to give a specimen of an astrologer's report in reference to such a phenomenon3#efi ,the moon disappeared1#egj evil will settle in the land4 ,the moon1 contrary to calculation1 disappeared4 ,an eclipse has taken place4 ,on the twenty-ninth day the moon disappeared ,and the sun on the day of the eclipse entered the circle4#ega ,it is an eclipse of ,elam4#egb ,if in the month of ,kislev1#egc an eclipse is observed ,that encircles 787 the sun and the moon disappears1 ,upon the observation of the eclipse1 ,then may the king be exalted4 ,may the heart of the king1 my lord1 rejoice4 ,from ,khushi-ilu1 the servant of the king1 the eponym4 ,another report reads3#egd ,to the king1 my lord1 ,thy servant ,ishtar-iddinabal1 ,the chief of the astronomers of ,arbela4 ,may ,nabu1 ,marduk1 ,ishtar of ,arbela ,be gracious to the king1 my lord1 ,on the twenty-ninth day a watch we kept4 ,at the observatory clouds1 ,the moon we did not see4 ,this report was sent on the second day of the month of ,shebat4#ege ,from these specimens and others1 it is evident that reports regarding the appearance or non-appearance of the new moon were regularly sent4 ,but in addition to this1 the kings sent to the observatory on numerous other occasions for information with reference to the significance of certain phenomena4 ,as in the case of the moon1 so also for the sun and the stars1 reports were transmitted that served as guides in directing the kings in their affairs4 ,so on one occasion ,nabu-mushesi forecasts that#egf ,if the 'great lion' star is dark1 ,it is favorable for the country4 ,if the 'king' star is dark1 ,the chamberlain#egg 787 of the palace dies4 ,the official character of these reports is one of their significant features4 ,their great variety is an indication of the frequent occasions on which the kings consulted the astrologers4 ,no important enterprise was undertaken without first ascertaining what phenomena might be looked for on the day fixed for any action1 and what these phenomena portended4 ,in the case of the ,assyrian reports1 it is natural to find many allusions to foreign nations1 since war occupied so much of the time and energies of the ,assyrian rulers4 ,but we have seen that for private affairs the astrologers were also consulted1 as well as for the internal affairs of the country4 ,the reports illustrate the practical application of what became known in the ancient world as ,chaldaean wisdom4 ,if1 however1 we would know the source whence the astrologers derived the knowledge which they furnished in their reports1 we must turn to the long lists prepared by the priests1 in which all possible phenomena connected with the planets and stars were noted and their meaning indicated4 ,these compilations constitute the ',priestly ,codes' of the ,babylonians1 and1 as already intimated1 they were combined just as the incantations and prayers1 into series4 ,many such series must have existed at one time in ,babylonia4 ,a great temple was incomplete without its observatory1 and we are warranted in concluding that every great religious center of the ,euphrates ,valley had its collection of omen tablets4 ,the natural ambition of the priests was to make such a series as complete as possible4 ,the larger the number of observations it contained1 the greater the possibility of finding an answer to the question put to them4 ,to these lists additions would constantly be made1 and1 if we may judge from the manner of literary composition that prevailed among the ancient ,hebrews and later among the ,arabs1 the work of the compilers of omen series consisted essentially in combining whatever material they could obtain1 and adding such observations as they themselves had made4 ,while1 therefore1 the omen code of one place might differ in details from that of another1 not only would the underlying principles be the same in all1 but each series would represent an aggregation of experiences and observations drawn from various quarters4 ,a large omen series of which as yet only fragments have been published#egh bears the title ',illumination of ,bel4' ,it is estimated that this astrological code embraced more than one hundred tablets4 ,from the fragments published1 the general method employed in the preparation of the series can be gathered4 ,to the moon and to the sun1 to each of the planets1 and to the important stars a separate section was assigned4 ,in this section the peculiarities1 regular and irregular1 connected with each of the bodies were noted1 their appearance and disappearance1 the conditions prevailing at rising and at setting1 the relationship of the moon to the sun or to a star1 of the stars to one another and to the ecliptic1 were set forth4 ,since1 however1 the time when a phenomenon connected with a planet or star was as important as the phenomenon itself1 observations were entered for the various months of the year and for various days in each month4 ,the days were not arbitrarily chosen1 but1 as there is every reason to believe1 selected on the basis of past experience4 ,similarly the interpretations of the phenomena were founded on the actual occurrence of certain events at certain times when the conditions indicated actually existed4 ,a single occurrence might suffice for predicating a connection between the event and the phenomenon4 ,the coincidence would constitute an observation1 but the omen would naturally gain additional force if it was based on a repeated observation of the same phenomenon on the same day of the same month4 ,but such a case would be rare1 and the effort of the astrologers would be directed simply towards gathering as many observations of phenomena as possible4 ,they would rest content when they had found a single connection between the phenomenon and the event4 ,their success in giving an answer to a question put to them as to what might happen on a certain day1 fixed for battle or for laying the foundations of an edifice1 or for dedicating a temple1 for setting out on an expedition1 or for any undertaking whatsoever1 would depend on the completeness of their lists1 and correspondingly the interpretation of a phenomenon occurring on any day would entail no difficulties if in their consultation lists the phenomenon would be recorded4 ,the #bb;d tablet of the series ',illumination of ,bel' deals with the important subject of eclipses4 ,it contains #hh lines1 and furnishes us with a good specimen of the class of omens under consideration4 ,it begins#egi with eclipses that may take place during the first month1 and runs along through the twelve months of the year4 ,the #adth1 #aeth1 #afth1 #bjth1 and #bast days of the month are those set down when eclipses have been observed4 ,the official character of the omens is indicated by their repeated references to the nations with which ,babylonia--and later ,assyria--came into contact1 and to the fate in store for the rulers of the country4 ,for the third month1 the tablet notes3 ,in the month of ,sivan1 an eclipse happening on the #adth day1 proceeding from east to west1 beginning with the middle watch1#ehj and ending with the morning watch1 the shadow being seen in the east--the side of obscuration--furnishes an omen#eha for the king of ,dilmun4#ehb ,the king of ,dilmun is slain4 ,an eclipse happening on the #aeth day1 the king of ,dilmun is slain1 and some one seizes the throne4 ,an eclipse happening on the #afth day1 the king is deposed and slain1 and a worthless person seizes the throne4 ,an eclipse happening on the #bjth day1 rains descend from heaven1 and the canals are flooded4 ,an eclipse happening on the #bast day1 sorrow and despair in the land4 ,the land is full of corpses4 ,the eclipses for the fourth month furnish omens for the king of ,guti--another district with which ,babylonia and ,assyria had frequent dealings4 ,an eclipse happening in the month of ,tammuz on the #adth day1 proceeding from the west to the south1 beginning with the first watch and ending with the middle watch1 the shadow being seen in the west--the side of obscuration--furnishes an omen for the king of ,guti4 ,overthrow of ,guti by force1 followed by complete submission4 ,an eclipse happening on the #aeth day#ehc1 rains descend from heaven1 floods come upon the land1 famine in the land4 ,an eclipse happening on the #afth day1 women have miscarriages4 ,an eclipse happening on the #bjth day1 storms set in and famine2 afterwards for a year storms destroy property#ehd4 ,an eclipse happening on the #bast day1 the armies of the king revolt and deliver him into the hands of enemies4 ,the eclipses of the following month deal with several countries4 ,an eclipse in the month of ,ab#ehe on the #adth day1 proceeding from the south to the east1 beginning with the first watch1 or with the morning watch1 and ending at sunrise1 the shadow being seen in the south--the side of obscuration--furnishes an omen for the king of ,umliash4 ,the soldiery are engaged in severe conflicts for a year1 and are slain by force of arms4 ,an eclipse happening on the #aeth day#ehf1 the king dies1 and rains descend from heaven1 and floods fill the canals4 ,an eclipse happening on the #afth day1 the king of ,babylonia dies4 ,pestilence#ehg feeds upon the country4 ,an eclipse happening on the #bjth day1 the king of the ,hittites#ehh in person 787 seizes the throne4 ,an eclipse happening on the #bast day1 a deity strikes 787 the king1 and fire consumes king and land4 ,from these specimens1 the general principle of the section is apparent4 ,since eclipses portend public and political disasters of some kind1 the compiler has carefully gathered oracles given on previous occasions to some ruler1 or observations of the events that occurred at the time of the recorded eclipses4 ,the apparently restricted application of the omens was no hindrance to their practical use4 ,in the event of an astrologer being consulted with regard to the significance of an eclipse on a certain day1 his list would furnish a safe basis for further prognostications1 suitable to the political conditions that prevailed4 ,but in order to meet all contingencies1 other lists furnishing further omens for eclipses were added4 ,the #bb;d tablet of the ',illumination of ,bel' series is followed by one#ehi which1 while dealing with the same subject1 approaches it somewhat differently1 and is based on a different principle4 ,it begins again with the first month1 and in twelve paragraphs takes up in succession the months of the year4 ,choosing for comparison the same three months1 the third1 fourth1 and fifth1 which we selected in the case of the #bb;d tablet1 it will be seen that1 while the references are again to public affairs1 the prognostications are of a more general character and of wider applicability4 ,if in the #c;d month an eclipse takes place on the #adth day1 rains will descend and flood the canals4 ,storms will cause inundations4 ,the soldiery of ,babylonia will destroy the country4 ,an eclipse on the #aeth day indicates that king against king will send troops#eij4 ,the king of legions dies4 ,an eclipse on the #afth day signifies that the king will be slain1 and that some one will seize the throne4#eia ,an eclipse on the #bjth day means that the king will hand his throne to his son4 ,an eclipse happening on the #bast day portends rain1#eib and an invasion of the enemy's land4 ,for the #dth month an eclipse on the #adth day portends that rains will descend and the canals will be flooded4 ,rains will cause inundations4 ,there will be famine4 ,a large country will be reduced to a small one4 ,an eclipse on the #aeth day portends that rains will descend1 canals will be flooded1 and there will be famine in the land4 ,an eclipse on the #afth day portends famine for a year4 ,an eclipse on the #bjth day portends destruction of the king and his army4 ,an eclipse happening on the #bast day indicates that there will be a strong wind that will destroy the riches of the sea4#eic ,for the #eth month an eclipse on the #adth day portends rains and flooding of canals4 ,the crops will be good and king will send peace to king4#eid ,an eclipse on the #aeth day portends destructive war4 ,the land will be filled with corpses4 ,an eclipse on the #afth day indicates that pregnant women will be happily delivered of their offspring4 ,an eclipse on the #bjth day portends that lions will cause terror and that reptiles will appear2 an eclipse on the #bast day that destruction 787 will overtake the riches of the sea4#eic ,the vagueness of many of the prognostications is in all probabilities intentional1 just as we found to be the case in most of the oracles announced to the kings4 ,to predict rains during the rainy months was comparatively safe4 ,the storms which visited ,babylonia annually brought with them destruction of cattle4 ,they conditioned the fertility of the country1 but pestilence was often caused by the evaporation of the waters4 ,again1 military expeditions were usually undertaken in the spring of the year before the great heat set in1 and in a country like ,assyria1 it was safe to hazard a vague prediction that hostilities would ensue1 and that some district would be diminished4 ,what may be called the 'eclectic' character of the omen series under consideration thus becomes apparent4 ,the lists consisted1 on the one hand1 of omens obtained on certain occasions and with reference to some specific circumstance1 such as a campaign against some country1 and1 on the other hand1 of prognostications of a more general character1 based on the general climatic conditions of the country1 and referring to events of frequent occurrence4 ,all that the scribes in preparing the series were concerned with1 was to collect as many omens as they could1 and to arrange them in some convenient order4 ,just as they prepared lists referring to military events1 so they put together others in which some other theme was treated4 ,the reports and omen tablets thus complement one another4 ,the latter are based on the former1 and the former were obtained by the interpretation of phenomena1 furnished by the tablets and applied to the particular case submitted to the priests4 ,we need not1 of course1 suppose that all prognostications found in the series1 especially in those parts of it which are of a more general character1 were based upon reports actually made1 any more than that the official reports to the kings even in later days were always based upon a consultation of some series of tablets4 ,individual judgment1 both in compiling a series and in interpreting phenomena1 must at all times have played some part4 ,the reports and the series also embody to some extent the results of experience not previously put to writing2 but these considerations do not alter the general proposition set forth in this chapter as to the practical purpose served by the omen series as well as by the reports1 and the pragmatic origin of both4 ,the importance of eclipses gave to omens connected with such events a special significance4 ,eclipses1 however1 were after all rare events1 and while because of their rarity they always portended something of great moment1 still the ordinary phenomena were the ones that had to be studied by the astrologers with great care in order to obtain a rational view of the relationship between the phenomena of nature and the fate of the individual or of the state4 ,again1 eclipses1 as a general thing1 pointed to a public disaster of some kind1 and this recognized belief lightened the task of the priest considerably in this instance4 ,in the case of ordinary phenomena it was much more difficult to find the connection between cause and effect2 and in the vast majority of instances when kings and individuals sought the temples for omens1 the heavens must have presented a normal and not an abnormal appearance4 ,what answers were the priests to give to the questions put to them8 ,was it a favorable period for undertaking a military campaign8 ,on what day should the king set out8 ,was the day fixed on by the council of war favorable for a battle8 ,on what day should the foundation for the temple or palace be laid8 ,will the sick person recover8 ,should one set out on a proposed journey8 ,is the day fixed for a marriage auspicious8 ,recognizing by experience that the same thing undertaken at different times turned out differently1 in the one case being brought to a successful issue1 in the other followed by misfortune1 the conclusion was forced upon the popular mind 7as already set forth above7 that the day on which something was done or was to be done was of great moment4 ,but how did one day differ from the other8 ,that was the question for the priests to determine4 ,during the hours that the sun was in control1 the clouds produced constant changes in the appearance of the heavens1 but because of their irregular character1 these changes impressed the ,babylonians less forcibly than the striking changes that the nights showed4 ,the planets and stars never appeared alike on two successive nights4 ,there was always some change in the position of some of the heavenly bodies4 ,to these changes1 then1 the priests directed their attention4 ,in the variations presented by the heavens at night they saw a potent reason for the varying results produced by the same act undertaken at different times4 ,if it made a difference at what moment something was done1 that difference could only be determined by observing the variations that one night presented from the other4 ,the astrologers observed that many of the stars were1 or seemed to be1 fixed in their orbits2 others rose and set like the sun and moon1 and appeared in different parts of the heavens at different seasons of the year4 ,the regularity of these changes made it possible to study the course of these stars1 and as knowledge progressed1 to determine also in advance where a particular body would be seen at a certain time4 ,the planets accordingly were the bodies to which the astrologers especially directed their attention4 ,it has been conjectured with some show of probability that one of the purposes served by the lofty seven staged towers1#eie which were attached to many of the great temples1 was for the better observation of the movements of the planets4 ,the official standing of the astrologers is indicated by the references in texts to the 'court astrologer4' ,however this may be1 there is no doubt that at all the large temples and at many of the smaller ones1 observations of the planets were recorded4 ,the collection of these observations formed the manuals for the priests in answering many of the questions put to them4 ,each of the great planets was identified 7by a process of thought that we will have occasion to describe7 with some deity1 though this was not done until the attempt was also made to gather the astrological knowledge of the day into some kind of consistent system4 ,our own names of the planets1 as handed down to us through the ,greeks and ,romans1 are but the classical equivalents of the ,babylonian deities4#eif ,jupiter is ,marduk1 the head of the ,babylonian pantheon4 ,venus is the ,babylonian ,ishtar4 ,mars is ,nergal1 the god of war and pestilence4 ,mercury is ,nabu1 the god of wisdom and the messenger of the gods1 and ,saturn is ,ninib4 ,among the astrological texts preserved1 ,ishtar-,venus figures more prominently than the other planets4 ,the appearance of ,ishtar during each month and for various days of the month was noted1 and then interpreted1 partly on the basis of past experience1 but also by other factors that for the most part escape us4 ,a tablet1 furnishing omens derived from the position of the planet ,venus and which may belong to the series ',illumination of ,bel1' deals with the periods of the disappearance of ,venus as evening star1 and her reappearance as morning star1 and vice versa#eig4 ,in the month of ,tammuz 7#dth month7 ,venus disappeared on the #beth day at sunset1 for seven days was hidden#eih1 and on the #b;d day of ,ab 7#eth month7 was seen at sunrise4 ,rains in the land4 ,destruction of#eii 444 ,in the month of ,adar 7#abth month7 ,venus disappeared on the #beth day at sunrise4 ,for a year 787 weapons are wielded#fjj 7871 gold#eii 444 ,in the month of ,marcheshwan 7#hth month71 #ajth day1 ,venus disappeared at sunrise1 for two months and six days was hidden1 and reappeared on the #afth day of ,tebet 7#ajth month74 ,there will be abundant crops4 ,in the month of ,elul 7#fth month71 #bfth day1 ,venus disappeared at sunset1 for eleven days was hidden1 and in the second#fja ,elul1 on the #gth day1 reappeared at sunset4 ,the heart of the land is good4#f ,in the month of ,nisan 7#ast month71 on the #ith day1 ,venus disappeared at sunsets#fjb 7871 and for five months and sixteen days was hidden1 and reappeared in the month of ,elul 7#fth month71 on the #beth day1 at sunset4 ,the heart of the land is good4 ,in the month of ,ab 7#eth month71 #ajth day1 ,venus disappeared at sunset#fjc 7871 and for two#fjd months and sixteen days was hidden1 and reappeared on the #bfth day of ,marcheshwan 7#hth month74 ,rains in the land4 ,in the month of ,nisan1 #b;d day1 ,venus appeared at sunrise4 ,there will be distress in the land4 ,if ,venus is stationary to the #fth day of ,kislev 7#ith month7 at sunrise1 and then disappears on the #gth day of ,kislev1 and is hidden for three months to reappear on the #hth day of ,adar 7#abth month7 at sunset1 it indicates that king against king will send hostility4 ,in the month of ,kislev 7#ith month71 #ajth day1 ,venus appeared at sunrise4 ,lack of corn and hay in the land4 ,if she remains in position up to the #adth day of ,ab 7#eth month7 at sunrise1 and then on the #aeth day disappears1 and for three months is hidden1 and on the #aeth day of ,marcheshwan 7#hth month7 rises at sunset1 the crops of the land will be good4 ,a colophon informs us that the tablet in question embodies a series of observations of the movements of ,venus recorded by ,babylonian scholars4 ,it was evidently the purpose of the compilers to commit to writing as many variations in the appearance and disappearance of the planet as possible4 ,the omens must either have been furnished at one time or they embody actual occurrences that were observed in connection with the observation recorded4 ,in either case the omens served as guides for the priests in their replies to inquiries4 ,an omen once furnished or an event once observed as having taken place under given conditions of a planet served for all times4 ,the omen lists for the other planets were arranged on the same principle as the ,venus list4 ,the motions of the planets were carefully observed4 ,it was noted whether they rose brilliantly or with a pale color4 ,their position towards other stars was determined1 and much more the like4 ,besides the planets1 various stars that were distinguished by their brilliancy1 as ,sirius1 ,antares1 ,regulus1 and also comets1 were included in the sphere of astronomical calculations1 and furnished omens to the priests4 ,these omens1 so far as we may judge from the texts at present published1 all hinge around the same series of events that are referred to in the illustrations given1--rain1 crops1 war1 distress1 the country's prosperity1 the king's welfare or misfortune4 ,another piece of evidence is thus furnished for the hypothesis that these lists are based upon reports made to royal masters1 and that the reports again are obtained from the lists prepared for public and political needs4 ,we must not1 however1 conclude from this fact that the observation of heavenly phenomena was of no significance at all for the private individual1 but only that the position of the king and the general welfare of the country were regarded of larger moment4 ,just as the gods were held responsible chiefly for the larger affairs of this world1 the trifles being relegated to the spirits and demons1#fje so the planets and stars1 as symbols of the gods1 were regarded as auguries for the chief of the country rather than for the miscellaneous population1 and more for the general welfare than for individual prosperity4 ,the individual shared in the omen furnished1 in so far as his well-being was dependent upon such important contingencies as whether there was to be war or peace1 good crops or bad4 ,a population so largely engaged in agriculture as the ,babylonians were1 would be satisfied if they could be reassured as to the outcome of their work in the fields4 ,ihering has properly emphasized the strong hold that the conception of communal interests obtained in ,babylonia4#fjf ,this conception is reflected in the prominence given to public and political affairs in the omen lists and 'omen' reports4 ,agriculture was the primal factor in producing this conception in the south2 war which united the population1 even though military service was forced upon the people1 was the second factor2 and in ,assyria1 where military expeditions occupied a much larger share of public attention than in ,babylonia1 war became the chief factor in keeping alive the thought of national solidarity4 ,omen ,calendars4 ,there was still another reason why the king and with him public affairs1 received such prominence in the omen texts4 ,as the nation's ruler he was not only an important personage by virtue of his power over his subjects1 but also by virtue of his close relationship to the gods4 ,the theory of the 'divine right of kings' was rigidly adhered to in ,babylonia and ,assyria4 ,when the monarchs speak of themselves as nominated by this or that god to be the ruler of the country1 this was not a mere phrase4 ,the king was the vicar of the deity on earth1 his representative who enjoyed divine favor and who was admitted into the confidence of the gods4 ,in earlier days priestly functions were indissolubly associated with kingship4 ,the oldest kings of ,assyria call themselves 'the priests of ,ashur1' and it is only as with the growth of political power a differentiation of functions takes place that the priest1 as the mediator between the deity and his subjects1 becomes distinct from the secular ruler4 ,the further development of this process led to the curious but perfectly natural anomaly that the king1 from being originally identical with the priest1 becomes in large measure dependent upon the latter in his relations to the gods4 ,in the more advanced stages of the religious cult1 the king requires the service of a priest to act as mediator between himself and the gods1 precisely as all of his subjects need this mediatorship4 ,the king cannot obtain an oracle directly4 ,he must send to the temple and inquire of the priests4 ,the priest must intercede for the king when he throws himself upon the mercy of an angered god or goddess4 ,the royal sacrifice is not acceptable unless the priest stands by the side of the king4 ,still there are traces left of the old direct relationship existing between the king and his gods4 ,a god sometimes reveals himself directly to a ruler4 ,ishtar appears in a dream and gives him directions4 ,another and more significant trace of this older relationship is to be found in the importance assigned to the religious conduct of the king4 ,if an individual offends a deity1 the individual alone suffers1 or at the most his family is involved in the punishment inflicted2 but if the king sins1 the whole country suffers1 and correspondingly the king's atonement and reconciliation with the gods is essential for dispelling some national calamity4 ,frazer has shown by his admirable investigations#fjg that this view of kingship is common to many nations of antiquity4 ,while it did not lead among the ,babylonians and ,assyrians to that extreme which is best illustrated by ,japan1 where the ,mikado1 by virtue of his divine right1 is hedged in with prescribed formalities that make him almost a prisoner1 so closely is he watched by his attendants lest any mistake be made by him which is certain to entail serious consequences for the country1 still the priests had to see to it that the rulers performed their duties towards the gods in the prescribed manner and with all possible accuracy4 ,the conduct of the king was of special significance at periods when for some reason or other1 the gods were not favorably disposed4 ,partly on the basis of actual observation that eclipses 7which were especially feared7 had occurred on certain days of the month1 partly as a consequence of the belief that the change in the moon's phase augured something good or evil for humanity1 and in part perhaps through the coincidence that on a certain day of the month1 mishaps of some kind had occurred several times1 certain months and certain days of each month were regarded as favorable1 while others were unfavorable4 ,some months and some days were suitable for dedicating a building1 others were not4 ,on some days an oracle might be sought1 on others not4 ,some days were days of rejoicing1 on others again mourning was appropriate4 ,advantage had to be taken of the favorable days to keep the deity in good humor1 and it was equally important on the unfavorable ones to exercise great care not to do aught which might arouse the anger of a god1 ready to be incensed4 ,it is the king who can best accomplish the one thing and avoid the other4 ,to him1 as standing nearer the deity than any private individual1 the country looked for safety and protection4 ,calendars were prepared for each month of the year1 in which the peculiar character of each day was noted and instructions added what was to be done on each day4 ,these instructions all have reference to the king and to the king alone4 ,a complete calendar for the intercalated month of ,elul has been preserved4#fjh ,it may serve as an example of the branch of the omen literature to which it belongs4 ,the thirty days of each month are taken up in succession4 ,the deity to which each day is sacred is indicated1 and various sacrifices or precautions prescribed4 ,a curious feature of this calendar was that1 since it was the hope to make every day 'favorable1' each day was called so1 even when it is evident that it was not4 ,for the #ast day of ,elul the second1#fji sacred to ,anu and ,bel1 a favorable day4 ,when the moon makes its appearance in this month1 the king of many peoples brings his gift1 a gazelle together with fruit1 444 his gift to ,shamash1 lord of the countries1 and to ,sin1 the great god1 he gives4 ,sacrifices he offers1 and his prayer to his god#faj is acceptable4 ,on the #b;d day sacred to goddesses1 a favorable day4 ,the king brings his gift to ,shamash1 the lord#faa of countries4 ,to ,sin1 the great god1 he offers sacrifices4 ,his prayer to the god is acceptable4 ,on the #c;d day1 a day of supplication to ,marduk and ,sarpanitum1 a favorable day4 ,at night1 in the presence of ,marduk and ,ishtar1#fab the king brings his gift4 ,sacrifices he is to offer so that his prayer may be acceptable4 ,on the #fth day1 sacred to ,ramman and ,belit1#fac a favorable day4 ,the king1 with prayer and supplication 7871 at night in the presence of ,ramman1 offers his gift4 ,sacrifices he is to bring so that his prayer may be acceptable4 ,on the #gth day1 supplication to ,marduk and ,sarpanitum1 a favorable day 7sc4 may it be74 ,an evil day4 ,the shepherd of many nations is not to eat meat roasted by the fire1 or any food prepared by the fire4 ,the clothes of his body he is not to change1 fine dress 787 he is not to put on4 ,sacrifices he is not to bring1 nor is the king to ride in his chariot4 ,he is not to hold court nor is the priest to seek an oracle for him in the holy of holies4#fad ,the physician is not to be brought to the sick room4#fae ,the day is not suitable for invoking curses4#faf ,at night1 in the presence of ,marduk and ,ishtar1 the king is to bring his gift4 ,then he is to offer sacrifices so that his prayer may be acceptable4 ,this #gth day1 it will be observed1 is expressly called an evil day4 ,it is evident1 therefore1 that the phrase 'favorable day' in the first line expresses a hope and not a fact1 or is added to indicate the manner in which the day can be converted into a favorable one4 ,just as the #gth day1 so the #adth1 #bast1 and #bhth are called evil days1 and the same ceremonies are prescribed for the king on these days4 ,these days were evidently chosen as corresponding to the phases of the moon4 ,but besides these four days1 a fifth1 namely1 the #aith1 is singled out in the same fashion4 ,the comparison with the ,biblical ,sabbath naturally suggests itself4 ,the choice of the #gth day and of the corresponding ones rests1 of course1 in both instances upon the lunar calendar1 and there is also this similarity between the ,sabbath of the ,hebrews and the 'evil day' of the ,babylonians1 that the precautions prescribed in the ,pentateuchal codes--against kindling fires1 against leaving one's home1 against any productive labor--point to the ,hebrew ,sabbath as having been at its origin an 'inauspicious day1' on which it was dangerous to show oneself or to call the deity's attention to one's existence4 ,despite the attempts made to change this day to one of 'joy1' as ,isaiah would have it1#fag the ,hebrew ,sabbath continued to retain for a long time as a trace of its origin1 a rather severe and sombre aspect4 ,a striking difference1 however1 between the ,babylonian and the ,hebrew rites is the absence in the latter of the theory that the atonement of a single individual suffices for the community4 ,the precautions prescribed for the ,sabbath are binding upon every one4 ,emphasis is laid in the ,pentateuch upon the fact that the whole people is holy1 whereas among the ,babylonians the king alone is holy4 ,he alone is to abstain from his ordinary acts1 to conduct himself on the evil day with becoming humility1 to put on no fineries1 not to indulge in dainty food1#fah not to appear in royal state1 neither to appeal to the gods 7for they will not hear them71 nor even to interfere with their workings by calling in human aid against the demon of disease1 who may have been sent as the messenger of one of the gods4 ,it is only at the close of the day that he can bring a sacrifice which will be acceptable4 ,the king1 by observing these precautions1 insures the welfare of his people4 ,the gods cared little for individual piety1 but they kept a jealous eye on their earthly representative4 ,his appeals were heard if properly presented and if presented at the right time1 but woe to the people whose king has aroused the divine anger4 ,just as his acts of penitence have a representative character1 so the gifts and sacrifices and supplications mentioned in the calendar are offered by the king on behalf of the whole people4 ,for the remaining days of ,elul1 the ordinances have much the same character as those instanced4 ,the variation consists chiefly in the god or gods to whom the days are sacred4 ,now it is ,nabu and his consort ,tashmitum--on the #dth1 #hth1 and #agth days--to whom gifts and prayers are brought2 again ,ninib and his consort ,gula1 on the #ith1#fai--or ,gula alone1 on the #aith4 ,to ,marduk and ,sarpanitum the #afth day is assigned1 besides the #c;d and #gth days as above set forth2 to ,ramman and his consort the #fth1 to the old ,bel and ,belit the #eth1 the #abth1 the #beth1 and to ,nergal and ,bau the #bgth4 ,at times two male deities are in association4 ,so ,anu and ,bel for the #ast and the #cjth day1 ,ea and ,nergal for the #bhth1 ,sin and ,shamash for the #ahth1 #bjth1 #bast1 and #bb;d1 or two goddesses1 as ,tashmitum and ,sarpanitum1 or a god alone1 as ,ea for the #bfth1 or ,sin alone for the #acth1 and once--the #bith day--,sin and ,shamash are combined with the miscellaneous group of ,igigi and ,anunnaki4 ,all the great gods are thus represented in the calendar4 ,the basis on which the days are assigned still escapes us4 ,it is hard to believe that any strict uniformity existed in this respect in the cults attached to the various ,babylonian temples4 ,preference would be shown in each center to the chief god worshipped there1 while to others would be assigned a position corresponding to some theological system devised by the priests4 ,uniformity and consistency are two elements that must not be looked for in the omen literature of any people4 ,the very fact that omens have some rational basis1 namely1 observation and experience1 is the very reason why the omen lists and omen calendars of one place should differ from those of another1 and precisely to the same degree that observation and experience differ4 ,the intercalated months1 by virtue of their extraordinary character1 had perhaps a special significance1 but every day of the year had an importance of some kind4 ,this is shown by a ,babylonian calendar1 fortunately preserved in great part1#fbj in which every day of the year is included1 and either its character noted or some precautions prescribed4 ,the indications in this calendar are marked by their brevity1 and impress one as memoranda1 intended as a guide to the priests4 ,the calendar consists of twelve columns4 ,at the head of each column stands the name of one of the months4 ,one or1 at the most1 two lines are devoted to each day of the month1 the days being ranged in succession from one to thirty4 ,for a series of days in the #b;d month the indications are3 #bast day1 hostility4 #bb;d day1 judgment favorable1 invoking of curses4 #bc;d day1 heart not good4 #bdth day1 gladness of heart4 #beth day1 wife not to be approached1 heart not good4 #bfth day1 secret4 ,such indications it is evident are intelligible only to the initiated4 ,with the help of the more complete calendars1 such as the one above explained1 we can in most cases determine what is meant by these memoranda4 ,a note like 'hostility' is an omen that the gods are unfavorably inclined on that day4 ,the 'judgment' referred to on the #bb;d day is the oracle4 ,the day in question is suitable for obtaining a response to a question put to the deity1 and a favorable occasion for invoking curses upon the enemy4 ,it will be recalled that the #gth day of the second intercalated ,elul is put down as one when it is not advisable to secure the ill will of the god against the enemy4 ,an expression like 'heart not good' is explained by the contrast 'heart glad4' ,the #bc;d day of the month is a day of sorrow1 the #bdth one on which one may be cheerful without arousing the jealousy of the gods or demons4 ,the #beth is again an unfavorable day in which1 as a precaution1 sexual intercourse is prohibited4 ,lastly1 the word rendered 'secret'#fba is the same one that we came across in the precautions prescribed for the #gth day of the second ,elul1 where we are told that the priest is not to enter the 'secret' place4 ,this term appears to describe the 'holy of holies' in the ,babylonian temples where the oracles were obtained4 ,the single word 'secret' was a sufficient indication for the priest that on the day in question he might enter the mysterious chamber of the temple without trepidation4 ,many of the days of the year are simply set down as 'favorable' or 'unfavorable1' while others were noted as days portending 'distress1' 'trouble1' 'tears1' 'injury1' 'everything favorable1' 'darkness1' 'moon obscured1' and the like4 ,of special interest are the prohibitions regarding food on certain days4 ,on the #ith day of the #b;d month fish is not to be eaten or sickness will ensue4 ,swine's meat is forbidden on the #cjth day of the #eth month1 and in this case the particular kind of sickness--disease of the joints--is specified that will ensue in case of disobedience4 ,on another day1 the #beth of the #gth month1 beef as well as pork is forbidden1 while on the #ajth day of the #hth month and the #bgth day of the #fth month1 dates are forbidden as a precaution against eye disease4 ,one is not to cross a stream#fbb on the #bjth day of the #eth month2 on certain days one is not to sell grain2 other days are again noted as specially favorable for military movements4 ,some of the precautions prescribed in this calendar may have been meant for the populace in general1 such as the order not to cross a stream or to strike a bargain4 ,the belief in lucky and unlucky days has a distinct popular flavor1 but it is doubtful whether the ordinary public consulted the priests1 as a general thing1 in order to find out what days were lucky and what not4 ,it is more plausible to assume that the priests embodied in their official calendars some of the notions that arose among the people1 and gave to them an official sanction4 ,there are a considerable number of references to the king in the complete calendar under consideration1 and we are permitted to assume1 therefore1 that the calendar served as a further guide for the priests in their instructions to the king4 ,the allusion to oracles1 curses1 and weapons points in this same direction1 and when1 as in a number of instances1 a day is described as one on which ,shamash or some other god is 'angry1' it is in all probabilities against the ruler rather than against private individuals that the god's displeasure has been manifested4 ,a similar official and public character is borne by another calendar1 where months alone are indicated and their significance interpreted4#fbc ,the twelve months are arranged in as many columns4 ,under each column the indications 'favorable' or 'not' are entered1 while at the right end of the tablet the specifications are added for what undertakings the month is1 or is not1 favorable4 ,one of these specifications is the soldiery to make an attack upon a hostile city1 and upon referring to the list of months1 we learn that the #b;d1 #fth1 #gth1 #hth1 and #abth months are favorable for such an undertaking1 but the others are 'not4' ,again1 the #ast1 #c;d1 #dth1 #fth1 #hth1 #ith1 #ajth1 and #aath are 'favorable' for the entrance of any army upon foreign soil1 but the remainder 'not4' ,the other specifications refer likewise to the movements of the armies4 ,such a calendar was evidently drawn up on the basis of omens1 for a specific purpose1 and1 we may add1 for some specific expedition to serve as a guide to the military commander4 ,in the same way1 calendars were drawn up devoted to indications regarding crops and for other purposes of public interest4 ,to a more limited extent1 private affairs are also touched upon4 ,to enter upon a further discussion of details is unnecessary at this point1 and would carry us too far from the main purpose of this chapter1 which is to point out the diverse ways in which the belief in omens is illustrated by the religious literature of the ,babylonians4 ,it is sufficient to have made clear that the oracles and dreams1 the lists of omens derived from eclipses1 the works on the planets and stars and the calendars1 all have the same origin due to observation of coincidences1 to past experience1 and to a variety of combinations1 some logical and some fanciful1 of supposed relationships between cause and effect2 and not only the same origin1 but the lists and calendars served also the same main purpose of guides for the priests in replying to the questions put to them by their royal masters and in forwarding instructions to the ruler for the regulation of his own conduct so that he and his people might enjoy the protection and good will of the gods4 ,but the observation of the phenomena of the heavens1 while playing perhaps the most prominent part in the derivation of omens1 was not the only resource at the command of the priests for prognosticating the future4 ,almost daily1 strange signs might be observed among men and animals1 and whatever was strange was of necessity fraught with some meaning4 ,it was the business of the priest to discover that meaning4 ,omens ,from ,terrestrial ,phenomena4 ,monstrosities1 human and animal1 and all species of malformations aroused attention4 ,the rarer their occurrence1 the greater the significance attached to them4 ,in addition to this1 the movements of animals1 the flight of birds1 the appearance of snakes at certain places1 of locusts1 lions1 the actions of dogs1 the direction of the winds1 the state of rivers1 and all possible accidents and experiences that men may encounter in their house1 in the street1 in crossing streams1 and in sleep were observed4 ,everything in any way unusual was important1 and even common occurrences were of some significance4 ,the extensive omen literature that was produced in ,babylonia is an indication of the extent to which men's lives were hedged in by the belief in portents4 ,several thousand tablets in the portion of ,ashurbanabal's library that has been rescued from oblivion through modern excavations1 deal with omens of this general class4 ,several distinct series1 some embracing over one hundred tablets1 have already been distinguished4 ,one of these series deals with all kinds of peculiarities that occur in human infants and in the young of animals2 another with the things that may happen to a man2 a third with the movements of various animals1 and more the like4 ,as yet but a small portion of these tablets have been published1#fbd but thanks to the indications given by ,dr4 ,bezold in his great catalogue of the ,kouyunjik ,collection1 a fair idea of the general character of the ,babylonian omen literature may be formed4 ,on what principle the omens were derived1 it is again difficult to determine in detail1 but that some logical principles controlled the interpretations cannot be doubted4 ,jevons has shown#fbe that in sympathetic magic1--of which the interpretation of omens is an offshoot1--the same logical methods are followed as in modern science4 ,the famous ',chaldean wisdom1' which is to be looked for in this widespread omen literature1 would not have created so deep an impression on the ancient world1 if the theologians of the ,euphrates ,valley1 in incorporating primitive magic in the official religion1 had not been successful in giving to their interpretations of occurrences in nature and in the animal world1 the appearance1 at least1 of a consistent science4 ,taking up as our first illustration the series devoted to birth portents1 it is interesting to observe the system followed in presenting the various phases of the general subject4 ,a broad distinction is drawn between significant phenomena in the case of human infants and in the case of the young of animals4 ,about a dozen tablets are taken up with an enumeration of omens connected with new-born children1 and one gains the impression from the vast number of portents included in the lists that originally every birth portended something4 ,the fact that births were of daily occurrence did not remove the sense of mystery aroused by this sudden appearance of a new life4 ,every part of the body was embraced in the omens3 the ears1 eyes1 mouth1 nose1 lips1 arms1 hands1 feet1 fingers1 toes1 breast1 generatory organs4 ,attention was directed to the shapes of these various members and organs4 ,the ears of a child might suggest the ears of a dog or of a lion or of a swine1 and similarly the nose1 mouth1 lips1 hands1 or feet might present a peculiar appearance4 ,a single member or the features in general might be small or abnormally large4 ,all these peculiarities meant something2 and since few if any children are born without presenting some peculiarities in some part of the body1 it would seem as though the intention of the compilers of the series was to provide a complete handbook for the interpretation of signs connected with the birth of children4 ,naturally the total absence of some member of the body in case of the new-born or any malformation was a sign of especial significance4 ,hence we are told what was portended by a child born without hands or feet or ears or lips1 or with only one of these members1 or with only one eye1 or with no mouth or no tongue1 or with six fingers on one or on both hands1 or six toes on one or on both feet1 or without generatory organs4#fbf ,the rarer the phenomenon1 the greater the significance is1 as we have seen1 a general principle in the science of augury4 ,the birth of twins accordingly plays an important role in the series4 ,in fact1 the opening tablet is devoted in part to this phase of the subject4 ,we are told1 for example1 that#fbg ,if a woman gives birth to twins1 one male and one female1 it is an unfavorable omen4 ,the land is in favor#fbh1 but that house 7wherein the child was born7 will be reduced4 ,and again1 ,if a woman gives birth to twins1 and both are brought out alive7871#fbi but the right hand of one is lacking1 the ruler 787 will be killed by force1 the land will be diminished4444 ,if a woman gives birth to twins1 and both are brought out alive 7871 but neither of them have right hands1 the produce of the country will be consumed by the enemy4 ,if a woman gives birth to twins1 and both are brought out alive 7871 but the right foot of one is missing1 an enemy will for one year disturb the fixed order of the country4#fcj ,it will be observed that these omens bear on public as well as private affairs4 ,the part played by public matters in them varies1 but that the king and the country are so frequently introduced is an indication again of the official character given to these omen tablets4 ,only priests whose chief concern was with the court and the general welfare would have been impelled to mingle in this curious way the fate of the individual with that of the country at large4 ,the birth of twins in itself is an omen for the house where the event occurs2 but twins that are monstrosities1 with a foot or a hand lacking1 portend something of import to the general welfare4 ,the tablet proceeds1 after finishing one phase of the subject1 with omens to be derived from infants whose features resemble those of certain animals4 ,in this case again we will see that the mind of the compiler is now directed towards the fate of the individual and again toward the ruler or the country4 ,in the #b;d tablet of the series we read that ,if a woman gives birth to a child with a lion's head1#fca a strong king will rule in the land4 ,if a woman gives birth to a child with a dog's head1 the city in his district#fcb will be in distress1 and evil will be in the country4 444 ,if a woman gives birth to a child with a swine's head1 offspring and possession 787 will increase in that house4 444 ,if a woman gives birth to a child with a bird's head1 that land will be destroyed4 ,if a woman gives birth to a child with a serpent's head1 for thirty days 787 ,nin-,gishzida#fcc will bring a famine in the land1 and ,gilgamesh#fcd will rule as king in the land4 ,in the same tablet#fce such monstrosities are taken up as children born with two heads1 with a double pair of eyes1 or with the eyes misplaced1 with two mouths or more than two lips4 ,the two heads1 strange enough1 generally portend good fortune1 though not invariably4 ,thus an infant with two heads is an omen of strength for the country2 and again ,if a woman gives birth to a child with two heads1 two mouths1 but the regular number of eyes1 hands1 and feet#fcf1 it is an omen of vigorous life for the country1 but the son will seize the king his father and kill him4 ,but ,if a woman gives birth to a child with two heads and two mouths1 and the two hands and two feet are between them#fcg1 disease will settle upon that city 7where the monstrosity was born74 ,if the deformity consists in the misplacement of certain organs1 the omen is invariably bad4 ,if a woman gives birth to a child with two eyes on the left side1 it is a sign that the gods are angry against the land1 and the land will be destroyed4 ,and again1 ,if a woman gives birth to a child with three eyes on the left side and one on the right1 the gods will fill the land with corpses4 ,the third tablet proceeds with other parts of the body4 ,it begins with a list of peculiarities observed in regard to the ears4 ,the resemblance of certain features in children to the corresponding features of animals is an observation made by many nations4 ,in modern times ,lavater1 it will be recalled1 based his study of human physiognomy in part upon the resemblance of the nose1 eyes1 mouth1 and ears1 and general shape of the head to the features of such animals as the lion1 jackass1 dog1 and swine4 ,we may well believe1 therefore1 that when the ,babylonians refer to a child with a lion's or a dog's ear1 they had in mind merely a resemblance1 but did not mean that the child actually had the ear of a lion or dog or the like4 ,at times the connection between the omen and its interpretation is quite obvious4 ,in a portion of this same series we are told that#fch ,if a woman gives birth to a child with a lion-like ear1 a mighty king will arise in the land4 ,it will be recalled that a 'lion head' portends the same1 and it is evident that in both cases the lion suggests strength4 ,we are in the presence of the same order of ideas that controls the belief in 'sympathetic magic4' ,the corollary to 'like produces like' is 'like means like4' ,in other cases1 the logic underlying the interpretation of the omen must be sought for in views connected with some accompanying feature4 ,if a woman gives birth to a child with the right ear missing1 the days of the ruler will be long4 ,if a woman gives birth to a child with the left ear missing1 distress will enter the land and weaken it4 ,while in general the absence of any part of the body is a sign of distress for the country and individual by a perfectly natural association of ideas1 yet this general principle is modified by the further consideration that 'right' is a good omen and 'left' a bad one4 ,but this consideration which makes the absence of the 'right' ear a good omen may again be offset by the entrance of a third factor4 ,so we are told that ,if a woman gives birth to a child with a small#fci right ear1 the house of the man#fdj will be destroyed4 ,the omen of misfortune in this case is the deformity in the organ1 and the fact that the more important right ear is deformed1 so far from mitigating the force of the omen1 accentuates its consequences4 ,if a deformed right ear is disastrous1 we are prepared to learn that ,if a woman gives birth to a child with both ears short1 the house of the man will be utterly rooted out4 ,no less than eleven varieties of deformed ears are enumerated4 ,it must not be supposed1 however1 that the factors involved in this omen science are always or even generally so simple4 ,in most cases the connection between the sign and the conclusion drawn1 is not clear to us because of the multiplicity of factors involved4 ,further publication and study of omen texts will no doubt make some points clear which are now obscure1 but we cannot expect ever to find out all the factors that were taken into account by the populace and the schoolmen1 in proposing and accepting certain interpretations of certain omens1 any more than we can fathom the reasons for the similar superstition found among other nations#fda of antiquity and modern times4 ,recognizing certain principles in some of the omens1 we are justified in concluding that whatever else determined the interpretation of omens1 caprice did not enter into consideration1 but rather an association of ideas that escapes us1 simply because our logic differs from the logic of primitive peoples in certain important particulars4 ,the list of peculiarities occurring in the case of babes continues as follows3 ,if a woman gives birth to a child whose mouth is shaped like a bird's1 the country will be stirred up4 ,if a woman gives birth to a child without any mouth1 the mistress of the house will die4 ,if a woman gives birth to a child with the right nostril lacking1 misfortune is portending4 ,if a woman gives birth to a child with both nostrils lacking1 the land will witness distress1 and disease will destroy the house of the man4 ,if a woman gives birth to a child whose jaw is lacking1 the days of the ruler will be long1 but the house of the man will be destroyed4 ,if a woman gives birth to a child whose lower jaw is lacking1 the ground will not bear fruit during the year4 ,it will be observed that1 while most of the portents are evil1 the ruler of the land is here generally vouchsafed immunity4 ,the priests had to be somewhat on their guard lest by the very terror that they aroused1 the hold of the rulers over the people might be loosened4 ,moreover1 the rulers were sufficiently hedged in by their positions1 as we have seen1 and were in no danger of regarding themselves as safe from the anger of the gods4 ,still quite frequently even the king is involved in the evil prophecy4 ,the portion of the series dealing with portents derived from deformed hands and feet contains instances of this kind4 ,if a woman gives birth to a child with the right hand lacking1 the land advances to destruction4 ,if a woman gives birth to a child with both hands lacking1 the city will witness no more births1 and the land will be utterly destroyed4 ,if a woman gives birth to a child with the fingers of the right hand lacking1 the ruler will be captured by his enemy4 ,if a woman gives birth to a child with six toes on the right foot1 through distress 7871 the house of the man will perish4 ,if a woman gives birth to a child with six very small toes on the left foot1 distress 787 will come to pass4 ,if a woman gives birth to a child with six toes on the right foot1 some disaster is portending4 ,altogether no less than ninety kinds of human deformities in the various parts of the body are enumerated and interpreted4 ,the significance of the portents is naturally increased if the woman who gives birth to a monstrosity happens to belong to the royal house4 ,in such a case1 the omen has direct bearings on national affairs4 ,the good or evil sign affects the country exclusively4 ,from a tablet of this nature1#fdb belonging to a different series than the one we have been considering1 we learn that six toes on the right foot or six on the left foot mean defeat1 whereas six toes on both feet mean victory4 ,royal twins were a good omen1 and so also a royal child born with teeth or with hair on its face or with unusually developed features4 ,the same desire to find some meaning in deviations from normal types led to the careful observation of deformities or peculiarities in the case of the young of domestic animals4 ,in the fifth tablet of the series that we have chosen as an illustration1 the compiler passes from babes to the offspring of domestic animals4 ,from the opening line1 which is all that has been published as yet1#fdc and which reads3 ,if in the flock#fdd a dog is born1 weapons will destroy life and the king will not be triumphant it would appear that the first subject taken up was the anomalous unions among animals1 which naturally aroused attention when they occurred4 ,a number of tablets--at least seven--follow in which monstrosities occurring among the young of sheep are noted4 ,the series passes on to signs to be observed among colts4 ,from this point on1 the series is too defective 7so far as published7 to warrant any further deductions2 but it is safe to suppose that1 as the young of ewes and mares were considered in special sections1 so the young of swine and of cows were taken up in succession4 ,the whole series would thus aim to cover that section of the animal kingdom that concerned man most1--his own offspring1 and the young of those animals by which he was surrounded4 ,in these omens derived from the young of domestic animals1 we are again overwhelmed at the mass of contingencies included by the priests in their compilations4 ,just as in the case of omens derived from infants1 so here the parts of the body are taken up one after the other4 ,all possible1 and one is inclined to add various impossible1 variations from the normal types are noted4 ,the omen varies as the female throws off one1 two1 three1 or whatever number of young ones up to ten4 ,for example3#fde ,if among the sheep1 five young ones are born1 it is a sign of devastation in the land4 ,the owner of the sheep dies1 and his house is destroyed4 ,this is the omen in the case that the litter consists of five young ones1 all normal4 ,but if anomalies occur1 as1 e4g41 ,if five young ones are born1 one with a bull's head1 one with a lion's head1 one with a dog's head1 and one with a sheep's head1 there will be a series of devastations in the land4 ,again1 ,if seven young are thrown off1 three male and four female1 that man#fdf will perish4 ,and so if eight are born1 it is a bad sign for the king who1 we are told1 will be driven out of the country through sedition4 ,the variations are nigh endless4 ,if in the flock1 young ones are thrown off with five legs1 it is a sign of distress in the land4 ,the house of the man will perish and his stalls will be swept away4 ,if the young ones have six legs1 the population will decrease and devastation will settle over the country4 ,having finished with litters1 the series proceeds to peculiar marks found on single specimens2 lambs that have a head and tail shaped like a lion or that have a lion's head and a mane like that of an ass1 or a head like a bird's1 or like a swine1 and so through a long and rather tiresome list4 ,malformations in the shape or position of members of the animal1 particularly the mouth1 ears1 tongue1 tail1 and eyes1 or the absence of any one or of several of these parts were fraught with an importance corresponding to these symptoms among new-born babes4 ,if a young one has its ears on one side1 and its head is twisted 7871 and it has no mouth1 the ruler will cut off the supply of water from his enemy4 ,in this instance the 'twisting' and the absence of the mouth appear to suggest the act of turning a canal into a different direction1 so as to isolate a besieged city4 ,when the text goes on to declare that ,if the young one has its ears at its neck1#fdg the ruler will be without judgment1 it is the association of ideas between 'ears' and 'judgment1'#fdh that supplies the link4 ,a misplaced ear is equivalent to misdirected judgment4 ,consistent with this interpretation1 the next line informs us that ,if the young one has its ears below the neck1#fdi the union of the country is weakened4 ,such glimpses into the peculiar thought controlling these omens are perhaps all that we will be able to obtain at least for a long time to come4 ,for the rest1 comparative studies with the omens of the other nations will alone serve to determine the multitudinous factors involved in the interpretations of the signs4 ,before leaving the subject1 however1 a few more illustrations may be offered4 ,another portion of the same tablet--the eleventh--continues the omens derived from peculiarities in the ears of lambkins3 ,if the young one has no right ear1 the rule of the king will come to an end1 his palace will be uprooted1 and the population of the city will be swept away1 the king will lose judgment1 444 the produce of the country will be small1 the enemy will cut off the supply of water4 ,if the left ear of the young one is missing1 the deity will hear the prayer of the king1 the king will capture his enemy's land1 and the palace of the enemy will be destroyed1 the enemy will lack judgment1 the produce of the enemy's land will be taken away and everything will be plundered 7874 ,if the right ear of the young one falls off1 the stall#fej will be destroyed4 ,if the left ear of the young one falls off1 the stall will be increased1 the stall#fea of the enemy will be destroyed4 ,if the right ear of the young one is split 7871 that stall will be destroyed1 the enemy 787 will advance against the city4 ,if the left ear of the young one is split 7871 that stall will be increased1 the king#feb will advance against the enemy's land4 ,in all these cases it will be observed that a defect in the right ear or an accident happening to it is an evil omen1 whereas the same thing occurring in the case of the left is a favorable indication4 ,the greater importance of the right side of anything evidently suggests in this case the interpretation offered1 and yet this principle1 as we have seen1 is far from being of universal application4 ,it depends upon what happens to the right ear4 ,above1 we have seen that an unusually large ear betokens some good fortune1 and in the tablet under consideration1 illustrations are afforded of accidents to the right ear which furnish a good omen1 while the same accident in the case of the left ear is regarded as a bad omen4 ,our text continues3 ,if the right ear of the young one is shrunk 7871 the house of the owner will prosper4 ,if the left ear is shrunk1 the house of the owner will perish4 ,if the right ear is torn off1 the house of the owner will prosper4 ,if the left ear is torn off1 the house of the owner will perish4 ,but immediately following this we have again an evil omen for the right ear and a favorable one for the left4 ,three more tablets are taken up with omens associated with all manner of peculiarities in the formation of the ears1 head1 lips1 mouth1 and feet of lambkins1 and it is not until the fifteenth tablet of the series is reached that another subject1 the young of mares1 is introduced4 ,the prognostications in the case of colts have about the same character as those in the case of lambkins4 ,the same signs are singled out for mention1 and the omens are not only1 just as in the illustrations adduced1 evenly divided between the fate of the country and its ruler1 and of the owner of the colt or mare1 but we can also observe a consistent application of the same principles1 so far as these principles may be detected4 ,a few illustrations will make this clear3#fec ,if a colt has no right legs1 the house#fed will be destroyed4 ,if a colt has no left legs1 the days of the ruler will be long4 ,if a colt has no legs1 the country will be destroyed4 ,if a colt has the right leg shortened1#fee 444 his stall#d will be destroyed4 ,if a colt has the left leg shortened1 the stall#fef will be destroyed 444 ,if a colt has no hoof on the right foreleg1 the wife will cause trouble to her husband4 ,if a colt has no hoofs at all1 there will be dissensions 787 within the country1 and the enemy will enter the ruler's land4 ,in this way1 twenty-one omens derived from as many varieties of strange formations in the legs of colts are enumerated4 ,as in the case of lambkins1 so for colts1 the appearance of twins is endowed with a special significance4 ,if a mare gives birth to twins1 male and female1 and each has only one eye1 the enemy triumphs and devastates ,babylonia4 ,if the male or female colt has a mane like a lion1 the country will be reduced4 ,if the male or female colt has a dog's hoof1 the country will be reduced4 ,if the male or female colt has a lion's claw1 the country will be enlarged4 ,if the male or female colt has a dog's head1 the woman's#feg life will be bad4 ,the country will be reduced4 ,if the male or female colt has a lion's head1 the ruler will be strong4 ,if both colts1 the male and female1 resemble lions1 the ruler over his enemies prevails 7874 ,if both colts1 male and female1 resemble dogs1 the ruler over his enemy's country prevails 7874 ,if either a male or female colt is born resembling a lion1 the king will be strong4 ,if either a male or female colt resembles a dog1 herds of cattle will die1 and there will be famine4 ,if a colt is born without a head1 its master will be strong4 ,if a colt is born without eyes1 the god ,bel will bring about a change of dynasty4 ,if a colt is born without feet1 the king increases his army and a slaughter will ensue4 ,if a colt is born without ears1 for three years the gods will reduce the land4 ,if a colt is born without a tail1 the ruler will die4 ,in conclusion it may be observed that1 apart from the unusual character of these freaks which would suffice to attribute a special import to them1 the notions current among the ,babylonians1 as among so many people of a period when creatures existed1 the various parts of which were compounded of different animals1 may be regarded as an additional factor that served to add force to the class of omens we are considering4 ,the monsters guarding the approaches to temples and palaces#feh were but one form which this popular belief assumed1 and when a colt was observed to have a lion's or a dog's claw1 an ocular demonstration was afforded which at once strengthened and served to maintain a belief that at bottom is naught but a crude and primitive form of a theory of evolution4 ,in a dim way man always felt the unity of the animal world4 ,animals resembled one another1 and man had some features in common with animals4 ,what more natural than to conclude that at some period1 the animals were composite creatures1 and that even mankind and the animal world were once blended together4 ,the prevailing religious and semi-mythological ideas1 accordingly1 enter as factors in the significance that was attached to infants or to the young of animals1 serving as illustrations of 'hybrid' formations4 ,omens from the ,actions of ,animals4 ,the same order of ideas1 only still further extended1 may be detected in the sacredness attached to certain animals by so many nations of antiquity4 ,it is now generally admitted that this 'sacredness' has two sides4 ,a sacred animal may be 'taboo1' that is1 so sacred that it must not be touched1 much less killed or eaten2 and1 on the other hand1 its original sanctity may lead people to regard it as unclean1 something again to be avoided1 because of the power to do evil involved in the primitive conception of 'sacredness4'#fei ,the swine and the dog are illustrations of this double nature of sanctity among the ,semites4 ,the former was sacred to some of the inhabitants of ,syria4#ffj ,the ,babylonians1 as we have seen1 abstained from eating it on certain days of the year1 while the ,hebrews and ,arabs regarded it as an absolute 'taboo4' ,the dog to this day is in the ,orient an unclean animal1 and yet it is forbidden to do dogs any injury4 ,if1 then1 we find the ,babylonians attaching significance to the movements of this animal1 it is obvious that by them1 too1 the dog was regarded as1 in some way1 sacred4 ,it was an 'animal of omen1' sometimes good1 at other times bad4 ,a tablet informs us#ffa that3 ,if a yellow dog enters a palace1 it is a sign of a distressful fate for the palace4 ,if a speckled dog enters a palace1 the palace#ffb will give peace to the enemy4 ,if a dog enters a palace and some one kills him1 the peace of the palace will be disturbed4 ,if a dog enters a palace and crouches on the couch1 no one will enjoy that palace in peace4 ,if a dog enters a palace and crouches on the throne1 that palace will suffer a distressful fate4 ,if a dog enters a palace and lies on a large bowl1 the palace will secure peace from the enemy4 ,there follow omens in case dogs enter a sacred edifice3 ,if a dog enters a temple1 the gods will not enlarge the land4 ,if a white dog enters a temple1 the foundation of that temple will be firm4 ,if a black dog enters a temple1 the foundation of that temple will not be firm4 ,if a brown#ffc dog enters a temple1 that temple will witness justice4 ,if a yellow dog enters a temple1 that temple will#ffd witness justice4 ,if a speckled dog enters a temple1 the gods will show favor to that temple4 ,if dogs gather together and enter a temple1 the city's peace will be disturbed4 ,the juxtaposition of palace and temple is an indication that a large measure of sanctity was attached to the former as the dwelling-place of one who stood near to the gods4 ,the omens1 accordingly1 in the case of both palace and temple are again concerned with public affairs4 ,but from the same tablet we learn that an equal degree of significance was attached to the actions of dogs when they entered private dwellings4 ,precautions must have been taken against the presence of dogs in that part of the house which was reserved for a man's family1 for we are told3#ffe ,a dog entering a man's house was an omen that the ultimate fate of that house would be destruction by fire4 ,care had to be taken lest dogs defiled a person or any part of the house4 ,the omens varied again according to the color of the dog4 ,if a white dog defiles#fff a man1 destruction will seize him4 ,if a black dog defiles a man1 sickness will seize him4 ,if a brown dog defiles a man1 that man will perish4 ,if a dog defiles a man's couch1 a severe sickness will seize that man4 ,if a dog defiles a man's chair1 the man will not survive the year4 ,if a dog defiles a man's bowl1#ffg a deity will show anger towards the man4 ,on the other hand1 dogs were not to be driven out of the streets4 ,their presence in the roads was essential to the welfare of the place4 ,hence an omen reads3 ,if dogs do not enter the highway1#ffh destruction from an enemy will visit the city4 ,through ,diodorus1 ,jamblichus1 and other ancient writers we know that the ,babylonians and ,assyrians attached importance to the movements of other animals1 notably serpents1 birds1 and certain insects4 ,the symbols on the boundary stones which have been referred to#ffi are based on this belief4 ,the serpent figures prominently among these symbols4 ,in the ,babylonian deluge story1 the dove1 raven1 and swallow are introduced4 ,of these1 the swallow appears to be the bird whose flight was most carefully observed4 ,the sign which represents this bird in the cuneiform syllabary also signifies 'fate4'#fgj ,the mischief wrought by swarms of insects1 as grasshoppers and locusts1 the danger lurking in the bites of scorpions sufficiently explain the importance attached to the actions of these animals4 ,the mysterious appearance and disappearance of serpents and their strange twistings added an element in their case that increased the awe they inspired1 while if ,ihering be correct1#fga the omens derived from the flight of birds are a survival of the migratory period in the history of a nation1 when birds served as a natural guide in choosing the easiest course to pass from one place to another4 ,a large number of tablets in ,ashurbanabal's library treat of the significance attached to the action of these various animals1 and it is likely that these tablets form part of a large series1 of which the illustrations above adduced regarding the movements of dogs form a part4 ,in this series1 the application of the omens to individuals is more strongly emphasized than in the series of birth portents4 ,naturally so1 for it was the individual as a general thing who encountered the signs4 ,in the case of the appearance of a serpent or snake1 for example1 the omen consisted in the fact that a certain person beheld it1 and that person was involved in the consequences4 ,fine distinctions are again introduced that illustrate the intricacies of the system of interpretation perfected in ,babylonia4 ,if a snake passes from the right to the left side of a man1 it means one thing2 if from the left to the right1 another2 if the man who sees a snake does not tread upon it1 the omen is different than in the case when he attempts to crush it4 ,again the omen varies according to the occupation of the man who encountered a snake4 ,if he be a gardener1 the appearance of the snake means something different than in the case of his being a sailor4 ,the place where the animal appears is also of import1 whether in the street1 the house1 or the temple1 and again1 the time of its appearance1 in what month or on what day4 ,in the same way1 an endless variety of omens are derived from the appearance of certain birds1 the direction of their flight1 their fluttering around the head of a man or entering a man's house4 ,so1 e4g41 ,if a raven#fgb enters a man's house1 that man will secure whatever he desires4 ,and again3 ,if a bird throws a bit of meat or anything into a man's house1 that man will secure a large fortune4 ,the omens from the appearance of flocks of birds in a town bore1 as appears natural1 upon public affairs rather than upon the fate of individuals1 and similarly the appearance of birds in a temple was an omen for the whole country4 ,the public or private character of the omens was thus dependent in large measure upon the question whether the phenomena appeared to an individual directly or to the population of a place in general4 ,meeting a snake or scorpion in the course of a walk through the fields was an individual omen1 and similarly the actions of sheep in a man's stall1 whereas1 a mad bull rushing through the city was a general omen4 ,so we are told that ,if sheep in the stalls do not bleat 7871 that stall will be destroyed4 ,whereas#fgc ,a bull crouching at the gate of a city is an omen that the enemy will capture that gate4 ,a bull goring an ox in the city is an unfavorable omen for the city1 but if the bull enters the precincts of an individual1 it is favorable for the individual4 ,a series of omens derived from the appearance of locusts again illustrates this principle4 ,when the insects enter private precincts1 the individual and his immediate surroundings are affected4#fgd ,if black and speckled locusts appear in a man's house1 the master of the house will die4 ,if black and yellow locusts appear in a man's house1 the supports of that house will fall4 ,if large white locusts appear in a man's house1 that house will be destroyed and the owner will be in distress4 ,if white and brown locusts appear in a man's house1 that house will be destroyed4 ,if small white and brown locusts appear in a man's house1 the house will be destroyed and the owner will be in distress4 ,if yellow locusts appear in a man's house1 the supports of that house will fall and the owner of the house will be unlucky4 ,if yellow-winged locusts appear in a man's house1 the master of the house will die and that house will be overthrown4 ,omens ,from ,dreams4 ,it made little difference whether one encountered something while awake or saw it in one's dream4 ,in fact1 what one saw while asleep had as a general thing more importance4 ,a special god of dreams1 ,makhir1 is often referred to in the religious texts1 and this is but another way of expressing the belief that the dreams were sent to a man as omens4 ,an unusually wide scope was afforded to the compilers of omen series in their interpretations of dreams1 for what might not a man see in visions of the night8 ,if a lion#fge appears to a man1 it means that the man will carry out his purpose2 if a jackal1 it signifies that he will secure favor in the eyes of the gods2 a dog portends sorrow2 a mountain goat1 that the man's son will die of some disease2 a stag1 that his daughter will die2 and so through a long list4 ,again we are told#fgf that ,if 7in a dream7 a date appears on a man's head1#fgg it means that that man will be in distress4 ,if a fish appears on a man's head1 that man will be powerful4 ,if a mountain appears on a man's head1 that man will be without a rival4 ,if salt appears on a man's head1 his house will be well protected 7874 ,similarly1 interpretations are offered for the apparition of the dead or of demons1 in dreams4 ,the book of ,daniel affords an illustration of the importance attached to dreams in ,babylonia1 and of the science developed out of the interpretations4 ,the sarcastic touch introduced by the compiler of the book1#fgh who represents ,nebuchadnezzar as demanding of his priests not merely to interpret his dream1 but to tell him what he dreamed1 is intended to illustrate the limitations of the far-famed ',chaldean wisdom4' ,it is also interesting to note in connection with the illustrations adduced1 that the dreams of ,nebuchadnezzar and ,belshazzar#fgi in the book of ,daniel are so largely concerned with apparitions of animals4 ,the omens taken from dreams1 together with the accidents that occurred to an individual1 or the phenomena occurring in a man's house1 afford us an insight into the purely popular phases of the science of augury4 ,while eclipses and the movements of planets bear chiefly and almost exclusively on public affairs1 and even birth portents frequently portend something to the ruler or to the country1 it was through such omens as partook of a purely personal character that the intentions of the gods towards the individual were made manifest4 ,by means of omens1 the bond between the individual and the gods was not1 indeed1 established1 but in large measure maintained4 ,here was a phase of the religion that touched each individual closely4 ,what a person saw1 what he dreamed1 what happened to him1 what appeared in his house or among the members of his household was of significance to him4 ,to know what every phenomenon portended was essential to his welfare2 and we may feel certain that the relations of the individual to the priests1 so far as these existed1 consisted largely in obtaining from the latter the interpretation of the omens that he encountered4 ,on the other hand1 the power of the priests over the populace was due to the popular belief in portents1 and the attention given by the theologians to the collection of exhaustive omen series is a proof that the priests knew how to use their power4 ,these ,dream ,books must have been very numerous4 ,the success of the priests here depended even more than in other branches of the omen literature upon exhausting1 so far as possible1 all contingencies4 ,no doubt they were guided here also by two factors3 association of ideas1 and past experience through making of a single coincidence between a dream and some occurrence1 a principle of general application4 ,some of the omens from dreams1 however1 appear to have themselves formed part of a larger series dealing in general with ,omens ,from ,individual ,experiences4 ,if one may judge from the specimens furnished by ,dr4 ,bezold in his catalogue1 this series was unusually extensive1 embracing a large number of subjects connected with human activity1--a man's work in the field1 his actions in commercial affairs1 incidents of travel on sea or land1 his relations to his kindred--the dead as well as the living--disease and death1 down to such apparent trifles as the conditions of the walls of his house4 ,cracks in the wall were an omen2 meeting a snake in the highway was an omen4 ,a fall was an omen2 dropping an instrument was an omen2 in short1 it is difficult to say what was not an omen4 ,the character of the omens in this series does not differ in any essential particulars from those of other series4 ,the important feature of the series is that it affords another and perhaps the most striking illustration of that phase of the omen literature which concerns the individual directly1 and1 it seems safe to add1 exclusively4 ,take1 for example1 omens connected with symptoms occurring in certain diseases4 ,we are told that ,if the right breast is brown1 it is a fatal 787 sign4 ,if both breasts are brown1 there will be no recovery4 ,if the left breast is green1 the sickness will be severe4 ,the symptoms affect the individual alone4 ,through this series we are thus enabled to determine more definitely the boundary line between omens involving the affairs of the country and king1 and those involving the individual4 ,a phenomenon affecting an individual1 or appearing to him alone1 or brought about through some action of his of a purely private character1 carries in its train an omen of significance for himself or his immediate surroundings2 but the moment that these rather narrow limits are transcended1 the fate of the individual becomes more or less closely bound up with the fortunes of the population and of the ruler of the country in general4 ,the series also illustrates1 perhaps better than any other1 the control exercised by popular beliefs over the acts of the individual4 ,for we may conclude1 that if work on certain days or traveling at certain periods or the appearance of certain animals indicated something unfavorable to a man1 he would studiously avoid bringing misfortune upon himself and observe the precautions involved in the interpretation of the vast mass of the accidents and incidents of existence4 ,the task was a difficult one1 indeed1 impossible of being carried out to perfection1 but this would not hinder him from making the attempt4 ,he was satisfied if he warded off at least a fair number of unfavorable omens4 ,correspondingly1 he would endeavor to so regulate his course as to encounter as large a number as possible of omens that were favorable to him4 ,in this way his life would be spent with a constant thought of the gods and spirits1 who controlled all things in this world4 ,the popular belief in omens made it incumbent upon the individual not to lose sight at any time of his dependence upon powers over which he had but a limited control4 ,a certain phase of his religion thus entered largely into his life4 ,that phase would occupy him by day and by night4 ,it was a part of his religion which literally engaged him upon lying down at night1 and upon rising up1 while sitting in the house1 and while walking on the way4 ,if1 despite all his efforts1 misfortune came1--and misfortunes1 of course1 came constantly1--there was no other recourse but to throw himself upon the mercy of some god or gods4 ,the gods1 especially ,marduk1 ,ishtar1 ,shamash1 and ,ramman1 by putting 'grace' into the omens1 could at any time change them into favorable indications4 ,,footnotes3 #edh ,illustrated by the four volumes of ,bezold's ,catalogue of the ,koujunjik1 ,collection of the ,british ,museum 7,london1 #ahhi-if74 #edi ,vorgeschichte der ,indo-,europaer1 pp4 #bba seq4 #eej ,e4g41 ,,iiir4 #ea4 #eea ,ib4 no4 #a4 #eeb ,the #ast month of the year4 #eec ,,iiir4 #ea4 no4 #b4 #eed ,ib4 no4 #c4 #eee ,,iiir4 #ea1 no4 #i4 #eef ,ib4 no4 #g4 #eeg ,what the station of this official was we are not told4 #eeh ,,iiir4 #eh1 no4 #g4 #eei ,lit41 'true speech in the mouth of the people1' i4e41 there will be no sedition4 #efj ,,iiir4 #eh1 no4 #g4 #efa ,ib4 no4 #f4 #efb ,are not seen at the same time4 #efc ,his decision will be wise4 #efd ,safe from attacks4 #efe ,,iiir4 #eh1 no4 #ac4 #eff ,ib4 no4 #ab4 #efg ,this appears to be the unusual occurrence involved4 #efh ,see above1 pp4 #bha1 #ccb4 #efi ,,iiir4 #eh1 no4 #ad4 #egj ,i4e41 contrary to calculation4 #ega ,the shadow4 #egb ,favorable to ,elam 7so ,oppert translates74 #egc #ith month4 #egd ,,iiir4 #ea1 no4 #e4 #ege #aath month4 #egf ,,iiir4 #ei1 no4 #ac4 #egg ,some palace official is mentioned4 #egh ,e4g41 ,,iiir4 #eb1 no4 #b2 #fj and #fa4 ,professor ,craig of the ,university of ,michigan is now preparing for publication all the fragments of this series4 7,see his ,assyrian and ,babylonian ,religious ,texts1 ii4 #g47 #egi ,,iiir4 #fj4 ,the first eleven lines are broken off4 #ehj ,i4e41 of the night4 ,the night1 it will be recalled1 was divided into three watches of four hours each4 #eha ,lit41 a 'divine decision 7or oracle7 is given4' #ehb ,an island near the head of the ,persian ,gulf1 often referred to in the historical texts4 ,see ,tiele1 ,babyl4-,assyr4 ,gesch4 p4 #hh1 etc4 #ehc ,under the same circumstances4 #ehd ,lit41 'cattle'2 but cattle appears to be used for 'property' in general1 just as our ,english word 'chattel4' #ehe #eth month4 #ehf ,under the same circumstances4 #ehg ,lit41 ,nergal--the personification of pestilence and death4 #ehh ,repeated in the text by an error of the scribe4 #ehi ,,iii ,r4 #fj1 col4 ii4 #ij to col4 iii4 #bd4 #eij ,i4e41 there will be war4 ,one is reminded of the modern superstition which associates war with the 'northern light' in the heavens4 #eia ,i4e41 there will be sedition4 #eib ,so a variant text4 #eic ,i4e41 will play havoc with the ,inhabitants of the deep4 #eid ,i4e41 there will be peace4 #eie ,see the chapter on ,the ,temples of ,babylonia and ,assyria4 #eif ,see ,jensen1 ,kosmologie der ,babylonier1 pp4 #acd-aci4 #eig ,,iiir4 #fc4 #eih ,lit41 delayed in the heavens4 #eii ,tablet defective4 #fjj ,i4e41 there is war4 #fja ,intercalated month4 #fjb ,i4e41 it is a good sign4 #fjc ,tablet defective4 #fjd ,text erroneously 'one month4' #fje ,see above1 p4 #ahc4 #fjf ,see ,ihering1 ,vorgeschichte der ,indo-,europaer1 pp4 #ahb seq4 #fjg ,see ,the ,golden ,bough1 passim4 #fjh ,,iv ,rawlinson1 pls4 #cb1 #cc4 #fji ,i4e41 the ,intercalated ,elul4 ,after the #fth month 7,elul7 and after the #abth 7,adar71 a month was intercalated at certain intervals in order to bring the solar and lunar years into conjunction4 #faj ,lit41 'raising of his hand to a god'--the attitude in prayer4 #faa ,text erroneously 'mistress4' #fab ,here and elsewhere ,ishtar is used in a generic sense for 'chief goddess'2 in the present case ,sarpanitum4 ,see above1 pp4 #hb1 #aea1 #bjf4 #fac ',belit1' as 'mistress' in general4 #fad ,lit41 'place of secrecy1' the reference being to that portion of the temple where the god sat enthroned4 #fae ,i4e41 of the palace4 #faf ,i4e41 upon one's enemies4 #fag ,isaiah1 lviii4 #ac4 #fah ,meat1 just as wine1 was considered at all times a symbol of joy in the ,orient4 #fai ,perhaps also the #bdth4 #fbj ,v ,rawlinson1 pls4 #dh1 #di4 #fba ,the plural is used1 but in a collective sense4 #fbb ,the ,euphrates or ,tigris is no doubt meant4 #fbc ,,iiir4 #eb1 no4 #c1 reverse4 #fbd ,the most extensive publication of omens is ,boissier's ,documents ,assyriens ,relatifs aux ,presages1 of which two volumes have appeared4 ,boissier's method of publication is not altogether satisfactory4 #fbe ,introduction to the ,history of ,religions1 pp4 #bh-ce4 #fbf ,a particularly bad omen4 ,see ,,iiir4 #fe1 #bb1 obverse4 #fbg ,boissler1 ,documents ,assyriens ,relatifs aux ,presages1 pp4 #aaj seq4 ,boissier has published portions of some twenty tablets of the series1 ib4 pp4 #aaj-aha4 #fbh ,i4e41 will not suffer4 #fbi ,the phrase used is obscure4 ,my translation is offered as a conjecture4 #fcj ,i4e41 an enemy will keep the land in turmoil4 #fca ,i4e41 like a lion4 ,elsewhere the preposition 'like' is used4 #fcb ,where the child is born4 #fcc ,a solar deity2 see above1 p4 #ii4 ,reference to minor deities are frequent in these omen texts4 #fcd ,the reference appears to be to some misfortune that will be brought about through the solar deity ,gilgamesh4 #fce ,boissier1 ,documents1 etc41 pp4 #aah-abj4 #fcf ,i4e41 only two4 #fcg ,between the two heads1 ,i4e41 the hands and feet are misplaced4 #fch ,,iiir4 #fe1 no4 #a4 #fci ,abnormally small4 #fdj ,i4e41 the father or master4 #fda ,the ,egyptians carried the observation and interpretation of omens to quite as high a degree as the ,babylonians and ,assyrians4 ,see1 e4g41 ,chabas1 ,melanges ,egyptologiques1 #c;e serie1 tome ii42 ,wiedemann's ,religion of ,ancient ,egypt1 p4 #bfc4 #fdb ,lenormant1 ,choix des ,textes ,cuneiformes1 no4 #hg4 #fdc ,occurring at the end of the fourth tablet1 as an aid for the correct arrangement of the series4 ,,iiir #fe1 no4 #a1 reverse1 l4 #bh4 #fdd ,lit41 'stall1' which includes sheep1 oxen1 and swine4 #fde ,boissier1 ,documents1 etc41 pp4 #acb1 #acc4 #fdf ,i4e41 the owner of the stall4 ,a variant reads 'king' instead of 'man4' #fdg ,i4e41 misplaced4 #fdh ,in ,babylonian1 'ear' is a synonym of 'understanding4' #fdi ,still further misplaced4 #fej ,where the young one was born4 #fea ,i4e41 the flocks4 #feb ,boissler's text has 'man1'--probably in error for 'king4' #fec ,,iiir4 #fe1 no4 #b1 obverse4 #fed ,of the master4 #fee ,lit41 'cut off4' #fef ,of the owner4 #feg ,the wife of the owner of the mare appears to be meant4 #feh ,see above1 p4 #ach4 #fei ,see ,jevons1 ,introduction to the ,history of ,religion1 chapters vi4-ix4 #ffj ,robertson ,smith2 ,religion of the ,semites1 pp4 #adc1 #bgc4 #ffa ,lenormant1 ,choix des ,textes ,cuneiformes1 no4 #hi2 ,boissier1 ,documents1 etc41 p4 #ajd4 #ffb ,i4e41 the ruler of the palace4 #ffc ,lit41 'dark colored4' #ffd ',not1' perhaps omitted4 #ffe ,boissier1 p4 #ajc4 #fff ,by vomiting on him4 #ffg ,out of which one eats4 #ffh ,i4e41 keep away from it4 #ffi ,see p4 #ahb4 #fgj ,according to ,hilprecht 7,old ,babylonian ,inscriptions1 ,i4 part #b1 p4 #ce71 'a goose or similar water-bird' was originally pictured by the sign1 though he admits that the picture was 'later' used for swallow4 #fga ,vorgeschichte der ,indo-,europaer1 pp4 #dea-ee4 #fgb ,the term used is ,unagga1 ,bezold's ,catalogue of the ,koujunjik ,collection1 p4 #ahda4 ,see ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 p4 #aec4 #fgc ,bezold1 ,catalogue1 p4 #agaj4 #fgd ,boissier1 ,documents1 etc41 pp4 #c1 #d4 #fge ,bezold1 ,catalogue1 pp4 #adcg1 #adch4 #fgf ,bezold1 ib4 p4 #iah4 #fgg ,i4e41 over him4 #fgh ,chapter ii4 #d-f4 #fgi ,chapter ii4 #ca-ce1 and vii4 #b-ab4 ,,chapter ,,xxi4 ,,the ,,cosmology ,,of ,,the ,,babylonians4 ,various traditions were current in ,babylonia regarding the manner in which the universe came into existence4 ,the labors of the theologians to systematize these traditions did not succeed in bringing about their unification4 ,somewhat like in the ,book of ,genesis1 where two versions of the creation story have been combined by some editor1#fhj so portions of what were clearly two independent versions have been found among the remains of ,babylonian literature4 ,but whereas in the ,old ,testament the two versions are presented in combination so as to form a harmonic whole1 the two ,babylonian versions continued to exist side by side4 ,there is no reason to suppose that the versions were limited to two4 ,in fact1 a variant to an important episode in the creation story has been discovered which points to a third version4#fha ,the suggestion has been thrown out that these various versions arose in the various religious centers of the ,euphrates ,valley4 ,so far as the editing of the versions is concerned1 the suggestion is worthy of consideration1 for it is hardly reasonable to suppose that the theological schools of one and the same place should have developed more than one cosmological system4 ,the traditions themselves1 however1 apart from the literary form which they eventually assumed1 need not have been limited to certain districts nor have been peculiar to the place where the systematization took place4 ,nothing is more common than the interchange of myths and popular traditions4 ,they travel from one place to the other1 and contradictory accounts of one and the same event may be circulated1 and find credence in one and the same place4 ,the two distinct ,babylonian versions of the creation of the world that have up to the present time been found1 have come to us in a fragmentary form4 ,of the one1 indeed1 only some forty lines exist1 and these are introduced incidentally in an incantation text2#fhb of the other version1 portions of six tablets#fhc have been recovered2 while of two fragments it is doubtful#fhd whether they belong to this same version or represent a third version1 as does certainly a fragment containing a variant account of the episode described in the fourth tablet of the larger group4 ,the fragments of the longer version--in all #bc--;enable us to form a tolerably complete picture of the ,babylonian cosmology1 and with the help of numerous allusions in historical1 religious and astronomical texts and in classical writers1 we can furthermore fill out some of the gaps4 ,taking up the longer version1 which must for the present serve as our chief source for the cosmology of the ,babylonians1 it is important to note at the outset that the series constitutes1 in reality1 a grand hymn in honor of ,marduk4 ,the account of the beginning of things and of the order of creation is but incidental to an episode which is intended to illustrate the greatness of ,marduk1 the head of the ,babylonian pantheon4 ,this episode is the conquest of a great monster known as ,tiamat1--a personification1 as we shall see1 of primaeval chaos4 ,what follows upon this episode1 likewise turns upon the overshadowing personality of ,marduk4 ,this prominence given to ,marduk points of course to ,babylon as the place where the early traditions received their literary form4 ,instead of designating the series as a ',creation ,epic' it would be quite as appropriate to call it ',the ,epic of ,marduk4' ,the god of ,babylon is the hero of the story4 ,to him the creation of the heavenly bodies is ascribed4 ,it is he who brings order and light into the world4 ,he supplants the roles originally belonging to other gods4 ,bel and ,ea give way to him4 ,anu and the other great gods cheerfully acknowledge ,marduk's power4 ,the early traditions have all been colored by the endeavor to glorify ,marduk2 and since ,marduk is one of the latest of the gods to come into prominence1 we must descend some centuries below ,hammurabi before reaching a period when ,marduk's position was so generally recognized as to lead to a transformation of popular traditions at the hands of the theologians4 ,the evident purpose of the 'epic' to glorify ,marduk also accounts for the imperfect manner in which the creation of the universe is recounted4 ,only the general points are touched upon4 ,many details are omitted which in a cosmological epic1 composed for the specific purpose of setting forth the order of creation1 would hardly have been wanting4 ,in this respect1 the ,babylonian version again resembles the ,biblical account of creation1 which is similarly marked by its brevity1 and is as significant for its omissions as for what it contains4 ,it but remains before passing on to an analysis of the 'epic' to note the great care bestowed upon its literary form4 ,this is evidenced not only by the poetic diction1 but by its metrical form1--a point to which ,budge was the first to direct attention#fhe and which ,zimmern#fhf clearly established4 ,each line consists of two divisions1 and as a general thing four or eight lines constitute a stanza4 ,the principle of parallelism1 so characteristic of ,biblical poetry1 is also introduced1 though not consistently carried out4 ,the epic was known from its opening words as the series 'when above4' ,through this name we are certain of possessing a portion of the first tablet--but alas6 only a portion4 ,a fragment of fifteen lines and these imperfectly preserved is all that has as yet been found4 ,so far as decipherable1 it reads3 ,there was a time when above the heaven was not named4#fhg ,below1 the earth bore no name4 ,apsu was there1 the original1 their begettor1#b ,mummu and ,tiamat1 the mother of them all4#fhh ,but their waters#fhi were gathered together in a mass4 ,no field was marked off1 no marsh#fij was seen4 ,when none of the gods was as yet produced1 ,no name mentioned1 no fate determined1 ,then were created the gods in their totality4 ,lakhmu and ,lakhamu1 were created4 ,days went by#e 444 ,anshar and ,kishar were created4 ,many days elapsed#fia 444 ,anu ,bel and ,ea were created4#fib ,anshar1 ,anu 787 444 ,at this point the fragment breaks off4 ,brief as it is1 it affords a clear view of the manner in which the ,babylonians regarded the beginning of things4 ,water was the primaeval element4 ',apsu' is the personified great 'ocean'--the ',deep' that covers everything4 ,with ,apsu there is associated ,tiamat4 ,tiamat is the equivalent of the ,hebrew ,t'hom1#fic which occurs in the second verse of the opening chapter of ,genesis1 and which is1 like ,apsu1 the personification of the 'watery deep4' ,apsu and ,tiamat are1 accordingly1 synonymous4 ,the combination of the two may be regarded as due to the introduction of the theological doctrine which we have seen plays so prominent a part in the systematized pantheon1 namely1 the association of the male and female principle in everything connected with activity or with the life of the universe4 ,apsu represents the male and ,tiamat the female principle of the primaeval universe4 ,it does not follow from this that the two conceptions are wholly dissociated from popular traditions4 ,theological systems1 it will be found1 are always attached at some point to popular and often to primitive beliefs4 ,tiamat was popularly pictured as a huge monster of a forbidding aspect4 ,traces of a similar conception connected with ,t'hom are to be met with in the poetry of the ,old and ,new ,testament4#fid ,the ',rahab' and ',leviathan' and the ',dragon' of the apocalypse belong to the same order of ideas that produced ,tiamat4 ,all these monsters represent a popular attempt to picture the chaotic condition that prevailed before the great gods obtained control and established the order of heavenly and terrestrial phenomena4 ,the belief that water was the original element existing in the universe and the 'source' of everything1 may also have had its rise in the popular mind4 ,it was suggested in the ,euphrates ,valley1 in part1 by the long-continued rainy season1 as a result of which the entire region was annually flooded4 ,the dry land and vegetation appeared1 only after the waters had receded4 ,the yearly phenomenon brought home to the minds of the ,babylonians1 a picture of primaeval chaos4 ,in the schools of theology that arose with the advance of culture1 these two notions--water as the first element and a general conception of chaos--were worked out with the result that ,apsu and ,tiamat became mythical beings whose dominion preceded that of the gods4 ,further than this the questionings of the schoolmen did not go4 ,they conceived of a time when neither the upper firmament nor the dry land existed and when the gods were not yet placed in control1 but they could not conceive of a time when there was 'nothing' at all4 ,this cosmological theory which we may deduce from the fragment of the first tablet of the creation series is confirmed by the accounts that have come down to us--chiefly through ,damascius--of the treatment of the subject by ,berosus4#fie ,damascius explicitly places the ,babylonians among those nations who fail to carry back the universe to an ultimate single source4 ,there is nothing earlier than the two beings--,apsu and ,tiamat4#fif ,the massing together of the primaeval waters completes the picture of chaos in the cuneiform account4 ,from the popular side1 the commingling corresponds to the ,tohu wa ,bohu of the ,book of ,genesis1 but for the ,babylonian theologians1 this embrace of ,apsu and ,tiamat becomes a symbol of 'sexual' union4#fig ,as the outcome of this union1 the gods are produced4 ,this dependence of the gods upon ,apsu and ,tiamat is but vaguely indicated4 ,another theory appears to have existed according to which the gods were contemporaneous with primaeval chaos4 ,the vagueness may therefore be the result of a compromise between conflicting schools of thought4 ,however this may be1 the moment that the gods appear1 a conflict ensues between them and ,apsu-,tiamat4 ,this conflict represents the evolution from chaos to order4 ,but before taking up this phase of the epic1 a few words must be said as to the names of the gods mentioned1 and as to the order in which they occur4 ,there are three classes of deities enumerated4 ,the first two classes consist1 each1 of a pair of deities while the third is the well-known triad of the old ,babylonian theology4 ,between the creation of each class a long period elapses--a circumstance that may be regarded as an evidence of the originally independent character of each class4 ,now it has recently been shown#fih that ,lakhamu is the feminine of ,lakhmu4 ,the first class of deities is1 therefore1 an illustration again of the conventional male and female principles introduced into the current theology4 ,while there are references to ,lakhmu and ,lakhamu in the religious texts1#fii particularly in incantations1 these two deities play no part whatsoever in the active pantheon1 as revealed by the historical texts4 ,in popular tradition1#gjj ,lakhmu survived as a name of a mythical monster4 ,alexander ,polyhistor#gja quotes ,berosus as saying in his book on ,babylonia that the first result of the mixture of water and chaos--i4e41 of ,apsu and ,tiamat--was the production of monsters partly human1 partly bestial4 ,the winged bulls and lions that guarded the approaches to temples and palaces are illustrations of this old notion1 and it is to this class of mythical beings that ,lakhmu belongs4 ,the schools of theology1 seizing hold of this popular tradition1 add again to ,lakhmu a female mate and convert the tradition into a symbol of the first step in the evolution of order out of the original chaos4 ,lakhmu and ,lakhamu are made to stand for an entire class of beings that are the offspring of ,apsu and ,tiamat4 ,this class does not differ essentially from ,apsu and ,tiamat1 nor from the ',leviathan1' the ',dragon1' the winged serpents1 and the winged bulls that are all emanations of the same order of ideas4 ,accordingly1 we find ,lakhmu and ,lakhamu associated with ,tiamat when the conflict with the gods begins4 ,they are products of chaos and yet at the same time contemporary with chaos1--monsters not so fierce as ,tiamat1 but withal monsters who had to be subdued before the planets and the stars1 vegetation and man could appear4 ,the introduction of ,anshar and ,kishar as intermediate between the monsters and the triad of gods appears to be due entirely to the attempt at theological systematization that clearly stamps the creation epic as the conscious work of schoolmen1 though shaped1 as must always be borne in mind1 out of the material furnished by popular tradition4 ,in connection with the etymology and original form of the chief of the ,assyrian pantheon1#gjb the suggestion was made that the introduction of ,anshar into the creation epic is a concession made to the prominence that ,ashur acquired in the north4 ,we are now able to put this suggestion in a more definite form4 ,the pantheon of the north1 as we have seen1 was derived from the south4 ,not that all the gods of the south are worshipped in the north1 but those that are worshipped in the north are also found in the south1 and originate there4 ,the distinctive features of ,ashur are due to the political conditions that were developed in ,assyria1 but the unfolding of the conceptions connected with this god which make him the characteristic deity of ,assyria1 indeed1 the only distinctive ,assyrian figure in the ,assyrian pantheon1 does not preclude the possibility1 of the southern origin of ,ashur4 ,if1 as has been made plausible by ,hommel1 ,nineveh1 the later capital of the ,assyrian empire1 represents a settlement made by inhabitants of a ,nineveh situated in the south1 there is no reason why a southern deity bearing the name ,anshar should not have been transferred from the south to the north4 ,the attempt has been made#gjc to explain the change from ,anshar to ,ashur4 ,the later name ,ashur1 because of its ominous character1 effectually effaced the earlier one in popular thought4 ,the introduction of the older form ,anshar1 not merely in the first tablet of the creation series1 but1 as we shall presently see1 elsewhere1 confirms the view of a southern origin for ,ashur1 and also points to the great antiquity of the ,anshar-,ashur cult4 ,it is not uncommon to find colonies more conservative in matters of religious thought and custom than the motherland1 and there is nothing improbable in the interesting conclusion thus reached that ,ashur1 the head of an empire1 so much later in point of time than ,babylonia1 should turn out to be an older deity than the chief personage in the ,babylonian pantheon after the days of ,hammurabi4 ,but while ,anshar-,ashur under this view is a figure surviving from an ancient period1 he is transformed by association with a complementary deity ,kishar into a symbol1 just as we have found to be the case with ,lakhmu4 ,by a play upon his name1 resting upon an arbitrary division of ,anshar into ,an and ,shar1 the deity becomes the 'one that embraces all that is above4' ,the element ,an is the same that we have in ,anu1 and is the 'ideographic'#gjd form for 'high' and 'heaven4' ,shar signifies 'totality' and has some connection with a well-known ,babylonian word for 'king4' ,the natural consort to an all-embracing upper power is a power that 'embraces all that is below'2 and since ,ki is the ideographic form for 'earth1' it is evident that ,ki-,shar is a creation of the theologians1 introduced in order to supply ,anshar with an appropriate associate4 ,the two in combination represent a pair like ,lakhmu and ,lakhamu4 ,as the latter pair embrace the world of monsters1 so ,anshar and ,kishar stand in the theological system for the older order of gods1 a class of deities antecedent to the series of which ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea are the representatives4 ,besides the antiquity of ,anshar and the factor involved in the play upon the name1 the prominence of the ,ashur cult in the north also entered into play 7as already suggested7 in securing for ,anshar-,ashur1 a place in the systematized cosmology4 ,the ,babylonian priests1 while always emphasizing the predominance of ,marduk1 could not entirely resist the influences that came to them from the north4 ,ashur was not accorded a place in the ,babylonian cult1 but he could not be ignored altogether4 ,moreover1 ,assyria had her priests and schools1 and we are permitted to see in the introduction of ,anshar in the creation epic1 a concession that reflects the influence1 no doubt indirect1 and in part perhaps unconscious1 but for all that1 the decided influence of the north over the south4 ,the part played by ,anshar in the most important episode of the creation epic will be found to further strengthen this view4#gje ,kishar1 at all events1 forms no part of either the ,babylonian or of the active ,assyrian pantheon4 ,she does not occur in historical or religious texts4 ,her existence is purely theoretical--a creation of the schools without any warrant in popular tradition1 so far as we can see4 ,a tablet is fortunately preserved#gjf 7though only in part7 which enables us to come a step nearer towards determining the character of the series of powers regarded as antecedent to the well-known deities4 ,in this tablet1 no less than ten pairs of deities are enumerated that are expressly noted as ',father-mother of ,anu1' that is1 as antecedent to ,anu4#gjg ,among these we find ,anshar and ,kishar1 and by their side1 such pairs as ,anshar-gal1 i4e41 'great totality of what is on high1' and ,kishar-gal1 i4e41 'great totality of what is below1' ,enshar and ,ninshar1 i4e41 'lord' and 'mistress1' respectively1 of 'all there is1' ,du'ar and ,da'ur1 forms of a stem which may signify 'perpetuity1' ,alala1 i4e41 'strength1' and a consort ,belili4 ,lakhmu and ,lakhamu are also found in the list4 ,while some of the names are quite obscure1 and the composition of the list is due to the scholastic spirit emanating from the schools of theology1 the fact that some of the deities1 as ,alala1 ,belili1 ,lakhmu and ,lakhamu1 occur in incantations shows that the theologians were guided in part by dimmed traditions of some deities that were worshipped prior to the ones whose cult became prominent in historic times4 ,anshar1 ,alala1 ,belili1 ,lakhmu1 and ,du'ar were such deities4 ,to each of these an associate was given1 in accord with the established doctrine of 'duality' that characterizes the more advanced of the ancient ,semitic cults in general4 ,others1 like ,anshar-gal and ,enshar1 seem to be pure abstractions--perhaps only 'variants' of ,anshar1 and the number ten may have some mystical significance that escapes us4 ,so much1 at all events1 seems certain that even the old ,babylonian pantheon1 as revealed by the oldest historical texts1 represents a comparatively advanced stage of the religion when some still older gods had already yielded to others and a system was already in part produced which left out of consideration these older deities4 ,this is indicated by the occurrence of the triad ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea as early as the days of ,gudea1#gjh and it is this triad which in the creation epic follows upon the older series symbolized by ,anshar and ,kishar4 ,the later 'theology' found a solution of the problem by assuming four series of deities represented by ,apsu and ,tiamat1 by ,lakhmu and ,lakhamu1 by ,anshar and ,kishar1 and by the triad ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea4 ,in a vague way1 as we have seen1 ,apsu and ,tiamat are the progenitors of ,lakhmu and ,lakhamu4 ,the priority1 again1 of ,lakhmu and ,lakhamu1 as well as of ,anshar and ,kishar1 is expressed by making them 'ancestors' of ,anu1 ,bel and ,ea4 ,while in the list above referred to1 ,lakhmu and ,lakhamu are put in a class with ,anshar and ,kishar1 in the creation epic they form a separate class1 and ,delitzsch has justly recognized1#gji in this separation1 the intention of the compilers to emphasize an advance in the evolution of chaos to order1 which is the keynote of the ,babylonian cosmology4 ,lakhmu and ,lakhamu represent the 'monster' world where creatures are produced in strange confusion1 whereas ,anshar and ,kishar indicate a division of the universe into two distinct and sharply defined parts4 ,the splitting of 'chaos' is the first step towards its final disappearance4 ,the creation of ,anshar and ,kishar marks indeed the beginning of a severe conquest which ends in the overthrow of ,tiamat1 and while in the present form of the epic1 the contest is not decided before ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea and the chief deities of the historic pantheon are created1 one can see traces of an earlier form of the tradition in which ,anshar--perhaps with some associates--is the chief figure in the strife4 ,of the first tablet1 we have two further fragments supplementing one another1 in which the beginnings of this terrible conflict are described4 ,with ,apsu and ,tiamat there are associated a variety of monsters who prepare themselves for the fray4 ,the existence of these associates shows that the 'epic' does not aim to account for the real origin of things1 but only for the origin of the order of the universe4 ,at the beginning there was chaos1 but 'chaos1' so far from representing emptiness 7as came to be the case under a monotheistic conception of the universe7 was on the contrary marked by a superabundant fullness4 ,through ,alexander ,polyhistor1#gaj as already mentioned1 we obtain a satisfactory description of this period of chaos as furnished by ,berosus4 ,at the time when all was darkness and water1 there flourished strange monsters1 human beings with wings1 beings with two heads1 male and female1 hybrid formations1 half-man1 half-animal1 with horns of rams and horses' hoofs1 bulls with human faces1 dogs with fourfold bodies ending in fish tails1 horses with heads of dogs1 and various other monstrosities4 ,this account of ,berosus is now confirmed by the cuneiform records4 ,the associates of ,tiamat are described in a manner that leaves no doubt as to their being the monsters referred to4 ,we are told that ,ummu-,khubur1#gaa the creator of everything1 added ,strong warriors1 creating great serpents1 ,sharp of tooth1 merciless in attack4 ,with poison in place of blood1 she filled their bodies4 ,furious vipers she clothed with terror1 ,fitted them out with awful splendor1 made them high of stature787 ,that their countenance might inspire terror and arouse horror1 ,their bodies inflated1 their attack irresistible4 ,she set up basilisks 787 great serpents and monsters#gab ,a great monster1 a mad dog1 a scorpion-man ,a raging monster1 a fish-man1 a great bull1 ,carrying merciless weapons1 not dreading battle4 ,in all1 eleven monstrous beings are created by ,tiamat for the great conquest4 ,at their head she places a being ,kingu1 whom she raises to the dignity of a consort4 ,the formal installation of ,kingu is described as follows3 ,she raised ,kingu among them to be their chief4 ,to march at the head of the forces1 to lead the assembly4 ,to command the weapons to strike1 to give the orders for the fray4 ,to be the first in war1 supreme in triumph4 ,she ordained him and clothed him with authority 7874 ,tiamat then addresses ,kingu directly3 ,through my word to thee1 ,i have made thee the greatest among the gods4 ,the rule over all the gods ,i have placed in thy hand4 ,the greatest shalt thou be1 thou1 my consort1 my only one4 ,tiamat thereupon ,gives him the tablets of fate1 hangs them on his breast1 and dismisses him4 ',thy command be invincible1 thy order authoritative4'#gac ,the plan of procedure1 it would appear1 is the result of a council of war held by ,apsu and ,tiamat1 who feel themselves powerless to carry on the contest by themselves4 ,the portion of the tablet#gad in which this council is recounted is in so bad a condition that but little can be made out of it4 ,associated with ,apsu and ,tiamat in council1 is a being ,mummu1 and since ,damascius expressly notes on the direct authority of ,berosus that ,apsu and ,tiamat produced a son ,moumis1#gae there is every reason to believe that ,mummu represents this offspring4 ,in the subsequent narrative1 however1 neither ,apsu nor ,mummu play any part4 ,tiamat has transferred to ,kingu and the eleven monsters all authority1 and it is only after they are defeated that ,tiamat--but ,tiamat alone--enters the fray4 ,the rage of ,tiamat is directed against ,anshar1 ,kishar1 and their offspring4 ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea1 while standing at the head of the latter1 are not the only gods introduced4 ,when the contest begins1 all the great gods and also the minor ones are in existence4 ,the cause of ,tiamat's rage is indicated1 though vaguely1 in the portions preserved4 ,in the opening lines of the epic there is a reference to the time 'when fates were not yet decided4' ,the decision of fates is in the ,babylonian theology one of the chief functions of the gods4 ,it constitutes the mainspring of their power4 ,to decide fates is practically to control the arrangement of the universe--to establish order4 ,it is this function which arouses the natural opposition of ,tiamat and her brood1 for ,tiamat feels that once the gods are in control1 her sway must come to an end4 ,on the part of the gods there is great terror4 ,they are anxious to conciliate ,tiamat and are not actuated by any motives of rivalry4 ,order is not aggressive4 ,it is chaos which manifests opposition to 'order4' ,in the second tablet of the series1 ,anshar sends his son ,anu with a message to ,tiamat3 ,go and step before ,tiamat4 ,may her liver be pacified1 her heart softened4 ,anu obeys1 but at the sight of ,tiamat's awful visage takes flight4 ,it is unfortunate that the second tablet is so badly preserved4 ,we are dependent largely upon conjecture for what follows the failure of ,anu's mission4 ,from references in subsequent tablets1 it seems certain that ,anshar sends out ,ea as a second messenger and that ,ea also fails4 ,tiamat is determined upon destroying the gods1 or at least upon keeping from them the 'decision of fates4' ,anshar1 it will be seen1 stands at the head of the pantheon1 and it seems natural that he1 and not one of his offspring1 should be the final victor4 ,this indeed appears to have been the original form of the myth or at least one form of it4 ,in a second form it was ,bel to whom the victory was ascribed1 and this ,bel of the triad1 we have seen1 was ,en-lil1 the chief god of ,nippur2 but both ,anshar and ,bel must give way to the patron deity of the city of ,babylon--,marduk4 ,anshar-,ashur1 the head of the ,assyrian pantheon1 could not be tolerated by the ,babylonian priests as a power superior to ,marduk4 ,on the other hand1 ,anshar could not be set aside1 for he survived in popular tradition4 ,the result is a compromise4 ,marduk gains the victory over ,tiamat1 but is commissioned to do so by the assembly of the gods1 including ,anshar4 ,as for the older ,bel1 he voluntarily transfers to ,marduk his name4 ,in this way1 the god ,bel of the triad becomes one with ,marduk4 ,perhaps in one religious center and at a time when ,ea was the chief god1 still another version existed which assigned the triumph to ,ea1 for as will be pointed out1 traditions waver between assigning to ,ea or to ,bel-,marduk so fundamental a function as the creation of mankind4 ,in short1 the present form of the creation epic is 'eclectic' and embodies what the ,germans call a tendenz4 ,to each of the great gods1 ,anshar1 ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea1 some part in the contest is assigned1 but the greatest role belongs to ,marduk4 ,the second tablet closes with ,anshar's decision to send his son ,marduk against ,tiamat3 ,marduk heard the word of his father4 ,his heart rejoiced and to his father he spoke4 ,with joyous heart he is ready to proceed to the contest1 but he at once makes good his claim to supreme control in case he is victorious4 ,he addresses the assembled gods3 ,when ,i shall have become your avenger1 ,binding ,tiamat and saving your life1 ,then come in a body1 ,in ,ubshu-kenna1#gaf let yourselves down joyfully1 ,my authority instead of yours will assume control1 ,unchangeable shall be whatever ,i do1 ,irrevocable and irresistible1 be the command of my lips4 ,the declaration foreshadows the result4 ,the third tablet is taken up with the preliminaries for the great contest1 and is interesting chiefly because of the insight it affords us into ,babylonian methods of literary composition4 ,anshar sends ,gaga#gag to the hostile camp with the formal announcement of ,marduk's readiness to take up the cause of the gods4 ,gaga does not face ,tiamat directly1 but leaves the message with ,lakhmu and ,lakhamu3 ,go ,gaga1 messenger 787 joy of my liver1 ,to ,lakhmu and ,lakhamu ,i will send thee4 ,the message proper begins as follows3 ,anshar your son has sent me1 ,the desire of his heart he has entrusted to me4 ,tiamat1 our mother is full of hate towards us1 ,with all her might she is bitterly enraged4 ,the eleven associates that ,tiamat has ranged on her side are again enumerated1 together with the appointment of ,kingu as chief of the terror-inspiring army4 ,gaga comes to ,lakhmu and ,lakhamu and delivers the message verbatim1 so that altogether this portion of the narrative is repeated no less than four times4#gah ,the same tendency towards repetition is met with in the ,gilgamesh epic and in the best of the literary productions of ,babylonia4 ,it may be ascribed to the influence exerted by the religious hymns and incantations where repetition1 as we have seen1 is also common1 though serving a good purpose4 ,the message concludes3 ,i sent ,anu1 he could not endure her#gai presence4 ,ea#gbj was afraid and took to flight4 ,marduk has stepped forward1 the chief of the gods1 your son1 ,to proceed against ,tiamat1 he has set his mind4 ,marduk's declaration is then repeated4 ,upon hearing the message ,lakhmu and ,lakhamu and all the ,igigi#gba are distressed1 but are powerless to avert the coming disaster4 ,the formal declaration of war having been sent1 the followers of ,anshar assemble at a meal which is realistically described3 ,they ate bread1 they drank wine4 ,the sweet wine took away their senses4 ,they became drunk1 and their bodies swelled up4 ,with this description the third tablet closes4 ,the meal symbolizes the solemn gathering of the gods4 ,at its conclusion1 so it would seem1 ,marduk is formally installed as the leader to proceed against ,tiamat4 ,the gods vie with one another in showering honors upon ,marduk4 ,they encourage him for the fight by praising his unique powers3 ,thou art honored among the great gods1 ,thy destiny is unique1 thy command is ,anu4#gbb ,marduk1 thou art honored among the great gods1 ,thy destiny is unique1 thy command is ,anu1 ,henceforth thy order is absolute4 ,to elevate and to lower is in thy hands1 ,what issues from thee is fixed1 thy order cannot be opposed1 ,none among the gods may trespass upon thy dominion4 444 ,thy weapons will never be vanquished2 they will shatter thy enemies4 ,o lord6 grant life to him who trusts in thee1 ,but destroy the life of the god who plots evil4 ,as a proof of the power thus entrusted to ,marduk1 the gods give the latter a 'sign4' ,marduk performs a miracle4 ,a garment is placed in the midst of the gods4 ,command that the dress disappear6 ,then command that the dress return6 ,marduk proceeds to the test4 ,as he gave the command1 the dress disappeared4 ,he spoke again and the dress was there4 ,this 'sign1' which reminds one of ,yahwe's signs to ,moses as a proof of the latter's power1#gbc is to be regarded as an indication that destruction and creation are in ,marduk's hands4 ,the gods rejoice at the exhibition of ,marduk's power4 ,in chorus they exclaim1 ,marduk is king4 ,the insignia of royalty1 throne1 sceptre1 and authority are conferred upon him4 ,now go against ,tiamat1 cut off her life1 ,let the winds carry her blood to hidden regions4#gbd ,marduk thereupon fashions his weapons for the fray4 ,myth and realism are strangely intertwined in the description of these weapons4 ,bow and quiver1 the lance and club are mentioned1 together with the storm and the lightning flash4 ,in addition to this he ,constructs a net wherewith to enclose the life of ,tiamat4 ,the four winds he grasped so that she could not escape4#gbe ,the south and north winds1 the east and west winds ,he brought to the net1 which was the gift of his father ,anu4 ,his outfit is not yet complete4 ,he creates a destructive wind1 a storm1 a hurricane1 ,making of the four winds1 seven#gbf destructive and fatal ones2 ,then he let loose the winds he created1 the seven1 ,to destroy the life#gbg of ,tiamat1 they followed after him4 ,marduk1 taking his most powerful weapon in his hand1#gbh mounts his chariot1 which is driven by fiery steeds4 ,the picture thus furnished of the god1 standing upright in his chariot1 with his weapons hung about him and the seven winds following in his wake1 is most impressive4 ,he makes straight for the hostile camp4 ,the sight of the god inspires terror on all sides4 ,the lord comes nearer with his eye fixed upon ,tiamat1 ,piercing with his glance 787 ,kingu her consort4 ,kingu starts back in alarm4 ,he cannot endure the 'majestic halo' which surrounds ,marduk4 ,kingu's associates--the monsters--are terrified at their leader's discomfiture4 ,tiamat alone does not lose her courage4 ,marduk1 brandishing his great weapon1 addresses ,tiamat3 ,why hast thou set thy mind upon stirring up destructive contest8 ,he reproaches her for the hatred she has shown towards the gods1 and boldly calls her out to the contest3 ,stand up6 ,i and thou1 come let us fight4 ,tiamat's rage at this challenge is superbly pictured3 ,when ,tiamat heard these words ,she acted as possessed1 her senses left her2 ,tiamat shrieked wild and loud1 ,trembling and shaking down to her foundations4 ,she pronounced an incantation1 uttered her sacred formula4 ,marduk is undismayed3 ,then ,tiamat and ,marduk1 chief of the gods1 advanced towards one another4 ,they advanced to the contest1 drew nigh for fight4 ,the fight and discomfiture of ,tiamat are next described3 ,the lord spread out his net in order to enclose her4 ,the destructive wind1 which was behind him1 he sent forth into her face4 ,as ,tiamat opened her mouth full wide1 ,he#gbi drove in the destructive wind1 so that she could not close her lips4 ,the strong winds inflated her stomach4 ,her heart was beset1#gcj she opened still wider her mouth1#gca ,he seized the spear and plunged it into her stomach1 ,he pierced her entrails1 he tore through her heart1 ,he seized hold of her and put an end to her life1 ,he threw down her carcass and stepped upon her4 ,the method employed by ,marduk is so graphically described that no comment is necessary4 ,after having vanquished ,tiamat1 the valiant ,marduk attacks her associates4 ,they try to flee1 but he captures them all--including ,kingu--without much difficulty and puts them into his great net4 ,most important of all1 he tears the tablets of fate from ,kingu and places them on his breast4 ,this act marks the final victory4 ,henceforth1 the gods with ,marduk--and no longer ,tiamat and her brood--decree the fate of the universe4 ,there is great rejoicing among the gods1 who heap presents and offerings upon ,marduk4 ,as the vanquisher of chaos1 ,marduk is naturally singled out to be the establisher of the fixed form and order of the universe4 ,the close of the fourth tablet describes this work of the god1 and the subject is continued in the following ones4 ,unfortunately1 these tablets are badly preserved1 so that we are far from having a complete view of the various acts of ,marduk4 ,he begins by taking the carcass of ,tiamat and cutting it in half4 ,he cuts her like one does a flattened fish into two halves4 ,previous to this he had trampled upon her and smashed her skull1 as we are expressly told1 so that the comparison of the monster1 thus pressed out1 to a flattened fish is appropriate4 ,he splits her lengthwise4 ,the one half he fashioned as a covering for the heavens1 ,attaching a bolt and placing there a guardian1 ,with orders not to permit the waters to come out4 ,it is evident that the canopy of heaven is meant4 ,such is the enormous size of ,tiamat that one-half of her body flattened out so as to serve as a curtain1 is stretched across the heavens to keep the 'upper waters'--'the waters above the firmament' as the ,book of ,genesis puts it--from coming down4 ,to ensure the execution of this design1 a bolt is drawn in front of the canopy and a guardian placed there1 like at a city wall1 to prevent any one or anything from coming out4 ,this act corresponds closely to the creation of a firmament in the first chapter of ,genesis4 ,the interpretation is borne out by the statement of ,alexander ,polyhistor who1 quoting from ,berosus1 states that out of one-half of ,tiamat the heavens were made4#gcb ,the further statement that out of the other half the earth was fashioned is not definitely stated in our version of the creation4 ,the narrative proceeds as follows3 ,he passed through the heavens1 he inspected the expanse4#gcc ,to understand this phrase1 we must consider the general character of the epic1 which is1 as we have already seen1 a composite production1 formed of popular elements and of more advanced speculations4 ,the popular element is the interpretation of the storms and rains that regularly visit the ,euphrates ,valley before the summer season sets in1 as a conflict between a monster and the solar deity ,marduk4 ,after a struggle1 winds at last drive the waters back2 ,tiamat is vanquished by the entrance of the 'bad wind' into her body4 ,the sun appears in the heavens and runs across the expanse1 passing in his course over the entire vault4 ,the conflict1 which in the scholastic system of the theologians is placed at the beginning of things1 is in reality a phenomenon of annual occurrence4 ,the endeavor to make ,marduk more than what he originally was--a solar deity--leads to the introduction of a variety of episodes that properly belong to a different class of deities4 ,for all that1 the original role of ,marduk is not obscured4 ,marduk's passage across the heavens is a trace of the popular phases of the nature myth1 and while in one sense1 it is appropriately introduced after the fashioning of the expanse1 it more properly follows immediately upon the conflict with ,tiamat4 ,in short1 we have reached a point in the narrative where the nature myth symbolizing the annual succession of the seasons blends with a cosmological system which is the product of comparatively advanced schools of thought1 in such a manner as to render it difficult to draw the line where myth ends and cosmological system begins4 ,for the moment1 the nature myth controls the course of the narrative4 ,the sun1 upon running its course across the heavens1 appears to drop into the great ocean1 which the ,babylonians1 in common with many ancient nations1 imagined to surround and to pass underneath the earth4 ,hence the next act undertaken by ,marduk is the regulation of the course of this subterranean sea4 ,the name given to this sea was ,apsu4 ,marduk however does not create the ,apsu4 ,it is in existence at the beginning of things1 but he places it under the control of ,ea4 ,in front of ,apsu1 he prepared the dwelling of ,nu-dimmud4#gcd ,this ,apsu1 as we learn from other sources1#gce flows on all sides of the earth1 and since it also fills the hollow under the earth1 the latter in reality rests upon the ,apsu4 ,ea is frequently called the lord of ,apsu1 but the creation epic1 in assigning to ,marduk the privilege of preparing the dwelling of ,ea1 reverses the true order of things1 which may still be seen in the common belief that made ,marduk the son of ,ea4 ,marduk1 the sun rising up out of the ocean1 becomes the offspring of ,ea1 and even the political supremacy of ,marduk could not set aside the prerogatives of ,ea in the popular mind4 ,in the cosmological system1 however1 as developed in the schools1 such an attempt was made4 ,while recognizing the 'deep' as the domain of ,ea1 the theologians saved ,marduk's honor by having him take a part in fixing ,ea's dwelling and in determining its limitations4 ,with the carcass of ,tiamat stretched across the upper firmament and safely guarded1 and with the ,apsu under control1 the way is clear for the formation of the earth4 ,this act in the drama of creation is referred to in the following lines1 though in a manner1 that is not free from obscurity4 ,the earth is pictured as a great structure placed over the ,apsu and corresponding in dimension with it--at least in one direction4 ,the lord measured out the structure of ,apsu4 ,corresponding to it1 he fashioned a great structure#gcf ,esharra4 ,esharra is a poetical designation of the earth and signifies1 as ,jensen has satisfactorily shown1 house of fullness#gcg or house of fertility4 ,the earth is regarded as a great structure1 and placed as it is over the ,apsu1 its size is dependent upon the latter4 ,its measurement from one end to the other cannot exceed the width of the ,apsu1 nor can it be any narrower4 ,the ends of the earth span the great ,apsu4 ,the following line specifies the shape given to ,esharra3 ,the great structure ,esharra1 which he made as a heavenly vault4 ,the earth is not a sphere according to ,babylonian ideas1 but a hollow hemisphere having an appearance exactly like the vault of heaven1 but placed in position beneath the heavenly canopy4 ,as a hemisphere it suggests the picture of a mountain1 rising at one end1 mounting to a culminating point1 and descending at the other end4 ,hence by the side of ,esharra1 another name by which the earth was known was ,ekur1 that is1 'the mountain house4' ,diodorus ,seculus1 in speaking of the ,babylonian cosmology1 employs a happy illustration4 ,he says that according to ,babylonian notions the world is a boat turned upside down4 ,the kind of boat meant is1 as ,lenormant recognized1#gch the deep-bottomed round skiff with curved edges that is still used for carrying loads across and along the ,euphrates and ,tigris1 the same kind of boat that the compilers of ,genesis had in view when describing ,noah's ,ark4 ,the appearance in outline thus presented by the three divisions of the universe--the heavens1 the earth1 and the waters--would be that of two heavy rainbows1 one beneath the other at some distance apart1 resting upon a large body of water that flows around the horizons of both rainbows1 and also fills the hollow of the second one4#gci ,the upper 'rainbow' is formed by one-half of the carcass of ,tiamat stretched across in semi-circular shape2 the lower one is the great structure ,esharra made by ,marduk1 while the ,apsu underneath is the dwelling of ,ea4 ,the creation epic1 it may be noted once more1 takes much for granted4 ,its chief aim being to glorify ,marduk1 but little emphasis is laid upon details of interest to us4 ,the parcelling out of these three divisions among ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea is therefore merely alluded to in the closing line of the fourth tablet3 ,he established the districts#gdj of ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea4 ,the narrative assumes what we know from other sources1 that the heavens constitute the domain of ,anu1 ,esharra belongs to ,bel1 while ,apsu belongs to ,ea4 ,the mention of the triad takes us away from popular myth to the scholastic system as devised by the theologians4 ,the establishment of the triad in full control marks the introduction of fixed order into the universe4 ,all traces of ,tiamat have disappeared4 ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea symbolize the eternal laws of the universe4 ,there are1 as we have seen1 two factors involved in the role assigned to ,marduk in the version of the creation epic under consideration1--one the original character of the god as a solar deity1 the other the later position of the god as the head of the ,babylonian pantheon4 ,in the 'epic1' the fight of ,marduk with ,tiamat belongs to ,marduk as a solar deity4 ,the myth is based1 as was above suggested1#gda upon the annual phenomenon witnessed in ,babylonia when the whole valley is flooded and storms sweep across the plains4 ,the sun is obscured4 ,a conflict is going on between the waters and storms1 on the one hand1 and the sun1 on the other hand4 ,the latter finally is victorious4 ,marduk subdues ,tiamat1 fixes limitations to the 'upper and lower waters1' and triumphantly marches across the heavens from one end to the other1 as general overseer4 ,this nature myth was admirably adapted to serve as the point of departure for the enlargement of the role of ,marduk1 rendered necessary by the advancement of the god to the head of the pantheon4 ,everything had to be ascribed to ,marduk4 ,not merely humanity1 but the gods also had to acknowledge1 and acknowledge freely1 the supremacy of ,marduk4 ,the solar deity thus becomes a power at whose command the laws of the universe are established1 the earth created and all that is on it4 ,in thus making ,marduk the single creator1 the theologians were as much under the influence of ,marduk's political supremacy1 as they helped to confirm that supremacy by their system4 ,with this object in view1 the annual phenomenon was transformed into an account of what happened 'once upon a time4' ,what impressed the thinkers most in the universe was the regular working of the laws of nature4 ,ascribing these laws to ,marduk1 they naturally pictured the beginnings of things as a lawless period4 ,into the old and popular ,marduk-,tiamat nature myth1 certain touches were thus introduced that changed its entire character4 ,this once done1 it was a comparatively simple matter to follow up the conflict of ,marduk and ,tiamat by a series of acts on ,marduk's part1 completing the work of general creation4 ,the old nature myth ended with the conquest of the rains and storm and the establishment of the sun's regular course1 precisely as the deluge story in ,genesis1 which contains echoes of the ,marduk-,tiamat myth1 ends with the promulgation of the fixed laws of the universe4#gdb ,what follows upon this episode in the ,babylonian epic is the elaboration of the central theme1 worked out in the schools of ,babylonian thought and intended1 on the one hand1 to illustrate ,marduk's position as creator and1 on the other1 to formulate the details of the cosmological system4 ,with the fifth tablet1 therefore1 we leave the domain of popular myth completely and pass into the domain of cosmological speculation4 ,fragmentary as the fifth tablet is1 enough is preserved to show that it assumes the perfection of the zodiacal system of the ,babylonian schools and the complete regulation#gdc of the calendar4 ,in this zodiacal system1 as has been intimated and as will be more fully set forth in a special chapter1 the planets and stars are identified with the gods4 ,the gods have their 'stations' and their 'pictures' in the starry sky4 ,the stars are the 'drawings' or 'designs of heaven4' ,it is ,marduk again who is represented as arranging these stations3 ,he established the stations for the great gods4#gdd ,the stars1 their likeness1#gde he set up as constellations4#gdf ,he fixed the year and marked the divisions4#gdg ,the twelve months he divided among three stars4 ,from the beginning of the year till the close 787 ,he established the station of ,nibir#gdh to indicate their boundary4 ,so that there might be no deviation nor wandering away from the course ,he established with him1#gdi the stations of ,bel and ,ea4 ,an epitome of the astronomical science of the ,babylonians is comprised in these lines4 ,the gods being identified with stars and each of the latter having its place in the heavens 'to establish the stations for the great gods' is equivalent to putting the stars in position4 ,the regulation of the year forms part of the astronomical science4 ,the three stars that constitute 'divisions' to aid in marking off the months are ,nibir1 ,bel1 and ,ea4 ,that the ,babylonians had such a system as is here outlined is confirmed by ,diodorus ,seculus4#gej ,the position of ,nibir1 or ,jupiter1 whose course keeps closer to the ecliptic than that of any other planet1 served as an important guide in calendrical calculations4 ,the stars are represented as clinging to their course through maintaining their relationship to ,nibir1 while at the side of ,nibir and as additional guides1 ,bel is identified with the north pole of the equator and ,ea with a star in the extreme southern heavens1 to be sought for1 perhaps1 in the constellation ,argo4 ,the description concludes3 ,he attached large gates to both sides1 ,made the bolt secure to the left and right4 ,the heavens are thus made firm by two gates1 fastened with bolts and placed at either end4 ,through one of these gates the sun passes out in the morning1 and at evening enters into the other4 ,but the most important body in the heavens is the moon4 ,its functions are described in an interesting way3 ,in the midst#gea he made the zenith#geb 787 ,nannar#gec he caused to go forth and handed over to him#e the night4 ,he fixed him#ged as the luminary of night to mark off the days4 ,the passage is made clear by a reference to the ,book of ,genesis1 i4 #af1 where we are told that the moon was created 'for the rule of night4' ,a distinction between the ,biblical and the cuneiform cosmology at this point is no less significant4 ,while according to ,babylonian ideas1 the moon alone1 or at most the moon with the stars1 regulates the days1 the ,hebrew version makes the moon and sun together the basis for the regulation of the 'days and years4' ,the sun according to ,babylonian notions does not properly belong to the heavens1 since it passes daily beyond the limits of the latter4 ,the sun1 therefore1 plays an insignificant part in the calendrical system in comparison with the moon4 ,marduk addresses the moon1 specifying its duties1 what position it is to occupy towards the sun at certain periods during the monthly course1 and the like4 ,the tablet at this point becomes defective1 and before the address comes to an end1 we are left entirely in the lurch4 ,to speculate as to the further contents of the fifth tablet and of the sixth 7of which nothing has as yet been found7 seems idle4 ,zimmern supposes that after the heavenly phenomena had been disposed of1 the formation of the dry land and of the seas was taken up1 and ,delitzsch is of the opinion that in the sixth tablet the creation of plants and trees and animals was also recounted4 ,i venture to question whether the creation of the 'dry land and seas' was specifically mentioned4 ,esharra1 the earth1 is in existence and the ,apsu appears to include all waters1 but that the epic treated of the creation of plant and animal life and then of the creation of man is eminently likely4 ,we have indeed a fragment of a tablet#gee in which the creation of the 'cattle of the field1 beasts of the field1 and creeping things of the field' is referred to2 but since it is the 'gods who in unison' are there represented as having created the animal kingdom1 it is hardly likely that the fragment forms part of our 'epic' in which all deeds are ascribed to ,marduk4 ,it belongs in all probability to a different cosmological version1 but so much can be concluded from it1 that the ,babylonians ascribed the creation of animals to some divine power or powers2 and that therefore our 'epic' must have contained a section in which this act was assigned to ,marduk4 ,a similar variation exists with reference to the tradition of the creation of mankind4 ,there are distinct traces that the belief was current in parts of ,babylonia which made ,ea the creation of mankind4#gef ,ea1 it will be recalled1 is the 'god of humanity' par excellence1 and yet in the seventh 7and probably closing7 tablet of the series1 ,marduk is spoken of as the one who created mankind4#geg ,variant traditions of this kind point to the existence of various centers of culture and thought in rivalry with one another4 ,the great paean to ,marduk would have been sadly incomplete had it not contained an account of the creation of mankind--the crowning work of the universe--by the head of the ,babylonian pantheon4 ,it is possible1 therefore1 that a tablet containing the address of a deity to mankind belongs to our series#geh and embodies orders and warnings given by ,marduk after the creation of man1 just as he addresses the moon after establishing it in the heavens4 ,purity of heart is enjoined as pleasing to the deity4 ,prayer and supplication and prostration are also commanded4 ,it is said that ,fear of god begets mercy1 ,sacrifice prolongs life1 ,and prayer dissolves sin4 ,the tablet continues in this strain4 ,it is perhaps not the kind of address that we would expect ,marduk to make after the act of creation1 but for the present we must content ourselves with this conjecture1 as also with the supposition that the creation of mankind constituted the final act in the great drama in which ,marduk is the hero4 ,when ,marduk's work is finished1 the ,igigi gather around him in adoration4 ,this scene is described in a tablet which for the present we may regard#gei as the close of the series4 ,no less than fifty names are bestowed upon him by the gods1 the number fifty corresponding according to some traditions to the number of the ,igigi4 ,marduk accordingly absorbs the qualities of all the gods4 ,such is the purpose of this tablet4 ,the diction is at times exceedingly impressive4 ,god of pure life1 they called him in the third place1 the bearer of purification4 ,god of favorable wind1#gfj lord of response#gfa and of mercy1 ,creator of abundance and fullness1 granter of blessings1 ,who increases the things that were small1 ,whose favorable wind we experienced in sore distress4 ,thus let them#gfb speak and glorify and be obedient to him4 ,the gods recall with gratitude ,marduk's service in vanquishing ,tiamat4 ,marduk is also praised for the mercy he showed towards the associates of ,tiamat1 whom he merely captured without putting them to death4 ,as the god of the shining crown in the fourth place1 let them i4e41 mankind exalt him4 ,the lord of cleansing incantation1 the restorer of the dead to life1 ,who showed mercy towards the captured gods1 ,removed the yoke from the gods who were hostile to him4 ,a later fancy identified the 'captured gods' with eleven of the heavenly constellations4#gfc ,mankind is enjoined not to forget ,marduk ,who created mankind out of kindness towards them1 ,the merciful one1 with whom is the power of giving life4 ,may his deeds remain and never be forgotten ,by humanity1 created by his hands4 ,among other names assigned to him are 'the one who knows the heart of the gods1' 'who gathers the gods together1' 'who rules in truth and justice4' ,in allusion again to his contest with ,tiamat1 he is called 'the destroyer of the enemy and of all wicked ones1' 'who frustrates their plans4' ,with the help of a pun upon his having 'pierced' ,tiamat2 he is called ,nibir1 i4e41 the planet ,jupiter4#gfd ,nibir be his name1 who took hold of the life of ,tiamat4 ,the course of the stars of heaven may he direct4 ,may he pasture all of the gods like sheep4#gfe ,but the climax is reached when1 upon hearing what the ,igigi have done1 the great gods1 father ,bel and father ,ea cheerfully bestow their own names upon ,marduk4 ,because he created the heavens and formed the earth ',lord of ,lands'#gff father ,bel called his name4 ,when he heard of all the names that the ,igigi bestowed ,ea's liver rejoiced ,that they had bestowed exalted names upon his son4 ,he as ,i--,ea be his name4 ,the control of my commands be entrusted to him4 ,to him my orders shall be transmitted4 ,the historical background to this transference of the name of ,bel has been dwelt upon in a previous chapter4#gfg ,this ,marduk hymn is to justify the transference of the role of the older ,bel of ,nippur to the younger god ,marduk4 ,throughout1 the tablet describing the contest of ,marduk with ,tiamat1 ,marduk is called ,bel1#gfh and while this name is used in the generic sense of lord1 the transference of the name of ,bel to ,marduk is evidently introduced to account for his assuming the prerogatives belonging to another god4 ,the original 'lord' was ,en-lil of ,nippur4 ,the sacred significance of ancient ,nippur made its patron deity the most important rival of ,marduk4 ,bel could not be disposed of as ,ea1 who by virtue of his mythological relationships to ,marduk--a solar deity--could be retained as the father of ,marduk4 ,there was nothing left but for ,marduk to take the place of ,bel4 ,the constant introduction of the epithet ',bel' into the ,tiamat story points to an older version in which ,bel was the hero4 ,in popular traditions1 ,bel continued to be pictured as armed with mighty weapons1#gfi and1 though ready to inflict severe punishment for disobedience to his commands1 he engages in contests for the benefit of mankind4 ,the earth being his special sphere of action1 what more natural than that he should have had a prominent share in adapting it as a habitation for mankind4 ,he would be directly interested in fighting the powers of darkness4 ,in the weapons that ,marduk employs1 particularly the lightning and the winds which belong to an atmospheric god rather than a solar deity1 we may discern traces of the older narrative which has been combined with the ,marduk-,tiamat nature myth4#ggj ,it may be that ,kingu represents ,bel's particular rival4 ,in the narrative1 it will be recalled1 the contest with ,tiamat is sharply separated from that with ,kingu and his associates4 ,the division that thus suggests itself between ,marduk and ,tiamat1 on the one hand1 ,bel and the monsters with ,kingu at their head1 on the other1 may certainly be termed a natural one4 ,the solar deity ,marduk disposed of the storms and rains of the winter1 whereas1 a god of that which is below1#gga i4e41 the earth and the atmosphere immediately above the earth1 would appropriately be represented as ridding the earth of the monsters in order to prepare it as a habitation for mankind4 ,ea was not such a serious rival to ,marduk as the older ,bel4 ,political rivalry between ,nippur and ,babylonia probably contributed towards the disposition to have ,marduk completely absorb the role of ,bel1 whereas1 this rivalry being absent in the case of ,eridu 7the original seat of ,ea worship7 and ,babylon1 the mythological relations between ,ea and ,marduk led1 as already pointed out1 in a perfectly natural way to making ,marduk the son of ,ea4 ,still1 while cheerfully acknowledged by ,ea as his equal1 it is evident that in older traditions ,ea was far superior to ,marduk1 and the latter replaces ,ea as he does ,bel4 ,the real creator of mankind1 according to certain traditions1 is ,ea1 just as in all probabilities a third tradition existed which arose in ,nippur giving to ,bel that distinction4 ,it is necessary1 therefore1 for ,ea to declare that ,marduk's name 7i4e41 his power7 is the same as ,ea4 ,the alteration of the traditions is thus justified by a harmonistic theology4 ,marduk has triumphed over ,bel and ,ea4 ,the god of ,babylon reigns supreme1 his sway acknowledged by those whom he supplants4 ,marduk's declaration that in the event of his vanquishing ,tiamat he will assume authority over all the gods is thus formally confirmed4 ,the epic closes grandiloquently3 ,with fifty names1 the great gods ,according to their fifty names1 proclaimed the supremacy of his course4 ,the compiler has added to the epic what ,delitzsch appropriately designates an 'epilogue1'--a declaration of affection for ,marduk4 ,the epilogue consists of three stanzas4 ,all mankind--royalty and subjects--are called upon to bear in mind ,marduk's glorious deeds1 achieved for the benefit of the world4 ,let the wise and intelligent together ponder over it4 ,let the father relate it and teach it to his son4#ggb ,to leader and shepherd#ggc be it told4 ,let all rejoice in the lord of gods1 ,marduk ,that he may cause his land to prosper and grant it peace4 ,his word is firm1 his order irrevocable4 ,what issues from his mouth1 no god can alter4 ,marduk's anger1 the poet says in closing1 terrifies even the gods1 but he is a god upon whose mercy one may rely1 though he punishes the evil-doer4 ,bearing in mind the general nature of the creation epic we have discussed1 we must of course in our conclusions distinguish between those elements in it which reflect the intent of the compiler or compilers to glorify ,marduk at the expense of other gods and such parts as bear the stamp of being generally accepted beliefs4 ,setting aside1 therefore1 the special role assigned to ,marduk1 we find that the ,babylonians never developed a theory of real beginnings4 ,the creatio ex nihilo was a thought beyond the grasp even of the schools4 ,there was always something1 and indeed there was always a great deal--as much perhaps at the beginning of things as at any other time4 ,but there was no cosmic order4 ,instead of a doctrine of creation1 we have a doctrine of evolution from chaos to the imposition of eternal laws4 ,the manifestation of these laws was seen first of all in the movements of the heavenly bodies4 ,there was a great expanse1 presenting the appearance of a stretched-out curtain or a covering to which the stars and moon were attached4 ,along this expanse the wandering stars moved with a certain regularity4 ,the moon1 too1 had its course mapped out and the sun appeared in this expanse daily1 as an overseer1 passing along the whole of it4 ,this wonderful system was the first to be perfected1 and to the solar deity1#ggd which seemed to control everything1 was ascribed the distinction of having introduced the heavenly order4 ,this notion we may well believe was of popular origin1 though elaborated in the schools to conform to a developed astrological science4 ,the stars and moon never passed beyond certain limits1 and1 accordingly1 the view was developed which gave to the canopy of heaven fixed boundaries4 ,at each end of the canopy was a great gate1 properly guarded4 ,through one of these the sun passed in rising out of the ocean1 through the other it passed out when it had run its course4 ,learned speculation could not improve upon this popular fancy4 ,as the heavens had their limitations1 so also the great bodies of water were kept in check by laws1 which1 though eternal1 were yet not quite as inexorable as those controlling the heavenly bodies4 ,the yearly overflow of the ,euphrates and ,tigris was too serious a matter to be overlooked1 and we shall see in a following chapter#gge how this phenomenon was interpreted as a rivalry between ,bel and ,ea1 deliberately caused by the former in anger toward mankind4 ,still1 as a general thing1 the 'deep1' presided over by ,ea1 kept within the limits assigned to it4 ,the waters above the canopy were under rigid control1 and the lower waters flowed around the earth and underneath it1 and bordered the canopy of heaven at its two ends4 ,the earth itself was a vast hollow structure1 erected as a place of fertility under the canopy of heaven and resting on the great 'deep4' ,its vegetation was the gift of the gods4 ',fertility' summed up the law fixed for the earth4 ,much as in the ,book of ,genesis1 to multiply and increase was the order proclaimed for the life with which the earth was filled4 ,the creation of mankind was the last act in the great drama4 ,assigned in some traditions to ,ea1 in others as it would seem to ,bel1 the transfer of the traditions to ,marduk is the deliberate work of the schools of theological thought4 ,the essential point for us is that mankind1 according to all traditions1 is the product of the gods4 ,in some form or other1 this belief was popularly held everywhere4 ,its original form1 however1 is obscured beyond recognition by the theory which it is made to serve4 ,a second version of the course of creation#ggf agrees in the main with the first one1 but adds some points of interest4 ,in this version1 likewise1 ,marduk is assigned the most important role--an evidence that it was produced under similar influences as the larger epic4 ,so far as preserved1 the second version differs from the first in its brevity and in the prominence given to such themes as the development of animal life and the growth of civilization4 ,it fills out to a certain degree the gaps in the first version1 due to the fragmentary condition of the fifth tablet and the loss of the sixth4 ,the brevity of the second version is due in part to the fact that it is introduced into an incantation text1 and1 what is more1 incidentally introduced4 ,it begins as does the larger epic with the statement regarding the period when the present phenomena of the universe were not yet in existence1 but it specifies the period in a manner which gives a somewhat more definite character to the conception of this ancient time4 ,the bright house of the gods was not yet built on the bright place1 ,no reed grew and no tree was formed1 ,no brick was laid nor any brick edifice#ggg reared1 ,no house erected1 no city built1 ,no city reared1 no conglomeration#ggh formed4 ,nippur was not reared1 ,e-,kur#ggi not erected4 ,erech was not reared1 ,e-,anna#ghj not erected4 ,the deep#gha not formed1 ,eridu#ghb not reared4 ,the bright house1 the house of the gods not yet constructed as a dwelling4 ,the world#ghc was all a sea4 ,again it will be observed that neither popular nor scholastic speculation can picture the beginning of things in any other way than as an absence of things characteristic of the order of the universe4 ,the bright#ghd house of the gods corresponds to ,eshara and the canopy of heaven in the first version4 ,the gods are again identified with the stars1 and it is in the heavens--the bright place--that the gods dwell4#ghe ,the reference to the absence of vegetation agrees closely with the corresponding passage in the larger creation epic4 ,the limitations of the cosmological speculations of the ,babylonians find a striking illustration in the manner in which the beginnings of human culture are placed on a level with the beginnings of heavenly and terrestrial phenomena4 ,nippur1 ,erech1 and ,eridu1 which are thus shown to be the oldest religious centers of the ,euphrates ,valley1 were indissolubly associated in the minds of the people with the beginning of order in the universe4 ,such was the antiquity of those cities as seats of the great gods1 ,bel1 ,ishtar1 and ,ea1 that the time when they did not exist was not differentiated from the creation of the heavens and of plant life4 ,this conception is more clearly emphasized by the parallelism implied between ,eridu and the 'deep4' ,the 'formation' of ,apsu corresponds to the 'structure' made by ,marduk according to the first version1 as the seat of ,ea4 ,the waters were not created by ,marduk1 but they were confined by him within a certain space4 ,in a vague way1 the 'deep' itself rested in a vast tub4 ,the waters flowed freely and yet not without limitation4 ,the contest with ,tiamat is not referred to in this second version1 and this may be taken as an indication that the 'nature' myth was not an ingredient part of cosmological speculations1 but only introduced into the first version because of its associations with ,marduk4 ,the appearance of dry land is described somewhat vaguely as follows3 ,there was a channel#ghf within the sea4 ,at that time ,eridu was erected1 ,e-,sagila#ghg was built1 ,e-,sagila in the midst of the 'deep1' where the god of the glorious abode#ghh dwells4 ,the mention of the channel appears to imply that the waters were permitted to flow off in a certain direction4 ,the conception would then be similar to the view expressed in ,genesis1 where the dry land appears in consequence of the waters being 'gathered' into one place4#ghi ,the temple at ,eridu is regarded as synonymous with the city1 as the temples ,e-,kur and ,e-,anna are synonymous with ,nippur and ,erech respectively4 ,eridu at the head of the ,persian ,gulf1 which for the ,babylonians was the beginning of the great ',okeanos' surrounding the world1#gij is the first dry land to appear and hence the oldest place in the world4 ,at this point in the narrative a line is interpolated which clearly betrays the lateness of the version4 ,the mention of ,e-,sagila suggests to a ,babylonian1 naturally1 the great temple of ,marduk in the city of ,babylon--'the lofty house4' ,local pride and the desire to connect ,babylon with the beginning of things leads to the insertion3 ,babylon was reared1 ,e-,sagila built4 ,with this mention of ,babylon1 the connecting link is established which leads easily to the glorification of ,babylon and ,marduk4 ,the thought once introduced is not abandoned4 ,the rest of the narrative1 so far as preserved1 is concerned with ,marduk4 ,eridu alone is beyond his jurisdiction4 ,everything else1 vegetation1 mankind1 rivers1 animals1 and all cities1 including even ,nippur and ,erech1 are ,marduk's work4 ,the ,anunnaki#gia he#gib created together ,and bestowed glorious epithets upon the glorious city1 the seat dear to their heart4 ,the 'glorious city' is ,eridu1 though the compiler would have us apply it to ,babylon4 ,with the founding of ,eridu1 a limit was fixed for the 'deep4' ,the rest of the dry land is formed according to the theory of the writer by the extension of this place4 ,marduk constructed an enclosure around the waters1 ,he made dust and heaped it up within the enclosure4#gic ,the naivete of the conception justifies us in regarding it as of popular origin1 incorporated by the theologians into their system4 ,but this land is created primarily for the benefit of the gods4 ,that the gods might dwell in the place dear to their heart4 ,naturally not all of the gods are meant1--perhaps only the ,anunnaki1--for the great gods dwell in heaven4 ,the creation of mankind is next described1 and is boldly ascribed to ,marduk4 ,mankind he created4#gid ,in the following line1 however1 we come across a trace again of an older tradition1 which has been embodied in the narrative in a rather awkward manner4 ,associated with ,marduk in the creation of mankind is a goddess ,aruru4 ,the goddess ,aruru created the seed of men together with him4#gie ,we encounter this goddess ,aruru in the ,gilgamesh epic1#gif where she is represented as creating a human being1--,eabani2 and1 curiously enough1 she creates him in agreement with the ,biblical tradition1 out of a lump of clay4 ,it has already been pointed out that according to one tradition ,ea is the creator of mankind1#gig and the conjecture has also been advanced that at ,nippur1 ,bel was so regarded4 ,in ,aruru we have evidently a figure to whom another tradition1 that arose in some district1 ascribed the honor of having created mankind4 ,the ,gilgamesh story is connected with the city of ,erech1 and it is probable that the tale--at least in part--originated there4 ,it becomes plausible1 therefore1 to trace the tradition ascribing the creation of man to ,aruru to the same place4 ,a passage in the ,deluge story1 which forms an episode of the ,gilgamesh epic1 adds some force to this conjecture4 ,after the dreadful deluge has come1 ,ishtar breaks out in wild lament that mankind1 her offspring1 has perished3 ,what ,i created1 where is it8#gih ,she is called 'the mistress of the gods1'#gii and if ,jensen is correct in an ingenious restoration of a defective text1#hjj ,aruru is given the same epithet in a lexicographical tablet4 ,the ,ishtar occurring in the ,gilgamesh story is the old ,ishtar of ,erech4 ,i venture to suggest1 therefore1 that ,aruru and ,ishtar of ,erech are one and the same personage4 ,ishtar is1 of course1 as has been pointed out1 merely a generic name#hja for the 'great goddess' worshipped under many forms4 ,the more specific name by which ,ishtar of ,erech was known was ,nana1 but ,nana again is nothing but an epithet1 meaning1 as the ,babylonians themselves interpreted it1 the 'lady' par excellence4 ,have we perhaps in ,aruru the real name of the old goddess of ,erech8 ,at all events1 the occurrence of ,aruru in this second 'creation' story points to her as belonging to the district of which ,erech was the center4 ,in this way1 each one of the three most ancient sacred towns of ,babylonia would have its 'creator1'--,bel in ,nippur1 ,ea in ,eridu1 and ,aruru in ,erech4 ,the chief deity of ,erech1 it will be recalled1 was always a goddess1--a circumstance that supports the association of ,aruru with that place4 ,aruru being a goddess1 it was not so easy to have ,marduk take up her role1 as he supplanted ,bel4 ,again1 ,erech and ,babylon were not political rivals to the degree that ,nippur and ,babylon were4 ,accordingly a compromise was effected1 as in the case of ,marduk and ,ea4 ,aruru is associated with ,marduk4 ,she creates mankind with ,marduk1 and it would seem to be a consequence of this association that the name of ,marduk's real consort1 ,sarpanitum1 is playfully but with intent interpreted by the ,babylonian pedants as 'seed-producing4'#hjb ,our second version thus turns out to be1 like the first1 an adaptation of old traditions to new conditions4 ,babylon and ,marduk are designedly introduced4 ,in the original form ,nippur1 ,eridu1 and ,erech alone figured1 and presumably1 therefore1 only the deities of these three places4 ,among them the work of creation was in some way parceled out4 ,this distribution may itself have been the result of a combination of independent traditions4 ,in any early combination1 however1 we may feel certain that ,marduk was not introduced4 ,after this incidental mention of ,aruru1 the narrative passes back undisturbed to ,marduk4 ,the animals of the field1 the living creatures of the field he created1 ,the ,tigris and ,euphrates he formed in their places1 gave them good names1 ,soil 7871 grass1 the marsh1 reed1 and forest he created1 ,the verdure of the field he produced1 ,the lands1 the marsh1 and thicket1 ,the wild cow with her young1 the young wild ox1 ,the ewe with her young1 the sheep of the fold1 ,parks and forests1 ,the goat and wild goat he brought forth4 ,the text at this point becomes defective1 but we can still make out that the clay as building material is created by ,marduk1 and that he constructs houses and rears cities4 ,corresponding to the opening lines1 we may supply several lines as follows3 ,houses he erected1 cities he built1 ,cities he built1 dwellings he prepared1 ,nippur he built1 ,e-,kur he erected1 ,erech he built1 ,e-,anna he erected4 ,here the break in the tablet begins4 ,the new points derived from this second version are1 7a7 the details in the creation of the animal and plant world1 7b7 the mention of ,aruru as the mother of mankind1 and 7c7 the inclusion of human culture in the story of the 'beginnings4' ,before leaving the subject1 a brief comparison of these two versions with the opening chapters of ,genesis is called for4 ,that the ,hebrew and ,babylonian traditions spring from a common source is so evident as to require no further proof4 ,the agreements are too close to be accidental4 ,at the same time1 the variations in detail point to independent elaboration of the traditions on the part of the ,hebrews and ,babylonians4 ,a direct borrowing from the ,babylonians has not taken place1 and while the ,babylonian records are in all probabilities much older than the ,hebrew1 the latter again contain elements1 as ,gunkel has shown1 of a more primitive character than the ,babylonian production4 ,this relationship can only be satisfactorily explained on the assumption that the ,hebrews possessed the traditions upon which the ,genesis narrative rests long before the period of the ,babylonian exile1 when the story appears1 indeed1 to have received its final and present shape4 ,the essential features of the ,babylonian cosmology formed part of a stock of traditions that ,hebrews and ,babylonians 7and probably others7 received from some common source or1 to put it more vaguely1 held in common from a period1 the limits of which can no longer be determined4 ,while the two ,babylonian versions agree in the main1 embodying the same general traditions regarding the creation of the heavenly bodies and containing the same general conception of an evolution in the world from confusion and caprice to order1 and the establishment of law1 the variations in regard to the terrestrial phenomena must not be overlooked4 ,according to the first version1 mankind appears as the last episode of creation2 in the second1 mankind precedes vegetation and animal life4 ,if we now take up the two versions of creation found in ,genesis1 we will see that the same differences may be observed4 ,according to the first1 the so-called ,elohistic version1#hjc mankind is not created until the last day of creation2 according to the second1#hjd the so-called ,yahwistic version1 mankind is first created1 then a garden is made and trees are planted4 ,after that1 the beasts of the field and the birds of heaven are called into existence4 ,the resemblance of the second ,babylonian version to the ,yahwistic version extends even to certain phrases which they have in common4 ,the opening words of the ,yahwist-- ,and no plant of the field was yet in the earth1 and no herb of the field had yet sprung up-- might serve almost as a translation of the second line of the ,babylonian counterpart4 ,the reference to the ,tigris and ,euphrates in the second ,babylonian version reminds one of the four streams mentioned in the ,yahwistic version1 two of which are likewise the ,tigris and ,euphrates4 ,again1 ,tiamat is mentioned only in the first ,babylonian version1 and ,t'hom similarly only in the ,elohistic version2 while1 on the other hand1 the building of cities is included in the ,yahwistic version1#hje as it forms part of the second ,babylonian version4 ,the points mentioned suffice to show that the ,elohistic version is closely related to the larger creation epic of the ,babylonians1 while the ,yahwistic version--more concise1 too1 than the ,elohistic--agrees to an astonishing degree with the second and more concise ,babylonian record4 ,the conclusion1 therefore1 is justified that the variations between the ,babylonian versions rest upon varying traditions that must have arisen in different places4 ,the attempt was made to combine these traditions by the ,babylonians1 and among the ,hebrews we may see the result of a similar attempt in the first two or1 more strictly speaking1 in the first three chapters of ,genesis4 ,at the same time1 the manner in which both traditions have been worked over by the ,hebrew compilers of ,genesis precludes1 as has been pointed out1 the theory of a direct borrowing from cuneiform documents4 ,the climatic conditions involved in the ,hebrew versions are those peculiar to ,babylonia4 ,it is in ,babylonia that the thought would naturally arise of making the world begin with the close of the storms and rains in the spring4 ,the ,terahites must therefore have brought these cosmological traditions with them upon migrating from the ,euphrates ,valley to the ,jordan district4 ,the traditions retained their hold through all the vicissitudes that the people underwent4 ,the intercourse1 political and commercial1 between ,palestine and ,mesopotamia was uninterrupted1 as we now know1 from at least the fifteenth century before our era down to the taking of ,jerusalem by ,nebuchadnezzar1 and this constant intercourse was no doubt an important factor in maintaining the life of the old traditions that bound the two peoples together4 ,the so-called ,babylonian exile brought ,hebrews and ,babylonians once more side by side4 ,under the stimulus of this direct contact1 the final shape was given by ,hebrew writers to their cosmological speculations4 ,yahwe is assigned the role of ,bel-,marduk1 the division of the work of creation into six days is definitely made1#hjf and some further modifications introduced4 ,while1 as emphasized1 this final shape is due to the independent elaboration of the common traditions1 and1 what is even more to the point1 shows an independent interpretation of the traditions1 it is by no means impossible1 but on the contrary quite probable1 that the final compilers of the ,hebrew versions had before them the cuneiform tablets1 embodying the literary form given to the traditions by ,babylonian writers4#hjg ,such a circumstance1 while not implying direct borrowing1 would account for the close parallels existing between the two ,hebrew and the two ,babylonian versions1 and would also furnish a motive to the ,hebrew writers for embodying two versions in their narrative4 ,,footnotes3 #fhj ,the so-called ,elohistic version1 ,gen4 i4 #a-;ii4 #d2 the ,yahwistic version1 ,gen4 ii4 #e-bd4 ,traces have been found in various portions of the ,old ,testament of other popular versions regarding creation4 ,see ,gunkel1 ,schoepfung und ,chaos1 pp4 #bi-aad1 #aai-aba4 #fha ,gunkel1 ib4 pp4 #bh1 #bi4 ,what ,sayce 7e4g41 ,rec4 of the ,past1 ,n4 ,s41 ,i4 #adg1 #adh7 calls the ',cuthaean legend of the creation' contains1 similarly1 a variant description of ,tiamat and her brood4 #fhb ,published by ,pinches1 ,journal ,royal ,asiat4 ,soc41 #ahia1 pp4 #cic-djh4 #fhc ,complete publication by ,delitzsch1 ,das ,babylonische ,weltschoepfungsepos 7,leipzig1 #ahif7 with elaborate commentary4 #fhd ,see ,zimmern in ,gunkel's ,schoepfung und ,chaos1 pp4 #dae1 #daf1 and on the other side1 ,delitzsch1 ,babylonische ,weltschoepfungsepos1 p4 #bj4 ,zimmern's doubts are justified4 #fhe ,proc4 ,soc4 ,bibl4 ,arch4 vi4 #g4 #fhf ,zeits4 f4 ,assyr4 viii4 #aba-abd4 ,delitzsch1 in his ,babylonische ,weltschoepfungsepos1 pp4 #fa-fh1 has elaborately set forth the principles of the poetic composition4 ,see also ,d4 ,h4 ,mueller1 ,die ,propheten in ihrer urspruenglichen ,form1 pp4 #e-ad4 #fhg ,i4e41 did not exist4 ,to be 'called' or to 'bear a name' meant to be called into existence4 #fhh ,i4e41 of the waters4 #fhi ,i4e41 of heaven and earth4 #fij ,the word used is obscure4 ,jensen and ,zimmern render reed4 ,delitzsch1 ,i think1 comes nearer the real meaning with marsh4 ,see ,haupt's translation1 ,proc4 ,amer4 ,oriental ,soc41 #ahif1 p4 #afa4 #fia ,delitzsch supplies a parallel phrase like periods elapsed4 #fib ,supplied from ,damascius' extract of the work of ,berosus on ,babylonia4 ,see ,cory1 ,ancient ,fragments1 p4 #ib2 ,delitzsch1 ,babylonische ,weltschoepfungsepos1 p4 #id4 #fic ,the o is represented in ,babylonian by a1 and the ending at in ,tiamat is an affix which stamps the ,babylonian name as feminine4 ,t'hom in ,hebrew is likewise a feminine noun1 but it should be noted that at a certain stage in the development of the ,semitic languages1 the feminine is hardly distinguishable from the plural and collective4 #fid ,gunkel1 ,schoepfung und ,chaos1 pp4 #bi-hb1 #cgi-cih4 #fie ,for our purposes it is sufficient to refer for the relations existing between ,damascius and the cuneiform records to ,smith's ,chaldaeische ,genesis1 pp4 #fc-ff1 to ,lenormant's ,essai de ,commentaire sur les fragments ,cosmogoniques de ,berose1 pp4 #fg seq41 and to ,jensen's ,kosmologie der ,babylonier1 pp4 #bgj-bgb4 #fif ,the names are given by ,damascius as ,apason and ,tauthe4 #fig ,suggested by ,professor ,haupt 7,schrader1 ,cuneiform ,inscriptions and the ,old ,testament1 p4 #g74 #fih ,hommel1 ,proc4 ,soc4 ,bibl4 ,arch41 xviii4 #ai4 #fii ,see ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 pp4 #bbd1 #bbe4 #gjj ,agumkakrimi ,inscription 7,,vr4 #cc1 iv4 #ej72 ,nabonnedos 7,cylinder1 ,,vr4 #fd1 ll4 #af1 #ag74 #gja ,cory's ,ancient ,fragments1 p4 #eh4 #gjb ,see above1 pp4 #aih1 #aii4 #gjc ,see above1 pp4 #aih1 #aii4 #gjd ,i avoid the term ,sumerian here1 because ,i feel convinced that the play on ,anshar is of an entirely artificial character and has no philological basis4 #gje ,see below1 pp4 #dba-dbc4 #gjf ,,iir4 #ed1 no4 #c4 #gjg ,for a different interpretation of the phrase1 see ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 pp4 #bgc1 #bgd4 #gjh ,see p4 #ajg4 #gji ,babylonische ,weltschoepfungsepos1 p4 #id4 #gaj ,cory's ,ancient ,fragments1 p4 #eh4 #gaa ,an epithet descriptive of ,tiamat4 ,ummu is mother and khubur signifies hollow2 mother of the hollow would be a poetic expression for source of the deep1 and an appropriate term to apply to ,tiamat4 ,it has nothing to do with ,omoroka4 ,the latter1 as ,wright has shown1 is a corruption of ,o ,marduk 7,zeits4 f4 ,assyr4 x4 #ga-gd74 #gab ,the word used is ,lakhami1 the plural of ,lakhamu4 #gac ,this scene1 the description of the monsters and the installation of ,kingu1 occurs four times in the ',epic4' ,see p4 #dbd4 #gad ,delitzsch1 ,babylonische ,weltschoepfungsepos1 p4 #be4 #gae ,cory1 ib4 p4 #ib4 #gaf ,the chamber of fates where ,marduk sits on ,new ,year's ,day and decides the fate of mankind for the ensuing year4 ,jensen and ,zimmern read upshugina1 but see ,delitzsch1 ,babylonische ,weltschoepfungsepos1 p4 #ace4 #gag ,the deity is mentioned by ,sennacherib 7,meissner-,host1 ,bauinschriften1 p4 #ajh74 ,see above1 p4 #bch4 #gah ,in the first tablet1 in the second in connection with the mission of ,anu1 and twice in the third in connection with ,marduk's visit4 #gai ,tiamat's presence4 #gbj ,called ,nudimmud4 ,delitzsch1 ,babylonische ,weltschoepfungsepos1 p4 #ii1 questions the identity with ,ea1 but his skepticism is unwarranted1 though the title is also used of ,bel4 #gba ,here used to comprise the army of ,tiamat4 #gbb ,i4e41 thy power is equal to that of ,anu4 #gbc ,exod4 iv4 #b-h2 other parallels might be adduced4 #gbd ,i4e41 far off4 #gbe ,i4e41 that a wind might not carry her off4 #gbf ,adding three to the ordinary winds from the four directions4 #gbg ,for the explanation of the term used in the original--kirbish--see ,delitzsch's excellent remarks1 ,babylonische ,weltschoepfungsepos4 pp4 #acb-acd4 #gbh ,lit41 'storm1'--perhaps the thunderbolt1 as ,delitzsch suggests4 #gbi ,marduk4 #gcj ,she lost her reason4 #gca ,gasping1 as it were1 for breath4 #gcb ,cory's ,ancient ,fragments1 p4 #di4 #gcc ,lit41 'places1' here used as a synonym for 'heavens1' as an ,assyrian commentator expressly states4 ,see ,delitzsch's remarks 7,babylonische ,weltschoepfungsepos1 p4 #adg7 against ,jensen's and ,zimmern's interpretation4 #gcd ,i4e41 ,ea4 ,see above1 p4 #dbd1 note #c4 #gce ,the complete proof is brought by ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 pp4 #bdf-bec4 #gcf ,to render the word used as ,palace 7so ,delitzsch71 while not incorrect1 is somewhat misleading4 #gcg ,kosmologie1 p4 #aii4 #gch ,magie und ,wahrsagekunst der ,chaldaer1 p4 #afc4 #gci ,see the illustration in ,jensen's ,kosmologie1 pl4 #c4 #gdj ,the word used also means cities4 ,a ,babylonian district is naught but an extended city4 #gda ,see p4 #dbi4 #gdb ,gen4 viii4 #bb4 #gdc ,see above1 p4 #cgj1 and chapter xxii4 #gdd ,i4e41 for each of the great gods4 #gde ,i4e41 of the gods4 #gdf ,a particular group of stars--the mashi stars--is mentioned1 but the term seems to be used in a rather general sense4 ,i cannot share ,delitzsch's extreme skepticism with regard to the interpretation of the fifth tablet4 ,jensen seems to have solved the chief difficulties4 #gdg ,jensen and ,zimmern interpret he drew the pictures1 referring the phrase to the contours of the stars2 but the parallelism speaks in favor of connecting the words with the year4 ,the divisions of the year or seasons seem to be meant4 #gdh ,i4e41 the planet ,marduk1 or ,jupiter4 #gdi ,i4e41 with ,nibir4 #gej ,see ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 p4 #ced4 ,george ,smith already interpreted the passage in this way4 #gea ,i4e41 of the heavens4 ,delitzsch renders ,schwerpunkt4 #geb ,text elati4 ,jensen1 ,zimmern1 and ,halevy translate zenith1 but ,delitzsch questions this4 #gec ,the moon-god4 #ged ,i4e41 the moon4 #gee ,published by ,delitzsch1 ,assyrische ,lesestuecke 7#c;d edition71 p4 #id4 #gef ,see the proof as put together by ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 pp4 #bic1 #bid4 #geg ,line #ae4 #geh ,so ,delitzsch1 ,babylonische ,weltschoepfungsepos1 pp4 #ai1 #bj4 #gei ,following ,delitzsch1 ,babylonische ,weltschoepfungsepos1 pp4 #bj1 #ba4 ,i pass over two fragments which ,delitzsch adds to our 'epic4' ,they are not sufficiently clear to be utilized for our purposes4 ,delitzsch may be right with regard to no4 #bj1 but if so1 it forms part or another version of the ,marduk-,tiamat episode4 ,no4 #ai1 treating of the bow of ,marduk 7871 does not seem to belong to our series4 #gfj ,a standing phrase for favor in general4 #gfa ,to prayer4 #gfb ,the gods or the ,igigi4 #gfc ,see p4 #dhf and ,gunkel's note1 ,schoepfung und ,chaos1 p4 #bf4 #gfd ,see above1 p4 #dcd4 ,the play is between ,nibir 7as though from the stem eberu7 and itebbiru 7he pierced71 a form of eberu1 and meaning 'to pass through4' #gfe ,this metaphor is carried over into astronomical science4 ,the planets are known as wandering sheep4 ,see p4 #dei4 #gff ,bel matate4 #gfg ,see p4 #aah4 #gfh ,similarly in another version of the contest published by ,delitzsch1 ,assyr4 ,woerterbuch1 p4 #cij4 #gfi ,see p4 #ed4 #ggj ,tiele 7,gesch4 der ,religion im ,alterthum1 ,i4 #agf7 assigns to ,marduk a double character1 making him both a god of light and a god of storms1 but ,i venture to think that the latter attribute represents the transference of ,en-lil's power to ,marduk4 #gga ,so ,bel is called in contrast to ,anu4 ,see p4 #ec4 #ggb ,one is reminded of the ,biblical injunction with regard to the ,laws of ,yahwe1 ,deut4 vi4 #g3 ,thou shall teach them to thy sons and speak constantly of them4 #ggc ,i4e41 to the kings who are frequently called 'shepherds' in the historical texts4 #ggd ,or1 according to the earlier view1 to an atmospheric god4 #gge ,the ,gilgamesh ,epic4 #ggf ,first published by ,pinches1 ,journal of the ,royal ,asiatic ,society1 #ahia1 pp4 #cic-djh4 #ggg ,clay1 it will be recalled1 was the building material in ,babylonia4 #ggh ,the word in the text is generally applied to a mass of animals1 but also to human productions4 ,see ,delitzsch1 ,assyr4 ,handwoerterbuch1 p4 #dfg4 #ggi ,bel's temple at ,nippur4 #ghj ,temple of ,ishtar at ,erech or ,uruk4 #gha ,i4e41 ,apsu4 #ghb ,city sacred to ,ea at the mouth of the ,persian ,gulf4 #ghc ,lit41 'totality of lands4' #ghd ,zimmern's rendering 7,gunkel1 ,schoepfung und ,chaos1 p4 #dai7 sacred 7instead of 'bright'7 misses the point4 #ghe ,cf4 ,s4 ,a4 ,smith1 ,miscellaneous1 ,k4 #bhff1 l4 #h1 the great gods dwelling in the heaven of ,anu4 ,the reference1 therefore1 cannot be to the gathering place of the gods1 where the fates of mankind are decided4 #ghf ,the original has ratum4 ,delitzsch1 ,assyr4 ,handwoerterbuch1 p4 #ffc1 compares ,hebrew rahat1 trough4 ,zimmern 7,gunkel1 ,schoepfung und ,chaos1 p4 #dai7 translates ,bewegung1 but on what grounds ,i do not know4 ,the passage is obscure2 the text possibly defective4 #ghg ,if the reading ,e-,sagila is original4 ,it is here used as the name of ,ea's temple in ,eridu1 but it is of course possible that ,e-,sagila has been deliberately introduced to enhance the glory of ,marduk's temple in ,babylon4 #ghh ,ea4 #ghi ,gen4 i4 #i4 #gij ,see ,haupt1 ,wo lag das ,paradies1 p4 #g 7,ueber ,land und ,meer1 #ahid-ie1 no4 #ae1 ,sonderabdruck71 who furnishes numerous illustrations of the indefinite geographical notions of the ancients4 #gia ,the group of celestial beings4 #gib ,i4e41 ,marduk4 #gic ,read a-ma-mi4 #gid ,zimmern purposes to connect this line with the preceding1 but the sense in that case is not at all clear4 #gie ,i4e41 with ,marduk4 #gif ,haupt's edition1 p4 #h1 l4 #cd4 #gig ,see above1 p4 #dcg4 #gih ,haupt1 ib4 p4 #aci1 l4 #aaf4 #gii ,ib4 l4 #aaa4 #hjj ,kosmologie1 p4 #bid1 note #a4 #hja ,see p4 #hb4 #hjb ,zerbanitum1 as though compounded of zer 7seed71 and bani 7create74 ,see p4 #aba4 #hjc ,gen4 i4 #a-;ii4 #d1 embodied in the ,priestly ,code4 #hjd ,gen4 ii4 #d and extending in reality as far as iv4 #be4 #hje ,gen4 iii4 #ag4 #hjf ,see ,gunkel1 ,schoepfung und ,chaos1 p4 #ac4 #hjg ,on the acquaintance of ,hebrew writers of the ,babylonian exile with cuneiform literature and on the influence exercised by the latter1 see ,d4 ,h4 ,mueller1 ,ezechielstudien4 ,,chapter ,,xxii4 ,,the ,,zodiacal ,,system ,,of ,,the ,,babylonians4 ,planets1 ,stars1 and ,calendar4 ,it will be appropriate at this point1 to give a brief account of the astronomical system as developed by the ,babylonian scholars4 ,the system forms a part of the ,babylonian cosmology4 ,the 'creation' narratives we have been considering are based upon the system1 and the omen literature is full of allusions to it4 ,moreover1 the understanding of some of the purely religious doctrines of the ,babylonians is dependent upon a proper conception of the curious astrological speculations which from ,babylonia made their way to the ,greeks1 and have left their traces in the astronomy of the present time4 ,the stars were regarded by the ,babylonians as pictorial designs on the heavens4 ,a conception of this kind is the outcome of popular fancy1 and has its parallel among other nations of antiquity4 ,we pass beyond the popular stage1 however1 when we find the stars described as the 'writing of heaven4'#hjh ,such a term is the product of the schools1 and finds a ready explanation if we remember that the cuneiform script1 like other scripts1 was in its first stages pictorial4 ,the ,babylonian scholars not only knew this1 but so well did they know it that writing continued to be regarded by them as picture drawing4 ,the characters used by them were 'likenesses'#hji long after they had passed beyond the stage when they bore any resemblance to the pictures they originally represented4 ,the expression 'writing of heaven' was1 therefore1 equivalent to 'picture of heaven4' ,the heavens themselves being regarded as a fixed vault1 it followed that the movements observed there were caused by the stars changing their position2 and the regular characters of these movements within certain periods led to speaking of the movements of the heavenly bodies as their 'courses4' ,it was furthermore apparent1 even to a superficial observer1 that some of the stars seemed fixed to their places1 while others moved about4 ,a distinction was thus drawn between wandering stars or planets and fixed stars4 ,groups of stars1 the single members of which appeared in a constant relationship to one another1 were distinguished partly by natural observation and partly as a convenient means of obtaining a general view of the starry canopy4 ,it was such a group that more particularly justified the view which regarded the stars as pictorial designs4 ,a line drawn so as to connect the stars of the group turned out to be a design of some sort4 ,on omen tablets1 geometrical figures are often found#haj and interpreted as omens1 and it is plausible to suppose that the outlines presented by the stars of a group first suggested the idea of attaching significance to combinations of lines and curves4 ,to connect these outlines with the pictures that formed the starting-point for the development of the script was again a perfectly natural procedure1 although a scholastic one4 ,the investigations of ,delitzsch have shown that the more than four hundred cuneiform characters in use can be reduced to a comparatively small number of 'outlines' of pictures--to about forty-five4 ,the subjects of these 'outlines' are all familiar ones1--sun1 moon1 stars1 mountain1 man1 the parts of the human body1 animals1 plants1 and utensils4#haa ,association of ideas led to giving to the outlines presented by the groups of stars1 a similar interpretation4 ,the factor of imagination1 of course1 entered into play1 but it is also likely that the comparison of these heavenly figures with the pictures of the script was the controlling factor that led to identifying a certain group of stars with a bull1 another with a scorpion1 a third with a ram1 a fourth with a fish1 still another with a pig1 and more the like4 ,that animals were chosen was due to the influence of animistic theories1 and the rather fantastic shape of the animals distinguished led to further speculations4 ,so1 eleven constellations1 that is to say1 the entire zodiac with the exception of the bull--the sign of ,marduk--were identified with the eleven monsters forming the host of ,tiamat4 ,the passage in the ,marduk-,tiamat myth#hab which speaks of the capture of these monsters through ,marduk appears to have suggested this identification1 which1 fanciful though it is1 has a scholastic rather than a popular aspect4 ,jensen 7to whom1 together with ,epping and ,strassmaier1#hac most of our knowledge of this subject is due7 has shown#had that of the twelve constellations in our modern zodiac1 the greater number are identical with those distinguished by the ,babylonians2 and while it is probable that two or three of our constellations are of occidental origin1 the zodiacal system as a whole is the product of the ,babylonian schools of astronomy4 ,from ,babylonia the system made its way to the west and through western1 more particularly through ,greek1 influence back again to ,india and the distant east4 ,the number of constellations distinguished by the ,babylonian astronomers has not yet been definitely ascertained4 ,they certainly recognized more than twelve4 ,further investigations may show that they knew of most of the forty-eight constellations enumerated by ,ptolemy4 ,the general regularity of the courses taken by the sun1 moon1 and planets made it a comparatively simple matter to map out the limits within which these bodies moved4 ,these limits impressed the ,babylonians1 as we have seen1 with the thought of the eternal and unchangeable laws under which the planets stood4 ,the laws regulating terrestrial phenomena1 did not appear to be so rigid4 ,there were symptoms of caprice1 so that the order of the earth has the appearance of being an afterthought1 suggested by the absolute order prevailing in the heavens4 ,comets1 meteors1 and eclipses alone seemed to interrupt this absolute order4 ,as science advanced1 it was found that even eclipses fell within the province of law4 ,the course of astronomical science was thus clearly marked out--the determination of these laws4 ,the path taken by the sun served as a guide and as a means of comparison4 ,anu being both the chief god of heaven and the personification of heaven1#hae the sun's ecliptic became known as the 'way of ,anu4' ,the division of this ecliptic into certain sections1 determined by the constellations within the belt of the ecliptic1 was the next step4 ,the course of the moon and planets was determined with reference to the sun's ecliptic1 and gradually a zodiacal system was evolved1 the perfection of which is best exemplified by the fact that so much of the astronomical language of the present time is the same as that used by the ancient astronomers of the ,euphrates ,valley4 ,the sun and moon being regarded as deities1 under the influence of primitive animistic ideas1#haf the stars would also come to be looked upon as divine4 ,the ideograph designating a 'star' and which is prefixed as a determinative to the names of stars1 consists of the sign for god repeated three times2#hag and in the case of those stars which are identified with particular deities1 the simple determinative for god is employed4 ,to regard the stars in general as gods is a consequence of animistic notions2 but the further steps in the process which led to connecting the planets and certain other stars with particular deities who originally had nothing to do with the stars1 fall within the province of scholastic theory4 ,as the jurisdiction of gods originally worshipped in a limited district increased1 a difficulty naturally arose among the more advanced minds as to the exact place where the deity dwelt4 ,this difficulty would be accentuated in the case of a god like ,marduk becoming the chief god of the whole ,babylonian ,empire4 ,his ardent worshippers would certainly not content themselves with the notion that a single edifice1 even though it be his great temple at ,babylon1 could contain him4 ,again1 the development of a pantheon1 systematized1 and in which the various gods worshipped in ,babylonia came to occupy fixed relationships to one another1 would lead to the view of putting all the gods in one place4 ,the sun and moon being in the heavens1 the most natural place to assign to the gods as a dwelling-place was in the region where ,shamash and ,sin 7as every one could see for himself7 had their seats4 ,the doctrine thus arose that the great gods dwell in the 'heaven of ,anu4' ,a doctrine of this kind would be intelligible to the general populace1 but it is doubtful whether a belief which involved the establishment of a direct connection between the most prominent stars--the planets with the chief gods--ever enjoyed popular favor in ,babylonia4 ,the association is marked by an artificiality and a certain arbitrariness that stamps it not only as the product of theological schools1 but as a thought that would remain confined to a limited circle of the population4 ,jensen suggests#hah that the planets may at one time have been merely regarded as standing under the influence of the great gods1 and that a planet from being regarded as the star controlled by ,marduk1 became identified with ,marduk4 ,it seems more plausible that the association should have been direct4 ,even though the ,babylonians may not have had any knowledge of the relative mass of the planets1 in some way ,jupiter must have appeared to them as the largest of the planets1 and for this reason was identified with the head of the ,babylonian pantheon1 ,marduk4 ,in the creation epic1 as we have seen1 ,jupiter-,marduk1 under the name of ,nibir1 is represented as exercising a control over all the stars4 ,mythological associations appear to have played a part in identifying the planet ,venus with the goddess ,ishtar4 ,a widely spread nature myth1#hai symbolizing the change of seasons1 represents ,ishtar1 the personification of fertility1 the great mother of all that manifests life1 as proceeding to the region of darkness and remaining there for some time4 ,the disappearance of the planet ,venus at certain seasons1 as morning star to reappear as evening star1 suggested the identification of this planet with ,ishtar4 ,from these two examples we may conclude that the process which resulted in the identification of ,saturn with ,ninib1 ,mars with ,nergal1 ,mercury with ,nabu rested similarly on an association of ideas1 derived from certain conceptions held of the gods involved4 ,in regard to ,ninib and ,nergal it is of some importance to bear in mind that1 like ,marduk1 they are at their origin solar deities1 ,ninib representing in the perfected theological system the morning sun1 ,marduk the sun of the early spring1 and ,nergal the mid-day sun and summer solstice4#hbj ,the position of the planets ,saturn and ,mars1 accordingly1 with reference to the sun at certain periods of the year1 may well have been a factor in the association of ideas involved4 ,the position of the sun1 as the general overseer of the planets1 led to the application of an interesting metaphor to express the relationship between the sun and the planets4 ,just as the human chiefs or kings were called 'shepherds1'--a metaphor suggested1 no doubt1 by agricultural life1--so the planets were commonly known as 'sheep' or1 as ,jensen suggests1#hba 'wandering sheep1' and it is rather curious that ,mars-,nergal should have been designated as the 'sheep'#hbb par excellence4 ,the 'service' in which the planets stood to the sun is exemplified by another term applied to them1 which designates them as the mediators carrying out the orders of their superior4 ,lastly1 it may be noted that each planet receives a variety of names and epithets in the astronomical texts1--a circumstance that points to the composite character of the developed planetary system of the ,babylonians4 ,some of these names are of so distinctive a character as to justify the conclusion that they arose in the different centers where astronomical schools existed4 ,the process involved in the development of the system is thus complicated by factors introducing views originally confined to certain districts1 and it becomes doubtful whether we will ever be able to trace all the steps involved in the process4 ,corresponding to the unique position occupied by the superior triad ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea in the theological system1 a special place was assigned to them in the astronomical system4 ,anu is the pole star of the ecliptic1 ,bel the pole star of the equator1 while ,ea in the southern heavens was identified1 according to ,jensen1#hbc with a star in the constellation ,argo4 ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea represented the three most prominent fixed stars1 but by the side of these a large number of other stars were distinguished and many of them identified with some deity4 ,for some of these stars the modern equivalents have been ascertained through recent researches2#hbd others still remain to be determined4 ,the astronomical science of the ,babylonians thus resolves itself into these natural divisions3 7#a7 the constellations1 especially those of the zodiac1 7#b7 the five great planets1 7#c7 the fixed stars1 ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea1 7#d7 miscellaneous stars1 and 7#e7 the sun and moon4 ,the rivalry between the two great luminaries ends in a superior rank being accorded to the sun4 ,natural and indeed inevitable as this conclusion was1 the scientific theory in the ,euphrates ,valley was presumably influenced to some extent by the circumstance that the head of the pantheon was a solar deity4 ,we have seen that the tradition of this original character of ,marduk survived in the popular mind4 ,of the sun but little need be said here4 ,as represented in the creation story1 he was freer in his movements than any of the planets4 ,he passed across the heavens daily as an overseer to see that everything was maintained in good order4 ,as in ,greek mythology1 the sun was represented as riding in a chariot drawn by horses4#hbe ,scientific speculation advanced but little upon these popular fancies4 ,the course that the sun took on the ecliptic was determined1 and the ecliptic itself served as the guide for determining the position and movements of the stars4 ,under the growing influence of the ,marduk cult and of such deities as ,ninib1 ,nergal1 and ,nabu1 associated with ,marduk mythologically or politically1 the old moon worship lost much of its prestige2 but in astronomical science1 the former independent rank of the moon is still in large measure preserved4 ,in the enumeration of the planets the moon is mentioned first4#hbf ,the moon is not a 'sheep' belonging to the flock of ,shamash4 ,the importance of the moon in the regulation of the calendar saved her from this fate4 ,the beginning of the calendrical system1 indeed1 may well have been of popular origin4 ,ihering#hbg is of the opinion that agricultural occupations made the marking off of time a popular necessity1 and this view is borne out by the early epithets of the months among the ,babylonians1#hbh which1 as among the ,hebrews1 are connected with agriculture and the life of the agriculturist4 ,the later names also bear traces of the same train of thoughts4 ,leaving aside details into which it is needless to enter here1 the part of the calendar which touches upon the religion of the ,babylonians is the sacred character given to the months by making each one devoted to some god or gods4 ,in this association there may be observed the same curious mixture of several factors that controlled the identification of the planets with the gods4 ,the theory underlying the pantheon and certain mythological conceptions are two of the factors that can be clearly seen at work4 ,the triad ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea are accorded the first rank4#hbi ,the first month1 ,nisan1 is sacred to ,anu and ,bel4 ,the second1 ,iyar1 is sacred to ,ea as the lord of humanity4 ,then follows ,sin to whom1 as the first-born of ,bel1#hcj the third month1 ,siwan1 is devoted4 ,the four succeeding months are parceled out among deities closely connected with one another1--,ninib1 ,nin-gishzida1 ,ishtar1 and ,shamash4 ,of these1 ,ninib and ,nin-gishzida are solar deities4 ,ninib1 as the morning sun1 symbolizes the approach of the summer season1 while ,nin-gishzida1 another solar deity1#hca represents an advance in this season4 ,to them1 therefore1 the fourth and fifth months1 ,tammuz 7or ,du'zu7 and ,ab respectively1 are sacred4 ,ishtar is the goddess of fertility1 and the sixth month1 which represents the culmination of the summer season1 is accordingly devoted to her4 ,as the last of the group comes ,shamash himself1 to whom the seventh month1 ,tishri 7or ,tashritum71 is sacred4 ,marduk and ,nergal come next1 the eighth month1 ,marcheshwan1#hcb being sacred to the former1 the ninth ,kislev to the great warrior ,nergal4 ,the factors here involved are not clear1 nor do we know why the tenth month is sacred to ,papsukal--perhaps here used as an epithet of ,nabu--to ,anu1 and to ,ishtar4 ,the eleventh month1 the height of the rainy season and known as the month of the course of rainstorms1 is appropriately made sacred to ,ramman1 'the god of storms4' ,the last month1 ,adar1 falling within the rainy season is presided over by the seven evil spirits4 ,lastly1 an interesting trace of ,assyrian influence is to be seen in devoting to ,ashur1 the father of the gods1 the intercalated month1 the second ,adar4 ,this introduction of ,ashur points to the late addition of this intercalated month1 and makes it probable also that the intercalation is the work of astronomers standing under ,assyrian authority4 ,a second intercalated month is ,elul the second4 ,this month is sacred to ,anu and ,bel1 just like ,nisan1 the first month4 ,the list1 therefore1 begins anew with the intercalated month4 ,such a procedure is natural1 and one is inclined to conclude that the intercalated ,elul is of ,babylonian origin and older than the intercalated ,adar4 ,it does not appear that the female consorts of the gods shared in the honors thus bestowed upon the male deities4 ,variations from the list as given also occur4 ,so ,ashurbanabal calls the seventh month1 ,elul1 the month of 'the king of gods ,ashur1'#hcc while ,sargon#hcd assigns the fourth month to the 'servant of ,gibil1' the fire-god1 by which ,nin-gishzida is meant1 and the third month he calls the month of the god of brick structures4#hce ,in fact1 the assigning of the months to the gods appears to partake more or less of an arbitrary character4 ,absolute uniformity probably did not prevail throughout ,babylonia until a comparatively late period4 ,nor does it appear that any popular significance was attached to the sacred character thus given to the months4 ,it was the work of the schools1 as are most of the features involved in the elaboration of the calendar4 ,in somewhat closer touch with popular notions and popular observances were the names of the months4 ,confining ourselves to the later names1--the forms in which they were transmitted during the period of the ,babylonian exile to the ,jews1#hcf--we find that the first month which1 as we shall see1 was marked by sacred observances in the temples of ,marduk and ,nabu at ,babylon and ,borsippa was designated ideographically as 'the month of the sanctuary1' the third as the period of 'brick-making1' the fifth as the 'fiery' month1 the sixth as the month of the 'mission of ,ishtar'--a reference to the goddess' descent into the region of darkness4 ,designations like 'taking 7i4e41 scattering7 seed' for the fourth month1 'copious fertility' for the ninth month1 'grain-cutting' period for the twelfth1 and 'opening of dams'#hcg for the eighth contain distinct references to agriculture4 ,the name 'destructive rain' for the eleventh month is suggested by climatic conditions4 ,still obscure is the designation of the seventh month as the month of the 'resplendent mound1'#hch and so also is the designation of the second month4#hci ,the calendar is thus shown to be the product of the same general order of religious ideas that we have detected in the zodiacal and planetary systems4 ,its growth must have been gradual1 for its composite character is one of its most striking features4 ,the task was no easy one to bring the lunar year into proper conjunction with the solar year1 and there are grounds for believing that prior to the division of the year into twelve parts1 there was a year of ten months corresponding to a simpler1 perhaps a decimal1 system1 which appears to have preceded the elaborate sexagesimal system4#hdj ,however this may be1 the point of importance for our purposes is to detect the extension of religious ideas into the domain of science1 and1 on the other hand1 to note the reaction of scientific theories on the development of religious thought4 ,the cosmology of the ,babylonians results from the continued play of these two factors4 ,hence the strange mixture of popular notions and fancies with comparatively advanced theological speculations and still more advanced scientific theories that is found in the cosmological system4 ,even mysticism is given a scientific aspect in ,babylonia4 ,the identification of the gods with the stars arises1 as we have seen1 from a scientific impulse1 and it is a scientific spirit again that leads to the introduction of the gods into the mathematics of the day4#hda ,a number is assigned to each of the chief gods4 ,and1 though such a procedure has its natural outcome in ,cabbalistic tendencies1 we can still discern in the ideas that lead to this association of numbers with gods1 influences at work that emanated from the astronomical schools4 ,thus the moon-god ,sin is identified with the number thirty1 suggested by the days of the ordinary month4 ,ishtar1 the daughter of ,sin1 is number fifteen1 the half of thirty4 ,the unit in the sexagesimal--the number sixty--is assigned to ,anu1 the chief of the triad1 while the other two members1 ,bel and ,ea1 follow as fifty and forty respectively4 ,the dependence of this species of identification upon the calendrical system is made manifest by the inferior rank given to the sun1 which receives the number twenty1 the decimal next to that assigned to ,sin1 while ,ramman1 the third member of the second triad1#hdb is identified with ten4#hdc ,absolute consistency in this process is1 of course1 as little to be expected as in other semi-mystical aspects of the science of the ,babylonians2 nor is it necessary for our purposes to enter upon the further consequences resulting from this combination of gods with numbers4 ,the association of ideas involved in the combination furnishes another and rather striking illustration of the close contact between science and religion in the remarkable culture of the ,euphrates ,valley4 ,there was no conflict between science and religion in ancient ,babylonia4 ,each reacted on the other1 but the two factors were at all times closely united in perfect harmony1--a harmony so perfect1 indeed1 as to be impressive despite its naivete4 ,,footnotes3 #hjh ,e4g41 ,,ir4 #eb1 no4 #c1 col4 ii4 l4 #b2 ,,iir4 #ch1 #bg;b4 #hji ,the ,greek name for the letters of the alphabet--symbolon1 i4e41 a likeness--illustrates the same view of the pictorial origin of writing4 #haj ,for illustrations1 see ,lenomant1 ,magie und ,wahrsagekunst der ,chaldaer1 pp4 #ebj-ebc4 #haa ,see the summary on pp4 #aih1 #aii1 of ,delitzsch1 ,ursprung der ,keilschriftzeichen4 #hab ,see p4 #dcf4 #hac ,epping and ,strassmaier1 ,astronomisches aus ,babylon 7,freiburg1 #ahhi74 #had ,kosmologie1 pp4 #eg-ie4 ,see especially the summary1 pp4 #hb-hd4 #hae ,see p4 #hi4 #haf ,see p4 #dh4 #hag ,on this ideograph1 see ,jensen1 ,kosmologie pp4 #dc1 #dd4 #hah ,kosmologie1 p4 #acd4 #hai ,see the following chapter on ,the ,gilgamesh ,epic1 and chapter xxv1 ,the ,views of the ,babylonians and ,assyrians of the ,life after ,death4 #hbj ,jensen1 ib4 p4 #adj4 ,see above1 p4 #fg4 #hba bibbu4 #hbb ,ib4 p4 #ii4 #hbc ,ib4 p4 #bg4 #hbd ,see especially ,jensen's ,kosmologie1 pp4 #df-eg and #add-afj4 #hbe ,jensen1 ib4 pp4 #ajh1 #aji4 #hbf ,the constant order is moon1 sun1 ,marduk1 ,ishtar1 ,ninib1 ,nergal1 ,nabu4 ,e4g41 ,,iir4 #dh1 #dh-cd;a-b4 #hbg ,vorgeschichte der ,indo-,europaer1 pp4 #aea seq4 #hbh ,on the older and later names of the ,babylonians1 see ,meissner1 ,zeitschrift fuer die ,kunde des ,morgenlandes1 v4 #ahj1 #aha1 and on the general subject of the ,babylonian months1 ,muss-,arnolt's valuable articles in the ,journal of ,biblical ,literature1 xi4 #gb-id and #afj-agf4 #hbi ,,ivr4 pl4 #cc4 #hcj ,en-lil4 #hca ,see above1 p4 #ii4 #hcb ,lit41 ',arakh-shamnu1' i4e41 month eight4 #hcc ,rassam1 ,cylinder1 col4 lii4 l4 #cb4 #hcd ,cylinder1 ,inscription l4 #fa4 #hce ,ib4 l4 #eh1--;a rather curious title of ,sin4 #hcf ,the ,talmud preserves the tradition of the ,babylonian origin of the ,hebrew calendar 7,ierusalem ,talmud ,rosh-,hashshana1 l4 #a74 #hcg ,for the irrigation of the fields4 #hch ,in some way indicative of its sacred character4 ,it is to be noted that this month--,tishri--is the festival month among the ,hebrews and originally also among the ,arabs4 ,the 'mound' is a reference to the temples which were erected on natural or artificial eminences4 #hci ,the latter is described by a series of ideographs1 herd and to prosper4 ,is there perhaps a reference to cows giving birth to calves in this month1 the early spring8 ,for another1 but improbable1 explanation1 see ,babylonian and ,oriental ,record1 iv4 #cg4 #hdj ,lehmann 7,actes du #h;eme ,congres ,internationel des ,orientalists1 ,leiden1 #ahia1 i4 #afi1 note7 admits the probability of an earlier and more natural system4 #hda ,lotz1 ,quaestiones de ,historia ,sabbati1 pp4 #bg-bi4 #hdb ,sin1 ,shamash1 and ,ramman4 ,see pp4 #ajh1 #afc4 #hdc ,see for other combinations ,lotz ib41 and compare1 e4g41 ,,vr4 #cf1 where the number ten is associated with a large number of gods1--,anu1 ,anatum1 ,bel1 ,ishtar1 etc4 ,,chapter ,,xxiii4 ,,the ,,gilgamesh ,,epic4 ,we have seen#hdd that the religion of ,babylonia permeates all branches of literature1 so that it is not always possible to draw a sharp dividing line between sacred and secular productions4 ,to account for this1 it is but necessary to bear in mind what the previous chapters have aimed to make clear1 that religion furnished the stimulus for the unfolding of intellectual life1 and that the literary and scientific productions represent the work of men primarily interested in religion4 ,the significance attached as omens to heavenly phenomena led by degrees to the elaborate astronomical system outlined in the previous chapter4 ,but the astronomers of ,babylonia were priests1 and indeed the same priests who compiled the hymns and incantations4 ,what is true of astronomy applies to medicine1 so far as medicine had an existence independent of incantations1 and also to law4 ,the physician was a priest1 as was the judge and likewise the scribe4 ,it is natural1 therefore1 to find that what may be called the great national epic of the ,babylonians was of a religious character4 ,the interpretation given to the traditions of the past was religious4 ,the distant past blended with the phenomena of nature in such a way as to form a strange combination of poetry and realism4 ,but thanks to this combination1 which is essentially a process of the popular mind1 the production that we are about to consider brings us much closer to the popular phases of the ,babylonian religion than does the cosmology or the zodiacal system4 ,after all1 a nation is much more interested in its heroes and in its own beginnings1 than in the beginnings of things in general4 ,some speculation regarding the origin of the universe is perhaps inevitable the moment that the spirit of inquiry arises1 but these speculations are soon entrusted into the hands of a minority1--the thinkers1 the priests1 the astronomers1--who elaborate a system that gradually separates itself from popular thought and exercises little influence upon the development of religious ideas among the masses4 ,the ,book of ,genesis passes rapidly over the creation of stars1 plants1 and animals1 as though anxious to reach the history of man1 and when it comes to the traditions regarding the ancestors of the ,hebrews1 the details are dwelt upon at length and pictured with a loving hand4 ,similarly among the ,babylonians1 there is a freshness about the story of the adventures of a great hero of the past that presents a contrast to the rather abstruse speculations embodied in the creation epic4 ,in this story1 in which a variety of ancient traditions have been combined1 there is comparatively little trace of the scholastic spirit1 and although1 as we shall see1 the story has been given its final shape under the same influences that determined the other branches of religious literature1 the form has not obscured the popular character of the material out of which the story has been constructed4 ,the name of the hero of the story was for a long time a puzzle to scholars4 ,written invariably in ideographic fashion1 the provisional reading ,izdubar#hde was the only safe recourse until a few years ago1 when ,pinches discovered in a lexicographical tablet the equation ,izdubar ,gilgamesh4#hdf ,the equation proved that the ,babylonians and ,assyrians identified the hero with a legendary king1 ,gilgamos1 who is mentioned by ,aelian4#hdg ,to be sure1 what ,aelian tells of this hero is not found in the ,izdubar epic1 and appears to have originally been recounted of another legendary personage1 ,etana4#hdh ,there is therefore a reasonable doubt whether the identification made by ,babylonian scholars represents an old tradition or is merely a late conjecture arising at a time when the traditions of ,izdubar were confused with those of ,etana4 ,still1 since ,etana appears to be a phonetic reading and can be explained etymologically in a satisfactory manner1 the presumption is in favor of connecting ,gilgamesh with the hero of the great epic4 ,for the present1 therefore1 we may accept the identification and assume that in ,aelian1 as well as in the sources whence he drew his information1 ,izdubar-,gilgamesh has been confused with ,etana4#hdi ,the ideographic form of the name is preceded invariably by the determinative for deity1 but the three elements composing the name1 iz1 du1 and bar1 are exceedingly obscure4 ,the first element is a very common determinative1 preceding objects made of wood or any hard substance4 ,the word for weapon is always written with this determinative2 and since ,izdubar is essentially a warrior1 one should expect dubar to represent some kind of a weapon that he carries4 ,on seal cylinders ,gilgamesh appears armed with a large lance4#hej ,however this may be1 ,jeremias' proposition to render the name as divine judge of earthly affairs#hea is untenable1 and the same may be said of other conjectures4 ,the fact that the name is written with the determinative for deity must not lead us to a purely mythical interpretation of the epic4 ,there was a strong tendency in ,babylonia to regard the early kings as gods4 ,dungi and ,gudea1 who are far from being the earliest rulers in the ,euphrates ,valley1 appear in tablets with the determinative for deity attached to their names1#heb and it would be natural1 therefore1 that a hero belonging to a remote period should likewise be deified4 ,there can be no doubt that there is a historical background to the ,gilgamesh epic1 and there is equally no reason to question the existence of an ancient king or hero who bore the name ,gilgamesh4 ,the deification of the hero superinduced the introduction of mythical elements4 ,it was an easy process also1 that led to tales which arose as popular symbols of occurrences in nature1 being likewise brought into connection with a hero1 who was at the same time a god4 ,the ,gilgamesh epic thus takes shape as a compound of faint historical tradition and of nature myths4 ,the deified hero becomes more particularly a solar deity4 ,the popularity of the hero-god is attested by the introduction of his name in incantations1#hec and by special hymns being composed in his honor4 ,one of these hymns1#hed of a penitential character1 is interesting as illustrating the survival of the recollection of his human origin4 ,gilgamesh is addressed by a penitent1 who seeks healing from disease3 ,o ,gilgamesh1 great king1 judge of the ,anunnaki1 ,prince1 great oracle#hee of mankind1 ,overseer of all regions1 ruler of the world1 lord of what is on earth1 ,thou dost judge and1 like a god1 thou givest decisions1#hef ,thou art established on the earth1 thou fulfillest judgment1 ,thy judgment is unchangeable1 thy command is not revoked1 ,thou dost inquire1 thou commandest1 thou judgest1 thou seest1 and thou directest4 ,shamash has entrusted into thy hand sceptre and decision4 ,it will be observed that ,gilgamesh is appealed to as a 'king' and 'prince4' ,his dominion is the earth1 and the emphasis placed upon this circumstance is significant4 ,in accord with this peculiar province of the god1 the hymn continues3 ,kings1 chiefs1 and princes bow before thee1 ,thou seest their laws1 thou presidest over their decisions4 ,at the same time1 his dependence upon ,shamash is emphasized4 ,as a minor solar deity1 he receives his powers from the great judge ,shamash4 ,this double character of ,gilgamesh furnishes the key to the interpretation of the epic in which he is the central figure4 ,the poem in its final shape comprised twelve tablets of about three thousand lines4 ,unfortunately only about half of the epic has been found up to the present time4 ,the numerous fragments represent at least four distinct copies1 all belonging to the library of ,ashurbanabal4 ,to ,professor ,paul ,haupt we are indebted for a practically complete publication of the fragments of the epic2#heg and it is likewise owing1 chiefly1 to ,professor ,haupt that the sequence in the incidents of the epic as well as the general interpretation of the composition has been established4#heh ,the center of action in the first tablets of the series and in the oldest portions of the epic is the ancient city ,uruk1 or ,erech1 in southern ,babylonia1 invariably spoken of as ,uruk supuri1 that is1 the 'walled' or fortified ,uruk4 ,a special significance attaches to this epithet4 ,it was the characteristic of every ancient town1 for reasons which ,ihering has brilliantly set forth1#hei to be walled4#hfj ,the designation of ,uruk as 'walled1' therefore1 stamps it as a city1 but that the term was added1 also points to the great antiquity of the place1--to a period when towns as distinguished from mere agricultural villages were sufficiently rare to warrant some special nomenclature4 ,from other sources the great age of ,uruk is confirmed1 and ,hilprecht#hfa is of the opinion that it was the capitol of a kingdom contemporaneous with the earliest period of ,babylonian history4 ,a lexicographical tablet#hfb informs us that ,uruk was specially well fortified4 ,it was known as the place of seven walls and1 in view of the cosmic significance of the number seven among the ,babylonians1 ,jensen supposes#hfc that the city's walls are an imitation of the seven concentric zones into which the world was divided4 ,however this may be1 a city so ancient and so well fortified must have played a most important part in old ,babylonian history1 second only in importance1 if not equal1 to ,nippur4 ,the continued influence of the ,ishtar or ,nana cult of ,erech also illustrates the significance of the place4 ,it is natural1 therefore1 to find traditions surviving of the history of the place4 ,the first tablet of the ,gilgamesh epic contains such a reminiscence4 ,the city is hard pressed by an enemy4 ,the misfortune appears to be sent as a punishment for some offence4#hfd ,everything is in a state of confusion4 ,asses and cows destroy their young4 ,men weep and women sigh4 ,the gods and spirits of walled ,uruk have become hostile forces4 ,for three years the enemy lays siege to the place4 ,the gates of the city remain closed4 ,who the enemy is we are not told1 and such is the fragmentary condition of the tablet that we are left to conjecture the outcome of the city's distress4 ,in the second tablet1 ,gilgamesh is introduced as a hero of superior strength and in control of ,uruk4 ,is he the savior of the city or its conqueror8 ,one is inclined to assume the latter1 for the inhabitants of ,uruk are represented as complaining that ,gilgamesh has taken away the sons and daughters of the place4 ,from a passage in a subsequent tablet it appears that ,uruk is not the native place of the hero1 but ,marada4#hfe ,moreover1 the name ,gilgamesh is not ,babylonian1 so that the present evidence speaks in favor of regarding the first episode in the epic as a reminiscence of the extension of ,gilgamesh's dominion by the conquest of ,uruk4 ,when this event took place we have no means of determining with even a remote degree of probability4 ,the representation of ,gilgamesh on very ancient seal cylinders#hff warrants us in passing beyond the third millennium1 but more than this can hardly be said4 ,gilgamesh is a hero of irresistible power4 ,the inhabitants of ,uruk appeal for help to ,aruru1 who has created ,gilgamesh3 ,he has no rival4444 ,thy inhabitants appeal for aid84 ,gilgamesh does not leave a son to his father4 ,day and night1444 ,he1 the ruler of walled ,uruk1444 ,he1 their ruler1444 ,the strong1 the preeminent1 the cunning1444 ,gilgamesh does not leave the virgin to her mother1 ,the daughter to her warrior1 the wife to her husband4 ,the gods of heaven hear their cry4 ,they cry aloud to ,aruru1 ,thou hast created him1 ,now create a rival 787 to him1 equal to taking up the fight against him 7874 ,so much at least is clear from the badly mutilated lines that ,gilgamesh has played sad havoc with the inhabitants of ,uruk4 ,in personal combat1 as it would appear1 he has triumphed over the warriors of the place4 ,the son is taken away from his father1 the virgins are taken captive1 warriors and husbands are snatched from those dear to them4 ,aruru is here appealed to as the creator of mankind4#hfg ,she who has created the hero is asked to produce some one who can successfully resist ,gilgamesh4 ,aruru proceeds to do so4 ,aruru1 upon hearing this1 forms a man of ,anu4#hfh ,aruru washes her hands1 takes a bit of clay1 and throws it on the ground4 ,she creates ,eabani1 a hero1 a lofty offspring1 the possession of ,ninib4#hfi ,this creature ,eabani is described as having a body covered with hair4 ,he has long flowing locks and lives with the animals about him4 ,eating herbs with gazelles1 ,drinking from a trough with cattle1 ,sporting with the creatures of the waters4 ,the description evidently recalls man living in a savage state1 and1 to judge from illustrations of ,eabani on seal cylinders1 the mythological fancy of the period when strange monsters existed of hybrid formation1 half-man1 half-beast1 has influenced the conception of this strange creature who is to combat the invincible ,gilgamesh4 ,but ,gilgamesh frustrates the plan4 ,he sends a messenger known as ,sadu1 that is1 'the hunter1' and described as a wicked man1 to ensnare ,eabani4#hgj ,for three days in succession1 the hunter sees ,eabani drinking at the trough with the cattle1 but is unable to catch him4 ,the sight of this 'wild man of the woods' frightens the hunter4 ,he returns to ,gilgamesh for further instructions4 ,gilgamesh spoke to the hunter3 ,go1 hunter mine1 and take with thee ,ukhat ,when the cattle comes to the trough1 ,let her tear off her dress and disclose her nakedness4 ,he#hga will see her and approach her4 ,his cattle1 which grew up on his field1 will forsake him4 ,ukhatu is a name for a harlot devoted to the worship of ,ishtar4 ,other names for such devotees are ,kharimtu#hgb and ,kizritu4#hgc ,elsewhere the city ,uruk is called the dwelling of ,anu and ,ishtar1 the city of the ,kizreti1 ,ukhati1 and ,kharimati#hgd and in a subsequent tablet of the ,gilgamesh epic#hge these three classes of harlots are introduced as the attendants of ,ishtar1 obedient to her call4 ,the conclusion is therefore justified that ,uruk was one of the centers--perhaps the center--of the obscene rites to which ,herodotus#hgf has several references4 ,several other incidental allusions in cuneiform literature to the sacred prostitution carried on at ,babylonian temples confirm ,herodotus' statement in general1#hgg although the rite never assumed the large proportions that he reports4 ,on the other hand1 ,herodotus does not appear to have understood the religious significance of the custom that he designates as 'shameful4' ,the name given to the harlot among ,babylonians and ,hebrews1#hgh ,kadishtu or ,k'desha1 that is1 'the sacred one1' is sufficient evidence that1 at its origin1 the rite was not the product of obscene tendencies1 but due to naive conceptions connected with the worship of ,ishtar as the goddess of fertility4 ,the introduction of ,ukhat1 however1 as an aid to carry out the designs of ,gilgamesh is devoid of religious significance1 and one is inclined to regard the ,eabani episode1 or at least certain portions of it1 as having had at one time an existence quite independent of ,gilgamesh's adventures4 ,the description of ,eabani is1 as we have seen1 based upon mythological ideas4 ,the creation of ,eabani recalls the ,biblical tradition of the formation of the first man1 and ,ukhat appears to be the ,babylonian equivalent to the ,biblical ,eve1 who through her charms entices ,eabani away from the gazelles and cattle1#hgi and brings him to ,uruk1 the symbol of civilized existence4 ,it is significant that in the ,biblical narrative1 the sexual instinct and the beginnings of culture as symbolized by the tree of knowledge are closely associated4 ,according to rabbinical traditions1 the serpent is the symbol of the sexual passion4#hhj ,eve obtains control of ,adam with the aid of this passion4 ,in the episode of ,eabani1 ,ukhat1 and the hunter--who1 be it noted1 plays the part of the tempter--we seem to have an ancient legend forming part of some tradition regarding the beginnings of man's history1 and which has been brought into connection with the ,gilgamesh epic1--when and how1 it is impossible1 of course1 to say4 ,the hunter follows the instructions of ,gilgamesh4 ,eabani falls a victim to ,ukhat's attractions4 ,ukhat exposed her breast1 revealed her nakedness1 took off her clothing4 ,unabashed she enticed him4 ,the details of the meeting are described with a frank simplicity that points again to the antiquity of the legend4 ,for six days and seven nights ,eabani enjoyed the love of ,ukhat4 ,after he had satiated himself with her charms1 ,he turned his countenance to his cattle4 ,the reposing gazelles saw ,eabani1 ,the cattle of the field turned away from him4 ,eabani was startled and grew faint1 ,his limbs grew stiff as his cattle ran off4 ,but ,ukhat has gained control of him4 ,he gives up the thought of gazelles and cattle1 and returns to enjoy the love of ,ukhat4 ,his senses return1 ,and he again turns in love1 enthralled at the feet of the harlot1 ,looks up into her face and listens as the woman speaks to him4 ,the woman#hha speaks to ,eabani3 ,lofty art thou1 ,eabani1 like to a god4 ,why dost thou lie with the beasts8 ,come1 ,i will bring thee to walled ,uruk1 ,to the glorious house1#hhb the dwelling of ,anu and ,ishtar1 ,to the seat of ,gilgamesh1 perfect in power1 ,surpassing men in strength1 like a mountain bull4 ,it would appear from these lines that previous to the coming of ,ukhat1 ,eabani had satisfied his desire on the beasts4 ,in ,ukhat1 however1 he found a worthier mate1 and he accordingly abandons his former associates to cling to her4 ,he yields and obeys her command4 ,in the wisdom of his heart he recognized a companion4#hhc ,in the continuation of the story ,eabani becomes the companion of ,gilgamesh1 but ,i venture to think that the title was transferred in the development of the epic from ,ukhat1 to whom it originally belonged4 ,it is she who awakens in ,eabani a sense of dignity which made him superior to the animals4 ,the word translated 'companion'#hhd may be appropriately applied to ,ukhat4 ,eabani clings to her1 as ,adam does to ,eve after she 'is brought'#hhe to him4 ,ukhat becomes ,eabani's 'companion1' just as ,eve becomes the 'helpmate' of ,adam4 ,these considerations strengthen the supposition that the ,eabani-,ukhat episode is quite distinct from the career of ,gilgamesh4 ,had the epic originated in ,babylon or ,nippur1 ,eabani and ,ukhat would have been brought to ,babylon or ,nippur4 ,as it is1 ,eabani asks ,ukhat to conduct him ,to the glorious dwelling1 the sacred seat of ,anu and ,ishtar1 ,to the seat of ,gilgamesh1 perfect in power1 ,surpassing men in strength like a mountain bull4 ,unfortunately1 the tablet at this point is defective1#hhf and the following three tablets are represented by small fragments only1 from which it is exceedingly difficult to determine more than the general course of the narrative4 ,ukhat and ,eabani proceed to ,uruk4 ,there is an interesting reference to 'a festival' and to festive garments1#hhg but whether1 as would appear1 ,ukhat and ,eabani are the ones who clothe themselves#hhh upon reaching ,uruk or whether1 as ,jeremias believes1 a festival was being celebrated at the place it is impossible to say4 ,eabani is warned in a dream not to undertake a test of strength with ,gilgamesh1#hhi ,whose power is stronger than thine1 ,who rests not1 444 neither by day or night4 ,o ,eabani1 change thy 444 ,shamash loves ,gilgamesh1 ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea have given him wisdom4 ,before thou comest from the mountain ,gilgamesh in ,uruk will see thy dream4#hij ,dreams play an important part in the epic4 ,they constitute the regular means of communication between man and the gods1 so regular that at times the compilers of the epic do not find it necessary to specify the fact1 but take it for granted4 ,to ,gilgamesh1 ,eabani's coming is revealed and he asks his mother ,aruru to interpret the dream4 ,the third and fourth tablets take us back to the history of ,uruk4 ,gilgamesh1 aided by his patron ,shamash1 succeeds in gaining ,eabani as a 'companion' in a contest that is to be waged against ,khumbaba1 who threatens ,uruk4 ,the name of this enemy is ,elamitic1 and it has been customary to refer the campaign against him to the tradition recorded by ,berosus of a native uprising against ,elamitic rule1 which took place about #bdjj ,b4,c4#hia ,it must be said1 however1 that there is no satisfactory evidence for this supposition4 ,elam1 lying to the east of the ,euphrates1 was at all times a serious menace to ,babylonia4 ,hostilities with ,elam are frequent before and after the days of ,hammurabi4 ,if ,gilgamesh1 as seems certain1 is a ,cassite1#hib the conflict between him and ,khumbaba would represent a rivalry among ,cassitic or ,elamitic hordes for the possession of ,uruk and of the surrounding district4 ,while the ,cassites do not come to the front till the eighteenth century1 at which time the center of their kingdom is ,nippur1 there is every reason to believe that they were settled in the ,euphrates ,valley long before that period4 ,the course of conquest--as of civilization in ,babylonia--being from the south to the north1 we would be justified in looking for the ,cassites in ,uruk before they extended their dominion to ,nippur4 ,at all events1 the conflict between ,gilgamesh and ,khumbaba must be referred to a much more ancient period than the rise of the city of ,babylon as a political center4 ,shamash and ,gilgamesh promise ,eabani royal honors if he will join friendship with them4 ,come1 and on a great couch1 ,on a fine couch he#hic will place thee4 ,he will give thee a seat to the left4 ,the rulers of the earth will kiss thy feet4 ,all the people of ,uruk will crouch before thee4 ,eabani consents1 and in company with ,gilgamesh proceeds to the fortress of ,khumbaba4 ,it is a long and hard road that they have to travel4 ,the terror inspired by ,khumbaba is compared to that aroused by a violent storm1 but ,gilgamesh receives assurances1 in no less than three dreams1 that he will come forth unharmed out of the ordeal4 ,the fortress of ,khumbaba is situated in a grove of wonderful grandeur1 in the midst of which there is a large cedar1 affording shade and diffusing a sweet odor4 ,the description reminds one forcibly of the garden of ,eden1 and the question suggests itself whether in this episode of the ,gilgamesh epic1 we have not again a composite production due to the combination of ,gilgamesh's adventures with the traditions regarding ,eabani4 ,unfortunately the description of the contest with ,khumbaba is missing4 ,there is a reference to the tyrant's death1#hid but that is all4 ,in the sixth tablet1 ,gilgamesh is celebrated as the victor and not ,eabani4 ,we may conclude1 therefore1 that the episode belongs originally to ,gilgamesh's career1 and that ,eabani has been introduced into it4 ,on the other hand1 for ,eabani to be placed in a beautiful garden would be a natural consequence of his deserting the gazelles and cattle1--the reward1 as it were1 of his clinging to ,ukhat4 ,separating the composite elements of the epic in this way1 we have as distinct episodes in ,gilgamesh's career1 the conquest of ,uruk and of other places1#hie and his successful campaign against ,khumbaba4 ,with this story there has been combined a popular tradition of man's early savage state1 his departure from this condition through the sexual passion aroused by ,ukhat1 who becomes his 'companion1' and with whom or through whom he is led to a beautiful garden as a habitation4 ,the sixth tablet introduces a third element into the epic1--a mythological one4 ,the goddess ,ishtar pleads for the love of ,gilgamesh4 ,she is attracted to him by his achievements and his personality4 ,the tablet begins with a description of the celebration of ,gilgamesh's victory4 ,the hero exchanges his blood-stained clothes for white garments1 polishes his weapons1 and places a crown on his head4 ,to secure the grace of ,gilgamesh1 the exalted ,ishtar raises her eyes4 ,come1 ,gilgamesh1 be my husband1 ,thy love#hif grant me as a gift1 ,be thou my husband and ,i will be thy wife ,i will place thee on a chariot of lapis lazuli and gold1 ,with wheels of gold and horns of sapphire 787 ,drawn by great 444 steeds 7874 ,with sweet odor of cedars enter our house4 ,upon entering our house1 444 will kiss thy feet4 ,kings1 lords1 and princes will be submissive to thee1 ,products of mountain and land1 they will bring as tribute to thee4 ,ishtar appears here as the goddess of love and fertility4 ,as such she promises ,gilgamesh also abundance of herds4 ,but ,gilgamesh rejects the offer1 giving as his reason the sad fate encountered by these who were victims of ,ishtar's love3 ,tammuz1 the consort of thy youth 7871 ,thou causest to weep every year4 ,the bright-colored allallu bird thou didst love4 ,thou didst crush him and break his pinions4 ,in the woods he stands and laments1 ,o my pinions6 ,thou didst love a lion of perfect strength1 ,seven and seven times#hig thou didst bury him in the corners 7871 ,thou didst love a horse superior in the fray1 ,with whip and spur#hih thou didst urge him on1 ,thou didst force him on for seven double hours1#hii ,thou didst force him on when wearied and thirsty2 ,his mother ,silili thou madest weep4 ,in this way ,gilgamesh proceeds to upbraid the goddess1 instancing1 in addition1 her cruel treatment of a shepherd1 and apparently also of a giant1 whom she changed to a dwarf4 ,the allusions1 while obscure1 are all of a mythological character4 ,the weeping of ,tammuz symbolizes the decay of vegetation after the summer season4 ,the misfortunes that afflict the bird1 lion1 and horse similarly indicate the loss of beauty and strength1 which is the universal fate of those who once enjoyed those attributes4 ,ishtar1 as the great mother1 produces life and strength1 but she is unable to make life and strength permanent4 ,popular belief makes her responsible for decay and death1 since life and fertility appear to be in her hand4 ,gilgamesh1 as a popular hero1 is brought into association by popular traditions with ,ishtar1 as he is brought into relationships with ,eabani and ,ukhat4 ,a factor in this association was the necessity of accounting for ,gilgamesh's death4 ,as a hero1 the favorite of the gods and invincible in battle1 he ought to enjoy the privilege of the gods--immortality4 ,the question had to be answered how he came to forego this distinction4 ,the insult he offers to ,ishtar is the answer to this question4 ,knowing that ,ishtar1 although the giver of life1 does not grant a continuance of it1 he who is produced by ,aruru will have nothing to do with the great goddess4 ,but his refusal leads to a dire punishment1 more disastrous even than the alliance with ,ishtar1 which would have culminated in his being eventually shorn of his strength4 ,ishtar1 determined that ,gilgamesh should not escape her1 flies in rage to her father ,anu1 the god of heaven1 and tells of the manner in which she has been treated4 ,anu comforts her4 ,yielding to ,ishtar's request he creates a divine bull1 known as ,alu1 i4e41 the strong or supreme one1#ijj who is to destroy ,gilgamesh4 ,at this point in the narrative ,eabani is again introduced4 ,gilgamesh and ,eabani together proceed to the contest with the bull1 as they formerly proceeded against ,khumbaba4 ,on seal cylinders this fight is frequently pictured4#ija ,in agreement with the description in the narrative1 ,eabani takes hold of the tail of the animal1 while ,gilgamesh despatches him by driving a spear into the bull's heart4 ,ishtar's plan is thus frustrated4 ,ishtar mounts the wall of walled ,uruk4 ,in violent rage she pronounces a curse3 ,cursed be ,gilgamesh1 who has enraged me1 ,who has killed the divine bull4 ,eabani adds insult to injury by challenging the goddess4 ,eabani1 upon hearing these words of ,ishtar1 ,takes the carcass 787 of the divine bull and throws it into her face4 ,woe to thee6 ,i will subdue thee1 ,i will do to thee as ,i have done to him4#ijb ,the mythological motives that prompted the introduction of ,ishtar into this tablet now become apparent4 ,the division of the epic into twelve parts is due to scholastic influences4 ,it is certainly not accidental that the calendar also consists of twelve months4 ,while it is by no means the case that each tablet corresponds to some month1 still in the case of the sixth and1 as we shall see1 in the case of the seventh and eleventh tablets1 this correspondence is certain4 ,the sixth month is designated as the month of the ,mission of ,ishtar4 ,what this mission is we shall see in a subsequent chapter4#ijc ,in this month was celebrated a festival to ,tammuz1 the young bridegroom of ,ishtar1 who is slain by the goddess4 ,the prophet ,ezekiel gives us a picture of the weeping for ,tammuz1#ijd which formed the chief ceremony of the day4 ,it is this character of the month that accounts not only for the introduction of the ,ishtar episode in the sixth tablet1 but which finds further illustrations in the mourning which ,ishtar and her attendants indulge in after the death of the divine bull4 ,ishtar assembled the ,kizreti1 ,ukhalti and ,kharimati4 ,over the carcass of ,alu they raised a lamentation4 ,these three classes of sacred prostitutes have already been dwelt upon4#ije ,with more material at our disposal regarding the cult of ,ishtar or ,nana of ,erech1 we would be in a position to specify the character of the rites performed at this temple4 ,the statements of ,herodotus and of other writers suffice1 however1 to show that the three terms represent classes of priestesses attached to the temple4 ,in this respect the ,ishtar cult of ,erech was not unique1 for we have references to priestesses elsewhere4 ,however1 the function of the priestess in religious history differs materially from that of the priest4 ,she is not a mediator between the god and his subjects1 nor is she a representative of the deity4 ,it is as a 'witch1' that by virtue of the association of ideas above set forth1#ijf she is able to determine the intentions of the gods4 ,her power to do harm is supplemented by her ability to furnish oracles4 ,in this capacity we have already come across her1#ijg and we may assume that giving oracles constituted a chief function of the priestess in ,babylonia4 ,it was furthermore natural to conclude that as a 'witch' and 'oracle-giver1' the priestess belonged to the deity from whom she derived her power4 ,when we come to the cult of a goddess like ,ishtar1 who is the symbol of fertility1 observances that illustrated this central notion would naturally form an ingredient part of that 'sympathetic magic1'--the imitation of an action in order to produce the reality--which dominates so large a proportion of early religious ceremonialism4 ,among many nations the mysterious aspects of woman's fertility lead to rites that by a perversion of their original import appear to be obscene4#ijh ,in the reference to the three classes of sacred prostitutes1 we have an evidence that the ,babylonian worship formed no exception to the rule4 ,but with this proposition that the prostitutes were priestesses attached to the ,ishtar cult and who look part in ceremonies intended to symbolize fertility1 we must for the present rest content4 ,gilgamesh1 secure in his victory1 proceeds to offer the horns of the divine bull to his patron ,lugal-,marada1 the 'king' of ,marad1 and who appears to be identical with ,shamash himself4 ,the offering is accompanied by gifts to the sanctuary of precious stones and oil4 ,there is general rejoicing4 ,the episode of ,gilgamesh's contest with the bull also belongs to the mythological phases of the epic4 ,the bull is in ,babylonian mythology#iji as among other nations a symbol of the storm4 ,it is in his role as a solar deity that ,gilgamesh triumphs over the storm sent by ,anu1 that is1 from on high4 ,in the following chapter1 we will come across another form of this same myth suggested evidently1 as was the fight of ,marduk with ,tiamat1 by the annual storms raging in ,babylonia4 ,gilgamesh triumphs as does ,marduk1 but when once the summer solstice1 which represents the sun's triumph1 is past1 the decline of the sun's strength begins to set in4 ,this is indicated by the subsequent course of the narrative4 ,the scene of rejoicing at ,gilgamesh's triumph is changed to one of sadness4 ,eabani is snatched away from ,gilgamesh4 ,the few fragments of the seventh and eighth tablets do not suffice for determining exactly in what way this happened1 but ,ishtar is evidently the cause of the misfortune4 ,a fatal illness1 it would seem1 seizes hold of ,eabani1--whether as the result of a further contest or directly sent1 it is impossible to say4 ,for twelve days he lingers and then is taken away4 ,as usual1 the catastrophe is foreseen in dreams4 ,for a third time#iaj he sees a vision of fire and lightning1 which forebodes the end4 ,the fragmentary condition of the epic at this point is particularly unfortunate4 ,there is a reference to ,nippur1#iaa of which it would be important to know the purpose4 ,the relationship between ,gilgamesh and ,eabani would be much clearer if the seventh and eighth tablets were preserved in good condition4 ,the disappearance of ,eabani before the end of the epic confirms1 however1 the view here maintained1 that the career of ,eabani was originally quite independent of ,gilgamesh's adventures4 ,his death is as superfluous as is his association with ,eabani4 ,in all critical moments ,gilgamesh appears to stand alone4 ,he conquers ,uruk1 and it is he who celebrates the victory of the divine bull4 ,the subsequent course of the narrative after ,eabani's death1 except for the frequent mention of ,gilgamesh's lament for his companion1 proceeds undisturbed4 ,moreover1 ,eabani's punishment appears to be identical with that meted out to ,gilgamesh4 ,the latter is also stricken with disease1 but in his case1 the disease has a meaning that fits in with the mythological phases of the epic4 ,the seventh month--the one following the summer solstice--marks the beginning of a turning-point in the year4 ,as the year advances1 vegetation diminishes1 and the conclusion was naturally drawn that the sun upon whom vegetation depended had lost some of his force4 ,this loss of strength is pictured as a disease with which the sun is afflicted4 ,in this way1 the seventh tablet--and possibly also the eighth--continues the nature myth embodied in the sixth4 ,haupt has ingeniously conjectured that the sickness which affects ,gilgamesh is of a venereal character4 ,the hero wanders about in search of healing4 ,his suffering is increased by his deep sorrow over the loss of his 'companion4' ,the death of ,eabani presages his own destruction1 and he dreads the dreary fate in store for him4 ,the ninth tablet introduces us to this situation4 ,gilgamesh weeps for his companion ,eabani4 ,in distress he is stretched out on the ground4#iab ',i will not die like ,eabani4 ,sorrow has entered my body4 ,through fear of death1 ,i lie stretched out on the ground4' ,he determines to seek out a mysterious personage1 whom he calls ,parnapishtim1#iac the son of ,kidin-,marduk4#iad ,this personage has in some way escaped the fate of mankind and enjoys immortal life4 ,he is called the distant one4 ,his dwelling is far off1 at the confluence of the streams4 ,the road to the place is full of dangers1 but ,gilgamesh1 undaunted1 undertakes the journey4 ,the hero himself furnishes the description4 ,i came to a glen at night1 ,lions ,i saw and was afraid4 ,i raised my head and prayed to ,sin4 ,to the leader 787 of the gods my prayer came4 ,he heard my prayer 7871 and was gracious to me4 ,on many seal cylinders and on monuments1 ,gilgamesh is pictured in the act of fighting with or strangling a lion4 ,in the preserved portions of the epic no reference to this contest has been found4#iae ,we should look for it at this point of the narrative4 ,the following lines contain a reference to weapons1--ax and sword1--and in so far justify the supposition that some contest takes place4 ,but the text is too mutilated to warrant further conjectures4 ,after escaping from the danger occasioned by the lions1 ,gilgamesh comes to the mountain ,mashu1 which is described as a place of terrors1 the entrance to which is guarded by 'scorpion-men4' ,he reached the mountain ,mashu1 ,whose exit is daily guarded1 444 ,whose back extends to the dam of heaven1 ,and whose breast#iaf reaches to ,aralu2#iag ,scorpion-men guard its gate1 ,of terror-inspiring aspect1 whose appearance is deadly1 ,of awful splendor1 shattering mountains4 ,at sunrise and sunset they keep guard over the sun4 ,it will be recalled that the earth is pictured by the ,babylonians as a mountain4 ,the description of ,mashu is dependent upon this conception4 ,the mountain seems to be coextensive with the earth4 ,the dam of heaven is the point near which the sun rises1 and if the scorpion-men guard the sun at sunrise and sunset1 the mountain must extend across to the gate through which the sun passes at night to dip into the great ,apsu4#iah ,aralu is situated under the earth1 and ,mashu1 reaching down to ,aralu1 must be again coextensive with the earth in this direction4 ,the description of ,mashu accordingly is a reflex of the cosmological conceptions developed in ,babylonia4 ,the scorpion-men pictured on seal cylinders#iai belong to the mythical monsters1 half-man1 half-beast1 with which the world was peopled at the beginning of things4 ,however1 there is also an historical background to the description4 ,the name ,mashu appears in texts as the ,arabian desert to the west and southwest of the ,euphrates ,valley4#ibj ,it is called a land of dryness1 where neither birds nor gazelles nor wild asses are found4 ,even the bold ,assyrian armies hesitated before passing through this region4 ,in the light of the early relationships between ,babylonia and ,arabia1#iba this reference to ,mashu may embody a tradition of some expedition to ,southern ,arabia4#ibb ,beyond ,mashu lay a great sea1--perhaps the ,arabian ,sea1--which ,gilgamesh is obliged to cross ere he reaches his goal4 ,gilgamesh is terrified at the sight of these scorpion-men but the latter have received notice of his coming and permit him to pass through the gate4 ,a scorpion-man addresses his wife3 ,he who comes to us is of divine appearance4 ,the wife of the scorpion-man agrees that ,gilgamesh is in part divine1 but she adds that in part he is human4 ,in further conversation1 the scorpion-man announces that it is by express command of the gods that ,gilgamesh has come to the mountain4 ,gilgamesh approaches and tells the scorpion-man of his purpose4 ,the hero1 recovering his courage1 is not held back by the description that the scorpion-man gives him of the dangers that beset the one who ventures to enter the dreadful district4 ,the gate is opened and the journey begins4 ,he gropes his way for one double hour1 ,with dense darkness enclosing him on all sides4 ,he gropes his way for two double hours1 ,with dense darkness enclosing him on all sides4 ,after traversing a distance of twenty-four hours' march1 ,gilgamesh beholds a tree of splendid appearance1 decorated with precious stones and bearing beautiful fruit4 ,finally he reaches the sea1 where the maiden ,sabitum has her palace and throne4 ,upon seeing the hero1 the maiden locks the gates of her palace and will not permit ,gilgamesh to pass across the sea4 ,gilgamesh pleads with ,sabitum1 tells of the loss of his friend ,eabani1 'who has become dust1'#ibc and whose fate he does not wish to share4 ,gilgamesh speaks to ,sabitum3 ,now ,sabitum1 which is the way to ,parnapishtim8 ,if it is possible1 let me cross the ocean4 ,if it is not possible1 let me stretch myself on the ground4#ibd ,sabitum speaks to ,gilgamesh3 ,o ,gilgamesh6 there has never been a ferry1 ,and no one has ever crossed the ocean4 ,shamash1 the hero1 has crossed it1 but except ,shamash1 who can cross it8 ,difficult is the passage1 very difficult the path4 ,impassible 787 the waters of death that are guarded by a bolt4 ,how canst thou1 ,o ,gilgamesh1 traverse the ocean8 ,and after thou hast crossed the waters of death1 what wilt thou do8 ,sabitum then tells ,gilgamesh that there is one possibility of his accomplishing his task4 ,if ,ardi-,ea1#ibe the ferryman#ibf of ,parnapishtim1 will take ,gilgamesh across1 well and good2 if not1 he must abandon all hope4 ,the ocean1 though not expressly called ,apsu1 is evidently identical with the great body of waters supposed to both surround the earth and to flow beneath it4#ibg ,the reference to 'the waters of death' thus becomes clear4 ,the gathering-place of the dead being under the earth1 near to the ,apsu1 the great ',okeanos' forms a means of approach to the nether world4 ,it is into this ocean1 forming part of the ,apsu1 that the sun dips at evening and through which it passes during the night4 ,the scene between ,gilgamesh and ,sabitum accordingly is suggested1 in part1 by the same cosmological conceptions that condition the description of the mountain ,mashu4 ,sabitum herself is a figure that still awaits satisfactory explanation4 ,she is called the goddess ,siduri4#ibh ,the name of this goddess is found as an element in proper names1 but of her traits we know nothing4 ,sabitum appears originally to have been a term descriptive of her1 and ,hommel#ibi may be right in explaining the name as 'the one from ,sabu1'#icj and in taking the latter as the name of a district in ,arabia4 ,it is tempting to think of the famous ,saba in ,southern ,arabia4 ,obedient to the advice of ,sabitum1 ,gilgamesh tells ,ardi-,ea his story and also his desire4 ,now ,ardi-,ea1 which is the way to ,parnapishtim84 ,if it is possible1 let me cross the ocean1 ,and if not possible1 let me lie outstretched on the ground4 ,ardi-,ea consents1 and tells ,gilgamesh to take his ax1 to go into the woods1 and to cut down a large pole that may serve as a rudder4 ,gilgamesh1 upon hearing this1 ,takes an ax in his hand1 444 ,goes to the wood and makes a rudder five gar#ica long4 ,gilgamesh and ,ardi-,ea mount the ship4 444 ,the ship tosses from side to side4 ,after a course of one month and fifteen days1 on the third day#icb ,ardi-,ea reaches the waters of death4 ,this appears to be the most dangerous part of the voyage4 ,ardi-,ea urges ,gilgamesh to cling to the rudder1 and counts the strokes he is to take4#icc ,the waters are not extensive1 for only twelve strokes are enumerated2 but the current is so strong that it is with the utmost difficulty that ,gilgamesh succeeds in passing through them4 ,at last1 ,gilgamesh is face to face with ,parnapishtim4 ,the latter is astonished to see a living person come across the waters4 ,gilgamesh addresses ,parnapishtim from the ship1 recounts his deeds1 among which we distinguish#icd the killing of a panther1 of ,alu1 of the divine bull1 and of ,khumbaba4 ,the death of ,eabani is also dwelt upon1 and then ,gilgamesh pleads with ,parnapishtim1 tells him of the long1 difficult way that he has traveled1 and of all that he has encountered on the road4 ,difficult lands ,i passed through1 ,all seas ,i crossed4 ,parnapishtim expresses his sympathy3 ,gilgamesh has filled his heart with woe1 ,but neither gods nor men can help him 7874 ,parnapishtim thereupon addresses ,gilgamesh1 showing him how impossible it is for any mortal to escape death4 ,the inexorable law will prevail as long as 'houses continue to be built1' as long as 'friendships' and 'hostilities' prevail1 as long 'as the waters fill 787 the sea4' ,the ,anunnaki1 the great gods1 and the goddess ,mammitum1 the creators of everything ,determine death and life4 ,no one knows the days of death4#ice ,at this point ,gilgamesh propounds a most natural question3 ,how comes it1 if what ,parnapishtim says is true1 that the latter is alive1 while possessing all the traits of a human being8 ,the eleventh tablet of the epic begins3 ,gilgamesh speaks to him1 to ,parnapishtim1 the far-removed3 ,i gaze at thee in amazement1 ,parnapishtim4 ,thy appearance is normal4 ,as ,i am1 so art thou4 ,thy entire nature#icf is normal4 ,as ,i am1 so art thou4 ,thou art completely equipped for the fray4#icg ,armor#ich 787 thou hast placed upon thee4 ,tell me how thou didst come to obtain eternal life among the gods4 ,in reply1 ,parnapishtim tells the story of his escape from the common fate of mankind4 ,the story is a long one and has no connection with the career of ,gilgamesh4 ,it embodies a recollection of a rain-storm that once visited a city1 causing a general destruction1 but from which ,parnapishtim and his family miraculously escaped4 ,the main purport of the tale is not to emphasize this miracle1 but the far greater one that1 after having been saved from the catastrophe1 ,parnapishtim should also have been granted immortal life4 ,the moral1 however1 is that the exception proves the rule4 ,with this tradition of the destruction of a certain place1 there has been combined a nature myth symbolizing the annual overflow of the ,euphrates1 and the temporary disappearance of all land that this inundation brought about1 prior to the elaborate canal system that was developed in the valley4 ,it is the same myth that we have come across in the creation epic and which1 as we have seen1 was instrumental in moulding the advanced cosmological conceptions of the ,babylonians4 ,in ,parnapishtim's tale1 the myth is given a more popular form4 ,there is no attempt made to impart a scholastic interpretation to it4 ,in keeping with what we have seen to be the general character of the ,gilgamesh epic1 the episode introduced at this point embodies popular traditions and1 on the whole1 popular conceptions4 ,the spirit of the whole epic is the same that we find in the ,thousand and ,one ,nights or in the ,arabian romance of ,antar4 ,the oriental love of story-telling has produced the ,gilgamesh epic and1 like a true story1 it grows in length1 the oftener it is told4 ,gilgamesh is merely a peg upon which various current traditions and myths are hung4 ,hence the combination of ,gilgamesh's adventures with those of ,eabani1 and hence also the association of ,gilgamesh with ,parnapishtim4 ,a trace1 perhaps1 of scholastic influence may be seen in the purport of ,parnapishtim's narrative to prove the hopelessness of man's securing immortality2 and yet1 while the theology of the schools may thus have had some share in giving to the tale of ,parnapishtim its present shape1 the problem presented by ,gilgamesh's adventures is a popular rather than a scholastic one4 ,even to the primitive mind1 for whom life rather than death constitutes the great mystery to be solved1 the question would suggest itself whether death is an absolutely necessary phase through which man must pass4 ,the sun1 moon1 and stars do not die1 the streams have perpetual life2 and since all manifestations of life were looked at from one point of view1 why should not man also remain alive8 ,beyond some touches in the narrative1 we may1 therefore1 regard ,parnapishtim's story1 together with the 'lesson' it teaches1 as an interesting trace of the early theology as it took shape in the popular mind4 ,what adds interest to the story that ,parnapishtim tells1 is its close resemblance to the ,biblical story of the ,deluge4 ,it also recalls the destruction of ,sodom1 and we shall have occasion#ici to show the significance of these points of contact4 ,bearing in mind the independent character of the ,parnapishtim episode1 and the motives that led to its being incorporated in the adventures of ,gilgamesh1 we may proceed with our analysis of this interesting eleventh tablet4 ,thanks to the labors of ,haupt1 the numerous fragments of it representing several copies1 have been pieced together so as to form an almost complete text4#idj ,in reply to ,gilgamesh's queries1 ,parnapishtim spoke to ,gilgamesh3 ,i will tell thee1 ,gilgamesh1 the secret story1 ,and the secret of the gods ,i will tell thee4 ,the city ,shurippak1 a city which1 as thou knowest1 ,lies on the ,euphrates1 ,that city was old1#ida for the gods thereof1 ,decided to bring a rainstorm upon it4 ,all of the great gods1 ,anu1 their father1 ,their counsellor1 the warrior ,bel1 ,the herald ,ninib1 ,their leader ,en-nugi1 ,the lord of unsearchable wisdom1 ,ea1 was with them1 ,to proclaim their resolve to the reed-huts4 ,reed-hut1 reed-hut1 wall1 wall6 ,reed-hut1 hear6 ,wall1 give ear6 ,the ordinary houses of ,babylonia were constructed of reeds1 while the temples and palaces were built of hard-baked clay4 ,reed-hut and clay structure1 thus embracing the architecture of the country1 are poetically used to designate the inhabitants of ,shurippak4 ,the address to the huts and structures has been appropriately compared by ,professor ,haupt to the opening words of ,isaiah's prophecies4#idb ,hear1 ,heavens6 and give ear1 ,earth6 ,ea's words are intended as a warning to the people of ,shurippak4 ,the warning comes appropriately from ,ea as the god of humanity1 who according to some traditions is also the creator of mankind1 and who is the teacher and protector of mankind4 ,opposed to ,ea is ,bel1 the old ,bel of ,nippur1 who is represented as favoring the destruction of humanity4 ,the story in this way reflects a rivalry between the ,ea and ,bel cults4 ,of ,shurippak1 against which the anger of the gods is enkindled1 we unfortunately know nothing1#idc but it is fair to assume that there was an ancient city of that name1 and which was destroyed by an overflow of the ,euphrates during the rainy season4 ,the city need not necessarily have been one of much importance4 ,its sad fate would naturally have impressed itself upon the memory of the people1 and given rise to legends precisely as the disappearance of ,sodom#idd or of the destruction of the tribes of ,ad and ,thamud gave rise to fantastic stories among ,hebrews and ,arabs respectively4#ide ,ea1 not content with the general warning1 sends a special message to ,parnapishtim1 one of the inhabitants of ,shurippak4 ,o man of ,shurippak1 son of ,kidin-,marduk6#idf ,erect a structure1#idg build a ship1 ,abandon your goods1 look after the souls1#idh ,throw aside your possessions1 and save your life1 ,load the ship with all kinds of living things4 ,the god then tells ,parnapishtim in what manner to build the ship4 ,its dimensions should be carefully measured4 ,its breadth and depth should be equal1 and when it is finished1 ,parnapishtim is to float it4 ,the warning from ,ea comes to him in a dream1 as we learn from a subsequent part of the story4 ,parnapishtim does not deem it necessary to dwell upon this1 for it is only through dreams that the gods communicate with kings and heroes4 ,parnapishtim declares his readiness to obey the orders of ,ea1 but like ,moses upon receiving the command of ,yahwe1 he asks what he should say when people question him4 ,what shall ,i answer the city1 the people1 and the elders8 ,ea replies3 ,thus answer and speak to them3 ,bel has cast me out in his hatred1 ,so that ,i can no longer dwell in your city4 ,on ,bel's territory ,i dare no longer show my face2 ,therefore1 ,i go to the 'deep' to dwell with ,ea my lord4 ,bel's domain is the earth1 while ,ea controls the watery elements4 ,bel's hostility to mankind is limited to the inhabitants of the dry land4 ,the moment that ,parnapishtim enters ,ea's domain he is safe4 ,the answer thus not only furnishes the real motive for the building of the ship1 but further illustrates the purport of the narrative in its present form4 ,it is a glorification of ,ea at the expense of ,bel1 and it is not difficult to detect the thought underlying the story that the evils afflicting mankind on earth are due to the hostility of the 'chief demon1'#idi who becomes the controller of the earth and of the atmosphere immediately above the earth4 ,ea's answer is not intended to be equivocal1 for he further orders ,parnapishtim to announce to his fellow-citizens the coming destruction4 ,over you a rainstorm will come1 ,men1 birds1 and beasts will perish4 ,the following line#iej is defective1 but it appears to except from the general destruction the fish as the inhabitants of the domain controlled by ,ea4 ,the time when the catastrophe is to take place is vaguely indicated4 ,when ,shamash will bring on the time1 then the lord of the whirlstorm ,will cause destruction to rain upon you in the evening4 ,the 'lord of the whirlstorm' is ,ramman1 and the reference to this deity specifies the manner in which the catastrophe will be brought about4 ,as in the ,biblical story1 'the windows of heaven are to be opened1' the rains will come down1 driven by the winds that are to be let loose4 ,it has been supposed that because the ship of ,parnapishtim drifts to the north that the storm came from the south4#iea ,no stress1 however1 is laid upon the question of direction in the ,babylonian narrative4 ,the phenomenon of a whirlstorm with rain is of ordinary occurrence2 its violence alone makes it an exceptional event1 but--be it noted--not a miraculous one4 ,nor are we justified in attributing the deluge to the rush of waters from the ,persian ,gulf1 for this sheet of water is particularly sacred to ,ea as the beginning of the great deep4 ,it would be an insult to ,ea's dignity to suppose that he is unable to govern his own territory4 ,the catastrophe comes from above1 from ,ramman and his associates who act at the instigation of the belligerent ,bel4 ,parnapishtim begins at once to build the ship4 ,he gathers his material1 and on the fifth day is ready to construct the hull4 ,the ship resembles the ordinary craft still used on the ,euphrates4 ,it is a flat-bottomed skiff with upturned edges4 ,on this shell the real 'house'#ieb of ,parnapishtim is placed4 ,the structure is accurately described4 ,its height is one hundred and twenty cubits1 and its breadth is the same1 in accordance with the express orders given by ,ea4 ,no less than six floors are erected1 one above the other4 ,then ,i built six stories1#iec ,so that the whole consisted of seven apartments4 ,the interior#ied ,i divided into nine parts4 ,the structure may properly be called a 'house boat1' and its elaborate character appears from the fact that it contains no less than sixty-three compartments4 ,parnapishtim carefully provides plugs to fill out all crevices1 and furthermore smears a large quantity of bitumen without and within4 ,i provided a pole1#iee and all that was necessary1 ,six sar#ief of bitumen#ieg ,i smeared on the outside1#ieh ,three sar of pitch ,i smeared on the inside4 ,he also has a large quantity of oil placed on the boat1 oxen1 jars filled with mead#iei oil1 and wine for a festival1 which he institutes at the completion of the structure4 ,the preparations are on a large scale1 as for the great ,new ,year's ,day celebrated in ,babylonia4 ,the ship is launched1 and1 if ,professor ,haupt is correct in his interpretation1 the ship took water to the extent of two-thirds of its height4 ,the side of the ship dipped two-thirds into water4 ,parnapishtim now proceeds to take his family and chattels on board4 ,all that ,i had1 ,i loaded on the ship4 ,with all the silver that ,i had1 ,i loaded it1 ,with all the gold that ,i had1 ,i loaded it1 ,with living creatures of all kinds ,i loaded it4 ,i brought on board my whole family and household1 ,cattle of the field1 beasts of the field1 workmen1--all this ,i took on board4 ,parnapishtim is ready to enter the ship1 but he waits until the time fixed for the storm arrives4 ,when the time came ,for the lord of the whirlstorm to rain down destruction1 ,i gazed at the earth1 ,i was terrified at its sight1 ,i entered the ship1 and closed the door4 ,to the captain of the ship1 to ,puzur-,shadurabu1#ifj the sailor1 ,i entrusted the structure#ifa with all its contents4 ,the description of the storm follows1 in diction at once impressive and forcible4 ,upon the first appearance of dawn1 ,there arose from the horizon dark clouds1 ,within which ,ramman caused his thunder to resound4 ,nabu and ,sharru#ifb marched at the front1 ,the destroyers passed across mountains and land1 ,dibbarra#ifc lets loose the4444#ifd ,ninib advances in furious hostility4 ,the ,anunnaki raise torches1 ,whose sheen illumines the universe1 ,as ,ramman's whirlwind sweeps the heavens1 ,and all light is changed to darkness4 ,the destructive elements1 thunder1 lightning1 storm1 rain1 are thus let loose4 ,the dreadful storm lasts for seven days4 ,the terror of men and gods is splendidly portrayed4 ,brother does not look after brother1 ,men care not for another4 ,in the heavens1 ,even the gods are terrified at the storm4 ,they take refuge in the heaven of ,anu4#ife ,the gods cowered like dogs at the edge of the heavens4 ,with this description the climax in the narrative is reached4 ,the reaction begins4 ,ishtar is the first to bewail the destruction that has been brought about1 and her example is followed by others of the gods4 ,ishtar groans like a woman in throes1 ,the lofty goddess cries with loud voice1 ,the world of old has become a mass of clay4#iff ,ishtar appears here in the role of the mother of mankind4 ,she feels that she has none but herself to blame for the catastrophe1 for1 as one of the great gods1 she must have been present at the council when the storm was decided on1 and must have countenanced it4 ,she therefore reproaches herself3 ,that ,i should have assented#ifg to this evil among the gods6 ,that when ,i assented to this evil1 ,i was for the destruction of my own creatures6#ifh ,what ,i created1 where is it8 ,like so many fish1 it#ifi fills the sea4 ,from the words of ,ishtar it would appear that the storm had assumed larger dimensions than the gods1 or at least than some of them1 had anticipated4 ,at the beginning of the episode1 ,shurippak alone is mentioned1 and ,ishtar apparently wishes to say that when she agreed to the bringing on of the storm1 she was not aware that she was decreeing the destruction of all mankind4 ,it is evident that two distinct traditions have been welded together in the present form of the ,babylonian document1 one recalling the destruction of a single city1 the other embodying in mythological form the destructive rains of ,babylonia that were wont to annually flood the entire country before the canal system was perfected4 ,some particularly destructive season may have formed an additional factor in the combination of the traditions4 ,at all events1 the storm appears to have got beyond the control of the gods1 and none but ,bel approves of the widespread havoc that has been wrought4 ,it is no unusual phenomenon in ancient religions to find the gods powerless to control occurrences that they themselves produced4 ,the ,anunnaki--even more directly implicated than ,ishtar in bringing on the catastrophe--join the goddess in her lament at the complete destruction wrought4 ,the gods1 together with the ,anunnaki1 wept with her4 ,the gods1 in their depression1 sat down to weep1 ,pressed their lips together1 were overwhelmed with grief 7874 ,the storm could no longer be quieted4 ,for six days and nights ,wind1 rain-storm1 hurricane swept along2 ,when the seventh day arrived1 the storm began to moderate1 ,which had waged a contest like a great host4 ,the sea quieted down1 wind and rain-storm ceased4 ,parnapishtim then gazes at the destruction4 ,bitterly weeping ,i looked at the sea1 ,for all mankind had been turned to clay4#igj ,in place of dams1 everything had become a marsh4 ,i opened a hole so as to let the light fall upon my face1 ,and dumbfounded1 ,i sat down and wept4 ,tears flowed down my face4 ,i looked in all directions1--naught but sea4 ,but soon the waters began to diminish4 ,after twelve double hours#iga an island appeared1 ,the ship approached the mountain ,nisir4 ,the name given to the first promontory to appear is significant4 ,nisir signifies 'protection' or 'salvation4' ,the houseboat clings to this spot4 ,at this mountain1 the mountain ,nisir1 the boat stuck fast4 ,for six days the boat remains in the same position4 ,at the beginning of the seventh day1 ,parnapishtim endeavors to ascertain whether the waters have abated sufficiently to permit him to leave the boat4 ,when the seventh day approached ,i sent forth a dove4 ,the dove flew about ,but1 finding no resting place1 returned2 ,then ,i sent forth a swallow4 ,the swallow flew about ,but1 finding no resting place1 returned2 ,then ,i sent forth a raven4 ,the raven flew off1 and1 seeing that the waters had decreased1 ,cautiously#igb 787 waded in the mud1 but did not return4 ,parnapishtim is satisfied1 leaves the ship1 and brings a sacrifice to the gods on the top of the mountain4 ,in seven large bowls he places calamus1 cedarwood1 and incense4 ,the gods inhaled the odor1 ,the gods inhaled the sweet odor1 ,the gods gathered like flies around the sacrificer4 ,a solemn scene ensues4 ,ishtar1 the 'mistress of the gods1' swears by the necklace given to her by her father1 ,anu1 that she will never forget these days4 ,let the gods come to the sacrifice1#igc ,but ,bel must not come to the sacrifice2 ,since1 without consultation1#igd he caused the rain-storm1 ,and handed over my creation#ige to destruction4 ,bel thus appears to be the one who alone knew of the extent which the destruction was destined to reach4 ,the annihilation of all mankind was his work1 undertaken without consulting his associates4 ,the latter were aware only of the intended destruction of a single place1--,shurippak4 ,at this moment ,bel approaches4 ,he does not deny his deed1 but is enraged that the planned destruction should not have been complete1 since ,parnapishtim and his household have escaped4 ,as ,bel approached ,and saw the ship1 he was enraged1 ,filled with anger against the gods--the ,igigi4 ',what person has escaped 7878 ,no one was to survive the destruction4' ,ninib reveals the fact of ,ea's interference3 ,ninib opened his mouth and spoke1 spoke to the belligerent ,bel3 ,who but ,ea could have done this8 ,for is it not ,ea who knows all arts8 ,ea appeals to ,bel3 ,ea opened his mouth and spoke1 spoke to the belligerent ,bel3 ,thou art the belligerent leader of the gods1 ,but why didst thou1 without consultation1 bring on the rainstorm8 ,punish the sinner for his sins1 ,punish the evil-doer for his evil deeds1 ,but be merciful so as not to root out completely1 ,be considerate not to destroy everything4 ,the terrors inspired by the deluge are well portrayed in the continuation of ,ea's speech4 ,he tells ,bel that he should have brought on anything but a deluge4 ,instead of bringing on a deluge1 ,let lions come and diminish mankind4#igf ,instead of bringing on a deluge1 ,let tigers come and diminish mankind4 ,instead of bringing on a deluge1 ,let famine come and smite the land4 ,instead of bringing on a deluge1 ,let pestilence#igg come and waste the land4 ,ea then confesses that through his instigation ,parnapishtim was saved4 ,while ,i did not reveal the decision of the great gods1 ,i sent ,adra-,khasis#igh a dream which told him of the decision of the gods4 ,it is a misconception to regard this answer of the god as equivocal4 ,ea means to say that he did not interfere with the divine decree4 ,he simply told ,parnapishtim to build a ship1 leaving to the latter to divine the reason4 ,ea1 it is true1 tells ,parnapishtim of ,bel's hatred1 but he does not reveal the secret of the gods4 ,after ,ea's effective speech ,bel is reconciled1 and the scene closes dramatically1 as follows3 ,bel came to his senses1 ,stepped on board of the ship1 ,took me by the hand and lifted me up1 ,brought up my wife1 and caused her to kneel at my side1 ,turned towards us1 stepped between us1 and blessed us4 ',hitherto ,parnapishtim was human1#igi ,but now ,parnapishtim and his wife shall be gods like us4#ihj ,parnapishtim shall dwell in the distance1 at the confluence of the streams4' ,then they took me and placed me in the distance1 at the confluence of the streams4 ,the streams are1 according to ,haupt1#iha the four rivers--,euphrates1 ,tigris1 ,karun1 and ,kercha1 which at one time emptied their waters independently into the ,persian ,gulf4 ,parnapishtim's dwelling-place is identical with the traditional ,paradise of the ,babylonians and ,hebrews4 ,it will be proper before leaving the subject1 to dwell briefly upon the points of contact between this ,babylonian tale and the ,biblical narrative of the ,deluge4 ,the source of the tradition must be sought in the ,euphrates ,valley4 ,the ark of ,noah can only be understood in the light of methods of navigation prevailing in ,babylonia2 and it is in ,babylonia1 and not ,palestine1 that the phenomenon was annually seen of large portions of land disappearing from view4 ,the ,babylonian tale is to be differentiated1 as already suggested1 into two parts1--the destruction of ,shurippak and the annual phenomenon of the overflow of the ,euphrates4 ,the combination of these two elements results in the impression conveyed by ,parnapishtim's narrative that the rain-storm took on larger dimensions than was originally anticipated by the gods4 ,the ,biblical narrative is based upon this combination1 but discarding those portions of the tale which are of purely local interest makes the story of a deluge1 a medium for illustrating the favor shown by ,yahwe towards the righteous man1 as represented by ,noah4 ,the ,biblical narrative ends1 as does the ,babylonian counterpart1 with the assurance that a deluge will not sweep over the earth again2 but viewed from a monotheistic aspect1 this promise is interpreted as signifying the establishment of eternal laws1--a thought that is wholly foreign to the purpose of the ,babylonian narrative4 ,the slight variations between the ,biblical and ,babylonian narratives1 and upon which it is needless to dwell1 justify the conclusion that the ,hebrew story is not directly borrowed from the ,babylonian version4#ihb ,the divergences are just of the character that will arise through the independent development and the independent interpretation of a common tradition4 ,the destruction of ,shurippak has a ,biblical parallel in the destruction of ,sodom#ihc and of the surrounding district4 ,sodom1 like ,shurippak1 is a city full of wickedness4 ,lot and his household are saved through direct intervention1 just as ,parnapishtim and his family escape through the intervention of ,ea4 ,moreover1 there are traces in the ,sodom narrative of a tradition which once gave a larger character to it1 involving the destruction of all mankind1#ihd much as the destruction of ,shurippak is enlarged by ,babylonian traditions into a general annihilation of mankind4 ,it is to be noted1 too1 that no emphasis is laid upon ,lot's piety1 and in this respect1 as in others1 ,parnapishtim bears more resemblance to ,lot than to ,noah4 ,the hostility between ,bel and ,ea1 which we have seen plays a part in the ,babylonian narrative1 belongs to the larger mythological element in the episode1 not to the specific ,shurippak incident4 ,bel1 as the god whose dominion includes the atmosphere above the earth1 controls the 'upper waters4' ,at his instigation these waters descend and bring destruction with them4 ,but ,ea's dominion--the 'deep' and the streams--are beneficent powers4 ,the descent of the upper waters is in the nature of an attack upon ,ea's kingdom4 ,it is through ,ea that the mischief produced by ,bel is again made good4 ,such a conception falls within the domain of popular mythology4 ,an ancient rivalry between ,nippur1 the seat of ,bel and ,eridu 7or some other seat of ,ea worship71 may also have entered as a factor1 if not in giving rise to the story1 at least in maintaining it4 ,if this be so1 the story would belong to a period earlier than ,hammurabi1#ihe since with the ascendancy of ,babylon and of ,marduk1 the general tendency of religious thought is towards imbuing the gods with a kindly spirit towards one another1 joining issues1 as in the creation epic1 for the glorification of ,marduk4 ,the absence of ,marduk from the deluge story is another indication of the antiquity of the tradition4 ,coming back now to the epic1 ,parnapishtim1 whose sympathy has been aroused by the sight of ,gilgamesh1 makes an attempt to heal the hero of his illness4 ,the life that thou seekest1 thou wilt obtain4 ,now sleep6 ,gilgamesh falls into a heavy stupor1 and continues in this state for six days and seven nights4 ,an interesting dialogue ensues between ,parnapishtim and his wife4 ,parnapishtim says to his wife3 ,look at the man whose desire is life4 ,sleep has fallen upon him like a storm4 ,says the wife to ,parnapishtim3 ,transform him1 let the man eat of the charm-root1#ihf ,let him return1 restored in health1 on the road that he came4 ,through the gage let him pass out1 back to his country4 ,parnapishtim says to his wife3 ,the torture of the man pains thee4 ,cook the food#ihg for him and place it at his head4 ,it is interesting to note that the woman appears as the exorciser of the disease4 ,the wife of ,parnapishtim--whose name is not mentioned as little as is the wife of ,noah or ,lot--proceeds to prepare the magic food4 ,a plant of some kind is taken and elaborately treated4 ,while he#ihh slept on board of his ship1 ,she cooked the food and placed it at his head4 ,while he#ihh slept on board of his vessel1 ,firstly1 his food 444 2 ,secondly1 it was peeled2 ,thirdly1 moistened2 ,fourthly1 his bowl 787 was cleansed2 ,fifthly1 ,shiba#ihi was added2 ,sixthly1 it was cooked2 ,seventhly1 of a sudden the man was transformed and ate the magic food4#iij ,gilgamesh awakes and asks what has been done to him4 ,parnapishtim tells him4 ,but ,gilgamesh is not completely healed4 ,his body is still covered with sores4 ,the magic potion must be followed by immersion into the fountain of life4 ,parnapishtim instructs ,ardi-,ea to convey ,gilgamesh to this fountain4 ,he speaks to the ferryman4 ,the man whom thou hast brought is covered with sores4 ,the eruption on his skin has destroyed the beauty of his body4 ,take him1 ,o ,ardi-,ea1 to the place of purification1 ,to wash his sores in the water1 that he may become white as snow4 ,let the ocean carry off the eruption on his skin1 ,that his body may become pure4#iia ,let his turban be renewed and the garment that covers his nakedness4 ,ardi-,ea carries out these instructions and ,gilgamesh at last is healed4 ,the hero is now ready to return to his land4 ,but though returning in restored health1 he is not proof against death4 ,parnapishtim1 at the suggestion of his wife1 reveals the 'secret of life' to ,gilgamesh just before the latter's departure4 ,the ship is brought nearer to the shore1 and ,parnapishtim tells ,gilgamesh of a plant that wounds as a thistle1 but which possesses wonderful power4 ,gilgamesh departs on the ship1 and with the help of ,ardi-,ea finds this plant1 which is called 'the restoration of old age to youth4' ,it is a long journey to the place4 ,the plant grows at the side or at the bottom of a fountain4 ,gilgamesh secures it1 but scarcely have his hands grasped the plant when it slips out of his hand and is snatched away by a demon that takes on the form of a serpent4 ,all is lost6 ,gilgamesh sits down and weeps bitter tears4 ,he pours out his woe to ,ardi-,ea1 but there is nothing left except to return to ,uruk4 ,he reaches the city in safely4 ,his mission--the search for immortality--has failed4 ,though healed from his disease1 the fate of mankind--old age and death--is in store for him4 ,with the return to ,uruk the eleventh tablet ends4 ,it but remains1 before passing on1 to note that the narrative of the deluge in this tablet is connected with the character of the eleventh month1 which is called the 'month of rain4' ,we may conclude from this that the mythological element in the story--the annual overflow--predominates the local incident of the destruction of ,shurippak4 ,gilgamesh1 we must bear in mind1 has nothing to do with either the local tale or the myth1 except to give to both an interpretation that was originally foreign to the composite narrative4 ,in the twelfth tablet--which is in large part obscure--we find ,gilgamesh wandering from one temple to the other1 from the temple of ,bel to that of ,ea1 lamenting for ,eabani1 and asking1 again and again1 what has become of his companion4 ,what has been his fate since he was taken away from the land of the living8 ,the hero1 now convinced1 as it seems1 that death will come to him1 and reconciled in a measure to his fate1 seeks to learn another secret1--the secret of existence after death4 ,he appeals to the gods of the nether world to grant him at least a sight of ,eabani4 ,nergal1 the chief of this pantheon1 consents4 444 he opened the earth1 ,and the spirit#iib of ,eabani ,he caused to rise up like a wind4 ,gilgamesh puts his question to ,eabani3 ,tell me1 my companion1 tell me1 my companion1 ,the nature of the land which thou hast experienced1 oh6 tell me4 ,eabani replies3 ,i cannot tell thee1 my friend1 ,i cannot tell thee6 ,he seems to feel that ,gilgamesh could not endure the description4 ,the life after death1 as will be shown in a subsequent chapter1 is not pictured by the ,babylonians as joyous4 ,eabani reveals glimpses of the sad conditions that prevail there4 ,it is the domain of the terrible ,allatu1 and ,etana#iic is named among those who dwell in this region4 ,eabani bewails his fate4#iid ,he curses ,ukhat1 whom1 together with ,sadu1 he holds responsible for having brought death upon him4 ,in ,genesis1 it will be recalled1 death likewise is viewed as the consequence of ,adam's yielding to the allurements of ,eve4 ,special significance1 too1 attaches to the further parallel to be drawn between ,adam's punishment and ,eabani's fate4 ,dust thou art1 and unto dust shall thou return applies to ,eabani as well as to ,adam4 ,he was formed of clay1 as we have seen1#iie and when he dies he is 'turned to clay4'#iif ,still the fortunes awaiting those who die are not alike4 ,those who die in battle seem to enjoy special privileges1 provided1 however1 they are properly buried and there is some one to make them comfortable in their last hour and to look after them when dead4 ,such persons are happy in comparison with the fate in store for those who are neglected by the living4 ,the one who is properly cared for1 who ,on a soft couch rests1 ,drinking pure water1 ,who dies in battle1 as you and ,i have seen1#iig ,his father and mother supporting his head1 ,his wife#iih 444 at his side1-- the spirit of such a one is at rest4 ,the circumstances attending death presage in a measure the individual's life after death4 ,but he whose corpse remains in the field1 ,as you and ,i have seen1 ,his spirit#iii has no rest in the earth4 ,the one whose spirit is not cared for by any one1 ,as you and ,i have seen1 ,he is consumed by gnawing hunger1 by a longing for food4 ,what is left on the street he is obliged to eat4#ajjj ,to be left unburied was the greatest misfortune that could happen to a dead person4 ,with this sentiment the epic closes4 ,gilgamesh must rest content with the unsatisfactory consolation that ,eabani offers him4 ,man must die1 and ,gilgamesh cannot escape the universal fate4 ,let him hope for and1 if possible1 provide for proper burial when death does overtake him4 ,he will then1 at least1 not suffer the pangs of hunger in the world of spirits to which he must go4 ,the twelfth tablet exhibits somewhat more traces of the theology of the schools than the others4 ,eabani's speech1 while conveying sentiments that thoroughly represent the popular beliefs of ,babylonia1 is couched in terms that give to the address the character of a formal declaration of doctrines4 ,the conjuring up of the spirit of ,eabani is also a feature that appears to be due to theological influences1 and the whole episode of ,gilgamesh's wandering from place to place seeking for information appears to be a 'doublet' suggested by the hero's wanderings1 as narrated in the ninth and tenth tablets4 ,the problem propounded in the earlier tablets--the search for immortality--is1 as has been shown1 a perfectly natural one and of popular origin1 but the problem with which ,gilgamesh wrestles in the twelfth tablet1--the secret of the life after death1--while suggested by the other1 belongs rather to the domain of theological and mystic speculation4 ,this aspect of the twelfth tablet is borne out also by the fact that the problem is not solved4 ,the epic ends as unsatisfactorily as the ,book of ,job or ,ecclesiastes4 ,there is a tone of despair in the final speech of ,eabani1 which savors of the schools of advanced thought in ,babylonia4 ,for the problem of immortality1 a definite solution at least is offered4 ,man can reach old age2 he may be snatched for a time from the grasp of death1 as ,gilgamesh was through the efforts of ,parnapishtim1 but he only deludes himself by indulging in hopes of immortal life4 ',man must die' is the refrain that rings in our ears4 ,the plant of 'eternal youth' slips out of one's hand at the very moment that one believes to have secured it4 ,the ,gilgamesh epic1 as we have it1 thus turns out to be a composite production4 ,gilgamesh1 a popular hero of antiquity1 becomes a medium for the perpetuation of various popular traditions and myths4 ,the adventures of his career are combined with the early history of man4 ,of actual deeds performed by ,gilgamesh1 and which belong to ,gilgamesh's career as a hero1 warrior1 and ruler1 we have only four1--the conquest of ,erech1 his victory over ,khumbaba1 the killing of the divine bull1 and the strangling of the lion4#ajja ,the story of ,eabani1 ,ukhat1 and ,sadu is independent of ,gilgamesh's career1 and so also is the story of his wanderings to ,mashu and his encounter with ,parnapishtim4 ,gilgamesh is brought into association with ,eabani by what may be called1 a natural process of assimilation4 ,the life of the hero is placed back at the beginning of things1 and in this way ,gilgamesh is brought into direct contact with legends of man's early fortunes1 with ancient historical reminiscences1 as well as with nature-myths that symbolize the change of seasons and the annual inundations4 ,popular philosophy also enters into the life of the hero4 ,regarded as a god and yet of human origin1 ,gilgamesh becomes an appropriate illustration for determining the line that marks off man's career from the indefinite extension of activity that is a trait of the gods4 ,gilgamesh revolts against the universal law of decay and is punished4 ,he is relieved from suffering1 but cannot escape the doom of death4 ,the sixth tablet marks an important division in the epic4 ,the ,ishtar and ,sabitum episodes and the narrative of ,parnapishtim--itself a compound of two independent tales1 one semi-historical1 the other a nature-myth--represent accretions that may refer to a time when ,gilgamesh had become little more than a name1--a type of mankind in general4 ,finally1 scholastic speculation takes hold of ,gilgamesh1 and makes him the medium for illustrating another and more advanced problem that is of intense interest to mankind1--the secret of death4 ,death is inevitable1 but what does death mean8 ,the problem is not solved4 ,the close of the eleventh tablet suggests that ,gilgamesh will die4 ,the twelfth tablet adds nothing to the situation--except a moral4 ,proper burial is essential to the comparative well-being of the dead4 ,the fact that ,gilgamesh is viewed as a type in the latter half of this remarkable specimen of ,babylonian literature justifies us in speaking of it1 under proper qualification1 as a 'national epic4' ,but it must be remembered that ,gilgamesh himself belongs to a section of ,babylonia only1 and not to the whole of it2 and it is rather curious that one1 of whom it can be said with certainty that he is not even a native of ,babylonia1 should become the personage to whom popular fancy was pleased to attach traditions and myths that are distinctively ,babylonian in character and origin4 ,the story of ,gilgamesh was carried beyond the confines of ,babylonia4#ajjb ,gilgamesh1 to be sure1 is not identical with the ,biblical ,nimrod1#ajjc but the ,gilgamesh story has evidently influenced the description given in the tenth chapter of ,genesis of ,nimrod1 who is viewed as the type of ,babylonian power and of the extension of ,babylonian culture to the north4 ,the ,gilgamesh epic is not a solar myth1 as was once supposed1#ajjd nor is the ,biblical story of ,samson a pure myth1 but ,gilgamesh becomes a solar deity1 and it is hardly accidental that ,samson1 or to give the ,hebrew form of the name1 ,shimshon1 is a variant form of ,shamash#ajje--the name of the sun in ,babylonian and ,hebrew4 ,the ,biblical ,samson appears to be modelled upon the character of ,gilgamesh4 ,both are heroes1 both conquerors1 both strangle a lion1 and both are wooed by a woman1 the one by ,delila1 the other by ,ishtar1 and both through a woman are shorn of their strength4 ,the historical traits are of course different4 ,as for the relationships of the ,gilgamesh epic to the ,hercules story1 the authority of ,wilamowitz-,moellendorf#ajjf is against an oriental origin of the ,greek tale1 and yet such parallels as ,hercules' fight with a lion1 his conquest of death1 his journey and search for immortality 7which in contrast to ,gilgamesh he secures71 certainly point to an influence exercised by the oriental tale upon the ,greek story4 ,it is not surprising that the elements contributed through this influence have been so modified in the process of adaptation to the purely ,greek elements of the ,hercules story1 and1 above all1 to the ,greek spirit1 as to obscure their eastern origin4#ajjg ,most curious as illustrating the continued popularity of the ,gilgamesh story in the ,orient is the incorporation of portions of the epic in the career of ,alexander the ,great4#ajjh ,in ,greek1 ,syriac1 and ,rabbinical writings1 ,alexander is depicted as wandering through a region#ajji of darkness and terror in search of the 'water of life4' ,he encounters strange beings1 reaches the sea1 but1 like ,gilgamesh1 fails to secure immortality4 ,such were the profound changes wrought by ,alexander's conquests that popular fancy1 guided by a correct instinct of appreciation of his career1 converted the historical ,alexander into a legendary hero of vast dimensions4#ajaj ,the process that produced the ,gilgamesh epic is repeated1 only on a larger scale1 in the case of ,alexander4 ,not one country1 but the entire ancient culture world1--,babylonia1 ,persia1 ,egypt1 ,arabia1 ,judea1 and ,syria1--combine to form the legendary ,alexander4 ,each country contributes its share of popular legends1 myths1 and traditions4 ,babylonia offers as her tribute the exploits of ,gilgamesh1 which it transfers in part to ,alexander4 ,the national hero becomes the type of the 'great man1' and as with new conditions1 a new favorite1 representative of the new era1 arises to take the place of an older one1 the old is made to survive in the new4 ,gilgamesh lives again in ,alexander1 just as traits of the legendary ,alexander pass down to subsequent heroes4 ,,footnotes3 #hdd ,see above1 pp4 #bde-bdg4 #hde ,or ,gishdubar or ,gishtubar4 #hdf ,babylonian and ,oriental ,record1 iv4 #bfd4 ,for previous readings of the name1 see ,jeremias' article on ',izdubar' in ,roscher's ,ausfuehrliches ,lexicon der ,griechischen und ,roemischen ,mythologie1 ii4 col4 #ggc1 #ggd4 #hdg ,historia ,animalum1 xii4 #ba4 #hdh ,see p4 #ebd4 #hdi ,in the ,oriental legends of ,alexander the ,great1 this confusion is further illustrated4 ,to ,alexander are attached stories belonging to both ,izdubar and ,etana4 ,see ,meissner's ,alexander and ,gilgamos1 pp4 #ac-ag 7,leipzig1 #ahid74 #hej ,see1 e4g41 ,perrot and ,chiplez1 ,history of ,art in ,babylonia and ,assyria1 i4 #hd4 #hea ,article ',izdubar1' col4 #ggf2 see ,delitzsch1 ,handwoerterbuch1 p4 #fgh4 ,hommel 7e4g41 ,altisraelitische ,ueberlieferung1 p4 #ci7 regards ,gilgamesh as a contraction from ,gibil 7the fire-god7 and ,gam 7or ,gab71 together with ish1 an ',elamitic' ending4 ,if the name is ,elamitic1 one should hardly expect a ,babylonian deity entering as one of the elements4 #heb ,see above1 p4 #afg4 #hec ,see above1 p4 #bhd4 #hed ,haupt's ,das ,babylonische ,nimrodepos1 p4 #ic4 #hee ,lit41 'he who is applied to for giving a decision4' #hef ,ta-par-ra-as4 #heg ,das ,babylonische ,nimrodepos 7,leipzig1 #ahhd-ia74 ,this edition includes all but the twelfth tablet1 which was published by ,haupt in the ,beitraege zur ,assyriologie1 i4 #dh-gi4 ,for other publications of ,haupt on the ,gilgamesh epic1 see the ,bibliography1 ,sec4 #f4 ,the identification with the ,biblical ,nimrod is now definitely abandoned by scholars1 though the picture drawn of ,nimrod is influenced by the traditions regarding ,gilgamesh4 ,see p4 #eae4 #heh ,the best general work on the epic 7based on ,haupt's edition7 is ,a4 ,jeremias' ,izdubar-,nimrod 7,leipzig1 #ahia71 a reprint with additions1 of his article on ',izdubar' in ,roscher's ,ausfuehrliches ,lexicon der ,griechischen und ,roemischen ,mythologie ii4 #hei ,vorgeschichte der ,indo-,europaer1 p4 #aab4 #hfj ,the words for 'city' in the ,semitic languages embody this idea4 #hfa ,old ,babylonian ,inscription1 i4 #b1 p4 #dh4 #hfb ,,iir4 #ej1 #ee-eg2 ,,vr4 #da1 #ag1 #ah4 ,an interesting reference to the wall of ,frech occurs ,hilprecht1 ib4 i4 #a1 no4 #bf4 #hfc ,kosmologie1 p4 #agb4 #hfd ,jeremias' ,izdubar-,nimrod1 p4 #ae1 conjectures that the death of the king has evoked distress1 but that is highly improbable4 ,that the fragment under consideration belongs to the beginning of the epic is tolerably certain1 though not absolutely so4 #hfe ,sixth tablet1 l4 #aib4 ,he brings offerings to ,lugal-,marada1 i4e41 the king of ,marada--a solar deity4 ,see p4 #dhf4 #hff ,heuzey1 ,sceaux inedits des ,rois d',agade 7,revue d',assyriologie1 iv4 #c1 p4 #i74 #hfg ,see above1 p4 #ddh4 #hfh ,anu here used in the generic sense of 'lofty1' 'divine4' ,the phrase is equivalent to the ,biblical 'image of ,god4' #hfi ,a phrase in some way again indicative of ,eabani's likeness to a deity4 #hgj ,that ,gilgamesh undertakes this1 and not the gods acting in the interest of ,uruk 7as ,jeremias and others assume71 follows from a passage in ,haupt's edition1 pp4 #aj1 #dj4 #hga ,eabani4 #hgb ,identical with our own word harem4 #hgc ,perhaps ensnarer4 #hgd ,so in the ,dibbarra legend4 ,see p4 #eca and ,delitzsch1 ,handwoerterbuch1 p4 #da4 #hge ,sixth tablet1 ll4 #ahd1 #ahe4 #hgf ,book #a4 ,sec4,sec4 #aha1 #ahb1 #aii4 #hgg ,see ,jeremias' ,izdubar-,nimrod1 pp4 #ei1 #fj2 ,nikel1 ,herodot und die ,keilschriftforschung1 pp4 #hd-hf4 #hgh ,the protest of the ,pentateuch 7,deut4 xxiii4 #ah7 against the ,k'desha1 as also against the 'male devotee' 7,kadesh71 shows the continued popularity of the rites4 #hgi ,it is to be noted that in the ,yahwistic narrative1 ,adam is in close communication with the animals about him 7,gen4 ii4 #bj74 ,it is tempting also to connect the ,hebrew form of ,eve1 ,khauwa 7or ,khauwat7 in some way with ,ukhat1 not etymologically of course1 but as suggestive of a dependence of one upon the other1--the ,hebrew upon the ,babylonian term4 ,professor ,stade 7,zeits4 f4 ,alttest4 ,wiss41 #ahig1 p4 #baj7 commenting upon ,gen4 ii4 #bj1 points out that ,yahwe's motive for asking ,adam to name the animals was the hope that he would find a 'helpmate' among them4 ,in the light of the ,babylonian story of ,eabani living with animals1 ,stade's suggestion receives a striking illustration4 #hhj ,see ,trumbull1 ,the ,threshold ,covenant1 p4 #bci4 #hha ,kharimtu4 ,in ,arabic the word is likewise used for 'woman' in general4 #hhb ,the temple at ,uruk is meant4 #hhc ,jeremias translates 'seeks a friend1' and refers the words to ,gilgamesh1 but there is nothing in the narrative to justify us in assuming that ,eabani was thinking of the hero4 #hhd ,it is used as a synonym of tappu 'associate1' ,delitzsch1 ,handwoerterbuch1 p4 #aj4 ,ideographically1 it is composed of two elements1 'strength' and 'acquire4' ',companion in arms' is the fellowship originally meant4 #hhe ,the ,hebrew verb 7,gen4 ii4 #bb7 expresses sexual union and precisely the same verb is used in the cuneiform narrative when ,eabani comes to ,ukhat 7,haupt's edition1 p4 #aa1 l4 #ba74 #hhf ,we can still distinguish 7,haupt1 #ab1 #dg7 ',i will fetch him4' ,jeremias' rendering1 ,i will fight with him1 is erroneous4 #hhg ,haupt1 #ac1 #g-h4 #hhh ,cf4 ,gen4 iii4 #e and #ba4 #hhi ,the text of the following lines restored by combining ,haupt1 p4 #ac1 with a supplementary fragment published by ,jeremias' ,izdubar-,nimrod1 pl4 #c4 #hij ,i4e41 he will be told about thy dream through the wisdom given to him4 #hia ,see1 e4g41 ,jeremias' ,izdubar-,nimrod1 p4 #ba4 #hib ,so1 e4g41 ,hommel 7,altisraelitische ,ueberlieferung1 p4 #ce74 ,he is certainly not a native of ,babylonia4 #hic ,gilgamesh4 #hid ,haupt1 p4 #bf4 #hie ,a city ,ganganna is mentioned in the first tablet 7,haupt1 pp4 #ea1 #f74 #hif ,so ,haupt1 ,beitraege zur ,assyriologie1 i4 #aab4 #hig ,i4e41 again and again4 #hih ,this is the general sense of the three terms used4 #hii ,i4e41 an army's march of fourteen hours4 ,see pp4 #dij1 #ejc1 #eba4 #ijj ,the same word appears in incantation texts as a term for a class of demons4 #ija ,see1 e4g41 ,jeremias' ,izdubar-,nimrod1 p4 #bf4 #ijb ,i4e41 to the bull4 #ijc ,chapter ,,xxv4 #ijd ,ez4 viii4 #ad4 #ije ,see above1 p4 #dge4 #ijf ,see p4 #bfg4 #ijg ,see above1 p4 #bcd4 #ijh ,trumbull1 ,the ,threshold ,covenant1 chapter vii4 #iji ,see p4 #ecf4 #iaj ,or as a third dream4 ,it will be recalled that in a previous portion of the epic 7p4 #dha71 ,gilgamesh has three dreams in succession4 #iaa ,haupt1 pp4 #de1 #ec4 #iab ,attitude of despair4 #iac ,i4e41 'offspring of life4' ,i adopt ,delitzsch's reading of the name4 ,zimmern and ,jensen prefer ,sitnapishtim1 but see ,haupt's remarks on the objections to this reading in ,schrader1 ,keilinschriften und das ,alte ,testament 7#c;d edition7 a4 l4 ,at the recent ,eleventh ,international ,congress of ,orientalists1 ,scheil presented a tablet dealing with the deluge narrative4 ,if his reading is correct1 the evidence would be final for the form ,pirnapishtim1 formerly proposed by ,zimmern 7,babylonische ,busspsalmen1 p4 #bf74 ,see p4 #ejg1 note #a4 #iad ,client of ,marduk4 ,the name ,marduk appears here under the ideographic designation ,tutu4 ,the identification with ,marduk may be due to later traditions4 #iae ,jeremias' suggestion 7,indubar-,nimrod1 p4 #ah7 that the fight with the lion belongs to the first tablet1 where mention is made of a wild animal of some kind1 is not acceptable4 #iaf ,i4e41 inner side4 #iag ,the name of the cave underneath the earth where the dead dwell4 #iah ,see above1 p4 #ddc4 #iai ,see1 e4g41 ,jeremias' ,izdubar-,nimrod1 p4 #bh4 #ibj ,see the passages in ,delitzsch1 ,wo ,lag das ,paradies1 pp4 #bdb1 #bdc4 #iba ,see above1 p4 #ci1 and ,hommel's full discussion1 ,altisraelitische ,ueberlieferung1 chapter iii4 #ibb ,hommel 7,altisraelitische ,ueberlieferung1 pp4 #ce1 #cg7 suggests a migration of ,cassites from ,elam to ,eastern ,africa4 #ibc ,haupt1 pp4 #ab1 #fg4 #ibd ,attitude of despair4 #ibe ,i4e4 'servant of ,ea4' ,the reading ,ardi-,ea is preferable to ,arad-,ea4 #ibf ,lit41 'sailor4' #ibg ,see above1 p4 #ddc4 #ibh ,haupt1 pp4 #fd1 #cf2 #fe1 #a4 #ibi ,altisraelitische ,ueberlieferung1 p4 #ce4 #icj ,tum is the feminine ending4 #ica ,a large measure4 #icb ,of the week8 ,hommel and others interpret that ,gilgamesh accomplishes the 'forty-five days' journey' in three days4 #icc ,this ,i take to be the meaning of the numbers introduced at this point4 #icd ,the text is badly mutilated4 #ice ,there is no limit to the rule of death4 ,death alone is 'immortal4' #icf ,as ,haupt correctly interprets4 #icg ,this appears to be the sense of this rather obscure line4 #ich ,read sir-la-am8 #ici ,see below1 p4 #ejg4 #idj ,the restored text in ,haupt's edition of the ,nimrodepos1 pp4 #acd-adi4 #ida ,zimmern ingeniously suggests la bir1 not pure1 instead of the rendering 'old4' #idb ,isaiah i4 #a4 #idc ,see ,jensen's remarks1 ,kosmologie1 p4 #chg4 ,there is no reference to ,shurippak in ,,iir4 #df1 #a1 as ,haupt has shown 7see his note in the #crd edition of ,schrader's ,keilinscriften und das ,alte ,testament74 #idd ,gen4 xix4 #ide ,hughes1 ,dictionary of ,islam1 sub ,ad and ,salih4 #idf ,see above1 p4 #dhh1 note #b4 #idg ,lit41 'construct a house'2 house is used for any kind of structure in general4 #idh ,i4e41 let your property go and save your family4 #idi ,see above1 p4 #ec4 #iej ,l4 #de4 #iea ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 p4 #cfh2 ,jeremias1 ,izdubar-,nimrod1 p4 #cg4 #ieb ,see above1 p4 #dif1 note #f4 #iec ,or decks 7so ,haupt74 #ied ,of each story or deck4 #iee ,poles are used to this day to propel the crafts on the ,euphrates4 #ief ,the largest measure4 #ieg ,the same word 7kupru7 is used as in ,gen4 vi4 #ad4 #ieh ,some part of the outside of the structure is designated4 #iei ,haupt translates ,sesammeth4 #ifj ,puzur signifies 'hidden1' 'protected4' ,shadu rabu1 i4e41 'great mountain1' is a title of ,bel and of other gods 7see above1 pp4 #ef and #bgh74 ,here1 probably1 ,shamash is meant4 #ifa ,lit4 'great house' or 'palace4' #ifb ,i4e41 'king1' frequently found as a title of ,marduk in astronomical texts 7,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 p4 #ade74 #ifc ,the god of war and pestilence4 #ifd ,tar-gul-le1 some mischievous forces4 #ife ,the highest part of heaven4 #iff ,i4e41 has been destroyed4 #ifg ,lit41 'spoken' or 'ordered4' #ifh ,lit41 'my mankind4' #ifi ,i4e41 ,mankind4 #igj ,from which they were made4 ,see pp4 #ddh and #eaa4 #iga ,see p4 #dhb1 note #d4 #igb ,haupt and ,delitzsch render ikkal1 'ate1' as though from akalu1 but this is hardly in place4 ,i take the stem of the word to be nakalu4 #igc ,to have a share in it4 #igd ,jensen and ,haupt translate inconsiderately1 but this rendering misses the point4 #ige ,lit41 'my humanity4' #igf ,not destroy it altogether4 #igg ,lit4 'the god ,dibbarra4' #igh ,i4e41 the 'very clever' or 'very pious1' an epithet given to ,parnapishtim4 ,the inverted form1 ,khasis-adra1 was distorted into ,xisusthros1 which appears in the writers dependent upon ,berosus as the name of the hero of the ,babylonian deluge4 ,see1 e4g41 ,cory's ,ancient ,fragments1 pp4 #eb1 #ed1 #fj1 etc4 ,the epithet appears also in the ,legend of ,etana 7pp4 #ebc1 #ebd71 where it is applied to a 'wise' young eagle4 #igi ,i4e41 mortal4 #ihj ,i4e41 immortal4 ,cf4 ,gen4 iii4 #bb4 #iha ,wo ,lag das ,paradies 7,ueber ,land und ,meer1 #ahid-ie1 no4 #ae74 #ihb ,the ,hebrew account1 it must be remembered1 consists of two narratives dovetailed into one another4 ,according to the one version--the ,yahwistic--the rainstorm continued for forty days and forty nights2 according to the other--the priestly narrative--one hundred and fifty days pass before the waters began to diminish and a year elapses before ,noah leaves the ark4 ,the ,yahwistic narrative lays stress upon the ritualistic distinction of clean and unclean animals1 but on the whole1 the ,yahwistic version approaches closer to the ,babylonian tale4 ,evidence has now been furnished that among the ,babylonians1 too1 more than one version of the tradition existed4 ,at the ,eleventh ,international ,congress of ,orientalists 7,september1 #ahig71 ,scheil presented a tablet1 dating from the days of ,hammurabi1 in which the story of a deluge is narrated in a manner quite different from the ,gilgamesh epic4 ,the tablet also furnishes the phonetic reading pi-ir1 and ,scheil is of the opinion that these two syllables form the first element in the name of the hero4 ,unfortunately1 the tablet is badly mutilated at this point1 so that the question of the reading is not absolutely certain4 ,see p4 #dhh1 note #b4 ,the reading ,ut-napishtim is now generally adopted4 #ihc ,gen4 xix4 #ihd ,note the phrase in ,gen4 xix4 #ca1 there is no one on earth1 and see ,pietschman1 ,geschichte der ,phonizier1 p4 #aae4 #ihe ,that the story was current as early as ,hammurabi is now established by ,scheil's fragment 7see note #b on preceding page74 #ihf ,the word used is tu which means a charm or incantation in general4 #ihg ,made of the charm root4 #ihh ,gilgamesh4 #ihi ,i4e41 'old age1' the name given to some plant of magic power4 #iij ,tu4 #iia ,lit41 'good4' #iib ,utukku--the name1 it will be recalled1 given to a class of demons4 ,see p4 #bfj4 #iic ,see p4 #eah4 #iid ,haupt1 ,beitraege zur ,assyriologie1 i4 #cah1 #cai1 has made it plausible that pp4 #af-ai of his edition belong to the twelfth tablet of the epic1 though perhaps to a different edition of the epic1 as ,jeremias suggests 7,izdubar-,nimrod1 p4 #dc74 #iie ,see above1 p4 #dgd4 #iif ,haupt's edition1 pp4 #fg1 #ab4 #iig ,lit41 'thou hast seen it1 ,i have seen it4' #iih ,text defective4 ,jeremias conjectures kneeling4 #iii ,ekimmu1 another name for a class of demons4 ,see p4 #bfj4 #ajjj ,the correct translation of these lines we owe to ,haupt 7,beitraege zur ,assyriologie1 i4 #fi1 #gj74 #ajja ,the reference to the killing of a panther in the tenth tablet 7,haupt1 p4 #ga1 #f7 is too obscure to be taken into consideration4 ,gilgamesh's fight with a 'buffalo' 7so ,ward1 ,babylonian ,gods in ,babylonian ,art1 ,proc4 ,amer4 ,or4 ,soc41 ,may1 #ahij1 p4 xv7 is pictured on seal cylinders4 ,no doubt1 various deeds of ,gilgamesh were recounted in the missing portions of the epic1 and it is also quite likely that besides the stories in the epic1 others were current of ,gilgamesh to which a literary form was never given4 #ajjb ,the ,parnapishtim episode passed on to the ,arabs1 where the hero of the deluge appears under the name of ,khadir--a corruption of ,adra-,khasis4 ,see ,lidzbarski1 ,wer ist ,chadir8 ,zeits4 f4 ,assyr4 vii4 #aji-aab1 who also suggests that ,ahasverus1 'the ,wandering ,jew1' is a corruption of ,adrakhasis4 #ajjc ,it will be recalled that ,nimrod is termed a 'mighty hunter' 7saeid74 ,this suggests a comparison with ,sadu1 'the hunter1' in the ,gilgamesh epic4 ,see above1 p4 #dge4 #ajjd ,originally suggested by ,h4 ,c4 ,rawlinson4 #ajje ,the ending on is an emphatic affix--frequent in proper names4 #ajjf ,euripides' ,herakles1 ,einleitung4 #ajjg ,on this subject see the ,introduction to ,berard's ,de l'origine des cultes ,arcadiens1 and for a further discussion of the relationships between ,izdubar and ,hercules1 see ,jeremias' ,izdubar-,nimrod1 pp4 #gj-gc1 or his article in ,roscher's ,ausfuehrliches ,lexicon der ,griechischen und ,roemischen ,mythologie1 ii4 #hba-hbc4 #ajjh ,meissner1 ,alexander und ,gilgamos 7,leipzig1 #ahid71 pp4 #ac-ag4 #ajji ,in the ,greek and other versions1 the mountain ,musas or ,masis is mentioned1--that is1 ,mashu1 as in the ,gilgamesh epic4 ,see p4 #dhh4 #ajaj ,see especially ,budge1 ,the ,life and ,exploits of ,alexander the ,great 7,london1 ,introduction1 #ahif72 ,noeldeke1 ,beitraege zur ,geschichte des ,alexander-,romans 7,vienna1 #ahij7 and ,gaster1 ,an ,old ,hebrew ,romance of ,alexander 7,journal ,royal ,asiat4 ,soc41 #ahig1 pp4 #dhe-dih74 ,,chapter ,,xxiv4 ,,myths ,,and ,,legends4 ,not many years ago the impression appeared to be well founded that the ,semites were poor in the production of myths and legends as compared1 for example1 to the ,hindus or ,greeks4 ,the religious literature of the ,babylonians1 originating undoubtedly with the ,semitic inhabitants of the ,euphrates ,valley1 reverses the impression4 ,the 'creation' and ',gilgamesh' epics suffice1 not merely for what they contain1 but for what they imply1 to accord to ,babylonian mythology a high rank2 but in addition to these epics we have a large number of tales of gods1 demigods1 demons1 and spirits that illustrate the capacity of the ,babylonians for the production of myths4 ,indeed1 there is no longer any reason for doubting that the ,babylonian mythology exercised considerable influence upon that of the ,greeks4 ,further discoveries and researches may show that distant ,india also felt at an early period the intellectual stimulus emanating from the ,euphrates ,valley4 ,at all events1 many of the features found in ,babylonian myths and legends bear so striking a resemblance to those occurring in lands lying to the east and west of ,babylonia1 that a study of ,aryan mythology is sadly deficient which does not take into account the material furnished by cuneiform literature4 ,how extensive the ,babylonian mythology was must remain for the present a matter of conjecture1 but it is easier to err on the side of underestimation than on the side of exaggeration4 ,if it be remembered that by far the smaller portion only of ,ashurbanabal's library has been recovered1 and that of the various literary collections that were gathered in the religious centers of the south1 scarcely anything has as yet been found1 it is certainly remarkable that we should be in possession of an elaborate tale of a demi-god1 ,etana1 of an extensive legend recounting the deeds of the war and plague-god ,dibbarra1 and of two genuine storm myths1 while the indications in ,dr4 ,bezold's catalogue of the ,kouyunjik collection justify us in adding to the list several other myths and legends1 among the still unpublished tablets of the ,british ,museum4#ajaa ,these myths and legends have a twofold value for us1 a direct value because of the popular religious ideas contained in them1 and an indirect value by virtue of the interpretation given to these ideas by the compilers4 ,in the literary form that the popular productions received1 the influence of those who guided the religious thought into its proper channels is to be clearly seen4 ,the ,etana ,legend4 ,it will be recalled that we came across a hero ,etana in the ,gilgamesh epic4#ajab ,the name of the hero is ,semitic1 and signifies 'strong4'#ajac ,an identical name appears in the ,old ,testament1#ajad and it is possible that the ,babylonian ,etana represents1 like ,gilgamesh1 some ancient historical person of whom a dim tradition has survived among other nations besides the ,babylonians4 ,the deeds recounted of him1 however1 place the hero entirely in the domain of myth4 ,his patron is ,shamash1 the sun-god1 and in popular tradition he becomes a member of the pantheon of the nether world4 ,in the portions of the ,etana legend preserved1#ajae two episodes are detailed in the hero's career1 one regarding the birth of a son1 the other a miraculous journey4 ,the former episode justifies the assumption of a historical starting-point for the legend of ,etana4#ajaf ,among many nations the birth of a hero or of a hero's son is pictured as taking place under great difficulties4 ,etana's wife is in distress because she is unable to bring to the world a child which she has conceived4 ,etana appeals to ,shamash4 ,through the mediation of the priests he has offered sacrifices1 and he now prays to ,shamash to show him the plant of birth4 ,the oracles#ajag have completed my sacrifices1 ,they have completed my free-will offerings to the gods4 ,o ,lord1 let thy mouth command1 ,and give me the plant of birth1 ,reveal to me the plant of birth1 ,bring forth the fruit1 grant me an offspring4 ,of ,shamash's reply only one line is preserved intact1 in which he tells ,etana3 ,take the road1 ascend the mountain4 ,it is presumably upon the mountain that the plant grows whose magical power will insure the happy delivery of the expected offspring4 ,harper calls attention to a remarkable parallel to this incident which is found in the ,armenian and ,mandaean legends of the birth of ,rustem1 the son of ,sal4 ,the latter's wife is unable to deliver her child because of its size4 ,sal1 who was reared by an eagle1 has in his possession a pinion of the eagle1 by means of which he can1 when in distress1 invoke the presence of the bird4 ,the father throws the pinion into the fire1 and the eagle appears4 ,the latter gives the mother a medicinal potion1 and the child is cut out of the womb4 ,etana1 like ,rustem1 is accompanied by an eagle1 and it would appear that the eagle aids ,etana in obtaining the plant4#ajah ,the eagle1 in many mythologies1 is a symbol of the sun1 and it is plausible to conclude that the bird is sent to ,etana at the instigation of ,shamash4 ,who the son is that ,etana expects we are not told1 and naturally from a single episode like this--and one so fragmentarily preserved--no safe conclusions may be drawn4 ,but the epic 7if we may apply this term7 must have recounted some achievements of ,etana1 and as the 'strong' one1 his deeds must have borne some resemblance to those of ,gilgamesh4 ,the birth of the son1 it is furthermore fair to presume1 took place towards the end of ,etana's career1 when his own life was drawing to a close4 ,if a fragment#ajai of the tale were only better preserved1 we would have an episode of ,etana's earlier career4 ,but such is the condition of this fragment that1 at the most1 it can be said that ,etana is engaged in some conflict against a city1 in which ,ishtar1 ,bel1 the ,anunnaki1 the ,igigi1 and some minor gods1 as ,en-ninna1 ,sibittum1 are involved4 ,the ,etana series1 as we learn from the colophon to this fragment1 was known by a designation in which a city#ajbj occurs1 and it may be that this is the city against which ,etana1 aided by the gods1 proceeds4 ,leaving this aside1 it is fortunate that we have at least another episode in ,etana's career which enables us to establish the connecting link between the hero as an historical personage and as a god or demi-god4 ,as ,gilgamesh offers an insult to ,ishtar1 so ,etana encounters the ill-will of the great goddess1 though through no direct offense4 ,the eagle tempts ,etana to mount with him into the upper regions4 ,etana is represented as giving1 in part1 an account of this adventure1 in the first person4 ,the gates of the upper regions are opened1 and ,etana is terrified at the majestic sight which greets him4 ,he sees a throne1 and throws himself on his countenance in terror4 ,the gates are significantly designated as the gate of ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea1 and the gate of ,sin1 ,shamash1 ,ramman1 and ,ishtar4 ,the introduction of the two classes of the theological triads#ajba reveals the influence of a scholastic elaboration of some popular myth4 ,the eagle reassures ,etana1 and addresses him as follows3 ,my friend lift up 787 thy countenance1 ,come and let me carry thee to the heaven of ,anu4 ,on my breast place thy breast1 ,on my pinion place thy palms1 ,on my side place thy side4 ,etana obeys1 and thus1 securely attached to the eagle1 begins the daring journey4 ,they fly for the space of a double hour1#ajbb when ,the eagle addresses ,etana3 ,look1 my friend1 how the earth appears2 ,look at the sea and at its side1 the house of wisdom2#ajbc ,the earth appears as a mountain1 the sea has become a pool 7874 ,a second double hour he 7i4e41 the eagle7 carried him on high4 ,the eagle spoke to ,etana3 ,look1 my friend1 how the earth appears2 ,the sea is a mere belt 787 around the earth4 ,a third double hour he carried him on high4 ,the eagle spoke to ,etana3 ,look1 my friend1 how the earth appears2 ,the sea is a mere gardener's ditch4#ajbd ,in this way they reach the gate of ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea in safety1 where they take a rest4 ,the eagle is not yet satisfied1 and urges ,etana to follow him to the domain of ,ishtar4 ,come1 my friend let me carry thee to ,ishtar1 ,with ,ishtar1 the mistress of the gods1 thou shall dwell1 ,in the glory of ,ishtar1 the mistress of the gods1 thou shall sit84 ,on my side place thy side1 ,on my pinion place thy palms4 ,the gods1 it will be seen1 dwell on high in accordance with the view developed by astronomical speculations4#ajbe ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea are here evidently identified with the fixed stars bearing their names1#ajbf while under ,ishtar the planet ,ishtar-,venus is meant4 ,etana yields to the eagle's suggestion4 ,they mount still higher4 ,earth and ocean grow still smaller1 the former appearing only as large as 'a garden bed1' the latter like 'a courtyard4' ,for three double hours they fly4 ,etana appears to warn the eagle to desist from his rash intention1 but the warning comes too late4 ,etana and the eagle are thrown down from the lofty regions4 ,with lightning speed the descent takes place1 until the two reach the ground4 ,the further course of the narrative is obscure4 ,was ,etana punished by being sent to the nether world1 where we find him in the ,gilgamesh epic8#ajbg ,there is a reference1 unfortunately quite obscure1 to the death of ,etana1 and perhaps to his shade1#ajbh in a portion of the tablet4 ,one certainly expects both ,etana and the eagle to be punished for their rash act1 but until we can determine with certainty what became of both1 and with what purport the tale is introduced into the career of ,etana1 the question must be left open1 as also the possibility of a connection between this flight of ,etana and the similar ,greek myth of ,ganymede4 ,the introduction of the eagle points clearly to the mythological character of the tale1 but flights of eagles occur so frequently in the myths and legends of various nations that no great stress is to be laid upon further parallels that might be adduced4#ajbi ,the story found in ,aelian and which has already been referred to#ajcj alone calls for mention here4 ,according to this story1 ,gilgamesh1 whose birth is feared by his cruel grandfather ,sokkaros1 king of ,babylonia1 is thrown from the tower where his mother was imprisoned and in which he was born1 but in falling is caught by an eagle and taken to a gardener who rears the child4 ,the eagle being the associate of ,etana1 the suspicion is justified that the child thus miraculously saved is in reality ,etana and not ,gilgamesh4 ,at all events1 there must be some connection between the story of ,aelian and the ,babylonian legend under consideration4 ,the fate of the eagle is recounted in another tablet of the ,etana series1#ajca which again furnishes an episode paralleled in the mythologies of other nations4 ,the eagle has lost favor with ,shamash4 ,enmity has arisen between the eagle and the serpent1 and1 curiously enough1 the latter stands under the protection of the sun-god4 ,what the cause of the enmity between eagle and serpent was1 may have been recounted in a missing portion of the tablet4 ,the eagle forms a plan of destroying the serpent's brood4 ,he is warned against this act by a young eagle1 who is designated as a 'very clever young one4' ,do not eat1 ,o my father1 the net of ,shamash is laid 7872 ,the trap1 the ban of ,shamash1 will fall upon thee and catch thee4 ,who transgresses the law of ,shamash1 from him ,shamash will exact revenge4 ,but the eagle1 we are told1 paid no heed to the warning4 ,he descended and ate of the young of the serpent4 ,the serpent appeals to ,shamash4 ,he tells the sun-god of the cruel deed of the eagle3 ,see1 ,o ,shamash1 the evil that he has done to me4 ,help 7871 ,o ,shamash1 thy net is the broad earth4 ,thy trap is the distant heavens4 ,who can escape thy net8#ajcb ,zu1#ajcc the worker of evil1 the source of evil did not escape8#ajcd4 ,shamash responds to the appeal3 ,upon his hearing the lament of the serpent1 ,shamash opened his mouth and spoke to the serpent3 ,go and ascend the mountain2 ,the carcass of a wild ox make thy hiding-place4 ,open him1 tear open his belly4 ,make a dwelling place of his belly4 ,all the birds of heaven will come down2 ,the eagle with them will come down4 444 ,upon penetrating to the meat he will hastily proceed1 ,making for the hidden parts4#ajce ,as soon as he has reached the inside1#ajcf seize him by his wing1 ,tear out his wing1 his feather 7871 his pinion1 ,tear him to pieces1 and throw him into a corner1 ,to die a death of hunger and thirst4 ,this devilish plan is successfully carried out4 ,with considerable skill the narrative describes how the eagle1 suspecting some mischief1 did not join the other birds1 but when he saw that they escaped without harm felt reassured4 ,he tells his brood3 ,come1 let us go and let us also pounce down upon the carcass of the wild ox and eat1 we too4 ,the eagle is again warned by his very clever offspring4 ,the rest of his brood join in the appeal1 but ,he did not hearken to them1 and obeyed not the advice of his brood1 ,he swooped down and stood upon the wild ox4 ,still1 he is not entirely free from suspicion1 and the narrative continues3 ,the eagle inspected the carcass1 looking carefully to the front and behind him4 ,he again inspected the carcass1 looking carefully to the front and behind him4 ,detecting nothing to justify his suspicions1 he digs his beak into the carcass1 but scarcely has he done so when the serpent seizes hold of him4 ,the eagle cries for mercy1 and promises the serpent a present of whatever he desires4 ,the serpent is relentless4 ,to release the eagle would be to play false to ,shamash4 ,if ,i release thee 444 ,thy punishment will be transferred to me4 ,thus the serpent justifies what he is about to do4 ,in accordance with the instructions of the sun-god1 the eagle is stripped of his wings and feathers1 and left to die a miserable death4 ,in its present form this tale of the eagle and serpent forms part of the ,etana story4#ajcg ,jeremias is right in questioning whether it originally had anything to do with ,etana4#ajch ,two distinct stories have been combined1 much as in the ,gilgamesh epic several tales have been thrown together4 ,the association of ,etana with the eagle suggests the introduction of the episode of the eagle's discomfiture4 ,if one may judge of the two episodes related of ,etana1 he is not a personage regarded with favor by the compilers4 ,in both episodes we find him in distress4 ,his flight with the eagle is regarded as a defiance of the gods1 though more blame attaches to the eagle than to him4 ,shamash can hardly have regarded with favor the ambition of a human being to mount to the dwelling of the gods4 ,gilgamesh makes no such attempt1 and ,parnapishtim is not carried on high1 but to the confluence of the streams4 ,gilgamesh1 it will also be recalled1 is unable to pass to the nether world where ,eabani is placed1 and in the following chapter we will come across a tale intended to illustrate the impossibility of any one ever returning from the hollow under the earth where the dead dwell4 ,the story of ,etana appears1 therefore1 to emphasize the equal impossibility for any mortal to ascend to the dwelling of the gods4 ,etana is deified1 but he belongs permanently to the region where all mortals go after their career on earth is ended1--the nether world4 ,one gains the impression1 therefore1 that ,etana is a hero of antiquity who is not approved of by the ,babylonian priests4 ,similarly1 the conflict between the eagle and the serpent suggests an opposition to the view which makes the eagle the symbol and messenger of ,shamash4 ,the eagle recalls the winged disc1 the symbol of ,ashur1#ajci and the eagle occurs also as a standard among the ,hittites1#ajdj with whom1 as we know1 the ,babylonians came into contact4 ,the story of ,shamash1 himself1 laying the trap for the eagle looks like a myth produced with some specific intent1 an illustration of legitimate sun-worship against rival cults4 ,as a matter of course1 in the case of such a myth1 it is difficult to say where its popular character ends and the speculative or scholastic theory begins4 ,but whatever may have been the original purport of the tale1 for our purposes its significance consists in the view unfolded of ,shamash as the one who wreaks vengeance on the evil-doer4 ,shamash appears in the episode in the role of the just judge that characterizes him in the hymns and incantations4 ,etana's reliance upon the eagle leads to disgrace and defeat4 ,in a representation of the hero's flight on a seal cylinder1#ajda the disapproval of the act is indicated by the addition of two dogs in a crouching position1 their gaze directed towards the bird4 ,the dogs are a symbol of the solar-god ,marduk4#ajdb ,the ,legend of ,dibbarra4 ,of more direct religious import is a story recounted in a series comprising five tablets of the deeds of the war and plague-god whose name is provisionally read ,dibbarra4#ajdc ,he is a solar deity identified in the theological system of the ,babylonians with ,nergal1 but originally distinct and in all probability one of the numerous local solar deities of ,babylonia like ,nin-girsu and ,nin-gishzida1 ,ishum and others1 whose roles are absorbed by one or the other of the four great solar deities1--,shamash1 ,marduk1 ,ninib1 and ,nergal4 ,nergal representing the sun of midday and of the summer solstice1 which brings in its wake destruction of various kinds1 it was appropriate that a god who came to be specifically viewed as the god who causes disease should be regarded as an aspect of the terrible ,nergal4 ,in the legend that we are about to consider1 ,dibbarra appears as the god of war4 ,he is designated as the 'warrior4' ,the name of the god is written ideographically with a sign that has the meaning of 'servant' and 'man4' ,to this sign the phonetic complement ra is added4 ,in view of a passage in a lexicographical tablet1 according to which the name of the god is designated as the equivalent of the god ,gir-ra1 ,jensen concluded that the name was to be read ,gira1 and ,delitzsch#ajdd is inclined to follow him4 ,a difficulty1 however1 arises through the circumstance that the element ,gir in the name ,gir-ra is itself an ideograph4 ,in any case1 the designation of the god as a 'servant' shows that he is described here by an epithet1#ajde and not by his real name1 which is to be sought rather in the sense of 'strong1' that is one of the meanings of the ideograph gir4 ,the epithet 'servant' belongs to the period when the god took his place in the theological system as one of the attendants of the great ,nergal1 just as the plague-god is himself accompanied by a god ,ishum1 who acts as a kind of messenger or attendant to him4 ,it should be added that what little evidence there was for the conventional reading ,dibbarra#ajdf has now been dispelled1 so that but for the desire to avoid useless additions to the nomenclature of the ,babylonian deities1 the form ,gir-ra would have been introduced here1 as for the present preferable4 ,where the cult of ,dibbarra centered we do not know1 but that he presided over a district that must have played a prominent part at some period of ,babylonian history is shown by the elaborate legend of his deeds for which1 as in the case of ,gilgamesh and ,etana1 we are justified in assuming an historical background4 ,in fact1 the legend of ,dibbarra is naught but a poetic and semi-mythical disguise for severe conflicts waged against certain ,babylonian cities by some rival power that had its seat likewise in the ,euphrates ,valley4 ,of the five tablets1 but four fragments have as yet been found in such a condition as to be utilized4 ,the longest of these contains an address to ,dibbarra by his faithful attendant ,ishum1 in which the power of the war-god is praised and some of his deeds recounted4 ,the sons of ,babylon were 7as7 birds ,and thou their falconer4 ,in a net thou didst catch them1 enclose them1 and destroy them1 ,o6 ,warrior ,dibbara1 ,leaving the city1#ajdg thou didst pass to the outside1 ,taking on the form of a lion1 thou didst enter the palace4 ,the people saw thee and drew 787 their weapons4 ,the reference in these lines is to an attack upon the city of ,babylon4 ,the war-god is pictured as striking out in all directions1 imprisoning the inhabitants of ,babylon within the city walls1 working havoc outside of the city1 and not stopping short at entering the palace4 ,the metaphor of the war-god taking on the form of a lion confirms the identification of ,dibbarra with ,nergal1 who is generally pictured as a lion4 ,in the following lines the enemy who makes this attack on ,babylon is introduced4 ,he is designated as a 'governor1' and ,dibbarra is represented as giving him certain instructions to carry out4 ,the title 'governor' given to this enemy may be taken as an indication that the epic deals with the rivalry existing among the states of ,babylonia1 each represented by its capital4 ,ishum continues his address to ,dibbarra3 ,the heart of the governor1 intent upon taking vengeance on ,babylon1 was enraged1 ,for capturing the possessions of the enemy1 he sends out his army1 ,filled with enmity towards the people4 ,dibbarra is represented as addressing this governor3 ,in the city whither ,i send thee1 ,thou shall fear no one1 nor have compassion4 ,kill the young and old alike1 ,the tender suckling likewise--spare no one4 ,the treasures of ,babylon carry off as booty4 ,ishum continues his narrative3 ,the royal host was gathered together and entered the city4 ,the bow was strung1 the sword unsheathed4 ,thou didst blunt#ajdh 787 the weapons of the soldiers1 ,the servitors of ,anu and ,dagan4 ,their blood thou caused to flow like torrents of water through the city's highways4 ,thou didst tear open their intestines1 and cause the stream to carry them off4 ,dagan is here used for ,bel1#ajdi and the phrase 'servitors of ,anu and ,dagan' embraces the inhabitants of ,babylon4 ,marduk1 the lord of ,babylon1 is enraged at the sight1 but apparently is powerless4 ,the great lord ,marduk saw it and cried ,alas6 ,his senses left him4 ,a violent curse issued from his mouth4 ,at this point the tablet is defective1 and when it again becomes intelligible we find ,ishum describing an attack of ,dibbarra upon another of the great centers of the ,euphrates ,valley--the city of ,uruk4 ,uruk is called the 'dwelling of ,anu and ,ishtar1' the city of the ,kizreti1 ,ukhati1 and ,kharimati#ajej--the sacred harlots4 ,uruk suffers the same fate as ,babylon3 ,a cruel and wicked governor thou didst place over them1 ,who brought misery upon them1 broke down 787 their laws4 ,ishtar was enraged and filled with anger because of ,uruk4 ,her opposition1 however1 is as powerless to stem ,dibbarra's attack as was ,marduk's grief at the onslaught on ,babylon4 ,dibbarra's greed is insatiable4 ,ishum continues his address to him3 ,o warrior ,dibbarra1 thou dost dispatch the just1 ,thou dost dispatch the unjust1 ,who sins against thee1 thou dost dispatch1 ,and the one who does not sin against thee thou dost dispatch4 ,the following lines reveal the purpose of ,ishum's long speech4 ,a war more terrible even than the conflicts recounted is planned by ,ishum1 one that is to involve all creation and extend to the higher regions4 ,ishum asks ,dibbarra's consent to the fearful destruction held in view3 ,the brightness of ,shul-pauddu#ajea ,i will destroy4 ,the root of the tree ,i will tear out ,that it no longer blossom2 ,against the dwelling of the king of gods1 ,i will proceed4444 ,the warrior ,dibbarra heard him4#ajeb ,the speech of ,ishum was pleasant to him as fine oil1 ,and thus the warrior ,dibbarra spoke3 ,sea-coast against sea-coast1 ,subartu against ,subartu1 ,assyrian against ,assyrian1 ,elamite against ,elamite1 ,cassite against ,cassite1 ,sutaean against ,sutaean1 ,kuthaean against ,kuthaean1 ,lullubite against ,lullubite1 ,country against country1 house against house1 man against man4 ,brother is to show no mercy towards brother2 they shall kill one another4 ,the lines remind one of the description in the ,gilgamesh epic of the terror aroused by the deluge1#ajec and one might be tempted to combine ,dibbarra's speech with the preceding words of ,ishum1 and interpret this part of the ,dibbarra legend as another phase of the same nature myth1 which enters as a factor in the narrative of the ,deluge4 ,however1 the continuation of ,dibbarra's speech shows that a great military conflict is foretold4 ,the countries named are those adjacent to ,babylonia1 and the intention of the writer is evidently to imply that the whole world is to be stirred up4 ,this fearful state of hostility is to continue until ,after a time the ,akkadian will come1 ,overthrow all and conquer all of them4 ,akkad1 it will be recalled1 is a name for ,babylonia4 ,the triumph of ,babylon is foretold in these lines4 ,the ,akkadian is1 therefore1 none other than ,hammurabi1 who succeeds in obtaining the supremacy over the entire ,euphrates ,valley1 and whose successors for many centuries claimed control of the four quarters of the world4 ,it is evident from this 'prophecy' that the ,dibbarra legend received its final shape under influences emanating from ,babylon1 precisely as we found to be the case in the 'creation' story and in the ,gilgamesh epic4 ,the hostility that precedes the coming of ,hammurabi points to the violence of the conflicts in which that warrior was engaged1 while the exaggeration of this hostility shows how strong and permanent the impression of ,hammurabi's achievements must have been4 ,the designation of the conqueror as the ,akkadian gives him to a certain extent the character of a ,messiah1 who is to inaugurate an era of peace1 and whose coming will appease the grim ,dibbarra4 ,it is by no means impossible that ,hebrew and ,christian conceptions of a general warfare which is to precede the golden age of peace are influenced by the ,babylonian legend under consideration4 ,dibbarra gives his consent to ,ishum's plan3 ,go1 ,ishum1 carry out the word thou hast spoken in accordance with thy desire4 ,ishum proceeds to do so4 ,the mountain ,khi-khi is the first to be attacked4 ,ishum directed his countenance to the mountain ,khi-khi4 ,the god ,sibi1#ajed a warrior without rival1 ,stormed behind him4 ,the warrior#ajee arrived at the mountain ,khi-khi4 ,he raised his hand1 destroyed the mountain4 ,he levelled the mountain ,khi-khi to the ground4 ,the vineyards in the forest of ,khashur he destroyed4 ,in a geographical list#ajef a mountain ,khi-khi1 belonging to the ,amoritic country1 is mentioned1 and a mountain ,khashur described as a cedar district4 ,there can be1 therefore1 no doubt that some military expedition to western lands is recounted in our tablet4 ,the continuation of the narrative is lost1 all but a small fragment1#ajeg which tells of the destruction of a city--otherwise unknown--called ,inmarmaru4 ,at the instigation of ,dibbarra1 ,ishum enters this city and destroys it4 ,the outrages committed are described at some length4 ,ea1 the god of humanity1 hears of the havoc wrought4 ,he is 'filled with wrath4' ,unfortunately1 the fragment is too mutilated to permit us to ascertain what steps ,ea takes against ,dibbarra4 ,marduk is also mentioned in this connection4 ,under the circumstances1 one can only conjecture that in the missing portions of this tablet1 and perhaps also in two others1 the wars preceding the advent of the ,akkadian#ajeh are recounted in poetic and semi-mythical form4 ,if this conjecture is justified1 the main purport at least of the ,dibbarra legend becomes clear4 ,it is a collection of war-songs recalling the ,hebrew anthology1 ,battles of ,yahwe1#ajei in which the military exploits of the ,hebrews were poetically set forth4 ,the closing tablet of the ,dibbarra legend is preserved1#ajfj though only in part4 ,it describes the appeasement of the dreadful war-god4 ,all the gods1 together with the ,igigi and ,anunnaki1 are gathered around ,dibbarra1 who addresses them3 ,listen all of you to my words4 ,because of sin did ,i formerly plan evil1 ,my heart was enraged and ,i swept peoples away4 ,he tells how he destroyed the flocks and devastated the fruits in the fields1 how he swept over the lands1 punishing the just and the wicked alike1 and sparing no one4 ,ishum takes up the strain and urges ,dibbarra to desist from his wrath3 ,do thou appease the gods of the land1 who were angry1 ,may fruits 787 and corn#ajfa flourish1 ,may mountains and seas bring their produce4 ,the era of peace and prosperity is thus inaugurated1 and the legend closes with solemn assurances from ,dibbarra that he will bless and protect those who properly honor him4 ,he who glorifies my name will rule the world4 ,who proclaims the glory of my power ,will be without a rival4 ,the singer who sings of my deeds will not die through pestilence4 ,to kings and nobles his words will be pleasing4 ,the writer who preserves them will escape from the grasp of the enemy4 ,in the temple where the people proclaim my name ,i will open his ear2#ajfb ,in the house where this tablet is set up1 though war#ajfc may rage1 ,and god ,sibi work havoc1 ,sword and pestilence will not touch him--he will dwell in safety4 ,let this song resound forever and endure for eternity4 ,let all lands hear it and proclaim my power4 ,let the inhabitants of all places learn to glorify my name4 ,this closing address represents a late addition to the poem that somewhat modifies its original import4 ,wars did not cease with the establishment of ,babylon's control4 ,many conflicts arose1 but on the whole1 ,babylonia was an empire of peace4 ,the people were inclined towards a life of ease1 and the development of commerce served as a wholesome check against too frequent military disturbances4 ,the war-songs1 as a glorification of the nation's past1 retained their popularity1 but the lesson drawn from the songs was the great blessing that peace and freedom from turmoil brought with them4 ,for the warlike ,assyrians1 ,dibbarra enraged may have been a more popular figure1 but to the peace-loving ,babylonian1 the appeased ,dibbarra appealed with greater force4 ,the story of ,dibbarra's deeds became in this way in the course of time an object lesson1 a kind of religious allegory handed down from one generation to the other as an illustration of the horrors of war and of violence in general4 ,with the tendency--so characteristic of the ,babylonian religion#ajfd--;for great gods to absorb the roles of minor ones1 ,nergal became the god of war par excellence1 while ,dibbarra1 ,ishum1 and ,sibi were chiefly viewed as powers responsible for such forms of violence as pestilence and distress4 ,to ensure the favor of a god of pestilence was of importance for every individual1 and one of the safest means of obtaining this favor was to sing his praises1 to recall his power1--to glorify him and thus to keep him1 as it were1 in good humor4 ,what better means of accomplishing this than to have the record of his deeds constantly before one's eyes8 ,the ,british ,museum contains two specimens of tablets on which a portion of the ,dibbarra legend is inscribed1 and which are pierced with holes in a manner as to leave no doubt#ajfe that the tablets were intended to be hung up in houses with a view of securing protection from ,dibbarra and his associates4 ,the reference in the closing lines of the story3 ,the house where this tablet is set up1 thus becomes clear4 ,as the ,hebrews were commanded1 in order to secure the protection of ,yahwe1 to write his law ,on the doorposts of the house1#ajff so the ,babylonians were instructed by their priests to hang tablets in their homes--probably at the entrance--on which ,dibbarra was glorified4 ,naturally1 it was impossible to inscribe the whole story on a little tablet1 just as it was impossible to place the entire law of ,yahwe on the doorposts4 ,in both cases a significant extract served as a part1 representative of the whole4 ,in the case of the ,dibbarra legend1 the closing portion was selected1 which emphasized the necessity of keeping the deeds of ,dibbarra and the greatness of his power in mind4 ,like the ,gilgamesh epic1 so the ,dibbarra legend was to be taught by the father to his son4 ,the scribes were enjoined to teach the story to the people4 ,the poets were to make it the subject of their songs1 and kings and nobles were not exempt from the obligation to listen to the tale4 ,the ,myth of the ,storm-,god ,zu4 ,birds and bulls were to the ,babylonians the symbols of storms and clouds4 ,in the ,gilgamesh epic1 it will be recalled1 ,anu sends a divine bull to engage in a contest with ,gilgamesh4#ajfg ,the text of the epic being unfortunately defective1 we have no definite indication of the character of the attack to be made upon the hero by the messenger from the god of heaven2 but since storms and disease are the two chief weapons in the hands of the gods1 and inasmuch as ,gilgamesh in a later section of the epic is struck down by disease1 it is more than likely that the bull represents a storm that is to sweep the hero and his companion off the earth4 ,the winged bulls placed at the entrance of palaces embody the same idea1 and in addition to the explanation for these fantastic figures above#ajfh suggested1 it is noteworthy that the two types of animals chosen for this symbolical decoration of edifices1 the bull and the lion1 again illustrate the same two means at the disposal of the gods for the punishment of man1 the bull representing the storms1 and the lion being the symbol of ,nergal1 who is the god of pestilence1 as well as of war and of violent destruction in general4 ,a storm-god symbolized under the form of a bird is ,zu4 ,the underlying stem of the word conveys the notion of strength and violence4 ,how bulls came to be chosen as symbols of storms is not altogether clear4 ,possibly the element of strength formed the connecting link in the chain of the association of ideas4 ,in the case of birds1 on the other hand1 the association is to be sought in the appearance of the clouds during a storm moving across the heavens like a flock of birds4 ,in the ,etana legend1 a reference occurs to ,zu1 who1 as it would appear1 is unable to escape from the control of the supreme judge ,shamash4#ajfi ,zu is there called the chief worker of evil--a kind of arch satan4 ,a story has been found which illustrates an attempt made by the bird ,zu to break loose from the control of the sun4 ,a storm was viewed as a conflict between the clouds and the sun1 much as an eclipse symbolized a revolt in the heavens4 ,the myth represents the conflict as taking place between ,zu and ,en-lil1 the ,bel of ,nippur4 ,the latter holds in his possession the tablets of fate1 by means of which he enjoys supreme authority over men and gods4 ,zu's jealousy is aroused1 and he plans to tear these tablets from ,en-lil4 ,the tablets of fate1 it will be recalled1 play an important part in the ,marduk-,tiamat episode4#ajgj ,kingu--the symbol of chaos1 like ,tiamat--wears them on his breast1 but he is obliged to yield them to the conqueror of ,tiamat and of her brood1 who replaces 'chaos' by 'order4' ,this conqueror was originally ,bel of ,nippur1 and the ,zu myth in representing ,en-lil as holding the tablets of fate confirms the view above set forth1#ajga according to which the original ,tiamat tale has been modified by the substitution of ,marduk for the old ,bel4 ,but the story1 while thus admitting the legitimacy of ,en-lil's claim to supreme power1 is yet so constructed as to contribute to the glory of ,marduk4 ,the attack of the ,zu-bird was suggested--as the ,tiamat myth--by the annual storms that work such havoc in ,babylonia4 ,the forces of 'chaos' are let loose1 and an attempt is made to overthrow the 'order' of the world1 symbolized by the tablets of fate which ,en-lil holds in his possession4 ,whoever has these tablets is invincible4 ,but ,en-lil is unable to resist the attack of ,zu4 ,the tablets are taken away from him1 and it is left for ,marduk to recapture them4 ,the tablets once in ,marduk's possession1 ,en-lil's supremacy comes to an end1 and the triumph of ,marduk is complete4 ,to substantiate this interpretation of the myth1 an analysis of the text is necessary4 ,the beginning of the story is unfortunately missing4 ,it appears to have been devoted to a glorification of the god who controls the fate of the universe4 ,the second column opens as follows3 ,and the oracles of all the gods he determined4 ,from the context it is clear that ,bel of ,nippur is meant4 ,up to this point1 the myth reflects the old view according to which it was ,en-lil who succeeded in overcoming ,tiamat or at any rate1 in snatching the tablets of fate from the breast of ,kingu4 ,nippur's god lays claim to being the one who established 'order' in the universe4 ,his authority could only be threatened if he were robbed of the tablets which symbolize absolute control over the course of affairs4 ,zu boldly attempts this3 ,his eyes saw the mark of rulership1 ,the crown of his#ajgb sovereignty1 the garment of his#ajgb divinity4 ,zu saw the divine tablets of fate4 ,he looked at the father of the gods1 the god of ,dur-an-ki1#ajgc ,desire for rulership seizes hold of his heart4#ajgd ',i will take the tablets of the gods ,and decree the decisions of all the gods4 ,i will establish my throne1 ,i will proclaim laws4 ,i will give all orders to all the ,igigi4' ,zu proceeds to the dwelling-place of ,en-lil and waits for a favorable moment to make an attack4 ,his heart was bent on the contest4 ,with his gaze directed toward the entrance of the dwelling1#ajge he awaits for the beginning of day4 ,as ,en-lil poured forth the brilliant waters1 ,took his seat on his throne and put on his crown1 ,he#ajgf snatched the tablets of fate out of his hands1 ,seized the authority--the promulgation of laws4 ,thereupon ,zu flew off and hid himself in his mountain4 ,on seal cylinders a god is frequently pictured pouring forth streams of water from jars placed on his shoulders4 ,this is generally the sun-god1 but the symbol also seems to belong to other deities#ajgg and is appropriate to ,bel of ,nippur1 who as the god of the atmosphere above the earth1 controls the upper waters4 ,as long as these are poured out by him1 they are beneficent2 but once beyond his control1 the blessing of rain is turned into the curse of a deluge and storm1 flooding the fields and sweeping away the habitations of men4 ,this misfortune happens when ,zu robs ,en-lil of the tablets by means of which law and order are established4 ,en-lil is powerless4 ,the bold act of ,zu causes consternation among the gods4 ,anu calls upon some one to pursue ,zu and capture him4 ,the bird dwells in an inaccessible recess in the mountains1 and the gods are afraid to approach his nest4 ,the scene that ensues reminds us of the episode of the creation epic1 where ,anshar calls upon ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea in turn to subdue ,tiamat4 ,anu opens his mouth and speaks1 ,addressing the gods his children3 ',who will force ,zu to submit ,and thus make his name great among the inhabitants of the whole world8' ,ramman the storm-god par excellence is first called upon by the assembled gods3 ',ramman the chief1' they cried1 'the son of ,anu4' ,anu communicated to him#ajgh the order4#ajgi ',go1 my son ,ramman1 conqueror who yields to no one1 ,subdue ,zu with thy weapon1#ajhj ,that thy name be glorified in the assembly of the great gods4 ,thou shall be without a rival among the gods thy brothers4' ,anu furthermore promises ,ramman that if he triumphs1 lofty shrines will be erected in his honor in many cities4 ',temples will be built in thy honor1 ,in all quarters of the world thy cities#ajha will be situated1 ,thy cities#ajhb will reach up to ,ekur4#ajhc ,show thyself strong among the gods1 so that thy name be powerful4' ,ramman1 however1 is afraid of the contest4 ,ramman answered the speech1 ,addressing his father ,anu3 ',my father1 who can proceed to the inaccessible mountain8 ,who is there like ,zu among the gods1 thy children8' ,he furthermore pleads that ,zu1 who has the tablets of fate in his hands1 is invincible4 ,he has the power to decree the fates of the gods1 and all must bow to his will4 ,at this point1 unfortunately1 the text becomes defective4 ,anu calls upon two other gods to take up the contest with ,zu4 ,the name of one of these is altogether lost2 the second is called ,bar1#ajhd and is designated as an offspring of ,ishtar4 ,both these deities decline1 answering ,anu in precisely the same manner as ,ramman4 ,what finally happens we are left to conjecture4 ,harper#ajhe supposes that ,shamash is finally called upon by ,anu and accepts the challenge4 ,he bases this opinion upon the passage in the ,dibbarra legend#ajhf where the serpent1 appealing to ,shamash1 extols the sun-god's power by declaring that even ,zu could not escape the net of ,shamash4 ,there are1 however1 grave objections to this view4 ,in the first place1 the passage in question occurs in a defective part of the text1 and ,harper himself#ajhg is not certain of the restoration that he proposes4#ajhh ,secondly1 if ,shamash conquers ,zu1 we should expect the sun-god to have the tablets of fate in his possession4 ,such1 however1 is not the case1 and the only god besides ,en-lil who is represented in the religious literature of the ,babylonians as holding the tablets is ,marduk4 ,moreover1 in a hymn to ,marduk1 which ,harper himself quotes1#ajhi the bird ,zu is referred to as among the evil forces captured by ,marduk4 ,in view of this1 there seems no reason to question that1 in the present form of the ,zu myth1 ,marduk was introduced as the hero1 precisely as1 in the present form of the ,tiamat episode1 ,marduk successfully carries out a deed from which the other gods shrink in fear4 ,the theological purport of the myth thus becomes clear4 ,it is to account for the fact that ,marduk holds the tablets which were originally in the hands of ,en-lil4 ,marduk supplants the old ,bel4 ,in the ,tiamat episode his name is substituted for that of ,en-lil1 and the latter is represented as giving his consent to the transfer of his name to the god of ,babylon4 ,in the ,zu myth1 ,en-lil's claim to the supreme control of the laws and fate of the universe is freely acknowledged1 but1 ,en-lil being unable to resist the attack of ,zu1 it was left for ,marduk to capture the bird and thus acquire by his own efforts what the old ,bel had lost through lack of strength4 ,babylon replaces ,nippur as the center of power in the ,euphrates ,valley1 and the god of ,babylon1 naturally1 was imbued by his worshippers with prerogatives that originally belonged to the rival god of ,nippur4#ajij ,if this view is correct1 ,harper's interpretation must be abandoned4 ,the ,zu myth does not represent1 as he supposes1 an attack upon ,marduk as the symbol of the early morning sun1 but upon ,en-lil1 the ,bel of ,nippur1 as the one who1 by virtue of having the tablets of fate in his possession1 controls the laws of the universe and fixes the fate of the gods and of mankind4 ,the annual rain-storm passing apparently beyond the control of the gods is viewed as a revolt against ,en-lil's authority4 ,it is left for ,marduk to reestablish order1 and in return1 he retains control of the precious tablets4 ,that the conception of ,marduk as a solar deity constitutes a factor in the myth is not1 of course1 to be denied1 precisely as in the ,tiamat myth1 the solar character of ,marduk plays an important part4 ,the sun triumphs over the storms4 ,rain and wind are obliged at last to yield their authority to the former4 ,but for the theologians of ,babylon1 the position of ,marduk as the head of the pantheon was a much more important factor4 ,the myth served to show how ,marduk came to supplant the role of the old ,bel of ,nippur4 ,viewed in this light1 the ,zu myth appears in more senses than one as a pendant to the ,marduk-,tiamat episode4 ,not only do both symbolize the same natural phenomenon1 but in both1 ,bel of ,nippur was originally the central figure of the pantheon1 and in both ,marduk replaces ,bel4 ,the ,zu myth is made to account in a somewhat more respectful1 conciliatory manner for the position of ,marduk as the head of the pantheon4 ,instead of setting aside ,en-lil altogether1 as was done by the compilers of the ,tiamat myth1 ,marduk conquers for himself the supremacy that his followers claimed for him4 ,the contradictions between the two myths need not disturb us4 ,as variant versions of a tale intended to account for one and the same fact1--the supremacy of ,marduk1--they may well have arisen even in the same place4 ,such inconsistencies as the assumption1 in the ,zu version of the nature myth1 that ,en-lil is the original establisher of order in the world1 as against the ,tiamat version where ,marduk snatches the tablets of fate directly from ,kingu1 are inevitable when stories that arose among the people are taken in hand by theologians and modified and adapted to serve doctrines developed under scholastic influences4 ,the ,adapa ,legend4 ,the myths and legends that we have so far considered--including the creation and ,gilgamesh epics--will have illustrated two important points3 firstly1 the manner in which historical occurrences were clothed in mythical form and interwoven with purely legendary tales1 and1 secondly1 the way in which nature myths were treated to teach certain doctrines4 ,the story of ,gilgamesh is an illustration of the hopelessness of a mortal's attempt to secure the kind of immortal life which is the prerogative of the gods4 ,popular tales1 illustrative of the climatic conditions of ,babylonia1 serve as a means of unfolding a doctrine of evolution and of impressing upon the people a theological system of beliefs regarding the relationship of the gods to one another4 ,a collection of war-songs is given a semi-mythical form1 and the original purport of the collection is modified to serve as a talisman against misfortunes4 ,in the case of these legends it is necessary and1 as we have seen1 also possible to distinguish between their original and present form and to separate the story1 as in the case of the ,gilgamesh epic1 into its component parts4 ,the legend that we are about to consider proves that this process of the adaptation of popular myths begins at a very early period4 ,the text was found on the cuneiform tablets discovered at ,el-,amarna in ,egypt4#ajia ,since the ,el-,amarna tablets date from the fifteenth century ,b4,c41 we have a proof of the compilation of the legend in question at this date4 ,the legend is again suggested by the storms which visited ,babylonia1 but instead of a pure nature-myth1 we have a tale which concerns the relationship between the gods and mankind4 ,in its present form1 it is an object lesson dealing with the same problem that we came across in the ,gilgamesh epic and that we will meet again in another form1--the problem of immortality4 ,the beginning of the story1 as in the case of the ,zu myth1 is missing1 but we are in a position to restore at least the general context4 ,a fisherman1 ,adapa1 is engaged in plying his trade when a storm arises4 ,adapa is designated as the son of ,ea4 ,the place where he is fishing is spoken of as 'the sea4' ,the ,persian ,gulf is meant1 and this body of water 7as the beginning of the great ,okeanos7 being sacred to ,ea1#ajib the description of ,adapa as the son of ,ea is a way of conveying the idea that1 like ,parnapishtim1 he stands under the protection of ,ea4 ,the story1 like most legends1 assumes a period of close intercourse between gods and men1 a time when the relationship involved in being 'a son of a god' had a literal force which was lost to a more advanced generation4 ,adapa1 accordingly1 is portrayed as fishing for the 'house of his lord1' i4e41 for ,ea4 ,when the storm breaks loose the fisherman1 though a mortal1 subdues the fierce element4 ,the storm comes from the south1 the direction from which the most destructive winds came to ,babylonia4 ,the south wind is pictured1 as in the ,zu myth1 under the form of a bird4 ,the wind sweeps ,adapa into the waters1 but1 since this element is controlled by ,adapa's father1--the god ,ea1--,adapa succeeds in mastering the south wind1 and1 as we learn from the course of the narrative1 in breaking the wings of the storm-bird4 ,when the tablet becomes intelligible we find ,adapa engaged in this contest with the south wind4#ajic ,the south wind blew and drove him#ajid under the water4 ,into the dwelling-place#ajie of the fish it engulfs him4 ',o south wind1 thou hast overwhelmed me with thy cruelty 7874 ,thy wings ,i will break4' ,adapa's threat is carried out4 ,even as he spoke the wings of the south wind were broken4 ,for seven days the south wind did not blow across the land4 ,seven is to be interpreted as a round number1 as in the ,deluge story1 and indicates a rather long1 though indefinite1 period4 ,anu1 the god of heaven1 is astonished at this long-continued disappearance of the south wind1 and asks a messenger of his1 who is called the god ,ilabrat1 for the cause4 ,anu inquires3 ,why has the south wind not blown for seven days across the land8 ,his messenger ,ilabrat answered him3 ,my lord6 ,adapa1 the son of ,ea1 has broken the wings of the south wind4 ,of this god ,ilabrat nothing is known4 ,the interpretation of his name is doubtful4#ajif ,he probably is one of the numerous local gods who was absorbed by some more powerful one and who thus came to have a position of inferior rank in the pantheon4 ,anu1 upon hearing the news1 is enraged1 and cries for 'help' against an interference in his domain4 ,he denounces ,adapa in solemn assembly1 and demands his presence of ,ea1 in whose domain ,adapa has taken refuge4 ,the text at this point is defective1 but one can gather that ,ea1 who constitutes himself ,adapa's protector1 warns the latter1 as he warned ,parnapishtim4 ,he advises him to present himself at the throne of ,anu for trial1 and to secure the intervention of two gods1 ,tammuz and ,gishzida1 who are stationed at the gate of heaven1 ,anu's dwelling-place4 ,to accomplish this1 ,adapa is to clothe himself in garments of mourning1 and when the doorkeepers ask him the reason for his mourning1 he is to answer3 444 ,two gods have disappeared from our earth1 therefore do ,i appear thus4 ,and when he is asked3 ,who are the two gods who have disappeared from the earth8 ,tammuz and ,gishzida will look at one another2 they will sigh and speak a favorable word before ,anu1 and the glorious countenance of ,anu they will show thee4 ,tammuz and ,gishzida will know that they are meant4 ,the mourning of ,adapa will be regarded as a sign of reverence for the two gods1 whose sympathy and good-will will thus be secured4 ,the introduction of ,tammuz and ,gishzida introduces a widely spread nature-myth into the story4 ,gishzida is identical with ,nin-gishzida1 a solar deity whom we came across in the old ,babylonian pantheon4#ajig ,tammuz similarly is a solar deity4 ,both represent local solar cults4 ,at a later period1 ,nin-gishzida is entirely absorbed by ,ninib1 but the ,adapa legend affords us a glimpse of the god still occupying an independent1 though already inferior1 position4 ,the ,babylonian calendar#ajih designates the fifth month as sacred to ,gishzida1 while the fourth month is named for ,tammuz4 ,the two deities1 therefore1 take their place in the systematized pantheon as symbolical of the phases of the sun peculiar to its approach to the summer solstice4 ,the disappearance of the two gods signifies the decline of the year after the summer solstice4 ,of ,tammuz1 the popular myth related that it was ,ishtar1#ajii represented as his consort1 who carried him off4 ,since the disappearance of ,gishzida embodies precisely the same idea as that of ,tammuz1 it was natural that the story should in time have been told only of the one4 ,the annual mourning for ,tammuz was maintained in ,babylonia to a very late period4 ,the ,adapa legend shows us that at one time the festival was celebrated in honor of the two related deities4 ,the ,tammuz festival was celebrated just before the summer solstice set in1 so that the mourning was followed immediately by rejoicing at the reappearance of the god whose coming heralded the culmination of vegetation4 ,the destructive storms take place during the winter1 when ,tammuz and ,gishzida have disappeared4 ,adapa's mourning is thus an indication of the season of the year when his encounter with the south wind took place4 ,since ,adapa succeeds in overcoming the destructive wind1 the wintry season has passed by4 ,summer is approaching4 ,the time for celebrating both the fast and the festival of the two solar deities has arrived4 ,tammuz and ,gishzida1 the gods of spring1 accordingly stand at ,adapa's side1 ready to plead his cause before ,anu4 ,so much being clear1 we may advance a step further in the interpretation of the legend4 ,by the side of ,tammuz and ,gishzida1 there is still a third solar deity who belongs to the spring of the year1--,marduk1 who1 by virtue of his later position as the head of the pantheon1 sets aside his two fellows and becomes the solar god of spring par excellence4 ,marduk1 it will be recalled1 is commonly designated as the son of ,ea1#aajj and we have seen that1 apart from political considerations1 the sun rising out of the ocean--the domain of ,ea--was a factor in this association4 ,adapa dwells at the sea1 and is forced into the ocean by the south wind1 in the same way that the sun dips into the great ',okeanos' every evening4 ,the identification of ,adapa with ,marduk#aaja thus becomes apparent1 and as a matter of fact the ,babylonian scribes of later times#aajb accepted this identification4 ,the basis of the ,adapa legend is1 therefore1 the nature-myth of the annual fight of the sun with the violent elements of nature4 ,at the same time1 other ideas have been introduced into it1 and ,adapa himself1 while playing the role of ,marduk1 is yet not entirely confounded with this god4 ,his name is never written with the determinative for deity4 ,moreover1 the nature-myth is soon lost sight of1 in order to make room for an entirely different order of ideas4 ,the real purport of the legend in its present form is foreshadowed by the further advice that ,ea offers to ,adapa3 ,when thou comest before ,anu they will offer thee food of death4 ,do not eat4 ,they will offer thee waters of death4 ,do not drink4 ,they will offer thee a garment4 ,put it on4 ,they will offer thee oil4 ,anoint thyself4 ,the order that ,i give thee do not neglect4 ,the word that ,i speak to thee take to heart4 ,the messenger of ,anu approached4#aajc ',adapa has broken the wings of the south wind4 ,deliver him into my hands4444' ,ea obeys the order1 delivers up ,adapa1 and everything happens as was foretold4 ,upon mounting to heaven and on his approach to the gate of ,anu1 ,tammuz and ,gishzida were stationed at the gate of ,anu4 ,they saw ,adapa and cried ',help1#aajd ,lord6 ,why art thou thus attired8 ,for whom hast thou put on mourning8'#aaje ,adapa replies3 ',two gods have disappeared from the earth1 therefore do ,i wear a mourning garment4' ',who are the two gods who have disappeared from the earth8' ,tammuz and ,gishzida looked at one another1 broke out in lament4 ',o ,adapa6 ,step before ,king ,anu4' ,as he approached1 ,anu saw him and cried out to him3 ',come1 ,adapa1 why hast thou broken the wings of the south wind8' ,adapa answered ,anu3 ',my lord6 ,for the house of my lord#aajf ,i was fishing in the midst of the sea4 ,the waters lay still around me1 when the south wind began to blow and forced me underneath4 ,into the dwelling of the fish it drove me4 ,in the anger of my heart ,i broke the wings of the south wind4' ,tammuz and ,gishzida thereupon intercede with ,anu on behalf of ,adapa1 and succeed in appeasing the god's wrath4 ,if the story ended here1 we would have a pure nature-myth--the same myth in a different form that we encountered in the ,creation epic1 in the ,deluge story1 and in the ,zu legend4 ,adapa would be merely a designation of ,marduk and nothing more4 ,the sun triumphs over the storms1 and the only objectionable feature in the tale--to a ,babylonian--would be the degradation involved in obliging ,marduk to secure the intercession of other gods4 ,but this feature of itself suggests that the nature-myth has been embodied in the legend1 but does not constitute the whole of it4 ,a second element and one entirely independent in its character has been added to the myth4 ,anu is appeased1 but he is astonished at ,ea's patronage of ,adapa1 as a result of which a mortal has actually appeared in a place set aside for the gods4 ,why did ,ea permit an impure mortal to see the interior of heaven and earth8 ,he made him great and gave him fame4#aajg ,the privilege accorded to ,adapa appears to alarm the gods4 ,as among the ,greeks and other nations1 so also the ,babylonian deities were not free from jealousy at the power and achievements of humanity4 ,adapa1 having viewed the secrets of heaven and earth1 there was nothing left for the gods but to admit him into their circle4 ,the narrative accordingly continues3 ',now what shall we grant him8 ,offer him food of life1 that he may eat of it4' ,they brought it to him1 but he did not eat4 ,waters of life they brought him1 but he did not drink4 ,a garment they brought him4 ,he put it on4 ,oil they brought him4 ,he anointed himself4 ,adapa follows the instructions of ,ea1 but the latter1 it will be recalled1 tells ,adapa that food and water of death will be offered him4 ,it is ,ea1 therefore1 who1 although the god of humanity1 and who1 moreover1 according to the tradition involved in the ,adapa legend1 is the creator of mankind1 who prevents his creatures from gaining immortality4 ,the situation is very much the same that we find in the third chapter of ,genesis1 when ,god1 who creates man1 takes precautions lest mortals eat of the tree of life and 'live forever4' ,the problem presented by the ,hebrew and ,babylonian stories is the same3 why should not man1 who is descended from the gods1 who is created in the likeness of a god1 who by virtue of his intellect can peer into the secrets of heaven and earth1 who stands superior to the rest of creation1 who1 to use the psalmist's figure1 is only 'a scale lower than god1' why should he not be like the gods and live forever8 ,the ,hebrew legend solves the problem in a franker way than does the ,babylonian4 ,god1 while as anxious as ,ea to keep man from eating of the tree of life1 cautions ,adam against the act1 whereas ,ea practises a deception in order to prevent man from eating4 ,that in both tales eternal life is contained in food points again 7as we have found to be the case with the ,biblical narratives of ,creation and of the ,deluge7 to a common source for the two traditions4 ,similarly the phrase 'waters of life' is a figure of speech of frequent occurrence in ,biblical literature in both the ,old and the ,new ,testaments4 ,it is no argument against a common source for the ,hebrew and ,babylonian stories explaining how man came to forego immortality1 that the waters of life should be found in the one and not in the other4 ,if we assume with ,gunkel#aajh that the stories embodied in the first chapters of ,genesis were long current among the ,hebrews before they were given a permanent form1 the adaptation of old traditions to an entirely new order of beliefs involves a casting aside of features that could not be used and a discarding of such as seemed superfluous4 ,the striking departures in the case of the ,hebrew legends from their ,babylonian counterparts are as full of significance as the striking agreements between the two4 ,the departures and agreements must both be accounted for4 ,for both there are reasons4 ,so1 to emphasize only one point1 in a monotheistic solution of the problem under consideration1 there was no place for any conflict among the gods4 ,in ,genesis ,god simply wills that man should not eat of the tree of life4 ,in the ,adapa legend the gods1 including ,anu1 are willing to grant a mortal the food and water of life1 simply because they believe that ,ea1 the creator of man1 wishes him to have it4 ,accordingly1 ,anu and his associates are represented at the close of the legend as being grieved that ,adapa should have foregone the privilege4 ,anu looked at him#aaji and lamented over him4 ',come1 ,adapa1 why didst thou not eat and not drink8 ,now thou canst not live4' ,adapa replies1 unconscious of the deception practised on him3 ',ea1 my lord1 commanded me not to eat and not to drink4' ,adapa returns to the earth4 ,what his subsequent fate is we do not know1 for the tablet here comes to an end4 ,it is possible that he learns what ,ea has done1 and that the god gives him the reason for the deception practised4 ,a scene of this kind could not find a place in the ,hebrew version that emphasizes the supreme authority of a power besides whom none other was recognized4 ,god acts alone4 ,adam1 it will be recalled1 after eating of the fruit of the tree of knowledge1 makes a garment for himself4 ,there can be no doubt that there is a close connection between this tradition and the feature in the ,adapa legend1 where ,adapa1 who has been shown the 'secrets of heaven and earth1'--that is1 has acquired knowledge1--is commanded by ,ea to put on the garment that is offered him4 ,the anointing oneself with oil1 though an essential part of the toilet in the ancient and modern ,orient1 was discarded in the ,hebrew tale as a superfluous feature4 ,the idea conveyed by the use of oil was the same as the one indicated in clothing one's nakedness4 ,both are symbols of civilization which man is permitted to attain1 but his development stops there4 ,he cannot secure eternal life4 ,on the other hand1 in comparing the ,hebrew and ,babylonian versions of the problem of knowledge and immortality1 one cannot help being struck by the pessimistic tone of the former as against the more consolatory spirit of the latter4 ,god does not want man to attain even knowledge4#aaaj ,he secures it in disobedience to the divine will1 whereas ,ea willingly grants him the knowledge of all there is in heaven and earth4 ,in this way the ,hebrew and ,babylonian mind1 each developed the common tradition in its own way4 ,leaving the comparison aside and coming back for a moment to the ,adapa story1 it is interesting to observe that as we have two tales1 both intended to explain the position of ,marduk at the head of the pantheon1 the one by making him the conqueror of ,tiamat and forcing from ,kingu the tablets of fate1 the other by representing him as recovering from ,zu the tablets which ,en-lil1 who originally held them1 could not protect against the storm-bird1 so we have two solutions offered for the problem of immortality4 ,the one in the ,gilgamesh epic1 where the hero is told of the plant of life1 succeeds in finding it1 but as he is about to eat the 'food' loses his grasp upon it4 ,the exertions of man are in vain4 ,true1 there is ,parnapishtim1 a mortal who with his wife has obtained immortal life4 ,he is the exception that proves the rule4 ,moreover1 it is ,bel1 and not ,ea1 who places ,parnapishtim 'at the confluence of streams1' there to live forever1 and ,bel does this as a proof of his pacification1 a kind of indemnity offered to ,ea for having destroyed the offspring of the god of humanity4 ,the ,adapa legend attacks the problem more seriously4 ,ea1 the same god who has created man1 endowed him with wisdom1 bestowed all manner of benefits upon him1 ,ea1 who protects humanity against ,anu1 against ,bel1 and other gods1 ,ea himself deceives man4 ,evidently the lesson that the ,babylonian theologians intended to teach through the ,adapa legend was1 that it was not good for man to 'live forever4' ,ea himself prevents it4 ,that is the point of the story4 ,anu and the other gods are satisfied1 but ,ea does not desire it1 and ,ea's decision cannot be to the disadvantage of mankind1 so dearly beloved by him4 ,with this conclusion humanity must be content--and be resigned to the inevitable4 ,of the various legends that we have been considering1 the story of ,adapa is perhaps the most significant1 and none the less so for the manner in which a philosophical problem has been grafted on to a nature-myth4 ,adapa is made to play the role of ,marduk1 and it is nothing short of remarkable that at so early a period as the one to which the existence of the story can be traced back1 a nature-myth should have been diverted from its original purpose and adapted to the end that the ,adapa story serves in its present form4 ,the process involved in this adaptation is a complicated one4 ,the story serves as an evidence of the intellectual activity displayed in the schools of theological thought that must have flourished for many centuries before a story like that of ,adapa could have been produced out of a nature-myth4 ,hardly less remarkable is it that the theologians and scribes of later times no longer understood the story1 for otherwise they would not have identified ,adapa with ,marduk through the superficial circumstance that he is introduced into the story instead of ,marduk1 or some other solar deity allied to ,marduk4 ,the ,adapa legend takes us back to the beginning of man's career--to the time when1 as in the early chapters of ,genesis1 man stood closer to the gods than at a later time1 the time when there was a constant intercourse between man and the gods1 and more especially between man and his protector1 ,ea4 ,the story forms part of a stock of traditions of which we have another specimen in the ,eabani-,ukhat episode1 incorporated in the ,gilgamesh epic4#aaaa ,no doubt when the treasures still existing in the ,british ,museum shall have been thoroughly examined and as additional remains of the religious literature of the ,babylonians will be brought to light1 we will find further traces of these early traditions as well as of other myths4 ,those that we have discussed in this and in the preceding chapters illustrate the system adopted by the priests in elaborating these traditions and myths and in adapting them to serve as illustrations of certain doctrines and beliefs4 ,we may also feel tolerably confident that the religious ideas conveyed through these various epics and legends and myths fairly represent both the popular and the advanced thought1 as it unfolded itself in the course of time4 ,by the aid of these specimens of the religious literature1 we have been enabled to analyze the views of the ,babylonians regarding the creation of the world1 its structure1 and government4 ,we have obtained an insight into the problems of life and death which engaged the ,babylonian thinkers1 and we have noted some of the solutions offered for these problems4 ,in a consideration of the views held by the ,babylonians and ,assyrians of the life after death1 to which we now turn1 it will again be a specimen of the religious literature that will serve as our main guide4 ,,footnotes3 #ajaa ,some of these were already indicated 7but only indicated7 by ,george ,smith in his ,chaldaeische ,genesis 7,german translation71 pp4 #acf-adb4 ,it is the merit of ,dr4 ,e4 ,j4 ,harper to have prepared an excellent publication of the material contained in ,smith's work1 pp4 #ajc-abj1 under the title ,die ,babylonischen ,legenden von ,etana1 ,zu1 ,adapa und ,dibbarra 7,delitzsch and ,haupt's ,beitraege zur ,assyriologie1 ii4 #cij-eba74 ,additional material is furnished by two publications of mine3 7a7 a monograph1 ,a ,fragment of the ,dibbarra ,epic 7,boston1 #ahia71 and 7b7 ,a ,new ,fragment of the ,babylonian ,etana ,legend 7,delitzsch and ,haupt's ,beitraege zur ,assyriologie1 iii4 #cfc-cha74 ,see also ,friedrich ,jeremias in ,chantepie de la ,saussaye's ,lehrbuch der ,religionsgeschichte 7#bnd edition71 i4 #bah-bba4 #ajab ,see above1 p4 #eaa4 #ajac ,see my remarks in ,delitzsch and ,haupt's ,beitraege zur ,assyriologie1 iii4 #cgf4 #ajad ,i ,kings1 v4 #aa4 #ajae ,harper in ,delitzsch and ,haupt's ,beitraege zur ,assyriologie1 ii4 #cia-djh4 #ajaf ,ib4 pp4 #dje seq4 #ajag ,lit41 'the ,inquirers1' a designation of the priests in their capacity of oracle-seekers4 #ajah ,the matter is not certain because of the sad condition of the fragments4 #ajai ,k4 #bfjf1 ,harper1 ib4 pp4 #cii1 #djj4 #ajbj ,only a part of the name1 ,i-si1 is preserved4 #ajba ,see pp4 #ajh1 #afc4 #ajbb ,i4e41 an army's march of two hours4 #ajbc ,the dwelling of ,ea4 ,see ,meissner1 ,alexander and ,gilgamos1 p4 #ag4 #ajbd ,i4e41 still smaller4 #ajbe ,see above1 p4 #deh4 #ajbf ,see p4 #dfj4 #ajbg ,see p4 #eaa4 #ajbh ,harper1 ib44 p4 #djd1 note4 #ajbi ,see ,harper1 ib44 pp4 #djf1 #djg4 #ajcj ,see above1 p4 #dfi4 #ajca ,harper1 pp4 #cib-cid4 #ajcb ,i4e41 one cannot escape from ,shamash1 since he traverses all space4 #ajcc ,a personification of the storm4 ,see below1 pp4 #ecg seq4 ,the line is very obscure owing to the break in the tablet4 #ajcd ,so ,harper1 but see pp4 #eda1 #edb4 #ajce ,i4e41 he will dig his beak into the juicy part of the meat4 #ajcf ,of the carcass4 #ajcg ,as shown by the colophon of ,k4 #bfjf1 and also by the fact that ,k4 #aedg1 which contains on the obverse the tale1 contains on the reverse ,etana's prayer to ,shamash4 #ajch ,de la ,saussaye's ,lehrbuch der ,religionsgeschichte 7#bnd edition71 i4 #bah4 #ajci ,see above1 p4 #aie4 #ajdj ,perrot and ,chiplez1 ,history of ,art in ,sardinia1 ,phoenicia1 ,judea1 ,syria1 and ,asia ,minor1 ii4 #agf4 #ajda ,pinches1 ,babylonian and ,assyrian ,cylinders1 etc41 of ,sir ,henry ,peak1 no4 #ah4 ,cf4 ,harper1 ib4 p4 #djh4 #ajdb ,a lexicographical tablet1 ,,iir4 #ef1 col4 iii4 #bb-ce1 mentions four dogs of ,marduk4 #ajdc ,see p4 #bcb4 #ajdd ,see ,harper1 ib4 p4 #dbf4 #ajde ,the ra is either a phonetic complement to the ideograph or is perhaps added to suggest to the reader the identification with ,gir-ra4 #ajdf ,namely1 the connection with ,hebrew deber1 'pestilence4' ,cf4 ,harper1 ib4 p4 #dbf4 #ajdg ,babylon4 #ajdh ,text obscure4 ,sharpen badly seems to be the idiomatic phrase used4 #ajdi ,see above1 p4 #aed4 #ajej ,see p4 #dge4 #ajea ,a solar deity4 ,see p4 #ii4 #ajeb ,ishum4 #ajec ,see above1 p4 #eja4 #ajed ,i4e41 seven4 ,a collective personification of the seven evil spirits4 #ajee ,ishum4 #ajef ,,iir4 #ea1 #ai;c and #d;a4 ,khashur is also used as a name for the cedar4 ,see ,delitzsch1 ,assyr4 ,handwoerterbuch1 p4 #bie;a4 #ajeg ,the one published by the writer4 #ajeh ,hammurabi is the conqueror of ,palestine mentioned in ,gen4 xlv4 under the name ,amraphel4 ,see1 e4g41 ,hommel1 ,altisraelitische ,ueberlieferung1 p4 #ajf4 #ajei ,num4 xxi4 #ad4 ,the 'song of ,deborah' 7,judges1 v47 belongs to this collection4 ,for further specimens of ,babylonian war-songs1 see ,hommel1 ib4 pp4 #ahj-aij1--;all dealing with the memorable ,hammurabi period4 #ajfj ,k4 #abhb1 ,harper1 ib41 pp4 #dcb seq41 and ,king's fragment1 ,zeitschrift fuer ,assyriologie1 xl4 #fj1 #fa4 #ajfa ,the gods of vegetation are mentioned4 #ajfb ,i4e41 give wisdom to the one who honors me4 #ajfc ,text ',dibbarra4' #ajfd ,see above1 p4 #aad4 #ajfe ,as ,mr4 ,king has shown 7,zeitschrift fuer ,assyriologie1 xi4 #ec74 ,see above1 p4 #bfi4 #ajff ,deut4 vi4 #i4 #ajfg ,see p4 #dhc4 #ajfh ,see p4 #bfc4 #ajfi ,see p4 #ebe4 #ajgj ,see p4 #dbj1 #dbh4 #ajga ,see pp4 #dci seq4 #ajgb ,i4e41 ,en-lil's4 #ajgc ,i4e41 'the bond of heaven and earth1' the name probably of a temple-tower in ,nippur1 sacred to ,en-lil4 #ajgd ,zu's heart4 ,these two lines are repeated4 #ajge ,the word ,kissu applies more especially to the dwelling places of the gods4 ,delitzsch1 ,assyr4 ,handwoerterbuch1 p4 #cdi;b4 #ajgf ,zu4 #ajgg ,see e4g41 ,ward1 ,seal ,cylinders of the ,metropolitan ,museum of ,art1 p4 #ab4 #ajgh ,ramman4 #ajgi ,these two lines are repeated4 #ajhj ,the thunderbolt4 #ajha ,cities sacred to thee4 #ajhb ,i4e41 the sacred edifices in these cities4 #ajhc ,the lofty dwelling of the gods is here meant4 ,see chapter xxvii4 #ajhd ,ideographic reading--the ideograph signifies 'shrine4' ,the verbal stem bararu means 'to shine4' #ajhe ,see p4 #dad4 #ajhf ,see p4 #ebe4 #ajhg ,see p4 #djj4 #ajhh ,it is quite possible that the line in question declares that ,zu is in collusion with the eagle1 against whom the serpent seeks the assistance of ,shamash4 #ajhi ,see p4 #dag4 #ajij ,it is hardly possible that the illustration on seal cylinders mentioned by ,ward1 ib4 pp4 #ac1 #ad1 represents the ,zu bird brought before a deity for punishment2 and certainly not before ,shamash1 who only enters into the story in so far as ,marduk is a solar deity4 #ajia ,published by ,winckler and ,abel1 ,der ,thontafelfund von ,el-,amarna1 iii4 #aff;a1 b2 translated also by ,harper1 ib4 pp4 #dbj1 #dba4 #ajib ,see above1 p4 #fc4 #ajic ,my rendering is given in continuous lines4 ,the legend is in narrative1 not in poetic form4 #ajid ,adapa4 #ajie ,lit41 'house4' #ajif ,neither ,delitzsch's suggestion 'god of dwellings' nor ,harper's 'god thou art strong' is acceptable4 #ajig ,see p4 #ii4 #ajih ,see p4 #dfb4 #ajii ,see the following chapter4 #aajj ,see pp4 #aci seq4 #aaja ,first suggested by ,zimmern4 #aajb ,of the eighth century4 ,see ,harper1 ib4 p4 #dbd4 #aajc ,to ,ea4 #aajd ,anu1 it will be recalled1 utters the same cry4 ,see p4 #edf4 #aaje ,referring to his garments of mourning4 #aajf ,i4e41 ,ea4 #aajg ,i follow ,zimmern's rendition of the line4 #aajh ,schoepfung und ,chaos1 pp4 #afh seq4 #aaji ,adapa4 #aaaj ,the phrase 'knowledge of good and evil' 7,gen4 ii4 #ag7 is simply an expression equivalent to our 'everything1' or to the ,babylonian 'secrets of heaven and earth4' #aaaa ,see pp4 #dgf seq4 ,sayce has even gone so far as to suggest an identification of ,adapa 7by reading ,adawa7 with the ,biblical ,adam1 but this conjecture is untenable4 ,,chapter ,,xxv4 ,,the ,,views ,,of ,,life ,,after ,,death4 ,the problem of immortality1 we have seen1 engaged the serious attention of the ,babylonian theologians4 ,while the solutions they had to offer could hardly have been satisfactory either to themselves or to the masses1 it must not be supposed that the denial of immortality to man involved the total extinction of conscious vitality4 ,neither the people nor the leaders of religious thought ever faced the possibility of the total annihilation of what once was called into existence4 ,death was a passage to another kind of life1 and the denial of immortality merely emphasized the impossibility of escaping the change in existence brought about by death4 ,the gods alone do not pass from one phase of existence to the other4 ,death was mysterious1 but not more mysterious than life4 ,the ,babylonian religion does not transcend the stage of belief1 characteristic of primitive culture everywhere1 which cannot conceive of the possibility of life coming to an absolute end4 ,life of some kind and in some form was always presupposed4 ,so far as man was concerned1 created by some god1--,bel1 ,ea1 ,aruru1 or ,ishtar1 according to the various traditions that were current1#aaab--no divine fiat could wipe out what was endowed with life and the power of reproduction4 ,no doubt1 the impossibility for the individual to conceive of himself as forever deprived of consciousness1 was at the bottom of the primitive theory of the perpetuity of existence in some form4 ,among ancient religions1 ,buddhism alone frees itself from this theory and unfolds a bold doctrine of the possibility of a complete annihilation4 ,the question1 however1 whether the continuity of existence was a blessing or a curse was raised by many ancient nations4 ,the ,babylonians are among these who are inclined to take a gloomy view of the passage from this world to the existence in store for humanity after death1 and the religious leaders were either powerless or disinclined to controvert this view4 ,location and ,names of the ,gathering ,place of the ,dead4 ,we have already had occasion#aaac to refer to the great cave underneath the earth in which the dead were supposed to dwell1 and since the earth itself was regarded as a mountain1 the cave is pictured as a hollow within1 or rather underneath1 a mountain4 ,a conception of this kind must have arisen among a people that was once familiar with a mountainous district4 ,the settlers of the ,euphrates ,valley brought the belief with them from an earlier mountain home4 ,the cave1 moreover1 points to cave-dwelling and to cave-burial as conditions that prevailed at one time among the populace1 precisely as the imitation of the mountain with its caves in the case of the ,egyptian pyramids1 is due to similar influences4 ,to this cave various names are assigned in the literature of the ,babylonians1--some of popular origin1 others reflecting scholastic views4 ,the most common name is ,aralu4#aaad ,we also find the term 'house of ,aralu4'#aaae ,the etymology of the term is obscure4 ,aralu was pictured as a vast place1 dark and gloomy4 ,it is sometimes called a land1 sometimes a great house4 ,the approach to it was difficult4 ,it lay in the lowest part of the mountain that represented the earth1 not far from the hollow underneath the mountain into which the ',apsu' flowed4 ,surrounded by seven walls and strongly guarded1 it was a place to which no living person could go and from which no mortal could ever depart after once entering it4 ,to ,aralu all went whose existence in this world had come to an end4 ,another name which specifies the relationship of ,aralu to the world is ,ekur or 'mountain house' of the dead4 ,ekur is one of the names for the earth1#aaaf but is applied more particularly to that part of the mountain1 also known as ,kharsag#aaag-kurkura1 i4e41 'the mountain of all lands' where the gods were born4 ,before the later speculative view was developed1 according to which the gods1 or most of them1 have their seats in heaven1#aaah it was on this mountain also that the gods were supposed to dwell4 ,hence ,ekur became also one of the names for temple1#aaai as the seat of a god4 ,the dwelling of the dead was regarded as a part of the 'great mountain4' ,it belonged to ,ekur1 and the fact that it was designated simply as ,ekur1#aabj is a valuable indication that the dead were brought into close association with the gods4 ,this association is also indicated by the later use of ,aralu as the designation of the mountain within which the district of the dead1 ,aralu proper1 lay#aaba--synonymous1 therefore1 with ,ekur4 ,we shall see in the course of this chapter that the dead are placed even more than the living under the direct supervision of the gods4 ,a third name for the nether world which conveys an important addition to the views held regarding the dead1 was ,shualu4 ,jensen1 it is true1 following ,bertin1 questions the existence of this term in ,babylonian1#aabb but one does not see how the evidence of the passages in the lexicographical tablets can be set aside in the way that he proposes4 ,zimmern#aabc does not appear to be convinced by ,jensen's arguments and regards the question as an open one4 ,jensen's method of disposing of ,shualu1 besides being open to serious objections1 fails to account for the fact that ,shualu is brought into association with various ,babylonian terms and ideographs for the grave4#aabd ,this cannot be accidental4 ,that the term has hitherto been found only in lexicographical tablets need not surprise us4 ,aralu1 too1 is of rare occurrence in the religious texts4 ,the priests appear to avoid the names for the nether world1 which were of ill omen1 and preferred to describe the place by some epithet1 as 'land without return1' or 'dark dwelling1' or 'great city1' and the like4 ,of such descriptive terms we have a large number4#aabe ,the stem underlying ,shualu signifies 'to ask4' ,shualu is a place of inquiry1#aabf and the inquiry meant is of the nature of a religious oracle4 ,the name1 accordingly1 is an indication of the power accorded to the dead1 to aid the living by furnishing them with answers to questions1 just as the gods furnish oracles through the mediation of the priests4#aabg ,the ,old ,testament supplies us with an admirable illustration of the method of obtaining oracles through the dead4 ,saul1 when he desires to know what the outcome of a battle is to be1 seeks out a sorceress1 and through her calls up the dead ,samuel#aabh and puts the question to him4 ,similarly1 in the ,gilgamesh epic1 the hero1 with the aid of ,nergal1 obtains a sight of ,eabani#aabi and plies him with questions4 ,the belief1 therefore1 in this power of the dead was common to ,babylonians and ,hebrews1 and1 no doubt1 was shared by other branches of the ,semites4 ,it is natural1 therefore1 to find the ,babylonian term ,shualu paralleled by the ,hebrew ,sheol1 which is the common designation in the ,old ,testament for the dwelling-place of the dead4#aacj ,how widespread the custom was among ,babylonians of inquiring 'through the living of the dead'#aaca it is difficult1 in default of satisfactory evidence1 to say4 ,the growing power of the priests as mediators between men and gods must have acted as a check to such practices4 ,the priests1 as the inquirers1#aacb naturally proceeded direct to the particular god whose representative they claimed to be1 and the development of an elaborate ceremonial in the temples in connection with the oracles#aacc was a further factor that must have influenced the gradual abandonment of the custom1 at least as an element of the official cult4 ,moreover1 the belief itself belongs in the domain of ancestor worship1 and in historical times we find but little trace of such worship among the ,babylonians4 ,we may1 therefore1 associate the custom with the earliest period of the ,babylonian religion4 ,this view carries with it the antiquity of the term ,shualu4 ,like ,aralu and the designation ,ekur1 it embodies the close association of the dead with the gods4 ,the dead not only dwell near the gods1 but1 like the gods1 they can direct the affairs of mankind4 ,their answers to questions put to them have divine justification4 ,from this view of the dead to the deification of the latter is but a short step4 ,it does not1 of course1 follow1 from the fact that ,shualu or ,sheol is the place of 'oracles1' that all the dead have the power to furnish oracles or can be invoked for this purpose4 ,correspondingly1 if we find that the ,babylonians did deify their dead1 it does not mean that at one time all the dead were regarded as gods4 ,popular legends are concerned only with the heroes1 with the popular favorites--not with the great masses4 ,eabani1 who appears to ,gilgamesh1 is a hero1 and so is ,samuel4 ,as a matter of fact1 we have so far only found evidence that the ancient rulers whose memory lingered in the minds of the people were regarded by later generations as gods4 ,so the names of ,dungi and ,gudea#aacd are written on tablets that belong to the centuries immediately following their reign1 with the determinative that is placed before the names of gods4 ,festivals were celebrated in honor of these kings1 sacrifices were offered to them1 and their images were placed in temples4#aace ,again1 ,gimil-,sin 7c4 #bejj ,b4,c471 of the second dynasty of ,ur1 appears to have been deified during his lifetime1 and there was a temple in ,lagash which was named after him4#aacf ,no doubt other kings will be found who were similarly honored4 ,we may expect to come across a god ,hammurabi some day4 ,gilgamesh is1 as we have seen1 a historical personage whose career has been so thoroughly amalgamated with nature-myths that he ends by becoming a solar deity who is invoked in incantations4 ,the tendency to connect legendary and mythical incidents with ancient rulers is part and parcel of this process of deification4 ,of an ancient king1 ,sargon1#aacg a story was related how he was exposed in a boat1 and1 'knowing neither father nor mother1' was found by a ferryman4 ,the exploits of this king and of his successor1 ,naram-,sin1 were incorporated in an omen text#aach--;a circumstance that again illustrates how the popular fancy connected the heroes of the past with its religious interests4 ,still1 there is no more reason to question the historical reality of ,sargon#aaci than to question the existence of ,moses1 because a story of his early youth is narrated in ,exodus#aadj which forms a curious parallel to the ,sargon legend1 or to question the existence of a personage by the name of ,abraham1 because an ,abrahamitic cult arose that continues to the present day4#aada ,this close association of the dead with the gods1 upon which the deification of the dead rests1 may be regarded as a legacy of the earliest period of the ,babylonian religion1 of the time when the intercourse between the gods and the living was also direct4 ,the belief and rites connected with the dead constitute the most conservative elements in the religion of a people4 ,the organized cult affects the living chiefly4 ,so far as the latter are concerned1 the rise of a priesthood to whom the religious needs of the people are entrusted1 removes the living from that immediate contact with the gods which we note in the traditions of every people regarding the beginnings of mankind4 ,the priests have no power over the dead4 ,the dead require no 'mediator4' ,hence1 those who dwell in ,aralu return to the early state of mankind when gods and mankind 'walked together4' ,another name that is of frequent occurrence in religious texts is ,kigallu1 which describes the nether world as a district of great extent1 situated within the earth4#aadb ,the chief goddess of the nether world is commonly known as the 'queen of ,kigallu4' ,furthermore1 ,irkalla1 which was interpreted by the ,babylonian theologians as 'great city' 7or 'district'71 is used both as a designation for the dwelling-place of the dead and for the consort of the queen of ,aralu4#aadc ,beside the names for the nether world above discussed1 a large number of epithets and metaphors are found in the religious texts4 ,the place to which the dead go is called the 'dark dwelling1' 'the land from which there is no return1' 'house of death1' 'the great city1' 'the deep land1' and1 since ,nergal1 the ruler of the lower world1 was the patron of the city ,cuthah#aadd 7or ,kutu71 the name ,cuthah was also used as a designation for ,aralu4 ,lastly1 it is interesting to note that in poetical usage the words for 'grave'#aade were also employed to describe the nether world4 ,the question raised by this metaphor as to the relationship between the grave and the lower world can best be discussed when we come to consider the funeral rites4#aadf ,the ,condition of the ,dead and the ,impossibility of an ,escape from ,aralu4 ,among the remains of ,babylonian literature there is a remarkable production1 which furnishes us with an admirable view of the fate in store for those who have left this world4#aadg ,the composition is based upon a nature-myth1 symbolizing the change of seasons4 ,ishtar1 the great mother goddess1 the goddess of fertility who produces vegetation1 is1 as we saw in the ,gilgamesh epic1#aadh also the one who brings about the decline of vegetation4 ,the change in nature that takes place after the summer solstice is passed and the crops have ripened was variously interpreted4 ,according to one1 and1 as it would seem1 the favorite1 tradition1 the goddess is represented as herself destroying the solar deity1 ,tammuz1 whom she had chosen as a consort4 ,repentant and weeping1 ,ishtar passes to the lower world in search of her youthful husband1--the symbol of the sun on its approach to the summer solstice4 ,while ,ishtar is in the lower world1 all fertility ceases1 in the fields1 as well as in the animal kingdom4 ,at last ,ishtar reappears1 and nature is joyous once more4 ,in the ,semitic ,orient there are only two seasons3#aadi winter1 or the rainy season1 and summer1 or the dry season4 ,the myth was1 therefore1 a symbol of the great contrast that the two seasons presented to one another4 ,under various forms and numerous disguises1 we find the myth among several branches of the ,semites1 as well as in ,egypt and among ,aryans who came into contact with ,semitic ideas4#aaej ,a festival celebrated in honor of ,tammuz by the ,babylonians is one expression of many that the myth received4 ,the designation of the sixth month as the mission of ,ishtar#aaea is another4 ,this myth was adapted by the theologians to illustrate the doctrines that were developed regarding the kind of existence led by the dead4 ,the literary method adopted is the same that characterizes the elaboration of the ,adapa myth and of the myths incorporated into the ,gilgamesh epic4 ,the story forms the point of departure1 but its original purport is set aside to a greater or less degree1 necessary modifications are introduced1 and the moral or lesson is distinctly indicated4 ,in the case of the production that we are about to consider1 the story of ,ishtar's visit to the nether world is told--perhaps by a priest--to a person who seeks consolation4 ,a dear relative has departed this life1 and a survivor1--a brother1 apparently1--is anxious to know whether the dead will ever come back again4 ,the situation reminds one of ,gilgamesh seeking out ,eabani1#aaeb with this difference3 that1 whereas ,gilgamesh1 aided by ,nergal1 is accorded a sight of his friend1 the ordinary mourner must content himself with the answer given to him4 ,but what ,gilgamesh is not permitted to hear1#aaec the mourner is told4 ,a description is given him of how the dead fare in ,aralu4 ,the problem1 however1 is somewhat different in the story of the descent of ,ishtar1 from the one propounded in the twelfth tablet of the ,gilgamesh epic4 ,the question uppermost in the mind of the mourner is ,will the dead return8 ,the condition of the dead1 which is most prominent in ,gilgamesh's mind1 is secondary4 ,both questions1 however1 are answered1 and both answers are hopelessly sad4 ,the nether world is joyless4 ,even the goddess ,ishtar is badly treated upon entering it4 ,the place is synonymous with inactivity and decay2 and1 though the goddess returns1 the conclusion drawn is that the exception proves the inexorable rule4 ,a goddess may escape1 but mortals are doomed to everlasting sojourn1 or rather imprisonment1 in the realm presided over by ,allatu and her consort ,nergal4 ,the tale begins with a description of the land to which ,ishtar proceeds3 ,to the land whence there is no return1 the land of darkness 787#aaed ,ishtar1 the daughter of ,sin1 turned her mind1 ,the daughter of ,sin turned her mind2 ,to the house of darkness1 the dwelling of ,irkalla1 ,to the house whence no one issues who has once entered it4 ,to the road from which there is no return1 when once it has been trodden4 ,to the house whose inhabitants#aaee are deprived of light4 ,the place where dust is their#aaef nourishment1 their food clay4 ,they#aaeg have no light1 dwelling in dense darkness4 ,and they are clothed like birds1 in a garment of feathers2 ,where over gate and bolt1 dust is scattered4 ,ishtar1 it will be observed1 is here called the daughter of the moon-god1 whereas in the ,gilgamesh epic she appears as the daughter of ,anu1 the god of heaven4 ,both designations reflect the views developed in the schools1 and prove that the story has been produced under scholastic influences4 ,the goddess has her place in the heavens1 in the planet bearing her name1 and the designation of this planet as the daughter of ,sin can only be understood in connection with the astronomical system1 in which the moon plays so prominent a role#aaeh and becomes the father of all the great gods 7except ,shamash7 who constitute the lesser luminaries of the night4 ,irkalla is one of the names#aaei for a god of the nether world1 who is regarded as the associate of ,allatu4 ,the dwelling is elsewhere spoken of as a 'great palace' in which ,allatu and her consort ,nergal have their thrones4 ,a gloomier place than the one described in these opening lines of the story cannot well be imagined4 ,the picture reflects the popular views1 and up to this point1 the doctrines of the school are in agreement with the early beliefs4 ,the description of the lower world is evidently suggested by the grave or the cave in which the dead were laid4 ,the reference to dust and clay as the food of the dead shows that the doctrine taught in the ,gilgamesh epic1#aafj of man's being formed of clay and returning to clay1 was the common one4 ,this view helps us to understand how the words for grave came to be used as synonyms for the nether world4 ,the dead being placed below the earth1 they were actually conveyed within the realm of which ,aralu was a part1 and since it became customary for the ,babylonians to bury their dead together1 the cities of the dead that thus arose could easily be imagined to constitute the kingdom presided over by ,allatu and ,nergal4 ,at this point1 however1 the speculations of the schools begin to diverge from the popular notions4 ,we may well question whether the ,babylonian populace ever attempted to make clear to itself in what form the dead continued their existence4 ,it may be that the argument from dreams1 as the basis for the primitive belief in the continuation of life1 in some form1 after death has been too hard pressed1#aafa but certainly the appearance of the dead in the dreams of the living must have produced a profound impression1 and since the dead appeared in the same form that they had while alive1 the conclusion was natural that1 even though the body decayed1 a vague outline remained that bore the same relation to the corpus as the shadow to the figure casting it4 ,two remarkable chapters in the ,old ,testament#aafb illustrate this popular view prevailing in ,babylonia1 as to the condition of the dead in the nether world4 ,the prophets ,isaiah and ,ezekiel both portray the dead as having the same form that they possessed while alive4 ,the kings have their crowns on their heads2 the warriors lie with their swords girded about them4 ,the dead ,eabani1 it will be recalled1 appears to ,gilgamesh and is at once recognized by the latter4 ,what distinguishes the dead from the living is their inactivity4 ,they lie in ,aralu without doing anything4 ,everything there is in a state of neglect and decay4 ,the dead can speak1 but the ,babylonians probably believed1 like the ,hebrews1 that the dead talk in whispers1 or chirp like birds4#aafc ,the dead are weak1#aafd and1 therefore1 unless others attend to their needs1 they suffer pangs of hunger1 or must content themselves with 'dust and clay' as their food4 ,tender care during the last moments of life was essential to comparative well-being in ,aralu4#aafe ,the person who goes to ,aralu in sorrow and neglect will continue sorrowful and neglected4 ,the theologians1 while accepting these views in general1 passed beyond them in an important particular4 ,they could not reconcile the evident dissolution of the body with a continuation of even a shadowy outline4 ,when a man died1 the 'spirit1' which1 according to the animistic theory1 lodged somewhere within the body and produced the manifestations of life1 sought for refuge in some other substance4 ,the ease with which birds moved from one place to another suggested these beings as the ones in which the dislodged spirit found a home4 ,the ,babylonian thinkers were not alone in developing the view that the dead assumed the form of birds4 ,parallels to the pictures of the dead in the story of ,ishtar's descent may be found in ,egypt and elsewhere4#aaff ,but what is important for our purposes is the consideration that1 in ,babylonia at least1 the view in question is not the popular one1 but the result of speculations about a problem that appeals only to those who make the attempt1 at least1 to clarify their ideas regarding the mystery of death4 ,the next section of the story affords us a picture of the entrance to ,aralu3 ,when ,ishtar arrived at the gate of the land without return1 ,she spoke to the watchman of the gate3 ,ho6 watchman--open thy gate4 ,open thy gate that ,i may enter4 ,if thou dost not open the gate1 if thou refusest me admission1 ,i will smash the door1 break the bolt4 ,i will smash the threshold1 force open the portals4 ,i will raise up the dead to eat the living ,until the dead outnumber the living4 ,the entrance to the nether world is strongly guarded4 ,from other sources we learn that there was a 'spy'--perhaps identical with the watchman--stationed at the portal of the lower world1 who reports all happenings to the queen ,allatu through ,namtar1 the god 7or spirit7 of pestilence4 ,the watchman is to prevent the living from entering1 and also the dead from escaping4 ,the violence of ,ishtar is an interesting touch in the narrative4 ,as a goddess1 she resents any opposition to her desires4 ,her anxiety to enter ,aralu indicates that the original form of the myth1 which must have represented the descent as forced and not voluntary1 has been modified by the introduction of a new factor1--the search for her dead consort1 ,tammuz4 ,the character of ,ishtar as the goddess of war#aafg may also have influenced this portrayal of her rage4 ,in her violence1 she threatens a conflict between the dead and the living4 ,the former will destroy#aafh the latter1 as a victorious army butchers the hostile host4 ,the watchman endeavors to pacify the enraged ,ishtar3 ,the watchman opened his mouth and spoke4 ,spoke to the great ,ishtar3 ,hold1 ,o mistress1 do not destroy them4#aafi ,i will go and mention thy name to the queen ,allatu4 ,allatu is grieved upon hearing the news of ,ishtar's arrival1 for ,ishtar's disappearance from the world means death4 ,i must weep for the masters who forsake their consorts4 ,i must weep for the wives who are torn from their husbands' side4 ,for the children ,i must weep who are snatched away 787 before their time4 ,go1 watchman1 open thy gate4 ,deal with her according to the ancient laws4 ,the scene that follows embodies1 again1 views of the nether world as developed in the schools4 ,corresponding to the seven zones surrounding the earth1#aagj the nether world is pictured as enclosed by seven gates4 ,through these ,ishtar must pass1 before she is ushered into the presence of ,allatu4 ,the watchman went and opened his gate4 ,enter1 ,o mistress1 welcome in ,cuthah4#aaga ,the great house#aagb of the land without return greets thee4#aagc ,through the first gate he led her1 and boldly removed the great crown from her head4 ,why1 ,o watchman1 dost thou remove the great crown from my head8 ,enter1 ,o mistress1 such are the laws of ,allatu4 ,at the second gate1 he removes the earrings of the goddess2 at the third1 her necklace is taken away1 and1 similarly1 at each succeeding gate1 a portion of her dress1 the ornaments on her breast1 her belt of precious stones1 her bracelets1 until1 when the seventh gate is reached1 the covering over her loins is removed1 and she stands naked before ,allatu4 ,at each gate ,ishtar asks the same question1 why the watchman strips her1 and the same answer is given4 ,the removal of one ornament after the other symbolizes1 evidently1 the gradual decay of vegetation1 not1 as has been supposed1 that the dead enter ,aralu naked4 ,allatu calls upon her messenger1 ,namtar1 to strike the goddess with disease in all parts of her body4 ,the disease expresses the same idea as the removal of the ornaments1--decay of strength4 ,there follows a description of the desolation on earth during ,ishtar's sojourn with ,allatu4 ,productivity comes to a standstill4 ,the ox does not mount the cow1 the ass does not bend over the she-ass4 ,among mankind1 likewise1 fertility ceases4 ,the gods lament the absence of ,ishtar and the fate that overtook her4 ,the astronomical conception of ,ishtar as the planet ,venus1 at this point1 is apparent4 ,the gods complain4 ,ishtar has descended to the earth1 and has not come up4 ,as a planet1 ,ishtar's seat is in the heavens4 ,the disappearance of the planet has been combined with the nature-myth of the decay of vegetation4 ,as the evening star1 ,venus dips down into the west1 to reappear after a long interval in the east4 ,the astral character of ,ishtar dominates the latter half of the story in its present form4 ,it is not the goddess of love and fertility nor the goddess of war who is rescued from her prison by ,ea1 but the planet ,ishtar4 ,shamash is informed of the disaster by his servant1 ,pap-sukal4#aagd ,the sun-god proceeds for aid to ,sin and ,ea4 ,the latter furnishes relief4 ,the sun enters ,ea's domain every evening1 and1 since it is in the west that the planet sinks like the sun1 the association of ideas becomes apparent which suggests ,ea as the savior and the sun as the mediator4 ,ea created in his wisdom a male being4 ,he formed ,uddushu-namir1 a divine servant4 ,go1 ,uddushu-namir1 to the gate of the land without return1 turn thy face4 ,the seven gates of the land without return will be opened before thee4 ,allatu will see thee and welcome thee ,after her heart is pacified1 her spirit#aage brightened4 ,invoke against her the name of the great gods4 ,raise thy countenance1 to ,sukhal-ziku direct thy attention4 ,come1 mistress1 grant me ,sukhal-ziku1 that ,i may drink#aagf therefrom4 ,ea appears here again in the role of ,creator4#aagg ,the name of the mysterious being created by ,ea signifies 'renewal of light4' ,the incident1 it will be seen1 is wholly symbolical4 ,a touch of mysticism has also been introduced4 ,sukhal-ziku is a compound of a word meaning 'to sprinkle' and another which may mean 'grotto4'#aagh ,sukhal-ziku appears1 therefore1 to be the name for a mysterious fountain1 the waters of which restore the dead to life4 ,uddushu-namir having pronounced the name of the gods before ,allatu1 and having thus secured their aid1 his request is in the nature of an order4 ,but the request must not be interpreted literally1 as though the waters were intended for him4 ,it is for the sake of ,ishtar that he desires to have the use of ,sukhal-ziku4 ,allatu understands ,uddushu-namir's speech in this sense1 and is enraged at the order to yield up ,ishtar4 ,allalu1 upon hearing this1 ,smote her sides and bit her finger4#aagi ,thou hast demanded of me a request that should not be requested4 ,come1 ,uddushu-namir1 ,i will curse thee with a terrible curse4 ,food from the gutters of the city be thy nourishment4 ,the sewers 787 of the city be thy drink4 ,the shadow of the wall be thy seat4 ,the threshold be thy dwelling4 ,exile and banishment break thy strength4 ,the force of the curse lies in the closing words4 ,uddushu-namir is to be an outcast4 ,he will not be permitted to enter either city or house1 but must remain at the wall or stop at the threshold4 ,properly prepared food and drink are to be denied him4 ,he shall starve or perish miserably4 ,but the mission of ,uddushu-namir has been accomplished4 ,allatu may curse as she pleases2 the order of ,ea must be obeyed4 ,the goddess ,allalu opened her mouth and spoke4 ,to ,namtar1 her messenger1 she addressed an order3 ,go1 ,namtar1 smash the true palace4#aahj ,break down the threshold1 destroy the door-posts 7874 ,bring out the ,anunnaki and place them on golden thrones4 ,besprinkle ,ishtar with the waters of life and take her from me4 ,namtar obeys the order4 ,ishtar is led through the seven gates4 ,at each one1 the articles taken from her on her entrance are returned3 at the first1 the loin cloth2 at the second1 the bracelets and ankle rings1 and so on1 until she emerges in her full beauty4 ,the close of the story thus brings to our gaze once more ,ishtar as goddess of fertility1 who gradually brings vegetation1 strength1 and productivity back again4 ,this curious mixture in the story of the astral ,ishtar1--the creation of the astronomers1--and the popular ,ishtar1 is a trait which shows how the old nature-myth has been elaborated in passing through the hands of the literati4 ,the various steps in the process can still be seen4 ,in the original form1 the goddess must have been forced into an exile to the nether world1 the exile symbolizing the wintry season when fertility and productivity#aaha come to an end4 ,ishtar is stripped of her glory4 ,she comes to ,allatu1 who grieves at her approach1 but imprisons her in the 'great house1' and refuses to yield her up1 until forced to do so by order of the gods4 ,a similar story must have been told of ,tammuz1 the sun-god1 who is also the god of vegetation4 ,the two stories were combined4 ,ishtar marries ,tammuz1 and then destroys him4 ,the goddess produces fertility1 but cannot maintain it4 ,tammuz goes to the nether world4 ,ishtar repents1 bewails her loss1 and goes to seek for her consort and to rescue him4 ,in rage she advances to ,allatu1 threatens to smash the door and break the lock unless admitted4 ,the story in this form must have ended in the restoration of ,tammuz4 ,the identification of ,ishtar with the planet ,venus introduced a new factor4 ,the disappearance of the planet fitted in well with the original nature-myth4 ,the combination of the ,ishtar-,tammuz story with this factor resulted in the tale as we have it now4 ,the enraged ,ishtar is the one who seeks for her consort4 ,the ,ishtar who is forced to give up her ornaments is the old goddess who falls into the hands of ,allatu4 ,during her absence1 production comes to a standstill2 decay sets in4 ,the ,ishtar who is rescued by ,ea through the mediation of the ',renewal of ,light' is the astral ,ishtar1 as developed by the astronomers1 and1 finally1 the ,ishtar who receives her ornaments back again and comes to the upper world1 is once more the goddess of vegetation1 rescued from her exile to new glory4 ,up to this point1 ,tammuz has not been mentioned in the story4 ,in the advice1 however1 that is given at the conclusion of the tale to mourners1 the consort of ,ishtar is introduced4 ,if she#aahb will not grant her redemption1#aahc turn to her#aahd thy countenance8 ,to ,tammuz1 her youthful consort1 ,pour out pure waters1 costly oil offer him84 ,the mourners are furthermore instructed to institute a formal lamentation4 ,the ,ukhati1#aahe the priestesses of ,ishtar1 are to sing dirges2 flutes are to accompany the song4 ,the thought intended1 apparently1 to be conveyed is that if ,allatu will not give up the dead1 the surviving relatives should endeavor to secure the good grace of ,ishtar and ,tammuz1 who succeeded in subduing ,allatu4 ,the closing lines are rendered obscure by a reference to the goddess ,belili1 who appears to be the sister of ,tammuz4 ,the reference assumes the knowledge of a tale in which the goddess was represented as breaking a costly vessel adorned with precious stones1 in sign of her grief for the lost ,tammuz4 ,suitable mourning for ,tammuz1 therefore1 will secure the sympathy of ,belili also4 ,the story thus ends with a warning to all who mourn for their dead to remember ,tammuz1 to observe the rites set aside for the festival celebrated in his honor4 ,bearing in mind the tentative character of any interpretation for the closing lines1 we may mention ,jeremias'#aahf supposition that it is a deceased sister who addresses her sorrowing brother at the end of the story4 ,my only brother1 let me not perish4 ,on the day of ,tammuz1 play for me on the flute of lapis lazuli1 together with the lyre#aahg of pearl play for me4 ,together let the professional dirge singers1 male and female1 play for me1 ,that the dead may arise and inhale the incense of offerings4 ,the lines impress one as snatches from a dirge1 sung or recited in memory of the dead1 and introduced here as an appropriate illustration of the conclusion to be drawn from the tale4 ,at all events1 the consolation that the mourner receives lies in this thought1--the dead can hear the lamentation4 ,the survivors are called upon not to forget the dead4 ,when the festival of ,tammuz comes1 let them combine with the weeping for the god1 a dirge in memory of the dead4 ,let them pray to ,ishtar and ,tammuz4 ,if remembered by the living1 the dead will at least enjoy the offerings made to them1 regain1 as it were1 a temporary sense of life2 but more cannot with certainty be hoped for4 ,the outlook for the dead1 it will be seen1 is not hopeful4 ,their condition is at best a tolerable one4 ,what we may glean from other sources but confirms the general impression1 conveyed by the opening and closing lines of the ,ishtar story1 or makes the picture a still gloomier one4 ,the day of death is a day of sorrow1 'the day without mercy4' ,the word for corpse conveys the idea that things have 'come to an end4' ,whenever death is referred to in the literature1 it is described as an unmitigated evil4 ,a dirge introduced into an impressive hymn to ,nergal#aahh laments the fate of him who 444 has descended to the breast of the earth1 ,satiated1#aahi he has gone to the land of the dead4 ,full of lament on the day that he encountered sorrow1 ,in the month which does not bring to completion the year1#aaij ,on the road of destruction for mankind1 ,to the wailing-place 7871 ,the hero has gone1 to the distant invisible land4 ,we must not be misled by an epithet bestowed upon several gods1 ,marduk1 ,ninib1 and ,gula1 of 'the restorer of the dead to life1' into the belief that the dead could be brought back from ,aralu4 ,these epithets appear chiefly in incantations and hymns addressed to the gods for some specific purpose1 such as deliverance of a sufferer from disease4 ,the gods are appealed to against the demons1 whose grasp means death4 ,ninib and ,gula are viewed as gods of healing4#aaia ,to be cured through their aid was to be snatched from the jaws of death4 ,moreover1 ,ninib and ,marduk1 as solar deities1 symbolize the sun of spring1 which brings about the revivification of nature4 ,the return of vegetation suggests the thought that ,ninib and ,marduk have filled with new life what appeared to be dead4 ,the trees that seemed entirely dead blossom forth2 the bare earth is covered with verdure4 ,similarly1 the suffering individual stricken with disease could be awakened to new life4 ,it is this 'restoration' which lies in the power of the gods1 but once a man has been carried off to ,aralu1 no god can bring him back to this earth4 ,an apparent exception to the rule1 according to which all mankind eventually comes to ,aralu1 is formed by ,parnapishtim and his wife1 who dwell in a place vaguely described as 'distant1' situated at the 'confluence of the streams4' ,the place1 as was pointed out in a previous chapter1#aaib lies in the vicinity of the ,persian ,gulf1 and1 since it can only be reached by water1 the natural conclusion is that it is an island4 ,the temptation is strong to compare the dwelling of ,parnapishtim with the belief found among the ,greeks and other nations1 of 'an island of the blessed4' ,this has been done by ,jeremias#aaic and others4 ,however1 we must bear in mind that the point in ,parnapishtim's narrative is that he and his wife do not die4 ,they are removed to the distant place by the gods and continue to live there4 ,again1 we do not learn of any other person who inhabits this island4 ,if to these considerations we add1 that the name ,parnapishtim signifies 'offspring of life1' that his wife's name is not mentioned1 that we are not told what becomes of his family and servants1 who are also saved from the deluge1 it is evident that the incident of ,parnapishtim's escape is an allegory1 introduced into the story as a dramatic means of teaching the doctrine which we have seen dominates the tale1--that man1 ordinarily1 cannot secure immortal life4 ,if there is any connection between the island where ,parnapishtim dwells and the ,greek conception of 'an island of the blessed1' it is a trace of foreign influence in ,babylonian mythology4 ,there is nothing to show that among the ,babylonians1 either among the populace or in the schools1 a belief arose in a 'paradise' whither privileged persons were transported after death1 nor is any distinction made by them between the good and the bad1 so far as the future habitation is concerned4 ,all mankind1 kings and subjects1 virtuous and wicked1 go to ,aralu4 ,those who have obtained the good will of the gods receive their reward in this world1 by a life of happiness and of good health4 ,the gods can ward off disease1 or1 rather1 since disease 7as all ills and misfortunes7 is a punishment sent by some god or demon1 forgiveness can be secured1 the proof of which will consist in the restoration of the sick to health1 but the moment that death ensues the control of the gods ends4 ,to the ,babylonians1 the words of the ,psalmist1#aaid who praises thee1 ,o ,god1 in ,sheol8 came home with terrible force4 ,they expressed1 admirably1 the ,babylonian view of the limitations of divine power4 ,the dead do not praise the gods1 simply because it would be useless4 ,the concern of the gods is with the living4 ,we are fortunate in possessing a pictorial representation of the nether world that confirms the view to be derived from a study of the religious literature4 ,a number of years ago1 ,clermont-,ganneau directed attention to a remarkable bronze tablet which was purchased at ,hamath in northern ,syria4#aaie ,the art was clearly ,babylonian1 and there was no reason to question the genuineness of the production4 ,quite recently a duplicate has been found at ,zurghul1 in ,babylonia1#aaif so that all suspicions are removed4 ,the bronze tablet contains on the one side1 the figure of a monster with a lion-like face and body1 but provided with huge wings4 ,standing erect1 his head rises above the tablet1 his fore legs rest on the edge1 and the demon is thus represented in the attitude of looking over to the other side of the tablet4 ,at the side of the monster1 are two heads of hideous appearance4 ,the illustrations on the reverse are devoted to a portrayal of a funeral ceremony1 and of the general aspects of the nether world4 ,there are five distinct divisions1#aaig marked off from one another by four heavy lines drawn across the tablet4 ,in the first division appear the symbols of the chief gods of the ,assyrian pantheon1 ,marduk1 ,nabu1 ,sin1 ,ishtar1 ,shamash1 ,ramman1 etc4#aaih ,these gods1 as inhabiting the heaven1 are placed at the head of the tablet4 ,next come seven evil spirits figured as various animals1#aaii who1 as inferior to the gods1 and perhaps also as messengers of the latter1 are assigned a place midway between heaven and earth4 ,in the third section1 there is pictured the funeral ceremony proper4 ,a dead body lies on a couch4 ,two rather strange figures1 but apparently priests1 have taken up a position1 one at each end of the funeral bier1 performing some rite of purification4 ,one of the priests has a robe of fish scales and is bearded2 the other is smooth-faced and clothed in a long garment4 ,censers are placed near the priests4 ,the latter appear at the same time to be protecting the body against two demons whose threatening gestures suggest that they are endeavoring to secure possession of the dead4#abjj ,these demons may be the special messengers of the gods of the nether world1 who have brought about the death of their victim4 ,below this scene1 we come to a view of the nether world4 ,the division is much larger than any of the others4 ,two hideous figures dominate the scene1 both of fantastic shape1 and evidently so portrayed as to suggest the horror of the nether world4 ,one of these figures#abja stands erect in a menacing attitude2 the other is resting in a kneeling position on a horse4#abjb ,the second figure is a representation of the chief goddess of the nether world--,allatu4 ,the demon at her side would then be the special messenger of this goddess1 ,namtar4 ,the goddess has her two arms extended1 in the act of strangling a serpent4 ,the act symbolizes her strength4 ,her face is that of a lioness1 and she is suckling two young lions at her breasts4 ,if it be recalled that ,nergal1 the chief god of the lower world1 is also pictured as a lion1#abjc it seems but natural to conclude that the monster covering the one side of the tablet is none other than the consort of ,allatu1 the heads on either side of him representing his attendants4 ,at the left side of ,allatu are a series of objects1--a jar1 bowl1 an arrowhead 7871 a trident1 which1 as being buried with the dead1 are symbols of the grave4 ,the goddess and the demon at her side direct their gaze towards these objects4 ,the nether world reaches down to the ,apsu1--the 'deep' that flows underneath the earth4 ,this is indicated in the design by placing the horse1 on which the goddess rests1 in a bark4 ,the bark1 again1 is of fantastic shape1 the one end terminating in the head of a serpent1 the other in that of some other animal1--perhaps a bull4 ,the bark reaches into the fifth division1#abjd which is a picture of flowing water with fish swimming from the left to the right1 as an indication of the direction in which the water flows4 ,at the verge of the water stand two trees4#abje ,what these trees symbolize is not known1 and there are other details in the third and fourth sections that still escape us4 ,for our purposes1 it is sufficient to note3 7a7 that the sections represent in a general way the divisions of the universe1 the heavens1 the atmosphere1 the earth1 the nether world1 and the deep2#abjf 7b7 that the nether world is in the interior of the earth1 reaching down to ,apsu2 and 7c7 that this interior is pictured as a place full of horrors1 and is presided over by gods and demons of great strength and fierceness4 ,such being the view of the nether world1 it is natural that the living should regard with dread1 not only the place but also its inhabitants4 ,the gloom that surrounded the latter reacted on their disposition4 ,in general1 the dead were not favorably disposed towards the living1 and they were inclined to use what power they had to work evil rather than for good4 ,in this respect they resembled the demons1 and it is noticeable that an important class of demons was known by the name ekimmu1 which is one of the common terms for the shades of the dead4 ,this fear of the dead1 which is the natural corollary to the reverence felt for them1 enters as an important factor in the honors paid by the living to the memory of the deceased4 ,to provide the dead with food and drink1 to recall their virtues in dirges1 to bring sacrifices in their honor1--such rites were practised1 as much from a desire to secure the favor of the dead and to ward off their evil designs as from motives of piety1 which1 of course1 were not absent4 ,the dead who was not properly cared for by his surviving relatives would take his revenge upon the living by plaguing them as only a demon could4 ,the demons that infested graveyards were in some way identified with the 'spirits1' or perhaps messengers1 of the dead1 who1 in their anger towards the living1 lay in wait for an attack upon those against whom they had a grudge4 ,the ,pantheon of ,aralu4 ,we have seen how the mystery coupled with death led to the view which brought the dead into more direct relationship with the gods4 ,closely allied with this view is the power ascribed to the dead to work evil or good and1 like the gods1 to furnish oracles4 ,this power once acknowledged1 it was but a short step to the deification of the dead1 or1 rather1 of such personalities who in life exercised authority1 by virtue of their position or innate qualities4 ,on the other hand1 the gloominess of the nether world1 the sad condition of its inhabitants1 the impossibility of an escape or a return to this world1 necessarily suggested to the ,babylonians that the gods worshipped by the living had no control over the fate of the dead4 ,the gods1 to be sure1 were at times wrathful1 but1 on the whole1 they were well disposed towards mankind4 ,when angry1 they could be pacified1 and it was impossible to believe that they should deliberately consign their creatures to such a sad lot as awaited those who went down to ,aralu4 ,the gods who ruled the dead must be different from those who directed the fate of the living4 ,a special pantheon for the nether world was thus developed4 ,such deities as ,marduk1 ,ea1 ,nabu1 ,shamash1 or ,ashur1 who acted1 each in his way1 as protectors of mankind1 could find no place in this pantheon2 but a god like ,nergal1 who symbolized the midday sun1 and the sun of the summer solstice that brought misery and fever to the inhabitants of the ,euphrates ,valley2 ,nergal1 who became the god of violent destruction in general1 and1 more particularly1 the god of war1 the god whose emblem was the lion1 who was cruel and of forbidding aspect1--such a god was admirably adapted to rule those who could only look forward to a miserable imprisonment in a region filled with horror4 ,nergal1 therefore1 became the chief god of the pantheon of the lower world4 ,in the religious texts1 the cruel aspects of this god are almost exclusively emphasized4 ,he is the one god towards whom no love is felt1 for he is a god without mercy4 ,the fierce aspects of the solar ,nergal are accentuated in ,nergal1 the chief of the pantheon of ,aralu4 ,he becomes even more ferocious than he already was1 as a god of war4 ,his battle is with all mankind4 ,he is greedy for victims to be forever enclosed in his great and gloomy domain4 ,destruction is his one and single object2 nothing can withstand his attack4 ,armed with a sword1 his favorite time for stalking about is at night1 when he strikes his unerring blows4 ,horrible demons of pestilence and of all manner of disease constitute his train1 who are sent out by him on missions of death4 ,the favorite titles by which he is known appear in a hymn#abjg addressed to him1 as god of the lower world4 ,he is invoked as the ,warrior1 strong whirlwind1 sweeping the hostile land1#abjh ,warrior1 ruler of ,aralu4 ,another hymn#abji describes him as a ,great warrior who is firm as the earth4 ,superior as heaven and earth art thou1 444 ,what is there in the deep that thou dost not secure8 ,what is there in the deep that thou dost not clutch8 ,while references to the local character of the god as patron of ,cuthah survive1 the name ,cuthah itself becomes synonymous with the nether world4 ,the old solar deity is completely overshadowed by the terrible ruler of the lower world4 ,it is due to this that the real consort of the local ,nergal1 the goddess ,laz1 is rarely mentioned in the religious literature4 ,the priests1 when they spoke of ,nergal1 had in mind always the companionship with ,allatu4 ,but the association of ideas which thus led to assigning a god who was originally a solar deity1 a place in the lower world bears the impress of the schools4 ,the popular development of ,nergal ceased1 when he became the local god of ,cuthah4 ,it is only as an outgrowth of the systematized pantheon that we can understand the transformation involved in making of a local deity1 the head of a pantheon that is itself an outcome of the later phases assumed by the religion4 ,the problem suggested by this transformation was recognized by the theologians4 ,a curious tale was found among the ,el-,amarna tablets which endeavors to account for ,nergal's presence in the world of the dead4 ,unfortunately1 the tablet on which the story is inscribed is so badly mutilated that we can hardly gather more than the general outlines4#abaj ,a conflict has arisen between the gods on high and a goddess who has her seat in the lower world4 ,this goddess is none other than ,allatu4 ,she is described as ,eresh-,kigal1#abaa i4e41 queen of ,kigal or of the nether world4 ,the scene reminds us of the contest between the gods and ,tiamat1 as embodied in the creation epic4 ,the gods choose ,nergal as their leader4 ,assisted by fourteen companions1 whose names--'fever1' 'fiery heart1' 'lightning sender'--remind us again of the eleven monsters that constitute ,tiamat's assistants1#abab ,nergal proceeds to the lower world1 and knocks at the gate for admission4 ,namtar1 the plague-demon1 acts as the messenger4 ,he announces the arrival of ,nergal to ,allatu4 ,the latter is obliged to admit ,nergal1 just as in the story of ,ishtar's descent1 she is forced to receive ,ishtar4 ,fourteen gates of the lower world are mentioned4 ,at each one1 ,nergal stations one of his companions and passes on to the house of ,allatu4 ,he seizes the goddess1 drags her from her throne1 and is about to kill her when she appeals for mercy4 ,she breaks out in tears1 offers herself in marriage if ,nergal will spare her4 ,you shall be my husband and ,i will be your wife4 ,the tablets of wisdom ,i will lay in your hands4 ,you shall be master and ,i mistress4 ,nergal accepts the condition1 kisses ,allatu1 and wipes away her tears4 ,one cannot resist the conclusion that the tale is1 as already suggested1 an imitation of the ,marduk-,tiamat episode4 ,allatu is a female like ,tiamat4 ,nergal acts for the gods just as ,marduk does4 ,the attendants of ,nergal are suggested by the monsters accompanying ,tiamat2 the tables of wisdom which ,nergal receives1 correspond to the tablets of fate which ,marduk snatches from ,kingu4#abac ,but while the conflict between ,marduk and ,tiamat is an intelligible nature-myth1 symbolizing the annual rainstorms that sweep over ,babylonia1 there is no such interpretation possible in the contest between ,nergal and ,allatu4 ,the story is not even a glorification of a local deity1 for ,nergal appears solely in the role of a solar deity4 ,the attendants given to him--heat1 lightning1 and disease--are the popular traits in the story2 but with the chief characters in the old nature-myth changed1--,marduk or the original ,bel replaced by ,nergal1 and ,tiamat by ,allatu1--the story loses its popular aspect1 and becomes a medium for illustrating a doctrine of the schools4 ,if this view of the tale be correct1 we would incidentally have a proof 7for which there is other evidence7 that as early as the fifteenth century1 the ,marduk-,tiamat story had already received a definite shape4 ,but the most valuable conclusion to be drawn from the ,nergal-,allatu tale is that1 according to the popular conceptions1 the real and older head of the pantheon of the lower world was a goddess1 and not a god4 ,allatu takes precedence of ,nergal4 ,in the story of ,ishtar's descent to the lower world1 a trace of the earlier view survives4 ,allatu is introduced as the ruler of the lower world4 ,nergal plays no part4 ,viewed in this light1 the design of the tale we have just discussed becomes still more evident4 ,it was inconsistent with the prominence assigned to male deities in the systematized pantheon1 that the chief deity of the lower world should be a female4 ,allatu could not be set aside1 for the belief in her power was too strongly imbedded in the popular mind2 but a male consort could be given her who might rule with her4 ,another factor that may have entered into play in the adaptation of the ,marduk-,tiamat story to ,nergal and ,allatu1 and that gave to the adaptation more plausibility1 was the disappearance of the summer sun after he had done his work4 ,nergal did not exert his power during the whole year1 and even as the sun of midday1 he was not in control all day4 ,when he disappeared1 there was only one place to which he could go4 ,as of ,tarmmuz and of other solar deities1#abad it was probably related of ,nergal1 also1 that he was carried to the lower world4 ,this popular basis for the presence of ,nergal in the lower world may have served as a point of departure for the scholastic development of ,nergal4 ,however1 the tale of ,nergal and ,allatu goes far beyond the length of popular belief in making ,nergal conquer ,allatu1 and force himself1 in a measure1 into her place4 ,before ,nergal appears on the scene1 a god1 ,ninazu1 was regarded as the consort of ,allatu4#abae ,the conception which gives the ,babylonian ,hades a queen as ruler is of popular origin1 in contrast to the scholastic aspect of ,nergal as the later king of the lower region4 ,jensen is of the opinion that the feminine gender of the word for earth in ,babylonian superinduced the belief that the ruler of the kingdom situated within the earth was a woman4 ,allatu would1 according to this view1 be a personification of the 'earth4' ,but a factor that also enters into play is the notion of productivity and fertility which gave rise to the conception of the great mother-goddess1 ,ishtar4#abaf ,allatu is correlated to ,ishtar4 ,from the earth comes vegetation4 ,the origin of mankind1 too1 is traced to the earth1 and to the earth mankind ultimately returns4#abag ,hence1 the receiver of life is a goddess equally with the giver of life1 and indeed1 ,ishtar and ,allatu are but the two aspects of one and the same phenomenon4#abah ,allatu signifies 'strength4' ,the name is related to the ,arabic ,allah and the ,hebrew ,eloah and ,elohim4 ,the same meaning--strength1 power1 rule--attaches to many of the names of the gods of the ,semites3 ,adon1 ,etana1 ,baal1 ,el1 and the like4#abai ,it is interesting to note that the chief goddess of ,arabia is ,allat#abbj--;a name identical with our ,allatu4 ,the bronze relief above described furnished us with a picture of this queen of the lower world4 ,the gloom enveloping the region controls this picture4 ,allatu is of as forbidding an aspect as ,tiamat4 ,she is warlike and ferocious4 ,when enraged1 her anger knows no bounds4 ,her chief attendants are the terrible ,namtar and a scribe--also a female--known as ,belit-seri4 ,of these two personages1 ,namtar1 the personification of disease1 is a popular conception1 whereas the addition of a scribe points again to the influence of the schools4 ,marduk1 the chief god of the living1 has a scribe who writes down1 at the god's dictation1 the fate decreed for individuals4 ,corresponding to this1 the ruler of the lower world has a scribe who writes down on the tablets of wisdom the decrees of the goddess1 and1 at a later stage1 the decrees of ,nergal as well4 ,belit-seri1 whose name signifies 'mistress of the field1' was originally a goddess of vegetation1 some local deity who has been reduced to the rank of an attendant upon a greater one2 and it is significant that almost all the members of the nether-world pantheon are in some way connected with vegetation4 ,tammuz1 of whose position in this pantheon we have already had occasion to speak1 is the god of spring vegetation4 ,another solar deity1 ,nin-gishzida1#abba who is associated in the ,adapa legend with ,tammuz1 is the deity who presides over the growth of trees4 ,en-meshara1 who also belongs to the court of ,nergal and ,allatu1 appears to represent vegetation in general4 ,to these may be added ,girra 7or ,gira71 who originally1 as it would appear1 a god of vegetation1 is eventually identified with ,dibbarra1#abbb ,gil1 whom ,jensen#abbc regards as 'the god of foliage1' and ,belili1 the sister of ,tammuz4#abbd ,of this group of deities1 ,tammuz and ,nin-gishzida are the most important4 ,in the ,adapa legend1 it will be recalled1 they are stationed as guardians in heaven4 ,as solar deities1 they properly belong there4 ,like ,nergal1 they have been transferred to the nether world2 and in the case of all three1 the process that led to the change appears to have been the same4 ,the trees blossom1 bear fruit1 and then decay2 the fields are clothed in glory1 and then shorn of their strength4 ,the decay of vegetation was popularly figured as due to the weakness#abbe of the god who produced the fertility4 ,tammuz has been deceived by ,ishtar2 ,nin-gishzida has been carried off to the lower world4 ,in the month of ,tebet1--the tenth month1--there was celebrated a festival of mourning for the lost ,en-meshara4 ,it is the time of the winter solstice4 ,a similar fate must have overtaken ,belit-seri1 ,girra1 and ,gil4 ,for a time1 at least1 they are hidden in the realm of ,allatu4 ,of all these deities1 stories were no doubt current that formed so many variations of one and the same theme1 symbolizing their disappearance and the hoped-for return1 the same story that we encounter in the myth of ,venus and ,adonis1 in the myth of ,osiris1 and1 in some guise or other1 among many other nations of the ancient world4 ,of ,girra1 it may be well to remember that he is viewed merely as a form of ,nergal in the later texts4 ,belili1 it will be recalled1 is associated with ,tammuz in the story of ,ishtar's journey4#abbf ,she is not1 however1 the consort of the god1 but his sister4 ,the antiquity of her cult follows from the occurrence of her name in the list of gods antecedent to ,anu1#abbg and where ,alala is entered as her consort4 ,whatever else the relationship of 'sister' to ,tammuz means1 it certainly indicates that ,belili belongs to the deities of vegetation1 and it may be that she will turn out to be identical with ,belit-seri1 which is merely the designation of some goddess1 and not a real name4#abbh ,one is inclined also to suspect some1 albeit remote1 connection between ,alala1 the consort of ,belili1 and the ,alallu bird who is spoken of in the ,gilgamesh epic as having been deprived of her pinions by ,ishtar4#abbi ,in the tale1 ,tammuz1 the ,alallu bird1 a lion1 and a horse are successively introduced as those once loved and then deceived by ,ishtar4 ,the lion is1 as has been several times indicated1 the symbol of ,nergal2 the horse appears in the ,hades relief above described as the animal upon which ,allatu is seated1 and it seems legitimate1 therefore1 to seek for ,alallu also in the nether world4 ,while it may be that a long process intervened1 before such a species of symbolization was brought about as the representation of an ancient deity in the guise of a bird1 still1 if it will be recalled that ,zu is a deity1 pictured as a bird1#abcj there is every reason to interpret the bird ,alallu merely as the symbol of some deity1 just as the lion is certainly such a symbol4 ,jensen would add ,etana to the list of gods of vegetation who form part of ,allatu's court4 ,while the etymology he proposes for the name is not acceptable1 there is no doubt that to ,etana1 like ,gilgamesh1 the character of a solar deity has been imparted4 ,his presence in the nether world is due to the story of his flight with the eagle and the fall4#abca ,if he falls from heaven1 he naturally enters the realm of ,allatu1 and it is possible that the story in its original form was suggested by a myth illustrating the change of seasons4 ,the question1 however1 must for the present remain an open one4 ,a god associated with the nether world who again appears to be a solar deity is ,nin-azu4 ,his name points to his being 'the god of healing4' ,a text states#abcb that ,allatu is his consort4 ,such a relationship to the chief goddess of the nether world may be regarded as a survival of the period when ,nergal had not yet been assigned to this place4 ,the introduction of a distinctly beneficent god into the pantheon of the lower world1 and as second in rank1 shows also that the gloomy conception of the lower world was one that developed gradually4 ,tammuz1 ,nin-gishzida1 and the like are held enthralled by ,allatu1 and remain in the nether world against their will2 but if ,allatu chooses as her consort a 'god of healing1' she must have been viewed as a goddess who could at times1 at least1 be actuated by kindly motives4 ,the phase of the sun symbolized by ,nin-azu is1 as in the case of ,tammuz and others1 the sun of the springtime and of the morning4 ,if it be recalled that ,gula1 the great goddess of healing1 is the consort of ,ninib1#abcc it will be clear that ,nin-azu must be closely related to ,ninib--and is1 indeed1 identified with the latter4#abcd ,with ,nergal in control1 ,nin-azu had to yield his privilege to be the husband of ,allatu4 ,the substitute of the fierce sun of the summer solstice for the sun of spring is a most interesting symptom of the direction taken by the ,babylonian beliefs1 regarding the fate of the dead4 ,it may be that in the earlier period1 when more optimistic views of ,aralu were current1 ,gula1 who is called the one 'who restores the dead to life1' may have had a place in the pantheon of the lower world2 not that the ,babylonians at any time believed in the return of the dead1 but because the living could be saved from the clutches of death4 ,ninib and ,gula1 as gods of spring1 furnished the spectacle of such a miracle in the return of vegetation4 ,in this sense1 we have seen that ,marduk1 the god of spring1 was also addressed as 'the restorer to life4' ,but while the revivification of nature controls the conception of gods of healing1 like ,nin-azu1 ,ninib1 and ,gula1 the extension of the idea would lead1 naturally1 to the association of these gods with the ruler of the nether world1 at a time when it was still believed that this ruler could be moved by appeals to loosen her hold upon those whom she was about to drag to her kingdom4 ,but it is important always to bear in mind that beyond this apparent restoration of the dead to life1 the ,babylonians at no time went4 ,in the ,ishtar story#abce a god ,irkalla is introduced4 ,jeremias#abcf takes this as one of the names of ,allatu1 but this is unlikely4#abcg ,from other sources#abch we know that ,irkalla is one of the names of the nether world4 ,it is in some way connected with ,urugal1#abci i4e41 'great city1' which is also a common designation for the dwelling-place of the dead4 ,hence1 ,irkalla is an epithet describing a deity as 'the god of the great city4' ,the ,babylonian scholars1 who were fond of plays upon words1 brought the name ,nergal1 as though compounded of ,ne-uru-gal 7i4e41 'ruler of the great city'71 into connection with ,uru-gal1 and thus identified ,irkalla with ,nergal4 ,but1 originally1 some other god must have been meant1 since ,allatu appears as the sole ruler of the lower world in the ,ishtar story1 unless1 indeed1 we are to assume that the name has been introduced at a late period as a concession to ,nergal4 ,it is more plausible that a god like ,nin-azu was understood under 'the god of the great city4' ,besides these gods1 there is another series of beings who belong to ,allatu's court1--the demons who are directly responsible for death in the world4 ,of this series1 ,namtar is the chief and the representative4 ,as the one who gathers in the living to the dark abode1 it is natural that he should be pictured as guardian at the gates of the great palace of ,allatu4 ,but by the side of ,namtar stand a large number of demons1 whose task is similar to that of their chief4 ,a text#abdj calls the entire group of demons1--the demon of wasting disease1 the demon of fever1 the demon of erysipelas1#abda and the like1--'the offspring of ,aralu1' 'the sons and messengers of ,namtar1 the bearers of destruction for ,allatu4' ,these demons are sent out from ,aralu to plague the living1 but once they have brought their victims to ,aralu1 their task is done4 ,they do not trouble the dead4 ,the latter stand1 as we have seen1 under the direct control of the gods4#abdb ,the story of ,ishtar's descent to the lower world#abdc shows us that the group of spirits known as the ,anunnaki1 also1 belong to the court of ,nergal and ,allatu4 ,ramman-nirari ,i4 already designates the ,anunnaki as belonging to the earth1#abdd though it is an indication of the vagueness of the notions connected with the group that in hymns1 both the ,anunnaki and the ,igigi are designated as offspring of ,anu1--the god of heaven4#abde ,they are not exclusively at the service of ,nergal and ,allatu4 ,bel1 ,ninib1 ,marduk1 and ,ishtar also send them out on missions4 ,evidently1 the fact that their chief function was to injure mankind suggested the doctrine which gave them a place in the lower world with the demons4 ,the distinction between ,anunnaki and the ,igigi is not sharply maintained in the religious literature4 ,though ,ramman-nirari places the ,igigi in heaven1 it is not impossible that a later view transferred them1 like the ,anunnaki1 to the lower world4 ,there were1 of course1 some misfortunes that were sent against mankind from on high--,ramman was a god who required such messengers as the ,igigi1 and besides the ,igigi1 there were other spirits sent out from above4 ,but1 as in the course of time the general doctrine was developed which made the gods1 on the whole1 favorably inclined towards man1 while the evil was ascribed to the demons#abdf--;as occupying the lower rank of divine beings--we note the tendency also to ascribe the ills that humanity is heir to1 to the forces that dwell under the earth1--to ,nergal and ,allatu and to those who did their bidding4 ,probably1 ,lakhmu and ,lakhamu were also regarded1 at least by the theologians1 as part of ,allatu's court1 just as ,alala and ,belili#abdg were so regarded4 ,the confusion resulting from the double position of ,nergal in the religious literature1 as the deity of the summer solstice and as the chief of the nether-world pantheon1 raises a doubt whether some gods who are closely associated with ,nergal are to be placed on high with the gods or have their seats below with ,nergal4 ,among these1 three require mention here3 ,dibbarra1 ,gibil1 and ,ishum4 ,of these1 the first two are directly identified with ,nergal in the systematized pantheon#abdh1 while ,ishum is closely associated with ,nergal1 or appears as the attendant of ,dibbarra#abdi4 ,these gods1 symbolizing violent destruction through war and fire1 are evidently related to the ,nergal of the upper world1--to ,nergal1 the solar deity2 but in the later stages of the religion1 the ,nergal of the lower world almost completely sets aside the earlier conception4 ,it is1 therefore1 likely that deities who stand so close to the terrible god as those under consideration1 were also regarded as having a position near his throne in the lower world4 ,the pantheon of ,aralu thus assumes considerable dimensions4 ,at the same time1 we observe the same tendency towards concentration of power in this pantheon as we have seen was the case in the pantheon of the upper world#abej4 ,as in ,babylonia there are practically only a few gods1--,marduk1 ,nabu1 ,ishtar1 ,shamash1 and ,sin1--who exercised considerable control2 and1 as in ,assyria we find this tendency still more accentuated in the supreme rank accorded to ,ashur1 so in the lower world ,nergal and ,allatu are the real rulers4 ,the other gods1 and1 naturally1 also the demons1 occupy inferior positions4 ,as messengers1 guardians1 spies1 or attendants1 they group themselves around the throne of the two rulers4 ,a noticeable feature1 however1 in the pantheon of the lower world consists in the high position held by the consort of the head of the pantheon4 ,allatu does not sink to the insignificant rank of being merely a pale reflection of ,nergal1 as do the consorts of ,marduk1 ,shamash1 ,ashur1 and the like#abea4 ,as a trace of the earlier supreme control exercised by her1 she continues to reign with her husband4 ,in the popular mind1 indeed1 despite the influence of theological doctrines1 ,allatu continues to be more prominent than ,nergal4 ,nergal is obliged to abide by the compact he made with ,allatu4 ,he rules with her1 but not over her4 ,the theology of the schools did not venture to set ,allatu aside altogether2 and this limitation in the development of the doctrine that elsewhere gave the male principle the supremacy over the female1 may be taken as a valuable indication of the counter-influence1 exercised by deeply rooted popular beliefs1 over the theoretical elaboration of the religion at the hands of the religious guides4 ,the ,tombs and the ,burial ,customs4 ,our knowledge of the customs observed by the ,babylonians and ,assyrians in disposing of their dead leaves much to be desired4 ,most of the graves discovered in the ruins of ,babylonian cities belong to the ,persian or to the ,greek period4 ,in some cases1#abeb where we have reason to believe that older graves have been found1 it is almost impossible to estimate their age4 ,recently1 the expedition of the ,university of ,pennsylvania to ,nippur has unearthed remains that appear to belong to an older period1 though nothing can be dated with any degree of certainty earlier than #bejj ,b4,c4#abec ,still1 with proper caution1 even the material belonging to a later period may be used for the older periods4 ,burial customs1 as has already been emphasized1 constitute the most conservative elements in a religion4 ,such rites are much less liable to change than the cult of the gods4 ,foreign invasion would not affect the funeral rites1 even where other religious customs are altered4 ,even so violent a change as that produced by the introduction of ,mohammedanism into ,mesopotamia has not removed traces of the old ,babylonian religion4 ,dr4 ,peters has shown that the district in the ,euphrates ,valley selected by the modern ,arabs and ,persians for the interment of their dead#abed derives its sanctity from the days of the old ,babylonian kingdom1 and many of the customs observed by the modern ,moslems tally with the funeral rites of ancient ,babylonia4#abee ,that the dead were always buried1 and that cremation was practically unknown1 may now be regarded as certain4 ,the conception of ,aralu1 which1 we have seen1 belongs to the most ancient period of religion1 is only intelligible upon the assumption that burial was the prevailing custom4 ,on one of the oldest monuments of ,babylonian art1--the stele of vultures1--earth-burial is represented4#abef ,a few years ago1 some ,german scholars#abeg claimed to have furnished the proof that the ,babylonians cremated their dead4 ,but1 in the first place1 the age of the tombs found by them was not clearly established2 and1 secondly1 it was not certain whether the charred remains of human bodies were due to intentional burning or accidental destruction by fire1 at the time that the city explored by the ,german scholars was destroyed4 ,the fact that1 as the explorers themselves observed1 the bodies were not completely burned argues in favor of the latter supposition4 ,the explanation offered by ,koldewey#abeh for this peculiar condition of the remains--that the burning was symbolical1 and1 therefore1 not complete--is unsatisfactory in every particular4 ,there can be no doubt that some1 at least1 of the tombs discovered at ,warka by ,loftus#abei belong to the period before the conquest of the country by ,cyrus1 and this is certainly the case with many of the tombs discovered at ,nippur4 ,nowhere do we find traces of burning of bodies4#abfj ,if it should turn out that cremation prevailed for a certain period1 the fashion1 we may feel certain1 was due to foreign influences1 but it is more than questionable whether it was ever introduced at all4 ,certainly1 earth-burial is the characteristically ,babylonian 7and general ,semitic7 method of disposing of the dead4 ,the characteristic feature of the ,babylonian tombs is their simplicity4 ,the dead body1 which was often covered with palm woods1 was placed generally on the side--though occasionally on the back--on a board of wood1 or wrapped in a mat of reeds or palm fibers1 and covered with a tub-shaped clay dish4 ,on the dish there was frequently an ornamental design1 but beyond this1 there was no attempt at decoration4 ,the body was frequently pressed together in order to be brought within the compass of the dish4 ,sometimes1 the knees were pulled up or the body placed in a semi-sitting posture1 and there are indications that the bodies were often divided into two or three parts prior to burial4 ,on the stele of vultures1#abfa representing the triumph of ,eannatum over his enemies1 attendants are seen building a mound over the symmetrically arranged bodies of the king's soldiers slain in battle4 ,the monument belongs to the most ancient period of ,babylonian history1 and we are justified1 therefore1 in regarding this method of earth-burial as the oldest in vogue4 ,the dead1 it would seem1 are placed on the ground1 or near the surface1 and covered with a mound4 ,this custom would account for the use of a dish to cover the body after it became customary to place the dead in small houses or vaults built for the purpose4 ,the shape of the dish1 or tub1 recalls the earth-mound over the dead1 and the tenacity of conventional methods is apparent in the modern custom1 even among ,western nations1 of raising a mound over the grave1 even though the body is placed at a depth of six feet and more below the surface4 ,a modification of the form of coffin was the jar into which the body was forced4 ,to do this1 still greater violence had to be employed4 ,instead of one jar1 two were also used1 the body placed partly in one1 partly in the other1 and the two were then joined with bitumen4 ,in the ,persian period1 a slipper-shaped coffin was used1 into which the body was inserted through an aperture at one end2 but there is no evidence that the ,babylonians employed this method4 ,with the bodies1 various objects were interred1 many of which had a special significance4 ,except1 perhaps1 at a very early period#abfb the dead were not buried naked1 but covered with a garment4 ,the seal cylinder1 which1 as ,herodotus tells us1#abfc every person of position carried about his person1 and which1 when impressed on a clay tablet1 served as his signature1 was buried with the dead as an ornament that had a personal value4 ,the staff which the man was in the habit of carrying is found in the grave1 and also such weapons as arrowheads and spears4 ,various ornaments of copper1 iron1 gold1 and stone1 rings1 necklaces or bands of gold were probably placed with the dead as a sign of affection1 not because of any belief that the deceased needed these objects4 ,toys1 too1 are found in the graves1 and we may assume that these were placed in the tombs of children4 ,the frequent presence of shells in the tombs is still unexplained4 ,on the other hand1 remains of food1 dates1 grain1 poultry1 and fish1 that have been found in graves belonging to various periods1 may be regarded as a proof for the existence of the belief that the dead could suffer pangs of hunger4 ,the closing lines of the ,gilgamesh epic1#abfd where the fate of the neglected dead is portrayed1 confirms this view4 ,but such remains are more frequent in the early graves than in those of a later time4 ,animal sacrifices at the grave appear to be very old4#abfe ,offerings of food and water were made to the dead1 not only at the time of the burial1 but afterwards by surviving relatives4 ,the son performs the office of pouring out water to the memory of his father4#abff ,the close of the legend of ,ishtar's journey suggests that the festival of ,tammuz was selected as an ',all-,souls' day4 ,the weeping for the lost ,tammuz served as an appropriate link for combining with the mourning for the god the lament for the dead4 ,the water jar is never absent in the old ,babylonian tombs1 and by the side of the jar the bowl of clay or bronze is found1 and which probably served the same purpose as a drinking utensil for the dead4 ,how early it became customary to bury the dead together we do not know4 ,it may be that at one time they were buried beneath the dwellings that they occupied when alive1 under the threshold or in the walls2#abfg but the conception of ,aralu as a great gathering-place of the dead would hardly have arisen1 unless the 'city of the dead' by the side of the 'city of the living' had become an established custom4 ,we are1 therefore1 justified in assuming that as the villages grew into towns1 the huddling together of the living suggested placing the dead together in a portion of the town set aside for the purpose4 ,in comparison with the elaborate constructions in the ,egyptian cities of the dead1 the ,babylonian necropolis was a shabby affair4 ,vaults1 rarely more than five feet high1 served as the place where the dead were deposited4 ,these vaults were constructed of bricks1 and an extended series of them gave to the necropolis the appearance of little houses1 suggestive of primitive mud huts4 ,this simplicity1 due in the first instance to the lack of stone as building material in ,babylonia1 corresponded to the very simple character which the dwelling-house retained4 ,the one-story type of dwelling1 with simple partitions1 prevailed to the latest period4 ,it was only in the temples and palaces that architectural skill was developed4 ,in ,assyria1 although soft stone was accessible1 the example of ,babylonia was slavishly followed4 ,it is due to this that so few traces of private houses have been found in the ,mesopotamian explorations1#abfh and the almost primitive character of the graves--more primitive1 by virtue of the strength of the conservative instinct in everything connected with the dead1 than the dwellings of the living--readily accounts for their nearly complete destruction4 ,simple as the houses of the dead were1 they were yet carefully guarded against the invasion of air and dust2 and even after centuries of neglect the contents are found to be perfectly dry4 ,the explorations at ,nippur show that the tub and bowl forms of the coffin continued to be used during the period extending from ,hammurabi to ,nabonnedos4 ,in later times1 it would appear1 the custom of placing food and drink with the dead fell into disuse4#abfi ,we may perhaps find that1 as was the case in ,egypt1 symbolical representations of food--a clay plate with the food modeled in clay--took the place of the old custom4 ,fewer utensils1 too1 are found in the graves of the later period2 but1 on the other hand1 ornaments increase1 until1 when we reach the ,persian and ,greek periods1 mirrors are quite common1 and golden veils are placed over the dead1 while handsome earrings1 breastpins1 and necklaces indicate the growth of this luxurious display4 ,the clay coffins1 too1 are beautifully glazed and ornamented with elaborate designs4 ,a trace of foreign--perhaps ,graeco-,egyptian--influence may be seen in the human head modeled on the coffin4 ,naturally1 at all times the different ranks occupied by the dead involved more or less modifications of the prevailing customs4 ,the rich were placed in more carefully built vaults than the poor4 ,the coverings and ornaments varied with the station of the deceased2 but in general it may be said that1 during the earlier periods of ,babylonian-,assyrian history1 simplicity was the rule1 and the objects placed in the tombs were more carefully chosen with reference to the needs of the dead and the career that he led while living1 while the tendency in later times was away from the religious beliefs that gave rise to the funeral customs1 and in the direction of luxury and display4 ,this development1 however1 is independent of proper burial1 upon which1 as we have already had occasion to see1 great stress was at all times laid4 ,the greatest misfortune that could happen to a dead person was for his body to remain overground1 or to be removed from the tomb and exposed to the light of day4 ,in the early monument of ,babylonian art1--the 'stele of vultures1'#abgj--;already referred to1 the dead foes are punished by being stripped of their clothing and exposed to the attack of vultures1 who are seen carrying off human heads1 legs1 and arms4 ,to emphasize the contrast1 the king's soldiers are portrayed as being buried in symmetrical rows1 the head of each body being covered by the feet of the body in the row above4 ,when the ,babylonian and ,assyrian kings wish to curse the one who might venture to destroy the monuments set up by them1 they know of nothing stronger than to express the hope ,that his body may be cast aside1 ,no grave be his lot4#abga ,the kings punished their enemies by leaving their bodies to rot in the sun1 or they exposed them on poles as a warning to rebels4 ,ashurbanabal on one occasion speaks of having scattered the corpses of the enemy's host 'like thorns and thistles' over the battlefield4#abgb ,the corpses of the ,babylonians who had aided in the rebellion against the king were given 'to dogs1 swine1 to the birds of heaven1 to the fish of the sea' as food4#abgc ,the same king takes pleasure in relating that he destroyed the graves of ,elamitic kings and dragged the bodies from their resting-place#abgd to ,assyria4 ,their shades1 he adds1 were thus unprotected4 ,no food could be tendered them and no sacrifices offered in their honor4 ,sennacherib1 after he has crushed a rebellion that broke out in ,babylonia1 takes a terrible revenge upon the instigator of the opposition1 ,mardukbaliddin1 by removing the bodies of the latter's ancestors from the vaults wherein they were deposited4 ,the bones of an enemy are enumerated by ,ashurbanabal among the spoil secured by him4#abge ,the mutilation of the dead body was also a terrible punishment to the dead1#abgf and we are told that the person who disturbed a grave is not to be permitted to enter the temple4 ,the desecration of the grave affected not only the individual whose rest was thus disturbed1 and who1 in consequence1 suffered pangs of hunger and other miseries1 but reached the survivors as well4 ,the unburied or disentombed shade assumed the form of a demon1#abgg and afflicted the living4 ,of the ceremonies incidental to burial1 the bronze tablet above described affords us at least a glimpse4 ,the dead were placed on a bier and wrapped in some kind of a cover4 ,priests were called in to perform rites of purification4 ,one of the priests1 it will be recalled1#abgh is clad in a fish costume4 ,the fish is the symbol of ,ea1 the god of the deep1 who becomes the chief deity appealed to in incantations involving the use of water4 ,the priest assumes the role of ,ea1 as it were1 by the symbolical dress that he puts on4 ,the rites appear to consist of the burning of incense and the sprinkling of water4 ,it does not of course follow that everywhere the same custom was observed1 but we may at least be certain that the priest played an important part in the last honors paid to the dead4 ,the purification was intended to protect the dead from the evil spirits that infest the grave4 ,the demons of disease1 it is true1 could no longer trouble him4 ,they had done their work as messengers of ,allatu4 ,but there were other demons who were greedy for the blood and flesh of the dead4 ,though the dead had passed out of the control of the gods1 the latter had at least the power to restrain the demons from disturbing the peace of the grave4 ,in the earlier days1 when the bodies were placed on the ground or only a short distance below it1 the building of the grave-mound was a ceremony to which importance was attached4 ,in the stele of vultures1 attendants are portrayed--perhaps priests--with baskets on their heads1 containing the earth to be placed over the fallen soldiers4#abgi ,these attendants are bare to the waist4 ,the removal of the garments is probably a sign of mourning1 just as among the ,hebrews and other ,semites it was customary to put on the primitive loin-cloth#abhj as a sign of grief4 ,in somewhat later times1 we find sorrowing relatives tearing their clothing#abha-- originally tearing off their clothing--and cutting their hair as signs of mourning4 ,the formal lament for the dead was another ceremony upon which stress was laid4 ,it lasted from three to seven days4#abhb ,the professional wailers1 male and female1 can be traced back to the earliest days of ,babylonian history4 ,gudea speaks of them4#abhc ,it would appear that at this early period persons were engaged1 as is the case to this day in the ,orient1 to sing dirges in memory of the dead4#abhd ,the function is one that belongs naturally to priests and priestesses2 and1 while in the course of time1 the connection with the temple of those who acted as wailers became less formal1 it is doubtful whether that connection was ever entirely cut off4 ,the 'dirge singers1 male and female1' referred to in the story of ,ishtar's journey#abhe were in the service of some temple4 ,the hymns to ,nergal#abhf may be taken as samples of the ,babylonian dirges4 ,the praise of ,nergal and ,allatu was combined with the lament for the sad fate of the dead4 ,gilgamesh weeping for his friend ,eabani#abhg furnishes an illustration4 ,gilgamesh is described as stretched out on the ground4 ,the same custom is referred to in the inscriptions of ,cyrus1#abhh and it is interesting to note that a similar mode of manifesting grief still prevails in the modern ,orient4 ,in the ,babylonian dirges1 it would seem1 the references to the virtues of the deceased 7which are prominently introduced into the dirges of the present day7 were few4 ,the refrain forms a regular feature of these dirges1--an indication that1 as is still the case in the ,orient1 there was a leader who sang the dirge1 while the chorus chimed in at the proper moment4 ,the principle of the stanza of two lines1 one long and one short1 that1 as ,budde has shown1#abhi controls the wailing songs in the ,old ,testament 7including the ,book of ,lamentations1 which is based upon this very custom of lamenting the dead71 may be detected in the ,babylonian compositions4 ,the accompaniment of musical instruments to the dirges also appears to be a very old custom in ,babylonia4 ,in the story of ,ishtar's journey the wailers are called upon to strike their instruments4 ,what kind of instruments were used in ancient times we do not know4 ,in the ,assyrian period1 the harp and flute appear to be the most common4#abij ,at the time that food and drink were placed with the dead in the grave1 some arrangements must have been made for renewing the nourishment4 ,entrances to tombs have been found1#abia and ,koldewey#abib is of the opinion that the clay drains found in quantities in the tombs1 served as well to secure a supply of fresh water for the dead4 ,the wailing for the dead took place not only immediately after death1 but subsequently4 ,ashurbanabal speaks of visiting the graves of his ancestors4 ,he appears at the tomb with rent garments1 pours out a libation to the memory of the dead1 and offers up a prayer addressed to them4 ,we have every reason to believe that the graves were frequently visited by the survivors4 ,the festival of ,tammuz became an occasion#abic when the memory of those who had entered ,aralu was recalled4 ,while there are many details connected with the ceremonies for the dead still to be determined1 what has been ascertained illustrates how closely and consistently these ceremonies followed the views held by the ,babylonians and ,assyrians regarding the life after death4 ,everything connected with death is gloomy4 ,the grave is as dark as ,aralu2 the funeral rites consist of dirges that lament not so much the loss sustained by the living as the sad fate in store for the dead4 ,not a ray of sunshine illumines the darkness that surrounds these rites4 ,all that is hoped for is to protect the dead against the attack of demons greedy for human flesh1 to secure rest for the body1 and to guard the dead against hunger and thirst4 ,it is almost startling to note1 to what a degree the views embodied in ,old ,testament writings regarding the fate of the dead1 coincide with ,babylonian conceptions4 ,the descriptions of ,sheol found in ,job1 in the ,psalms1 in ,isaiah1 ,ezekiel1 and elsewhere are hardly to be distinguished from those that we have encountered in ,babylonian literature4 ,for ,job1#abid ,sheol is ,the land of darkness and deep shadows4 ,the land of densest gloom and not of light4 ,even where there is a gleam1 there it is as dark night4#abie ,the description might serve as a paraphrase of the opening lines in the story of ,ishtar's journey4 ,the ,hebrew ,sheol is situated1 like the ,babylonian ,aralu1 deep down in the earth4#abif ,it is pictured as a cavern4 ,the entrance to it is through gates that are provided with bolts4 ,sheol is described as a land filled with dust4 ,silence reigns supreme4 ,it is the gathering-place of all the living1 without exception4 ,he who sinks into ,sheol does not rise up again4 ,he does not return to his house4 ,his place knows him no more4#abig ,it is1 clearly1 'a land without return1' as the ,babylonians conceived it4 ,the condition of the dead in ,sheol is sad1 precisely as the ,babylonians pictured the life in ,aralu4 ,the dead are designated by a name#abih that indicates their weak condition4 ,they can only talk in whispers or they chirp like birds4 ,their gait is unsteady4 ,in general1 they are pictured as lying quiet1 doomed to inactivity4 ,death is lamented as an evil4 ,the dead have passed out of the control of ,yahwe1 whose concern is with the living4 ,yahwe's blessings are meted out in this world1 but not in ,sheol4 ,these blessings consist chiefly of long life and plenty of offspring4 ,the dead need not praise ,yahwe4 ,ecclesiastes--although a late composition--expresses the old popular view in the summary of the fate of the dead1#abii when it is said that the dead know nothing of what is going on4 ,their memory is gone2 they neither love nor hate1 and they are devoid of any ambition4 ,there is no planning1 no wisdom1 no judgment in ,sheol4 ,like the ,babylonians1 the ,hebrews also believed that the condition of the individual at the time of death was an index of the condition in store for him in ,sheol4 ,he who goes to ,sheol in sorrow is pursued by sorrow after death4 ,jacob does not want to go down to ,sheol in sorrow1#acjj because he knows that in that case sorrow will be his fate after death4 ,to die neglected by one's family was fatal to one's well-being in ,sheol4 ,life in ,sheol was a continuation1 in a measure1 of the earthly existence4 ,hence1 the warrior is buried with his weapons2 the prophet is recognized by his cloak2 the kings wear their crowns2 the people of various lands are known by their dress4#acja ,even deformities1 as lameness1 follow the individual into the grave4 ,on the other hand1 while the dead were weak and generally inactive1 although capable of suffering1 they were also regarded by the ,hebrews as possessing powers superior to those of the living4 ,as among the ,babylonians1 the dead stand so close to the higher powers as to be themselves possessed of divine qualities4 ,schwally aptly characterizes this apparent contradiction by saying 'that the dead are ,refa'im 7weak71 but1 at the same time1 ,elohim1 i4e4 divine beings4'#acjb ,yahwe has no power over the dead1 but they receive some of his qualities4 ,they are invoked by the living4 ,the dead can furnish oracles1 precisely as ,yahwe can4 ,they not only appear to the living in dreams1 but their shades can be raised up from ,sheol4 ,a certain amount of worship was certainly paid to the dead by the ancient ,hebrews4 ,naturally1 these popular views were subjected to considerable modification with the development of the religion of the ,hebrews4 ,while many features remained1 as is shown by the occurrence of the primitive conception of ,sheol in comparatively late productions1 in one important particular1 more especially1 did the spread of an advanced ethical monotheism lead to a complete departure from the ,babylonian conceptions4 ,while1 in the popular mind1 the belief that there was no escape from ,sheol continued for a long time1 this belief was inconsistent with the conception of a ,divine ,being1 who1 as creator and sole ruler of the universe1 had control of the dead as well as the living4 ,as long as ,yahwe was merely one god among many1 no exception was made of the rule that the concern of the gods was with the living2 but ,yahwe as the one and only god1 could not be pictured as limited in his scope4 ,he was a god for the dead1 as well as for the living4 ,the so-called song of ,hannah#acjc expresses the new view when it praises ,yahwe as the one 'who kills and restores to life1 who leads to ,sheol1 and who can lead out of it4' ,such a description of ,yahwe is totally different from the ,babylonians' praise of ,ninib1 ,gula1 or ,marduk as the 'restorer of the dead to life1' which simply meant that these gods could restrain ,allatu4 ,the power to snatch the individual from the grasp of ,sheol was also ascribed to the national god1 ,yahwe4 ,elijah's restoration of the widow's child#acjd to life is an instance of this power1 and ,jonah1#acje who praises ,yahwe for having delivered him when the gates of ,sheol already seemed bolted1 may not have had anything more in mind than what the ,babylonians meant2 but when the ,psalmist1 to indicate the universal rule of ,yahwe1 exclaims ,if ,i mount to heaven1 thou art there1 ,if ,i make ,sheol my couch1 thou art there1#acjf the departure from the old ,hebrew and ,babylonian views of the limitation of divine power is clearly marked4 ,the inconsistency between the view held of ,yahwe and the limitation of his power was not1 however1 always recognized4 ,hence1 even in late portions of the ,old ,testament1 we find views of the life after death that are closely allied to the popular notions prevailing in the earlier productions4 ,it is not1 indeed1 till we reach a period bordering close on our era that the conflict between the old and the new is brought to a decided issue in the disputes of the sects that arose in ,palestine4#acjg ,the doctrines of retribution and of the resurrection of the dead are the inevitable consequences of the later ethical faith and finally triumph2 but the old views1 which bring the ancient ,hebrews into such close connection with the ,babylonians1 left their impress in the vagueness that for a long time characterized these doctrines1 even after their promulgation4 ,the persistency of the old beliefs is a proof of the strong hold that they acquired1 as also of the close bond uniting1 at one time and for a long period1 ,hebrews and ,babylonians4 ,what applies to the beliefs regarding the dead holds good also for the rites4 ,many a modern ,jewish custom#acjh still bears witness to the original identity of the ,hebrew and ,babylonian methods of disposing of and caring for the dead4 ,there is but one explanation for this close agreement1--the same explanation that was given for the identity of traditions regarding the creation of the world1 and for the various other points of contact between the two peoples that we have met with4 ,when the ,hebrew clans left their homes in the ,euphrates ,valley1 they carried with them the traditions1 beliefs1 and customs that were current in that district1 and which they shared with the ,babylonians4 ,under new surroundings1 some new features were added to the traditions and beliefs1 but the additions did not obscure the distinctive character impressed upon them by ,babylonian contact4 ,we now know that relations with ,babylonia were never entirely broken off by the ,hebrews4 ,the old traditions survived all vicissitudes4 ,they were adapted to totally changed phases of belief1 but the kernel still remained ,babylonian4 ,beliefs were modified1 new doctrines arose2 but1 with a happy inconsistency1 the old was embodied in the new4 ,hence it happens1 that in order to understand the ,hebrews1 their religion1 their customs1 and even their manner of thought1 we must turn to ,babylonia4 ,further discoveries beneath the mounds of ,mesopotamia and further researches in ,babylonian literature will add more evidence to the indebtedness of the ,hebrews to ,babylonia4 ,it will be found that in the sacrificial ordinances of the ,pentateuch1 in the legal regulations1 in methods of justice and punishment1 ,babylonian models were largely followed1 or1 what is an equal testimony to ,babylonian influence1 an opposition to ,babylonian methods was dominant4 ,it is not strange that when by a curious fate1 the ,hebrews were once more carried back to the 'great river of ,babylon1'#acji the people felt so thoroughly at home there4 ,it was only the poets and some ardent patriots who hung their harps on the willows and sighed for a return to ,zion4 ,the ,jewish population steadily increased in ,babylonia1 and soon also the intellectual activity of ,babylonian ,jews outstripped that of ,palestine4#acaj ,the finishing touches to the structure of ,judaism were given in ,babylonia--on the soil where the foundations were laid4 ,,footnotes3 #aaab ,see above1 p4 #ddh4 #aaac ,see pp4 #dhg1 #dhi1 #eaa1 #eab4 #aaad ,or ,arallu4 #aaae ,,iir4 #fa1 #ah4 ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 p4 #bbj1 takes this as the name of a temple2 but1 since ,aralu was pictured as a 'great house1' there is no reason why the designation should not refer to the nether world4 #aaaf ,see the admirable argument in ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 pp4 #ahe-aie4 #aaag ,or1 more fully1 ,kharsag-gal-kurkura1 'great mountain of all lands4' #aaah ,see above1 p4 #deh4 #aaai ,see the following chapter4 #aabj ,see the passages in ,jeremias' ,die ,babylonisch-,assyrischen ,vorstellungen vom ,leben nach dem ,tode1 p4 #fb4 #aaba ,sargon ,annals1 ,i4 #aef4 ,jensen's interpretation of the passage 7,kosmologie1 p4 #bca7 is forced1 as is also his explanation of ,,iir4 #ea1 #aa;a1 where a mountain ,aralu is clearly designated4 #aabb ,kosmologie1 pp4 #bbb-bbd4 #aabc ,gunkel's ,schoepfung und ,chaos1 p4 #aed1 note #e4 #aabd ,in an article on ',shualu' published in the ,american ,journal of ,semitic ,languages 7xiv471 ,i have set forth my reasons for accepting this word as a ,babylonian term for the nether world4 #aabe ,in the later portions of the ,old ,testament1 the use of ,sheol is also avoided4 ,see the passages in ,schwally1 ,das ,leben nach dem ,tode nach den ,vorstellungen des ,alten ,israels1 pp4 #ei1 #fj4 #aabf ,not ',ort der ,entscheidung1' as ,jeremias1 ib4 p4 #aji1 proposes4 #aabg ,see above1 p4 #cbi4 #aabh ,i ,sam4 xxviii4 #aa4 #aabi ,see p4 #eaa4 #aacj ,see ,schwally1 ib4 pp4 #ei-fc4 #aaca ,isaiah1 viii4 #ai4 #aacb ,one of the names for the priest in ,babylonia is ,sha'ilu1 i4e41 'inquirer1' and the corresponding ,hebrew word ,sho'el is similarly used in a few passages of the ,old ,testament2 e4g41 ,deut4 xviii4 #aa2 ,micah1 vii4 #c4 ,see an article by the writer on ,the ,stem ,sha'al and the ,name of ,samuel1 in a forthcoming number of the ,journal of the ,society of ,biblical ,literature4 #aacc ,see above1 pp4 #ccc seq4 #aacd ,see p4 #afg4 #aace ,see above1 p4 #afg1 and ,scheit1 ,le ,culte de ,gudea1 etc4 7,recueil des ,travaux1 xviii4 #fd seq47 #aacf ,thureau-,dangin1 ,le ,culte des ,rois dans la periode ,prebabylonienne 7,recueil des ,travaux1 etc41 xix4 #dhf74 #aacg ,see above1 p4 #cf4 ,the text is published ,,iiir4 pl4 #d1 no4 #g4 ,recently1 ,mr4 ,pinches has published a variant version of this story 7,proc4 ,soc4 ,bibl4 ,arch4 xviii4 #beg1 #beh74 #aach ,,ivr4 #cd4 #aaci ,in view of recent discussions of the subject1 it is important to note that ,tiele already fifteen years ago recognized that ,sargon was a historical personage4 ,see his remarks1 ,babyl4 ,assyr4 ,gesch41 p4 #aab4 #aadj ,chapter ii4 #aada ,see ,winterbotham1 ,the ,cult of ,father ,abraham1 in the ,expositor1 #ahig1 pp4 #agg-ahf4 #aadb ,see ,jensen's ,kosmologie1 p4 #bae1 and ,meissner1 ,altbabylonisches ,privatrecht1 p4 #ba4 ,the word is used for the foundation of a building1 and is an indication1 therefore1 of the great depth at which the nether world was placed4 #aadc ,see below1 p4 #efg1 and ,jensen's ,kosmologie1 p4 #bei4 #aadd ,see pp4 #fe1 #ff4 #aade ,kabru and ,gegunu 7'dark place'74 #aadf ,see also below1 pp4 #eff1 #efg4 #aadg ,published ,,iv ,rawlinson 7#bnd edition71 pl4 #ca4 #aadh ,see p4 #dhc4 #aadi ,the ,old ,testament recognizes only two seasons1 summer and winter4 ,see1 e4g41 ,gen4 viii4 #bb4 #aaej ,see the discussion in ,robertson ,smith's ,religions of the ,semites1 pp4 #cia-cid2 and also ,farnall1 ,the ,cults of the ,greek ,states1 ii4 #fdd-fdi4 #aaea ,see above1 p4 #dhd4 #aaeb ,see above1 p4 #eaj4 #aaec ,i4e41 according to one version 7p4 #eaa74 ,another version of this part of the ,gilgamesh epic1 which1 however1 is influenced by the tale of ,ishtar's visit1 is published in ,haupt's ,nimrodepos1 pp4 #af-ai4 ,in this version ,eabani gives ,gilgamesh a description of ,aralu1 which tallies with the one found in the ,ishtar tale4 #aaed ,text defective4 ,jeremias' suggestion1 the land that thou knowest1 misses the point4 ,the person addressed does not know the land4 ',decay' is ,schrader's conjecture 7,die ,hoellenfahrt der ,istar1 p4 #bd74 ,see ,haupt's ,nimrodepos1 pp4 #ag1 #dj1 and ,delitzsch's ,assyr4 ,woerterbuch1 p4 #cba1 note4 #aaee ,lit41 'the one who has entered it4' #aaef ,i4e41 of the inhabitants4 #aaeg ,the inhabitants4 #aaeh ,see p4 #dfa4 #aaei ,see below1 p4 #eia4 #aafj ,see pp4 #ejb1 #eaa4 #aafa ,particularly by ,herbert ,spencer and his followers4 #aafb ,isaiah1 xiv #i-bj1 and ,ezekiel1 xxxii4 #ah-ca4 ,in ,isaiah1 the ,babylonian ,aralu is specifically described1 while ,ezekiel writes under the influence of ,babylonian ideas4 #aafc ,isaiah1 viii4 #ai4 #aafd ,the ,hebrew word for 'the dead1' refaim1 conveys this idea4 #aafe ,see p4 #eab4 #aaff ,see ,sara ,y4 ,stevenson1 ,on ,certain ,symbols used in the ,decoration of ,some ,potsherds from ,daphne and ,naukratis 7,philadelphia1 #ahib71 p4 #h4 #aafg ,see above1 p4 #hc4 #aafh ',eating' appears to be a metaphor for destruction in general4 #aafi ,the portals 7874 #aagj ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 pp4 #agc seq4 #aaga ,here used as an epithet of the nether world4 ,see above1 p4 #efc4 #aagb ,or 'palace4' ,the lower world1 it will be recalled1 is pictured as a house or a country4 ,here the two terms are combined4 ,see ,delitzsch1 ,assyr4 ,woerterbuch1 p4 #cda4 #aagc ,the phrases used are the ordinary terms of greeting4 ,see1 e4g41 ,,vr4 #fe1 #ag;b4 #aagd ,gibil-,nusku may be meant4 ,see the hymn1 p4 #bgh4 ,pap-sukal is a title of ,nabu 7p4 #acj71 but also of other gods4 #aage ,lit41 'liver4' #aagf ,for the translation of these lines see ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 p4 #bcc4 #aagg ,see above1 p4 #dda4 #aagh ,so ,jeremias' ,vorstellungen1 etc42 see p4 #ci4 ,zikutu from the same stem means a 'drinking bowl4' #aagi ,a biting of the lips is elsewhere introduced as a figure4 ,see the author's monograph1 ,a ,fragment of the ,babylonian ,dibbarra ,epic1 p4 #ad4 #aahj ,see ,delitzsch1 ,assyr4 ,woerterbuch1 p4 #cda4 #aaha ,so far as the domestic animals are concerned1 it is true that they throw off their young in the spring4 ,the reference to a similar interruption in the case of mankind 7see above1 p4 #ega7 may embody the recollection of a period when a regular pairing season and breeding time existed among mankind4 ,see ,westermarck1 ,the ,history of ,human ,marriage1 pp4 #bg seq4 #aahb ,allatu4 #aahc ,i4e41 of the dead person4 #aahd ,ishtar4 #aahe ,see p4 #dge4 #aahf ,vorstellungen1 pp4 #f-h4 #aahg ,some instrument is mentioned4 #aahh ,,ivr4 #cj1 no4 #c1 obverse #bc-ce4 #aahi ,the word is explained by a gloss1 ',shamash has made him great4' #aaij ,i4e41 the month in which one dies4 #aaia ,see p4 #age4 #aaib ,see pp4 #eje1 #ejf4 #aaic ,vorstellungen1 p4 #ha4 #aaid ,psalms1 vi4 #f4 #aaie ,l',enfer ,assyrien 7,revue ,archaeologique1 #ahgi1 pp4 #ccg-cdi74 ,see also ,perrot and ,chiplez1 ,history of ,art in ,chaldaea and ,assyria1 ,i4 #cdi seq4 #aaif ,described by ,schell in the ,recucil de ,travaux1 etc41 xx4 nos4 #a and #b4 ,schell regards the ,zurghul duplicate as older than the other4 #aaig ,only four on the ,zurghul duplicate4 #aaih ,for the interpretation of these symbols1 see ,luschan1 ,ausgrabungen in ,sendschirli1 pp4 #ag-bg1 and ,scheil's article4 ,on the ,zurghul tablet there are eight symbols1 while the other contains nine4 #aaii ,see pp4 #bfc1 #bfd4 ,a text ,,ivr4 #e1 col4 i4 compares each of the seven spirits to some animal4 ,on the duplicate six demons are placed in the second division and the seventh in the third4 #abjj ,on the duplicate those two demons do not occur4 #abja ,schell thinks that the face is that of a dog4 #abjb ,on the ,zurghul duplicate the horse is not pictured4 #abjc ,see p4 #ebi4 #abjd ,this division is not marked in the duplicate from ,zurghul4 #abje ,not occurring on the duplicate4 #abjf ,scheil questions whether the divisions have this purpose4 ,while perhaps not much stress is laid by the artist upon this symbolism1 its existence can hardly be questioned4 ,note the five divisions of the universe in ,smith's ,miscellaneous ,texts1 p4 #af4 ,the water certainly represents the ,apsu4 ,allatu rests upon the bark4 ,we do not find among the ,babylonians 7as ,scheil supposes7 the view that the dead are conveyed across a sheet of water to the nether world4 ,the dead are buried1 and by virtue of this fact enter ,aralu1 which is in the earth4 ,egyptian influence is possible1 but unlikely4 #abjg ,,ivr4 #bf1 no4 #a4 #abjh ,i4e41 the nether world4 #abji ,,ivr4 #cj1 no4 #a2 obverse #e1 #ad4 #abaj ,see ,jensen's valuable articles1 ,the ,queen in the ,babylonian ,hades and her ,consort1 in the ,sunday ,school ,times1 ,march #ac and #bj1 #ahig4 ,the text is published1 ,winckler and ,abel1 ,der ,thontafelfund von ,el-,amarna1 iii4 #afd1 #afe4 #abaa ,written phonetically e-ri-ish4 ,the word is entered as a synonym of sharratum1 'queen1' ,,vr4 #bh1 no4 #b2 obverse #ca4 ,this phonetic writing furnishes the reading for ,nin in ,nin-,klgal4 #abab ,see pp4 #dah1 #dai4 #abac ,see p4 #dbh4 #abad ,see below1 p4 #ehh seq4 #abae ,see below1 p4 #eij4 #abaf ,see above1 p4 #gi4 #abag ,see pp4 #ddh1 #eaa4 #abah ,see ,farnell1 ,the ,cults of the ,greek ,states1 ii4 #fbg4 #abai ,see the reference in note #c to p4 #eai4 #abbj ,wellhausen1 ,reste ,arabischen ,heidenthums1 pp4 #bh1 #bi4 ,that the ,syro-,arabian ,allat resembles ,ishtar rather than ,allatu1 points again to the original identity of the two goddesses4 #abba ,see p4 #edf seq4 #abbb ,see below1 p4 #eid1 note #a1 and ,jensen's ,kosmologie1 pp4 #ade1 #dhj1 #dhc1 #dhg4 #abbc ,sunday ,school ,times1 #ahig1 p4 #aci4 #abbd ,see p4 #egd4 #abbe ,see ,frazer1 ,the ,golden ,bough1 i4 #bdj seq4 and #bgd1 #bge4 #abbf ,see p4 #egd4 #abbg ,see p4 #dag4 #abbh ,cheyne 7,expository ,times1 #ahig1 pp4 #dbc1 #dbd7 ingeniously regards ,belili as the source of the ,hebrew word ,beliyaal or ,belial1 which1 by a species of popular etymology1 is written by the ancient ,hebrew scholars as though compounded of two ,hebrew words signifying 'without return4' ,the popular etymology is valuable as confirming the proposition to place ,belili in the pantheon of the lower world4 ,from its original meaning1 the word became a poetical term in ,hebrew for 'worthless1' 'useless1' and the like1 e4g41 in the well-known phrase ,sons of ,belial4 #abbi ,see p4 #dhb4 #abcj ,see p4 #ecg4 #abca ,see above1 p4 #ebc4 #abcb ,,iir4 #ei2 reverse #cc-ce4 #abcc ,see above1 p4 #age4 #abcd ,,iir4 #eg1 #ea;a1 a star1 ,nin-azu1 is entered as one of the names of the planet ,ninib4 #abce ,see above1 p4 #efe4 ,the name occurs also in ,haupt's ,nimrodepos1 pp4 #ai1 #bi4 #abcf ,vorstellungen1 p4 #fh4 #abcg ,the name of the goddess is written throughout the story ,nin-,kigal2 i4e41 'queen of the nether world4' ,nin-,eresh4 ,see p4 #ehd1 note #b4 #abch ,smith1 ,miscellaneous ,texts1 p4 #af4 #abci ,jensen1 ,kosmologie1 p4 #bei1 note4 #abdj ,,ivr4 #a1 col4 i4 #ab2 col iii4 #h-aj4 #abda ,te'u4 ,see ,,ivr4 #bb1 #eab1 and ,bartels1 ,zeitschrift fuer ,assyriologie1 viii4 #agi-ahd4 #abdb ,see above1 pp4 #ahc1 #efj4 #abdc ,obverse ll4 #cc1 #cg4 #abdd ,see above1 p4 #ahe4 #abde ,see p4 #ahf4 #abdf ,see p4 #ahc4 #abdg ,see pp4 #dag1 #eih4 #abdh ,jensen's ,kosmologie1 pp4 #dhc1 #dhd4 ,in the new fragment of the ,deluge story discovered by ,scheil 7referred to above1 p4 #ejg1 and now published in the ,recueil de ,travaux1 xix4 no4 #c7 the word di-ib-ba-ra occurs1 and the context shows that it means 'destruction4' ,in view of this1 the question is again opened as to the reading of the name of the god of war and pestilence4 ,the identification of this god with ,girra 7pp4 #ebh1 #ehh7 may belong to a late period4 #abdi ,see p4 #ebi4 #abej ,see pp4 #aaa1 #aga1 #aij4 #abea ,see chapter v4 #abeb ,so at ,zurghul 7or ,zerghul7 and el-,hibba4 ,see ,koldewey in ,zeitschrift fuer ,assyriologie1 ii4 #djc-dcj4 #abec ,see the valuable chapter in ,peters' work on ,nippur1 ii4 #bad-bcd4 #abed ,proceedings of the ,american ,oriental ,society1 #ahif1 p4 #aff4 ,the dead are often conveyed hundreds of miles to be interred in ,nejef and ,kerbela4 #abee ,peters' ,nippur1 ii4 #cbe1 #cbf4 #abef ,see below1 p4 #eig4 #abeg ,koldewey1 ,zeitschrift fuer ,assyriologie1 ii4 #djf seq4 #abeh ,ib4 #abei ,travels and ,researches in ,chaldaea and ,susiana1 chapter xviii4 #abfj ,peters' ,nippur1 ii4 #bcd4 ,other mounds examined by ,peters between ,warka and ,nippur bear out the conclusion4 #abfa ,de ,sarzec1 ,decouvertes en ,chaldee1 pl4 #c4 #abfb ,on the stele of vultures1 the dead are naked4 #abfc ,book ,i1 ,sec4 #aie4 #abfd ,see p4 #eab4 #abfe ,such sacrifices are pictured on the stele of vultures4 #abff ,,iiir4 #dc1 col4 iv4 l4 #bj2 ,belser1 ,beitraege zur ,assyriologie1 ll4 #age1 #ah2 ,pinches1 ,babylonian ,texts1 p4 #ah4 #abfg ,for this custom see ,trumbull1 ,the ,threshold ,covenant1 p4 #be2 ,peters' ,nippur1 ii4 #bjb1 #bjc4 #abfh ,recently1 ,scheil has discovered some private dwellings at ,abu-,habba1 which will be described in his forthcoming volume on his explorations at that place4 ,see also ,peters' ,nippur1 ii4 #bjj1 #bja4 #abfi ,peters' ,nippur1 ii4 #bbj4 #abgj ,see p4 #eig4 ,the date of the monument is prior to ,sargon2 i4e41 earlier than #chjj ,b4,c4 #abga ,,vr4 #fa1 col4 vi4 ll4 #ed1 #ee4 #abgb ,rassam ,cylinder1 col4 iii4 l4 #dj4 #abgc ,rassam ,cylinder1 col4 iv4 ll4 #gd-gf4 #abgd ,ib4 col4 vi4 ll4 #gj-gf4 #abge ,rassam ,cylinder1 col4 iii4 l4 #fd4 ,the favorite mutilation was the cutting off of the head4 ,on one of the sculptured slabs from the palace of ,ashurbanabal1 a pyramid of heads is portrayed4 ,the cutting off of the hands1 the lips1 the nose1 and the male organ1 as well as the flaying of the skin1 were also practised4 7,see ,sennacherib's account ,,ir4 #db1 col4 vi4 ll4 #a-f2 ,rassam ,cylinder 7,ashurbanabal71 ii4 #d and iv4 #acf47 #abgf ,rassam ,cylinder1 col4 vii4 ll4 #df-dh4 #abgg ekimmu4 ,see p4 #ehj4 #abgh ,see p4 #egh4 #abgi ,heuzey offers another explanation of the scene which is less plausible4 7,see ,de ,sarzec1 ,decouvertes en ,chaldee1 p4 #ih47 #abhj ,hebrew word ,sak4 ,the other rite of mourning among the ,hebrews1 the putting of earth on the head 7e4g41 ,i ,sam4 iv4 #ab2 ,,ii ,sam4 i4 #b and xv4 #cb2 ,neh4 ix4 #a71 is a survival of the method of burial as portrayed in the 'stele of vultures4' ,the earth was originally placed in a basket on the head and used to cover the dead body4 #abha ,the mourning garb mentioned in the ,adapa legend 7p4 #edf7 is probably a 'torn' garment4 #abhb ,hagen1 ,cyrus-,texte 7,beitraege zur ,assyriologie1 ii4 #bai1 #bbc74 #abhc ,inscription ,b1 col4 v4 ll4 #c-e4 #abhd ,lane1 ,modern ,egyptians1 ll4 #bhf4 #abhe ,see p4 #ege4 #abhf ,ib4 #abhg ,see p4 #dhg4 #abhh ,hagen1 ,cyrus-,texte1 ib4 and p4 #bdh4 #abhi ,the ,folk-,song of ,israel1 ,the ,new ,world1 ii4 #ce2 also his article ,das ,hebraeische ,klagelied1 ,zeitschrift fuer ,alttestamentliche ,wissenschaft1 ii4 #a-eb4 #abij ,in ,egypt at present the tambourine is used to accompany the dirges 7,lane1 ib4 p4 #bgh74 #abia ,peter's ,nippur1 ii4 #agc1 and elsewhere4 #abib ,zeitschrift fuer ,assyriologie1 ii4 #dad4 #abic ,see above1 p4 #ege4 #abid ,job1 x4 #ba1 #bb4 #abie ,i4e41 the darkness is so dense that no light can remove it4 #abif ,see the references in ,schwally1 ,das ,leben nach dem ,tode nach den ,vorstellungen des ,alten ,israels1 pp4 #ei-fh1 and ,jeremias' ,vorstellungen1 pp4 #ajf-aaf4 #abig ,job1 vii4 #aj4 #abih ,refa'im4 #abii ,chapter ix4 #e-aj4 #acjj ,gen4 xlii4 #ch4 #acja ,incidentally1 a proof that the dead were not buried naked4 #acjb ,das ,leben nach dem ,tode1 etc1 p4 #fg4 #acjc ,i ,sam4 ii4 ,recognized by the critics as an insertion4 ,see ,budde1 ,die ,buecher ,richter und ,samuel1 p4 #aig4 #acjd ,i ,kings1 xvii4 #ba1 #bb4 #acje ,chapter ii4 #g4 #acjf ,psalms1 cxxxix4 #h2 a very late production4 #acjg ,schuerer1 ,a ,history of the ,jewish ,people in the ,time of ,jesus ,christ1 vol4 ,,ii4 ,division li4 pp4 #ch1 #ci1 #agi-aha4 #acjh ,e4g41 the custom still in vogue among ,orthodox ,jews of placing the body wrapped in a shroud upon a board1 instead of in a coffin4 #acji ,professor ,haupt has recently shown 7in a paper read before the ,american ,oriental ,society1 ,april1 #ahig1 and before the ,eleventh ,international ,congress of ,orientalists1 ,september1 #ahig7 that such is the meaning of the phrase1 ,psalms1 cxxxvii4 #a1 which is ordinarily translated 'rivers of ,babylon4' #acaj ,the ,talmud of ,babylonia1 and not the ,talmud of ,palestine1 became the authoritative work in the ,jewish ,church4 ,,chapter ,,xxvi4 ,,the ,,temples ,,and ,,the ,,cult4 ,the religious architecture of ,babylonia and ,assyria is of interest chiefly as an expression of the religious earnestness of rulers and people1 and only in a minor degree as a manifestation of artistic instincts4 ,the lack of a picturesque building material in the ,euphrates ,valley was sufficient to check the development of such instincts4 ,important as the adaptation of the clay soil of ,babylonia for simple construction was for the growth of ,babylonian culture1 the limitations to the employment of bricks as a building material are no less significant4 ,ihering has endeavored to show#acaa by an argument that is certainly brilliant and almost convincing1 that the settlement of ,semites in a district1 the soil of which could be so readily used to replace the primitive habitations of man by solid structures1 made the ,semites the teachers of the ,aryans in almost everything that pertains to civilization4 ,house-building produced the art of measuring1 led to more elaborate furnishings of the habitation1 created various trades1 introduced social distinctions1 necessitated divisions of time1 and gave the stimulus to commercial intercourse4 ,but1 on the other hand1 the artistic possibilities of brick structures were soon exhausted4 ,the house could be indefinitely extended in length and even height1 but such an extension only added to the monotonous effect4 ,with clay as a building material1 so readily moulded into any desired shape1 and that could be baked1 if need be1 by the action of the sun without the use of fire1 it was almost as easy to build a large house as a small one4 ,but the addition of rooms and wings and stories which differentiated the house from the palace and the palace from the temple1 served to make hugeness the index of grandeur4 ,the best specimens of the religious architecture of ,babylonia and ,assyria are characterized by such hugeness4 ,a proportionate increase of external beauty could only be secured by a modification of architectural style2 but the conservative instincts of the people discouraged any deviation from the conventional shapes of the temples1 which appear indeed to have been firmly established long before the days of ,hammurabi4 ,the influence of conventionality finds a striking illustration in the manner in which the temples of ,assyria follow ,babylonian models4 ,soft and hard stone suitable for permanent structures was easily procured in the mountainous district adjacent to ,assyria4 ,the ,assyrians used this material for statues1 altars1 and for the slabs with which they decorated the exterior and interior walls of their great edifices4 ,had they also employed it as a building material1 we should have had the development of new architectural styles2 but the ,assyrians1 so dependent in everything pertaining to culture upon the south1 could not cut themselves loose from ancient traditions1 and continued to erect huge piles of brick1 as the homage most pleasing in the eyes of their gods4 ,the ,book of ,genesis characterized the central idea of the ,babylonian and ,assyrian temples when it represented the people gathered in the valley of ,shinar--that is1 ,babylonia--as saying3 ',come1 let us build a city and a tower that shall reach up to heaven4'#acab ,the ,babylonian and ,assyrian kings pride themselves upon the height of their temples4 ,employing1 indeed1 almost the very same phrase that we find in the ,old ,testament1 they boast of having made the tops of their sacred edifices as high as 'heaven4'#acac ,the temple was to be in the literal sense of the word a 'high place4' ,but1 apart from the factor of natural growth1 there was a special reason why the ,babylonians aimed to make their sacred edifices high4 ,the oldest temple of ,babylonia at the present time known to us1 the temple of ,bel at ,nippur1 bears the characteristic name of ,e-,kur1 'mountain house4' ,the name is more than a metaphor4 ,the sacred edifices of ,babylonia were intended as a matter of fact to be imitations of mountains4 ,it is ,jensen's merit to have suggested the explanation for this rather surprising ideal of the ,babylonian temple4#acad ,according to ,babylonian notions1 it will be recalled1 the earth is pictured as a huge mountain4 ,among other names1 the earth is called ,e-,kur1 'mountain house4' ,the popular and early theology conceived the gods as sprung from the earth4 ,they are born in ,kharsag-kurkura1#acae 'the mountain of all lands1' which is again naught but a designation for the earth1 though at a later period some particular part of the earth1 some mountain peak1 may have been pictured as the birthplace of the gods1 much as among the ,indians1 ,persians1 and ,greeks we find a particular mountain singled out as the one on which the gods dwell4 ,the transfer of the gods or of some of them to places in the heavens was1 as we saw1#acaf a scholastic theory1 and not a popular belief4 ,it was a natural association of ideas1 accordingly1 that led the ,babylonians to give to their temples the form of the dwelling which they ascribed to their gods4 ,the temple1 in so far as it was erected to serve as a habitation for the god and an homage to him1 was to be the reproduction of the cosmic ,e-,kur1--'a mountain house' on a small scale1 a miniature ,kharsag-kurkura4 ,in confirmation of this view1 it is sufficient to point out that ,e-,kur is not merely the name of the temple to ,bel at ,nippur1 but is frequently used as a designation for temple in general2 and1 moreover1 a plural is formed of the word which is used for divinities4#acag ,in ,assyria we find one of the oldest temples bearing the name ,e-kharsag-kurkura1#acah that stamps the edifice as the reproduction of the 'mountain of all lands'2 and there are other temples that likewise bear names#acai in which the idea of a mountain is introduced4 ,to produce the mountain effect1 a mound of earth was piled up and on this mound a terrace was formed that served as the foundation plane for the temple proper1 but it was perfectly natural also that instead of making the edifice consist of one story1 a second was superimposed on the first so as to heighten the resemblance to a mountain4 ,the outcome of this ideal was the so-called staged tower1 known as the zikkurat4 ,the name signifies simply a 'high' edifice1 and embodies the same idea that led the ,canaanites and ,hebrews to call their temples 'high places4'#acbj ,the oldest zikkurat as yet found is the one excavated by ,drs4 ,peters and ,haynes at ,nippur1#acba the age of which can be traced back to the second dynasty of ,ur--about #bgjj ,b4,c4 ,this appears to have consisted of three stages1 one superimposed on the other4 ,there is a reference to a zikkurat in the inscriptions of ,gudea that may be several centuries older2 but since beneath the zikkurat at ,nippur remains of an earlier building were found1 it is a question whether the staged tower represents the oldest type of a ,babylonian temple4 ,at no time does any special stress appear to have been laid upon the number of stories of which the zikkurat was to consist4 ,it is not until a comparatively late period that rivalry among the rulers and natural ambition led to the increase of the superimposed stages until the number seven was reached4 ,the older zikkurats were imposing chiefly because of the elevation of the terrace on which they were erected1 and inasmuch as the ideal of the temple is realized to all practical purposes by the erection of a high edifice on an elevated mound1 the chief stress was laid upon the height of the terrace4 ,the terrace1 in a certain sense1 is the original zikkurat--the real 'high place'--and the temple of one story naturally precedes the staged tower1 and may have remained the type for some time before the more elaborate structure was evolved4 ,however this may be1 we are justified in associating the mountain motif with the beginnings of religious architecture in the ,euphrates ,valley1 precisely as the underlying cosmic notions belong to the earliest period of which we have any knowledge4 ,that the staged tower when once evolved was regarded as the most satisfactory expression of the religious ideas follows from the fact that all the large centers of ,babylonia had a zikkurat of some kind dedicated to the patron deity1 and probably many of the smaller places likewise4 ,a list of zikkurats#acbb furnishes the names of no less than twenty2 and while all of the important places are included1 there are others which do not appear to have played an important part in either the religious or political history of the country1 and which nevertheless had their zikkurat4 ,to judge from the fact that in this list several names of zikkurat are connected with one and the same place1 more than one zikkurat1 indeed1 could be found in a large religious center4#acbc ,the ,construction and ,character of the ,zikkurats4 ,the zikkurat was quadrangular in shape4 ,the orientation of the four corners towards the four cardinal points was only approximate4#acbd ,inasmuch as the rulers of ,babylonia from a very early period call themselves 'king of the four regions1'#acbe it has been supposed that the quadrangular shape was chosen designedly2 but there is no proof that any stress was laid upon symbolism of this kind1 or upon the orientation of the corners of the sacred edifices4 ,more attention was bestowed upon making the brick structure huge and massive4 ,the height of the zikkurats varied4 ,those at ,nippur and ,ur#acbf appear to have been about #ij feet high1 while the tower at ,borsippa which ,sir ,henry ,rawlinson carefully examined#acbg attained a height of #adj feet4 ,the base of this zikkurat1 which may be regarded as a specimen of the tower in its most elaborate form1 was a quadrangular mass #bgb feet square and #bf feet high4 ,the second and third stories were of equal height1 but the square mass diminished with each story by #db feet4 ,the height of the four upper stories was #ae feet each4 ,at the same time1 the mass diminished steadily at the rate of #db feet1 so that the seventh story consisted of a mass of only #bj feet square4 ,sargon's zikkurat at ,khorsabad 7the suburb of ,nineveh7 was about the same height4 ,the average number of stages of the zikkurat appears to have been three1 as at ,nippur and ,ur1 or four1 as at ,larsa4#acbh ,in the pictorial representations of the towers1#acbi we similarly find either three or four4 ,in these smaller zikkurats1 the height of each tower1 as in the first three stories of the tower at ,borsippa1 appears to have been alike2 but the mass diminished in proportion in order to secure a space for a staircase leading from one story to the other4 ,this method of ascent was older than the winding balustrade1 which was better adapted to the more elaborate structures of later times4 ,no doubt1 as the towers increased in height1 other variations were introduced--as1 e4g41 in the proportions of the stories--without interfering with the essential principle of the zikkurat4 ,the ungainly appearance presented by the huge towers was somewhat relieved by decorations of the friezes and by the judicious use of color4 ,enameled bricks of bright hues1 such as yellow and blue1#accj became common1 and in the case of some of the towers it would appear that a different color was chosen for each story4 ,whether all the bricks in each story were colored or only those at the edge1 or1 perhaps1 some rows1 it is impossible to say4 ,from ,herodotus' description of the seven concentric walls of ,ecbatana1#acca in which each wall was distinguished by a certain color1 the conclusion has been drawn that the same colors--white1 black1 scarlet1 blue1 orange1 silver1 and gold--were employed by the ,babylonians for the stages of their towers2 but there is no satisfactory evidence that this was the case4 ,that these colors were brought into connection with the planets1 as some scholars have supposed1 is highly improbable4 ,as already pointed out1 no special stress seems to have been laid upon the number of stories of which the zikkurat consisted1 but the natural result of ambition and rivalry among builders tended towards an increase of the height1 and this end could be most readily attained by adding to the number of stories4 ,still1 there may have been some symbolism which led to the choice of three1 four1 or seven stories1 inasmuch as these numbers have a sacred import among so many nations4#accb ,for the number seven1 the influence of cosmological associations is quite clear4 ,the two most famous of the zikkurats of seven stages were those in ,babylon and in ,borsippa1 opposite ,babylon4 ,the latter bears the significant name ,e-ur-imin-an-ki1#accc i4e41 'the house of the seven directions of heaven and earth4' ,the 'seven directions' were interpreted by the ,babylonian theologians as a reference to the seven great celestial bodies1--the sun and moon and the five planets ,ishtar1 ,marduk1 ,ninib1 ,nergal1 and ,nabu4#accd ,to each of these gods one story was supposed to be dedicated1 and the tower thus became a cosmological symbol1 elaborating in theological fashion the fundamental idea of the zikkurat as a reproduction of the dwelling-place of the gods4 ,the identification of the five gods with the planets is a proof of the scholastic character of the interpretation1 and hence of its comparatively late origin4 ,this interpretation of the number seven1 however1 was not the only one proposed in the ,babylonian schools4 ,two much older towers than those of ,babylon and ,borsippa bear names in which 'seven' is introduced4 ,one of these is the zikkurat to ,nin-girsu at ,lagash1 which ,gudea#acce describes as 'the house of seven divisions of the world'2 the other1 the tower at ,uruk1#accf which bore the name 'house of seven zones4' ,the reference in both cases is1 as ,jensen has shown1#accg to the seven concentric zones into which the earth was divided by the ,babylonians4 ,it is a conception that we encounter in ,india and ,persia1 and that survives in the seven 'climates' into which the world was divided by ,greek and ,arabic geographers4 ,it seems clear that this interpretation of the number seven is older than the one which identified each story with one of the planets4#acch ,both interpretations have a scholastic aspect1 however1 and the very fact that there are two interpretations1 justifies the suspicion that neither furnishes the real explanation why the number seven was chosen4 ,it by no means follows from the names borne by the zikkurats at ,lagash and ,uruk that they actually consisted of seven stories4 ,the 'seven divisions' and the 'seven zones' are merely terms equivalent to 'universe4' ,the names given to the towers would have been equally appropriate if they consisted--as they probably did--of fewer stories than seven4 ,but1 on the other hand1 the introduction of the number seven into the names may be regarded as a factor which influenced ambitious builders to make the number of stories seven4 ,over and above this1 however1 seven was chosen1 primarily1 because it was a large number1 and1 secondly1 because it was a sacred number1--sacred in part because large1 since 'largeness' and 'sacredness' are correlated ideas in the popular phases of early religious thought4 ,in the same way1 it is because seven was popularly sacred that the world was divided into seven zones and that the planets were fixed at seven1 not vice versa4 ,the opinion of some scholars#acci that the zikkurats were used for astronomical observations remains a pure conjecture1 of which it cannot even be said that it has probability in its favor4 ,it is certain that the astronomical observations1 since they were conducted by the priests1 were made in the temple precincts2 but a small room at the top of a pyramid difficult of access seems hardly a spot adapted for the purpose4 ,moreover1 the sacred character of the zikkurat speaks against the supposition that it should have been put to such constant use1 and for purposes not directly connected with the cult4 ,in the numerous astronomical reports that we have1 there is not a single reference from which one could conclude that the observations reported were made from the top of a zikkurat4 ,but1 on the other hand1 it would appear that as the zikkurat developed from a one-story edifice into a tower1 and as the number of the stages increased1 the zikkurat assumed more of an ornamental character4 ,while the ascent of the tower continued to be regarded to the latest days as a sacred duty1 pleasing in the eyes of the deity1 for the ordinary and more practical purposes of the cult1 other buildings were erected near the tower4 ,within the temple area and bordering on it there were smaller shrines1 while in front of the zikkurat there was a large open place1 where the pilgrims who flocked to the sacred city1 congregated4 ,the sacrifices which formed the essential feature of worship were brought1 not at the top of the zikkurat1 but on altars that were erected at the base4 ,the ideographic designation of the zikkurat as a 'conspicuous house1'#acdj which accords admirably with the motive ascribed in the eleventh chapter of ,genesis to the builders of a zikkurat to erect an edifice that could be seen1 supports the view here taken of the more decorative position which the staged tower came to occupy1--an homage to the gods rather than a place where they were to be worshipped1 something that suggested the dwelling-place of a god1 to be visited only occasionally by the worshipper--in short1 a monument forming part of a religious sanctuary1 but not coextensive with the sanctuary4 ,the differentiation that thus arose between the dwelling-place of the god and the place where he was to be worshipped is a perfectly natural one4 ,to emphasize the fact that the zikkurat was the temple for the god1 a small room was built at the top of the zikkurat1#acda and it was a direct consequence of this same distinction between a temple for the gods and a temple for actual worship that led to assigning to zikkurats special names1 and such as differed from the designation of the sacred quarter of which the zikkurat formed the most conspicuous feature4 ,thus the name ,e-,kur1 'mountain house1' though evidently an appropriate designation for the zikkurat1 becomes the term for the sacred area which included in time a large series of buildings used for the cult1 whereas the zikkurat itself receives the special name of 'house of oracle'2#acdb and similarly in the case of the various other religious centers of ,babylonia1 the name of the zikkurat is distinct from that of the sacred quarter--the temple in the broader sense4 ,the special position which the zikkurat thus came to occupy is1 of course1 merely an outcome of the growth of the religious centers of the country1 and involves no departure from the religious ideals of earlier days4 ,the distinction is much of the same order as we find in the case of the ,hebrew temple at ,jerusalem1 where the court in which the worshippers gathered was distinct from the 'holy of holies1' which was originally regarded as the dwelling of ,yahwe1 and in later times was viewed as the spot where he manifested himself4 ,the name 'house of oracle' given to the zikkurat at ,nippur is a valuable indication of the special sanctity that continued to be attached to the staged tower4 ,the ,temple and the ,sacred ,quarter4 ,but the zikkurat1 while the most characteristic expression of the religious spirit of ,babylonia1 was by no means the only kind of sacred edifice that prevailed4 ,the excavations at ,nippur have afforded us for the first time a general view of a sacred quarter in an ancient ,babylonian city4 ,the extent of the quarter was considerable4 ,dr4 ,peters' estimate is eight areas for the zikkurat and surrounding structures1 and to this we may add several acres more1 since beyond the limits of the great terrace there were buildings to the southeast and southwest1 used for religious purposes4 ,it is likely that the extent of ,e-,sagila at ,babylon was even greater4 ,outside of the temple area at ,nippur1 ,peters#acdc and ,haynes unearthed a court of considerable size1 lined with brick columns4 ,the court was open to the sky1 but the columns supported a roof which was apparently of wood4 ,similar courts have been found elsewhere1 so that we are justified in regarding the ,nippur structure as characteristic of the architecture of ,babylonia4 ,the court was attached to an edifice of considerable size1 which contained among other things rooms in which the temple records were kept4 ,the entrance to the court was by a large gateway1 supported on each side by a brick column1 double the diameter of those that surrounded the court4 ,while the nature of the building is not perfectly clear1 still the presence of the temple archives and the gateway make it probable that the structure was used in connection with the cult of some deity worshipped at ,nippur4 ,lending weight to this supposition are the points of resemblance between this structure and the sacred edifices of the ancient ,hebrews and ,arabs4 ,a court of sixty columns--made of wood1 quadrangular in shape1 with the supports and tops of metal--was the characteristic feature of the tabernacle4#acdd ,within this court1 open to the sky1 the people gathered for worship4 ,the altar and the basin for ablutions stood in the court1 while the holy tent containing the ark was set up near the eastern end of the place4 ,similarly at ,mecca1#acde the ,kaaba1 the pulpit1 and the sacred fountain are grouped within a space enclosed on all sides by colonnades4 ,again1 surrounding the ,solomonic temple on three sides was a spacious court4 ,this court was enclosed with colonnades4#acdf ,it may well be1 therefore1 that the edifice around or near the fine court of columns at ,nippur was a sacred structure1 erected in honor of some deity4 ,the two large brick columns at the entrance to the ,nippur court are paralleled in the case of the ,solomonic temple by the two large columns1 known as ,yakhin and ,boaz1 that stood at the gateway4 ,these names are as yet unexplained4 ,their symbolic character1 apart from other evidence1 may be concluded from the circumstance that1 as ,schick has shown1#acdg the columns stood free1 and did not serve as a support for any part of the gateway4#acdh ,there is no need1 therefore1 for any hesitation in comparing these two columns1 whose presence in the ,solomonic structure is certainly due to foreign influence1 to those found at ,nippur4#acdi ,that the columns at ,nippur were erected in accordance with recognized custom follows from ,de ,sarzec's discovery of two enormous round columns within the sacred quarter of ,lagash4#acej ,in the light of ,peters' excavations1 the significance of the columns at ,lagash becomes clear4 ,unfortunately1 ,de ,sarzec's excavations at ,lagash at the point of the mound in question were interrupted1 but he gives reasons for believing that other columns existed near the two large ones found by him4#acea ,there is1 therefore1 every reason to conclude that at ,lagash1 as at ,nippur and no doubt elsewhere1 the two columns belonged to a great gateway leading into a large court of columns4 ,that these columns served a symbolic purpose in the ,babylonian temple as they did at ,jerusalem1 cannot be maintained with certainty1 but is eminently likely4 ,the court of columns was surrounded by a series of rooms4 ,if the view taken of the building is correct1 these rooms were used for the temple administration4 ,however this may be1 there can be no doubt that the structures of various size found around the zikkurat at ,nippur served as dwellings for the priests and the temple attendants1 as stalls for the temple cattle1 as shops for the manufacture and sale of votive objects1 and the like4 ,within the temple area proper were the schools where young priests were trained to be scribes1 and received instructions in the doctrines and rites4 ,the astronomical observatories1 too1 were situated near the temple4 ,the schools served1 as they still do in the orient1 as the gathering-place of the mature scholars4 ,the systematized pantheon1 and the cosmological and astronomical systems represent the outcome of the intellectual activity that manifested itself within the sacred quarters of the cities of ,babylonia4 ,the execution of justice being in the hands of the priests1 the sacred area also contained the rooms where the judges sat4 ,it is interesting to note that ,gudea mentions a hall of judgment in the temple to ,nin-girsu at ,lagash4 ,the number of such buildings attached to the temple precinct varied1 of course1 according to the needs and growth of each place4 ,in ,nippur1 the numbers appear to have been very large4 ,we may assume1 likewise1 that at ,sippar1 ,uruk1 ,ur1 and ,larsa the zikkurat was the center of a considerable group of buildings1 while at ,babylon in the days of her greatest power1 the temple area of ,e-,sagila must have presented the appearance of a little city by itself1 shut off from the rest of the town by a wall which invariably enclosed the sacred quarter4 ,within this large wall there were smaller ones1 marking the several divisions of the temple buildings4 ,the construction of the smaller edifices does not appear to have varied from the ordinary form chosen for the one-story dwelling-houses in the city proper4 ,the material used for all structures--the large and the small ones--was brick4 ,in earlier times the bricks were merely dried in the sun4 ,the buildings1 as a consequence1 suffered much from the influence of the heat and rain1 and required frequent repairs4 ,often the tower would crumble away1 and an entirely new edifice would have to be erected4 ,the later custom of kiln-dried bricks was an improvement1 and still more solidity was insured when the exterior series of brick was glazed4 ,in the older buildings1 the bricks were merely piled together1 without cement4 ,afterwards straw was mixed with the clay1 but as early as ,gudea's days the bitumen1 abounding in the valley1 became the common cement employed in all edifices of importance4 ,wood was used in the case of smaller sanctuaries 7as also in palaces7 for the roof1 and the kings often refer with pride to the efforts they made to obtain the precious cedars of the ,lebanon forests for their building enterprises4 ,the decoration was confined largely to the facades1 the doors1 and the floors4 ,a pleasing effect also was produced by the judicious distribution of glazed and enameled bricks in the walls4 ,colors were used with still greater lavishness in the decorations of the interior4 ,the brilliancy was heightened by the use of precious stones and gold and silver for the walls and floors and ceilings4 ,the aim of the builders was1 as they constantly tell us1 to make the buildings as brilliant as the sunlight4 ,the decorations of the brick walls and floors suggest textile patterns1 and to account for this1 some scholars have supposed that prior to the use of colored bricks1 it was customary to cover the walls and floors of temples and palaces with draperies and rugs4 ,the suggestion lacks proof1 but has much in its favor4 ,in exterior architecture no profound changes were ever introduced1 but within the prescribed limits1 the builders did their utmost to make their edifices testimonials of their zeal and power4 ,they imported gold1 copper1 and diorite from the ,sinai peninsula and ,arabia1 precious stones from ,armenia and the ,upper ,euphrates1 wood from ,bahrein and from various parts of the ,amanus range1 and so all quarters of the ancient world of culture were ransacked for contributions to add to the splendor of the ,babylonian and ,assyrian cities4 ,much care was bestowed in the course of time upon the portals4 ,the wooden gates were covered with bronze1 in which art of decoration great skill was developed4#aceb ,the columns of stone appear only in ,assyrian edifices as decorations in the front of palaces1 supporting a portal or portico that projects from the temple proper4#acec ,the introduction appears to be due to foreign influence1 perhaps ,hittite4#aced ,to determine the interior arrangement of a sacred structure1 we have two small ,assyrian temples1 excavated by ,layard at ,nimrod1 to serve as our guide4#acee ,a long hall constituted the chief feature4 ,at the extreme end of this hall was a small room1 in which stood a statue of the god to whom the temple was dedicated4 ,this room1 known as the papakhu or parakku1 was the most sacred part of the temple1 and it is doubtful whether any but the king or the highest officials had access to it4 ,certainly1 no one could approach the presence of the deity without the mediation of a priest4 ,both terms for this room convey the idea of its being shut off#acef from the rest of the building1 precisely as the holy of holies in the temple of ,jerusalem containing the ark1 was separated from the central hall4 ,gudea#aceg describes the papakhu as the dark 7or inner7 chamber4 ,we are fortunate in having a pictorial representation of such a papakhu4 ,a stone tablet found at ,sippar#aceh represents ,shamash seated in the holy of holies of the temple ,e-,babbara4 ,the god sits on a low throne4 ,in front of him is an altar table on which rests a wheel with radiant spokes1--a symbol of the sun-god4 ,into this sanctuary the worshipper1 who is none other than the king ,nabubaliddin1 is led by a priest4 ,the king is at pains to tell us in the inscription attached to the design1 that he was careful to restore the image of ,shamash after an ancient model1 and his motive in adding an illustration to this tablet is that future builders may have no excuse for not being equally careful4 ,we may1 therefore1 take the illustration as a sample of the general character of the sacred chambers in the ,babylonian and ,assyrian temples in the great centers4 ,the papakhu was decorated with great lavishness4 ,the floors and walls and also the ceiling were studded with precious stones4 ,we may believe ,herodotus#acei when he tells us that the statue of ,marduk in his temple at ,babylon and the table in front of it was of gold4 ,it was to the papakhu that the priests retired when they desired to obtain an oracle direct from the god2 and as in the course of time the sanctity of the spot increased1 we may well suppose that the occasions when the deity was directly approached in his papakhu became rarer4 ,through the influence of the schools attached to the ,marduk cult at ,babylon1 the ,new ,year's ,festival--the character of which we will have occasion to explain later on--came to be regarded as the season most appropriate for approaching the oracular chamber4 ,during this festival1 ,marduk was supposed to decide the fate of mankind for the whole year1 and the intercession of the priests on the occasion was fraught with great importance4 ,a special significance1 moreover1 came to be attached to the sacred chamber in the ,marduk temple4 ,complementing in a measure1 the cosmological associations that have been noted in connection with the zikkurat1 the papakhu of ,marduk was regarded as an imitation of a cosmical 'sacred chamber4' ,as the zikkurat represented the mountain on which the gods were born and where they were once supposed to dwell1 so the sacred room was regarded as the reproduction of a portion of the great mountain where the gods assembled in solemn council4 ,this council chamber was situated at the eastern end of the great mountain1 and was known as ,du-azagga1 that is1 'brilliant chamber4' ,the chamber itself constituted the innermost recess of the eastern limit of the mountain1 and the special part of the mountain in which it lay was known as ,ubshu-kenna1 written with the ideographic equivalents to 'assembly room4' ,it will be apparent that such a view of the papakhu is the result of theological speculation1 and is not due1 as is the conception of the zikkurat1 to popular beliefs4 ,the assembly of the gods presupposes a systematization of the pantheon1 and the fact that it is only the papakhu in ,marduk's temple which is known as ,du-azagga#acfj is a sufficient indication of the influences at work which produced this conception4 ,in the creation epic1 there is a reference to the ,ubshu-kenna#acfa which shows the main purpose of a divine assembly in the eyes of the priests of ,babylon4 ,the gods meet there in order to do homage to ,marduk4 ,they gather around the victorious vanquisher of ,tiamat1 as the princes gather round the throne of the supreme ruler1--the king of ,babylon and of ,babylonia4 ,one can see1 however1 that1 as is generally the case with theological doctrines1 there is a popular starting-point from which these views were developed4 ,the ,du-azagga is older than the ,ubshu-kenna4 ,situated in the extreme east1 the 'brilliant chamber' is evidently the place whence the sun rises in the morning4 ,a hymn to ,shamash#acfb expressly speaks of the sun rising out of the ,du-azagga1 and1 since the sun also appears to rise up out of the ocean1 the ,du-azagga is placed at a point close to the great ,apsu1 which flows underneath the mountain4 ,in confirmation of this view1 a syllabary#acfc identifies the ,du-azagga with the ,apsu4 ,marduk1 by virtue of his original quality as a solar deity1 would naturally be pictured as coming forth from ,du-azagga4 ,in this sense the title ,mar-,du-azaga1#acfd 'son of ,du-azagga1' is applied to him1 just as he is called ,mar-,apsi1 the son of ,apsu4 ,but the same conception would hold good of ,shamash1 of ,ninib1 and of some other solar deities1 though not of all4 ,that ,du-azagga came to be especially associated with ,marduk is due simply to the preeminent rank that he came to occupy4 ,whether there was also a popular basis for the conception of an ,ubshu-kenna1 an 'assembly room' of the gods1 is a question more difficult to answer4 ,certainly1 the view that the gods gathered together in one place belongs to an age which attempted to fix1 at least in some measure1 the relationship of the divine beings to one another4 ,the popular phase of the conception of a general assembly house could1 in any case1 hardly have proceeded further than the assumption of some particular part of the great mountain1 where the gods were wont to come together4 ,the connection of this assembly place with the ,du-azagga is distinctly the work of the theologians of ,babylon4 ,in their desire to make ,marduk the central figure of the pantheon1 they bring all the gods to his side4 ,the ,ubshu-kenna is thus transferred to the region whence the sun issues on his daily journey4 ,the 'chamber' of ,marduk becomes the most sacred spot in this region1 and the ,ubshu-kenna the general name for the region itself4 ,as ,marduk in ,babylon was surrounded by his court1 so in ,ubshu-kenna the gods assemble to pay homage to the one freely acknowledged by them as the greatest1 and who is pictured as sitting on his throne in ,du-azagga4 ,the further speculation which brought the gods together yearly on the occasion of the great ,marduk festival belongs likewise1 and as a matter of course1 to the period when ,marduk's sway was undisputed4 ,the ideas that were thus attached to the papakhu in ,e-,sagila are a valuable indication of the sanctity attached to that part of the temple where the god sat enthroned4 ,in a general way1 what holds good of ,marduk's papakhu applies to every sacred chamber in a temple1 and no doubt views were once current of the papakhu of ,bel at ,nippur and of the 'holy of holies' in ,e-,babbara#acfe and elsewhere that formed in some measure1 a parallel to what the ,marduk priests told of their favorite sanctuary4 ,coming back now to the large hall which led into the papakhu1 the absence of bas-reliefs in this hall in the case of the ,assyrian temples excavated by ,layard1 suggests that the walls of this hall were not lined with sculptured slabs1 as was the case in the large rooms of the palaces2 and we may conclude that in ,babylonian temples1 likewise1 the decoration of the walls was confined as a general thing to enameled bricks1 interspersed1 perhaps1 with metallic panels1 and that mythological scenes--such as the contest with ,tiamat or ,gilgamesh's adventures--were only occasionally portrayed4 ,an aim which1 as the rulers themselves tell us in their inscriptions1 they always kept in view was to make both the exterior and interior of the temples resplendent with brilliant coloring--brilliant as the sun4 ,at the entrances to the ,assyrian temples stood lions1 chiseled out of soft limestone or the harder alabaster4 ,at ,telloh various fragments of large lion heads were found1#acff so that there is every reason not only to trace this custom to ,babylonia1 but to carry it back to a very early period4 ,besides the lion1 a favorite religious symbol1 as we have seen1#acfg was the bull1 and1 since ,nebuchadnezzar speaks of retaining the bull statue of the old temple to ,nana 7or ,ishtar7 at ,erech1 we may suppose that the representation of colossal bulls at the entrances to the temples also belongs to the characteristic features of ,babylonian religious architecture4 ,the lion1 it will be recalled1 is more particularly the symbol of ,nergal1 but he appears originally1 like the bull1 to have been a symbol of other gods as well--perhaps1 indeed1 of the gods in general4 ,similarly1 the eagle1 which becomes the special symbol of ,ashur1 appears prominently on the monuments of ,entemena#acfh and other ancient rulers1 centuries before the ,ashur cult comes into prominence4 ,in the large court in front of the zikkurats there stood the jars used in connection with the cult1 and the presence of these jars furthermore suggests that there was an altar in the great court1 precisely as in the case of the ,solomonic temple4#acfi ,in the larger of the temples found by ,layard1 there was a smaller hall in front of the large one4 ,we may assume that the same was the case with the larger temples of ,babylonia1 and this three-fold division of the interior1--the vestibule1 or pronaos1 the main hall1 or naos1 and the papakhu1--further warrants the comparison of a ,babylonian sacred edifice with the ,solomonic temple1#acgj where likewise we have the vestibule1 the hall known as the 'holy' part1 and the 'holy of holies1' the one leading into the other4 ,as to the further disposition of the rooms in the main temple1 we must be content to wait for further excavations4 ,what we know is sufficient to warrant the supposition that there was practical uniformity in the interior arrangement of the ,babylonian and ,assyrian temples4 ,what variation there existed was probably confined to the decoration of the walls1 doorways1 and to the facades4 ,meanwhile1 it is something to have reached general results4 ,the zikkurat was surrounded by a varying number of shrines that were used as places of assembly for worshippers4 ,the latter gathered also in the large court in front of the zikkurat1 where the chief altar probably stood4#acga ,in the large halls of the shrines1 there were in all probabilities likewise altars4 ,it seems natural to suppose that the hall of judgment1 mentioned already in ,gudea's inscription1#acgb was attached to some shrine4 ,besides the zikkurats and shrines1 there were smaller structures used as dwellings for the priests and temple officials1 for storehouses1 for the archives1 and as stalls for the animals to be used in the sacrifices4 ,at ,nippur a smithy was found near the temple precinct4 ,there were workshops near the temple where the furnishings for the temple1 such as the curtains and the utensils1 were made1 and there were magazines where votive tablets and offerings were manufactured and sold4 ,the number of these structures varied1 naturally1 in each religious center1 and increased in proportion to the growth of the center4 ,the zikkurat1 the great court1 the shrines1 and the smaller structures formed a sacred precinct1 and it was this precinct as a whole that constituted the temple in the larger sense1 and received some appropriate name4 ,thus ,e-,kur at ,nippur1 ,e-,sagila at ,babylon1 ,e-,zida at ,borsippa are used to denote the entire sacred precinct in these cities1 and not merely the chief structure4 ,the zikkurat always had a special name of its own4 ,a factor that contributed largely to the growth of the sacred precinct in the large centers was the circumstance that the political importance of such centers as ,nippur1 ,lagash1 ,ur1 ,babylon1 and ,nineveh led the rulers to group around the worship of the chief deity1 the cult of the minor ones who constituted the family or the court of the chief god4 ,the kings measured their importance by the number of the gods upon whose assistance they could rely4 ,the priests came to the assistance of the kings in connecting the gods of the royal pantheon in such a way1 as to satisfy the pride of both their royal and divine masters4#acgc ,the ambition of the kings1 more especially of the ,assyrian empire1 led also to the addition of foreign deities to the pantheon4 ,for these also shrines were built within or near the sacred precinct4 ,gudea sets the example for his successors by parading a large pantheon at the close of his inscriptions1#acgd and a list of temples in ,lagash1 recently published by ,scheil1#acge shows that most1 if not all1 of the gods invoked by the ruler had a sanctuary erected in his or her honor4 ,there were1 as we have seen1 several quarters in ,lagash1 and therefore several sacred precincts1 so that we cannot be certain that all of these sanctuaries stood in one and the same quarter4 ,but1 since the list in question furnishes the name of no less than thirteen sacred edifices1 we are certain that as many as four or five smaller chapels surrounded the precinct in which stood the great temple ,e-,ninnu1 sacred to ,gudea's chief god ,ningirsu-,ninib4 ,the list is headed by the sanctuary to ,nin-girsu4 ,there follow temples to ,bau1 to ,nin-gishzida1 ,nin-mar1 ,nina1 ,dumuzi-zu-aba1 ,nin-si-a1 ,ga-tum-dug known to us from the inscriptions of ,gudea1 besides others1 like ,shabra 7871 ,nin-sun1 ,nin-tu1 that appear here for the first time4 ,in ,nippur1 we find traces of the worship of ,belit 7or ,nin-lil71 of ,ninib1 and of ,nusku1 though with the exception of the first named1 the worship of these gods has not been traced back further than the days of the ,cassite dynasty4 ,subsequent excavations may1 of course1 change the present aspect2 but one gains the impression from the most ancient inscriptions found at ,nippur that at an early period ,bel was a god much like the ,hebrew ,yahwe1 jealous of having others at his side4 ,such a conception would help to account for the title 'lord' being applied to him above all others1 and also aids us in understanding the lasting impression he made upon the people of ,babylonia1--an impression so profound that when the time came for ,en-lil to yield his supremacy to ,marduk1 no better means could be found of emphasizing the latter's authority1 than by transferring to him the names and titles of the older ,bel4#acgf ,in this respect1 however1 ,nippur was an exception1 and in later times the ,bel cult was affected by the same influences that led ,gudea to group around the sanctuary to ,nin-girsu1 edifices sacred to other gods and goddesses4 ,lugalzaggisi#acgg of ,erech enumerates an extensive pantheon1#acgh which contains most of the chief deities1 and from which we may conclude that the temple of ,nana was similarly the center of a large precinct in which the cult of other deities was carried on4 ,when we come to the cult of ,marduk at ,babylon and of ,nabu at ,borsippa1 the inscriptions1 chiefly those of ,nebuchadnezzar1 come to our aid in showing us the arrangement of the various chapels that were comprised within the sacred precincts of ,e-,sagila and ,e-,zida1 respectively4 ,in the first place1 the close relationship between ,marduk and ,nabu was emphasized by placing a papakhu to ,nabu in the precinct of ,e-,sagila1 which--built in imitation of ,e-,zida at ,borsippa--was called by the same name4#acgi ,this papakhu1 it would seem1 was independent of a special temple to ,nabu known as ,e-,makh-tila1 and which lay in ,borsippa4 ,the consort of ,marduk1 ,sarpanitum1 likewise had her temple in ,babylon1 and naturally close to the chief sanctuary of ,marduk4#achj ,ea1 the father of ,marduk1 had a small sanctuary known as ,e-kar-zaginna in the sacred precinct4#acha ,it does not follow1 of course1 that all the temples in a center like ,babylon or ,borsippa were concentrated in one place4 ,indeed1 when ,nebuchadnezzar speaks of three temples to ,gula being erected in ,borsippa1#achb it is certain that they could not have been within the precinct of ,e-,zida1 and so the temples to ,shamash and ,ramman1 ,sin and ,ishtar1 as well as to ,nabu in ,babylon1 had an independent position2 but we are at least warranted in concluding that they were not far removed from ,e-,sagila1 and so1 likewise1 the numerous temples enumerated by ,nebuchadnezzar as erected or improved by him in ,borsippa were not far distant from ,nabu's sanctuary1--the famous ,e-,zida4 ,the palaces of the kings were also erected near the temples4 ,in ,babylon1 we know that before ,nebuchadnezzar's days1 the palace stood so close to ,e-,sagila that an enlargement of it was impossible without encroaching on the sacred quarter4#achc ,the tendency to combine with the worship of the chief god1 the cult of others is as characteristic of ,assyrian rulers as of their ,babylonian predecessors4 ,we are fortunate in possessing an extensive list1#achd enumerating the various deities worshipped in the temples of ,assyria1 and the occasions on which they are to be invoked4 ,the information to be gained from this list is all the more welcome since the ,assyrian kings are chiefly interested in transmitting an account of their military expeditions1 and tell us comparatively little of the religious edifices in their capitols4 ,from this list we learn that in the old temple sacred to ,anu and ,ramman1#ache in the city of ,ashur--the oldest ,assyrian temple known to us1#achf--some twenty deities were worshipped4 ,images at least of these deities must have stood in the temple2#achg but1 since there is a distinct reference zikkurats#achh in the list1 for some of them special sanctuaries of some kind must have been erected within the precinct4 ,from the same list we learn that there was a temple to ,marduk#achi in ,ashur in which the cult of the ,shamash1 ,sarpanitum1 ,ramman1 ,ninib1 ,anunit was also carried on2 similarly1 in the temples of ,ashur1 of ,gula1 and of ,ninib1 other gods were worshipped4 ,provisions of some kind for the cult of these deities must have been made1 and one cannot escape the conclusion that in the ,assyrian capitols1 the sacred precincts likewise covered considerable territory1 and that the tendency existed towards a steady increase of the structures erected in connection with the cult of the patron deity4 ,sennacherib proudly describes ,nineveh as the city which contained the shrines of all gods and goddesses4#acij ,the ,names of the ,zikkurats and ,temples4 ,we have seen that every sacred edifice had a special name by which it was known4 ,this custom belongs to the oldest period of ,babylonian history1 and continues to the latest4 ,through these names1 to which1 no doubt1 considerable significance was attached1 we obtain a valuable insight into the religious spirit of the ,babylonians2 but it is important to note that the custom does not appear to have been as general#acia in ,assyria1 where the temples are simply known as the house of this or that god or goddess4 ,of special interest are those names which were suggested by the original design of the temples4 ,such are ,e-,kur1 'the mountain house' at ,nippur1 ,e-kharsag-kurkura1 'the house of the mountain of all lands1' the name of several temples4#acib ,the same idea finds expression also in such names as ,e-kharsag-ella1 or 'house of the glorious mountain1' the name of a temple to ,gula in ,babylon2 ,e-kharsag1 'the mountain house1' a temple in ,ur2#acic ,e-khur-makh1 'the house of the great mountain1' which a text#acid declares to be equivalent to ,e-kharsag-kalama4 ,closely allied with these names are those indicating in one way or the other1 the height or greatness of the buildings1 as the general aim of the builders4 ,prominent among such names are ,e-,sagila1 'the lofty house1' the famous temple and temple area at ,babylon2 ,e-makh1 'the great house1' a chapel to ,nin-kharsag1 situated perhaps within ,e-,sagila2 ,e-gal-makh1 'the great palace1' an old temple in ,ur2 ,e-anna1 'the heavenly house1' that is1 the house reaching up to heaven1 which is the name of the temple of ,ishtar or ,nana at ,erech2 ,e-lgi-e-nir-kidur-makh1#acie 'the tower of the great dwelling' sacred to ,ninni at ,kish4 ,to the same class belong such designations as ,e-dur-an-ki1 'the link of heaven and earth1'#acif the name of a zikkurat at ,larsa2 ,e-an-dadia1 'the house reaching to heaven1' the zikkurat at ,agade2 ,e-pa1 'the summit house1' the zikkurat to ,nin-girsu at ,lagash2 ,e-gubba-an-ki1 'the point of heaven and earth1' one of the names of the zikkurat in ,dilbat2 ,e-dim-anna1 'the house of heavenly construction1' the chapel to ,sin within the precinct of ,e-,zida at ,borsippa1--a name that again conveys the notion of an edifice reaching up to heaven4 ,the names of the zikkurats at ,erech and ,borsippa1 'the house of seven zones' and 'the house of the seven divisions of heaven and earth1' respectively1 while conveying1 as we saw1#acig cosmological conceptions of a more specific character1 may still be reckoned in the class of names that embody the leading purpose of the tower in ,babylonia1 as may also a name like ,e-temen-an-ki1 'the foundation stone of heaven and earth1' assigned to the zikkurat to ,marduk in ,babylonia4 ,the sacred edifice1 as the dwelling of the god to whom it is dedicated1 leads to such names as ,e-,zida1 'the true house or fixed house1'#acih the famous temple to ,nabu in ,borsippa2 ,e-dur-gina1#acii 'the house of the established seat1' a temple of ,bel-sarbi#adjj in ,baz2 ,e-ki-dur#adja-;garza1 'the sacred dwelling1' a temple to ,nin-lil-anna in ,babylon2 ,e-kua1 'the dwelling-house1' the name of the papakhu of ,marduk in ,e-,sagila2 ,e-gi-umunna1 'the permanent dwelling'2 ,e-esh#adjb-;gi1 a shrine to ,nin-girsu at ,lagash with the same meaning1 'permanent house4' ,another class is formed by such names as are suggested by the attributes of the deity to whom the edifices are dedicated4 ,such are ,e-babbara1 'the brilliant house1' which1 as the name of the temples to ,shamash at ,sippar and ,larsa1 recalls at once the character of the sun-god4 ,similarly1 ,e-gish-shir-gal1 'the house of the great luminary1' was an appropriate name for the temple to the moon-god at ,ur4 ,the staff or sceptre being the symbol of the god ,nabu1 suggests as the name of a sanctuary to him in ,babylonia1 the name ,e-pad-kalama-suma1 'the house of him who gives the sceptre of the world1' while the character of ,shamash as the god of justice finds an expression in the name ,e-ditar-kalama1 'the house of the universal judge1' given to his temple or chapel in ,babylon4 ,the association of the number fifty with ,ningirsu-,ninib leads to the name ,e-ninnu1 'house of fifty1'#adjc for his temple in ,lagash4 ,again1 the position of ,anu in the pantheon accounts for the name ,e-adda1 'house of the father1' given to his temple1 just as ,e-nin-makh1 'the house of the great lady1' the name of a chapel in ,babylon1 at once recalls a goddess like ,ishtar4 ,other names that describe a temple by epithets of the gods to whom they are sacred1 are ,e-nun-makh1 'the house of the great lord1' descriptive of ,sin2 ,e-me-te-ur-sagga1 'the house of the glory of the warrior1' a temple sacred to ,zamama-,ninib2 ,e-,u-gal1 'the house of the great lord1' a temple to ,en-lil4 ,a name like ,e-edinna1 'house of the field1' a temple to the consort of ,shamash at ,sippar1 may also have been suggested by some attribute of the goddess4#adjd ,lastly1 we have a class of names that might be described as purely ornamental1 or as embodying a pious wish4 ,of such we have a large number4 ,examples of this class are ,e-tila1 'house of life4' ,names extolling the glory and splendor of the temples are common4 ,in a list of temples#adje we find such designations as 'house of light1' 'house of the brilliant precinct1' 'great place1' 'lofty and brilliant wall1'#adjf 'house of great splendor1' 'the splendor of heaven and earth1' 'house without a rival1' 'light of ,shamash4' ,the seat of ,sarpanitum in ,e-,sagila1 is known as 'the gate of widespread splendor'2 ,e-salgisa1 'the treasury1' as the name of a temple in ,girsu1 may belong here4 ,a temple to ,gula in ,sippar was called ,e-ulla2 that is1 'the beautiful house4' ,the old temple to ,sin at ,harran bore the significant name ,e-khulkhul1 'house of joys1' while the pious wish of the worshipper is again expressed in the name 'threshold of long life1' given to the zikkurat in ,sippar4#adjg ,among a series of names1#adjh illustrating the religious sentiments of the people are the following3 'the heart of ,shamash1' 'the house of hearkening to prayers1'#adji 'the house full of joy1' 'the brilliant house1' 'the life of the world1' 'the place of fates1' and the like4 ,these various classes of names are a valuable index of the varied and often remarkable conceptions held of the gods4 ,to call a temple1 for example1 'court of the world'#adaj may have been due originally to a haughty presumption on the part of some one deeply attached to some god2 but such a name must also have led to regarding the god as not limited in his affections to a particular district4 ,whatever tendencies existed in ,babylonia and ,assyria towards universalistic conceptions of the divine beings were brought out in the temple names1 and in part may have been advanced by these names4 ,the custom still surviving in the ,jewish ,church of giving names to synagogues may be traced back to a ,babylonian prototype4#adaa ,the ,history of the ,temples4 ,the history of the temples takes us back to the earliest period of ,babylonian history1 and the temples of ,assyria likewise date from the small beginnings of the ,assyrian power4 ,the oldest inscriptions of ,mesopotamian rulers commemorate their services as builders of temples4 ,naram-,sin and ,sargon glory in the title 'builder of the temple of ,en-lil in ,nippur4' ,of the rulers of the first period of ,babylonian history1 it so happens that we know more of ,gudea than of any other4 ,we may feel certain that he but follows the example of his predecessors1 in devoting so large a share of his energies to temple building4 ,hammurabi is an active builder of sanctuaries1 and so on1 through the period of ,assyrian supremacy down to the closing days of the ,babylonian monarchy1 the thoughts of the rulers were directed towards honoring the gods by improving1 restoring1 rebuilding1 or enlarging the sanctuaries1 as well as by endowing them with rich gifts and votive offerings4 ,the ,assyrian kings1 though perhaps more concerned with embellishing their palaces1 do not neglect the seats of the gods4 ,anxious to maintain the connection between their kingdom and the old cities of the south1 the ,assyrian monarchs were fond of paying homage to the time-honored sanctuaries of ,babylonia4 ,this feeling1 which is of course shared by the ,babylonian rulers1 results in bringing about the continuity of the ,babylonian and ,assyrian religion4 ,if1 despite the changes that the religious doctrines underwent1 despite the new interpretations given to old myths and legends1 despite the profound changes introduced into the relationship of the gods to one another through the systematization of the pantheon1 if1 despite all this1 the ,babylonians and ,assyrians--leaders and people--continued to feel that they were following the religion of their forefathers1 it was due to the maintenance of the old sanctuaries4 ,we can actually trace the history of some of these sanctuaries for a period of over #cjjj years4 ,in their restorations1 the later builders were careful not to offend the memory of their predecessors4 ,they sought out the old dedicatory inscriptions1 and took steps to preserve them4 ,they rejoiced when they came upon the old foundation stones4 ,in their restorations they were careful to follow original designs2 and likewise in the cult1 so far from deviating from established custom1 they strongly emphasized their desire to restore the cult to its original character1 wherever an interruption for one reason or the other had taken place4 ,in all this1 the rulers were acting in accord with the popular instincts1 for the masses clung tenaciously to the old sanctuaries1 as affording an unfailing means of protection against the ills and accidents of life4 ,to enumerate all the temples of ,babylonia and ,assyria would be both an impossible and a useless task4 ,besides those mentioned in the historical texts and in the legal literature1 we have long lists of temples prepared by the pedagogues4 ,some of these lists have been published2#adab others are to be found among the unpublished material in the ,british ,museum collections4#adac ,it is doubtful whether even these catalogues were exhaustive1 or aimed at being so2 moreover1 a large number of gods are known to us only from the lists of the pedagogues4#adad ,so1 to mention some1 taken from a valuable list#adae which gives chiefly the names of foreign gods1 together with the places where they were worshipped1 we learn of such gods as ,lagamal1 ,magarida1 ,lasimu1 ,a-ishtu1 ,bulala1 ,katnu1 ,kannu1 ,kishshat1 ,kanishurra1 ,khiraitum4 ,knowing1 as we do1 that at various periods foreign deities were introduced into ,babylonia and ,assyria1#adaf it was necessary to make some provision for their cult2 and1 while no doubt most of these minor deities and foreign gods were represented only by statues placed in some temple or temple precinct1 it is equally certain that some had a shrine or sanctuary of some kind specially erected in their honor4 ,in hymns1 too1 deities are mentioned that are otherwise unknown4 ,so in a litany1 published by ,craig1#adag a long series of gods is introduced4 ,some are identical with those included in the list just referred to1#adah others appear here for the first time1 as ,mishiru1 ,kilili ,ishi-milku4 ,epithets also occur in lists and hymns1 that appear to belong to deities otherwise unknown4 ,we are safe1 therefore1 in estimating the number of temples1 zikkurats1 and smaller shrines in ,babylonia and ,assyria to have reached high into the hundreds4 ,sanctuaries must have covered the ,euphrates ,valley like a network4 ,by virtue of the older culture of the south and the greater importance that ,babylonia always enjoyed from a religious point of view1 the sanctuaries of the south were much more numerous than those of the north4 ,for our purposes1 it is sufficient to indicate some of the most important of the temples of the south and north4 ,the oldest known to us at present is the frequently mentioned temple of ,e-,kur at ,nippur1 sacred to ,en-lil or the older ,bel4 ,its history can be carried back to a period beyond #djjj ,b4,c42 how far beyond cannot be determined until the early chronology is better known than at present4 ,we know1 however1 that from the time of ,sargon#adai and probably even much earlier1 the rulers who had control of ,nippur devoted themselves to the embellishment of the temple area4 ,climatic conditions necessitated frequent repairs4 ,the temple also suffered occasionally through political tumults1 but with each century the religious importance of ,e-,kur was increased4 ,ur-,bau1 we have seen1 about #bgjj ,b4,c41 erected a zikkurat in the temple area4 ,some centuries later we find ,bur-,sin repairing the zikkurat and adding a shrine near the main structure4 ,as the political fortunes of ,nippur varied1 so ,e-,kur had its ups and downs4 ,under the ,cassitic rule1 an attempt was made to recover for ,nippur the position which it formerly occupied1 but which had now passed over to ,babylon4 ,it was of little avail4 ,bel had to yield to ,marduk1 and yet1 despite the means that the priests of ,marduk took to transfer ,bel's prerogatives to the new head of the pantheon1 the rulers would not risk the anger of ,bel by a neglect of ,e-,kur4 ,kurigalzu1 a king of the ,cassite dynasty 7c4 #adjj ,b4,c47 brings back from ,elam#adbj a votive object which1 originally deposited by ,dungi in the ,ishtar temple at ,erech1 was carried to ,susa by an ,elamitic conqueror about #ijj years before ,kurigalzu4 ,the latter deposits this object not in ,marduk's temple at ,babylon1 but in ,bel's sanctuary at ,nippur4 ,during the entire ,cassitic period1 the kings continued to build or make repairs in the temple precinct1 and almost every ruler is represented by more or less costly votive offerings made to ,bel's sanctuary4 ,in this way1 we can follow the history of the temple down to the ,assyrian period4 ,in the twelfth century the religious supremacy of ,e-,kur yields permanently to ,e-,sagila4 ,the temple is sacked1 part of it is destroyed1 and it was left to rulers of the north like ,esarhaddon and ,ashurbanabal to once more restore ,e-,kur and its dependencies to its former proportions4 ,these kings1 especially the latter1 devote much time and energy in rebuilding the zikkurat and in erecting various buildings connected with the temple administration4 ,under the new ,babylonian dynasty1 however1 ,e-,kur was again destroyed1 and this time by the ruthless hands of southern rulers4 ,nebuchadnezzar1 so devoted to ,marduk and ,nabu1 appears to have regarded ,e-,kur as a serious rival to ,e-,sagila and ,e-,zida4 ,some traces of building operations at ,e-,kur appear to date from the ,persian period1 but1 practically1 the history of ,e-,kur comes to an end at the close of the seventh century4 ,the sanctity of the place1 however1 remained2 a portion of the old city becomes a favorite burial site1 while other parts continue to be inhabited till the twelfth century of our era4 ,the city of ,bel becomes the seat of a ,christian bishop1 and ,jewish schools take the place once occupied by the star-gazers of ,chaldea4 ,the history of ,e-,kur1 so intimately bound up with political events1 may be taken as an index of the fortunes that befell the other prominent sanctuaries of ,babylonia4 ,the foundation of the ,shamash temple at ,sippar1 and known as ,e-,babbara1 'the brilliant house1' can likewise be traced as far back as the days of ,naram-,sin4 ,at that time there was already a sanctuary to ,anunit within the precincts of ,e-,babbara4 ,members of the ,cassite dynasty devote themselves to the restoration of this sanctuary4 ,through a subsequent invasion of the nomads1 the cult was interrupted and the great statue of ,shamash destroyed4 ,several attempts are made to reorganize the cult1 but it was left for ,nabubaliddin in the tenth century to restore ,e-,babbara to its former prestige4 ,esarhaddon and ,ashurbanabal1 who pay homage to the old ,bel at ,nippur1 also devote themselves to ,shamash at ,sippar4 ,they restore such portions of it as had suffered from the lapse of time and from other causes4 ,nebuchadnezzar is obliged to rebuild parts of ,e-,babbara1 and the last king of ,babylonia1 ,nabonnedos1 is so active in his building operations at ,sippar that he arouses the anger of the priests of ,babylon1 who feel that their ruler is neglecting the sanctuaries of ,marduk and ,nabu4 ,it is through ,nabonnedos#adba and ,nabubaliddin1#adbb chiefly1 that we learn many of the details of the history of ,e-,babbara during this long period4 ,of the other important temples that date from the early period of ,babylonian history1 we must content ourselves with brief indications4 ,the temple to ,shamash at ,larsa1 while not quite as old as that of ,sippar1 was quite as famous4 ,its name was likewise ,e-,babbara4 ,it is first mentioned in the inscriptions of ,ur-,bau 7c4 #bgjj ,b4,c471 and it continues to enjoy the favor of the rulers till the ,persian conquest4#adbc ,the two chief places for the moon-cult were ,ur and ,harran4 ,the name of ,sin's temple#adbd at the former place was ,e-,gish-shir-gal1 'the house of the great light'2 at the latter1 ,e-khulklul1 'the house of joys4' ,around both sanctuaries1 but particularly around the former1 cluster sacred traditions4 ,we have seen that the moon-cult at an early period enjoyed greater importance than sun-worship4 ,the temples of ,sin were centers of intellectual activity4 ,it is in these places that we may expect some day to find elaborate astronomical and astrological records4 ,harran1 indeed1 does not appear at any time to have played any political role#adbe 7though it was overrun occasionally by nomads71 so that the significance of the place is due almost entirely to the presence of the great temple at the place4 ,it is ,nabonnedos1#adbf again1 who endeavors to restore the ancient prestige of the sanctuary at ,harran4 ,e-anna1 'the lofty house1' was the name of ,ishtar's famous temple at ,erech4 ,the mention of this temple in one of the creation narratives#adbg and the part played by ,ishtar of ,erech in the ,gilgamesh epic are sufficient indications of the significance of this structure4 ,historical inscriptions from the earliest period to the days of ,ashurbanabal and ,nebuchadnezzar come to our further aid in illustrating the continued popularity of the ,ishtar cult in ,e-anna4 ,the ,ishtar who survives in ,babylonia and ,assyria is practically the ,ishtar of ,erech1--that is1 ,nana4#adbh ,passing by such sanctuaries as ,e-shid-lam1 sacred to ,nergal at ,cuthah1 and coming to ,e-,sagila and ,e-,zida1 the two great temples of ,babylon and ,borsippa1 respectively1 it is of course evident from the close connection between political development and religious supremacy1 that ,marduk's seat of worship occupies a unique position from the days of ,hammurabi to the downfall of ,babylonia4 ,while the history of ,e-,sagila and ,e-,zida cannot be traced back further than the reign of ,hammurabi1 the temples themselves are considerably older4 ,previous to the rise of the city of ,babylon as the political center1 the ,nabu cult in ,e-,zida must have been more prominent than the worship of ,marduk in ,e-,sagila4 ,marduk was merely one solar deity among several1 and a minor one at that1 whereas the attributes of wisdom given to ,nabu point to the intellectual importance that ,borsippa had acquired4 ,the ,nabu cult was combined with the worship of ,marduk simply because it could not be suppressed4 ,at various times1 as we have seen1#adbi ,nabu formed a serious rival to ,marduk1 and it will be recalled that up to a late period we find ,nabu given the preference to ,marduk in official documents4#adcj ,the inseparable association of ,e-,sagila and ,e-,zida is a tribute to ,nabu which1 we may feel certain1 the priests of ,marduk did not offer willingly4 ,but this association becomes the leading feature in the history of the two temples4 ,to pay homage to ,marduk and ,nabu meant something quite different from making a pilgrimage to the seat of ,bel or presenting a gift to the ,shamash sanctuary at ,sippar4 ,it was an acknowledgment of ,babylonia's prestige4 ,the ,assyrian rulers regarded it as both a privilege and a solemn duty to come to ,babylon and invoke the protection of ,marduk and ,nabu4 ,in ,e-,sagila the installation of the rulers over ,babylonia took place1 and a visit to ,marduk's temple was incomplete without a pilgrimage across the river to ,e-,zida4 ,the influence exerted by these two temples upon the whole course of ,babylonian history from the third millennium on1 can hardly be overestimated4 ,from the schools grouped around ,e-,sagila and ,e-,zida1 went forth the decrees that shaped the doctrinal development of the religion of ,babylonia and ,assyria4 ,in these schools1 the ancient wisdom was molded into the shape in which we find it in the literary remains of the ,euphrates ,valley4 ,here the past was interpreted and the intellectual future of the country projected4 ,the thought of ,e-,sagila and ,e-,zida must have stored up emotions in the breast of a ,babylonian and ,assyrian1 that can only be compared to a pious ,mohammedan's enthusiasm for ,mecca1 or the longing of an ardent ,hebrew for ,jerusalem4 ,the hymns to ,marduk and ,nabu voice this emotion4 ,there is a fervency in the prayers of ,nebuchadnezzar which marks them off from the somewhat perfunctory invocations of the ,assyrian kings to ,ashur and ,ishtar4 ,an appreciation of the position of ,e-,sagila and ,e-,zida in ,babylonian history is an essential condition to an understanding of the ,babylonian-,assyrian religion4 ,the priests of ,marduk could view with equanimity the rise and growth of ,assyria's power4 ,the influence of ,e-,sagila and ,e-,zida was not affected by such a shifting of the political kaleidoscope4 ,babylon remained the religious center of the country4 ,when one day1 a ,persian conqueror--,cyrus--entered the precincts of ,e-,sagila1 his first step was to acknowledge ,marduk and ,nabu as the supreme powers in the world2 and the successors of ,alexander continue to glory in the title 'adorner of ,e-,sagila and ,e-,zida4'#adca ,with the same zeal that distinguishes a good ,babylonian1 ,antiochus ,soter hastens to connect his reign with the two temples by busying himself with their enlargement and beautification4 ,there was no better way in which he could indicate1 at the same time1 his political control over the country4 ,one more factor contributing to the general influence of the ,babylonian temples remains to be noted4 ,in the course of time1 all the great temples in the large centers became large financial establishments4 ,the sources whence the temples derived their wealth were various4 ,the kings both of ,babylonia and ,assyria took frequent occasions to endow the sanctuaries with lands or other gifts4 ,at times1 the endowment took the form of certain quantities of wine1 corn1 oil1 fruits1 and the like1 for which annual provision is made2 at times1 the harvest derived from a piece of property is set aside for the benefit of the temple4 ,in other ways1 too1 the temples acquired large holdings1 through purchases of land made from the income accruing to it1 and from the tithes which it became customary to collect4 ,this property was either farmed through the authorities of the temple for the direct benefit of the sanctuary1 or was rented out to private parties under favorable conditions4 ,we learn of large bodies of laborers indentured to temples1 as well as of slaves owned or controlled by the temples4 ,these workmen were engaged for various purposes1--for building operations1 for service in the fields1 for working raw material1 such as wool1 into finished products1 and much more the like4 ,but1 more than this1 the temples engaged directly in commercial affairs1 lending sums of money and receiving interest4 ,in some sanctuaries1 a thriving business of barter and exchange was carried on4 ,crops are sold1 houses are rented by the temple agents1 and there was scarcely an avenue of commerce into which the temples did not enter4 ,an active business was also carried on in the manufacture and sale of idols1 votive offerings1 amulets1 and the like4 ,a very large number of the legal documents found in the ,babylonian mounds deal with the business affairs of the temples4#adcb ,such a state of affairs naturally contributed towards making the temples important establishments and towards increasing the influence of the priests over the people4 ,the temples of ,assyria play a minor part in the religious life of rulers and people4 ,true1 grand structures were reared in ,ashur1 ,calah1 ,nineveh1 and ,arbela1 and no important step was taken by the kings without consulting ,ashur1 ,ishtar1 or ,ramman through the mediation of the priests4 ,the great cities of ,assyria also become intellectual centers4 ,the priests of ,arbela created a school of theological thought1 but all these efforts were but weak imitations of the example furnished by the temples of the south4 ,even ,ashurbanabal1 whose ambition was to make ,nineveh the center of religious and intellectual progress1 failed of his purpose4 ,his empire soon fell to decay1 and with that decay ,nineveh disappears from the stage of history4 ,babylon and ,borsippa1 however1 remain1 and continue to hand down to succeeding generations1 the wisdom of the past4 ,the ,sacred ,objects in the ,temples1--,altars1 ,vases1 ,images1 ,basins1 ,ships4 ,the earliest altars were made of the same material as the zikkurats and sanctuaries4 ,one found at ,nippur at an exceedingly low level was of sun-dried bricks4#adcc ,how early this material was replaced by stone1 we are not in a position to say4 ,gudea1 who imports diorite from the ,sinai ,peninsula to make statues#adcd of himself1 presumably uses a similar material for the sacred furnishings of his temples1 though custom and conventionality may have maintained the use of the older clay material for some time4 ,in ,assyria1 altars of limestone and alabaster became the prevailing types4 ,the shape and size of the altars varied considerably4 ,the oldest known to us1 the one found at ,nippur1 was about twelve feet long and half as wide4 ,the upper surface was surrounded by a rim of bitumen4#adce ,assyrian altars now in the ,british museum are from two to three feet high4 ,the ornamentation of the corners of the rim of the altar led to giving the altar the appearance of horns4#adcf ,the base of the altar was either a solid piece with a circular or oblong plate resting on it1 or the table rested on a tripod4#adcg ,the latter species was well adapted for being transported from place to place by the ,assyrian kings1 who naturally were anxious to maintain the worship of ,ashur and of other gods while on their military expeditions4 ,much care was spent upon the ornamentation of the altars1 and1 if we may believe ,herodotus1 the great altars at ,babylon were made of gold4#adch ,in front of the altars stood large vases or jars of terra cotta1 used for ablutions and other purposes in connection with the sacrifices4 ,two such jars1 one behind the other1 were found at ,nippur4 ,they were ornamented with rope patterns1 and the depth at which they were found is an indication of the antiquity and stability of the forms of worship in the ,babylonian temples4 ,it may be proper to recall that in the ,solomonic temple1 likewise1 there were a series of jars that stood near the great altar in the large court4#adci ,a piece of furniture to which great religious importance was attached was a great basin known as 'apsu1'--the name1 it will be recalled1 for 'the deep4' ,the name indicates that it was a symbolical representation of the domain of ,ea4 ,in ,gudea's days the symbol is already known1#addj and it continues in use to the end of the ,babylonian empire4 ,the zikkurat itself being1 as we saw1 an attempt to reproduce the shape of the earth1 the representation of the 'apsu' would suggest itself as a natural accessory to the temple4 ,the zikkurat and the basin together would thus become living symbols of the current cosmological conceptions4 ,gudea already regards the zikkurat as a symbol4 ,to make the ascent is a virtuous deed4#adda ,the thought of adding a symbol of the apsu belongs1 accordingly1 to the period when this view of the zikkurat was generally recognized4 ,the shape of the 'sea' was oblong or round4 ,it was cut of large blocks of stone and was elaborately decorated4 ,one of the oldest#addb has a frieze of female figures on it1 holding in their outstretched hands flagons from which they pour water4 ,in ,marduk's temple we learn that there were two basins1--a larger and a smaller one4 ,the comparison with the great 'sea' that stood in the court of ,solomon's temple naturally suggests itself1 and there can be little doubt that the latter is an imitation of a ,babylonian model4 ,another sacred object in the construction of which much care was taken was the ship in which the deity was carried in solemn procession4 ,it is again in the inscriptions of ,gudea#addc that we come across the first mention of this ship4 ,this ruler tells us that he built the 'beloved ship' for ,nin-girsu1 and gave it the name ,kar-nuna-ta-uddua1 the ship of 'the one that rises up out of the dam of the deep4' ,the ship of ,nabu is of considerable size1 and is fitted out with a captain and crew1 has masts and compartments4#addd ,the ship resembled a moon's crescent1 not differing much1 therefore1 from the ordinary flatbottomed ,babylonian boat with upturned edges4 ,through ,nebuchadnezzar#adde we learn that these ships were brilliantly studded with precious stones1 their compartments handsomely fitted out1 and that in them the gods were carried in solemn procession on the festivals celebrated in their honor4#addf ,a long list#addg of such ships shows that it was a symbol that belonged to all the great gods4 ,the ships of ,nin-lil1 ,ea1 ,marduk1 ,sin1 ,shamash1 ,nabu1 ,ninib1 ,bau1 ,nin-gal1 and of others are specially mentioned4 ,a custom of this kind of carrying the gods in ships must have originated1 of course1 among a maritime people4 ,we may trace it back1 therefore1 to the very early period when the sacred cities of ,babylonia lay on the ,persian ,gulf4 ,the use of the ships also suggests1 that the solemn procession of the gods was originally on water and not on land1 and it is likely that this excursion of the gods symbolized some homage to the chief water-deity1 ,ea4 ,however this may be1 the early significance became lost1 but the custom survived in ,babylonia of carrying the gods about in this way4 ,in ,assyria1 less wedded to ancient tradition1 we find statues of the gods seated on thrones or standing upright1 carried directly on the shoulders of men4#addh ,in ,egypt sacred ships are very common1 and it is interesting to note as a survival of the old ,babylonian and ,egyptian custom that an annual gift sent by the khedive of ,egypt to ,mecca consists of a tabernacle1 known as ,mahmal1 that presents the outlines of a ship4#addi ,the ark of the ,hebrews appears1 similarly1 to have been originally a ship of some kind4 ,the ships of the ,babylonian gods had names given to them1 just as the towers and sanctuaries had their names4 ,the name of ,nin-girsu's ship has already been mentioned4 ,marduk's ship was appropriately known as ,ma-ku-a1 'the ship of the dwelling4'#adej ,similarly1 a ship of the god ,sin was called 'ship of light1' reminding one of the name of the great temple to the moon-god at ,ur1 'the house of the great luminary4' ,the ship of ,nin-gal1 the consort of ,sin1 was called 'the lesser light4' ,bau's ship was described by an epithet of the goddess as 'the ship of the brilliant offspring1' the reference being to the descent of the goddess from father ,anu4#adea ,these illustrations will suffice to show the dependence of the names of the ships upon the names of the temples1 with this important difference1 however1 that the names of the ships are chosen from a closer association with the gods to whom they belong4 ,so a ship of ,en-lil was known simply as 'the ship of ,bel1' and the ship of ,naru1#adeb the river-god1 was called 'the ship of the ,malku 7or royal7 canal'#adec--;an indication1 at the same time1 of the place where the cult of ,naru was carried on4 ,the ,priests and ,priestesses4 ,at a certain stage in the religious development of a people1 the priesthood is closely linked to political leadership4 ,the earliest form of government in the ,euphrates ,valley is theocratic1 and we can still discern some of the steps in the process that led to the differentiation of the priest from the secular ruler4 ,to the latest times1 the kings retain among their titles some#aded which have reference to the religious functions once exercised by them4 ,the king who continued to be regarded as the representative of a god1 nominated by some deity to a lofty position of trust and power1 stood nearer to the gods than his subjects4 ,in a certain sense1 the king remained the priest par excellence4 ,hence the prominent part played by the ruler in the religious literature of the country4 ,a large proportion of the hymns were composed for royalty4 ,the most elaborate ritual dealt with the endeavor to secure oracles that might serve as a guide for the rulers4 ,astronomical reports were made and long series of omen tablets prepared for the use of the royal household4 ,the calendars furnished regulations for the conduct of the kings4 ,a ceremonial error1 an offence against the gods on the part of the kings1 was certain of being followed by disastrous consequences for the whole country4 ,but even the smallest sanctuaries required some service1 and it was not long before the religious interests were entrusted into the hands of those who devoted themselves to administering the affairs of the temples4 ,the guardians of the shrines became the priests in fact1 long before the priesthood of the rulers became little more than a theory2 and as the temples grew to larger proportions1 the service was divided up among various classes of priests4 ,the general name for priests was shangu1 which1 by a plausible etymology suggested by ,jensen1#adee indicates the function of the priest as the one who presides over the sacrifices4 ,but this function represents only one phase of the priestly office in ,babylonia1 and not the most important one1 by any means4 ,for the people1 the priest was primarily the one who could drive evil demons out of the body of the person smitten with disease1 who could thwart the power of wizards and witches1 who could ward off the attacks of mischievous spirits1 or who could prognosticate the future and determine the intention or the will of the gods4 ,the offering of sacrifices was one of the means to accomplish this end1 but it is significant that many of the names used to designate the priestly classes have reference to the priest's position as the exorciser of evil spirits or his power to secure a divine oracle or to foretell the future1 and not to his function as sacrificer4 ,such names are mashmashu1 the general term for 'the charmer'2 kalu1 so called1 perhaps1 as the 'restrainer' of the demons1 the one who keeps them in check2 lagaru1 a synonym of kalu2 makhkhu1 'soothsayer'2 surru1 a term which is still obscure2 shailu1 the 'inquirer1' who obtains an oracle through the dead or through the gods2 mushelu1 'necromancer'2 ashipu or ishippu1 'sorcerer4'#adef ,these names probably do not exhaust the various kinds of 'magicians' that were to be found among the ,babylonian priests4 ,in the eighteenth chapter of ,deuteronomy1 no less than eleven classes of magic workers are enumerated1 and there can be little doubt but that the ,pentateuchal opposition against the necromancers1 sorcerers1 soothsayers1 and the like is aimed chiefly against ,babylonish customs4 ,we have seen in previous chapters how largely the element of magic enters into the religious rites and literature of the ,babylonian-,assyrian religion and how persistent an element it is4 ,for the masses1 the priest remained essentially a mashmashu4 ,but we have also names like ramku and nisakku1 'libation pourer1' which emphasize the sacrificial functions of the priest2 and in an interesting list of temple servitors1#adeg 'the dirge singers' are introduced as a special class1 and appropriately designated as munambu1 'wailer1' and lallaru1 'howler4' ,of some terms in this list1 like asinnu1 it is doubtful whether they indicate a special class of priests or are terms for servitors in general1 attached to a temple2 in the case of others1 like nash pilakki1 'ax carrier1' we do not know exactly of what nature the service was4#adeh ,lastly1 priests in their capacity as scribes#adei and as judges#adfj formed another distinct class1 though it should be noted that in ,assyria we meet with scribes occasionally who are not priests4#adfa ,the range thus covered by the temple service1--magic1 oracles1 sacrifices1 the lament for the dead1 and the judiciary1--is exceedingly large4 ,the subdivisions1 no doubt1 varied in each center4 ,in the smaller sanctuaries1 those who offered the sacrifices may also have served as soothsayers and dirge singers1 and the judicial functions may likewise have been in the same hands as those who performed other services4 ,on the other hand1 in a temple like ,e-,sagila the classes and subclasses must have been very numerous4 ,of the details of the organization we as yet know very little4 ,there was a high priest1 known as the shangam-makhu1#adfb and from the existence of a title like sur-makhu1--that is1 the chief surru1#adfc--we may conclude that each class of priests had its chief likewise4 ,with the natural tendency in ancient civilizations for professions to become vested in families1 the priests in the course of time became a caste2 but there is no reason to believe that entrance into this caste was only possible through the accident of birth4 ,that instruction in the reading and writing of the cuneiform characters1 and hence the introduction into the literature1 was open to others than the scions of priests is shown by the presence in the legal literature of formal contracts for instruction between teachers and pupils who belong to the 'laity4' ,these pupils could become scribes and judges1 and their standing as 'priests' represented merely the ,babylonian equivalent to a modern university degree4 ,for such service as the bewailing of the dead and as musicians1 persons were initiated who were taken from various classes and likewise for the menial duties of the temples1 and it is only when we come to the more distinctive priestly functions1 like the exorcising of evil spirits1 securing an oracle1 or performing sacrifices1 that the rules limiting these privileges to certain families were iron bound4 ,as among the ,hebrews and other nations1 stress was laid also upon freedom from physical blemishes in the case of the priests4 ,the leper1 we learn1 was not fit for the priesthood4#adfd ,in the astronomical reports that were spoken of in a previous chapter1#adfe there are references to the 'watches' kept by the astronomers4 ,these watches1 however1 were probably not observed for astronomical purposes alone1 but represent the time division1 as among the ,hebrews1 for the temple service4 ,there were three night watches among the ,babylonians1#adff and1 in all probability1 therefore1 three day watches likewise4 ,relays of priests were appointed in the large sanctuaries for service during the continuance of each watch1 and we may some day find that the ,hebrews obtained their number of twenty-four priests for each 'watch' from a custom prevailing in some ,babylonian temple4 ,an interesting feature of the ,babylonian priesthood is the position occupied by the woman4 ,in the historical texts from the days of ,hammurabi onward1 the references to women attached to the service of temples are not infrequent4 ,gudea expressly mentions the 'wailing women1' and there is every reason to believe that the female wailers1 like the male ones1 belong to some priestly class4 ,again1 examples of women as exorcisers and as furnishing oracles#adfg may be instanced in ,babylonia as well as in ,assyria1 and we have also references to female musicians as late as the days of ,ashurbanabal4 ,a specially significant role was played by the priestesses in ,ishtar's temple at ,erech1 and probably at other places where the cult of the great mother goddess was carried on4 ,the ,ishtar priestess was known by the general term of ,kadishtu1--that is1 'the holy one1'--or ,ishtaritum1 'devoted to ,ishtar'2 but1 from the various other names for the sacred harlot that we come across1#adfh it would appear that the priestesses were divided into various classes1 precisely like the priests4 ,that in the ceremonies of initiation at ,erech1 and perhaps elsewhere1 some rites were observed that on the surface appeared obscene is eminently likely2 but there is no evidence that obscene rites1 as instanced by ,herodotus1 formed part of the regular cult of the goddess4 ,except in the case of the ,ishtar worship1 the general observation may be made that the position of the priestess is more prominent in the early period of ,babylonian history than in the days when the culture and power of ,babylonia and ,assyria reached its zenith4 ,sacrifices and ,votive ,offerings4 ,the researches of ,robertson ,smith#adfi and of others have shown that the oldest ,semitic view of sacrifice was that of a meal1 shared by the worshipper with the deity to be honored or propitiated4 ,dependent as we are in the case of the ,babylonian-,assyrian religion for our knowledge of sacrifices upon incidental references in historical or religious texts1 it is not possible to say how far the ,semitic dwellers of the ,euphrates ,valley were influenced by the primitive conception of sacrifice4 ,historical and votive inscriptions and a religious literature belong to a comparatively advanced stage of culture1 and earlier views of sacrifice that may have existed were necessarily modified in the process of adaptation to later conditions4 ,the organization of an elaborate cult with priests and numerous temple servitors changes the sacrifices into a means of income for the temple4 ,the deity's representatives receive the share originally intended for the deity himself2 and1 instead of sanctifying the offering to a god by contact with the sacred element fire1 the temple accepts the offering for its own use4 ,it is likely1 however1 that among the ,babylonians1 as among the ,hebrews1 certain parts of the animal which were not fit to eat#adgj were burned as a symbolical homage to a god4 ,no references have as yet been found pointing to any special sanctity that was attached to the blood2 but it is eminently likely that the blood was regarded at all times as the special property of the gods1 and was poured on the altar4 ,the two kinds of sacrifice--animals and vegetable products--date from the earliest period of the ,babylonian religion of which we have any knowledge4 ,in a long list of offerings1 ,gudea#adga includes oxen1 sheep1 goats1 lambs1 fish1 birds 7as eagles1 cranes1#adgb etc471 and also such products as dates1 milk1 and greens4 ,from other sources we may add gazelles1 date wine1 butter1 cream1 honey1 garlic1 corn1 herbs1 oil1 spices1 and incense4 ,stress is laid upon the quality of the sacrifice4#adgc ,the animals must be without blemish1 and if well nurtured1 they would be all the more pleasing in the sight of the gods4 ,the omission of dogs and swine is not accidental4 ,under that double aspect of sanctity which we find among the ,babylonians as among so many nations1 certain animals were too sacred to be offered1 and1 on the other hand1 they were regarded as unclean4#adgd ,in treating of the omen texts we already had occasion to speak of the peculiar ideas attached to the dog by the ,babylonians1#adge and there is sufficient evidence to show that the boar likewise was viewed as a sacred animal1 at least in certain parts of ,babylonia4#adgf ,no certain traces of human sacrifices have been found1 either in ,babylonian literature or in artistic representations4#adgg ,if the rite was ever practised among the ,babylonians or ,assyrians it must have been at a very early period--earlier than any of which we as yet have any knowledge4 ,on the other hand1 a trace of some primitive form of tree worship may be recognized in the representation1 so frequent on seal cylinders and monuments1 of curious figures1 in part human1 in part animal1 standing in front of the palm tree4#adgh ,the symbol belongs to ,assyria as well as to ,babylonia4 ,in some of the designs the figures--human heads and bodies but furnished with large wings--appear to be in the act of artificially fertilizing the palm tree by scattering the male blossom over the female palm4 ,this plausible interpretation first suggested by ,e4 ,b4 ,tylor#adgi carries with it the conclusion that the importance of palm culture in the ,euphrates ,valley not only gave the palm the character of a sacred tree1 but lent to the symbol a wider significance to a more advanced age1 as illustrating fertility and blessings in general4 ,the scene1 reproduced in almost endless variations in which both trees and figures become conventionalized1 came to be regarded as a symbol of adoration and worship in general4 ,as such1 it survived in religious art and continued to be pictured on seal cylinders to a late age4 ,the occasions on which sacrifices were brought were frequent4 ,if the gods were to be consulted for the purpose of obtaining an oracle1 elaborate offerings formed a necessary preliminary4 ,in this case1 the animals presented at the altar served a double purpose4#adhj ,they constituted a means of propitiating the god in favor of the petitioner1 and at the same time the inspection of certain parts of the animal served as an omen in determining what was the will of the god appealed to4 ,when the foundations were to be laid for a temple or a palace1 it was especially important to secure the favor of the gods by suitable offerings1 and1 similarly1 when a canal was to be built or any other work of a public character undertaken4 ,again1 upon the dedication of a sacred edifice or of a palace1 or upon completing the work of restoration of a temple1 sheep and oxen in abundance were offered to the gods1 as well as various kinds of birds and the produce of the orchards and fields4 ,the ,babylonian rulers appear to have accompanied their sacrifices on such occasions with prayers1 and in a previous chapter we had occasion to discuss some of these dedicatory invocations4#adha ,in the ,assyrian inscriptions1 prayers are specifically referred to only as being offered before setting out on an expedition1 before a battle1 or when the kings find themselves in distress1#adhb so that if the ,babylonian custom likewise prevailed in ,assyria1 it did not form a necessary part of the sacrificial ritual4 ,the sacrifice as a pure homage is illustrated by the zeal which the ,assyrian kings manifest towards honoring the great temples of the south4 ,the northern rulers were anxious at all times to reconcile the southern population to ,assyrian control1 and it was no doubt gratifying to the south to find ,tiglathpileser ,,ii41#adhc upon entering the ancient centers like ,sippar1 ,nippur1 ,babylon1 ,borsippa1 ,cuthah1 ,kish1 ,dilbat1 and ,erech1 proceeding to the temples in those places in order to offer his sacrifices4 ,the example of ,tiglathpileser is followed by his successors down through the time of ,ashurbanabal4 ,as often as the ,assyrian monarchs may have had occasion to proceed to ,babylonia--and the occasions were frequent1 owing to the constant disposition of the south to throw off the hated yoke--they emphasized their devotion to ,marduk1 ,nabu1 ,en-lil1 ,shamash1 and the other gods who had their seats in the south4 ,sargon#adhd goes so far in this homage as to pose as the reorganizer of the cults of ,sippar1 ,nippur1 ,borsippa1 and ,babylon1 and of restoring the income to temples in other places4#adhe ,but there was another side to this homage that must not be overlooked4 ,by sacrificing in the ,babylonian temples1 the ,assyrian rulers indicated their political control over the south4 ,such homage as they manifested was the exclusive privilege of legitimate rulers1 and it was important for the ,assyrians to legitimize their control over the south4 ,a phase of sacrifice is represented by the libations of oil and wine to which frequent references are found in the historical texts4 ,it appears to have been customary to anoint the foundation stones of temples and palaces with oil and wine4 ,over the thresholds1 too1 and over the stones--bearing commemorative or votive inscriptions--libations of oil1 honey1 and wine were poured4 ,nebopolassar#adhf speaks of placing sweet herbs under the walls1 and ,nabonnedos#adhg pours oil over the bolts and doors1 as well as on the thresholds of the ,shamash temple at ,sippar1 and fills the temple with the aroma of frankincense4 ,much importance was attached to this rite1 and the kings take frequent occasion to adjure their successors who may in the course of restoring edifices come across stones bearing the record of former builders1 to anoint these stones with oil and offer sacrifices4#adhh ,thus1 ,nabonnedos1#adhi when he finds the inscription of ,ashurbanabal in the ,shamash temple at ,sippar1 carefully obeys the injunction4 ,the rite bears all the marks of great antiquity4 ,the instances of its occurrence in the ,old ,testament--notably in the case of ,jacob's act of pouring oil over the holy stone at ,bethel#adij--;confirm this view2 and the interpretation for the rite suggested by ,robertson ,smith#adia that the oil was originally the fat of the sacrificed animal smeared over an object or a person1 as a means of investing them with sanctity1 accounts satisfactorily for the invariable juxtaposition in the cuneiform texts of sacrificial offerings with the anointing of the inscribed stones4 ,we have no evidence that the rulers of ,babylonia and ,assyria were anointed with oil on their installation1 though it is not improbable that such was the case4 ,the use of the oil in this case is but a modification of the same rite1 which1 it is to be noted1 loses some of its ancient force by the spread of the custom in the ,orient of unguents as a part of the toilet4#adib ,the use of odorous herbs1 which1 we have seen1 were placed under the walls1 and of honey and wine1 which were poured over bolts1#adic is also directly connected with the sacrificial cult4 ,the libation in its purer form appears in the custom of the ,assyrian kings of pouring wine over the animal slain by them in the hunt4 ,the act is intended to secure divine favor towards a deed which involved the destruction of something that by all ancient nations was held sacred1 namely1 life4 ,even a despot of ,assyria felt that to wantonly destroy life could not be safely undertaken without making sure of the consent of the gods4 ,significantly enough1 ,ashurbanabal offers his libations after the lion or bull hunts to ,ishtar as the goddess of battle4#adid ,the animal is sanctified by being devoted to a goddess1 just as the victims in a battle constitute the conqueror's homage offered to the gods who came to his assistance4 ,sacrifices with libations are so frequently represented on the seal cylinder that this testimony alone would suffice to vouch for the importance attached to this rite in the cult4 ,one of the most archaic specimens of ,babylonian art#adie represents a worshipper1 entirely naked1 pouring a libation into a large cup which stands on an altar4 ,behind the altar sits a goddess who is probably ,a or ,malkatu1 the consort of the sun-god4 ,the naked worshipper is by no means an uncommon figure in the early ,babylonian art1#adif and it would appear that at one time it was customary to remove one's garments preliminary to stepping into the god's presence1 just as among the ,arabs the cult of the ,caaba in ,mecca was conducted by the worshippers at an early period without their clothes4#adig ,the custom so frequently referred to in the ,old ,testament to remove one's shoes upon entering sacred territory1--a custom still observed by the modern ,muslim1 who leaves his shoes outside of the ,mosque1--may be regarded as an indication that at an earlier period people removed their garments as well as the sandals4 ,it may be that the order to take off the sandal alone1 as recorded in the ,old ,testament1 is nothing but a euphemistic phrase 7suggested by a more refined age7 to strip oneself4 ,certainly1 when we find that in the days of ,saul1 the seers went about naked1 there can no longer be any doubt that there was a time when the ,hebrews1 too1 like the ,arabs and ,babylonians1 entered the holy presence naked4 ,the institution of daily sacrifices is vouched for in the case of the larger religious centers like ,babylonia1 ,borsippa1 ,sippar1 ,cuthah1 as well as ,nineveh for the late periods4 ,nebuchadnezzar1 for example1 tells us#adih that he provided for a sacrifice of six lambs daily in the temple ,e-shidlam at ,cuthah1 sacred to ,nergal and ,laz2 while for ,nabu's temple at ,borsippa1 the daily sacrifices were arranged on a still larger scale1 and included two fattened bulls of perfect form1 sixteen smaller animals1 besides offerings of fish1 birds1 leek1 various kinds of wine1 honey1 cream1 and the finest oil1--all intended1 as the king tells us1 for the table of ,nabu and his consort4 ,no doubt the daily official sacrifices at ,marduk's temple were even more elaborate4 ,the custom of regular sacrifices in the larger temples may be traced back to an early period4 ,the technical terms for such sacrifices are sattuku and ginu4 ,both terms convey the idea of being fixed1 perpetual1#adii and suggest a comparison with the ,pentateuchal institution of the tamid1#aejj i4e41 the daily sacrifice4 ,whenever the kings in their inscriptions mention the regular sacrifices1 it is in almost all cases with reference to their reinstitution of an old custom that had been allowed to fall into neglect 7owing to political disturbances which always affected the temples71 and not as an innovation4 ,innovations were limited to increasing the amounts of these regular sacrifices4 ,so1 for example1 ,nabubaliddin restores and increases the gine of the great temple ,e-babbara at ,sippar4#aeja ,but regular sacrifices do not necessarily involve daily offerings4 ,the same terms1 ginu and sattuku1 are applied frequently to monthly offerings1 and except in the large religious centers1 regular sacrifices were in all probabilities brought on certain days of each month1 and not daily4 ,the days thus singled out1 as will be shown further on1 differed for various sanctuaries4 ,it would be important if we could determine the share in these regular sacrifices taken by the people at large1 but the material at hand does not suffice for settling the question4 ,there are frequent references to tithes in the clay tablets forming part of the archives of temples1 and monthly tributes are also mentioned4 ,we certainly may conclude from these references that the people were taxed in some way for the support of the temples4 ,ashurbanabal in one place speaks of reimposing upon the population of the south the provision for the sattuku and ginu due to ,ashur and ,belit#aejb and the gods of ,assyria2 but1 for all that1 it is not certain that the regular sacrifices at the temples partook of a popular character4 ,one gains the impression that1 except on the occasions when the people came to the sanctuaries for individual purposes1 the masses as such had but comparatively little share in it4 ,in this respect the cult of the ,hebrews1 which has so many points in common with the ,babylonian ritual as to justify the hypothesis that the details of sacrificial regulations in the priestly code are largely derived from practices in ,babylonian temples1 was more democratic4 ,closely attached as the ,babylonians were to their sanctuaries1 the regular sacrifices do not appear to have been an active factor in maintaining this attachment4 ,a more decidedly popular character is apparent in the votive offerings made to the temples4 ,these offerings cover a wide range4 ,rulers and people alike felt prompted to make gifts to the sanctuaries on special occasions1 either as a direct homage to the gods or with the avowed purpose and hope of securing divine favor or divine intercession4 ,the statues of themselves which the rulers from the days of ,gudea#aejc on were fond of erecting were dedicated by them as offerings to the gods1 and this avowed aim tempers1 in a measure1 the vanity which no doubt was the mainspring of their action4 ,the statues were placed in the temples1 and from ,gudea#aejd we learn of the elaborate ceremonies connected with the dedication of one of the king's colossal blocks of diorite4 ,for seven days all manual labor was interrupted in ,lagash4 ,masters and slaves shared in the festivities4 ,the temple of ,nin-girsu is sanctified anew by purification rites1 and the statue is formally presented to the god amidst sacrifices and offerings of rich gifts4 ,the account given in the ,book of ,daniel#aeje of the dedication of ,nebuchadnezzar's statue may be regarded as an equally authentic picture of a custom that survived to the closing days of the ,babylonian monarchy1 except that we have no proof that divine honors were paid to these statues4#aejf ,the front1 sides1 and back of ,gudea's images were covered with inscriptions1 partly of a commemorative character1 but in part1 also1 conveying a dedication to ,nin-girsu4 ,similarly1 the steles of the ,assyrian kings1 set up by them either in the temples or on the highways beyond the confines of ,assyria1 and which had images of the rulers sculptured on them in high relief1 were covered with inscriptions1 devoted primarily to celebrating the deeds of the kings2 but1 since the victories of the armies were ascribed to the assistance furnished by the gods1 an homage to ,ashur or some other deity was involved in the recital4 ,that the gods were accorded a minor share of the glory was but in keeping with the pride of the ,assyrian rulers1 who were less affected than the rulers of the south by the votive character of the statues4 ,both ,babylonians and ,assyrians1 however1 unite in making images of the gods as a distinct homage1 and in giving elaborate presents of gold1 silver1 precious stones1 costly woods1 and garments to the sanctuaries as votive offerings to the gods4 ,these presents were used in the decoration of temples and shrines1 as well as of the statues of the gods or as direct contributions to the temple treasury4 ,celebrations of victories were chosen as particularly appropriate occasions for making such votive offerings4 ,so ,agumkakrimi1 upon bringing back to ,e-,sagila the statues of ,marduk and ,sarpanitum that had been taken away by ruthless hands1 bestows rich gifts upon the temples and describes#aejg at great length the costly garments embroidered with gold and studded with precious stones that were hung on ,marduk and his consort4 ,equally vivid is the description of the high1 conical-shaped caps1 made of lapis lazuli and gold1 and decorated1 furthermore1 with various kinds of stones1 that were placed on the heads of the deities4 ,garments for the statues of the gods appear to have been favorite votive offerings at all times4 ,nabubaliddin1 in restoring the cult of ,shamash at ,sippar1 makes provisions for an elaborate outfit of garments1#aejh specifying different garments for various periods of the year4 ,it would appear from this that for the various festive occasions of the year1 the garments of the gods were changed1 much as in other religions--including the ,catholic ,church--the officiating priests are robed in different garments on the various festive or solemn occasions4 ,votive tablets or discs of lapis lazuli1 agate1 turquoise1 gold1 silver1 copper1 antimony1 and other metals with dedicatory inscriptions were deposited in the temples4 ,what particular purpose they served we do not know4 ,as a specimen of the more common formula on these tablets1 a lapis lazuli tablet of ,nippur may be chosen4 ,it is offered by a ,cassite king1 and reads#aeji as follows3 ,to ,bel ,his lord ,kadashman-,turgu ,for his life ,presented4 ,a knob-shaped object#aeaj of fine limestone contains a dedication in similar phrases to ,marduk4 ,it is offered by ,bel-epush1 who is probably identical with a ,babylonian ruler of this name in the seventh century1--a contemporary of ,sennacherib3#aeaa ,to ,marduk1 his lord ,bel-epush for the preservation of his life ,made and presented4 ,kings1 however1 do not appear to be the only ones for whom these votive offerings were prepared4 ,a dedication to a personage otherwise unknown and to all appearances a layman reads3#aeab ,to ,ea1#aeac his lord1 ,bel-zir1 ,son of ,ea-,ban1 ,for the preservation of his life ,made and presented4 ,the formulas are thus seen to be conventional ones1 though occasionally the inscription is somewhat longer4 ,so1 for example1 ,nazi-,maruttash1 another ,cassite king1 puts a little prayer on a votive offering3 ,to ,bel1 his lord ,nazi-,maruttash1 ,son of ,kurigalzu1 ,to hearken to his supplication1 ,to be favorable to his prayer1 ,to accept his entreaty1 ,to lengthen his days1 ,he made and presented4 ,this inscription appears1 as ,dr4 ,hilprecht informs us1#aead on an ax made of imitation lapis lazuli4#aeae ,other votive inscriptions are found on rings and on knobs of ivory or magnesite4#aeaf ,these various designs no doubt all had some symbolical significance4 ,the ring suggests some ultimate connection between votive offerings and amulets4 ,the seal cylinders1 we know1 although put to practical use in impressing the design on a clay tablet as a substitute for a personal signature1 were also regarded as amulets1 and this accounts for the frequency with which scenes of religious worship were introduced as designs on the cylinders4 ,the ring is distinctly an amulet in ,babylonia as elsewhere1 and hence it is by no means improbable that the custom of carrying little inscribed tablets1 discs1 or knobs about the person as a protection against mischances preceded the use of such tablets as votive offerings to be placed in a temple4 ,a very common votive object in ,babylonia1 especially in the earlier period1 was the clay cone4 ,such cones were found in large numbers at ,lagash1 while at ,nippur ,peters came across what may be safely regarded as a magazine where such cones 7and other votive objects7 were manufactured in large numbers4#aeag ,the cones of ,gudea bear conventional inscriptions of a votive character addressed to ,nin-girsu4 ,in other temples1 other gods were similarly remembered4 ,it has been customary to regard these cones as phallic symbols2#aeah but it should be noted that not only is the evidence for this lacking1 but that what we know of the popular practices of the ,babylonians does not warrant us in assuming any widespread phallic symbolism4 ,the point of the cones suggests rather that the objects were intended to be stuck into the ground or into walls4 ,at ,lagash ,de ,sarzec found1 besides cones1 a large number of copper statuettes#aeai of gods and goddesses and of animals1--chiefly bulls1--all terminating in a sharp point or attached to a cone-shaped object4 ,others again are clearly human figures1 either male personages holding the cone in their hands1#aebj or females holding baskets on their heads1--the customary attitude of making an offering4 ,these curious statuettes frequently bear inscriptions of a votive character1 and there can be no doubt that they were used to be stuck into some substance4 ,at one place1 ,de ,sarzec found a series set up in concentric circles#aeba in the corners of an edifice and under the floor4 ,heuzey is of the opinion that these statuettes thus arranged were to serve as a warning for the demons1 but it is more in keeping with the general character of the ,babylonian religion to look upon these objects simply as votive offerings placed at various parts of a building as a means of securing the favor of the gods4 ,the cone1 ,i venture to think1 is merely the conventionalized shape of a votive object originally intended to be stuck into some part of a sacred building4 ,the large quantity of cones that have been found at ,lagash1 ,nippur1 and elsewhere is an indication of their popular use4 ,it is not improbable that at one time1 and1 at all events1 in certain temples1 the cones and statuettes represented the common votive offerings with which worshippers provided themselves upon entering the sacred precinct4 ,to facilitate the reproduction of the statuettes1 moulds were used1--another indication of the widespread use of these objects4 ,clay figures of gods and goddesses were also made in moulds or modelled by hand and served as votive offerings4 ,at ,nippur1 the images represent chiefly ,bel and ,belit1#aebb either separately or in combination2 but figurines of ,ishtar have also been found4#aebc ,in some the goddess is represented as suckling a child4 ,often she is pictured as naked1 clasping her breasts or her womb4 ,the attitude which was suggested by the character of the goddess as the promoter of fertility appears to have been too obscene to a more refined age1 and1 accordingly1 we find in later times the sexual parts suppressed or the figure properly clothed4 ,the character of these figurines varied naturally with each religious center1 and even in the same center modifications were introduced4 ,whether these clay figurines1 cones1 and metallic statuettes were also placed by individuals in their dwellings1 like the plague tablets1#aebd we cannot as yet definitely say1 but it is more than likely that such was the case4 ,the teraphim familiar to us from the references in the ,old ,testament1#aebe and evidently used as talismans1 belong to the class of votive offerings under consideration4 ,the figurines and cones1 and also 7though to a smaller degree7 the copper statuettes1 thus introduce us to the popular phases of the cult4 ,as symbols of homage they appear to have survived to a late period1 and their use as talismans did not materially affect their character as offerings1 made by the people upon seeking the sanctuaries4 ,the more costly objects1 as vases1#aebf artistically worked weapons1 handsome seas bowls1 altars1 and statues of the gods and other furniture for the temples were left to the rulers4 ,such offerings were made with great pomp4 ,they were formally dedicated by large processions of priests1 with the accompaniment of hymns and music4 ,the kings of ,assyria presented the captured gods as votive gifts pleasing to their deity4#aebg ,they bring back with them from their campaigns the beams of the edifices that they destroyed and offer them to ,ishtar4#aebh ,upon coming to ,babylonia1 they do not fail to bring presents of gold1 silver1 precious stones1 copper1 iron1 purple1 precious garments1 and scented woods to ,marduk and ,sarpanitum1 to ,nabu and ,tashmitum1 and the other great gods4#aebi ,the first fruits of extensive groves are offered by ,ashurnasirbal to ,ashur and the temples of his land4#aecj ,the rulers of ,assyria vie with the kings of ,babylonia in presenting gardens#aeca and lands to the gods as votive offerings2 but for all that1 in ancient ,babylonia and ,assyria1 as among other peoples of antiquity1 the more fervent religious spirit was manifested in the small tokens of the masses1 whose attachment to the temples was of a different order from that which prompted the rulers of the north and south to a display1 in which vanity and the desire to manifest their power play a larger part as one generation succeeds the other4 ,festivals4 ,we have seen#aecb that in the developed system of the ,babylonian religion1 every day of the year had some significance1 and that certain days in each month--so1 e4g41 the #gth1 #adth1 #aith1 #bast1 and #bhth--had a special significance4 ,it has also been pointed out that in different religious centers1 the days singled out for special significance differed4 ,in view of this1 we must be prepared to find that the festival days were not the same in all parts of ,babylonia1 nor necessarily identical in the various periods of ,babylonian and ,assyrian history4 ,the common name for festival was isinnu4 ,if we may judge from the use of assinnu as a general name for priest1#aecc--;a servant of a deity1--the underlying stem appears to signify simply 'to serve4' ,another name that reveals more as to the character of the ,babylonian festivals is tashiltu1 which is used as a synonym for 'joy1 delight4' ,the festivals were indeed joyous occasions1 marked by abundance of offerings and merry-making1 though1 as we shall see1 the somber note in the rejoicings was not absent4 ,the kings dedicate their temples and palaces amidst manifestation of rejoicing4 ,they pray that the gods may occupy the dwellings prepared for them in joy and jubilance1#aecd and the reference to festivals in the historical texts are all of such a character as to make us feel that the ,babylonian could appreciate the ,biblical injunction to rejoice#aece in the divine presence1 on the occasions set apart as1 in a peculiar sense1 sacred4 ,defective as our knowledge of the ancient ,babylonian festivals still is1 the material at our disposal shows that at a comparatively early period1 there was one day in the year on which a festival was celebrated in honor of a god or goddess that had a more important character than any other4 ,in the developed zodiacal system of ,babylonia each month is sacred to a deity4#aecf ,this system was perfected under the direct influence of the theological schools of ,babylonia1 but so much of it1 at all events1 rests upon ancient traditions which assigns a month to each god2 and since ,marduk is not accorded the first place1 but takes his position in a group of solar deities1 and since1 moreover1 these solar deities have a position in the calendar which accords with their specific solar character1#aecg we may proceed a step further and assume with some confidence that the ,babylonian scholars were guided--in large part1 at least--by ancient traditions in parceling out the months as they did4 ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea1 it is true1 may have been assigned to the first three months because of the preeminent position of these three gods as a special triad2 but even here the antiquity of the triad furnishes a guarantee that the association of some month with some deity belongs to a very ancient period of ,babylonian history4 ,this being the case1 it would be natural that the first day of the month sacred to a deity would be regarded as his or her festival par excellence1 and in the case of the cult of a deity spreading beyond its original limits1 this festival would assume a more general character4 ,on this day the people would come from all parts of the district within which the cult was carried on1 to pay their homage to the god or goddess4 ,in the days of ,gudea1 we find ,bau occupying this superior rank4 ,her festival had assumed such importance as to serve for reckoning the commencement of the year4 ,hence it became known simply as the day of zag-muku1#aech that is1 the ,new ,year's ,day4#aeci ,whether this festival of ,bau was recognized as the ,new ,year's ,day throughout ,babylonia1 we do not know1 but it must have been observed in a considerably extensive district1 or ,gudea would have made the attempt to give some festival connected with his favorite deity ,nin-girsu this character4 ,as it is1 he can only combine ,bau's festival with the cult of ,nin-girsu1 by making the ,new ,year's ,day the occasion of a symbolical marriage between the god and the goddess4 ,nin-girsu is represented as offering marriage gifts to ,bau1#aedj on the ,zagmuku4 ,how early ,bau came to occupy so significant a rank has not been ascertained4 ,it is her quality as the 'great mother1' as the goddess of fertility and abundance1#aeda rather than any political supremacy of the district in which she was worshipped1 that constitutes the chief factor in giving ,bau this preeminence1 just as we have found in the case of the other great goddesses of ,babylonia1--,nina1 ,nana1 ,ishtar1--specific traits and not political importance lending them the significance they acquired4 ,at one time we may well suppose that the festival of ,en-lil at ,nippur1 which brought worshippers from all parts of ,babylonia1 was recognized as a ',new ,year's ,day1' and we may some day find evidence that at a still earlier period the first day of a month sacred to some other god1--,sin or ,shamash or ,nana-,ishtar of ,erech1--was recognized in some districts as the starting-point for the year2 but to an agricultural community1 the spring1 when the seeds are sown1 or the fall1 after the harvest has been gathered1 are the two most natural periods for reckoning the beginning of the year4 ,since we know that at the time when ,babylon acquired her supremacy the year began in the spring1 the conservatism attaching to religious observances makes it more than probable that ,bau's festival also fell in the spring4 ,after the ancient religious and political centers of the south yielded their privileges to ,babylon1 it was natural for the priests of ,marduk to covet the honor of the ,new ,year's festival for the new head of the pantheon4 ,accordingly1 we find the ,zagmuku transformed into a ,marduk festival4 ,that it did not originally belong to ,marduk follows from the fact that it was celebrated in the month of ,nisan1--the first month1--whereas the month sacred to ,marduk was ,arakh-shamna 7or ,marcheshwan71--the eighth month4 ,the deliberate transfer of the ,zagmuku to ,marduk is also indicated by the fact that the festival of ,nisan has another name by which it is more commonly designated1--,akitu4#aedb ,the name seems to have been originally a general term for a festival1 and it is natural that ,marduk's festival should have come to be known as the festival1 just as among the ,hebrews the annual fall pilgrimage to the sanctuary at ,jerusalem became known as the ,hag1--the pilgrimage par excellence4 ,to distinguish it from other festivals1 ,marduk's festival is sometimes spoken of as the great or the lofty ,akitu4 ,the first day was properly the ,zagmuku1 whereas the ,akitu itself extended at least over the first eleven days of ,nisan#aedc and may indeed have lasted the entire month2 but ,zagmuku was also used for the festival period4 ,the ,new ,year's ,day was marked by a solemn procession4 ,the union of ,nabu and ,marduk was symbolized by a visit which the former paid to his father1 the chief of the ,babylonian pantheon4 ,in his ship1 magnificently fitted out1#aedd ,nabu was carried along the street known as ,ai-ibur-shabu1#aede leading from ,borsippa across the ,euphrates to ,babylon4 ,the street was handsomely paved1#aedf and everything was done to heighten the impressiveness of the ceremony4 ,the visit of ,nabu marked the homage of the gods to ,marduk2 and ,nabu set the example for other gods1 who were all supposed to assemble in ,e-,sagila during the great festival4 ,we have already pointed out that the cult of ,nabu at ,borsippa at one time was regarded with greater sanctity than the ,marduk worship in ,babylon4 ,as a concession to the former supremacy of ,nabu1 the priests of ,e-,sagila1 carrying the statue of ,marduk1 escorted ,nabu back to ,borsippa4 ,the return visit raises the suspicion that it was originally ,marduk who was obliged to pay an annual homage to ,nabu4 ,however this may be1 the double ceremony became to such an extent the noteworthy feature of the ,zagmuku or ,akitu that when the chroniclers wish to indicate that1 because of political disturbances1 the festival was not celebrated1 they use the simple formula3 ,nabu did not come to ,babylon4 ,bel i4e41 ,marduk did not march out4#aedg ,the ,akitu festival brought worshippers from all parts of ,babylonia and ,assyria to the capitol4 ,kings and subjects alike paid their devotions to ,marduk4 ,the former approached the divine presence directly1 and1 seizing hold of the hands of ,marduk's statue1 were admitted into a kind of covenant with the god4 ,the ceremony became the formal rite of royal installation in ,babylonia4 ,to seize the hands of ,bel was equivalent to legitimizing one's claim to the throne of ,babylonia1 and the chroniclers of the south consistently decline to recognize ,assyrian rulers as kings of ,babylonia until they have come to ,babylon and seized the hands of ,bel4#aedh ,that this ceremony was annually performed by the kings of ,babylonia after the union of the southern states is quite certain4 ,it marked a renewal of the pledge between the king and his god4 ,the ,assyrian kings1 however1 contented themselves with a single visit4 ,of ,tiglathpileser ,,ii4#aedi and ,sargon1#aeej we know that they came to ,babylonia for the purpose of performing the old ceremony2 and others did the same4 ,the eighth and eleventh days of the festival month were invested with special sanctity4 ,on these days all the gods were brought together in the chamber of fates of ,marduk's temple4 ,in symbolical imitation of the assembly of the gods in ,ubshu-kenna1#aeea ,marduk sits on his throne and the gods are represented as standing in humble submission before him1 while he decrees the fates of mankind for the coming year4 ,the ,zagmuku festival in its developed form has striking points of resemblance to the ,jewish ,new ,year's ,day4 ,on this day1 according to the popular ,jewish tradition1 ,god sits in judgment with a book before ,him in which ,he inscribes the fate of mankind4 ,nine days of probation are allowed1 and on the tenth day--the ,day of ,atonement--the fates are sealed4 ,the ,jewish ,new ,year is known as ,rosh-hash-shana1#aeeb which is an exact equivalent of the ,babylonian resh shatti 7or zag-muku74 ,a difference1 however1 between the ,babylonian and the ,jewish festival is that the latter is celebrated in the seventh month4 ,it is not correct1 therefore1 to assume that the ,hebrews borrowed their ,rosh-hash-shana from the ,babylonians4 ,even after they adopted the ,babylonian calendar1#aeec they continued to regard the seventh month--the harvest month--as the beginning of the year4 ,that among the ,babylonians the seventh month also had a sacred character may be concluded from the meaning of the ideographs with which the name is written4#aeed ,the question may1 therefore1 be raised whether at an earlier period and in some religious center--,nippur1 ,sippar1 or perhaps ,ur--the seventh month may not have been celebrated as the ,zagmuku4 ,at all events1 we must for the present assume that the ,hebrews developed their ,new ,year's ,day1 which they may have originally received from ,babylonia1 independently of ,marduk's festival1 though1 since the ,rosh-hash-shana does not come into prominence among the ,jews until the period of the so-called ,babylonian exile1 the possibility of a direct ,babylonian influence in the later conceptions connected with the day cannot be denied4#aeee ,of the other festivals of the ,babylonians and ,assyrians but few details are known4 ,several references have already been made to the ,tammuz festival4#aeef ,originally a solar festival1 celebrated in the fourth month at the approach of the summer solstice1 it became through the association of ideas suggested by the mourning of ,ishtar for her lost consort ,tammuz a kind of ',all ,souls' ,day1' on which the people remembered their dead4 ,dirges were sung by the wailing women to the accompaniment of musical instruments2 offerings were made to the dead1 and it is plausible to assume that visits were paid to the graves4 ,the mourning was followed by a festival of rejoicing1 symbolizing the return of the solar-god4 ,the ,tammuz festival appears to have had a strong hold upon the masses1 by reason of the popularity of the ,tammuz myth2 nor was it limited to the ,babylonians4 ,among the ,phoenicians the cult of ,tammuz1 known by his title ,adon 7whence ,adonis71 was maintained to a late period1 and the ,hebrews1 likewise1 as late as the days of ,ezekiel1#aeeg commemorated with rites of mourning the lost ,tammuz4 ,the calendar of the ,jewish ,church still marks the #agth day of ,tammuz as a fast1 and ,houtsma has shown#aeeh that the association of the day with the capture of ,jerusalem by the ,romans represents merely the attempt to give an ancient festival a worthier interpretation4 ,the day was originally connected with the ,tammuz cult4 ,eerdmans#aeei has recently endeavored to show that the festival of ,hosein1 celebrated by the ,shiitic sect of ,mohammedanism in memory of the tragic death of the son of ,ali1 is in reality a survival of the ,babylonian-,phoenician ,tammuz festival4 ,the spread of the ,tammuz-,adonis myth and cult to the ,greeks#aefj is but another indication of the popularity of this ancient ,semitic festival4 ,the old ,zagmuku festival in honor of ,bau and the ,tammuz festival1 celebrated in spring and summer1 respectively1 are also closely associated with agricultural life4 ,the spring as the seedtime is1 as we have seen1 a natural period for beginning the calculation of the ,new ,year1 while a first harvest of the wheat and barley is reaped in ,babylonia at the time of the summer solstice4 ,we should expect1 therefore1 to find a third festival in the fall1 at the close of the harvest and just before the winter rains set in4 ,the seventh month--,tishri--was a sacred month among the ancient ,hebrews as well as among the ,babylonians1 but up to the present no distinct traces of a festival period in ,tishri have been found in ,babylonian texts4 ,we must content ourselves1 therefore1 with the conjecture1 above thrown out1 that an ,akitu was originally celebrated in this month at some ancient religious center of the ,euphrates ,valley4 ,further publications of cuneiform texts may throw light upon this point4 ,the unpublished material in ,european and ,american museums harbors many surprises4 ,in ,ashurbanabal's annals#aefa there is an interesting reference to a festival celebrated in honor of the goddess ,gula1 the goddess of healing1#aefb on the twelfth day of ,iyyar1 the second month4 ,the festival is described ideographically as ,si-gar1#aefc but from the fact that the same ideographs are used elsewhere to describe a day sacred to ,sin and ,shamash1#aefd it would appear that ,si-gar is not a specific appellation1 but a general name again for festival4 ,this month ,iyyar and this particular day1 as a favorable one1 is chosen by ,ashurbanabal for his installation as king of ,assyria4 ,the same month is selected for a formal pilgrimage to ,babylonia for the purpose of restoring to ,e-,sagila a statue of ,marduk that a previous ,assyrian king had taken from its place1#aefe and ,lehmann is probably correct in concluding#aeff that this month of ,iyyar was a particularly sacred one in ,assyria1 emphasized with intent perhaps by the kings1 as an offset against the sacredness of ,nisan in ,babylonia4 ,festivals in honor of ,ninib were celebrated in ,calah in the months of ,elul--the sixth month--and ,shabat--the eleventh month4#aefg ,the sixth month1 it will be recalled1 is sacred to ,ishtar4#aefh ,ninib being a solar deity1 his festival in ,elul was evidently of a solar character4 ,from ,ashurbanabal1#aefi again1 we learn that the #beth day of ,siwan--the third month--was sacred to ,belit of ,babylon1 and on that day a procession took place in her honor4 ,the ,belit meant is ,sarpanitum in her original and independent role as a goddess of fertility4 ,the statue of the goddess1 carried about1 presumably in her ship1 formed the chief feature of the procession4 ,ashurbanabal chooses this favorable day as the one on which to break up camp in the course of one of his military expeditions4 ,we would naturally expect to find a festival month devoted to the god ,ashur in ,assyria4 ,this month was ,elul--the sixth month4#aegj ,the choice of this month lends weight to the supposition that ,ashur was originally a solar deity4#aega ,the honors once paid to ,ninib in ,calah in this month could thus easily be transferred to the head of the ,assyrian pantheon4 ,although in the calendar the sixth month is sacred to ,ishtar1 her festival was celebrated in the fifth month1 known as ,ab4#aegb ,this lack of correspondence between the calendar and the festivals is an indication of the greater antiquity of the latter4 ,in the great temple to ,shamash at ,sippar1 there appear to have been several days that were marked by religious observances4 ,nabubaliddin#aegc 7ninth century7 emphasizes that he presented rich garments to the temple for use on six days of the year1--the #gth day of ,nisan 7first month71 #ajth of ,iyyar 7second month71 #crd of ,elul 7sixth month71 #gth of ,tishri 7seventh month71 #aeth of ,arakh-shamna 7or ,marcheshwan1 eighth month71 and the #aeth of ,adar 7twelfth month74 ,these garments are given to ,shamash1 to his consort ,malkatu1 and to ,bunene4#aegd ,since from a passage in a ,babylonian chronicle#aege it appears that it was customary for ,shamash on his festival to leave his temple1 we may conclude that the garments were put on ,shamash and his associates1 for the solemn procession on the six days in question4 ,the festivals in ,nisan and ,elul are distinctly of a solar character4 ,the choice of two other months immediately following ,nisan and ,elul cannot be accidental4 ,the interval of thirty-three days between the ,nisan and ,iyyar festivals and thirty-four days between the ,elul and ,tishri festivals may represent a sacred period4#aegf ,tishri1 moreover1 as has been pointed out1 is a sacred month in a peculiar sense4 ,marcheshwan1 it may be well to bear in mind1 is sacred to ,marduk1--a solar deity1--while the #aeth of ,adar1 curiously enough1 is an old solar festival that1 modified and connected with historical reminiscences1 became popular among the ,jews of ,persia and ,babylonia during the ,persian supremacy in the ,semitic ,orient1 and survives to this day under the name of the ,purim festival4#aegg ,at all events1 the six days may be safely regarded as connected in some way1 direct or indirect1 with solar worships1 and it is natural to find that in so prominent a center of sun-worship as ,sippar1 all the solar festivals were properly and solemnly observed4 ,it is disappointing that up to the present so little has been ascertained of the details of the moon-cult--the great rival to ,shamash worship--in the old cities of ,ur and ,harran4 ,in the ,babylonian calendar1 the third month--,siwan--is sacred to ,sin1 but since1 as we have found1 the festivals in honor of the gods do not always correspond to the assignment of the months1 we cannot be certain that in this month a special festival in honor of ,sin was observed4 ,lastly1 besides the regular and fixed festivals1 the kings1 and more especially the ,assyrian rulers1 did not hesitate to institute special festivals in memory of some event that contributed to their glory4 ,agumkakrimi#aegh instituted a festival upon restoring the statues of ,marduk and ,sarpanitum to ,babylon1 and ,sargon does the same upon restoring the palace at ,calah4#aegi ,dedications of temples and palaces were in general marked by festivities1 and so when the kings return in triumph from their wars1 laden with spoils and captives1 popular rejoicings were instituted4 ,but such festivals were merely sporadic1 and1 while marked by religious ceremonies1 were chiefly occasions of general jollification combined with homage to the rulers4 ,such a festival was not called an isinnu1 but a nigatu1#aehj--;a 'merrymaking4'#aeha ,more directly connected with the cult was a ceremony observed in ,assyria upon the installation of an official1 known as the limmu1 who during his year of service enjoyed the privilege of having official documents dated with his name4#aehb ,the ceremony involved a running#aehc of some kind1 and reminds one of the running between the two hills ,marwa and ,safa in ,mekka that forms part of the religious observances in connection with a visit to the ,kaaba4#aehd ,the name of the ceremony appears to have been puru 7or buru74 ,to connect this word with the ,jewish festival of ,purim1 as ,sayce proposes1#aehe is wholly unwarranted4 ,the character of the ,puru ceremony points to its being an ancient custom1 the real significance of which in the course of time became lost4 ,fast days instituted for periods of distress might also be added to the cult1 but these1 too1 like the special festivals1 were not permanent institutions4 ,for such occasions many of the penitential psalms which were discussed in a previous chapter#aehf were composed4 ,to conciliate angered gods whose temples had been devastated in days of turmoil1 atonement and purification rites were observed4 ,so ,ashurbanabal#aehg upon his conquest of ,babylonian cities tells us that he pacified the gods of the south with penitential psalms and purified the temples by magic rites2 and ,nabubaliddin1#aehh incidental to his restoration of the ,shamash cult at ,sippar1 refers to an interesting ceremony of purification1 which consisted in his taking water and washing his mouth according to the purification ritual of ,ea and ,marduk1#aehi preliminary to bringing sacrifices to ,shamash in his shrine4 ,sippar had been overrun by nomads1#aeij the temple had been defiled1 and before sacrifices could again be offered1 the sacred edifice and sacred quarter had to be purified4 ,the king's action was a symbol of this purification4 ,many such customs must have been in vogue in ,babylonia and ,assyria4 ,some--and these were the oldest--were of popular origin4 ,on the seal cylinders there is frequently represented a pole or a conventionalized form of a tree1 generally in connection with a design illustrating the worship of a deity4#aeia ,this symbol is clearly a survival of some tree worship#aeib that was once popular4 ,the comparison with the ashera or pole worship among ,phoenicians and ,hebrews#aeic is fully justified1 and is a proof of the great antiquity of the symbol1 which1 without becoming a formal part of the later cult1 retained in some measure a hold upon the popular mind4 ,other symbols and customs were introduced under the influence of the doctrines unfolded in the schools of thought in the various intellectual centers1 and as an expression of the teachings of the priests4 ,the cult of ,babylonia1 even more so than the literature1 is a compound of these two factors1--popular beliefs and the theological elaboration and systematization of these beliefs4 ,in the course of this elaboration1 many new ideas and new rites were introduced4 ,the official cult passed in some important particulars far beyond popular practices4 ,,footnotes3 #acaa ,vorgeschichte der ,indo-,europaer1 pp4 #abf-ada4 #acab ,gen4 xi4 #d4 #acac ,e4g41 ,tiglathpileser ,i41 col4 vii4 ll4 #ajb1 #ajc2 ,meissner1 ,altbabylonisches ,privatrecht1 no4 #df2 ,nebopolassar ,cylinder 7,hilprecht1 ,old ,babylonian ,inscriptions1 i4 #a1 pls4 #cb1 #cc71 col4 i4 l4 #ch4 ,or 'as high as mountains'2 e4g41 ,nebuchadnezzar ,,ii41 ,,ir4 #eh1 col4 viii4 ll4 #fa-fc2 and so frequently the ,neo-,babylonian kings4 #acad ,kosmologie1 pp4 #ahe-aie4 #acae ,or ,kharsag-gal-kurkura2 see p4 #eeh4 #acaf ,see p4 #deh4 #acag ,ekurrati2 ,delitzsch1 ,assyr4 ,handwoerterbuch1 p4 #gah;b4 #acah ,,ir4 #ce1 no4 #c1 #bb4 #acai ,see below4 #acbj ,hebrew ,bamoth4 ,through the opposition of the ,hebrew prophets1 the term acquires distasteful associations that were originally foreign to it4 #acba ,see ,peters' ,nippur1 ii4 #abd seq4 #acbb ,,iir4 #ej1 obverse4 #acbc ,perhaps1 however1 these several names all designate a single zikkurat4 #acbd ,peters' ,nippur1 i4 #bdf2 ii4 #abj4 #acbe ,for the meaning of this phrase1 see ,winckler's ,altorientalische ,forschungen1 iii4 #bjh-bbb1 and ,jensen's ,kosmologie1 p4 #afg4 #acbf ,from ,heuzey's note in ,de ,sarzec1 ,decourveries en ,chaldee1 p4 #ca1 it would appear that at ,lagash there was a zikkurat of modest proportions1 but ,dr4 ,peters informs me that from his observations at ,telloh1 he questions whether the building in question represents a zikkurat at all1 though1 as we know from other sources1 a zikkurat existed there in the days of ,gudea4 #acbg ,journal of the ,royal ,asiatic ,society1 xviii4 #acbh ,of ,sargon's zikkurat at ,khorsabad1 also1 only four stories have been found4 ,perrot and ,chiplez 7,history of ,art in ,chaldaea and ,assyria1 i4 #chh7 suppose that there may have been seven4 #acbi ,e4g4 ,perrot and ,chiplez1 ib4 p4 #abh4 ,hommel1 ,geschichte ,babyloniens und ,assyriens1 p4 #ai4 #accj ,peters 7,nippur1 i4 #bad7 found many yellow-colored bricks at ,borsippa4 #acca ,book ,i1 ,sec4 #ih4 #accb ,see a paper by ,e4 ,w4 ,hopkins on ,the ,holy ,numbers of the ,rig-,veda 7,oriental ,studies1 ,boston1 #ahid1 pp4 #ada-adg74 #accc ,written ideographically1 as the names of the zikkurats and of all sacred edifices invariably are4 #accd ,see above1 p4 #dei4 #acce ,inscription ,g1 col4 i4 l4 #ad2 ,d1 col4 ii4 l4 #aa4 #accf ,,iir4 #ej2 obverse #bj4 ,see p4 #dgb4 #accg ,kosmologie1 pp4 #aga-agd4 #acch ,the suggestion is worthy of consideration whether the name 'seven directions of heaven and earth' may not also point to a conception of seven zones dividing the heavens as well as the earth4 ,one is reminded of the 'seven' heavens of ,arabic theology4 #acci ,so e4g41 ,kaulen1 ,assyrien und ,babylonien 7#c;d edition71 p4 #eh2 ,vigouroux1 ,la ,bible et les ,decouvertes ,modernes 7#dth edition71 i4 #ceh4 #acdj ,lit41 'house to be seen1' ,igi-e-nir4 ,see1 e4g41 ,,vr4 #bi1 no4 #d1 #dj1 and ,delitzsch1 ,assyr4 ,handwoerterbuch1 p4 #bfb4 #acda ,so at ,babylon1 at least1 according to ,herodotus4 ,traces of such a room were also found in connection with the zikkurat at ,nippur 7,peters1 ,nippur1 ii4 #abb47 #acdb ,bit pirishti4 ,,iir4 #ej1 obverse1 #f4 ,another name 7or perhaps the name of a second zikkurat at ,nippur2 see p4 #faf1 note #b7 is ,im-kharsag1 i4e41 'mountain of awe4' ,peters' rendering 7,nippur1 ii4 #abb7 of the names is inaccurate4 #acdc ,peters' ,nippur1 ii4 chapter vi4 #acdd ,schick1 ,die ,stiftschuette1 der ,tempel1 und der ,tempelplatz der ,jetztzeit1 pp4 #h1 #i4 #acde ,snouck-,hurgronje ,mekka 7,atlas1 pl4 #a74 ,the present structure1 though comparatively modern1 is built after ancient models4 #acdf ,schick1 ib4 pp4 #abe-aca4 #acdg ,die ,stiftshuette1 der ,tempel1 und der ,tempelplatz der ,jeiztzeit1 p4 #hb4 #acdh ,on the significance of the gate in sacred edifices1 see ,trumbull1 ,the ,threshold ,covenant1 pp4 #ajb-ajh4 #acdi ,dr4 ,peters is of the opinion that at the entrance to the temple area proper at ,nippur there also stood two large columns4 #acej ,decouvertes en ,chaldee1 pp4 #fb-fd4 ,heuzey1 in a valuable note1 already suggests the comparison with the two columns of ,solomon's which is here maintained on the basis of the excavations at ,nippur4 #acea ,ib4 p4 #fd4 #aceb ,the best example for ,assyria is furnished by the magnificent bronze gates of ,balawat1 now in ,the ,british ,museum4 ,see ,birch and ,pinches1 ,the ,bronze ,ornaments of the ,palace ,gates of ,balawat 7,london1 #ahha74 #acec ,see the illustrations in ,perrot and ,chiplez1 ,history of ,art in ,chaldea and ,assyria1 i4 #adb1 #adc4 #aced ,so ,puchstein and ,friedrich1 but see ,meissner-,rost1 ,noch einmal das ,bithillani und die ,assyrische ,saeule 7,leipzig1 #ahic74 #acee ,discoveries among the ,ruins of ,nineveh and ,babylon1 plan #b4 #acef ,papakhu for ,pakhpakhu1 from the stem pakhu1 to close4 ,parakku1 from ,paraku1 to shut off1 to lock4 #aceg ,inscription ,d1 col4 ii4 l4 #i4 #aceh ,v4 ,rawlinson1 pl4 #fj4 #acei ,book i4 sec4 #ahc4 #acfj ,see the chief passage1 ,,ir4 #ed1 col4 ii1 ll4 #ed-fe2 another name is ,e-,kua1 'dwelling4' #acfa ,see p4 #dbc4 #acfb ,,vr4 #ej1 col4 i4 l4 #e4 #acfc ,,vr4 #da1 ,no4 #a1 ,rev4 #ah4 #acfd ,,ivr4 #eg1 #bd;a4 ,jensen's suggestion 7,kosmologie1 p4 #bdb7 to read ,mar-duku is out of the question4 #acfe ,what ,jensen says 7,kosmologie1 p4 #aj7 of the temple at ,sippar would apply to the papakhu in the temple1 rather than to the whole structure4 #acff ,de ,sarzec1 ,decouvertes en ,chaldee1 pls4 #bd1 #be bis1 etc4 #acfg ,see p4 #ecg4 #acfh ,de ,sarzec1 ,decouvertes en ,chaldee1 pls4 #d1 #d bis and #dc bis4 ,on the latter1 bulls1 lions1 and eagle in combination4 #acfi ,see p4 #fec4 #acgj ,see the plan in ,schick1 ,die ,stiftshuette1 pl4 #e4 ,layard 7,discoveries among the ,ruins of ,nineveh and ,babylon1 pp4 #fdb-fdh7 points out some analogies between the constructions at ,nimrod and ,solomon's buildings1 but what he says applies chiefly to the palaces4 #acga ,herodotus1 book i4 sec4 #ahc1 speaks of two altars outside of the temple of ,marduk in ,babylon4 ,in the case of so important a structure1 the number of altars was naturally more numerous4 #acgb ,see ,heuzey's note in ,de ,sarzec's ,decouvertes en ,chaldee1 p4 #fe4 #acgc ,see pp4 #aji seq4 #acgd ,see p4 #ajf4 #acge ,recueil des ,travaux1 etc41 xvii4 #ci4 #acgf ,see pp4 #adj seq4 #acgg ,the date of this king has recently been pushed down by ,thureau-,dangin1 considerably later than the date assigned to him by ,hilprecht 7,revue ,semitique1 v4 #bfe-bfi74 #acgh ,see p4 #aaj4 #acgi ,nebuchadnezzar1 ,,ir4 #fe1 col4 i4 ll4 #cd1 #ce4 #achj ,this is to be concluded from ,nebuchadnezzar1 ib4 l4 #cb4 #acha ,see ,tiele's note1 ,zeitschrift fuer ,assyriologie1 ii4 #ahd1 note4 #achb ,,ir4 #ee1 col4 iv4 ll4 #ed-eg4 #achc ,see ,tiele1 ,zeitschrift fuer ,assyriologie1 ii4 #aij4 #achd ,,iii ,rawlinson1 pl4 #ff4 ,the list also contains objects in the temples used for the cult4 #ache ,,iiir4 #ff4 obverse1 col4 ii4 ll4 #b-be4 #achf ,see p4 #bjg4 #achg ,the sign for image occurs in connection with some of the gods4 #achh ,the term can hardly be used here in the strict sense of 'towers1' but appears to have become a general word for a sacred structure4 #achi ,ib4 col4 iii4 ll4 #bb-cd4 #acij ,meissner-,rost1 ,bauinschriften ,sanherib's1 p4 #g4 #acia ,see1 e4g41 the list ,,iiir4 #ff4 ,an exception is formed by the temple to ,ramman in the city of ,asshur1 which has a special name4 ,see the following note4 #acib ,including the one to ,ramman in ,asshur4 #acic ,,ir4 #b4 nos4 #aa1 #b4 #acid ,,iir1 #ej1 obverse #ac4 #acie ,lge-e-nir zikkurat2 ,kidur shubtu 7dwelling72 ,makh rabu 7great74 #acif ,the name approaches closely to the conception of a zikkurat in the ,book of ,genesis1 as a 'ladder' connecting heaven and earth4 ,gen4 xxviii4 #ab4 #acig ,see above1 p4 #fai4 #acih ,the ideas 'true1 fixed1 established1 eternal' are all expressed by the element ,zida4 #acii ,i adopt this reading as the one generally used4 #adjj ,see above1 p4 #bdb4 #adja ,or tush4 ,cf4 ,bruennow1 ,sign ,list1 no4 #ajebc4 #adjb ,or ab4 ,see ,jensen1 ,keils ,bibl4 #c1 i4 pp4 #ae1 #agc4 #adjc ,see above1 p4 #eg4 #adjd ,compare the name ',belit-seri1' 'mistress of the fields1' as the name of a goddess who belongs to the pantheon of the lower world4 ,see p4 #ehh4 #adje ,,iir4 #fa1 nos4 #a1 #b1 #f4 #adjf ,text1 ,kar1 i4e41 'dam1' 'wall1' or 'quay4' #adjg ,,iir4 #ej1 l4 #h4 #adjh ,bezold ,catalogue1 etc41 p4 #aggf4 #adji ,one is reminded of ,isaiah's sentiment 7lvi4 #g7 regarding the temple of ,yahwe1 which is to be called 'a house of prayer for the world4' #adaj ,lit41 'enclosure4' #adaa ,the synagogue is called a 'house' just as the ,babylonian temple is1 and among names of synagogues 7or of congregations7 in modern times that form close parallels to the names of ,babylonian temples may be instanced 'house of prayer1' 'glory of ,israel1' 'tree of life4' ,the custom of naming ,christian churches after the apostles represents a further development along the order of ideas current in ,babylonia4 #adab ,e4g41 ,,iir4 #ej 7zikkurats72 ,,iir4 #fa2 ,,iiir4 #ff4 #adac ,see ,bezold ,catalogue1 etc41 p4 #aggf and elsewhere4 #adad ,e4g41 ,,iir4 #ed-fj2 ,,iiir4 #fg-fi2 ,,vr4 #dc1 #df4 #adae ,,iir4 #fj1 no4 #a1 obverse4 #adaf ,see p4 #agb4 ,some of the gods invoked by ,sennacherib 7see p4 #bch71 as ,gaga1 ,sherua1 and perhaps also ,khani1 are foreign deities4 #adag ,assyrian and ,babylonian ,religious ,texts1 i4 #ef-ei4 #adah ,as ,lagamal1 ,kanishurra4 #adai ,see ,peters' ,nippur1 ii4 chapter x1 ,the ,history of ,nippur4 #adbj ,ib4 ll4 #bfj4 7,published in ,hilprecht's ,old ,babylonian ,inscriptions1 ,i4 #a4 pl4 #ba1 no4 #dc4 ,see also pl4 #h1 no4 #ae47 #adba ,,vr4 #fc4 #adbb ,,vr4 pls4 #fj1 #fa4 #adbc ,so1 e4g41 as late as the days of ,nebopolassar 7,scheil1 ,recueil des ,travaux1 xviii4 #af74 #adbd ,besides this temple1 there were two others1 perhaps only chapels1 dedicated to ,sin at ,ur3 7a7 ,e-te-im-ila 7mentioned first by ,ur-,bau1 ,,ir4 pl4 #a1 no4 #d71 and 7b7 ,e-,kharsag 7mentioned first by ,dungi1 ,,ir4 #b1 ,,ii4 no4 #b74 ,the zikkurat at ,ur had1 of course1 a special name 7,,iir4 #ej1 obverse #ah74 #adbe ,see ,noeldeke1 ,zeitschrift fuer ,assyriologie1 xi4 #ajg-aji4 ,hilprecht's theory 7,old ,babylonian ,inscriptions1 i4 #b1 #ee7 has not been accepted by scholars4 #adbf ,,vr4 #fd1 col4 i4 #c-i2 col4 ii4 #df4 #adbg ,see p4 #ddd4 #adbh ,see p4 #ha4 #adbi ,see pp4 #abf seq4 #adcj ,see p4 #abi4 #adca ,so ,antiochus ,soter1 ,,vr4 #ff1 col4 i4 l4 #c4 #adcb ,for a further account of the financial side of the temple establishments1 see ,peiser's excellent remarks in his ,babylonische ,vertraege des ,berliner ,museums1 pp4 xvii-xxix4 #adcc ,hilprecht1 ,old ,babylonian ,inscriptions1 i4 #b1 p4 #bd4 #adcd ,nine magnificent diorite statues of ,gudea were found by ,de ,sarzec at ,telloh4 #adce ,ashes--the trace of sacrifices--were also found on the altar4 #adcf ,see the illustrations in ,perrot and ,chiplez1 ,history of ,art in ,chaldea1 etc41 i4 #adc1 #bee4 ,similar horns existed on the ,hebrew and ,phoenician altars4 #adcg ,see the illustrations in ,perrot and ,chiplez1 ib41 i4 #aid1 #bef1 #beg4 ,on seal cylinders altar titles are frequently represented4 #adch ,book i4 sec4 #ahc4 #adci ,see ,schick1 ,die ,stiftshuette1 etc41 pp4 #aai seq4 #addj ,keils ,bibl4 #c1 #a1 p4 #ac2 see also p4 #hi4 #adda ,inscription ,g1 col #a4 ll4 #ae-ag4 ,see p4 #fba4 #addb ,described in ,de ,sarzec's ,decouvertes en ,chaldee1 pp4 #baf1 #bag4 ,for other specimens1 see ib4 pp4 #ajf1 #aga2 and see also ,hilprecht1 ,old ,babylonian ,inscriptions1 i4 #b4 p4 #ci1 note4 #addc ,inscription ,d1 col4 iii1 #a-ab4 #addd ,see ,winckler's note1 ,keils ,bibl4 #c1 #b1 p4 #af4 #adde ,,ir4 #ed1 col4 iii4 l4 #aj4 #addf ,ib4 #ee1 col4 iv4 l4 #a1 #b4 #addg ,,iir4 #fa4 no4 #b1 obverse4 #addh ,see ,perrot and ,chiplez1 ,history of ,art in ,chaldea and ,assyria1 i4 #ge1 #gf4 #addi ,see the illustration in ,snouck-,hurgronje ,mekka1 pl4 ,v4 #adej ,i4e41 of the god1 ,e-,kua being the name of the sacred chamber in ,marduk's temple at ,babylon4 ,see p4 #fbi1 note #a4 #adea ,see p4 #fj4 #adeb ,see p4 #bhb4 #adec ,the largest canal in ,babylonia4 #aded ,e4g41 ishakku4 #adee ,sha and naku1 i4e41 'the one over the sacrifice4' ,zeitschrift fuer ,assyriologie1 vii41 #agd1 note4 #adef ,that these terms represent classes of priests is indicated by the fact that the abstract derivatives shangutu1 kalutu1 ishipputu1 and also ramkutu 7see below7 are used as general terms for priesthood4 #adeg ,,iir4 #cb1 no4 #c4 #adeh ',a spear carrier of ,marduk' occurs in contract tablets4 #adei ,dupsharru4 #adfj ,daianu4 #adfa ,e4g41 ,,iiir4 #dh1 no4 #f1 ll4 #bf1 #bg4 #adfb ,shangu priest2 makhu great4 #adfc ,see above1 p4 #feg4 #adfd ,delitzsch1 ,assyr4 ,handwoerterbuch1 p4 #adi;b4 #adfe ,see pp4 #cef seq4 #adff ,on these night watches1 see ,delitzsch's article in the ,zeitschrift fuer ,keilschriftforschung1 ll4 #bhd-bid4 #adfg ,see above1 pp4 #bfg1 #cdc4 #adfh ,kharimtu1 ,kisritu1 ,ukhatu1 ,shamuktu4 ,see ,,iir1 #cb1 no4 #b1 ll4 #ca-cf1 and above1 pp4 #dge1 #dhd4 #adfi ,see his article on ,sacrifice in the #ith edition of the ,encyclopaedia ,britannica and his ,religion of the ,semites1 ,lectures ,,vi-,,xi4 #adgj ,so in the regulations of the priestly code 7,lev4 iii4 #ad-ag74 #adga ,inscription ,g1 cols1 iii-vi4 #adgb ,hardly 'roosters1' as ,jensen 7,kosmologie1 p4 #eag7 proposes4 #adgc ,see1 e4g41 ,gudea1 ,inscription ,f1 cols4 iii1 iv4 #adgd ,see on this general subject ,marillier's admirable articles1 ,la ,place du ,totemisme dans l'evolution religieuse 7,revue de l',histoire des ,religions1 xxxvi74 #adge ,see pp4 #cig1 #cih4 #adgf ,see ,peters' ,nippur1 ll4 #aca1 and ,hilprecht1 ,cuneiform ,texts1 ix4 pl4 xiii4 #adgg ,see ,ward1 ,on ,some ,babylonian ,cylinders supposed to represent ,human ,sacrifices 7,proc4 ,amer4 ,oriental ,soc4 ,may1 #ahhh1 pp4 xxvlii-xxx74 #adgh ,see1 e4g41 ,layard1 ,monuments of ,nineveh1 #ast series1 pls4 #g1 #bc2 ,place1 ,nineve et l',assyrie1 pl4 #df1 etc4 #adgi ,the ,winged ,figures of the ,assyrian and ,other ,ancient ,monuments1 ,proc4 ,soc4 ,bibl4 ,arch4 xii4 #chc-cic2 see also ,bonavia1 ,the ,sacred ,trees of the ,assyrian ,monuments1 ,babylonian and ,oriental ,record1 vols4 iii1 iv1 whose conclusions1 however1 are not always acceptable4 #adhj ,see chapter xix1 ,oracles and ,omens4 #adha ,see pp4 #bie-bii4 #adhb ,see1 e4g41 ,sennacherib1 ,,ir4 #dg1 col4 v4 ll4 #ej-ed2 ,ashurbanabal1 ,rassam ,cylinder1 col4 ii4 l4 #aaf1 and col4 iv4 l4 #i4 #adhc ,,iir4 #fg1 #aa1 #ab4 #adhd ,cylinder1 l4 #d4 #adhe ,winckler1 ,die ,keilschrifttexte ,sargon's ,prunkinschrift1 ll4 #acd1 #ace4 #adhf ,hilprecht1 ,old ,babylonian ,inscriptions1 i4 #a1 pl4 #cc1 col4 ii4 ll4 #ed-ef4 #adhg ,,vr4 #fe1 col4 ii4 l4 #ac4 #adhh ,see1 e4g41 ,tiglathpileser ,i41 ,,ir4 #af1 col4 viii4 ll4 #ef1 #eg2 ,sennacherib1 ,,ir4 #dg1 col4 vi4 l4 #fg-ga4 #adhi ,,vr4 #fd1 col4 ii4 ll4 #dc-de4 #adij ,gen4 xxviii4 #ah4 #adia ,religion of the ,semites1 p4 #cfd4 #adib ,see ,robertson ,smith1 ib4 p4 #bae4 #adic ,,vr4 #fa1 col4 iv4 ll4 #cc1 #cd4 #adid ,,ir4 #g1 no4 ix4 #adie ,heuzey in ,de ,sarzec's ,decouvertes en ,chaldee1 p4 #bji4 #adif ,several examples occur in ,de ,sarzec's ,decouvertes en ,chaldee4 ,see also ,ward1 ,proc4 ,amer4 ,oriental ,soc41 ,may1 #ahhh1 p4 xxix1 and ,peters' ,nippur1 ii4 pl4 #b4 #adig ,wellhausen1 ,reste ,arabischen ,heidenthums1 p4 #ajf4 #adih ,grotefend ,cylinder1 col4 li4 ll4 #cf-ci4 #adii ,they are also used in the sense of any permanent provision for a temple through an endowment4 #aejj ,lit41 'the steady' sacrifice4 ,see the technical employment1 ,dan4 viii4 #aa4 #aeja ,,vr4 #fa1 col4 iv4 l4 #dh-;col v4 l4 #f2 see also ,ashurbanabal1 ,rassam ,cylinder1 col4 iv4 l4 #ij4 #aejb ,belit here used for ,ashur's consort2 see p4 #bbf4 #aejc ,see p4 #feb4 #aejd ,inscription ,b1 cols4 vii-viii4 #aeje ,chapter iii4 #a-g4 #aejf ,this touch appears to have been added by the ,hebrew writer4 ,nebuchadnezzar is but a disguise for ,antiochus ,epiphanes4 #aejg ,,vr4 #cc1 col4 ii4 l4 #bb-;col4 iii4 l4 #ab4 #aejh ,,vr4 #fa1 col4 vi4 ll4 #a-ac4 #aeji ,hilprecht1 ,old ,babylonian ,inscriptions1 i4 #a1 pl4 #bc1 no4 #fb4 #aeaj ,in the museum at ,copenhagen4 ,described by ,knudtzon in the ,zeits4 f4 ,assyr41 xil4 #bee4 #aeaa ,tiele1 ,babylonisch-,assyrische ,geschichte1 p4 #bhg4 #aeab ,in the ,berlin ,museum 7,knudtzon1 ib474 ,it is also on a knob which contains remains of an iron stick1 to which1 evidently1 the knob was fastened4 #aeac ,written ,a-e4 #aead ,hilprecht1 ,old ,babylonian ,inscriptions1 i4 #a1 p4 #eh4 #aeae ,in reality1 glass colored with cobalt4 ,on this production of false lapis lazuli1 see ,peters' ,nippur1 ii4 #acd4 #aeaf ,for examples1 see ,hilprecht1 ib41 pl4 #ah1 no4 #cd2 pl4 #bc1 nos4 #ef1 #eg2 pl4 #be1 nos4 #ff1 #fi2 pl4 #bf1 no4 #gj4 #aeag ,peters' ,nippur1 ii4 #gg1 #acc4 #aeah ,so1 e4g41 ,peters' ,nippur1 ii4 #bcg1 #bch1 #cgh1 #cgi4 #aeai ,de ,sarzec1 ,decouvertes en ,chaldee1 pls4 #a bis and #bh4 #aebj ,the opinion has been advanced that the personage who holds the cone-shaped object is the fire-god turning the fire drill1 but this is highly improbable4 #aeba ,decouvertes en ,chaldee1 p4 #bci4 #aebb ,peters' ,nippur ii4 #cgf1 and ,hilprecht1 ,cuneiform ,texts1 ix4 pl4 #ab4 #aebc ,peters ib4 pp4 #cgd1 #cge4 #aebd ,see p4 #ecf4 #aebe ,e4g41 ,gen4 xxxi4 #ai4 #aebf ,see the specimens and descriptions in ,decouvertes en ,chaldee1 pl4 #dd and p4 #bcd4 #aebg ,tiglathpileser ,i4 7,,ir4 #ab1 col4 iv4 l4 #bc7 presents twenty-five gods of the land of ,sugi4 #aebh ,ashurnasirbal1 ,,ir4 #be1 col4 iii4 ll4 #ia1 #ib4 #aebi ,winckler1 ,die ,keilschrifttexte ,sargon's ,prunkinschrift1 ll4 #ada-adc4 #aecj ,,ir4 #bg1 #h-aj4 #aeca ,,vr4 #fj1 col4 ii4 ll4 #aa-af4 #aecb ,see pp4 #cgc-chc4 #aecc ,see above1 p4 #feh4 #aecd ,this is a standing phrase in the inscriptions of ,nebuchadnezzar1 as well as of other kings4 ,see ,delitzsch1 ,assyr4 ,handwoerterbuch1 p4 #bgj;b4 #aece ,deut4 xii4 #ah2 xvi4 #ad1 etc4 #aecf ,see pp4 #dfb1 #dfc4 #aecg ,see ib4 #aech ,or zag-mu4 ,gudea1 ,inscription ,g1 col4 iii4 ,in the later inscriptions we find zag-mu-ku4 ,the k or ku appears to be an afformative4 ,see ,amlaud1 ,zeits4 f4 ,assyr4 iii4 #da4 ,the reading za-am-mu-ku is found1 ,,ir4 #fg1 col4 i4 l4 #cd4 #aeci resh shatti4 ,see p4 #fha4 #aedj ,inscription ,g1 ib41 and ,inscription ,d1 col4 ii4 ll4 #a-i4 ,see also p4 #ei4 #aeda ,see above1 ib4 #aedb ,see1 e4g41 ,pognon ,wadi ,brissa1 col4 ix4 ll4 #ab-ah4 #aedc ,this follows from a passage in ,nebuchadnezzar's ,inscription1 ,,ir4 #ed1 col4 ii4 l4 #eg4 #aedd ,see p4 #fed4 #aede ,signifying 'may the enemy not wax strong4' #aedf ,see ,nebuchadnezzar's ,inscription1 ,,ir4 #ef1 col v4 ll4 #ch-ed4 #aedg ,so1 e4g4 during the closing years of ,nabonnedos' reign4 ,winckler1 ,untersuchungen zur ,altorient4 ,gesch4 i4 #aed2 obv4 #f 7#gth year72 #aa 7#ith year72 #bj 7#ajth year72 #bd 7#aath year74 #aedh ,on the meaning and importance of the rite1 see ,winckler1 ,zeits4 f4 ,assyr4 ii4 #cjb-cjd1 and ,lehmann's ,shamash-shumukin1 pp4 #dd-ec4 #aedi ,eponym ,list1 ,,iir4 #eb1 no4 #a obv4 #de4 #aeej ,winckler1 ,die ,keilschrifttexte ,sargon's1 pp4 #eb1 #abd2 of ,ashurbanabal1 the chronicler tells us that he proceeded to ,babylonia in the month of ,iyyar1 but1 this not being the proper month1 he did not seize the hands of ,bel4 ,see also ,winckler1 ib4 p4 xxxvi1 note4 #aeea ,see pp4 #dbc and #fbi seq4 #aeeb ,i4e41 ',the beginning of the year4' ,see on this subject ,karppe's article1 ,revue ,semitique1 ii4 #adf-aea4 #aeec ,see p4 #dfd4 #aeed ,see ib41 note #c4 #aeee ,the opinion of many scholars that the ,rosh hash-shana dates from the ,babylonian exile because not referred to in the ,book of ,deuteronomy is open to serious objections4 ,the festival has traces of antiquity 7like the ,day of ,atonement71 and appears to have been revived during the captivity1 under ,babylonian influence4 #aeef ,see especially pp4 #dhd and #ege4 #aeeg ,ezekiel1 viii4 #ad4 ,there is probably a reference also to the ,tammuz festival in ,zech1 xii4 #aj1 #aa4 ,the interpretation offered by ,robertson ,smith 7,religion of the ,semites1 p4 #cib1 note7 for the mourning rites appears strained4 #aeeh ,over de ,israelietische ,vastendagen 7,amsterdam1 #ahig1 pp4 #d-f2 #ab-ag74 #aeei ,zeits4 f4 ,assyr4 ix4 #bij seq4 #aefj ,see ,farnell1 ,the ,cults of the ,greek ,states1 ii4 #fdh seq4 #aefa ,rassam ,cylinder1 col4 i4 ll4 #aa1 #ab4 #aefb ,see pp4 #aje and #agc seq4 #aefc ,the readings ,suni-gar and ,shum-gar 7so ,jensen1 ,keils ,bibl4 ii4 #aee7 are also possible4 #aefd ,,ivr4 #cb1 #di;b1 where the #bjth day of the intercalated ,elul is so designated4 ,an official--'the great ,si-gar'--is mentioned in a list1--,,iir4 #ca1 no4 #e1 #cc;a4 #aefe ,see the discussion 7and passages7 in ,lehmann's ,shamash-shumukin1 pp4 #dc seq4 ,one is tempted to conclude that ,marduk's statue was removed to ,nineveh1 not in a spirit of vandalism1 but in order to enable ,assyrian kings to 'seize the hands of ,bel' without proceeding to ,e-,sagila4 ,the ,babylonians1 no doubt1 were offended by such an act1 and in order to conciliate them1 ,ashurbanabal1 who pursues a mild policy towards the south1 orders the statue to be restored at the time that he appoints his brother ,shamash-shumukin as governor of the southern provinces4 #aeff ,ib4 p4 #ec1 note4 #aefg ,ashurnasirbal's ,inscription1 ,,ir4 #bc1 col4 ii4 l4 #acd4 #aefh ,see above1 p4 #dfb4 #aefi ,rassam ,cylinder1 col4 viii4 ll4 #if-ajj4 #aegj ,george ,smith1 ,the ,history of ,ashurbanipal1 p4 #abf 7,cylinder ,b1 col4 v4 l4 #gg74 ,see also ,rassam ,cylinder1 col4 iii4 l4 #cb4 #aega ,see above1 pp4 #aie1 #aif4 #aegb ,see ,ashurbanabal ,cylinder ,b1 col4 v4 l4 #af 7,keils ,bibl4 ii4 #bdh2 also ,meissner1 ,beitraege zum ,altbabylonischen ,privatrecht1 no4 #ad1 p4 #bc74 #aegc ,,vr4 #fa4 col4 v4 l4 #ea-vi4 l4 #h4 #aegd ,see above1 pp4 #gd and #agf4 #aege ,winckler1 ,zeits4 f4 ,assyr4 ii4 #aee 7col4 ii4 l4 #da74 #aegf ,one is reminded of the sanctity attaching in the ,jewish ritual to the counting of the seven weeks intervening between ,passover 7the old ,nisan festival7 and ,pentecost 7an old summer festival74 ,see ,deut4 xvi4 #i4 ,the #cc;d day of this period has a special significance in the ,jewish ,church4 #aegg ,the non-,jewish origin of the ,purim festival is generally accepted by critical scholars4 ,lagarde 7,purim--,ein ,beitrag zur ,geschichte der ,religions7 endeavors to trace it back to a ,persian fire festival2 ,zimmern 7,zeits4 f4 ,alt4 ,wiss41 #ahia1 pp4 #afj seq47 connects it with the ,babylonian ,zagmuku4 ,sayce's supposition 7,proc4 ,soc4 ,bibl4 ,arch4 xix4 #bhj1 #bha7 is not to be taken seriously4 ,the origin of the ,jewish feast and fast of ,purim is still obscure4 ,the fact that there is both a fast 7#adth ,adar7 and a festival 7#aeth ,adar7 is a safe indication of antiquity4 ,zimmern's view of a possible relationship between ,purim and ,zagmuku is untenable1 but that there is a connection between ,purim and some ,babylonian festival follows from the fact that the two chief personages in the ,book of ,esther--namely1 ,mordecai and ,esther--bear names identical with the two ,babylonian deities1 ,marduk and ,ishtar4 ,this cannot be an accident4 ,on the other hand1 ,haman and ,vashti1 according to ,jensen 7,wiener ,zeits4 f4d4 ,kunde des ,morgenlandes1 vi4 #gj71 are ,elamitic names of deities corresponding to the ,babylonian ,marduk and ,ishtar4 ,the case for ,vashti is not clearly made out by ,jensen1 but1 for all that1 it is certain that the ,babylonian elements in the institution have been combined with some bits of ,persian mythology4 ,the historical setting is the work of the ,jewish compiler of the tale1 that has of course some historical basis4 ,see now ,toy1 ,esther as a ,babylonian ,goddess 7,the ,new ,world1 vi4 #acj-ade74 #aegh ,,vr4 #cc1 col4 v4 l4 #dj4 #aegi ,winckler1 ,die ,keilschrifttexte ,sargon's1 p4 #agb and p4 xxvi1 note4 #aehj ,e4g41 ,sargon's ,annals1 l4 #agi2 ,cylinder1 l4 #bj1 ,,vr4 #cc1 col4 v4 l4 #dj 7nigatu74 #aeha ,not necessarily 'music festival1' as ,delitzsch proposes 7,assyr4 ,handw41 p4 #ddg;a74 #aehb ,for examples1 see the ,assyrian contract tablets translated by ,peiser1 ,keils ,bibl4 iv4 #ih and passim4 #aehc ,see the passage ,shalmanaser obelisk1 ll4 #agd1 #age1 and ,peiser's comment1 ,keils ,bibl4 iv4 #ajf1 note4 #aehd ,burton1 ,a ,pilgrimage to ,mecca and ,medina1 iii4 chapter vii4 #aehe ,see above1 p4 #fhf4 #aehf ,chapter xviii4 #aehg ,rassam ,cylinder1 col4 iv4 ll4 #hf-hi4 #aehh ,,vr4 #fa1 col4 ii4 ll4 #bb-bg4 #aehi ,ea and ,marduk1 it will be recalled1 are the chief gods invoked in magic rites involving purification4 ,see pp4 #bge1 #bgf4 #aeij ,see p4 #fdf4 #aeia ,see numerous examples in ,menant's ,collection de ,clercq 7,paris1 #ahhh74 #aeib ,see above1 p4 #ffb4 #aeic ,stade1 ,geschichte des ,volkes ,israel1 i4 #deh seq4 ,,chapter ,,xxvii4 ,,conclusion4 ,general ,estimate and ,influence4 ,in forming a general estimate of a religion1 one's verdict will largely depend upon the point of view from which the religion in question is regarded4 ,it is manifestly unjust and illogical to apply modern standards to an ancient religion1 not that such a religion would necessarily suffer by the comparison involved1 but because of the totally different conditions under which religion developed in antiquity from those prevailing in modern times4 ,the close association1 nay1 the inseparable bond1 between religion and the state is only one of several determining factors that might be adduced1 while the small scope permitted to individualism in matters of religious belief and practice in a country like ,babylonia or ,assyria was fraught with such peculiar results that all comparisons1 even with other religions of antiquity1 could only obscure and not illumine our judgment4 ,there are manifestly three phases of the religion of ,babylonia and ,assyria that need to be considered in reaching some general conclusions as to the character and rank to be accorded to it1--the doctrines1 the rites1 and the ethics4 ,so far as the pantheon is concerned1 the limitations in the development of doctrines connected with it were reached when the union of the several ,euphratean states was permanently effected under ,hammurabi4 ,marduk1 a solar deity1 takes his place as the head of the pantheon by virtue of the preeminent place occupied by his patron city1--,babylon4 ,the other great gods1 each representing some religious center that at one time or the other rose to importance1 grouped themselves around ,marduk1 as the princes and nobles gather around a supreme monarch4 ,a certain measure of independence was reserved for the great mother goddess ,ishtar1 who1 worshipped under various names as the symbol of fertility1 plenty1 and strength1 is not so decidedly affected by the change as deities like ,en-lil1 ,shamash1 ,sin1 and ,ea1 who could at any time become rivals of ,marduk4 ,as the position of ,marduk1 however1 became more and more assured without danger of being shaken1 the feeling of rivalry in his relations to the other gods began to disappear4 ,marduk's supremacy no longer being questioned1 there was no necessity to curtail the homage paid to ,shamash at ,sippar or to ,en-lil at ,nippur2 hence the religious importance of the old centers is not diminished by the surpassing glory of ,babylon4 ,there was room for all4 ,marduk's toleration is the best evidence of his unquestioned headship4 ,the centralization of political power and of religious supremacy is concomitant with the focussing of intellectual life in ,babylon4 ,the priests of ,marduk set the fashion in theological thought4 ,so far as possible1 the ancient traditions and myths were reshaped so as to contribute to the glory of ,marduk4 ,the chief part in the work of creation is assigned to him4 ,the storm-god ,en-lil is set aside to make room for the solar deity ,marduk4 ,but1 despite such efforts1 the old tales1 once committed to writing on the practically imperishable clay1 survived1 if not in the minds of the people1 at least in the archives of the ancient temples4 ,the antiquity of literature in ,babylonia was the factor that prevented the cult from acquiring a uniform character in the various parts of the empire4 ,the priests of ,nippur1 of ,sippar1 of ,eridu1 of ,erech1 ,cuthah1 ,ur1 and other places began long before the period of ,hammurabi to compile1 on the basis of past experience and as a guide for future needs1 omen lists1 incantation formulas1 and sacrificial rituals4 ,these collections created orthodox standards1 and these standards1 once acknowledged1 the natural conservatism attaching to religious customs was sufficient to maintain their continuance4 ,the uniformity of doctrine was thus offset by variations in the cult2 and the policy adopted by both ,babylonian and ,assyrian rulers1 in permitting each center to remain undisturbed1 and in freely recognizing the religious independence of each1 prevented the ,babylonian and ,assyrian religion from falling into the state of stagnation which would otherwise have been its fate4 ,in the views taken of the relationship between the gods and men1 no notable advances were made when once the ethical spirit was infused into the religious beliefs4 ,the problem of good and evil was solved in a simple fashion4 ,by the side of the great gods there existed a large1 almost infinite number of spirits and demons1 who were generally held responsible for the evils affecting mankind4#aeid ,these demons and spirits were in many cases gods 'fallen from grace1'--minor local deities who1 unable to maintain themselves in the face of the growing popularity of the great gods1 sank to an inferior position as messengers1 forced to do the will of their masters and who could be controlled by the latter4 ,but the intercession of the priests was essential to obtaining divine help against the mischievous workings of the spirits4 ,even the kings1 though originally standing very close to the gods1 could not dispense with the services of the priests1 and by virtue of their conspicuous position had to exercise greater precautions than the masses not to offend the gods1 by errors of commission or omission in the cult4 ,the priests held the secret that could secure freedom from ills and promote the comparative well-being of rulers and subjects4 ,they alone knew what incantations to use for each case that was brought before them1 in what way the sacrifices were to be brought1 when the deity should be approached1 and why divine anger had manifested itself4 ,the intellectual leadership thus acquired by the priests1 in addition to their control of religious affairs1 was an additional factor in maintaining orthodox standards of belief when once they had become fixed4 ,in the doctrines of life after death1 this influence of the priesthood is distinctly seen4 ,the popular notions were systematized1 but the priests1 true to their rule as conservators1 did not pass beyond primitive conceptions4 ,some weak attempts at a philosophical view of the problem of death are attempted in the ,gilgamesh epic as finally put together under the influence of the ,babylonian schools of thought1#aeie but the leaders shared with the people the sense of hopelessness when picturing the life in the great hollow ,aralu4 ,it is in the hymns and prayers1 rather than in the cosmology and eschatology1 that the spiritual aspirations of the priests 7and to a limited degree of the masses7 manifest themselves4 ,in these productions1 whether existing independently or incorporated into incantation rituals1 we see the religion of ,babylonia at its best4 ,a strong emphasis is placed upon the doctrine that misfortunes and ills come as a punishment for sins of commission or omission4 ,it is true that no distinction is drawn between ceremonial errors and real misdeeds1 but the sense of guilt is aroused by the priests in the minds of those who come to the temples1 seeking relief from the attacks of the evil spirits1 or the bewitchment of sorcerers4 ,it is in this doctrine of guilt1 as revealed through the magical texts1 that we must seek both for the starting-point of the development of an ethical system 7so far as such a system existed among the ,babylonians71 and also for the limitations of this system4 ,the aim of the priests to observe the right ceremonies1 to pronounce the right words in order to accomplish their aim1 reacted on rulers and subjects1 and led them to make the pleasure of the gods the goal of life4 ,with fear of the gods1 upon which stress is always laid1#aeif there is thus associated an equally strong love#aeig of the divine powers4 ,obedience to the gods is primarily inculcated as a means of securing their protection and blessing2 but the fear of the gods1 we are told1 is the cause of joy2#aeih and the ,babylonians passed far beyond the stage of making the satisfaction of one's own desires the standard of right and wrong4 ,a penitential psalm declares#aeii that what is pleasing to oneself may be sinful in the eyes of a god4 ,the kings pride themselves upon being the promoters of justice4 ,even the ,assyrian rulers1 who impress one while conducting their wars as bereft of all softer emotions1 declare that their highest aim is to spread plenty and happiness4#afjj ,sennacherib calls himself a king who 'loves righteousness1'#afja and he1 as well as his predecessors and successors1 busies himself with actually restoring the rights of those of his subjects who have been wrongfully deprived of their possessions4 ,the standard of private morality was high both in ,babylonia and ,assyria4 ,the legal and commercial tablets reveal that proper consideration was given to the treatment of woman--a most satisfactory index of ethical conditions4#afjb ,she could hold property and dispose of it4 ,before the courts1 her status did not differ materially from that of the male population4 ,the husband could not divorce his wife without sufficient cause1 and children owed obedience to the mother as well as to the father4#afjc ,polygamy1 as a matter of course1 prevailed1 but it is an error to suppose that polygamy is inconsistent with high ideals of family life1 even though it does not lead to the highest ideals4 ,hatred1 lying1 cheating1 using false measures1 removing boundaries1 adultery1 insincerity are denounced in the incantation texts1#afjd and in accord with this standard1 we see in the records of lawsuits and agreements between parties#afje clear indications of the stringent laws that prevailed in order to protect citizens against infringement of their rights4 ,it comes as a surprise1 but also as a welcome testimony to the efficacy of justice in ,assyria1 to find ,ashurbanabal emphasizing the fact that he established ordinances so that the strong should do no harm to the weak4#afjf ,the institution of slavery flourished in ,babylonia and ,assyria throughout all periods of their history1#afjg but there were various grades of slaves4 ,some classes differed but little from that of servants1 indentured for a longer or shorter period for certain services4 ,the temple slaves appear to have largely belonged to this class4 ,mild treatment of slaves is enjoined and was the rule4 ,the slaves are often the confidential agents of their masters who attend to the business affairs of the latter4 ,we find slaves holding property in their own right4 ,contracts entered into by them are legal and binding4 ,injuries inflicted upon them by their masters are punished1 and they are protected against losses and mishaps encountered while in service4 ,while we have no evidence to show that the laws of ,assyria were on a lower ethical plane than those of ,babylonia1 still1 as the pupils and imitators of the ,babylonians in almost everything pertaining to culture and religion1 the general tone of life in ,assyria was hardly as high as in the south4 ,the warlike spirit of the rulers is but a symptom of the fiercer character of the people4 ,the tendency towards monotheism in the religion of ,babylonia and ,assyria has been referred to4 ,we must remember that it was only a tendency4 ,no decided steps in this direction were ever taken4 ,both in the south and in the north1 this tendency is but the expression of the preeminent rank accorded to ,marduk and ,ashur1 respectively4 ,the independent existence of two heads in the combined pantheon was sufficient to prevent the infusion of an ethical spirit into this monotheistic tendency2 and unless a monotheistic conception of the universe is interpreted in an ethical sense1 monotheism 7or monolatry7 has no great superiority1 either religiously or philosophically1 over polytheism4 ,from the standpoint of religious doctrine1 accordingly1 the religion of ,babylonia and ,assyria does not occupy a unique position4 ,in this respect1 the ,egyptian religion reaches a higher level4 ,for all that1 the influence exerted by the religion that developed in the ,euphrates ,valley was profound and lasting4 ,we have had occasion in various chapters of this work to point out the close analogies existing between the thoughts1 tradition1 and practices of the ,hebrews and the ,babylonians4#afjh ,a proper study of the ,hebrew religion is closely bound up with an investigation of the religious antiquities of ,babylonia2 and as our knowledge of these antiquities increases1 it will be found that not only are ,hebrews and ,babylonians equipped with many common possessions when starting out upon their intellectual careers1 but that1 at different times and in diverse ways1 the stimulus to religious advance came to the ,hebrews from the ancient centers of thought and worship in the ,euphrates ,valley4 ,this influence was particularly strong during the period of ,jewish history known as ,babylonian exile4 ,the finishing touches to the structure of ,judaism--given on ,babylonian soil#afji--reveal the ,babylonian trademark4 ,ezekiel1 in many respects the most characteristic ,jewish figure of the exile1 is steeped in ,babylonian theology and mysticism2 and the profound influence of ,ezekiel is recognized by modern scholarship in the religious spirit that characterizes the ,jews upon the reorganization of their commonwealth4 ,it would be a mistake1 however1 to suppose that what ,babylonia gave to others was always the best she had to offer4 ,degrading tendencies1 too1 found an entrance into post-exilic ,judaism through ,babylonian influence4 ,close contact of ,jews with ,babylonians served to make the former more accessible to the popular beliefs in incantations and in the power of demons than they would otherwise have been4 ,not that the ,jews 7as little as any other people7 were ever entirely free from superstitious practices2 but1 living in an atmosphere charged1 so to speak1 with magic and astrology1 it was inevitable that even the best among them should be infected by customs that they daily witnessed4 ,in the ,babylonian ,talmud1 the references to evil spirits are numerous4 ,specific incantations are introduced1 and an elaborate system of angelology and demonology forms a feature of ,talmudical ,judaism in which1 by the side of ,persian influences1#afaj we may detect equally strong traces of ,babylonian ideas4 ,in the upper strata of the ruins of ,nippur1 hundreds of clay bowls were found1 inscribed with ,jewish inscriptions1 in the ,aramaic dialect that was spoken by the ,babylonian ,jews4#afaa ,similar bowls were found elsewhere in the mounds of the ,euphrates ,valley4#afab ,these bowls indicate the presence of ,jews in various parts of the country4#afac ,placed in the graves as a protection for the dead against evil spirits1 the inscriptions contain formulas of denunciation against the demons that constitute a striking parallel to the incantation texts of ancient ,babylonia4 ,some of the demons are identical with those occurring in these texts1 and by the side of the inscriptions1 there are illustrations#afad and magical designs to which parallels exist on the ,babylonian tablets4 ,this custom of endeavoring to secure protection for the dead through the power of the curses and propitiatory phrases inscribed on bowls continued in vogue as late as the ninth century at the least1 and perhaps considerably later4 ,there are indications also that ,babylonian ideas found an entrance into the ,jewish ,kabbala1--the strange mystic system of the middle ages1 the sources of which are to be sought in the apocalyptic chapters of ,ezekiel and ,daniel4 ,christianity as well as ,judaism felt the fascination of the mystic lore of ,babylonia4 ,gunkel#afae has demonstrated the ,babylonian origin of the myth embodied in the twelfth chapter of ,revelations4 ,this myth is but another form of the ,marduk-,tiamat contest1 which1 it will be recalled1 is the chief episode in the ,babylonian creation 'epic4'#afaf ,more significant is the influence exerted by the religious ideas of ,babylonia upon the various ,gnostic sects that arose within the ,christian ,church4 ,that the source of ,gnosticism was to be sought in ,mesopotamia was always recognized by scholars1 but until the discovery of ,babylonian literature1 it was customary to seek for ,jewish influences in the formation of the various ,gnostic sects4 ,kessler#afag was the first to demonstrate clearly the dependence of the leading ideas of ,gnosticism upon the ,babylonian cosmology and the conceptions developed with reference to the gods4 ,more recently1 ,anz#afah has undertaken a renewed investigation of the subject1 and1 approaching the theme from various points of view1 reaches conclusions confirmatory of ,kessler's thesis4 ,all of the ,gnostic sects have certain fundamental doctrines in common1 such as the dwelling of ,god in the abyss1#afai the migration of the soul after death through seven zones1 the emanation of aeons from a supreme aeon4#afbj ,all these doctrines exhibit such close affinities with ,babylonian ideas as to warrant the assertion that the religion of ,babylonia survives in ,gnosticism2 and since1 as we know1 ,babylonian culture and customs maintained an undisturbed existence almost to the threshold of our era1 there is no need to go back to the older periods of the ,babylonian religion to find the connecting link1 uniting ,gnosticism with the ,babylonian religion4 ,the spread and influence of the ,gnostic sects was notoriously wide4 ,it is sufficient to recall the chief centers of ,gnostic schools of thought in ,antioch1 ,edessa1 and ,alexandria and the various branches of the powerful sect of the ,ophites4 ,the influence of these schools extended into ,greece and ,rome4 ,while the ,gnostic sects disappear in the sixth century1 the influence of ,gnosticism can be followed down to the twelfth century1--a significant testimony to the enduring qualities of ,babylonian doctrines4 ,in the ancient world1 prior to the rise of ,christianity1 ,egypt1 ,persia1 and ,greece felt the influence of the ,babylonian religion4 ,budge#afba is of the opinion that many of the magic practices carried on in the ,egyptian temples are to be traced back to the incantation rituals perfected by the ,babylonian priests4 ,in view of the early contact between ,egypt and ,babylonia1 as revealed by the ,el-,amarna tablets1 there were certainly abundant opportunities for the infusion of ,babylonian views and customs into ,egyptian cults4 ,in ,persia1 the ,mithra cult reveals the unmistakable influence of ,babylonian conceptions2#afbb and if it be recalled what a degree of importance the mysteries connected with this cult acquired among the ,romans1 another link will be added connecting the ramifications of ancient culture with the civilization of the ,euphrates ,valley4 ,the strong admixture of ,semitic elements both in early ,greek mythology and in ,grecian cults is now so generally admitted by scholars as to require no further comment4#afbc ,these ,semitic elements are to a large extent more specifically ,babylonian4 ,the spread of the ,gilgamesh epic and of the ,ishtar cult into ,asia ,minor and ,greece may be instanced as illustrations of ,babylonian influence2 and granting that the ,phoenicians acted largely as the mediators in carrying these ideas to the ,greek settlements1 still there must have been influences at work long before this direct contact with ,semitic culture that prepared the way for the ready acceptance which ,semitic conceptions and ,semitic practices found4 ,the time has not yet come for pronouncing an opinion as to the influence exerted by ,babylonia upon lands in the distant ,east4 ,the theory of ,de,lacouperie#afbd and ,ball1 which proposes to trace the ,chinese script to the hieroglyphic system of ,babylonia1 is still to be tested4 ,early commercial contact between the ,euphrates ,valley and ,india is maintained as a probable theory by several scholars1#afbe and the possibility1 therefore1 of the spread of the religious ideas of ,babylonia to the distant ,east is not to be rejected4 ,patient research and the additional discoveries 7which are constantly being made7 will alone place us in a position some day to give a definite answer to the question4 ,whatever that answer may be1 the verdict as to the high quality and profound influence of the religion that arose in the valley of the ,euphrates and that flourished for several millenniums will not be altered4 ,to show the general indebtedness of ,grecian1 ,roman1 mediaeval1 and even modern civilization to ,babylonian culture lies beyond the range of this work1 but the profound impression made upon the ancient world by the remarkable manifestations of religious thought in ,babylonia and by the religious activity that prevailed in that region is but an index of the influence that must have been exerted in other directions by the varied intellectual activity that converted a district1 exposed to the by no means tender mercies of the elements1 into one of the most notable illustrations of the power and achievements of man4 ,,footnotes3 #aeid ,see above1 pp4 #ahc1 #bff4 #aeie ,see pp4 #eac seq4 #aeif ,babylonian and ,assyrian kings alike speak constantly of their fear of the gods4 ,see the passages in ,delitzsch's ,assyrisches ,handwoerterbuch1 pp4 #ebf1 #ebg1 to which many more could be added4 #aeig ,see1 e4g41 ,nebuchadnezzar1 ,,ir4 #ec1 col4 i1 l4 #ca4 #aeih ,,ivr4 #fj1 ,b obv4 #be4 #aeii ,,ivr4 #fj1 ,c obv4 #ad4 #afjj ,so ,sargon cylinder1 ll4 #cd-db4 #afja ,,ir4 #cg1 col4 i4 l4 #d4 #afjb ,see the writer's remarks in ,oriental ,studies of the ,oriental ,club of ,philadelphia1 pp4 #aai-aba4 #afjc ,see the so-called family laws 7as early as the days of ,hammurabi7 in ,meissner's ,beitraege zum ,altbabylonischen ,privatrecht1 p4 #ae1 where the punishment in the case of the son who casts aside his mother is specifically referred to4 #afjd ,see1 e4g4 p4 #bia4 #afje ,see the admirable discussions on ,babylonian jurisprudence in ,kohler and ,pelser's ,aus dem ,babylonischen ,rechtsleben 7parts i4-iii41 ,leipzig1 #ahij-ig74 #afjf ,s4 ,a4 ,strong in ,journal of the ,royal ,asiatic ,society1 #ahia1 p4 #dfj4 #afjg ,see on this subject ,meissner1 ,de ,servitute ,babylonico-,assyriaca pp4 #c1 #d1 #dj-di4 #afjh ,see especially chapters xxi41 xxv41 and xxvi4 #afji ,see p4 #faa4 #afaj ,see ,kohut1 ,die ,judische ,angelologie und ,daemanologie in ihrer ,abhaengigkeit vom ,parsismus 7,leipzig1 #ahff74 #afaa ,peters' ,nippur1 pp4 #ahb1 #cie4 #afab ,see1 e4g41 ,layard1 ,nineveh and ,babylon 7,new ,york edition1 #ahec71 p4 #eji4 #afac ,on the extent of the settlements of ,jews in ,nippur1 see ,hilprecht1 ,cuneiform ,texts1 ix4 #bg1 #bh4 #afad ,so1 e4g41 on some of the bowls in the ,university of ,pennsylvania collection1 crude pictures of ,bel-,marduk and ,ishtar are portrayed4 #afae ,schoepfung und ,chaos1 pp4 #cha-cig4 #afaf ,see pp4 #dcb seq4 #afag ,ueber ,gnosis und die ,altbabylonlsche ,religion1 ,verhandlungen des fuenften ,orientalisten ,congress1 #ahha1 ii4 #bhh-cje4 #afah ,zur ,frage nach dem ,ursprung des ,gnostizismus 7,leipzig1 #ahig74 #afai ,i4e41 ,ea dwelling in the ,apsu4 ,see p4 #dcj4 #afbj ,anu1 the source of all gods4 ,see p4 #dag4 #afba ,the ,life and ,exploits of ,alexander the ,great1 pp4 xii4 seq4 #afbb ,see ,anz1 as above1 pp4 #gh-he4 #afbc ,r4 ,brown1 ,semitic ,influence in ,hellenic ,mythology 7,london1 #ahih74 #afbd ,western ,origin of the ,early ,chinese ,civilization 7,london1 #ahid74 #afbe ,a paper on this subject was announced by ,jas4 ,kennedy at the ,eleventh ,international ,congress of ,orientalists4 ,,bibliography4 ,,note4 ,the bibliography is arranged in nine sections1 the order adopted corresponding to the broad subdivisions of the book4 ,the beginning is therefore made3 7#a7 ,with references to the most important or most useful publications1 dealing with the excavations conducted in ,babylonia and ,assyria1 the method of decipherment of the cuneiform inscriptions1 the general history of ,babylonia and ,assyria1 and the general aspects of the ,babylonian-,assyrian culture4 ,this section corresponds to the first two chapters of the book4 7#b7 ,the second section is devoted to books1 monographs1 articles1 and chapters in books1 dealing with the general subject of the ,babylonian-,assyrian religion4 ,in neither of these two sections have ,i aimed at being exhaustive1 though the second will be found1 ,i think1 to include almost everything of any value4 ,the detailed bibliography begins with the following section4 ,corresponding again to the treatment of the subject in the book1 ,i take up in succession3 7#c7 ,the ,pantheon4 7#d7 ,religious ,texts4 7#e7 ,cosmology4 7#f7 ,gilgamesh ,epic 7including the ,deluge episode74 7#g7 ,beliefs and ,customs 7,views of ,life after ,death1 ,funeral ,rites1 ,legends1 ,ethics1 etc474 7#h7 ,temples and ,cult4 7#i7 ,bearings of the ,babylonian-,assyrian ,religion on the ,old ,testament1 and ,general ,influence ,exerted by the ,religion4 ,of these seven sections1 all but the last aim at being exhaustive4 ,it was not always easy to decide into what division a particular reference belonged1 but ,i have been generally guided by the needs of students for whom this portion of the bibliography is particularly intended4 ,the fifth and sixth sections should be taken together2 and similarly the seventh and eighth1 while the fourth section should of course be consulted in connection with the third1 fifth1 sixth1 seventh1 and eighth4 ,under each section the authors named are arranged in alphabetical order4 ,occasionally1 ,i have added some comments to the reference given1 as a guide or a warning to students4 ,in a subject like ,assyriology1 where new discoveries are constantly being made and progress in the interpretation of texts is steadily going on1 it is inevitable that views and translations should be subject to modification--sometimes slight1 but frequently significant4 ,i have endeavored to avoid repetition of references4 ,in a few cases this was unavoidable4 ,in the second section portions of books are referred to1 which by virtue of their character as very general works had to be assigned a place also in the first section4 ,two or three of the references in the fourth section had to be repeated elsewhere2 and ,i should also add that there are a few references which ,i have been unable to verify4 ,,bibliography4 ,the following abbreviations are employed3 ,,ab ,assyriologische ,bibliothek1 ed4 by ,friedrich ,delitzsch and ,paul ,haupt4 ,,ad ,andover ,review4 ,,ai ,academie des ,inscriptions et ,belles ,lettres4 ,,ajp ,american ,journal of ,philology4 ,,ajt ,american ,journal of ,theology4 ,,ajsl ,american ,journal of ,semitic ,languages and ,literatures4 ,,al ,delitzsch's ,assyrische ,lesestuecke 7#c;d ed47 ,,apc ,annales de ,philosophie ,chretienne4 ,,ba ,beitraege zur ,assyriologie4 ,,baz ,beilage zur ,allgemeinen ,zeitung 7,munich74 ,,bor ,babylonian and ,oriental ,record4 ,,bw ,biblical ,world4 ,,cr ,comptes ,rendus de l',academie des ,inscriptions et ,belles ,lettres4 ,,dr ,deutsche ,rundschau4 ,d,re ,deutsche ,revue4 ,,et ,expository ,times4 ,,flj ,folk ,lore ,journal4 ,h ,hebraica4 ,,iaqr ,imperial and ,asiatic ,quarterly ,review4 ,,ico ,international ,congress of ,orientalists4 ,,ja ,journal ,asiatique4 ,,jaos ,journal of the ,american ,oriental ,society4 ,,jhuc ,johns ,hopkins ,university ,circulars4 ,,jras ,journal of the ,royal ,asiatic ,society4 ,,jtvi ,journal of the ,transactions of the ,victoria ,institute4 ,,kaa ,koninklijke ,akademie van ,wetenschappen 7,amsterdam74 ,,kaw ,koenigliche ,akademie der ,wissenschaften zu ,berlin4 ,m ,museon4 ,,mvg ,miltheilungen der ,vorderasiatischen ,gesellschaft4 ,,ots ,old ,testament ,student4 ,,paos ,proceedings of the ,american ,oriental ,society4 ,,pr ,presbyterian ,review4 ,,psba ,proceedings of the ,society of ,biblical ,archaeology4 ,r ,rawlinson's ',selection from the miscellaneous ,inscriptions of ,western ,asia4' 7,london #ahfa-ahia47 #e vols4 ,,ra ,revue d',assyriologie et d',archeologie ,orientale4 ,r,ar ,revue ,archeologique4 ,,rb ,revue ,biblique4 ,,rc ,revue ,critique4 ,,rhr ,revue de l',histoire des ,religions4 ,,ria ,royal ,irish ,academy4 ,,rp ,records of the ,past4 ,,rr ,revue des ,religions4 ,,rs ,revue ,semitique4 ,,rt ,recueil de ,travaux relatifs a la ,philologie et a l',archeologie ,egyptiennes et ,assyriennes4 ,,sst ,sunday ,school ,times4 ,,tsba ,transactions of the ,society of ,biblical ,archaeology4 ,,tz ,theologische ,zeitblaetter4 ,,wzkm ,wiener ,zeitschrift fuer die ,kunde des ,morgenlandes4 ,,za ,zeitschrift fuer ,assyriologie4 ,,zatw ,zeitschrift fuer die ,alttestamentliche ,wissenschaft4 ,,zdmg ,zeitschrift der ,deutsch-,morgenlaendischen ,gesellschaft4 ,,zk ,zeitschrift fuer ,keilschriftforschung4 ,periodicals1 the volumes of which correspond to years1 are quoted by the years2 others1 by the volumes1 or by series1 or by series and volumes4 ,roman numerals indicate volumes1 except in the case of ,,paos1 where they indicate pages2 ,arabic numerals indicate pages or plates4 ,i4 ,excavations4--,method of ,decipherment4--,history of ,babylonia and ,assyria4--,origin and ,general ,aspects of ,babylonian ,and ,assyrian ,culture4--,general ,bibliography4 7a7 ,excavations and ,decipherment4 ,kaulen1 ,fr4--,assyrien und ,babylonien nach den neuesten ,entdeckungen4 7#dth ed4 ,freiburg #ahia47 ,popular account of excavations1 method of decipherment1 ,babylonian literature and architecture4 ,a work in ,english of this character is much to be desired4 ,see also ,hommel1 ,f4--,geschichte ,babyloniens und ,assyriens4 ,berlin #ahhe4 pp4 #cj-acd2 ,evetts1 ,b4 ,a4--,new ,light on the ,holy ,land4 ,london #ahia4 pp4 #gi-abi4 7b7 ,history4 ,duncker1 ,max4--,geschichte des ,alterthums4 ,vols4 ,i4 and ,,ii1 7#eth ed4 ,berlin #ahgh47 ,also ,english translation of earlier edition4 ,hommel1 ,f4--,geschichte ,babyloniens und ,assyriens4 7,berlin #ahhe47 ---- ,geschichte des alten ,morgenlandes4 7,stuttgart #ahie47 ,chapters ,i41 ,,iv4-,,viii4 ,lenormant1 ,francois and ,ernest ,babelon4--,histoire ancienne de l',orient4 ,vol4 ,,iv4 7#ith ed4 ,paris #ahhe47 ,maspero1 ,g4--,the ,dawn of ,civilization3 ,egypt and ,chaldaea4 7,london #ahid47 ---- ,the ,struggle of the ,nations3 ,egypt1 ,syria1 and ,assyria4 7,london #ahif47 ,replacing earlier historical works of this author4 ,meyer1 ,ed4--,geschichte des ,alterthums4 ,vol4 #a4 7,stuttgart #ahhd47 ,muerdter und ,delitzsch4--,kurzgefasste ,geschichte ,babyloniens und ,assyriens4 7#b;d ed4 ,stuttgart #ahia47 ,ragozin1 ,z4--7#a7 ,the ,story of ,chaldea4 7#b7 ,the ,story of ,assyria4 7,new ,york #ahhf-ahhg47 ,rawlinson1 ,george4--,the ,five ,great ,monarchies of the ,ancient ,eastern ,world4 ,vols4 ,i4-,,iii4 7#dth ed4 ,london #ahgi47 ,antiquated1 but still of some use4 ,rogers1 ,r4 ,w4--,outlines of the ,history of ,early ,babylonia4 7,leipzig #ahie47 ,schmidt1 ,valdemar4--,assyriens og ,aegyptens gamle ,historie4 7,copenhagen #ahgb-ahgg47 pp4 #cdg-dfa ,tiele1 ,c4 ,p4--,babylonisch-,assyrische ,geschichte4 7,gotha #ahhf47 ,the best history that has as yet been published4 ,wachsmuth1 ,curt4--,einleitung in das ,studium der alten ,geschichte4 7,leipzig #ahie47 pp4 #cfe-djc ,babylonier und ,assyrier1--indication of ancient and modern sources for the study4 ,winckler1 ,hugo4--,geschichte ,babyloniens und ,assyriens4 7,leipzig #ahib47 7c7 ,origin and ,general ,aspects of ,babylonian-,assyrian ,culture4 ,baumstark1 ,a4--,babylon and ,babylonia4 ,in ,pauly-,wissowa's ,real ,encyclopaedie1 ,,ii4 cols4 #bffg-bgah4 ,bezold1 ,c4--,assyria4 ,ib4 ,,ii4 cols4 #agea-agga4 ,hommel1 ,f4--,der ,babylonische ,ursprung der ,aegyptischen ,kultur4 7,munich #ahib47 ,ihering1 ,rudolph ,von4--,vorgeschichte der ,indo-,europaeer4 7,leipzig #ahid47 #btes ,buch1 ',arier und ,semiten1' pp4 #ic-cje4 ,a most suggestive sketch of the development and influence of ,babylonian culture2 also in ,english translation1 ',the ,evolution of the ,aryan4' ,new ,york #ahig4 ,nikel1 ,johannes4--,herodot und die ,keilschriftforschung4 7,paderborn #ahif47 ,peiser1 ,f4 ,e4--,skizze der ,babylonischen ,gesellschaft4 7,berlin #ahif47 ,brief but capital sketch of ,babylonian culture and social life4 7d7 ,bibliography4 ,bezold1 ,c4--,kurzgefasster ,ueberblick ueber die ,babylonisch-,assyrische ,literatur4 7,leipzig #ahhf47 ,a new edition is needed of this most valuable work4 ,delitzsch1 ,friedrich4--',litteratura' in the appendix to his ',assyrian ,grammar4' 7,london #ahhi47 pp4 #ee-gh4 ,kaulen1 ,fr4--,assyrien und ,babylonien 7as above71 pp4 #bdh-bff4 ,lincke1 ,a4--,bericht ueber die ,fortschritte der ,assyriologie in den ,jahren #ahhf-ahic4 7,leipzig #ahid47 ,full bibliographical reports are given in3 7#a7 ,the ,american ,journal of ,semitic ,languages and ,literatures 7,university of ,chicago2 quarterly74 7#b7 ,jahrbuecher fuer ,geschichte1 ed4 by ,i4 ,jastrow and ,e4 ,berner 7,berlin2 annual74 7#c7 ,orientalische ,bibliographie1 ed4 by ,lucian ,scherman 7,berlin2 semi-annual74 7#d7 ,zeitschrift fuer ,assyriologie1 ed4 by ,c4 ,bezold 7,munich2 quarterly74 7#e7 ,revue d',assyriologie et d',archeologie ,orientale1 ed4 by ,j4 ,oppert and ,e4 ,ledrain 7,paris2 published at irregular intervals74 ,,ii4 ,general ,works and ,articles on the ,religion of ,babylonia and ,assyria4 ,berger1 ,p4--',assyrie' in ,lichtenberger's ',encyclopedie des ,sciences ,religieuses4' ,boscawen1 ,w4 ,st4 ,chad4--,lectures on the ,religion of ,babylonia abstract ,,bor ,,iii4 #aah-abj1 #aej-afc4 ---- ,the ,religion of ,babylonia in ',religious ,systems of the ,world4' 7,swan ,sonnenschein ,co4 #ahif4 pp4 #ae-be47 ,delitzsch1 ,friedrich4--,the ,religion of the ,kassites4 ,h #ahhe4 #ahi-aia4 ,from ,delitzsch's ',sprache der ,kossaer4' ,leipzig #ahhd4 pp4 #ea-ed4 ,eerdmans1 ,b4 ,d4--,babylonian-,assyrian ,religion4 ,in ',progress1' a publication issued by the ,university ,association1 ,chicago1 ,ill4 #c;d series1 ,no4 #f 7#ahig71 pp4 #djc-dae4 ,finzi1 ,felice4--,ricerche per lo ,studio dell' ,antichita ,assira4 7,rome #ahgb47 ,libro ,secondo4 ,mitologia1 pp4 #dcc-eed4 ,general sketch of the religion1 more particularly of the pantheon and legends of ,babylonia and ,assyria4 ,guyard1 ,s4--,bulletin de la ,religion ,assyro-,babylonienne4 ,,rhr ,i4 #cbg-cde2 ,v4 #bec-bgh4 ,halevy1 ,joseph4--,la ,religion des ,anciens ,babyloniens et son plus recent historien ,m4 ,sayce4 ,,rhr ,,xvii4 #afi-bah4 ,elaborate review of ,sayce's work on the ',religion of the ,babylonians1' with summary of ,halevy's own views4 ,heuzey1 ,leon4--,description of ,monuments in ,de ,sarzec's ',decouvertes en ,chaldee4' 7,paris #ahhi-ahia47 pp4 #gg-bdj4 ,contains much valuable information on religious art1 votive objects1 representations of religious ceremonies4 ,the publication is not yet complete4 ,hewitt1 ,j4 ,f4--,early ,history of ,northern ,india1 ,part ,,iii4 ,,jras1 #ahhi1 #ebg-ehc4 ,an attempt to trace the origin of ,indian civilization to emigrants from southern ,babylonia4 ,the investigation has little value4 ,hincks1 ,edward4--,on the ,assyrian ,mythology4 ,,ria ,transactions ,,xxii4 ,polite ,literature1 #ahed1 #dje-dbb4 ,hommel1 ,f4--,die ,semitischen ,voelker und ,sprachen4 7,leipzig #ahhc47 pp4 #cef-cif4 ,die ,religion der alten ,babylonier1 pp4 #bff-cef4 ,sprache und ,literatur der ,sumero-,akkadier4 ,specimens of hymns and incantations4 ,jeremias1 ,friedrich4--',die ,babylonier und ,assyrier' in ,chantepie de la ,saussaye's ',lehrbuch der ,religionsgeschichte4' 7#b;d ed4 ,freiburg #ahig47 ,i4 #afc-bba4 ,an excellent sketch of the ,babylonian-,assyrian religion4 ,lenormant1 ,francois4--,les ,sciences ,occultes en ,asie4 ,i4 ,la ,magie chez les ,chaldeens et les ,origines ,accadiennes4 ,,ii4 ,la ,divination et la ,science des ,presages chez les ,chaldeens4 7,paris #ahgd-ahge47 ,also in ,english translation 7in part7 under the title ',chaldaean ,magic4' ,london #ahgg4 ,loisy1 ,a4--,etudes sur la ,religion ,chaldeo-,assyrienne4 7,,rr1 #ahij-ahib47 ,seven articles4 ,meyer1 ,ed4--,geschichte des ,alterthums4 ,i4 #agd-ahc4 7,stuttgart #ahhd47 ,muerdter und ,delitzsch4--,kurzgefasste ,geschichte ,babyloniens und ,assyriens4 7#b;d ed4 ,stuttgart #ahia47 pp4 #bc-ec4 ,oppert1 ,j4--',babylone et ,chaldee' in ,lichtenberger's ',encyclopedie des ,sciences ,religieuses4' ,pinches1 ,t4 ,g4--,the ,religious ,ideas of the ,babylonians4 ,,jtvi ,,xxviii4 #a-bb4 ,pressense1 ,e4 de4--,la ,religion ,chaldeo-,assyrienne4 ,,rhr ,,xiv4 #gc-id4 ,rawlinson1 ,george4--,the ,religions of the ,ancient ,world4 7,new ,york #ahhc47 ,chapter ,,ii4--,the ,religion of the ,assyrians and ,babylonians4 ---- ,the ,religion of ,assyria in ',religious ,systems of the ,world4' 7,swan ,sonnenschein ,co4 ,london #ahif47 pp4 #bf-da4 ,rawlinson1 ,h4 ,c4--,the ,religion of the ,babylonians and ,assyrians4 ,in ,george ,rawlinson's ',the ,history of ,herodotus4' ,london #ahei4 ,vol4 ,i4 ,essay ,x4 ,sayce1 ,a4 ,h4--,the ,origin and ,growth of ,religion as ,illustrated by the ,religion of the ,ancient ,babylonians4 7,london #ahhg47 ,brilliant and suggestive1 but unreliable in details4 ,the translations attached to the volume are to be accepted with caution4 ,see ,halevy's elaborate review1 ,,rhr ,,xvii4 #afi-bah4 ,strong1 ,s4 ,a4--,die ,religion der ,babylonier4 ,announced to appear4 ,schwally1 ,f4--',die ,religion der ,babylonier und ,assyrier1' in ,friedrich von ,hellwald's ',kulturgeschichte in ihrer natuerlichen ,entwicklung bis zur ,gegenwart4' 7#dth ed4 ,leipzig #ahif47 ,i4 #dbc-dcc4 ,tiele1 ,c4 ,p4--,babylonisch-,assyrische ,geschichte4 7#ahhf47 pp4 #eae-eeg4 ,religion3 ,die ,mythologie und ,glaubenslehre4 ---- ,vergelijkende ,geschiedenis der ,aegyptische en ,mesopotamische ,godsdiensten4 7,amsterdam #ahfi47 pp4 #bhb-dac4 ,de ,godsdienst van ,babel en ,assur4 ,french translation 7abridged7 by ,g4 ,collins1 ',histoire ,comparee des ,anciennes ,religions de l',egypte et des ,peuples ,semitiques4' ,paris #ahhb1 pp4 #ade-bee4 ,la ,religion de ,babylonie et de l',assyrie4 ,also ,english translation by ,j4 ,ballingue4 #ahhb4 ---- ,geschichte der ,religion im ,alterthum bis auf ,alexander den ,grossen4 7,gotha #ahie47 ,i4 #abg-baf4 ,die ,religion in ,babylonien und ,assyrien4 ,also in ,dutch4 ,amsterdam #ahic4 ,,iii4 ,pantheon1 ,gods1 ,spirits1 ,heroes4 ,ball1 ,c4 ,j4--,tammuz1 the ,swine-god4 ,,psba ,,xvi4 #aie-bjj4 ,barton1 ,g4 ,a4--,the ,semitic ,ishtar ,cult4 ,h ,,ix4 #aca-afe2 ,x4 #a-gc4 ---- ,was ,ilu ,ever a ,distinct ,deity in ,babylonia8 ,h ,x4 #bjf1 #bjg4 ,bezold1 ,c4--,a ,cuneiform ,list of ,gods4 ,,psba ,,xi4 #agc1 #agd2 see also ,,ix4 #cgg4 ---- ,note on the god ,addu or ,daddu4 ,ib4 p4 #cgg4 ---- ,ueber ,keilinschriftliche ,babylonisch-,assyrische ,goettertypen4 ,,za ,,ix4 #aad-abe1 #dje-dji4 ,chwolson1 ,d4 ,a4--,ueber ,tammuz und die ,menschenverehrung bei den alten ,babyloniern4 7,st4 ,petersburg #ahfj47 ,de ,cara1 ,caesare4--,identificazione d',iside e d',osiride con ,ishtar ed ,ashur4 #hth ,,ico1 ,section ,semitique #bme ,fasc1 #bge-bgh4 ,delitzche1 ,friedrich4--,article on ',thammuz' in ',calwer1 ,bibellexikon4' 7,calw und ,stuttgart #ahhe47 ---- ,articles on ,dagon1 ,merodach1 ,nebo1 ,nergal1 ,nisroch1 ,rimmon4 ,ib4 ,eerdmans1 ,b4--,goddess ,a 7or ,malkatu7 in ',melekdienst en ,vereering von ,hemellichamen in ,israel's ,assyrische ,periode4' 7,leiden #ahia47 pp4 #gc-hb4 ,guyard1 ,s4--,le ,dieu ,assyrien ,ninib4 ,,rc1 #ahgi1 #a;er ,mars4 ,hoffmann1 ,g4--,neue und ,alte ,goetter 7,nin-gal1 ,nusku1 ,ea1 ,nabu1 ,gibil1 ,ninib1 ,nergal1 ,sin74 ,,za ,,xi4 #beh-bib4 ,chiefly discussions of symbols of these deities found upon seal cylinders4 ,hommell1 ,fritz4--,die ,identitaet der aeltesten ,babylonischen und ,aegyptischen ,goettergenealogie und der ,babylonische ,ursprung der ,aegyptischen ,kultur4 #ith ,,ico ,,ii4 #bah-bdd4 ---- ,note on ,ninib4 ,,psba ,,xix4 #cab-cad4 ,jastrow1 ,morris1 ,jr4--,on the ,assyrian ,kuduru and the ,ring of the ,sun-god in the ,abu-,habba ,tablet4 ,,paos1 ,oct4 #ahhh4 ,,xcv4-,,xcviii4 ,jensen1 ,p4--,ueber einige ,sumero-,akkadische und ,babylonisch-,assyrische ,goetternamen4 ,,za1 #ahhf4 ,i4 #a-bd4 ,anshar1 ,ashur1 ,igigi1 ,duzu1 or ,tammuz4 ,cf4 ,schrader's remarks1 ib4 pp4 #bji-bag4 ---- ,die ,goetter ,amurru und ,ashratu4 ,,za ,,xi4 #cjb-cje4 ---- ,nik7k7al-,sharratu2 ,sharratu in ,harran4 ,,za ,,xi4 #bic-cja4 ,jeremias1 ,a4--,articles on ,ashur1 ,marduk1 ,nebo1 ,nergal1 ,shamash1 ,sin1 ,tammuz in ,roscher's ',ausfuehrliches ,lexikon der ,griechischen und ,roemischen ,mythologie4' ,articles on ,adar1 ,anu1 ,anunnaki1 ,ea1 ,etana announced to appear in the supplement to ,roscher's ',ausfuehrliches ,lexikon1' etc4 ,lenormant1 ,francois4--,il mito di ,adone-,tammuz nei documenti cuneiformi4 #dth ,,ico1 #ahgh4 ,i4 #adc-agc4 ---- ,sur le nom de ,tammuz4 #ast ,,ico ,,ii4 #adi-afe4 ---- ,les ,dieux de ,babylone et de l',assyrie4 7,paris #ahgg47 ,luzzato1 ,p4--,l',existence d'un ,dieu ,assyrien nomme ,semiramis4 ,,ja1 #dth ,series1 ,,xvii4 #dfe-dhj4 ,lyon1 ,d4 ,g4--,was there at the ,head of the ,babylonian ,pantheon a ,deity bearing the ,name ,el8 ,,paos1 ,may #ahhc1 clxiv4-clxviii4 ---- ,the ,pantheon of ,assurbanipal4 ,,paos1 ,oct4 #ahhh1 xciv41 xcv4 ,menant1 ,j4--,le ,mythe de ,dagon4 ,,rhr ,,xi4 #bie-cja4 ,also in ',les ,pierres ,gravees de la ,haute ,asie4 ,recherches de la ,glyptique ,orientale4' ,paris #ahhc4 ---- ,le ,pantheon ,assyro-,chaldeen4 ,les ,beltis4 ,,rhr ,,viii4 #dhi-eai4 ,the representation of goddesses engraved on seal cylinders4 ,see also ',les ,pierres ,gravees de la ,haute ,asie1' etc41 as above4 ,meyer1 ,eduard4--,articles ,baal and ,astarte 7with references to ,bel and ,ishtar7 in ,roscher's ',ausfuehrliches ,lexikon der ,griechischen und ,roemischen ,mythologie4' ,nicolsky1 ,m4 ,v4--,la ,deesse des ,cylindres et des ,statuettes ,babyloniennes4 ,r,ar1 #cme serie1 ,,xx4 #cf-dc4 ,offord1 ,j4--,the ,nude ,goddess in ,assyro-,babylonian ,art4 ,,pspa ,,xviii4 #aef1 #aeg4 ,oppert1 ,jules4--,la ,vraie ,assimilation de la ,divinite de ,tello4 ,,cr1 #ahhd1 #bca-bcc4 ---- ,le ,dieu de ,sirtella i4e41 ,lagash4 ,,zk ,,ii4 #bfa1 #bfb4 ,m4 ,oppert accepts the reading ,nin-girsu first proposed by ,arthur ,amlaud4 ,ib4 pp4 #aea1 #aeb4 ---- ,adad4 ,,za ,,ix4 #caj-cad4 ,discussion of pronunciation4 ,see also ,hilprecht1 ',assyriaca1' pp4 #gf-gh1 and ,jastrow1 ,,ajsl ,,xii4 #adc4 ,pinches1 ,theo4 ,g4--,note upon the divine name ,a4 ,,psba ,,xiii4 #be-bg1 #db-ef4 ---- ,was ,ninib the ,most ,high ,god of ,salem8 ,ib4 ,,xvi4 #bbe-bbi4 ---- ,the ,pronunciation of the ,name of the ,plague-god1 ,urra not ,dibbarra4 ,,bor ,i4 #bjg1 #bjh4 ,see ,scheil1 ,,rt4 ,,xx4 #eg4 ---- ,a ,bilingual ,list of ,assyrian ,gods4 ,academy1 #ahhg1 ,no4 #haf4 ,see ,evetts1 ib4 ,no4 #hai4 ,rawlinson1 ,h4 ,c4--,notes on ,captain ,durand's ,report upon the ,islands of ,bahrein4 ,,jras1 #ahhj1 #bja-bbg4 ,contains important remarks on the origin of ,ea worship at the ,persian ,gulf1 pp4 #bjb-bjh4 ,reisner1 ,george4--,the ,different ,classes of ,babylonian ,spirits4 ,,paos1 ,april #ahib1 cxcv41 cxcvi4 ,revillout1 ,e4 and ,v4--,istar ,taribi4 ,,bor ,,ii4 #eg-ei4 ,robiou1 ,f4 ,a4--,a ,study on ,egyptian and ,babylonian ,triads4 ,,iaqr1 #ahid4 ,sayce1 ,a4 ,h4--,who was ,dagon8 ,,sst1 #ahic1 ,no4 #ba4 ---- ,the ,god ,ramman4 ,,za ,,ii4 #cca1 #ccb4 ,scheil1 ,fr4 ,v4--,le ,dieu-roi ,bur-,sin ,planete4 ,,za ,,xii4 #bfe1 #bff4 ---- ,ishtar sous la symbole de la vache4 ,,rt ,,xx4 #fb4 ---- ,le ,culte de ,gudea4 ,,rt ,,xviii4 #fd-gd4 ,schrader1 ,e4--,die ,goettin ,ishtar als ,malkatu und ,sharratu4 ,,za ,,iii4 #cec-cfd2 ,,iv4 #gd1 #ge ---- ,die ,malkat hash-,shamayim und ihr ,aramaeisch-,assyrisches ,aequivalent4 ,,kaw ,sitzungsberichte1 #ahhf1 #dgg-dia4 ,see also ,stade in ,,zatw ,,vi4 #abc-acb2 #bhi-cci2 and ,kuenen ,,kaa ,afdeeling ',letterkunde1' #ahhh1 #aeg-ahi4 ,talbot1 ,h4 ,fox4--,the ,legend of ,ishtar ,descending to ,hades4 ,,tsba ,,ii4 #agi-bab4 ,see also ,,rpi1 #ada-adi4 ,thureau-,daugin1 ,fr4--,la ,lecture de l',ideogramme ,,an-,,im 7,ramman74 ,,ja1 #ith ,series1 ,,ii4 #che-cic4 ,see also ,oppert1 ib4 pp4 #cic-cif4 ,tiele1 ,c4 ,p4--- ,la ,deesse ,ishtar surtout dans le mythe ,babylonien4 #fth ,,ico1 ,part ,,ii4 ,section ,i4 #dic-ejf4 ,see also discussion in the ,comptes ,rendus of the ,congress1 pp4 #hg-ia4 ---- ,die ,beteekenis van ,ea en zijn verkoudung tot ,marduk en ,nabu4 ,,kaa ,verslagen en ,mededeelingen ',letterkunde1' #ahhg1 #fg-ha4 ,ward1 ,w4 ,h4--,the ,babylonian ,gods in ,babylonian ,art4 ,,paos1 ,may #ahij1 xv4-xviii4 ---- ,was there a ,babylonian ,gate-god8 ,academy1 #ahhh1 ,no4 #hdg4 ,winckler1 ,h4--,die ,istar von ,nineve in ,egypten4 ,,mvg ,i4 #bhf-bhi4 ,witte1 ,j4 de4--,sur le nom de ,thamouz attribue a ,adonis4 ,m1 #ahhg1 #ha seq4 ,zehnpfund1 ,r4--,altbabylonische ,goetter und ,heldensagen4 ,,baz1 #ahia1 ,nos4 #ci1 #dj1 #eb1 #ef1 #fc4 ,,iv4 ,religious ,texts4 ,hymns1 ,incantations1 ,omens1 ,oracles1 ,prayers1 ,legends1 ,myths1 ,votive ,texts4 ,ball1 ,c4 ,j4--,a ,bilingual ,hymn 7,,ivr #df1 #e-ai7 ,,psba ,,xv4 #ea-ed4 ---- ,a ,babylonian ,ritual ,text4 ,,jras1 #ahib1 #hda-hec4 ,banks1 ,e4 ,j4--,sumerisch-,babylonische ,hymnen der von ,george ,reisner herausgegebenen ,sammlung1 umschrieben1 uebersetzt und erklaert4 7,breslau #ahig47 ,barton1 ,g4 ,a4--,esarhaddon's ,account of the ,restoration of ,ishtar's ,temple at ,erech4 ,,paos1 ,may #ahia1 cxxx4-cxxxii4 ,bertin1 ,g4--,akkadian ,hymn to the ,setting ,sun4 ,,rp1 new series1 ,,ii4 #aij-aic4 ,bezold1 ,c4--,remarks on ,some ,unpublished ,cuneiform ,syllabaries with ,respect to ,prayers and ,incantations written in ,interlinear ,form4 ,,psba ,x4 #dah-dbc4 ---- ,translation and ,analysis of a ,hymn to the ,sun-god 7,sp ,,iii474 ,,ra ,i4 #aeg-afa4 ,boissier1 ,alfred4--,deux ,documents ,assyriens relatifs aux ,presages4 ,,rs ,i4 #fc-gj1 #afh-agb4 ---- ,documents ,assyriens relatifs aux ,presages4 ,vols4 ,i4 and ,,ii41 ,paris #ahid-ahig4 ,vol4 ,,iii4 announced4 ---- ,notes d',assyriologie4 ,,rs ,,vi4 #adc-aea4 ,two texts--a ,prayer and an ,incantation4 ,boscawen1 ,w4 ,st4 ,chad4--,the ,babylonian ,legend of the ,serpent ,tempter4 ,,bor ,,iv4 #bea-bee4 ---- ,babylonian ,teraphim4 ,,bor ,i4 #ci1 #dj4 ---- ,the ,legend of the ,tower of ,babel4 ,,rp ,,iii4 #abi-acb2 also in the ,,tsba ,v4 #cjc-cab4 ,the interpretation is erroneous4 ,bruennow1 ,r4--,assyrian ,hymns4 ,,za ,,iv4 #a-dj1 #bbe-beh2 ,v4 #ee-hj4 ,hymns to ,shamash1 ,marduk1 and ,ishtar4 ,budge1 ,ernest ,a4--,assyrian ,incantations to ,fire and ,water4 ,,rp ,,xi4 #acc-ach2 also in ,,tsba ,,vi4 #dbj-dce4 ,craig1 ,jas4 ,a4--,prayer of the ,assyrian ,king ,ashurbanipal4 ,h ,x4 #ge-hg4 ---- ,assyrian and ,babylonian ,religious ,texts1 ,vols4 ,i4 and ,,ii4 7,leipzig #ahie-ahig47 ,,ab ,,xiii4 ,announces also volumes of texts 7#a7 ,prayers to ,shamash and ,ramman1 and 7#b7 ,series ',illumination of ,bel4' ---- ,k #fi 7a hymn74 ,,za ,,xi4 #bgf4 ---- ,an ,assyrian ,incantation to the ,god ,sin1 cir4 #fej ,b4,c4 ,h ,,xi4 #aja-aji4 ,delattre1 ,a4 ,j4--,the ,oracles ,given in ,favor of ,esarhaddon4 ,,rp1 new series1 ,,iii4 #be-ca2 see also ,,bor ,,iii4 #be-ca4 ,delitzsch1 ,friedrich4--,babylonisch-,assyrisches ,psalmbuch4 ,announced to appear in the ',abhandlungen der koeniglichen ,gesellschaft der ,wissenschaften zu ,leipzig4' ---- ,assyrische ,lesestuecke4 7,leipzig #ahhe4 #c;d ed47 ,contains a selection of religious texts as follows3 pp4 #ic-ii1 ,creation tablets2 #ii-ajd1 ,deluge episode2 #aag1 #aah1 ,oracle to ,esarhaddon2 #acj-acb1 ,incantations2 #acd-acf1 ,hymn to ,ishtar4 ,evetts1 ,b4 ,t4 ,a4--,an ,assyrian ,religious ,text4 ,,psba ,x4 #dgh1 #dgi and two plates4 ,apparently a royal prayer4 ,halevy1 ,j4--,assyrian ,fragments4 ,,rp ,,xi4 #aeg-afb4 ,part of a hymn1 of a penitential psalm1 etc4 ---- ,documents religieux de l',assyrie et de la ,babylonie4 7,paris #ahhb47 ---- ,textes religieux ,babyloniens en double ,redaction4 ,,rs ,,iv4 #aej-afj1 #bde-bea1 #cdd-cdh4 ---- ',les ,inscriptions peints de ,citium' in ',melanges de ,critique et d',histoire1' pp4 #afe-aif4 ,translation in large part and discussion of ,ishtar's descent into the nether world4 ,harper1 ,edward ,t4--,die ,babylonischen ,legenden von ,etana1 ,zu1 ,adapa und ,dibbarra4 ,,ba ,,ii4 #cij-eba4 ,see also ,academy #ahia1 ,no4 #igf4 ,haupt1 ,paul4--,akkadische und ,sumerische ,keilschrifttexte4 7,leipzig #ahha-ahhb47 ,contains pp4 #ge-gi1 #hb-ajf ,incantations2 #gi1 #aae-aca ,hymns and ,psalms4 ,jastrow1 ,morris1 ,jr4--,a fragment of the ,babylonian ,dibbarra ,epic4 ,publications of the ,university of ,pennsylvania4 ,series in ,philology1 ,literature1 and ,archaeology1 ,vol4 #a41 ,no4 #b4 7,boston #ahia47 ---- ,a new ,fragment of the ,babylonian ,etana ,legend4 ,,ba ,,iii4 #cfc-chd4 ,jensen1 ,p4--,de ,incantamentorum ,sumerico-,assyrorum seriei quae dicitur surbu ,tabula ,,vi4 ,,zk ,i4 #bgi-cbb2 ,,ii4 #ae-fa2 also #cjf-caa1 #daf-dbe4 ,appeared as a revised and separate publication under same title with the addition of the words commentatio ,philologica4 ,munich1 ,straub1 #ahhe4 ---- ,hymnen auf das ,wiedererscheinen der drei grossen ,lichtgoetter4 ,,za ,,ii4 #gf-id1 #aia-bjd4 ,hymns to ,sin1 ,shamash1 and ,ishtar4 ,a volume by ,jensen1 embodying translation of religious texts is in course of preparation for ,schrader's ',keitschriftliche ,bibliothek4' ,jeremias1 ,a4--,die ,hoellenfahrt der ,ishtar4 ,eine altbabylonische ,beschwoerungslegende4 7,munich #ahhf47 ,king1 ,l4 ,w4--,babylonian ,magic and ,sorcery1 being 'the ,prayers of the ,lifting of the ,hand4' 7,london #ahif47 ---- ,new ,fragments of the ,dibbarra ,legend4 ,,za ,,xi4 #ej-fb4 ,knudtzon1 ,j4 ,a4--,assyrische ,gebete an den ,sonnengott fuer ,staat und koenigliches ,haus aus der ,zeit ,asarhaddons und ,assurbanipals4 ,band ,i4 ,autographierte ,texte2 ,band ,,ii4 ,einleitung1 ,umschrift und ,erklaerung ,verzeichnisse4 7,leipzig #ahic47 ,lenormant1 ,francois4--,chaldaean ,hymns to the ,sun4 ,,rp ,x4 #aai-abh4 ---- ,hymne au ,soleil4 ,texte primitif ,accadien4 ,,ja1 #gth ,series1 ,,xii4 #cgh2 ,,xiii4 #a-ih2 postscriptum ib4 ,,xiv4 #bfd1 #bfe4 ---- ,une ,incantation ,magique ,chaldeenne4 ,r,ar1 #b;d ,series1 ,,xxxiv4 #bed-bfb4 ---- ,lettres ,assyriologiques4 #bme ,serie ,etudes ,accadiennes1 ,vols4 ,,ii4 and ,,iii4 7,paris #ahgd-ahgi47 ,contains numerous hymns and incantations accompanied by a ,french translation4 ---- ,translations of religious texts in ',les ,origines de l',histoire d'apres la ,bible et les ,traditions des ,peuples orientaux4' 7,paris #ahhj-ahhb47 #b vols4 ,lyon1 ,d4 ,g4--,assyrian and ,babylonian ,royal ,prayers4 ,,paos1 ,october #ahhh4 ,,xciii41 ,,xciv4 ---- ,on a ,sacrificial ,tablet from ,sippar4 ,,paos1 ,may #ahhf1 xxx4 ,messerschmidt1 ,l4--,tabula ,,va4 ,th4 #bdf1 ,babylonica ,musei ,berolinensis primum editur commentarioque instruitur4 7,kirchhain #ahif47 ,a hymn4 ,oppert1 ,j4--',chants et ,invocations' in ,eichoff and ,david ',chef d'oeuvres litteraires de l',inde1 de la ,perse1 de l',egypte et de la ,chine4' 7,paris47 ,,ii4 #baa-bai4 ,translations of selected prayers1 hymns1 and incantations4 ---- ,fragments ,mythologiques4 7,paris #ahhb47 ,reprints of several articles4 ---- ,translation of ,,iii4 ,rawlinson1 pl4 #fe1 in ,,ja1 #fth ,series1 ,,xviii4 #ddi-dec4 ---- ,hymnes en ,sumerien et en ,accadien ou ,assyrien1 #ast ,,ico4 ,,ii4 #bag-bbd4 ,a hymn to ,ishtar in dialogue form4 ---- ,le ,champ ,sacre de la ,deesse ,nina4 ,,cr1 #ahic1 #cbf-cdd4 ,see also ,,za ,,vii4 #cfj-cgd4 ,contains important remarks about the goddess ,nina1 in connection with the text published by ,hilprecht1 ',old ,babylonian ,inscriptions'1 ,i4 #a1 pls4 #cj1 #ca4 ---- ,traduction de ,quelques ,textes ,assyriens4444 ,louange du ,dieu ,nibir et de ses sept ,attributions4 #dth ,,ico ,i4 #bcc-bce4 ---- ,l',immortalite de l'ame chez les ,chaldeens4 7,paris #ahge47 ,legend of ,ishtar's descent to the lower world4 ---- ,chant en ,sumerien et en ,assyrien sur une epidemie4 ,,ja1 #gth ,series1 ,i4 #bhi-bic4 ,translation of tablet ,k #abhd 7incantation against ,namtar7 and of ,,iir #ai4 ---- ,notice sur d'anciennes formules d',incantation et autres dans une langue anterieure au ,babylonien4 ,,ja1 #gth ,series1 ,i4 #aac-abb4 ,translation of ,,ii ,rawl4 #ag1 #ah4 ---- ,babylonian legends found at ,khorsabad4 ,,rp ,,xi4 #da-dd4 ,see also translations of various religious texts in ',expedition ,scientifique en ,mesopotamie1' pp4 #cbh-cej4 ,peiser1 ,f4 ,e4--,ein ,satz in den ,beschwoerungsformeln4 ,,za ,,ii4 #ajb1 #ajc4 ,pinches1 ,t4 ,g4--,an ,erechite's ,lament4 ,,rp1 new series1 ,i4 #hd1 #he4 ,a penitential psalm with historical references2 see also ,,bor ,i1 #ba-bc4 ---- ,the ,oracle of ,ishtar of ,arbela4 ,,rp ,,xi4 #ei-gb2 also ,,rp1 new series1 ,v4 #abi-adj4 ---- ,sin-,gashid's ,gift to the ,temple ,e-,ana4 ,,bor ,i4 #h-aa4 ,see also ,,rp1 new series1 ,i4 #gh-hc4 ---- and ,e4 ,a4 ,w4 ,budge4--,some ,new ,texts in the ,babylonian ,character1 relating ,principally to the ,restoration of ,temples4 ,,psba1 #ahhd4 pp4 #agi-ahb4 ,rawlinson1 ,h4 ,c4--,a ,selection from the ,miscellaneous ,inscriptions of ,western ,asia4 ,vol4 ,,iv4 #b;d ed4 revised 7and with additions7 by ,t4 ,g4 ,pinches4 7,london #ahia47 ,this fourth volume of the publications of tablets in the ,british ,museum is almost exclusively devoted to religious texts4 ,in the other volumes some texts of this character will be found as follows3 ,vol4 ,,ii4 pls4 #ag-ai1 incantations2 #ea-fa1 names and titles of gods and temples2 miscellaneous4 ,vol4 ,,iii4 pls4 #fa-fe1 astronomical and astrological reports1 omen tablets and portents2 #ff-fi1 lists and titles of gods and temples2 miscellaneous4 ,vol4 ,v4 pl4 #ca1 omen tablets 7with explanations72 #dc1 titles of ,nebo1 etc42 #df1 ,no4 #b1 lists of gods and their epithets2 #dg1 prayer 7with commentary72 #dh1 #di1 religious calendar2 #ej1 #ea1 hymn to ,shamash4 ,note also that many of the historical tests in ,vols4 ,i4-,v4 contain invocations to gods4 ,reisner1 ,george4--,sumerisch-,babylonische ,hymnen nach ,thontafeln ,griechischer ,zeit4 7,berlin #ahif47 ,koenigliche ,museen zu ,berlin4 ,mittheilungen aus den ,orientalischen ,sammlungen ,no4 ,x4 ,sayce1 ,a4 ,h4--,accadian ,hymn to ,istar4 ,,rp ,i4 #aee-afj4 ---- ,accadian ,poem on the ,seven ,evil ,spirits4 ,ib4 ,,ix4 #add-adh4 ---- ,an ,accadian ,liturgy4 ,ib4 ,,iii4 #abe-acj4 ---- ,an ,accadian ,penitential ,hymn4 ,ib4 ,,vii4 #aea-aef4 ---- ,ancient ,babylonian ,charms4 ,ib4 ,,iii4 #ade-aed4 ,shurpu ,series1 #fth ,tablet4 ---- ,an ,assyrian ,talismanic ,tablet4 ,,bor ,,iii4 #ag1 #ah4 ---- ,babylonian ,augury by means of ,geometrical ,figures4 ,,tsba ,,iv4 #cjb-cad4 ---- ,fragment of an ,assyrian ,prayer after a ,bad ,dream4 ,,rp ,,ix4 #adi-aeb4 ,sayce1 ,a4 ,h4--,babylonian ,exorcisms4 ,ib4 ,i4 #aca-ace4 ---- ,tables of ,omens ,furnished by ,dogs and ,births4 ,ib4 ,v4 #afg-agf4 ---- ,the ,dedication of three ,babylonians to the service of the ,sun-god at ,sippara4 ,,rp1 new series1 ,,iv4 #aji-aac4 ,interpretation false4 ---- ,the ,overthrow of ,sodom and ,gomorrah 7,accadian ,account74 ,,rp ,,xi4 #aae-aah4 ,title1 translation1 and ,interpretation alike fanciful4 ---- ,two ,accadian ,hymns4 ,ib4 ,,xi4 #abi-acb4 ---- ,two ,hymns to the ,sun-god in preface1 pp4 ix4-x41 to ,,rp1 new series1 ,,iv41 #ahij4 ,copious translations of magical texts1 hymns1 legends1 etc41 by ,sayce in ,hibbert ,lectures on ',the ,religion of the ,ancient ,babylonians4' ,london #ahhg4 ,see especially pp4 #dda-edj4 ,scheil1 ,f4 ,v4--,psaume de ,penitence ,chaldeen inedit1 ,,rb1 #ahif1 #ge-gh4 ---- ,legende ,chaldeenne trouvee a ,el-,amarna ,adapa4 ,,rr ,mars-,avril #ahia4 ---- ,choix des ,textes ,religieux ,assyriens4 ,,rhr ,,xxxvi4 #aig-bjg4 ---- ,fragments de ,poesie lyrique ,babylonienne4 ,,rb ,,vi4 #bh-cj4 ---- ,fragment mythologique avec mention de ,uddushu-namir patesi4 ,,rt ,,xx4 #fb1 #fc4 ---- ,hymne ,babylonien avec metre appartent4 ,,za ,,xi4 #bia-bih4 ,schrader1 ,e4--,die ,hoellenfahrt der ,ishtar4 ,ein ,altbabylonisches ,epos4 7,giessen #ahgd47 ,smith1 ,s4 ,a4--,miscellaneous ,texts4 7,leipzig #ahhg47 pp4 #a-e1 #h-aj4 ,portions of the ,creation ,series4 ,strong1 ,s4 ,arthur4--,a ,prayer of ,assurbanipal4 ,,rp1 new series1 ,,vi4 #ajb-ajf2 also #ith ,,ico ,,ii4 #aii-bjh4 ---- ,note on a ,fragment of the ,adapa ,legend4 ,,psba ,,xx4 #bgd-bgi4 ---- ,on ,some ,oracles to ,esarhaddon and ,assurbanipal4 ,,ba ,,ii4 #fbg-fde4 ---- ,votive ,inscriptions4 ,,rp1 new series1 ,,iv4 #ij-ie4 ---- ,a ,hymn to ,nebuchadnezzar4 ,,psba ,,xx4 #aed-afb4 ,talbot1 ,h4 ,fox4--,a ,prayer and a ,vision4 ,,tsba ,i4 #cdf-cdh and ,,rp ,,vii4 #fe-fh4 ,ashurbanabal's prayer to ,ishtar and dream sent by the goddess4 ---- ,assyrian ,sacred ,poetry4 ,,rp ,,iii4 #aca-ach4 ,prayers and incantations4 ---- ,assyrian ,talismans and ,exorcisms4 ,ib4 ,,iii4 #aci-add4 ---- ,war of the ,seven ,evil ,spirits ,against ,heaven4 ,ib4 ,v4 #afa-aff4 ,incantation text ,tallquist1 ,k4 ,l4--,die ,assyrische ,beschwoerungsserie ,maqlu4 7,leipzig #ahid47 ,weissbach1 ,f4 ,h4--,ueber die ersten ,tafeln im ,,iv4 ,bande ,rawlinsons4 ,announced4 ---- ,eine ,sumerisch-,assyrische ,beschwoerungsformel ,,iv4 ,rawl4 #af1 ,no4 #a in ',melanges ,charles de ,harlez4' 7,leiden #ahif47 pp4 #cfj-cga4 ,winckler1 ,h4 and ,abel ,ludwig4--,thontafelfund von ,el-,amarna4 7,berlin #ahia47 ,vol ,,iii4 pp4 #aff1 a and b4 ,legend of ,adapa2 see ,erman ,in ,,kaw ,sitzungsberichte ,,xxiii4 #ehe2 ,lehmann1 ,,za ,,iii4 #chj2 other mythological fragments1 pp4 #afd-afe4 ,zimmern1 ,heinrich4--,babylonische ,busspsalmen1 umschrieben1 uebersetzt und erklaert4 7,leipzig #ahhe47 ,,ba ,,vi4 ,also published in part as a thesis4 ---- ,beitraege zur ,kenntniss der ,babylonischen ,religion4 ,erste ,lieferung4 ,die ,beschwoerungslafeln ,shurpu4 7,leipzig #ahif47 ,,ab ,,xii4 ---- ,zusatzbemerkungen zur ,legende von ,adapa4 ,,ba ,,ii4 #dcg1 #dch4 ---- ,hexenbeschwoerungen bei den ,babyloniern4 ,,baz1 #ahia1 ,no4 #ccg4 ---- ,an ,old ,babylonian ,legend from ,egypt ,adapa4 ,,sst1 #ahib1 ,no4 #be4 ,v4 ,cosmology4 ,barton1 ,g4 ,a4--,tiamat4 ,,jaos ,,xv4 #a-bh2 also ,,paos1 ,may #ahij1 xiii4-xv4 ,brunengo1 ,giuseppe4--,l',impero di ,babilonia e di ,ninive4 7#b vols4 ,prato #ahhe47 ,capo ,i4 ,la ,cosmogonia de ,caldei comparata alla ,mosaica1 pp4 #fg-he4 ,capo ,,ii4 ,la ,ribellione degli ,angeli e la ,caduta del ,uomo1 7i4e41 ,marduk and ,tiamat story71 pp4 #hf-ajh4 ,capo ,,iv4 ,la ,storia del ,diluvio1 pp4 #abd-adj4 ,budge1 ,e4 ,a4 ,w4--,the ,fourth ,tablet of the ,creation ,series1 relating to the fight between ,marduk and ,tiamat4 ,,psba ,,vi4 #e-aa4 ---- ,fourth ,tablet of the ,creation ,series4 ,,psba ,x4 #hf and six pls4 ,delitzsch1 ,friedrich4--,texte zur ,weltschoepfung und zur ,auflehnung und ,bekaempfung der ,schlange ,tiamat4 ,,al1 #c;d ed41 #ahhe4 pp4 #ic-ii4 ---- ,das ,babylonische ,weltschoepfungsepos4 7,leipzig #ahif47 ,engel1 ,moritz4--,die ,loesung der ,paradiesfrage4 7,leipzig #ahhe47 ,halevy1 ,j4--,la ,cosmologie ,babylonienne d'apres ,m4 ,jensen4 ,,rhr ,,xxii4 #ahj-bjh4 ,summary and critique of ,jensen's ',kosmologie der ,babylonier4' ---- ,recherches ,bibliques--,l',histoire des ,origines d'apres la ,genese4 ,texte1 ,traduction et ,commentaire4 ,tome ,i4 ,genese ,i4-,,xxv4 7,paris #ahie47 ,contains translations of the ,babylonian ,cosmological ,texts1 and discusses their bearings on the ,o4 ,t4 narrative4 ,a most suggestive work4 ---- ,recherches ,bibliques--,chapter #bh1 ,la ,creation et les ,vicissitudes du ,premier ,homme4 ,,rs ,i4 #aja-aag1 #aic-bjb4 ,transliteration1 translation1 and discussion of the ,babylonian ,creation ,tablets4 ,hommel1 ,f4--,eine ,neugefundene ,weltschoepfungslegende4 ,,dr1 #ahib1 #aje-aad2 see also ,neue ,kirchliche ,zeitung1 ,i4 #cic seq41 ,,ii4 #hi seq4 ---- ,the ,oldest ,cosmogony4 ,,sst1 #ahia1 ,no4 #g4 ,jensen1 ,p4--,die ,kosmologie der ,babylonier4 ,studien und ,materialien4 7,strassburg #ahij47 ,jensen1 ,p4--,ursprung und ,geschichte des ,tierkreises4 ,,dr1 #ahij1 #aab-aaf4 ,lajard1 ,f4--,fragments d'un ,memoire sur le ,systeme theogonique et cosmogonique des ,assyriens ou des ,chaldeens d',assyrie4 ,,ja1 #b;d ,series1 ,,xiv4 #aad-adc4 ,laurie1 ,thomas4--,cuneiform ,inscriptions and the ,deluge4 ,bibliotheca ,sacra1 ,,xlii4 #afe-afh4 ,lenormant1 ,f4--,essai de ,commentaire sur les ,fragments cosmogoniques de ,berose4 7,paris #ahga47 ,an elaborate treatise on the traditions of ,berosus in connection with the cuneiform account of creation4 ,loisy1 ,a4--,les ,mythes ,chaldeens de la ,creation et du ,deluge4 7,amiens #ahib47 ,,rr1 #ahif4 ,from ,,rr1 #ahij-ahia4 ,see ,sec4,i4 ,lukas1 ,,fr4--,die ,grundbegriffe in den ,kosmogonieen der ,alten ,voelker4 #ahic4 pp4 #a-df4 ,translations by ,jensen1 pp4 #a-ad4 ,die ,kosmogonie der ,babylonler und der ,genesis4 ,mueller1 ,d4 ,h4--,die ,propheten in ihrer ,urspruenglichen ,form4 7,wien #ahie47 pp4 #f-ac4 ,translation of considerable portions of the ,babylonian creation narratives4 ,follows ,zimmern4 ,muss-,arnolt1 ,w4--,the ,cuneiform ,account of the ,creation4 ,revised translation4 ,,bw ,,iii4 #ag-bg4 ---- ,a ,comparative ,study of the ,translations of the ,babylonian ,creation ,tablets1 with special reference to ,jensen's ',kosmologie' and ,barton's ',tiamat4' ,h ,,ix4 #f-bc4 ,oppert1 ,j4--,fragments ,cosmogoniques in ,ledrain's ',histoire d',israel4' 7,paris #ahhb47 pp4 #daa-dbb4 ,translation of ,creation ,series of tablets of deluge4 ---- ,le ,poeme ,chaldeen du ,deluge4 7,paris #ahhe47 ---- ,die ,fragmente der ,epopoeen welche die ,schoepfung und ,sintfluth nach babylonischer ,auffassung betreffen4 ,verhandlungen ,deutscher ,philologen und ,schulmaenner1 ,,xxxiv4 #abh1 #abi4 ---- ,traductions de quelques textes ,assyriens4--,fragments des ,recits de la ,creation4--,guerre de ,merodach et ,tiamat4 #dth ,,ico1 #bbi-bch4 ,pinches1 ,t4 ,g4--,a ,babylonian ,duplicate of ,tablets ,i4 and ,,ii4 of the ,creation ,series4 ,,bor ,,iv4 #be-cc4 ---- ,the ,new ,version of the ,creation ,story4 #ith ,,ico1 #ahib4 ,,ii4 #aij-aih2 also ,,jras1 #ahia1 #cic-djh2 and ,academy1 #ahij1 ,nos4 #ifh1 #igd1 and the ,times1 #ahhi1 ,dec4 #af4 ---- ,the ,non-,semitic ,version of the ,creation ,story4 ,,rp1 new series1 ,,vi4 #ajg-aad4 ,sayce1 ,h4--,the ,assyrian ,story of the ,creation4 ,,rp1 new series1 ,i4 #abb-adf4 ---- ,babylonian ,legend of the ,creation ,,rp ,,xi4 #aji-aad4 ---- ,the ,babylonian ,story of the ,creation according to the ,tradition of ,cutha4 ,,rp1 new series1 ,i4 #adg-aec4 ,schrader1 ,e4--,cuneiform ,inscriptions and the ,old ,testament4 7,london #ahhe47 ,i4 #a-bb4 ,translation of portions of the ,creation ,series with comments2 third ,german edition announced4 ,smith1 ,george4--,the ,chaldaean ,account of ,genesis4 7#b;d ed4 ,london #ahha47 ,german trans1 ed4 by ,friedrich ,delitzsch 7,leipzig #ahgf71 under the title ',chaldaeische ,genesis4' ---- ,on ,some ,fragments of the ,chaldaean ,account of the ,creation4 ,,tsba ,,iv4 #cfc1 #cfd4 ,stucken1 ,ed4--,astralmythen der ,hebraer1 ,babylonier und ,aegypter4 ,i4 und ,,ii4 ,theil4 7,leipzig #ahif-ahig47 ,rather fanciful4 ,talbot1 ,h4 ,fox4--,the ,fight between ,bel and the ,dragon4 ,,rp ,,ix4 #ace-adj4 ,portion of the ,creation ,series4 ---- ,the ,fight between ,bel and the ,dragon and the ,flaming ,sword which turned every way4 ,,tsba ,v4 #a-ba4 ---- ,the ,chaldaean ,account of the ,creation4 ,,rp ,,ix4 #aae-aah2 also ,,tsba ,v4 #dbf-ddj4 ---- ,the ,revolt in ,heaven1 from a ,chaldaean ,tablet4 ,,tsba ,,iv4 #cdi-cfb4 ,portions of the ,creation ,series4 ,warren1 ,w4 ,f4--,paradise ,found4 #aj ed4 7,boston #ahic47 ,part ,,iv4 chapter #f4 ,the ,cradle of the ,race in ,akkadian1 ,assyrian1 and ,babylonian ,thought4 ,discussion in connection with a general theory of the site of paradise4 ,ward1 ,w4 ,hayes4--,contest between ,bel-,merodach and the ,dragon4 ,,paos1 ,may #ahgi4 ,x4 ---- ,dragon and ,serpent in ,chaldaean ,mythology4 ,,paos1 ,oct4 #ahgi1 xvii4 ---- ,bel and the ,dragon4 ,,ajsl ,,xiv4 #id-aje4 ---- ,the ,dragon ,tiamat in ,babylonian and ,assyrian ,art4 ,,paos1 ,oct4 #ahhi1 clxviii-clxix4 ,zimmern1 ,h4--,translations of the ,babylonian ,creation and ,deluge ,stories in ,gunkel's ',schoepfung und ,chaos1' pp4 #dja-dbh4 ---- ',koenig ,tukulli bei nisi und die ,kuthaische ,schoepfungslegende4' ,,za ,,xii4 #cag-ccj4 ,translation of the ,cuthaean ,version of the ,creation ,story4 ,,vi4 ,the ,gilgamesh ,epic 7including the ,deluge ,story47 ,adler1 ,c4--,the ,legends of ,semiramis and the ,nimrod ,epic4 ,,jhuc1 ,no4 #ee4 ,boscawen1 ,w4 ,st4 ,chad4--,hymn to ,gilgames4 ,,bor ,,vii4 #aba-abe4 ---- ,the ,twelfth ,izdubar ,legend4 ,,rp ,,ix4 #aca-acd4 ,casanowicz1 ,i4 ,m4--,professor ,haupt's ,nimrod ,epic4 ,,jhuc1 ,no4 #ih4 ,cheyne1 ,t4 ,k4--,nimrod1 a ,kassite ,king4 ,academy1 #ahie1 ,no4 #dg4 ,de ,lacouperie1 ,terrien4--,the ,deluge ,tradition and its ,remains in ,ancient ,chaldaea4 ,,bor pp4 #ae-bd1 #di-ee1 #gi-hh1 #ajb-aaa4 ,delitzsch1 ,friedrich4--,article ',nimrod' in ',calwer ,bibellexikon4' ---- ,die ,sintflutherzaehlung oder die elfte ,tafel des ,nimrod ,epos4 ,,al4 7#c;d ed4 ,leipzig #ahhe47 #ii-aji4 ,dryoff1 ,k4--,wer ist ,chadir8 ,,za ,,xii4 #cai-cbg4 ,grivel1 ,josef4--,nimrod et les ,ecritures ,cuneiformes4 ,,tsba ,,iii1 #acf-add4 ,proposed identification of ,nimrod and ,marduk4 ,see also ,sayce1 below4 ,hamilton1 ,l4 le ,cenci4--,ishtar and ,izdubar1 the ,epic of ,babylon4 ,restored in modern verse4 ,vol4 ,i4 ,illustrated4 7,london #ahhd47 ,harper1 ,e4 ,t4--,the ,legend of ,etana1 ,gilgamos and his ,kindred in ,folklore4 ,academy1 #ahia1 ,no4 #iie2 see also ,nos4 #ihe1 #ihg1 #ihh4 ,haupt1 ,paul4--,the ,cuneiform ,account of the ,deluge4 ,,ots1 #ahhc1 #gg-he4 ---- ,das babylonische ,nimrodepos4 ,keilschrifttext der sogenannten ,izdubarlegenden mit dem ,keilinschriftlichen ,sintfluthberichte1 nach den ,originalen im ,britischen ,museum copiert und herausgegeben4 7,leipzig #ahhd-ahia47 #b vols4 ,,ab ,,iii4 ---- ,die zwoelfte ,tafel des ,babylonischen ,nimrodepos4 ,,ba ,i4 #dh-gi4 ---- ,on ,two ,passages in the ,chaldaean ,flood ,tablet4 ,,paos1 ,march #ahid1 ,,cv4-,,cxi4 ---- ,on ,some ,passages in the ,cuneiform ,account of the ,deluge1 with special reference to the first column of the tablet4 ,,jhuc1 ,no4 #fi4 ---- ,ergebnisse einer neuen ,collation der ,izubar ,legenden4 ,,ba ,i4 #id-aeb4 ,see ,halevy ,,za ,,iv4 #fa4 ---- ,on the ,dimensions of the ,babylonian ,ark4 ,,paos1 ,oct4 #ahhh1 lxxxix4-xc42 see also ,,ajp ,,ix4 #dai-dbd4 ---- ,der ,keilinschriftliche ,sintfluthbericht4 ,eine ,episode des babylonischen ,nimrodepos4 7,leipzig #ahha47 ---- ,der ,keilinschriftliche ,sintfluthbericht4 ,umschrift1 ,uebersetzung1 und ,erlaeuterungen in ,schrader's ',die ,keilinschriften und das ,alte ,testament1' #c;d ed41 #ahih4 ,latest and most satisfactory translation4 ,hoffmann1 ,g4--,die ,dubar-,sage und der ,keilinschriftliche ,sintfluthbericht4 ,die ,grenzboten1 ,jahrgang #dg4 ,hommel1 ,f4--,gis-dubarra1 ,gibilgamish1 ,nimrod4 ,,psba ,,xv4 #bia-cjj2 ,,xvi4 #ac-ae4 ,heuzey1 ,l4--,la ,lance ,colossale d',izbubar et les ,nouvelles ,formeles de ,m4 de ,sarzec4 ,,ai4 ,bulletin #ahic1 #cje4 ,jastrow1 ,morris1 ,jr4--,the ,new ,version of the ,babylonian ,account of the ,deluge4 ,the ,independent1 ,feb4 #aj1 #ag1 #ahih4 ,jensen1 ,p4--,gishgimash 7,gilgamish7 ein ,kossaer8 ,,za ,,vi4 #cdj-cdb4 ,jeremias1 ,a4--,article ',izdubar' in ,roscher's ',ausfuehrliches ,lexikon der ,griechischen und ,roemischen ,mythologie4' ,vol4 ,,ii4 cols4 #ggc-hbc4 ---- ,izdubar-,nimrod4 ,eine ,altbabylonische ,heldensage nach den ,keilschriftfragmenten dargestellt4 7,leipzig #ahia47 ,see also article by ,quentin in ,,rhr ,,xxxi4 #afb-agg4 ,lenormant1 ,f4--,le ,deluge et l',epopee ,babylonienne4 7,paris #ahgc47 ,lidzbarski4--,zu den ,arabischen ,alexandergeschichten4 ,,za ,,viii4 #bfc-cab4 ,see also ib41 #cag-cai4 ---- ,wer ist ,chadhir8 ,,za ,,vii4 #ajd-aaf4 ,meissner1 ,bruno4--,alexander und ,gilgamos4 7,leipzig #ahid47 ---- ,einige ,bemerkungen zur ,erklaerung des ,sintfluthberichtes4 ,,za ,,iii4 #dag-dba4 ,menant1 ,j4--,le ,deluge4 ,noe dans l'arche4 7,paris #ahhj47 ,moor1 ,fl4--,de la ,geste de ,gilgames confrontee avec la ,bible et avec les ,documents ,historiques indigenes4 ,m1 ,june #ahig4 ,muss-,arnolt1 ,w4--,the ,chaldaean ,account of the ,deluge4 ,a revised translation4 ,,bw ,,iii4 #aji-aah4 ---- ,remarks ,introductory to a ,comparative ,study on the ,translations of the ,deluge ,tablets4 ,,paos1 ,april #ahib1 cxc4-cxcv42 also ,,jhuc1 ,no4 #ih4 ,offord1 ,j4--,a ,new ,fragment of the ,babylonian ,deluge ,story4 ,,psba ,,xx4 #ec1 #ed4 ,scheil's tablet from ,sippara4 ,oppert1 ,j4--,the ,chaldaean ,perseus4 ,,bor ,v4 #a1 #b2 also ,,cr1 #ahij1 #dfd1 #dfe4 ,identification of ,izdubar-,gilgamesh with ,gilgamos in ,aelian's zooelogical work ',de ,natura ,animalium1' ,,xii4 #ba4 ,see also ,sayce in the ,academy1 #ahij1 ,no4 #iff2 ,ward1 ib41 ,no4 #iga2 and ,kohler1 ib41 #ahia1 ,no4 #ihe4 ---- ,nimrod4 ,bulletin de l',athenee ,orientale1 #ahgc1 ,jan4-,feb4 ,oppert1 ,j4--,le ,poeme ,chaldeen du ,deluge4 ,traduit de l',assyrien4 7,paris #ahhe47 ,pinches1 ,t4 ,g4--,exit ,gishtubar4 ,,bor ,,iv1 #bfd4 ,proposal to read the name of the ,babylonian hero ,gilgamesh4 ,cf4 ,sayce in ,academy1 #ahij1 ,no4 #iff1 and ,ward1 ib41 ,no4 #iga4 ,rawlinson1 ,h4 ,c4--,the ,izdubar ,legends4 ,athenaeum1 #ahgb1 ,no4 #bced4 ,rochette1 ,raoul4--,memoire sur l',hercule ,assyrien et ,phenicien4 ,,ai ,memoires1 #bme ,partie1 ,,xvii4 #i-cgd4 ,sauveplane1 ,f4--,une ,epopee ,babylonienne4 ,ishtubar-,gilgames4 7,paris #ahid47 ,sayce1 ,a4 ,h4--,on ,nimrod and the ,assyrian ,inscription4 ,,tsba ,,ii4 #bdh1 #bdi2 see also ,academy1 #ahic1 ,no4 #ajed4 ,proposed identification of ,nimrod with ,amar-ud ,marduk1 the head of the ,babylonian ,pantheon4 ---- ,the ,higher ,criticism and the ,verdict of the ,monuments4 7,london #ahid47 pp4 #ig-aai4 ,scheil1 ,f4 ,v4--,notes d',epigraphie et d',archeologie ,assyrienne4 ,,xxx4 ,un ,fragment d'un ,nouveau ,recit du ,deluge de l',epoque du ,roi ,ammizaduga4 ,,rt ,,xx4 #ee-ei2 see also ,,rb1 #ahih1 #e-i4 ---- ,the ,new ,babylonian ,account of the ,deluge4 ,the ,independent1 ,jan4 #bj1 #ahih4 ,smith1 ,george4--,the ,chaldaean ,account of the ,deluge4 ,,tsba ,,ii4 #bjc-bcd4 ---- ,the ,eleventh ,tablet of the ,izdubar ,legends4 ,the ,chaldaean ,account of the ,deluge4 ,,tsba ,,iii4 #ecj-eif2 also ,,rp ,,vii4 #acc4 ,suess1 ,ed4--,die ,sintfluth in ',das ,antlitz der ,erde4' 7,leipzig #ahhc47 pp4 #be-ih4 ,discussion of the ,babylonian tale with notes by ,prof4 ,paul ,haupt4 ,talbot1 ,h4 ,fox4--,ishtar and ,izdubar1 being the #fth ,tablet of the ,izdubar ,series4 ,translated from the ,cuneiform4 ,,tsba ,v4 #ig-aba2 also ,,rp ,,ix4 #aai-abh4 ---- ,commentary on the ,deluge ,tablet4 ,,tsba ,,iv4 #di-hc4 ---- ,tablet in the ,british ,museum ,relating ,apparently to the ,deluge4 ,,tsba ,,iv4 #abi-aca4 ,talbot's supposition is erroneous4 ,,vii4 ,beliefs1 ,legends1 ,ethics1 and ,special ,phrases of the ,religion4 ,ader1 ,cyrus4--,the ,views of the ,babylonians ,concerning ,life after ,death4 ,,ar1 #ahhh1 #ib-aja2 see also ,,paos1 ,oct4 #ahhg1 ccxxxviii4-ccxliii4 ,ball1 ,c4 ,j4--,glimpses of ,babylonian ,religion4 ,i4 ,human ,sacrifices4 ,,ii4 ,the ,gods and ,their ,images4 ,,psba ,,xiv4 #adi-afb4 ,bonavia1 ,e4--,the ,sacred ,trees of the ,assyrian ,monuments4 ,,bor ,,iii4 #g-ab1 #ce-dj1 #ef-fa2 see also ,,iv4 #ie1 #if4 ---- ,the ,sacred ,trees of ,assyria4 #ith ,,ico1 pp4 #bde-beg4 ,arguments not conclusive4 ,boscawen1 ,w4 ,st4 ,chad4--,notes on the ,religion and ,mythology of the ,assyrians4 ,,tsba ,,iv4 #bfg-cja4 ---- ,texts ,bearing on the ,belief in ,immortality4 7#a7 #abth ,izdubar ,tablet4 7#b7 ,descent of ,ishtar4 7#c7 #gth ,izdubar ,tablet4 7#d7 ,hymn to ,marduk4 ,,bor ,,iv4 #bea-bed4 ---- ,babylonian ,witchcraft4 ,,et1 #ahih1 #bbh-bcj4 ---- ,notes on ,assyrian ,religion and ,mythology4 ,,tsba ,,vi4 #ece-edb4 ,translations of some religious texts4 ,general remarks4 ---- ,babylonian ,teraphim4 ,,bor ,i4 #ci1 #dj4 ---- ,the ,babylonian ,legend of the ,serpent ,tempter4 ,,bor ,,iv4 #bea-bee4 ---- ,oriental ,eschatology 7,egypt and ,chaldaea74 ,,bor ,,vi4 #ch-db4 ---- ,the ,plague ,legends of ,chaldaea4 ,,bor ,i4 #aa-ad4 ,clermont-,ganneau4--,l',enfer ,assyrien4 ,r,ar1 #b;d ,series1 ,,xxxviii4 #ccg-cdi4 ,craig1 ,james ,a4--,the ,babylonian ,ishtar ,epic4 ,,ots ,,viii4 #bdi-bef4 ,goessling1 ,e4--,die ,hoelle nach ,babylonisch-,assyrischer ,anschauung4 ,,tz1 #ahie1 ,no4 #c4 ,halevy1 ,j4--,l',immortalite de l',ame chez les ,peuples ,semitiques4 ,r,ar1 #b;d ,series1 ,,xliv4 #dd-ec4 ,translation and discussion of ,ishtar's descent into the nether world4 ,halevy1 ,j4--,le ,rapt de ,persephone ou ,proserpine par ,pluton chez les ,babyloniens4 ,,rs ,i4 #cgb-cgf4 ,haug1 ,m4--,die ,unsterblichkeit der ,seele bei den ,chaldaeern4 ,,baz1 #ahge1 ,nos4 #gj1 #ga4 ,heuzey1 ,l4--,mythes ,chaldeens4 ,,ra1 #c;d ,series1 ,,xxvi4 #bie-cjh4 ,hilprecht1 ,h4 ,v4--,serpent and ,tree in ,babylonian ,records4 ,,sst1 #ahic1 ,no4 #eb4 ,hincks1 ,edward4--,on the ,assyrian ,mythology4 ,,ria ,memoirs1 #ahed1 #dje-dbb4 ,hommel1 ,f4--,hexenverbrennungen im alten ,babylonien4 ,muenchener ,neueste ,nachrichten1 #ahif1 ,no4 #dae4 ,jastrow1 ,morris1 ,jr4--,the ,ethics of the ,babylonians and ,assyrians4 ,,er4 ,,iii4 #fe-gg4 ---- ,the ,babylonian ,term ,shu'alu4 ,,ajsl ,,xiv4 #afe-agj4 ,jensen1 ,peter4--,the ,queen in the ,babylonian ,hades and ,her ,consort4 ,,sst1 #ahig1 ,nos4 #aa1 #ab4 ---- ,the ,supposed ,babylonian ,origin of the ,week and the ,sabbath4 ,,sst1 #ahib1 ,no4 #c4 ,jeremias1 ,a4--,die ,babylonisch-,assyrischen ,vorstellungen vom ,leben nach dem ,tode4 7,leipzig #ahig47 ---- ,articles ',arallu' and ',etana4' ,announced to appear in the supplement to ,roscher's ',ausfuehrliches ,lexikon der ,griechischen und ,roemischen ,mythologie4' ,kiesewetter1 ,carl4--,der ,occultismus des ,alterthums4 7,leipzig #ahif47 ,book ,i4 #cfd seq41 ',der ,occultismus bei den ,akkadern1 ,babyloniern1 ,chaldaeern und ,assyriern4' ,based largely upon ,lenormant's ',chaldaean ,magic4' ,laurent1 ,a4--,la ,magie et la ,divination chez les ,chaldeo-,assyriens4 7,paris #ahid47 ,lenormant1 ,f4--,la ,legende de ,semiramis4 7,paris #ahgb47 ,a transformed ,ishtar legend4 ,oppert1 ,j4--,l',immortalite de l',ame chez les ,chaldeens4 7,paris #ahge47 ,translation of ,ishtar's descent into the nether world4 ,pinches1 ,t4 ,g4--,the ,messianic ,idea among the ,early ,babylonians and ,assyrians4 ,academy1 #ahhg1 ,nos4 #haf1 #hah1 #hbj4 ,ravenshaw1 ,e4 ,c4--,on the ,winged ,bulls1 ,lions1 and ,other ,symbolical ,figures from ,nineveh4 ,,jras1 #ahed1 #ic-aag4 ,contains some interesting suggestions on ,babylonian mythology1 but the paper as a whole is antiquated4 ,sayce1 ,a4 ,h4--,ancient ,babylonian ,moral and ,political ,precepts4 ,,rp ,,vii4 #aai-abb4 ---- ,the ,babylonian ,legend of the ,creation of ,man4 ,academy1 #ahic1 ,no4 #ajee4 ---- ,babylonian ,folk-,lore4 ,,flj ,i4 #af-bb4 ,scheil1 ,fr4 ,v4--,relief ,cisele representant une ,scene ,funeraire ,babylonienne4 ,,rt ,,xx4 #ei-fb4 ---- ,le ,culte de ,gudea4 ,,rt ,,xviii4 #fd-gd4 ,talbot1 ,h4 ,fox4--,on the ,religious ,belief of the ,assyrians4 ,nos4 ,i41 ,,ii41 ,,iii41 ,,iv4 ,,tsba ,i4 #ajf-aae2 ,,ii4 #bi-gi1 #cdf-ceb4 ,no4 ,i4 contains text and translation of two prayers2 ,nos4 ,,ii and ,,iii41 ,incantation ,texts2 ,no4 ,,iv41 ,future ,punishment of the ,wicked4 ---- ,legend of the ,descent of ,ishtar4 ,,rp ,i4 #ada-adi4 ---- ,revised ,translation of the ,descent of ,ishtar with a ,further ,commentary4 ,,tsba ,,iii4 #aah-ace4 ,addenda pp4 #ceg-cfj4 ,thureau-,daugin1 ,f4--,le ,culte des ,rois dans la ,periode ,prebabylonienne4 ,,rt ,,xix4 #ahe-ahg4 ,tiele1 ,c4 ,p4--,cyrus de ,groote en de ,godsdienst van ,babel in ',melanges1 ,charles de ,harlez' 7,leiden #ahif71 #cjg-cab4 ,tyler1 ,thomas4--,the ,babylonian ,idea of a ,disembodied ,soul4 ,,bor ,i4 #ee-eg4 ,tylor1 ,edward ,b4--,the ,winged ,figures of the ,assyrians and ,other ,ancient ,monuments4 ,,psba ,,xii4 #chc-cic2 see also ,,rhr ,,xxii4 #bji-bbj4 ,explanation of the symbols on ,assyrian sculptures4 ,ward1 ,w4 ,h4--,on the ,representation of the ,solar ,disk4 ,,ajt ,,ii4 #aae-aah4 ,warren1 ,w4 ,f4--,gates of ,sunrise in ,ancient ,babylonian ,art4 ,,bor ,,iii4 #bda-bdd4 ,zimmern1 ,h4--,vater1 ,sohn und ,fuersprecher in der ,babylonischen ,gottesvorstellung4 7,leipzig #ahif47 ,see review by ,jastrow1 ,,ajt ,i4 #dfh-dgd4 ,,viii4 ,temples and ,cult4 ,ball1 ,c4 ,j4--,glimpses of ,babylonian ,religion4 ,i4 ,human ,sacrifices4 ,,ii4 ,the ,gods and ,their ,images4 ,,psba ,,xiv4 #adi-afb4 ,boscawen1 ,w4 ,st4 ,chad4--,the ,babylonian and ,jewish ,festivals4 ,,bor ,,iv4 #cd-ch4 ,d',alviella1 ,goblet4--,des ,symboles qui ont influence la ,representation figuree des ,pierres ,comiques chez les ,semites4 ,,rhr ,,xx4 #ace-aej4 ,jeremias1 ,johann4--,die ,cultustafel von ,sippar4 ,,ba ,i4 #bfg-ib4 ,an important archive of the ,sharmash temple at ,sippar1 illustrative of the cult4 ,karppe1 ,s4--,melanges de ,critique ,biblique et d',assyriologie4 ,,rs ,,ii4 #adf-aea4 ,the ,babylonian festival ,zagmuk und the ,biblical ,new ,year4 ,koldewey1 ,robert4--,die altbabylonischen ,graeber in ,surghul und ,el ,hibba4 ,,za ,,ii4 #djc-dcj4 ,funeral customs4 ,kohut1 ,a4--,the ,talmudic ,records of the ,persian and ,babylonian ,festivals critically illustrated4 ,,ajsl ,,xiv4 #ahb-aid4 ,see also ,,rej ,,xxiv4 #bef-bga4 ,insufficient discussion4 ,menant4--,les ,sacrifices sur les ,cylindres ,chaldeens4 ,gazette ,archeologique1 #ahhc1 ,nos4 #g-i4 ,perrot ,chiplez4--,a ,history of ,art in ,chaldaea and ,assyria4 7,london #ahhd47 ,eng4 trans4 ,vol4 ,i4 chapters ,,iii41 ,,iv4 ,temples and ,tombs4 ,peters1 ,j4 ,p4--,nippur4 ,explorations and ,adventures on the ,euphrates4 ,vol4 ,,ii4 chapter ,v41 ,the ,oldest ,temple in the ,world4 ,chapter ,,viii41 ,coffins and ,burial ,customs4 ,pinches1 ,t4 ,g4--,sin-,gashid's ,endowment of the ,temple ,e-ana4 ,,rp1 new series1 ,i4 #gh-hc4 ,see also ,,bor ,i4 #h-aa4 ---- ,a ,fragment of a ,babylonian ,tithe ,list4 ,ib4 ,i4 #gf-gh4 ---- ,gifts to a ,babylonian ,bitili or ,bethel4 ,ib4 ,,ii4 #adb-ade4 ,rawlinson1 ,h4 ,c4--,on the ,birs ,nimrud1 or the ,great ,temple of ,borsippa4 ,,jras1 #ahfa1 #a-bd4 ,reber1 ,f4--,ueber altchaldaeische ,kunst 444 ,der ,tempelbau4 ,,za ,i4 #adi-afd4 ,sayce1 ,a4 ,h4--,a ,babylonian ,saint's ,cylinder4 ,,rp ,,vii4 #aeg-agj4 ,days sacred1 and otherwise1 of the month of ,elul1 with directions for religious ceremonies to be observed4 ---- ,on ,human ,sacrifice among the ,babylonians4 ,,tsba ,,iv4 #be-ca4 ,tiele1 ,c4 ,p4--,de ,hoofdtempel van ,babel en die van ,borsippa4 ,,kaw ,afdeeling ',letterkunde' 7#ahhf7 #c;de ,reeks ,deel ,,iii2 also in ,german ,,za ,,ii4 #agi-aij4 ,tristram1 ,h4 ,b4--,sacrifices in ,babylonia and ,phoenicia4 ,,sst1 #ahid1 ,no4 #a4 ,ward1 ,w4 ,h4--,on ,some ,babylonian ,cylinders1 supposed to ,represent ,human ,sacrifices4 ,,paos1 ,may #ahhh1 xxviii4-xxx4 ,,ix4 ,bearings on the ,old ,testament2 ,general ,influence4 ,anz1 ,wilhelm4--,zur ,frage nach dem ,ursprung des ,gnostizismus4 7,leipzig #ahig47 pp4 #eh-aab1 ,die ,herkunft 444 aus ,babylonien4 ,ball1 ,c4 ,j4--,the ,first ,chapter of ,genesis and the ,babylonian ,cosmogonies4 ,,psba ,,xviii4 ,bonnett1 ,e4--,les ,decouvertes ,assyriennes et le ,livre de la ,genese4 7,paris #ahhd47 ,boscawen1 ,w4 ,st4 ,chad4--,the ,bible and the ,monuments4 7,london #ahie47 ,brandt1 ,w4--,die ,assyrisch-,babylonische ,keilschriftliteratur und das ,alte ,testament4 ,deutsch-evang4 ,blaetter1 #ahhd4 ,heft #c4 pp4 #afd-ahg4 ,brown1 ,francis4--,critical review with valuable comments of ,e4 ,schrader's ',die ,keilinschriften und das ,alte ,testament4' ,,ajp ,,iv4 #cch-cdc4 ---- ,the ,sabbath in the ,cuneiform ,records4 ,,pr1 #ahhb1 #fhh-gjj4 ---- ,assyriology3 ,its ,use and ,abuse in ,old ,testament ,study4 7,new ,york #ahhe47 ,brown1 ,robert1 ,jr4--,semitic ,influence in ,hellenic ,mythology4 7,london #ahih47 ,part ,,iii4 discusses ,babylonian ,influence4 ,buddensieg1 ,r4--,die ,assyrischen ,ausgrabungen und das ,alte ,testament4 7,heilbronn #ahhj47 ,delitzsch1 ,friedrich4--,wo ,lag das ,paradies8 ,eine ,biblisch-,assyriologische ,studie4 7,leipzig #ahha47 ,see ,francis ,brown4 ,,ots ,,iv4 #a-ab4 ,evetts1 ,b4 ,a4--,new ,light on the ,bible and the ,holy ,land4 7,london #ahib47 ,gruppe1 ,o4--,die ,griechischen ,kulte und ,mythen in ihren ,beziehungen zu den ,orientalischen ,religionen4 7,leipzig #ahhg47 ,gunkel1 ,h4--,schoepfung und ,chaos in ,urzeit und ,endzeit4 7,goettingen #ahie47 ,a most important discussion of the relationship of the ,biblical creation narratives to the ,babylonian cosmology4 ,halevy1 ,j4--,recherches ,bibliques4 7,paris #ahif47 ,haupt1 ,paul4--,wo ,lag das ,paradies8 ,ueber ,land und ,meer1 #ahid-ahie1 ,no4 #ae4 ,also syllabus of lectures before the ,gratz ,college of ,philadelphia1 ,dec #aj1 #ahie1 on ',the ,site of ,paradise and the ,nimrod ,epic4' ,jastrow1 ,morris1 ,jr4--,the ,bible and the ,assyrian ,monuments4 ,the ,century ,magazine1 ,,xlvii4 #cie-daa4 ,translated into ,french by ,e4 ,lacordaire in ,revue des ,revues1 #ahid #bbg-bce4 ---- ,the ,original ,character of the ,hebrew ,sabbath4 ,,ajt ,,ii4 #cab-ceb4 ,relationship between ,hebrew and ,babylonian ,sabbath4 ---- ,adam and ,eve in ,babylonian ,literature4 ,announced4 ,jensen1 ,p4--,the ,cult of ,ashera and the ,cult of ,mary4 ,announced to appear in the ,sunday ,school ,times1 #ahih4 ,kessler1 ,k4--,ueber ,gnosis und ,altbabylonische ,religion4 #eth ,,ico1 ,,ii4 ,part ,i4 #bhh-cje4 ,kellner1 ,m4 ,l4--,the ,deluge in the ,izdubar ,epic and the ,old ,testament4 ,reprinted from the ,church ,review1 ,november1 #ahhh4 ,lacouperie1 ,t4 de4--,origin from ,babylonia and ,elam of the ,early ,chinese ,civilization4 ,series of articles in the ,,bor ,,iii-,,viii4 ,also in book form under the title1 ',origin of ,early ,chinese ,civilization and its ,western ,sources4' 7,london #ahid47 ,lacouperie's method is unsatisfactory4 ,the theory1 however1 merits farther investigation4 ,lotz1 ,w4--,quaestiones de ,historia ,sabbati4 7,leipzig #ahhc47 ,lyon1 ,d4 ,g4--,assyrian ,study3 ,its ,bearing on the ,old ,testament4 ,the ,christian ,register1 #ahhe1 ,nos4 #ae1 #af4 ,menant1 ,j4--,remarques sur un ,cylindre du ,musee ,britannique4 ,la ,bible et les ,cylindres ,chaldeens4 ,,cr1 #ahgi1 #bgj-bhf4 ,discussion of a scene on a cylinder supposed to represent the first human pair and the serpent4 ,meyer1 ,ed4--,der ,babylonische ,einfluss auf ,judenthum und ,christenthum4 ,,baz1 #ahid1 ,no4 #cdd4 ,oppert1 ,j4--,origines ,communes de la ,chronologie ,cosmogonique des ,chaldeens el des ,dates de la ,genese4 ,,apc1 #fth series1 ,,xiii4 #bcg-bdj4 ,palmer1 ,a4 ,s4--,babylonian ,influence on the ,bible and ,popular ,beliefs4 ,tehom and ,tiamat1 ,hades and ,satan3 a ,comparative ,study of ,genesis1 i41 ii4 7,london #ahig47 ,robiou1 ,f4--,l',etat ,religieux de la ,grece et de l',orient au ,siecle d',alexandre 444 ,,ii4 ,les ,regions ,syro-,babyloniens et l',eran4 7,paris #ahif47 ,unsatisfactory1 and not based on independent researches4 ,sayce1 ,a4 ,h4--,the ,higher ,criticism and the ,verdict of the ,monuments4 7,london #ahid47 ,suggestive1 but unreliable4 ,full of inaccuracies4 ---- ,fresh ,light from the ,ancient ,monuments4 7#b;d ed4 ,london #ahhf47 ,schleussner4--,die ,bedeutung der ,ausgrabungen in dem ,euphrat und ,tigris-,gebiet fuer das ,alte ,testament4 7,wittenberg #ahib47 ,schrader1 ,e4--,die ,keilinschriften und das ,alte ,testament4 #c;d ed4 7,announced for #ahih47 ,english translation of the #b;d ,german ed41 ',the ,cuneiform ,inscriptions and the ,old ,testament4' ,london #ahhe-ahhi4 ,sillem1 ,c4 ,h4 ,w4--,das ,alte ,testament im ,lichte der ,assyrischen ,forschungen und ihrer ,ergebnisse4 7,hamburg #ahgg47 ,simpson1 ,william4--,the ,tower of ,babel and the ,birs ,nimroud4 ,,tsba ,,ix4 #cjg-ccb4 ,stucken1 ,edward4--,astralmythen der ,hebraer1 ,babylonier und ,aegypter4 ,religionsgeschichtliche ,untersuchungen1 ,parts ,i41 ,,ii4 7,leipzig #ahif-ahig47 ,rather fanciful4 ,tallquist1 ,k4 ,l4--,altbabylonischer ,aberglauben in den ,abendlaendern4 ,in ,norwegian2 ,valvoja1 ,helsingfors1 #ahif1 #dih-ebj4 ---- ,fornbabyloniska och hebraeiska psalmer4 ,finisk ,tidskrift1 ,mars #ahib4 ,tiele1 ,c4 ,p44--,die ,assyriologie und ihre ,ergebnisse fuer die ,religionsgeschichte4 ,german translation by ,friederick4 ,leipzig #ahgh4 ,toy1 ,c4 ,h4--,esther as a ,babylonian ,goddess4 ,the ,new ,world1 ,,vi4 #acj-ade4 ,vigouroux1 ,f4--,le ,bible et les ,decouvertes ,modernes en ,palestine1 en ,egypte et en ,assyrie4 #d vols4 7,paris #ahhd-ahhe47 ,written from a ,catholic standpoint1 but comprehensive and accurate4 ,wahrmund4--,babylonierthum1 ,judenthum und ,christentum4 7,leipzig #ahhb47 ,ward1 ,w4 ,h4--,light on ,scriptural ,texts from ,recent ,discoveries1 ,hebrew and ,babylonian ,poetry4 ,the ,homiletic ,review1 #ahie1 #djh4 ,zehnpfund1 ,r4--,einige zeitgemaesse ,bemerkungen ueber den ,wert der ,assyriologie fuer die alttestamentliche ,litteraturkritik4 7,ernste ,allotria4 ,dessau #ahif47 ,zimmern1 ,h4--,die ,assyriologie als ,huelfswissenschaft fuer das ,studium des ,alten ,testaments und des ,klassischen ,alterthums4 7,koenigsberg #ahhi47 ---- ,zur ,frage nach dem ,ursprung des ,purimfestes4 7,zeits4 f4 alttest4 ,wiss41 ,,xi4 #aeg-afi47 ,zschokke1 ,hermann4--,ueber die ,wichtigkeit der ,assyriologischen ,forschungen1 insbesondere fuer das ,alttestamentliche ,bibelstudium4 7,vienna #ahhd47 ,,index4 ,a1 or ,malkatu1 her names and their explanation1 #gd2 position and relationship to ,shamash1 #gd-e1 #agf1 #fhe2 temples of ,a and ,shamash in ,larsa and ,borsippa1 #gj1 #bda2 temple ,e-edinna in ,sippar1 #fdj4 ,ab1 #eth month1 sacred to ,nin-gish-zida1 #dfb1 #edg2 the mission of ,ishtar1 #efd2 festival of ,ishtar1 #fhe4 ,abram and ,abraham1 followers of1 in fight with ,babylon1 #b2 cult of ,father ,abraham1 #efb4 ,abu-,habba1 excavations1 #aj2 see also ,sippar2 temple records and legal documents1 #afe4 ,abu-,shahrein,eridu4 ,abydenus1 source for ,b4 ,a4 religion1 #a1 #e4 ,achaemenian inscriptions1 #af4 ,ad1 ,arabic tribe1 #dif4 ,adad,ramman1 #aeg2 solar deity of ,syria1 #aef4 ,adam1 parallelism betw4 ,a4 and ,eabani1 #eaa2 parallelism betw4 ,a4 and ,adapa1 #eeb4 ,adapa ,legend1 a nature myth1 #edh1 #fdd ff42 found on ,el-,amarna tablets1 #edd2 ,adapa1 son of ,ea1 #ede2 ,a4 fighting the south wind1 #ede ff42 seconded by ,tammuz and ,gish-zida1 #edh-i2 identified with ,marduk1 #edh2 ,adapa myth compared with #c;d chapter of ,genesis1 #eea4 ,adar1 #abth month1 sacred to the ,seven ,evil ,spirits1 #dfc2 #aeth day1 sacred to ,shamash1 ,malkatu1 and ,bunene1 #fhe2 compared with ,purim1 #fcf4 ,adar1 #b;d 7intercalated71 sacred to ,ashur1 #dfc4 ,addu1 equivalent of ,ramman1 #aef4 ,adon1 ,phoenician equivalent for ,tammuz2 see ,tammuz4 ,adra-,khasis1 epithet of ,parnapishtim1 #eje4 ,aelian1 historian1 mentions ,gilgamesh1 #dfi1 #ebd4 ,agade1 ancient center1 #ce1 #bde2 rulers1 #cf2 temple ,e-ul-mash of ,nana1 #hb2 temple of ,anunit-,ishtar1 #aag1 #bdb2 zikkurat ,e-an-dadia1 #fci4 ,agriculture1 ,a4 and calendar1 #dfb4 ,agum1 see ,agumkakrimi4 ,agumkakrimi1 king of ,babylon1 recovers the statues of ,marduk and ,sarpanitum1 #abb1 #aeb1 #fgj1 #fhg2 cult of ,shamash1 #add2 cult of ,shukamuna1 #afb2 institutes special festival for ,marduk and ,sarpanitum1 #fhg4 ,ahasverus1 the wandering ,jew1 ,parnapishtim1 #eae4 ,ai-ibur-shabu1 name of street in ,babylon1 #fgi4 ,airu1 #b;d month1 sacred to ,ea1 #dfb1 #fgg2 #abth day of ,a41 sacred to ,gula1 #fhc2 installation of king ,ashurbanabal1 #fhd2 sacred in ,assyria1 #fhd2 #ajth day of ,a41 sacred to ,shamash1 ,malkatu1 and ,bunene1 #fhe4 ,a-ishtu1 a foreign god1 #fdd4 ,akitu1 see ,zag-muk2 festival1 #fgi4 ,akkad1 see also ,sumer and ,akkad2 ,babylonia1 #agf1 #ecb4 ,akkadian,sumerian4 ,alala1 deity1 #dag2 in incantations1 #dag2 in ,allatu's court1 #eic2 consort of ,belili1 #ehi2 connection with ,alallu1 #ehi4 ,alallu1 a bird2 relations to ,ishtar1 #dhb1 #ehi2 connection with deity ,alala1 #ehi4 ,alamu1 phase of ,nergal1 #bhj4 ,alexander ,polyhistor1 source for ,b4-,a4 religion1 #a1 #e1 #dac4 ,alexander the ,great1 probably contemporary of ,berosus1 #a2 ,a4 and ,gilgamos1 #dfi1 #eaf4 ,alexandria1 gnostic center1 #fii4 ,allatu1 goddess1 #ast ,bab4 period1 originally associated with ,bel1 #ajd2 associated with ,nin-azu1 #ehf1 #eij2 associated with ,nergal1 #ajd1 #ahc1 #efe1 #ehj1 #ehc1 #eic2 goddess of subterranean cave1 #ajd1 #bhb1 #eaa1 #efe1 #ehj2 in incantations1 #bhb2 ,nin-ki-gal1 #bhb1 cf4 #ehd2 ,namtar1 her messenger1 #egj1 #ehj1 #ehg1 #eib2 ,belit-seri1 her scribe1 #ehg2 pictured as a lion1 #ehj2 ,allatu's court1 #ehg1 #eib2 authoress of evil and disease1 #eic2 called ,eresh-kigal1 #ehd 7cf4 #bhb72 vanquished by ,nergal1 #ehd-e2 imitation of ,tiamat-,marduk episode1 #ehe2 correlated to ,ishtar1 goddess of fertility1 #ehg2 explanation of name1 #ehg4 ,all-,souls' ,day1 see under ,tammuz and ,dead1 #eii1 #fje1 #fhb4 ,altar1 description of1 #fea2 the horns of the altar compared with those of ,hebrew and ,phoenician altars1 #feb4 ,alu-usharshid1 king of ,kish1 #ed4 ,amalgamation of divinities1 cause1 features1 and results1 #gd-e1 #id-e4 ,amanus1 district famous for its wood1 #fbg4 ,amiand1 his attempt at a genealogical arrangement of ,old ,bab4 pantheon1 #ajh4 ,am-na-na1 in proper names of the #b;d ,bab4 period1 #afi4 ,amraphel,hammurabi1 #ecd4 ,amulets1 see ,talisman1 ,teraphim1 #fgb1 #fgd4 ,anatum1 goddess1 consort of ,anu1 #aec4 ,animism1 starting-point of religious belief1 #dh2 survivals of1 #ahj ff41 #deg2 popular rather than theological1 #ahg4 ,anshar1 god1 in the cosmology1 #aig1 #daj1 #dag2 ,ashur1 #aig1 #dad-e2 ,a4 and ,kishar created1 #aig1 #daj2 builds ,esharra1 #aih2 ,a4 and ,kishar intermediate betw4 the monsters and the gods in cosmology1 #dad1 #daf2 ,anshar and ,kishar in the creation epic and their meaning1 #dah2 conquers ,tiamat 7one version71 #dbb4 ,anshar-gal1 cosmological deity1 #dag4 ,antar1 ,arabian romance of ,a41 #did4 ,antares1 observations of1 #cgb4 ,antioch1 gnostic center1 #fii4 ,antiochus ,soter1 cult of ,marduk and ,nabu1 #fej4 ,anu1 god1 #ea2 relationship to ,ishtar1 #hd-e2 ,der1 city of ,anu1 #hh1 #aee1 #afb2 god of heavenly expanse1 #hi1 #adg1 #bjg1 #dcb2 abstract conception1 #hi2 priest of ,anu1 #ij2 ,anu as term for 'lofty1' #ij2 member of the great triad1 #ajg1 #aeb1 #aee1 #bjg1 #fgg2 in ,lugalraggisi's pantheon1 #aaj2 artificial character in ,hammurabi's pantheon1 #aeb2 position in ,agum's pantheon1 #aeb2 dwells in ,uruk1 #aec2 ,anatum1 his consort1 #aec2 in ,ass4 pantheon1 #aec-e1 #bja1 #bjg2 associated with ,ramman1 #aed1 #bjg1 #bab2 associated with ,dagan1 #aed1 #bji2 disappears after ,sargon1 #aee2 in religious texts1 #aef2 in ,nebuchadnezzar's ,i4 pantheon1 #afb2 father of ,anunnaki and ,igigi1 #ahf1 #bjg1 #eic2 fighting ,tiamat1 #aig2 temple in ,lagash1 #ec1 #fdj2 temple at ,ashur1 #bjg2 succeeded by ,ashur1 #bjg2 associated with ,ishtar1 #bjg2 blesses handiwork1 #bjh1 #bcg2 associated with ,bel and ,belit1 #bbf-g2 ,anu and ,ishtar1 names of the west gates of ,sargon's ,,ii4 palace1 #bcg2 associated with ,nusku1 #bgg1 #bhf2 made god of heavenly expanse1 #dcb2 ,way of ,anuecliptic of sun1 #deg2 pole star of the ecliptic1 #dfj2 ,nisan1 sacred to ,a4 and ,bel1 #dfb1 #fgg2 ,tebet1 sacred to ,a41 ,papsukal1 and ,ishtar1 #dfc2 #b;d ,ululu1 sacred to ,anu and ,bel1 #dfc2 in the ,adapa myth1 #edf ff4 ,anunit1 goddess1 #ea2 a variant of ,ishtar1 #hb1 #he1 #bdb2 in proper names of #b;d ,bab4 period1 #afi2 worshipped at ,agade1 #aag1 #bdb2 shrine in ,e-babbara at ,sippar1 #fdf4 ,anunnaki1 explanation of name1 #ahd2 number of1 and its explanation1 #ahe2 spirits of earth1 #ahe1 #eic2 gods in whose service the ,a4 are1 #ahf2 their character1 #ahf2 associated with ,igigi1 #ahf1 #eic2 altar of ,a4 and ,igigi1 #ahf2 shining chiefs of ,eridu1 #ahf2 ruled by ,ishtar1 #bjd 7cf4 #ejb72 ,anu1 their chief1 #ahf1 #bjg1 #eic2 ,bel1 king of all the ,a41 #bbb2 associated with the great triad1 #bcf2 created by ,marduk1 #ddg2 offspring of ,anu1 #eic2 ,a4 and ,mammitum determine death and life1 #dic2 in the deluge story1 #ejj1 #ejb 7cf4 #bjd72 in ,allatu's court1 #eic4 ,apollodorus1 source for ,b4-,a4 religion1 #a1 #e4 ,apotheosis1 see ,deification4 ,apsu1 the deep1 personified ocean1 #daa1 #ddc1 #dhi1 #ehj2 synonymous with ,tiamat1 #daa2 male principle1 #daa2 dominion of ,a4 and ,tiamat precedes that of the gods1 #dab2 gods1 product of the union of ,a4 and ,tiamat1 #dac2 mythical monsters1 product of the union of ,a4 and ,tiamat1 #dad2 basin1 a sacred object and symbol1 #fec2 comparison with the sea in ,solomon's temple1 #fec4 ,arabia1 metals and stone exported1 #fbg4 ,arabians invade ,mesopotamia1 #cd1 #ci4 ,arakh-shamnu1 #hth month1 sacred to ,marduk1 #dfc1 #fgh1 #fhf2 #aeth day1 sacred to ,shamash1 ,malkatu1 and ,bunene1 #fhe4 ,aralu1 the nether-world1 #dhi1 #eeg2 called ,e-kur or mountain house1 #eeh2 distinction betw4 ,aralu1 the mountain 7 earth71 and ,aralu1 the district of the dead proper1 #eeh2 names and epithets of ,a41 #efc1 #eib2 pictorial representation of1 #egi ff42 pantheon of1 #ehb ff4 ,arbela1 temple of ,ishtar1 #bjb-c1 #bje1 #fea2 meaning of name1 #bjc2 theological center1 #cdb1 #fea4 ,archaeological religious monuments1 #ad4 ,architecture1 reed and clay materials for building1 #die-f2 see ,temple4 ,ardi-,ea1 ferryman of ,parnapishtim1 #dia2 takes ,gilgamesh to the fountain of life1 #eji4 ,ark1 see ,ship4 ,ark of the covenant compared with the ,babylonian ship for the gods1 #fee4 ,armenia1 legend of ,rustem parallel to ,etana legend1 #ebj ff42 exports precious stones1 #fbg4 ,arts1 patron gods1 #agg-h4 ,aruru1 goddess1 creates mankind1 together with ,marduk1 #ddh1 #dgd2 creates ,eabani1 #ddh1 #dgd2 ,ishtar1 #ddh-i2 creates ,gilgamesh1 #dgc-d4 ,ashera compared with tree worship in ,babylonia1 #fhi4 ,ashur1 capital of ,assyria1 #db1 #aic1 #fea2 modern name ,kalah-,shergat1 #aih2 temple to ,ashur1 #aih1 #fea2 temple to ,ishtar1 #bje2 temple to ,anu1 #bjg2 temple to ,shamash1 #bji2 temple to ,bel1 #bbe2 temple to ,ea1 #bcj2 intellectual center1 #fea4 ,ashur1 god1 consort of ,belit1 #aej1 #bbf1 #ffh2 rivaled by ,ramman1 #afa2 in ,ass4 pantheon1 #ahi2 head of ,ass4 pantheon1 #aia1 #bjj2 his unique position1 #aia-b1 #bae2 local deity1 #aic2 symbol1 #aid1 #fcb2 interpretation of symbol1 #aie-f1 #fhe2 general character of ,ashur1 #aie2 etymology of name1 #aif2 ,anshar another form of ,a41 #aig1 #dad2 god of battle1 #aie1 #aii1 #bja2 chief of pantheon and epithets1 #bjj-b2 king of the ,igigi1 #bjj2 associated with ,ninib1 #bad2 his temples few1 #bae2 associated with ,ninib and ,nergal1 #baf1 #bah2 associated with ,marduk1 #bbd2 associated with the great triad1 #bcf2 name of inner wall of ,sargon's ,,ii4 palace1 #bcg2 permits the king to grow old and protects the troop1 #bcg2 superiority to ,marduk1 #bci2 god of oracles1 #cdd2 ,bel ,tarbasi or lord of the court1 #cde2 #b;d ,adar1 sacred to ,a41 #dfc2 ,ululu1 sacred to ,a41 #dfc1 #fhe4 ,ashurbanabal1 library1 #ac2 patron of science and art1 #dc1 #bbi2 rule1 #dd2 recaptures ,nana's statue1 #he1 #bjf2 gives prominence to ,nabu cult1 #abi2 celebrates festival in honor of ,gula1 #bah1 #fhc2 embellishes temple of ,nergal at ,tarbisu1 #bai2 his pantheon1 #bch2 sacrifices in ,babylonia1 #ffd2 restores temple ,e-kur at ,nippur1 #fde2 ,shamash cult in ,sippar1 #fdf2 ,ishtar cult in ,uruk1 #fdh4 ,ashuretililani1 king of ,assyria1 improves ,nabu's temple at ,calah1 #bbi4 ,ashurnasirbal1 king of ,assyria1 #bje2 gives prominence to ,ninib cult1 #bad2 ,calah1 his capital1 #bae2 builds sanctuaries to ,ishtar1 ,sin1 ,gula1 ,ea1 ,ramman1 #bae2 as a hunter1 #baf2 builds sanctuary to ,gula1 #bah2 builds sanctuary to ,sin at ,calah1 #bai2 his pantheon1 #bcg2 gives prominence to ,ishtar cult1 #cbe4 ,ashur-rish-ishi1 king of ,assyria1 #adi1 #bjd1 #bac4 ,assyria1 military superiority1 #b2 history by ,herodotus1 #c2 art and antiquities1 #g2 character of country and culture1 #cj-a2 character of people1 #ca2 comparison with ,babylonia1 #ca2 architecture1 #db2 history1 #da-d2 conquest of1 #dd2 sun worship1 #gh2 ,assyrian ,ishtar cult as distinguished from ,bab41 #hc1 #he2 ,ass4 ,nabu cult as against ,bab4 ,marduk cult1 #abh2 religious beliefs more popular than ,bab41 #aec2 influence upon ,bab4 culture and religion1 #agi2 pantheon1 #ahh2 divisions of ,ass4 pantheon1 #ahh-i2 comparison of ,ass4 and ,bab4 pantheons1 #ahi1 #bja2 attacked by ,cassites1 #aii2 ,a4 god of oracles1 #cdd2 continuity of ,ass4 and ,bab4 religion owing to ,ass4 worship of ,bab4 deities1 #fdb2 ,airu1 sacred month in ,ass41 #fhd4 ,assyrians1 see ,assyria4 ,astrology1 lunar worship influenced by ,a41 #bai-bj2 bar to monotheistic development1 #cai2 observation of the planets1 #cgj2 questions put to the astrologer1 #cfi4 ,astronomy1 factor in spreading lunar worship1 #bbj1 #bde2 mixture of astronomy and astrology in the observation of eclipses1 #ceg2 in the observation of the planets1 #cgj2 forms part of cosmology1 #ded2 the determination of the laws under which the stars stood1 #deg2 composite character of ,a4 science1 #dfj2 divisions of1 #dfj-a2 moon and sun in1 #dfa4 ,azag-sir1 minor deity in ,ass4 pantheon1 #bcd4 ,babbar1 surname of ,shamash1 #gb2 etymology1 #gb4 ,babylon1 founded1 #b2 supremacy1 #b2 capture of1 #d1 #de2 ancient center1 #ce2 capital of ,babylonia1 #ci1 #aaf2 ,marduk1 deity of1 #ed1 #aag-h1 #eca2 ,e-sagila1 temple of ,marduk1 #aba1 #bda1 #fci2 temple of ,shamash1 #bdb1 #fdj2 temple of ,sin1 #bdb2 temple of ,nin-makh1 #bdb1 #fdj2 temple of ,nin-khar-sag1 #bdb2 temple of ,gula1 #bdb1 #fch2 attacked by ,dibbarra1 #eca2 zikkurat at ,bab41 #fai1 #fci2 temple to ,nin-lil-anna 7#bdb71 #fdj2 religious center of the country1 #fdi-ej4 ,babylonia1 conceptions of netherworld1 #b2 notices in rabbinical literature1 #c2 extent1 #bf2 character of country1 #cj2 character of people1 #ca2 character of culture1 #cd2 ,babylonian states and their history1 #ce ff42 dynasties of1 #ci-da1 #dd-e1 #dhi2 united under ,hammurabi1 #aaf2 ,bab4 and ,ass4 ,ishtar cult1 #hc1 #he2 ,bab4 and ,ass4 ,marduk cult1 #abh2 ,bab4 beliefs less popular than ,ass41 #aec2 periods of ,bab4 religion1 #afb2 gods common to all three periods of ,bab4 religion1 #afc2 ,bab4 culture and beliefs influenced by ,assyria1 #agi2 comparison of ,bab4 and ,ass4 pantheons1 #ahi1 #bja2 country of ,bel1 #bbb2 under ,ass4 rule1 #bbc2 source of ,ass4 culture1 #bbb2 independent of ,assyria1 #bci2 political and religious centers1 #bde2 replaces ,nippur1 #edb2 sanctuary of ,nabu1 #fdj2 sacrificial acts in ,bab4 and their meaning1 #ffd2 ,nisan1 the sacred month in ,bab41 #fhd2 continuity of ,bab4 and ,ass4 belief owing to ,ass4 worship of ,bab4 gods1 #fdb4 ,babylonians1 see also ,babylonia2 subjects of ,bel1 #bbb2 humanity of ,bel1 #bbb4 ,babylonian-,assyrian religion1 #a2 phases of1 #df-g2 age of essentials of religion1 #aad2 gods of the ,b4-,a4 pantheon1 #ahi2 continuity of ,b4-,a4 religion1 #fdb2 see ,assyria and ,babylonia4 ,bahrein1 exports wood1 #fbg4 ,ba-kad1 in the ,cassite pantheon1 #afb1 #agb4 ,balasi1 astrologer1 #cdj4 ,balawat1 explorations1 #i2 portals of palace at ,b41 #fbg4 ,bar1 offspring of ,ishtar declines to fight ,zu1 #eda4 ,bashtum1 goddess in proper names of the #b;d ,bab4 period1 #afi4 ,battles of ,yahwe1 recalls ,dibbarra epic1 #ecd4 ,bau1 goddess1 #ea2 her attributes1 #ei-fj1 #ij1 #fgh2 temple in ,uruazagga1 #ei1 #ajc2 ,zag-muk1 her festival1 #ei1 #fgg2 consort of ,nin-girsu1 #ei1 #fgg2 identification with ,gula1 #fj2 her sphere1 #fj2 daughter of ,anu1 #ei-fj2 mother of ,ea and water-deity1 #fa2 common features with ,ga-sig787-dug1 #fa2 ,bau not ,hebr4 bohu1 #fj2 her sons 7,amiaud71 #ajc2 in ,gudea's pantheon1 #ajf2 in incantations1 #bgc2 ,bau's ship1 #fee4 ,ba'u-ukin ,dungi 7,winckler71 #fe4 ,baz1 city in ,babylonia1 temple of ,bel-sarbi1 #bdb1 #fci4 ,bel1 see also ,marduk and ,bel-,marduk2 god1 temple of1 #d2 temple at ,nippur1 #aa1 #cg1 #fi1 #ea1 #ed1 #aea1 #fdb1 #fdd2 position in the ,babylonian theology1 #eb2 oldest spelling and meaning of name1 #eb2 temple in ,lagash1 #ec2 growth of his cult1 #ec2 blending with ,marduk1 #ed1 #ade1 #adf1 #adh1 #bbb2 phases of cult1 #ee2 associations and relations with ,ea1 #fb2 associated with ,allat1 #ajd2 in ,lugalzaggisi's and ,gudea's pantheon1 #aaj2 subordination to ,marduk1 #aah2 transfers his name to ,marduk1 #adj1 #bbb1 #dci1 #fce2 god of earth par excellence1 #adj1 #adg1 #dcb1 #ddj1 #dig2 creator of mankind1 #ada1 #dda2 in the deluge story1 #adb1 #dig1 #ejb1 #ejd2 ,bel and the triad1 #ajg1 #ade-i1 #bjg1 #fgg2 ,bel in ,hammurabi's pantheon1 #ade-f1 #afb2 in ,cassite period1 #adf2 temple at ,dur-,kurigalzu1 #adf2 in the ,assyrian pantheon1 #adf-g1 #bbe-f2 in the neo-,bab4 pantheon1 #adg2 epithets1 #adf1 #bbb1 #bbe1 #bbg1 #bgd2 relationship to the other members of the triad1 #adg1 #bbf2 ,bel 7and ,belit7 decree fates1 #aej1 #aec1 #ech2 ,dagan ,bel1 #aea1 #aed1 #bji1 #bbe2 relationship to ,zakar1 #agb2 lord of ,annunaki and ,igigi1 #ahf2 husband of ,ishtar1 #bje2 confused with ,dagan1 #aea1 #aed1 #bji2 ,ninib1 first-born of ,bel1 #bag2 ,sin1 first-born of ,bel1 #bai1 #dfb2 ,nusku1 messenger of1 #bba2 temple at ,ashur1 #bbe2 dwells in ,e-khar-sag-kurkura1 #bbe2 associated with ,anu and ,belit1 #bbf-h2 consort of ,ishtar1 #bje2 of ,belit1 #bbf2 ,b4 and ,belit1 names of the northern gates of ,sargon's ,,ii4 palace1 #bcg2 lays foundations1 #bcg 7cf4 ,ninib72 associated with fire-god1 #bgi1 #bhf2 ,bel made lord of the earth by ,marduk1 #dcb2 in the zodiacal system in conjunction with ,nibir and ,ea marks the three divisions of the year1 #dcd-e2 identified with north polar-star1 #dce1 #dfj2 ,nisan1 sacred to ,anu and ,b41 #dfb1 #fgg2 #bnd ,elul1 sacred to ,anu and ,b41 #dfc2 ,bel in #aath tablet of ,gilgamesh epic1 #dif2 rivalry with ,ea1 #dig1 #ejg ff42 god of ,dur-an-ki1 #eci2 on seal cylinders1 #edj2 robbed of tablets of fate by ,zu1 #edj2 temple ,e-,u-gal1 #fdj2 figurines of ,bel1 #fgd2 ,zagmuk1 festival of1 #fgh4 ,bel-epush1 ,babylonian prince1 votive object1 #fga4 ,bel-,marduk1 see ,bel and ,marduk4 ,belili1 deity1 #dag2 in incantations1 #dag2 sister of ,tammuz1 #ege1 #ehh2 in ,allatu's court1 #ehh1 #eic2 consort of ,alallu1 #ehi4 ,belit1 goddess1 #ea2 place of cult1 #ee1 #fce2 titles and their meanings1 #ee-f1 #bbg2 sanctuaries1 #ef2 in ,lugalzaggisi's pantheon1 #aaj2 consort of ,en-lil1 #aaa1 #aej1 #aea2 consort of ,ashur1 #aej1 #bbf1 #ffh2 uses of ,belit1 #aea2 ,bel and ,belit decree the fate1 #aej1 #aec2 relationship to ,zakar1 #agb2 associated with ,anu and ,bel1 #bbf-h2 confusion in ,ass4 pantheon1 #bbf-g2 consort of ,bel1 #bbf2 consort of ,ea1 #bbf-g1 #bca1 #bcg2 ,ishtar1 #bbf-g2 ,sarpanitum1 wife of ,bel-,marduk1 #bbf1 #fhd2 ,e-mash-mash1 her temple at ,nineveh1 #bbg2 ,b4 and ,bel1 names of the northern gates of ,sargon's ,,ii4 palace1 #bcg2 brings fertility1 #bcg2 temple at ,babylon 7see ,nin-khar-sag71 #bdb2 ,nin-lil1 #fce2 figurines of1 #fgd4 ,belit of ,akkad ,belit1 #afb1 #agf4 ,belit-ekalli1 in the ,cassite pantheon1 #afb2 consort of ,ninib1 l#gc2 ,gula1 #agc1 #agf2 meaning1 #agc4 ,belit-ilani1 consort of ,ea1 #bbf1 #bca1 #bcg2 ,b4 and ,ea1 names of southern gates of ,sargon's ,,ii4 palace1 #bcg2 increases offspring1 #bcg4 ,belit mati ,belit of the land ,ishtar1 #aea1 #bjf1 #bae2 perhaps,belit1 #bbg4 ,belit-seri1 scribe of ,allatu1 #ehg4 ,bel-sarbi1 god1 his temple at ,daz1 #bdb1 #fci2 perhaps,nergal1 #bdb4 ,bel-zir1 a layman1 offers a votive object1 #fga4 ,berosus1 source ,b4-,a4 religion1 #a1 #d1 #dab4 ,birs ,nimrud1 explored1 #i4 ,bit-,khabban1 town in ,babylonia2 its patron gods1 #agf4 ,bit-,khabban1 district of ,babylonia1 sacred to ,sin1 #afc4 ,blood1 sanctity of1 #ffa4 ,boaz1 name of column in ,solomon's temple1 #fbd4 ,borsippa1 explorations1 #i2 temple of ,nabu1 #aba1 #bbi1 #bda1 #fci2 its situation1 #abd1 #abe2 beloved city of ,marduk1 #abf2 temple of ,ramman1 #bdb2 #c sanctuaries of ,gula1 #bdb1 #fcf 7,e-ul-la71 #fda2 zikkurat at ,b41 #fag1 #fai1 #fci2 ,e-makhtila shrine in ,e-zida to ,nabu at ,borsippa1 #cjg1 #fjf1 #fcf4 ,botta1 ,p4 ,e41 excavations1 #f4 ,buddhism1 doctrine of annihilation1 #eef-g4 ,bulala1 a foreign god1 #fdd4 ,bunene1 in ,nabubaliddin's pantheon1 #afb2 in proper names of the #b;d ,bab4 period1 #afi1 #agf2 associated with ,shamash and ,malik1 #agf4 ,bunene and ,malik1 attendants of ,shamash1 #agg2 consort of ,malik1 #agg2 associated with ,shamash and ,malkatu1 #fhe4 ,burial1 see ,dead4 ,bur-,sin1 repairs zikkurat and builds shrine in ,nippur1 #fde4 ,calah1 capital of ,assyria1 #db1 #aic1 #fea2 temple of ,nabu1 #abh1 #bbh2 temple of ,belit mati1 #aea2 temple of ,ninib1 #bad2 capital of ,ashur-nasirbal1 #bae2 sanctuary of ,sin1 #bai2 intellectual center1 #fea2 worship of ,ninib1 #bae1 #fhd2 palace of ,sargon ,,ii41 #fhg4 ,calendar1 fixed by ,marduk1 #dcd2 importance of moon for c41 #dcf1 #dfa2 agriculture and c41 #dfb2 growth and character1 #dfe2 adopted by ,hebrews1 #dfd1 #fha4 ,cappadocian wedge writings1 #bj4 ,cassites1 dynasty1 #dj-a1 #dhj2 cult of ,bel of ,nippur1 #adf1 #fde2 cult of ,shamash1 #add1 #fdf2 cult of ,ramman1 #aeh2 cult of ,shukamuna1 #aeb1 #afb2 cult of ,nin-dim-su1 ,bakad1 ,pap-u1 ,belit-ekalli1 ,shumalia1 #afb1 #agb2 attack upon ,assyria1 #aii4 ,chaldaean ,wisdom1 #cfb1 #chd1 #djc4 ,chaos1 attempts at picturing c41 #daa1 #dai2 gods contemporaneous with the primeval c41 #dac4 ,christianity1 influenced by ,ass4-,bab4 religion1 #fih4 ,claudius ,ptolemaeus' astronomy1 #e4 ,commercial literature in syllabaries1 #ace4 ,cosmology1 #bdg1 #djg ff42 the ,tiamat episode1 #adj2 two or more versions of creation1 #ada-b1 #djg-h2 literary-religious character of1 #bdg2 rise and development of cosmological speculations1 #bdi2 distinction between popular and scholastic c41 #bdi-ej1 #ddb-c2 distinction as to contents and form1 #bej2 historical kernel1 #bej2 c4 deities antecedent to the known gods of the ,b4-,a4 pantheon1 #dag2 not creatio ex nihilo1 but evolution of chaos to order1 the keynote of c1 #dah1 #ddb2 similarities with ,biblical account1 #dji1 #dcc1 #dce1 #dea2 creation of heaven1 #dce1 #ddc2 of sun1 #dce2 of moon1 #dcf2 of earth1 #ddc2 of mankind1 #ddc2 second version1 its similarities with and dissimilarities from the first version1 #ddd ff42 the gods of ,nippur1 ,erech1 ,eridu1 the original creators of the universe1 ,marduk a later introduction1 #ddi-ej2 the mountain ,mashu and the cosmological conceptions1 #dhi2 see ,creation epic4 ,court of the ,world1 name of temple1 #fda4 ,creation epic1 purpose of1 #dji2 similarity with the ,biblical account1 #dji1 #dcc2 literary form1 #dji ff42 a nature myth1 #dcb-c2 representation of sun1 #dfa2 see ,cosmology4 ,ctesias1 source for ,b4-,a4 religion1 #a1 #d4 ,cult and worship1 cf4 ,festivals and ,rituals2 organization1 #aae1 #acc1 #bcd2 gods in cult and in invocations1 #bch2 revival of old c4 in ,neo-,bab4 period1 #bdb-c2 tree-worship1 #fhh-i2 compounded of popular belief and theology1 #fhi4 ,cuneiform1 see ,wedge writing4 ,cuthah1 ancient center1 #ce2 ,tell-,ibrahim1 #fe2 cult and temple ,nergal 7see ,laz71 #fe1 #afd1 #bah1 #efc1 #ehc1 #fdh1 #ffg2 a designation for the nether-world1 #efc1 #egj2 synonymous with netherworld1 #ehc4 ,cuthaeans1 #ecb4 ,cyrus1 captures ,babylon1 #d1 #de2 adopts ,babylonian religion1 #de1 #fej4 ,dagan1 god1 #ea2 confusion with ,bel1 #aea1 #aed1 #bji1 #bbe2 associated with ,anu1 #aed1 #bji2 chiefly in ,assyria1 #bjh2 comparison with ,dagon1 #bjh2 probably ,aramaic origin1 #bjh2 god of earth1 #bji4 ,damascius 7or ,damascenus71 see ,nicolas of ,damascus4 ,damascus1 in ,syria1 cult of ,ramman1 #aei4 ,damkina1 consort of ,ea1 #fd1 #adc1 #bca2 meaning of name1 #adc2 relationship to ,ea and ,marduk1 #adc2 in magical texts1 #adc2 ,ea and ,damkina grant long life1 #aec2 title ,belit-ilani1 #bca2 occasionally invoked in incantations1 #bgf4 ,damku1 god1 associated with ,sharru-ilu and ,sha-nit787-ka1 #bcb2 meaning of name1 #bcb2 evidently a title1 #bcb2 perhaps foreign deity1 #bcb2 worshipped at ,magganubba1 #bcb4 ,damu and ,damu-gal1 epithets of ,gula1 #aff1 #age4 ,daniel1 book of2 bearing upon ,b4-,a4 religion1 #b1 #c2 ,daniel and ,bab4 religion1 #c 7cf4 #ffh72 illustrative of ,babylonian dream lore1 #djc2 authentic description of dedication of statue1 #ffi4 ,dead1 universal1 #eef2 location and names of the gathering place of the dead1 #eeg ff4 7cf4 ,netherworld72 ,all-,souls' ,day1 #eii1 #fje1 #fhb2 under the special protection of the gods1 #ahc1 #eeh1 #eeb1 #eib2 furnish oracles to the living1 #eei1 #efj1 #ehb1 #feg2 deification of dead1 #efa1 #ehb2 condition of dead1 #efc ff42 purified1 #egh1 #fjb2 can hear lamentations1 #ege1 #egg2 cannot be brought back from ,aralu1 #egf1 #ehb2 suffer hunger1 #eih-i2 tombs and burial1 #eie ff4 ,death and burial1 life after death1 #eab1 #ead1 #eef ff42 cave burial1 #eeg2 pyramid burial1 #eeg4 ,deborah1 song of1 among the ,battles of ,yahwe1 #ecd4 ,deification 7,parnapishtim and ,etana71 #dgj1 #ebg2 of dead1 #efa1 #ehb2 of ,gudea and ,dungi1 #afg1 #dgj1 #efa2 of ,gimil-,sin1 #efa2 of ,gilgamesh1 #bhb1 #bhd1 #dgj1 #efa4 ,delila1 parallelism with ,ishtar1 #eaf4 ,delitzsch1 ,friedrich1 ,sumerian question1 #bb2 see ,preface4 della ,valle1 ,pietro1 traveler1 #ae4 ,deluge1 in ,gilgamesh epic and ,o4 ,t41 #die2 place of origin of deluge1 #dih2 embodying two distinct traditions1 #ejb1 #ejf2 points of contact with ,biblical narrative1 #ejf ff42 antiquity of the tradition1 #ejh4 ,demons1 see also ,animism and ,spirits2 chief demon1 #eg1 #dig2 in incantations1 #bhg2 how exorcised1 #ccj2 when not to be exorcised1 #cgh2 messenger of god1 #cgh2 ,targul-le1 in the deluge story let loose by ,dibbarra1 #ejj2 the ,utukku1 #bfj 7cf4 #eaa72 the ,ekimmu1 #bfj 7cf4 #eab72 authors of evil and disease1 #ahc1 #eic1 #cjf1 #fib4 ,der1 center of worship of ,nina1 #hh2 city of ,anu1 #hh1 #aee4 de ,sacy1 ,silvestre1 decipherment of wedge writing1 #ae4 de ,sarzec1 ,ernest1 explorer1 #aa4 ,dibbarra1 in ,ass4 pantheon1 #ahi2 plague-god1 #bcb1 #eje1 #ebh2 a spirit1 #bcb2 identified with ,nergal1 #bcb1 #ebh-i1 #eid2 minor god1 #bcd2 in the deluge story1 #ejj 7cf4 #eje72 solar deity1 #ebh2 god of war1 the warrior1 #ebh-i2 attendant of ,nergal1 #ebi1 #ehh2 attended by ,ishum1 #ebi2 ,d4's attack upon ,babylon1 #ecj-a2 ,d4's attack upon ,uruk1 #eca2 general war among mankind1 #eca ff42 ,dibbarra enraged and appeased1 #ece2 identified with ,girra1 #ehh4 ,dibbarra epic1 see ,dibbarra1 #bcb1 #ebh ff42 recalls the ,battles of ,yahwe1 #ecd4 ,dilbat1 city in ,babylonia2 temple of ,ninib1 #bdb2 zikkurat ,e-gubba-an-ki1 #fci4 ,dilmun1 island1 #abe4 ,diodorus1 source for ,b4-,a4 religion1 #a1 #d1 #cii1 #dce4 ,dirges1 sung by priests and priestesses1 #fjd1 #feh2 by priestesses1 #ffj4 ,divine names1 variety of names of individual divinities and local uses thereof1 #gc2 transference of name and its meaning1 #aah1 #adj-a2 in proper names1 #afe-f1 #afi2 obscurity of1 #bcc4 ,djumdjuma1 #aj4 ,dogma1 establishment of1 #aae1 #acc1 #bdg1 #fij ff4 ,dreams1 importance of1 #cbb-c2 on par with oracles1 #cej1 #dgi2 treated as omens1 #cej1 #djc ff42 in the ,gilgamesh epic1 #dha1 #dhf1 #dig4 ,du'ar1 ,da'ur1 cosmological deity1 #dag4 ,du-azagga1 council chamber of the gods1 #fbi2 ,apsu1 #fcj2 place where the sun rises1 #fcj4 ,dumu-zi1 god2 his double aspect1 #if-g2 worship at ,lagash1 #fce4 ,dumuzi-zu-aba1 god1 #ea2 interpretation of name1 #if2 functions and character1 #if2 places of worship1 #if2 in ,gudea's pantheon1 #ajf4 ,dungi1 of ,ur1 builds temple of ,nergal at ,cuthah1 #fe2 builds temple of ,nana in ,uruk1 #ha2 builds temple to ,nin-,mar1 #ajj2 deified1 #afg1 #dgj1 #efa4 ,dun-shagga1 #ea2 son of ,nin-girsu1 #ia2 meaning of name1 #id2 in ,gudea's pantheon1 #ajf4 ,dur-an-ki1 name of a temple tower in ,nippur1 #eci4 ,dur-ilu1 ,ass4 city near ,elamitic frontier2 cult of ,kadi1 #bcb4 ,dur-,kurigalzu1 temple of ,bel1 #adf4 ,dur-padda1 a fort sacred to ,ramman1 #aeh4 ,dur-zakar1 sanctuary of ,belit1 #ef4 ,du'zu1 see ,tammuz4 ,ea1 god1 #ea2 functions1 #fb1 #gh1 #bcj2 epithets1 #fb1 #adb1 #agc1 #bcj2 associations and relations with ,bel1 #fb2 king of ,eridu1 #fb-c1 #bge2 sanctuary in ,girsu1 #fa2 god of the water1 #fc1 #adg1 #bcg1 #bge1 #dcj1 #fii2 explanation of name1 #fd2 identification with ,nin-a-gal and other deities1 #fd2 member of the great triad1 #ajg1 #adh1 #bjg1 #bcj1 #fgg2 in ,lugalzaggisi's and ,gudea's pantheon1 #aaa2 survival of his cult1 #abc-d1 #acf2 change of position since ,hammurabi1 #acf2 non-mention in historical texts1 #acf2 prominence in religious texts1 #acf2 ,ea and ,marduk in incantation texts1 #aci-dj2 transfers his name to ,marduk1 #aah1 #ada1 #dci2 god of humanity par excellence1 #ada 7cf4 #bfd1 #bge1 #big1 #dcg1 #dda1 #dfb1 #dig72 formed of clay1 #adb2 ,ea in the deluge story1 #adb1 #dig1 #ejd2 ,ea and ,damkina grant long life1 #aec2 god of fine arts1 #agg2 fighting ,tiamat1 #aig1 #dbb2 ,ninib1 first-born of ,ea1 #bag2 shrine in ,e-,sagila1 #bbj1 #bda2 ,belit1 consort of1 #bbf1 #bca1 #bcg2 ,nabu1 son of1 #bbi2 in the ,ass4 pantheon1 #bcj2 sanctuary at ,ashur1 #bcj2 titles emphasizing his skill1 #bcj2 house of wisdom1 #ebb2 similarity and difference between ,ea and ,nabu1 #bcj-a2 ,ea and ,belitilani1 names of southern gates of ,sargon's palace1 #bcg2 unlocks fountains1 #bcg2 shrine in ,e-,zida1 #bda2 prominent in incantations1 #acg1 #bef1 #bge2 the spirits hostile to1 #bfd 7cf4 #ada72 as a healer1 #bge2 overcomes eclipse of moon1 #bgf2 associated with fire-god1 #bgi1 #bhf2 in the ,shurpu series1 #bhh2 conquers ,tiamat1 #dbb2 in the zodiac in conjunction with ,nibir and ,bel1 #dcd-e2 identified with some star in southern heaven1 #dce1 #dfj2 ,iyar1 his sacred month1 #dfb1 #fgg2 ,ea in the #aath tablet of the ,gilgamesh epic1 #dif2 rivalry with ,bel1 #dig1 #ejg ff42 ,persian ,gulf1 sacred to ,ea1 #dih1 #ede2 father of ,adapa1 #ede2 ,ea in ,ishtar's descent1 #ega2 ,ea's sanctuary ,e-karzaginna1 #fcf4 ,eabani1 created by ,aruru1 #ddh1 #dgd2 ,e4 and ,ishtar1 #dhd1 #dhf2 parallelism betw4 ,adam and ,e41 #eaa2 ,e4's spirit conjured up by ,nergal1 #eaa ff41 #efj1 #efe4 ,e-adda1 temple of ,anu1 #ec1 #fdj2 meaning of name1 #fdj4 ,e-an-dadia1 name of zikkurat at ,agade1 #fci2 meaning of name1 #fci4 ,e-anna1 temple of ,ninni in ,girsu1 #hj2 temple of ,nana or ,ishtar in ,uruk1 #ha1 #bdb1 #caa1 #cca1 #fci1 #fdh2 meaning of name1 #fci4 ,eannatum1 burial costumes1 #eig4 ,e-babbara1 name of the temples of ,shamash in ,larsa and ,sippar1 #gj1 #fbh1 #fdj2 worship of ,shamash1 ,malik1 ,bunene in ,e4 at ,sippar1 #agf1 #fbh2 meaning of name1 #fdj2 history of ,ebabbara in ,sippar1 #fdf ff42 with shrine of ,anunit1 #fdf2 history of ,ebabbara in ,larsa1 #fdg4 ,ecbatana1 concentric walls1 #fah4 ,ecclesiastes1 unsatisfactory ending like #abth tablet of ,gilgamesh epic1 #eac4 ,eclipses1 e4 of moon removed by ,ea1 #bgf2 cause of e41 #bfd1 #bgf1 #bhj2 calculation of time of occurrence of e41 #ceg2 indication of omens the ulterior motive of observations of1 #ceg1 #cfh2 omens gathered from observation of e4 in the ,illumination of ,bel series1 #cfd ff42 eclipses portend public disaster1 #cff1 #cfi2 importance of omens deduced from observations of e41 #cfh2 e4 of sun called the way of ,anu1 #deg4 ,eden1 ,garden of1 legendary1 #b2 identical with the confluence of streams1 #ejf4 ,edessa1 gnostic center1 #fii4 ,e-dim-anna1 chapel of ,sin in ,e-,zida1 #fci2 meaning of name1 #fci4 ,e-dingiranagin1 see ,e-anna-tuma4 ,e-ditar-kalama1 sanctuary of ,shamash in ,babylon1 #bdb1 #fdj2 meaning of name1 #fdj4 ,e-dur-an-ki1 zikkurat at ,larsa1 #fci2 meaning of name1 #fci4 ,e-dur-gi-na1 temple of ,belsarbi1 #bdb1 #fci2 meaning of name1 #fci4 ,e-edinna1 temple of ,shamash's consort1 #fdj2 meaning of name1 #fdj4 ,e-esh-gi1 shrine of ,nin-girsu at ,lagash1 #fdj4 ,e-gal-makh1 temple in ,ur1 #fci4 ,e-gish-shir-gal1 temple of ,sin at ,ur1 #gf1 #bda1 #bie1 #fdj1 #fdg2 meaning of name1 #fdj4 ,e-gi-umunna1 a sanctuary1 #fdj2 meaning of name1 #fdj4 ,e-gubba-an-ki1 zikkurat at ,dilbat1 #fci2 meaning of name1 #fci4 ,e-igi-e-nir-kidur-makh1 temple to ,ninni at ,kish1 #fci2 meaning of name1 #fci4 ,ekallate1 name of city in ,assyria1 cult of ,ramman and ,shala1 #bab4 ,e-karzaginna1 sanctuary of ,ea in ,e-,sagila1 #fcf4 ,e-kharsag1 temple in ,ur1 #fch4 ,e-kharsag-ella1 temple of ,gula in ,babylon1 meaning of name1 #fch4 ,e-kharsag-kalama1 name of temple1 #fch2 ,e-kur-makh1 #fch4 ,e-kharsag-kurkura1 dwelling of ,bel1 #bbe2 temple in ,assyria1 #fae2 meaning of name1 #fch4 ,e-khulkhul1 temple of ,sin in ,harran1 #gf1 #bda1 #fda1 #fdg2 meaning of name1 #fda4 ,e-ki-dur-garza1 temple to ,nin-lil-anna in ,babylon1 #fdj2 meaning of name1 #fdj4 ,ekimmu1 a class of spirits1 #bfj 7cf4 #eab1 #eha1 #fjb74 ,e-kua1 papakhu of ,marduk in ,e-,sagila1 #fdj2 meaning of name1 #fdj4 ,e-kur1 temple of ,bel1 #aa1 #cg1 #ea1 #ed1 #fi1 #aea1 #fdb1 #fdd2 meaning of ,e-kur1 #agc1 #bag1 #fad1 #fch2 ,eshara1 #bag2 history of the temple1 #fdd ff42 ,kharsag7-gal7-kurkura1 #eeh2 lofty dwelling of gods1 #eda2 designation for the nether-world1 #eeh2 temple1 #eeh1 #fad 7cf4 #fbb72 earth1 #fad2 in plural divinities1 #fae4 ,e-kur-makh1 name of temple1 #fch2 ,e-kharsag-kalama1 #fch4 ,elali1 in proper names of the #bnd ,bab4 period1 #agj2 epithet of ,gibil1 #agj4 ,elam1 #ce2 ,elamites invade ,babylonia1 #ch1 #dhj2 capture ,nana's statue1 #he2 ,elamitic deities3 ,eria1 #abb1 #afb2 ,kadi1 #ahh1 #bcb1 #bcd4 ,el-,amarna1 tablets of1 containing the ,adapa legend1 #edd2 contains legend of ,nergal conquering and wedding ,allatu1 #ehd-e4 ,elul1 see ,ululu4 ,e-makh1 chapel to ,nin-kharsag1 #fci4 ,e-makh-tila1 shrine to ,nabu at ,borsippa1 #cjg1 #fjf1 #fcf4 ,e-mash-mash1 temple of ,ishtar1 #aeb2 of ,belit1 #bbg4 ,e-me-te-ur-sagga1 temple of ,zamama-,ninib1 #fdj2 meaning of name1 #fdj4 ,en-anna-tuma1 patesi of ,lagash1 constructs storehouse to ,nin-girsu1 #eh4 ,en-anna-tuma ,,ii41 #bnd dynasty of ,ur1 devotee of ,nin-gal1 #ih4 ,e-nin-makh1 chapel of ,ishtar in ,babylon1 #bdb1 #fdj2 meaning of name1 #fdj4 ,e-ninnu1 temple of ,nin-girsu1 #eg1 #hg1 #fce1 #fdj4 ,en-ki1 see ,ea4 ,en-lil1 see ,bel4 ,en-meshara1 attendant of ,allatu1 god of vegetation1 #ehh2 festival of ,e4 in the #ajth month1 #ehh4 ,ennanna ,ninni1 #ea4 ,en-ninna1 a minor deity in the ,etana legend1 #eba4 ,en-nugi1 leader of the gods1 #die4 ,en-temena1 patesi of ,lagash1 #ef2 constructs storehouse to ,nin-girsu1 #eh4 ,en-tena1 see ,en-temena 7better reading74 ,e-nun-makh1 temple of ,sin at ,ur1 #bie1 #fdj2 meaning of name1 #fdj4 ,enshar1 cosmological deity1 #dag4 ,en-zu1 see ,sin4 ,e-pa1 zikkurat at ,lagash1 #fci2 meaning of name1 #fci4 ,e-pad-kalama-suma1 sanctuary of ,nabu in ,babylonia1 #fdj2 meaning of name1 #fdj4 ,epics and legends1 literary-religious character of1 #bdg2 historical spirit of1 #bej2 nature myths1 #bej4 ,erech ,warka ,uruk2 see ,uruk4 ,eresh-,kigal ,allatu1 #ehd4 ,eria1 ,elamitic goddess1 possibly identical with ,erua1 #abb1 #afb4 ,eridu1 ancient center1 #ce1 #bde1 #dde2 sanctuary of ,ea1 #fb1 #abd1 #dde2 lost her political prestige1 #acf2 cult of ,anunnaki and ,igigi1 #ahf2 prominent in incantations1 #bef4 ,erua1 the begetting goddess1 #abc2 amalgamation with ,sarpanitum1 #abb-c1 #acj2 dwelling in ,e-,zida1 #abc2 consort of ,nabu1 #abc2 possibly identical with ,eria1 #abb2 water deity1 #abc2 cult suppressed by ,hammurabi1 #acj2 place of worship1 #acj4 ,e-,sagila1 temple of ,marduk in ,babylon1 #aba1 #fcf2 with a shrine of ,sarpanitum1 #aba1 #bda1 #fcf1 #fda2 with shrine of ,nusku1 #bbj1 #bda2 with shrine of ,nabu1 #abg1 #bbj1 #fcf2 with shrine of ,ea1 #bbj1 #bda2 with shrine of ,tashmitum1 #bbj1 #bda2 with shrine of ,nin-kharsag1 #fci2 sanctuary ,e-karzaginna of ,ea1 #fcf2 meaning of name1 #fci2 with papakhu of ,marduk1 #fdj2 takes the place of ,e-kur1 #fde2 history of ,e-,sagila1 #fdh ff42 place of installation of rulers1 #fdi2 influence of ,e-,sagila and ,e-,zida1 #fdi4 ,e-,sagila1 temple of ,ea1 #ddf4 ,e-salgisa1 temple in ,girsu1 #fda2 meaning of name1 #fda4 ,esarhaddon1 king of ,assyria1 #bjj2 restores temple of ,nana-,ishtar at ,erech1 #he1 #bjf2 his pantheon1 #bch2 restores ,ekur1 #fde2 ,shamash cult in ,sippar1 #fdf4 ,eschatological literature1 gods and demons in e41 #ahc4 ,e-shara1 meaning1 #agc1 #age1 #aih2 offsprings of1 #agd2 bride of ,e41 #agc1 #age2 built by ,anshar1 #aih2 built by ,marduk1 #aih1 #dca ,ekur1 #bag2 placed by ,marduk under control of ,bel1 #dcb4 ,e-shid-lam1 temple of ,nergal and ,laz at ,cuthah1 #fe1 #fdh1 #ffg4 ,etana1 legendary personage1 #dfh1 #eje1 #eai ff42 dwells in the netherworld1 #eaa1 #ebj1 #ebc1 #ebg1 #eij2 ,e4's patron1 ,shamash1 #ebj2 name occurs in ,o4 ,t41 #eai2 traditions among other nations1 #eai-ba2 ,e4 and ,ganymede1 #ebc2 deified1 #ebg1 #eij2 god of vegetation1 #eij4 ,e-temen-an-ki1 zikkurat to ,marduk at ,babylon1 #fai1 #fci2 meaning of name1 #fci4 ,ethics1 ,b4-,a4 religion1 #bia1 #cab1 #fib2 belong to advanced period1 #bib1 #cjd-e2 in prayers1 #bih-i2 gods whose nature create e4 notions1 #cjf1 #fib2 in penitential psalms1 #cab ff42 private morality1 #fid ff4 ,e-tila1 name of a temple1 and meaning of name1 #fda4 ,e-tur-kalama1 temple of ,ishtar1 #caa4 ,e-u-gal1 temple to ,en-lil1 #fdj2 meaning of name1 #fdj4 ,e-ulla1 temple to ,gula in ,sippar1 #fda2 meaning of name1 #fda4 ,e-ul-mash1 temple of ,nana in ,agade1 #hb4 ,euphrates1 stream of ,garden of ,eden1 #b 7cf4 #ejf72 ,e4 valley1 central habitation of mankind1 #b2 old settlements of ,hebrews1 #b2 course of1 #bg2 comparison with ,tigris1 #cj2 one of the four streams forming the confluence of streams1 #ejf 7cf4 #b74 ,e-ur-imin-an-ki1 zikkurat at ,babylon1 #fai4 ,eusebius1 source for ,b4-,a4 religion1 #a1 #d1 #e4 ,eve1 parallelism with ,ukhat1 #eaa4 ,excavations1 #f-ae4 ,exorcism1 see ,incantations4 ,e-,zida1 temple of ,nabu at ,borsippa1 #aba1 #bbi1 #bda1 #fci2 with shrine of ,erua1 #abc2 with shrine of ,sarpanitum1 #bda2 with shrine of ,tashmitum1 #bda2 with shrine of ,nusku1 #bda2 with shrine of ,ea1 #bda2 with shrine of ,sin1 #fci2 history of ,e-,zida1 #fdh ff42 influence of ,e-,zida and ,e-,sagila1 #fdi4 ,e-,zida1 shrine of ,nabu in ,e-,sagila1 #abg1 #bbj1 #bbi1 #fcf4 ,family1 systematization of ,o4 ,b4 pantheon according to ,davis1 #aji4 ,fast days1 special occasions1 #fhh4 ,fate tablets1 tablets of fate in the hands of ,bel1 #ech 7cf4 #aej1 #aec72 in the ,tiamat story1 #dbj1 #dbh1 #ech2 robbed by ,zu1 #edj2 compared with the tablets of wisdom1 #ehe4 ,festivals1 zag-muk1 #ei1 #abg1 #fca1 #fgg1 #fgh2 significance of every day1 #fge2 special significance of special days1 #fge1 #fgg1 #fhj-a1 #fhc-e2 words for f4 in ,assyrian1 #fgf1 #fhg2 each month sacred to a deity1 #dfb-c1 #fgf1 #fhc-d2 festivals and months sacred to divinities not always corresponding1 #fhg2 special festivals1 #fhg-h2 the puru ceremony1 #fhh2 fast days and rites1 #fhh4 ,fire1 see ,water 7cf4 ,gibil-,nusku in incantations1 #bgg72 means of purification1 #bgf1 #bgi2 belongs to all three divisions of the universe1 #bhf4 ,foreign gods in ,b4-,a4 religion 7see also ,cassites71 #adb1 #fdd2 ,adad ,ramman1 #aef2 ,kadi1 #ahh1 #bcb1 #bcd2 ,damku1 #bcb2 ,eria1 #abb1 #afb 7,elamitic74 ,fresnel1 ,fulgente1 expedition1 #h4 ,gaga1 ,assyrian pantheon1 #ahh2 minor god1 #bcd2 ,anshar's messenger to ,tiamat1 #dbc2 a foreign deity1 #bch1 #fdd4 ,gal-alim1 #ea2 center of worship1 #ia2 son of ,nin-girsu1 #ia2 in ,gudea's pantheon1 #ajf4 ,gamlat1 in ,ass4 pantheon1 #ahh4 ,ganymede and ,etana1 #ebc4 ,ga-tum-dug1 goddess1 #ea2 similar to ,bau1 #fa2 worship at ,lagash1 #fa1 #fce2 in ,gudea's pantheon1 #ajf1 #fce4 ,gate of ,widespread ,splendor1 seat of ,sarpanitum in ,e-,sagila1 #aba1 #bda1 #fcf1 #fda4 ,gegunu1 epithet of ,aralu1 #efc4 ,genealogical systematization of ,old ,bab4 pantheon according to ,amiaud1 #aji4 ,genesis1 see ,cosmology4 ,gibil1 fire-god1 ,e-la-li1 perhaps an epithet1 #agj2 in ,ass4 pantheon1 #ahi2 amalgamated with ,nusku1 #bbj1 #bbg2 in incantations1 #bgc1 #bgg2 older than ,nusku1 #bgg2 epithets1 #bgg1 #bhj2 a mythological conception1 #bgg1 #bgi2 ,g4-,nusku1 god of civilization1 #bgh2 medium betw4 worshipper and deity1 #bgi2 associated with ,anu1 #bgg2 associated with ,bel and ,ea1 #bgi2 associated with ,nin-gish-zida1 #dfc2 identified with ,nergal1 #eid4 ,gil1 attendant of ,nergal and ,allatu1 #ehh2 god of foliage1 #ehh4 ,gilgamesh1 hero of the ,bab4 epic1 #hc1 #dfh ff42 in incantations1 #bhb1 #bhd1 #dgj2 mythological explanation of1 #bhb1 #dhf-g2 with omens1 #chg2 solar deity1 #dgj-a1 #eae2 king of the earth1 #dga2 born in ,marada1 #dgc2 conquers ,uruk1 #dgc1 #eac2 created by ,aruru1 #dgc-d2 ,shamash 7see ,lugal-,marada71 his patron1 #dga1 #dgi2 love affair with ,ishtar1 #dha ff42 ,lugal-,marada1 his patron 7see ,shamash71 #dhf2 conquers ,khumbaba1 #dhj1 #ead2 ,g4's contest with the bull1 #dhf1 #ead1 #ecg2 contest with lion1 #dhh1 #ead2 ,gilgamesh half divine1 half human1 #dij1 #ead2 ,g4 and ,sabitum1 #dij-a2 ,g4 and ,parnapishtim1 #dib ff42 points of contact with ,o4 ,t41 #die1 #eae-f2 ,g4 and ,eabani1 #eaj1 #efe2 seeking immortality and the secret of life after death1 #eac2 parallelism with ,samson1 #eaf2 parallelism with ,hercules1 #eaf2 ,gilgamesh and ,alexander the ,great1 #dfi1 #eaf2 ,g4 in ,aelian1 #dfi1 #ebd2 ,g4's grandfather ,sokkaros1 #ebd4 ,gimil-,sin1 deified1 #efa2 temple at ,lagash1 #efa4 ,gim-nun-ta-ud-du-a1 son of ,bau1 #ajc2 explanation of name1 #ajc2 probable functions1 #ajc4 ,gin-shul-pa-uddu1 wife of ,gudea1 #ii4 ,girra1 attendant of ,nergal and ,allatu1 #ehh2 identified with ,dibbarra1 #ehh2 a form of ,nergal in later texts1 #ehi4 ,girsu1 see ,lagash4 ,gish-galla 7871 quarter of ,lagash1 #eg2 temple of ,ninni1 #hj4 ,gish-zida1 identical with solar deity ,nin-gish-zida1 #edg2 ,g4 and ,tammuz1 doorkeepers of heaven1 #edf2 #eth month sacred to ,g41 #edg2 intercedes for ,adapa with ,anu1 #edh-i4 ,gnosticism1 influenced by ,b4-,a4 religion1 #fih4 ,great ,place1 name of temple1 #fda4 ,grotefend1 ,georg ,friedrich1 decipherment of wedge writing1 #af4 ,gudea statues1 #eg1 #feb2 his pantheon1 #ajf ff41 #fce2 number of deities indicative of the extent of his sovereignty1 #ajf2 principle of order1 #ajg2 gods common to ,gudea's and ,lugalzaggisi's pantheon1 #aaj2 deified1 #afg1 #dgj1 #efa2 his zikkurat1 #fae1 #fai2 builder of temples1 #fdb2 imports diorite from ,sinai peninsula1 #fbg1 #fea2 ,gudea's apsu1 #fec2 ,gudea's ship for ,ningirsu1 #fed2 ,g4's votive objects and inscription1 #eg1 #ffh-i1 #fgb4 ,gula1 identified with ,bau1 #fj2 associated with ,ninib1 #aje 7cf4 #egf72 goddess of healing1 #aje1 #aff1 #age1 #bhb 7cf4 #egf1 #fhc72 in ,nebuchadnezzar's ,i4 pantheon1 #afb1 #age2 epithets1 #aff1 #agc1 #age1 #egf2 goddess of nether-world1 #agd-e2 position intermediate betw4 gods of the living and gods of the dead1 #age 7cf4 #egf72 creator of mankind1 #age2 her sanctuary erected by ,ashurnasirbal1 #bah2 her festival celebrated by ,ashurbanabal1 #bah1 #fhc2 ,nin-,karrak1 #bdb2 temple at ,babylon 7see ,nin-,karrak71 #bdb1 #fch2 three sanctuaries at ,borsippa1 #bdb1 #fcf 7,e-ulla71 #fda2 in incantations1 #bgc1 #bhb2 #abth day of ,iyar sacred to ,g41 #fhc4 ,gurmu1 son of ,bau1 #ajc4 ,gushgin-banda1 #aga2 brilliant chief1 patron of metal-workers1 #agh4 ,halevy1 ,j41 ,sumerian question1 #bb-d4 ,hallabi1 city near ,sippar1 temple of ,ninni1 #aag1 #add4 ,hamath1 city in ,n4 ,syria1 #egh4 ,hammurabi1 king of ,babylon1 secures the hegemony in ,babylonia1 #aaf1 #ecb2 ,marduk1 the chief of his pantheon1 #aag2 builds temples1 #fdb2 builds temple to ,ninni at ,hallabi1 #aag2 builds ,e-,zida1 #aba2 ignores cult of ,nabu1 #abh2 suppresses cult of ,erua1 #acj2 care of temple of ,shamash at ,larsa1 #adc-d2 ,shamash cult1 #aag1 #adc-d2 at ,sippar1 #aag1 #adc2 at ,larsa1 #adc2 ,ninni cult at ,hallabi1 #add-e2 proclaimer of ,anu and ,bel1 #adf-g2 beloved shepherd of ,belit1 #aej2 list of names of gods in ,h4's pantheon1 #afa-b2 ,the ,akkadian1 #ecb2 ,h4's character as a ,messiah1 #ecc2 ,amraphel1 #ecd4 ,harran1 city in ,mesopotamia1 sacred to ,sin1 #gf1 #bda1 #fda1 #fdg2 its importance and political decline1 #gg2 meaning of its name1 #gh2 associations with ,ur1 #gg2 enjoys the patronage of ,sargon ,,ii41 #gg2 temple of ,sin1 #gf1 #bda1 #fda2 patronized by ,nabonnedos1 #gg1 #bdb4 ,haynes1 ,john ,h41 excavations1 #aa4 ,heart of ,shamash1 name of a temple1 #fda4 ,hebrews1 see ,old ,testament4 ,hercules1 parallelism with ,gilgamesh1 #eaf4 ,herodotus1 source for ,b4-,a4 religion1 #a2 history of ,assyria1 #c2 history of ,persia1 #d2 notices on ,b4-,a4 religion1 #d2 notices on ,ishtar cult in ,erech1 #dhe4 ,hillah1 village1 site of1 #h4 ,historical texts1 value as source for religion1 #ea1 #aff1 #bdf1 #ffa2 pantheon in h4 t4 compared with that in incantation texts1 #big2 source for knowledge of sacrifices1 #ffa4 ,hittites1 eagle standard among the ,h41 #ebg2 influence on ,assyrian architecture1 #fbg4 ,hommel1 ,fritz1 ,sumerian question1 #ba4 ,homoroka ,marduk1 #e4 ,house ,full of ,joy1 name of temple1 #fda4 ,house of ,fifty1 see ,e-ninnu4 ,house of ,great ,splendor1 name of temple1 #fda4 ,house of ,hearkening to ,prayers1 name of temple1 #fda4 ,house of ,light1 name of temple1 #fda4 ,house of the ,brilliant ,precinct1 name of temple1 #fda4 ,house of the ,seven ,divisions of ,heaven and ,earth1 name of zikkurat at ,borsippa1 #fci4 ,house of the ,seven ,zones1 name of zikkurat at ,uruk1 #fci4 ,house ,without ,rival1 name of temple1 #fda4 ,hymns and prayers1 division of religious literature1 #bdg1 #bic2 where composed1 #bdh2 in connection with incantations1 #bic1 #cja2 h4 to ,shamash1 #cjj ff42 to ,sin1 #cjc-d2 dialogue style of composition1 #cje2 to ,nebo1 #cjf2 no difference in thought betw4 h4 and incantation1 #cja1 #cjg2 illustrating relationship betw4 man and gods1 #cji2 deity as person of dialogue in1 #caj2 see also ,prayers4 ,iamblichus1 source of ,b4-,a4 religion1 #cii4 ,idiklat ,tigris1 #bh4 ,igi-dug-ga1 title of ,ea1 #bcj4 ,igigi1 explanation of name1 #ahe2 number of1 and explanation1 #ahe2 spirits of heaven1 #ahe1 #bjj2 gods in whose service the ,i4 are1 #ahf2 their character1 #ahf2 associated with ,anunnaki1 #ahf1 #eic2 altar of ,i4 and ,anunnaki1 #ahf2 chiefs of ,eridu1 #ahf2 ,ashur1 king of1 #bjj2 ,anu1 their chief1 #ahf1 #bjg1 #eic2 associated with the great triad1 #bcf4 ,ilabrat1 minor god1 in the ,adapa legend1 #edf4 ,illumination of ,bel1 name of an omen series1 #cfc4 ,im ,ramman1 #aef4 ,immeru ,ramman1 #aeg4 ,immortality1 see ,dead4 ,im-pa-ud-du1 son of ,bau1 #ajc2 explanation of name1 #ajc2 function1 #ajc4 ,incantations1 see also ,magical ,texts2 in therapeutics1 #bdf2 means and methods of1 #bgj-c2 gods invoked in1 #bgc2 sacred objects invoked1 #bgd2 gods in incantations par excellence1 #bge2 the fire-god in1 #bgg2 favorite time of1 #bhj-a2 i4 services1 #bha1 #bhc ff42 principle of sympathetic magic1 #bhd2 mixed with ethical conceptions1 #bib2 in connection with prayers1 #bic1 #cja2 the oldest fixed ritual1 #bid2 no line of demarcation betw4 prayers and i41 #big1 #cjg2 points in common with and differences from penitential psalms1 #cab2 the natural expression of popular beliefs1 #cbf2 demons exorcised by i41 #ccj2 connecting link betw4 omens and i41 #ceb4 ,inmarmaru1 city in ,dibbarra epic1 #ecc4 ,invocations1 #afe2 in records of the #bnd ,bab4 period1 #afg2 combined invocations1 #bce2 where found1 #bce1 #bde2 motive and manner of1 #bcf ff42 ,tiglathpileser ,i41 #bcf2 ,ramman-nirari ,i41 #bcg2 ,ashurnasirbal1 #bcg2 ,shalmaneser ,,ii41 #bcg2 ,sargon ,,ii41 #bcg2 ,sennacherib1 #bch2 ,esarhaddon1 #bch2 ,ashurbanabal1 #bch2 gods in invocation and in actual worship1 #bch4 ,irkalla1 a designation of the netherworld1 #efc1 #eff2 name of the consort of the queen of ,aralu1 #efc1 #eia2 identified with ,nergal1 #eib4 ,isaiah1 prophet1 #b4 ,ish-gu-tur1 temple of ,nin-,mar in ,mar1 #ajj4 ,ishi-milku1 a foreign deity1 #fdd4 ,ishme-,dagan1 king of ,assyria1 evidence of age of ,dagan cult1 #bjh4 ,ishtar1 goddess ,nana1 #hb1 #he1 #bjb1 #caa1 #fdc2 absorbs other deities1 #hb2 epithets1 #hc1 #aea-b1 #bjd1 #bcg2 functions in ,b4-,a41 #hc1 #dei2 functions in ,a41 #hc-e2 in ,gilgamesh epic1 #hd-e1 #dhb1 #eja1 #efc-d2 zodiacal interpr41 #hb-d1 #caj-a2 relationship to ,sin1 #gi1 #hd1 #afc1 #efe1 #ega2 relationship to ,anu1 #hd-e1 #eff2 significance of these relationships1 #he2 variants1 #hb1 #he1 #bjb1 #bdb2 temple at ,agade1 #aag1 #bdb2 temple at ,calah1 #aea2 temple ,e-mash-mash1 #aeb1 #bje1 #bbg2 relationship to ,sin and ,shamash1 #afc1 #ega2 goddess of war1 #hc1 #afd1 #bjd2 during ,cassite and ,nebuchadnezzar's ,i4 reign1 #afd1 #fde2 variants of ,assyrian ,ishtar1 #bjb2 mighty over the ,anunnaki1 #bjd2 milder nature in religious texts1 #bje2 mother of mankind1 #bjd-e1 #bcg2 relationship to her devotees1 #bje2 temple ,kidmuru1 #bjb2 temples at ,arbela1 ,nineveh1 and ,ashur1 #bje2 ,i4 of ,nineveh and ,i4 of ,arbela distinguished1 #bje2 ,ab her sacred month1 #bje1 #dfb1 #fhe2 wife of ,bel1 #bje2 ,belit of the land 7#aea1 #bjf71 #bae1 ,belit1 #bbf2 temple in ,uruk1 #ha1 #bdb1 #caa1 #eca1 #fci2 worship in ,uruk1 #ajc1 #bdb1 #dgb1 #dge1 #eca 7see ,nana72 wife of ,ashur1 #bbg2 associated with the great triad1 #bcf2 ,ishtar and ,anu1 names of west4 gates of ,sargon's ,,ii4 palace1 #bcg2 causes the inhabitants to flourish1 #bcg 7cf4 #bjd72 temple at ,babylon1 #bdb 7cf4 ,ninmakh71 #fdj2 in incantations1 #bgc2 in hymns1 #caj2 temple ,e-tur-kalama1 #caa2 in a penitential psalm1 #cah2 prominence of cult of ,i4 under ,ashurnasirbal and before1 #cbe1 #cdb2 in oracles and omens1 #cdc-d2 ,venus as name of planet1 #cgj1 #deh-i1 #ega2 importance of ,ishtar-,venus in omen literature1 #cga-b2 ,i4 appears in a dream to the king1 #cgd2 personification of fertility1 #dei1 #dfb1 #dhb1 #efc1 #ehg2 causes decline1 #dhc1 #efc2 #ajth month sacred to ,i41 ,papsukal1 and ,anu1 #dfc2 the ,kizreti1 ,ukhati1 and ,kharimati of ,i4 in ,uruk1 #dge1 #dhe1 #ffj2 relationship to ,tammuz1 #hd1 #dhb1 #dhd1 #edg1 #efd1 #egd2 ,ishtar's love fatal to her lovers1 #dhb1 #eaf2 ,i4 and ,eabani1 #dhd1 #dhf2 in the deluge1 #eja1 #ejc-d2 parallelism with ,delila1 #eaf2 ,i4 in the lower world1 #efd2 the #fth month the mission of ,ishtar1 #efd1 #fhd2 festival celebrated in ,ab1 #fhe2 correlated to ,allatu1 #ehg2 ,i4 cult under ,ashurbanabal1 #he1 #bjf1 #bch1 #fdh2 cult under ,nebuchadnezzar ,,ii41 #fdh2 figurines of1 #fgd4 ,ishtaritu1 general designation of ,ishtar priestess1 #ffj4 ,ishum1 god1 #ea2 identity with ,pa-sag1 #aja2 in proper names of1 #bnd ,bab4 period1 #afi2 messenger of ,nusku1 #bhj2 solar deity1 #ebh2 local deity1 #ebh2 attendant of ,dibbarra1 #ebi1 #eid2 describes ,dibbarra's deeds1 #ecj ff42 his wars1 #ecc ff42 associated with ,sibi1 #ecc2 the warrior1 #ecc2 associated with ,nergal1 #eid4 ,isin1 ancient center1 #ce2 kings1 #cg2 ,isin dynasty as builders of temple of ,nana in ,ur1 #ha4 ,iskenderun1 bay of1 #abb4 ,iyar1 see ,airu4 ,izdubar ,gilgamesh4 ,jezreel plain1 cult of ,ramman1 #aei4 ,job1 book of1 unsatisfactory ending like #abth tablet of ,gilgamesh epic1 #eac4 ,josephus1 historical references to ,b4-,a41 #e4 ,judges priests1 #fbe1 #feh4 ,judith1 book of1 bearing upon ,b4-,a4 religion1 #c4 ,jupiter ,marduk1 name of planet1 #cgj1 #dcd1 #deh-i1 #fgf-g2 see ,marduk4 ,kaaba1 at ,mecca1 #fbd4 ,kabru1 epithet for ,aralu1 #efc4 ,kadashman-,turgu1 ,cassite king1 votive tablet1 #fga4 ,kadi1 in ,ass4 pantheon1 #ahh2 ,elamitic god1 #bcb2 worshipped in ,dur-ilu1 #bcb2 minor god1 #bcd4 ,kadishtu1 general designation of ,ishtar priestess1 #ffj4 ,kalah-,shergat1 excavations1 #aj2 site of city of ,ashur1 #aih4 ,kallat-,eshara1 epithet of ,gula1 #agc4 ,kanishurra1 a foreign god1 #fdd4 ,kara-indash1 king of ,babylon1 restores ,shamash temple at ,larsa1 #add ,kar-nuna-ta-uddua1 ship of ,ningirsu1 #fed2 meaning of name1 #fed4 ,karun1 one of the four streams forming the confluence of streams1 #ejf4 ,katnu1 a foreign god1 #fdd4 ,kercha1 one of the four streams forming the confluence of streams1 #ejf4 ,khadir ,parnapishtim1 #eae4 ,khani1 tribe hostile to ,babylon1 #aeb4 ,khani1 god1 in ,ass4 pantheon1 #ahh2 a form of ,nebo1 #ahh2 minor god1 #bcd2 a foreign deity1 #fdd4 ,kharimati1 sacred harlots of ,uruk1 #dge1 #eca1 #ffj4 ,kharsag7-gal7-kurkura1 the 7great7 mountain of the earth1 #eeh2 native place of the gods1 #eeh1 #fad2 ,ekur1 #eeh4 ,khashur1 mountain destroyed by ,ishum1 #ecc4 ,khasis-,adra1 see ,adra-khasis1 #eje4 ,khi-gir-nun-na1 son of ,bau1 #ajc4 ,khi-khi1 mountain attacked by ,ishum1 #ecc4 ,khiraitum1 a foreign deity1 #fdd4 ,khi-shaga1 a son of ,bau1 #ajc4 ,khorsabad1 unearthed1 #f1 #h2 capital of ,assyria1 #aic2 sanctuary of ,sin1 #bai2 palace of ,sargon1 #bbe2 names of its gates and walls1 #bcg2 sanctuary of ,nin-,gal1 #bca2 zikkurat at ,k41 #fag4 ,khumbaba attacks ,uruk1 #dhj2 conquered by ,gilgamesh1 #ead4 ,khusha1 god of the #bnd ,bab4 period1 #afh4 ,kidin-,marduk1 father of ,parnapishtim1 #dhh1 #dif4 ,kidmuru temple of ,ishtar in ,nineveh1 #bjb4 ,kigallu1 a designation of the netherworld1 #efb4 ,kilili1 a foreign deity1 #fdd4 ,kingship1 differentiation of kingly and priestly functions late1 #cgd2 traces of direct relationship betw4 gods and king1 #cgd-e4 ,kingu1 consort of ,tiamat1 #dbj2 symbol of chaos1 #ech2 deprived of the tablets of fate by ,marduk1 #dbh4 ,kinunira1 city on the ,euphrates 7871 sanctuary of ,dumuzi-zu-aba1 #if4 ,kish1 city in ,babylonia1 #ed2 temple of ,zamama1 #afi2 temple of ,ninni1 #fci4 ,kishar1 god1 ,k4 and ,anshar created1 #aig1 #daj2 ,k4 and ,anshar intermediate betw4 the monsters and the gods in creation1 #dad1 #daf-g2 creation of theologians1 #daf2 ,anshar and ,kishar in the creation epic and their meaning1 #dah4 ,kishar-gal1 cosmological deity1 #dag4 ,kishshat1 a foreign god1 #fdd4 ,kislev1 #ith month1 sacred to ,nergal1 #dfc4 ,kizreti1 ,ukhati1 and ,kharimati1 the harlots of ,uruk1 #dge1 #eca1 #ffj4 ,koyunjik1 mound1 unearthed1 #g1 #i4 ,ku787-anna1 #ea2 place of worship1 #ajb2 functions1 #ajb2 consort of ,ramman 7871 #ajb4 ,kudur-mabuk1 #b;d dynasty of ,ur1 builder of temple of ,sin in ,ur1 #gf1 #bie2 of temple of ,nana in ,ur1 #ha4 ,kumari1 city in ,babylonia1 temple of ,ramman1 #bdb4 ,kurigalzu1 ,cassite1 king of ,babylon1 cult of ,bel of ,nippur1 #adg1 #fde4 ,kutu1 see ,cuthah4 ,lagamal1 a foreign god1 #fdd4 ,lagash1 governors1 #cf2 temple of ,anu1 #ec1 #fdj2 temple of ,belit1 #ef2 temple of ,bau1 #fce2 quarters of1 #ef-g2 temple of ,ningirsu-,ninib1 #eg1 #hg1 #fce1 #fdj2 center of worship of ,ninni1 #hj2 ancient center1 #ce1 #bde2 temple of ,dumu-zi-zu-aba1 #if2 ,dumuzi1 temple of ,ninmar1 #fce2 temple of ,nin-gish-zida1 #ii1 #fce2 temple of ,nina1 #fce2 temple of ,ku787-an-na1 #aeb2 temple of ,gimil-,sin1 #efa2 shrine of ,nin-girsu1 #fdj2 zikkurat of ,nin-girsu1 #fai1 #fce1 #fci2 temple of ,e-salgisa1 #fda2 temple of ,nin-si-a1 #fce2 temple of ,shabra1 #fce2 temple of ,nin-sun1 #fce2 temple of ,nin-tu1 #fce2 votive objects1 #fgc4 ,lakhamu1 ,l4 and ,lakhmu cosmological1 #aig1 #daj1 #dag2 a monster1 #dad1 #dah2 in incantations1 #dag2 in ,allatu's court1 #eic4 ,larsa1 ancient center1 #ce2 rulers1 #cg-h2 dynasty1 #ci2 center of worship of ,shamash1 #fi1 #adc-d1 #bda1 #fbh1 #fdj1 #fdf2 zikkurats at ,l41 #fag1 #fci4 ,lasimu1 a foreign god1 #fdd4 ,layard1 ,austen ,henry1 excavations1 #g4 ,laz1 consort of ,nergal1 #bai1 #bdc2 not mentioned in ,ass4 texts1 #bai2 not mentioned in religious texts1 #ehc4 ,lebanon1 cedar forests1 #fbf4 ,legal literature1 see also ,literature2 source for study of religion1 #aff2 religious character of1 #bde4 ,libations1 #ffd1 #fff2 in ,old ,testament and in ,a4-,b41 #ffe4 ,libit-,ishtar1 #b;d dynasty of ,ur1 builds temple of ,nana in ,ur1 #ha4 ,life of the ,world1 name of temple1 #fda4 ,light of ,shamash1 name of temple1 #fda4 ,lists of gods1 #bac1 #baf2 character of1 #bcc2 prepared on the basis of religious texts1 #bcc4 ,literature1 ,ashurbanabal's library1 #acb2 syllabaries1 #ace2 religious l41 #ab1 #ac1 #bac1 #baf1 #bcc1 #bde1 #bdg1 #fij-a2 temple records1 #afe2 legal documents1 #afe-f2 connection betw4 religion and literature1 #bde1 #fia2 historical texts1 #bdf2 uncertain demarcation betw4 religious and secular l41 #bdg2 epics1 see ,gilgamesh1 ,eabani1 ,adapa2 compound of popular belief and of theology1 #fhi4 ,local cults1 origin of1 #di2 confusion with nature cult1 #di-ej2 growth of1 #di2 policy of preservation of local cults by foreign conquerors1 #fi-gj1 #ajf1 #aaa2 confusion of 7female7 local cults1 #hj2 prominence given to local gods as compared with others1 #aaa2 local cult features and general cult features compared1 #aaj2 survival of local cults1 #aac2 factors obscuring local cults1 #aac-e2 political factors1 #aac2 popular factors1 #aad2 theological factors1 #aad2 absorption1 #aad1 #afh1 #aga2 number of1 #agj1 #bcd1 #bgd2 in lists1 #bcc2 of the ,ass4 pantheon1 #bcd2 importance diminishes1 #bce4 ,loftus1 ,william ,k41 excavations1 #i4 ,lofty and ,brilliant ,wall1 name of temple1 #fda4 ,lot1 bears more resemblance to ,parnapishtim than ,noah1 #ejg4 ,lugal-banda1 god1 #ea2 temple at ,uruk1 #ie2 local character1 #ie2 identification with ,nergal1 #ie2 signification of name1 #ie4 ,lugal-edinna1 epithet of ,nergal1 #agb1 #bhj4 ,lugal-erima 7871 god1 #ea2 his local character1 #ig2 interpretation of name1 #ig4 ,lugal-gira1 epithet of ,nergal1 #agb1 #bhj4 ,lugal-ki-mu-na1 in proper names of the #b;d ,bab4 period1 #afi4 ,lugal-,marada1 god1 temple at ,marad1 #bdb2 a solar deity1 #dgc2 patron of ,gilgamesh1 identical with ,shamash1 #dhf4 ,lugal-mit-tu1 in ,samsu-iluna's pantheon1 #afb2 wall of ,l41 #agb2 meaning of name1 #agb4 ,lugal-zaggisi1 old ,babylonian king of ,uruk1 #aja2 his pantheon and its age1 #aaj1 #fcf2 gods common to ,lugal-zaggisi's and ,gudea's pantheon1 #aaj2 priest of ,anu1 #aaj4 ,lulubite1 name of people1 #ecb4 ,lunar cycle and sun calendar1 #gh4 ,ma-an-ish-tu-su1 servitor of ,a1 #gd4 ,magarida1 a foreign god1 #fdd4 ,magganubba1 city in n4-e4 ,assyria1 sanctuary of ,sin1 #bai2 restored by ,sargon ,,ii41 #bcb2 cult of ,damku1 ,sharru-ilu1 ,sha-nit787-ka1 #bcb4 ,magical texts1 subdivision of religious literature1 #bdg2 practical purposes1 #bdf1 #bee2 beginning of rituals1 #bdg1 #bec-d1 #bfi2 number of1 #bdg2 comparative age of1 #bec1 #bef2 primitive popular thought1 #bed1 #bib2 method of composition1 #bed2 titles of1 #bed-e2 incantation rituals and their growth1 #bee1 #bhc ff42 ,ea and ,eridu prominent in1 #bef2 compiled character1 #bef-g2 date of composition1 #beg2 bilingual redaction1 #beh2 metrical traits1 #bei2 source of study of popular beliefs1 #bei2 occurrence of ,gibil evidence of ancient age of1 #bgg2 pantheon in m4 t4 compared with that in historical texts1 #big4 ,mahmal1 tabernacle1 compared with the ,bab4 ship for the gods1 #fee4 ,makhir1 god of dreams1 #cbc1 #djb4 ,maklu series1 #bhf ff41 #cjb4 ,ma-ku-a1 name of ,marduk's ship1 #fee4 ,malik1 god1 in ,nabubaliddin's pantheon1 #afb1 #agf2 associated with ,shamash and ,bunene1 #agf2 in proper names of the time of ,hammurabi1 #agf2 often used as epithet of ,shamash1 #agf2 meaning of name1 #agf2 ,malik and ,bunene1 attendants of ,shamash1 #agg2 consort of ,bunene1 #agg4 ,malkatu ,a4 ,malku1 name of canal1 #fee2 name of ,naru's ship1 #fee4 ,ma-ma1 variant for ,gula1 #aje4 ,mammitu1 goddess2 ,m4 and ,anunnaki determine death and life1 #dic4 ,mamu1 a form of ,gula in proper names of the #b;d ,bab4 period1 #afi4 ,mandacan1 legend of ,rustem parallel to ,etana legend1 #ebj ff4 ,mar1 district in southern ,babylonia1 sacred to ,nin-,mar1 #ajj2 temple ,ish-gu-tur of ,nin-,mar1 #ajj4 ,marad1 city in ,babylonia1 temple of ,lugal-,marada1 #bdb2 native place of ,gilgamesh1 #dgc4 ,marcheshwan1 see ,arakh-shamnu4 ,marduk1 #b;d ,bab4 period1 deity of ,babylon1 #ed1 #if2 child par excellence of ,ea1 #if1 #edh2 prominence of his cult since ,hammurabi1 #aaf1 #acd-e1 #fij-a2 his titles1 #aah1 #abf1 #bci1 #bdj1 #bgf1 #ejj1 #egf1 #fcj2 identification with ,bel and ,ea1 #aah2 solar deity1 #aah1 #aai1 #ebh1 #egf1 #fij2 his warlike traits1 #aai2 in religious texts1 #abj2 temples in ,babylon 7,e-,sagila7 and ,borsippa1 #aba1 #bda1 #fcf1 #fci2 his papakhu1 #fdj2 his consort1 #aba-d1 #bbh2 statue brought from ,nineveh to ,e-,sagila1 #fhd2 his statue recovered by ,agum1 #abb1 #aeb1 #fgj1 #fhg2 lord of ,e-,sagila and ,e-,zida1 #abf2 ,new ,year's ,day his festival1 #abg1 #fca1 #fgh1 #fha2 mediator betw4 ,ea and mankind1 #aci1 #bgf2 ,marduk and ,ea in incantation texts1 #aci-dj2 conquers ,tiamat1 #adj1 #aig1 #djh1 #dbb2 rivaled by ,ramman1 #aeh2 during the ,cassite period1 #afb2 called ,sag-ila1 #afi2 lord of ,anunnaki and ,igigi1 #ahf1 #bci2 absorbs the role of other gods1 #aij1 #dji2 builds ,eshara1 #aih2 blended with ,bel1 #ed1 #ade-f1 #adh1 #bbb1 #edb2 ,bel's titles applied to1 #bbb1 #dji1 #edb1 #fce2 position in the ,assyrian pantheon1 #bbd-e1 #bci2 associated with ,ashur1 #bbd2 associated with ,ashur1 ,shamash1 and ,ramman1 #bbd2 second to ,ashur1 #bci2 prominence of his cult in the neo-,b4 period1 #bci-dj2 rivaled by ,nabu in the pantheon of ,nebopolassar1 #bdj1 #fgi2 also in old ,bab period1 #fdh2 in incantations1 #bgb-c1 #bgf2 in the ,shurpu series1 #bhh2 in hymns1 #cjg ff42 lord of rest1 #cji2 god of oracles1 esp4 in the south1 #cdb1 #cde2 zodiacal interpretation1 #cgj1 #dcd1 #deh-i1 #fgf-g2 his double aspect in the creation epic1 #dji1 #dcb1 #dej2 takes the tablets of fate from ,kingu1 #dbh 7cf4 #edb1 #fha72 creates the universe1 #dbh ff41 #ddg2 establishes the districts of ,anu1 ,bel1 and ,ea1 #dcb2 arranges the stations of the gods in the zodiacal system1 #dcd2 creates man1 #dcg 7cf4 ,ea1 ,bel1 #ddc1 #ddh72 the fifty names 7of the ,igigi7 are bestowed upon ,m41 #dch2 creates the ,anunnaki1 #ddg2 ,nibir1 i4e41 ,jupiter1 exercises control over all the stars1 #dcd1 #deh-i2 #hth month sacred to ,m41 #dfc1 #fgh1 #fhf2 ,marduk as ,sharru in the deluge story1 #ejj2 absent in the deluge story1 #ejh2 dogs symbol of the solar god ,marduk1 #ebh2 conquers ,zu1 #edb2 identified with ,adapa1 #edh2 temple at ,ashur1 #fcg2 zikkurat at ,babylon1 #fci2 ship of ,marduk1 #fee2 procession on ,new ,year1 #fgi2 spec4 festival instituted by ,agum1 #fhg4 ,marduk-baladan1 of ,babylon1 #abi4 ,marduk-nadin-akhe1 king of ,babylon1 carried statues of ,ramman and ,shala to ,babylon1 #bab4 ,marriage offerings1 time of1 #ei2 to ,bau1 #ei4 ,mars ,nergal1 name of planet1 #cgj1 #dei2 the sheep par excellence1 #dei4 ,mar-tu ,ramman1 #aff1 #bab4 ,marwa1 hill in ,mecca1 #fhg4 ,mashu1 mythical mountain1 #dhh-i2 ,musas or ,masis1 #eaf4 ,masis1 or ,musas1 ,mashu1 #eae4 ,mecca1 #fbc4 ,medes1 #dd-e4 ,median wedge writing1 #ai4 ,meme1 variant of ,gula1 #age4 ,mer ,ramman1 #aeg4 ,mercury ,nabu1 planet1 #cga1 #dei4 ,mesopotamia1 religious ideas and customs1 #a1 #c2 seat of ,terahites1 #b2 empire of ,nimrod1 #b2 geography1 #bf1 #bg2 character of1 #bh ff4 ,messiah1 ,hammurabi and the ,hebr4-,christian notion of ,messianic time1 #ecc4 ,mili-shikhu1 king of ,babylon1 his cult of ,shamash1 #add2 minor gods worshipped1 #agb4 ,minor gods1 #b;d ,bab4 period1 #aga-b2 by ,mili-shikhu1 #agb2 some ,cassite deities1 #agb2 in ,ass4 texts1 #aga2 in neo-,b4 period1 #aga1 #bdb-c2 absorbed by greater gods1 #aaa1 #adg1 #aga1 #agg1 #aij1 #bcc2 patron-gods of arts1 #agh2 as personifications1 #agi2 dividing line betw4 spirits and m4 g41 #ahc1 #bcc4 ,mishiru1 a foreign deity1 #fdd4 ,mitanni wedge writings1 #bj4 ,months1 connected with gods1 #dfb ff41 #fgf2 names of the months1 #dfd2 m4 sacred to gods and their festivals not always corresponding1 #fhg4 ,monumental finds1 #g4 ,moon1 importance of m4 as omen giver1 #ceh2 manifold relations between man and m41 #ceh2 importance of m4 for calendar1 #dcf1 #dfa2 moon and sun in religion and astronomy1 #dfa4 ,moon-god1 see ,sin4 ,moses1 #acj2 parallelism with ,sargon ,i41 #efb4 ,mosul1 excavations near1 #e4 ,mugheir1 mound1 excavated1 #i2 see also ,ur4 ,mummu1 associated with ,apsu and ,tiamat1 #dbj-a4 ,muenter1 ,frederick1 decipherment of wedge writing1 #ae4 ,musas1 or ,masis1 ,mashu1 #eaf4 ,mythology1 see also ,nature2 extent and influence of ,bab4 m41 #eah ff4 ,nabonnedos1 of ,babylon1 restores temple of ,shamash in ,sippar1 #gj1 #fdg2 last king of ,babylonia1 #de2 restores temple of ,sin in ,harran1 #gg1 #fdf2 gives prominence to ,shamash cult1 #bdj-a4 ,nabu1 god1 #b;d ,b4 period1 #abg2 most prominent trait1 #abd2 probable aqueous origin1 #abd-e1 #bbj2 rank as compared with that of ,ea and ,marduk1 #abe1 #fdh2 agricultural deity1 #abe2 suppression of cult by ,hammurabi and his successors1 #abf2 becomes son of ,marduk1 #abg1 #bdj 7cf4 #fdh-i72 his shrine in ,e-,sagila1 #abg1 #bbj-i1 #fcf2 prominence during the ,assyrian period1 #abh-i1 #bbh2 his symbol1 #abh2 temple at ,calah1 #abh1 #bbh-i2 prominence during the neo-,bab4 period1 #abi1 #bdj2 his epithets1 #abi-ca1 #bbi2 meaning of name1 #acj2 his functions1 #acj1 #bdj2 his cult with other ,semites1 #acj2 identified with ,nusku1 #bbj2 his consort ,tashmitum1 #acj1 #bbh-i2 his consort ,nana1 #bbd2 favorite of ,ramman-nirari ,,iii41 #abh1 #bbh2 temple ,e-,zida in ,borsippa1 #aba1 #bbi1 #bda1 #fci1 #fdh2 god of wisdom1 #abi1 #bbi2 son of ,ea1 #bbi2 in the subscript to ,ashurbanabal's tablets1 #bbi-cj2 similarity and difference betw4 ,n4 and ,ea1 #bcj-a2 in hymn1 #cjf2 shrine ,e-makh-tila in ,borsippa1 #cjg1 #fcf2 god of oracles in ,assyria1 #cdd1 #cdh2 ,mercury1 name of planet1 #cga1 #dei2 in the deluge1 #ejj2 sanctuary ,e-pad-kalama-suma1 #fdj2 ,nabu's ship and procession1 #fed1 #fgi4 ,nabu-akhe-irba1 astrologer1 #cdj4 ,nabu-bal-iddin1 king of ,babylon1 #afb1 #fhe2 restores cult of ,sippar1 #agf1 #fbh1 #fde1 #fgj2 votive offerings1 #fgj4 ,nabupelassar1 see ,nebopolassar4 ,namar1 district in ,babylonia1 sacred to ,kamman1 ,nergal1 and ,nana1 #aei1 #afd4 ,names1 transference of name and interpretation of this act1 #aah1 #adj-a2 composition of proper names1 #afe2 ,bab4 etymologies of names1 #agc4 ,namtar1 god of pestilence1 #efi2 strikes ,ishtar with disease1 #egj2 messenger of ,allatu1 #egj1 #ehj4 ,nana1 goddess1 #ea2 titles1 #ha2 center of worship1 #ha2 position in the pantheon proper and in the cosmology1 #ha2 her temples1 ,e-anna in ,uruk1 #ha1 #bdb1 #caa1 #eca1 #fci2 ,e-ul-mash in ,agade1 #hb2 in ,ur1 #ha-b1 #he1 #bjb1 #caa1 #fci1 #fgh2 statue captured by ,elamites and recaptured by ,ashurbanabal1 #he1 #bjf2 absorbs inferior local deities1 #ajc2 associated with ,nergal and ,ramman1 #aei1 #afd2 worshipped by ,assyr4 kings1 #bjf2 consort of ,nabu1 #bbd2 ,zag-muk of ,nana1 #fgh4 ,nannar ,sin1 etymology of ,n41 #ge2 ,n4 attached to ,ur1 #ge2 ,sin to ,harran1 #gf2 his position1 #gf2 his representation1 #gf2 his functions1 #gf1 #gh2 his epithets1 #gf1 #gi1 #hi2 relationship to ,ningal1 #ig4 ,naram-,sin1 founds temple of ,shamash in ,sippar1 #gj1 #fdf2 his exploits incorporated in omen text1 #efb2 builder of the temple of ,en-lil in ,nippur1 #fdb4 ,naru1 rivergod in incantations1 #bhb2 ship of ,naru1 #fee2 place of worship1 #fee4 ,nature1 worship1 #dh2 confusion with local cults1 #di-ej2 nature myth1 #dcb-c1 #dhg1 #did4 ,nazi-,maruttash1 ,cassite king1 votive objects1 #fga-b4 ,nebo1 mount in ,moab1 place of death of ,moses1 #acj4 ,nebopolassar1 king of ,babylon1 #abi2 makes ,babylon independent1 #bci2 makes cult of ,marduk prominent1 #bci2 makes cult of ,nabu prominent1 #bdj2 ,shamash cult at ,larsa1 #fdg1 note #c4 ,nebuchadnezzar ,i41 expels the ,cassites1 #hh1 #aeh2 cult of ,marduk and ,ramman1 #aeh1 #afb2 his pantheon1 #afb4 ,nebuchadnezzar ,,ii41 religion of ,n4 and ,daniel1 #c2 builder of ,birs ,nimrud1 #i2 rule1 #dd2 worships ,sarpanitum as the begetting deity1 #abb2 makes cult of ,marduk prominent1 #bdj1 #fdf2 revives ancient cults1 #bdb-c2 restores temple of ,nin-karrak at ,sippar1 #bid2 his prayers exemplification of ethical tendencies1 #bii2 opposed to ,bel cult in ,nippur1 #fdf2 restores ,shamash temple in ,sippar1 #fdf2 ,ishtar cult in ,uruk1 #fdh4 ,nergal1 god1 #ea2 local cult and temple in ,cuthah1 #fe1 #afd1 #bah1 #efc1 #ehc1 #fdh2 worship in ,palestine1 #fe2 in ,uruk1 #ff2 his names and their meanings1 #ff2 functions1 #ff-g1 #ecg2 development of his attributes1 #fg-h1 #ehb1 #eic2 identification with ,lugal-banda1 #ie2 with ,irkalla1 #eib2 associated with ,allat1 #ajd1 #ahc1 #efe1 #ehj1 #eic2 associated with ,ramman and ,nana1 #aei1 #afd2 ,nergal in ,samsu-iluna's pantheon1 #afb2 in ,nebuchadnezzar's ,i4 pantheon1 #afb2 epithets1 #agb2 chief of nether-world and subterranean demons1 #ahc 7cf4 #bfj71 #eaa1 #efc1 #ehb2 associated with ,ninib as god of the chase1 #baf1 #bah1 #bcg2 with ,ninib and ,ashur1 #baf1 #bah2 god of war1 #bah1 #ehb2 ,cuthah his sacred city1 #afd1 #bah1 #efc1 #ehc2 ,kar-,nergal named in his honor1 #bai2 temple at ,tarbisu1 #bai2 ,laz his consort1 #bai1 #bdc1 #ehc2 identified with ,dibbarra1 #bcb1 #ebh-i1 #eid2 perhaps ,bel-sarbi1 #bdb2 in incantations1 #bgc1 #bhj2 phases of1 #bhj1 #dei2 ,mars as name of planet1 #cgj1 #dei2 #ith month sacred to ,n41 #dfc2 sun of midday and summer solstice1 #ebh1 #ehb2 pictured as a lion1 #ecj2 the lion a symbol of ,nergal1 #ecg1 #ehj1 #ehb2 identified with ,gibil1 #eid2 associated with ,allatu1 #ajd1 #ahc1 #efe1 #ehj1 #ehc1 #eic2 ,nergal conquers and weds ,allatu1 #ehd-e2 imitation of ,tiamat-,marduk fight1 #ehe4 ,nether-world1 names of3 ,aralu1 #eeg2 ,ekur1 #eeh2 ,shualu1 #eeh2 ,kigallu1 #efb2 ,irkalla1 #efc2 ,kutu or ,cuthah1 #efc2 epithets for n41 #eei1 #efc2 ,nergal1 lord of the n41 #efc2 the older head of the lower world a goddess1 ,allatu1 not a god1 #ehe4 ,new ,year's ,festival1 see ,zag-muk4 ,nibir planet ,marduk or ,jupiter1 in the zodiac in conjunction with ,bel and ,ea1 #dcd-e2 exercises control over all the stars1 #deh4 ,nicolas of ,damascus1 source ,b4-,a4 religion1 #a1 #dab4 ,niebuhr1 ,carsten1 #ae4 ,niffer1 excavations1 #aa2 see ,nippur4 ,nika1 mother of ,esarhaddon1 #cdj4 ,nimrod1 incidental biblical reference to1 #b2 not ,gilgamesh1 #ead4 ,nimrud 7mound71 unearthed1 #g2 temple1 #i1 #fbg4 ,nina1 quarter in ,lagash1 #eg1 #hf2 explanation of name1 #hf4 ,nina1 goddess1 #ea2 explanation of name1 #hf2 centers of worship1 #hf-h1 #fce2 associations with ,nin-girsu1 #hg1 #fce2 relations to ,ea1 #hg-h2 fusion with ,ishtar of ,nineveh1 #hh2 interprets a dream1 #aja2 a daughter of ,nin-si-a1 #ajb2 in ,gudea's pantheon1 #ajf1 #fce4 ,nin-a-gal1 god1 #ea2 meaning of name1 #fd2 function1 #fd2 identification with ,ea1 #fd4 ,nin-akha-kuddu1 goddess1 #ea2 her titles in incantation texts1 #ajc1 #bhb2 in ,lugalzaggisi's pantheon1 #aaj2 goddess of purification1 #bhb2 mistress of ,uruk1 #ajc1 #bhb2 water deity1 #bhb2 lady of spells1 #bhb4 ,nin-azu1 god of the great city1 #eib2 associated with ,allatu1 #ehf1 #eij2 god of healing1 #eij2 identified with ,ninib1 #eia4 ,nin-dara1 see ,nin-si-a4 ,nin-dim-su1 god1 in the ,cassite pantheon1 #afb1 #agb2 epithet of ,ea1 #agc4 ,nin-din-dug1 name of ,bau4 7,see ,corrections47 ,nin-e-gal1 variant of ,nin-gal1 #ih4 ,nineveh1 center of action in book of ,judith1 #c2 site of1 #f2 capital of ,assyria1 #df1 #aic1 #fea2 cult of ,ishtar1 #aeb1 #bjb-c2 temple ,e-mash-mash of ,ishtar1 #aeb2 resp4 of ,belit1 #bbg2 ,sha-nit787-ka1 mistress of1 #bcc2 worship of all gods and goddesses1 #fch2 intellectual center1 #fea4 ,nin-gal1 god1 #ea2 center of worship1 #ig2 relationship to ,nannar1 #ig2 sanctuary at ,khorsabad1 #bca2 ,nin-gal's ship1 #fee4 ,nin-girsu1 solar deity1 #ea2 subordinate to ,bel1 #ec1 #eg2 identity with ,ninib1 #eg1 #bag 7cf4 #ebh72 temple ,e-,ninnu in ,girsu1 #eg1 #hg1 #fcd-e1 #fdj2 votive offerings1 #eg2 agricultural deity ,shulgur1 #eh2 identity with ,tammuz1 #eh2 relations to ,nin-shakh1 #ic2 in ,gudea's pantheon1 #ajf2 in incantations1 #bgc2 zikkurat in ,lagash or ,girsu1 #fai1 #fce1 #fci2 shrine in ,lagash1 #fdj2 his ship1 #fed2 consort of ,bau1 #ei1 #fgg4 ,nin-gish-zida1 solar deity1 #ea2 a form of ,nin-girsu1 #ib2 meaning of name1 #ib2 identified with ,ninib1 ,nin-girsu1 ,nin-shakh1 #ii1 #bag1 #ebh1 #edg2 local character1 #ii1 #ebh2 temple in ,girsu1 #ii1 #fce2 in ,gudea's inscriptions and incantation texts1 #ii1 #ajf1 #bhj2 consort of ,nusku1 #bhj2 brings famine in the land1 #chg2 #eth month sacred to ,n41 #dfb1 #edg2 servant of ,gibil1 #dfc2 #dth month sacred to1 #dfc2 identical with ,gish-zida1 #edg2 associated with ,tammuz1 #edf1 #ehh2 presides over the growth of trees1 #ehh4 ,nin-gul1 #ea2 consort of ,lugal-banda1 #ie2 interpretation of name1 #ie2 place of worship1 #if4 ,ninib1 see ,nin-girsu1 solar deity1 #eg1 #bag1 #dei1 #dfb1 #egf1 #fhd2 consort of ,gula1 #aje 7cf4 #egf1 #eia72 of ,belitekalli1 #agc2 in ,hammurabi's pantheon1 #afb2 in ,nebuchadnezzar's ,i4 pantheon1 #afb1 #afd2 god of war1 #afd1 #bad1 #bah2 ,ud-zal1 #aff2 associated with ,ashur1 #bad2 epithets1 #bac-d1 #bag2 temple in ,calah1 #bad-e 7cf4 #fhd72 favorite of ,ashurnasirbal and ,shamshi-,ramman1 #bad2 god of the chase in association with ,nergal1 #baf1 #bah1 #bcg2 hero of the heavenly and earthly spirits1 #bad2 in association with ,nergal and ,ashur1 #baf2 identical with ,nin-girsu1 #eg1 #bag2 with ,nin-azu1 #eia2 absorbs ,nin-gish-zida and ,nin-shakh1 #bag 7cf4 #edg72 represents east sun and morning sun1 #bag2 first-born of ,ea1 #bag2 offspring of ,ekur1 #bag2 first-born of ,bel1 #bag2 god of destructive cloud storm1 #bag1 #ejj2 other qualities in religious literature1 #bah1 #egf2 name of outer wall of ,sargon's ,,ii4 palace1 #bcg2 lays the foundations of cities1 #bcg2 three forms1 #bch2 temple in ,dilbat1 #bdb2 in incantations1 #bgc1 #bhj2 ,saturn1 name of planet1 #cga1 #dei2 #fth and #aath months sacred1 #bae1 #fhd2 #dth month sacred to ,n41 #dfb2 in the deluge story1 #ejj 7cf4 #bag71 #ejd2 worshipped at ,nippur1 #fce2 temple of ,zamama-,ninib1 #fdj4 ,nin-igi-azag1 title of ,ea1 #bcj4 ,nin-igi-nangar-bu1 #aga2 presides over metal workers1 #agh4 ,nin-,karrak goddess ,gula1 #bdb2 temple at ,babylon 7see ,gula71 #bdb2 in incantations1 #bgc2 temple at ,sippar1 #bid2 in a prayer of ,nebuchadnezzar1 #bid4 ,nin-khar-sag goddess ,belit1 #afd2 in ,samsu-iluna's pantheon1 #afb1 #afd2 sanctuary at ,babylon 7see ,belit71 #bdb1 #fci4 ,nin-kigal ,allatu1 #bhb4 ,nin-kurra1 #aga2 lord of mountain1 patron of stone workers1 #agh4 ,nin-lil1 see ,belit4 ,nin-lil-anna1 in ,nebuchadnezzar's ,,ii4 pantheon1 #bdb2 temple in ,babylon1 #fdj4 ,nin-makh ,ishtar1 #bdb2 temple at ,babylon1 #bdb4 ,nin-mar1 goddess1 #ea2 center of worship1 #ajj2 her temples in ,mar1 #ajj2 daughter of ,nina1 #ajj2 popularity of cult1 #ajj2 in ,gudea's pantheon1 #ajf1 #fce2 daughter of ,marduk1 #afh2 temple at ,lagash1 #fce4 ,ninni1 goddess1 ,enanna1 #ea2 titles1 #hj2 center of worship1 #hj2 variant of ,ishtar1 #hb2 in ,lugal-zaggisi's and ,gudea's panthea1 #aaj2 identical with ,nana of ,uruk1 #aaa2 temple at ,hallabi1 #aag2 her cult by ,hammurabi1 #add-e2 ,ninni1 consort of ,zamama1 #afi2 temple in ,kish1 #fci4 ,nin-shakh1 god1 #ea2 his character and functions1 #ic2 identified with ,ninib1 #ic1 #bag2 relations to ,nin-girsu and ,nin-gishzida1 #ib-c2 temple at ,uruk1 #ic4 ,ninshar1 cosmological deity1 #dag4 ,nin-si-a1 god1 #ea2 or ,nin-dar-a1 #ij2 center of worship1 #ia1 #fce2 absorbed by ,nin-girsu1 #ia2 in ,gudea's pantheon1 #ajf1 #fce4 ,nin-sun1 god1 temple of ,n4 at ,lagash1 #fce4 ,nin-tu1 god1 temple of ,n4 at ,lagash1 #fce4 ,nin-zadim1 god1 #aga2 patron of sculpture1 #agh4 ,nippur1 rulers1 #cg2 temple of ,bel1 #aa1 #cg1 #fi1 #ea1 #ed1 #aea1 #fdb1 #fdd2 temple of ,belit1 #ee1 #fce2 inscriptions from ,nippur1 #ajc2 prominence during ,cassite period1 #dj1 #adf1 #dhj2 wall of ,zakar1 #agb2 wall of ,lugal-mittu1 #agb2 ancient center1 #bde1 #dde2 chief god ,del1 or ,en-lil1 #dde1 #edb2 reference to ,n4 in ,gilgamesh epic1 #dhf2 rivalry betw4 ,nippur and ,eridu1 #ejh2 replaced by ,babylon1 #edb2 zikkurat at ,n41 #fag2 worship of ,ninib1 #fce2 worship of ,nusku1 #fce2 votive objects1 #fga-c4 ,nisaba1 goddess1 #ea2 agricultural deity1 #aja2 traits in common with ,ea1 #aja2 sister of ,nina1 #aja2 centers of cult1 #ajb2 in ,gudea's pantheon1 #aaa2 probably local in ,uruk1 #aaa4 ,nisan1 sacred to ,anu and ,bel1 #dfb1 #fgg2 sacred in ,babylonia1 #fhd2 #gth day sacred to ,shamash1 ,malkatu1 and ,bunene1 #fhe4 ,nisir1 mount on which the ship alights1 #ejc4 ,nisroch1 ,assyrian deity1 #b4 ,noah1 resemblance to ,parnapishtim less than is the case with ,lot1 #ejg4 ,nu-gim-mud1 title of ,ea1 #bcj4 ,nun-gal1 god of the #b;d ,bab4 period1 #afh2 temple in ,sippar1 #afh2 meaning of name1 #afh2 solar deity1 #afh2 becomes a demon1 #afh4 ,nur-,ramman1 of ,ur1 builder of ,sin's temple in ,ur1 #gf2 builder of temples to ,nin-gal and ,nannar at ,ur1 #ig4 ,nusku1 fire-god1 in ,ass4 pantheon1 #ahh1 #bbj-a2 in ,bab4 pantheon1 #bbj2 amalgamated with ,gibil1 #bbj1 #bgg2 identified with ,nabu1 #bbj-a2 ideographic writing of name and its explanation1 #bbj2 solar deity1 #bbj-a1 #bgi2 shrine in ,e-,sagila1 #bbj1 #bda2 epithets1 #bba1 #bgg1 #bhj2 functions1 #bba2 shrine in ,e-,zida1 #bda2 in incantations1 #bga-c1 #bgg1 #bhf2 younger than ,gibil1 #bgg2 a mythological conception1 #bgg1 #bgi2 ,gibil-,n1 god of civilization1 #bgh2 medium betw4 worshipper and deity1 #bgi2 associated with ,anu1 #bgg1 #bhf2 associated with ,bel and ,ea1 #bgi1 #bhf2 ,ishum1 messenger of1 #bhj2 worship at ,nippur1 #fce2 see ,gibil4 ,oktanos1 see under ,ea1 #fc4 ,old ,testament1 source for ,b4-,a4 religion1 #a1 #ffi 7cf4 #fif72 relations betw4 the ,hebrews and ,b4-,a41 #b1 #faa1 #fig-h2 contrast betw4 ,hebr4 and ,b4-,a4 religion1 #c1 #ffh2 ,o4 ,t4 points of contact with ,gilgamesh epic1 #die2 with deluge story1 #ejf ff42 parallels betw4 ,adam and ,eabani1 ,eve and ,ukhat1 #eaa2 betw4 ,samson and ,gilgamesh stories1 #eae-f2 #c;d chapter ,genesis compared with ,adapa legend1 #eea2 ,hebr4 ,sheol ,bab4 ,shualu1 #efj2 ,hebr4 ,shoel ,bab4 ,sha'ilu1 #efj2 ,hebr4-,bab4 custom of inquiring of the dead1 #efj2 parallelism betw4 ,sargon ,i4 and ,moses1 #efb2 conceptions of nether-world in ,o4 ,t4 and in ,bab41 #fjf2 parallels betw4 temple of ,solomon and ,bab4 temple1 #fbc1 #fcb1 #feb-c1 #fee2 libation of oil in ,o4 ,t4 and in ,ass4-,bab41 #ffe2 sacrifices in ,o4 ,t4 compared with ,ass4-,bab41 #ffg-h2 teraphim and ,ass4-,bab4 amulets1 #fgd2 ,hebr4 and ,bab4 ,new ,years1 #fha2 ,purim compared with ,bab4 #aeth ,adar festival1 #fhf2 ,ashera and tree worship in ,babylonia1 #fhi4 ,omens1 division of religious literature1 #bdg2 purposes of1 #bdh1 #cca2 comparative age of1 #bec-d2 an indirect means of forecasting the future1 #cbi2 directions for the priest in recognizing o41 #ccj2 relationship betw4 o4 and prayers1 #cca2 part of magic element in the ritual1 #cca2 occasions for seeking an o41 #cca ff42 derived from offered animals1 #ccb2 of a public character1 #ccb ff41 #cfb1 #cfd1 #cgd1 #dja2 questions of an omen seeker1 #ccc ff41 #cfi2 list of1 #ccg1 #cfb2 their relation to reports1 #cfh1 #cgb2 o4 ritual1 #cch2 connecting link betw4 incantations and o41 #ceb2 variety of o4 literature1 #cee1 #cfb2 o4 from stars1 #cef2 the more variety1 the more significance--a principle of general application in interpretation of o41 #ceh2 other guiding principles1 #ceh ff41 #chh1 #dja2 private o41 #cfb1 #djc1 #dje2 o4 series and mode of their composition1 #cfc2 omens deduced from observations of eclipses1 #ceg1 #cfd2 restricted application of o4 no hindrance to their practical use1 #cff1 #cgb2 vagueness of o4 intentional1 #cfg2 interrelation betw4 reports and o41 #cfh1 #cgb-c2 importance of o4 deduced from eclipses and more ordinary phenomena1 #cfh-i2 omens deduced from observations of planets1 esp4 ,ishtar1 and of other heavenly bodies1 #cga-c2 omen calendars1 #cge1 #chb2 omens from terrestrial phenomena1 #chc ff42 logical principle controlling the interpretation1 #chd2 offshoot of sympathetic magic1 #chd2 birth omens1 #chd2 partly public1 partly private character1 #chf2 the rarer the phenomena1 the greater the significance1 #che2 ideas of sympathetic magic in the interpretation of o41 #chh2 omens from offsprings of animals1 #cia ff42 omens from the actions of animals1 #cig-djb2 omens from dreams1 #djb-d2 o4 of a private character1 #djc2 popular phase of augury1 #djc2 omens from individual experiences1 #djd2 dividing line betw4 omens of individual and of public character1 #dje2 the practical working of the omen belief1 #djf4 ,ophites1 a gnostic sect1 #fii4 ,oppert1 ,jules1 expedition to ,babylonia1 #h4 ,oracles1 see also ,omens and ,witchcraft1 direct means of forecasting the future1 #cbi2 occasions for asking o41 #cch ff42 blank forms for o41 #cda2 form of1 #cda ff42 ,marduk1 god of1 #cdb2 asked of the sun-god1 #ccd ff42 of ,ishtar of ,arbela1 #cdb2 ceremonies accompanying o41 #cde2 relationship to penitential psalms1 #cdg2 practical purpose of1 #cdi2 by means of dreams1 #cdi ff42 generally vague language1 #cdd2 occasionally definite language1 #cfj2 objects with which o4 are concerned1 #cfj2 given by priestesses1 #dhe1 or priests1 #cbi1 #efj1 #feg-h2 asked of the dead1 #eei-fj1 #feg2 asked on the ,new ,year's festival1 #fbh-i4 ,pantheon1 divisions and development1 #dh-ej2 sources1 #ea2 comparison betw4 p4 in historical and in incantation texts1 #big2 comparison betw4 ,b4 and ,a4 pantheon1 #ahi1 #bja4 ,papakhu1 chamber of the god1 #fbg2 cosmological significance1 #fbi4 ,pap-sukal1 i4e41 divine messenger1 epithet of ,nin-shakh1 ,nebo1 and ,nusku1 #ic 7cf4 #dfc1 #ega72 in incantations1 #bgc2 #ajth month sacred to ,p41 ,ishtar1 and ,anu1 #dfc4 ,pap-u1 god1 in the ,cassite pantheon1 #afb1 #agb2 offspring of ,e-sharra1 #agd2 function1 #agd4 ,paradise1 belief in1 among ,babylonians1 #egh4 ,parakku1 chamber of the god1 #fbg4 ,parnapishtim1 immortal1 #dhh1 #egg2 ,p4 and ,gilgamesh1 #dib ff42 son of ,kidin-,marduk1 #dhh1 #dif2 born in ,shurippak1 #dif2 his epithet ,adra-,khasis1 #eje2 bears more resemblance to ,lot than to ,noah1 #ejg4 ,pa-sag1 god1 #ea2 the leader of the land1 #aja2 identity with ,ishum1 #aja2 lieutenant of ,shamash1 #ajg2 in ,gudea's pantheon1 #ajf4 ,patesi1 #aih4 ,patron gods1 of persons1 #baf1 #bce2 ,nabu1 patron of ,ramman-nirari ,,iii41 #bbh2 of places1 #di1 #fi-gj1 #ajf1 #aaa4 ,penitential psalms1 points in common with and differences from incantations1 #cab2 national origin of1 #cab2 marks relationship betw4 god and man1 #cac2 purpose to appease the anger of the gods1 #cae1 #fhh2 advanced religious conceptions1 #cad-e1 #cbf2 dialogue form1 #cae2 language1 #caf-g2 age1 #cag2 anonymity of the deity addressed1 #cah2 p4 for specific purposes1 #cbd1 #fhh2 relationship to oracles1 #cdg4 ,persepolis1 wedge writings1 #af4 ,persian ,gulf1 sacred to ,ea1 #dig2 not the source of the deluge1 #dig2 confluence of the streams1 #egg4 ,persian wedge writing1 #ai4 ,personifications of human arts1 #agh4 ,peters1 ,john ,p41 explorer1 #aa4 ,pilgrimage1 #fhd4 ,place1 ,victor1 excavations1 #h4 ,place of ,fates1 name of temple1 #fda4 ,planets1 observations of1 #cgj2 identifications of p4 with deities1 #cgj1 #dei 7cf4 #fai72 prominence of ,ishtar-,venus1 in astrological texts1 #cga2 regarded as auguries for the chiefs and the general welfare1 #cgc2 planets and zikkurats1 #fai4 ,politics1 affecting religion and literature1 #ajh1 #aaj-a1 #acd-e1 #bja1 #bci1 #fij-a4 ,popular ,belief1 see ,theology and ,popular ,belief4 ,prayers1 see also ,hymns1 occasions1 #ffc2 in connection with incantations1 #bic1 #bii2 without accompaniment of incantations1 #bid2 curses regarded as p41 #bif2 no line of demarcation betw4 incantations and p41 #big1 #bii1 #cjg2 ethics in1 #bih2 power of words1 #cbh2 no p4 in its highest form1 #cbi2 relationship betw4 prayers and omen1 #ccj2 efficacy dependent on their being uttered in the right manner and by the right person1 #cec4 ,priestly codes1 #cfb4 ,priests and priestesses1 divisions of1 #bfi1 #bda-b1 #feg-h2 p4 as exorciser and his function1 #bga-b1 #ccj1 #feg-h2 mediator betw4 man and god1 #cae1 #cca1 #cec1 #cgd1 #efj1 #fbg1 #fib2 prognostication of future1 #cbi1 #efj1 #feg2 importance of1 #cec2 ,priests of ,ashur1 association of priestly functions with early kingship1 #cgd2 priests and priestesses in their functions1 #dhe1 #fee ff41 #fib2 priests purifying the dead1 #egh1 #fjb2 general name for priest1 #feg-h1 #fgf2 priestesses as dirge singers1 #fjd1 #feh2 as judges1 #fbe1 #feh2 intellectual leaders1 #fic2 as sacrificers1 #feg-h2 eligibility to priesthood1 #feh-i2 women priests1 #dhe1 #fei-fj4 ,proper names1 see also ,names1 composition of1 #afe2 source of study of divinities1 #aff2 evidence of age of cult of gods 7,ishme-,dagan71 #bjh2 ,samsi-,ramman1 #bji4 ,psalms1 see ,penitential ,psalms2 also ,hymns1 ,prayers4 ,ptolemy1 see ,claudius ,ptolemaeus4 ,pudilu1 builds temple of ,shamash at ,ashur1 #bji4 ,purat ,euphrates1 #bg4 ,purification1 see ,rituals4 ,purim1 compared with the ,bab4 solar festival1 #aeth of ,adar1 #fhf2 not to be compared with ,puru1 #fhh4 ,puru1 a festival ceremony1 #fhh4 ,puzur-,shadu-,rabu1 captain of the ship of ,parnapishtim1 #ejj4 ,ra1 ,egyptian sun-god1 #baj4 ,rabbinical literature1 bearing upon ,b4-,a4 religion1 #c1 #fig4 ,races1 of ,mesopotamia1 #bd1 #cc4 ,ramman1 god1 ,shala his consort1 #ajb1 #afa1 #bab2 associated with ,anu1 #aed1 #bjg1 #bab2 associated with ,shamash1 #ade1 #aeg-h1 #afj1 #baa2 associated with ,sin and ,shamash1 #aeh1 #afc2 associated with ,nergal and ,nana1 #aei1 #afd2 rivals of ,marduk1 #aeh2 ideographic and other readings of the name1 #aef-g2 meaning of name1 #aef-g2 extent of his cult1 #aei2 cult by ,aramaeans1 #aei2 indigenous to ,assyria1 #aei2 rival of ,ashur1 #afa2 his two aspects as storm-god1 #afj2 epithets1 #aef1 #aeh1 #afj1 #bab1 #dih2 in ,hammurabi's pantheon1 #afb2 in ,nebuchadnezzar's ,i4 pantheon1 #afb2 ,martu1 #aff1 #bab2 popular in ,assyria1 #baa2 his instruments of destruction1 #bab2 the mightiest of the gods1 #bab2 name of one of the eastern gates of ,sargon's ,,ii4 palace1 #bcg2 brings abundance1 #bcg2 temple at ,borsippa1 #bdb2 temple at ,kumari1 #bdb2 #aath month sacred to ,r41 #dfc2 ,r4 in the deluge1 #ejj2 declines to fight ,zu1 #eda4 ,ramman-nirari ,i41 king of ,assyria1 #aee2 cult of ,ramman1 #aei2 of ,anunnaki and ,igigi as spirits of earth and heaven resp41 #ahe2 repels the ,cassites1 #aii2 his pantheon1 #bcg1 #eic4 ,ramman-nirari ,,iii41 king of ,assyria1 gives prominence to ,nabu cult in ,assyria1 #abh1 #bbh2 erects temple to ,nabu at ,calab1 #bbh2 ,nabu his patron god1 #bbh4 ,rassam1 ,hormuzd researches1 #i4 ,rawlinson1 ,henry1 explorations1 #i4 ,regulus1 observations1 #cgb4 ,religion1 unity of church and state1 #fij2 influence upon ,hebrews1 see ,old ,testament2 upon ,christianity1 #fih2 upon ,egypt1 ,persia1 and ,greece1 #fii-gja4 ,religious texts1 #ab-c1 #dfg2 sources for religion1 #ea1 #ffa2 in ,bab4 theological schools1 #acd2 reshaping of r4 t4 during ,hammurabi's time1 #adj-b2 divisions1 #bdg-ea2 age1 #fia2 comparison betw4 ,ass4 and ,bab4 r4 t41 #bea-b2 their value as source for knowledge of sacrifices1 #ffa2 votive inscriptions on statues1 #ffi2 on other objects1 #fga-b2 worn as amulets1 #fgb2 plague tablets1 #ecf1 #fgd4 ,rim-,sin1 of #b;d dynasty of ,ur1 called by ,bel and ,ea1 #fb2 cult of moon and sun-god in ,ur1 #gj2 of ,nana in ,ur1 #ha2 builds temple of ,nin-shakh at ,uruk1 #ic2 his wife builds temple to ,nin-gal at ,ur1 #ig4 ,rituals1 establishment of1 #aae2 and incantations1 #bdg-h1 #bec-d1 #bhc2 manner of growth1 #bee2 purification1 #bhd1 #fhh2 incantations the oldest fixed r41 #bid2 penitential psalms1 #cab ff41 #fhh2 bodily castigation1 #cbj1 #fhh2 offerings1 #cbh2 prayers1 #bic ff42 never without ulterior motive1 #cbh2 oracles and omens1 #cbh ff42 composition and growth1 #cbi-cj2 strictness in observation of1 #cdg4 ,rustem1 son of ,sal in ,armen4 and ,mandaean legend1 parallel to ,etana1 #ebj4 ,saba1 district in southern ,arabia1 #dia4 ,sabitum1 maiden in ,gilgamesh epic1 #dij-a2 the goddess of ,siduri1 #dia4 ,sacred objects1 #fea4 ,sacred period1 #fhf4 ,sacred quarter1 #fbb ff4 ,sacredness of animals1 meaning of1 #cig-h1 #ffb2 of trees1 #ffb-c4 ,sacrifices1 when not to be offered1 #cgh2 when offered1 #ffc1 #ffg-h2 offered by priests1 #feg-h2 ,semitic view of1 #ffj2 comparison with ,hebrew1 #ffg-h2 as determined from religious and historical literature1 #ffa2 development of1 #ffa2 two kinds of1 #ffa2 connected with prayers1 #ffc2 use of oil and wine1 #ffd1 #fff2 daily1 #ffg2 monthly1 #ffh4 ,sadu1 the hunter in the service of ,gilgamesh1 #dge2 associated with ,ukhat1 #eaa4 ,safa1 hill in ,mecca1 #fhg4 ,sag-ila ,marduk1 in proper names of the #b;d ,bab4 period1 #afi4 ,sal1 father of ,rustem1 #ebj4 ,samsi-,ramman1 king of ,assyria1 builds temple to ,ramman1 #aed1 #aei2 builds temple to ,ashur in ,ashur1 #aih2 his name as evidence of age of ,shamash cult1 #bji4 ,samson1 parallelism with ,gilgamesh1 #eae ff4 ,samsu-iluna1 king of ,babylon1 #ef2 builds sanctuary of ,belit1 #ef2 builds ,dur-padda1 sacred to ,ramman1 #aeh2 his pantheon1 #afb2 builds wall of ,zakar in ,nippur1 #agb2 builds wall of ,lugal-mittu in ,nippur1 #agb4 ,samuel1 prophet1 his spirit called up1 #eei4 ,saracus1 last king of ,assyria1 #bbi4 ,sargon ,i41 builds temple ,e-ulmash of ,nana in ,agade1 #hb2 myth of ,sargon ,i4 related to an incident in ,moses' life1 #efb2 his exploits incorporated in a religious text1 #efb2 builder of temple of ,en-lil in ,nippur1 #fdb1 #fde4 ,sargon ,,ii41 of ,assyria1 restores laws and customs of ,harran1 #gg2 builds sanctuary to ,shamash1 #baa2 names ,kar-,nergal in honor of ,nergal1 #bai2 builds sanctuary to ,sin at ,khorsabad and ,magganubba1 #bai2 patron of learning1 #bbi2 prominence of ,nabu cult1 #bbi2 erects sanctuary to ,nin-gal at ,khorsabad1 #bca2 restores ,magganubba1 #bcb2 revives the triad1 #bcf2 his pantheon1 #bcg2 his palace at ,khorsabad1 #bbe1 #bcg2 his zikkurat at ,khorsabad1 #fag2 sacrifices in ,babylonia1 #ffd2 institutes special festival1 #fhg4 ,sarpanitum1 consort of ,marduk1 #aba1 #bbd1 #bbh1 #fcf2 interpretation of name1 #aba1 #ddi2 shrine in ,e-,sagila1 #aba1 #bda1 #fcf1 #fda2 her statue recovered by ,agum1 #abb1 #aeb1 #fgj1 #fhg2 her subordinate position1 #aba-b2 goddess of matrimonial fertility1 #abb1 #fhd2 of secret knowledge1 #abb2 amalgamation with ,erua1 #abb2 epithets of ,sarpanitum-,erua1 #abc2 called ,belit1 #bbd1 #fhd2 shrine in ,e-,zida1 #bda2 rarely in incantations1 #bgf2 #beth day of ,siwan her festival1 #fhd2 festival instituted by ,agum1 #fhg4 ,saturn ,ninib1 planet1 #cga1 #dei4 ,saul1 king of ,israel1 and the witch1 #eei4 ,semites and non-,semites in ,babylonia1 #ba-b1 #cb-d4 ,sendschirli1 excavations in1 #egi4 ,senkereh ,larsa4 ,sennacherib1 king of ,assyria1 #bjj2 takes statues of ,ramman and ,shala back from ,babylon1 #bab2 erects temple to ,nergal at ,tarbisu1 #bai2 his pantheon1 #bch1 #fdd1 note #b4 ,seven spirits1 cause eclipse of moon1 #bfd1 #bgf2 #abth month sacred to them1 #dfc2 ,sibi1 collective personification of the s4 p4 associated in war with ,ishum1 #ecc4 ,sex1 inferiority of female to male in the ,b4-,a4 pantheon1 #ge1 #gi1 #ajd2 confusion of female cults1 #hj2 variety of ladies in pantheon1 #ih1 #ajd2 position of female deities as consorts of male deities1 #ajd1 #ehf1 #eid2 male deities becoming female and consorts of male deities1 #agg1 #bhj2 association of sexes in cosmology1 #daa2 association of sexes in the creation of the gods1 #dac2 female deities and the months1 #dfc2 sex in witchcraft1 #bfg1 #cdb1 #ffj2 sex in priesthood1 #dhe1 #fei-fj2 sex in furnishing oracles1 #dhe1 #ffj2 sex among musicians and dirge singers1 #ffj 7see ,dirge72 position of woman1 #fid4 ,shabat1 #aath month1 sacred to ,ramman1 #dfc2 sacred to ,ninib1 #bae1 #fhd4 ,shabra1 god1 temple at ,lagash1 #fce4 ,shailu1 a designation for priest1 #efj2 ,hebr4 ,shoel1 #efj4 ,shala1 consort of ,ramman1 #afa1 #bab2 in proper names of #b;d ,bab4 period1 #afi2 in ,ass4 pantheon1 #ahi2 meaning of name1 #bac2 other applications of the name1 #bac2 epithets1 #bac4 ,shalman1 god1 in ,ass4 pantheon1 #ahh4 ,shalmaneser ,,ii41 king of ,assyria1 gives prominence to ,shamash cult1 #bje1 #bae2 his pantheon1 #bcg4 ,shamash1 or ,utu1 #ea1 #bgg2 signification of name1 #fh2 relations to the moon-god1 #fh-gj1 #ih1 #cje2 centers of worship1 ,sippar and ,larsa1 #fi1 #aag1 #adc1 #agf1 #bda1 #fbh1 #fdj1 #fdf2 relative age of the centers1 #gj2 temple ,ebabbara1 #gj1 #fbh1 #fdj1 #fde2 attributes and functions1 #ga1 #abj1 #baj2 in incantations1 #ga1 #baa2 probable age of these conceptions1 #gb2 his other names and their meaning1 #gb-d1 #agf2 local uses thereof1 #gc2 ,malkatu his consort1 #gd-e1 #agf1 #bda-fhe2 offspring of ,nin-gal1 #ih2 in ,lugalzaggisi's and ,gudea's pantheon1 #aaj2 in ,hammurabi's pantheon1 #afb2 warrior of heaven and earth1 #add1 #baa2 mighty hero1 #aeb2 position in ,bab4 pantheon during and after ,hammurabi1 #add2 position in ,ass4 pantheon1 #add1 #bji-aa2 associated with ,ramman1 #ade1 #aeg-h1 #afj1 #baa2 associated with ,sin and ,ramman1 #aeh1 #afc2 associated with ,ishtar1 #afc1 #eaa2 associated with ,malik and ,bunene1 #agf2 often called ,malik1 #agf2 symbol of ,shamash1 #agf-g2 temple at ,ashur1 #bji2 protecting deity1 #bji2 ethical level in ,ass4 pantheon1 #bji-aj2 judge of heaven and earth1 #baj1 #bgd1 #bgi1 #big1 #ebg 7cf4 #fdj72 prominence of sun cult during reign of ,ashurnasirbal and ,shalmaneser ,,ii41 #baj1 #fdf2 under ,esarhaddon1 #fdf2 sanctuary by ,sargon ,,ii41 #baa2 cult influenced by that of ,egyptian ,ra1 #baj 7cf4 #fii72 name of one of the eastern gates of ,sargon's ,,ii4 palace1 #bcg2 grants victory1 #bcg2 ,nebuchadnezzar ,,ii4 and ,shamash cult1 #fdf2 ,nabonnedos gives prominence to ,sh4 cult1 #bdj-a1 #fdg2 temple in ,babylon1 #bdb1 #fdj2 ,sh4 in incantations1 #bhj2 in hymns1 #cjj ff42 in omens and oracles1 #ccd1 #cdd2 ,shamash and ,sin1 #cje1 #fdg2 #gth month sacred to ,sh41 #dfc1 #fhe2 patron of ,gilgamesh1 #dga1 #dgi2 identical with ,lugal-,marada1 #dhf2 patron of ,etana1 #ebj2 controls ,zu1 #ech2 on seal cylinders1 #edj2 ,si-gar1 a festival of1 #fhd2 festival days1 #fhe4 ,shamshi-,ramman1 king of ,assyria1 gives prominence to ,ninib cult1 #bad4 ,shamuktu1 a class of priestesses of ,ishtar1 #ffj4 ,sha-nit787-ka1 goddess1 in ,ass4 pantheon1 #ahh2 associated with ,damku and ,sharru-ilu1 #bcb2 mistress of ,nineveh1 #bcc2 ,ishtar1 #bcc4 ,sharru1 title of ,marduk1 in the deluge story1 #ejj4 ,sharru-ilu1 god1 associated with ,damku and ,sha-nit787-ka1 #bcb2 meaning of name1 #bcb2 evidently a title1 #bcb2 perhaps a foreign god1 #bcb2 worshipped at ,magganubba1 #bcb4 ,shar-sarbi ,belsarbi1 #bdb4 ,sherua1 minor god in ,ass4 pantheon1 #bcd2 foreign deity1 #fdd4 ,sheol1 #efj2 ,o4 ,t4 conceptions of ,sheol to ,babylonian conceptions1 #fjf ff42 see also ,shualu1 ,dead44 ,shinar ,babylonia1 #fac4 ,ship1 construction of1 #dih-i2 ,puzur-shadu-rabu1 captain of ark1 #ejj2 a sacred object1 #fec-d2 its uses and significance1 #fed2 compared with the ,mahmal and the ark1 #fee4 ,ship of ,light1 name of ,sin's ship1 #fee4 ,ship of ,malku1 name of the ship of ,naru1 #fee4 ,ship of the ,brilliant ,offspring1 name of ,bau's ship1 #fee4 ,shir1 god1 in ,nebuchadnezzar's ,i4 pantheon1 #afb2 local god1 #afc2 patron of ,bit-,khabban1 #agf4 ,shirpurla1 see ,lagash4 ,shualu1 designation of the district of the dead1 #efj ff42 meaning1 #eei2 to ,hebr4 ,sheol1 #efj4 ,shubu1 in ,nebuchadnezzar's ,i4 pantheon1 #afb2 local character1 #afc2 patron god of ,bit-,khabban1 #agf4 ,shu-bu-la1 god1 in proper names of the #b;d ,bab4 period1 #afi2 patron of ,shumdula1 #afi4 ,shu-gid-la1 see ,shu-bu-la1 #afi4 ,shukamuna1 ,cassite god1 identical with ,nergal1 #aeb1 #afc1 #agb2 head of ,agum's pantheon1 #aeb1 #agb2 consort of ,shumalia1 #agc4 ,shul-gur ,nin-girsu1 #ea4 ,shul-pa-uddu1 god1 #ea2 meaning of name1 #ii2 age and extension of cult1 #ii2 decline of cult in favor of ,shamash and ,ninib1 #ajj2 position in ,babylonian astronomy1 #ajj2 solar deity1 #ii1 #eca4 ,shumalia1 in the ,cassite pantheon1 #afb-c1 #agb2 in ,nebuchadnezzar's ,i4 pantheon1 #afb2 consort of ,shukamuna1 #agc2 epithet1 #agc4 ,shumdula1 city in ,babylonia1 cult of ,shubula1 #afi4 ,shum-gar1 see ,si-gar4 ,shurippak1 city on ,euphrates1 destroyed by rainstorm1 #die2 comparison with ,sodom1 #dif1 #ejg4 ,shurpu series1 #bij4 ,shu-sil-la1 see ,shubula1 #afi4 ,sibi1 collective personification of the seven evil spirits associated with ,ishum1 #ecc4 ,sibittum1 minor deity in the ,etana legend1 #eba4 ,siduri1 ,sabitum1 the goddess of ,siduri1 #dia4 ,si-gar1 festival of ,gula1 #fhc2 festival of ,sin1 #fhd2 festival of ,shamash1 #fhd2 meaning1 #fhd2 date of installation of ,ashurbanabal1 #fhd4 ,silili1 mother of one of ,ishtar's associates1 #dhb4 ,sin1 god1 see also ,nannar2 worshipped in ,harran1 #gf1 #bda1 #fda1 #fdg2 temple at ,ur1 #gf1 #bda1 #bie1 #fdj1 #fdd1 #fhg2 occurrence of the name elsewhere1 #gg2 amalgamation with ,nannar1 #gh2 chief trait1 #gh2 lunar cycle and sun calendar1 #gh2 epithets and functions1 #gf1 #gh-i1 #bai1 #dfb2 gradual decrease of ,sin cult1 #gh-i2 in ,lugalzaggisi's and ,gudea's pantheon1 #aaj2 associated with ,shamash and ,ramman1 #aeh1 #afc2 in ,hammurabi's pantheon1 #afb2 patron of ,bit-,khabban1 #afc2 head of #b;d triad1 #afc2 associated with ,ishtar1 #afc1 #ega2 father of ,ishtar1 #efe2 temple at ,calah1 #bai2 sanctuary at ,khorsabad1 #bai2 sanctuary at ,magganubba1 #bai2 god of wisdom1 #gh1 #bai2 god of water in ,ass4 pantheon1 #bai2 first-born son of ,bel1 #gf1 #bai2 subordinate position in ,ass4 pantheon1 #bai-bj2 ,sin and astronomy1 resp4 astrology1 #bai-bj2 temple at ,babylon1 #bdb2 in incantations1 #bhj2 in hymn1 #cjc-d2 ,sin and ,shamash1 #cje1 #fdg2 first-born of ,bel1 #bai1 #dfb2 ,siwan1 #c;d month1 sacred to ,sin #dfb2 chapel in ,e-,zida1 #fci2 ,sin cult under ,nabonnedos1 #gg1 #fdh2 ,sin's ship1 #fee2 zagmuk of1 #fgh2 ,si-gar1 festival of1 #fhd4 ,sinai1 a peninsula 7metals and stone71 #fbg1 #feb4 ,sin-gamil1 of ,uruk1 builds sanctuaries to ,nergal at ,cuthah1 #ff4 ,sin-gashid1 of ,uruk1 servitor of ,lugal-banda and ,nin-gul1 #ie-f4 ,sin-iddina1 of ,larsa1 builds sanctuary to ,shamash in ,larsa1 #fi2 builds temple of ,sin in ,ur1 #gf4 ,sippar1 temple and archives1 #aj2 ancient center1 #ce1 #bde2 center of worship of ,shamash1 #fi1 #aag1 #adc-d1 #bda1 #fbh1 #fdj1 #fdf2 temple of ,nun-gal1 #afh2 worship of ,shamash1 ,malik1 and ,bunene1 #agf2 temple of ,nin-karrak1 #bid2 temple of ,malkalu or ,a1 #fdj2 zikkurat1 ,threshold of ,long ,life1 #fda4 ,sir1 serpent god1 in proper names of the #b;d ,bab4 period1 #agj4 ,sirius1 observations of1 #cgb4 ,siwan1 #c;d month1 sacred to ,sin1 #dfb1 #fhg2 sacred to the god of brick structures1 #dfc2 #beth day of ,siwan sacred to ,belit of ,babylon1 #fhd4 ,slaves1 standing of slaves a measure of social ethics1 #fie4 ,smith1 ,george1 explorations1 #i4 ,sodom1 destruction of1 point of contact with ,gilgamesh epic1 #die-f1 #ejg4 ,sokkaros1 grandfather of ,gilgamesh 7,aelian71 #ebd4 ,solomonic temple and the sacred quarter in ,nippur1 #fbc-d2 horns of altar compared with ,bab4 custom1 #feb2 sea compared with ,apsu1 #fec2 ark compared with the ,bab4 ship1 #fee4 ,sorcer1 ,sorceress1 see also ,witchcraft2 relationship betw4 s4 and oracle-giver1 #cdb4 ,spirits1 in proper names1 #aff1 #ahj2 ,nun-gal-e-ne1 a class of1 #afh 7cf4 #ahd72 their symbols1 #agd1 #ahb2 functions1 #agd2 lists of1 #ahj2 classification of1 #aha ff42 of disease1 #aha1 #ahf1 #bdf2 of the field1 #ahb2 of the nether-world1 #ahc2 dividing line betw4 gods and spirits1 #aha1 #ahc1 #bca1 #bff1 #bgd2 of evil1 #bfj1 #bfd2 activity of1 #bfj-a2 representations of1 #bfc2 habitations of1 #bfj1 #bfc2 the seven spirits1 #bfd2 strength attribute of1 #bff2 relationship betw4 demons and witchcraft1 #bfg2 differentiation of demons1 #bfb4 ,spiritualization of mythology1 #cjd1 #cjf2 characteristic of later times1 #big2 in penitential psalms1 #cac1 #cai4 ,splendor of ,heaven and ,earth1 name of temple1 #fda4 ,stars1 writing of heaven1 #ded2 division of1 #dee4 ,storm1 symbols of storm 7birds and bulls71 #ecg ff4 ,subartu1 name of country1 #ecb4 ,sugi1 name of country1 #fge4 ,sukhaul-ziku1 name of mythical fountain1 #egb4 ,sumer and ,akkad1 ethnological-geographical1 #cb-c2 ,s4-,a4 language in incantations1 #bei4 ,sumerian question1 #ba-d1 #cb-d4 ,sun1 see ,shamash2 gates of s41 #dce1 #ddc2 representation of sun in creation story1 #dfa2 sun and moon in astronomy and religion1 #dfa4 ,susian wedge writing1 #ai4 ,syllabaries1 #ace4 ,syncellus1 source for ,b4-,a4 religion1 #a1 #e4 ,systematized religion1 see ,theology4 ,taboo1 meaning of1 #cig4 ,talisman1 see ,amulet1 ,teraphim4 ,tammuz1 agricultural deity1 #eh1 #ehh2 relations to ,ishtar1 #hd1 #dhb1 #dhd1 #edg1 #efd1 #egd2 ,t4 and ,gish-zida doorkeepers of heaven1 #edf2 solar deity1 #edg2 #dth month named for ,t41 #edg1 #fhb2 intercedes for ,adapa with ,anu1 #edh-i2 brother of ,belili1 #ege2 ,t4's day ,all-,souls' ,day1 #eii1 #fje1 #fhb2 identified with ,nin-girsu1 #eh2 associated with ,nin-gish-zida1 #edf1 #ehh4 ,tammuz1 #dth month1 sacred to ,ninib1 #dfb2 named for god ,tammuz1 #edg1 #fhb2 sacred to the servant of ,gibil1 #dfc4 ,tarbisu1 city north of ,nineveh2 temple of ,nergal1 #bai4 ,tar-gul-le1 names of some demons let loose by ,dibbarra in the deluge story1 #ejj4 ,tashmitum1 goddess in pantheon of ,hammurabi1 #acj2 a new creation1 #aca-b2 consort of ,nabu1 #acj-a1 #bbh-i2 meaning of name1 #aca2 her quasi-artificial character1 #aca-b2 called ,nana1 #acb2 shrine in ,e-,sagila1 #bbj1 #bda2 in the subscript to ,ashurbanabal's tablets1 #bbi-cj2 shrine in ,e-,zida1 #bda4 ,tashritu1 see ,tishri4 ,taylor1 ,j4 ,e41 excavations1 #h4 ,tebet1 #ajth month1 sacred to ,papsukal1 ,ishtar1 and ,anu1 #dfc2 festival of ,en-meshara1 #ehh4 ,tel-,id1 mound near ,warka1 site of ancient capital of ,mar1 #ajj4 ,tell-el-amarna1 see ,el-amarna4 ,tell-,ibrahim ,cuthah4 ,telloh1 excavations1 #aa2 temple records and legal documents1 #afe4 ,tell-,sifr1 temple records and legal documents1 #afe4 ,temple records1 see also ,literature2 source of study of the deities1 #afg4 ,temples1 #fab ff42 names of t41 #fch ff42 history of t41 #fdb ff42 as financial establishments1 #fej2 minor part played by the temples in ,assyria1 #fei4 ,terah1 ,terahites1 appearance in ,palestine1 #b2 migrations1 #b2 home of1 #i4 ,teraphim1 talismans parallel to ,ass4-,bab4 statuettes of gods1 #fgd4 ,teumman1 king of ,elam1 #bif4 ,thamud1 ,arabic tribe destroyed1 #dif4 ,the ,brilliant ,house1 name of temple1 #fda4 ,the ,lesser ,light1 name of ,ningal's ship1 #fee4 ,theology and popular belief1 #hi1 #aad1 #aca1 #ahj1 #bce1 #bdi1 #daa1 #dad1 #daf1 #deh1 #did1 #ebg1 #ehd1 #fad1 #fai1 #fbi-cj1 #fhi2 ,gudea's system1 #ajh2 interaction betw4 political fortunes and positions of divinities1 #ajh1 #aaj-aa1 #acd-e1 #bja1 #bcd1 #bce2 genealogical arrangement according to ,amiaud1 #ajh2 family theory according to ,davis1 #aji2 its value1 #aji2 tendency towards recognition of certain great gods1 #aaa1 #adg1 #aga1 #aij1 #bcd-e1 #fif2 organization of cult and ritual1 establishment of dogmas1 #aae1 #acc1 #bdg1 #fij2 pedagogical activity1 #ace2 formation of the great triad1 #adg2 re-systematization of gods by ,hammurabi1 #aga1 #bgf2 systematization of spirits1 #ahd2 attempts to systematize series of gods1 #bac1 #baf1 #bcc2 theology in cosmology1 #dab ff41 #dah1 #ddc2 in the #abth tablet of the ,gilgamesh epic1 #eab-c2 in the ,etana legend1 #ebg2 theology in the ,zu epic1 #edb4 ,thomas1 ,felix1 excavations1 #h4 ,thousand and ,one ,nights1 #did4 ,threshold of ,long ,life1 name of zikkurat in ,sippar1 #fda4 ,tiamat1 mythical monster1 conquered by ,marduk1 #adj1 #aig1 #djh2 fought by ,anu1 ,ea1 #aig2 synonymous with ,apsu1 #daa2 female principle1 #daa2 personified chaos1 #daa1 #dad2 dominion of ,t4 and ,apsu precedes that of the gods1 #dab2 gods product of the union of ,t4 and ,apsu1 #dac2 mythical monsters product of the union of ,t4 and ,apsu1 #dad2 associates of ,t41 #dai2 ,ummu-,khubur1 epithet of ,t41 #dai2 ,kingu her consort1 #dbj2 ,tiamat epic compared with ,zu myth1 #edc2 comparison with ,nergal-,allat fight1 #ehe4 ,tiglathpileser ,i41 king of ,assyria1 nomenclature of ,bel1 #adf2 dedicates temple to ,anu and ,ramman1 #aed1 #aei2 as a hunter1 #baf2 rebuilds temple of ,bel at ,ashur1 #bbe2 pantheon1 #bcf2 dedicates captured gods1 #fge4 ,tiglathpileser ,,ii41 sacrifices in ,babylonia1 #ffd4 ,tigris1 course of1 #bh-i2 comparison with ,euphrates1 #cj2 in garden of ,eden1 #b 7cf4 #ejf72 one of the four streams forming the confluence of streams1 #ejf 7cf4 #b74 ,tishri1 #gth month1 sacred to ,shamash1 #dfb 7cf4 #fha1 #fhe72 #gth day sacred to ,shamash1 ,malkatu1 and ,bunene1 #fhe4 ,tombs1 see ,dead4 ,triad1 the great1 ,anu1 ,bel1 ,ea1 #ajg2 relationship of the members1 #adg2 product of theology1 #adg1 #adi2 development of1 #adh2 extraneous position1 #adi2 representative of the three kingdoms1 #aee2 punish the violator of monuments1 #bjg2 fix the name of the months1 #bjh1 #bcf2 general position in ,ass4 pantheon1 #bcf2 give victory1 #bcf2 grant rule1 #bcf2 associated with ,ashur1 ,ishtar1 and ,igigi1 and ,anunnaki1 #bcf2 in incantations1 #bgc2 associated with fire-god1 #bgi2 in ,gudea1 #dah2 in the cosmology1 #dah2 ancestors of the triad1 #dah2 symbolizes the eternal laws of the universe1 #dcb4 ,triad1 second1 ,sin1 ,shamash1 ,ramman1 #afc2 in incantations1 #bgc4 ,tubal-cain1 biblical father of metal workers1 #agh4 ,tur-lil-en1 in ,nebuchadnezzar's ,,ii4 pantheon1 #bdb4 ,tychsen1 ,gerhard1 decipherment of wedge writing1 #ae4 ,ubshu-kenna1 council chamber of the gods1 #dbc1 #fbi1 #fhg4 ,uddushu-,namir1 a divine servant1 created by ,ea1 #ega4 ,ud-zal ,nimib1 #aff4 ,ukhat1 in the ,gilgamesh epic1 #dge1 #dgf ff42 parallelism betw4 ,u4 and ,eve1 #eaa4 ,ukhati1 sacred harlots of ,uruk1 #dge1 #eca1 #ffj4 ,ul-mash-shi-tum1 in proper names of the #b;d ,bab4 period1 #agj4 ,ululu1 #fth month1 sacred to ,ishtar1 #dfb1 #fhd2 sacred to ,ashur1 #dfc1 #fhe2 sacred to ,ninib1 #bae1 #fhd2 #c;d day of ,u4 sacred to ,shamash1 ,malkatu1 and ,bunene1 #fhe4 ,ululu #b;d 7intercalated71 sacred to ,anu and ,bel1 #dfc4 ,umu1 goddess1 #ea2 priestess of ,uruk1 #ajb2 in ,lugalzaggisi's pantheon1 #aaj4 ,umun-pa-uddu ,shul-pa-uddu1 #ii4 ,ur1 city1 home of ,terahites1 #i2 dynasties1 #cf-g2 sacred to ,sin or ,nannar1 #fi-gj1 #ge1 #bdb1 #fdj1 #fdg2 sanctuary of ,shamash1 #gj2 starting point of ,hebrew migrations1 #gg2 association with ,harran1 #gg2 temple of ,nana1 #ha2 temple of ,nin-gal1 #ig2 temple of ,sin1 #gj1 #bdb1 #bie1 #fdj2 literary center1 #bde2 zikkurat at ,ur1 #fag2 temple ,e-kharsag1 #fch2 temple ,e-gal-makh1 #fci4 ,ur-,bau1 patesi of ,lagash1 builds sanctuary of ,belit1 #ef2 builds sanctuary to ,ea in ,girsu1 #fa-c2 builds temple of ,ninni in ,gishgalla1 #hj2 builds temple to ,nin-,mar in ,mar1 #ajj2 builds temple to ,ku787-anna in ,girsu1 #ajb2 erects a zikkurat in ,nippier1 #fde4 ,ur-,gur1 #b;d dynasty of ,ur1 builds sanctuary to ,shamash in ,larsa1 #fi2 preserves local cults in ,larsa1 ,nippur1 ,uruk1 #fi2 builds temple to ,sin in ,ur1 #gf2 builds temple to ,nana in ,uruk1 #ha4 ,ur-,kasdim ,ur4 ,ur-,nin-,girsu1 of ,lagash1 priest of ,anu1 #ij4 ,ur-,shul-pa-uddu1 ruler of ,kish1 #ii4 ,uru-azagga1 quarter of ,lagash1 #eg2 temple of ,bau1 #ei1 #ajc4 ,uru-gal1 great city1 designation of nether-world1 #eib2 ,nin-azu1 god of ,u41 #eib4 ,uruk1 ancient center1 #i1 #ce1 #bde1 #dde1 #dgb2 excavated1 #i2 rulers1 #cg2 temple of ,nin-shakh1 #ic2 temple of ,lugal-banda1 #ie2 temple of ,nin-gul1 #if2 origin of cult of ,nisaba1 #ajb2 ,nana1 or ,ishtar1 the great goddess of ,uruk1 #ha1 #hd1 #ajc1 #bdb1 #caa1 #dde1 #dgc1 #dge1 #fde1 #fdh2 importance of ,uruk in ,nippur inscriptions1 #ajc2 worship of ,nisaba1 #aaa2 temple of ,nana or ,ishtar1 #ha1 #bdb1 #caa1 #eca1 #fci2 ,uruk supuri1 #dgb2 city of the ,kizreti1 ,ukhati1 and ,kharimati1 #dge1 #eca2 conquered by ,gilgamesh1 #dgc1 #eac2 attacked by ,khumbaba1 #dcj2 ,uruk under ,cassites 7871 #dhj2 attacked by ,dibbarra1 #eca2 dwelling of ,anu and ,ishtar1 #eca2 zikkurat at ,u41 #fai1 #fci4 ,uru-kagina1 patesi of ,lagash1 #ec2 king of ,girsu1 #ef2 erects temple of ,bau at ,uru-azagga1 #ajc4 ,utu1 surname of ,shamash1 #gb2 etymology1 #gc4 ,utukku1 a class of spirits1 #bfj 7cf4 #eaa74 ,vases1 sacred objects1 #feb1 #fgd-e comparison with vases in the ,solomonic temple1 #fec4 ,venus ,ishtar1 name of planet1 #cgj4 ,votive inscriptions1 see ,religious ,texts4 ,votive offerings1 #ea1 #eg1 #ffj ff42 lists of1 #afe2 popular character1 #ffh-i2 statues of kings votive offerings1 #ffi2 occasions for1 #fgj2 offered by kings and laymen1 #fga1 #fge2 various objects1 #fga1 #fge2 captured gods as offerings1 #fge4 ,warka1 see ,uruk4 ,water1 see ,fire and ,ea2 means of purification1 #bgf1 #bgi1 #bhb1 #bhi4 ,wedge writing1 styles and varieties1 #ai1 #bj2 origin1 #ba ff41 #ded1 #dee4 ,witchcraft1 origin of belief in1 #bfg2 relationship betw4 w4 and demons1 #bfg2 the sex in w41 #bfg1 #cdb1 #dhe2 means of w41 #bfh2 protection against1 #bfi2 release from1 #bhe1 #feg2 causes of punishment by1 #bia4 ,worship1 tree worship compared with ,hebrew-,phoenician ,ashera cult1 #fhi2 symbolical in ,bab41 #fhi4 ,xenophon1 contemporary of ,ctesias1 #a4 ,xisuthras1 #eje2 see ,adra-,khasis4 ,yakhin1 name of column in ,solomon's temple1 #fbd4 ,zab1 lower1 tributary of ,tigris1 #aib4 ,zabu1 king of ,babylon1 restores ,shamash temple at ,sippar1 #aag2 restores ,anunit temple at ,agade1 #aag4 ,zag-muk1 festival of ,bau1 #ei1 #fgg2 festival of ,marduk1 #abg1 #fca1 #fgh-i2 festival of ,en-lil1 #fgh2 festival of ,sin1 #fgh2 festival of ,nana1 #fgh2 propitious time for asking oracles1 #fbh-i2 spring and fall the time of the z41 #fgh2 compared with ,jewish ,new ,year1 #fhg4 ,zakar1 god1 meaning of name1 #agb2 place of worship1 #agb2 wall of ,zakar1 #agb2 relationship to ,bel and ,belit1 #agb4 ,zamama1 god of the #b;d ,bab4 period1 #afh2 sanctuary to ,z4 in ,kish1 #afi2 god of battle 7identified with ,ninib1 #fdj71 #afi2 ,ninni his consort1 #afi2 in incantations1 #bgc2 temple of ,zamama-,ninib1 #fdj4 ,zarmu1 son of ,bau1 #ajc4 ,za-za-uru1 son of ,bau1 #ajc4 ,zikkurat1 staged tower1 #fae2 imitation of mountain1 #fae2 house of oracle1 #fbb2 names of zikkurats1 #fch ff4 ,zodiac1 z4 system outcome of religious thought1 #bdg1 #dcd2 zodiacal interpretation of the gods1 #hb1 #caj-a1 #dcd1 #dfb-c1 #fgf2 almost the entire zodiac known to the ,babylonians1 #def4 ,zoroastrianism1 #de4 ,zu1 personification of storm1 #ebe1 #ecg2 myth of ,zu1 #ecg ff42 compared with ,tiamat epic1 #edc2 explanation of name1 #ecg2 the chief worker of evil1 #ech2 under the control of ,shamash1 #ech2 robs the tablets of fate1 #edj2 conquered by ,marduk1 #edb4 ,zurghul1 city in ,babylonia1 #egh4 ,,announcements ,,handbooks ,,on ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,religions ,edited by ,morris ,jastrow1 ,jr41 ,professor of ,semitic ,languages in the ,university of ,pennsylvania ,the distinguishing features of this series will be3 first1 each volume will deal with the history of a special religion1 which is to be intrusted to the hands of a competent specialist2 second1 the treatment of the subject in the various volumes will follow so far as possible a uniform order2 a third division will embody a full exposition of the beliefs and rites1 the religious art and literature2 a fourth division will give the history of the religion and set forth its relation to others4 ,three volumes are now ready4 ,,now ,,ready ,i4 ,,the ,,religions ,,of ,,india ,by ,edward ,washburn ,hopkins1 ,professor of ,sanskrit and ,comparative ,philology in ,yale ,university4 #hvo4 ,cloth4 xviii #fab pages4 ,list price1 #b4jj2 mailing price1 #b4bj4 ,,ii4 ,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,babylonia ,,and ,,assyria ,by ,morris ,jastrow1 ,jr41 ,professor of ,semitic ,languages in the ,university of ,pennsylvania4 #hvo4 ,cloth4 xiv #ghj pages4 ,list price1 #c4jj2 mailing price1 #c4be4 ,,iii4 ,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,the ,,teutons ,by ,p4 ,d4 ,chantepie de la ,saussaye1 ,professor in the ,university of ,leiden4 ,translated by ,b4 ,j4 ,vos1 ,associate ,professor of ,german in the ,johns ,hopkins ,university4 #hvo4 ,cloth4 viii #ejd pages4 ,list price1 #b4ej2 mailing price1 #b4gj4 ,,in ,,preparation ,,iv4 ,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,israel ,by the ,rev4 ,professor ,john ,p4 ,peters1 ,new ,york4 ,v4 ,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,persia ,by ,professor ,a4 ,v4 ,williams ,jackson of ,columbia ,university4 ,,vi4 ,,introduction ,,to ,,the ,,history ,,of ,,religions ,by ,professor ,c4 ,h4 ,toy of ,harvard ,university4 ,,vii4 ,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,islam ,by ,professor ,morris ,jastrow1 ,jr41 of the ,university of ,pennsylvania4 ,,viii4 ,,the ,,religion ,,of ,,the ,,romans ,by ,professor ,jesse ,benedict ,carter of ,princeton ,university4 ,,ginn ,,company ,publishers