,,religion ,,and ,,art ,,in ,,ancient ,,greece ,,by ,,ernest ,a4 ,,gardner ,,yates ,,professor ,,of ,,archaeology ,,and ,,public ,,orator ,,in ,,the ,,university ,,of ,,london2 ,,late ,,director ,,of ,,the ,,british ,,school ,,at ,,athens ,,london ,,and ,,new ,,york ,,harper ,,brothers #de ,,albemarle ,,street1 ,w4 #aiaj ,,preface ,greek religion may be studied under various aspects2 and many recent contributions to this study have been mainly concerned either with the remote origin of many of its ceremonies in primitive ritual1 or with the manner in which some of its obscurer manifestations met the deeper spiritual needs which did not find satisfaction in the official cults4 ,such discussions are of the highest interest to the anthropologist and to the psychologist2 but they have the disadvantage of fixing our attention too exclusively on what1 to the ordinary ,greek1 appeared accidental or even morbid1 and of making us regard the ,olympian pantheon1 with its clearly realised figures of the gods1 as a mere system imposed more or less from outside upon the old rites and beliefs of the people4 ,in the province of art1 at least1 the ,olympian gods are paramount2 and thus we are led to appreciate and to understand their worship as it affected the religious ideals of the people and the services of the ,state4 ,for we must remember that in the case of religion even more than in that of art1 its essential character and its influence upon life and thought lie rather in its full perfection than in its origin4 ,in a short sketch of so wide a subject it has seemed inadvisable to make any attempt to describe the types of the various gods4 ,without full illustration and a considerable expenditure of space1 such a description would be impracticable1 and the reader must be referred to the ordinary handbooks of the subject4 ,a fuller account will be found in ,dr4 ,farnell's ,cults of the ,greek ,states1 and some selected types are discussed with the greatest subtlety and understanding in ,brunn's ,griechische ,gotterideale4 ,in the present volume only a few examples are mentioned as characteristic of the various periods4 ,it may thus1 ,i trust1 serve as an introduction to a more complete study of the subject2 and may1 at the same time1 offer to those who have not the leisure or inclination for such further study1 at least a summary of what we may learn from ,greece as to the relations of religion and art under the most favourable conditions4 ,it is easy1 as ,aristotle says1 to fill in the details if only the outlines are rightly drawn--,greek3 doxeie d' an pantos einai proagagein kai diorthosai ta kalos echonta te perigraphe4 ,,contents ,,chapter ,,page ,i4 ,,idolatry ,,and ,,imagination 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 #a ,,ii4 ,,aspects ,,of ,,religion--,,popular1 ,,official1 ,,poetical1 ,,philosophical 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 #bd ,,iii4 ,,the ,,conditions ,,of ,,religious ,,art ,,in ,,greece 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 #dh ,,iv4 ,,anthropomorphism 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 #eh ,v4 ,,idealism 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 #ge ,,vi4 ,,individualism 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 #id ,,vii4 ,,personification1 ,,convention1 ,,and ,,symbolism 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 #ajh ,,religion ,,and ,,art ,,in ,,ancient ,,greece ,,chapter ,i ,,introduction--,,idolatry ,,and ,,imagination ,the relation of religion to art has varied greatly among different peoples and at different periods4 ,at the one extreme is the uncompromising puritan spirit1 which refuses to admit any devices of human skill into the direct relations between ,god and man1 whether it be in the beauty of church or temple1 in the ritual of their service1 or in the images which they enshrine4 ,other religions1 such as those of the ,jews or of ,islam1 relegate art to a subordinate position2 and while they accept its services to decorate the buildings and apparatus connected with divine worship1 forbid any attempt to make a visible representation of the deity4 ,modern ,christianity1 while it does not1 as a rule1 repeat this prohibition1 has varied greatly from time to time and from country to country as to the extent to which it allows such representations4 ,probably the better educated or more thoughtful individuals would in every case regard them merely as symbolic aids to induce the concentration and intensity of religious ideas and aspirations2 but there is no doubt that among the common people they tend to become actually objects of worship in themselves4 ,it is instructive to turn to a system in which idolatry1 the worship of images1 was an essential part of orthodox religious observance4 ,it is easy and customary with a certain class of minds to dismiss all such examples of idolatry with a superficial generalisation such as the heathen in his blindness bows down to stock and stone4 ,but it seems worth while to devote a short study to an attempt to understand how such a system worked in the case of a people like the ancient ,greeks1 who possessed to a degree that has never been surpassed both clearness of intellectual perception and a power to embody their ideals in artistic form4 ,whether it tended to exalt or to debase religion may be a doubtful question2 but there can be no doubt that it gave an inspiration to art which contributed to the unrivalled attainments of the ,greeks in many branches of artistic creation4 ,we shall be mainly concerned here with the religion of ,greece as it affected the art of sculpture2 but before attempting a historical summary it is necessary for us to understand exactly what we mean by the worship of representations of the gods1 and to consider the nature of the influence which such representation must have upon artistic activity4 ,idolatry--the worship of images--is almost always used by us in a bad sense1 owing1 no doubt1 chiefly to the usage of the word in the ,jewish scriptures4 ,mr4 ,ruskin1 in his chapter on the subject in his ,aratra ,pentelici1 points out that it may also be used in a good sense1 though he prefers to use the word imagination in this meaning4 ,there is doubtless a frequent tendency to failure to ,look through the sign to the thing signified1 but there is no essential reason why the contemplation of a beautiful statue1 embodying a worthy conception of the deity1 should not be as conducive to a state of worship and communion as is an impressive ritual or ceremony1 or any other aid to devotion4 ,this view of the matter is expressed by some later ,greek writers2 in earlier times it was probably unconsciously present1 though it is hardly to be found in contemporary literature4 ,but it was only by slow stages that art came to do so direct a service to religious ideas2 in more primitive times its relation was more subordinate4 ,the worship or service of images1 even in the highest ages of ,greek civilisation1 was much more associated with primitive and comparatively inartistic figures than with the masterpieces of sculpture2 and even where these masterpieces were actually objects of worship it was often from the inheritance of a sanctity transferred to them from an earlier image rather than for their own artistic qualities4 ,it does not1 indeed1 follow that the influence of the great sculptors upon the religious ideals of the people was a negligible quality2 we have abundant evidence1 both direct and indirect1 that it was very great4 ,but it was exercised chiefly by following and ennobling traditional notions rather than by daring innovation1 and therefore can only be understood in relation to the general development both of religious conceptions and of artistic facility4 ,here we shall be mainly concerned with art as an expression of the religious ideals and aspirations of the people1 and as an influence upon popular and educated opinions and conceptions of the gods4 ,but we must not forget that it is also valuable to us as a record of myths and beliefs1 and of ritual and customs associated with the worship of the gods4 ,this is the case1 above all1 with reliefs and vase-paintings4 ,in them we often find representations which do not merely illustrate ancient literature1 but supplement and modify the information we derive from classical writers4 ,the point of view of the artist is often not the same as that of the poet or historian1 and it is frequently nearer to that of the people1 and therefore a help in any attempt to understand popular beliefs4 ,the representations of the gods which we find in such works do not often embody any lofty ideals or subtle characterisation2 but they show us the traditional and easily recognisable figures in which the gods usually occurred to the imagination of the ,greek people4 ,the association of acts of worship with certain specially sacred objects or places lies at the basis of much religious art1 though very often art has little or nothing to do with such objects in a primitive stage of religious development4 ,stocks and stones--the latter often reputed to have fallen from heaven1 the former sometimes in the shape of a growing tree1 sometimes of a mere unwrought log--were to be found as the centres of religious cult in many of the shrines of ,greece4 ,these sacred objects are sometimes called fetishes2 and although it is perhaps wiser to avoid terms belonging properly to the religion of modern savages in speaking of ancient ,greece1 there seems to be an analogy between the beliefs and customs that are implied4 ,such sacred stocks or stones were not regarded merely as symbols of certain deities1 but were looked upon as having certain occult or magic qualities inherent in them1 and as being in themselves potent for good or evil4 ,the ceremonies used in their cult partook of the nature of magic rather than religion1 so far as these consisted of anointing them with oil or with drink offerings2 such ceremonies might1 indeed1 be regarded as gratifying to the deity worshipped under their form1 when they were definitely affiliated to the service of an anthropomorphic god2 but in a more primitive stage of belief the indwelling power probably was not associated with any such generalisation as is implied in the change from animism or polydaemonism to polytheism4 ,we are here concerned not with this growth of religious feeling1 but rather with its influence upon the sacred things that were objects of worship and with the question how far their sanctity encouraged their artistic decoration4 ,it is perhaps easier to realise the feeling of a primitive people about this matter in the case of a sacred building than in that of the actual image of a god4 ,a temple does not1 indeed--in ,greece1 at least--belong to the earliest phase of cult2 for it is the dwelling of the god1 and its form1 based on that of a human dwelling-house1 implies an anthropomorphic imagination4 ,we find1 however1 in ,homer that the gods are actually thought of as inhabiting their temples and preferring one to another1 ,athena going to ,athens and ,aphrodite to ,paphos as her chosen abode4 ,it was clearly desirable for every city to gain this special favour2 and an obvious way to do this was to make the dwelling-place attractive in itself to the deity4 ,this might be done not merely by the abundance of sacrifices1 but also by the architectural beauty of the building itself1 and by the richness of the offerings it contained4 ,here was1 therefore1 a very practical reason for making the dwelling of the god as sumptuous and beautiful as possible1 in order that he might be attracted to live in it and to give his favour and protection to those that dwelt around it4 ,doubtless1 as religious ideas advanced and the conception of the nature of the gods became higher1 there came the notion that they did not dwell in houses made with hands2 yet a ,greek temple1 just like a mediaeval cathedral1 might be made beautiful as a pleasing service and an honour to the deity to whom it was dedicated2 and there was a continuous tradition in practice from the lower conception to the higher1 nor is it easy to draw the line at any particular stage between the two4 ,if we turn now to the sacred image of the deity we find the same process going on4 ,the rude stock or stone was sometimes itself the actual recipient of material offerings2 or it might be painted with some bright and pleasing colour1 or wrapped in costly draperies4 ,in most of these customs an assumption is implied that the object of worship is pleased by the same things as please its worshippers2 and here we find the germ of the anthropomorphic idea4 ,it was probably the desire to make the offerings and prayers of the worshippers perceptible to the power within that first led to the addition of human features to the shapeless block4 ,just as the early ,greeks painted eyes upon the prows of their ships1 to enable them to find their way through the water1 so they carved a head1 with eyes and ears1 out of the sacred stone or stock1 or perhaps added a head to the original shapeless mass4 ,we find many primitive idols in this form--a cone or column with a head and perhaps arms and feet added to it2 and the tradition survives in the herm1 or in the mask of ,dionysus attached to a post1 round which we still see the ,maenads dancing on fifth-century vases4 ,the notion that such carved eyes or ears actually served to transmit impressions to the god is well illustrated by ,professor ,petrie's discovery at ,memphis of a number of votive ears of the god1 intended to facilitate or to symbolise his reception of the prayers of his votaries4 ,in fact1 the taunt of the psalmist against the images of the heathen--,eyes have they1 but they see not2 they have ears1 and yet they hear not--is not a merely rhetorical one1 as it seems to us1 but real and practical1 if spoken to men who gave their gods ears and eyes that they might hear and see4 ,an imagination so entirely materialistic may belong to a more primitive stage than any we can find among the ,greeks4 ,as soon as religion has reached the polytheistic stage the gods are regarded as travelling from image to image1 just as they travel from temple to temple4 ,even in ,a,eschylus' ,eumenides it will be remembered that when ,orestes1 by the advice of ,apollo1 clasps as a suppliant the ancient image of ,athena at ,athens1 the goddess comes flying from far away in the ,troad when she hears the sound of his calling4 ,the exact relation of the goddess to the image is not1 in all probability1 very clearly realised2 but1 so far as one can trace it from the ritual procedure1 what appears to be implied is that a suppliant will have a better chance of reaching the deity he addresses if he approaches one of the images preferred by that deity as the abode of his power2 often there is one such image preferred to all others1 as this early one of ,athena at ,athens4 ,the deity was not1 therefore1 regarded as immanent in any image--at least1 in classical times2 the gods lived in ,olympus1 or possibly visited from time to time the people whom they favoured1 or went to the great festivals that were held in their honour4 ,but the various images of them1 especially the most ancient ones1 that were set up in their temples in the various cities of ,greece were regarded as a means of communication between gods and men4 ,the prayer of a worshipper addressing such an image will be transmitted to the deity whom he addresses1 and the deity may even come in person to hear him1 if special aid is required4 ,a close parallel may be found even in modern days4 ,i have known of a child1 brought up in the ,roman ,catholic religion1 who had a particular veneration or affection for a certain statue of the ,virgin1 and used often to address it or1 as she said1 converse with it4 ,and she said she had an impression that1 if only she could slip in unawares1 she might see the ,virgin ,mary herself approaching or leaving the statue1 whether to be transformed into it or merely to dwell in it for a time4 ,on ,greek vases we see the same notion expressed as in the ,eumenides1 when a god or goddess is represented as actually present beside the statue to which a sacrifice or prayer is being offered4 ,in such a stage of religious belief or imagination it is clearly of high importance that the image of any deity should be pleasing to that deity1 and thereby attract his presence and serve as a ready channel of communication with him4 ,from the point of view of art1 it would seem at first sight that the result would be a desire to make the image as beautiful as possible1 and as worthy an embodiment of the deity as the sculptor could devise4 ,this doubtless was the result in the finest period of art in ,greece1 and it involved1 as we shall see1 a great deal of reciprocal influence on the part of religion and art4 ,but in earlier times the case is not so simple2 and even in statues of the fifth century it is not easy to understand the conditions under which the sculptor worked without some reference to the historical development that lay behind him4 ,before the rise of sculpture in ,greece1 images of the gods1 some of them only rudely anthropomorphic1 had long been objects of worship2 and it was by no means safe in religious matters to depart too rashly from the forms consecrated by tradition4 ,this was partly owing to the feeling that when a certain form had been accepted1 and a certain means of communication had worked for a long time satisfactorily1 it was a dangerous thing to make a change which might not be agreeable to the powers concerned1 and which might1 so to speak1 break the established connection4 ,but while hieratic conservatism tended to preserve forms and formulae almost for what we may call magic reasons1 there was also a sentiment about the matter which gave popular support to the tendency4 ,thus ,pausanias probably expresses a common feeling when he says that the images made by ,daedalus1 though somewhat strange in aspect1 yet seem to be distinguished by something in them of the divine4 ,it is true that these early images attributed to ,daedalus showed already a considerable advance on the shapeless or roughly shaped stocks or stones that had served as the most primitive objects of worship2 but it was their resemblance to these rather than their difference from them that impressed the imagination of ,pausanias4 ,he appreciated them not so much as examples of an art that promised much for the future1 but rather as linked with the past by the tradition of an immemorial sanctity4 ,we find1 in fact1 that the rude early images remained the centres of state cult and official worship1 as well as of popular veneration1 long after the art of sculpture had become capable of providing their worshippers with more adequate embodiments of the gods they represented4 ,it was the early image of ,athena1 not the ,athena ,parthenos by ,phidias1 that was annually washed in the sea1 and for which the peplos was woven by the chosen women of ,athens4 ,the connection between art and religion is1 in such a case1 reduced to narrow limits2 but1 on the other hand1 we hear of many instances where new statues of the gods were made as temple statues1 to be the chief objects of worship and centres of cult4 ,and this was sometimes done with the official sanction of the gods themselves1 as expressed through the oracle of ,delphi4 ,the sanctity of the old image was sometimes transferred to the new one2 a striking example of this is seen in the case of ,artemis ,brauronia on the ,athenian ,acropolis4 ,it had been the custom for the garments presented to the goddess by her worshippers to be placed upon her primitive statue2 and when a new and worthier representation of the goddess was placed in the temple in the fourth century1 we are informed by inscriptions that dedicated garments were sometimes hung upon it1 even though it was a statue from the hand of ,praxiteles4 ,it sometimes happened that the old and the new statues stood side by side in the same temple1 or in adjacent temples1 and they seem then to exemplify the two kinds of idolatry--the literal and the imaginative--the one being the actual subject of the rites ceremonially observed1 and the other being the visible presentment of the deity1 and helping the worshipper to concentrate his prayers and aspirations4 ,here the art of the sculptor had the fullest scope1 and it is in such cases that he could1 as ,quintilian said of ,phidias1 make some addition to the received religion4 ,this duality was1 however1 the result of accident rather than the normal arrangement1 and1 so long as the primitive image remained the official object of worship1 it was difficult1 if not impossible1 for the new and more artistic statue to have its full religious effect4 ,in many cases1 probably in most cases1 it was actually substituted1 sooner or later1 for the earlier embodiment of the deity4 ,sometimes the early image1 which was often of wood1 may have decayed or been worn away by the attentions lavished upon it2 we hear of a statue of which the hand had perished under the kisses of the devout4 ,we hear also of cases in which it had been entirely lost--for instance1 the ,black ,demete of ,phigalia1 an uncouth image with a horse's head2 here1 when a plague had warned the people to replace it1 the ,a,eginetan sculptor ,onatas undertook the task2 and he is said to have been vouchsafed a vision in sleep which enabled him to reproduce exactly this unsightly idol4 ,it would not seem that such a commission gave much scope to his artistic powers2 but it is noteworthy that the ,phigalians employed one of the most famous sculptors of the day4 ,elsewhere the conditions were more favourable1 and it was possible for the artist1 while conforming to the accepted type1 to give it a more correct form and more pleasing features4 ,daedalus1 we are told--and in this story ,daedalus is an impersonation of the art of the early sculptors in ,greece--made statues of the gods so life-like that they had to be chained to their pedestals for fear they should run away4 ,it is likely that this tale goes back to a genuine tradition2 for ,pausanias actually saw statues with fetters attached to them in several early shrines in ,greece4 ,the device is natural enough4 ,daedalus was a magician as well as a sculptor2 and if he could give his statues eyes that they might see1 and ears that they might hear1 it was an obvious inference that if he gave them legs they might run away and desert their shrines and their worshippers4 ,we may very likely find also in a similar notion the explanation of a peculiarity often found in early statues of the gods--the well-known archaic smile4 ,many explanations1 technical and otherwise1 have been given of this device2 but none of them can get over the fact that it was just as easy1 or even easier1 for a primitive sculptor to make the mouth straight as to make it curve up at the ends1 and that he often did make it straight4 ,when he does not do so1 it is probably done with intention2 and it is quite in accordance with the conditions of early religious art that he should make the image of a deity smile in order that the deity himself might smile upon his worshippers2 and a pleasant expression might also1 by a natural transfer of ideas1 be supposed to be pleasing to the god1 and so attract him to his statue4 ,we are told that at ,chios there was a head of ,artemis set high up1 which appeared morose to those entering the temple1 but when they left it seemed to have become cheerful4 ,this may have been originally due to some accident of placing or lighting1 but it seems to have acquired a religious significance2 and we can hardly deny a similar significance to the smile which we find on so many early statues4 ,in some cases1 especially in statues of men1 it may have been intended merely as a device to give expression and life to the face2 but it cannot have been a matter of indifference to a primitive worshipper that his deity should smile on him through the face of its visible image4 ,this point of view being given1 it is evidently only a question of how far it is within the power of art to express the benignity of the god1 and later on his character and personality1 in an adequate manner2 and this power depends on the gradual acquisition of mastery over form and material1 of knowledge and observation of the human body and face1 and of the technical skill requisite to express this knowledge in marble or bronze1 or more precious materials such as gold and ivory4 ,all this development belongs to the history of art1 not to that of religion4 ,but before we can pursue the investigation any further1 it is necessary to consider the different sources and channels of religious influence on art with which we have to deal4 ,,chapter ,,ii ,,various ,,aspects ,,of ,,religion ,religion1 for our present purpose1 may be considered as 7#a7 popular1 7#b7 official1 7#c7 poetic1 and 7#d7 philosophical4 ,these four divisions1 or rather aspects1 are not1 of course1 mutually exclusive1 and they act and react extensively upon one another2 but1 in their relations to art1 it is convenient to observe the distinction between them4 7#a7 ,the beliefs of the people are1 of course1 the basis of all the others1 though they come to be affected by these others in various degrees4 ,there is no doubt that the people generally believed in the sanctity and efficacy of the shapeless idols or primitive images1 and this belief would tend to support hieratic conservatism1 and thus to hinder artistic progress4 ,but1 on the other hand1 the people of ,greece showed throughout their history a tendency to an intensely and vividly anthropomorphic imagination4 ,this tendency was doubtless realised and encouraged by the poets1 but it was not created by them1 any more than by the mythologists who defined and systematised it4 ,the exact relation of this anthropomorphic imagination to the primitive sacred stocks and stones is not easy to ascertain2 but it seems to have tended1 on the one hand1 to the realisation of the existence of the gods apart from such sacred objects1 and thus to reduce the stocks and stones to the position of symbols--a great advance in religious ideals2 and1 on the other hand1 to the transformation of the stocks and stones into human form1 not merely by giving them ears and eyes that they might hear and see1 but also by making them take the image and character of the deity whom they represented4 ,it was impossible for any ordinary ,greek to think of the gods in other than human form4 ,he had1 indeed1 no such definite dogma as the ,hebrew statement that ,god created man in ,his own image2 for the legends about the origin of the human race varied considerably and many of them represented crude philosophical theorising rather than religious belief4 ,but the monstrous forms which we find in ,egypt and ,mesopotamia as embodiments of divine power were alien to the ,greek imagination2 if we find here and there a survival of some strange type1 such as the horse-headed ,demeter at ,phigalia1 it remains isolated and has little influence upon prevalent beliefs4 ,the ,greek certainly thought of his gods as having the same human form as himself2 and not the gods only1 but also the semi-divine1 semi-human1 sometimes less than human beings with which his imagination peopled the woods and mountains and seas4 ,his ,nereids had human feet1 not fishy tails like our mermaids2 and if centaurs and satyrs and some other creatures of his imagination showed something of the beast within the man in their visible shape1 they had little about them of the mysterious or the unearthly4 ,it would be a great mistake to regard all these creatures as mere impersonations or abstractions4 ,if a pagan suckled in a creed outworn could ,have sight of ,proteus coming from the sea ,and hear old ,triton blow his wreathed horn1 much more were such sights and sounds familiar to his forefathers1 to whom the same beliefs were fresh and real4 ,even to the present day ,greek peasants may often be found who can tell of such experiences2 to them1 as to the ,greeks of old1 desert places and remote woods and mountains are terrible1 not because they are lonely1 but because when a man is alone then is he least alone2 hence the panic terror1 the terror of ,pan4 ,the same idea1 which later takes the religious or philosophic form of the belief in the omnipresence of the deity1 peopled the woods with dryads1 the streams and springs with nymphs and river-gods1 the seas with ,nereids and ,tritons4 ,when an artist represented a mountain or a river-god1 a nymph or a ,triton1 or added such figures to a scene to indicate its locality by what seems to us at first sight a mere artistic convention1 he was not inventing an impersonation1 but he was representing something which1 in the imagination of the people1 might actually be seen upon the spot--at least1 by those whose eyes were opened to see it4 ,it was the same gift of imagination that made ,blake say3 ',what1' it will be questioned1 'when the sun rises1 do you not see a disc of fire1 somewhat like a guinea8' ',oh no1 no6 ,i see an innumerable company of the heavenly host1 crying ,holy1 holy1 holy is the ,lord ,god ,almighty6 ,i question not my corporeal eye1 any more than ,i would question a window1 concerning a sight4 ,i look through it1 and not with it4'#a ,footnote #a3 ,blake1 ,aldine edition1 p4 cvi4 ,in the case of the gods1 the matter is somewhat less simple than in that of all these daemonic creatures of the popular imagination4 ,gods imply a greater power of generalisation and a higher stage of religious development4 ,it was not thought likely that the gods would show themselves to mortal eyes1 as had been their habit in the ,golden ,age1 except perhaps upon some occasion of a great national crisis2 and even then it was the heroes rather than the gods who manifested themselves4 ,but the ordinary ,greek believed that the gods actually existed in human form1 and even that their characters and passions and moods were like those of human beings4 ,the influence of the poet and the artist could not have been so vigorous if it had not found1 in the imagination of the people1 a suitable and sympathetic material4 7#b7 ,official or state religion consisted in the main of an organisation of popular ritual4 ,there was no priestcraft in ,greece1 no exclusive caste to whom the worship of the gods was assigned1 although1 of course1 the right to practise certain cults belonged to particular families4 ,but a priesthood1 as a rule1 was a political office like any other magistracy1 and there was no exclusive tradition in the case of the chief cults of any ,greek state to keep the point of view of the priests different from that of the people generally4 ,the tendency of state religion was1 as a rule1 conservative1 for reasons that we have already noticed2 innovations in the matter of ritual are dangerous1 for the new rite may not please the gods as well as the old2 and the same feeling applies to the statues that form the centres of ritual4 ,pericles1 for example1 doubtless wished to make the ,athena ,parthenos of ,phidias the official and visible representation of the goddess of ,athens1 and thereby to raise the religious ideals of the ,athenians4 ,in this last part of his attempt he was successful2 the statue became the pride and glory of the city in its fitting shrine1 the ,parthenon2 but the old image was still preserved in the temple of ,athena ,polias1 and remained the official centre of worship4 ,we are not told that ,pericles meant to supersede it2 but it is very probable that he intended to do so1 and was only prevented by the religious conservatism that curtailed other plans of his for the beautifying of the ,acropolis4 ,on the other hand1 there is no evidence that in ,greece--at least1 in the best period of ,greek art--any statesman held the views as to the official religion frankly expressed in ,rome1 that it was expedient for this religion to be accepted by the common people1 but that educated men could only reconcile their consciences to taking part in it by a philosophical interpretation4 ,there is something unreal and artificial about any such compromise4 ,if ,pericles was intimate with ,anaxagoras1 who was prosecuted for atheism1 he was also the friend of ,phidias1 who expressly said that his ,zeus was the ,zeus of ,homer1 no mere abstract ideal of divinity4 ,if this was the case with ,pericles1 who held himself aloof from the common people1 it must have been much more so with other statesmen1 who mingled with them more freely1 or even1 like ,nicias1 shared their superstitions4 ,under such conditions the influence of art upon the representations of the gods could not well go in advance of popular conceptions1 though it might accompany and direct them4 ,the making of new statues of the gods1 to be set up as the centres of worship in their temples1 in some cases received the formal sanction of the ,delphic oracle1 the highest official and religious authority4 ,public commissions of this sort are common at all times1 but commonest in the years immediately succeeding the ,persian ,wars1 when the spoils of the ,persians supplied ample resources1 and in many cases the ancient temples and images had been destroyed2 and at the same time the outburst of national enthusiasm over the great deliverance led to a desire to give due thank-offerings to the gods of the ,hellenic race1 a desire which coincided with the ability to fulfil it1 owing to the rapid progress of artistic power4 ,such public commissions1 and the popular feeling which they expressed1 offered an inspiration to the artist such as has rarely1 if ever1 found a parallel4 ,but any great victory or deliverance might be commemorated by the setting up of statues of the gods to whom it was attributed2 and in this way the demands of official religion offered the sculptor the highest scope for the exercise of his art and his imagination4 7#c7 ,the influence of poetic mythology upon art can hardly be exaggerated4 ,the statement of ,herodotus that ,homer and ,hesiod made the ,greek theogony1 and assigned to the gods their epithets and distinguished their prerogatives and their functions1 and indicated their form1 would not1 of course1 be accepted in a literal sense by any modern mythologist4 ,but it is nevertheless true that the clear and vivid personality and individuality given to the gods by the epic poets affects all later poetry and all ,greek art4 ,the imagination of the poets could not1 as we have already noticed1 have had so deep and wide an influence unless it had been based upon popular beliefs and conceptions4 ,but it fills these conceptions with real and vivid character1 so that the gods of ,homer are as clearly presented to us as any personalities of history or fiction4 ,they are1 indeed1 endowed not only with the form1 but with the passions1 and some even of the weaknesses of mankind2 and for this reason the philosophers often rejected as unworthy the tales that the poets told of the gods4 ,but even an artist such as ,phidias expressly stated that it was the ,zeus of ,homer who inspired his greatest work1 quoting the well-known passage in the ,iliad in which the god grants the prayer of ,thetis3-- ,he said2 and his black eyebrows bent2 above his deathless head ,th' ambrosian curls flowed2 great heaven shook4 ,descriptive passages such as this are not1 indeed1 common1 because1 as ,lessing clearly pointed out1 the poet depends more upon action and its effect than on mere enumerative description4 ,even here it is the action of the nod1 and the shaking of heaven that follows it1 that emphasises the impression1 rather than the mere mention of eyebrows or hair4 ,in many other cases the distinctive epithet has its value for all later art--the cow-eyed ,hera1 the grey-eyed ,athena1 the swift messenger ,hermes2 but1 above all1 it is the action and character of the various gods that is so clearly realised by the poet that his successors cannot1 if they wish1 escape from his spell4 ,the influence of the various ,greek poets is not1 indeed1 for the most part1 to be traced in contemporary ,greek art4 ,this is obvious in the case of the ,homeric poems1 for the art of the time was of a purely decorative character1 and was quite incapable of representing in any adequate way the vivid and lively imagination of the poets2 and1 for that matter1 for many centuries after the date of the composition of the ,iliad and ,odyssey1 ,hellenic art made no attempt to cope with any so ambitious problems4 ,even when the art of sculpture had attained to a considerable degree of mastery over material and expression1 we find its aims and conceptions lagging far behind those of the poet4 ,this will become clearer when1 in the next chapter1 we consider the conditions of artistic expression in ,greece2 but it must be noted here1 in order to prevent possible misconception4 ,as soon1 however1 as art became capable of aiming at something beyond perfection of a bodily form--a change which1 in spite of ,pausanias' admiration of something divine about the works of ,daedalus1 can hardly be dated earlier than the fifth century ,b4,c4--the ,homeric conceptions of the gods came to have their full effect4 ,zeus1 the king and father of gods and men2 ,athena1 the friendly protectress of heroes1 irresistible in war1 giver of all intellectual and artistic power2 ,apollo1 the archer and musician1 the purifier and soothsayer--these and others find their first visible embodiment in the statues whereby the sculptors of the fifth century gave expression to the ,homeric conceptions4 ,the tales1 too1 that were told about the gods1 some of them trivial enough1 but others full of religious and ethical significance1 had for some time before this been common subjects upon reliefs and vase-paintings1 and on these also the influence of the poets was very great4 ,here we have not only the ,iliad and ,odyssey to consider1 but many other early epics that are now lost to us4 ,the vase-painter or sculptor did not1 indeed1 merely illustrate these stories as a modern artist might2 often he had a separate tradition and a repertory of subjects belonging to his own art1 and developed them along different lines from those followed by the poets4 ,but although this tradition might lead him to choose a version less familiar to poetry1 or even to give a new form to an old story1 his conception was essentially poetical1 in that it implied an imaginative realisation of the scene or action1 and even of the character of the deity or hero represented4 ,the conception of the gods to be found in other early epics probably did not differ essentially from that we find in the ,iliad and ,odyssey2 but with the ,homeric hymns and with some of the earlier lyric poets we find a change setting in4 ,there seems to be a new interest in the adventures of the gods themselves1 apart from their relation to mankind2 romantic and even pathetic stories are told about them1 implying almost a psychological appreciation of their personality--the tale of ,demeter's mourning for her daughter ,persephone1 her wanderings and adventures2 of the love of ,aphrodite for a mortal2 of how ,hermes invented the lyre and tricked ,apollo about his cattle2 of the birth of ,apollo and the founding of his worship at ,delos and ,delphi2 of the marvellous birth of ,athena from the head of ,zeus4 ,it is hardly too much to say that in the later of these ,homeric hymns--those that are mentioned first in the above enumeration--an almost human interest is given to the gods1 to their sufferings and adventures4 ,it is the same tendency which we see in the lyric poetry of the ,greeks1 with its intensely personal note4 ,the reflexion of this tendency in art is not1 indeed1 to be seen until the fourth century2 not only the power of expression1 but the desire to express such a side of the character of the gods seems to be absent until this period4 ,it may seem curious at first sight that art was so slow in this case to follow the lead given it by poetry2 but it is to be remembered that a power of expression such as would have enabled it to do so was not attained until the fifth century1 and that in this age there was an exaltation of national and religious enthusiasm1 owing mainly to the victories over the ,persians1 which checked the tendency to sentiment and pathos2 and it was not until this vigorous reaction had died away that the tendency once more asserted itself4 ,the early fifth century was also marked by poets such as ,pindar and ,a,eschylus1 who raised the religious ideals of the nation on to a higher plane1 who consciously rejected the less worthy conceptions of the gods1 and1 whether in accordance with the popular beliefs or not1 gave expression to a higher truth in religion than had hitherto been dreamed of4 ,the gods whom the sculptors of the fifth century were called upon to represent may have been the gods of ,homer1 but they were the ,homeric gods transformed by the creative imagination of a more reflective age1 and purified by a poetic1 if not a philosophic1 idealism4 ,but while ,a,eschylus suggests a deeply brooding mind1 tinged with mysticism1 grappling with dark problems of life and fate1#b and so was1 in some ways1 remote from the clarity and definition of sculptural form1 ,sophocles invests the conceptions of popular religion with a higher spiritual and intellectual meaning2 and the artistic side of the age is expressed by him in poetry1 much as in architecture and sculpture it is interpreted by the remains of the ,parthenon2 there is the same serenity and wholeness of work2 power joined to purity of taste2 self-restraint2 and a sure instinct of symmetry4#c ,sophocles was a friend and companion of ,pericles1 and therefore probably of ,phidias2 and in both alike we see the same harmony and absence of exaggeration that are characteristic of ,greek art at its best4 ,in this case we may say with some confidence that the poet and the sculptor probably influenced each other4 ,footnote #b3 ,sir ,r4 ,c4 ,jebb in ,cambridge ,companion to ,greek ,studies1 p4 #aaj4 ,footnote #c3 ,ibid4 p4 #aac4 ,it seems a tempting hypothesis to see something of the influence of ,euripides the human in the individualistic tendencies of the art of the fourth century2 but it seems hardly to be justified by the facts4 ,the influence of his dramas is1 indeed1 to be seen in later vase-paintings2 but this is not a matter with which we are here concerned4 ,in his treatment of the gods1 ,euripides can hardly be quoted as an example of the humanising tendency4 ,he resented the notion that gods could be unjust or impure2 but the purer and more abstract conceptions of divinity that appealed to him were hardly such as could find expression in art2 it has even been said that he blurred those ,hellenic ideals which were the common man's best without definitely replacing them4 ,the bringing of these ideals nearer to the common life of man finds its poetic inspiration rather in the tendency which has already been noticed in the ,homeric hymns and the lyric poets1 and which now1 after the reaction of the fifth century1 exerts its full force on the art of ,scopas and ,praxiteles4 ,there is no need to dwell here on the influence of later poets upon religious art1 though we shall have to notice hereafter the parallel development of the representation of the gods in ,hellenistic sculpture4 ,the ,alexandrian poets expressed in elegant language their learning on matters of religion and mythology1 but there was no living belief in the subjects which they made their theme2 and the art they inspired could only show the same qualities of a correct and academic eclecticism4 ,the idylls of ,theocritus find1 indeed1 a parallel in the playful treatment of ,satyrs and other subjects of a similar character2 but these belong to what may be called mythological genre rather than to religious art4 ,the dramatic vigour and intensity which we find in the art of ,pergamon cannot easily be traced to the influence of any similar development in literature1 though its artificial and learned mythology is such as we find also in the work of ,hellenistic poets4 7#d7 ,the philosophical aspect of religion had no very great influence upon art in ,greece4 ,we might perhaps expect that1 so far as the philosophers accepted the popular religion1 they would tend to purify it and to give it a higher meaning1 just as the more thoughtful of the poets doubtless assisted the idealising tendency of fifth-century art4 ,and it might well seem that1 for example1 ,plato's theory of ideas supplies a more satisfactory basis for an idealist art than any other system1 since it might be maintained that the true artist represents not the material object which he sees before him1 but the ideal prototype of which it is but a faint and inadequate reflexion4 ,this theory is peculiarly applicable to statues of the gods1 and we find it so applied by later philosophical and rhetorical writers2 for instance1 ,cicero says that ,phidias when he was making the statue of ,zeus or of ,athena did not derive his image from some individual1 but within his own mind there was a perfect ideal of beauty2 and gazing on this and in contemplation of it1 he guided the craft of his hand after its likeness4#d ,the same notion underlies the saying quoted by ,strabo1 that ,phidias was either the only man that saw1 or the only man that revealed to others the images of the gods4#e ,but there is no trace or encouragement of any such feeling in the philosophic literature contemporary with the great age of ,greek art4 ,plato expressly states that the artist only makes an imitation of an imitation2 and the higher ideas of divinity preached by philosophers did not so much tend to ennoble the popular conceptions as to substitute others for them4 ,above all1 the monotheistic idea1 even if associated with the name of ,zeus1 tended to become an abstract conception with little relation to the national god of ,hellas1 whom ,phidias embodied in his ,olympian statue4 ,footnote #d3 ,or4 #b4 #h4 ,footnote #e3 viii4 p4 #cec4 ,it does not matter whether the passage is quoted by ,strabo himself or by an interpolator4 ,the philosophic or theological conception of a monotheistic deity does not1 in fact1 seem to lend itself at any time to impressive artistic representation4 ,we may observe the same thing in ,christian art1 in which representations of ,god the ,father are not very common nor1 as a rule1 very expressive of the most vivid religious ideals2 while ,christ1 usually not as ,god1 but as man or child1 and the ,virgin ,mary are the constant themes of the most devout religious art1 not to speak of the numerous saints who correspond more or less to the gods of a polytheistic system4 ,philosophical thought was antagonistic to anthropomorphism1 which1 as we have seen1 was the most characteristic feature of popular religion in ,greece1 and which was essential to ,greek religious art4 ,as soon as the human form is a mere symbol1 no longer regarded as the express image of the god and the embodiment of his individuality1 it loses touch with reality4 ,and this reality in the relation of the god to his image must be believed in by the people1 and at least through the people by the artist1 if religious art is to preserve its vitality4 ,,chapter ,,iii ,,conditions ,,of ,,religious ,,art ,,in ,,greece ,the ,greeks possessed1 as we have seen1 to an exceptionally high degree the vivid anthropomorphic imagination necessary for the expression of their conception of the gods in their art2 we have also noticed the conditions which encouraged or restricted such representation1 and the influences that affected its nature4 ,given the desire to represent the character and individuality of the gods in human form1 the next question we have to consider is how far their art1 and especially the art of sculpture1 was capable of giving effect to this desire4 ,the answer lies mainly in the history of ,greek sculpture1 which can only be touched on here in the barest outline4 ,but1 at the outset1 it is necessary to remove a misconception which is prevalent at the present day1 and more especially in ,england1 owing partly to the dominating influence of a great critic4 ,mr4 ,ruskin's ,aratra ,pentelici is full of the most admirable and suggestive appreciations of ,greek sculpture in its more technical aspects2 but side by side with them are found passages such as the following3 ,there is no personal character in true ,greek art2 abstract ideas of youth and age1 strength and swiftness1 virtue and vice--yes2 but there is no individuality4 ,or again3 ,the ,greek1 as such1 never expresses personal character1 while a ,florentine holds it to be the ultimate condition of beauty4 ,if this criticism were just1 it would follow that any study of the relation of religion to art in ,greece would lose most if not all of its interest4 ,but anyone who is acquainted with the present state of our knowledge of ,greek sculpture will not so much feel called upon to refute such statements as to explain how so strange a misconception could have arisen4 ,nor is the explanation very far to seek4 ,mr4 ,ruskin was writing for a generation not yet penetrated by the constructive criticism of recent investigation4 ,its conception of the antique in art was based mainly on the mass of mechanical and academic copies or imitations1 of ,graeco-,roman date1 with which our museums are filled1 and on the influence of such sculpture to be seen in the work of ,flaxman or ,thorwaldsen4 ,it had1 indeed1 learnt from the ,elgin marbles that the ,greek sculptors in the fifth century possessed a nobility in their conception of the human form1 a mastery in the treatment of the nude and of drapery1 and a skill in marble technique of which only a faint reflection can be traced in the later ,graeco-,roman tradition2 but the great statues in which the sculptors of the fifth century embodied their ideals of the gods were either entirely lost or preserved only in inadequate copies2 and it is only in recent years that the discovery of originals or the identification of trustworthy copies has enabled us to appreciate the intensity of expression and of inner life which distinguished the work of the great sculptors of the fourth century1 such as ,scopas1 ,praxiteles1 and ,lysippus4 ,still1 if ,mr4 ,ruskin had1 like ,brunn in his ,gotteridealen1 selected heads like those of the ,demeter of ,cnidus or the ,hera ,farnese to illustrate his theme1 instead of a series of heads on coins magnified to many times the size for which they were designed1 he could hardly have written the passages just quoted4 ,but the second of those passages itself supplies us with another clue4 ,in this estimate of ,greek sculpture there is throughout implied a comparison with ,christian1 and above all with ,florentine art1 and its desire to 444 bring the invisible full into play2 ,let the visible go to the dogs2 what matters8 ,it is evident that the expression of the invisible1 of character and individuality1 will be more striking and obvious in an art which lets them shine through the flesh they fray than in the case of the ,greek sculptors whose respect and even passionate admiration for the human body would not allow them thus to transfigure it1 at least in their statues of the gods1 and led them to seek for subtler methods of expression by means of the flesh and in harmony with its nature4 ,their expression of character and emotion is rendered in terms of a beautiful and healthy body4 ,how this end was attained we must consider later on2 but there is yet another current prejudice in favour of this exaggeration of individuality which has its influence especially upon modern artists4 ,it is sometimes said nowadays that a departure from the individual model is an attempt to improve upon nature1 and is therefore an artistic mistake4 ,now the ,greek sculptor1 as a rule1 did not work from an individual model at all4 ,he trusted partly1 especially in earlier times1 to the tradition which familiarised him with a few fixed types1 on which he made variations1 partly to his observation and memory trained for generations1 and daily supplied with new material in the gymnasium where nude youths and men were constantly exercising1 or in the marketplace where he met his fellow-citizens4 ,to see before him1 whether draped or nude1 the figures he wanted for his art1 he had no need to pose a model in a studio2 his models were at all times around him in his daily life4 ,the result was that when he wished to represent a youth or a maiden1 or even to make a portrait of a statesman1 he tended to reproduce the type with certain personal modifications rather than to produce a portrait in the modern sense4 ,but when he came to making statues of the gods1 his freedom of hand was of incalculable service to him in giving a bodily form to his imagination2 it enabled him to create after nature1 without being dependent on an individual model or having to fall back upon such vague and generalised forms as are sometimes associated with an academic or classical art2 for it was his own trained observation and memory that he called into play1 not a mere mechanical system he had learnt from his predecessors4 ,in the more individualistic art of the fourth century1 as we shall see1 it is probable that the personal model was of more importance1 especially in female statues2 but even then it was still modified by the tradition and style which makes a harmonious whole1 not only of each ,greek statue1 but of the development of ,hellenic sculpture generally4 ,in typical examples of the sculpture of the fourth century we find not only this harmony and restraint1 and the beauty of bodily form in figure as well as in features which is generally recognised as characteristic of ,greek art1 but also an expression of character and individuality1 of mood and temperament1 of pathos and passion1 which is none the less intense and real because it is expressed by means of the perfection of physical form1 not as wasting or deforming it4 ,it may be asked how the invisible1 mental1 or spiritual qualities can be portrayed in visible form1 especially if that visible form be not overmuch distorted or modified1 and in a more general way1 how the expression of a statue1 and the impression it produces1 can be analysed or discussed4 ,for examples of the way this can be done1 the reader may be referred once more to ,brunn's ,gotteridealen1 a study of a few selected representations of ,greek gods in which the character of each is brought out by a subtle and discriminating analysis of the visible forms4 ,here it may suffice to quote ,brunn's own words from the ,introduction to that work3 ,the spiritual effect produced on us by a work of sculpture cannot be comprehended as a moral or a metaphysical peculiarity1 completely independent of corporeal phenomena2 it can become intelligible to us only by means of tangible sculptural forms1 as the exponents of spiritual expression4 ,and again3 ,the spiritual understanding of ideal artistic creations can only be attained on the basis of a thorough analysis of their forms2 hence in such a study we have to do with no subjective fancies1 but an investigation of objective artistic principles1 according to the method of scientific work4 ,there are various ways in which spiritual qualities1 mood1 and character may be given material expression in harmony with the bodily forms1 not in combat with the flesh4 ,there are1 for instance1 certain bodily peculiarities that usually accompany1 and therefore suggest by association1 various temperaments or mental qualities2 and1 moreover1 the actual effect upon the features and bearing of certain emotions or moods often leaves permanent traces1 from which a habitual or repeated tendency to such emotions or moods can be inferred4 ,that certain types of face and certain expressions are usually associated with certain spiritual or mental qualities will hardly be denied2 and here the method of the ,greek artist1 in observing and working from memory rather than from a posed model1 gave him a great advantage in variety and freedom in the expression of character no less than in the rendering of bodily form4 ,if he realised clearly the individuality of his gods1 his skill and mastery over his material and his store of observation gave him a facility in giving this individuality a visible form which may not be so obvious at first sight as the individuality of a ,florentine or of a modern head1 but which is none the less there for those who have eyes to see it1 and who can accustom themselves to the subtle atmosphere of ancient art1 and to the moderation and restraint which are seldom1 if ever1 violated in its most characteristic productions4 ,,chapter ,,iv ,,anthropomorphism ,we have already noticed the religious conceptions and impulses which led to the substitution of images in human shape for the rude stocks and stones of primitive worship4 ,the beginning of the change seems to have taken place at an early stage in the development of ,greek art4 ,in pre-,hellenic times we find representation of gods and goddesses in human form upon gems and other small works of art1 and also in statuettes that were either objects of worship or dedicated in shrines2 but we have at present no evidence as to whether monumental images of the gods were made in human form1 though some objects of worship1 such as the double-axe1 were certainly set up in regular shrines4 ,we know too little about the religious beliefs and customs of this prehistoric age to be able to judge whether such objects were regarded merely as symbols of the deity or as having immanent in them some divine or superhuman power2 but survivals1 especially of an early tree and pillar cult1 are probably to be traced in historic ,greece1 and even to the present day4 ,the ,homeric poems1 on the other hand1 supply us with little or no evidence as to the existence of any sculptural representation of the gods4 ,although temples are frequently mentioned1 we are not informed that any of them contained a sacred image1 with the apparent exception of the temple of ,athena at ,troy4 ,there we are told that the ,trojan matrons1 in a time of stress1 brought a robe to offer to the goddess1 and that the priestess ,theano placed it upon the knees of beauteous-haired ,athene4 ,unless1 as is possible1 this is a purely metaphorical expression1 it would seem to imply a seated statue2 but it is to be noted that the ,palladium of ,troy1 the sacred image of ,athena which was stolen by ,ulysses and ,diomed1 and which was preserved1 according to conflicting traditions1 in one or another shrine in later ,greece1 was a standing statue of a primitive type4 ,the inconsistency is not of great importance1 except as showing that the supposed mention of the statue of ,athena in the ,iliad had little1 if any1 influence on later tradition2 and in any case it is isolated1 and does not refer to a ,greek1 but a foreign temple4 ,on the other hand1 we find frequent mention in later writers of primitive statues of the gods which were said to have been set up or dedicated by various persons in the heroic age4 ,an example is offered by the ,trojan ,palladium already mentioned2 another was the statue of ,artemis carried off from ,tauris by ,iphigenia and ,orestes2 rival claimants to this identification existed at ,sparta and at ,brauron in ,attica4 ,the legends of dedication are of no historic value2 the story of the ,palladium itself was unknown to ,homer1 though it occurred in later epics4 ,all that can be asserted of such images is that they were of unknown antiquity1 and that local patriotism claimed for them a heroic origin4 ,much the same may be said of ,daedalus4 ,it need not be discussed here whether an actual artist of this name ever existed4 ,the information we have as to ,daedalus is of two kinds2 on the one hand1 we find tales of a mythical craftsman and magician1 to whose invention many of the most typical improvements in early ,greek sculpture are attributed2 on the other hand1 we have records of many statues of the gods1 extant in historical times in various shrines of ,greece1 which were attributed to him4 ,such attributions are not really of greater historical value than the traditions of dedication in the heroic age which we find elsewhere4 ,the name of ,daedalus having once become famous in this connection1 it was natural that many statues of primitive style and unrecorded origin should be attributed to him4 ,more importance may be attached to the fact that the sculptors who actually made some of the early statues of the gods in ,athens and in the ,peloponnesus are described as the pupils or by some as the sons or companions of ,daedalus4 ,in this way his name is associated with some of the early schools that had the greatest influence in ,greece1 especially on the representation of the gods in sculpture4 ,there are other traditions of early schools of sculptors1 the marble workers of ,chios1 the bronze founders of ,samos1 who devoted themselves mainly to making statues of the gods1 some of which survived throughout historical times4 ,when we turn from tradition and consider the early examples of statues of gods that may still be seen or are recorded by extant copies1 we find that these fall into two classes4 ,on the one hand1 there are more or less exact repetitions of the primitive stock or stone1 the cylindrical tree-trunk or the rectangular block cut from the quarry1 with the rudest indication of head and arms and feet1 deviating as little as possible from the original shape of the block4 ,when images of this sort were1 as was often the case1 of wood1 they have1 of course1 disappeared2 but we can sometimes recognise copies of them upon reliefs or in stone4 ,on the other hand1 we find another class of images which approximate more to the attainments of ,daedalus as described by rationalising writers of later date4 ,these images are completely in human form1 and1 if male1 are usually nude4 ,they have their legs separated in a short stride1 the left foot being usually advanced2 their arms are either set close to their sides1 or one or both of them is raised from the elbow2 their whole shape suggests a rigid system of proportions and a more or less conventionalised form4 ,these images have no resemblance to the modifications of the primitive stocks and stones1 and could not well be directly derived from them2 they are found in great numbers upon many sites of early sanctity in ,greece itself and in ,greek settlements around the ,levant1 notably in ,cyprus1 ,rhodes1 and ,naucratis in ,egypt4 ,sometimes they seem to represent the god1 sometimes the dedicator2 but all alike show the attempt of the early ,greek craftsman to imitate the products of more advanced and finished art which he saw around him4 ,many of them are derived from ,egyptian types2 others show the influence of ,mesopotamian art1 or of the hybrid craftsmanship of ,phoenicia4 ,the borrowing or imitation of such foreign types may at first sight appear to show even less promise of artistic progress than variations on the old native images2 but it is not in its origins1 but in its development and perfection that the chief excellence of ,greek art is to be found4 ,the types borrowed by sculpture from foreign art are almost exclusively of human form4 ,the monstrous mixed forms in which the deities of ,egypt or ,mesopotamia often found the expression of their superhuman and mysterious powers do not seem to have appealed to the imagination of the ,greeks4 ,such mixed forms were1 indeed1 frequently borrowed by early decorative art1 and on ,orientalising vases we constantly find human-headed and bird-headed quadrupeds1 usually winged1 and human-headed birds4 ,the delight in winged figures generally1 which was mainly decorative in early times1 also finds its origin in ,oriental woven stuffs4 ,greek sculpture adopted and translated into stone or bronze some of these mixed types--notably the human-headed bird and the human-headed winged lion2 these it identified as the ,siren and the ,sphinx of ,greek myth1 and associated them with the mysteries of the tomb4 ,to some other forms1 that of the ,centaur and the ,satyr and the ,triton1 it also gave considerable scope4 ,but all these1 if not human1 are hardly to be regarded as divine2 they are mostly noxious1 and1 even if benignant1 do not attain the rank of gods4 ,perhaps a nearer approach to divine character is to be found in the river-gods1 who are often represented as bulls with human heads or as human with bull's horns2 but here1 too1 we have only to deal with minor deities4 ,no sculptor represented ,dionysus in this way1 even though he was called bull-shaped by poets2 nor is the horse-god ,posidon even represented as a ,centaur4 ,the horse-headed ,demeter of ,phigalia remains the strange and solitary exception1 however we may explain her existence4 ,the process by which the early human types were gradually improved and made more life-like1 by a continuous struggle with technical difficulties1 by constant and direct observation of nature1 and by the building up of an artistic tradition in different schools and families1 is a question that concerns the history of art rather than our present study4 ,but it is impossible to distinguish rigidly between the two1 because these types1 whether of the nude standing male figure1 of the draped female1 or of the seated figure1 are all of them used alike to represent human and divine personages2 and1 apart from inscriptions of dedication or conditions of discovery or distinctive attributes1 it would often be impossible to tell whether any particular statue was meant to represent1 for example1 the image of a god or a conventional portrait of a man4 ,these nude male statues1 commonly known by the name of ,apollo1 were certainly1 some of them1 made to commemorate athletes1 whose images were set up either in the place where they won their victories or in their native town2 others were placed over graves as memorials of the dead2 and even in a sacred precinct it is sometimes uncertain whether the god himself is represented or the worshipper who dedicates this record of his devotion4 ,at this early period1 therefore1 ,mr4 ,ruskin's strictures as to the impossibility of distinguishing the individuality of the different gods must be admitted1 and even supplemented by an admission of the impossibility of distinguishing gods and goddesses from human beings4 ,the explanation is obvious enough4 ,during this age of early progress the constant aim of the sculptor is to attain to complete mastery over the material and to perfection of bodily form4 ,in religious art1 what corresponds to this is the struggle towards anthropomorphism--first to represent the gods in human form1 and then to make that form the most perfect that human art can devise4 ,during this stage of artistic and religious development the type and the ideal cannot be distinguished4 ,it was only when a type or a varying series of types had been brought to perfection in the fifth century1 so as to satisfy the demand for a harmonious system of bodily proportions1 for beauty of outline and dignity of countenance1 that these types could be used as a means of expression for the religious ideals of the nation4 ,in developing the type the accidental has to be discarded1 and with it much of the feeling of individuality2 works of early archaic art1 for all their defects1 often show more sign of individual character than the more perfect works of the earlier part of the fifth century4 ,the attainment of the type is followed by an infusion of character and individuality1 drawn from the artist's trained memory and observation with clear artistic intention1 not from the mere caprice of an accidental recollection or a casual peculiarity of a model4 ,the character and individuality thus expressed must be considered in subsequent chapters2 it is only necessary here to distinguish it from the suggestion of an individual1 almost of a caricature1 which we find sometimes in archaic art1 and which is certainly to be seen occasionally in works of ,florentine sculpture4 ,during the period of the rise of ,greek sculpture the various schools were advancing each in its own way towards what has been called naturalism in art1 as opposed to realism on the one side and idealism on the other4 ,that is to say1 they were striving by constant study of the athletic form1 of proportions and muscles1 of drapery and hair1 to attain to a series of types both in harmony with themselves and in accordance with nature2 and they were too much absorbed in this attempt to go far beyond their predecessors in rendering the character of the gods according to the form consecrated by tradition4 ,even in the expression of the face the same process is to be traced4 ,in early works we find sometimes no expression at all1 or an apparent stolidity which is really the absence of expression2 in the archaic smile we see an attempt to enliven the face1 and possibly also1 as we have noticed1 to express and even to induce the benignity of the deity4 ,but this attempt1 made with inadequate artistic resources1 tends to result in a mere grimace2 and as we approach the transitional age before the greatest period of sculpture1 we often find a reaction against any such exaggeration of expression in a severity and dignity that may have a certain grace of their own1 but that are in some sense a retrograde movement so far as the expression of character is concerned4 ,it follows that the statues of the gods dating from this early period1 however interesting they might be for the history of sculpture1 would not1 even if we possessed many more of them than we do possess1 throw very much light upon the development of the ideas of the ,greeks concerning their deities4 ,they would probably conform to a limited number of clearly defined types4 ,the most familiar of all1 the standing nude male figure1 would1 if beardless1 usually represent ,apollo1 with a bow or a branch of bay1 or sometimes other attributes4 ,a similar type1 bearded1 would stand for ,zeus or ,posidon or ,hermes1 if provided with thunderbolt or eagle1 with trident or fish1 or with a caduceus4 ,similar figures might also be draped1 and still represent gods2 or1 if female1 would serve for ,hera1 ,artemis1 ,aphrodite1 and sometimes for ,athena1 if she was represented without her arms and aegis4 ,then1 too1 there was the seated type1 usually enveloped in full drapery1 which might readily be adapted to a statue of any of the chief gods4 ,in all of these there is no question of distinguishing the gods from one another in character and individuality2 apart from attributes1 there is hardly any attempt to distinguish gods from men4 ,perhaps the earliest class of statues in which we find any attempt to give artistic expression to superhuman power is that in which we see the god in vigorous action1 often striking with his characteristic weapon3 ,zeus with his thunderbolt in his raised right hand1 ,posidon with his trident1 or ,athena advancing rapidly with brandished spear and shield advanced4 ,but even these figures1 apart from their divine attributes1 show no essential distinction from human combatants4 ,it is a significant fact that it is still a matter of dispute#f whether one of the most famous statues of the early fifth century1 the ,choiseul-,gouffier ,apollo1 represents a god or an athlete4 ,this is neither because the ,greeks at this time idealised their athletes nor because they humanised their gods1 but because they typified them both2 that is to say1 they represented them by a type which was the most perfect rendering within their power either of man or of an anthropomorphic deity4 ,here we have the material form provided by means of which the ideals of the succeeding period were to find their artistic expression--such a typical or normal human form is1 in fact1 the logical expression of anthropomorphism in its most literal sense--the making of gods after man's image4 ,but those who believed rather that man was made after ,god's image would look to find in the prototype something more and higher than can be seen in its earthly copy4 ,this notion1 even if not formulated by philosophy until a later age1 certainly underlies the idealistic art of the fifth century4 ,footnote #f3 ,even if this dispute be regarded as now settled by weight of evidence1 the fact that such a dispute is possible retains its significance4 ,,chapter ,v ,,idealism ,the age which followed the great ,persian ,wars was the time of the highest political1 literary1 and intellectual development in ,greece4 ,nor was it unfavourable to strength and depth of religious feeling among the people4 ,if the more thoughtful among them were inclined to doubt whether some of the stories told about the gods were either probable or edifying1 these were the very men who1 on the other hand1 were most capable of appreciating the higher and nobler conceptions of the gods which we find in contemporary poets4 ,and the great delivery from the ,persians not only gave the ,greeks a confidence in themselves which justly increased their national pride and thereby strengthened their national ideals1 but it also gave occasion to a confidence in the gods and a gratitude to them which found expression in numerous buildings and offerings4 ,all this religious activity could not fail to have considerable influence upon the common people2 and in some cases1 as at ,athens1 there was the necessity of replacing the temples and statues that had been destroyed or carried off by the ,persian invader4 ,at the time when a demand occurred for new statues of the gods1 the rapid progress of the art of sculpture made it inevitable that these new statues should not be mere reproductions or reminiscences of the ones they replaced1 but fresh and original conceptions1 worthy of the increased skill of the artist and of the nobler ideals of the people4 ,and by one of those coincidences which we meet so often both in the history of art and in that of literature1 just at the time when the material conditions1 the spirit of the people1 and the rapid advance of art gave the utmost scope for artistic creation1 there arose the man of transcendent genius to give full expression to the religious and artistic aspirations of the time4 ,the age of ,pericles was also the age of ,phidias4 ,it is true that there was an interval between the defeat of the ,persians and the period of highest attainment in ,greece2 and during this interval many temples were built or rebuilt1 and many statues were set up as objects of worship or as dedications to the gods4 ,some of these may have anticipated to a certain extent the work of ,phidias2 several of them were of colossal size1 like his chief masterpieces1 and thus1 even from the technical point of view1 may have prepared the way before him2 one1 the ,apollo by ,calamis at ,apollonia1 was about forty-five feet high1 and so actually rivalled the ,zeus and ,athena of ,phidias in size4 ,but of these statues we know little or nothing4 ,as to the two most famous works of ,phidias himself1 the ,athena ,parthenos within the ,parthenon at ,athens and the ,zeus at ,olympia1 we are better informed1 so far as elaborate descriptions and the somewhat rhetorical appreciations of later writers are concerned2 and we possess some extant copies which tell us something of their pose and attributes4 ,but any notion we may form as to their true artistic and religious character must be mainly dependent upon our imagination2 and even for their relation to the religious ideals of the people we are dependent for the most part upon indirect evidence4 ,though the art of sculpture was so closely bound up with the life of the people in ,greece1 we find very few references to its greatest works2 it is evident that the ,athenians1 for example1 took the greatest pride in the buildings that adorned their ,acropolis and in the sculptures they contained2 yet when ,pericles1 as reported by ,thucydides1 speaks of the statue of the ,athena ,parthenos1 it is only to reckon the gold of her drapery as part of the possible resources of the state4 ,we know that in the eyes of ,pericles and of his hearers the preciousness of the material was only an incident in the artistic character of the work2 but what is felt most deeply is often the least spoken about4 ,later descriptions1 such as that of ,pausanias1 lay emphasis on the details and accessories of the statue1 the ornamentation of helmet and shield and sandals2 they lay themselves open to the stricture of ,lucian on such as can neither see nor praise the whole beauty of the ,olympian ,zeus1 great and noble as it is1 nor describe it to others that do not know it1 but admire the accurate work and fine polish of his footstool and the good proportions of the basis1 enumerating all such details with the utmost care4 ,at the same time even such information as they give us is welcome1 since it aids our imagination to reconstruct the appearance of the whole4 ,these great chryselephantine statues were placed within the cella of a temple1 lighted only through the door and by some infiltration through the marble roof1 and their effect was calculated for these conditions4 ,the rich tone and subtle reflections of the ivory and the gold1 mingled with coloured inlays of enamel or precious stones1 and tempered and harmonised by a dim religious light1 must have been most impressive2 and the grandeur of the figures was enhanced by their colossal size4 ,but in all this we are still dealing only with conditions and accessories1 not with the art itself and the religious ideals which it expressed4 ,these are perhaps easier for us to appreciate in the case of the ,zeus than of the ,athena1 though we are better provided with copies of the latter4 ,we are accustomed in our own religious art to the attempt to express divinity in the form of a mature man of unspeakable majesty and benignity4 ,to the ,greeks1 indeed1 the human figure of ,zeus was not merely an incarnation1 but the actual form of the god himself2 the god was not thought of as having taken upon himself the sorrows and the weaknesses of our mortal nature1 but as sharing only its ideal perfection4 ,yet that the effect was not altogether dissimilar is shown by such a passage as that we find in ,dion ,chrysostom3 ,a man whose soul is utterly immersed in toil1 who has suffered many disasters and sorrows1 and cannot even enjoy sweet sleep1 even such an one1 ,i think1 if he stood face to face with this statue1 would forget all the dangers and difficulties of this mortal life3 such the vision you1 ,phidias1 have invented and devised1 a sight 'to lull all pain and anger1 and bring forgetfulness of every sorrow4' ,the same writer elsewhere puts into the mouth of ,phidias an explanation of how he had attempted to embody in his statue the current conception of the god1 and even the epithets that belonged to his worship4 ,my ,zeus1 says the sculptor1 is peaceful and altogether gentle1 as the guardian of a ,hellas free from factions and of one mind with itself4 ,him1 taking counsel with my art1 and with the wise and noble ,elean state1 ,i set up in his temple1 mild and majestic in a form free from all sorrow1 as the giver of life and livelihood and all good things1 the common father of men1 their saviour and their guardian1 so far as it is possible for a mortal man to conceive and to copy his divine and inexpressible nature4 ,and consider whether you will not find the image according with all the epithets of the god2 ,zeus alone is called the father of gods and their only king1 and also god of the city and of friendship and society1 and of suppliants too and strangers1 the giver of harvest1 and by innumerable other titles4 ,and for one whose aim it was to display all these qualities without speaking1 is not my art successful8 ,the strength of the form and its imposing proportions show the power to rule and the king2 the gentle and amiable character shows the father and his care2 the majesty and severity show the god of the city and of law2 and of the kinship of men and gods the similarity of their shape serves as a symbol4 ,his protective friendship of suppliants and strangers and fugitives and such like is seen in his kindliness and his evident gentleness and goodness4 ,and an image of the giver of possessions and harvest is seen in the simplicity and magnanimity displayed in his form2 he seems just like one who would give and be generous of good things4 ,all this1 in short1 ,i imitated as far as possible1 being unable to express it in speech4 ,this description is1 of course1 the work of a late and rhetorical author1 but it is the work of a man who was familiar with these great statues that are now lost to us1 and was capable of appreciating them4 ,his criticism may not be so thorough and subtle as the analysis of the ,greek type of ,zeus made by ,brunn in his ,gotteridealen2 but it is based on similar principles1 the observation of the physical type and the spiritual expression which serves best to embody the majesty and benignity of the god4 ,after all1 we come back perhaps to the saying of ,phidias himself1 and his quotation from ,homer2 here1 too1 it is the brow of the god that is emphasised1 and the nod that shook ,olympus while it granted a prayer4 ,it is in such effects rather than in any detailed description that it is possible to realise the nature of a great work of art4 ,what success in the attainment of its aim was here reached by the art of the sculptor may perhaps best be estimated from the often quoted sentence of ,quintilian1 perhaps the noblest praise ever accorded to an artist by a critic3 ,the beauty of the statue even made some addition to the received religion2 the majesty of the work was equal to the god4 ,we might indeed1 without irreverence1 impute to ,phidias the words uttered in a very different sense by one who later gave a new and higher interpretation to a formula of the received religion in ,greece3 ,whom therefore ye ignorantly worship1 ,him declare ,i unto you4 ,the other great ,phidian ideal1 that of ,athena1 was represented by several statues1 both in ,athens and in other cities4 ,as to these we have a certain amount of information1 and even a certain number of copies1 which show us the pose and the accessories of the various statues2 some of the better ones even suffice to give us some notion of the beauty of their original4 ,we have also descriptions by ancient writers1 which tell us1 as in the case of the ,olympian ,zeus1 much about the decoration of the statue2 but we have not in this case any appreciations of the effect upon those who saw it4 ,the ideal of ,athena is in some ways more difficult for us to comprehend than that of ,zeus1 partly because it is less universally human1 and more peculiarly characteristic of ,greece and even of ,athens4 ,the notion of the mother goddess is common to most religions2 that of the queen and huntress1 chaste and fair is at least familiar to us in literature1 and readily commends itself to the imagination4 ,but ,athena1 though she has something of both these characters1 has a nature different from both4 ,it is impossible to derive her varied mythological functions from any one origin2 but here it is not the origin of her worship that concerns us1 rather its meaning and influence as these affected the people of her chosen city4 ,just as ,zeus was the ideal of all that was best in the ,hellenic conception of manhood and the god of a united ,hellas1 so ,athena is especially the goddess of ,athens1 the giver and fosterer of all those qualities that made the ,athenians what they were1 the creatress of that ideal city sketched in the wonderful speeches of ,pericles4 ,her gifts are the arts of war and peace1 and all artistic and intellectual activity1 as well as the olive and other characteristic products of ,attic soil1 and the clear and luminous air and stimulating climate which ,attic writers are never tired of extolling1 and of associating with the peculiar genius of the ,athenian race4 ,one can imagine how ,dion ,chrysostom might have recognised the expression of these various qualities in the broad and majestic1 yet keenly intellectual brow1 in the wide and clear eyes1 and in other features2 but the extant copies of the ,athena ,parthenos cannot do more than assist our imagination in realising how the sculptor represented the goddess of ,athens4 ,here1 too1 as in the case of the ,zeus1 it is difficult for us to avoid the error of regarding the statue as a mere philosophical abstraction1 an impersonation of the qualities it represents4 ,athena in later art1 as set up in libraries and museums1 was doubtless such an impersonation1 just as she is in modern art unreal and comparatively uninteresting4 ,but the ,athenian believed intensely in the existence of his goddess4 ,he believed that the ceremonies connected with her ancient image were necessary to the continuance of her favour to her city and people1 and that the new temples and statues set up in her honour would still further delight her and ensure her protection and her abode among her grateful worshippers4 ,the statue by ,phidias within the ,parthenon offered not merely that form in which she would choose to appear if she showed herself to mortal eyes1 but actually showed her form as she had revealed it to the sculptor4 ,to look upon such an image helped the worshipper as much as--perhaps more than--any service or ritual to bring himself into communion with the goddess1 and to fit himself1 as a citizen of her chosen city1 to carry out her will in contributing his best efforts to its supremacy in politics1 in literature1 and in art4 ,if a work of art could have this actual influence upon religious emotion1 and through it upon practical life1 it may be said to have attained the utmost that any human effort can achieve in the service of ,god4 ,the religious influence of art in the fifth century is1 as we have seen1 closely associated with the state2 the ,athena ,parthenos and the ,olympian ,zeus appealed to their worshippers as citizens of ,athens and as members of the privileged ,hellenic race4 ,it would be easy to trace a similar character in almost all the great statues of gods that are recorded as belonging to this period4 ,thus the ,dionysus of ,alcamenes is not the dreamy god of wine and pleasure that we find at a later age1 but an august figure1 bearded and enthroned1 the giver of the riches of the earth and the wine1 the god in whose honour all the great ,dionysian festivals were held2 the same sculptor's ,hermes is the guardian of ways and gates1 the giver of increase to flocks1 not the youthful and athletic messenger of the gods4 ,hephaestus1 too1 especially when associated with ,athena1 is the patron and teacher of all handicrafts1 himself the ideal artisan1 practical and genial1 but with none of his godhead lost in a too human individuality2 even his lameness--characteristic of the smith in all folk-lore--is lightly indicated1 not dwelt on as an interesting motive4 ,various statues of particular gods may1 of course1 emphasise one side or another of their functions4 ,athena may be worshipped and represented as goddess of ,victory or of ,health2 but here1 too1 it is usually some recognised state cult that underlies the representation4 ,outside ,athens we find the same conditions4 ,to take only one instance1 the colossal gold and ivory ,hera of ,argos1 made by the chief ,argive master ,polyclitus1 is the great goddess of the city1 just as ,athena is of ,athens4 ,she was represented as the bride of ,zeus1 who annually renewed her maidenhood at the great ,argive festival of the divine marriage2 and we cannot doubt that ,polyclitus expressed in this statue1 which was hardly less famous than the masterpieces of ,phidias1 all the essential features of the great religious ideals that underlay this primitive rite4 ,his ,hera had neither the warlike nor the intellectual and spiritual characteristics of the ,attic ,athena2 but she was the goddess of womanly grace and beauty in the bride1 and embodied that perfection of physical form which ,argive art sought also in its athletic figures1 and which was in a sense a part of the religion that found expression in the great athletic games4 ,some gods--,apollo1 for example--seem in fifth-century statues to have a more individual character4 ,just as in earlier times the name ,apollo serves to cover a multitude of statues of which some may be meant to represent individual men1 so even in the age of ,phidias we sometimes meet with a figure of athletic type or of youthful beauty as to which it is possible to doubt whether it is an ,apollo2 this may be partly the result of the great popularity of the type in all ages of ,greek sculpture which led to its more rapid development and earlier individualisation4 ,but the ,apollo of this period is never the mere dreamy youth of later time2 it has been well said that he is the god who1 in the mythical athletic contest1 could surpass ,hermes in the foot-race and ,ares in boxing2 the embodiment of all-round physical and intellectual excellence1 the combination of music and gymnastic1 which again brings us back to a national ,hellenic ideal4 ,throughout the representations of the gods in the art of the fifth century we find the same essential character4 ,they embody in themselves the expression1 by means of the most perfect physical forms1 of the qualities attributed to the god himself1 or given by him to his worshippers4 ,they are no impersonal abstraction of these qualities1 but are real and living beings1 in whom these qualities exist to a degree impossible for a mere mortal4 ,but1 on the other hand1 they have nothing of the passions and emotions1 the weaknesses and imperfections of mortal nature4 ,in this they are inconsistent1 perhaps1 with that ,homeric presentment of the gods which the greatest artists consciously set before themselves4 ,but we cannot wonder that an age of such clear and lofty intellectual and moral perceptions should have rejected what it felt to be unworthy in the current notions of the gods1 and should have selected only what it felt to be truly divine4 ,art did not1 however1 remain very long upon its highest level of religious feeling2 but in ,greece1 by a fortunate coincidence1 the age of the greatest religious ideals was also that of the highest perfection of physical type in art as well as of technical skill in execution4 ,we do not therefore find in this age that the sculptor lacks the power to express his ideas1 or that his ideas are too strong for the forms in which they are expressed2 there is rather that perfect harmony between the two that1 here as elsewhere1 is characteristic of ,hellenic art4 ,,chapter ,,vi ,,individualism ,the great religious ideals of the fifth century were1 as we have seen1 closely bound up with the subordination of the individual to the ,state2 and their expression in sculpture was also due in almost every case to the employment of the artist by the community4 ,in the fourth century1 on the other hand1 we find on every side a stronger assertion of individuality4 ,it was a commonplace among ,attic orators in the fourth century to contrast the private luxury and ostentation of their own day with the simplicity of life among the great men of the earlier age1 whose houses could not be distinguished from those of the common people1 though their public buildings and the temples they raised to the gods were of unparalleled splendour4 ,in religion1 and above all in religious art1 we find something of the same tendency4 ,there are few if any records of the dedication during the fourth century of those great statues of the chief gods which were looked back to by all subsequent generations as the embodiment of a national ideal4 ,but there were1 perhaps1 more statues of the gods made in the fourth century which were the objects not merely of artistic admiration1 but of intense and sometimes morbid personal devotion4 ,the mere list of the gods preferred for representation is an indication in itself2 while in the fifth century1 ,zeus and ,athena and ,hera1 the great gods of the ,state or of the ,hellenic race1 are the subjects of the most famous statues1 in the fourth century it is rather ,aphrodite and ,dionysus and ,asclepius1 those whose gifts contribute to individual happiness or enjoyment1 that offer most scope to the powers of the artist4 ,and the sculptors themselves1 in the fourth century1 show more individuality of style4 ,in the latter part of the fifth century the genius of ,phidias had so dominated religious art that the works of his successors1 men like ,alcamenes and ,agoracritus1 could hardly be distinguished from his4 ,but the great sculptors of the fourth century1 ,scopas and ,praxiteles and ,lysippus1 not to mention others of less note1 devoted themselves not so much to the expression through perfect physical form of great religious ideals1 but to a realisation of the character and1 so to speak1 the personality of the gods whom they portrayed4 ,and they did this by the same means by which they expressed in their art the characters and passions of heroes or of men1 thereby removing the gods from the sphere of passionless benignity and power which is assigned to them by the art of the fifth century4 ,such a treatment evidently gave more scope for variety in the styles of the sculptors2 and although we can sometimes trace the influence of one upon another1 yet each clearly shows his own characteristics4 ,we are expressly told of ,praxiteles that he showed the most admirable skill in infusing into his marble works the passions and emotions of the soul2 and the extant remains of the statues made by ,scopas and ,lysippus show that they also1 each in his own way1 attained the same results4 ,if the sculpture of the fifth century was ethical1 expressing noble ideals of character whether in gods or men1 that of the fourth century may be called psychological4 ,it is not content with character2 it expresses also mood and even passion1 and thereby gives more prominence to individuality4 ,at first sight it is not easy to realise how this change came to affect the representations of the gods4 ,the gods of ,homer are1 indeed1 full of individual character2 but we have seen how in the fifth century1 though the greatest sculptors declared it was the gods of ,homer that they represented1 these representations were idealised and raised above those human touches in which the individuality is most conspicuous4 ,there was1 in the ,homeric hymns and in the lyric poets1 a delight in details of incident and in personal peculiarities and even in romantic tales about the gods2 and in the fourth century1 when the high idealisation of the preceding age is no longer so strong in its influence1 we find a similar tendency in art as well4 ,while the great statues of the gods in the fifth century are almost all represented as either enthroned or standing1 not employed in any particular action or function1 the most characteristic examples of the statues of gods made in the fourth century have almost all some definite motive4 ,we may take as an example what was perhaps the most famous statue of antiquity1 the ,aphrodite by ,praxiteles at ,cnidus4 ,the goddess is represented as nude2 and it is often said that goddesses would not have been so represented in the fifth century4 ,it is true that full drapery seems more consistent with the dignified and august figures of ,phidian art4 ,but if the religious type had required that ,phidias should make a nude goddess1 we may be sure he would have made her naked and unashamed1 with no more self-consciousness than a nude ,apollo2 above all1 he would not have thought it necessary to provide a motive for her nudity4 ,with ,praxiteles it is otherwise4 ,he represents the goddess as preparing for the bath1 and just letting her last garment slip from her hand on to a vase that stands beside her2 and1 in addition to this provision of a motive--an excuse1 one might almost say--for representing her without her clothes1 he hints1 from the instinctive gesture of her other hand which she holds before her body1 at a half-conscious shrinking from exposure1 a feeling of modesty which1 however suitable to a woman1 is by no means consistent with a high ideal of the goddess4 ,the face and figure are of extraordinary physical beauty of type1 of a breadth and nobility which contrast with the smaller1 prettier1 and less dignified forms of later art2 the gesture1 too1 has not the conscious coquetry which we see in such a work as the ,venus de' ,medici4 ,but1 on the other hand1 we must recognise that the statue represents the goddess under a human rather than a divine aspect1 that even her mood and feeling of timidity are portrayed in a manner which1 however charming in itself1 is totally inconsistent with her worship as a great goddess4 ,we are not surprised to hear that this statue inspired a personal passion2 she is the goddess of love1 and is represented as not beyond the reach of human attraction2 but she is brought down to the level of mortals1 rather than capable of raising mortals to a higher sphere by her contemplation4 ,it is the same1 though perhaps to a less degree1 with other statues of the gods made in the fourth century4 ,the motives with which the later ,greeks went to visit the great statues of the ,phidian age were1 as we have seen1 to a great extent religious1 and their contemplation was regarded to some extent as a service2 here we have idolatry in its highest form4 ,but those who went to see the ,aphrodite of ,cnidus went chiefly to enjoy the beauty of the statue2 and although this may be the best thing from the artistic point of view1 it certainly has not the same religious import4 ,there is another element in the individuality of fourth-century statues which may appeal to modern artists1 and which certainly did appeal--in an inverted manner--to early ,christian writers of invectives against pagan idolatry4 ,it was said that ,phryne had posed as a model for the ,cnidian ,aphrodite of ,praxiteles2 and the character of the goddess was inferred from that of her votary4 ,it is clear that a ,greek artist could not have1 in the case of a nude female statue1 the same choice of types constantly present to his observation and his memory as he had in the case of male statues2 and the individuality of the model1 however beautiful1 would thus tend to assert itself against the type4 ,thus personality and individual character1 the ultimate condition of beauty1 to use ,mr4 ,ruskin's words1 in modern as in ,tuscan art1 comes much nearer to expression in the fourth century than in the fifth4 ,but a study of such a statue as the ,cnidian ,aphrodite shows us nevertheless that in the beauty of the type and the avoidance of the accidental1 the art of ,praxiteles was as far removed from realism as it was from the vague generalisation of ,graeco-,roman and modern pseudo-classical art4 ,it is full of life and individuality1 but it is the individuality of a character realised within his mind by the artist1 not merely copied from the human model he set before him4 ,another method by which the motive becomes prominent in the art of the fourth century is to be seen in the interpretation of mythological conceptions4 ,these are realised and embodied in statues2 but the statues offer a new1 sometimes1 it seems1 almost an accidental and trifling version of a solemn religious conception2 it appears as if the artist were playing with a mythological subject4 ,thus in the statue made by ,praxiteles of ,apollo ,sauroktonos1 the lizard-slayer1 the god stands with an arrow in his hand1 as if trying to catch with it a lizard who runs up a tree2 it suggests a boyish game rather than the epithet of a god4 ,again1 the worship of ,artemis ,brauronia at ,athens was one of the oldest and most sacred cults in the city1 and women at marriage and at other critical times of their life used to offer her their garments1 thereby bringing themselves into close contact with the goddess and claiming her special protection1 the garments being actually placed on the old image4 ,if1 as is probable1 the ,artemis of ,gabii is a copy of the statue substituted by ,praxiteles for this old image1 we see there the goddess1 as a graceful girlish figure1 fastening a cloak upon her shoulder4 ,this may be taken as symbolical of the earlier custom of placing the garments on the statue2 but we have evidence that the worshippers were not content with such a symbolic contact1 but had the actual garments placed on the new statue as they had been on the old4 ,here we have probably a case of unsuccessful substitution2 the artistic representation did not suffice to replace the actual rite4 ,but the representation itself is doubtless intended in a way which1 however graceful1 does not represent any deep religious feeling2 one feels that the artist found the subject a convenient one as an artistic motive1 rather than that he had any deep religious idea to express4 ,we must not1 however1 go too far in denying religious ideals to the fourth century altogether4 ,some of the gods1 who came very near to the life of man1 but who were nevertheless worshipped with a real belief in their power and benevolence1 found at this time their fullest expression in art4 ,an example may be seen in the ,demeter of ,cnidus1 the mother sorrowing for her daughter1 whose suffering brings her into close sympathy with human weakness1 and whose mysteries1 perhaps more than any other ,hellenic service1 brought men and women into personal communion with the gods4 ,we may take as another instance the head of ,asclepius from ,melos in the ,british ,museum4 ,here1 as ,brunn has pointed out in his admirable analysis of its forms1 we may recognise not so much the god as the half-human1 half-divine physician1 a genial and friendly spirit who persuades rather than commands4 ,the expression is not only intellectual1 but has also an infinite gentleness1 as of one not himself unacquainted with mortal pain and sorrow2 and such a conception1 as we know from ,christian art1 often appeals to those who find the majesty of ,zeus too distant1 the idea of his godhead too abstract4 ,in such almost human ideals the individuality of the fourth century finds its full scope1 as in other half-human creations of the artist's imagination4 ,apollo as the inspired musician or--if we accept the derivation of the ,apollo ,belvedere from a fourth-century original--as the disdainful archer1 ,hermes1 the protector and playmate of his little brother ,dionysus1 and many other such representations of the gods in their personal moods and characteristic actions1 seem in many ways less divine1 less full of religious feeling than such an ,asclepius2 if the great gods are brought too near to human passions and weaknesses1 they cannot but lose much of their divinity4 ,one might easily multiply examples of similar motives in the statues of the gods made in the fourth century2 but we should find the same underlying principles in all cases4 ,the gods are indeed more clearly realised as having personal character and individuality1 and for this reason they may sometimes inspire keener personal feelings of worship or even of romantic devotion4 ,but the older and higher conceptions of the gods1 as an essential part of the ,state religion1 and as embodying the ideals of the race or of the city1 are no longer to be found1 except in a somewhat lifeless continuance of the fifth-century tradition4 ,the intensity of expression which we find in human heroes is1 indeed1 expressed also in such types as that of ,apollo the musician or of ,dionysus the god of inspired enthusiasm4 ,but this tendency is not fully developed until a later age4 ,the subtle distinctions of character between the different gods are1 on the other hand1 now most keenly observed and most skilfully rendered4 ,but in spite of this1 one does not feel that the artist has the same belief in the gods and in their power as we can see in the ,phidian age4 ,if his artistic attainment is possibly more skilful1 the religious import of his work is certainly less4 ,,chapter ,,vii ,,personification1 ,,convention1 ,,and ,,symbolism ,in the ,hellenistic age we find the ,greek types of the gods adapting themselves to new conditions and new meanings4 ,with the conquests of ,alexander1 ,greek language and civilisation spread over the ,eastern world2 and with them went the artistic forms of the ,greek pantheon1 though often to be modified by local beliefs or influences4 ,similarly1 when at a later time the ,roman conquest of ,greece spread ,hellenic influence to the ,west1 there also the types of the ,greek deities came to be adopted or adapted to new mythological meanings4 ,greek art practically became cosmopolitan2 its influence was broadened2 but at the same time its essential nature1 in its harmony with the imagination of the ,hellenic race1 was lost or obscured4 ,it becomes more intelligible to us for this very reason1 but at the same time less instructive in its relation to religious conceptions4 ,in the art of the ,hellenistic and ,graeco-,roman age we find two main tendencies1 the one towards academic generalisation1 and the other towards excessive realism1 often coupled with a theatrical or sensational treatment4 ,this latter is the more interesting to us1 partly because it is in itself more original1 partly because it is more in accordance with modern artistic practice4 ,the two tendencies are by no means rigidly distinguished2 for example1 we often find a theatrical treatment combined with academic work2 and throughout are to be seen traces of eclecticism--that is to say1 of the habit of imitating or reproducing1 often in an unintelligent manner1 the devices and even the style of earlier art4 ,it does not follow that no great works of art were made in the ,hellenistic age2 the fine traditions of the fifth and fourth centuries were not easily lost4 ,but the inspiration of the subject1 so far as it still exists1 comes from new and different sources4 ,if we consider first the statues of the older gods of ,greece1 we often find in them the individualistic tendencies of the fourth century carried to a further pitch--sometimes to an extreme--in the sentimental or passionate works of the ,hellenistic age2 there is often something affected or dramatic about them1 as if they were not merely realised as expressing their individual character in their mood or action1 but acting their part as the representative of such a character2 in fact1 they tend to embody impersonations rather than to express personalities4 ,one might almost repeat here much that has been said about the gods in the fourth century1 but that there is often1 in this case1 a touch of exaggeration which is avoided by the finer artistic instinct and appreciation of harmony that mark the work of earlier sculptors2 and joined with this we often find a love of display and a seeking after effect which imply that the artist thinks more of his skill than of the idea he is striving to express4 ,we can trace in the ,hellenistic age not only the traditions of earlier art1 but the direct influence of the masters of the fourth century1 the ,praxitelean cult of beauty for its own sake1 the passion and dramatic force of ,scopas1 and the preference for allegorical subjects and for statues of colossal size which we may see1 as well as many higher qualities1 in the art of ,lysippus4 ,we have already noticed how in the ,apollo ,belvedere there is an impression of theatrical posing which was probably either introduced by the copyist or at any rate much exaggerated by him in imitating an earlier type2 and how in the ,venus de' ,medici we find a crude insistence on a gesture of mock modesty which is a mere travesty of the hint at half-conscious shrinking from exposure which we see in the ,cnidian ,aphrodite4 ,even in a statue which1 like the ,aphrodite of ,melos1 shows an endeavour to return to the nobler ideals and more dignified and simple forms of an earlier age1 there is something artificial and conventional about both figure and drapery2 and one feels that the sculptor1 though both his aims and his attainments are of the highest1 is trying rather to reflect the best influences of his predecessors than to embody a present religious conception4 ,the influence upon art of religious personifications is perhaps stronger than any other during this period4 ,there had1 indeed1 been such personifications at an earlier time1 such as the statue by ,cephisodotus of ,peace nursing the infant ,wealth4 ,the most interesting example of such personification may be seen in the figures of cities1 or1 to speak more accurately1 of the ,fortunes of cities1 such as the ,antioch of ,eutychides4 ,the influence of the city or state upon religious art was conspicuous in the fifth century2 but here we find the city itself or its presiding genius represented in a statue which seems at first sight a mere allegory of its situation4 ,the way in which the figure is seated1 half turned on herself1 and with her feet resting upon the shoulder of the river that swims below her1 seems to suggest an artificially invented symbolism2 yet we are expressly told that this statue received great veneration from the natives of the district4 ,in the decay of the belief in the gods1 there seems to have been a craving for nearer and more real objects of worship4 ,we can see the same tendency in a more extreme form in the deification of human beings4 ,though some examples of this occur earlier1 especially in the case of the heroes or founders of cities1 these are not placed on a level with the gods2 but the worship of ,alexander1 and in imitation of him1 of his successors1 placed him in a distinctly divine rank4 ,it is difficult to say how far this was due to non-,hellenic influences4 ,in the case of ,alexander1 with his marvellous1 almost superhuman achievements1 and his final solution of the great drama of the contest of ,east and ,west1 such idealisation is easy to understand2 and we find not only that ,alexander is himself represented as a god1 but that his expression and cast of features come to affect the sculpture of his age1 even in the representations of the gods themselves4 ,on coins1 too1 his head occurs2 an honour that before his time was not given to mere mortals4 ,in other cases this worship of men reached a pitch which was a matter of shame to the later ,greeks2 thus ,demetrius ,poliorcetes1 when he gave ,athens back her freedom1 was welcomed at the city with divine honours4 ,even hymns were composed in his honour1 of which we find specimens preserved4#g ,after welcoming his advent at the same time as that of ,demeter1 the poet addresses him thus3--,other gods are either far away1 or they have no ears1 or they exist not1 or have no care for us4 ,but we see thee1 a present deity1 not of wood or stone1 but real2 therefore we pray to thee4 ,it is true that such materialistic and atheistic expressions were probably reprobated by many at the time1 as well as by later writers2 but the mere possibility of their public enunciation shows how far the ,athenians had gone from their old religious beliefs4 ,footnote #g3 ,athen41 ,,vi1 #fc4 ,allegorical impersonations1 such as that of ,antioch1 are religious conceptions of a high order compared to this4 ,nevertheless1 one feels that such impersonations can have no separate divine existence apart from the city or the people whom they represent4 ,they are on a different plane of religious belief from ,athena1 for example1 as the goddess of the city4 ,the goddess was1 indeed1 in some ways representative of what was best in her chosen people2 but she was not a mere symbol of its character and its greatness4 ,she existed before it1 and would continue though it should disappear from the earth1 unlike the ,fortune of ,antioch1 whose very existence was bound up with that of the city she represented4 ,another example of personification may be seen in the recumbent figures of river-gods--notably that of the ,nile1 with his sixteen cubits1 as babies1 playing around him4 ,river-gods were indeed an object of worship from early times in ,greece1 and so appear on coins and elsewhere2 but this figure of the ,nile1 a product of ,alexandrian art1 is not like the earlier gods1 who were looked upon as the givers of increase and fertility2 it is a mere allegorical impersonation of the river1 such as might be made by a modern artist who made no pretence to believe in the existence of such an anthropomorphic river-god4 ,it cannot be counted as religious art at all4 ,and the attributes and accessories of such a figure1 the crocodile and hippopotamus1 the sphinx and corn and horn of plenty1 are all of them symbolic allusions such as are suitable to such a frigid personification4 ,the art of ,alexandria is full of such devices2 that of ,pergamon is more vigorous and dramatic2 but in both alike we find the influence of a learned study of mythology1 full of quaint and far-fetched allusions and symbols4 ,the culmination of this learned mythology is to be seen in the great altar of ,pergamon1 on which the gods who are in combat with the giants include not only all figures1 appropriate and inappropriate1 from the ,hellenic pantheon1 but many other deities whose right of admission to that pantheon is more than doubtful4 ,the figures of the gods no longer correspond to the belief in any real divinities1 but are either mere artistic types1 repeated again and again in accordance with convention1 or else they are regarded as symbols representing different aspects of divine power4 ,symbolism of this kind is a common symptom of the decay of religious faith4 ,the more thoughtful or educated classes1 who follow the speculations of philosophers as to the nature of the deity1 find it possible to reconcile these speculations with the forms of popular religion by accepting the forms in a symbolic sense4 ,the common people1 on the other hand1 finding the old forms inadequate to satisfy their religious aspirations1 import new and strange divinities1 whose cult is often mixed with magic or mystic rites4 ,here1 too1 the symbols have a meaning other than what appears to the uninitiated eye1 and the province of art1 which approaches the mind through the senses1 is closely circumscribed4 ,a statue or other work of art which needs explanation of its allusions1 which does not express an ideal that appeals directly to the imagination of the people1 has lost touch with religion1 and cannot to any appreciable extent influence it or be influenced by it4 ,the age of idolatry in the higher sense1 of a religious imagination that enables the artist to bring the people nearer to their gods1 or even the gods nearer to the heart of the people1 has passed away1 and in its place we find either a superstitious clinging to the magic power of the early objects of worship1 or a mere acceptance1 as conventional symbols1 of forms that bear no direct relation to anything that is believed in as real4 ,our brief historical survey has shown us how the ,greeks1 starting from a belief1 such as is common to many primitive religions1 in the superhuman powers or sanctity of certain objects1 were enabled by their vivid anthropomorphic imagination first to think of the gods as in like form to themselves1 and then to make their images in human shape4 ,and as their art progressed towards the power of making a physical type of perfect beauty to serve as the means of expression of this human form divine1 and also to skill in expressing character by means of human features and figures1 it became possible for them to embody in their great statues the various ideals of divinity which belonged to their chief gods4 ,here the skill of the artist would have availed little or nothing if he had not shared with the people for whom he worked a belief in the reality of these ideals1 not merely as philosophic aspects of the divine nature1 but as real beings who were able to help and to inspire1 and to manifest themselves to their worshippers in this human form4 ,the next step is towards an even more vivid realisation of the personality of the gods2 but by bringing them nearer to human level it made the worship of their images less easy to accept in a literal sense to the more thoughtful1 while such worship tended1 with the common people1 to enter upon a more material and less exalted phase4 ,the result was a tendency towards symbolism in which the symbol itself was regarded as a mere convention1 and the inspiration and actual communion with men1 vouchsafed by the gods through their ideal images1 was no longer sought after4 ,when any means of communion between god and man1 whether by means of a solemn service or by means of an image which the god himself accepts as his earthly representative1 ceases to be felt as anything more than a human device1 its religious power must fail4 ,when1 on the other hand1 we find a union of religion and art to provide a means for this divine intercourse1 we may recognise idolatry in its highest form1 the use of images not merely as accessories of religious service1 but as providing in themselves a channel of worship and inspiration4 ,,william ,,brendon ,,and ,,son1 ,,ltd4 ,,printers1 ,,plymouth ,harper's ,library of ,living ,thought ,foolscap #hvo1 gilt tops1 decorative covers1 richly gilt backs ,per ,volume3 ,cloth #bs4 #f;d4 net1 ,leather #cs4 #f;d4 net ,original research of great importance4--,times ,,crete1 ,,the ,,forerunner ,,of ,,greece ,,by ,c4 ,h4 ,hawes1 ,m4,a4 ,harriet ,b4 ,hawes1 ,m4,a4 ,with ,map1 ,plans1 etc4 ,preface by ,arthur ,j4 ,evans1 ,d4,litt41 ,f4,r4,s41 ,etc4 ,mr4 and ,mrs4 ,hawes have a fascinating story to tell--the story of the unfolding of a great civilisation which flourished in ,crete before ,abraham was born4 ,reading these deeply interesting pages we seem to get right back into the dawn of history4 ,we seem to enter into the feelings of the inhabitants when the ships of the sea-rovers hove in sight4 ,here a carpenter's kit lies concealed in a cranny2 there a carefully mended anvil stands at the door of the village smithy4 ,in the palace at ,knossos the system of drainage is superior to any known in ,europe between that day and the last century4 ,most wonderful of all is the art2 two small ivory figures of youths leaping1 display a life and freedom nothing short of marvellous4 ,evening ,standard ,harper's ,library of ,living ,thought ,now ,ready ,algernon ,charles ,swinburne ,,three ,,plays ,,of ,,shakespeare ,leo ,tolstoy ,,the ,,teaching ,,of ,,jesus ,w4 ,m4 ,flinders ,petrie ,,personal ,,religion ,,in ,,egypt ,,before ,,christianity ,sir ,oliver ,lodge1 ,f4,r4,s4 ,,the ,,ether ,,of ,,space4 ,illustrated ,prof4 ,william ,wrede 7,university of ,breslau7 ,,the ,,origin ,,of ,,the ,,new ,,testament ,prof4 ,c4 ,h4 ,becker 7,colonial ,institute1 ,hamburg7 ,,christianity ,,and ,,islam ,prof4 ,svante ,arrhenius 7,nobel ,institute1 ,stockholm7 ,,the ,,life ,,of ,,the ,,universe4 #b vols4 ,illustrated ,prof4 ,arnold ,meyer 7,university of ,zurich7 ,,jesus ,,or ,,paul8 ,prof4 ,d4 ,a4 ,bertholet 7,university of ,basle7 ,,the ,,transmigration ,,of ,,souls ,prof4 ,reinhold ,seeberg 7,university of ,berlin7 ,,revelation ,,and ,,inspiration ,prof4 ,johannes ,weiss 7,university of ,heidelberg7 ,,paul ,,and ,,jesus ,prof4 ,rudolf ,eucken 7,university of ,jena7 ,,christianity ,,and ,,the ,,new ,,idealism ,prof4 ,p4 ,vinogradoff 7,oxford ,university7 ,,roman ,,law ,,in ,,mediaeval ,,europe ,sir ,william ,crookes1 ,,ll4,d41 ,f4,r4,s4 ,,diamonds4 ,illustrated ,c4 ,h4 ,hawes1 ,m4,a41 and ,harriet ,boyd ,hawes1 ,m4,a4 ,,crete1 ,,the ,,forerunner ,,of ,,greece ,sir ,william ,a4 ,tilden4 ,f4,r4,s4 ,,the ,,elements3 ,,speculations ,,as ,,to ,,their ,,nature ,,and ,,origin ,prof4 ,ernest ,a4 ,gardner 7,university of ,london7 ,,religion ,,and ,,art ,,in ,,ancient ,,greece ,other volumes will be duly announced ,please write for a prospectus ,june1 #aiaj4 ,,harper ,,brothers #de ,albemarle ,street1 ,london4 ,w4 3 3 ,franklin ,square4 ,new ,york4